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Full text of "Interstate migration. Hearings before the Select Committee to Investigate the Interstate Migration of Destitute Citizens, House of Representatives, Seventy-sixth Congress, third session, pursuant to H. Res. 63 and H. Res. 491, resolution to inquire into the interstate migration of destitute citizens, to study, survey and investigate the social and economic needs and the movement of indigent persons across state lines"

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H. Res. 63 and H. Res. 491 






PART 10 

DECEMBER 11, 1940, AND FEBRUARY 26, 1941 


Printed for the use of the Select Committee to Investigate the 
Interstate Migration of Destitute Citizens 









H. Res. 63 and H. Res. 491 






PART 10 

DECEMBER 11, 1940, AND FEBRUARY 26, 1941 


Printed for the use of the Select Committee to Investigate the 
Interstate Migration of Destitute Citizens 





JOHN H. TOLAN, California, Chairman 

JOHN J. SPARKMAN, Alabama PRANK C. OSMERS, Jr., New Jersey 

Dr. Robert K. Lamb, Chief InvestUjator 
Elmer A. Reesk, Secreiary 

Richard S. Blaisdell, Editor 
Harold D. Cullen, Associate Editor 


Washington Hearings, December 11, 1940, and February 26, 1941 


Alexander, Dr. ^Vill W., vice president Julius Rosenwald Fund, assigned 
to National Defense Advisory Commission. Address: Washington, 
D. C 3192, 3^5 

Alspach, Charles, former State director of Federal transient program in 

Pennsylvania. Address : Needham, Mass 4221 

Carruthers, Rev. Dr. John C, Covenant First Presbyterian Church. Ad- 
dress: Wa.shington, D. C 4032 

Davis, Chester C, member Board of Governors, Federal Reserve System 
and member National Defense Advisory Commission. Address : Wash- 
ington, D. C 3855 

Dawber, Dr. Mark A., representing Home Missions Council of North Amer- 
ica. Address: 111 East 26th St., New York, N. Y 3S77 

Dooley, Channing R., industrial relations manager, Socony- Vacuum Oil 
Co., assigned to National Defense Advisory Commission. Address: 
Washington, D. C 3912,3945 

Epstein, Henry, solicitor general of the State of New York. Address: 

Albany, N. Y 3965, 3994 

Galarza, Ernesto, chief of Division of Labor and Social Information, Pan 

American Union. Address : Washington, D. C 3882, 3885 

Lenroot, Katherine F., chief of Children's Bureau, United States Depart- 
ment of Labor. Address : W\ashington, D. C 4005, 4023, 4026 

Thomas, David, migrant electrician living in tourist camp at Alexandria, 

Va. Address : Alexandria Tourist Camp, Alexandria, Va 3887 

Tucker, Rev. Dr. F. Bland, rector of St. John's Church, Georgetown. Ad- 
dress: Washington, D. C 4030 

Preller, C. P., business representative. Local No. 26, International Brother- 
hood of Electrical Workers, American Federation of Labor. Address : 
Washington, D. C 3891 

Rice, Millard W., National Legislative Representative, Veterans of For- 
eign W^ars of the United States : Address, Washington, D. C 3899 

3901, 3904,3911 

Ryan, Philip, administrative assistant to vice chairman, American Red 
V'ross. Address : 3811 Benton Street NW., Washington, D. C 4224 

Shapiro. Morris, attorney. Address : 225 Broadway, New York, N. Y__ 3965, 3994 

Webb, John N.. Division of Research, Work Projects Administration. Ad- 
dress : 400 West Broad Street, Falls Church, Va 4227 

Whatley, David, attorney. Address: 1717 G Street NW., Washington, 

D. C 4058 

Wickard, Claude R., Secretary of Agriculture. Address: Washington, 

D. 3947, 3953 

Wickeuden, Elizabeth, representative of American Public Welfare Asso- 
ciation, consultant of Coordinator of Health, Welfare, and Related De- 
fense Activities. Address: Washington, D. C 4217 




National Defense Contracts Awarded June 
Through November 1940 (table). 

Land Acquisition for Defense Plants, Involv- 
ing Migration. 

Problems of Mexican Migrants to the United 

Variances in Old-Age Assistance Benefits 

Comparative Study of World War Veterans 

Speech of Hon. Pete .larman, M. C, on sub- 
ject next above. 

Series of Bulletins "Training Within Indus- 
try" of Council of National Defense. 

Brief on Chirillo case, State of Nevv' York 

Extent and Character of Family Migration.. 

List of States which have adopted the Uni- 
form Transfer of Dependents Act. 

Statement from Departments of Domestic 
Missions and Social Service of the Protes- 
tant Episcopal Church of the United 

Statement and letter from the United States 
Conference of Mayors, by Hon. Fiorella 
H. LaGuardia. 

Employment Problems of Maritime Workers 
by Elinor Kahn, research director, Con- 
gress of Industrial Organizations. 

Seamen Pay Social Security But Get — Noth- 
ing, by Samuel J. Smith, sailor. 

Statement of Hon. H. Jerry Voorhis, Repre- 
sentative in Congress from California. 

Factors Underlving the Insecurity of Farm 
People in the'Corn Belt, by Paul S. Taylor 
and William W. Allen. 

Excerpts from Unpublished Report of the 
Secretary of Labor S. Res. 298, 74th 

Chester C. Davis 


Chester C. Davis 


Ernesto Galarzo 


Millard W. Rice 


Millard W. Rice 


Millard W. Rice 


Channing R. Dooley 


Henry Epstein 

Katharine F. Lenroot 

Katharine F. Lenroot 


F. Bland Tucker 

Robert K. Lamb 
Robert K. Lamb 
Robert K. Lamb 








House of Representatives, 
Select Committee to Investigate the 
Interstate Migration of Destitute Citizens, 

Washington^ D. C. 
The committee met at 10 a. m,, Hon. John H. Tolan (chairman), 

Present: Representatives John H. Tolan, chairman; Claude V. 
Parsons, John J. Sparkman, Carl T. Curtis, and Frank C. Os- 
mers, Jr. 

Also present: Dr. Robert K. Lamb, chief investigator; Henry H. 
Collins, Jr., coordinator of field hearings; Creekmore Fath and John 
W. Abbott, field investigators ; Ariel E. V. Dunn and Alice M. Tuohy, 
assistant field investigators; Irene M. Hageman, hearings secretary; 
Richard S. Blaisdell, editor; Harold D. Cullen, associate editor. 

The Chairman. The hearing will please come to order. The first 
witness is Mr. Chester C. Davis, member of the National Defense Ad- 
visory Commission. 


The Chairman. Mr. Davis, Congressman Curtis will interrogate 
you. This committee has made it a rule, Mr. Davis, that we divide 
the work among us then afterwards we ask questions if we so desire. 
Congressman Curtis. 

Mr. Curtis. Mr. Davis, for the purpose of the record please give 
the reporter your full name and the capacity in which you appear 
here today. 

Mr. Davis. Chester C. Davis. I am a member of the Board of 
Governors of the Federal Reserve System and a member of the Na- 
tional Defense Advisory Commission. 

Mr. Curtis. How many members are on the National Defense 
Advisory Commission. 

Mr. Davis. Seven. 

Mr. Curtis. What industries or groups do they represent ? 

Mr. Davis. The Production Division headed by William Knudsen 
deals with the finished products that go into the armament effort. 




The Industrial Raw Materials Division headed by Mr. Stettinius 
deals with the industrial raw materials to the point of final manu- 
facture, so his division and Mr. Knudsen's division dovetail on that 

The Labor Division is headed by Sidney Hdlman and deals pri- 
marily with questions of supply and conditions of labor. 

Leon Henderson is the head of the Price Stabilization Division 
of the Commission. That is an activity that runs all through the 
work of the Commission. It is an attempt to see that supply keeps 
up, and even anticipates demand so that unwarranted price increases 
can be avoided and we will not get started on the general upward 
spiral of prices. 

Ralph Budd is head of the Transportation Division and he has 
responsibility not only for rail transportation but for all forms of 
transportation that are used in the defense effort or in actual warfare. 

Miss Harriet Eliott is the head of the Consumers' Division and is 
generally concerned with the questions of civilian interests in this 
whole defense program. 

My division is known as the Agricultural Division, intended to 
represent the viewpoint of agriculture and to see that agricultural 
interests are considered in all the defense moves. And then, of 
course, I am interested in interpreting to the agricultural groups and 
the institutions that serve agriculture these defense moves as they 
take place. 


Mr. Curtis. Briefly, what previous experience have you had in the 
agricultural field ? 

Mr. Davis. Well, I have worked in that field, Mr. Curtis, for the 
last 25 years, ranging all the way from farm magazine editor and 

I was head of the State department of agriculture in Montana 
fi-om 1921 to 1925. I was wdth the Illinois Agricultural Association 
and head of their grain-marketing activities from 1925 to 1929. _ 

I spent the period from 1929 to 1933 as manager of a corporation 
that was formed in the Middle West to try to give practical demon- 
strations to some processes that had been worked out for the use of 
agricultural raw materials in industrial form, chiefly cornstalks. 

I came to Washington in 1933, in May, to organize the Products 
Division of the Agricultural Adjustment Administration. 

I became Administrator in December of 1933 and held that position 
until June of 1936 when I was appointed to the Federal Reserve 

Mr. Curtis. Mr. Davis, this committee is operating under a resolu- 
tion passed by the House of Representatives requiring us to investi- 
gate the interstate migration of destitute persons. 

We find that the defense industries are an important factor in our 

There are two angles in that connection. One of them involves the 
establishing of a delense industry in a place where it looks as though 
it is losing its population. It reverses the trend; but we also have 


found in recent weeks that the creation of national defense industries 
has been a factor in encouraging migration. 

We would like to have you proceed just in your own way, giving 
us any facts or observations that you might have that would throw 
light on this problem that we are undertaking. 

Mr. Davis. Do you mind if I make a sort of general examina- 
tion into what I conceive to be the causes of migration ? 

Mr. Curtis. Yes; just be at liberty to proceed as you wish. 

Mr. Davis. I think you have to take a look at the background be- 
fore we can consider what can be accomplished by this defense effort 
in the direction of bringing employment out to the people where 
they live. 

I think that, fundamentally, the sources of this problem with which 
you gentlemen are dealing rests in the fact that, under present and 
prospective conditions, there are too many people trying to make a 
living on the farm to earn a decent standard of living for all of 
them with farm income on its i^resent level. 


I think that another factor, of course, which you gentlemen have 
considered is the rapid mechanization in agricultural production 
which started with the introduction of the gasoline engine, tractors, 
trucks, and so forth, getting its real impetus after the last war, which 
probably has taken some thirty-five million acres of land that used 
to grow feed for horses and mules and turned it over to the oil fields, 
as a matter of fact. 

And in more recent years the development of mechanized farm 
equipment which fits every size of farm. 

That has brought about a displacement which you might call "tech- 
nological displacement," and has proceeded at a very rapid rate. 

And then right now and as far ahead as I can see, this problem is 
intensified by the loss of export markets for some of our very important 
staple crops — cotton, tobacco, and wheat — from some areas ; and I see 
no prospect as you look ahead into the kind of a world that is likely 
to confront us and the kind of a world that we are in now, that the 
United States is going to find it easy to regain the old export market 
in volume for some of these commodities. 

That situation makes the cotton problem, for example, particu- 
larly difficult, and it means that those people who have been dividing 
up the income that comes from the production of cotton and whose 
production went into export are facing really a difficult situation, 
much more serious than that even which they have confronted in 
the past. 

Now, on the side of what can be done about it, of course, anything 
that can be done that will increase the total farm income relative to 
agricultural costs is all to the good. 


As far as keeping people on the farm is concerned, it is necessary 
to increase and continue the efforts that are being made to secure 
equitable distribution of the proceeds of farm products. 


We have not done all that should have been done in agriculture 
in producing the family's living on the farm. And that, of course, 
adds to the standards of living without entering the field of in- 
creasing the extent of commercial production. 

But the thing that we are concerned with here this morning is that 
if this fundamental situation is correct, and that is under present 
conditions there are too many people trying to divide up the income 
from farm production for all of them to have a satisfactory standard 
of living out of it, then obviously there must be nonagricultural 
opportunities for employment and for income. 

This problem is too big for a solution simply by agricultural em- 
ployment in my judgment. We have got to find opportunities for 
these men to get into the nonagricultural activities, which include, 
of course, not only industrial production but the service groups 
as well. 

I believe that as this defense effort expands, gentlemen, this coun- 
try is going to move forward toward the point of relatively full 
employment of its physical and human resources. If that is true 
then this great reservoir of unsatisfactorily employed people out 
on the farms and rural areas can be brouglit into effective use in 
one of two ways : 

They can be either uprooted and shifted hundreds of miles away 
into the industrial areas, which, are already possessed of industries 
which are going to be used to an increasing extent in this armament 
program, or by bringing the new defense plants out more nearly into 
their neighborhood. 

You can tap these reservoirs of unemployed or unsatisfactorily 
employed people, and probably create the opportunity for a good 
many of them to get part-time work and still holding their roots in 
the soil — still living at home, which avoids, of course, the housing 
problem that you will get if everybody has to move down into the 
industrial areas to get these defense jobs. 


I don't want to overemphasize the importance of these new de- 
fense plants, but I think they are important. I think the distribu- 
tion of orders for the War Department and the Navy are very 
important and if the committee likes I will put in the record the 
distribution of orders by States from June down through November, 
which will illustrate that which the Commission has set out as a 
policy — that is, trying to get the business distributed out where the 
labor and the facilities are. 

That has not been accomplished, I would say, to our satisfaction 
as yet, but at least it will give you some standard of measurement 
so you may see what has been done about the distribution of orders. 

The Chairman. Mr. Davis, the committee would like to have that. 
If you will present it in the next few days we will have it inserted 
in the record. 

(The document referred to is as follows :) 


Tabulation of contracts awarded, by States, June through Nov. 30, 19^0 





All other 











Grand total.- 










$1, 002, 521 


29, 102 






4, 660 

112, 304 





41, 648 

16, 031 



'i l- "^'^^r 







636, 320 





293, 716 

lis, 332 









183, 530 


21, 313 






197, 013 

10, 837 

Dist. of Columbia- 
















162. 867 

31, 084 










29, 307 
42, 880 
19, 710 
36, 549 
26, 334 
18, 929 





37, 435 






35, 434 







125, 706 


603, 177 





1, 643 




37, 335 

38, 534 

24, 247 




227, 529 

194, 549 

12, 508 


34, 748 
125, 878 




66, 522 


83, 022 

11, 437 








206, 744 



33, 077 




New Hampshire- -- 
New Jersey 



172, 589 



46, 242 
454, 693 



New York 


252, 132 




166, 994 




93, 199 

North Carolina 

14, 545 

■NTnrfh Datntq 




6, 909 



32, 461 






85, 682 



17, 181 
29. 907 
29. 541 
12, 576 






17, 185 




370, 184 


59, 400 




196, 022 

22, 252 




Rhode Island - 

South Carolina 







87, 080 







75, 454 
98, 326 
34, 753 

258, 522 










133, 828 






234, 813 


46, 150 


183, 413 



12, 887 



West Virginia 



on continent and 


14, 730 


30, 319 


173, 418 


266, 125 


Mr. Davis. As a member of the Commigsion I have taken the posi- 
tion that the unemployed on the farms as w^ell as what I call the 
"unsatisfactorily employed" on the farms, those whose income from 
production is so low that they are not making and have no chance 
to make a decent standard of living, must be considered as a part of 
this reservoir of unemployed which we want to reach just the same 
as the people who are enrolled as unemployed in the cities and towns, 
because I think that, to a certain extent, they are immobile. 

To reach them the more we can do about getting the industries 
spread outside the regions of heayy industrial concentration now, the 
more likely you are to get them into the work. 



We have also developed plans in cooperation with Sidney Hillman's 
division, to bring industrial training to the young men out in the 
rural areas the same as it is being brought to the people in the cities 
and towns. 

It is a little more difficult, because the schools for vocational train- 
ing are not well equipped or do not even exist in many of the regions 
where the concentration of low income farm people is the greatest. 

But out of the $10,000,000 allocated for training for industrial pur- 
poses it is expected that between 2,000 and 3,000 schools, shops, and 
training centers will be developed. 

That will require, I think, the actual construction and equipment 
of about 1,000 of them in the regions where they just don't have those 
facilities at the present time. 

Now, this map [indicating], which may be a little difficult to see 
from where the committee sits, represents the places in which either 
new defense plants or important additions to existing planes have 
been authorized out of the funds appropriated by Congress for these 
new facilities. 


I don't believe that the failure to secure the degree of decentraliza- 
tion which I think we should have, is due to any lack of sympathy or 
interest on the part of the War Department or the Navy or the 
Defense Commission. 

The Chairman. Mr. Davis, may I interrupt you. You have re- 
ferred slightly and will refer more to a map that you have before 
you at this time ; isn't that true ? 

Mr. Davis. This is the map here. 

The Chairman. The record will be silent as to just what the map 
is and I suggest we pause for a moment and h|ive the reporter mark 
that as an exhibit to your testimony. 

(Instead of the map, there was accepted a table which appears on 
p. 3859.) 

Mr. Davis. Mr. Chairman, I think we can probably prepare a map 
which could be photogi-aphed. It would not show the colors which 
differentiate aircraft industries from TNT plants or anything of that 
sort, but at least it will show the areas in which concentration has 
occurred. ^ i 

The Chairman. We would like to have that if you could provide it,j 
and it will be incorporated in the record as part of your testimony. | 

Mr. Davis. I think the trouble has been that under the urge for^ 
speed and inmiediate action the natural thing is to turn to the regionsj 
where facilities presently exist, and to expand them where they can 
be expanded with a kind of cellular growth right around the old 
plant. That is one thing. 

Another thing is the disposition to utilize the skilled-labor supply 
that exists in a certain region. 

If you will notice the concentration around the city of Detroit — and, 
I would say, Detroit is not the place from the standpoint of strategic 


location that you would pick to put defeiLse industries — but it happens 
that the automotive skills are there, and in order to get action soon it is 
fairly easy to use them there. 

It 'is not so easy to establish these facilities somewhere else. 

The first stage of the program has been completed. 

I think there are some other things that interfere with the decen- 
tralization of these plants the way they should be, and I think I should 
go back to make one thing clear. 

The reason why it is important to get these plants scattered out close 
to where the people are who need the work isn't altogether because that 
is the way to get them to work, but it is to avoid the overcrowding and 
the overtaxing of these present industrial areas, areas which have the 
heavy industries and which are going to be working mighty hard 
anyway when the defense program gets in full swing. 

proble:ms of defense aftermath 

I am thinking about the aftermath when this defense effort slacks 
down. It is important to avoid uprooting people and putting them in 
these present industrial areas to the fullest extent that is possible 
because of the problem we are going to face when it comes to finding 
work for these men after this defense effort slows down. 

The Chairman. In other words, Mr. Davis, you feel that you can- 
not improve the employment conditions in any single part of the 
United States without improving the condition of the Nation as a 
whole, don't you ? 

ISIr. Davis. Well, I tliink one of the fundamentals we have to move 
forward toward is the full employment of our manpower and our 
resources, and that naturally means increased national income for 
the people. 

But i believe that we could hit serious bottlenecks if we expect labor 
to flow without delay into these regions of the United States, because 
people just aren't quite as mobile as that. 

I lived through the period of the drought and disaster out in the 
Great Plains area, and I saw those people take it out in standard of 
living year after year because they had their roots in that land that 
they had taken up between 1910 and 1920. They had their roots in the 
land out there, and they would permit their standard of living to go 
down and down, hoping for the future, without cutting loose and 
going some place else to find a job. 

We are not going to be able to use in the United States our full 
labor resources, gentlemen, in my judgment, if we are going to hold 
all the industries in the Great Lakers area and in the industrial sec- 
tions of the United States because people just are not going to get 

You will have acute labor shortages in one area just like we had 
at the time of the last war, while you have labor surpluses left in 
other areas. In my judgment the best way to get at that thing is 
to attempt a real decentralization of these defense efforts, as far 
as you can under the technical limitations that exist for these plants. 

Some of these factories that we have located are more or less 
ideally situated to this purpose that I am talking about. I believe 


that we are gathering the information so that if we move forward 
to another stage of defense production where, instead of planning 
for an army of 1,200,000 men, we are planning for the equipment 
and operation of an army of 4,000,000, we are going to do a better 
job upon the location of these industries than is illustrated by this 
map. And by "a better job" I don't mean that these industries aren't 
going to bring about production, but I mean from_ the principles 
I have been talking about it seems to me they might have been 
better located in many instances. 

Now, I know this is a crowded morning, gentlemen. I could talk 
to this committee on this subject all mornmg, but I wonder if I 
wouldn't do better to get at what is in j^our minds if I just stop 
talking and let the committee ask the questions. 

The Chaieman. Otherwise there might be duplication. 

Mr. Davis. Eight. 

Mr. OsMERS. I wonder, Mr. Davis, whether you would care to 
elaborate a bit upon your statement that there are approximately 
5,000,000 people partlj^ unemployed in agriculture now or poorly 

Mr. Davis. I dislike to give quantitative figures 

Mr. OsMERS. I am not so much interested in the figures as in 
the nature of that particular individual. 

unsatisfactory farm employment 

Mr. Davis. There are probably about 32,000,000 people living on 
the farms in the United States at the present time and I think the 
estimate that 5,000,000 are in families whose workers are unsatis- 
factorily employed — that is, they can't support a family with any 
kind of decent standards of living — is altogether too conservative. 
I think probably there are more than that. By that I don't mean 
5,000,000 actual workers, but I imagine the figures would be nearer 
seven and a half million who live in the families whose workers 
have unsatisfactory opportunities to earn a living on the farm. 

Mr. OsMERs. Now, all of that group are apart from the number 
that we generally consider in Government as being unemployed, are 
they not? 

Mr. Davis. Absolutely. 

Mr. OsMERS. They are not counted in any unemployment lists 
at all. 

Mr. Davis. But I think they have to be considered as a part of 
the labor reservoir which can be brought into this Nation's effort 
if we move forward to full employment. 

Mr. OsMERS. How much of a dent do you suppose the defense 
industries and the draft will make in that group ? 

Mr. Davis. Directly and indirectly it can make a very consider- 
able change in those conditions. 

I want to avoid a quantitative estimate becaiise I just don't have 
the data, but it will make a change in that situation. 

Mr. OsMERS. Do you think, Mr. Davis, that the defense industries 
will directly affect these people or that other workers will move into 
the defense industries and that these people that are poorly employed 


in agriculture will then move into the jobs vacated by those that 
are going into defense industries ? 

Mr. Davis. Both — it will work in both ways. 

Now, take this smokeless powder plant that is located down at Rad- 
ford, Va. 

Mr. OsMERS. Is that the one down near Pulaski ? 

Mr. Davis. Yes. The Department of Agriculture through the agen- 
cies active in the State have made a very complete survey of the people 
who are living, say, within a radius of 15 or 20 miles — driving miles 
from that plant. 

The figures we presented to the Commission in support of that 
plant's location down there showed that almost half of the fa,rmers 
who live in those counties and who fall within a 25-mile radius of 
the factory have an annual income of less than $500 a year. 

And I suppose that on the average in that group the earnings per 
worker don't amount to more than $300 a year. 

Now, we have felt in my division that in employing for the operation 
of the plant you should have a very definite priority established for 
the people who want jobs and need jobs and who now live within a 
communiting distance from that factory; that they should have a pri- 
ority of employment over the people who hope to move in from the 

It seems to me it makes sense, and I have some figures on that. 
Within a practical radius a survey shows that members of farm fami- 
lies there who would be available for oif-farm work but who have 
not yet applied for work amounts to 1,483. Now, those who have 
applied but have not yet been employed amount to 618. 

Mr. OsMEES. How many will the plant employ when it gets in 
operation ? 

Mr. Davis. A minimum of 5,000, 1 would say. 

Mr. OsMERS. Would that indicate that you do not have enough local 
labor in that area ? 

Mr. Davis. I would say you will not be able to supply all the demand 
from that radius, but that those who do want to work from the neigh- 
borhood should be given the priority, assuming that they are skilled 
and can meet the requirements. 


Mr. OsMERS. I was talking with a friend last night who just returned 
from a trip dow^n through that area on other business, and he told 
me that around the town of Pulaski, Va., there were large camps 
springing up with license plates from all over the United States. 

Mr. Davis. That is right. 

Mr. OsMERs. I want to go back to that plant in a little while, but I 
noticed that on the selective service questionnaire there is a question : 

What is your relation to agriculture? 

Does that question mean that exemptions are going to be made for 
some farm workers or farmers? 

Mr. Davis. It doesn't mean, sir, as I understand it, that a national 
rule is going to be established and every man in agriculture who applies 



for deferment because he is in agriculture is going to be granted defer- 

Mr. OsMERS. Well, would you say there is an ample supply of labor 
in agriculture today ? 

Mr. Davis. As a general statement; yes. In particular operations 
and in particular areas and most esi^ecially at particular times of the 
year in a locality that may not be true.' I think the general rule 
which probably will be followed by the county boards on a matter of 
this sort will be to give a great deal of attention to the seasonal de- 
mands in that area. They will be pretty careful not to take men or 
boys who are needed during the peak of employment demand right 
ihere until that peak has passed, thus providing another year for 
adjustment before the matter comes up. 

Mr. OsMERS. Not to call those men until after the peak has been 
reached and passed? 

Mr. Davis. Yes; that is my understanding. 

Mr. OsMERS. "Now, you have discussed in your general remarks one 
question that the committee had on its mind, and that was the ques- 
tion that has been before the committee constantly, involving the de- 
centralization of industry or the spreading of industry throughout 
W'orld areas in particular. 

Do you feel that wherever it can be done it should be done ? 

Mr.' Davis. Yes; and I don't think we have been able to accomplish 
a,s much in that direction with these defense efforts as we should have. 

There is a certain inertia in industrial management that resists 
going into new and untried locations. It takes a positive showing of 
advantages in some alternative location to overcome that and that is 
perfectly understandable. 

Here is the situation as we approach this defense proposition. 
Modem warfare has become a totally different thing from what it used 
to be. Private industry has to be mobilized and organized to do a sort 
of job that ordinary manufacturing and commercial practice in the 
past may not have trained them to do. 

For instance, their research in the field of explosives may not be 
as complete as is needed at this time, because, after all, they follow 
the research that is applicable to their own problems in manufacturing 
and distribution. 

On the other hand, in the Army there is only a limited research 
and experimental work carried on. That is mainly devoted to the 
old types of warfare, and I believe there is an ever-widening gap in 
between what industry has done in research and what the Army has 
done in research that "needs to be filled by the best kind of technical 
and scientific brains that can ]je brought in from civilian life into the 
Army. I just don't think that is being done. 

Now, we are up against that all the time in the location of these 
plants. I was telling Congressman Curtis and Congressman Spark- 
man, before the committee met this morning, about the problems that 
we were encountering in trying to establish locations for TNT 



A TNT plant, of course, when it is located, more or less deter- 
mines the general region in which shell- and bomb-loading plants have 
to be established because these loading plants have to draw their sup- 
plies from the TNT plant and the ammonia plants, which make 
nitric acid and ammonium nitrate. 

Once you locate those important supplies, then you put limits on 
the areas beyond which you cannot go in putting these other loading 

I am convinced that adequate research has not been done in the 
past and planning has not been done in the past to determine whether 
or not you can't just as well get the sulfuric acid of the high con- 
centration that you need in a TNT plant and turn it right back 
into industrial use in the form of spent acid down in that region 
from Little Rock to Shreveport to Jackson, Miss. — in that general 
area, just as an illustration. 

I am not convinced that you cannot do it there just as well as you 
can do it in Cleveland, Chicago, St. Louis, and Buffalo, which are the 
places listed now by the War Department where this sulfuric acid 
condition exists. 

With respect to ammonia, the two large ])lants in commercial pro- 
duction use a coke process in producing the hydrogen which goes into 
that product, and the only coke they use on a broad commercial 
scale is that which comes from West Virginia and eastern Kentucky 
coal fields. 

It is a high metallurgical coke. So that now, when the War De- 
partment asks them where they can produce ammonia, they say that 
the only place we know we can do it is a place that we can use the 
coke from that area. 

I say that if w^e had been studying this problem, the Nation could 
have tested out the fuels and the coals from many other regions, and 
could have developed an answer to the question as to whether they 
could do the job or not. 

It could have been found out whether or not these vast byproduct 
hydrogen sources could be used in ammonia manufacture. But now, 
when the whip of speed is on and that research has not been done, 
we are up against that question. 

I am hopeful, however, that enough is being done right now so 
that when the question of more production comes up we are going 
to be able to broaden the area to a greater extent than this map 

Mr. OsMERS. We have been confronted with conflicting testimony, 
not necessarily in connection with industries wdiich require raw ma- 
terials taken from the ground, as to the advisability of using the so- 
called ghost towns where industries have moved or from which in- 
dustry has moved as compared to the alternative of going out into 
some rural area and establishing an entirely new operation. 

Of course witnesses have made powerful arguments that the ghost 
town has the transportation, the buildings, the sanitary facilities — 
in many cases the labor — and that it gives an industrial development 
a head start over any rural area that might be found. 


Of course I think one of the greatest impediments to adequate and 
careful planning in this whole proposition is speed. You have 
pointed that out. 

Mr. Davis. Yes. 

Mr. OsMERS. The speed that Congress and the people of the coun- 
try are demanding — demanding that your Commission attain certain 
objectives within certain lengths of time. And I presume that hangs 
heavy over all the work that you do, does it not ? 

Mr. Davis. It is a prime factor and when you are sitting across the 
table arguing with an Army officer about the location of a plant and 
he says to you : "Are you willing to take the responsibility for setting 
back production from this plant for a matter of months?" 

Then you have a real question to answer. 

Now, I want to say this, Congressman, on this question of ghost 
towns as against rural areas, I don't believe a conflict exists because 
there are many regions which I could point out on this map w^here 
both conditions exist — that is, stranded populations by reason of 
an industry slowing down, plus a great deal of rural unemployment 
right around it. 

You take what we call the tri-State area in southern Kansas, 
southwestern Missouri — it is really four States because you have 
northwest Arkansas and northeast Oklahoma, all of them feeding 
in that area. 

There is a great deal of coal-mine labor, men who are used to 
handling explosives there, and there is a surrounding agricultural 
population with insufficient income. 

The situation that exists in southern Illinois in the coal fields 
down there at Carbondale — that is another situation over which 
Sidney Hillman and I could sit down and reach an agreement in 
about 2 minutes as between his conception that we want to utilize 
the so-called ghost towns, which means stranded populations 


Mr. OsMERS. Particularly of an industrial nature, you mean. 

Mr. Davis. Yes and my contention that they should be located 
where they can tap these reservoirs of agricultural labor — Fort 
Smith and western Arkansas. I mean, you can find lots of these 
places that meet both requirements. 

Mr. Curtis. At that point I would like to ask you what types of 
national-defense industries can be placed in areas that are entirely 
agricultural and still be worked out without too much difficulty and 
without a great lack of previously skilled workers ? 

Mr. Davis. Well, again. Congressman Curtis, I don't believe that 
you can pick an area that is completely rural. That is, where you 
have no town, no sanitation, no educational facilities; where your 
transportation may be limited; and where there is an absence of 
skilled labor, and put in any good-sized industry there. But I 
believe you can select towns and cities that are accessible to these 
rural areas and find those that meet conditions for satisfactory 

For instance, water supply is a very important item. One reason 
why a camp, and I am getting out of my field now because the 



4U . J..I1J1I 

1 $Msi>S.£i<a2i.zi.o&^5 



260370— 41— pt. 10 2 


Defense Commission does not pass on the location of Army sites or 
matters of that sort, but a camp was moved out of one State into 
another after it had been tentatively chosen, because it was found 
that the construction of an adequate water supply for the number 
of men who were to go there would cost millions of dollars. 

It was possible, by going to another place, to get a water supply 
that was either presently available or could be made available at 
a much lower cost. 

Mr. Curtis. It is also true, is it not, that in many agricultural 
areas there are some very highly skilled workers ? 

Mr. Davis. Yes. 

Mr. Curtis. Who are temporarily working some place else and 
would like to return. 

Mr. Davis. I believe that is true. 

Mr. Curtis. One day last week we had before this committee two 
western Kansas boys who were employed in the Glenn Martin air- 
plane factory at Baltimore. Both had received their training in 
the Middle and both preferred to return to their homes. 

Here is something I would like to inquire into. A pay roll of a 
given size in a rural area as compared to a pay roll of the same size 
in a highly industrial area, a large city, is there any figure available 
or any data available as to where that pay roll is spent? Which one 
goes into the purchases of more heavy goods ? 

Mr. Davis. There may be — I don't have such data, however. 

Mr. Curtis. Would you care to venture an opinion on it? 

Mr. Davis. It would seem to me that if you get into a region where 
men can live at home and commute to their jobs and where the pro- 
portion of income that has to be paid for rent would be relatively 
low as compared to w^hat they are going to have to pay if we bring 
about out of this defense effort, an overtaxing of existing industrial 

I have a map here [see opposite page]. I don't know whether it is 
the kind of map that could be reproduced in the committee report. It 
shows the conditions that existed in 1917, in this so-called industrial 
triangle, where this country developed areas of acute labor shortage 
and transportation congestion, while at the same time in other parts 
of the United States there were pools of unemployment, and where 
there was an absence of transportation congestion. 


It resulted, as you may recall, in an order being issued to prevent 
any further concentration of business in that area for a time, because 
the railroads simply could not handle the in-and-out transportation, 
and because of the labor shortage that existed. 

Now I think we should try, insofar as possible, to avoid a repetition 
of that condition as we move forward toward comparatively full em- 
ployment in this country. 

Mr. OsMERS. I would like to ask a question which involves farm 
families and other families that are being moved as a result of the 
establishment of Army camps and plants throughout the country. 
There must be some of that going on. Have you any idea as to the 
riumbers and as to what they are doing for the future ? 


Mr. Davis. Yes ; I have a list here, which I will not guarantee either 
as to its completeness or its accuracy, of the estimates that cover the 
industrial plant situation where they have had to buy up considerable 
acreage of land and cover as well as what we call military sites, which 
include the encampments and Government proving grounds and so 

It shows that over 1,000,000 acres are being taken over into these 
encampment or military areas, and into industrial sites where there is 
a major displacement of farm families. For those where estimates are 
available I have included the number of families that are being dis- 
placed. It will be understood that there are much greater acreages for 
various purposes where the displacement presents no serious social 
problems — perhaps over 6,000,000 more acres. 

While this is relatively small compared with the total displaced 
because of conditions we have discussed before, it is a very acute 
problem and it is one on which we are spending a great deal of time. 

The total number of families, as nearly as we can estimate it, is 
probably around 7,000 on these sites where there is major displacement 
of farm families. 

Mr. OsMERS. They are people that formerly lived on the sites that 
you have acquired. 

Mr. Davis. Or that the Army is in process of acquiring. 

Mr. OsMERS. Seven thousand families? 

Mr. Davis. Now, that does not mean that those 7,000 families, all of 
them, have to have assistance in becoming relocated, but we are asking 
that this policy be established, that consideration be given to the out- 
of-pocket expenses imposed upon the farmers when suddenly dispos- 
sessed — that prior preference in employment, if employment is avail- 
able in the community in these defense plans, prior preference be given 
to the displaced people who want jobs, even ahead of others in the 
same neighborhood who will apply for jobs. 

We are cooperating with Farm Security Extension Service and 
other agencies in the Department of Agriculture to develop a program 
to assist the farmers in relocation through loans and grants. We have 
met with the Budget Bureau and have discussed with them what the 
immediate need is, and then what the prospective need is to give relief 
to these families. - n j 

That has been one of the hot spots in some places, and I am satisfied 
again that the urge for speed in this thing has prevented the same 
kind of care in working out the job that was possible to give, let us say, 
wdien T. V. A. had to displace people as flooded areas developed, or as 
the Forestry Service and National Park Service have been able to give 
in their acquisition program. 

But I think that, in cooperation with the Army, we are making some 
real progress on the method of land acquisition, and we are arranging 
to do what we can to lessen the shock and to assist these people who are 
displaced in finding locations. 

Mr. OsMERS. And that problem is receiving very careful considera- 
tion, I can see from your testimony. 

Mr. Davis. Tliat is right. 


Mr. OsMERS. Now, is the United States Employment Service being 
used to assist in the distribution of labor in the defense program? 


Mr. Davis. It is being used, but I do not believe, and I am sure 
Commissioner Hillman agrees with me, that it is not being used as 
effectively as it might be. 

Some things need to be worked out there, bearing in mind that the 
Government is not operating the plants itself. In most cases a con- 
tract is made with an operating company to hire the men and run the 

The Hercules Powder Co., in the case of Radford, Va., for instance, 
has such a contract. So unless tlie Commission insists in advance in 
the contract that certain practices in employment be followed out, the 
Conunission itself complete!}' lacks any authority to tell this company 
what it shall do. It becomes a question of moral suasion at that point, 
but we are working on it, Mr. Congressman. 

Mr. OsMERS. The final phase of the questioning that I have in mind 
deals entirely with our situation after the defense program is over, or 
after the arrival of peace in the world, and so on. 

Now, do you believe that a program can be worked out for main- 
taining the level of industrial production, the high level that we are 
going to reach under the defense program ? 

Mr. Davis. You used the verb "can." I believe it can. 

Mr. OsMERS. Well, then, I will put it "is it"? 

Mr. Davis. It is going to take a higher degree of planning and coop- 
eration than we have manifested up to date to do it. 


I believe that men should be at work right now perfecting plans for 
worth-while public-work projects which will really contribute to the 
total wealth of this Nation, so that as the defense efforts subside we 
can get men to w^ork. 

It is inconceivable to me that we can use successfully all of our 
manpower and our resources in a military effort and we can't do it in 
a peace effort. 

I would put those blueprints away after they were perfected. They 
would cover the field of roads and hospitalization and so many things 
that you can think about that are actually worth while and would add 
to our national wealth, so that you can just practically press a button 
and get the thing started if and when we have to. 

Mr. OsMERs. Here is what comes to my mind. For more than a 
week we have been holding hearings here in Washington. We have 
had a veritable parade of witnesses coming before us. Every one of 
them, high and low, have said that what we need at this time is ade- 
quate planning on a scale that we haven't thought about before, to 
cushion the sliock that unemployment will bring. 

The Secretary of Labor came as near as any of our witnesses who 
were in Government toward saying that anything was being done 
about it. She said that her Department — I don't remember her exact 
words — but her Department was making some study as to the effects 
of peace upon labor. 

Well, as worth while as those efforts will be or may be, we know 
that unless it is tied in with our entire economy merely to gather facts 
on labor will be of no avail. 

Now, strange as it seems, the work of this committee, which started 
out with, we might say, a minor agricultural problem has now come 
to the point where we are dealing with a very, very important problem 
that will occur in the future. 

Mr. Davis. Right. 


Mr. OsMERS. Now, I want to get back, as I said I would, to this plant 
that you are establishing in Virginia, where you will not be able to 
find all the 5,000 employees in that immediate area. 


People must migrate from other parts of the United States, near and 
far, to that plant. They are there now in their cars, camping outside 
of the town, with license plates from every State in the Union. 

The making of powder is one of the manufacturing operations that 
will cease when the emergency ceases, and powder plants are not of a 
character or nature that can be immediately turned OA^er into some 
civilian use. 

Mr. Davis. That is right. 

Mr. OsMERS. What should this Government do, in your opinion, to 
readjust those people when they are out of employment and their need 
for adjustment arrives ? 

Mr. Davis. I think the problem of readjustment will be minimized 
if you can keep these plants out of the regions that are already heavily 
industrialized. That is the first thing I would do. 

Mr. OsMERs. Yes. 

Mr. Davis. I would keep them out because many of these people can 
find homes, and I think an effort should be made to that end. I will 
go back a little bit — like the Secretary of Labor, we are studying that 
problem — to the problem of locating these people out where there is 
a small tract of land, where in addition to drawing a pay roll they can 
at the same time make some of their living. 

Mr. OsMERS. Do some subsistence farming. 

Mr. Davis. Yes; when this is over you are going to have down in 
the Radford area a large group of people who are used to factory 
operation who were not accustomed to it before. 

I believe that there is an opportunity for industrial employment 
down there that should be taken advantage of; and I want to say 
again I believe the Government should work out a program of public 
works which can follow this effort, although I don't think this effort 
is going to be over next year or the year after. I think we are going 
to be in this for some time to come. 

Mr. OsMERS. And the longer it lasts the gi-eater the shock will be. 

Mr. Davis. It will be a real shock and the more we concentrate these 
l^eople by putting them in one section of the country, the greater the 
shock will be. 

Also because after all if a man is located in an area where he 
ican make a part of his living and if you bring that about in these 
mew plants or if he is a man who is living 10 or 15 miles away and 
pooling up with his neighbors to drive in to work and back, and if 
he spends his income in improving his position on tlie farm — paying 
off his debts, getting in shape to produce more of his living out there 
than he ever did before, you are going to find that that fellow isn't 
as much of a problem as if he had moved down into a high-rent area 
where, when this thing is over, there just isn't any place for him. 

Mr. OsMERS. I don't want to debate the issue with you, but there 
are some counterarguments to that. For example, in the district 


in whicli I live we have plants that make automobiles and plants 
that make aluminum, and soap, and oil, and airplane motors, and 
so on. 

Now if people move into that district, that area, to obtain a defense 
job, when the defense effort is over we will say that 20 percent of 
the wa^e earners in that area are displaced, but there may be in- 
creases in the manufactui'e of passenger automobiles and in the manu- 
facture of civilian aluminum products, and there will be four-fifths of 
the people in that area still gainfully employed in civilian industry. 
The question is. Who can take care of those who have not been re- 
tained, from a tax angle? 


Mr. Davis. I share your unwillingness to debate the question be- 
cause I think if we had time and cleared up some definitions, we 
probably could have a meeting of minds on it. But I think the one 
factor that you need to take into account there is that these existing 
nonmilitary enterprises are going to have an expanding weight of 
activity as the national income increases. And more and more of 
these industries _you refer to as having been located there already are 
going to draw in more people to work in that community. That I 
object to, the superimposing on a defense industry which means a 
net bringing in when you are likely to have to contend with the 
problem of unemployment within the established industries, if and 
when Federal expenditures drop and the national income decreases, 
and the demand for production goods and so forth from these 
industries already established subsidies. 

Mr. OsMERS. Of course, there is one big argument in favor, we will ^ 
say, of the establishment of a plant in a place in Virginia such as we ' 
have been discussing, and that is iu cost of living. The cost of living 
there is a great deal under what it would be in a fully developed indus- 
trial area, particularly with reference to housing and food. 

Mr. Davis. It should be. 

Mr. OsMERS. And it is. 

Mr. Davis. Yes ; I think that is right. 

Mr. OsMERS. There is no question about that. Now, my final ques- 
tion, Mr. Davis, is this : What would you suggest as the planning body 
or the planning agency to make the plans that we all say are so neces- 
sary and so needed? 

Mr. DA^^s. I don't know that T am a competent witness on that. 
The National Resources Planning Board is doing work in that line. 
It may be that a compact body with.that definite assignment will need 
to be established, either by a further development of the Resources 
Planning Board or something else. 

I would like to put in a little plug for Federal Reserve while I am 
on this thing, gentlemen, being more or less detached at the moment 
from the innnediate critical questions although we have got plenty of 
questions ahead of us. 

Some time ago the Federal Reserve added to its staff of research 
men and economists some very good men who have had experience in 
thinking about these things. They are engaged in a comprehensive 


long-time survey that includes what kind of problems we are going to 
meet if and when this war subsides, and when we emerge into the 
kind of a world we are going to live in. 

I would like to see the study there hog-tied in so that you would make 
use of what they are doing. 


I think there are many agencies that are thinking and planning 
about this but they do need to be brought together and buttoned up 
in one agency that is given that concrete responsibility. 

Mr. OsMERS, Would you say there is a need in this situation for 
more congressional authority? By that I mean the finest plans that 
might be formulated by any executive board or bureau would have 
no meaning when the crises we anticipate arise unless it had congres- 
sional authority to carry it through. And, of course, we have no way 
of knowing what the type and nature of the Congress will be at that 
particular time 

Mr. Daves. That is right. 

Mr. OsMERs. But I just wondered whether you thought Congress 
should give some thought to this problem. 

Mr. Davis. Indeed, I do. I have felt for a long while that one of 
the weaknesses in our governmental set-up — I don't mean currently, 
I mean in the very nature of things — is the fact that there isn't any 
knitting together of the legislative and the executive in carrying out 
a continuous program. 

You gentlemen may enact a law but you have no continuing hand 
or responsibility in its administration, and, similarly, men in the execu- 
tive branches, wliile the Congress is always considerate and generous 
in consulting them, after all, they don't have the final responsibility 
and they have no direct representation in tliis body which gives them 
the close hand that they have in, let us say, parliamentary types of 
government in enacting the laws. 

Mr. OsMERS. That is one of the few advantages of parliamentary 
type, I think. 

Mr. Davis. That is right. Anything that can knit together the ex- 
ecutive and the legislative in a continuous program is all to 
the good, in my judgment. 

Mr, OsMERS. That is all I have. 

migrants lack economic opportunity 

Mr. Sparkman. Mr. Davis, I want to ask you a few questions. We 
are studying the migrant problem, and one of the gi'eatest causes of 
migration is the lack of economic opportunity. 

We have had testimony before this committee from time to time as 
to the excess population in certain regions of the country. Those 
regions generally are agricultural. But I am thinking particularly of 
my own section, although I know it must be true in other sections of the 
country, too. 

I was glad to hear you say that as we went into further phases of 
this program these defense installations would be decentralized still 
further in order to take up part of the slack in those rural areas. 


I was interested in a remark you made about ammonia and the argu- 
ment that the coke of one particular area had to be used because of 
the characteristics of that particuhir coal, and possibly because of the 
habit they had gotten into of using that particular coal. 

Mr. Davis. That is the point I complained about. Nobody is in 
position to answer that positively, because they haven't felt compelled 
to do any research in that field. 

The physical characteristics that led them to hesitate about estab- 
lishing a plant to use another type of coke are these : In the continuous- 
automatic-furnace method, which a large-scale operation requires, the 
quantity of ash in coke and the fusing point of that coke causes cer- 
tain or has certain mechanical defects. That is, if it is high ash which 
fuses at a low point, you have the clinker problem. Clinkers do not 
bother you in a small" hand operation, but in an automatic operation 
they might be very troublesome. 

Then, the other thing that the chemical engineers are afraid of is 
that a coal which has a high sulfur content carries sulfur over into 
the water gas, which has to be scrubbed out, as they call it, and purified 
in order to make the purer hydrogen that they need in making 

They have this word for it : They say that sulfur is "the bad boy" 
in the process, and they are afraid to risk going into cokes that have 
a high sulfur content, because they are afraid that the extra purifica- 
tion expense, both as to capital cost and operating cost, will make it 
uneconomic. But I don't believe anybody knows that it costs more to 
take out 2 percent of sulfur than it does to take out 1 percent of sulfur 
or anything of that sort. It just has not been done. 

Mr. Sparkman. May I ask you if, in this new ammonia plant that 
has been authorized for Muscle Shoals, that same process is to be 


Mr. Davis. Yes; and they plan to take coke from the Birmingham 
area there, because, while that coke has not been used in any quantity, 
they are running experiments with it now — it has not been used to any 
great extent in this process, but nevertheless its characteristics are so 
nearly comparable to the West Virginia coke that the engineers are 
confident there will be no particular difficulty with it. 

In other words, they do make a high-grade metallurgical coke at 
Birmingham, and that plant intends to use that coke. 

Mr. Sparkman. That was my impression. So, after all, it comes to 
the point you make that a lot of it is inertia. 

Mr. Davis. And I wanted to say that recently in my office we have 
had meetings with the Bureau of Mines. That Bureau has agreed to 
go to work on this proposition of coke from various areas so that we 
may accumulate, and know how, and if we have time enough we may 
have the answer to some of those questions. And then again I am 
not convinced that you can't get it without using coke at all. 

That is, a good deal of hydrogen can be produced from natural gas, 
or from petroleum. 

I have been talking to the head of one company which has at the 
present time enough hydrogen as a byproduct from its operation in 


northern Louisiana to make, oh, let us say, 90 or 100 tons of ammonia 
a day, if that particular hydrogen can be purified without any great 
extent, and they believe it can. Now, those things need to be explored 
so that when a recommendation comes over to the Commission for an 
ammonia plant, and they propose to locate it in a region already highly 
industrialized, we will have an alternative to suggest. 

You know we can't accomplish very much if we are going to have 
to sit there and wait for everything to be rolled up in a package and 
come to us for approval. 

If we reject the recommendation or request we are criticized for 
holding up the defense effort. But if all these possibilities were thor- 
oughly explored we could come over with an alternative which would 
take care of the situation. 


Mr. Sparkman. I noticed in the press yesterday, or the day before, 
a story about the expansion of the aviation industry. A great part of 
it has been doubled, trebled nnd quadrupled. But the thing 
that was quite noticeable to me was that in spite of all this argument 
for decentralization and moving into strategic areas, practically all 
of that expansion has been right where the plants were already located, 

Mr. Davis. That is quite true up until recently. There was the con- 
tention on the part of management in the aircraft industry that there 
just isn't enough management and know-how available to spread it 
around. When they were asked to double plant capacity they felt 
that they could double it and manage it if it were located fairly close 
to headquarters, but if you put it over 500 or 1,000 miles away, man- 
agement just wouldn't be available. 

Now, recently, as you know. Government-financed plants have been 
approved for some midwestern cities — assembly plants. Those plants 
have been ap]3roved for Omaha and Kansas City, and I think some 
more may follow. These are assembly plants. And I am encouraged 
by the fact that these assembly plants are being located in the interior 
of the United States, 

It is a break in the aircraft situation which you described accurately 
as having obtained heretofore, 

Mr. Sparkman. Well, eventually the expansion must be to the in- 
terior, isn't that your view ? 

Mr. Davis. That is my view. 


Mr, Sparkman, There is one thing that has impressed me again 
with the failure on somebody's part, and I am again speaking of 
something that I am more or less familiar with because it happens 
to be in my ov^n district, 

Down at Muscle Shoals, Plant No, 1 was built during the World 
War at a cost of several million dollars. There are about 1.700 acres 
with a large number of very large, substantially built buildings, and 
a complete village with all the utilities. Yet all during the period 


that has ehipsed since that time and even up to now no use has been 
made of that plant. 

I just cannot understand the War Department locating any number 
of plants throughout the country and putting up expensive buildings, 
and at the same time leaving this investment of many millions of 
dollars and 1,700 acres of land and a village with all the public 
utilities unused. 

I will say that the village is occupied noAV by T. V. A. workers but 
that is simply in order to make use of that part of it. 

Mr. Davis. I don't know that the War Department should be singled 
out for the sole criticism. 

Mr. Sparkman. No ; and I don't either. 

Mr. Davis. The War Department had worked out a program for 
modernizing and using the ammonium nitrate unit. 

Mr. Sparkman. That is Plant No. 2; I referred to Plant No. 1. 


Mr. Davis. I don't believe the technicians felt that the equipment 
in Plant No. 1, which deals with an obsolete process, can now be 
economically used. 

But the buildings are there, and the facilities, and the utilities, 
which may have some use. 

But the Army also figured that to feed this ammonium nitrate plant, 
which has 300 tons a day capacity, they have intended to use those 
facilities by es^blishing production there of ammonia at the rate 
of 150 tons a day, whicli is the quantity that feeds that 300-ton am- 
monium nitrate plant. 

The delay in getting that done was not due to the Army, in my 

Mr. Sparkman. You mean Plant No. 1 would be used in that con- 
nection ? 

Mr. Davis. No ; I am talking still of Plant No. 2. 

Mr. Sparkman. Of course, I am trying to hold the discussion to 
Plant No. 1. I realize that the equipment— and I think it is gen- 
erally admitted — could not be used. But I am certain that a great 
deal of the property and investment could be utilized for some part of 
the defense program. 

Mr. Davis. Not only that, but if you go to nitrate Plant No. 2, and 
go to that building that now houses the compression outfits — 32 air 
compression units down there, and see that magnificent bunch of 
equipment which is still kept turned over and in fine condition, it 
makes you wonder why some use can't be made of it. 

I have been all over that and discussed it with the technicians 
down there. Up to now, however, they have not seen daylight yet 
on Plant No. 1, but they are trying to determine what is to be done 
with the liquid-air compressors which are just at the end of where 
they intend to establish their line of the new ammonia plant. 

Mr. Sparkman. I understand that sometime during the present 
year the Chemical Warfare Service asked for permission to utilize 
Plant No. 1, but permission was not given. Instead they are spend- 


ing a good deal of money at the Edgewood Arsenal to expand the 
facilities there. , ^ 01 

Mr. Davis, I am not familiar with that, Congressman bparkman, 
but I would like to have any information you have on that, so I 
can look into it, because I think, as do you, that facilities that exist 
in that area should be used to the fullest extent. 


Mr. Sparkman. Then this thought comes to my mind, too, that 
down in my section, and I am sure this is true everywhere, there are 
a great many empty buildings that formerly were used for factory 
purposes of some kind. 

Most of them in mv section are textile mills that have gone out ot 
business. Those buildings are idle and could be used for storage 

In some instances they have been used for cotton warehouses. 

I have often wondered why, in our defense set-up, with a great 
deal of space being used simply for Federal storage, those buildings 
could not be utilized instead of putting up new buildings and buying 
new land, which after the emergency probably will not be used. 

Mr. Davis. Of course the War Department has a very compre- 
hensive plan for its storage depots at the present time. 

Have you discussed that with any men in the Quartermaster 
Corps? .^^ 

Mr. Sparkman. Yes; I have re'f erred it to them at difterent tnnes 
and gotten nowhere. 

Mr. Davis. Under the administrative direction of Donald Nelson 
we are making inventories of available facilities and following them 
through to try to get them used. It takes time to get these things 

The business of the United States for 22 years was peace and not 
war, and actually all planning and preparations for war were dis- 
credited during that period. 

Now, to reverse that trend and get going in the other direction 
involves some time. I don't know how you can avoid that. 

Mr. Sparkman. That is all, Mr. Chairman. 

The Chairman. Mr. Davis, there are some questions I would like 
to ask you, but this is our last day and we have so many witnesses 
to hear. 

Your statement is so comprehensive that I do not feel I could 
bring out anything that is not contained therein. 

It is going to be a very valuable contribution to this committee, and 
we want to thank you for coming here and giving us the benefit of 
your opinions. 

Mr. Davis. Thank you. Would you like me to put in the record 
this statement of where industrial plants and military training areas 
are located and the estimated land requirements and the familiesthat 
are displaced by it ? I am including two tables showing major projects, 
one where the displacement of farm families has been material and 
another where the displacement has been inconsequential. 
The Chairman. We will be very pleased to have it. 
(The tables referred to are as follows:) 



Major projects of land acquisition for defense plants and military areas affecting 
displacements of far rn families ^ 






Alabama Ordnance works, Childersburg, Ala 

Camp Croft, Spartanburg, S. C 

Camp Robinson Little Rock, Ark 

Loading plant and smoke- 
less powder plant. 
Infantry replacement center 

Training area 

Expansion of facilities 

Anti-aircraft firing range 

Training area 

Expansion of facilities 

Enlargement of present res- 

Expansion of facilities 


28, 800 

20, 000 
97, 200 
67, 440 
51, 300 

32, 370 
36, 240 
14, 000 

75, 000 




Camp Shelby, DeSoto National Forest, Miss 

Camp Stewart Savannah, Ga 


Fourth Corps Training Center La 


Fort Jackson, S. C 

Fort Knox Ky 



Fort McClellan, Ala 


Fort Leonard Wood Rolla Mo 

Training area 


Elwood ordnance plant, Joliet, 111 

Iowa ordnance works, Burlington, Iowa 

Jeflerson Proving Grounds, Madison County, Ind. 

Shell and bag loading plant . - 
TNT plant 



Ordnance proving grounds.. 
TNT plant 


Kingsbury ordnance plant. Union Center, Ind 

New River ordnance plant Pulaski. Va 


Bag loading 


Pine Plain Military Reservation N Y 


Plum Brook ordnance plant, Sandusky, Ohio 

TNT plant 


Shell loading 



TNT plant 


Wolf Creek ordnance plant, Milan, Tenn_ .._. 

Bag-loading plant 



1, 096, 562 


1 There are over 100 projects of minor acreage where the displacement of families is inconsequential. 

Major projects of land acquisition for defense plants 
population density^ 

7nilitary areas of low 


Tonopah bombing range, Nevada 

Arlington County, Oreg 

Matagorda Island, Tex 

Panama City, Fla 

Wendover bombing range, Utah 

Fort Bliss, El Paso, Tex 

Choctawhatchee National Forest, Fla 

nunter-Liggett Military Reservation (Hearst 

Leon Springs, Tex 

Mojave Desert, Calif 

Fort Sill, Okla 

Umatilla ammunition depot, Oregon 

Bombing range. 
..._do .- 

Aerial gimnery range 

Bombing range 

Expansion of facilities 

Aerial gunnery range - - - 

Artillery target range and manei 

Addition to Fort Sam Houston... 

Antiaircraft firing range 

Additional artillery firing ranges . 
Ammunition depot 

3, 560, 000 
93, 346 
1, 560, 000 

13, 253 
19, 405 

1 Largely from public lands (including national forests), range lands and land grants. 

The Chairman. Mr. Reporter, Mi\ Davis referred to some maps. 
Will yoii mark them as exhibits to his testimony. 

(Maps were made a part of the record and are held in committee 

The Chairman. The next witness is Dr. Mark A. Dawber. 


The Chairman. Will you please give your full name and address 
to the reporter 'i 



Mr. Dawber. Yes; Mark A. Dawber, 111 East Twenty-sixth Street, 
New York City. 

The Chairman. And for whom are you speaking this morning — 
w^hat organization ? 

Mr. Dawber. I am speaking for the Home Missions Council of 
North America. 

The Chairman. What denomination is that connected with ? 

Mr. Dawber. That inchides 28 denominations and other organiza- 
tions doing missionary work in the entire United States. I am repre- 
senting some 22,000,000 church members. 

The Chairman. Dr. Dawber, we are very glad to have you here. 

We have been impressed, in this hearing, with the need for the work 
that you and your associates are doing. 

When a family becomes uprooted and goes away from home, it is no 
longer held by those ties of friends and church in its own communities. 

We know that you are rendering a valuable service. We appreciate 
very much the valuable testimony Miss Lowry gave us in New York. 

I understand you can tell us of the work of the Men's Home Mis- 
sionary Council in this field and complete her presentation by a full 
discussion of the national situation. 

We have long known of your primary work in this field, and I would 
like for the record to show as clearly as possible the character and 
extent of the work which your organization is currently engaged in, in 
connection with the interstate destitute migrants, and particularly, 
Dr. Dawber, I Avould like for you to tell us a little of how long your 
organization has been interested in the migrant field and the extent 
of the w ork you are now doing which covers migrants. 

You may proceed in your own way. 

Mr. Dawber. I prepared here as I came here on the train, Mr. Chair- 
man, just a brief statement setting forth something of the things that 
you have referred to, and if you don't mind I prefer to read what I 
have and then perhaps bring out the rest by questioning. 

The Chairman. Very well. 

council aids migrants 

Mr. Dawber. As I stated [reading] I am here to represent the 
Protestant churches of the United States which include some 28 de- 
nominations and other agencies, comprising about 28,000,000 church 

This council, together with the council of women that Miss Lowry 
has represented, has done more to help the migrants individually and 
collectively than any other single agency in this country. 

Long before Grapes of Wrath or any of the recent literature on this 
subject appeared this council was a voice crying in the wilderness of 
indifference and greed, "Prepare ye the way of the Lord, make His 
path straight." 

For 20 years this council has been devoting thought, time, and 
money to this migrant cause as a major interest. For years we 
were the only agency interested in rendering service to these people. 


Our ministers, nurses, and welfare workers have been a benediction 
to these unfortunate and needy people. 

Our only regret is that our financial resources have not enabled 
us to do 10 times more than we have done. 

Naturally, we are tremendously concerned in the work of this 
committee and appreciate this opportunity of appearing to say a 
M'Ord. It is not necessary for me to convince you as to the facts of 
migration. That is beyond dispute. Or as to the necessity for me 
to say very much as to the terrible conditions that surround these 
folks, although there are those who are inclined to dispute the state- 
ment as to their condition. 

When you have made every possible allowance for the spectacular 
and fictional appeals that have appeared as descriptive of the mi- 
grants' condition, the fact will still remain that they are too horrific 
for any decent American to accept complacently. 


As to the future of migration. I am not willing to assume that you 
are satisfied, so I desire to register the conviction of my organization 
in this regard and our hopes. AVe believe we are going to have more 
migrants than fewer. There are some who are comforting themselves 
in the thought that our defense program will solve the problem of un- 
employment. That it will temporarily absorb many unemployed, and 
that the immediate future of migrancy will be relieved somewhat, 
there is no question. 

But as to the defense program solving the basic problem in which 
we are concerned as a religious institution, I think there is little hope. 
There is great danger, we believe, that our defense program will be 
used as a "black out" for the constructive legislation that has been 
so courageously inaugurated by the present administration. 

On the other hand, we are afraid it will be used as a smoke screen 
to hide the social cancer in the body politic. 

I am not suggesting that this will be done deliberately but that the 
old, old human trait still exists : Because we put some chloroform on 
a bad tooth and it has stopped aching for a few minutes, we will re- 
fuse to have it pulled. 

We are i^erested, and we appreciate the things which, are being 
done from the point of relief, because we have discovered that, unless 
some constructive measures of relief are made possible, the work that 
we are doing is also exceedingly difficult. 

That we shall have these migrants as a continuing ]^art of agriculture 
for a long time is a fact to be reckoned with. Then we should face 
and at least provide for them the minimum education, health, eco- 
nomic and social life necessary for what we are pleased to call "the 
American way of life." 

I think there are many reasons why this relief program and other 
forms of amelioration should continue, first because we believe it is 
right and our bounden duty as citizens, not merely as a liand-me- 
down sort of program, but rather as a handing-up program for those 
of us who want to discharge our .responsibility as citizens. 



We desire to say to you and throiigli you to the Coiij^ress of the 
United States or anyone else, that we want these, our fellow citizens, 
cared for and as taxpayers we expect to take our share in paying for 

the bills. ^ 1 p • i xi 

Second, because we believe as a measure of defense against the 
forces which are destroying our democracy, such measures of relief 
and protection as have been evolved by this administration, such as 
the camps and other measures, are at least in the direction of sound 
defense. . 

We are concerned to protect ourselves against the forces outside 
our shores that we have reason to believe desire to destroy our 
American way of life. But there is a more subtle danger within— it 
is the millions of our citizens who have never known an American 
way of life such as we like to think of it. 

A study of the loss of liberty in other lands will reveal that 
people who have lost their civil liberties or have surrendered them at 
first lost or never had the basic economic independence necessary 

to it. ^ T . 1 

But the organization I represent is not concerned merely with 
palliatives. That we must feed the hungry and provide clothes and 
shelter for those in need goes without saying. We are helping to do 
this, but we realize that mere benevolence, no matter how sincere 
and how well intentioned, is not enough. This is but first aid to the 
wounded. What we are more concerned with is ways and means to 
prevent the human wreckage. 

Much of what we are doing both in church and state is like putting 
a poultice on a wooden leg. 


The time has now arrived to face realistically the basic causes 
and to deal with them. Here again let me repeat that some of the 
steps already taken by the administration were in the right direction. 

But what are some of the constructive preventive measures that 
might be considered in which my organization is particularly in- 
terested? First I would suggest that making it possible for thou- 
sands of farmers on the land to remain on it. This will require 
several considerations of which the following might be cited: 

To assist them to become owners rather than remain tenants. John 
Ruskin once said: "The safest nation is the nation that can point 
to the largest number of farm homes that are owned by the people 
who live in them." 

To protect those still on the land from being put off and thus add- 
ing to the ranks of migrants as the first constructive measure. 

What this Nation needs is more farmers with less land rather than 
less farmers with more land. 

Large-scale agriculture, like big business, is bad for democracy. 
Most people don't have enough religion to be entrusted with too 
much land — too much material wealth — and until they have it we 


will do well to institute those measures that will make for the widest 
possible ownership and distribution of productive property. 

This, we believe, is a fundamental principle that must be recognized 
if we are going to solve this problem. All our talk about the glory 
of the machine age is futile if the masses of the people do not share 
in the glory. What on earth is the use of inventing the most perfect 
cutting razor if in the end you only succeed in cutting your throat 
with it? 

To continue and strengthen the legislation that is designed to help 
back to the land thousands of families that have been swept off the 
land and are now migrants. 


A recent report of Regional Director P. G. Beck, of the Farm 
Security Administration in Indianapolis, stated that this year, 1940, 
there were in Missouri over 5,000 farmers who last year were able to 
rent land but were not able to rent it this year. 

Moreover, this program of rehabilitation deserves primary con- 
sideration over that of relief. The programs of relief, while necessary 
as a temporary measure, cannot go on forever. In the first place, we 
cannot continue to finance them, and in the second place the loss of 
morale of the people on relief is a much more serious form of bank- 
rupt<?y than the mere bankruptcy of money or material things. 

Again, this program of rehabilitation deserves our consideration from 
another point of view. In the long run it is the most economical way 
to deal with the problem. 

The Vice President-elect, former Secretary of Agriculture Wallace, 
made an eloquent plea for the program in his recent testimony before 
the Senate Civil Liberties Conmiittee. He pointed out that to support 
:i family on work relief in the city cost an average of $800 per year 
per family ; to support a family on relief in our rural areas costs about 
$350 per family. But the rehabilitation program, counting all losses 
on loaTis, all costs of supervision, and every other expense item, costs 
only $72 per family. 

Relief leaves the' family in the end no better off, whereas rehabilita- 
tion makes ]D0ssible self-support and self-respect. From a social and 
spiritual point of A'iew tliere is no comparison between these two 


Third, the program of soil conserv^ition and reforestation and flood 
control and irrigation are all a part of wliat we believe are construc- 
tive measures that will do much to assist in the solution of the problem. 

Thousands of migrant families on the Pacific coast could be pro- 
vided for in the territory of the Columbia River Basin. The same 
would be true in the Shasta Dam area and similar projects. 

We cite these three as primary factors in meeting the problem of 
landless i:)eoi~>le, which we say is basic to the problem of migration. 

They are also primary because they are basic to any continuing demo- 
cratic civilization. 

260370—41 — pt. 10 " 


As I came out of the Union Station this morning on my way here 
I did what I always do. I stood for a few moments and read those 
impressive words that are engraved on the front of the beautiful build- 

They were placed there, doubtless, to represent the facts of this 
Nation's life — to express those views that we profess to believe. Would 
to God we really did believe them and act upon them, 

I cannot take time to read them all, but one brief statement is par- 
ticularly apropos to what we are saying. I quote : 

The farm, best home of the family, main source of national wealth, foundation 
of civilized society, the natural providence. 

The Home Missionary Council that I represent is verjr much con- 
cerned to do everything we possibly can to assist in making possible 
those measures that provide for this constructive rehabilitation of 
people on the land, and to do everything else necessary to make it 
possible for these people to take their place in our American society. 
(End reading.) 

Mr. Curtis. Dr. Dawber, the committee greatly appreciates the 
very fine statement that you have made. 

It is gratifying to know that someone is engaged in the work that 
you are engaged in. 

You have also favored us with a statement dealing with the basic 
causes of migration and giving us some concrete suggestions upon 
those things which stabilize population, and we do appreciate it. 

I might ask you just a question or two in reference to your mis- 
sionary work among migrants as a general proposition. 


Are most of the migrants and migrant families throughout the 
country un-churched ? 

Mr. Dawber. Yes. 

Mr. Curtis. We have received a number of estimates as to the 
number of migrants in this country, and it is our opinion there are 
perhaps 4,000,000 of them. 

No doubt the churches of America would become very enlarged 
if the States of North and South Dakota, Wyoming, Colorado, and 
Nebraska were entirely without churches, yet we have within our 
midst a roving population equaling the number of people in those 
several States, who are going about this country and as you say, they 
know not the American way of life. 

That is one of the problems before us, is it not ? 

Mr. Dawber. Yes. 

The Chairman. Dr. Dawber, we thank you vei-y much for your 
kindness in coming here and the valuable contribution you have 
given us. 

The Chatriman. The next witness is Mr. Galarza. 

TON, D. C. 

The Chairman. Will you please give your name to the reporter? 
Mr. Galarza. Ernesto Galarza. 


The Chairman. And whom do you represent? 

Mr. Galarza. I am at present Chief of the Division of Labor and 
Social Information of the Pan American Union. 

The Pan American Union is an association of the 21 American 
Republics, established in 1889 for the purpose of exchanging mutual 
information upon the aspects of their life, economic organization, and 
so forth. 

The Chairman. And where do you reside? 

Mr, Galarza. I reside in Washington, Mr. Chairman. 

The Chairman. And how long haA'e you been such a representa- 

Mr. Galarza. I have been in the employ of the Pan American 
Union since 1936; and I may add that my appearance before the 
committee this morning is more in the nature of a personal appear- 
ance, if you will allow me to say so, because I came to this country 
originally as a migrant child and I have lived with these people 
about whom I wish to speak to you this morning, and have seen the 
conditions under which they work. And I wish to be considered in 
my appearance more in that light. 

The Chairman. Well, I want to say to you that you filed a very 
comprehensive and very valuable statement. I have read it through 
very carefully. 

Mr. Galarza. Thank you, sir. 

The Chairman. And it will be inserted in the record just as you 
handed it to us. 

Mr. Reporter, you will insert in the record at this point the pre- 
pared statement of Mr. Galarza. 

(The statement referred to is as follows :) 


Problems of Mexican Migrants to the United States 

It is not often recognized that the migration of Mexican workers and their 
families to the United States since the beginning of the present century repre- 
sents one of the most significant mass movements of population between two 
republics of the Western Hemisphere. This current of immigration back and 
forth across the border has resulted in the more or less permanent settlement 
in the United States of a Mexican population variously estimated at between 
one and a half to two million i>eople or about 10 percent of the total population 
of Mexico. Originally concentrated in the States of Texas, California, New 
Mexico, Arizona, and Colorado, the Mexican migrant gradually spread out until 
today he is to be found as far north as Oregon, Illinois, and New York. 

The causes of this migration are well known — political instability below the 
border in times past, the promise of higher wages in the United States, the 
systematic recruiting of workers by railroad and agricultural interests, among 
others. In a broad sense, all the economic causes were related directly or in- 
directly to three major events— the construction of the railroads, the expropria- 
tion of peasant lands in Mexico, and the changing character of agricultural 
enterprise in southwestern United States. 

Although this migration was of enormous economic and social significance, 
its direction and use was left to chance and the self-interest of individuals in- 
terested in the exploitation of the human labor it represented. Friendly 
cooperative 'nternational action was taken by the Governments of the United 
States and IMexico with regard to the exchange of goods, the adjustment of 
boundaries, and the flow of water, but never, so far as I know, with regard to 
the flow of working men, women, and children. 




On the northern side of the border, many of the effects of this migration have 
been socially undesirable, both from the standpoint of the Mexican migrant 
and from that of the American communities in which they have concentrated. 
Overcrowding, slum areas, depressed wage scales, social and racial discrimina- 
tion, heavy case loads on relief agencies have characterized Mexican migrant 
centers almost from the beginning. 

As a result of adverse economic conditions in the United States in recent 
years, many of these people have thought of returning to their old homes, and a 
large number of them have done so. Among them were undoubtedly many wlio 
had entered the United States illegally and who were in constant fear of being 
deported. In fact, it is perfectly clear to anyone familiar with life in these 
Mexican centers that the fear of deportation often takes the proportions of a 
community psychosis, affecting even those who have legal status as resident 
aliens. The fear of becoming involved with immigration officials ; the isolation 
from the main cultural, political, and social institutions of the United States; 
the unwillingness of many communities to assume permanent responsibility 
for the housing, health, educational, and relief problems often presented by the 
Mexicans; as well as the seasonal character of their work, has tended to keep 
this group of migrants ever on the move. 

This constant mobility has in turn brought about certain conditions of which 
I hope this committee will take note. One of them is that the Mexican worker 
gets little opportunity to learn English, so that he is unable to understand the 
labor contracts which he signs, cannot accurately interpret laws and ordi- 
nances, and when questioned about routine immigration matters often becomes 
confused and contradictory. Moreover, the status of the Mexican migrant is 
deeply affected by the language barrier in the sense that he is barred from 
organized action to protect his interests as a worker. Mexican labor is often, 
and unjustly, represented as solely responsible for industrial conflict when as 
a matter of fact, anyone who has lived and worked with these people knows 
that trouble often arises from the lack of opportunity to present grievances, to 
negotiate, to bargain collectively on a fair and equitable basis. 


When the malad.iustment of the Mexican population in the United States 
becomes acute, appeals are often made to the Mexican authorities by migrants 
who desire to become repatriated. These appeals have found a favorable re- 
sponse in Mexico. At various times the Mexican Government has expressed 
its Interest in the systematic resettlement of returned immigrants, particularly 
in the northern States. One of the principal reasons given is that the Mexi- 
can farm laborer acquires certain skills in the United States which would be 
highly useful in connection with the agricultural improvement program which 
the Mexican Government has been fostering for a number of years. 

A few months ago the Under Secretary of Foreign Relations, Senor Ramon 
Beteta, traveled extensively in the United States studying the problem of re- 
patriation. I do not know of any concrete proposal that may have come of 
this trip, but I do know, from personal contact with Mexicans in this country, 
that many hopes were aroused which have thus far not materialized. More 
recently the Secretary of Interior of Mexico, Seiior Ignacio Garcia Tellez, 
stated that Mexico would continue to be deeply interested in developing a pro- 
gram of repatriation which would be economically sound and socially desirable. 

In my opinion, such a program depends greatly upon adequate financing, for 
I doubt that the Mexican Government could, with its own resources, launch it 
iumiediately. And unless there are sufficient funds to receive these people 
below the border, set them up in agricultural or industrial pursuits, advance 
them credit and supply them with basic health and educational services, the 
whole process would be nothing more than indiscriminate dumping of human 
beings below the border. Inevitably many of these people would attempt to 
return to the United States, and the whole cycle would be repeated. 


I take the liberty of pointing out to the committee that this problem is one 
of international good will and friendly inter-American relations as well as of 


agricultural economics and social welfare. International migratory movements 
of considerable importance have occurred in various parts of this hemisphere, 
notably between Santo Domingo and Haiti, Haiti and Cuba, Cuba and the 
United States, the West Indies and Central America, and Uruguay and Argen- 
tina. These migrations affect in many ways the economy, the culture, the 
social institutions, and eventually the international relations of the countries 
in which they occur. So it has been with Mexican immigration to the United 
States. A pioneering and statesmanlike effort on the part of these two coun- 
tries in this field of human relations might well be an example to be followed 
by other American republics as a sonnd expression of inter-American coop- 

It is with all these considerations in mind that I want to suggest that the 
time has come for the creation of a joint international agency, composed of 
representatives of the United States and Mexico, to develop and carry out a 
long-term program of resettlement, rehabilitation, and regulation of migration 
between the two republics. This program wonld be based upon the normal 
needs of agriculture north of the border, the further development of the land 
program of Mexico, the utilization of Mexican land resources, possibly United 
States capital or a joint international fund, and the technical knowledge and 
skill of citizens of both Mexico and the United States who understand this 
problem from every angle. 

Such an international commission might well function within the framework 
of the Pan American Union, or it might be an integral part of the rapidly 
expanding mechanism which is now being created to obtain greater cooperatiou 
among the American republics. It would help to create more friendly rela- 
tions among the border population through the elimination of unnecessary 
causes of friction and misunderstanding. Relief loads in certain commimities 
in the United States might be cut down through sound rehabilitation and re- 
.settlement. Above all, it would, I believe, be a demonstration, under the aus- 
pices of Mexico and the United States, of effective and socially progressive 
international action in a sphere which has long been neglected. 


The Chairman. It is now 12 o'clock, but that does not make any 
difference to us if there are some high lights that you desire to bring 
out to supplement or emphasize your statement. 

We will be glad to hear you. 

Now, in your statement I was very much interested in your remark 
that for years and years and years between the United States and 
Mexico there have been agreements after agreements in relation to the 
flow of goods between the two countries. 

Mr, Galarza. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. And relation to boundaries and the flow of waters. 

Mr. Galarza. Yes. sir. 


The Chairman. That so far as you Imow there has never been any 
agreement in relation to the human interstate commerce between the 
two nations, has there ? 

Mr. Galarza. That is correct, Mr. Chairman. 

The Chairman. And that is just the way it is betAveen our States, too. 
In other words, we have the Interstate Commerce Commission to take 
caie of the iron, coal, and steel, but we haven't a thing in our legisla- 
tion to protect the human interstate commerce. 

Mr. Galarza. That is right. 

The Chairman. Now-, you go right ahead in your own way and make 
whatever statement you wish to make. 

Mr. Galarza. Mr."^ Chainnan, I want to say to you and the other 
members of the committee I recognize your time is extremely limited 


and I sliall be very very brief, beoinning by thankincr you for permis- 
sion to appear at this hearing. I want to pick up the thread of your 
thought and repeat that so far as I know this extremely significant 
exchange of masses of population between these two American Ke- 
publics — namely, Mexico and the United States — has never been the 
subject of systematic, careful, human, farseeing planning or at least 

This flow of immigration has been going on for nearly 40 years and 
it has gradually spread out through the comitry so that Mexicans are 
to be found today in almost evei-y State of the United States. 

I want to emphasize, too, that I have been studying this problem 
closely for some 25 years and it is my considered judgment that in the 
25 years there has been no material improvement in the conditions of 
life of the Mexican migratory worker as I know him. 


In 1915, for example, I worked in the beet farms in the delta area 
of California. I recall very vividly the conditions of life there at the 
time — the stores that mulcted these people out of practically all their 
wages, and the conditions prevailing with respect to health, the lack 
of education. 

I went back to California in 1929 and found practically the same 
conditions. I was in Texas last year and found materially no change. 
So these people are pretty much in the same condition in which they 
were 25 years ago. 

I also want to underline, Mr. Chairman, the point I made in the 
statement for the record, namely, that in Mexico there has been for 
many years among public officials, among writers, students, a great in- 
terest in the condition of the Mexican migratorv worker in the United 

Now, I want to point out that there are two aspects of this. One 
is a continuing interest in cooperating with agencies in the United 
States for the betterment of the condition of these people. Another 
we might call a critical interest. Let me give you an example of that. 
In 1938, 1 believe it was in January, there was a strike in San Antonio 
involving thousands of Mexican migratory workers. Immediately the 
press in Mexico City played up the more violent features of that strike, 
and there was a good deal of misunderstanding and friction arising out 
of that incident. 

Moreover, thousands of these Mexican migrants are going back to 
Mexico year after year, and when they go back they carry 
back with them psychosis, which I mention in my statement, and I 
want to emphasize that, Mr. Chairman, because I have lived in these 
communities and I know from experience that sometimes men will be 
injured in their work and they will not ask for compensation to which 
the law entitles them because they have a vague fear that that will in- 
volve them with the immigration authorities. 

Now, all this misunderstanding and enmity that is carried back to 
Mexico, I think, is unnecessary and certainly not a contribution to inter- 
American cooperation. 



I want to close by reiterating the suggestion I make in my prepared 
statement to the effect that the time lias come, in my judgment, when it 
would be proper for a study to be made leading to the creation of a 
joint Mexican-United States international commission to be charged 
with the problem, with the systematic study of the causes of this migra- 
tion, the problem of rehabilitating Mexicans in Mexico, the problem 
of aiding the second-generation Mexicans who are in this country, but 
who belong to neither one culture or the other, and the problem of 
relieving the movement of migrant workers in relation to the proper 
needs of agriculture in southwestern United States. 

The Chairman. I want to thank you, and I still feel that you have 
made a very valuable statement and a very valuable recommendation, 
and if it were not so late we probably would ask you more questions, 
but it is just impossible. 

The committee is very grateful to you for appearing here, and your 
statement will be inserted in full in the record. 

The Chairman, The next witness is Mr. Thomas. 


The Chairman. Will vou please state your name for the record, 
Mr. Thomas? 

Mr. Thomas. David Thomas. 

The Chairman. And you are living now at Alexandria, Va.? 

Mr. Thomas. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. And your home is in a trailer, is that right? 

Mr. Thomas. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. Your wife testified yesterday. It is now after 12 
o'clock, Mr. Thomas, and we have a number of witnesses for this 
afternoon so we will not take you all over the country like we did 
Mrs. Tliomas. We have that in the record, but what I would like to 
have you limit yourself to this morning is the question raised by your 
wife yesterday when she said that you had applied for a job at Fort 
Belvoir, and that you were told you would have to pay $300 to join 
the union. 

Now, that is what we have you here for this morning. 

Now, you applied for work at Fort Belvoir, is that right? 

Mr. Thomas. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. And to keep the record straight, your wife said 
it was Fort Meade but she was incorrect in that, it was Fort Belvoir? 

Mr. Thomas. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. When was that? 

Mr. Thomas. That was about 3 weeks ago. 

The Chairman. Where is Fort Belvoir from there ? 

Mr, Thomas. That is about 7 miles south of Alexandria, Va. 

The Chairman. Well, now, in your own words just tell what you 
did and what you said. 



Mr. Thomas. Well, I heard that they were doing a lot of constiuvt- 
ing work there and naturally that calls for electricians as well as 
carpenters. I decided to go down there and apply for an electrician's 

Well, they liave a big employment building there which is just a 
plain building with aisles there that yon line up to to apply for 
this work. 

I asked the man there at the window wlio the electrical contractor 
was and they told me it Avas Harry Alexander, and that I would find 
him over at the Fort. They showed me a gate to go through, so I 
went down there — started through with my car and a soldier stopped 
me and told me I had to have a pass. 

I went back up to the employment window and they told me that 
they couldn't issue a pass to me but they gave me a teleplione number. 
It was Temple something, but what the exact number was I don't 
remember. But I called that Temple mnn])er and they referred me to 


I called Harry Alexander at Washington and asked him if there 
was any work for electricians and he asked me if I was a union man 
and I told him "no." He said : "Well, I couldn't even talk to you if 
you are not a union man; apply for a card or ]:)ermit and then see 
me again." 

So I called up the union in Washington. 

The Chairman. What union was that ? 

Mr. Thomas. That was the local on G Street. 

The Chairman. Electrical Workers' Union ? 

Mr. Thomas. Electrical Workers' Union; and I asked them if I 
couldn't get a permit to work as an electrician and they asked me 
if I had Ijeen a union man before in any other town or any other 
State. I told them "no," and they said" that they couldn't issue a 

Well, I asked them what the initiation fee would be and tliey 
told me $300. So when they said that that is when I lost all interest. 

The Chairman. Whom do you mean by "they"? What union 
was it, the A. F. of L. or C. I. O., or do you know ? 

Mr. Thomas. Well, it was just that local that I told you. I don't 
know whether it w^as the A. F. of L. or C. I. ()., Init it was on G 

The Chairman. Local 26? 

Mr. Thomas. Yes, sir; Local 26. So when they told me $300 
I knew that was beyond my means so w^e just dropped the conversa- 
tion and that was the end of that. 

The Chairman. In other words, it was Electrical Workers' Union 
No. 26 at 912 G Street NW. ? 

Mr. Thomas. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. Telephone NAtional 3236? 

Mr. Thomas. Yes, sir. 


The Chairman, Is that correct? 

Mr. Thomas. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. And that is what they told you? 

Mr. Thomas. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. You never talked personally to anyone about it, 
did you? 

Mr. Thomas. No; I did not. 

The. Chairman. You simply telephoned them? 

Mr. Thomas. That is all. 

The Chairman, You never Avent there after the telephone call, 
did you? 

Mr. Thomas. No, sir; because I didn't think there was much use 
of going. 

The Chairman. Where is your mailing address? 

Mr. Thomas. At tlie Martha Washington Tourist Camp in Alex- 
andria, Va. 

The Chairman. Martha Washington Tourist Camp? 

Mr. Thomas. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Curtis. How manv vears' experience as electrician have you 

installs oil burnp:rs 

Mr. Thomas. Well, I worked for the Union Electric Co. in St. 
Louis for about a year, and I also worked for the Bell Telephone 
Co. about 7 months. I worked for Becker-Morris & Co. installing oil 
burners and doing electrical work for them. I worked for the 
Colonial Fuel Oil Co. duriug this season installing oil burners and 
doing the electrical work for them. 

I have a journeyman's from Alexandria to do the electrical 
work on oil burners. 

Mr. Curtis. Do you do the type of electrical work that was in- 
volved at this camp? 

Mr. Thomas. Yes, sir; sucli as wii-ing and running BX and 
putting in junction boxes and so on. 

Mr. CuRiTS. That is all. 

The Chairman. Mv. Tlionuis, did you subsequently apply at Fort 
Meade for Avork? 

Mr. Thomas. Yes, sir; I did, I went out there and I didn't have 
any trouble at all meeting the electrical contractor there, but he told 
me, he said he didn't have any work at that time but he would take 
my application, which I gave him, and before I got ready to go I 
asked him if I needed a union card- and he told me that they would 
take care of that. 

And that terminated our interview there. 

Mr. Curtis. Wliat did he mean by that? 

Mr, Tho^ias. Well, I really don't know imless he would make ar- 
rangements for me to either work on a permit or pay my initiation 
fee by time payments. Just what he really meant I clon't know, 
but he said that' he would make all the arrangements or take care of 
such as that. 


Mr, Sparkman. How did you happen to call this particular Elec- 
trical Workers' Union? Did some one refer you to them or did 
you look it up in the telephone book ? 

Mr. Thomas. No, sir; I looked it up in the telephone book. No 
one referred me to it. I didn't know that there was any other union 
besides that or I would have called them all, but that is the first 
union that I called and I just figured that that was the proper one 
to call. 

Mr. Sparkman. Now, let me ask you, you said that Mr. Alexander 
told you that he could not even see you unless you had a permit? 

Mr. Thomas. That is it; yes, sir. He said there was no use in 
talking to me because if I wasn't a union man they couldn't hire me. 

Mi\ Sparkman. You speak of an electrical contractor. Is he 
doing the electrical work under a contract with the United States 
Government ? 

Mr. Thomas. That I don't know. 

Mr. Sparkman. He was just referred to you as the electrical con- 
tractor ? 

Mr. Thomas. Yes, sir; when I went up to the window I applied 
for an electrician's job and they said : 

Well, you want to see Harry Alexander ; he is the man that has charge of 

So I asked how to get there and they told me to go through the 
gate there and a soldier stopped me then and I came back for a pass 
and I couldn't get it. 

Mr. Sparkman. Now, wait a minute. You came back where ? 

Mr. Thomas. To the employment building. 

Mr. Sparkman. And they told you they could not give you a pass ? 

MUST have union CARD 

Mr. Thomas. They could not give me a pass; no. They told me 
to call up Alexander and he would leave word there at the office to 
issue a pass. But instead of that he told me there wouldn't be any 
use in that — I had to have a union card before he could hire me. 

Mr. Sparkman. Well, then, you called the Washington Local after 

Mr. Thomas. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Sparkman. Did you ask them about the possibility of paying 
the initiation fee in installments? 

Mr. Thomas. No, sir; because when a permit is issued to you that 
is practically the same thing, because they allow you to work while 
you are not paying anything, as I understand it — they allow you a 
period of time to make the payment. 

Mr. Sparkman. Nothing was said whether this was to be cash or not ? 

Mr. Thomas. No. 

Mr. Sparkman. That is all. 

The Chairman. Mr. Thomas, do you know the name of the electrical 
contractor at Fort Meade that you talked to ? 

Mr. Thomas. No ; I do not, but I know they are from Baltimore, and 
I know what building they are in, but I didn't inquire what their name 
was, I don't remember what their name was. 


The Chairman. Well, thank you very much, Mr. Thomas. 
The Chairman. The next witness is Mr. Preller. 


The Chairman. Will you please give your name and address and 
whom you represent ? 

Mr. Preller. C. F. Preller, business representative, Local No. 26, 
International Brotherhood of Electrical Workers. 

The Chairman. Conorressman Sparkman will interrogate you. 

Mr. Sparkman. Mr. Preller, your local is a member of the Inter- 
national Brotherhood of Electrical Workers? 

Mr. Preller. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Sparkman. Now, that is an affiliate of the American Federation 
of Labor ? 

Mr. Preller. American Federation of Labor ; yes, sir. 

initiation fee or .•?3 00 

Mr. Sparkman. This matter which was precipitated, as you know, 
yesterday when Mrs. Thomas testified that Mr. Thomas had applied for 
a job at one of the defense projects and was not able to get it because. 
of the fact that he was required to pay a $300 initiation fee. Of course, 
he could not pay it, being a migrant and out of work, and reduced to 
almost want, I wonder if you might just tell the committee if that 
is the charge and, if so, your justification for it. 

Mr. Preller. The first I knew of this was in the paper yesterday 
when I heard that there was, or saw, rather, that someone had applied 
to our union and we demanded $300 from him before he could go to 

Now, I represent a local union here in Washington. We have had a. 
local here for the past 35 or 38 years, and, while our initiation fee is 
$300, it has been that for the past 15 years. We recruit our members 
mostly through apprenticeship system — boys coming in between the 
ages of 16 and 21. 

We have a very rigid apprenticeship system. They have to go to 
school evenings, and our boys are placed first in one shop and then the 
other, so they can become versatile. 

They learn the business thoroughly. We are in agreement with our 
contractors, and the contractors get their men only through the union. 

As to Mr. Thomas making an application, this is the first time I have 
seen Mr. Thomas or have in fact — I have never talked to him: I just 
happened to see — the first I knew of him was when I heard his name 
called here. 

Now, as far as our members are concerned — our work is concerned, 
if anyone desires to join our union they come down and seean official 
of the union and he is told how he can go about to join the union. 

But as far as $300 being paid down, those things just don't happen, 
because if a man wants to go to work I don't think he has $300 or he 
wouldn't bother about the job. 

Mr. Sparkman. What would be your terms? 



Mr. Preller. He must make application and pay $50 and every day 
he works he pays * dollar until his initiation fee is paid, and then, 
when his initiation fee is paid, his dues start. 

Mr. Sparkman. And how much are the dues ? 

Mr. Preller. They are $7.35 a month. Now, that sounds like a lot of 
dues, "but for that he gets $2,000 of life insurance and a retirement fund 
of $40 a month when he reaches the age of 65 ; $15 a week sick benefit, 
and of course other benefits coming through the local union. 

Mr. Sparkman. Does he receive any unemployment benefits? 

Mr. Preller. No ; there are no unemployment benefits, but we have a 
system — the men all work through the union and our men all make 
about the same amount of time. In other words, we don't have one 
man work 12 months a year and another man work only 6 months. 

The men go to work through the union and we spread it as much as 
possible so each man makes the same amount of time. Of coui*se, that 
is almost impossible because some men are much better mechanics and 
they get on better jobs than other men. 

fort belvoir union agreement 

Mr. Sparkman. Do you have an agreement witli the contractor at 
Fort Belvoir? 

Mr. Preller. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Sparkman. Is that with your local ? 

Mr. Prellfj?. That is with our local. 

Mr. Sparkman. There is no local at Alexandria? 

Mr. Preller. Our local takes in Alexandria. 

Mr. Sparkman. You take in all the metropolitan area? 

Mr. Preller. We take in what we call metropolitan Washington, 
which goes down as far as Quant ico, Va. 

Mr. Sparkman. How about Fort Meade ? 

Mr. Preller. That job is worked out of the Baltimore local. 

Mr. Sparkman. And is not within your jurisdiction? 

Mr. Preller. It is not within our jurisdiction; no. 

Mr. Sparkman. And you don't know what their terms are ? 

Mr. Preller. No; I am not familiar with other cities. Other cities 
have different wage scales and different working conditions. 

Mr. Sparkman. There has been no increase in your initiation fee or 
stiffening of the terms since the start of the defense program? 

Mr. Preller. No, sir. 

Mr. Sparkman. Mr. Preller, is there a scarcity of electrical workei-s? 

electricians waiting tor wock 

Mr. Prelu^r. No, sir; we have men in our oifice at the present time 
waiting to go to work as soon as the call comes. We have men waiting 
to go to work at the present time. 

Mr. Sparkman. There has been an impression throughout the 
country that there is not necessarily a shortage of labor but a threatened 
shortage or a scaiT-ity of skilled workers geuerally. 


You say that is not true here. 

Mr. Preller. That is not true as far as the electrical workers' local 
situation is concerned. 

Now, in other parts of tlie country I am not in a position to say, but 
as far as locally is concerned, we have been able to meet every demand 
t hat the contractors have made on us. 

In fact, Ave have always ^jot the men there in -18 hours' time. We 
liave a stipulation in our contract that if we camiot furnish men in 48 
honrs' time, the contractor may ]^ut on any man he sees fit until we 
furnish competent men. 

Mr. Sparkman. How uiany ai)preutires do you recruit a year^ 

Mr. Preller, We have at the present time about 37 apprentices. 

Mr. Sparkiman. That is for metropolitan Washington? 

Mr. Preller. Metropolitan Washington ; yes. 

Mr. Sparkman. About how many members are there in your 

Mr. Preller. About 340. 

Mr. 8parkman. Do they do the major poition of the electrical 
work in this area? 

Mr. Preller. I will say Ave do 90 percent of the electrical work 
in this area. 

Mr. Sparkman. And you have a replacement of about 10 percent? 

Mr. Preller, Possibly 10 percent. 

Mr. Sparkmax. Have you found that that is sufficient to replace 
those who leaA^e? 

Mr. Preller. That has been adequate up to the present time. 

Mr. Sparkinian. Do you think it Avill be during the defense pro- 
gram ? 


Mr. Preller. Well, Ave hope so, and, of course, if it isn't, we have 
quite a reservoir to di-aw from if we need men in a hurry. We can 
get men from Baltimore, Cumberland, and surrounding towns and 
give them work in what Ave call our jurisdiction. 

Now, this gentleman spoke about a permit. We do have men Avork- 
ing on permits. If a man Avould come in from Ncav York or Phila- 
delphia, he does not transfer into our union right away. If he 
wants to stay in Washington he transfers into our union but if he 
only wants to A\^ork here for a feAv months he Avorks on a permit. 

Mr. Sparkman. What do you charge him for that ? 

Mr. Preller. No charge for that. 

Mr. Sparkman. No monthly charge? 

Mr, Premier. No monthly charge. The reason Ave make no charge 
is that the local he is paying his dues to in Philadelphia or Pitts- 
burgh or NeAv York — they may haA^e certain advantages that we 
don't have in the Avay of sick benefits and insurance. Some local 
luiions have more — carry more life insurance than Ave do. We carry 
$2,000 insurance now. Some organizations carry $3,000. 

NoA\', a man Avouldn't Avant to come doAvn here to Washington and 
Avork foi' 1 month or 2 months and change over to our imiou. and 
tlien Avhen he goes home make anothei- change. 



So he simply works here on a permit from week to week or 
month to month and when he goes back home he continues to pay 
his dues in his own local — he stays in ^ood standing in his own local 
and is the recipient of all benefits in the way of insurance and other 
features just the same as our men. 

Say we have a job going on in Cumberland or Danville, Va. If 
our IVashington men go down there because we are slack in Wash- 
ington, instead of takmg out a card down in Danville where they 
would only have probably $1,000 insurance, our men carry the $2,000 
insurance here. 

They certainly don't want to give that up and the $15 a week 
sick benefits. They pay dues back into our local and work in that 
town on a permit. 

That has been the custom here in Washington. 

Mr. Sparkman. In other words the different locals simply swap 
around among one another? 

Mr. Preller, If they need men in Baltimore, we would send them 
to Baltimore, and if we need men in Washington and they are slack, 
Ihey would send men here. 

Mr. Sparkman. According to your statement. Mr. Tliomas, even if 
he had the $50 cash or the $300 cash, probably would not have been 
taken in. 

board tests applicants for rXIOX MEMBERSHIP 

Mr., We couldn't very well keep a man out of a union if he 
wants to pay his $50 and subscribe to our working rules and pass our 
examination. We couldn't very well keep him out. 

^Ir. Sparkman. "Wliat does that consist of ? 

Mr. Prfjxer. The examination? 

:Mr. Sparkman. Yes. 

Mr. Preixer. He would have to prove that he has done so many years 
of electrical work and has the necessary experience to be able to per- 
form his duties satisfactorily. 

^Ir. Sparkman. Well, how does he prove that ? Do you simply ques- 
tion him? 

Mr. Prelixk. No; we have an examining board duly elected for that 

]\ir. Sparkman. And he goes before that board? 

IMr. Preller. Yes ; he goes before the board. 

Mr. Sparkman. And shows that he possesses the requisite qualifica- 

Mr. Preller. That is correct; and he passes a written examination. 

^Ir. Sparkman. I based my statement a moment ago that he could 
not have been taken in upon the statement that you made that you re- 
cruit practically all of your membei-s tlirough voin- a])])renticeship 
force. You said you had a large reservoir upon which to draw. 

Mr. Preller. Xot all of them. We have taken in in the past 3 years 
close to 70 membei-s. 

^Ir. Sparkinian. That is an average of about 23 a year, in other 
words ? You have taken in almost — well, over half as maiiy as you have 
recruited througli your apprenticeship system? 


Mr. Preller. That is right. 

Mr. Sparkman. Now, Mr. Preller, the other day Mr. Shishkin was 
before us representing the American Federation of Labor and some- 
what the same matter came up while he was here, because, throughout 
the different parts of the country there has been a great deal of criticism 
of these charges by the unions for people to get permission to work on 
the various defense projects. 

In a great many cases it has been charged, whether rightly or not, 
that there has been an increase of initiation fees since this program has 
started, and that these people are being recruited from the miion mem- 
bership, not with any idea of becoming pennanently loyal members of 
the union, but simply in order to get a permit to work on that particular 

Mr. Shishkin stated that this matter came up at the convention for 
a very extensive and serious discussion, and that as a matter of fact 
some of the unions had gone to the extent of placing a maximum upon 
the charge that a local could make. 

He referred to the various building trades; and 1 remember he 
pointed out that one local, somewhere in the country, had charged as 
much as $80, and I inferred from his statement that that was re- 
garded as an outrageous charge. 

I was just curious to know what your reaction to that thought 
might be. 

Mr. Preller. Well, as far as the high dues are concerned we come in 
sometimes for a lot of criticism, but we pay most of the money out to 
the insurance company for life insurance and sick benefits. 

Mr. Sparkman. I am speaking of the initiation fee. 


Mr. Preller. Our initiation fee has not been changed in the last 
15 years. Our initiation fee has been stable in the last 15 years. 
There has been no change. 

Mr. Sparkman. Do you know whether or not that is in line with 
the charges of other electrical union organizations throughout the 
country ? 

Mr, Preller. One of the reasons we have a high initiation fee is 
that we want our members to be stable. We lose very few members. 
Even our members after they come into our union and get jobs at 
other work they usually keep their cards on account of the benefits 
accruing to them through their insurance features and so forth. 

We have found out that by having a high initiation fee we get a 
better class of men, a better class of mechanics and once in the union 
they were in, they didn't jump out. They wouldn't go in and out and 
back and forth as the demand would come on them. They would not 
join and tlien drop out in 2 or 3 months. 

We have maintained the $300 initiation fee for the last 15 years. 


Mr. Sparkman. Wliat would be your thought as to any adjustment 
as suggested by Mrs. Roosevelt that might be made in the event there 
did develop a scarcity of electrical workers? 



Mr. Preller. Well, of course, what my thought would be— I am not 
the whole organization. That would be a matter of policy of the or- 
ganization to pursue and I am sure if there was a scarcity of electrical 
workers that our local would meet that emergency in the proper 

Mr. Sparkman. Of course I understand that you now have the 
policy if you cannot supply these workers to alloAv them to take them 
from wherever they may recruit them. 

In other words they wouldn't have to be uni(^n men, is that riffht, 
Mr. Preller? 

Mr. Preller. We have never done that, 

Mr. Sparkman. Well, I understood you to say you had an agree- 
ment with your contractors that if you could not supply the labor 

Mr. Preller. If we could not furnish a man within 48 houi^ and 
it was imperative that the contractor would have to have the man, it 
would be his privilege to hire any one at all — he could select anybody 
at all. 

Mr, Sparkman. Whether union or nonunion? 

Mr. Preller. Whether union or nonunion ; yes. 

Mr. Sparkman. Then if there did come a scarcity and you could not 
supply the demand, the contractor would have the, privilege of hiring 
nonunion men ? 

Mr. Preller. That is right. 

Mr. Sparkman. Don't you think it would be only natural that the 
nonunion men would get those places rather than ]^ay the high initia- 
tion fee? 

Mr. Peeller. Absolutely. 

Mr. Sparkman, In other words, if you were to hope to continue to 
recruit members, you would have to adjust your initiation fee down- 
ward, if that scarcity developed. 

Mr, Preller. If the demand was so excessive for electricians, there 
would have to be an adjustment. And I can tell you this, that our 
local would only be too glad to go along and make adjustments in 
the most patriotic manner in view of the defense work that is coming 
on at the present time. 

Mr. Sparkman. You haven't seen any necessity for any such ad- 
justment up to the present time? 

Mr. Preller. Not at the present time, 

Mr, Sparkman, Of course, Mr, Preller, we are primarily concerned 
with the migrant problem, but this matter has come to us more or 
less incidentally because of the testimony of this particidar migrant. 
All the way through these hearings a great deal of criticism has 
been heaped upon private employment agencies and labor agencies 
which have recruited migrants and moved them into places where 
they were not needed, or if they were needed it was for only a very 
short time and they charged them a fee for locating those jobs. 

I wonder if we are consistent when we criticize privat^e labor agen- 
cies for doing that when at the same time locals such as yours charge 
a fee of $300, I don't believe any labor agent has been charged with 
(lemanding a fee in that amount. 



Mr. Preller. Now, another way of looking at that is, we have 
any nimiber of migrant workers that come through who are mem- 
bers of the brotherhood. He may come from New York, he may 
come from Phihidelphia. and hv goes around the country from place 
to place and cannot get a job. I mean work is scarce. If that man 
comes to us with a card we know he is a traveling brother and we 
always see that he gets a week or 10 days, or enough so that he can 
live for a while until lie gets work somewhere where he wants to go. 

Mr. Sparkman. Suppose he hasn't kept up his dues ? 

Mr. Preller. There have been a lot of times when they will come 
in with a letter from their organization that due to circumstances 
that he just couldn't do otherwise and we manage to give them a few 
days' work until he can make an adjustment and go on his way. 

Mr. Sparkman. Suppose this Mr. Thomas, for instance, who a few 
minutes ago was on the stand, had been a member of an electrical 
union we will say 5 or 10 years ago before circumstances forced him 
on the road, but over that period of time he had not been able to 
keep up his dues. But if he had ever been a member of a union 
would you have helped him ? 

Mr. Preller. We would have given him every consideration, 

Mr. Sparkman. Now, you know that is a word that we Congress- 
men use in answering letters when we don't want to state a thing too 
jjositively, so I want to know what you mean by that. 

Mr. Preller. When I say "consideration" I mean real help. I 
will say that there has never been a member of the Brotherhood of 
Electrical Workers that ever applied to us for aid that he did not 
get it. 

Mr. Sparkman. That is all. 

Mr. Curtis. Are there any age requirements that would have barred 
Mr. Thomas from securing membership in your local or a permit to 
work ? 

Mr, Preller. Tlie only age requirement is if he is over 55 there 
would be a difference in the amount of insurance he would receive 
at his death. And, of course, his dues would be less in proportion 
to the amount of insurance he would receive. 

Mr. Curtis. That is all. 

The Chairman. You speak, Mr. Preller, about apprenticeship. 
What do you mean by that ? 

SYSTEM or apprenticeship 

Mr. Prkllek. By apprenticeship, our boys are indentured to a 
ccmtractor and they must serve at least 4 years and at the end of 
each year they are given an examination and they are stepped up 
according to their ratings. If they fail to pass that examination 
they are kept back for a period of 3, 6, or 12 iiKHitlis. 

The Chairman. Well, siipposin«i a man comes to you and is well 
qualified in every respect and he joins tlie union, does he still have 
to go through this apprenticeship'^ 

260370 — 41— pt. 10 4 


Mr. Preller. No; the apprenticeship is for the younger men, the 
boys 12 to 16 years. 

The Chairman. How much money do they get? 

Mr. Preller. The boy, when he starts at the business, when he 
makes application, pays $25. He pays $25 at the end of 6 months 
and at the end of the 6 months time he becomes a member — that is, 
he has insurance standing. He becomes a beneficiary of $1,000 in 
insurance and $15 a week sick benefit and so forth. 

In other words he has all the benefits — all the monetary benefits — 
of the journeyman. Then he doesn't pay any more money — he pays 
the rest of the $300 at the end of the 4-year period. 

He is given 4 years to pay that. 
. The Chairman. How much in wages does he receive ? 

Mr. Preller, You are speaking of apprentices? 

The Chairman. Yes. 

Mr. Preller. Fifty cents the first year, 75 cents the second, $1 the 
third year, and $1.25 on his fourth and last year. 

The Chairman. Is $1.25 the going wage for electricians? 

Mr. Preller. No; $1.80 is the going wage. One dollar and twenty- 
five cents is for the fourth-year apprentice. A fourth-year appren- 
tice is privileged to go out and work by himself and he receives $1.25 
an hour, and when he takes his examination and is successful in pass- 
ing his examination then he becomes what we call a journeyman and 
he is eligible for $1.80 an hour. That is the going wage in this 

distribution of $3 00 initiation fee 

The Chairman. Can you break (liat $300 down in this way — 
you say $300 is paid into the union ? 

Mr. Preller. That is right. 

The Chairman. How is that money used? What does the union 
do with that $300? 

Mr. Preller. We use it for administrative purposes. We have 
two business agents on the street. We have an assistant, myself, 
and an assistant business agent. We have a secretary and we liave a 
recording secretary who works part time. We have a full-time 
financial secretary and a young lady in the office that looks after 
the books. 

The Chairman. Well, part of that $300 goes toward payment of 
compensation and insurance, does it not ? 

Mr. Preller. Oh, yes. 

Tlie Chairman. How much does that take out of the $300? 

Mr. Preller. I am not prepared to say. I could not break it down 
without giving that some thought. Just on the spur of the moment 
I don't know. After all, that is the financial secretary's duty. I 
don't handle any money at all. 

The Chairman. Do you know of your own knowledge, Mr. Preller, 
since this national emergency has arisen, where your union fees have 
been stepped up in any instance ? 

Mr. Preller. Absolutely not. 

The Chairman. Or in any particular? 


Mr. Preller. Absolutely no. Our union fees are the same as they 
were close to 17 years ago. We haven't changed our initiation fee. 

We have got increases through the medium of agreements, but we 
haven't received an increase in the past 2 years. This is the third 
year we haven't stepped up our wages or our initiation fee. 

The Chairman. Well, thank you very much, Mr. Preller. 

We have one more witness, Mr. Millard W. Rice. 


The Chairman. We will now call Mr. Rice. 

I am sorry we were rushed so much this morning, Mr. Rice, but 
this is the last day we are holding hearings and we are doing the 
best we can. 

Mr. Rice. I can well understand that. 

The Chairman. Will you please give your name to the reporter? 

Mr. Rice. My name is Millard W. Rice, national legislative rep- 
resentative of the Veterans of Foreign Wars of the United States. 

The Chairman. Jnow, you know the hour is late and I will just 
leave it up to you to proceed in your own way as briefly as you can. 
You have filed a statement, haven't you ? 

Mr. Rice. Not a written statement, no. 

The Chairman. If you subsequently desire to file a written state- 
ment you will be accorded that privilege. 

Mr.' Rice. Thank you very much. 

(The following statement and charts were submitted to the com- 
mittee by the witness subsequent to testimony and accepted for the 
record : ) 



Variances in Oi-d-Age Assistance Benefits 

To verify my statements as to the great variances in the average old-age 
assistance benefits payable in the various States, I insert a chart of statistics 
compiled from fignres secured from the Social Security Board and the Census 
Bureau. The percentages in the third column of statistics were computed for 
me by the Statistical Division of the Veterans' Administration. 

It will be noted that the percentage of the total population of each State 
receiving old-age assistance benefits ranges from 0.51 in the District of Colum- 
bia to 3 09 in Colorado ; that the number of recipients per thousand of the 
population over the age of 6.5 ranges from 80, in the District of Columbia, to 
617 in Oklahoma ; and that the average amount payable per month per recipient 
ranges from .$7.22 in Arkansas to $37.93 in California. 

Remembering that the Fetleral Social Security Board matches not more than 
$40 per month so expended in each State, we realize that the Federal Govern- 
ment thus pumps out "purchasing ix>wer" in the form of "matching money" for 
old-age assistance benefits several times greater proportionately in certain 
"financially-more-able" States than it does to other "financially-less-able" States. 

The sanie variances will be found to exist as to other types of social security 

When veterans begin, in increasing numbers, to pass the age of 65, they will 
become potentially eligible for such benefits. Inasmuch as the first chart 
shows that they are migrating out of certain States and into certain other 
States. They and their dependent widows and orphans will bcom'^ dispropor- 



tiouately heavy burdens upon certain communities and States — as has already 
happened in many places — unless the burden of the care for those pensioners 
who have become unemployable or handicapped by permanent disabilities, and 
of the dependent widows and orphans of those who have died, is transferred 
solely to the Federal Government where it properly belongs, by the adoption 
of laws by Congi*ess to provide Veterans' Administration pensions for them. 

The welfare of other less fortunate citizens can therefore be bettered by 
more adequate and extensive pensions for the Nation's handicapped veterans 
and for the dependents of those war veterans who have died. 

The chart above referred to appears below : 

Olfl-nge assistance 'beneficiaries, according to State of residence, with average 
amounts and percentages, August 1940 ^ 

Social Security Board region and 

Region I: 




New Hampshire 

Rhode Island 


Region II: New York 13, 

Region III: 


New Jersey 4, 

Pennsylvania 9. 

Region IV: 

District of Columbia 

Maryland 1, 

North Carolina - . - 

Virginia. - 

West Virginia - 1 

Region V: 

Kentucky 2, 

Michigan 5, 

Ohio 6, 

Region VI: 

Illinois 7, 

Indiana 3, 

Wisconsin 3, 

Region VII: 

Alabama _ . 2, i 

Florida 1,> 

Georgia 3, 

Mississippi 2,: 

South Carolina l,i 

Tennessee 2, 

Region VIII: 



North Dakota. 
South Dakota 
Region IX: 



Number of 
of old-age 

17, 220 
13, 608 
119, 435 

2, 601 
.31, 175 
99. 016 

3, 380 
36, 176 
18, 596 
18, 162 

50, 830 

74, 208 
128, 107 

138, 931 
06, 644 
52, 217 

20, 068 
31, 735 
22, 417 
18, 7.53 

02^ 847 
28, 055 
14, 815 

22, 625 
27, 373 
98, 752 
73, 466 


of State's 
tion re- 

of recipi- 
ents per 
1,000 esti- 
tion 65 
years and 
over 2 


1.61 I 







2. 13 

2. 61 

Amount of 
for pay- 
ments to 
recipients 3 

483, 727 

2, 475, 418 
130, 810 
136, 490 
89, 411 

3, 018, 966 

29, 677 


2, 202, 112 

86, 310 
325, 820 
364, 895 
182, 641 

448, 298 
2, 990, 342 

2, 965. 534 
1, 205, 239 
1, 176, 878 

187, 151 
440, 651 
189, 229 
405, 723 



465, 951 


290, 793 

163, 412 

531, 391 


1, 303, 319 

per re- 



11. ar 





12. 17 
10. Oft- 

21. 22 
19. 63 



> Compiled by Millard W. Rice, national legislative representative, Veterans of Foreign Wars of the- 
United States, Dec. 18, 1940, on the basis of figures obtained from the Census Bureau and the Social Security 

' Population as of July 1, 1938, estimated with advice of the U. S. Bureau of the Census. 

3 From Federal, State, and local funds; excludes cost of administration. 

* Adjustments have been made for grants covering 2 or more eligible individuals for Alabama, Arkansas, 
Georgia, Kansas, Louisiana, New Mexico, North Carolina, South Carolina, Tennessee, West Virginia, 



Oldrage assistance beneficianes, according to State of residence, icith average 
amounts and percentages, August 19^0 — Continued 

Social Security Board region and 

1940 popu- 

Number of 
of old-age 

of State's 
tion re- 

of recipi- 
ents per 
1,000 esti- 
tion OS 
years and 

Amount of 
for pay- 
ments to 

per re- 


Region X: 


531, 818 

6, 414, 824 

499, 261 
1, 123, 296 
524, 873 
559, 456 
550. 310 
250, 742 



1, 089, 684 

1, 736, 191 

32, 119 






12, 209 

13, 509 
3. 446 

145, 183 
39, 384 








5 511 



.$382, 713 

72, 306 

1, 285, 497 

• 1, 356, 884 
199, 064 
220, 751 
304, 856 

5, 507, 448 
60, 829 
400, 798 


New Mexico - - 



Region XI: 



Idaho - 


Utah - 



Region XII: 




22. 15 

» Includes $117,548 incurred for direct payments to 3,613 persons 60 but under 65 years of age, and $300 for 
burial payments to persons 60 but under 65. Rate per 1,000 excludes these recipients. 


About 12 days ago the Honorable Pete Jarman, of Alabama, ex- 
tended his remarks in the Congressional Kecord, at my request, and 
inserted a comparative study of World War veterans by State of 

I would like that same chart to be inserted in my testimony at 
this point. It appears on page 2 or on the reverse side of this 
paper that I have. 

The Chairman. That privilege will be accorded you. 

(The chart referred to is as follows:) 


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Mr EicE. This table of statistics shows in the first cohunn the 
number of men who came from each Sate for World War service. 

The second column shows the percentage of the entire number who 
came from each State. . v • • 

In the third column, the number estimated to be now living m 
each State; then, in the fourth column, the percentac^" of the total 
now living in each State; and, in the fifth column, the percentage 
of population of each State who now consist of living World War 

The following (sixth) column shows the number of World War 
veterans who receive compensation, pension, or disability retirement 
benefits in each State. • , o -c 

The next (seventh) column shows the percentage m each State ot 
the total who receive such monetary benefits from the Federal Gov- 

The following (eighth) column- shows the percentage of all veter- 
ans who reside in each State who receive monetary benefits. 

The next (ninth) column shows the total amount of dollars in 
such monetary benefits expended during the last fiscal year m each 
State, ^ , 

The following (tenth) column shows the ])eicentage of the total 
disbursements for compensation to living World War veterans in 
each State, and the last column shows the average amount of money 
benefits paid to veterans who receive compensation l)ecause of service 
disabilities, pensions for i)ermanent total iion-serAice-connected dis- 
abilities, or disability retirement benefits— the average per recipient. 

This chart enables one to dope out in what res]wcts the living 
World War veterans have migrated into and out of certain States. 
It also enables one to figure out whether or not the movement into 
or out of certain States has primarily consisted of able-bodied living 
World War veterans or of the disabled compensated or pensioned 
World War veterans. 

On the basis of this chart of statistics, therefore, we can arrive 
at several very interesting conclusions which might prove of interest 
to this committee. That is the reason for my making the request to 
oome before the committee. 

Although about 16 percent of all those who enlisted for World 
War service have since then died, it would not be safe to come to 
the conclusion that we could deduct 16 percent of those who enlisted 
from each State and that that would be the number who now live 
in such State. 


But that would not be true because we find that there are four 
States in which we now have more World War veterans than the 
number who enlisted from such States, namely, California, the Dis- 
trict of Columbia, Florida, and Wyoming. 

Then we also find that there are quite a number of other States 
where we have a proportionately larger percentage of World War 
veterans living in such States than the percentage of those who came 
from such States. Among them would be those that I have just 


named, plus Arizona, Colorado, Illinois, Maryland, Michigan, New 
Jei*sey, New York, Ohio, Oregon, Texas, Washington, and Wis- 

On the other hand, we find that all other States have less, pro- 
l)ortionately, than the number who enlisted from such States. 

One can come to the conclusion that the migration of these veter- 
ans has been, first, because of a search for employment; secondly, 
because of a search for health; and, third, because of a search for 
more agreeable or easier or less expensive living conditions. 

We can also figure out thai both able-bodied and ilisabled veterans 
have been moving into such States as California, Colorado, the District 
of Columbia, Oklahoma, Oregon, and Wyoming. 

On the other hand, v/e can dope out that both able-bodied veterans 
and disabled veterans have been moving out of such States as Ken- 
lucky, Delaware, Idaho, Indiana, Iowa, Kansas, Louisiana, Maine, Mis- 
souri, Montana, Nebraska, New Hampshire, North Carolina, North 
Dakota, Pennsylvania, South Dakota, Utah, and Virginia, and South 

And then if we will make further comparison we will find able-bodied 
veterans have been moving into, and in the opposite direction, disabled 
veterans have been moving out of, such States as Illinois, Michigan, 
New Jei-sey, New York, and Washington — the State of Washington. 

Then moving in the oppcjsite direction, we will find that able-bodied 
veterans have been moving out of, and disabled veterans have been mov- 
ing into, the States of Alabama, Arkansas, Georgia, Kentucky, Massa- 
chusetts, Minnesota, Mississi])pi. Nevada, New Mexico, and Vermont. 


In some other States, such as Arizona, Mississippi. New Mexico, 
Colorado, and Florida, v,e find that an extraordinarily high per- 
centage of these veterans are receiving monetary benefits from the 
Veterans' Administration. 

We know by looking at the chart that 10.25 percent of all living 
World War veterans are receiving morietary benefits, l)ut w^e find quite 
a number of States where a much higher ])ercentage than tliat are re- 
ceiving tliem, i)rimarily because of the fact that compensated veteran? 
have moved into such States and/or because the able-bodied non- 
compensated veterans have moved out of such States. 

It is definitely feasible, by making a study of these statistics and 
comparing them with similar statistics for previous year, to demon- 
strate that the rehabilitation services which may have been main- 
tained by the various veteran organizations in the respective States 
have been accountable for a higher percentage of the veterans in such 
States receiving compensation by reason of disabilities which they 
have proven to be due to their military service, or by reason of pen- 
sions for permanent and total disability. It would be feasible also 
to demonstrate by the figures in this chart the monetary value of 
maintaining rehabilitation service out of State appropriations, such 
as is done in quite a number of States. 



On the other hand, it would be possible to demonstrate that quite a 
number of States have in effect proffered the possibility of securmg 
monetary benefits for veterans who were equitably entitled thereto, but 
who, because of the lack of technical and legal advice and assistance, 
have not as yet established their claims to which they were equitably 
entitled, by extending expert rehabilitation service to these deserving 
disabled veterans. . n n 

On the basis of this chart, I found that there was a considerable 
variance in the average amount of benefits paid to the veterans m 
the respective States. We find, for example, that in Alabama the 
average amount is only $405.91— the lowest in the entire country— 
whereas, the next State alphabetically, Arizona, paid out an average 
of $675.36 during the preceding fiscal year to the veterans who were 
receiving monetary benefits, in other words, about $270 more per 

There may be several reasons for that, first, that tubercular vet- 
erans, badly disabled veterans, have been moving into such States 
as Arizona, New Mexico, Colorado, and California. And, secondly, 
it might be that a lesser amount is paid in such States as Alabama, 
and others that I could enumerate, because of the fact that badly 
disabled veterans might be moving out of such States or because of 
the fact that the rehabilitation service maintained by the State or 
the several veteran organizations has been extended over a lesser 
period of time or on a less efficient basis, or because of the fact that 
the claims and rating boards of the Veterans' Administration may 
have been less liberal in the technical adjudication of equitable 

It could, therefore, be established that certain States are failing 
to secure several hundred thousand dollars of income to which they 
might be entitled if the veterans in their States were receiving bene- 
fits on the same proportionate basis as in other more interested 

On the basis of this analysis, and wondering what caused it, I made 
a further study, and if the committee should be interested, although 
that departs somewhat from the question of migration, I will be glad to 
have the chart that appears on page 21388 of the December issue of the 
Congressional Record also appear in my testimony, together with 
the extension of remarks on the part of Congressman Jarman, which 
tends to explain that particular point, although that is somewhat 
removed from the question of migration. 

The Chairman. If you will leave that. with the reporter it will 
be inserted in the record. 

(The following corrected extension of remarks of Congressman 
Jarman appeared in the Congressional Record for December 16, 
1940, and was substituted by witness for original statement:) 


According to State of Residence for Fiscal Year Ending June 30, 1940 — Ex- 
tension OF Remarks of Hon. Pete Jarman, Including Chart Computed by 
Millard W. Rice, National Legislative Retresentativb, Veterans of For- 
eign Wars of the United States 

Mr. Jarman. Mr. Speaker, in another extension of remarks I have submitted 
a comparative study of World War veterans by State of residence, with a 
correction of figures which necessitated changes in several of the statistics 


presented in my extension of remarks under date of December 9, 1940, which I 
therefore again submit in corrected form, as follows: 

Some very interesting conclusions can be arrived at on the basis of the statis- 
tics prepared by Mr. Millard W. Rice, national legislative representative of the 
Veterans of Foreign Wars of the United States, enabling one to figure, among 
other things, whether able-bodied veterans, or disabled veterans, or both, have 
migrated into or out of certain States, because of a search for (1) employ- 
ment, (2) health, or (3) easier living conditions. 

Interesting conjectures as to the reasons for greater, or less, than average 
Veterans' Administration payments — to veterans receiving compensation, disa- 
bility retirement, or pension payments — according to the States in which paid 
could also be made on the basis of these comparative figures. 

Because of the differences shown, as to the average amounts paid out to the 
average World War veteran recipients of all monetary benefits in the various 
States, Mr. Rice decided to make a further study and analysis and has there- 
fore compiled another chart on the basis of statistics secured from the Vet- 
erans' Administration, which appears at the conclusion of my remarks. 

It will be noted that in this supplementary chart, which ought -to be studied 
in connection with the chart previously submitted, that Mr. Rice has divided 
the World War veteran beneficiaries in each State into three classifications — 
namely, first, those who receive emergency officers' retirement pay; second, 
those who receive compensation by reason of service-connected disabilities ; and, 
third, those who receive pensions, ranging from $6 to $30 per month, by reason 
of their permanent total nonservice-connected disabilities. As to each such 
classification, the chart shows the number of recipients, the total amounts paid 
to them, and the average annual amounts paid each such type of beneficiary 
in each State during the preceding fiscal year. 

The third column of statistics shows the average amount paid to veteran 
recipients of all three classes of veteran benefits in each State; such average 
amount is infiuenced by the number and proportion of recipients in each classi- 
fication of benefits as compared with the total for all classes of beneficiaries, 
as well as by the average amounts paid to each such type of beneficiary. 

The average amount paid to the average recipient of emergency officers' retire- 
ment pay in each State depends almost entirely upon the number in each rank 
who have been so retired. Thus, if all of those receiving disabled emergency 
oflScers' retirement benefits in a particular State consisted of retired colonels, 
the average amount per recipient would naturally be much larger than in a State 
where all of the recipients were former first lieutenants. One may therefore 
safely come to the conclusion that the figure as to the average amount paid to the 
average recipient of disabled emergency officers' retirement benefits d(>v'> not 
indicate anything as to the comparative liberality of claims and rating boards of 
the Veterans' Administration in the respective States. 

The average amount of compensation paid to the average World War veteran 
suffering with a service-connected disability, the chart shows, ranges from $401.45 
in Alabama to $733.76 per annum in Arizona, with a Nation-wide average of 
$483.64. Evidently the differences in such average compensation payments are 
the composite results of several factors: (1) That badly disabled veterans, such 
as tuberculars, have migrated into certain States, such as Arizona, California, 
Colorado, and New Mexico; (2) that veterans suffering with minor service- 
connected disabilities have moved out of, or into, certain States in a search for 
employment; (3) that claims and rating boai'ds of the Veterans' Administration 
have been more or less liberal in certain States than in certain others; and (4) 
that the rehabilitation services maintainetl by veteran organizations and others 
have been functioning for a longer period of time and/or more effectively in 
certain States. 

It is quickly apparent that the average amount of compensation paid to service- 
connected disabled veterans in any State may be either lower or higher than the 
average amount of all monetary benefits paid to World War veterans in such 
State ; this is probably primarily due to the fact that a higher or a lower percentage 
than average of the total number of recipients of monetary benefits in any such 
State consists of World War veterans receiving pensions of from $6 per month — 
single veterans in governmental institutions — to $30 per month by reason of per- 
manent total nonservice-connected disabilities. 



Those receiving permanent total uonservice-connected disability pensions repre- 
sent from 8.98 percent, in Connecticut, to 27.58 percent, in the United States pos- 
sessions, of the total of World War veterans receiving monetary benefits in the 
respective States, whereas, as to all World War beneficiaries, the average is 14.69 

The amounts payable to those receiving pensions by reason of permanent total 
nonservice-connected disabilities during the last fiscal year ranges from an 
average of $239.49, in Wyoming, to $363.65, in South Carolina, with an average of 
$320.49 as to all such pension beneficiaries. 

These statistical comparisons should enable local posts and State departments 
of the various veteran organizations to "dope out" the ammunition with which 
to demonstrate the relative value of their rehabilitation-service programs on behalf 
of actual and potential veteran beneficiaries by pointing out the direct financial 
returns to their respective communities and States by seeing to it that justice 
is extended to disabled veterans in accordance with the intent of the laws enacte«l 
i)y Congress. 



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Mr. Rice. I do want to call attention, however, to the fact that the 
migration of these veterans does make a difference economically to 
the country and does make a difference economically to the various 
States that are thereby affected. 

I think it is generally known that the average amount paid to the 
average recipient of old-age benefits ranges from $7.22 per month 
in Arkansas up to $37.90 per month in California. 

I think it is also known that the average amounts payable in the 
foi-ni of aid to dependent children ranges from $11.45 per month to 
$57.55 per month per average family of dependent children through- 
out the counti-y. And that the average amounts of aid to the blind 
ranges from $8.25 in Arkansas to $48.05 per month in California. 

Now, the Federal Government furnishes one-half of such old-age 
assistance benefits, aid to dependent children, and aid to the blind 
through the Federal S(M:'ial Security Board. So, for example, the 
State of Arkansas receives only about $3.61 for old-age assistance 
benefits each month, whereas the State of California receives nearly 
$19 each month for each such case. 

In other words, Federal money is being pumped out more than 
five times as fast to the State of California as it is to the State of 
Arkansas, approximately, for each case of old-age assistance. 

However, we find by making a study of these statistics that these 
disabled veterans have been inclined to move into the climates where 
nature treats them a little bit better and where living conditions are 
somewhat less expensive, when they tend to become badly disabled, 
or so aged as to become unemployable, and thus they become propor- 
tionately greater and greater burdens upon the States into w^hich 
they have moved. 

The Nation has heretofore established the precedent of taking 
care of all disabled veterans who have become unemployable, through 
the establishment of a pension system. 

I want to point out tliat there is a very direct economic relationship 
to the welfare of tJie respective States by reason of the Federal Gov- 
ernment's assumption of that responsibility of providing pensions for 
veterans who have become so disabled as to become unemployable, as 
well as the dependent widows and orphans of the deceased World 
War veterans and other war veterans. 

If pensions were granted to these veterans who have become handi- 
capped or unable to work, and to the dependents of those who have 
died, that would bring increased purchasing power into each State 
and, consequently, would bring it proportionately in greater sums 
into the States that have a proportionately higher percentage of 
disabled veterans and the dependents of deceased veterans. 
_ Such pension payments, in turn, would serve as an additional taxa- 
tion resource, which the State would collect in the form of sales taxes, 
transaction taxes, or income taxes, which would thus make it possible 
for the State, if it wished to do so, to pay out a greater average 
ainount of old-age assistance benefits, aid to dependent children, and 
aid to the blind, in addition to veterans, which in turn would entitle 
that State to a greater amount of matching money from the Federal 
Social Securitv Board, and thus tend to raise the economic and social 
level in such States. 

on 12 ^ ^"^'^'^ ^^ S iATE M I ( IRATION 

Therefore, there is a very close and direct relationship between the 
Avelfare of disabled veterans and the dependents of deceased veterans, 
because of their migration from one State to another, and the social- 
security benefits of other less fortunate citizens. 

I think it is of importance that this committee should be aware of 
the fact that there is such a relationship, and although it is here only 
indirectly interested in the matter of veteran benefits, it should be 
aware of the fact that adequate care for the Nation's disabled and 
unemployable veterans and for the dependents of those veterans who 
have died will surely also be used to raise the economic and social 
level of other destitute and less fortmiate citizens in those States that 
are now overcrowded with such citizens or are overcrowded with 
disabled veterans. 

Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman. 

The Chairman. And we thank you. But Mr. Rice, do you have any 
idea how fast you talk? I think you are the fastest-talking witness 
I have ever heard, and I was wondering how the reporter was going 
to get you. The committee will recess until 2 p. m. 

(Whereupon, at 1 : 15 p. m., the hearing was in recess until 2 p. m. 
the same day.) 


The Chairman. The hearing will please come to order. 
Our next witnesses will be JDr. Will Alexander and Mr. Channing 
R. Dooley. 


The Chairman. Dr. Alexander, will you give your full name and in 
what capacity you appear here today ? 

Dr. Alexander. I am Will Alexander, vice president of the Julius 
Rosenwald Fund, and assigned by the fund to work with the Advisory 
Council on National Defense. 

My work there is particularly in relation to the youth agencies of 
the Government as they are attempting to train youth for defense 

The Chairman. And Mr. Dooley ? 

Mr. DooLEY. My name is C. R. Dooley, industrial relations manager 
of Socony-Vacuuin Oil Co., New York, lent to the Defense Com- 
mission to develop the training within the industrial program. 

The Chairman. Dr. Alexander, you were formerly head of Farm 
Security Administration ? 

Dr. Alexander. Yes, sir; and had to do with larger problems of 
dealing with agricultural migrants, particularly with relation to estab- 
lishment of migratory-labor camps in California, Texas, and Florida. 


The Chairman. I want to say for the benefit of the record that as 
chairman of this congressional committee you were my first inspira- 
tion. We found your handiwork in the principal parts of the United 

We opened our hearings in New York on June 29. We chose New 
York purposely in order to attract the Nation's attention to the fact 
that this is not a one-State problem. And then we went to Alabama, 
Chicago, Nebraska, Oklalioma, and California, tind we think we have 
awakened the Nation to the fact that it is a national problem. 

Now. as this migration of destitute citizens from State to State im- 
folds to me, speaking for myself only, I have come to the conclusion that, 
directly and indirectly, it revolves around e\ery one of our economic 
dislocations in the Nation. In other words, there are so many causes 
of migration — worn-out soil, unemployment, mechanization, for exam- 
ple — that there is no single solution to the problem. One of the solu- 
tions we have heard repeated so many times during our travels is, 
Why don't they stay at home? 

Well, no one of the suggestions so far has been entirely adequate. 

The Farm Security Administration has made wonderful strides in 
keeping some of them at home. But they still will migrate. 

Now. Dr. Alexander, I think the best way to proceed is for you to 
present Avhat you have to say in your own way. 

Dr. Alexander. All right. Mr. Dooley and I have sort of divided 
the business of training as it affects this thing, between the two of us. 

Mr. Dooley's statements probably will be of more interest to the 
committee and more important than mine, so I will make my state- 
ment brief. 

Our interests lie primarily with youth as they are coming into the 
labor market. 


The best figures we can get are that there are between three and 
four million youths out of school between the ages of 18 and 25 who 
are at present unemployed. 

There are between one and two millions of these who are on farms, 
particularly in the backward agricultural arpas. And it is estimated 
that there is another two million on those who are not listed as 
unemployed, but who are so unprofitably employed that if they get an 
opportunity that offers them any hope they will be moving just is 
quickly as those who are counted as unemployed. 

We have been trying to get some idea of the number of these youths 
that are coming into the labor market each year. The estimate seems 
to be that there is added from the ranks of youth to the labor market 
each year normally about 650,000 additional workers. So when you 
begin to put tliose figures together you get some estimate of the unem- 
ployment among these youths. 

The years from 18 to 25 represent the age group in which our popu- 
lation is most rapidly increasing. That po])ulation is increasing very 
rapidly and soon will be the largest section of our population. 

260370— 41— pt. 10 5 


Some question has been raised as to how much new migration there 
is among this group of youths, particularly on the farms. They are, 
of course, the group of people that migrate most easily. 

If you make a survey of people who are living away from their birth- 
place, you will find the majority of them leave somewhere between 18 
and 28. 

They are the mobile part of the population. Normally these young- 
sters that I refer to on the farms would have gone to the city or to indus- 
tries of some sort and would have secured jobs. But as your committee 
has no doubt heard many times on this trip, there being no opportunities 
for them to go into industry, they have been accumulating in the last 
10 years in these agricultural areas. They are all potential migrants. 

The question has been raised as to how much migration there has 
been as a result of the defense industries among this group of people. 

We haven't any figures as yet, but we have some indications, par- 
ticularly in the old southeastern cotton States, which was the point 
of origin of many of these people that have become agricultural 

We have had brought to our attention a number of places where 
work has started, where there has accumulated a surplus population 
of workers that cannot be employed. I have just had an invitation 
recently from the departments of labor of these seven southern States 
to attend a meeting in Atlanta next Monday, where they are going to 
try to give some attention to the problem of this movement that is 
already taking place down there. 

What is happening is that many of these people are going into the 
areas where cantonments are being built. A larger number of them 
go than can be employed. 

And many of them who go are without skills. In fact, I should 
imagine that these farm people in the southern States are the less 
skilled white people in the world. 

They may have had skills in the past, but whatever skills they had 
when they came to this country are gone. I know of no peasants in 
Europe that are as lacking in skills as these people are. So they 
represent a group of people that are not altogether easy to place. 

Well, they have gone to these points where they hope to find work. 
Many of them will find work for a short duration, but many of them 
cannot be employed because they are not needed. Whatever little 
skills they have are skills that are not needed, and when these can- 
tonments are built and this construction is over the question of what 
to do with them next is one that is very serious. 

The other question, of course, is to keep any larger numbers from 
going than have already gone. We have too few facts. Nobody has 
studied the things that are taking place in the last few months, but it 
looks rather serious. Now, the Defense Council is trying to think 
about the labor that would be needed in the job of national defense 
and has set up a training program to try to get ready the workers that 
will be needed in the defense industries, about whicli Mr. Dooley will 
speak more at length. There seem to be three or four approaches to 
that training that might be made. 



The one that we woukl naturally think of first would be the voca- 
tional schools. Congress at the last session voted $15,000,000 to begin 
the training of people in vocational schools— short courses of a few 
weeks designed to take beginners who have no experience at all and 
give them some understanding of tools and machines and materials— 
preemployment courses. Those were pretty largely younger people, 
because you can't do much with a man who hasn't used his hands 
when he gets to be 45 or 50 years old. 

But there w^as another group of people who had had some experi- 
ence in industry but had been unemployed and needed what came to 
be called refresher courses. From July 1 up to the present time there 
have been 230,000 workers of these various types who have taken these 
short courses. 

Of these, 120,000 were unemployed people drawn either from 
W. P. A. or the unemployment rolls,"92,000 were people who had jobs 
in industry but who needed additional training. 

That work is going on. On October 1 there were 102,000 people 
involved in such courses. Forty-six thousand of them were unem- 
ployed and 56,000 of them at that date were from the industries— men 
coming for refresher courses. 

Now, one of the limitations of this program of vocational schools 
is that the equipment for giving these vocational courses does not 
exist in the areas where some of the most difficult problems of unem- 
j)loyment exist. 

Forty-two percent of all the equipment for doing vocational teach- 
ing on the high-school level is in the State of New York. Your 
State of California has a large expenditure for that sort of equip- 
ment, but in these agricultural States, which is the point of origin 
of many of these agricultural wanderers, there is practically no equip- 
ment for giving vocational courses. 

And such equipment as there is is in the cities and is entirely out 
of the reach of these people who must move out somewhere else 
if they are to find economic foundation. And yet in all this experi- 
ence of training these people, short-time courses have been, on the 
whole, satisfactory. 

The youngsters that have come in have been particularly desir- 
able from the standpoint of the people who employed them. They 
have many times been taken into the factories before they got 
through with their courses. Some of these men with the W. P. A., 
where they were carefully selected, taken in and given a chance to 
brush up on such skills as they have had, have been, on the whole, 
very satisfactory, as they have gone into employment. 

And, as the demand for workers goes on, the schools can continue 
that sort of thing and a considerable number of these people can 
be gotten back into jobs. 

In the N. Y. A. there has been made an attack on the problem of 
these unemployed youth on their work projects, work projects as 
conducted by the N. Y. A., which is an effort to give the youngster 



what they call work experience, actual work at producing some- 
It gives them not only the opportunity to develop work habits but 
it gives them also the opportunity to acquaint themselves with tools 
and machinery and materials. 

As of October 1, there were 300,000 youths on work projects 
under the National Youth Administration. One hundred and eighty 
thousand of these were men or boys and 120,000 young women. We 
were interested in the fact that during October and November some- 
thing more than around 35,000 of these youngsters did go out and 
get jobs in industry, and the indications are that they have been 

So if that can go on that will be another source of preparing 
some of these youngsters to take part in the defense industries. 

The C. C. C. camps have also been trying to deal with a group of 
those. They had, as of October 15, 285,000 men. Ten percent of 
them were veterans but 90 percent of them were young people from 
18 to 25. 

During the month of October between 4,000 and 5,000 of these 
boys left to take jobs in industry and another 1,300 of them joined 
the Army and Navy. So there again is a means of getting some of 
these young people ready. 

But to meet this problem of the rural youth that is still back in 
the country we have felt that in the first place it is desirable to keep 
him from moving out until he know^s where he is going, so we are 
building under the N. Y. A., in connection with rural high schools, 
a thousand shops. 

Those shops will be equipped out of an appropriation that was 
given by the Office of Education, and the Office of Education also 
has funds to employ teachers. 

If we could multiply that shop-building program by three or four 
times that number, we could begin to get out into these needy places 
and provide an opportunity to begin training these youngsters and to 
help them get out of the situations they are in in an orderly manner. 

I think there is a good deal of hope in that. Most of the rural 
schools are pretty impractical in what they teach, and yet these farm 
boys, many of them, have aptitudes for using tools and have mechanical 

It is the opinion of the employers and the opinion of those who have 
studied it that this farm-shop program offers a very excellent sort 
of training to introduce a youngster into employment in industry. 

The Tolan committee, I think and I hope, if it is within its sphere, 
will give a little push to that program of supplying these rural com- 
munities with some different kinds of training facilities. 

The Farm Security Achninist ration and the vocational schools are 
making a study of the industrial or mechanical experience that these 
migrants have had, particularly the ones, Mr. Tolan, who are in the 
migratory-labor camps, in an effort to find out what there is in the 
way of experience that might be turned into industry. 

The study is not finished, but the report is that a good many of those 
people have had at some time or other experience in some sort of 
industrial employment and have some sort of mechanical skill. 


They are hoping to take just as many of those as they can and put 
them in schools and get them ready for industrial work and bring their 
skills back and get them ready for employment. 

They are particularly the youngsters among these migrants. I think 
one of the most striking things brought out in John Steinbeck's story 
of the migrants is the ingenious way these Joads had of fixing up 
their old automobile. 

Well, that kind of skill is the kind of skill that is needed in industry, 
and these people have been examining these youngsters in the migrant 
camps and are inclined to think that a good many of them have apti- 
tudes that can be developed and that some of them can be sent to schools 
nearby where these short courses are being offered. 

But short courses could be set up in the migrant camps. An in- 
expensive shop could be built and some machinery put in there and 
some of that training actually could be done in the camps. They are 
working on that, and I think that is something that may have a bear- 
ing on the problem you are investigating. 

The thing these people need is jobs, and the Employment Service 
is also trying to get a little closer to this thing than it has been. 

We people in Washington, I think, forget how far away much of 
our population in this country lives from the things that we talk about 

And it has been difficult for the Employment Service to reach out 
into these rural areas where these problems really exist and make the 
contacts they need to make with these youngsters that need this em- 

They are trying to do that, and I think, with some hope of success. 
The problem, after all, is that these youngsters are there and unem- 
ployed and they can't be employed profitably where they are. 

What we have got to find is an orderly movement of labor to substi- 
tute for this disorderly thing you have been investigating, people 
wandering aimlessly over the country. 

This training program under the Defense Council furnishes an 
opportunity for some experiments along that line that may be helpful. 

Mr. Curtis. Dr. Alexander, who is going to cany out tlie details of 
that program — the Defense Council directly ? 

Dr. Alexander. No; the program of training will be done by the 
Office of Education through the vocational schools of the countiy. 

Mr. Curtis. When will it be under way ? 

Dr. Alexander. It is already under way. I just said before you came 
in, Congressman, that there were as of the 1st of October 102,000 people 
enrolled in these courses, and since July 1st there have been 213,000 
people who have taken these short courses. 

Mr. Curtis. Where are those schools located that are established 
now ? 

Dr. Alexander. There are schools of that sort very well scattered 
over the United States, but 42 percent of the money that has been spent 
for that kind of equipment is in the State of New York. 

Those schools are located largely in industrial areas where there has 
been somebody interested in that kind of education. 


Mr. Curtis. I am sorry I was detained for a moment, but prior to my 
coming in, did you say something about the program for agricultural 

Dr. AuBXANDER. Yes. 

Mr. Curtis. What is the plan there ? 


Dr. Alexander. The N. Y. A., as a part of its program, is now build- 
ing 1,000 shops in connection with rural schools. 

The Office of Education has the money to supply those shops with 
the equipment and the money to supply teachers. 

I said before you came in, sir, that I had a feeling that that was 
one of the waysj if that program can be enlarged, of injecting some 
order into the movement of labor from the rural areas. 

Mr. Curtis. Has the physical construction of those shops already 
been started ? 

Dr. Alexander. Yes; those shops should be completed by the 1st of 

Mr. CuETis. In what States are they located ? 

Dr. Alexander. They are located in every State in the Union, but 
they have tried to find out where this surplus population is and to 
weight the thing in that direction. 

I am sorry I haven't a list of them, but they are in the States at 
points of origin from which much of this migration that you have 
been studying came from. 

Tlie Chairman. Now, Dr. Alexander, in other words we can improve 
the situation regarding the migration of destitute citizens, at least 
a little bit, by having an accurately informed and reasonably controlled 
migration, can't we ? 

Mr. Alexander. Yes. 

The Chairman. Up to now it has been just a hit-and-miss proposi- 

Mr. Alexander. Yes. 

The Chairman. We had a representative of Mexico here this 
morning. He emphasized the fact that down through the years in our 
relations with Mexico we have set up agreements concerning the flow 
of commodities and made treaties regarding boundaries and water, 
but have never done anything about the human interstate commerce 
between the two countries. Seemingly that is one of our problems 

Now, I think that what you said here today about vocational train- 
ing is intensely interesting. As a nation, haven't we overlooked that 
part of it? 

I know as a father that I have overlooked that i')art of my sons' edu- 
cation. I have not seen to it that they were educated with their hands. 

Mr, Alexander. Yes ; I think that is quite true. 

The Chairman. In other words, my two boys, one 30 and one 24, 
first went to grammar school and then high school and then college. 
But whenever I want something done around the house I have to hire 
somebody. My wife said to me one day : 


"I never saw such a helpless man in my life as you are. You don't 
know how to handle a saw or hammer or anything else.'' 

"Well," I said, "I think, Mrs. Tolan, you made a mistake when 
you married me — you should have married a carpenter." 

But I think you stressed that very w^ell today, and I think what 
you are doing is a wonderful work. 

Now, Mr. Dooley, you have no prepared statement, have you ? 

Mr. DooLEY. No, 1 haven't. I can talk, and you may interrupt me 
to ask any questions you may have in mind. I have made some notes. 

The Chairman. I wish to say that the gentleman who just came 
in is Congressman Sparkman, of Alabama, and this is Congressman 
Parsons, of Illinois. He said he drew in his district three of your 
schools. This gentleman is Congressman Curtis, from Nebraska. 

Now, I have a notation here that you could tell us something about 
the response to advertising. 

"fake schools" of training for airplane production 

Mr. DooLET. A number of instances have drifted into our office to 
that effect. I have no statistics on it. I did mention it this morning 
to the other gentleman and since then I have checked up with one 
of the members of the Lockheed Co. who happened to be in my office, 
to the effect that there are a large number of what he calls "fake 
schools" to train young men for airplane production. 

The Chairman. What kind of schools? 

Mr. DooLEY. Well, he called them "fake schools." 

The Chairman. Yes; that has been called to our attention. 

Mr. DooLEY. And particularly in Los Angeles. 

I have heard of some around Tennessee and Texas but I have no 
full data except to feel that that is something to be warned against. 


The Chairman. Now, Mr. Dooley, would you please discuss with 
the committee the extent and methods of service-training programs 
now being undertaken by various industries in the country? 

Mr. DooLEY. As we all know, for the past 10 years there has been 
very little training within industry. Apprenticeship programs have 
been on the shelf and now we find ourselves with a rather small 
number of skilled mechanics. 

In most industries — I think today in many of them, anyway — 
they have about exhausted their lay-off rolls. Concerns which have 
laid off men in recent years have called them back insofar as they are 

There are a number of industries that cannot find skilled mechanics 
in many categories. So they are turning their attention to raw ma- 
terial, so to speak, to inexperienced people, and training them. 

There is rapidly growing in many industries a feeling that they must 
train their own skilled mechanics and the question has become how 
to do it. 

Dr. Alexander's statement was that two-hundred-odd thousand were 
heing trained in vocational schools. Well, in the last year or so, per- 


haps less, the total employment in industry has increased one million 
or maybe two million, or at least a million and a half, so many of those 
people have to be trained on the job when they go to work. The voca- 
tional school position in the picture is largely one of pre-employment 
training plus additional supplementary training after a fellow gets a 

Now, putting it briefly, the bulk of this skilled training must be done 
in the plants by the production method, by foremen and instructors in 
the plants. Now, we have set about to find out some of the best ex- 
amples in the country where that is being done and to what effect, and 
some of the technique of it. 

I shall be glad to speak on two or three of those if you are interested 
in them, Mr. Chairman. 

The Chairman. Yes; go ahead. We shall be glad to have it. 

Mr. DooLEY. One of the best examples is in your own State in the 
Lockheed Airplane Co. I checked with them" yesterday and again 
today. They are reaching out to find workers at the rate of about 125 
a day. Just as rapidly as they can absorb them they are putting them 
to work. That is true in a number of other plants. That would be true 
in the Wright Aeronautical Co. — an engine plant. One is expanding 
in Paterson and they are building a new one in Cincinnati. It is also 
true of the Glenn Martin plant, in the Farmingdale and Brewster air- 
plane plants in and about New York and Newark, and a great many 

So I would say one finger pointing toward an answer to this migrant 
problem is that by and large, some of the industries, like the airplane 
mdustry, are going to absorb these young people just as rapidly as it 
Ims mechanical facilities to absorb them. 

Mr. Sparkman. Do you mean the boys who are not skilled ( 

Mr. DooLEY. Anybody. 

Mr. Sparkman. In other words they are going to give them the train- 
ing while on the job ? 

Mr. DooLEY. That is right. The program is usually like this : If a 
man has skill, well and good ; if he hasn't, w^e will train him to do it. 

Now It IS not quite that idealistic. Not anybody can get a job. There 
must be some selection ; there must be some mechanical aptitude, and 
there must be a genuine willingness to cooperate and work. 

So by setting up a sort of standard which the corporation feels it 
must have to begin with, and then by getting the assistance of the State 
i^mployment Service and the assistance of the vocational school peo- 
ple, they have been able to produce some very wonderful results, the 
extent of which is limited only by the company's capacity to grow. 

You can't put a million men to work overnight. Now, that is true 
pretty much of all the airplane industry and is true of many of the 
mechanical industries, except the numbers are smaller. 

Instrument makers and lens grinders are being trained out of o-reen 
raw, inexperienced people. In fact I have in mind three or fou? con- 
cerns that I have talked with recently who told me privately that they 
would rather have young, inexperienced people than a good many of 
the more experienced people. 

The Wright Aeronautical Co. in Paterson, N. J., has put on 1,700 
or 1,800 young men trained through the vocational schools in Pater- 


son ill the last 8 months, and they still have them all. I think they 
have lost GO out of that number. 

In the Jones-Lamson Tool Works in Springfield, Vt., they are 
taking green boys out of the villages and off the farms, some of 
whom have some mechanical aptitude, who have been working in 
garages, maybe, but have never done any fine precision work. They 
are teaching them to do gi'inding operations to a fineness of 
l/10,000th of an inch. In a period of weeks they are really doing 
it more effectively and more satisfactorily than they are able to 
teach a man who has had a good deal of experience, but not in 
those fine dimensions. 

Mr. Parsons. Isn't that the reason, off the record, that industry 
probably welcomes the younger ones who are untrained, so they can 
train them just as they want them to perform? 

Mr. DooLEY. You might put it that way. They seem to be more 
moldable, more adaptable, more ready to follow instructions and 
get up to a high production and high precision, 

I am talking more particularly now about precision workman- 
ship and not quantitative. I am not speaking of speed-up and 
quantitatives, but of actual precision of fine motalished furcases to 
very accurate dimensions. 

I don't want to put undue emphasis on the younger ages, although 
I take it that is the problem before us this afternoon. Dr. Alex- 
ander spoke of the N. Y. A. and the W. P. A. people being satis- 
factory. That is true, though not perhaps in such large numbers 
as the' vocational-school boys. But in Cleveland they have told us 
in the Warner-Swasey plant that a number of very excellent boys 
have come out of the'N. Y. A. shops and have taken a hold of the 
fine precision work in the Warner-Swasey shops in a remarkable 

And the school principal in Cleveland told me just about 3 weeks 
ago that the average age of the boys going through the vocational 
schools in Cleveland is 29. 

Well, that shows that some of them must have run up into the 
40's, and some of those people in their 40's are people who have 
never been in a shop before. They have been grocery clerks or 
various other kinds of workmen and have learned to do these preci- 
sion operations. 


Mr. Curtis. Mr. Dooley, while all of us are against child labor 
and such, and we want the children of America to have that full 
development to which they are entitled, isn't it true that in the pass- 
ing of the apprenticeship' system we are losing something that will 
require thought and planning to replace? 

]\Ir. DooLEY. I think in a broad way I would agi'ee with you, 
but I think perhaps you had better restate your question. 

I think we would agree that the time to get enthusiasm and skill 
and a perception of skill, not exactly a performance of skill but a 
perception of skill, is in the younger years. 


Now, I don't know that you would call that child labor, but surely 
the high-school age, down to as low as 17 and 18, is the time to get 
good work habits of precision. 

Now, the apprenticeship idea as such is not really passing. I 
would like to say just a word as to that. 

These plants will need large numbers of skilled mechanics in 
various categories, many many times the number that are available. 
It is too bad when looking back that we did not train them during 
the past 10 years, if anybody would have been around to pay the 
bill. But we didn't know what was before us and now we must 
have these skilled workers. 

A machine gun with all its various parts or a time fuse or any other 
instrument — an airplane engine with all its various gears and canis 
and pistons and so on — all these various parts must fit together. It is 
not a handmade job. You understand what I mean. It must be an 
assembled job. An army man told us the other day that in machine- 
gun work if the gun gets too hot they take the barrel off and put an- 
other barrel on — any one would fit. ' That is precision workmanship. 

That is being accomplished through specialization. You can take 
a man, not necessarily a young man, a man who has mechanical apti- 
tude and a willingness to learn and a sensitiveness to find tolerances — 
I will tell you a story about that in a minute — and teach him to do one 
thing, polish a surface or run a milling machine operation, and he will 
do it just as well as the long-time, old all-around skilled mechanic, 
only he can do just that one thing. 

But if you have a whole group of people, each to do his one part 
perfectly, all the parts will fit together. But you couldn't run a plant 
of 100-percent specialists. If you didn't have a few of the old all- 
around mechanics you would be sunk. 

So we are advocating very strongly the retention of the apprentice- 
ship system. It is not apprenticeship versus specialized training. It 
is both. But the problem is numbers. You may have to have 1,000 
specialists and so many apprentices — whatever you may need. They 
wouldn't be so many, maybe 100 or 150 or whatever it is — in whatever 
ratio that particular industry requires. 

But in either case it would seem to be advisable to bear down in 
accuracy of performance. 

Just as an illustration of that, the Frankfort Arsenal at Philadelphia 
was in need last summer, before I came on the job, of time-fuse workers 
whom they called instrument makers, and they couldn't find them. 

They advertised through the civil service- all over the country, but 
they were just not to be had. They employed watchmakers and they 
had proved unable to do the job because of that lack of fine adjustment. 
They thought a watchmaker could do the job, but apparently that 
wasn't so. Those men were let go, some 20 of them, and women were 
employed, women who had been trained in the highly skilled art of 

The last report we had in September was that these women made 
450,000 time fuses with hardly any spoiled work. 

There is another phase of this training program I want to make one 
point on if I may. Someone may get the impression tliat the training 

iNTT-JKSTATE :migration 3923 

in this extreme specialization may cramp the style and the develop- 
ment of youth and doom him to some narrow outlook which is damag- 
ing to his personality. 

We don't think that will be true. We know it won't be true if 
everyone does his part because a part of this program is what is called 

Mr. Parsons. Whatever we do to train any of them will be better 
than what we have been doing in the past. 

Mr. DooLF.Y. That is very true. Better do that than stand around 
and do nothing. 

Mr. Parsoxs. What about the comparison of the vocational schools 
in Europe with what vocational training we have given in this 
country ? 

Mr. DooLEY. I don't believe I can answ^er that question with author- 
ity. I have not studied the schools in Europe. But I have heard, 
as you have, a great deal about them. 

Mr. Parsons. Well, for 100 years they have been training their 
youth in skills of certain types and character — pretty much on the 
caste system — what father did and what grandfather did, I do. That 
is the way the child is brought up there. 

Mr. DooLEY. Yes ; but I think there is no doubt but what our schools 
today are improving at a very rapid rate. For instance in the voca- 
tional schools today instead of giving a boy a course of 10 weeks with 
a few days on this machine and a few days on that one and a kind of 
smattering on everything, they are concentrating on one or two or 
three operations and bringing him up pretty high in his skill in that 
one thing. 

In some places, like the Wright Aeronautical Co. and Westinghouse 
up here in New Jersey, they have lent some of their machines to the 
schools, and lent some of their foremen to help do the teaching. That 
way they get a boy started at some one thing. From there on he is 
being moved u])ward, so if there is a vacancy in a milling-machine 
operation the foreman just doesn't go out and get another boy and 
put him on that operation. He simply moves a boy up to that opera- 
tion and moves the shaper up to the drill-press operator. 

Mr. Parsons. On a kind of promotional basis. 

Mr. DooLEY. That is right. 

Mr. Parsons. Do you recall back in the early days when they first 
started vocational education in the Extension Service for agriculture 
and home economics ? 

Mr. DooLEY. Yes; I do. That was woodw^ork. 

Mr. Parsons. It w^as kind of a laugliingstock in all the schools that 
offered it. The young lady who was being taught housekeeping and 
cooking could hardly boil water without scorching it in some manner 
or form. The same thing was true in the Extension Sein^ice of agri- 
culture. We had to go through that period of trial and error, but 
those schools now really are doing a very good job. 

Every high school, nearly, throughout the country is doing that. 
We have just waited 50 years too long to start our vocational education. 

Mr. Dooi.EY. I don't know about the time elements but I do feel that 
there hasn't been enough emphasis on precision. I should not speak 



critically because I am not a vocational-school man, but at the pres- 
ent time the training program in the vocational schools and the train- 
ing program in the factories have focused attention on the idea that 
whatever you do, you must do it according to a certain high standard. 

I know that it is a narrow line, as Mr. McCauley, who is the works 
manager in a plant in Philadelphia, said the other day in the session 
we had down here. You have to bring the job down to a narrow 
enough line so the average man with mechanical aptitude can learn 
to do it precisely in a very short time. And with five or six hundred 
employees in that plant' they are turning out very fine precision 
instruments, each one being a special worker with only a handful 
really, of all-around mechanics. 

Mr. Parsons. Well, big businessmen are learning that it pays big 
dividends to aid and assist and cooperate in the training of youth, 
are they not? 

Mr. DooLEY. Yes; plus another thing. Congressman, if I may say 
so, that part of the dividends comes indirectly through morale and by 
taking an interest in the employees and training them and developing 
them and helping them. If a man has made good in one job, don't 
keep him there all his life, but move him to another one — help him 
to get on. In return he puts more interest and enthusiasm in it and 
he is getting something out of his life as well as turning in a product 
at the end of each day. 

Mr. Parsons. In other words they are putting a little more value 
on the himian element in it than they used to do ? 

Mr. DooLEY. It is not a sentimental human element. It is based 
pretty much on efficiency and cooperation — what is best for the man 
in the long run is going to best for the company too. 


The Chairman. Mr. Dooley, do you or does Dr. Alexander know 
of any private vocational schools starting up in this country? 

Dr. Alexander. I don't know of any that are starting up. There 
have been some in operation. I have had my attention called to two 
private schools in New York that do this kind of thing in New York 
City, but there are others. 

The Chairman. Are those two schools doing any advertising? 

Dr. Alexander. I am not aware of it if they are. 

Mr. DooLEY. I have understood there were some in Los Angeles, 
and Mr. Peterson of the Lockheed Co. told me yesterday that there 
were and that his company is fighting them as much as it can, 
although perhaps it is not its business, but they are fighting that 
kind of private school. 

Dr. Alexander. The schools I was talking about, Mr. Dooley, are 
schools that have been licensed by the State of New York but are 
private enterprises. They come up to the standards. That is not 
the kind of thing you are talking alDout. 

Mr. DooLEY. They have some out there. Again, Lockheed has one 
or two private schools which they have really financed and are oper- 


May I say one other thing on this empk)yment business, and again 
I quote Lockheed, that they are advertising in some 11 States out 
there— in the far West and Middle West— for help of a certain kind. 

The advertising is being done throuf^h the California State Em- 
ployment Service. They are communicating with other State em- 
ployment services. The program reads that those who are interested 
should not come to Los Angeles but should go to their local State 
employment services and register and be preliminarily interviewed. 
Then when a sufficient nucleus of qualified young men has been gath- 
ered in any town as far away as Denver or Cheyenne or anywhere 
in that vicinity, Lockheed will send their representative to those 
places to interview them. 

I am merely pointing out the way private industry and vocational 
schools and State employment services can surely do a great deal 
to meet this problem by cooperating. And many of these youngsters 
and middle-aged fellows up in the migratory ages who have the 
required attitude and aptitude, can, through the cooperation of these 
three agencies, in the very near future, I should think, find jobs, if 
not all of them. 

Mr. Sparkman. There is one thing you said, Mr, Dooley, You said 
that to get in one of these schools a boy would have to show a previous 
mechanical aptitude. How are they going to show that? 

Mr. DooLEY. Well, they have several devices. I suppose mostly it is 
done simply by an interview. 

Mr. Sparkman. It is not experience — they don't have to show experi- 
ence ? 

Mr. DooLEY, No; no; frequently it is just an interview\ Now, there 
is a feeling that they should use some simple aptitude tests — some 
mechanical devices to see if a boy can put some nuts and bolts together. 
There is a great deal of that kind of testing going on — not highbrow 
intelligence tests altogether, but simply mechanical aptitude devices. 
And in many instances where the interviewer is a little in doubt he 
gives the boy a chance. They are requiring no experience. 


Mr. Sparkman. I am wondering how that program could be shaped 
up so as to help farm boys, particularly in those sections where they are 
most numerous. 

Mr. DooLEY. Well, I suppose I can quote names — no one told me not 
to. Mr. Finley, the works manager of the new plant in the Wright 
Aeronautical Co. in Cincinnati, told nie the other day that their experi- 
ence was far better with the farm boys from Pennsylvania and Ohio 
than with any others, and that he would prefer them between the ages 
of 18 and 26. They seem to be more adaptable and have more native 
ingenuity and fewer things to unlearn, so that they just run away 
with the job. They have many instances of that kind of young men 
who are in the early twenties and who in 6 months are doing precision 
work that is perfectly satisfactory. 

Mr. Sparkman, Of course, one of the great crying needs of the sec- 
tion of the country from which I come is to get some kind of industrial 


development to take care of the surplus population that comes off the 

I am just wondering how this thing could be handled down there. 

Mr. DooLEY. Well, all the industrial people that I have had any 
contact ^^'ith would prefer the farm boy to any other boy. 

Mr. Sparkman. But I noticed a minute ago that you referred to 
Pennsylvania and some other State up there. I am thinking about 
turning it south of the Ohio River. 

Mr. Parsons. The Congressman comes from Alabama. 

Mr. DooLEY. I merely said that because that is where he is getting 
his boys. He is building a new plant in Cincinnati, and he told me the 
other day he had his scouts out, and he had about 4,000 young men in 
the vicinity of Cincinnati lined up to go through the vocational schools, 
then come into the shops. 

The vocational schools are not going to make mechanics out of them, 
but they will orient them and give them a toehold. He will start them 
on the simplest operations, and they will start to climb the industrial 
ladder in his plant. You would say it couldn't be done, but 2 or 3 days 
ago a couple of men from the May oil burner came into my office and 
wanted to know something about our training program. They are 
going to make binoculars for the British Goveniment— they make oil 
burners now— sounds silly, doesn't it; but they will do it and do a good 
job, because they will get new people— green help that doesn't know 
much about it. They will have some skilled men to supervise it, and I 
will bet they turn out a good job. 


Mr. Sfarkman. Either you or Dr. Alexander may have covered it, 
but you refer to "vocational schools." Are those schools operated by 
the public-school system of each State? 
_ Dr. Alexander. Yes ; under the Office of Education. An appropria- 
tion was made. Congressman Sparkman, to the Office of Education. 
The teachmg is actually done in the vocational schools that are a part 
of the State system. One of the things that we have been trying to do, 
tor your section particularly, is to increase one of the things 'that needs 
to be done. We are making a little headway with it— it is to increase 
the amount of equipment for this kind of teaching in connection with 
the schools. 

I expect you have a little vocational equipment in vour schools at 
Huntsville, but I \vill guarantee there is not much of it down there in 
the Tennessee Valley where you come from. Yet there are rural 
schools out tliere wliere, if they could have a shop and shop teacher in 
connection with it, they could be doing the preliminary teaching there 
about as well as anywhere else. 

Mr. DooLEY. And in connection with the N. Y. A., Dr. Alexander 
spoke ot the 1,500 shops they have been developing. Mr. Will has 
been after us to help him find production engineers. He is trvino- to 
develop shops that will have standards of precision and standards of 
workmanship and standards of time and costs that will be rio-ht up to 
any other shop— inspection must be good. We have found twS or three 
production engineers to help him on the job. 


Mr. Sparkman. Are the C. C. C. camps going into tliis kind of work ? 

Dr. Alexander. C. C. C. camps are emphasizing auto mechanics. 
They are setting up central shops for rejjairing equipment, gasoline 
engines, and so on that are being used on the projects of the camp, but 
that is about as far as they have gone. 

They are doing a little something in communications. Perhaps it 
is largely mechanical work on automobiles and tractors. 

jNIr. Sparkman. That is all. 

Mr. DooLEY. Mr. Congressman, and chairman, this program of ours, 
within service training, involves three kinds of training — the special- 
ized training, the apprenticeship training for all-around skill, and 
the training of supervisors, which I have not yet touched on and 
wdiich is a tremendously important jDroblem. 

Our program as a whole and how we are going to operate is written 
up in a series of several bulletins, six or seven of them, which I will be 
glad to put in the record. 

The Chairman. We will have them marked as exhibits and then they 
will become a part of the record. 

(The bulletins referred to appear below:) 


(Labor Division — "Training Within Industry," Bulletin 1) 
The "Training Within Industry" Program 

The Commission has established this service to defense industries in meeting 
their increasing needs for capable workers and supervisors. 

The underlying pui'pose of this activity is — 

To assist defense industries to meet their manpower needs by training within 
industry each worker to make the fullest use of his best skill up to the maximum 
of his individual ability, thereby enabling production to keep pace with defense 

Based upon types of requests for assistance which have been received from 
industry, the problem of increasing all kinds of skill as needed divides itself into 
three parts: 

1. Lwentory of present skills. — This should cover unemployed, employed, and 
employed below their greatest usefulness. Various responsil)le Federal, local, and 
cooperating agencies are already at work gathering this information, but also 
each plant should take stock of the talent and exiDerience of its employees and 
make internal adjustments before employing new men. 

2. Training outside of industry. — This includes preemployment preparation and 
supplementary related, out-of-work-time instruction. This part of the program is 
already being provided for by public and private vocational and trade schools and 
by engineering colleges, but it is of such vital interest to industry that the closest 
kind of cooperation must be continuously maintained with them. National Youth 
Administration, Work Projects Administration, and Civilian Conservation Corps 
also offer opportunities for preemployment work experience. 

It is of utmost importance that the industries served participate actively with 
the schools in setting up entrance standards, so that all who complete the course 
will be acceptable for employment. It is also important that the numbers of per- 
sons trained be not greatly in excess of the needs of the industries serA-ed. Indus- 
try can well afford to supply some of its flrst-class employees to schools as teach- 
ers. Some of their retired employees would be excellent instructors. Industrial 
management can also assist these other agencies in making their services in- 
creasingly useful to industry. 

.3. Training within industry. — This particularly deals with industry's own 
training responsibilities, and is the area in which the efforts of this activity 
Mill be concentrated. 


The conclusions of various recent conferences confirm experience that this 
training includes three phases : 

(a) Development of production workers through intensive instruction and 
planned job progression based upon analysis and definition of jobs according to 
basic operations. 

(&) The establishment of trades apprenticeship, in accordance with Federal 
standards, separate from production worker training, for the purpose of develojy- 
ing a predetermined, limited number of all-around journeymen mechanics. 

((•) The development of supervisors through careful selection, assignment of 
supervisory duties of increasing responsibility, and provision for related organized 
help through discussions and conferences under both plant and outside auspices. 
Technicial and other management assistants must be developed also. 

It is the intention of this organization to render specific advisory assistance to 
defense industries in inaugurating programs which they will carry on within 
their own plants at their own expense. The availability of this service will be 
made known, but will not be compulsory. There will be no authority to go 
into a plant on any basis other than at their request. 

Four general types of assistance will apply in most cases and will be adapted 
to fit the various conditions in each specific plant. 

1. Help in the analysis of the training needs. 

2. Aid in setting up a program within the plant to meet its needs. 

3. Make available the exi:)erience of other employers who have met similar 
problems through headquarters and field clearance. 

4. Acquaint plant management with the availability of the services of tax- 
supported Government agencies, such as the State and Federal employment serv- 
ice, vocational and trade schools, engineering cdlleges. National Yduth Admin- 
istration, Civilian Conservation Corps, Work Projects A(hninistrati(jn, .so that 
the fullest use may be made of them. Only through the closest coordina- 
tion and interpretation of the needs of industry to these agencies can they furnish 
the most efTective preemployment education and experience, as well as related 
instruction for employed workers. 

This field service can be most effectively rendered by representatives of "Train- 
ing Within Industry" working continuously in local areas of the district in which 
defense industries are located. Their activites wll be carried on under the general 
direction of a small staff at Washington headquarters, so that the experience in 
each district will make a contribution to the program as a whole. 

The field organization will be set up in some 22 districts as follows, according 
to the most important industrial centers. Field experience may result in a 
smaller or larger number of districts. 

New England. Northern Ohio. 
Southern New England (Connecticut and Michigan. 

Rhode Island). Indiana. 

Upstate New York. Greater Chicago and Illinois. 

Greater New York City. North Central States. 

New Jer.sey. Missouri, Arkansas, Oklahoma, and 

Eastern Pennsylvania and Delaware. Kansas. 

Maryland. Texas and Louisiana. 

Virginia, North and South Carolina. Colorado and. Wyoming. 

Southeastern States. Southern California, Arizona. New Mex- 

Ohio Valley. ico, northern California, Nevada, and 

Western Pennsylvania and northern Utah. 

West Virginia. Pacific Northwest. 

In each district the organization will be about as follows : 

1. One district representative borrowed from industry because of his experience 
and standing in this field of work. 

2. One field assistant. 

3. One ofl3ce assistant. 

4. A panel of 10 or more personnel and training consultants borrowed from 
industi-y on account of their knowledge and experience, to be available on call as 

All field staff will receive "per diem" expense and travel payment while serving 
the Defense Commission away from their home stations. 


5. Four advisers, two from labor and two from management, will be selected 
on account of their background and experience in dealing with such problems 
within manufacturing industries. They will assist the district representative 
in anticipating and meeting training problems in their areas, and also will be 
helpful in creating and maintaining public interest. 


Director, Training Within Industry. 
Washington, D. C. Issued September 24, 1940. Revised October 21, 1940. 


(Labor Division — "Training Within Industry," Bulletin 2) 

Upgrading Within Industry 

The following represents the considered judgment of many representatives of 
industrial plants who have cooperated in the preparation of this statement of 
basic practice which prevails in their companies. 


Director, Training Within Industry. 


Modern industrial organizations are made up basically of three kinds of em- 
ployees : ( 1 ) A large number of production workers who perform one or a few 
operations skillfully and hence are able to achieve high production in a minimum 
time; (2) a smaller group of all-around skilled tradesmen or craftsmen; (3) 
supervisory, managerial, and technical employees and their clerical and office 

The factory is a collection of coordinated processes. In the large, it is itself 
a machine. Jobs are not static — they are lines of flow through the shop. One 
job leads to a better and more important one and the employee gets his training 
and develops his skills step by step. A man's job is a rung on the ladder of 
promotion and progress. This is the efficient way as well as the American 
way. It is a system that leads workers from the bottom upward in the pyramid 
of organization. Rapid and efficient training can be made to meet unusual ex- 
pansion needs through such a definite step-by-step program. 

There are four things to do in setting up such a plan : 

1. Engineer the job structure. — Carefully analyze jobs into their basic opera- 
tions as far as possible. Grade and establish their relative worth. Set work- 
ers as much as possible to performing single operations, thereby achieving effi- 
ciency, high production, good wages, and preparedness for the next step. 

2. Map the naturally effective lines of promotion. — When the job structure is 
examined, it wall be apparent that there are natural channels through which 
the worker may be upgraded. The bench worker may be moved to a simple ma- 
chine operation, then to more exacting operations, next to work requiring him 
to perform his owui set-up, and so on upward. Such natural training paths of 
movement can be mapped out. 

3. Select qualified employees for upgrading. — When better jobs are open, they 
should be filled by the best qualified employees. An inventory of the working 
force will classify the employee's potential ability, previous experience, educa- 
tion, his job preference, and length of service. No matter what form this in- 
ventory takes — whether through interviews or personnel records, or any other 
means — such information is essential to training through upgrading. 

4. Adopt an upgrading policy and make some one individual i-esponsiMe for 
making it effective. — It is essential that top management establish a definite 
policy of promotion from within in order to train effectively through upgrading. 
Under this plan one individual is responsible for all placements. He should 
know as much as possible about the jobs in the plant and about the employees' 
qualifications to fill them. In addition, employees should be permitted to apply 
for changes in their jobs without prejudice. 

260370— 41— pt. 10 G 


Such a centrally controlled plan makes available for quick reference, infor- 
mation on worker analysis, job analysis, and paths of upgrading. Such a 
transfer service collaborates with the line supervision in tilling higher jobs 
with the objective of giving the better job to the best qualified employees. Those 
who operate this central service must have authority from higher management 
so that they will be consulted on all upgrading opportunities and be in agree- 
ment regarding the final action to be taken. Any disagreement between the line 
organization and the central service moves up the line for review and final 
decision by top management. Such a plan can quickly be set up by assign- 
ing the responsibility to a man of wide knowledge of jobs and workers in the 
plant. As it operates, it will build up records and experience which will 
enable it to do an increasingly better job. 

Carrying out such a policy of training through upgrading, coordinated by a 
central placement service results in rapidly and efBciently training a working 
force of greater flexibility and effectiveness. 

Pay adjustments should be made simultaneously with promotion to the jobs 
of higher rating. Prompt recognition in compensation and status are the 
means for stimulating and maintaining interest in the learning process. There 
will be high morale because of this policy of advancement, based on the fair and 
unprejudiced consideration of merit. Where merit and other factors are equal, 
preference should be given to length of service. 

Washington, D. C. Issued September 24, 1940. Revised October 22, 1940. 


(Labor Division — "Training Within Industry," Bulletin 2-A) 
ExPKDiTijVG Production Theough Training 

The quick training of production workers is one of the first expansion problems 
encountered by defense contractors. 

It is only natural that in the rush and pressure of new orders there is often 
little planning for the training of these workers. This is an inevitable part of 
any rapid build-up period, and unfortunately means, in many cases, needless 
scrap losses, increased accidents, delays, and difficulties in attaining quality 

The following procedures represent successful practice in many leading com- 
panies. They are recommended to any company that wishes to develop experi- 
enced workers to their greatest usefulness and to get new workers into produc- 
tion in a minimum of training time. 


Director, Training Within Industry. 


Three steps normally are taken in training production workers: 

1. Engineer the job. 

2. Upgrade experienced employees. 

3. Instruct new and experienced workers in new skills. 

These steps are such that any or all of them can be used and adapted to most 
any company's production problem. 

1. Engineer the jot).- — Some companies find it possible and advantageous to so 
engineer their producing facilities that each operation requires but one principal 
skill on the part of the worker or workers to perform. Others find this impossible 
or undesirable for a variety of reasons. 

Of course, the engineering of production processes is not a part of a training 
program, but it does represent the first and basic step in meeting and simplifying 
the training problem. 

2. Upgrade experienced empZo?/ees.— Nothing is so destructive of a worker's 
efficiency, loyalty, and morale as to have a man hired from the outside and given 
a higher-rated job for which the worker feels he could qualify. Telling the 
worker that the pressure of the defense program is so great that there is no 


time to give him the opportunity to learn another job is not a satisfactory answer. 
This is especially true in the case of a worker who "has his eye" on a better job. 

When the time arrives that the pressure for production eases and retrench- 
ment becomes imminent, worker efficiency and loyalty will perhaps be even more 
necessary. It is essential, therefore, that the foundations for good future indus- 
trial relations be laid now. 

Successful practice to assure proper attention to upgrading consists of the 
same four procedures used in putting any company program into effect, i. e., 
determine the policy, prepare the plan, assign responsibilty, and establish 
controls : 

(a) Set forth policy: At the beginning of the expansion or "busy" period, top 
management issues a written ptiliey statement or letter clearly stating that pres- 
ent workers are to be upgraded, i. e., promoted, transferred, or rotated, before 
new workers are to be hired. 

(6) Plan the program: One individual who is familiar with jobs and workers 
in the plant is assigned the task of collaborating with superintendents and fore- 
men in preparing a plan by which the upgrading is to be done. Such a plan con- 
sists of two simple steps : 

(1) Determine lines of promotion (from what job to what job.) 

Usually it is found that there are many groups of operations for which there 
are already natural lines of promotion. There are others, however, that do 
not fit into the normal promotional sequence, and which should be fitted into 
the sequence to provide normal promotional opportunity and to prevent them 
from becoming "blind alley" jobs. 

All the production jobs in the shop are listed in the order which indicates 
the lines of promotion from the lowest rated to the highest rated. This is done 
by departments, occupations, or wTiatever logical grouping of jobs obtains. 

Of course "line of promotion" does not mean that movement from each job 
to the next is an immediate promotion. Obviously before a promotion is possible 
to many jobs, workers must be transferred to two or more jobs on the present 
level to prepare them for promotion. Or perhaps, two, three, or more workers 
are asked to "trade jobs" (known as "job rotation") to give them necessary back- 
ground and work experience. The line of promotion, therefore, indicates the 
order in which jobs nnist be learned, so that if this learning order is followed 
over a period of time, each worker will be using his "best skill to the maximum 
of his individual ability." 

(2) Indicate experience necessary to qualify for each job: There is indicated 
for each job the operations a worker must be able to do in order to qualify for 
it. This provides for busy superintendents and foremen a ready reference when 
promotions are considered. It is particularly helpful when planning transfers 
or rotations for workers who need additional experience and rounding out be- 
fore qualifying for promotion. 

This work can be completed in a short time — usually a day or two — and re- 
quires but a few minutes from time to time to keep up to date as jobs change. 
When completed, it is usually charted and distributed to all shop supervisors. 

(c) Assign responsi))ility : Line superintendents and foremen, of course, are 
held resix)nsible for carrying out the program. 

The responsibility for helping them carry out the upgrading program is dele- 
gated to the individual mentioned above who has done most of the work in 
planning it. This is a full-time job in large plants and part-time in small ones. 
He is given authority to suggest to foremen and others, advantageous moves of 
workers, and he must be consulted and be in agreement with any promotions 
or transfers to be made. Any disagreement between the upgrading planning 
man and the superintendents or foremen moves up the line for review and final 
decision by a top executive. 

(d) See that the plan is carried out: A top executive keeps personal touch 
with and control of the upgrading program during the early weeks. He approves 
employment of new workers only after shop superintendents and others have 
shown him in detail that every present worker who is qualified for a better job 
has been promoted and that all other logical and reasonable transfers to round 
out experience have been made. 

This i>ersonal control is maintained only for such time as is necessary to assure 
that the policy is definitely understood and consistently carried out throughout 
the organization. 


In smaller plants the whole upgrading policy is often planned and carried out 
bv the shop superintendent or general foreman. 

Such insistence upon upgrading admittedly works temporary hardship upon 
maQy_sometimes all— of the supervisory force. Any foreman finds it easier to 
hire a new worker for a job than to fill it by moving two, three, or more workers 
up the line and having to train each of then* on a new job. This is an important 
practice where the long-term advantage outweighs the short-term inconvenience. 

3. Instruct new and experienced workers in new skills.— Among others, the 
following three plans represent successful practice in many industries: 

(a) Rely on observation and experience: This method needs no explanation. 
The employee works with an experienced group or is assigned to an experienced 
worker as a beginner or helper. Gradually, through contact with the work and 
the usual percentage of mistakes he obtains the necessary knowledge and skill. 

While this method has the chief disadvantages of requiring a long time and 
being an expensive method, it is still a practical one for many operations. 

(ft) Off-the-job instruction by vocational schools: Many firms that are ad- 
jacent to vocational schools are making excellent use of these facilities. Air- 
plane engine makers, for example, are able, through special arrangement with 
vocational schools, to shorten the training time for new workers for use in pro- 
duction shops. During this training period, the students, under close supervision 
of trained instructors (some of whom are borrowed from the company), learn 
the new operations and develop beginning skills. 

Vocational schooLq also can give instruction in blueprint reading, mathe- 
matics, mechanical drawing, layout work, and variety of other subjects inapor- 
tant to defense work. Sometimes local high schools and neighboring engineering 
colleges are able to give employees preparatory and related instruction. 

These are effective to the extent that the school and industrial people plan 
and agree upon the instruction to be given. 

(c) Intensive instruction on the job: When inducting new and experienced 
workers into new jobs, learning time is usually cut in half by giving them indi- 
vidual instruction and coaching on the job. This instruction, naturally, is pref- 
erably given by foremen, leadmen, or special instructors. Under force of circum- 
stances, it may be delegated to the skilled workers to whom the new men are 

It is common knowledge that good mechanics do not necessarily make good 
teacher?!. Consequently, much time is gained and the interest and morale of the 
employees are preserved if all those who have the task of instructing them have 
been specially trained to do this work. 

Experience shows that intensive job instruction is the best way by which new 
workers may be gotten into production quickly. It is equally effective in quickly 
instructing experienced workers in operations new to them. 

Bulletin No. 2-B, How To Prepare Instructors To Give Intensive Job Instruc- 
tion, deals specifically with this subject. 

* * * * * * * 

A related problem often arises when new men are being trained by skilled 
workers, namely, that skilled workers are reluctant to pass on their knowledge 
and skill, obtained through long years of experience, to new men. This is a 
natural reaction and is being intelligently recognized in many companies by doing 
two things : 

(1) Consistently applying the upgrading policy outlined in this bulletin 
Skilled workers are usually glad to help train and upgrade men for new jobs if 
they also have the opportunity to be upgraded. 

(2) Maintaining a proper rate differential: One company starts new workers 
at the minimum rate and tells them that they will receive a 5-cents-per-hour in- 
crease at the end of 30 days and 5-cents per-hour increase at the end of each suc- 
cessive 60 days until they are earning within 10 cents per hour of the experi- 
enced men who are training them. At this time they remain at the same rate 
until they attain the matured knowledge and skill of the experienced workers or 
attain competence in instructing other new workers. 

It is also explained to them that the demands of the defense program arc such 
that they must warrant and receive the periodic wage increases or drop out of 
the work program to make way for men who can learn more quickly. , .„ , 

This plan was developed in cooperation with representatives of the skilled 
workers involved, and is heartily supported by them. 

Bach situation will call for its own individual and appropriate treatment. 

October 28, 1940, Washington. D. C 


Labor Division — "Training Within Industry," Bulletin No. 2-B 
How To Prepare Instructors To Give Intensive Job Instruction 

Many companies have found it possible to organize effectively the training of 
new employees and experienced production workers in new skills so that the 
learning time is spent on the job on production work under actual shop conditions. 
On-the-job instruction is given by foremen, leadmen, or, where large numbers of 
men need to be trained at one time, by special instructors. 

Some comnanies have set up training sections separate from the regular pro- 
duction shop, using the output of such sections in the regular manufacturing 
process. Whether the instruction is given in production shops or in separate 
training sections, it is necessary to equip those selected to do the instructing 
with an organized knowledge of production operations and the ability to impart 
it to others. 

In this bulletin are recommended the essentials for the preparation of instruc- 
tors. It recognizes that modifications must be made to meet varying needs in 
different situations. 


Director, Training Within Industry. 

MAKING instructors 

"Instructor" is used here to mean foremen, leadman, or workman who has a 
major or full-time responsibility for breaking in production workers to new jobs. 

Individual plant requirements in respect to the number of instructors, time 
available for training, and degree of teaching skill necessary on specific jobs will 
naturally vary. Job training covers a wide range, from an hour or two required 
to "break in" an employee on a simple, repetitive job to months for more difficult 
and complicated skills. There are four phases or steps usually followed in 
developing instructors: 

1. Selection of those to be trained. 

2. Arrangements for their training. 

3. Content of the training program. 

4. Supervision and follow-through. 

1. Selection of enii)loijees for traiuinr/ as inJitriictors. — This is the most important 
step in the process since the ultimate success in training production workers 
dei>ends upon the ability and skill of the job instructors. The following are 
important considerations in the selection of employees for training as instructors : 

Personal aptitude should be given equal weight with job skill. It is common 
knowledge that good mechanics do not necessarily make good teachers. A 
genuine liking for working with people and an ability to express themselves clearly, 
patience, and ability to get along with different kinds of people are important. 

Recognized skill in the job to be taught. The degree of instructing skill 
required on any given job is governed to a large extent by the simplicity or com- 
plexity of the job. 

A willingness to accept this kind of responsibility. 

Some companies have used general intelligence, teaching aptitude, and per- 
sonality tests as aids in the selection of candidates for training. 

2. Arrangemmts for training instructors. — There are two sources through which 
trained instructors may be developed. 

Under company auspices. If there is not already a supervisor of training 
within the company, one or more sui5ervi.sors should be selected and trained to 
take up this responsibility. An outstanding foreman, engineer, or junior execu- 
tive might m-ove to be a good man for this work after he has had some ijractice. 
Vi.sits to plants where such instruction is being carried on and help by a training 
specialist from another company would be useful in launching a program. Some 
State universities and State vocational education departments are manned to give 
assistance in training a supervisor to carry on this kind of work. 

Usually it is desirable to release from other duties those selected to devote full 
time to. the training of instructors, although in some companies the responsibility 
is taken over in addition to other duties. Elements of time, convenience, and 
number of instructors to be trained will be controlling factors. 


By outside agencies. Some State departments of vocational training offer 
courses in how to instruct on the job and are prepared to conduct classes for job 
instructors within a specific plant or to hold classes for men from several plants 
at specially agreed upon central locations. 

It has been found that the training of job instructors can best be done in groups 
of 8 to 10. Suitable quarters away from the job should be arranged. Most com- 
panies have found it desirable to release men from all job responsibilities during 
the training, permitting them to give full-time, intensive attention to learning 
how to instruct. 

3. Content of training proyram. — The scope of the training given and length 
of the training period will vary. 

For example, the machine operator who will break in new worker^ on his 
kind of machine may require only 12 to 16 hours of training on how to instruct. 
The training in this instance would embrace the fundamentals of analyzing the 
one job he is to teach and supervised practice in how to quickly cover the key 
points of each oi>eration with a new worker. 

On the other hand, the full-time instructor, who is responsible for the instruc- 
tion of a number of new workers on several jobs, requires a greater degree of 
teaching skill, which may take 30 to 48 clock hours for him to acquire. 

A typical program of instructor training, containing the major principles, is 
outlined below. It will not always be possible or even desirable to apply this 
entire pattern to all situations. 

ia) Job analysis for instrviction purposes : The puriiose here is to develoi>— 

Ability on the part of the prospective instructor to make an analysis of the job 
to be taught. The experienced man often overlooks details of the job, which, 
because of his intimate knowledge, have become "second nature" to him. He must 
look carefull.v at every detail of a job from the beginner's viewpoint before 
attempting to teach it. 

Ability to recognize and pull out the key operating points or "tricks of the 
trade" which are most vital to the successful performance of each operation. 

Judgment as to the degree of detail to which it is necessary to go in breaking 
down a job, depending on the complexity of the operation to be taught and the 
knowledge the learner brings to the job. 

These objectives can best be reached by requiring each member of the training 
group to analyze one job he will teach, under the guidance of the leader. This is 
done both in the conference group and individually with each trainee who makes 
an analysis of a job with which he is familiar out in the shop. A general dis- 
cussion and comparison of analyses is then held with the group to bring about a 
common understanding of the technique. 

Most of such analyses include all or part of the following : 

Notes of the steps or operations necessary to do the job ; 

Special words used in talking about the work, the product, the tools, or doing 
the job ; 

Special precautions to insure required quality ("getting it done right the first 
time") ; 

Notes on waste prevention, either of tools or materials ; 

Safety and health precautions necessary for the learner to know in doing the 
job ; 

Notes on the troublesome points where the learner must exercise his own 
judgment ; 

Supplementary information, such as how the product is used and how his part 
ties into other operations. 

( I) ) Planning the instruction : Each prospective instructor is required to make 
notes of a simple plan for putting over instruction which he is going to give. One 
or more of these units is tried out in a practice teaching situation (see below) and 
each demonstration is followed by review and discussion. Using the job analysis 
as a base, decision must be reached regarding : 

What fundamentals must be driven home. 

In what order the operations can best be taught. 

What must be done to build up satisfactory output after operations have been 

What facts must be given to the learner about the job and when. 

(c) Teaching the job: The new insti'uctor must be helped to understand the 
teaching process. 


The conference leader puts on sample demonstrations, involving real teaching 
situations, to make clear each of the three following major requirements. The 
group analyzes and discusses what the leader has done. 

(1) The steps through which the instructor leads a learner. 

In the process of teaching any part of a job, the new worker is only conscious of 
acquiring new knowledge and skill and is not aware of the four steps through 
which the instructor carries him : 

First, the learner's attention and interest is secured ; 

Second, the learner is shown how to do that part of the job ; 

Tliird, the instructor lets the learner try to do it, correcting mistakes before 
they become fixed in ineffective work habits ; 

Fourth, the learner is put on his responsibilities but is closely watched by the 
instructor until he has gained skill and speed and confidence. 

(2) How the instructor puts across to the learner the ideas he must know to 
perform each operation. 

(3) How the instructor checks to see that the learner understands clearly. 

id) The beginner's learning difficulties: It is necessary for the instructor to 
identify some of the learning difficulties inherent in jobs, how they may be classi- 
fied, and their effect on the new worker in making it hard or easy for him to become 
proficient. There are at least six kinds of these learning difficulties : 

Confusion over complex details. 

Understanding the main idea. 

"Unlearning" old habits. 

Catching the "knack." 

Getting the "feel." 

Developing speed, ease, and confidence. 

Prospective instructors are placed in the position of "green" learners. The con- 
ference leader gives several teaching demonstrations, using simple units of in- 
struction of real interest and new to the learner. Group discussion follows each 
demonstration to help the new instructor to get the "green" employee's point of 

(e) Practice teaching: Each new instructor must be given the opportunity to 
gain confidence that he can apply out in the shop what he is learning. Nothing is 
more helpful than practice under constructive coaching. Let him demonstrate 
how well he can apply the principles of job instruction in a practical teaching 

Throughout the entire period of training and as often as possible, each prospec- 
tive instructor is required to teach a worker new to the company and to the job, 
one or more complete operations under the observation of the group and the leader. 
The operations to be taught are selected by the prospective instructor and are 
actual jobs which are a part of his own shop work. They are of such a nature 
that the complete operation can be covered with the learner in 20 to 2.5 minutes. 
How to use a file correctly, how to read a micrometer, how to perform a simple 
assembly operation are examples of the type of instruction units used. The 
learners are usually suflSciently "green" to make it possible for their interest in 
learning something new to be genuine. 

After each demonstration, through group discussion, the work of each prospec- 
tive instructor is constructively criticized and evaluated. 

4. Supervision and folloto throngh on the job. — It is not sufficient to turn out a 
corps of trained instructors. The training of individual workers begins only at 
this point, and there are several steps that may be taken to insure the instructor's 
effectiveness in getting workers into production quickly. 

(a) Provision should be made for a proper wage differential between the rate 
for instructors and the top rate of the work classification for which they are 
training workers. This policy provides an incentive to experienced men to attain 
competence in instructing new workers. 

(&) Special instructors, skilled men trained as instructors, or trained leadmen 
can safely handle 5 to 10 men on production work. A check sheet or record of the 
worker's i>erformance, the speed with which the worker builds up skill, his method 
of doing the operations, rejects and spoilage and injuries are points to be closely 
checked on the job by the supervisor of training as well as by production 

In most companies, special instructors report administratively to the foreman 
responsible for production and are a part of the regular production force, but are 
under the technical direction of the staff training supervisor. 



(r) Frequent visits to the shop where the new instructor is working should 
be made by the training supervisor. 

(d) After instructors have been on the job for a month or two, they should 
be brought back for a half-day conference in which instruction techniques are 
reviewed in the light of actual teaching experience. Periodic conferences of thia 
type will help the instructor to improve his effectiveness. 

(e) Periodic reports regarding the success of new workers thus trained should 
be made to upper management. Having authorized the program, executives 
naturally are interested in its progress and success. 

Unless the program results in a saving of at least one-half the time usually 
taken by the old haphazard watching, telling, or just "showing 'em how" methods 
of breaking in new workers, the instructor training program has not been Hvell 
planned or carried out. 

Washington, D. C, December 1, 1940. 


(Labor Division— "Training Within Industry," Bulletin 3, October 1940) 

Expediting the Training of Skilled Tbadfsmkn 

This bulletin embodies the principal features of apprenticeship taken from 
the best practices found in leading industries and mil serve as a basis for appren- 
tice training in practically all situations. It was prepared with the assistance 
of the staff of the Federal Committee on Apprenticeship. The services of this 
committee's field and headquarters staffs have been made available to aid with 
the apprenticeship phase of the "Training Within Industry" program. 

The training of production workers in operations requiring a single skill is not 
a substitute for apprenticeship. Both programs have a distinct place in emer- 
gency defense work and should be carried on simultaneously. Trade apprentice- 
ship should be regarded not only as a long-term program from which industry 
must procure most of its skilled craftsmen but also as a source from which set- 
up men, leadmen, as well as some future supervisory and technical personnel 
may be drawn. 


Director, Training Within Industry. 


The objective of apprenticeship is the development of all-around skilled crafts- 
men. This is accomplished by having each apprentice pursue a predetermined 
and scheduled program of («) progressive work assignments and (b) supple- 
mentary instruction. 

A well-balanced program provides not only for eflBcient training in trade skills 
but allows time enough for the apprentice to mature as a responsible worker. 
On the other hand, the program should enable each apprentice to progress accord- 
ing to his individual learning ability. Some apprentices are thus able to success- 
fully complete the entire program in a somewhat shorter time than the established 

1. Setting up the program. — Experience with well-established apprenticeship 
plans indicates that In setting up a program action should be taken on the 
following items : 

(a) Responsibility for the apprentice program: Most companies find that the 
plan is productive of best results when responsibility for it is placed upon a single 
supervisor (full time in larger plants — part time but a major responsibility in 
smaller plants). 

(6) Occupations to which apprentices will be assigned upon becoming journey- 

(c) Number of apprentices in relation to the number of employed journeymen, 
anticipating normal journeymen losses, such as retirements, quits, transfers, and 


(rf) Length of the apprenticeship based upon the number and complexity of 
the skills to be acquired. ( The Federal Committee on Apprenticeship recommends 
4,000 hours as a minimum total time.) . 

Some companies find it mutually advantageous to execute a written agreement 
with each new apprentice, sp<'cifying what the company proposes to teach the- 
apprentice and what the apprentice promises to do in return. 

{(■) Provision for instruction and coaching on the job, including the selection, 
and scheduling of work experience. 

(f) Provision for classroom instruction in related technical subjects. 

(g) Wage scale ' related to the going rate for journeymen in the trade for which 
training is being given and graduated to permit periodic increases as the appren- 
tice progresses. 

(Regulations under the Wage-Hour and Walsh-Healey Acts make it possible 
to pay a wage less than the minimum wage rates provided the apprentices arc 
registered with the State Apprenticeship Council or the Federal Committee on. 
Apprenticeship if a State council has not been established.) 

2. Sclccthif/ candidates for apprcniiceHhip. — The ultimate success of an appren- 
ticeship plan depends more upon the ability and character of the young men selected 
than upon any other single factor in the program. The following are fundamental 
considerations in selecting those to be trained : 

(a) Give si^ecial attention to the character, mechanical aptitude, and intelli- 
gence of candidates. ^ 

(b) Request foremen to recommend likely candidates, and take full advantage 
of all information available in plant personnel records. 

(e) Consult with school authorities for additional evidence of aptitude and 

((Z) Establish a definite probationary period to serve as a double check on the 
suitability of those selected. 

(c) Usually candidates who have some trade experience may be found who can 
complete the program in less than the full period. This is particularly helpful 
in launching a new program and will make available some trained men at an 
early date. 

3. Carnjiny on the /)rf>f//'a»;.— Experience with well-established programs indi- 
cates that continuous attention is needed on the two basic features of apprentice 
training, i. e.. shop experience and related instruction. 

(a) Shop experience: It is essential that carefully organized instruction be 
given to each apprentice when he starts to work on each new job, and as he en- 
counters difficulties with the job. In larger plants, where the number of ap- 
prentices justifies, a section of the regular shop is equipped and used especially 
for apprentices. By thus grouping apprentices in one section, a great deal of 
individual instruction and attention can be given. This contributes greatly to- 
thorough mastery of the trade and to shortened learning time. 

In smaller phmts such instruction is given to each apprentice when placed oa 
regular jobs in the shop. In either case, care should be used in choosing the kind 
of production work, bearing in mind its teaching and exi)erience value. The 
thoroughness and speed with which the apprentice learns his trade will largely 
depend upon the instructing and continuous coaching skill of the foremen and 
journeymen f(n- his work experience. 

In cooperation with foremen the apprentice supervisor should have authority 
to move apprentices from job to job on the same work level and to upgrade 
apprentices from lower to higher levels of skill as each skill is satisfactorily 

Upon recommendation of the apprentice suiiervisor apprentices should be given 
appropriate increases in their pay when justified by increased skill and knowledge. 

(&) Related instruction: Vocational schools are usually used for instruction 
on related technical subjects, although some companies establish classes within 
their own plants. This supplemental instruction should coincide with current 
production experience. Ordinarily, 10 percent of the total working hours is 
devoted to such related instruction, which may or may not be on company time. 

Advisory assistance and technical consultation on the establishment and con- 
duct of apprenticeship programs may be secured from the Federal Committee 

1 For survey of wages paid apprentices in representative industries, consult apprentice 
field representative. 


on Apprenticeship and its field stafe. Requests for assistance or consultation may 
be directed to the office of the "Training Within Industry" or to the Federal 
Committee on Apprenticeship, Washington, D. C. 


(Labor Division— "Training Within Industry," Bulletin 4) 
Strengthening the Managerial Organization 

Helping managerial personnel to meet its operating responsibilities is the key 
to the success of an organization. It is also the key to the training of new 
workers and to the upgrading of present workers. Always it is the key to the 
maintenance of high morale throughout the work force, which represents the 
vei-y foundation of the industrial defense program. 

The recommended practices outlined herein represent successful programs in 
many companies throughout the country. 


Director, Training Witlmi Industry. 


Planned development is the key point in considering the building of a strong 
executive and supervisory force. In such planning many companies stress one 
or two features and feel that these will build a strong managerial group. Some 
maintain a favorable salary scale; others have a liberal retirement plan; some 
stress periodic rating; others pursue excellent training programs; still others 
emphasize the close personal relationship between upper and lower levels of 

Individually, these features are sound, of course, but no one or two of them are 
sufficient. The full range of factors affecting supervisors and executives must be 
given attention and action if a company is to be assured of a strong, energetic, 
and cooperative managerial force. 

Typical of the many examples showing the necessity of attention to all aspects 
of this problem are the following : 

Foremen are not likely to do their best work in meeting schedules and reducing 
costs if they are held responsible for delays and costs over which they have no 

A foreman finds it difficult to be genuinely helpful to a worker who has a wage 
question if he has a question regarding his own compensation. 

Any executive or supervisor is not likely to keep close touch witli his group if he 
is able to see his own superior but once or twice a month. 

Many an executive or supervisor stays with his company because the salary is 
satisfactory, but uses but a portion of his real capacity because his area of 
responsibility is not clear, his relationship with his boss not cordial, or he is a 
victim of internal politics. 

Examples such as the foregoing illustrate why sound and farsighted manage- 
ment policy is so important and why such policy, even when it has been formu- 
lated, does not serve its intended purpose unless all members of the managerial 
group understand it and know their .specific responsibility in carrying it out. 


The following fundamentals— already well known— represent some of the prin- 
cipal practices which build a strong managerial force : 

1. Selection. — Select executives and supervisors on a basis of leadership quali- 
ties, and not alone on job knowledge and job skills. 

An important aid at the time of selection is the preparation of a written position 
description, setting forth clearly the duties and results expected of the incumbent. 

2. Training. — Prepare a chart of the whole organization. Discuss it with all 
executives and supervisors. See that each man understands the functions and 
relationships of the various units and particularly his own place and function 
in the organization. 


3. See that all members of the executive and supervisory group understand the 
company's policies, particularly industrial relations policies. 

A growing number of companies are reducing to writing their basic policies, 
both to clarify just what the policies are and to assure that everyone in the com- 
pany understands them. 

4. See that each executive and supervisor is given sufficient authority to carry 
out the responsibility assigned to him. 

5. Give such organized aid and training to the executive and supervisory force 
as is appropriate and will be helpful on current problems. 

This is an important point representing a program in itself. Bulletin 4-B is 
devoted specifically to how such aid and training may be given. It is important 
to note that a well-rounded plan for strengthening the managerial organization 
requires attention to the 12 points mentioned herein, plus the amplification of this 
section in Bulletin 4-B. 

6. Plan transfers and rotations as well as promotions. Some companies make 
transfers and rotations for the express purpose of developing and rounding out 
individual executives and supervisors and not solely to fill positions after a need 
has arisen. They find that comi>etent men in widely differing fields can "trade 
jobs," not only without impairment to operations, but with distinct profit to the 
men and to the jobs. Fresh and unprejudiced points of view toward the new 
jobs usually result in outstanding improvements. It is not uncommon for execu- 
tives with 25 years' service to have had 10 to 15 different positions. The 
resultant competence, breadth of knowledge, and judgment is a major factor in 
the success of companies pursuing this plan. 

7. Encourage professional development. Membership in engineering, manage- 
ment, accounting, sales, and other professional societies, and appropriate partici- 
pation therein is encouraged by many companies. Foremanship, too, is a field of 
growing professional interest. 

8. Statuft and pay. — Give supervisors all the privileges of salaried employees, 
plus whatever additional privileges are apprca)riate in each local situation, i. e., 
parking space, desk equipment, lockers, and other symbols of status. 

9. See that supervisors, particularly foremen, are "in the know," i. e., trust them, 
give them actual departmental profit and loss figures, not just man-hour reports. 
Have them review (solicit their suggestions when appropriate) and see that they 
understand any plan that involves them such as : 

Job classification. Change in cost reports. 

Wage payment plans. New inspection plan. 

Contemplated purchase of new equip- New layout of department. 

ment. Union agreement, grievance procedure. 

Rating plan concerning themselves or grievance settlement. 

their workers. New production or quality standards. 

Plans for up-grading workers and super- 

And above all, see that foremen are informed as to any new general company 
policy or provisions before such information is released to workers: Examples: 
new plant rules ; sick-pay plan ; provisions relating to military training and serv- 
ice ; new union contract, agreement, or procedure ; new defense contract received ; 
wage-and-hour law rulings. 

10. Pay supervisors not only the going salary rate, but a rate appropriately 
above those suijervised. 

11. Pay all supervisors on a salary basis, i. e., all who give their full time to 
directing the work of others. (Leadmen, working foremen, or those whose super- 
visory function deals only with assigning work and helping maintain production 

schedules may be exceptions.) 

During periods of temporarily slack oi>eration, do not reduce supervisors to an 
hourly rate unless such a period is prolonged and it becomes necessary to demote 
them to hourly rated jobs. Until this action is taken as a last resort, have them 
work part time and pay them proportionately, but maintain them on the salary roll. 

12. Give appropriate salary increases based upon ijerfonnance. Avoid being 
infiuenced by the many personal relationships that obtain in every organization. 

In many companies \t is the accepted policy that the development of a foreman, 
superintendent, or works manager is just as important as the development of a 
product, plant, or policy. Just as much attention is given to planning the one as to 



the oth,er. In planning the development of managerial personnel, a great many- 
factors are considered. They embrace all the day-to day practices and influences 
in the comi>any which make for sound growth, development, and prudent manage- 

Washington, D. C. 


(Labor Division — "Training Within Industry," Bulletin 4-A) 
Expanding the Managerial Organization 

Expanding the organization in the initial stages is a simple problem. However, 
when expansion is required to the point where, as one company executive expresses 
it, "the supervisory organization is stretched beyond the elastic limit," the prob- 
lem becomes crucial. Further expansion and use of inexpei'ienced men may mean 
failure of certain operation or departments. It may mean the tie-up of the whole 
plant, high scrap losses, and serious difficulties in meeting production and quality 

The following plans have been found successful in many companies, and are 
such that they may be adapted to most any organization. There are many com- 
panies to which these will not be new. 


Directoi', Training Within Industry. 


The following four steps are ones normally encountered when expanding an 
organization. The plans thereunder are basic enough to be adapted to various 

1. Give each present supervisor more responsibility. — When production volume 
increases, of course, the first obvious method of handling it is to give each present 
supervisor more responsibility, i. e., more men, more equipment, more floor space, 
and often more authority. Occasionally sections or departments are combined and 
placed under one sui>ervisor where previously there were two or more supervisors. 

2. Select men from present supervisory force to fill positions of neiv or greater 
responsihilitics. — Usually, there is a limited number of qualified sui^ervisors from 
which men may be selected, competent to take full charge of new departments, new 
plants, or to assume newly created functions. 

Immediate attention to replacement and the preparation of understudies is es- 
sential. In fact, many executives find it practical to draw an organization chart 
and to place under each strategic position the names of several men who could fill 
such position in the order of their availability and competence. On one or two 
successive charts, plans are drawn showing how the organization would be ex- 
panded and men shifted under anticipated contingencies. Thus the department 
head, general superintendent, or works manager may specifically plan his under- 
studies and moves and avoid "getting in a pinch" when faced with a large order 
or an important expansion. Where there is a personnel or industrial relations 
department, this department can be particularly helpful by developing such confi- 
dential charts and plans and submitting them to Ijne executives for suggestions 
and approval. 

This procedure also makes it possible to give the maximum amount of organized 
training to understudies and men who are to be shifted or promoted. The per- 
sonnel officer, in collaboration with operating executives, can then prepare job rota- 
tion, progression, and observation training, and institute organized instruction in 
the fundamentals of supervision and technical information. 

3. Select amd train beginning supervisors.— When it becomes necessary, new 
supervisors must be selected and appointed. Each company management shows 
the best source in each instance, whether from the ranks of workers, engineers, 
technicians, or others. 

Experience proves conclusively that intelligence, personality, vitality, and other 
leadership abilities should outweigh technical or trade ability when such selections 
are made. Of course, there are some functions where technical knowledge is 
essential, and in such cases it must be recognized. 


The following approach represents the principal features of a successful plan 
now being widely used, by which properly chosen appointees are developed into 
quite competent sui>ervisors in 8 or 10 weeks. 

(a) Assign the new appointee to elementary supervisory work 2 to 3 weeks: It 
has been found that special training for a new supervisor in the principles of 
supervision, labor policies, and similar fields is more effective after he has had a 
taste of supervisory responsibility. For the first 2 or 3 weeks, therefore, he should 
be given suporvisidu of a normal experienced group of workmen where there are 
no exceptional prdhlems of production, discipline, or worker training. During 
this first assignment he should be made responsible for routine duties, such as 
shop orders, time tickets, material ordei'ing, work assignment, routine production, 
quality, and schedule control. He should be closely guided and coached in these 
matters by an experienced supervisor. He should not be thrown into problems or 
controversies on wage payment, grievances, discipline, employee selection, transfer 
or dismissal, maintenance, cost analyses, and like questions. 

(b) Give the new supervisor intensive instruction 1 to 2 weeks: Take the 
beginning sui>ervisor (in groups of 3 or 4, up to 12) off the job 4 hours a day for 
15 to 18 consecutive days or full time for 6 to 10 days. Give him concentrated 
instruction in the principal features of his new supervisory job. This will pre- 
pare him to deal more confidently with difficult situations as they arise. Other- 
wise it may be months before he encounters them and learns how to deal with 
them through costly trial and error. Discussion of typical operating cases, 
problems, and questions should be lifted directly out of the job situations. An 
experienced training specialist, using suitable training quarters, can thus help 
beginning supervisors to acquire much of the knowledge and judgment which 
would otherwise require months or years to gain. 

This intensive instruction should be scheduled about as follows: 


Supervisory job planning q 

Theory and practice of instructing workers 48 

Personnel responsibilities q 

Labor policies and procedures 6 

This plan particularly requires the careful attention of management, training 
specialist, and foreman alike. While it is difficult to take the new man off the 
job, companies find that the long-term advantage outweighs the short-term in- 
convenience. After such instruction, men are able to accept full responsibility 
sooner and make fewer mistakes in the meantime. 

(c) Assign the new supervisor to more difficult and responsible worlc 4 to 6 
weeks: The new supervisor now has begun to have a basis for judgment and 
should be placed in a position where he is responsible for a normal worjving 
group including some inexperienced workers. He should have contact with the 
full range of supervisory problems, and under experienced coaching should be 
given responsibility for them just as rapidly as he is able to handle them properly. 

In some situations, it may be found at this stage that it will expedite produc- 
tion if the new supervisor is given the special assignment of instructing new 
workers. It is sometimes advantageous to use him on such work for several 
weeks or several months. 

id) Put the new sui>ervisor "on his own": At this stage, the new supervisor 
may be given normal line responsibility under normal supervisory guidance and 
share in whatever staff meetings, supervisory conference, or other organized aids 
are available. 

4. Develop a reserve or pool of potential hipervisors. — Future needs for super- 
visors should be anticipated and a pool of qualified men developed. 

Many men are broadening their outlook and scope of knowledge through out- 
of-hour study in university extension, correspondence schools, company classes, 
and through individual study of company products and producing methods. 
Often among such men there are excellent candidates for beginning supervisory 

It has been found advantageous to make arrangements to use an outside serv- 
ice — State university or State vocational education department — for a course in 
"foremanship" adapted to their particular needs. Under such outside auspices, 
enroUees do not expect immediate recognition by the company and yet the com- 
pany has a pool of interested and partially trained ix)tential supervisors from 
which to draw. 



When presupervisorj' training is set up and offered by a company and open to 
voluntary enrollment, men who take the training will expect recognition. This 
is true in spite of the fact that no job offers are made or implied, yet their 
disappointment is a serious morale factor when they are not selected for super- 
visory positions. 


(Labor Division — "Training within Industry," Bulletin 4r-B) 
Improving Supervisory Practice 

This bulletin outlines how supervisory practice is being improved in many com- 
panies. It is prepared especially for those managements who have the point of 
view of "anticipation and prevention" rather than "discovery and correction." It 
is for those who look beneath the surface for the solution to their problems. 

Tlie solution lies with each supervisor^his knowledge of his job and of com- 
pany policies, his breadth of vision, and his ability to impart knowledge to sub- 

It depends as well, on his capacity for forward planning, bis ability to meet 
emergencies, his capacity as an organizer and expediter, his knowledge of human 
relationships, and the many other vital attributes essential to intelligent leader- 

No standard procedure is suggested. Rather there is recommended a basic 
plan or "method of approach" within which any company can develop its own 
program according to its own problems and needs. 

Attention to the 12 points outlined in Bulletin No. 4, plus this amplification of 
point 5 of that bulletin, represents a well-rounded program. 


Director, Training Within Industry. 


The most successful supervisory-development programs are those sponsored and 
directed by upper management, at least by the works or factory head or 

This is a natural situation, for the one dominant influence in each supervisor's 
business life, the same as for each employee, is his own boss. Therefore the best 
supervisory-training program in the world is a "good bos.s." 

Following is a simple and productive method by which each supervisor can 
make "better bosses" of his subordinate supervisors — in an organized manner. 
Without some organized plan, this underlying job is easily crowded out of the 
picture by the rush and pressure of daily duties, and development occurs only in a 
haphazard manner as a byproduct of costly experience. 

The first question is: At what level in the organization should the program 
start? The obvious answer is: As far up as possible. The ideal program starts 
with the president. 


The following plan is recommended because it is easily administered and pro- 
ductive of outstanding results. It consists of four basic features : 

1. Acceptance of responsibility for the program by upper management. 

2. Assistance in program planning and operation by staff training man. 

3. Regular conferences at organization levels sponsored and directed by the 
line organization. 

4. Frank discussion of, consultation regarding, and appropriate action on com- 
pany policies and problems at each level. 


To initiate a program it is desirable for company or plant heads to hold a meet- 
ing at which the need for improving supervision is discussed and thoroughly 


The company training director, if there is such, or training specialist from a 
neighboring industry or other outside agency sliould meet with the group to 
explain the basic idea of the program and to lend assistance in planning it if it is 
decided to go ahead. 

The central theme of this meeting is a frank analysis of the problems of the 
company or department and the reaching of a conclusion as to the extent to which 
such problems can be met through improved supervision. 

Naturally where the problem is one of plant, equipment, or finance there is little 
that can be done through improved supervision. In the field of utilization of 
existing facilities, however — production, cpiality, costs, labor relations— most 
executives find that there is no other lasting solution except that found through 
better supervision. 

If it should be concluded that "better supervision" represents a large part of the 
answer to the company's problems, the group would determine to undertake a 
program devoted specifically to this objective. 

For company or plant heads who have reached this conclusion the following 
procedure is recommended. It is a simple procedure, following regular organiza- 
tion lines : 


1. Establish periodic conferences for supervisors. — Arrange for each supervisor 
to meet regularly with those supervisors who report immediately to him. Usual 
practice is 1M> hours each 2 to 4 weeks — more often if groups so desire. Of course, 
if a superintendent has one or two assistants only, he would include in his meeting 
his two assistants and all the general foremen or foremen reporting directly to him 
through his assistants. 

The top group mentioned above who originated the program is the "master con- 
ference" group. This group sets the pattern for all subordinate groups by meeting 
regularly and serving as the permanent steering or guiding force for the whole 

2. Provide for competent cotiference leadership. — The executive or supervisor 
in charge of each group at each level is chairman of his own conferences. Usual 
practice is for the chairman to open the meeting and have a comiietent conference 
leader direct the discussion period. The chairman tactfully participates in the 
discussion, of course, and closes the meeting with whatever assignments or 
announcements need be made as to future action. 

As the chairmen (line executives and supervisors) become familiar with con- 
ference procedure, some of them gradually attain skill in the method and lead their 
own conferences entirely. 

Others never attain competence in using the conference method and prefer to 
use conference leaders for all their meetings of this nature. Others who may be 
capable of leading discussions may still prefer to use conference leaders so they 
can participate in the discussion and aid the program in other ways. 

Accordingly, it is necessary to train one or more qualified men as conference 
leaders. The training director of a neighboring industry, a representative of a 
State university, or State or Federal vocational education staff can give this 

Competent conference leaders represent the key to the program. Group meetings 
skillfully and efficiently directed are the most helpful and productive source of 
development and general growth yet discovered. Meetings iX)orly directed are 
wasteful, expensive, and destructive of interest and morale. Too much attention 
cannot be given to provisions for the very best leaders possible and to constant 
improvement in their skill. 

3. Provide for disoussion of, and action on., current supervisory problems. — 
The responsibility for determining the questions requiring the attention of the 
sui)ervisory force rests with the "master conference" group. The company 
training director or conference leader who always meets with this group assists 
in these determinations. 

The master group places on its agenda two kinds of questions : 
(a) Those which should be brought to the attention of the whole supervisory 
force : For example, in one company the production planning function was 
changed from a centralized basis in the city office to a decentralized basis in 
each plant. The master conference group had the chief of the planning divi- 
sion thoroughly explain the new procedures at its regular meeting. The con- 


ference leader kept accurate notes of the discussion, and, after the conference, 
^cooperation with the planning man, prepared a question and answer state- 
ment on the functioning of the new plan. This statement served as the stand- 
Tid guide for meetings on the same subject later held at each supervisory evel 

Slamples of other matters flowing from the top group down through all 
supervisory groups are: Understanding the budgetary control system; grievance 
Socedure; iipgrading policy; military service policy; employment policy and 
procedure! job classification ; all matters of common interest needing general 
attention and understanding. 

(6) Those of concern to the group only: Naturally there are always questions 
of interest to only the top group which are discussed and settled by them and 
which go no further. „ , *. 

In the same way supervisor's groups below the "master conference have two 
kinds of questions which require their attention and action : 

(a) Problems and questions received from the "master conference. 

(&) Matters of their own choosing, of interest to themselves or to groups at 
lower levels if such is the case. _ -, , , ^■ 

This means that the program is flexible, always directed toward the solution 
of practical problems, and involves no standard subjects which must be "waded 
through" whether or not they are timely. . . ■ mx. 

4 Suggestions as to matters requiring the attention of supervisors.— The 
"master conference" group usually finds that questions to which siipervisors 
should give their attention are so numerous that conferences are scheduled 
several periods in advance. , ,, . 

However, for those who may not know "how to start," the following sugges- 
tions! may be helpful. They represent needs existent rather generally in all 
supervisory groups. ,. ■ ^^ 

(a) Clearer definition and understanding of company ix)licies: Companies 
-which do not have written industrial-relations policies find many useful pur- 
poses are served if supervisor&i are asked to develop initial drafts of such 
policies in their regular meetings. 

Companies who have long had well-defined industrial-relations policies find 
it necessary to periodically review them in supervisors'' meetings to keep them 
vital and to see that supervisors' current practices are in accord with current 

Recent wage-and-hour rulings, provisions under Selective Training and Service 
Act, recent labor agreements, and training programs such as are suggested in 
these bulletins are typical examples of current problems. 

The same need often exists with respect to customer service, quality stand- 
ards, maintenance, and other policies. 

(ft) Clearer definition and understanding of responsibility, procedure, and 
interrelationships: The most useful method yet discovered by which areas of 
responsibility and authority can be clearly determined, overlapping of functions 
eliminated, internal jealousies dissipated, procedures clarifi-d and simplified 
isi through group analysis of the responsibilities of indi,vidual departments, 
divisions, or supervisors, and group agreement to the conclusions drawn. 

Agreement arrived at through gi-oup analysis of "activities" which involve a 
number of departments at different levels is a further refinement of the process 
that is even more productive of coiiHtructive results. Typical "activities" of 
first importance to many defense contractors are :. Procurement of materials and 
equipment; expediting 'orders thi-ough the shop; individual wage or salary 
adjustments ; and upgrading and employing workers. 

All other aspects of the company's work are suitable for group analysis and 
agreement. Experience shows that there is scarcely a single "activity" which 
is not materially changed and improved when subjected to the group analysis 
of the various executives and supervisors affected in its day-to-day application. 

(c) Improved knowledge of the company, its products, and its technical 
processes : Presentation to supervisors of company of product and technical in- 
formation by specialists in their fields: is a fundamental factor in company 
success. Obviously this need exists as long as the company stays in business. 

One firm developed two programs in this respect — "Know your product" and 
"Know your company." 


(d) Better direction of tlie work force: Improved methods of "handling 
men" or "directing the work of others" is a need generally recognized through- 
out industry. 

Improvements in this vital area of contact between management and men 
have been sought more widely in supervisory groups than all others com- 

"Handling men" has a wide variety of aspects on which all levels of super- 
vision can profitably determine sound practice. 

5. Provisions for special help to first-line supermsors.— Having general mat- 
ters start with the "master conference" and flow down through the various 
conferences at organization levels sometimes requires some special help when 
such matters reach first-line supervisors. Sometimes there are two or three 
work shifts involved, which makes it impossible for the foreman or general 
foreman to meet with all his supervisors, or perhaps it is not possible to re- 
move all supervisors from the floor at one time. In such cases the foreman 
or general foreman can delegate to a conference leader the responsibility of 
conducting some of the conferences for him, both on problems which have 
originated with the master or some higher conference group, and on questions 
assigned by the foreman himself. 

^ if * * * * 4: 

When properly started and directed, this program quickly becomes an in- 
dispensable tool of management, and one which in a few months makes practical 
operators wonder how they "ever got along without it." 

Washington, D. C, Novemher 1940. 

DOOLEY— Resumed 


Mr. Doolet. You perhaps will be interested in how we want to 
implement this thing. As Dr. Alexander said, the Defense Commis- 
sion is not going to pursue actively any operation. As a committee 
Ave are not training anybody. 

We have set up in the United States 22 districts. We have bor- 
rowed in each district 1 man who is somewhat experienced, similar 
to myself, from some industry in that district, who will work full 
time for a while in order to set up an office. His job will be to 
mobilize all the j:)ersonnel and training men within the industry 
in that area, and have them on call, so to speak, so that employers 
who are in trouble with their training programs — who don't know 
how to develop green men into skilled mechanics, who have trouble 
with their supervision — can call on this office. They will, for the 
duration, if it is necessary, call on the skilled services and the train- 
ing work of all the industries in that area to advise corporations 
who are in difficulties on how to carry on their training, which they 
will do for themselves and by themselves in their own plants. 

We will give them counsel services. 

state employment services should be used 

Dr. Alexander. There is one matter I would like to emphasize 
before I go and that is to get any orderliness out of this migration, 
to get this shift that is going to have to take place in some of these 
areas, I think the committee should give very careful attention as 

260370— 41— pt. 10 7 


to how to get the employment service in touch with those communi- 
ties and to get the Employment Service recognized as the agency 
through which these workers should go for jobs. 

Mr. Parsons. To get them informed instead of misinformed ? 

Dr. Alexander. Yes, sir ; and get somebody in touch with the com- 
munity actually out there who can guide these people when they do 
have to move. 

The Chairman. That is one of the first problems that we will prob- 
ably approach in our report to Congress. 

Our record is quite complete with testimonj^ of that kind. In other 
words, the people in the various States are entitled to correct informa- 
tion before they actually move. 

Dr. Alexander. And they are entitled to guidance and advice such 
as the Employment Service can give them if it is out where they are. 

The Chairman. Yes. 

Dr. Alexander. I think that would be a very important thing. 

Mr. Dooley. The Employment Service is a new thing in this country, 
relatively. It is going to take a long while to educate people up to how 
to use it. The employer doesn't know how to use it. Employees and 
people just shy away from it, but it is going and it should be promoted. 

Mr. Curtis. Would you men favor Congress providing in various 
appropriation acts and other legislation in relation to national defense 
that all the employment, except local employment, in defense indus- 
tries be handled by the United States Employment Service, and then 
further requiring that the application for employment be submitted at 
the point where the worker is and not at the place where the work is 
to be found ? 

Would that eliminate the trek of thousands to a point for jobs where 
there aren't jobs for that many? In other words, to promulgate a 
program such as you mentioned in connection with the Lockheed Co. ? 

Mr. DooLEY. I think we can say that is a topic well worthy of in- 
vestigation and looking into. 

I would think the example I cited in California is an excellent one — 
go to the point of origin for labor. 

On the other hand, I find employers are reluctant to close their doors 
to anybody who may call on theni. 

Whatever legislation is actually proposed I don't think it should 
forbid the employee on his own initiative to go and hunt a job. That 
is a part of our democratic processes in this country. 

You might have some control of the employer reaching out. 

Dr. Alexander. I would feel the first thing to do is put the Employ- 
ment Service in a position where it could get the people out in these 
areas and see if by educational process we can't get the results without 
having to do it by legislation. 

I think the Employment Service could do a great deal more than it is 
now doing if it liad the resources. 

Mr. Curtis. But don't you think these people seeking work should 
know and feel that their chances of securing a job are just as well if 
they submit their application at home? 

Dr. Alexander. If the Employment Service was out there, that is 
exactly what would liappen. 


Mr. Curtis. As lono; as they feel they may have a better chance by 
traveling through several States and standing in line, they are going 
to do that. 

Dr. Alexander. Yes, that is it ; but if the Employment Service was 
out in each of these counties with a staff sufficient to get out there and 
deal with these people, I think a good deal could be accomplished in 
that manner without further legislation. 

Mr. DooLEY. They are improving the Employment Service very 

The Chairman. Well, Dr. Alexander and Mr. Dooley, I think you 
have given us a very valuable contribution. I will say this, that if any 
thing else occurs to you before we close our record, you will have oui 
permission to send it up here. 

Personally I would like to question each of you much longer but 
we can't do it all in 1 day. We have a member of the Cabinet here 
and we don't want to break up the Cabinet. 

The Chairman. Our next witness is Claude K. Wickard, Secretary 
of Agriculture, 


Mr. Parsons. Mr. Secretary, will you give your name and position 
to the reporter for the record? 

Mr. Wickard. Claude R. Wickard, Secretary of Agriculture. 

Mr. Parsons. I did not get a chance to read carefully your state- 
ment, but I glanced through it a little while ago. It is a very inter- 
esting statement and I shall ask the Chairman to direct the repoiier 
to have it incorporated in the record at this point. 

The Chairman, It will be so ordered. 

(The statement referred to is as follows:) 


Low Income and Fakm Problems 

The problem of poverty and distress among farm people, in terms of oppor- 
tunities of income and of living conditions, is the basic problem of American 
agriculture. This problem has a multitude of aspects, and reaches into every 
part of our agricultural life, acting with disastrous effect upon farmers, their 
community institutions, and the natural resources of land and water which 
form the basis of our future as a nation. 

For example, we know what should be done with the land but we can't do it 
in all cases because we do not know how to deal effectively with the problems 
of the people on the laud. 

Rural poverty is, of course, not new. It dates from the period of the pioneers 
who first cleared the land and settled upon the farms. But present conditions 
of poverty and lack of opportunity among agricultural people offer a situation 
that is vastly different from that of the pioneers, who willingly undertook the 
hardships and privations of opening up the new continent and who believed they 
could look forward to a future of increasing security. Today 3,000,000 farm 
families, half those in the Nation, are caught in a vise of poverty and privation 
and are facing a bleak-appearing future. Furthermore, the agricultural people 
in this lowei--income group have a birth rate higher than any other group in 
American society, thus making the problem increasingly serious. 




These conditions are the result of trends which have long been apparent in 
the Nation. They include technological advances, mechanization, concentration 
of holdings, monopolistic tendencies, shifting market demands, and others. These 
trends, however, did not make themselves felt in terms of really widespread 
distress until comparatively recent years, when we reached the virtual end of 
agriculture's geographical frontier. Just about the same time, farmers found 
that the effects of soil erosion and depletion were rapidly reducing the good 
land available for cultivation. 

A few undeveloped areas such as parts of the Mississippi Delta and the 
Pacific Northwest still remain to us and offer some hope for the absorption of 
additional farm families. Nevertheless, it is true that we no longer have 
enough new and good lands to which the displaced and disadvantaged people in 
agriculture may go and find new chances at the freedom and security lacking ^ 
to them in the more established areas. Broadly speaking, we have reached the ' 
point in agricultural development which compels a large part of our farm 
people either to remain on farms in areas where opportunities are few or else 
to seek opportunities outside of agriculture. 

This set of factors resulted in the net migration of 6.000,0€0 farm people to 
cities during the decade of the twenties, when urban industries needed tliem to 
meet the expanding employment requirements of a growing industrial economy. 
Beginning in 1929, however, the flow of population from farnts became dammed 
up on the land by a depression which shut off employment opportunities even 
for those who already lived in the cities. During the year 1932 there was a net- 
backflow of displaced industrial workers from the cities to farms. Because of 
these conditions the Nation now has an agricultural population of about 
7,000,000 families, the largest! agricultural population in all our history. Thi,s 
is simply another way of saying that the pressure of rural population upon our 
land resources is greater now than ever before. 


At the same time that this pressure has been increasing, in our own country, 
great world changes have been occurring to alter materially the basis upon 
which our old agriculture was built. 

Our shift from a debtor to a creditor nation after tlie World War has had a 
profound and continuing effect upon export markets for agricultural products. 
Our old customers have lacked their former ability to pay for our farm produce. 
A wave of economic nationalism has arisen and many nations have sought either 
to grow their own crops, to do without the crops, or to develop substitutes. Re- 
flecting these conditions, the market for our farm export products up to the first 
of 1939 had shrunk since the early twenties from a level requiring the harvests 
from 80,000,000 acres of land to a level demanding tlie output of 20 to 50 
million acres. 

The present and future effects of war upon American agriculture are an 
additional menace to the employment and security of the American farmers. 
We face the actuality of having the Continent of Europe completely removed for 
some length of time as a consumer of our agricultural exports. Complicating this 
situation in the long view is the fact that our future export prospects are none 
too bright, regardless of the outcome of the war. 

Not even these distressing facts, however, give a rounded picture of the 
changing employment outlook on American farms. For the development of 
mechanization and technology on the agricultural front has been and is going 
forward fidly as rapidly as on the industrial front. The result is that more 
crops can be grown per acre of land harvested, due to the development of new 
seed varieties, new fertilizers, and new practices, and that the tractors and 
other machines are greatly reducing the manpower requirements per acre. 


Your committee has been chiefly concerned with the problems of farmers who 
have become migrants, searching aimlessly for new places on the land or for 
seasonal work in agriculture. They are not people who are going some place, 


but are people leaving some place, leaving the land from which they have been 
pushed by increasing mechanization, persistent drought conditions, erosion, and 
low incomes. Their numbers, constantly increasing as succeeding changes deal 
additional shocks to agriculture, are already in the hundreds of thousands of 

This flood of distress migration and the attendant conditions of living which 
the migrants encounter are a problem we cannot ignore. It must be dealt with 
courageously and effectively. Yet the matter of present distress migration, im- 
]jortant though it is, constitutes but one of the phases of rural poverty and distress. 
The fact is that the number of potential future migrants from farms is many times 
greater than the number of those who are already on the road. They are the 
ones who have not yet been forced out of farming, but whose hold upon the land 
is becoming more and more precarious and who cannot stay where they are unless 
conditions change very appreciably or unless the Government lends them a helping 
hand. From this huge surplus of manpower has come the present stream of 
migrants, and from it thousands more are likely to come. 


There is an obvious difference between distress migration and the other type 
of migration from farms, the trek to the city to jobs in industry. This type of 
migration should be encouraged, provided, of course, the opportunities for em- 
ployment are there. If industry expands to the point necessary to take care of the 
needs of the people, as will have gone a long way toward solving the migrant 
problem and the farm problem. 

Needless to say, programs which deal effectively with the fundamental problem 
of rural poverty deal effectively with phases of the migrant problem and other 
phases of the entire farm problem as well. 


The task of creating a sounder, more satisfactory agriculture for a greater 
number of people is a matter for the concern of farm people and of city people 
alike. It is a task of county and State governments and also of the National 
Government. The Congress has entrusted to the Department of Agriculture the 
administration of the Federal Government's major activities that attack this 
problem most directly. Since 1933 the Department of Agriculture programs have 
dealt directly with the ramified problems growing out of rural poverty. 

I am well aware that the Department's programs are by no means perfect and 
that they have fallen short in many ways. At the same time they have some very 
real accomplishments to their credit. Without the programs it is my opinion 
that agriculture would be prostrate. In the actual operation of the programs we 
have obtained experience and information that could have been obtained by no 
other means. 

The Agricultural Adjustment Administration, first set up in 1933, is the cul- 
mination of a series of acts by Congress, ending with the Agricultural Adjustment 
Act of 1938. These acts provide for an ever-normal granary, adjustment and con- 
servation programs, crop insurance on wheat, commodity-storage loans, marketing 
agreements, and a variety of efforts to widen the markets for farm products here 
and abroad. These programs constitute a very important part of the Nation's 
present efforts to protect agricidtural people against deepening poverty, caused by 
changing agricultural conditions. The Agricultural Adjustment Administration's 
work aims primarily at raising farm prices and farm income, in addition to impor- 
tant contributions toward soil conservation on a national scale. 

I need not tell you what an important consideration this is to agriculture. Yet, 
due partly to lack of an adequate income in past generations, the income problem 
is not the only one troubling agriculture. There are others with roots buried deep 
in the agricidtural policies, attitudes, and practices of the past, and these, too, call 
for s-ome fundamental adjustments in agriculture. Tliis need resulted in the au- 
thorization by the Congress of still other programs, and, in turn, some of these 
programs resulted in the creation of the Farm Security Administration. 

Two large-scale programs are administered by the Farm Security Administra- 
tion. One of them is for the rehabilitation of farmers that are down and out; 
the other, authorized under title I of the Bankhead-Jones Act, attacks the prob- 
lem of farm tenancy through loans to tenants for the purchase of farms. 



To help handle another problem, the problem of soil erosion and depletion, 
Congress created the Soil Conservation Service to help with a national program 
of rebuilding the soil. Title III of the Bankhead-Jones Act calls for the develop- 
ment of a sound laud-utilization program. It also authorizes the public purchase 
of lands that are submarginal for agriculture, and the development of these 
lands in ways that will benefit surrounding areas. 

The water-facilities program provides assistance to farmers and ranchers in 
developing more adequate water resources in the arid and semiarid areas. The 
Flood Control Act of 1936, and subsequent anifiKlnieiits, authorize land treat- 
ment for flood control. The work of the Forest Service has been expanded 
toward greater action in forestry development and conservation. Other acts 
provide for the development of farm-forestry work, expansion of credit facilities, 
a sugar program, the disposal of surplus crops, the extension of rural electrifi- 
cation, the establishment of research laboratories to find new industrial uses for 
farm products, the purchase of lands for public forests and wildlife sanctuaries, 
and other activities. Each of these programs is aiming at some porlion of the 
problem of rural poverty and insecurity. 

All of us here, I knovv^, feel a particularly keen interest in tlie rehabilitation 
and tenant-purchase programs being administered by the Farm Security Admin- 
istration. The Farm Security Administration gives direct and effective assist- 
ance to the lower-income groups in agriculture. This aid is given through a 
system of loans and grants, accompanied by ttie necessary supervision and 


In rural rehabilitation work, the Federal Government has found a successful 
and economical method, comparatively si>eaking, of assisting rural distressed 
families. More than a million farm families, most of them once on relief or 
nearly so, have been helped by loans and grants through the Farm Security Ad- 
ministration. Many of these families have already been changed fx-om burdens 
upon the community into assets. The overwhelming majority of them have been 
helped toward better incomes, better kinds of farming, better diet, and better 

These gains have been accomplished largely through common-sense planning 
for better farm and home management, worked out by agricultural specialists 
with every family on the farm-security program. A recent survey of rehabili- 
tation clients showed that present borrowers, on tlie average, have increased 
their annual net incomes from $875 to $538, a gain of 43 percent since they first 
came to Farm Security Administration for help. 

Rehabilitation costs much less than ordinary work relief. The average cost 
of work relief in the cities is about $800 per year, and even rural work relief runs 
to about $350 a year or more. Rehabilitation is being accomplished for a total 
of about $72 per family per year, counting all tlie costs of supervision, losses on 
loans, and every other expense. 

The rehabilitation program has brought improvement in rural standards of 
health and education, which are the lowest in low-income areas. Extensive work 
has been done especially in encouraging the development of county healtli associa- 
tions by Farm Security Administration clients and local medical societies, and 
in increasing school attendance by the children, of needy farm families. Also 
included in the reliahilitation work are the Farm Security Administration's ac- 
tivities in the improvement of tenure arrangements, through encouraging the 
development of long-term written leases. The measure of the need for improve- 
ment in tenure is aprarent v.'hen we conpider the fact that one out of every three 
tenants moves to a different farm each year. 


The Farm Security Administration has chai'ge of the efforts to promote farm 
ownership through the Bankhead-Jones farm-tenant loan program. The number 
of farm tenants is increasing by about 40,000 families a year, but less than 10,000 
loans a year can be made for purchase of farms by tenants with funds available 
under the present program. Such loans are self-liquidating, and the funds for 
them are now provided through the Reconstruction Finance Corporation rather 

interstate: migration 395I 

than by direct appropriation. Since there are more than 2,800,000 farm tenants 
in the United States, nearly half the farm ijopnlation, the importance of the Farm 
Security Administration's worlc on the tenancy problem cannot be exaggerated. 

Because of the nature of its programs, the Farm Security Administration comes 
in close contact with the problems of migrant agricultural worliers. 

Some migration of farm labor is necessary under the present organization of 
agriculture. Some would be necessary even if distress were not a factor. Further- 
more, the problem of rural poverty cannot be solved overnight, and for many 
years to come we probably will continue to face the problem of large-scale inter- 
state migration of farm families. Recognizing this fact, the Farm Security Ad- 
ministration in 1936 started to build migratory labor camps to provide temporary 
shelter and basic sanitary facilities for migrant families. There are now 53 of 
these camps, counting both the permanent and mobile units, located in 7 States 
and providing facilities for about 10,000 migrants at any one time. More of these 
camps are needed, since the present facilities can take care of only a fraction of 
the hundreds of thousands of wanderers in search of work. 

The Farm Security Administration also has done some significant work in the 
field of rural housinsr. Under the Bankhead-Jones tenant-loan program, it is now 
building modest but durable homes under private contract for an average of less 
than $1,400 each, the lowest cost at which comparable homes have ever been built 
in this country by either public or private enterprise. 

Some of the most significant work being done by Farm Security Administration 
Is in the provision of exijert technical guidance to its clients, particularly in 
encouraging the production of greater quantities of food and feed for home use. 
Production for home use contributes nothing to cash crop surpluses but does a 
great deal toward raising the living and health standards of low-income farmers. 
This policy, long advocated by the Extension Service as a means of increasing 
the real incomes of farm people, is now being carried out to a remarkable degree 
among Farm Security Administration clients. The live-at-home policy for 
farmers, in fact, has demonstrated its very real value as a tool for relieving 
conditions of rural poverty. 

The problem of crop surpluses and of the inadequate diets of low4ncome people 
is being attacked through the food-stamp plan, the cotton-stamp plan, the school- 
lunch program, and the direct purchase and distribution program of the Surplus 
Marketing Administration. 

The food-stamp plan seeks to achieve better farm incomes and better diets by 
means of a Federal subsidy to low-income consumers in the form of blue stamiis 
that can be used to buy certain suiiJlus foods, which they get at grocery stores 
thi-ough this plan. 

The Surplus Marketing Administration also is disposing of other agricultural 
surpluses and increasing consumption of farm products through the cotton mat- 
tress program and a free school lunch program. Last year more than 3,000,000 
school children, rural and urban, obtained their school meals through this program. 

The programs I have mentioned indicate the scope of the new activities en- 
trusted to the Department of Agriculture during the last 7 years. In addition 
to the new action agencies, many of the older agencies of the Department, notably 
the Extension Service, the Forest Service, and the Bureau of Agricultural Eco- 
nomics, have had their work expanded and related more clearly to the aims of 
direct Federal action in agriculture, including direct action to help low-income 
farm families. 


To this end, two things have been necessary — one, the organization of the 
Department so that all action administration could be grouped around a central 
core of planning, and, second, a cooperative system of planning that would enable 
local. State, and Department people to pool their information and combine their 
judgments in determining specific objectives for the varying agricultural regions. 

As a part of the task of widening the democracy in agricultural planning, a 
Nation-wide land-use planning organization has been estal)lished in which the 
local farmers, technicians from the State colleges, and local administrators of 
agricultural programs are cooperating in making joint plans and recommenda- 
tions for public guidance as to long-time goals. The land use planning organiza- 
tion provides a two-way channel whereby counsel and information can go back 


and forth freely between the farmers, the State agricultural colleges, and the 
Secretary of Agriculture. 


This planning becomes of particular importance at a time when the European 
war is rapidly forcing upon us the need for sharp adjustments in American 
agriculture. Export outlets for crops such as cotton, tobacco, wheat, and others 
have been drastically reduced. The groups of farmers who are accustomed to 
raising these crops may have to begin working out rather severe adjustments, 
possibly with the aid of public action. These necessary adjustments, insofar as 
possible, must be made in a manner so as to lighten their impact upon all farm 
people, and especially upon that part of the farm population which is least able 
to stand up under additional shocks. 

The defense program, because it is materially increasing employment in the 
cities and in the armed forces, will probably increase the demand for some farm 
products, such as meats, dairy and poultry products, fruits, and vegetables. But 
difficulties seem likely to continue and Increase for areas dependent upon export 
crops. In particular, this may be true of cotton-growing areas. On the other 
hand, some of the surplus population in rural areas will obtain work in defense 
industries or other nonfarm work during the peak of industrial activities. 

As the industrial program gathers momentum, the migration of rural people to 
industiral centers will no doubt drain oft some of the surplus farm population. 
There may even be some decline in rural population, which would temporarily 
relieve part of the burden of farm unemployment and lack of opportunity. 
However, it seems doubtful if the industrial speed-up will provide farmers with 
more than enough increase in farm prices to offset the probable higher prices of 
other goods and costs. 

Contrary to some impressions the defense program will not ease all of the pres- 
sure upon opportunity in rural areas by drawing farm people into nonagricultural 

The defense program is concerned with the unused reserves of manpower in 
rural areas, and some of the rural unemployed will undoubtedly get defense work. 
The location of some of the defense industries, in fact, may be determined by the 
existence of these labor reserves. The defense program, however, may pass its 
peak of employment within a few years and may be followed by a substantial 
back-to-the-land movement if industry wheels stop turning at their present rate. 

Agriculture cannot look to the defense program for a cure of its primary ills. 
Surplus population in relation to land resources and opportunities will still be left 
on the farms after the defense activities have drawn off all of the rural workers 
that can be used. Rural poverty and lack of opportunity on the land will still be 
there, and the excess of population will continue to form a reserve of potential 

In the final analysis, the solution to the problem of poverty in agriculture must 
include action undertaken within agriculture itself. The job is one of creating a 
better, more satisfactory lot of opportunities on the land for those who are now 
there. Present activities of the Department are doing much of the work that is 
needed, but other work will also be required if we are to control fully the problem 
of increasing rural distress. 

One of the steps we might have in mind would be the extension of social-security 
benefits to farmers. I do not see why farm people should not share in old-age 
retirement benefits and pensions, minimum standards for wages, and maximum 
standard for hours along with city i)eople. After all, farmers are Americans just 
like other Americans. 

Of course, I realize that social-security provisions for agricultural workers and 
croppers under existing conditions would simply mean that farm owners and farm 
operators would have to take a cut in an already low return for investment and 
management. But I am sure that farm owners and farm operators would be glad 
to see the benefits of social security extended to farmers, provided that farm 
income can be raised to a level with the return of other groups, comparatively 
speaking, and kept at that level. The encouragement of family-sized, owner- 
operated farms, improvements in rural health and education, the possible decen- 
tralization of industries into rural areas, the development of more adequate live- 
at-home practices on farms — these also are parts of tlie attack that must be made. 


More active conservation of soil and water resources, establishment of cooperative 
enterprises, fuller efforts toward satisfactory rural housing, wider rural electrifi- 
cation, the equalization of credit opportunities — these also are needed. 

Finally, let me say that I do not believe we should concentrate on the needs of 
any one group to the exclusion of the needs of others. All phases of the farm 
problem are intertwined, and any practical plan which helps with one front helps 
with all fronts. If we help the low-income farmers, we help all farmers. Under 
the direction of Congress we have made a good beginning toward the solution of 
our farm problems. I am confident that we will continue to progress in the years 


Mr, Parsons. I would like for you to summarize your statement for 
the benefit of the members of the committee who have not had an 
opportunity to read it through at length. 

Mr. WiCKARD. I regard the problem of people about whom your 
connnittee is concerned as constituting the basic problem of agricul- 
ture. I say that because I think that we in the Department feel that, 
as far as the land and the soil and soil resources are concerned, we 
should work out some solution for most of the problems which affect 
the soil if we had a solution for taking care of the people who live on 
the land. 


The fact of the matter is that there are just too many people trying 
to make a living from the land, and that is, of course, causing the 
migration to one point or another. 

That is not necessarily a new thing— farm people leaving where they 
have been brought up and seeking homes or employment elsewhere. 
But in recent years there has been a different type of migration than 
we have had before. 

My ancestors left Pennsylvania and moved over into Ohio. Their 
children left Ohio and moved over into Indiana, all, of course,. seeking 
a new opportunity and being successful, perhaps, in improving their 
position greatly from what they might have enjoyed if they had 
stayed in their home State or the 'State in which they were born. 

That sort of migration, I say, has been going on for a long time — 
ever since this country was first settled along the Atlantic seaboard. 

Mr. Parsons. And'that is a very desirable type of migration ? 

Mr. Wickakd. That is a very desirable type of migration. The 
unfortunate part of it is we cannot continue that type of migration 
because there is just no new^ land, with the exception, perhaps, of the 
Mississippi Delta or the Northwest, for people to go to when they are 
crowdect too much in the territory in which they w^ere brought up or 
in which they are living. 

Mr. Parsons. In that coimection, could you give the committee any 
idea of what unoccupied lands we still have that are good, productive 
lands and that would take care of family units ? 

Mr. WiCKARD. Well, as I said, there is some land along the Missis- 
sippi River, along the Delta section, that is very productive land. At 
the present time it is being cleared and put into cultivation in increas- 
ing amounts. Perhaps that, I think, could be looked upon as new land 
and is very productive. 


I don't know just how many thousands of acres or square miles are 
involved, but I have seen some of that, and perhaps some of the 
members of the committee have seen it. 

I think, perhaps, there may be some lands in the Northwest. Of 
course, you know about the land that will be brought under cultiva- 
tion because of the new dams out in the Northwest. I think that is 
about the extent of fertile land that would be available. 

Now, we also have opportunity for irrigation, or we have in some 
places, even here along the Atlantic seaboard, opportunity for drainage 
of marshy land which we might find we could cultivate and raise 
perhaps rather an expensive type of agriculture, but we could raise 
some crops. But that is pretty "limited and pretty expensive, so I think 
that the two areas I spoke about are about the only two areas where 
land is fertile and where it would lend itself readily to cultivation 
by clearing off the land and putting it under the plow. 

The Chairman. Mr. Secretary, I heard Congressman Mott, of Ore- 
gon, one day state on the floor of the House that the title to one-half of 
the land in Oregon belonged to the Federal Government. What is 
more, that is all wooded land, isn't it ? 

Mr. WiCKARD. That is forest land — public. And of course we run 
into this problem again. As I say, we have no new lands. One thing 
tliat is causing the problem to become more severe is that our total 
amount of land is shrinking due to depletion and erosion of the soil. 
We are bringing in new land under cultivation less rapidly than we are 
losing the productive land of our country due to soil depletion. 

Now, everyone will agree that we should take some positive steps and 
measures to stop the depletion of soil resources. That means less culti- 
vation. That is how tlie trouble started. As long as tliat land re- 
mains in forest land we don't worry much about the erosion or deple- 
tion of it. But when it is put under the plow we have erosion effects 
of both wdnd and water. So again you can see the problem of the soil 
as related to the people. 

We could say we will stop cultivating if we knew where the people 
should go, and that could be accomplished in short order. Again 1 
say this whole problem of too many people on the land is the basic 
problem of agriculture. 

Now, another thing I think caused this problem to become more no- 
ticeable in recent years grew out of the fact that industry during 
the twenties did absorb a large number of people from the land. 

When the depression came, instead of the usual number, there was a 
backing up on the land. People moved back. There was a swing back 
from the cities to the farms. Those people found that although per- 
haps they could go back and find shelter they could not find a satisfac- 
tory way of earning a living and could not maintain what we think 
are fair standards for our people. 

And then again they began to shift from one area to another or the 
people with whom they were thrown in competition were perhaps 
members of their own family or neighbors. 

The people on the farms' began to be crowded, and they began to 
shift, and that is another reason why the migratory problem has be- 
come much more noticeable. 



Mr. Parsons. Mr. Secretary, can you give the committee some of 
the suggestions that the Department of Agriculture has to soften or 
cushion the impact of technological trends in agriculture? 

Mr. WiCKARD. Yes. 

Mr. Parsons. Isn't that one of the reasons, maybe only indirectly, 
that so many people have left the farms since the twenties ? 

Mr. WicKARD. I was going to mention that. That was one of the 
other reasons why the problem has become noticeable. There have 
been introduced in agriculture certain technological changes of cultiva- 
tion — the introduction of machinery, and so forth — which require less 
labor to produce a certain amount of crop. That has, again, made it 
unnecessary from a standpoint of economic production to have as 
many people on the land. 


Now, you asked what we are doing. Well, I suspect as far as a di- 
rect approach to the problem is concerned I can say we have a direct 
approach of trying to keep the people on the land, despite the fact 
that they are being replaced. We are hoping, through various Farm 
Security Administration programs in particular to make it possible 
for people to stay on the land that otherwise they would have to leave. 

We are offering them through that program an opportunity to help 
themselves stay on the land. In a large number of cases, through no 
fault of their own, they just don't have the equipment that they should 
have in order to make even enough for their own subsistence on the 
land as far as food and things of that kind are concerned, So that is 
one way we are doing it. 

Another thing, of course, is the tenant -purchase program where 
farmers are given an opportunity to purchase small blocks of land 
and make payments over a long period of tim.e. 

I had the advantage of seeing some of that work at first hand just 
a few days ago in western North Carolina. I talked to a number of 
people, there. 

These people have been tenants and they, of course, were always 
operating on a very temporary basis as far as their farming opera- 
tions were concerned. Tliey were given an opportunity to buy maybe 
30 or 40 acres of land that they could cultivate, plus some timberland, 
and they were all very happy in their new location and felt much 
more secure, of course. As far as they were concerned this problem 
of migration is solved. 

But tliat, of course, does not increase the total amount of land. 
It does prevent, perhaps, that land being taken into a larger unit 
and may be farmed with the same machinery or equipment that might 
be in that larger unit and thereby prevent the displacement of an- 
other family. 



Mr. Parsons. How much do you figure that mechanization on the 
farm has displaced farm labor? 

Mr. WiCKARD. Over what period, Congressman ? 

Mr. Parsons. In the last 25 years. 

Mr. WicKARD. I would say that depends — I don't have a national 
figure. I don't have that in mind. It would be very interesting to 
make an estimate on that. 

Mr. Parsons. Our farm population in the last 25 years has shrunk 
about 10,000,000 people, hasn't it? 

Mr. WicKARD. No; there are more people living on the farm today 
than ever lived on the farm before in this country. 

Mr. Parsons. But from a population standpoint, 25 years ago con- 
siderably more than one-third of our population lived on the farm? 

Mr. Wickard. Yes; but our population has increased. There are 
still more people today— I am sure this is true— there are more 
people living on the land today than ever lived on the land before. 

The Chairman. In terms of numbers? 

Mr. Wickard. Yes, sir; not in percentage of population. 

Mr. Parsons. We were both right. I was speaking in terms of 

Mr. Wickard. Percentagewise, of course, the urban people are much 
greater and increasing all the time as compared to people living on 
the land. 

You asked how many people have been replaced by certain tech- 
nological development. I would hesitate to make a statement along 
that line because, for instance, in the Appalachian area, where people 
were drawn into that area because of the lumber industry, you have 
had the trees taken away and the lumber mills have moved out but 
the people didn't go out "and they are left there. 

Now, whether they were farmers originally or not they are farmers 
now, after a fashion, and they are living on the land. I don't know 
what you w^ould say the case is there. I mean what development has 
taken place that has increased the cultivating class. 

I know in my own neighborhood in Indiana that I have counted 
over a three-mile stretch of road since I went to school in a country 
school house. There are just half the number of families living there 
now as when I went to school, and that was a little over 25 years ago. 
That is an illustration of what happened where there was no change 
in particular in the number of acres of land or territory that was 
being cultivated. 

Mr. Parsons. That same picture was going through my mind about 
my old home. 

Mr. Wickard. I think in my territory there are many communities 
where only half as many people are living there now as were living 
there 25 years ago, 

Mr. Parsons. When I was a youngster there were usually on a farm — 
on this particular farm that I have in mind — four teams and four boys 
or four hired men to do the plowing in the fall for wheat. In the 
spring when it was harvested it took one man on the machine with 


three horses and mules and two to shock and feed. Then we sacked 
the wheat and it took two or three pitchers in the field and two or 
three on the wagons and a couple on the stack. Then when the thresh- 
ing period came along there were about 16 or 20 with the threshing 
machine. The neighbors also gathered in a cooperative manner to 
attend to the threshing. 

Now, today as the combine goes over a field it only takes about three 
men to take care of the entire operation and it is all done when the 
last acre is mowed over. 

Mr. WiCKARD. That is right. 

Mr. Parsons. So it has displaced a number of men in that one par- 
ticular instance that I am describing. 

I think I can say that from 50 to 60 percent of that labor has been 
displaced by farm mechanization. 

Mr. WiCKARD. I think that is right; no question about that. And 
I think in areas even farther west there has been even more dis- 

Mr. Parsons. There is no question about that. Is it more economi- 
cal in the long run and profitable to the individual landowner to use 
this high-priced and efficient machinery? 

Mr. WiCKARD. Than to use more labor ? Well, I suspect in the long 
run we go toward a more economical operation, although this year as 
compared with last year might not show the same thing or this year 
as compared Avith next year. 

But over the long approach I suppose that farmers think that the 
larger production accomplished by machinery is economical. 

I think perhaps there may be another factor. I know I have at 
liome enough horses to do my plowing. They perhaps won't get it 
done in the same time, but my trouble is I cannot get anybody to go 
out and break the colts to work. Everybody has gone to the tractor 
shed instead of the stable. 

Mr. Parsons. Not only has machinery displaced labor, Mr. Secre- 
tary, but those horses and mules consume corn and oats and hay. 

Mr. WiCKARD. That is right. 

Mr. Parsons. And they no longer have the horses and mules to con- 
sume it, so that makes a surplus in the market to depress the price 
still further. 

Mr. WiCKARD. Yes ; that is right, 

Mr. Parsons. And that brings up, of course, your statement that a 
squeeze is taking place, you might say, which results in a loss of exports 
and a loss of domestic markets due to the technological developments 
and a loss of exports due to certain international situations that have 
taken place in the last 20 years. 

There is another factor that has caused a migrant problem, because 
of surplus people, to come to our attention more forcefully than it 
did 20 or 30 years ago. Our South American neighbors, with whom we 
are trying to work up trade, are producing very largely the same things 
that we are producing. 

Mr. WiCKARD. Yes. 

Mr. Parsons. And that presents another serious problem. 

Mr. WiCKARD. It does. 


Mr. Parsons. As far as our economy is concerned. 

Mr. WiOKARD. We get into an international situation which in- 
volves some aspects of this particular problem. 

Mr. Parsons. Will the time ever come when machinery will be- 
come the master of the man and then destroy him? 

Mr. WiCKARD. I hope it does not destroy him, but it does create a 
lot of problems for us to solve. I hope we don't have that sort of 
robot to cause us to have bad dreams at night. 

Mr. Curtis. Mr. Secretary, I am very much interested in this 
mechanization problem, too, and I would like to go on with it but I 
am scheduled to appear before the Bureau of the Budget and I am 
sorry to interrui^t the trend of thought. 


What reduction of acreage in the sugar-beet industry is to be put 
into effect this next year ? 

Mr. WiCKARD. It is a very slight reduction. I think it grows out 
of the lack of consumption — the domestic consumi:>tion that we 
thought we would have a year ago and a slight carry-over. I can't give 
you that figure but it is not very large. 

Mr. Curtis. But doesn't it run as high as 25 percent in some areas? 

Mr. WiCKARD. No; I don't think so. I will try to find out and 
let you know, but I am positive it doesn't run that high. 

Mr. Curtis. Would you submit for the record the amount that it 
is being reduced ? 

Mr. WiCKARD. Later ; ye^, sir ; I will do that. 

(This figure was subsequently reported as 159,000 acres.) 

Mr. Curtis. Now, in that connection, isn't that one agricultural 
industry that is not very much mechanized? It requires a lot of 
manual labor. 

Mr. WiCKARD. There is a lot of hand labor involved in the sugar- 
beet industry, but they do have certain machines that are involved. 
For instance, the loading devices they have now are a development 
over what they had a few years ago. There are certain changes that 
have taken place, but it does require a lot of hand labor. 

Mr. Curtis. Well, I hope I am wrong, but I was informed that the 
acreage reduction would run 20 or 25 percent in some instances. 

Mr. WiCKARD. No; not nationally — not this year over last year. 
I think you will find it is a very small percentage, but I will let the 
committee know. 

Mr. Curtis. But whatever that reduction is, it would cut dowm the 
amount of labor consumed — the proportionate amount — as w^ell as the 
farm income to those sugar-beet farmers, would it not? 

Mr. WiCKARD. Well, yes ; over what it was last year. 

Of course, we are planning on raising more sugar now than Ave have 
had in any previous period. We have had some increase in the 
domestic quota. 

Mr. Curtis. That is all. 

Mr. Parsons. There are in process at the present time a lot of tech- 
nological changes in the sugarcane industry, too? 

Mr. WiCKARD. Yes, sir. 


Mr. Parsons. Always heretofore, both in the Philippines and in 
Hawaii and in this country, practically all of the cane had to be 
handled by hand. Now, we are jietting: the automatic loaders 
the same as we have for hay loaders back in the prairie country and 
that will further displace a|i:ricultural labor, 

jNIr. WiCKARD. That is riffht. 

Mr. Parsons. And naturally those people look to the cities for 
employment and when they get to the cities there is no w^ork there. 

Will it be possible in the immediate future, in the next decade, 
to anchor a lot of these i)eople on unused land where they can at least 
grow themselves something to eat and help in their economy to that 

Mr. WiCKARD. Well, after all, just the mere growing of food, a 
garden spot, will not take care of their livelihood. Now, I think 
there is and perhaps should be, every effort made to bring to these 
people some industry or some off-the-land source of cash income so 
that they could use what they grow for their own home needs as 
far as food is concerned — gardens, and maybe some dairy products 
and meat. I think we do have an opportunity if we can bring the 
other source of cash income to them which they must have for the 
purchase of clothing and fuel and other necessities. I think there 
is an opportunity there. I don't want to be too optimistic about it. 

For instance, at the present time I think a lot of study is being 
given to the location of various munition plants where there is a 
population problem. Now, you also run into certain obstacles in 
locating such plants — materials, transportation, and that sort of 
thing. In other words, to me, as a layman in military things, it 
would seem the logical thing to do would be to take the plants where 
there was the most labor. 


Mr. Parsons. But that does not always work because of the lack 
of natural resources that are required. 

Being an old country boy myself I have given a lot of thought to 
agricultural problems. I have maintained for many years that al- 
though the farm population is about the poorest so far as dollars 
are concerned, nevertheless, if they have the money, they are the 
best spenders on earth. Has that been your experience? 

Mr. WiCKARD. Well, I think that is true. 

Mr. Parsons. The buying market of America is on the farm if 
the farmer had the income to buy with. 

Mr. WiCKARD. I will agree with you. Congressman, in your state- 
ment that the greatest market in tlie world is right out in the rural 
areas if they had the purchasing power out there. At least the 
people are there and that is what you are saying. They will spend, 
and that has been demonstrated, I think, whenever and wherever we 
have had an increase in farm income during the recent years. 

Businessmen know it immediately. They feel that immediately. 
The farmers are always seeking equipment for their barns or their 
homes and things they need. 


Mr. Parsons. Well, the farmer uses everything that we use in the 
cities and uses a great deal of electricity. Now, he uses everything 
that we use and a thousand and one things besides that we don't need 
in the city, so he is the best purchaser if he had the cash to purchase 

Mr. WiCKARD. Yes. 

Mr. Parsons. Now, the farm income in 1932 was less than 

Mr. Wickard. That is right. 

Mr. Parsons. It has been on an average of around seven or eight 
billions since 1933, has it not ? 

Mr. Wickard. Yes. 

Mr. Parsons. That extra buying power in the hands of the agricul- 
tural people have kept a lot of mills and plants running. 

Mr. Wickard. Without question. 

Mr. Parsons. If the farm income was raised another 25 percent, 
so as to make it $12,000,000,000 income annually, that extra three or 
four billion would all go into buying power, would it not ? 

Mr. Wickard. Yes. 

Mr. Parsons. But he is just about breaking even now ? 

Mr. Wickard. Yes ; in other words, he has fixed charges to meet — 
interest and taxes and so on— and the extra would tend to go into the 
purchase of goods that he would like to have. 

Mr. Parsons. And if he ever got his farm paid for and the mortgage 
eliminated, he would be a much better spender than he ever was before, 
would he not ? 

Mr. Wickard. I think that is true. 

Mr. Parsons. So our big problem, as far as agriculture is concerned, 
is to raise that farm income per unit and the total, and that is the only 
way we are ever going to keep the city man employed in peacetimes and 
normal times, isn't that right ? 

Mr. Wickard. Yes ; I think I might make this statement in connec- 
tion with farm income : This year, 1940. the farm income looks as though 
it will be in the neighborhood of $9,000,000,000. I think that is going 
to be felt, as you pointed out, and that there is an untouched reservoir 
of buying power. If we had an increase in the farm income up to 
any place near what it was for the people living on the farms, you can 
see what it would do for demand of city-produced goods. 

Mr. Parsons. So many people say, though, that when the price of 
farm commodities rises it makes the cost of living so great that the 
people in the cities cannot stand the raise. 

Now, with wheat going from $1 a bushel to $1.50 a bushel, the price 
of bread should not be one and a half times the price just because the 
price of wheat is raised 50 percent, because the processing is in there and 
costs the same. 

Mr. Wickard. That is right, plus the cost of transportation and 
things like that. 

Mr. Parsons. It would amount to only a fraction of a cent a loaf. 

Mr. Wickard. You can use the same illustration in cotton — cotton 
shirts or whatever fabrics you want to take. There you have the same 


Mr. Parsons. You may not want to answer this, and I will ask it to be 
off the record. 

The Chairman. Off the record. 

(Discussion off' the record.) 

Mr. WiCKARD. Now, I don't want to take any more of your time, ex- 
cept that I Avould like to say that we of the Department of Agriculture, 
following your question of what we are doing, are constantly studying 
not only how we can increase, as I said yesterday in a speech at Balti- 
more, the size of the economic pie that agriculture should have, but we 
are studying how we can make the smallest slices larger. 

And I think we are making progress in making the family-size type 
of farm more attractive, more economical. I believe that we must 
sooner or later perhaps compromise somewhat between the large 
mechanized, admittedly more efficient unit and the type of farm which 
will furnish a living and security iox people. 

Because, as you have said, I believe, and I know others believe like- 
wise, that the farm is the very finest place in the world to live if you 
can have the necessities of life. That is why I made the statement I 
did. that the Department of Agriculture is trying to find a way for more 
of the people to find a satisfactory way of living on the land. 

But you have got to do that some way at the expense of commercial 
type of farming. 

^ Mr. Parsons. And we don't need the banker nor the industrial mer- 
chants and those types of people owning the farms either. 

Mr. WiCKARD. No. 

Mr. Parsons. We need that family type of ownership that is going 
to be anchored to the soil and going to look after the soil for the future 
and produce sufficient to give the necessities and some of the comforts 
and luxuries — what used to be luxuries are necessities now — to the farm 
family, isn't that right ? 

Mr. WiCKARD. That is right. 

I want to add just one other statement, tliat all people, the whole peo- 
ple, have a stake in this problem because our new stock in the cities 
comes from out here in the country. Out there the birth rate is much 
higher and we have furnished the cities with their new blood and we 
will continue to do that, and cities should be thankful that they do have 
that source of new blood. 

That is one problem. 

Another problem is this : These low-income people offer an excellent 
opportunity for the sowing of seeds of various isms, and those people 
who are underprivileged and underclothed and underfed just don't 
have too much enthusiasm for or knowledge of what democracy offers. 

So that is another problem here which we should all be concerned 
with — giving these people who live on the farm a better opportunity, a 
more sizeable share of what this country has to offer. 

Now, I don't want to take any more of your time. It has been very 
interesting and a subject very close to me. I will be glad to remain with 
you as long as you need me. 

260370— 41— pt. 10 8 



Mr. Sparkman. I would like to ask a question or two, if I may. 

I have read your statement while you were going through this ques- 
tioning by Mr. Parsons and one thing that I noticed in it is that there 
are about 40,000 farmers becoming tenants each year. In other words, 
farm tenancy in the United States is increasing by about 40,000 a year, 
and the farm tenant loan program by the Farm Security Administra- 
tion is reducing it by about 10,000 a year. 

In other words, we haven't even gotten to a point of holding farm 
tenancy in check yet. Do you think that can be checked ? 

Mr. WicKAED. Yes ; I think it can. Now, whether it is practicable to 
stop it I am not so sure. I can say that that might require more drastic 
action and more appropriations for purchasing and financing than we 
have at the present time. 

I am going to say, Mr. Congressman, I think it is very desirable to 
check it and I think we have made the first start in the last few years 
on checking it. 

We are fust recognizing a problem. We have been talking about 
tenancy for a long time but I believe recently is the first time w^e have 
done anything about it. I don't want to make the statement, however, 
that under the present operation of the plan we are going to stop it. 

Mr. Sparkman. Well, I believe the 1935 farm census showed about 42 
percent of the farm operators were farm tenants. We can't very well 
stand a much higher percentage, can we ? 

Mr. Wickard. No ; I would say that the thing is leveling off at the 
present time, but it is undesirable to have any further increase if we 
can possibly prevent it. 


Mr. Parsons. Now, in your prepared statement you mention a Na- 
tion-wnde land-use planning organization. Can you tell us a little bit 
about the set-up of that organization ? 

Mr. Wickard. That has been started in the last 2 years. It is an 
effort to get local people to study their own conditions in their ow^n 
community ; to get them to think about this problem of the land and 
the people, and to see that not only do we have a national and State 
problem, but that there is a local problem that somehow must be fitted 
in with all of these national programs. 

And in a great number of instances we have had those people who 
have been doing this local planning and studying, come to us and say : 

"Well, we never realized before what this local problem of land 
and people really means." 

Unhappily a lot of them see that under the present scheme of 
things we can't expect all the people that are now out there to have 
what we would call a satisfactory income. Yet it has called to the 
attention of the local people the fact that this cry for larger units 
and resulting efficiency is not the only thing to be desired in solving 
this land problem. 

This work was carried on last year in about one thousand coun- 
ties in a very attractive way. Local farm people get together and 


one of the things they do is to map the entire hinds in the county 
and they will classify the land as being land that can be cultivated 
regularly, land that might be best used for pasture, or land that can 
be put in woods lots, or lands that might be cultivated just once 
every few years. When they get all that area in the county mapped 
out, they sit down and say: 

"Well, how are we going to get the people in the county that live 
on this land a satisfactory income?" 

Then they come face to face with the problem. 

No^y, I want you to understand that these people are doing the 
planning. They are not administrative people. But nevertheless it 
is a part of what I said awhile ago, a realization of the problem. I 
believe enough in the democratic processes to be confident that out of 
that plan and out of efforts such as this committee is making we 
will develop just a plain recognition of what we are going to work 
out and devise plans that are going to help us greatly. 

Mr. Sparkman. Are those members appointed or elected? 

Mr. WiCKARD. For the most part I think they are appointed by 
the county agents. 

Mr. Sparkman. It has worked under the county agent and through 
his leadership? 

Mr. Wickard. Yes. They serve without pay and most of them 
find that the knowledge and enjoyment they get from that work well 
repays them for the time and effort they put in. 

Mr. Sparkman. It is purely voluntary? 

Mr. Wickard. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Sparkman. And I presume all classes and interests are repre- 
sented in those various communities. 

Mr. Wickard. Oh, yes. We try to do that and it is desirable, of 


Mr. Sparkman. In your statement you have recommended the ex- 
tension of social security and wage-and-hour legislation to agricul- 

Mr. Wickard. Did I recommend it or did I say it is desirable? 

Mr. Sparkman. You suggested it. 

Mr. Wickard. All right. 

Mr. Sparkman. And I wonder if you would include in that also 
collective bargaining? 

Mr, Wickard. Well, I don't believe I put that in. I don't say that 
I would go that far. I haven't thought of that, Mr. Sparkman. 

Mr. Sparkman. I wondered if it was purposely omitted. But what 
I am leading up to is this : Would you in the application of those 
benefits make any differentiation between the ordinary family unit 
farm and the industrialized farm? 

Mr. Wickard. Well, I think you have to put that sort of thing 
upon the basis of day labor or the sharecropper system, which is 
very much akin to day labor, and in which, of course, there is a way 
of making some checks for the purpose of these different programs. 


I believe that as far as the family-operated farm is concerned we 
can, perhaps through the tenant-purchase program and other parts of 
the program that we are now operating in the development of agri- 
culture, take care of the security problem which is involved, of course, 
in all these social-security measures. 

But I am concerned about those people who represent a type of 
agricultural labor, at least who are on the farm, who have nothing to 
help them as far as old-age benefits or unemployment insurance are con- 
cerned. I take the same attitude, as I explained a day or so ago, 
toward this sort of thing as I take toward workmen's compensation 

For the men that work for me on my farm I carry workmen's com- 
pensation insurance, despite the fact that under the law in Indiana, 
I do not have to carry it. But it is a source of satisfaction to me and 
a security to them, so I feel that that pays. 

Mr. Sparkman. And I notice you couple with that a statement that 
the farmer w^ould be willing to pay for those benefits provided he felt 
his income w^as going to be lifted to a level commensurate with that 
of other groups. 

Mr. WiCKAKD. Well, I think that goes along with that. In other 
words, when we extend social-security programs to people in industry, 
that cost was passed on to the rest of society. And I w^ant to make it 
plain, since you have brought it out, that it is necessary for us to say 
that this is the contribution of society and not of just farmers to these 
people, and should be borne by society. 

Mr. Spaekman. Of course, it has always been objected that the 
farmer does not have the privilege of setting the price of his crops, 
whereas the manufacturer does. 

Mr. WiCKAKD. Yes ; and that is a problem involved. Yet again it is 
like the problem we are dealing with. But w'e are recognizing the 
problem and we are starting to do something about it. We may not 
arrive at the perfect solution this year or immediately, but it is a goal 
for us to shoot at and think about, and I hope that something prac- 
ticable can be worked out. 

And again I want to explain that this is a debt of society to these 
people who are the low-income people living on the farm. 


Mr. Sparkman. Now, let me ask you just one or two more questions. 
You state that you believe that the 'farm income this year will be verv 
close to $9,000,000,000. 

Mr. Wickard. Yes. 

Mr. Sparkman. I believe that is the highest since about 1929. 

Mr. Wickard. 1929 ; yes. 

Mr. Sparkman. You also stated that there were more people on tlie 
farm land now than at any other time, actually looking toward the 
land for their sustenance. I w^onder if that income w-ill give to that 
number of people a higher per capita income than any year since 1929. 

Mr. Wickard. I suspect it will, a higher net, because, as Congressman 
Parsons pointed out, we are on a lower price level. This $9,000,000,0(10 


jneans more purchasing power than it did in 1929, but I don't believe 
I can say just right offhand what the actual comparison will be when 
it comes down to a dollar or so. I couldn't do that. 


Mr. Sparkman. This is my last question. You have been very 
generous with your time. Would you care to comment on the sig- 
nificance of the rapid growth, if there has been a rapid growth, of 
industrialized or corporate big-scale farming? 

Mr. Wickard. Yes; I will make this comment. I think it is unde- 
sirable to have this large corporate type of farming. I think also 
it is something that cannot be stopped just with a wish because it 
again brings out this thing that I said a while ago; because of larger 
units of machinery it is possible to farm more efficiently and therefore 
we do t^ncl to go into the corporate type of farming. 

The Chairman. But the social values of the family farm life are to 
be considered, are they not? 

Mr. Wickard. Yes^ that is a consideration. Now, with the new 
Diesel tractor out in the West they have a very low figure on the 
cost of per acre cultivation. They put in a wheat crop with these 
large caterpillar Diesel units, and those tractors, by the way, cost a 
lot of money. The individual farmer perhaps could not own one. 
But a corporation is formed and they can afford to buy that sort of 
equipment. A great many people are being displaced by that sort of 
operation. I don't believe it is desirable from a social standpoint to 
>ubstitute that type of farming for what I termed awhile ago the 
family-size operation. 

Mr. Sparkman. I certainly agree with you. Thank you very much. 

The Chairman. Mr. Secretary, I think you have made a very 
valuable contribution today. We are not going to hold you any 
longer. I know you are a busy man. I want to express to you the 
thanks of this committee for your department's help throughout 
these investigations and to say to you that we had only a sm.aTl aii- 
propriation and I doubt if we could have functioned without the aid 
of your department. 

We want publicly to express our thanks to you. 

Mr. Wickard. I am glad to have been of help. 


The Chairman. Mr. Epstein, will you please give your name and 
address to the reporter? 

Mr. Epstein. Henry Epstein, Albany, X. Y. ; solicitor general for 
the State of New York. 

Tlie Chairman. And Mr. Shapiro, would you give your name and 
address to the reporter? 

Mr. Shapiro. Morris Shapiro, 225 Broadway, New York City. 


The Chairman. Now, speaking to both of you : I wish to say that 
this is our last day of hearings. 

We have several more witnesses yet to be heard today ; and while I 
don't want to curtail you in bringing out the points that we are in- 
terested in, we hope you will be as brief as possible. 

What the committee is concerned about is not so much the legal 
aspects of the Chirillo case as it bears on this problem of migra- 
tion between States. After all, we are not a court. You will have, of 
course, to fight the legal aspects of the case out in court. But what we 
want to know is how it bears on migration between States. 

We feel that you gentlemen can give us something from this law 
or similar laws that will be helpful to this committee when we file our 

Now, who desires to proceed first ? 

Mr. Epstein. The State of New York and 30 other States have 
laws of like character as involved in the GMnllo case. 

In New York those statutes in general provide for an investigation 
of a particular case of a person who has not yet gained a settlement, 
as it is defined in the State welfare laws. If that person applied for 
and received relief during the time before gaining a settlement, the 
law permits New York State to return that person to the State from 
which he came and which was responsible for his support and willing 
to receive him. 

The issue in the case which is now still in litigation in the Federal 
courts is whether any such statute is valid. 

The problem of the individual, however, must be projected into a 
much broader background. The State of New York stands third in 
the United States in the number of cases of nonsettled persons for 
which it is bearing the burden of support. 

California stands first. 

I have taken the privilege of submitting to the members of this 
committee the brief before the Federal Court of the State of New 

The Chairman. And we are glad to have it, and the reporter will 
incorporate it in his record. 

(The brief referred to is as follows:) 

To be Arfpied by Henry Epstein 



File No. 11-334— Civil Action 

RosARio Chirillo and Josephine Chirillo, plaintiffs 


Herbert H. Lehman, Governor of the State of New York, John J. Bennett, 
Jr., Attorney General of the State of New York, George A. Casey, Sheiriff 
of the County of Westcheste3i, and Ruth Taylor, Commissioner of Pltblio 
Welfare of the County of Westchester, dbifendants 



This is an application, by an order to show cause, for a preliminary injunction 
in an action to restrain defendants from executing tlie order of the County 


Court of Westchester County, State of New York, dated February 19, 1940, 
directing the removal of the plaintiffs from the Town of Mamaroneck, West- 
cliester County, State of Nc-w York to the <'ity of Wooster, Wayne County, in 
the State of Ohio and to restrain defendants from taking any steps pursiuant 
to said order or any other action in compliance with § 71 of the Public Welfare 
Law of the State of New York. 

The State and the County of Westchester are interested in having the validity 
of the statute in question finally determined. However, they feel duty bound 
to point out to the Court that there is a question whether or not this Court has 
jurisdiction of the instant proceeding because of the limited scope of § 380 of 
Title 28 of the United States Code and because of the proceedings already had 
in the courts of the State of New York. 


The authorities in Ohio had written, on November 10, 1939, to the Westchester 
County Department of Family and Child Welfare : 

"The above family has misstated the facts. They are residents of 
Wooster, Ohio. 

"We authorize their return at your expensie, although if I were in your 
place, I would refuse relief and tell them, if they want to get back to 
Ohi(i, they will have to pay their own way. There was no valid reason 
for their going out there. He had a small shoe repair business here and 
during the slack seasons we did grant a small amount of relief. 

'"He owns more propertv than he has told you about." (Exhibit 1, answer, 
fols. 1-3) 

On the basis of this, the investigation of the Westchester County Welfare 
Department and its own investigation, the State Department of Social Welfare 
gave its prior approval to the respondent. In part it was based on : 

"They own property in Ohio and have previously received assistance there. 
The Ohio officials have authorized the return of the family and there is 
every reason to believe they will make a better adjustment there than here. 
IMr. Chirillo was able to work on a seasonal basis in Ohio and his possibili- 
ties would seem to be better there * * *. This office i&i definitely of the 
opinion that this family should be returned to its place of legal settlement 
* * *." (Exhibit 2, answer, fols. 6, 7) 

An affidavit discloses that Mr. Chirillo, speaking of the property he owned in 
Ohio, has stated that 

"one parcel brings in a rent of $14.00 monthly, and the second parcel is 
occupied rent free by a married daughter," (Exhibit 3, fol. 22) 

and further, that all the children were 

''born in Wooster, Ohio, a town larger than Mamaroneck, New York, pre- 
sumably with better business and employment possibilities, certainly with 
years of association for the family which presumably would bring more 
possibilities of prosperity than the town of their recent choice." (Exhibit 8, 
fol. 22) 

This presumption is rather a fact, according to the Ohio authorities. 

Mr. Chirillo "is 62 years old and has complained of and requested medical care 
for his rheumatic condition" (Exhibit 3, fol. 15). His wife, who is 56, also 
"mentions poor health, particularly attacks of gallstones in the past, feeling too 
ill to be working, and chronic bronchitis." One son. "Louis shows serious 
symptoms of mental difficulty" and will need "permanent support" (fols. 61-62). 
His brother "Anthony is at present in Maslin State Hospital in Ohio" because 
of a psychiatric difficulty (UL, fols. 17-18). 

The agreement by the Department of Family and Child Welfare of Westchester 
County, that the family ought to be returned to the place of its legal settlement in 
Wooster, Ohio (Exhibit 3, fol. 23), is particularly important inasmuch as West- 
chester County, which administered the case, bears no part of the cost of the 
relief granted to the Chirillos other than the administrative expense involved. 


As was pointed out in the opinion of Judge Coyne in the County Court of 
Westchester below: 

"* * * It unquestionably appears that respondent has been receiving 
public relief in this County and that for a number of years prior to coming 
here, he resided in Wooster, where he owns two small pieces of real property, 
and where all of the children were born. It also appears that at various 
times in the past, respondent has received public relief in Wooster. While 
respondent does not question the contention that his legal settlement is in 
Wooster, he seemingly fails to appreciate the significance of that simple but 
most determinative fact. In these times valuable rights are conferred by 
settlements. Where a person moves from one district to another, his settle- 
ment rights in the original jurisdiction cease, and are lost usually after the 
expiration of one year. 

"Respondent's legal settlement is in Wooster. No other finding could pos- 
sibly be arrived at on the papers submitted. The rights which follow the 
settlement are most important to respondent's general and future welfare. 
The Wooster authorities acknowledge their responsibility to provide for 
respondent and his family and expressly state their willingness to do so 
upon his return. The facts shown bring the case directly within the provi- 
sions of the statute." (Exhibit 4) 

And the Judge went on further to say : 

"* * * Were the present application to be denied on the ground of re- 
spondent's alleged present Independence, respondent is likely, if not surely, 
to lose his settlement in Wooster. In that event his position here would be 
a pitiable one, should he again experience his unfortunate experience of the 
past. Under our law a settlement may not be acquired while one is on relief, 
and thereafter not until various statutory limitations and requirements are 
complied with. Respondent's present legal settlement should not be placed in 
jeopardy. In the interest of the common good, the ends of justice will best be 
served by granting the application * * *" (Exhibit 4). 

A reading of the statute discloses that all of its requirements were duly satisfied. 

The issue thus becomes clear. It may be stated in different ways : 

Is it a privilege or immunity of a citizen of the United States to foist upon any 
State of his choice, the burden of supporting himself and his family, before he has 
satisfied reasonable settlement qualifications? 

Is there no way short of national action by Congress (which has not acted) by 
which the States severally or separately may safeguard themselves from the 
threat to their security and solvency by incoming numbers of indigent families? 

If Congress may act in such circumstances, may not the States so act in the 
absence of Congressional legislation? 

Is it a privilege or immunity of a citizen of the United States to starve free, 
if he will, in any State of his choice, provided such State reasonably refuses to 
offer him succor? 

Is a reasonable and humane statute, designed to protect a citizen of the United 
States from starvation and to return him to his former place of settlement, where 
he will be provided for, a violation of the Constitution of the United States? 

These questions state the problem in different phases. The discussion herein 
will be designed to show that historically, logically and under the law of the 
Constitution as decided by the courts, the provisions of § 71 of the Public Welfare 
Law of New York State are valid. 


It will be noted that under § 71 of the Public Welfare Law as applied to the 
instant case, no person can be forcibly removed unless each and every one of seven 
conditions are fulfilled : 

1. A person must be "cared for at the expense of the state" ; 

2. He must "belong (s) to or have friends willing to support or aid in supporting 
him in any other state" ; 

3. If such removal is made, "the interest of the state * * * ^^jii ijp thereby 
promoted" ; 


4. If the removal is made, 'the welfare of such person will be thereby pro- 
moted' : .,^.^14-4. 

5. Before removal proceedings are instituted, "prior approval of the state 
department" of Social Welfare must be secured ; 

6. Then, only can the commissioner of the public welfare district wherein such 
person is being cared for, "apply to the county judge for the issuance of an order" 
of removal ; and the county judge must deem that the statute is complied with ; 

7. And then, only an order "to remove the person to the state or country or 
district therein legally responsible for or willing to support him" can be issued. 

It should be noted that in addition to the provisions of § 71 of thel Public 

Welfare Law, removals have long since been authorized by what is now § 27 of 

the State Charities Law which, in part, reads : 

"State, nonresident and alien poor. The board, and any commissioner or 
officer of the department may, * * * cause to be removed to the state 
or country from which he came any such nonresident or alien poor found 
in any such institution or otherwise supported or relieved at public expense." 
The policy of the State Department of Social Welfare for many years has 

been that which is expressed in current State Charges Informational Bulletin 

No. SS-1 (July 6, 1937) which reads: 

"8. The removal of State Charges by departments of public welfare should 
not be effected until settlement is definitely established and an authorization 
has been received for the return of any such person from the authorized 
officials in the locality of settlement. Each proposed removal must be con- 
sidered on a casework basis and a return effected only when the commis- 
sioner of public welfare is satisfied that the welfare of the person and the 
interest of the state will thereby be promoted. State Charges requiring 
temporary relief and care should be given a reasonable opportunity for 
rehabilitation unless they desire to return voluntarily. 

"No removal of a State Charges under medical care shall be made unless a 
certificate is secured from the physician or superintendent of the institution 
indicating that the patient is able to travel. Responsible public welfare 
officials and interested persons in other states should be informed in advance 
when a removal is contemplated in order that necessary arrangements for 
care may be made on arrival * * * " 


All the constitutional arguments advanced by plaintiffs are based upon the 
following provisions of the Constitution of the United States : 
Art. IV, § 2, Clause 1 : 

"The Citizens of each State shall be entitled to all Privileges and Immunities 

of Citizens in the several States." 

Fourteenth Amendment, § 1 : 

"All persons born or naturalized in the United States, and subject to the 
jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United States and of the State where- 
in they reside. No State shall make or enforce any law which shall abridge 
the privileges or immunities of citizens of the United States ; nor shall any 
State deprive any person of life, liberty, or property, without due process 
of law ; nor to deny to any person within its jurisdiction the equal protec- 
tion of the laws." 

Art. I, § 8 : 

Power of Congress to regulate commerce "among the several states." 

Art. X: 

"The powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution, nor 
prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to the States respectively or to 
the people." 


Point I. Plaintiffs Are Within the Scope of § 71 

A. Plainiffs were "cared for at the expense of the state". 

From September 5, 1939 through the month of December 1939 plaintiffs were in 
receipt of public relief from the County of Westchester,' which was paid for by the 

B. Plriintiffs ''belong to" an "other state." 

Ohio itself states that plaintiffs reside in Ohio (Exhibit 1) . They have lived in 
Ohio for some fifteen year and have been property owners in Ohio and conducted a 
business there. That plaintiffs "belong to" Ohio is borne out l)y the legislative 
history of § 11^ the statutes of other states and judicial constructions in other 
"Belongs to" has been uniformly construed to mean legal settlement. 
Toicn of Washington v. Warren, 123 Conn. 268, 193 Atl. 751, 752 ; 
Inhabitants of Eden v. Inhabitants of South West Harbor, 108 Me. 489, 81 

Atl. 1003; 
City of Bridgeport v. Town of Greenwich, 116 Conn. 537, 165 A. 797 ; 
Inhabitants of Machias v. Wesleij, 99 Me. 17, 58 Atl. 240, 241. 

C. The interest of the state and the welfare of plainiiffs will be promoted by 

As all of the facts (see supra) clearly indicate, the State Department of Social 
Welfare, the ConunLssiuner of Public Welfare of Westchester County and the 
County Judge of Westchester County exercised very reasonable discretion in de- 
termining the desirability of the removal. 

Each of the seven statutory conditions required by § 71 prior to removal was 

Point II. Section 71 Is Constitutional 

A. Section 71 is a reasonable exercise of the sovereign police power to attain a 
proper objective. 
1. Extent of due process constitutional limitations on the police power of the 

1 Plaintiff improperly asserts in his aflldavit attached to the order to show cause that 
he "received total payments of $116.60 for the period of four months to and until 
December 5, 1930". As is apparent from the bare statement the four months ended 
January 4, 1940 and not December 5, 1939 as stated by the plaintiffs. Relief is ordi- 
narilv iJaid in advance to the recipient and not as a reimbursement for past expenditures. 

2 The word "non-resident" used in the title of § 71 does not limit the scope of § 71. 
In any event, as is pointed out in Abbott, "Public Assistance, American Principles and 
Policies" (1940), page 201 : 

"The terms 'non-resident' * * * or 'unsettled' are variously applied to one who 
has not resided in a state or local unit of a state for a period required by statute 
to establish such a legal settlement in such state or unit * * *" 
Some fifteen other state statutes use interchangeably with "settlement" such words as 
"legal residence", "resident", "residence", "residence for the purpose of this act' , reside , 
etc. {See e. g., California, Colorado, District of Columbia, Illinois, Michigan, Montana, 
Missouri, Nevada, New Jersey. North Dakota, Oklahoma, Vermont, Washington, West 
Virginia, and Wyoming; Hirsch, Compilation of Settlement Laws of all States in the 
United States (1039).) Many judicial decisions show that non-resident means non-settled, 
:NeUon Co. v. MilUams Co., 276 N. W. 265 (N. D. 1937) ; Burl<e Coiniti/ v. lUusven, et al., 
62 N. D. 1 ; City of Endei-lin v. Pontiac, 242 N. W. 117: and tliat sritlement is legal 
residence for relief purposes and has been so construed generally. For an ample discussion 
of the meaning of "resident and inhabitant" as used in the settlement law of New lork 
State (Public Welfare Law § 53, et seq.) showing that "residence" has special meanings 
in different statutes in New York State, see Re Town of Hector, 24 N. Y. S. 475 at pages 

A predecessor of present § 71, i. e., Poor Law of 1909 § 99 was entitled "Transfer to 
Other States or Countries". No reference was made therein to "non-resident" or to "alien 
poor" found in the present title of § 71. The reference in old § 99 to "legal settlement 
was changed to "belongs to". . , ,,„^ ^ 

In 1929 Article VIII of the Public Welfare Law (L. 1929, ch. 565) dealt with "State 
and Non-Resident Alien Poor". Section 65 (1) thereof made the State liable for the 
support of non-settled cases and those not living in a welfare district sixty days in the 
year prior to applying for relief. The words used in § 65 (1) are "have not resided'. 
What changes were effected by L. 1937, ch. 358, were not substantial. "State poor 
(Public Welfare Law § 65) really includes "non-resident" and "alien poor". That, in 
part, is the legislative background behind the use of "non-resident" in the present title 
of § 71. 

See also State Charities Law § 27 providing for removal "to the state or country from 
which he came" (derived from L. 1880, ch. 549, § 1 ; L. 1896, ch. 546, § 16). Thus 
here, in a similar provision, we have a state of origin rather than a state of "belonging 
as the determining factor. 


The power of the state is not created by the Constitution, but limited by it, and 
except as so limited, is supreme. 

Matter of Thirty-Fourth Street Railroad Co., 102 N. Y. 343, 7 N. E. 172 (1886) ; 
Carter v. Carter Coal Co., 298 U. S. 238 (1936), 11 Am. Jur. 865 § 171. 

The extent of the limitations imposed by the Constitution on the exercise of this 
supreme power by the Legislature can be simply stated. It must promote the 
public welfare by means having a real and substantial relation to that end and 
shall not be unreasonable, arbitrary or capricious. 

Nebbia v. People, 291 U. S. 502 (1933). 
No more definite boundaries are advisable, if the states are to have power to meet 
great public needs as they arise. Each case must be decided as the problem presents 
itself and when the validity of the legislative solution is questioned. 

Noble State Bank v. Haskell, 219 U. S. 104 (1910). 

General statements occasioned by different context and subject matter should not 
be considered as foreclosing a decision as to an issue which warrants a more exact 
statement as to scope and limitations of constitutional powers and prohibitions. 

2. The history of forcible removal provisions demonstrates its recognized need 
and reasonableness, 
(a) Statutory history. 

(i ) /;/ Eitf/land. In 1662 ^ the Poor Relief Act enacted by Parliament (13 and 14 
Char. II, Chap. 12) recited: 

"Whereas the necessity, number, and continual increase of the poor, * * * 
through the whole Kingdom of England and dominion of Wales, is very great 
and exceedingly burdensome, being occasioned by reason of some defects in 
the law concerning the settling of the poor, and for want of a due provision 
of the regulation of relief and employment in such parishes or places where 
they are legally settled, which doth enforce many to turn incorrigible rogues, 
and others to perish for want, * * * mi^ for the good of the poor" 

and enacted 

"That it shall * * * he lawful, upon complaint * * * by the * * * 
overseers of the poor * * *, to any justice of the peace, within forty days 
after any such person or persons coming so to settle as aforesaid, in any 
tenement under the yearly value of ten iwunds, for any two justices of the 
peace, whereof one to he of the quorum, of the division where any per- 
son * * *, that are likely to be chargeable to the parish, shall come to 
inhabit, by their warrant to remove and convey snch person or persons to 
such parish ichere he or they were last legally settled, either as a native 
householder, sojourner, apprentice, or servant, for the space of forty days at 
the least, unless he or they give suflScient security for the discharge of the 
said parish, to be allowed by the said justices." (Italics not in the original.) 

Although this section was repealed by the Poor Removal Act, 1795 (35 Geo. 3, 
Chap. 101, § 1) it nevertheless remains as the foundation of the law of settlement 
and removal (Little, Poor Law Statutes (1901) 122). The repeal and the provi- 
sions substituted by the Act of 1795 altered the law only to the extent of making 
it lawful to remove persons as 

"shall have become actually chargeable to the parish" 
rather than 

"likely to be chargeable to the parish." 

(ii) In the United States. The problem described in the preamble of 13 and 

14 Char. II, Chap. 12, became accentuated in a dramatic fasliion. particularly in 

recent years. By act of Colonial Legislatures similar provisions found their way 

into the statute books. They have been carried forward and in number ex- 

3 The StatutP of Laborers in ISr.o (25 Edw. Ill, Ohap. 1) aimed at a problem similar 
to that set forth in the preamble of 13 and 14 Char. II, Chap. 12 : The poor were to remain 
where they were resident or be sent to the place of their birth (4 Holdsworth, History of 
English Law (1924) 390, et seq.). 


tended so that at the present time there exist forcible removal provisious for 
those unable to take care of themselves in some thirty states (California, Colo- 
rado, Illinois, Indiana, Iowa, Kansas, Maine, Massachusetts, Michigan, Minnesota, 
Mississippi, Montana, Nebraska, Nevada, New Hampshire, New Jersey, North 
Carolina, North Dakota, Ohio, Oklahoma, Oregon, Pennsylvania, Rhode Island, 
South Carolina, South Dakota, Vermont, Virginia, Wisconsin, Wyoming'), in- 
cluding New York. Of these many can be interpreted to, and eleven others in 
addition to New York expressly authorize forcible removals to other states.' 

(iii) In New York. Following the enactment by the New York Colonial Legis- 
lature in 1773 " of a statute practically identical with that of 13 and 14 Cliar. II, 
the New York State Legislature enacted that 

"* * * it shall and may be lawful, upon complaint made by the overseers 
of the poor, of any district within this State, to any justice of the peace, 
within forty days, after any person or persons, shall come to settle in such 
district, in any tenement under the yearly value of five pounds, for any two 
justices of the peace, whereof one to be of the quorum, in, or next unto the 
district where any such person or persons, that are likely to be chargeable 
to the district, shall come to inhabit, by their warrant, under their hand and 
seal, to remove and convey, such person or persons, to such district, where 
he, she or they, were last legally settled, * * *." (L. 1784, Ch. 35.) 

Subsequent enactments ' culminated in present §27 of the State Charities Law * 
and §71 of the Public Welfare Law. 

*Ala. Code, Ann. (Micliie. 1928) § 2806 (26) ; Calif. Code (1933. Supp.) § 4041.16 (4) ; 
Colo. Stat. Ann. (Alichie, 1935) c. 124, § 7 ; 111. Ann. Stat. (Smith-Hurd, 1939) c. 107, § 16; 
Ind. Stat. Ann. (Burns, 1939 Supp.) § 52-1.56; Iowa Code (1935) § 5313; Kan. Gen. Stat. 
Ann. (Corrick, 193.5;) § 39-313; Me. (Laws of 1933) Ch. 203, § 36; Mass. Ann. Laws 
(1939 Supp.) c. 117, § 18; Mich. Stat. Ann. (Henderson, 1936) § 16,188; Laws of Minne- 
sota, 1939, § 3161-2; Miss. Code Ann. (1930) § 5707; Mont. Rev. Codes Ann. (Anderson 
& McFarland, 1935) § 2 (d) ; Neb. Comp. Stat. (Kyle, Supp. 1937) § 68-112; Nev. Comp. 
Laws (Hillyer, 1929) § 5144; N. H. (Laws of 1933) Ch. 107, § 18 ; N. J. (Public Laws, 
1931) Ch. 373, § 29; N. C. Code Ann. (Michie, 19.39) § 1343; N. D., Laws of 1935, c. 119. 
§ 14; Ohio Gen. Code Ann. (Page, 1935) §§ 3484, 3484.1; Okla. St. Ann. § 36; Ore. Code 
Ann. (Supp. 1935) § 27-1416; Pa. Stat. Ann. (Purdon, 1939) tit. 62, § 1871; R. I. Gen. 
Laws (1938) § 5 ; S. C. Code (1932) § 4970; S. D. (Rev. Code 1919) Ch. 3, § 10048; 
Vt. Pub. Laws (1933) Ch. 160, § 3948; Va. Code Ann. (Michie & Sublett, 1936) § 2802; 
Wis. (Stats.) (1933) Ch. 49, § 49.00; Wyoming Session Laws (1937) Ch. 88, § 38. 

5 See note 2 supra as to California, Iowa, Massachusetts, Michigan, Montana, New 
Hampshire, North Dakota, Oklahoma, Oregon, Virginia. Wisconsin. 

''Charity Legislation of N. Y., 1604-1900 (1904) 39. As to earlier enactments of the 
Colonial Legislature of New York, see "Colonial Laws of New Y'ork" (1894) Vol. 1, pp. 131. 
237. In 1683 the Colonial Legislature of New Y^ork enacted that persons who were not 
"able to give security for their well demeanor" be transported "to the place from whence 
they came, or att least out of the province and dependences'' and if "beggars * * * 
remove from one county to anothere and cannot give security as aforesaid itt shall be 
lawful for the constable to returne such persons to the county from whence they came." 

' See e. g. L. 1788, c. 62 ("out of this state into the state from whence he or she came") : 
L. 1801, c. 184 ("out of this state into the state from whence he came") ; L. 1817, c. 177 
("to the place where such person was last legally settled without this state") ; L. 1821. 
c. 220 ("to the place of his former settlement") "; more recently see e. g. L. 1873. c. 661 
("to such state or country") ; L. 1896, c. 225 ("to their county, town or city") ; L. 1909, 
c. 57 ("to the state or country from which he came") ; L. 1928, c. 859 ("to the state or 
country") ; L. 1929. c. 565 ("to such state or country"). A complete list of citations 
to the relevant statutes can be found in "Charity Legislation in New York 1609-1900" 
(1904), et seq. For a period forcible removal seemed to have been discontinued in New 
York (L. 1824, c. 331: L. 1827, c. 20). The fact that since that time they have been 
reinserted in the statutes makes relevant what was stated without dissent by Judge 
Crane : 

"During various periods, therefore, in the hundred years, the Legislature of the State 
of New York has had occasion to consider the re-enactment or the amendment of this 
auction sales law. We must assume that there have been conditions and reasons 
which called the matter to the attention of these various legislatures and that the 
enactment of the laws was an attempt to meet present-day conditions and not a 
mere continuance through ignorance or mistake of dead legislation." Biddies, Inc. v. 
Enright, 239 N. Y. 354, 146 N. E. 625 (1925). 

The statute was upheld. As a matter of fact § 71 of the Public Welfare Law was amended 
as recently as 1938 ^L. 1938. Ch. 443). 

8 § 27 State Charities Law : 

"State, nonresident and alien poor. The board, and any commissioner or officer of 
the department may, at any time visit and inspect any institution subject to its 
supervision to ascertain if any inmates supported therein at a state, county or 
municipal expense are state charges, nonresidents or alien poor ; and it may cause 
to be removed to the state or country from which he came any such nonresident or 
alien poor found in any such institution or otherwise supported or relieved at public 


fb) Relevance of Statutory History. 

Mere statement discloses the materiality of tlie words of Justice Cardozo who 
in upholding a statutory seizure of property of a husband absconding from a wife 
and child likely to become public charges, said : 

"The procedure thus authorized has its roots in a distant past." 

"During all this long history there has been, so far as the published records 
show, no challenge of its binding force, though the enforcement of its reme- 
dies has been part of tlie routine of the * * * courts. Judges, as well 
as administrative officers, have taken its validity for granted." 

"Not lightly vacated is the verdict of quiescent years. Ownbey v. Morgan, 
256 U. S. m, 108, 109, 41 S. Ct. 433, 437 (65 L. Ed. 837, 17 A. L. R. 873) ; Otis 
Co. V. Ludlow Mfg. Co., 201 U. S. 140, 154, 26 S. Ct. 353, 355 (50 L. Ed. 696) ; 
Biddies, Inc. v. Enright, 239 N. Y. 354, 361, 146 N. E. 625, 627 (39 A. L. R. 766). 

" 'The Fourteenth Amendment, itself a historical product, did not destroy 
history for the states and substitute mechanical compartments of law all 
exactly alike. If a thing has been practiced for two hundred years by 
common consent, it will need a strong case for the Fourteenth Amendment 
to affect it.' Jackman v. Ro.senbaum Co., 260 U. S. 22. 31, 43 S. Ct. 9 (67 
L. Ed. 107). 

"This background of tradition gives the setting of the statute and the 
method of approach when today its validity is challenged." 

Coler V. Corn Exchmuje Bank, 250 N. Y. 136, 164 N. E. 882 (1928), aff'd 
subnom Corn Exchavye Bank v. Coler. 280 U. S. 218 (1929). 

As was stated in Ttvining v. 2f. J., 211 U. S. 78 (1908) : 

"What is due process of law may be ascertained by an examination of those 
settled usages and modes of proceedings existing in the common and statute 
law of England before the emigration of our ancestt>rs, and shown not to 
have been unsuited to their civil and political condition by having been 
enacted on by them after the settlement of this country * * *" 

The statute before the court is even more necessary today than it was in the 
seventeenth century. 

3. The relief of those in need is a matter of public concern and provision therefor 
with checks to prevent the burden from becoming unbearable is not unreasonable, 
arbitrary or capricious. 

Unlike the statutes of most other states,'^ the New York State Legislature, in 
its desire to be htimane, has provided : 

"It shall be the duty of public welfare officials, insofar as funds are available 
for that purpose, to provide adequately for those unable to maintain them- 
Public Welfare Law § 77. 

And thus every person in the state, no matter how long and regardless of residence, 
citizenship, or any other factor, if unable to maintain himself, is cared for by the 
state and the welfare districts therein. But 

"Neither aliens nor the citizens of other states are invested by the Constitution 
with any interest in the common property of the people of this state." 

"How far the state will go beyond its own citizens in thus applying its own 
resources to the betterment of conditions the Legislature must say." 

People v. Crane, 214 N. Y. 154 at 161 and 165 ; 108 N. E. 427. (1915.) 

If the sovereign state extends its bounty as an act of grace to others than those 
with settlement in the state, it can unquestionably impose reasonable conditions 
to such beneficence. It is not violative of any fundamental law to arrange for 
such provision in the place of proper settlement. 

The Constitution of Nev\' York expressly recognizes that : 

•"The aid, care and support of the needy are public concerns * * *" — ^Art. 
XVII, § 1. 

" Twenty states have requirements ranging all the way up to four years of residence 
for eligibility for general relief as of January 1, 19.36. Webb and Brown. "Migrant 
Families", W. P. A. Research Monograph 19, 19.38, Table 25. In the remaining states, 
twenty-two have requirements ranging up to Ave years of resideuoe as a prerequisite to 
eligibility for general relief, ihid. 


Poverty, whotlior it be of citizens of others aetnally within the state 

"♦ * * destroys health and life Itself * * * has a destructive influ- 
ence upon standards of social behavior * * * a greater incidence of crime 
♦ * * even more detrimental is the influence * * * on mental health 
nnd hanniness * * * creates fear, depression, despondency and suicides 
; ♦ * envv bitterness, self-depreciation * * *" POVERTY : VI Ency- 
clopaedia of the Social Sciences (1935) 284 at 289.'" 
But in addition to the human values, the taxpayer's interests must be considered 
and so it is not arbitrarv or capricious to suppose that such altruistic bounty can 
be made mandatorv and under the law, as it has been in New York, without cer- 
tain checks and balances." One of the most important of these is the authority 
in the statutes to remove to the place where they belonff, persons cared for at 
public expense, whether it be within the state or outside the state. (Public 
Welfare Law, §§ 50, 5n-a and 71 ; State Charities Law, § 27). 

This is no theoretical discussion. To the very real concern of the taxpayer 
the state cost of the mahitenance of. state charges in New York State has increased 
from $74 000 for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1930, to close to $3,000,000 for the 
fiscal year ending June 30, 1939." Tliis is an increase of over 3,000 percent. Al- 
thougii the causal factors cannot be isolated to a large extent this must have been 
due to the fact that as to average home relief grants New York ranks first in the 
country. Ohio, from which the plaintiffs come, ranks nineteenth. Within New 
York State, Westchester County occupies third position amongst the sixty-two 

Social ScouHhf Bulletin (January 1940) 77; New York State Department of 
Social Welfare, Report on Public Assistance (November 1939) 3-4. 

Thus for the month of November, 1939 in Ohio the average home relief grant was 
$15.99 whereas in New York State the average was $36.12, with Westchester County 
exceeding the average of New York by having an average grant of $40.18 or, to 
put it more briefly, more than double the amount granted in Ohio. 

The late Justice Cardozo in People v. Crane, 214 N. Y. 154, 108 N. E. 427 (1915), 
in upholding the constitutionality of a statute which prevented the employment 
of aliens in the construction of public works said of the state : 

"It may discriminate l)etween citizens and aliens in its charitable institutions, 

or in other measures for the relief of paupers" 
and cited § 17 of the State Charities Law. That section, now § 27, in part 
provides : 

"The board, and any commissioner or officer of the department may ♦ * ♦ 

cause to be removed to the state or country from which he came any such 

10 Police Commissioner Lewis J. Valentine of New York City in his annual departmental 
report pointed out that "the unemployed and transit population are responsible for most 
of the crimes in New Yorl< City'. New York World Telesram. May 21. 1940. 

" Migration of destitute persons to New York, even under the present law, is great : On 
June 30. 1935 in transient migrant families New York ranked third in the Union, exceeded 
only bv California and Colorado. Webb and Brown, "Migrant Families" W. P. A. Research 
Monograph 18, Table 5. 

" Cost of maintenance of State charges in New Y'ork State : 

Cost of 
Fiscal Year Ended June 30 : ' Maintenance 

19.39 $2, 830, 000 

1938 1,557,000 

1937 323,000 

1936 275,000 

1935 220.000 

1934 179. 000 

1933 184, 000 

1930 148, 000 

1931 120.000 

1930 74,000 

Source : New York State Department of Social Welfare, Bureau of Research and 
Statistics, March 8, 1940. 
The monthhi average number of state charge cases increased from 3.923 during the fiscal 
year ended June 30, 1938 to 6,764 in the following fiscal year, an increase of seventy-two 
"percent in one year. Ibid. 


nonresident or alien poor found in any such institution or otiierwise supported 
or relieved at public expense." 

While the point at issue in People v. Crane, supra, is not precisely the point at 
issue in the instant proceeding, it is worthy of note that § 17 of the State Charities 
Law iiermitted a forcible removal to another state of persons suprKjrted at public 
expense. Lower courts have repeatedly issued orders pursuant to § 11^' 

That a State in the exercise of its police iKJwer may exclude from its territory 
paupers coming from other states has been repeatedly intimated by the Supreme 
Court of the United States. 

Freund, The Police Power (1904) § 271 ; 
City of New York v. Miln, 11 Pet. l(/2, 141, 148 (1837) ; 
Prujff V. Pennsylvania, 16 Pet. 540. 025 (U. S. 1842} i 

PuHsenger Cases, 7 How. 283, 425 (Wayne), 463 (Grier), 469 (Taney dis- 
senting) (U. S. 1849) ; 
Henderson v. Mayor of New York, 92 U. S. 259, 275 (1875) ; 
(Hiy Limy v. Freeman, 92 U. S. 275, 280 (1875) ; 
Railroad Co. v. Husen, 95 U. S. 405, 471 (1877) ; 
Plumley v. Mass., 155 U. S. 401, 478 (1894) ; 
timith v. m. Louis d Houthioester^i Ry., 181 U. S. ^48, 254 (1901). 

In .speaking of the statute before the court in City of New York v. MUn, supra, 
the Supreme Court of the United States said : 

'The section * * * is obviously passed with a view to prevent her 
citizens from being oppressed by the support of multitudes of poor persons 
* * * New York * * * is, perhaps more than any other city in the 
Union, exposed to the evil of thou.sands of foreign emigrants arriving there, 
and the consequent danger of her citizens being subjected to a heavy 
charge in the maintenance of those who are poor. It is the duty of the 
State to protect its citizens from this evil; * * * " (,(;_ at 141; italics 
not in the original.) 

In the Passenger cases, supra, Justice Wayne stated : 

"The states have also re.served the police right to turn off from their terri- 
tory paupers, * * * " 

Justice Grier stated : 

"A state in the exercise of her acknowledged right may exclude paupers 

Justice Taney went on to say : 

"It is a power of self-preservation, and was never intended to be sur- 

I'As far as one has been able to ascertain during 1038 and lO.'iO there have been some 
thirty-four court orders of forcible removal to places outside the state pursuant to § 71 of 
the Public Welfare La^v. They have been issued in the following counties amongst other.s : 
Albany, Broome, Chautauqua, Clinton. Erie, Essex, Fulton, Montgomery, Steuben and Wash- 
ington. See e. y. Matter of -Jeacock for an Order of Removal v. Lonyo, et al. fErie County 
Court, May 8, ^'.y^'.i) ^constitutional questions of "due process", "equal protection', "privi- 
leges and immunities ' and "cruel or unusual punishment" were each raised unsuccessfully ; 
a removal to Newark, New Jersey, was ordered) ; In the Matter of Cali, et al. to Dunmore, 
rennsylvania (Chautauqua County Court, June 23, 1030; : In the Matter of the Removal of 
Ddlto, et al. to Youngstown, Ohio f Chautauqua County Court, March 28, 1038) ; In the 
Matter of the Removal of Vrooman, et al. to the Countv of Warren. Pennsvlvania rchau- 
tauqua County Court, June 10, 1930) ; In the Matter of Jeacock for an Order of removal v. 
Cohman, et al. to Memphis, Tennessee (Erie County Court. March 31, 1030) : In the Matter 
of the Application of Jeacock for an order of Removal v. Gibson, et al. to Mortgomerv Ala- 
bama (Erie County Court. May 0, 1030) ; In the Matter of the Application of Jeacock for 
an Order of Removal of Jones, et al. to Detroit, Michigan (Erie County Court, March 31, 
1030) : In the Matter of the Application of Jeacock for an order of Removal v. Hay, et al. 
to Heveland. Ohio (Erie County Court. May 9. 1030) ; In the Matter of the Removal of 
Vallejo, et al. to the County of Carbon, Penn.sylvania (Essex County Court, October 24, 
1038) ; In the Matter of the Removal of Sziity, et al. to the Countv of Luzerne, Pennsyl- 
vania (Fulton County Court, August 4, 1938) ; In the Matter of the Removal of Brudzi'sz, 
et al. to Haverhill. Massachusetts (Montgomery County Court, September 26, 1038 : In the 
Matter of the Application of Hardenhrook for the Removal of Guthrie, et al. to Sharon, 
Pennsylvania (Steuben County Court, November 28, 1038) ; In the Matter of the Removal 
of Scifim, et al. to Hoboken, New Jersey (Washington County Court, October 28, 1038). 



Only in granmiatioal form is "liberty" absolute." Const itutioiially, it has 
never* been so interpreted. In speaking of the constitution, Chief Justice 
Hughes has said : 

"It speaks of libertv and prohibits the deprivation of liberty without due 
process of law. In" prohibiting that deprivation the constitution does not 
recognize an absolute and uncontrollable liberty. Liberty in a social or- 
"•ani'zation which requires the protection of law against the evils which 
inenace the health, safety, morals and welfare of the people. Liberty un- 
der the constitution is thus necessarily subject to the restraints of due 
process, and regulation which is reasonable in relation to its subject and 
is adopted in the interests of the conununity is due process." West Coast 
Hotel Co. V. Parrish. 300 U. S. 379 at 301 (1036). 
Scores of cases which infringe absolute liberty or certain privileges or im- 
munities have been upheld as being within the police power. 

There may be added what was said in naiinihal if St. Joseph Railroad Co. v. 
Husen (1877), 95 U. S. 465 at 471 : 

•'It may also be admitted that the police powers of a state justify the 
adoption of precautionary measures against social evils. Under it. a State 
mav legislate to prevent the spread of crime or pauperism or disturbances 
of "the peace. It niau exeJiide from its limits. eo>iricts, paupers, idiots 
Olid liiiHities and persons likelii to become a public charge, as well as per- 
sons afflicted bv contagious or infectious diseases, a right founded, as niti- 
mated in the Passenger Cases. 7 How. 2S3 by Grier. J. in the sacred law 
of self defense. Vide, Neff r. Penoyer, 3 Sawyer 2S3 * * *" (Italics 
not in the original.) 
Speaking of Chu Luna v. Freeman, 02 U. S. 275 (1873) and Henderson v. Mauor 
of N. r.r02 U. S. 259 (1S75) Justice Strong stated: 

"Neither of these cases denied the riflht of a State to protect herself aiiain-^t 
paupers convicted criminals * * * in the absence of legislation by 
Congress * * *" (irf. at 472) (Italics not in the original.) 
In Plumleu v. Massachusetts, 155 U. S. 46 (1S94). in which a statute was 
attacked on "•'commerce", 'iiriviliges and immunities of citizens in the several 
states" "privileges or immunities of citizens of the United States . "due process 
and "equal protection", the court held the law constitutional, and. m part ex- 
pressly stated (p. 47S) : 

"It has therefore been adjudged that the States mail * * * exclude 
from their limits paupers * * * persons likely to become a public 
char<'e * * * These and other like things have immediate connection 
with"' the health, morals, and safety of the people, may be done by the 
States in the exercise of the right of self defense. 

•We are not unmindful of the fact * * * that the acknowledged 
power of the States to protect the morals, the health, and safety of their 
people bv appropriate legislation, sometimes touches, in its exercise, the 
line separating the respective domains of national and state authority 
P>ut in view of * * * numerous state governments, which retain and 
exercise all powers not delegated to the Union, •the judiciary of the I nited 
States should not strike down a legislative enactment of a State— especial y 
if it has direct connection with the social order, the health, and the morals 
of its people * * *' " (Italics not in the original.) 

st^pph -iiid five assemblv .ire sulMoot to lestru-tions cousisieui »iui .'ivic-.^.. ^w^. ^•■- -•■ ,, 
n^ An le the freedom ind transform it into license. Tlie cases «y!' "«* .^jf ^f ^ «/:,^" , 
aeneralization as plaintitrs position seel<s to imply. Freedom ^^ U^comot o l:^ not m^^^^^^^ 
fered with bv Section 71. but merely freedom to remain tixed to the detriment ot the >tate 
and menace of the commnnity chosen l>y the indigent person. 


Even statutes allowing removal within the state of those likely to become 
chargeable have been utilized : 

Anderson v. Miller, 120 Pa. Super. 463, 182 Atl. 742 (1936) ; 
In Re Barnes; 119 Pa. Super. 533, 180 Atl. 718 (1035). 

In both these cases a forcible removal was held justified. 

Objection of "due process" was discussed and discarded in Lovell v. Seeback. 

45 Min. 465, 48 N. W. 23 (1891) in which a statute authorizing forcible removal 

of a per.sou' likely to become a public charge was sustained: 

"Its validity * * * may be sustained * * * upon grounds of gen- 
eral necessity and expediency, was sanctioned by statute before the adoption 
of our constitution, has ever since been acquiesced in, and that similar 
statutes have been in force since the early settlement of this country 
* * *" {id. at 469.) 
Other state courts have validated forcible removals within the state on the 

ground that paupers constituted a special class of their dependence 

on public funds and therefore must be subject to this type of public control. 

Harrison v. Gilbert, 71 Conn. 724, 43 Atl. 190 (1899) ; " 

Bristol V. Fox, 159 III. 500, 42 N. E. 8S7 (1896) (alternative holding).' 

Freund, in The Police Power (1904) §491 puts it on this ground: 

'However, as has been shown before, liheriy of settlement cannot he claAmed 
hy those who cannot support them^'ielves, for their taking up a residence 
in a district means the imposition of a pecuniary burden upon the com- 
munity Hence paupers, i. e. persons a(!tually chargeable upon the public, 
not merely likely to become chargeable, may be compelled to remain 
where they have their domicile and may be removed to it. * * * In 
these cases the restraint of liberty is justified by the condition of the 
person restrained, * * *" See also id. §271. (Italics supplied.) 

B. l:iection 11 does not contravene any provision of the Constitution. 

1. Interstate Commerce. 

Even if it be assumed"* that the movement of plaintiffs affect commerce 
it is not such commerce as is beyond the pale of state jurisdiction. The Supreme 
Court of the United Scales bus rei>eatedly recognized that in the ab.sence of 
congressional preemption the states must be permitted to control this commerce 
by reasonable regulations of the police power. 

Morgan v. Louisiana Board of Health, 118 U. S. 455 (1885) ; 

Campagnie Francaise v. Louisiana State Board of Health, 186 U. S. 380 

(1902) ; 
Eicholz V. Public Service Commissioner, 306 U. S. 268 (1938) ; 
Ziffern Inc. v. Reeves, 60 S. Ct. 163 (1939). 
As was stated in the Eicholz case, «Mpra; 

'We may assume that Congress could regulate interstate transportation 
of the sort here in question, whatever tlie motive of those engaging in it. 
But in the absence of the exercise of federal authority, and in the light 
of local exigencies, the State is free to act in order to protect its legiti- 
mate interests even though interstate commerce is directly affected. Cooley 

^ State courts have even upheld laws making il a crime to bring indigents into the state. 
See e. g. State v. Corniah, 66 N. H. :329 (lS90j ; Winfield v. Mapcfs, 4 Denio 571 (N. Y. 1S47). 
i«In the Harrison case a forcible removal was sustained, the court stating at page (29 
and at 191-192 : 

"* * • Town paupers belong to a certain class. The law assigns them a certain 
status This entitlfs them to public aid, and subjects them, in a corresponding degree, 
to public control. There is nothing in the statutes under which the delendants ju.stify 
which pushes this right of control further than is reasonably adapted to keep tne public 
burden within due bounds * * *." 
" In the Bristol case it was said at page .508 and at S80 : 

"* * * So soon as they became a charge, and while they remained so, they ceased 
to be free agents, but were in the hands, and to a certain extent under the control, of 
the public officers intrusted with the execution of the poor law * * *. ' 
" "Labor of human beings is not a commodity nor an article of commerce and shall never 
be so considered". New York Constitution, Article I, § 3 7. 

260.370— 41— pt. 10 9 


Tj^avri nf Wflvrtpiis 12 How. 299, 319; Morgan's S. S. Co. v. Louisiaua, 
TlS U S 455; sS J: Sama,' 124 U. S. 465; Kelly v. Washington. 
302 U. S. 1, 9, 10." id. at 274. 
In the Ziffern case, supra, the court said : 

"The DOwer of a state to regulate her internal affairs notwithstanding 
the coSqiei't effect upon interstate commerce was much discussed in 
South Carolina Highway Dept. v. Barnwell Bros., 303 U. S. 1^ , 189, 58 
^ r? 510 515 516 82 L. Ed. 734. There it was again afhrmed that al- 
though regulation by the state might impose some burden on interstate 
commerce this was permissible when 'an inseparable incident of the exercise 
ofTlegillative authority, which, under the Constitution, has been left to 
the states.' * * *" ^d- at 168. 
Likewise what was stated in Clason v. State of Indiana, 59 Sup. Ct. 609, 
(1939) is equally applicable here: 

"We can find no substantial basis for the charge of discrimination against 

legitimate interstate commerce. That any real burden upon commerce 

which the State is not free to inhibit will result from the challenged 

statute seems impossible." 

In a similar manner, speaking of articles of trade which if permitted in a 

state would "bring in and spread disease, pestilence and death," the Supreme 

Court has said: 

"The self-protecting power of each state, therefore may be rightfully 
exerted against their introduction, and such exercises of power cannot be 
considered regulations of commerce prohibited by the constitution." Bow- 
man V. Chicago & C. Railway Co., 125 U. S. 465, 489 (1888). 
The federal government has not preempted this field.'* Section 71 of the Public 
Welfare Law is part of a statutory scheme, equally applicable to home relief, 
medical care, institutional care, assistance to the blind, old age assistance and 
aid to dependent children. As to the latter three it is part of the "state plan" 
annroved bv the federal social security board as a basis for reimbursement 
under the Federal Social Security Act. U. S. C. A. Tit. 42 (1939) §§302, 602 

In H. P. Welch Co. v. State of Neiv Hampshire, 59 Sup. Ct. 438, at 441 in 
which there was the question of whether a federal statute superseded a state 
statute, it was stated: 

"Its purpose to displace the local law must be definitely expressed. Mintz 
V. Baldwin, 289 U. S. 346, 350, 53 S. Ct. 611, 613, 77 L. Ed. 1245. The rule 
applicable is clearly stated in Illinois Cent. R. R. Co. v. Public Utilities 
Comm., 235 U. S. 493, 510, 38 S. Ct. 170, 176, 62 L. Ed. 425. 'In construing 
federal statutes enacted under the power conferred by the commerce clause 
of the Constitution * * * it should never be held that Congress intends 
to supersede or suspend the exercise of the reserved powers of a state, 
even where that may be done, unless, and except so far as its purpose to 
do so is clearly manifested.' We have frequently applied that principle. 
See e. g. Reid v. Colorado, 187 U. S. 137, 148, 23 S. Ct. 92, 96, 47 L. Ed. 
108, Missouri Pacific Ry. v. Larabee Mills, 211 U. S. 612, 621 et seq., 29 
S. Ct. 214, 217, 53 L. Ed. 352 ; Missouri Kansas & Texas Ry. Co. of Texas v. 
Harris, 234 U. S. 412, 418, 419, 34 S. Ct. 790, 792, 793. 58 L. Ed. 1377, L. R. A. 
1915E, 942 ; Smith v. Illinois Bell Telephone Co. 282 U. S. 133, 139, 51 S. 

^» Although it has regulated the immigration from and deportation of aliens from and to 
foreign countries at the present time there is no federal statute which has anything to do 
with the movement of such persons from state to state. Congress began exclusion in 1875 
(Act of March 3, 1875, § 5, 185 Pet. 477) of alien convicts and alien prostitutes ; in 1882 
(Act of Aug. 3, 1882, § 2, 225 Pet. 214) lunatics, idiots and "any person unable to tal?e care 
of himself or herself without becoming a public charge" ; in 1891 (Act of Nov. 3, 1891, § 1, 
26 Stat. 1084) "paupers or persons likely to become a public charge" and other classes. In 
1891 Congress began deporting aliens who within a year after admission had become public 
charges for existing prior to landing. Cutting the history short U. S. C. A. Tit. 8, 
§ 136 (1920), provides: 

"The following classes of aliens shall be excluded from admission into the United 
States : Paupers, professional beggars, vagrants * * ♦ Persons likely to become 
a public charge * * *." See sections wnich follow §136. 


Ct. 65, 66, 75 L. Ed. 255 ; N. W. Bell Tel. Co. v. Nebraska State Ry. Comm., 
297 U. S. 471, 478, 56 S. Ct. 536, 538, 80 L. Ed. 810 ; Kelly v. Washington, 
302 U. S. 1, 10 et seq., 58 S. Ct. 87, 92, 82 L. Ed. 3." 

Laying all frills aside, the one and only question involved in so far as inter- 
state commerce is concerned is : If it be assumed that interstate commerce is 
here involved, whether the extent to which the national interest in free inter- 
course between the states is affected by the few forcible removals of persons 
who are public charges, counter-balances the general welfare interest of having 
a humane statute which takes care of all those in need regardless of how long 
they have resided in a particular state. In this connection it should be noted 
that the statute does not prevent the ingress and egress from one state to 
another by one who has not applied for and is not receiving public assistance. 
2. Privileges and Immunities of State Citizenship. 

In the words of Mr. Piuckney, who was a signer of the Constitution and the 
supposed author of Article IV, § 2 of the United States Constitution, it has been 
"formed exactly upon the principles of the fourth article of the present con- 
federation." Farrand, Records of the Federal Convention, (1911) Vol. I-III, 
p. 112, 445. See also Elliot, Debates on the Federal Constitution Contained in 
Madison Papers (1863) Vol. 5, p. 132, 381, 563.=~ 

Article IV of the Articles of Confederation provided that : 

"The free inhabitants of each of these States, paupers, vagabonds and fugi- 
tives from justice excepted, shall be entitled to all privileges and immunities; 
of citizens in the several States." (Italics not in the original.) 

The practice of forcible removals of public charges not only existed before the 
adoption of the Constitution but continued to exist subsequently. 

This clause has been held to be applicable only to acts of a state with regard to 
the citizens of another state and not applicable to the acts of a state with regard 
to its own citizens.^' Colgate v. Harvey, 296 U. S. 404 (1935) said nothing to the 
contrary. Since the early case of Corfield v. Coryell, 6 Fed. Case, 546, No. 3. 230 
(C. C. E. D. Pa. 1823), the protection of this clause has been confined to what are 
considered fundamental privileges of state citizenship. Even if 

"the right of a citizen of one state to pass through, or reside in any other 

has frequently been repeated, § 71 does not interfere with this right, but states- 
that if one coming from nnother state applies for care at public expense, to which 

*» Any attempt to draw a contrary conclusion from Article 4 of the Articles of Confedera- 
tion IS wholly unwarranted. The omission in Art. IV, § 2 of the Constitution of the excep- 
tions of paupers vagabonds and fugitives from justice" does not indicate an intent to 
enable paupers to have complete freedom of residence without interference by the States 
The same conclusion would seem to follow, if that is correct, for fugitives from iustice and 
vagabond.s let it is obvious that these latter may be restricted in residence or 'locomotion 
or in freedom The complete answer is that the recasting into Art. IV, § 2 of the United 
States Constitution did not alter the meaning or effect of the provision ' '^ "^ '"*" unuea 

" The distinctions made repeatedly between residence and citizenship as affecting privi- 
leges ot the latter (either by virtue of J 2 of Art. IV or the 14th Amendment of the Federal 
Constitution) should be carefully noted. 

Frost & Dickinson v. Brisbin, 19 Wend. 11/15 ; 

Robinson v. Ocean .Steam Nav. Co.. 112 N. Y. 315. 

"A construction of the constitutional limitation which would apply it to such a 
case as this would strike down a large body of Jaws which have existed in all the states 
from the foundation of the government, making some discrimination between residents 
and non-residents in legal proceedings and other matters." 

Robinson v. Ocean Steam Nav. Co.. supra; 

La Tourette v. McMaster, 248 U. S. 465. 

"Citizenship and residence, so often declared by this court, are not synonymous 
terms. (Parker v. Overman, 18 How. 1^7.)" 

Robertson v. Cease, 97 U. S. 646. 

"Citizenship" implies more than mere residence and carries a more permanent identifica- 
tion with the State and its functions. 

Baker v. Keck, 13 Fed. Supp. 486, 487 ; 

State V. District Court of Seventeenth Judicial District, 80 Pac. r2dl 367 • 

Ratvstone v. Maquire, 265 N. Y. 204, 208. 

"Settlement", a residence qualification, wholly confined to administration of relief and 

poor laws , is a restriction reasonably placed on residence and citizenship and not an 

arbitrary or invalid abridgment of any privilege or immunity of citizenship, Federal or 



he has no constitutional right (People v. Crane, supra), ^^ he can avail himself 
thereof only within the limitations of that section which states that if it be and 
only if it he for his 'welfare and the welfare of the state he subjects himself to the 
possibility of return to the state to which he belongs. 

The questions of returning one to a state to wliicli he does not belong, which has 
not authorized his return, and which is not legally responsible for liim, are not 
involved in view of Ohio's authorization for the return (fols. 50-51) and acknowl- 
edged responsibility. 

3. Privileges and Immunities of a Citizen of the United States. 

"Feeble indeed" is an attempt to have this statute declared invalid on the basis 
of the privileges and immunities clause of the Fourteenth Amendment. 

In Hague v. Committee for Industrial Organisation, 59 Sup. Ct. 95i (1939) 
Justice Stone pointed out : 

"Of the fifty or more cases which have been brought to this Court since the 
adoption of the Fourteenth Amendment in which state statutes have been 
assailed as violating the privileges and immunities clause, in only a single 
case was a statute held to infringe a privilege or immunity peculiar to citi- 
zenship of the United States * * * Colgate v. Harvey, 29C U. S. 404, 5G S. 
Ct. 252, 80 L. Ed. 299, 102 A. L. R. 54, (1935)." 

That one and only case, within just five years, was buried by being expressly over- 
ruled. Madden v. Commonwealth of Kentucky, 60 Sup. Ct. 406 (1940). On page 
411, Mr. Justice Reed speaking for the United States Supreme Court said : 

''Colgate v. Harvey, supra, must be and is overruled." 

In commenting on Madden v. Kentucky, supra, the following apix-ars in the 
Harvard Law Review for March, 1940 : 

"In overruling its only actual holding that a state statute violated the privi- 
leges or immunities clause of the Fourteenth Amendment, the Supreme Court 
apparently turns the clause back toward the limbo whence that decision had 
summoned it. * * * Colgate v. Harvey might have been interpreted as 
a decision that the privileges or immunities clause forbids classifications along 
state lines which are unreasonable when considered in the light of national 
interests, although satisfying the criterion of reasonableness in the light of 
the state's welfare adhered to in the interpretation of the due process and 
equal protection clauses." 

Even on such basis this statute would be sustained. In the Madden case, how- 
ever, the Supreme Court "made emphatic its disinclination to interfere on consti- 
tutional grounds in a State's pursuit of its own welfare at the expense of a truly 
national economic system." The argument in favor of the State's action is far 
more forceful in the instant case, in the light of the social and economic dangers 
thus avoided. 

In his dissent in Colgate v. Harvey, supra. Justice Stone speaking of the privi- 
and immunities clause of the Fourteenth Amendment said : 

"It created no new privileges ftnd immunities of United States citizenship, 
Bartenger v. loiva, 18 Wall 129, 133, and, as they are derived exclusively 
from the Constitution and laws enacted under it, the states were powerless 

^^ Although sometimes denied, the Supreme Court has frequently held that where the 
state may withhold a privilege altogether, it may condition the grant of the privilege on 
the foregoing of a constitutional right, on the theory that the greater power includes the 

Lafayette Insurance Company v. French, 18 How. 404 (U. S. 1856) ; 

Daris v. Massachusetts, 167 U. S. 43 (1897) : 

Pullman Company v. Adams, 189 U. S. 420 (1903) ; 

Atkin V. Kansas, 191 U. S. 207 (1903) ; 

Oceanic Steam Navigation Company v. Stranahan, 214 U. S. 320 (1909). 

In Davis v. Massachusetts, 167 U. S. 43 (1897) it was said at 48 : 

"The right to absolutely exclude all right to use, necessarily includes the authority 
to determine under what circumstances such use may be availed of, as the greater 
power contains the lesser." 

But resort need not he had to this principle to decide the instant case because no constitu- 
tional right or privilege has been interfered with. The statute was in force long before the 
appellants applied for relief in New York. When they applied § 128 of the Public Welfare 
Law provided : 

"Any public relief received by such person shall constitute an implied contract." 

Under this implied contract they may be considered subject to § 71, a section that could be 
utilized when their welfare would be promoted thereby. 


to abridge them before the adoption of the Fourteenth Amendment as well 
as after." See Crandall v. Nevada, 6 Wall 35. 

"Crandall v. Nevada is overruled so far as it referred the protection of 
such commerce to the privileges and immunities clause rather than to the 
commerce clause. Eel son and Randolph v. Kentucky, 279 U. S. 245, 251." 
id. at 443 and 446. 

Freund, The Police Power (1904) in §491 states: 

"If it is H privilege of a citizen of the United States to move freely within 
the whole country, the power of the state to control the migration and 
settlement of its own people within its own territory must logically be 
denied, for the whole country includes the state." 

N'o matter how absolute "privileges and immunities" are in form they have 

never been held to be so in constitutional interpretation. And this is so with 

added force where the health and welfare of the community is concerned. 

Never has it been held that there is a privilege to remain where one will when 

there was danger to the safety and welfare of others. 

4. Equal Protection. 

There is no invalid classification. 

Heim v. McCall, 239 U. S. 175 (1915) ; 

People V. Crane, 239 U. S. 195 (1915) ; 

Barbier v. Connolly, 113 U. S. 27 (1885). 
Section 71 of the Public Welfare Law is part of the gener'al scheme set up 
therein. Sections 59 and 59-a respectively authorize the forcible removal of 
a person from one public welfare district to another public welfare district 
within the state and from one town or city within a public welfare district to 
another town or city within the same public welfare district. In like manner 
a person may be removed outside of the state to the state or country to which 
he belongs on compliance with §71. Thus, all persons, who are supported at 
public expense are accordingly subject to removal to the place where they belong ; 
and where they will be supported by the persons or governmental unit respon- 
sible for their support. It is no privilege or immunity of a New York citizen 
to obtain relief under its constitution and laws, except at the cost of, and subject 
to removal to his place of settlement. Thus he cannot demand it in Albany, 
except subject to removal to Erie, if he is there settled. This petitioner is thus 
treated uo differently in principle than a citizen of New York under like 
5. Plaintiffs' Position. 

The fundamental fallacy of plaintifes' position is the failure to recognize that 
there is not inherent in citizenship a constitutional right to be supported at 
public expense ; to live where one will and be a menace to society. Nor does the 
constitution make it mandatory to starve, or guarantee the right to starve 
where one wishes. 

(a) The argumients which may be pressed on this basis of the due process 
clause of the 14th Amendment are not applicable to the facts or law herein. No 
interference is observed with a citizen's or non-citizen's right to choose and 
"establish a home." What is controlled is the unrestricted imposition of indigent 
persons and families without settlement upon a community and State where 
they cannot establish a home because of their indigent status. A condition, may 
often interfere with what would otherwise be a freedom. Vagrancy is one 
example. Mental deficiency is another; disease is a third. Individual rights 
and freedoms must yield to the rights, security and freedom of the rest of a 
community or State. There is no such "right to reside anywhere in the nation", 
without restriction or qualification as an attribute or privilege of national 
citizenship. Necessities and protection of the great body of citizens, taxpayers, 
health, general welfare — all are factors which may warrant qualification of such 
alleged freedom. Due process involves a consideration of the tradition and 
legislative background, of the century and more of an acknowledged legal 
process which has been unimpaired. No violation of such due process is shown 
in the instant case. 

(b) The Hague case, supra, on which reliance may erroneously be placed, 
went no further said the court {id. at 512) than to hold that one could not be 



denied the right to "disseminate information concerning the National Labor 
Relations Act", a federal statute, "to assemble peacefully for discussion of the 
Act, and of the opportunities offered by it." Neither poverty, public funds nor 
the considerations of health and welfare, so important in this case, were there 

(c) Likewise plaintiffs may not rely on Truax v. Raich, 239 U. S. 33 (1915). 
All that case decided was the invalidity of an act providing that every em- 
ployer who employed more th'an five workers shall employ 

"not less than eighty per cent, qualified electors or native born citizens of 
the United States or some subdivision thereof." 

But the court, there, did say expressly : 

"The discrimination defined by the act does not pertain to the regulation 
or distribution of the public domain, or of the common property or resources 
of the people of the state, the enjoyment of which may be limited to its 
citizens as against both aliens and the citizens of other states * * * 
land it should be added that the act is not limited to per.sons who * * * 
receive the benefit of public monies * * *" Tniax v. Raich, 239 U. S. 
33 (1915) at 39-40. 

(d) Nor would Baldimn v. Seelig, 294 U. S. 511 (1935) be applicable. There 
one state prohibited the sale of milk imported from another state unless the 
price paid in the other to the producer was up to the minimum prescribed by 
the first state for purchases from local producers. As the court pointed out the 
barrier that was set up was as effective as if custom duties had been exacted 
and violated the express prohibition in Article I, §10 of the Constitution against 
"imposts or duties" between the states. 

Bangor v. Smith, 83 Maine 422 (1891). 


The judges of the New York Court of Appeals who considered the merits of 
this case [See In the Blatter of Chirillo, 283 N. Y. 417, 28 N. E. [2d] 895, (1940)] 
Finch, J. (dissenting, in which Rippey and Lewis, JJ. concurred) dismissed all 
the constitutional objections here raised by petitioner and concluded 

"The Public Welfare Law of New York seeks, with due regard to the 
rights of all those affected, to deal in a humane way with the problem of 
pauperism. The sovereign police power of the State of New York has been 
exercised properly and reasonably. Such legislation is permitted by the 
Constitution of the State, and nothing in the United States Constitution 
compels a holding that such legislation is invalid." 

holding § 71 of the Public Welfare Law constitutional, k^ection 71 by its very 
words can never he utilized if it does not promote the welfare of the individual 
involved. In the light of the problem and facts known to exist the sovereign 
police power has been constitutionally, reasonably and properly exercised. Be- 
fore a court should decide otherwise or nullify the statute by issuing a pre- 
liminary injunction, or that it is necessary as an alternative to let people starve, 
the necessity leading to such a result should be overwhelmingly demonstrated. 
We find no such proof offered here. 

"All power may be abused, and if fear of abuse is to constitute an 
argument against its existence, it might be urged against the existence of 
that which is indispensable to the general safety." 
Marshall, C. J.— 12 Wheat. 440. 

John J. Bennett, Jr., 
Attorney General of the State of New YorJx, Attorney for the State. 

William A. Davidson, 
County Attorney, Westchester County. 
Henry Epstein, 

Solicitor General, 
John F. X. McGohey, 

Nathaniel Fensterstock, 
Clarence M. Maloney, 

Assistant Attorneys-Oeneral, 

Of Counsel. 



The language of the cases, including those which plaintiff may cite, lend 
added support to the validity of § 71. Following are excerpts, with occasional 
comment:* . , . .^. , * 

1) As early as 1823 limitations on the privileges and immunities clause of 
Article IV, § 2 were expressly indicated. In Corfleld v. Coryell, 4 Wash. 371 
(U. S. 3d'cir. 1823), the defendant had been dredging oysters in the waters 
of New Jersey contrary to the law of New Jersey. He was a citizen of Dela- 
ware and claimed rights equal to New Jersey residents. The sixth section of the 
law conferred rights to beds on New Jersey residents. The question was whether 
this offends the "privileges and immunities" clause. 

Washington, J. at page 380 said : 

"The inquiry is, what are the privileges and immunities of citizens in the 
several states? We feel no hesitation in confining these expressions to 
those privileges and immunities which are, in their nature, fundamental; 
which belong, of right, to the citizens of all free governments; and which 
have, at all times, been enjoyed by the citizens of the several states which 
compose this union, from the time of their becoming free, independent, and 
sovereign. What these fundamental principles are, it would perhaps be 
more tedious than difficult to enumerate. They may, however, be all com- 
prehended under the following general heads : protection of the government ; 
the enjoyment of life and liberty, with the right to acquire and possess 
property' of every kind, and to pursue and obtain happiness and safety ; 
subject nevertheless to such restraints as the government may justly pre- 
scribe for the general good of the tvhole. The right of a citizen on one 
state to pass through, or to reside in any other state, for purposes of trade, 
agriculture, professional pursuits, or otherwise; to claim the benefit of the 
writ of habeas corpus; to institute and maintain actions of any kind in 
the courts of the state * * * These, and many others which might be 
mentioned, are strictly speaking, privileges and immunities * * * " 

"But we cannot accede to the proposition which was insisted on by the 
counsel, that, under this provision of the constitution, the citizens of the 
several states are permitted to participate in all the rights which belong 
exclusively to the citizens of any other ixirticular state, merely upon the 
ground that they are enjoyed by those citizens; much less, that in regu- 
lating the use of the common property of the citizens of such state, the 
legislature is bound to extend to the 'citizens of all the other states the 
same advantages as are secured to their own citizens." 

2) City of New York v. Miln (11 Pet. 36 U. S. 102 (1837)), involved a New 
York legislative enactment requiring from vessels reports for protection against 
possible indigence of immigrants. Deportation was required of those who became 
public charges prior to gaining settlement. The issue was whether that was a 
regulation of commerce, or police. If the latter, then it was not granted 
away to Congress. The law was held valid. Barbour, J. at 133 said : 

"The Federalist, No. 45, speaking of this subject, says : the powers re- 
served to the several states, all extend to all the objects, which in the 
ordinary course of affairs, concern the lives, liberties, and properties of the 
people ; and the internal order, improvement, and prosperity of the state." 

and at 141 : 

"Now in relation to the section of the act immediately before us, that is 
obviously passed with a view to prevent her citizens from being oppressed 
by the support of multitudes of poor persons, who come from foreign 
countries, without possessing the means of supporting themselves. There 
can he no mode in which the power to regulate internal police could be 
more appropriately exercised. New York, from her particular situation, is 
perhaps, more than any other city in the Union, exposed to the evil of 
thousands of foreign emigrants arriving there, and the consequent danger 
of her citizens being subjected to a heavy charge in the maintenance of 

♦Emphasis supplied throughout by italics. 



those who are poor. It is the duty of the state to protect its citisens from 
this evil; they have endeavoured to do so, by passing, amongst other things, 
the section of the law in question. We should, upon principle, say that 
it had a right to do so." 

Thompson, J. at 148 stated: 

"Can any thing fall more directly within the police poioer and internal 
regulation of a state, than that which concerns the care and management 
of paupers or convicts, or any other class or description of persons that may 
be thrown into the country, and likely to endanger its safety, or become 
chargeable for their maintenance? It is not intended by this remark to cast 
any reproach upon foreigners who may arrive in this country. But if all 
power to guard against these mischiefs is taken away, the safety and welfare 
of the community may be very much endangered." 
Baldwin, J. was of the opinion that 

"Poor laics are analogous to health, quarantine ami inspection laws, all 
ieing parts of a system of internal police, to prevent the introduction of 
what is extremely dangerous to the safety or health of the people; * * * 
Laivs excluding convicts and paupers are as necessary to preserve the morals 
of the people from corruption, and their property from taxation, as any 
laws of the other description can be; nor do they interfere any further wnth 
the regulations of commerce * * * There is no middle ground on which 
health and quarantine laws can be supported, which will not equally 
support poor laws * * * " ia. at 153-1-m. 

Even Story, J. (dissenting) said at 15.5-6 

"I admit, in the most unhesitating manner, that the states have a right 
to pass health laws and quarantine laws, and other police laws, not con- 
travening the laws of congress rightfully passed under their constitutional 
authority. / admit, that they have a right to pass poor laws, and laws to 
prevent the introduction of paupers into the state, under the like 

3) The License Cases— Thurlow v. Mass., 5 How. 504 (1847) involved the 
validity of state liquor licensing laws. It was there stated by Chief Justice 
Taney : 

"But it must be remembered that disease, pestilence, and pauperism are 
not subjects of commerce, although sometimes among its attendant evils. 
They are not things to be regulated and trafficked in, but to he prevented, 
as far as human foresight or human means can guard against them." 
{id. at 576-577.) 

"And I am not aware of any instance in which the court have spoken 
of the grant of power to the general government as excluding all state 
power over the subject, unless they were deciding a case where the power 
had been exercised by Congress, and a State law came in coufiict with it." 
id. at 585. 

and by Mr. Justice McLean : 

"The acknowledged police power of a State extends often to the destruc- 
tion of property. A nuisance may be abated. Every thing prejudicial to 
the health or morals of a city may be removed * * * This comes in 
direct conflict with the regulation of commerce: and yet no one doubts the 
local power. It is a power essential to self-preservation, and exists, neces- 
sarily, in every organized community * * * And it is the settled con- 
struction of every regulation of commerce, that, under the sanction of its 
general laws, no person can introduce into a community malignant diseases, 
or any thing which contaminates its morals, or endangers its safety 
* * * Individuals in the enjoyment of their own rights must be careful 
not to injure the rights of others * * * They are not regulations of 
commerce, but ads of self-preservation. And although they affect com- 
merce to some extent, yet such effect is the result of the exercise of an 
undoubted power in the State * * * id. at 589-590. 


"In all matters of government, and especially of police, a wide discretion 
is necessary. It is not susceptible of an exact limitation, but must be 
exercised under the changing exigencies of society. In the progress of 
population, of wealth, and of civilization, new and vicious indulgences 
spring up, which require restraints that can only be imposed by the legisla- 
tive power. When this ix)wer shall be exerted, how far it shah be carried, 
and where it shall cease, must mainly depend upon the evil to be rem-edied." 
id. at 592. 

4) The Passenger Cases — Smith v. Turner, 7 How. 283 (1849) were similar 
cases involving taxes dealing with alien passengers. Mr. Justice Wayne there 

"The States have also reserved the police right to turn off from tlwir 
territories panpe^s, vagabonds, and fugitives from justice * * * 
Paupers, vagabonds, and fugitives never have been subjects of rightful 
national intercourse, or of commercial regulations, except in the transporta- 
tion of them to distant colonies to get rid of them, or for punishment as 

* * * "The States may meet such persons upon their arrival in port, 
and may put them tinder all proper restraints. They may prevent them 
from entering their territories, may carry them out or drive them off." id. 
at 424-5, 426. 

Chief Judge Taney (dissenting) stated : 

"The State can scarcely te required to take upon itself, and impose upon 
the industry of its citizens, the duty of .mpporting the immense mass of 
poverty and helplessness which is now pressing so heavily upon property 
in Europe, and which it is endeavouring to throw off. It cannot be expected 
that it should take upon itself the burden of providing buildings, grounds, 
food, and all the necessary comforts for the multitude of helpless and poor 
passengers who are daily arriving from foreign ports." id. at 490. 

5) Crandall v. Nevada, 6 Wall. 35 (1867) held a tax on carriers per passenger 
taken out of the State void as a burden on free passage of citizens through 
states or access to other states. 

6) In the Slaughter-House Cases, 16 Wall. 36 (1872) butchers protested 
against monopoly for the slaughter of cattle to a corporation in restricted area. 
All others were forbidden. It was held justified under the police power. 
Speaking of the Fourteenth Amendment : 

"* * * It declares that persons may be citizens of the United States 
without regard to their citizenship of a particular State * * * the dis- 
tinction between citizenship of the United States and citizenship of a State 
is clearly recognized and established." id. at 73-74. 

«'* * * ]STo|- Qpiy j-,-,fjy j^ jj-j^jj j,g ^ citizen of the United States without 
being a citizen of a State, but an important element is necessary to convert 
the former into the latter. He must reside within the State to make him 
a citizen of it, but is is only necessary that he should be born or naturalized 
in the United States to be a citizen of the Union." id. at 74. 

Speaking of the fourth Article of the Confederation which was like Article 
IV, § 2 of the Constitution it was said : 

"There can be but little question that the purpose of both these pro- 
visions is the same, and that the privileges and immunities intended are 
the same in each. In the article of the Confederation we have some of 
these specifically mentioned, and enough perhaps to give some general idea 
of the class of civil rights meant by the phrase." id. at 75. 

Some mentionei were (1) privileges of trade and commerce, (2) equal legal 
protection from duties, etc., (3) free ingress and egress to and from any other 

"But lest it should be said that no such privileges and immunities are to 
be found if those we have been considering are excluded, we venture to 
suggest some which owe their existence to the Federal government, its 
National character, its Constitution, or its laws. 

"One of these is well described in the case of Crandall v. Nevada." id. 
at 79. 


There were then cited (1) free access to seaports, to subtreasuries, land offices, 
and courts of justice in the several States; (2) the protection of life, liberty 
and property on high seas and in foreign jurisdictions; (3) peaceable assembly 
and petition for redress of grievances; (4) privilege of habeas corpus; (5) 
use of navigable waters; (6) treaty rights thus secured; (7) citizenship in a 
State by bona fide residence therein, with the same rights as other citizens 
of that State. 

7) In Bradwell v. State, 16 Wall. 130 (1872), the refusal of Illinois to allow 
women to practice law was held not a violation of a privilege of a citizen of 
the United States within Article IV, § 2 or Amendment Fourteen, § 1. 

8) Henderson et al. v. Maiior of New York. 92 U. S. 25!) 1875 involved a 
New York statute which required a bond or cash sum for each passengei 
brought in by vessels. In holding the particular statute to be an invalid inter- 
ference with Congressional powers it was said: 

"In whatever language a statute may be framed, its purpose must be 
determined by its natural and reasonable eil'ect, and if it is apparent that 
the object of this statute * * * is to compel the owners of vessels to pay 
a sum of money for every passenger * * * it is as much a tax on pas- 
sengers as if collected from them * * * ". id. at 268. 

"It is said that the purpose of the act is to protect the State against 
the consequences of the flood of pauperism immigrating from Europe, and 
first landing in that city. 

"But it is a strange mode of doing this to tax every passenger alike 
who comes from abroad." id. at 269. 

In the instant case there is no such strangeness about the statute. It is rea- 
sonably designed to accomplish its aim. In the Henderson case the court 
left open consideration of State action as to paupers when Congress has not 

9) Chy Lung v. Freeman, et al., 92 U. S. 275 (1875) involved a California 
statute requiring bond for certain classes of immigrants. The entire power so 
to classify vested in the local official. The statute was distinguished from the 
New York Act which applied to all immigrants, and was held invalid as discrim- 
inatory and subject of great possible abuse. However, the Court stated: 

"We are not called upon by this statute to decide for or against the right 
of a State, in the absence of legislation by Congress, to protect herself bv 
necessary and proper laws against paupers and convicted criminals from 
abroad, nor to lay down the definite limit of such right, if it exist. Such a 
right can only arise from a vital necessity for its exercise, and cannot be 
carried beyond the scope of that necessity. When a State statute, limited 
to provisions necessary and appropriate to that object alone, shall, in a 
proper controversy, come before us, it will be time enough to decide that 
question." id. at 280. 

That time; that statute; those circumstances of necessity, have now arrived. 
This is the case. It hns taken more than half a century to arrive. 

10) United States v. Cruickshank, 92 U. S. 542 (1876) involved the suf- 
ficiency of certain federal indictments. The defendants were ordered discharged 
the court reasoning in part that the right to bear arms for a lawful purpose 
was not granted by the Constitution ; nor was the right of suffrage a necessary 
attribute of national citizenship. 

11) County of Mobile v. Kimball, 102 U. S. 691 (1880) held an act of the 
State of Alabnma to provide for the "improvement of the river, bay, and harbor 
of Mobile" constitutional. The court said: 

"The objection that the law of the State, in authorizing the improve- 
ment of the harbor of Mobile, trenches, the commercial power of Congress, 
assumes an exclusion of State authority from all subjects in relation to 
which that power may be exercised, not warranted by the adjudications 
of this court, notwithstanding the strong expressions used by some of its 
judges." id. at 696. 

"But it would be extending that power to the exclusion of State authority 
to an unreasonable degree to hold that whilst it remained unexercised 
upon this subject, it would be unlawful for the State to provide the buoys 
and beacons required for the safe navigation of its harbors and rivers, 
and in case of their destruction by storms or otherwise it could not tern- 


porarily supply their places until Congress could act in the matter and 
provide for their re-establishment. That power which every State pos- 
sesses, sometimes turns its police power, by which it legislates for the 
protection of the lives, health, and property of its people, would justify 
mensurc'S of this kind.'' id. at <i9S. 

"State action upon such subjects can constitute no intereference with the 
■ commercial power of Congress, for when that acts the State authority is 
superseded. Inaction of Congress upon these subjects of a local nature or 
operation, unlike its inaction upon matters affecting all the States and 
requiring uniformity of regulation, is not to be taken as a declaration that 
nothing shall be done with respect to them, but is rather to be deemed a 
declaration that for the time being, and until it sees fit to act, they may 
be regulated by State authority." id. at 698-699. 

"There have been, it is true, expressions by individual judges of this 
court, going to the length that the mere grant of the commercial power, 
anterior to any action of Congress under it, is exclusive of all State author- 
ity ; but there has been no adjiidication of the court to that effect." id. 
at 699. 

12) Fouff Yiie Ting v. U. 8., 149 U. S. 698 (1892) upheld the validity of a 
federal statute which required all Chinese laborers within the United States 
"who are entitled to remain" to apply within a year to a collector of internal 
revenue for a certificate of residence; and provided certain consequences for 

13) AJlfjeyer v. Louisiana, 165 U. S. 578 (1897) involved a statute which made 
it an offense for a citizen of Louisiana to insure with a company outside State 
not authorized to do business in State. The act was held a violation of the 
Fourteenth Amendment, as depriving one of liberty without due process, 
abridging freedom, 

"to live and work where he will; to earn his livelihood by any lawful 
calling ; to pursue any livelihood or avocation, and for that purpose to enter 
into all contracts which may be proper, necessary and essential to his 
carrying out to a successful conclusion the purposes above mentioned." 
id. at 589. 

But this is all inapplicable to the facts and statute here involved, dealing as 
it does wholly with protection of the State from the burdens of those without 
menns and whose "settlement" is elsewhere. 

14) Williams v. Feais, 179 U. S. 270 (1900) held valid a tax on an "emigrant 
agent" (/. e. a person hiring laborers in Georgia for work outside the State). 
The Fourteenth Amendment and Article IV § 2 were unsuccessfully raised : 

"Undoubtedly the right of locomotion, the right to remove from one place 
to another according to inclination, is an attribute of personal liberty, 
and the right, ordinarily, of free transit from or through the territory of any 
State is a right secured by the Fourteenth Amendment and by other pro- 
visions of the Constitution." id. at 274. (Italics not in the original.) 

But this does not include freedom to take up residence permanently, free from 
restrictions reasonably connected with the welfare of the State so chosen. 
There, as here, "ordinarily" carries with it a possible restriction. 

15) Smith V. St. Louis and Soutlncestern Railway Co., 181 U. S. 248 (1900), 
held the quarantine laws of Texas on cattle because of fear of disease valid. It 
was said : 

"The prevention of disease is the essence of a quarantine law. Such law 
is directed not only to the actually diseased but to what has become ex- 
posed to disease." id. at 255-6. 

"Quarantine regulations cannot be the same for cattle as for persons, and 
must vary with the nature of the disease to be defended against." id. at 

16) Gitloiv V. Xew York, 268 U. S. 652 (1924) held constitutional a criminal 
anarchy statute prohibiting "language advocating, advising or teaching the over- 
throw of organized government by unlawful means." The court said : 

"It is a fundamental principle, long established, that the freedom of speech 
and of the press which is secured by the Constitution, does not confer an 



absolute right to speak or publish * * * qj. a^ unrestricted and un- 
bridled license that gives immunity for every possible use of language." id. 
at 666. 

"Reasonably limited, it was said by Storey in the passage cited, this free- 
dom is an inestimable privilege in a free government; v^ithout such limita- 
tion it might become the scourge of the republic." id. at 667. 

"And, yet for more imperative reasons, a State may punish utterances 
endangering the foundations of organized government and threatening its 
overthrow by unlawful means. These imijeril its own existence as a con- 
stitutional State * * * In short this freedom (of speech and press) does 
not deprive a State of the primary and essential right of self-preservation; 
ivhich so long as human governments endure, they cannot be denied." 

In Toledo Newspaper Co. v. United States, 247 U. S. it was said : 

"The safeguarding and fructification of free and constitutional institutions 
is the very basis and mainstay upon which the freedom of the press rests, and 
that freedom, therefore, does not and cannot be held to include the right 
virtually to destroy such institutions." Id. at 667-668. 

17) Mayor v. McNeely, 274 U. S. 676 (1926) involved several questions. One 
was whether the town may make its consent and license a condition precedent 
to a right to engage in ferriage from its river front. The court said : 

«* * * ijgj.g the town proceeded on the erroneous theory that the com- 
plainant's ferry need not be considered. Not only was no new landing place 
assigned for his ferry, but the place theretofore and then in actual use for it 
was assigned to the competing ferry. In this the town plainly deviated from 
its duty in the premises, for it was under the same legal obligation to accord 
a landingplace to one ferry as to the other. * * * id. at 683-684. 

" * * * Where particular state action in respect of an interstate ferry 
was condemned as placing an inadmissible burden on interstate commerce, 
there was express recognition of the authoritj of the State to prescribe 'such 
measures as will prevent confusion among the vessels, and collision between 
them, insure their safety and convenience, and facilitate the discharge or 
receipt of their passengers and freight'." id. at 681. 

" * * * The practical advantages of having the matter dealt with by 
the States are obvious and are illustrated by the practice of one hundred and 
twenty-five years. And in view of the character of the subject, we find no 
sound objection to its continuance. If Congress at any time undertakes to 
regulate such rates, its action will of course control." id. at 682. 

18) Helson v. Kentucky, 279 U. S. 245 (1929) on a ferry engaged in inter- 
state commerce involved a state tax on the iise of gasoline purchased in the 
state. It was held invalid as a tax upon an instrumentality of commerce. 

The court said: 

"A state cannot lay a tax on interstate commerce. * * * " id. at 249. 

19) Near v. Minnesota, 283 U. S. 691 (1931) held unconstitutional as applied 
to publications charging neglect of duty and corruption upon the part of state 
law-enforcing officers, a Minnesota statute which provided it was a nuisance to 
regularly publish a "malicious, scandalous and defamatory newspaper." Under 
the statute malice could be inferred from publication. The court took pains 
to point out that: 

"It is recognized that punishment for the abuse of the liberty accorded to 
the press is essential to the protection of the public." id. at 715. 
"* * * the protection even as to previous restraint is not absolutely 
unlimited." id. at 716. 

20) Colgate v. Harvey, 296 U. S. 404 (1935), held invalid a Vermont tax on 
income from business outside the state at greater rate than within the state. 
It was expressly overruled in Madden v. Kentucky, 60 Sup. Ct. 406 (Jan. 1940). 
In the Colgate case it was said at page 429: 

"Among those privileges, however, undoubtedly is the right to pass freely 
from one state to another. Crandall v. Nevada, supra, Williams v. Fears, 
179 U. S. 270, 274. And that privilege, obviously, is as immune from 


abridgement by the state from which the citizen departs as it is from 
abridgement by the state which he seelis to enter. This results from the 
essential character of national citizenship." 

But as was pointed out by Justice Stone (dissenting) : 

"In no case since the adoption of the Fourteen tli Amendment has the 
privileges and immunities clause been held to afford any protection to 
movement of persons across state lines or other form of interstate transac- 
tion." id. at 445. 

21) De Jotige v. Oregon, 299 U. S. 353 (1937) held an Oregon Criminal 
Syndicalism Law's violative of due process in a situation where the defendant 
attended a meeting which was peaceful and orderly. That could not be, said 
the court, a basis for a criminal charge, (id. at 365). The court recognized, 
in speaking of the right of peaceable assembly, freedom of speech and of the 

"These rights may be abused * * * The people through their legis- 
latures may protect themselves against that abuse." id. at 364. 

22) in Davidowitz v. Mines, 30 Fed. Sup. 470, (D. C, Nov. 1939), a three judge 
court held the statute for alien registration unconstitutional, a denial of equal 
protection. It was said : 

"His right to reside in the United States or in any State depends upon 
and is settled by Federal law. * * * The principle is decisive in the 
case at bar. It has been enunciated by the Supreme Court several times." 
id. at 474. 

"The Act therefore is unconstitutional because it purports to operate 
in a field in which the individual states of the United States are without 
anything to legislate. * * * 

"The Act does not pertain to a field in which a state may sustain an 
interest. * * * " id. at 476. 
Quite the contrary is the instant case of a time-honored statute aimed to safe- 
guard the economic and social well-being of a state against dangers from 
starving hordes or their burden of suppcn-t. 

23) Hague v. C. I. O., 307 U. S. 496 (1939), involved a local ordinance which 
required a permit to hold meetings on three days' notice. Refusal of a permit 
was discretionary, to prevent riots and "disorderly assembly." The facts show 
unlawful action of officials under color of the ordinance. It was said : 

"Article IV, §2 does not import that a citizen of one State carries with 
him into another fundamental privileges and immunities which come to him 
necessarily by the mere fact of his citizenship in the State first mentioned, 
but, on the contrary, that in any State every cit'zen of any other State is to 
have the same privileges and immunities which the citizens of that State 
enjoy. The section, in effect, prevents a State from discriminating against 
citizens of other States in favor of its own." id. at 511. 

Obviously this must be I'ead in the light of recognized restrictions based on resi- 
dence, as in "settlement", residence, licensing, voting — all of which are in a sense 
discriminations. The privileges and immunities referred to are those which do 
not conflict with the State's own self-preservation, or with reasonable police 
regulations, (e. g., Freedom of Press, Assembly, Speech, Religion, Habeas Corpus, 

Roberts, J. continued: 

"Although it has been held that the Fourteenth Amendment created no 
rights in citizens of the United States, but merely secured existing rights state abridgement, it is clear that the right peaceably to assemble 
and discuss these topics * * * is a privilege inherent in citizenship of 
the United States which the amendment protects." id. at 512. 

The right to impose one's self and family on the bounty of another state or 
community before establishing a "residence" of "settlement" there, and thus to 
burden or endanger such state or community, cannot be deemed a privilege or 
immunity of citizenship of the United States. It is in fact gravely doubtful if 


Congress coixlcl so provide and force support on the victim state or states. In the 
absence of any action by Congress, does not the ample police povrer of the state 
or states acting in mutual cooperation control? 
Stone, J. concurring, said: 

"* * * there is no occasion, * * * ^q consider whether freedom 
of speech and of assembly are immunities secured by the privileges and im- 
munities clause of the Fourteenth Amendment to citizens of the United States, 
* * * id. at 51^20. 

"The privileges and immunities of citizens of the United States, it was 
pointed out, are confined to that limited class of interests growing out of the 
relationship between the citizen and the national government created by the 
Constitution and federal laws." Id. at 520. 

"If its restraint upon state action were to be extended more than is need- 
ful to protect relationships between the citizen and the national government, 
and if it were to be deemed to extend to those fundamental rights of person 
and property attached to citizenship by the common law and enactments of 
the states when the Amendment was adopted, such as were described in 
Corfield v. Cornell, supra, it would enlarge Congressional and judicial control 
of state action and multiply restrictions upon it whose nature though difficult 
to anticipate with precision, would be of sufficient gravity to cause serious 
apprehension for the rightful independence of local government. That was 
the issue fought out in the Slaughter House cases with the decision against 
enlargement" id. at note 521. 

24) In the Matter of CMrillo, 283 N. Y. 417. 28 N. E. (2d) 895, 1940, the appeal 
was dismissed because improperly taken. With this Finch, J. dissented and 
proceeded, with Rippey and Lewis, JJ. concurring, to discuss the merits, in part 
saying : 

"It is submitted that we should consider and decide the constitutional 


We pass then to a consideration of the validity of section 71 of the 
Public Welfare Law as it affects these appellants. Upon this appeal we 
are concerned only with the removal of a class of persons situated as are 
these appellants, namely, those coming into the State of New York who 
have had a legal settlement for the purposes of relief in another State of 
the United States, or, as section 71 puts it, 'belongs to * * * any other 
state * * *.' Parenthetically the term 'belongs to' has been construed in 
other States to mean legal settlement the same as held at Special Term 
and not controverted upon this appeal. {Town of Washington v. Town of 
Warren, 123 Conn. 268; Eden v. Southwest Harhor, 108 Me, 489.) 

We turn then to consider seriatim the constitutional objections advanced 
against the power of the State of New York to protect itself against an 
unprecedented influx of persons on relief or paupers coming from other 
States. Stating the question in different ways: It is a privilege or im- 
munity of a citizen of the United States to impose upon any State of his 
choice the burden of supporting himself and his family before he has satis- 
fied reasonable settlement qualifications, as in the case at bar, of one year? 
Is there no way short of action by the Congress by which the States, 
severally or separately, may safeguard themselves from the threat to 
their security and solvency by incoming numbers of indigent families from 
other States? Lastly, is a statute designed to safeguai'd the welfare of 
the individual and the welfare of the State, and to protect a citizen of the 
United States f"om starvation and return him to his former place of settle- 
ment, where he will receive succor, a violation of the Constitution of the 
United States? 

We take up first the objection based upon a claimed lack of due jirocess 
\inder the Fourteenth Amendment and endeavor to show that section 71 
is not unconstitutional but a reasonable exercise of the sovereign police 
power to attain a proper objective. Obviously, the State of New York, 
prior to the adoption of the United States Constitution, possessed the 
powers of a sovereign nation, which included the power to refuse ad- 


mittance to, or to deport a person coming from, without its borders, 
wliether or not that person crossed the State line with the intention of 
seeking permanent residence in this State. 

Lilvewise, it is authoritatively settled that the adoption of the Constitu- 
tion of the United States did not create the power of the State, but only 
limited such power and, except as so limited, the power of the State re- 
mains supreme. {Carter v. Carter Coal Co., 298 U. S. 238; 11 Am. Jur. 
865 §171.) How then, may we ask, has there been cut down this funda- 
mental police power of the State to enact legislation removing paupers who 
have not yet acquired a legal settlement in this State, to the place of their 
last legal settlement? Under the due process clause of the Fourteenth 
Amendment, the only limitation upon the exercise of the police power 
must be that it concerns itself with the promotion of the public welfare 
through having a real and substantial relation to that end, and shall not 
be unreasonable, arbitrary or capricious. {NehUa v. People, 291 U. S. 51)2.) 
The historical background and present conditions leading up to forcible 
removal proceedings demonstrate not only their recognized need, but their 

From the time of the early common law, the liberty of the pauper has 
been curtailed in the interests of the welfare of the various communities. 
In 1350, by statute, the poor were to remain where they were resident, or 
to be sent to the place of their birth. (Holdsworth, History of English Law, 
390 et scq.) In 1662 Parliament enacted the Poor Relief Act (13 and 14 
Charles II, ch. 12), which permitted Justices of the I'eace, upon complaint 
of the Overseers of the Poor, to remove by warrant to the place of tlieir 
last legal settlement, paupers and those 'likely to be chargeable to the 
parish.' Counsel for the State of New York has pointed out that this 
principle of forcible removal of paupers to the place of their last settle- 
ment has been projected into the poor law of some thirty States. In 1773 
the Colonial Legislature enacted a statute practically identical with the 
above statute enacted in England in 1662, and since that time successive 
Legislatures of this State have continued statutes along the same line, 
culminating in section 71 of the Public Welfare Law. In addition, it should 
be noted that removals have long since been authorized by what is now 
section 27 of the State Charities Law (Cons. Laws, ch. 55), which in part 
reads as follows: 'State, non-resident alien poor. The Board and any 
commissioner or officer of the Department may * * * cause to be re- 
moved to the state or country from which he came any such non-resident 
or alien poor found in any such institution or otherwise supported or 
relieved at public expense.' 

Action under these sections has long been the policy of the State Depart- 
ment of Social Welfare, under appropriate rules and regulations, which 
provide, among other provisions, that settlement in the other State must 
be definitely established, and that an authorization must be received for 
the return of such person from the authorized officials in the locality of 
settlement. 'Each proposed removal must be considered on a case work 
basis and a return effected only when the Commissioner of Public Welfare 
is satisfied that the welfare of the person and the interest of the State 
will thereby be promoted. State charges requiring temporary relief and 
care should be given a reasonable opportunity for rehabilitation unless they 
desire to return voluntarily.' 

In addition, in all cases there must be considered not only the welfare 
of the State, but also the welfare of, such person, together with a prior 
approval of the State Department of Social Welfare, and then the approval 
and action by the Commissioner of Welfare, who may only apply to the 
County Jr.dge for the issuance of an order of removal and satisfy the 
County Judge that the statute has been complied with. Then and then 
only may the County Judge issue the order to remove the person to the 
State where he has a legal settlement. 

In the light of such a statutory history, the objection of arbitrariness 
and unreasonableness seems weak indeed. 

"What is due process of law may be ascribed by an examination of 
those settled usages and modes of proceedings existing in the common and 
statute law of England before the emigration of our ancestors, and show 



not to have been unsuited to their civil and political condition by having 
been acted on by them after the settlement of this country." {Ttvining v. 
Neiv Jersey, 211 U. S. 78, 100.) 

"The Fourteenth Amendment, itself a historical product, did not destroy 
history for the States and substitute mechanical compartments of law all 
exactly alike. If a thing has been practiced for two hundred years by com- 
mon consent, it will need a strong case for the Fourteenth Amendment to 
affect it." (Jackman v. Rosenhanm Co., 2(30 U. S. 22, 31.) (See, also Coler 
v. Corn Exchange Bank, 250 N. Y. 136; Affd. 2S0 U. S. 218; Owenbey v. 
Morgan, 256 U. S. 94.) 

As illustrating the need, and showing that the issues herein are not 
sporadic but of great importance, it appears in Social Security Bulletin 77 
of January, 1940, issued by the New York State Department of Social 
Welfare, that the average home relief granted in Ohio for the month of 
November, 1939, was $15.99, as against $36.12 in New York, with West- 
chester county exceeding the average of New York by having an average 
grant of $40.18, or, to put it more briefly, more than double the amount 
granted in Ohio. It also appears that the State cost of maintenance of 
charges in New York State has increased from $323,000 in 1927 to $1,557,000 
in 1938 and $2,830,000 in 1939. The monthly average number of State 
charge cases increased from 3,923 during the fiscal year ending June 30, 
1938, to 6,764 in the following fiscal year, or an increase of seventy-two 
percent in one year. To a large extent this migration of destitute persons 
to New York must have been due to the fact that as to average home 
relief grants. New York ranks first in the country ; Ohio ranks nineteenth. 
Within New York State, Westchester county occupies third position among 
the sixty-two counties. The city of New York has filed a brief amicus, in 
which it joins with the State in emphasizing 'the very great importance 
* * * of the determination of the question raised,' and says that the 
burden of relief is becoming intolerable and that unless those legally 
chargeable or willing to assume the burden can share the burden, the 
result will be 'to jeopardize the entire structure of relief in this State.' 

The statute in the case at bar is thus a reasonable means adopted by the 
State in order to prevent financial submersion while engaged in caring for the 
unfortunates and thwarting the spread of sickness, disease and crime. 

It is next contended that the power given to the Congress, 'To regulate 
commerce * * * among the several States * * *' (Art. 1, § 8), ren- 
ders invalid section 71 of the Public Welfare Law. In the consideration of 
questions of constitutional construction we are reminded that 'unless the 
party setting up the unconstitutionality of the State law belongs to the class 
for whose sake the constitutional protection is .eiven * * *,' the objections 
will not be heard, and imaginary cases will not be gone into where, as here, 
the statute involved may be constitutional as affecting the litigants before the 
court and may not be constitutional as to others. (Hatch v. Reardon, 204 U. 
S. 152, 100.) While the forcible removal of persons who are public charges 
and not entitled by reason of lack of length of residence to a legal settlement 
for relief purposes in the State, may to some extent affect interstate com- 
merce, the case at bar does not present such an interference as is forbidden 
to the State when exercising the police power in defense of State welfare. 
It is settled by the authorities that, in the absence of congressional pre- 
emptions, the police power inherent in the States may be exercised within 
reasonable restrictions, even though there may be interference with inter- 
state commerce. {City of New York v. Miln,' 11 Pet. 102; Railroad Go. v. 
Husen, 95 U. S. 465; Phimley v. Mass., 155 U. S. 461, 471; South Carolina 
State Highway Dcpt. v. Barmoell Bros. Inc., 303 U. S. 177 ; Ark.-La. Gas Co. v. 
Dept. of Public Vtilitics, 304 U. S. 61; H. P. Welch Co. v. New Hampshire, 
306 U. S. 79; Eicholz v. PuMic Service Commission, 306 U. S. 268; Clason v. 
Indiana, 306 U. S. 439.) 

No claim can be advanced that section 71 prevents any person from coming 
into this State. The statute, as construed below, would seem to have the 
effect only that, when a person who has not established a legal settlement in 
this State, applies for public care, he subjects himself to the iTmoval provi- 
sions of section 71. Under this law, the State has no power of removal until 
application is made for State aid. Then, in the interests of the protection 


of tbe People from the spread of crime and disease and for the preservation 
of the financial resources of the State, the latter remits the applicant to the 
place legally responsible for him under well-settled principles of law. 

Appellants further urge that the State had no power to enact section 71 of 
the Public Welfare Law for the reason that it is in contravention of the pro- 
vision of the United States Constitution (Art. IV, § 2, cl. 1) which provides 
that 'The citizens of each State shall be entitled to all the privileges and 
immunities of citizens in the several States.' As was said by Mr. Justice 
Roberts in Hague v. C. I. 0. (307 U. S. 496), at page 511; '* * * it has 
come to be the settled view that Article IV, § 2, does not import that a citizen 
of one State carries with him into another fundamental privileges and immu- 
nities which come to him necessarily by the mere fact of his citizenship in 
the State first mentioned, but, on the contrary, that in any State every cii zen 
of any other State is to have the same privileges and immunities which the 
citizens of that State enjoy. The section, in effect, prevents a State from 
discriminating against citizens of other States in favor of its own.' 

To hold that this clause protects the right of a citizen to be supported at 
public expense in any community to which he may journey, it is necessary to 
find that there is inherent in State citizenship a constitutional right to be 
supported at public expense free from any limitations whatsoever. This 
would include a right of the indigent person to live where he will although 
the crowding into one State may be a menace to society. No such right exists. 
'Neither aliens nor the citizens of other States are vested by the Constitution 
with any interest in the common property of this State.' (People v. Crane, 
214 N. Y. 154, 161.) Section 71 does not interfere with the right of a citizen 
of one State to pass through or reside in any other State. Only if on coming 
from another State he applies for relief at public expense, to which he has no 
constitutional right, he is bound to accept the relief cum onere, or with the 
limitations of the reasonable provisions of the Public "Welfare Law of New- 
York State. If it be for his welfare and for the welfare of the State, he then 
subjects himself to the possibility of being compelled to return to the State 
wherein he has a legal settlement. Nor does section 71 of the Public Welfare 
Law make any discrimination upon the basis of State citizenship, for all who 
seek public relief must comply with the same requirements for a legal settle- 
ment or be subject to forcible removal. (Douglas v. N. Y. R. R., 279 U. S. 

It is urped that that portion of the Fourteenth Amendment which afEords 
'to any person within its jui'isdiction the equal protection of the laws,' ren- 
ders invalid section 71. There is here, however, no invalid classification. 
(Ileim V. AlcCall, 239 U. S. 175; People v. Crane, supra.) In Barbier v. Con- 
nolly, (113 U. S. 27), it is said, at page 32: 'Class legislation, discrimination 
against some and favoring others, is prohibited, but legislation which, in car- 
rying out a public purpose is limited in its application, if within the sphere of 
its operation it affects alike all persons similarly situated, is not within the 

Section 71 of the Public Welfare Law is only a part of the general plan set 
up therein. Sections 59 and 59-a authorize the forcible removal of a person 
from one public welfare district to another within the State. In lilcc man- 
ner an indigent person may be removed outside of the State to the State or 
country in which he has a legal settlement, if the conditions for his welfare 
and the welfare of the community, as laid down in section 71, are complied 
with. Thus, all persons who are supported at public expense are subject to 
removal to the place in which they ha-Ce their legal settlement, and where 
they will be supported by the governmental unit responsible for their support. 
A New York citizen, under its Constitution and laws, may go on relief 
only at the cost of and subject to removal to his place of settlement. He can- 
not demand such relief in Montauk except subject to removal to Brie, if he 
has a legal settlement in the latter place. Thus the petitioner is treated no 
differently in principle than a citizen in New Yoi'k under like circumstances. 

Lastly, there is no merit to the claim that section 71 is rendered invalid 
by the constitutional provision that 'no State shall make or enforce any law 
which shall abridge the privileges or immunities of the citizens of the 
United States * * *.' It would seem that the privileges and immunities 

260.370— 41— pt. 10 10 



of United States citizenship are none other than those which result from 
other provisions of the Constitution and from the laws of Congress; that 
unless some other constitutional provisions or Federal statute prescribes 
the right claimed to be a privilege or immunity of United States citizens, 
no further protection may be had by resort to that clause. (Hague v. 
C. I. O., 307 U. S. 496, 519-522; Slaughterhouse Cases, 16 Wall. 35, 79-80.) 
It has been shown above that the statute as herein applied does not con- 
travene other guaranties of the Constitution; nor has the claim been 
advanced that there is applicable congressional enactment. 

Freedom of residence is restricted as to citizens only while on relief. 
This statute applies whether the citizen i&i of this State or of another State. 
Confinement to a poor house or farm may be the result of indigence. No 
interference is had with the right of any citizen to choose and establish a 
home. What is controlled is the unrestricted imposition of indigent per- 
sons and familiesi without settlement upon a community and State where 
they cannot establish a home because of their indigent status. Freedom 
of residence is certainly restricted as to paupers ; yet no instance of invalid- 
ity has been pointed out as to the poor lawsi permitting commitment of 
Indigents to poor farms. A condition may often restrict a freedom. Vag- 
rancy is one example; disease is another; and mental deficiency, a third. 
Such conditions restrict individual rights and freedom in the interest of the 
right, security and freedom of the rest of the community of the sitate. 

The Public Welfare Law of New York seeks, with due regard to the 
rights of all those affected, to deal in a humane way with the problem of 
pauperism. The sovereign police power of the State of New York has been 
exercised properly and reasonably. Such legislation is permitted by the 
Constitution of the S ate, and nothing in the United States Constitution 
compels a holding that such legislation is invalid. 

The order aiipealed from, in so far as it holds the provisions of section 
71 of the Public Welfare Law constitutional, should be affirmed." 



Mr. Epsteix. In order to present tlie problem to you in its clearest 
light may I ask yon to turn to page 3974 of that brief, where, perhaps, 
the facts which are more of interest to this committee are set forth 
in footnote 12. 

The members of the committee will there find, beginning with the 
year 1930 and up to and including the year 1939, the cost to New York 
State for the support of the nonsettled cases which are State charges. 

Now, only those are State charges who have no settlement within 
the State, because those who have settlements within the State are 
charged back to the local community within the State to which they 
in turn belong, in a similar manner to the intended operation of the 
statute on an interstate scale. 

In 1930, $74,000 a year was spent on transient relief and in 1939 
we find it has increased to $2,830,000 a year. And I am advised that 
the year 1940 will have shown an increase to over 31/2 million dollars 
for the out-of-State cases which are furnished with the same relief on 
the same basis of case study as are those within the States. 

From 1938 to 1939 the increase was from 3,923 cases per average 
month to 6,764 cases, and I am advised that that will show a propor- 
tionate increase also up to 1940. 


Now, when you project that picture into the expansion of industry 
at the present time, we can cite, for example, the Curtis plant. I 
believe in Erie County, near Buffalo, N. Y., it will by July 1941 
take on some 12,000 more workers. 

The Remington Arms plant in Utica, N. Y., will take on some 
6,000 more workers. 

The number of those who will seek employment will come from 
any number of places of origin. 

A number of those necessarily will not procure employment and 
then they will become immediately, if they are unable to support 
themselves and their families, charges upon the State of New York. 

To the extent that individual case study by the Department of 
Welfare of the State of New York indicates that it is for the best 
interest of tlie State as well as for that family to be returned to the 
State of which they are citizens or where they have settlement and 
which might be legally responsible for their support, and with the 
concurrence of the welfare officials of that State, New York State 
believes it is of the utmost importance that the right of the State and 
the exercise of the power of the State in such individual cases is 
preserved in the light of a constantly expanding picture. 

Now, while it is true that New York State has a high relief stand- 
ard in the country of $35 odd per month, and Westchester County, 
to which county this Chirillo family removed, has the third highest 
in New York State of $40 per month per family, and the State of 
Ohio with about $15.90 per month stands nnieteenth in the country. 

I woukl not want to be understood as saying that these people come 
to New York in order to obtain higher relief standards, because I am 
not of that conviction. I am not convinced that at some time it may 
not be a factor, but they seek to better their economic conditions. 


Tlie State takes the position, however, that it is not a privilege or 
immunity of citizenship in the United States, by reason of citizenship 
in a State, to remove one's self and one's family to another State and 
immediately, by virtue of intention, thereby place yourself and your 
family in a position where it becomes the responsibility on that State 
to support you. 

Now, I know that my good friend here will say that the State does 
not have to support them — the State does not have to supply them 
with relief ; the State can place reasonable restrictions of residence 
and if it doesn't care to, perhaps may even deny them relief. 

But that resolves itself down to the position that the contention of 
my friend would be that a person by virtue of citizenship in the United 
States, arising out of citizenship in another State, has a right to starve. 

His freedom of movement, he says, cannot be impaired in any degree 
by a State. 

These statutes go back in their history far beyond the origin of the 
Constitution. I shall not undertake in any way to burden this com- 
mittee with any review of that historical treatment. If you will do 



me the honor of glancing through, when you have the time, the brief, 
you will find it sets forth the case rather exhaustively because in the 
State of New York almost this identical statute was on the books of 
the colony before the Constitution was adopted, and it dates back in 
its origin in some form to the statutes of Edward III in the year 1350. 

But suffice it to say that it is a part of the framework of some 30 
States, and that it has been in force over a period of our entire histoi^. 

At the present time it becomes more acute by reason of the dis- 
lodgement of population from economic causes. This dislodgement 
may become much more accentuated in such States as California and 
New York and Colorado as a stopping-ofi place, and in Florida, be- 
cause of certain climatic attractions it has that do not exist in other 
industrial States. 

What New York contends for here is the right in individual-case 
studies, where both States are willing, to remove them, where they 
are unwilling so to go, to the State which is responsible and willing 
to receive them, and where the officials of both States agree that it is 
for their best interests and of their families that they do so. 

Now, entirely aside from the legal argument, this projects itself, 
I would say, into the picture of this committee. The problem this 
committee is studying, by reason of the fact that it may perhaps be 
necessary in order that there be some so-called no-man's land in this 
particular type of case, where a person is to be returned to the place of 
origin that there might be the occasion for the form of Federal aid, 
either to assist in the transportation or to assist those States which 
may be so unduly burdened by reason of such dislocations of popula- 
tion, in meeting a part, at least, of that burden. 

But even though that is done we strongly believe tliat it vrould be 
not only perhaps an unwarranted intrusion upon a constitutional privi- 
lege of the States under the tenth amendment, which still remains in 
the Constitution, but economically and from a social point of view it 
would be unwise that families should be afforded the privilege by 
virtue of citizenship, where they are unable to support and sustain 
themselves and families, so to burden the populations and the tax- 
payers of other States. 

That briefly stated is the position of the State of Ncav York ; and 
it is more extensively set forth in the brief which we have submitted 
and ask the committee to receive. 

The Chairman. In other words, aside from the legal aspects, you 
believe, do you not, Mr. Epstein, that there comes a time when the 
saturation point is reached in the State of destination — ^that is, the 
ability of the State to sustain that migrant load becomes too heavy, 
is that correct? 

Mr. Epstein. There may come such a time. I don't say it has yet 
been reached in New York but it would be a rather unhappy circum- 
stance if a State should be so tied that it could not in any way protect 
itself or that States that might reach agreements should be so tied that 
they could not help themselves under such circumstances. 

And if a saturation point be reached or be approaching, if tlie prob- 
lem is one of sufficient magnitude, it might call for Federal assistance. 

But I would still say that even though it did, it sliould not in any 


-way militate against the States having independent power of taking 
some action in self-preservation. 


The Chairman. I don't know whether I understood you correctly or 
not, but representing the State of New York and speaking for yourself 
personally, do you think that there should be grants-in-aid to States 
to assist in this migration problem ? 

Mr, Epstein. I think it would seem to me that to the extent that it 
might be required for transportation back some form of a grant-in- 
aid — and while those people without settlement are still within a 
State — would be a reasonable part of a Federal progi'am. 

The Chairman. Well, now, take this situation. Our record discloses 
in the hearings at Lincoln, Nebr., and at Oklahoma City, Okla., that 
the Great Plains States have lost 1,000,000 farmers during the last 10 
years. In the Great Plains States what was once productive soil is now 
5,000,000 acres of soil of which 25 percent of the topsoil is gone. 

Now, what I am trying to picture to myself is, those people are good 
American people wdio want to remain there if they can — they don't 
want to leave. But they lose their land, the cows are gone, the chickens 
are, gone ; they won't starve standing still. 

Now, what are we going to do with those people ? 

Mr. Epstein. Well, certainly the State from whence they came 
would not wish them back to become an added problem. Under those 
circumstances they could not be sent back under the statute similar to 
that of New York. 

The Chairman. Well, still the State of destination would have to 
absorb them. 

Mr. Epstein. Yes ; the State of destination would then have to ab- 
sorb them. 

Tlie Chairman. I have thought many times of my own State of Cali- 
fornia, where 875,000 people came into the State during the last 5 years, 
and 493,000 of them were so-called destitute migrant citizens. I have 
compared these migrants with a catastrophe, such as an earthquake or 
a national disaster of some kind in Illinois, which required the moving 
of 493,000 people into Ohio. If that were the case, Congress would 
convene a special session at once to take care of them, wouldn't it? 

Mr, Epstein. I assume that it would. 

The Chairman. I think I understand your position very clearly. 
You have stated it very clearly, and it is going to be a valuable con- 
tribution to the record we are making here. 

Mr, Shapiro, what have you to say about it ? 

Mr. Shapiro, General Epstein has spoken very forcefully on the 
question of the age of this type of legislation. But"^! should like to call 
the attention of the committee to the fact that migrants in colonial days 
were punished by whipping, a general persecution, loss of the ears, and 
even execution. We certainly don't desire to carry over to the present 
day the punishment that was exacted of migrants in those days, nor 
the purpose or tenor of the law relating to migrants, or to their removal 
or to any other possible position that a State may take. 



It seems to me that the soundest attitude on the whole problem is 
the public attitude taken by Dr. Adie, the State commissioner of social 
welfare in New York State. 

Although Dr. Adie has made affidavits looking toward the removal 
of migrants to Ohio, nonetheless he publicly stated, and I quote from 
the New York Times of March 25, 1940 : 

The Federal Government must recognize the right of people to move across 
State lines. People alvpays have moved to satisfy the urge of ambition or frus- 
tration and the Federal Government should help by providing funds for transient 
relief and for resettlement. 

That is the position I take. And it is the position I have taken 
throughout the progress of the Chirillo case and it is the reason why I 
have been interested in that case. 


The facts I think are important and those facts should be viewed 
in the light of the 1930 census figures which show that of the native- 
born population throughout the country, 23 percent did not, in that 
year 1930, reside in the State where they were born. 

The Chairman. And furthermore right in that connection, the final 
census reports, Mr. Shapiro, were held up for Aveeks on account of 
hundreds of thousands of American citizens who had lost their resi- 
dences in one State and did not gain them in another. The Bureau 
of Census didn't know to what State to allocate them. 

Mr. Shapiro. I don't have the census figures for 19-10 but the fig- 
ures that I gave you are those of the year 1930 and they are impres- 
sive figures, showing the movement of 23 percent of the native-born 
population away from their States of origin — their States of birth — 
to other places, as Dr. Adie says : 

To satisfy ambitions, desires, and to improve their own lot. 

And that is what happened in the Chirillo case. 

Mr. Chirillo was a resident of Wooster, Ohio, where he was natu- 
ralized as a citizen in July of 1926. He had a modest establishment 
repairing shoes. 

Two of his children, finding conditions rather adverse in the State 
of Ohio, decided to move to Mamaroneck, where they were married 
and settled down, obviously for the purpose of improving their 
economic life. 

Mr. Chirillo moved there in 1936 and when he did he moved with 
him his machinery and cobbler's tools and so on. He resided there 
for a period of some 8 months. Conditions were so adverse that he 
was obliged to apply for relief. He received a total of $116 relief 
over a period of 4 months when he was promptly faced with the ne- 
cessity of defending himself in court against a forcible removal to 
the State of Ohio because, perforce, he had asked for relief and had 
not obtained settlement in the State of New York. 

Now, the law of the State of New York, which is perhaps among 
the most liberal, states that settlement of 1 year only is required. 


The statute provides that if relief is sought and given within that 
period of 1 year the person receiving that relief may be sent back 
to any State or country where he belongs— and "belongs" has been 
interpretated to mean the point of origin. 

The Chairman. Does the statute say "country" ? 

Mr. Shapiro. Yes. 

The Chairman. Is that for the purpose of reaching the alien ^ 

Mr. Shapiro. No ; there is no such distinction made in the statute. 
It is entitled in this way : 

Removal of nonresident and alien poor to other States and countries. 

Now, that is a mere tilting of the section. But in the body of the 
section it says: 

Wlien any person who is an inmate of any public home or is otherwise cared 
for at the expense of the State or of any public welfare district, belongs to or 
has friends willing to support him or to aid in supporting him in any other 
State or country, the State department of social welfare may cause his re- 
moval to such State or country provided, in the judgment of the State depart- 
ment of social welfare, the interests of the State and the welfare of the person 
sought to be removed would be thereby promoted. 

The Chairman. Does it provide for any concurrence on the part 
of the State or origin, for instance, like the State of Ohio? 

Mr. Shapiro. No ; not that I know of. 

Mr. Epstein. The regulations of the Department do, and m this 
case Ohio, in writing, has acquiesced. 

The Chairman. I thought your statement was based on that. 

Mr. Epstein. Based upon the regulation of the Department in 
carrying it out and plus the statutes, which are set out very clearly. 

Mr. Sparkman. May I ask a question? 

The record shows, does it not, that this man was receiving relief m 
Ohio before he left Ohio? 

Mr. Shapiro. That is correct. 

Mr. Sparkman. Does that affect this case? 

Mr. Shapiro. You mean from a legal standpoint? 

Mr. Sparkman. Yes. 

Mr. Shapiro. No ; not as I see it. 

Mr. Sparkman. Do you agree with that, Mr. Epstein ? 

Mr. Epstein. No ; I 'wouldn't agree with that. 

Mr. Sparkman. Do you think that is a material point in the case? 

Mr. Epstein. It may be a very important factor, but even if he 
were not a recipient of relief in Ohio and had come to New York, 
and before a year passed he became a recipient of relief, it would 
be the same. 

Mr. Sparkman. You are basing your argument upon the ground 
that the State, under its police powers, has the right to exclude 
paupers from it, but you must prove a man is a pauper. 

Mr. Epstein. Well, the term "pauper" has been eliminated from 
the New York law. It is purely a question of language. It is a 
question of whether a person is indigent and becomes a public charge. 
That is true. 

Now, in this particular case the facts concerning the individual 
family are rather important because they show the situation that 
may clevelop. 


Those facts are set forth on page 3 of our brief, the last paragraph 
of the page, where you find that a member of this family is of rather 
doubtful mentality. (See p. 3967.). . . n • ,-. .• ■ ,^ 

Another member of the family is m a mental institution in the 
State of Ohio after having been in a mental institution m the State 
of New York, and then having been sent back there. Here you have 
the type of situations which may arise and which may become a seri- 
ous burden upon a State. But I don't want to interrupt, Mr. 

Shapiro. . , . .i • .-x i.- .c 

Mr Shapieo. I might emphasize this, that since the institution ot 
the court proceedings in the State of New York this family has 
received no relief, has requested no relief, and is nevertheless subject 
now to a court order which, if upheld by the courts, would require 
their removal to Ohio, to which State they don't desire to go. 

The Chairman. Did they apply for relief? 

Mr. Shapiro. They have notified the relief authorities that they 
do not desire relief, and did so when these court proceedings were 
first instituted. They haven't had relief for almost a year now. 

It seems to me that there is a strong problem concerning the civil 
liberties of this unfortunate section of our population involved here. 

We see on all sides various suggestions made to take away some of 
the liberties and rights of indigent persons who have become indigent 
because of the economic stress of the past decade. 

One of the illustrations is in the State of New Jersey, where it was 
suggested sometime ago that a person on relief for 3 years would 
be barred from all voting privileges. 

Here you have an instance where a person seeks relief and he 
is barred from the rights and liberties and privileges and immuni- 
ties generally believed to be accorded to citizens of the United 

Now, the problem is a very important one and the chairman has 
suggested the Dust Bowl area, to which I referred in the course 
of an argument in one of the court proceedings. 

Here you have a tremendous area with a large section of the 
population unsettled because of these natural causes which destroyed 
the value of the land. 

Now, these people have to go somewhere to make a living. If you 
have these settlement requirements which run from 1 to 5 years in 
various States, these people cannot acquire a residence in the St^te 
to which they move and there is grave danger that not acquiring 
residence you will find stringent requirements for the exercise of all 
sorts of privileges and immunities attributable to citizenship of the 
United States. 

Now, it was argued in this specific case that a man doesn't acquire 
a residence nutil he has acquired settlement. 

Now, in New York State a man can vote after he has been a 
resident of the State of New York for a period of 1 year. There are 
similar statutes in other States with a longer period required for the 
establishment of settlement. 

Does that mean that the next step logically to be followed is that 
a man won't be able to vote unless and until he has established 
settlement in a State — not residence, but settlement. 


If that is the situation, then you have a completely new concept 
in the law. 


The Chairman. What is the answer to those barriers — those set- 
tlement laws of 1 to 5 years ? What do you suggest as a remedy ? 

Mr. Shapiro. I say that the laws requiring any period of settle- 
ment should be wiped off the statute books. 

The Chairman. Of course, the Federal Government would not 
have jurisdiction over that. How would we reach that? 

Mr. Shapiro. The problem, of course, is economic. The State sets 
up settlement requirements because it desires to protect its own 
treasury and if this burden that is cast upon the State by this very 
problem is removed from the State, then there is no reason why 
the State will have to set up settlement requirements. 

Consequently, it comes to my second recommendation, that here is 
a problem which is national in character. It is something that we 
know, as it has existed over a period of 10 years, will continue to 
exist and this is something the Federal Government must assume. 
No State can assume that problem adequately. 

The Chairman. That is correct, especially some States where mi- 
gration is so heavy, like New York or like California. But the only 
way that, of course, could be reached by the Federal Government 

Mr. Epstein. As a condition precedent to Federal grants-in-aid. 

The Chairman. Yes; jurisdiction over the money, and that is all. 
But it has been suggested here and I would like to have the opinion 
of 3^ou gentlemen on it, that to the different categories in the Social 
Security Act may be added another one to take care of this migrant 
problem^. What do you think about that, Mr. Shapiro? 

Mr, Shapiro. I am in favor of any sort of aid that can be given this 

The Chairman. Or do they stand alone and different from any other 
situation that we have? Of course, we have assistance to the aged and 
all that. But from the thought you have given us, do you think they 
could be put in a category by themselves? Do you think for our 
national welfare they should be put in a separate category under the 
Social Security Act and taken care of ? 

Mr. Shapiro. I am in favor of any aid, whether through the Social 
Security Act or otherwise, that could be given. I think that that 
would correct the whole problem, if these mxigrants were taken care 
of through the Social Security Act, as^the chairman has just suggested. 

You would find immediately eliminated from all consideration these 
problems of settlement. In New York State there is going to be a 
strong flow of persons toward industrial development in New York 
State because of the problems of national defense. This migration 
may present grave problems, but I would say the greater problem is 
to stop them from moving into New York State. 

The Chairman. Of course, our records will disclose that, and all 
witnesses agree that migration will continue and probably increase 
very considerably. Have you in mind either a recommendation or 
suggestion, either one of you gentlemen, as to the proportion the Fed- 
eral Government should contribute? 



Mr. Shapiro. My suggestion is that the Federal Government should 
assume the entire burden. 

The Chairman. Well, it has been suggested many, many times by 
many witnesses that it should be on a 50-50 basis. But that is not 
very persuasive with me for the reason that the States have all they 
can do now to match the grants of the Federal Government with refer- 
ence to social-security aids. I think there is only one State in the 
Union that matches such grants. I think California is first and your 
State is second. 

So if we took the migrants of the country and put them on a 50-50 
percent basis with the Government, I think it would be a futile gesture, 
don't you? 

Mr.* Shapiro. I heartily agree. 

The Chairman. And your State could not do it ? 

Mr. Epstein. I would not be prepared to state that New York State 
would not do it, but I would hesitate strongly about classifying or 
making a category of a portion of the population in the Social Security 
Act purely on the basis of its migratory character. 

I would much prefer to see some assumption of aid, whether it be 
entire or partial, on the part of the Federal Government. But even 
then I would certainly wish to condition it without removing from 
the State the power to return such indigents to their point of origin. 

However, if it were shown they would be unable to regain economic 
substance in the State from whence they came, it should not be, per- 
haps, possible to permit a removal under those circumstances where 
you had an interstate agreement. 

The Chairman. I think that the majority of the migrants coming 
into the State of California came from the States of Arkansas, Okla- 
homa, Nebraska, and Kansas. 

Mr. Epstein. And Texas probably. 

The Chairman. Yes. 

Congressman Curtis was called down to the Bureau of the Budget, 
but he tells me that his district in Nebraska lost half of its people. 
They had 7 years' drought there. I was just thinking, as you gen- 
tlemen talked, suppose in the State of Nebraska alone there were 
200,000 people who went to California, and t airing your idea that 
the State of California would have the right to send them back to 
Nebraska, what would they do after they got back to Nebraska? 

Mr. Epstein. Well, of course, if Nebraska were unwilling to re- 
ceive them, a question might arise whether California could actually 
send them back. 

The Chairman. All right, then, they are in California — a half a 
million of them. Suppose California goes broke, which wouldn't 
help the Nation any, what is California going to do unless you get 
some help? 

Mr. Epstein. I don't wish to be understood at all as not being in 
favor of Federal grants-in-aid. I thought I made it perfectly clear 
that in view of the fact this does become an important national prob- 
lem some forai of Federal aid for that problem is a necessity. 


The Chairman. But you don't agree to an additional category 
under the Social Security Act? 

Mr. Epstein. That, I think, would be a social problem of consid- 
erable proportions and I should recommend strongly against a sepa- 
rate category. I would make the condition of the grants that they 
be for a nonsettled family on the basis of a Federal statute fixing a 
minimum residence for settlement. 

The Chairman. Anything else? 

Mr. Shapiro. I would like to ask Mr. Epstein, taking the last 
question that the Chairman put, what would be his recommendation 
in the event that California refused to permit these people to enter 
the State under those circumstances? 

Mr. Epstein. Well, if California stood at the borderline with a 
constable with a shotgun and stopped the trains and took them off, 
I think that might be an interference with the flow of interstate 

Mr. Shapiro. I am talking about the chairman's question, whether 
they should be removed to Nebraska or should they be permitted 
free movement as citizens of the United States, or should the Fed- 
eral Government be presented with the problem of maintaining the 
people ? 

Mr. Epstein. I certainly wouldn't say that the Federal Govern- 
ment should look after everybody who arrives at a State line and 
say : "We are going to take care of you from now on." I certainly 
do not think that it becomes a problem of the States individually 
until the people have arrived there, and then it becomes the subject 
of relief or a danger to the community. The question becomes one of 
importance only after the person has arrived and shows he is incapa- 
ble of self-support. 

Mr. Sparkman. May I interrupt to make this suggestion : The 
recommendation that has been made to us by various witnesses has 
not been that a separate category be set up in the Social Seciiiity 
Board only for migrants, but that a separate category be set up for 
general relief, and one branch of that would be the nonsettled relief 
client. Both, however, can be administered by the States. 

The recommendation was made by Mr. Shapiro, I believe, that the 
Federal Govermnent pay all of that. Of course, the very difficult 
practical question arises immediately that if the Federal Government 
pays for all of the nonsettled people, the natural tendency of the 
State, unless there is some curb put on it, will be to shift as many of 
them to the nonsettled part as is possible. 

Mr. Shapiro. A newspaper editorial sometime ago recommended 
compacts between States for reimbursement of the relief paid to 
persons who had moved to another State and from their place of 
origin, and who have not acquired settlement. Now, that is a sug- 
gestion that might be feasible. I haven't gone into that thoroughly, 
but it is something that may stand examination. 

Mr. Epstein. May I say that in 1935 it was my privilege to make 
a study of social conditions in the State of Florida at the invitation 
of the Governor of the State. 



I made that study with the Welfare Commissioner of the State 
of Florida. They then had a very real problem, as they have to 
some degree since, but not quite as accentuated as it was then. There 
were a large number coming down in the winter months and flow- 
ing into Florida and taking over whatever vacant properties there 

Nobody kicked them out. They just squatted and stayed there. 
In some cases they became a serious social problem. 

At that time the Federal Government was engaging in a broader 
relief program which has since been curtailed, and came in and 
took a very active part in that, and to a very substantial extent 
that problem was aided in its liquidation by that assistance. 

Also at the time Florida had revamped its entire structure of 
social welfare. 

Mr. Sparkman, I believe joii mentioned this, Mr. Epstein, a few 
minutes ago. How many different States have compacts relating 
to the interstate transactions? 

Mr. Epstein. I don't know how many have compacts. New York 
has a working agreement with Vermont and with Pennsylvania, the 
two States that are on its border, and we have had no trouble what- 
soever with the States of North Carolina, South Carolina, and Ohio. 

There is mentioned in one of the pages of our brief the 34 in- 
dividual cases in 1 year in which people were sent out. 

There has really been no serious problem on the part of the receiv- 
ing States when a case study has been made and presented to them. 

Mr. Sparkman. I want to ask one more question, getting back to 
the lawsuit. I notice you state : 

Is there no way short of national action by Congress, which has not acted, 
by which States severally or separately may safeguard themselves from the 
threat to their security and solvency by incoming numbers of indigent families? 

Now, do you mean for us to understand from that that Congress 
could act? 

Mr. Epstein. You have put your finger on one of the_ very impor- 
tant considerations which in the course of the brief is hinted at, and 
that is if it is a privilege and an immunity of citizenship in the 
Tinted States as a Nation to move freely and establish your home 
wherever you fixed your intention so to do, that even Conoress might 
not be able to pass any law which would impair that privilege. 

Mr. Sparkman. But putting it the otlier way, as I understand it, 
police powers are inherent in the State and in Congress likewise. If 
a State has certain poUce powers and among those powers is the 
right to do what you are doing, then Congress cannot limit that 
power, can it? 

Mr. Epstein. Except insofar as the limitation may be in aid of and 
in pursuance of one of the powers that Congress lias itself — for ex- 
ample, regulation of interstate commerce or any other power that 
Congress has expresslv granted or that may reasonably flow from 

State powers have been considerably curtailed by congressional acts. 
On the other hand, in recent years the State's power to curtail and 


restrict interstate commerce within reasonable limits has also been 

Mr. Sparkman. That is all, Mr. Chairman. 

The Chairman. Gentlemen, I want to thank you very much for 
coming here. You have given a very valuable contribution to the 
work of the committee. 

The Chairman. The next witness is Miss Lenroot. 

D. C. 

The Chairman. Miss Lenroot, you are the Chief of the Children's 
Bureau of the Department of Labor? 

Miss Lekroot. Yes. 

The Chairman. Congressman Sparkman will interrogate you. 

Mr. Sparkman. Miss Lenroot, you have prepared a statement that 
has been filed with us and will become a part of the record. 

Miss Lenroot. Yes, sir; I have. 

Mr. Sparkman. I will ask the chairman to instruct the reporter to 
include that in the record as a part of Miss Lenroot's testimony. 

The Chairman. It is so ordered. 

(The statement referred to is as follows:) 



Exact figures concerning the children in the United States whose families have 
no fixed place of abode or move frequently are not available, but estimates 
indicate that their number is large. Many definitions could be given to the 
term "migrant." In 'all probability, when the word is mentioned, most people 
think of the seasonal agricultural workers, habitually, following the crops, or 
the "Joads," parents, grandparents, and children, leaving their homes in the 
Dust Bowl, where soil erosion and tractors contribute to the reduction of oppor- 
tunity for agricultural employment, to seek security in a region of greater 
resources. But there are other migrants — those who move from farm to city, 
■or from town to town in search of industrial employment — construction workers, 
those attracted by the automobile industry, the aircraft plants, or, like Amos 
and Andy, seeking to establish themselves in the trade and service industries 
■of a great metropolis. 

For the decade 1920-30 a minimum of 4,600,000 persons, according to reliable 
estimates, moved across State lines.' We might guess that at least one-third of 
them were children. 

The report on migratory labor of the Interdepartmental Committee to Coor- 
dinate Health and Welfare Activities, July 1940, stated that the nomad workers 
■of this country number millions, that probably 2,000,000 of them look to agri- 
culture for a living, and at least as many to industry, and that a third of them 
are children. Of them, the report of the connnittee states : 

"It is they who suffer most 'and longest from the hazards of a migrant life. 
They lack the essentials of normal childhood— a stable home and the sense of 
security it gives, the chance to go to school regularly, decent food and housing, 
-necessary health and medical care. A youth so blighted offers little preparation 

1 Migration of Workers, Preliminary Report of the Secretary of Labor Pursuant to 
S. Res. 298 (74th Cong.), p. 4085, this volume. 


or incentive for tlie future. Yet tliese, like other children, are citizens of 
tomorrow." „ , ^ , .... . , 

Migrant families include those moving from place to place within a single 
State and those moving across State lines. I should like to offer as exhibit 
A that section of the General Report on Children in a Democracy adopted by 
the AVhite House Conference on Children in a Democracy, January 19, 1940, 
which deals with children in migrant agricultural families.' "There are about 
one-third of a million such families in interstate migration," the report states, 
"comprising about a million persons." It is estimated that more than half 
the area of the United States is included in this migration. The number of 
children in the migrant agricultural population, in relation to the number of 
adults, is relatively high. A special study of 6,655 migrant families, com- 
prising 24.485 persons in California, showed that 36 percent of these persons 
were children under 15 and 45 percent were under the age of 20 years. 
Moreover, nearly two-thirds of the children were in families of 5 and more 

Not only California, Oregon, Washington, Arizona, Texas, and other States 
in the Southwest, but Florida, New Jersey, Maryland, and Michigan are 
among the States that attract large numbers of migrant families. The report 
to the National Resources Committee on Problems of a Changing Population, 
May 1938, pointed out that historically three States besides those of the far 
West have been constant centers of absorption of population, receiving more 
persons than thev have lost— New Jersey, Michigan, and Florida— while New 
York, Ohio, and "Illinois have both received and sent out large numbers of 
people. The same report points out that during the 1920's there were large 
population movements away from areas of economic insecurity, high birth 
rates, and low levels of living, toward more favored areas. In the decade of 
the i930's, on the contrary, the so-called depression migration was not so 
much a search for greater economic opportunity as it was a search for 
security.' People from industrial or mining communities, suffering from un- 
employment, settled for the most part on part-time or subsistence farms in or 
near such communities. The i-eport describes these situations as follows: 

"Moving to the country enabled many families to suppoi-t themselves in 
depression fashion, and thus lessened urban relief es;penditures, but the 
corollary was increased financial burdens in rural areas. Many of these fami- 
lies could not support themselves completely and were forced onto relief 
rolls. In nine rural counties in Tennessee it was found that 12 percent of 
the families receiving relief in 1935 and living in the open country had moved 
into the county since 1930. In a study of nonfarming rural families in the 
four northwestern counties of Indiana, it was found that 27 percent of these 
families were receiving relief in 1933. The extra taxes levied on the rural 
nonfarming families covered only about one-fifth of the total additional ex- 
pense for schooling and relief. Many of these families were living on land 
where others failed to make a living even in prosperity." * 

Had it not been for the relief measures developed to meet unemployment, 
shifts in population during the depression period would have been much more 
general, with immeasurably grave consequences. In 1933, for example, migra- 
tory travel by railroad trespassers appears to have been 45 percent greater 
than in 1929, but the trend turned sharply downward in 1934, as a result of the 
Federal relief program." 

With the opening of the fourth decade of the present century, the emphasis 
in migration has again changed. For many families, the motive is economic 
betterment, rather than the effort to find mere subsistence. Migration move- 
ments are sharply directed to areas of defense construction, manufacturing, 
or training camp activity. The problems of this new migration have been de- 
scribed briefly by Philip E. Ryan in his statement to this committee. The 
following examples of the great drawing power of defense activities are 
taken from a release of the National Defense Advisory Commission, December 
3, 1940. 

2 Report of White House Conference on Children in a Democracy, January 19, 1940. 

3 Ibid., p. 105. 
* Ibid., p. 108. 

6 Migration of Workers, p. 212. 


"Jacksonville, Fla. — Naval air station. 

"Rapid expansion of tlie naval program in tliis locality requires an increase 
in enlisted personnel and is causing an influx of civilian defense workers and 
their families. 

"CJiarleston, 8. G. 

"The Navy has reported a need for 1,600 dwelling units in this locality. Of 
these units, 100 are for families of enlisted personnel * * * rp^jg j.g. 
maining 1,500 units are for families of civilian defense workers at the Navy 
Yard * * *. It is expected that a part of the civilian workers will be 
employed for a considerable period of years due to the permanent expansion 
of naval activity in this locality. 

"Philadelphia {including Camden, N. J.) 

"Defense contracts awarded to both the New York Shipbuilding Co. in Camden 
and the Philadelphia Navy Yard are causing an influx of workers and their 
families. In addition, defense contracts for ordnance, ammunition, airplane 
engines, clothing, and miscellaneous items have been awarded to local manufac- 
turers resulting in a large increase of employment in the locality. 

"Vallejo, Calif. — Mare Island Navy Yard. 

"The Navy has reported a total need for 3,400 dwelling units in the Vallejo 
locality. Of this number 3,000 are for families of civilian employees and 400 
for families of enlisted personnel. It is considered that the personnel expansion 
at the navy yard will be required for a considerable period of time. 

"San Diego, Calif. 

"The principal factors which have contributed to the need for defense housing 
in the San Diego locality are the expansion of naval activity, expansion of an 
Army air base and Army Air Corps training school and expansion and increased 
production of airplane manufacturing plants. 

"In San Diego a minimum need for defense housing of 5,000 dwelling units 
has been received from several investigating agencies. Some reports of need 
are as high as 15,000." 

A peculiar feature of migration into communities for defense industry em- 
ployment or to be near the heads of families in training camps (many heads of 
families are in the regular Army or the National Guard) is that some very 
small towns experience a tremendous influx of population. Charleston, Ind., is 
an example that has becoine classic — a town of 900 suddenly required to be 
the center of community life for S to 10 thousand employees of a powder plant. 
The first influx into these new communities is represented by men and their 
families seeking work in the construction of factories or cantonments, or in pro- 
viding dwelling units for the inflowing population. Frequently many more 
unskilled laborers come into an area than can be given employment, and the con- 
struction work, of course, is temporary. 

In a recent visit to one of these communities in Mississippi a physician on the 
staff of the Children's Bureau observed the following : 

"This is a country village of about 200 people, unincorporated. There is no 
town water and no sewage system. There is no doctor in the town, the nearest 
one being 8 miles away. The school is the one permanent building in the 
town. Last year there were 103 in the 8 grades. This year there are 170 
registered and more coming all the time, so that they expect to have more than 
200 by the first of the year. Children come from everywhere. The camp nearby 
is said to accommodate 52,000 men. About \0,000 troops are now in camp." 

Migration out of as well as into defense areas is caused by defense operations. 
Hundreds of thousands of acres are being purchased to be cleared for military 
training activities and other purposes related to the defense program (for ex- 
ample, Hinesville, Ga. and Camp Robinson, Ark.), causing many families to 
leave land on which they have lived, perhaps for generations. Large numbers 
of these families have little or no equity in land or homes, and little vocational 
equipment for seeking new types of employment. 

Succeeding periods of expansion in various types of employment will cause 
shrinkage in employment opportunity when some or many phases of the defense 
program are tapei-ed off. Construction workers, for example, would experience a 


decrease in employment opportunity before those engaged iii tlie manufacture of 

*"To^summarize, in the period in which we have now entered, the people of the 
United States will be confronted with problems of migration affecting in vitally 
important ways the rearing and educating of children for democratic citizenship, 
ari'^ing from different patterns of migration, old and new. For example : 

1. A marked increase in migration from farm to city as employment rises, 
corresponding to a similar trend in the 1920's. 

It is estimated that industrialization shifted 6,000,000 persons from farms to 
cities during the 1920's, partly within the various States and partly across State 
lines By 1937 this urban trend, interrupted in the early part of the depression, 
had "been resumed at three-fifths of its normal rate.* 

Urban migration is predominantly a migration of youth. The farm population 
has a much larger proportion of children to adults than the city population— in 
fact, it is to the farm population, and not the city population, that cities must 
look for population growth. Girls tend to migrate to cities from farms at 
earlier ages than boys. Of the boys and girls from 10 to 20 years of age living 
on farms in 1920, about two-fifths had left the farm by 1930.' The report to the 
National Resources Committee on Problems of a Changing Population comments 
as follows upon this situation : 

"It is evident that the farm population bears the expense of rearing and 
educating a large number of children who move to the city just as they begin 
to be able to repay this cost. A large amount of wealth is transferred from rural 
to urban areas by this movement. During the past decade the farms have had 
to feed, clothe, and educate a large proportion of the young people who }mve 
joined the urban productive population. If an allowance of $150 per year is 
made for the cost of rearing a child (including community costs), the average 
farm youth 15 years of age represents an investment of from $2,000 to $2,500. 
At this rate the 6.000,000 net migration of youths from farms between 1920 and 
1930 would represent a contribution of about $14,000,000,000 from the farming 
communities of the Nation to its cities * * * The consequences (of this 
and other means of transferring farm wealth to cities) are reflected in inade- 
quate health facilities, inferior schools, and the difficulties of maintaining 
essential community services." 

2. Continued migration from rural areas of extremely limited opportunity 
to other rural areas in search of agricultural emplo.vment. 

The former areas are associated with a high ratio of children to adults (see 
■chart) and a high reproduction rate. Increasing mechanization in agriculture, 
■sioil erosion, high rates of population increase, and other factors are associated 
with the migration of the agricultural worker and his family."* 

3. Continued migration of seasonal workers and their families who habitually 
follow the crops within States or from State to State. 

As pointed out in the report of the Secretary of Labor on Migration of 
Workers (p. vi) : 

"Increasing numbers of workers are forced to move ceaselessly across State 
lines to eke out a living b.v piecing together short and scattered seasons of 
employment in agriculture and industry. As long as employers demand much 
more labor in one season than another, workers must migrate or find some alter- 
native means of subsistence within each local area. For hundreds of thousands 
of American workers even a meager subsistence is dependent upon continual 
interstate migration." 

Last May, in a statement submitted to a subcommittee of the Senate Com- 
mittee on Education and Labor, representatives of the Children's Bureau pre- 
sented facts concerning 82 counties in which migratory families were known 
to be engaged in agricultural work. These counties were located in 17 States 

" IMigration of Workers, p. iv. 

' Problems of a ChanRing Population, pp. 109-111. 
In 1937 it was estimated that more than four-fifths of the recent migration of 
workers to California consisted of person.s from States afflicted by drought. In the Report 
S If ^^ f^^^^^""^ °* Labor on Migration of Workers (p. v) it is stated that "More than 
Halt of these migrants came from the drought States of the Great Plains where emigration 
would be desirable even after the present drought comes to an end. Most of the drought 
migrants in California have been forced to become constant, seasonal migrants without 
residence in any one community." 


a&i follows: Arizona, Arkansas, California. Colorado, Florida, Kentucky. Mary- 
land. Michigan, Montana, Nebraska, New Jersey, Ohio, Oregon, Texas, Virginia, 
Washington, and Wyoming." 

4. Migration to established or newly developed urban communities where de- 
fense industries are located, or communities adjacent to training camps. 

Much of this migration may be temporary in character, and in certain areas 
may be, for a time at least, far greater (ay to unskilled labor or those seeking 
employment in trade or service occupations) than can be absorbed in the local 
labor market. 

These different types of conditions have in common the uprooting of family 
life, or the failure, because of constant moves, to establish roots in any com- 
munity, and result in marked maladjustments, in the ability of communities 
to safeguard health, provide education, and furnish public assistance and social 
protection when needed. In other respects the problems created, as they affect 
the strength of family life and the health and well-being of children and youth, 
have differing effects and require varying types of remedial measures. 


General effects.— These are of three principal types: (1) Effects of legal bar- 
riers to full assimilation of the migrants into the communities to which they 
go, such, for example, as settlement laws and school laws; (2) effects of social 
barriers to full assimilation: (3) lag in community provision for public utilities, 
housing, health services, schools and recreational service&i, in areas to which 
migrants go. 

Testimony concerning settlement, residence, and the power of the State to 
exclude or remove nonsettled, needy persons has been presented to this com- 
mittee by representatives of the Federal Security Agency and by other witnesses. 
The operation of the Federal-aid program for aid to dependent children under 
the Social Security Act has resulted in the elimination of local residence as a 
basis of eligibility and in a reasonably short period required for State residence. 
(See statement prepared by Jane M. Hoey on Present Situation With Regard to 
Migrants and Recommendations for Their Care, Vol. 9, pp. 3504-3506.) A chaotic 
situation exists with reference to settlement for purposes of general poor relief, 
and the trend is toward greater rather than fewer restrictions. (See statement 
prepared by Jack Tate, General Counsel, Federal Security Agency, Vol. 9, pp. 

As pointed out by the Secretary of Labor in her statement before this com- 
mittee on December 3, the compulsory school-attendance laws, as well as the 
laws relating to poor relief, are intended primarily for. residents. I should like 
to submit as exhibit B, appendix D — School Attendance of the Migratory Child, 
pages 226 to 230 of the report Migration of Workers, a preliminary report of 
the Secretary of Labor pursuant to Senate Resolution 298, Seventy-fourth Con- 
gress.'" This report shows that only a few States have enacted school legislation 
especially designed to compel the attendance of migratory children, and that 
the majority of the compvilsory-school-attendance laws apply expressly or im- 
pliedly to children who are residents or citizens. I should also like to submit 
as Exhibit C the Analysis of State Compulsory School Attendance Legislation 
contained on pages 56 to 62 of the Statement on Child Labor in Agriculture, sub- 
mitted to a subcommittee of the Committee on Education and Labor, United 
States Senate, May 27, 1940, by Beatrice McConnell, director. Industrial Division, 
Children's Bureau." This statement shows that only a very few States have 
definitely recognized any responsibility for the migrant child, and that although 
in a number of other States compulsory school-attendance laws are sufficiently 
broad to apply to migrants, many apply specifically to residents, causing some 
doubt as to how these laws would be interpreted with respect to migrant children. 
The recent New Jersey legislation on child labor and school attendance, specifi- 
cally relating these provisions to children in agriculture, prohibits the employ- 
ment of nonresident children under 16 during any time that they would have been 

« Statement of Martha M. Eliot, M. D.. p. 20. 

10 See Preliminary Report of the Secretary of Labor Pursuant to Senate Resolution 298, 
Seventy-fourth Congress, p. 4085, this volume. 

11 See Statement on Child Labor in Agriculture, submitted to a subcommittee of the 
Committee on Education and Labor, United States Senate, May 27, 1940, pp. .56-62. 

260370— 41— pt. 10 11 


required to attend school in their own State or during hours when the schools are 
•n qe^i'^ion in the district of New Jersey in which they wish to work. 

The California education law is the only example of special financial provision 
for the education of children of migratory workers. This law establishes a re- 
volving State fund for such schools, and provides that classes may be established 
on the basis of a maximum of $75 per month from the State and $75 per month 
from the county funds per teacher employed."^ 

With reference to the effects of social barriers to full assimilation, these effects 
vary to some extent, at least, according to the type of migration. When migrants 
belong to minority racial or nationality groups or to those seriously handicapped 
economically, and with regard to cultural opportunities, they are likely to be 
regarded in the communities to which they go as set apart from and inferior to 
the resident population. Even highly intelligent persons are likely to remark 
with reference to certain migrant groups that it isl hopeless to try to do anything 
for the adults, and that the only portions of the migrant population for which 
it is worth while to try to do anything is the children. This attitude, of course, 
seriously handicaps the children themselves, because their development is largely 
conditioned by the circumstances in their own homes and the regard with which 
their parents are viewed by those who have attained some measure of security 
and prestige. It is an attitude which can easily be controverted by actual ex- 
perience with those who come in contact with migrant people and recognize 
that they represent a wide range of capacity for intellectual growth and social 
effectiveness. As pointed out by the Secretary of Labor, "Migrants are normal 

The report of the Secretary of Labor on Migration of Workers, 1938 (p. vii), 
points out that the conditions of migratory life as observed in the areas recently 
surveyed are a threat to the development of good citizens and that the migrant 
and his family tend to be isolated from the normal acivities of the community 
both because of their enforced mode of travel and living and because of com- 
munity prejudices against them. 

This Committee has had much evidence presented to it of the lag in com- 
munity provision for public utilities, housing, health services, schooLs, and 
recreational services in areas to which migrants go. Housing shortage and 
high rents present serious problems, not only to the migrants, but to resident 
low-income and relief groups. 

In his testimony on problems of education caused by migrations of families 
with children of school age, the commissioner of education pointed out the 
difficulties in providing school facilities for children of migratory workers. 
School budgets, he said, are invariably prepared early in the school year, and 
taxes are levied shortly thereafter. If large numbers of children come into 
the district unexpectedly the difficulty of providing schooling is obvious. Even 
in California where special provision from State funds is made for children of 
migratory workers, Dr. Studebaker points out that the funds provided for this 
purpose are hardly sufficient for extraordinary demands. I heartily concur 
with his conclusion that education for children of families who move within 
States cannot be assured until a foundation education program for all com- 
munities of the State is provided, and that similarly, migrations across State 
lines, particularly in extraordinary cases, in all likelihood result in situations 
with respect to education which call for some kind of financial assistance 
from the Federal Government. 

Testimony prepared by Dr. Thomas Parran, Surgeon General, United States 
Public Health Service, for this committee, dealing with Health Needs of Inter- 
state Migration of Destitute Citizens, points out that transients receive less 
medical care than do other needy citizens, in the main because of their inability 
to satisfy existing settlement laws, but that lack of adequate funds available 
to the States and to local communities for medical care services has a con- 
siderable influence in determining the amount of services rendered. 

I should like to submit as exhibit D, a statement submitted to a subcommittee 
of the Committee on Education and Labor, United States Senate, pursuant 
to Senate Resolution 266, by Dr. Martha M. Eliot, assistant chief, Children's 
Bureau, United States Department of Labor." Provision of health services 

"Statement of Beatrice McConnell on Child Labor in Agriculture, p. 61. 
3 See statement to subcommittee of the Committee on Education and Labor, United 
btates benate, pursuant to Senate Resolution 266, by Dr. Martha M Eliot 


for children in families of agricultural workers, including those in migratory 
families, is dependent. Dr. Eliot states, on the types of services provided for 
all the residents of the areas where agricultural labor is found. A specific 
program for mothers and children is outlined in this statement as including 
medical supervision through community child health conferences and prenatal 
clinics; school health services; public-health nursing service in the home at 
child-health conferences and in the schools; nutrition and dental services; 
diagnostic and therapeutic service in out-patient clinics; hospital care as needed 
for sick children and for care of women at delivery ; and the services of social 
workers especially trained in meeting the needs of children or in handling 
problems arising out of medical conditions. 

Reports to the Children's Bureau from the State health departments for the 
year ending June 30, 1939, showed that some form of maternal and child- 
health service was provided in only about two-thirds of the rural counties 
of the United States, and that 40 percent of the coimties were without even 
the services of public-health nurses. For the rural areas as a whole, it is 
known that one public-health nurse serves on the average 10,000 persons, while 
in the cities each public-health nurse serves on the average 5,000 persons. Dr. 
Eliot estimated that to provide adequately for the rural population alone there 
is need for at least four or live times as many nurses as are now employed. 
The same picture of incomplete coverage of rural counties exists witfi refer- 
ence to preventive medical services, such as are provided through the child- 
health conferences or prenatal clinics, or dental, or nutrition services. In 82 
counties where migratory workers are employed in agriculture, analyzed in 
Dr. Eliot's statement, maternal and child-health services even for resident 
families were markedly inadequate. Examples of counties in which there is 
no maternal and child-health service under the Social Security Act are given 
in this statement. 

In a report of a visit to a town of 5,100 people, adjacent to an area where a 
large training camp is being developed, made by a member of the staff of the 
Children's Bureau, the following observations were made : 

'The town is old and down at heel. It is in poor country and has not been 
prosperous. Water and sewage are only fair. There is no nurse, no doctor, no 
clinics. At the edge of the camp are the eating places, surrounded by tents, 
trailers, and trucks which are used to live in. In these are said to be families, 
though we saw few women and children." 

Describing another town of 2,000 in the same county, the Children's Bureau 
representative described information gained from interviews with local child- 
welfare workers as follows : 

"There is no hospital and no county nurse. There is much tuberculosis in the 
county. Housing is bad. Every available space is taken. Shacks which had 
been deemed to be uiifit for human habitation were being used for living purposes, 
and high rents were being charged. Tents are going up on vacant lots, and down 
by the railroad tracks house trucks and trailers are parked. There is much 
gaiety and backslapping, rather like a county fair. People seem cheerful, though 
It is cold. * * * I talked to a volunteer charity woi'ker. Her cry was for 
a hospital. Local doctors take care of the indigent, but there are no hospital 

I should like to submit as exhibit E a "Statement of Experience of the Chil- 
dren's Bureau and the State Welfare Agencies, under title V, part 3, of the Social 
Security Act, Providing for Child Welfare Services in Rural Areas," submitted 
by me as part of my statement to a subcommittee of the Conunittee on Education 
and Labor, May 27, 1940." This statement shows that of the 82 counties where 
there are migratory workers, previously referred to, only 22 have local child- 
welfare workers under the cooperative Federal and State child-welfare program 
made possible liy the Social Security Act. In addition to these counties, 11 counties 
have the benefit of limited services from child-welfare workers paid in whole or 
in part from Federal funds serving larger areas. Descriptions of situations in 
several counties with large migrant populations as submitted in annual plans for 
the ehild-welfare-services program for the fiscal year 1940 are included in the 

" See Statement of Experience of the Children's Bureau and the State Welfare Agencies, 
under title V, part 3, of the Social Security Act, Providing for Child Welfare Services 
in Rural Areas, .submitted by Miss Lenroot as part of her statement to a subcommittee 
of the Committee on Education and Labor, May 27, 1940. 



I should also like to submit as exhibit F a statement entitled Recapitulatioa 
of Maior Points in Summary of Developments in Child Welfare Services under 
the Social Security Act," part of a statement of the Children's Bureau submitted 
for discussion to the Advisory Committee on Community Child Welfare Services 
at its meeting December 2, 1940."^ The conclusion of this statement is to the 
effect that the experience the States have gained during the last 5 years has con- 
clusively demonstrated the need for the establishment and improvement of local 
services for children in rural areas. The present amount of Federal funds and 
the additional State and local funds made available are not at this time adequate 
to provide complete coverage of all iiiral counties. . , , 

Lack of economic securitii within the family.— This characterizes particularly 
"depression" migration and migration of agricultural workers. The report on 
migratory labor submitted to the President by the Interdepartmental Committee 
to Coordinate Health and Welfare Activities points out that studies of migratory 
labor made by the Works Progress Administration in 1933 and 1934 showed an 
average of two and a half jobs per year, each job lasting about 8 weeks, with 
median net earnings of $110 in 1933 and $124 in 1934. In 1936 and 1937 median 
annual gross earnings of such workers ranged from $154 to $574, according to 
various studies. These levels with their irregular work and low earnings, the 
Committee points out, represent those who are successful in finding the average 
amount of employment. Accumulating any reserve against the gaps between 
jobs or the risk of accident and illness is completely beyond their reach. Yet 
migratory workers and their families are for the most part outside the insurance 
programs provided under the Social Security Act and their access to public assist- 
ance, medical care, and general relief is limited by settlement provisions earlier 

In her statement to this committee December 3, 1940, the Secretary of Labor 
pointed out that distress occurs when migrants come too rapidly or in too great 
numbers to permit ready absorption into our economic or social community life, 
and that they usually pay the price of the economic adjustment they enable the 
community to make by supplying labor when it is needed for seasonal industries 
or economic expansion. She points out also that even in national-defense jobs, 
leading to a type of migration which ordinarily would not be associated with lack 
of economic security, problems arise because the emergency may bring a .sudden 
influx of workers to areas unprepared to receive them. Economic insecurity in 
migratory families is accentuated by the fact that much of the migratory labor is 
not covered by Federal or State labor legislation. 

Because of the low income of agricultural laborers, both mothers and children 
are likely to be emploved whenever opportunity offers. In many cases the family 
is hired as a unit, and all members of the family who can possibly work in the 
fields have a part in earning the family income. In a study of 946 families who 
worked in the beet fields in 1935, made by the Children's Bureau, it was found 
that in only 24 percent of the families was there only one member employed, and 
more than half the families contained three or more workers." Nearly one-fourth 
of the beet workers in the families studied were children under 16 years of age. 


The report on migratory labor by the Interdepartmental Committee to Co- 
ordinate Health and Welfare Activities states that the children of migrants are 

a lost tribe: ^ , ^ ^u^^^v. ^ 

"Because they lack so much that goes to make up a normal childhood— economic 
security, a stable home, health protection, and a chance for school and play ex- 
perience—they are a group apart from any community." 

The basic needs of childhood have been described in part as follows m the 
General Report of the White House Conference on Children in a Democracy 

^^u * * * Home and family are the first condition of life for the child. They 
are first in importance for his growth, development, and education. 

"The child has food and shelter if his family has a home and provides food. 

i» Welfare*^of Familtes^ of ^ugar-Beet Laborers, Bureau Publication No. 247, p. IS. 


•'He is content and happy if he is well, if he has parents and others to love and 
be loved by." 

The White House conference report states further that "giving the child food, 
shelter, and material security in general is a primary task of the family." 

The conditions surrounding a large proportion of the children in migrant fam- 
ilies have been brought to the attention of the committee by many witnesses and 
are indicated briefly by the illustrations cited below : 

Housing. — In the words of the report on Migratory Labor of the Interdepart- 
mental Committee: 

"The ditch-side camp and the makeshift squatter towns offer the only homes that 
most migrant families know. They are deprived of decent housing not only by 
their short stay in any one place but also by their lack of money. Their temporary 
jerry-built houses and dilapidated tents often violate all the laws of self-respect 
and privacy and all standards of hygiene and sanitation." 

Some employers, as pointed out by the Interdepartmental Committee's report, 
have made commendable efforts to provide decent sanitary accommodations for at 
least part of their seasonal workers. For several years the Farm Security Admin- 
istration has been developing sanitary camps where migrant workers may live for 
a limited period at a minimum cost. 

Health. — In the statement by Dr. Martha M. Eliot, submitted to a subcom- 
mittee of the Committee on Education and Labor, and previously referred to 
as exhibit D, it is pointed out that the health problems of migrant families 
are those of all low-income families, to which are added the special problems 
which are the result of transiency. The children in these families go without 
proper or adequate food, with too little and often disturbed sleep. They are 
often subjected to exposure and communicable diseases flourish among them. 
Expectant mothers get little or no nursing care. Delivery care is often given 
by another migrant woman with help from a physician if things do not go well, 
or hospital care in an emergency. Health agencies in rural areas are often 
inadequately staffed or equipped to provide for residents and because of the 
burden of work make no special effort to provide for migratory families. Ob- 
viously, the health supervision of these children and a program of maternity 
care for the mothers require special planning, such as has been developed in an 
experimental way in California in the past 4 years, with grants made under 
title Y. part 1, of the Social Security Act. 

In connection with child-health work in migratory families in California 
it was found that in 1937 there were conspicuous increases in the infant 
mortality rates in the counties where the migratory agricultural population is 
concentrated. For five of these counties the infant mortality rate for rural 
areas averaged 113 in 1937 as compared with 100 in 1936. (The rural infant 
mortality rate for the United States as a whole in 1937 was 57 per 1,000 live 
birth.s. I Dietary deficiencies were found to be common. Children with physical 
defects and defects due to faulty hygiene comprised 83 percent of the migratory 
children as compared with 61 percent of the resident children examined in the 
rural areas of California during the same year. Thirty-eight percent of the 
children had nutritional defects, many of which could not be corrected because 
of insufficient family income. The diets of adults and children alike were 
fouod to consist of hot biscuits, gravy, beans, and potatoes. In the school-age 
group only lOVa percent of the children were getting li^ pints of milk daily— 
the amount considered optimum for growth and development — while 16 percent 
were getting no milk. 

In narrative reports to the Farm Security Administration from migratory 
labor camps for September and October 1940, comments concerning the health 
and the diets of children include items such as the following : 

Surveys have also been made of the food on hand. You don't know what 

a starvation diet is until you make a complete survey of one of the camps. 

There is only one family in the entire camp who has been able to buy 

any milk so they will discontinue the delivery of milk here and that one 

family will buy milk elsewhere. 

Human interest achievement: All of our school children are being supplied 
with an adequate lunch. The mothers are coming to the community kitchen 
and preparing these lunches. 



The people in general snflEer from bad teeth in an alarming way. Poor 
vision is also quite common. This dental condition can readily be traced 
to faulty diet. 

SehooUrifj. — Reference l»as already been made to the inadequate educational 
opportunities provided for children in migrant families. School attendance is 
closely related to child labor and poor educational opportunity goes hand in 
hand with economic insecurity and early work. 

I wish to submit as exhibit G, pages 34 to 4.5 of a statement on Child Labor 
in Agriculture pre.sented by Beatrice McConnell, director, Industrial Division, 
Children's Bureau, to the subcommittee of the Committee on Education and 
Labor May 27, 1940." 

Child Labor. — As pointed out by the Secretary of Labor in her statement 
of December 3 before this committee, child labor is common among those 
migrant families tliat are employed in agriculture and in processing of food 
products, these industries being the largest users of child labor. The work 
of children, she states further, has become increasingly industrialized with 
repetitive tasks, long hours, and small earnings. There is very general recog- 
nition that the casual work of the farm is in a different category from indus- 
trialized farm labor, so long as work on the home farm is not hazardous 
and does not interfere with school attendance. 

I wish to include as exhibit H portions of the statement by Beatrice McCon- 
nell on Child Labor in Agriculture submitted to the subcommittee of the Com- 
mittee on Education and Labor, May 27, 1940.'^ The material in these exhibits 
has been brought up to date since the testimony was given. 


Although a considerable degree of mobility of population is needed, to permit 
economic adjustments which are necessary to national safety and well-being, 
and to provide individual families with opportunity for economic advancement, 
migration which does not contribute to these ends is costly to the Nation and 
the individual, and takes heavy toll of childhood. 

Removal of legal, and so far as possible, of .social barriers to the assimilation 
of migrants into the normal activities and relationships of the communities to 
which they go should be accompanied by measures for strengthening the eco- 
nomic foundations of family life and for providing the community services and 
educational opportunities essential to the welfare of families and children in 
all parts of the country, and in both cities and rural areas. Moreover, means 
for the guidance of migration into economically productive and socially desirable 
channels should be strengthened. 

These measures are of particular importance when viewed from the point of 
view of the welfare of the child. Between 1,000,000 and 2,000,000 children are 
involved in family migration, and this number may be increased with shifts 
of population due to the needs of defense industries. Children of migratory 
agricultural workers come for the most part from areas of extremely limited 
economic opportunity, educational advantage, and community health and social 
services. They go to communities not, as a rule, prepared to receive them, and 
encounter legal and social barriers which intensify the problems inevitably 
associated with migration. children constitute an important part of the 
human capital of the Nation, and their neglect impairs not only individual well- 
being but national strength. 

All who are familiar with the problems of the migrant and his family agree 
that they are national in scope and require Nation-wide measures for their 
solution. But, as the Report of the White House Conference on Children in 
a Democracy points out, shelter, education for children, health supervision, and 
medical care must be made available locally wherever and whenever needed. 
A plan that will assure migrant families and their children essential minimum 
provisions for their well-being must place administrative and financial responsi- 
bilities where they belong, and must assure the availability of services and 
facilities wherever such families may need them. The Conference recom- 

" Statement on Child Labor in Agriculture to subcommittee of the Committee on 
Education and Labor, May 27, 1940, pp. 34-45. 
" Ibid. 


mended that the Federal Government accept responsibility for the development 
of an inclusive plan for care of migrant families." These recommendations 
are in harmony with those of other organizations, which have been placed 
before this committee. 

Specifically, the following recommendations are urged as being of special 
importance to children: 

1. Extension of measures needed to sti'engthen the economic foundations of 
family life, such as fair labor standards and social-security legislation, so that 
family migration may not grow out of despair and destitution, but out of hope 
and initiative in seeking economic betterment. 

2. Strengthening of Federal and State Employment Services, working in co- 
operation with agencies concerned with the development of natural resources 
and the improvement of the conditions of farm life, in order that migration may 
be guided into economically and socially desirable channels. 

3. More equitable and adequate distribution of good housing, ediicational 
opportunity, vocational preparation, and health and social services throughout 
the country, especially in the rural areas, which now contribute far more than 
their share to the support and education of the children of the Nation. Such a 
goal can be achieved only through the extension and strengthening of cooper- 
ative Federal and State measures for improving the educational, health, public 
assistance, and social-service resources of the country. Federal aid for im- 
provement of the conditions surrounding rural children will not only strengthen 
and enrich rural life, but will improve the physical vigor and the economic and 
social efficiency of our urban population, which is recruited largely from the 

4. Removal, so far as possible, of legislative barriers against the assimilation 
of migrants into normal community activities, as found in settlement laws and 
school laws. The period of residence required for access to relief should be 
uniform throughout the Nation, and should not exceed 1 year. Health services, 
medical care, educational facilities, and social services should be available to 
all who need them, regardless of residence. 

5. Special assistance by Federal and State Governments in enabling com- 
munities with excessive migration, including those affected by the defense 
program, to provide adequate community health and welfare services and 
educational opportunities for the children of migrants. 

6. Effective application of child labor standards to employment in indus- 
trialized agriculture, through strengthening of State and Federal child labor 
and school attendance laws and their administration. 

7. Continued study of the problems of migration through a central coordi- 
nating agency, which can promote both study and action, as recommended by 
the Secretary of Labor in the statement presented by her to this committee. 
It is apparent from all the testimony presented to this committee that there 
are great gaps in the information concerning migration urgently needed as a 
basis for effective planning. It is particularly unfortimate that the 1940 
census secured information concerning the employment of children only for 
those 14 years of age and over. 

In making these recommendations effective, some of the special programs 
which require immediate consideration and action are the following: 

(a) Extension of Federal aid for general elementary and secondary educa- 
tion, as well as for vocational training, as recommended by the Advisory 
Committee on Education,"" the White House Conference on Children in a 
Democracy," and other organizations. Training of young people for defense 
industries and for vocational effectiveness after the emergency is over is im- 
paired to the extent that basic educational preparation is defective in certain 
sections of the country and 'among certain population groups. 

(ft) Extension of Federal aid for health services and medical care as recom- 
mended bv the Interdepartmental Committee To Coordinate Health and Wel- 
fare Activities,"" with adequate provision for such services throughout ma- 

" rhildren in a Democracy, p. 73. . , ^ .,, t^ v inoo 

2" The Advisory Committee on Education, Report of the Committee, February 1938, 
p. 197. 

" Oener.ll Report, p. 35. , , , ^ .^^ ^ ^ j- i. 

22 The Need for a National Health Program, Interdepartmental Committee to Coordinate 
Health and Welfare Activities, 1938. 


tei-nity and childhood, and assistance through State and local agencies in 
providing health and medical services to migrants. Appropriation of addi- 
tional funds under title V of the Social Security Act, to enable the Children's 
Bureau to assist State and local health needs of mothers and children, has 
been recommended by the Interdepartmental Committee in its reports on the 
Need for a National Health Program and on Migratory Labor. The Maternal 
and Child Health Advisory Committee, appointed by the Secretary of Labor 
to assist the Children's Bureau in the development of the maternal and child 
health program, in session December 2 and 3, 1940, urged that substantial 
increase be made in grants-in-aid to the States for maternal and child-health 
services under the Social Security Act, in view especially of the intensified 
needs associated with defense measures. I should like to submit the report 
of this committee as exhibit I.''^ 

(c) Provision of Federal grants-in-aid to States, under the Social Security 
Act, for general relief for needy residents and migrants for whom Federal 
work programs are not suitable or available, as recommended by Jane M. 
Hoey in her statement submitted to this committee, and the White House Con- 
ference on Children in a Democracy.^* 

(d) Extension of Federal aid for child-welfare services under title V, part 3 
of the Social Security Act, as recommended by the Advisory Committee (to 
the Children's Bureau) on Community Child Welfare Services, in its report 
adopted December 2, 1940, which I should like to submit as exhibit J." 

(e) Apportionment of grants-in-aid funds to States for all these services 
under a system of variable grants related to need, with special adjustments 
for areas with excessive numbers of migrants, all aid being conditioned upon 
the development of policies within a reasonable period which will assure aid 
to migrants and residents alike. 

if) Strengthening of the child-labor provisions of the Fair Labor Standards 
Act as they relate to children in agriculture, extension, and improvement in 
the type of protection afforded by the Sugar Act, and completion of ratification 
of the child-labor amendment. 

iff) Coordinated Federal and State planning to meet the special needs of 
mothers and children associated with the defense program, with resources for 
studies of conditions and assistance to State and local agencies in developing 
adequate health and social services to meet these needs. (See exhibits I 
and J below.) 

Exhibit F 

Recapitulation of Major Points in Summary of Deves^opmbnts in Child 
wei.farb se3svices under the social security act 


In the report of the President's Committee on Economic Security the recom- 
mendation was made that in drafting legislation consideration should be given 
to a provision which would provide local services in the less populous areas of 
the United States. The following paragraph is taken from the Committee 
report : 

"Local services for the protection and care of dependent and physically and 
mentally handicapped children are generally available in large urban centers, 
but in less populous areas they are extremely limited or even nonexistent. 
One-fourth of the States, only, have made provisions on a State-wide basis for 
county child-welfare boards or similar agencies, and in many of these States 
the services are still inadequate. With the further depletion of resources 
during the depression there has been much suffering among many children 
because the services they need have been curtailed or even stopped. To counter- 
act this tendency and to stimulate action toward the establishment of adequate 
State or local child-welfare services, a small Federal grant-in-aid, we believe, 
would be very effective." 

Part 3, Title V of the Social Security Act embodies the objectives of this 
recommendation and makes $1,510,000 available to the States for extending and 

» See p. 4020 of this report. 
^ General Report, pp. 23, 73. 
'^ See p. 3526 of this report. 


strengthening State services for children; and for paying part of the cost of 
local services in areas predominantly rural. 

In 1935, 26 States and the District of Columbia had child-welfare bureaus 
or divisions within State welfare departments. Fourteen States had necessary 
legislation for State-wide development of county child-welfare boards or ether 
local public units authorized to provide services for children. 

By June 30, 1910, there were 40 States in which there are either child-welfare 
bureaus or child-welfare divisions within the departments of public welfare. 

In the remaining States and Territories deixirtments of public welfare or bu- 
reaus of social welfare' have a designated division or unit responsible for 
administering the child-welfare program. 

On the basis of plans developed jointly by the Children's Bureau and the States, 
Federal funds for child-welfare services have been allotted to the 48 States, the 
District of Columbia. Alaska, Hawaii, and Puerto Rico. 

Apportionment of Federal funds to the States is made on the basis of the ratio 
of the rural population of the State to the total rural population of the United 
States, plus a flat grant of $10,000 to each State without regard to population. 
Dollar for dollar matching is not required. Tlie determination as to what con- 
stitutes "part of the cost of local services" is left to the Chief of the Children's 
Bureau. Thus the status of public- welfare developments within a State at any 
particular time and its financial resources can be taken into consideration. The 
provisions of part 3, title V, and the administrative policies of the Children's 
Bureau have made it possible to relate the child-welfare services program to the 
varying stages of development of public-welfare services within the States. 


The child-welfare services program by the language of the Social Security Act, 
is limited to "areas predominantly rural" and "other areas of special need." 
The amount of the present appropriation again automatically limits the extent of 
coverage of rural areas tlirough the use of Federal funds. Thus development of 
services has been on a "demonstration" rather than a "coverage" basis. 

As of June 30, 1940, Federal funds provided part of the cost of child-welfare 
services in 512 counties having local children's workers, and in 10 additional local 
areas composed of 69 towns ^ where 1 local worker served a group of small towns. 

In addition, 39 field workers whose combined areas comprised 652 counties in 6 
States, gave some ease-work service on a demonstration basis in local communities 
in addition to their activities in organizing community resources and providing 
consultation or supervisory service to local workers. This latter method of ad- 
ministration represents the pioneer stage of "interpreting through doing" in the 
6 States where it is still utilized. The trend, however, is all in the direction of 
providing local services on a county-unit basis except in those States where popu- 
lation is so sparse that the full time of a si^ecial children's worker is not needed 
and a combination of counties or towns is thus administratively desirable. 

Of the 735 professional workers whose salaries were paid in whole or in part 
on June 30, 1940, 495 were woi-king in local communities (and as part of local 
public-welfare units where such units exist), and 240 were members of State 
public-welfare staffs. 

As of May 31, 1940, approximately 45,000 children were receiving services from 
workers financed in whole or in part from Federal funds. 


Every State plan develoiied jointly by the State agency and the Children's 
Bureau provides for extension and strengthening of State services, for the en- 
couragement and assistance of community child-welfare organization, and for 
the development of local services for children in rural areas. Some plans also 
include provision for the development of local services in "areas of special need" 
which are usually areas in urban communities. 

Provision is also made in some plans for supplementary services on the State 
level such as educational leave for workers, items covering the cost of institutes 

Puerto Rico has a bureau of social welfare within the insular department of health. 
■ These areas are in the New England States. 



and conferences, special projects either for study of child-welfare needs or as a 
demonstration of service that may be taken over by the State at some future time, 
psychiatric and psychological sei-vices, special training projects, etc. 


The content of a public child-welfare service program in a rural community 
cannot be poured into any one mold. It is, however, predicated upon one basic 
factor— namely, a personnel plan which insures selection of staff qualified by 
training and experience for the wide variety of tasks to be performed. The main 
categories into which these tasks fall are : Demonstration of case- work service 
to children ; leadership and participation in various types of community organi- 
zation ; and continuing interpretation of the purposes and objectives of public- 
welfare programs. Extending and strengthening State services similarly include 
diverse activities involving leadership and participation in planning for the best 
utlization of available child-welfare resources within the State, and in promoting 
community organization, in developing acceptable child-welfare standards in re- 
viewing and, if necessary, revising existing legislation, and in giving technical 
supervision to local children's workers. 

None of the administrative mechanism, including qualified personnel, has value» 
however, except as it makes something constructive happen in the lives of chil- 
dren and in the development of community understanding and resources. 


The total State expenditures for child-welfare services programs for the fiscal 
year ending June 30, 1936, was $85,676.20. The Federal funds were not available 
until February 1, 1936, so that none of the 33 States which were participating in 
the program by June 30, 1936, expended the entire amount of available funds. 

In the fiscal year ending June 30, 1940, a total of $1,492,171.01 of Federal funds 
was expended for child-welfare services. 

Funds budgeted in child-welfare services plans for the current fiscal year exceed 
the present annual allotment in every State except Nevada and Wisconsin. This 
means that if the present programs are to be maintained there will have to be 
additional appropriations from State and local funds and/or from Federal funds ; 
and that further extension of services will be dependent upon additional funds. 


Experience of the past 5 years in administering child-welfare services under 
the Social Security Act has demonstrated that all unmet needs are not in areas 
predominantly rural. Nonniral areas also in large measure need resources and 
leadership which cannot yet be entirely provided for from State and local funds. 
The expansion of other programs, such as amendments to the Social Security Act 
providing for survivor's benefits for widows and orphans, the problems of defense 
programs, etc., are disclosing new social problems calling for specialized case work 
with children. There is also need for a greater inclusion of case-work services 
to children of minority groups. 

It is apparent that there should be in every State specialized social service 
to children available to every local community, that the number of child- 
welfare workers should be increased in many areas, and that the quality of 
service should be improved throughout the country. The States report re- 
quests for services to courts, to schools, and to institutions. Moreover, psychi- 
atric and psychological services are required to supplement the case workers' 
treatment of special problems. At all points, with the increase of territory 
covered and of personnel employed, there is need to expand and improve super- 
visory and consultation service at the State level. Supplementation of all 
these services is important and should be given through demonstrations and 
studies in special areas and fields, such as statistics, legislation, and public- 
welfare organization. It is especially evident that to meet these demands 
there must be increased expenditures for staff development through educa- 
tional leaves, in-service training projects, training supervisors, and orientation 
units. The stimulation of community resources and of citizens' interest in 
developing a protective and preventive program of child-welfare services is 
most important, and additional State leadership is required in this field. 



With the initiation of the child-welfare services program some question was 
raised as to whether the availability of Federal funds might not, fo some 
extent, "dry up" State and local resources in those areas which previously 
had appropriated funds for various types of child-welfare activities. Expe- 
rience has shown that in practically every State-Federal financial participation 
has resulted in an increase in expenditures of State and local funds. 

In the 1941 State plans for child-welfare services in which a total of $2,159,174 
is budgeted from Federal funds, a total of $389,904 is budgeted from State 
and local funds to implement the provisions of the child-welfare services plans. 
In addition, considerable amounts are being spent by States and by local 
communities for a variety of other child-welfare activities including both serv- 
ices and maintenance of children which are not included in the budget for 
child-welfare services. 


The experience the States have gained during the past 5 years in the admin- 
istration of child-welfare services has conclusively demonstrated the need for 
the establishment and improvement of local services for children in rural areas. 
The present amount of Federal funds and the additional State and local funds 
made available are not at this time adequate to provide complete coverage 
of all rural counties. 

As the child-welfare services program has developed in rural areas there 
have been increasing evidences of gaps in the total child-welfare program of 
the State, particularly in certain urban communities in which there has not 
been a quality of public-case-work service for children comparable to that pro- 
vided in the local rural units having child-welfare workers. The expansion 
of defense activities will undoubtedly point up these lacks as well as others. 

There appears to be no question about continuing Federal participation in 
services for children in rural areas. But other questions have been raised 
as to the desirability of additional Federal funds for the expansion of child- 
welfare services so that progressively there will be more complete local cov- 
erage and continuing participation on other phases of State child-welfare 
activities. It seems desirable, therefore, to give consideration at this time to 
the following questions : 

1. Should Federal funds be available for paying part of the cost of local 
child-welfare services so that such services will be on a continuing rather 
than on a demonstration basis for the purpose of progressively providing com- 
plete child- welfare coverage to all rural political subdivisions? 

2. Should the Federal Government participate financially in the administra- 
tion of the States' over-all responsibilities for stimulation and leadership in 
the development of State child-welfare programs? 

3. Should Federal financial participation be extended to pay part of the cost 
of local child-welfare services in urban areas; and should Federal participa- 
tion in the cost of such services be on a continuing rather than on a demonstra- 
tion basis? 

4. Should there be Federal financial participation on a support rather than 
a demonstration basis in providing certain types of services such as case work 
or child guidance which are essential to an adequate program of State care of 
children, as for example, institutional care for delinquent children? 

5. Should there be increased Federal financial participation in the training 
of child-welfare personnel through educational leaves and the operation of 
orientation miits within the States? 

6. Should there be Federal financial participation in special projects under- 
taken by State agencies which involve special demonstrations or studies in 
the fields of community planning, of child guidance, of services to children of 
minority and other disadvantaged groups, of the development of community 
resources for the prevention of .iuvenile delinquency and for dealing witli 
problems arising out of defense measures? 


Exhibit I 

Rkpoet and Recommendations of Subcommittees on Child Health and 
Maternal Case Submittto to Material and Child Health Advisory Com- 
mittee Meeting at the Children's Bureau, December 2 and 3, 1940 

(Adopted by tlie full committee) 

The following reports were submitted to the Children's Bureau Maternal 
and Child Health Advisory Committee by the subcommittees on child health 
and maternal care and, after discussion, were adopted unanimously on De- 
cember 3 by the full committee : 

report of the subcommittee on child health 

The national-defense program has caused a rapid increase in population in 
villages, towns, and cities adjacent to military cantonments and in those with 
rapidly expanding defense industries. Such expansion of population brings 
with it urgent problems of health protection for the whole populace, but 
especially for children and pregnant women in the families of workers and 
enlisted men. 

The committee recognizes that these concentrations of population have come 
about for purposes related to the whole of the population of the United States, 
not merely the areas in which they occur. The problems arising from them 
are the concern of the whole of the United States, and the failure to meet 
them is a potential adverse influence upon the whole country. 

In view of this emergency, the advisory subcommittee on child health of 
the Children's Bureau, has given careful consideration to the urgency of pro- 
viding facilities to meet existing conditions — bad housing, crowding of house- 
holds, inadequate provision for recreation, bad sanitary facilities, inadequate 
control of commmiicable diseases, and lack of health supervision and medical 
care for mothers and children. 

The committee recognizes the progress that has been made under the ma- 
ternal and child-health program in establishing State and local services for 
mothers and children. There must be no interruption in the development of 
this long-range program. The committee is also cognizant of the fact that 
large gaps in this program still exist which must be closed if anything ap- 
proaching an adequate program is to be put into effect. 

Because of the greatly intensified and additional problems created by na- 
tional defense, however, the need for immediate expansion of these services is 
even more urgent than was previously apparent. The experience gained in 
the last few years has made it possible to outline clearly the ways in which 
this emergency may be met. Two obstacles present themselves, however: 
Lack of funds and deficiency of trained personnel. 

The advisory subcommittee on child health therefore recommends: 

(1) That increased resources be made available to the Children's Bureau 
to enable it — 

(a) To hasten the development of an adequate maternal and child-health 
program commensurate with existing needs for health services and medical 
care through substantially increased grants-in-aid to States under title V of 
the Social Security Act; 

(6) To make careful investigations of the health, medical, housing, and 
recreation facilities available to wives and children of workers living in or 
near the defense military cantonments, and to provide facilities and services 
to meet the health and medical needs as they are found to exist; and 

(c) To plan for the protection of mothers and children in any other 
emergency situation arising from national defense. We refer here to the 
immediate making of appropriate plans for the protection of mothers and 
children in areas of military danger and for their evacuation and placement 
in selected reception areas. 

(2) That, in view of the known insufficiency of personnel for the care of 
mothers and children, the Selective Service Board, the local draft boards, and 
the military services be urgently requested, in calling physicians for military 
duty, to give as much consideration as possible to retaining in the local com- 


munities those physicians who are responsible, in the fields of public health 
and medical practice, for maternal and child care. 

The advisory subcommittee on child health further recommends : 

(1) That in view of the necessity for recognition by the National Defense 
Council of the needs of mothers and children in the civilian population, the 
Children's Bureau be given representation in the health and medical committee 
of the National Defense Council; . 

(2) That the resolution of the Academy of Pediatrics calling for the appoint- 
ment of a pediatrician to the health and medical committee be endorsed ; and 

(3) That the chairman of the maternal and child health advisory com- 
mittee transmit these recommendations to the Secretary of Labor and seek an 
appointment with the President of the United States to lay before him the 
recommendations of the committee and to discuss the urgent need to safeguard 
the health and welfare of mothers and children as part of the national-defense 


The committee recognizes that the great improvement in maternal and infant 
care which has resulted from the leadership and efforts of the medical pro- 
fession are not uniform throughout the country. It is our belief that in many- 
areas of the United States, especially where maternal and infant death rates 
are highest, there is urgent need for providing medical and hospital care for 
maternity patients and newborn infants who cannot now obtain this care. New 
and urgent situations have been and are being created by the concentration of 
families in areas where defense programs are being developed. Plans must be 
made immediately to provide the mothers and children in these areas with 
needed health services. 

It is recognized that the need for better maternal and child care is intimately 
connected with other economic and medical deficiencies and that a truly effective 
program must have broad objectives and must be developed in cooperation with 
other governmental agencies. 

In the opinion of the committee the problem of medical and hospital care 
for mothers and infants in many of the areas of greatest need would be solved 
bv exreiuliiig the use of existing facilities and by constructing and maintaining 
new hospitals where needed for the care of maternity patients and newborn 
infants with adequate safeguards to protect the quality of service in these 
institutions. , . ^ , , 

The committee recommends that additional funds be appropriated under title 
V of the Social Security Act to assist the State and local health agencies in 
meeting the health needs of mothers and children, both by extending the use 
of existing facilities and by establishing and maintaining hospitals for the care 
of mothers and newborn infants where needed. 

Since the evacuation of mothers and infants from densely populated areas 
is an ultimate possibility, it is further recommended that plans be considered 
for transporting such persons to safe areas and for providing the medical and 
hospital services which may be needed. 

Exhibit J 

Report of the Advisory Committee on Community Child Welfare Services 

In making the following recommendations the committee desires to emphasize 
the fact that the Federal Children's Bureau came into existence as a Federal 
Government response to requests from localities in all parts of the Nation, based 
on the concern of people in such localities for the well-being of their children. 

The committee highly commends the Bureau for its consistent policy of a fine 
regard for local initiative, enterprise, judgment, and responsibility, and the mem- 
bers of the committee are unanimous in strongly urging continuing adherence to 
that policy in the furtlier and extended work of the Bureau in research, com- 
munity education, and particularly in the sharing in direction and operation of 
direct services to children in places and times of special need. 

In brief, in making specific recommendations the committee assumes that in 
the further development of child-welfare services under the provisions of the 
National Social Security Act the underlying policy will be that of joint partici- 
pation of local, State, and Federal enterprise. 



After consideration of the report of the Child Welfare Division of the Chil- 
dren's Bureau on developments in child-welfare services under the Social Security 
Aqt and evidences of urgent needs growing out of the defense program, the 
committee was unanimous in making the following recommendations : 

1 That increased Federal funds should be made available under title V, part 
3 of the Social Security Act for the following purposes : 

' (rt) To provide Federal funds, on the basis of joint Federal and State plan- 
ning for paying part of the cost of local child-welfare services in rural political 
subdivisions and in other areas of special need, in order that the continuation 
and progressive development of such services will be assured ; 

(b) To provide child-welfare services which are sorely needed in many com- 
munities affected by the defense program ; 

(0) To enable the Federal Government more fully to participate financially, 
on the basis of joint planning, in the development of the States' responsibilities 
for stimulation and leadership in child-welfare programs ; 

(d) To enable the Federal Government more fully to participate financially, 
through both demonstrations and continuing support when needed, in providing 
certain types of sei'vices, such as case work or child guidance, which are essen- 
tial in an adequate program of care of children, as for example, public institu- 
tional care for delinquent children. 

(e) To make available increased Federal funds on the basis of joint plan- 
ning for improving the quality of personnel for child-welfare services through 
provision for study in educational institution and other measures. 

if) To provide further Federal financial participation in special projects un- 
dertaken by State agencies which involve demonstrations or studies in the fields 
of community planning, child guidance, services to children of minority and other 
disadvantaged groups, and the development of community resources for the pre- 
vention of juvenile delinquency. 

2. That the Children's Bureau should be provided with resources to plan with 
the State agencies to meet special needs of children and youth for protection 
and guidance growing out of the defense program. 

3. Many problems of social welfare are arising in communities adjacent to 
defense industries and training camps. These include dangerously inadequate 
accommodations for housing, schools, health, recreation, and religious services. 
Total defense requires that these social problems be carefully planned for. This 
committee recommends that definite coordinated plannnig for social needs be 
undertaken as part of the defense program and, further, that the interests of 
children and youth should be represented through the Children's Bureau in such 
coordinated national planning for civilian defense and through appropriate 
agencies in regional, State, and local planning for civilian defense. 


Mildred Arnold, chairman, Indiantpolis, Ind. 

Sophonisba P. Breckinridge, Chicago, 111. 

Norris E. Class,' Portland, Oreg. 

Loula Dunn, Montgomery, Ala. 

James E. Ewers, Cleveland, Ohio. 

Persis Holden, Burlington, Vt. 

Sidney Hollander, Baltimore, Md. 

Charles S. Johnson, Nashville, Tenn. 

Joseph P. Johnston, Barium Springs, N. C. 

Cheney C. Jones, Boston, Mass. 

Mrs. Lillian McDermott, Little Rock, Ark. 

Lowry Nelson, St. Paul, Minn. 

Rt. Rev. Msgr. Thomas J. O'Dwyer,* Los Angeles, Calif. 

George H. Preston, M. D., Baltimore, Md. 

Mrs. Sallie R. Springmeyer, Reno, Nev. 

Eileen Ward, St. Louis, Mo. 

Members of general advisory committee on Maternal and Child Welfare Serv- 
ices also present December 2 and 3 : Clinton W. Areson, Industry, N. Y. ; Rev. 
Bryan J. McEntegart, New York, N. Y. ; Fred K. Hoehler, Chicago, 111.; and 
David C. Adie, Albany, N. Y. 

Not present at committee meeting December 2 and 3, 1940. 



Mr Sparkman. I wonder if you would care to summarize your 
statement or would you rather I would ask questions ? 

Miss Lenroot. Well, just as you wisli. I can summarize it briefly 
if you wish me to do so. , , , .. . u r. u +<- >, 

Mr Sparkman. If you will, probably that would be better. 

Miss Lenroot. Thank you, Mr. Congressman. 

In this statement which is submitted for the record with accom- 
panying exhibits and photographs, I have reviewed briefly the evi- 
dence that we have concerning the number of children involved m 
family migration and some aspects of family migration of great 
importance to their health and welfare. 

Of course one of the first things that comes out m such a review 
is the gaps in our basic information. We certainly need more defi- 
nite information about migration and its economic and social eflects 
than is now available. 


On the basis of the figures about all we can say is that between 
1 000 000 and 2,000,000 children are involved m family migration and 
that this number may be increased with shifts of population due to 
the needs of defense industries. 

Children of migratory agricultural workers come tor the most part 
from areas of extremely limited opportunities— limited as to eco- 
nomic foundations for family life, educational advantages, community 
help and social services. Having come from these areas o± limited 
opportunity they go to communities which, as a rule, are not pre- 
pared to receive them, and there they encounter legal and social 
barriers to full assimilation. ,. ^i • • ^i 4. ^i 

Now the point I want to make first, Mr. Chairman, is that the 
problems of these children are immediate and present problems. We 
have of course, many situations involved in the migrant problem 
which can be solved only on the basis of long-time planning which 
involves a whole network of economic and social considerations. 

But here are these children and, as Grace Abbott, former Chief ot 
the Children's Bureau, used to say, "you can't feed children skimmed 
milk 1 year and cream the next and have them develop normally and 
healthily." They have to have whole milk all the time. 

So I think whatever recommendations the committee would niake 
with reference to a long-time program, the committee should bear 
in mind the urgency of the problems as to the children who this year 
are involved in these migrations. 


Testimony has been presented to the committee by many witnesses 
who have pointed out the various types of migration and the shifts 
in migration during the past year. During the depression the em- 



phasis was not so iniioli on securinj^ a better chance, a better economic 
opportunity, as an attempt to secure a minimum of subsistence living. 

An example of that type of migration is found in the migration 
from industrial or mining connnunities suffering from unemploy- 
ment, to part-time or subsistence farms near such communities. I 
have given in the statement which has been submitted, some illustra- 
tions of that type of migration, as well as illustrations of the migra- 
tion which is developing on account of the defense emergency. 

Not only are cities faced with large influxes of population, but 
small towns, sometimes of only a few hundred people, are involved 
when near training camps or areas of large defense employment 
where the problems with reference to community resources and living 
conditions are extremely severe. 

I believe that we have to face four different types of migration in 
the next decade : 

First, a marked increase in migration from farms to cities as em- 
ployment rises, corresponding to similar trends in the 1920's. That 
means that the children who have been reared in rural areas, many of 
them of limited opportunities, are going to cities to help swell the city 
population, and that the rural areas are bearing an undue proportion 
of the cost of supporting and educating the children, taking care of 
their health and Avelfare. To the extent to which they fail to do that 
job the city populations as well as the rural populations suffer. 

I should like to include in my statement, Mr. Congressman, a chart 
showing the difference in the ratio of children to adults in rural com- 
numities and cities, showing that the rural farm areas have almost 
double the number of children per adult population as the large city 

The Chairman. We will be glad to have the chart appear in the 

(The chart referred to appears on opposite page.) 

Miss Lenroot. Then we have the migration of seasonal workers, a 
continual problem of migration for agricultural employment. And 
then Ave have the defense migration. 

Now, these different types of migi'ation involve to some extent com- 
mon problems and to some extent special problems, and likewise in 
some degree the remedies would differ with the type of migration. 


The general effects ai-e the effects of legal barriers to full assimi- 
lation, such as settlement laws and compulsory school attendance laws. 

I was interested in the discussion of the' previous witnesses, Mr. 
Chairman, and I happen to have with me a list which was prepared 
for me just today and which perhaps may need to be completed, show- 
ing the number of States that have enacted the Uniform Transfer of 
Dependents Act, or similar legislation authorizing reciprocal agree- 

Would you like to have that list submitted for the record ? 

The Chairman. We will be glad to and the record will be open for 
several days. 












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(The list of States referred to is as follows :) 

States Which Have Adopted the Uniform Transfer of Dependents Act ob 
Similar Legislation Authorizing Reciprocal Agreements With Other 
States Relating to Relief to Nonresidents ' 

Arkansas : Polk's Digest of Statutes of 1937, section 10682. 

Colorado : Laws of 1937, chapter 262. 

Connecticut : General Statutes, Revision of 1930, Cumulative Supplement of 1935, 
section 667-C. 

Delaware : Law^s of 1937, chapter 96. 

Idaho : Laws og 1937, chapter 216. 

Indiana : Annotated Statutes of 1926, section 4157. 

Kansas : 1939 Supplement to the General Statutes of 1935, section 39708. 

Louisiana : Laws of 1940, chapter 68. 

Maine : Laws of 1933, chapter 188. 

Massachusetts : 1934, chapter 167. 

Michigan : Laws of 1939, No. 280, section 13. 

New Hampshire : Laws of 1937, chapter 202, section 6. 

New Jersey : Laws of 1940, chapter 130, section 22. 

New Mexico : Laws of 1937, chapter 18, section 3. 

New York : Laws of 1937, chapter 603. 

North Carolina : Laws of 1939, chapter 395, amending Laws of 1937, chapter 288, 
sections 13 and 43. 

North Dakota : Laws of 1939, chapter 196. 

Rhode Island : Laws of 1940, chapter 852, amending General Laws of 1938, chap- 
ter 68. 

South Dakota : Laws of 1939, chapter 201. 

Vermont : Public Laws of 1933, sections 3954-3957. 

Virginia : Laws of 1940, chapter 114. 

Wisconsin : Statutes of 1939, section 49.026. 


Miss Leneoot. There are 2 States that have enacted Uniform 
Transfer of Dependents Acts or similar legislation. We do not 
know how many of these 22 States have entered into reciprocal agree- 
ments with other States. 

The compulsory school laws and the general education laws offer 
a serious example of discrimination against children of migrants. 
I have included in my statement some analysis of that situation. 

Then we have the social barriers to fitll assimilation, attitudes 
toward migrants varying, of course, with the extent to which they 
do constitute a group in a community that can be identified, and 
seems to be different from the rest of the community. 

Mr. Sparkman. I wonder if I might intervene right there. A 
witness from the Office of Education one day this week, made the 
suggestion to us that it might be well to have transient teachers 
accompany these migrants in order to give the children proper 

Of course, as I see it, that would segregate them even more from 
the communities. I just wonder what your reaction to that sug- 
gestion would be? 

Miss Lenroot. In California they have worked out a special pro- 
gram for the education of migrant children. I happened to see one 
of the schools while I was there last spring, and talked to the edu- 

1 This list was substituted by the witness for exhibit B, which is held in committee files. 


cation people. Their plan does not involve the actual migration of 
teachers, but it does involve special State aid to schools where there 
are large numbers of migrants, and in some cases special schools. 

I would think that ordinarily the problem could best be met by 
some special aid to the schools in the locality, I can see, however, 
that a type of migrant visiting teacher might be very helpful, just 
as they have nurses in the California public health service, nurses 
who in some cases travel with the migrants. 

If you had a well-trained person with a background of teaching 
and social work, such as visiting teachers have, who are accustomed 
to dealing with the problems of individual children and relating 
them to the resources available in the community, and who could 
travel with groups of migrant families and see that the children 
were assimilated in the schools and that any special problems were 
ironed out, I should think that would be a very useful type of 

I think there are some problems in migrant schools. The one I 
saw, wliich is the only one I happened to have a chance to observe, 
was certainly of a very inferior type, with a very inferior teacher. 

Then there are the problems of the lack of economic security 
within the family, as to which this committee has had a great deal 
of testimony, and I shall not dwell upon that. But I have sum- 
marized in my statement the results of conditions accompanying 
family migration in terms of child health and welfare, under the 
heading of "Housing, health, schools, and child labor." To illus- 
trate some of these points, I have photographs which I should like 
to ask to have filed for the record in connection with my statement, 
that are on file here in this room, numbered from C-1 to C-20 

The Chairman. They will be made a part of the record. 

Miss Lenroot. Then I should like to file exhibits which I have 
listed here, which give more detailed information compiled by mem- 
bers of the staff of the Children's Bureau on various occasions, in- 
cluding some testimony given to the La Follette committee. 

The Chairman. They will be admitted. 


Miss Lenroot. Now, when we come to the question of recommenda- 
tions it seems to me that we must recognize the fact that a consider- 
able degree of mobility of the population is needed and that we should 
try to remove legal and, so far as possible, social barriers to the assimi- 
lation of migrants and their children ; and also that basic measures for 
strengthening the economic foundation of family life and providing 
community services and educational opportunities essential to the 
welfare of families and children in all parts of the countiy are 

We need also to guide migrants into economically productive and 
socially desirable channels whenever possible. 

Specifically, it seems to me that the following measures are neces- 
saiy : 

First, the extension of measures needed to strengthen the economic 
foundation of family life everywhere, so that there will not be this 


hopeless type of migrant fleeing from actual starvation and destitution, 
but that people will move seeking improved economic opportunities in 
accordance with definite and directed guidance. This would involve, 
among other measures, strengthening and extending the Fair Labor 
Standards Act and social-security legislation. 

Second, we need to strengthen the Federally aided State employ- 
ment services, working in cooperation with agencies concerned with 
the development of natural resources and the improvement of the con- 
ditions of farm life, so that migrants may be guided into economically 
and socially desirable channels. 

And, third, would be more equitable and adequate distribution of 
good housing, educational opportunities, vocational preparation, and 
health and social services throughout the country, and especially in the 
rural areas which now contribute far more than their share to the 
support and education of the children of the Nation. Fifty-one per- 
cent of our children live in rural areas, as pointed out in the testimony 
which I have submitted in my statement. The rural areas are bearing 
far more than their share of the cost of supporting and educating 
children, and at the same time the children in rural areas are not get- 
ting nearly the benefits or the advantages that children in the cities 
have. Forty percent of all the children and young people from 10 to 20 
years of age, who lived on farms in 1920, by 1930 were living in cities. 

Then, fourth would be the removal, so far as possible, of legislative 
ban-iers to the assimilation of migrants in the normal community ac- 
tivities, as found, for example, in settlement laws and school laws. 

The period of residence required for access to relief should be uni- 
forai throughout the Nation and should not exceed 1 year. 

Health services, medical care, educational facilities, and social serv- 
ices should be available to all who need them, regardless of i-esidence. 

I do not think that limitation of medical care to residents is sound 
because it is to the public interest that sick people receive care whether 
or not they have acquired a given period of residence. 

The way in which these recommendations as to residence can be 
implemented, in my judgment, would be to condition grants-in-aid 
for various purposes, on enactment within a reasonable period of State 
laws which would require not more than a year of residence for pur- 
poses of relief and assistance. 

Fifth, special assistance by Federal and State Governments is 
needed to enable communities with excessive migration, including 
those affected by the defense program, to provide adequate commun- 
ity health and welfare services and educational opportunities for the 
children of migrants. 

Here it seems to me that we have a double problem. First, there 
should be an extension of Federal aid for health service, medical 
care, child welfare, and elementary and secondary education, with 
provision for Federal grants-in-aid to the States under an amend- 
ment to the Social Security Act, for general relief. 

In addition to this extension of grants-in-aid, we do need, espe- 
cially in the defense emergency, some funds available to the Federal 
agencies that could be applied to services that need to be mobilized 
very quickly in the defense areas. 


For example, areas where the pyopulation is increasing very quickly 
and where you can't wait for the general grants-in-aid program to 
become effective. Some of the Federal agencies, in my opinion, should 
be given increased resourc&s to perform this emergency service. 

I believe that in developing the grants-in-aid principle, the prin- 
ciple of variable grants instead of the 50-50 principle should be 
applied as soon as possible, so that Federal aid could be apportioned 
in accordance with need. In apportioning Federal grants to the 
States you could take into consideration an excess number of mi- 
grants. Personally, I would rather do that than have a formula 
that would say the Federal Government would bear 100 percent of 
the cost of a certain segment of the population and then the rest of it 
would be shared on the basis of some other formula. 

I think we could say that the Federal Government should assume 
substantially full financial responsibility for taking care of migrants 
in areas where there Avas an excess migrant population, but I wouldn't 
like to see those migrants set aside as one class of people receiving 
100 percent Federal support and the others as another class of people. 
I Avould simply like to see the grants apportioned, taking into con- 
sideration this excess-migrant load. 

Mr. Sparkman. Miss Lenroot. with reference to those variable 
grants. You might be interested to know that in all of our hear- 
ings, and we have conducted them all over the country, practically 
every person that has had experience in social security work or 
social work has made a similar recommendation. 

I believe the only exception was the Director of Public Welfare 
of the State of New York, who was in here the other day. Then 
there have been a few others who perhaps were not experienced 
or professional social workers, who have brought up the objection 
that it would be very difficult to administer or perhaps to arrive 
at a workable formula. 

I just wondered if you have any formula in mind ? 

Miss Lenroot. Well, I have been associated with various types 
of enterprises which have been struggling with this problem. 

For instance, I was a member of the Advisory Committee on Edu- 
cation which reported 2 years ago and which dealt with the problem 
of variable grants from the point of view of education. 

And, then, of course, in our administration of the maternal child 
health and child welfare and the crippled children's services, under 
the Social Security Act, we do run into that question. We have 
funds which we call the "B" funds, which are over and above the 
matching funds which we call "A" funds, and which can be appor- 
tioned to the States, taking into consideration various items of need. 

I believe that some method of organization which would give 
responsibility to an agency or coordinating committee or board or 
something of that sort, on 'which the Treasury Department could be 
represented, or that had access to the Treasury Department, could 
develop objective formulas that could be used"^ by all the agencies 
responsible for administering grants. 

I would also like to see, especially in view of the unlmown con- 
ditions that we face, some leeway left in some of these grants so 


that when a special emergency arises extra money could flow with- 
out necessarily being limited to a rigid, variable grant formula. 

For example, I have in mind the crippled children's program 
where we have to deal with epidemic conditions of infantile paral- 
ysis, and an inflexible variable grant program would not entirely 
meet that situation. 

Then there are two other recommendations I have, one for the 
effective aj^plication of child labor standards to employment in in- 
dustrialized agriculture, through strengthening Federal and State 
child labor and school attendance laws and their administration; and 
the other for a continued study of the i^roblem through a central 
coordinating agency which can promote both study and action. 

In my statement, which I am submitting to the committee, there 
are some refinements of these recommendations, which I will not 
take the time of the committee to discuss. 

Mr. Sparkman. We will be very glad to have your full state- 
ment together with any exhibits you care to present. 

We do appreciate the statement you have given and the very fine 
presentation you have made of it. 

Miss Lenroot. Thank you. 

The Chairman, Miss Lenroot, this problem as it unfolds is so vast 
that it is connected with all our economic problems. We could spend 
a day on questioning you and the study you have made, but it is 
almost impossible in our limited time to do it. 

The chairman of this committee thinks you have given us a very 
excellent statement and we appreciate it. 

The Chairman. Our next witness is Dr. Tucker. 


The Chairman. Will you please state your name and the capacity 
in which you are appearing before the committee ? 

Mr. Tucker. Yes. My name is F. Bland Tucker; I am rector of 
St. John's Church, Georgetown, and I am here representing the 
Reverend Almond R. Pepper, executive secretary, department of 
social relations. National Council Protestant Episcopal Church. 

The Chairman. And do you desire. Doctor, to make a brief 

Mr. Tucker. 1 am here simply to ask permission that a state- 
ment by Dr. Pepper and Dr. George Wieland, of the department of 
domestic missions, be entered in the record. 

It has been mailed to me but I have not yet received it and am 
therefore very anxious to express the concern of the Episcopal 
Church in regard to this problem and their interest in it. 

The Chairman. You will be permitted to insert the statement in 
the record. 

(The statement referred to is as follows:) 


Statement Feom the Departments of Domestic Missions and Social Service 
OF THE Domestic and Foreign Missionary Society of the Protestant Epis- 
copal Church in the United States 

1. The people of the Episcopal Church, clergy and laity alike, are greatly 
moved by the plight of several millions of migrant people in continental United 

(«) Usually considered an essentially urban organization, this church has 
many extensive and effective rural fields. 

(6) While the Episcopal jurisdictions of the church tend to minimize national 
church action 

(c) The interest and concern, both of the various dioceses, and of the national 
church as a whole, cannot be doubted. 

2. Our national economy has created a type of agriculture in which migrant 
labor is at least temporarily essential. 

(a) Economic conditions during the past decade have augmented the ranks 
of the migrants, 

(l)) And created an unwilling and unnecessary surplus of migrant people for 
many of whom jobs are not available. 

(e) Along with which has come a social, economic, moral, and religious 
problem of tremendous magnitude — 

(d) A problem which both church and state are mutually obliged to face. 

3. National-defense measures are inadequate and incomplete until there is 
a larger measure of economic security for these unhappy people. 

(a) Religion does its best work in those areas where people have abiding 

( ft ) People will cherish and defend land and home and church. 

(c) But lacking all of these, the incentive for loyal action is ultimately 

(d) To provide these roots — to insure at least a minimum of economic sta- 
bility — is the function of government, both local and national. 

4. In the case before us no unit smaller than the National Government is 
competent to do the work. 

(a) Its roots are not in the local but in the national economy. 

(&) The areas which bear the brunt of the problem are seldom the areas 
which created it. 

(c) Local prejudice often makes an impassionate approach difficult if not 

5. Since the future of America is clearly dependent upon the preservation of 
spiritual values — 

(a) And since the pre'servation of these values is inherent in the program of 
organized religion — 

(ft) It is obvious that the solution of this problem is of mutual concern 
to church and state. 

6. Elemental justice as well as mutual self-interest would indicate that the 
first approach to this problem should be that of human security and of popula- 
tion stability. 

(«) There are doubtless many possible methods of attaining these objectives, 
among which we list the following : 

(1) Stop the trouble at its source by helping people to remain on the land 
they now own or lease. 

(2) Step up the program of returning people to the land by further migra- 
tion projects or by the purchase of available acreage for resale on long-term 
contracts to migrants with farm experience. 

(3) The establishment of projects in areas where seasonable employment 
for cash wages is available and where small residence tracts or truck farms 
would bridge the gap between permanence and wandering. 

(4) Establishment of Government camps at strategic locations, with at least 
minimum provisions for comfort, decency, sanitation, and education, for what- 
ever part of the migrant group remains after the above measures have become 


(6) For some such program as this we believe the National Government to be 
morally responsible. 
December 10, 1940. 

Almon R. Petpeb, 

Executive Secretary, 
Department of Social Service. 
George A. Wieland. 
Exeotttive Secretary, 

Domestic Missions. 
The Chairman, Dr. Carruthers. 


The Chairman. You are Rev. Dr. John C. Carruthers, visiting 
minister for National Service, Covenant First Presbyterian Church s 

Mr. Carruthers. Yes. 

The Chairman. You appeared here the other day, Doctor, and 
do you now have a supplemental statement that you want to make? 

Mr. Carruthers. I would like the privilege of not putting my 
statement in now and perhaps extending those remarks afterward, 
because I think the committee's hour is drawing to a close and I feel 
a little less dogmatic about this subject the more I listen to the pro- 
ceedings of the committee. 

I have a few suggestions and I wonder if it would be too long for 
me to use 5 minutes in discussing this matter. 

The Chairman. If you will make it as brief as you can because 
you are going to reduce what you have to say to writing, are you 

Mr. Carruthers. Yes, sir; I am. 

The Chairman. But if you have any other high lights, you may 
state them. 

Mr. Carruthers. Yes; that is what I would like to do. 

The Chairman. Your full statement will be inserted in the record, 
but we will leave what you have to say to your own good judgment 
at this time. 

Mr. Carruthers. Then I would like to put my mind, if I can, on 
the highlights that come to me as I am before this microphone and 
before this committee. 

I want to revive what I said, reaffirm what I said the first time 
I appeared here. 

I want to speak with the utmost commendation of this committee's 
work. If I were not a Scotch-Irish Presbyterian minister, than 
which there is nobody harder to convert to' somebody else's view, 
I would be discounting my ancestry. But since I am a Scotch- 
Irish minister I want to say most firmly that the Congress of the 
United States would be derelict in its duty if it did not continue 
this committee under the chairmanship of the Representative from 
the Seventh District of California, and the other members of the 
committee who have done such a wonderful work. 

I feel that so intensely that I wish it could go into the record 
so that if it could be of any possible use in securing additional ap- 
propriations for tliis work, it shall be so used. 


I would like to promise that if there is any movement that the 
community of churches in the United States can further to get this 
appropriation to work to continue to solve this question, let my 
services be at your disposal. And inasmuch as you and I have not 
had any conferences together, Mr. Chairman, with respect to what 
I am saying, this is entirely unsolicited, gratuitous, and voluntary. 

There are no political connections with it, except the general view 
that Aristotle puts forth, that "man being a political animal has 
certain rights," and one of those is free citizenship, for which your 
congressional committee is pleading. 

Secondly, I wish to lay down my conviction alongside of many 
others that all the technicalities that seem to be standing in the way 
of the rights of these citizens to be citizens of the United States, 
are purely artificial technicalities. 

The great right of an American citizen to be free to move through 
this Republic from State to State without impairment of those 
rights by what might seem to be the reasonable restraints of State 
legal procedures, that great right is so solemnly before us in these 
days, that I plead again for a militant conviction about that right- 

And I refer you to the suggestion that Mr. Roosevelt's communica- 
tion contains, which you will find in the press of today, given to the 
Economic Club of New York, in which he states that there shall be 
nothing paramount except the individual rights of the free citizen. 

And I notice in these hearings and in the attitude of the press and 
of the bureaucrat personnel and the legalistic figures that come before 
this body, a kind of feeling that we have to apologize in some way for 
advocating the free right of these citizens across all State borders to 
a gi'eater extent than they now have. 

I wonder if this congressional committee and this building in which 
we are, representing the Government of the United States in principle, 
has any idea that there shall be any question about the militant right 
of a citizen to be and move where he wishes in the Commonwealth of 
the United States. 

If we recognize this as the right of a citizen, then we will cure the 
evil, but if we are going to dilly-dally with all kinds of suggestions that 
the citizen of New York cannot move to Oklahoma, and vice versa, 
then we are deserving the condemnation that will come from various 
quarters, not only in this country but from across the sea to the 
effect that our democracy is impotent and is not working. 

Thirdly, I speak from the somewhat sympathetic heart of a third- 
termer — New Dealer, which I am, and from one who attended the 
Chicago convention and did everything in his power to elect Mr. Roose- 
velt for a third term, because I believe it was in the direction of social 

But I do want to say that it would almost have been worth having 
another President in the White House to get rid of the second, third, 
and fourth ranks of bureaucrats that seem to be standing between 
some of the great needs of citizens and the recommendations that are 
being made by an intelligent congressional committee on this question. 

I feel like I am among Pharisees to a certain extent when I hear 
all the reasons why nothing can be done. 


It seems to me like a refer, confer, and defer game. There is enough 
power in the Government, there is enough power in the New Deal, there 
is enough power in the resources of technical social work to solve this 
question, and I would like to call attention to the fact that one recom- 
mendation that should be made is the reinvestigation of what hap- 
pened to the laws that were put forward in 1935, I believe, and 1934, 
and then sabotaged, I think, by politics. 


There was a proposal that transient houses should be placed in this 
country and that these helpless people, not helpless — these indi- 
viduals who have had difficulties should be given some place where 
they could move from State to State and not be met at the border with 
shotguns as they have done in California. 

That was sabotage because they were so inarticulate, those victims 
of our economic depression, that they could not protest. 

And I think if in 1933, 1934, and 1935, or whatever the years were, 
some kind of a set of service houses existed across this country to solve 
this problem, we could do the same thing again. 

I make now my last suggestion and I make it from a practical stand- 
point. The Government has e\erj facility that is needed to solve this 
question. Tliere is all the money in the world to solve it with. 

An efficient liaison committee under a strong chairman could lay 
down a blueprint within 3 months that would virtually wipe out this 


Included in the suggestions that I hope to elaborate upon later, 
would be the idea of a series of interstate good neighbor community 
houses, and my suggestion contains the idea which I have not thought 
through fully, that the Government should put these houses up, 
costing anywhere from $20,000 to $40,000, and that the Government 
should supply at least one liaison officer, responsible to the Federal 
division over which Mr. McNutt seems to be presiding, and that a 
budget for the maintenance of the personnel of this interstate com- 
munity house, good-neighbor house, be provided by all the churches 
of that particular district where it is located ; that the words Catholic, 
Protestant, and Jew and any other denomination that has ever been 
used be eliminated. 

Of what particular use are those designations in a Christian democ- 
racy anyway? They are only words that cumber up the scenery. 
What we have in this country, according to the Supreme Court, is 
a Christian Nation, so let us believe that way and let us ask the 
people who have money to support such a budget which would result 
in giving this project civic and governmental and scientific coopera- 

Let us stop talking about people as "cases." They are persons and 
let us banish the words "social science." There is no such thing. 
And let us introduce the words "humanity — human relations, spiritual 
relations" into the lives of these people. 


I have many other feelings on this thing. You can easily see 
that I feel somewhat intensely about it. But I do crave the liberty 
of the committee's proviso to submit later more suggestions. 

I want to summarize by saying that one man in this country like 
Farley, who would give up 2 months of his time to mobilizing the 
lay power in religion in this country, could raise the necessary re- 
sponse, plus the Government's cooperation, to achieve this chain of 
mral and urban good neighbor houses. 

After we are through with solving the question of migrants, then 
we can take up the question of the 4,000,000 citizens who are being 
brought in by the alien registration law to a countiy that may do 
this to them and after they come in. 

Now, the churches are exceedingly willing to help with this matter. 
They are as ignorant about the subject as I myself have been, although 
I live in the State of California. 

But this congressional committee has converted me to its im- 
portance and I have tried to do one thing which I think ought to 
he recorded here. 

In the Western Presbyterian Church at Nineteenth and H, where 
I am the supply minister for the time being, we are conducting every 
Sunday night at 8 o'clock what we call the open parish hour— forum 
open parish — parish forum on this subject. 

Congressman Tolan spoke last Sunday evening to 60 people who 
came out to hear him. This Sunday evening we will have Congress- 
man Curtis. And we will be continuing this forum of inquiry as 
long as we can possibly do so, and until all the other churches in this 
city try to do likewise. 

And I would like to make this suggestion, that this congressional 
committee address itself to the churches of the United States in some 
manner, and particularly the clergy, and have the clergy select a 
committee of five people from every church that is interested, and 
send those names to Congressman Tolan on the ground that this 
network of individuals can be counted on as a sort of new spiritual 
relations army to take over this and other problems that are con- 
fronting democracy. 

I feel that a great many people, some of whom may be sitting in 
this room, have no idea what is ahead of this world by the coming 
of spring. We sit here in sort of Chamberlain-like comfort. I have 
just been through Canada. I have seen what happens to one nation 
which has to face war. I cannot understand the indifference, igno- 
rance, and unimagination of the Christian people of the United States. 
It baffles me. 

The only equally baffling thing is the technical behavior of a great 
many Congressmen, lawyers, and bureaucrats on such human problems 
as we face. 

And I say in solemn warning that by spring these individuals, it they 
are not taken care of, may be candictates for the kind of break-down 
in our civic ideals that we cannot afford to have. 

And I think there is an imperative demand that should be presented 
to a Congress that I really respect, because I think that the Congress 
of the United States is honestly concerned about these matters. 


And I believe that the Congress should have the response of the 
well-meaning religions personnel of this country and should count 
them their partners in one of the most difficult of all problems. 

Lastly, if I sound dogmatic, it is because I am intense and not be- 
cause I am bigoted; if I sound concerned, it is because I have just 
come from a grave where I have had a bury somebody as ministers 
do, and it seems that life is a little more serious when you do that. 

And I also come from a State that hasn't done its part, for which 
I am much ashamed, a property holder and taxpayer that I am in that 
State of California. 

But, lastly, I want it understood that nothing I have said here is 
the voice of God speaking. I also want it understood that I don't 
know much about this subject. But I do feel that if the congressional 
committee will educate us a great many of us men who have children 
and who have met this problem face to face would be only too glad 
to join and pull as strong an oar as we possibly could. 

I hope this has not been too long, Mr. Congressman, but when you 
ask a minister to say a few words it is sometimes very serious and has 
very bad consequences. 

I am afraid I have taken up too much of your time already. 

But before I close I want to speak a word of commendation of the 
young men with whom you have been associated in this inquiry. 

I have been around this town off and on for 25 years ; I have to get 
out once in a while. But the young men that seem to be tied up with 
your inquiry seem to have their hearts in what is going on, and they 
iiave been very cooperative in helping me get deeper into this matter. 

The last thing I would like to say is that in my suggestion for cen- 
ters, for these good-neighborhood houses or open parish interstate 
houses, I think that there are a good many churches that could be used 
for this in almost any community. Also I have a feeling that unless 
the churches use their space more efficiently and don't waste it so much 
they ought to be taxed. 

The Chairman. And I want to confirm what you say about our staff. 
I am pretty proud of them myself. 

I want to say. Doctor, we thank you very much for your inspiring 
statement. If we had more like you in this country I think we could 
hurry the solution of this great problem. You will be permitted to 
present to us and to the committee any statement you see fit and we 
will have it incorporated in the record. 

Mr. Carruthers. Incidentally, I would like to add that the Pres- 
byterian Church has given $25,000 to the solution of this question. 

The Chairman. That is fine. 

Mr. Sparkman. Mr. Chairman, at this point in the record I want to 
say that Dr. John W. Rustin, pastor of the Mount Venion Place Metho- 
dist Church, was to have appeared before us this afternoon. Dr. 
Rustin was called away unexpectedly to attend a funeral. 

Mr. Sparkman. At the request of Mr. Lacy Reynolds, correspond- 
ent for the Nashville Tennesseean, who likewise was speaking for 
the Honorable Percy Priest, member-elect to Congress, I want to ask 
permission to place in the record a statement relative to migration 
as affecting the tobacco region of Tennessee and North Carolina. 


The Chairman. It will be admitted. 

(The matter submitted by Lacey Reynolds is found on pp. 3319- 

Mr. Sparkman. And one more request. There has been placed in 
my hands a suggestion for a formula governing the variable grants. 
I haven't yet had time to study it and digest it fully, but I would 
like to have the privilege, if I come to the conclusion that it is a 
workable plan, of placing that in the record. 

The Chairman. You may have that right. 

Dr. Lamb, I will recognize you now. 


Dr. Lamb. My name is Robert K. Lamb. I am chief investigator 
for this committee. 

I have several exhibits to be entered for the record. 

Mr. Lamb. The first exhibit is a resolution sent to the committee 
by the United States Conference of Mayors, in which they set forth 
recommendations for Federal responsibility for relief for destitute 
migrants. The statement is submitted by Mayor LaGuardia as 
president of the United States Conference of Mayors, an organiza- 
tion which comprises the mayors of practically every city in the 
country over 50,000 in population. 

The Chairman. That will be admitted. 

(The document referred to is as follows:) 

The United States Confekence of Mx^yoks, 

Office of the Executive Director, 
730 Jackson Place NW., WasJiington, D. C, November 25, lO.'fO. 
Hon. John H. Tolan, 

Chairman, House Committee on Interstate Migration, 

House Office Building, WasJiington, D. C. 
My Dear Mr. Chairman : In accordance with my previous testimony before 
your committee, I am at this time submitting a formal statement recommending 
Federal responsibility for relief for destitute migrants. Such responsibility 
should be carried out, as I stated before your committee, under a Federally 
administered program. 

The attached statement is submitted in my capacity as president of the 
United States Conference of Mayors, which organization comprises practically 
every city in the country over 50,000 in population. 

Since there is no need to take up the time of the committee by presenting the 
statement personally. I would appreciate it if you would incorporate the recom- 
mendations in the official records and report of the committee. 
Very truly yours, 

F. H. LaGuabdia, President. 

The effect of interstate migration by its very definition is not limited to one 
State or region although it is noticed more prominently in some States than in 
others. The unevenness of the problem throughout the various States and its 
interstate character justifies Federal action. A territorial uneven attack on the 
problem, based on Federal grants-in-aid to the States, could only result in an 
unbalancing of the movement with increased strains being placed on the States 


which attempt to best care for migratory workers. In turn, this would result 
in many States, in self-protection, adopting methods designed to discourage 
the migratory worker rather than aid in tlie solution of the problem. 

Federal legislation and administration must be designed to attack the prob- 
lem as a whole and clearly place responsibility for planning and administration 
in the hands of the Federal Government. There are a number of ways in which 
the Federal Government may assume responsibility : 

(a) As to housing, the Farm Security Administration and the United States 
Housing Authority may be empowered to aid the migratory worker in either 
establishing himself or in caring for him until he is able to care for himself; 

(6) As to health, the Public Health Service may exi)and its program in the 
control of disease and the treatment of the farm migrant ; 

((■) As to public assistance, the Work Projects Administration shall be given 
the definite responsibility for providing a federally administered work program 
for needy migrants — similar in general respects to the transient work relief 
program previously carried on by the Federal Emergency Relief Administration ; 

(d) As to subsistence, in connection with the work program, the Federal 
Surplus Commodities Corporation in cooperation with the Farm Security Ad- 
ministration may achieve a wider distribution of available surpluses for the 
purpose of providing more assistance to needy migrants stranded in various 
communities ; 

(e) As to employment opportunities, the United States Employment Service 
may undertake a complete and systematic dissemination of information on em- 
ployment so as to prevent the flooding of various labor markets. This agency 
also may study the particular qualifications of the migratory workers in respect 
to national-defense needs so as to advise and direct such workers to locations 
where employment in those skills may be had. 

To summarize, the objects of such a Federal program should be : 
(ffl) Resettlement of the migrants who are now located in what is known 
as "destination" States and who can, with such aid, become self-supporting; 

(b) The return of those migrants who are willing to resume residence in 
the State of origin, and especially the return of those who, by training or 
occupation, or for health reasons, cannot find gainful employment ; 

(c) The resettlement of other migrants in those areas where employment 
suited to their abilities is most likely to be found. 

Mr. Lamb. The second exhibit is a statement presented by the 
C. I. O. maritime committee to this committee on employment prob- 
lems of maritime workers. 

The Chairman. That will be admitted. 

(The document referred to is as follows :) 

11, 1940 

(Prepared by Elinor Kahn, Research Director, Congress of Industrial Organ- 
izations Maritime Committee) 

The Congress of Industrial Organizations Maritime Committee in this state- 
ment represents approximately 150,000 members of the following affiliated mari- 
time unions : 

November lOiO 

American Communications Association ^ 18, 886 

Inland Boatmen's Union of the Pacific 3,250 

International Fishermen and Allied Workers of America 17,000 

International Longshoremen's and Warehousemen's Union 35,000 

National Marine Engineers' Beneficial Association 7, 500 

Marine Cooks' and Stewards' Association of the Pacific 7, 800 

National Maritime Union of America 62, 000 

^ Of whom 1,500 are marine radio operators. 


The Congress of Industrial Organizations Maritime Committee wishes to thank 
the House Committee Investigating the Interstate Migration of Destitute Citizens 
for this opportunity to present a statement on the employment problems of mari- 
time workers. 

It is the contention of the Congress of Industrial Organizations Maritime Com- 
mittee and its constituent unions that maritime workers have been continuously 
frustrated by the Government's interference with their organization into unions 
and obstructed in their efforts to improve tlieir conditions. The Federal Govern- 
ment has been negligent in the extreme in its attitude toward seamen whom it 
has long called wards of the Government by denying to seamen rights accorded 
other workers and by maintaining on the statute books obsolete and antiquated 
maritime laws inconsistent with the expressed policy of present-day legislation, 
such as the National Labor Relations Act which guarantees the right of collec- 
tive bargaining. The arbitrary exemption of seamen from the benefits of unem- 
ployment insurance under the' Social Security Act is unjustified and should be 
reniediect immediately. 

The Congress of Industrial Organizations IMaritime Committee sincerely hopes 
that the House committee will realize the significance in the national economy 
of these problems still facing the maritime workers, and will support these 
workers in their efforts to improve conditions, eliminate archaic maritime legis- 
lation, and attain a measure of social security through the passage of a law 
establishing an adequate unemployment-compensation system for seamen. 

Hundreds of millions of dollars have been given to the maritime industry in 
ship subsidies on the theory that the American shipping industry needed Gov- 
ernment assistance to meet foreign competition because of the lower wages paid 
foreign seamen. None of the money expended for subsidies has been used to 
improve the conditions of the seamen. 

The improved conditions that exist today in the merchant marine are the 
direct result of the organization of the seamen, licensed and unlicensed, long- 
shoremen and fishermen into the maritime unions affiliated with the Congress of 
Industrial Organizations. 

Two distinct classifications of workers are found in the maritime industry— 
those who work aboard ship and those who work ashore. In the first classifica- 
tion are found both licensed and unlicensed personnel, including engineers, pilots 
and mates, radio operators, deckhands, firemen, oilers, cooks and stewards, and 
other seafaring workers, including fishermen. In the second category are found 
longshoremen and other dock workers, as well as fishery workers engaged in the 
transportation, wholesaling, and manufacturing of fish and fishery products. 

Notwithstanding the difference in kind of work performed by these various 
workers, the unemployment problems that exist are common to the entire mari- 
time industry. Seamen in search of jobs know that ship schedules are notori- 
ously erratic, that in some weeks the port in which they may be has considerable 
shipping and that in other weeks the port is dead and work is unavailable. 
Longshoremen similarly realize that their work depends on the schedules of the 
ships, on the weather, and on the amount of cargo to be loaded or unloaded. 

Fishermen face the problems of casual employment and seasons which are of 
limited duration. The volume of fishing operations is limited by the run of fish 
and by Federal restrictions on fishing. 

Seamen on inland waters, especially the Great Lakes, find their working 
period limited to 7 or 8 months a year, or even less, depending on the length 
of winter, while bargemen, dredge employees, and other river workers have 
similar seasonal problems to face. 

Seamen from the Great Lakes, inland boatmen, and fishermen, as a result, 
are often migrants as well, deriving only- a part of their livelihood from their 
chosen occupation and being forced to set out in search of odd jobs to sup- 
plement their seasonal income. This is recognized in a recent survey of the 
Social Security Board which states: 

"Shifting from employment on vessels to shore employment in a different 
occupation, occurs in the seasonal branches of these industries and in some 
unskilled occupations. On the Great Lakes weather conditions are primarily 
responsible for the discontinuance of shipping during 41/2 to 5 months of each 
year, between December and April. It is estimated that only about 20 percent 
of the Great Lakes seamen who obtain work during the off-season are employed 
on vessels, usually on the Atlantic and Gulf seaboard, and more rarely on 



the Mississippi River or the Pacific coast. The rest find employment in the 
industries located in lake cities, in automobile plants in Detroit, in steel mills 
in Chicago, or in trucking firms in Cleveland, Buffalo, and Chicago." ' 

The report of the Social Security Board continues : 

"In the fishing industry the season for most species occurs during the 6 
months from May through October. According to the United States Bureau of 
Fisheries, a third of the persons who regularly engage in fishing during some 
time of the year receive less than 50 percent of their earnings from such 
employment. These individuals, depending upon geographic location, combine 
fishing with agriculture, oyster and fish canning, and to some extent with 
employment in resort hotels." ^ 

American seamen are faced today with an unprecedented problem of unem- 
ployment which affects all seamen and which results primarily from two 
causes : 

1. The European War and the Neutrality Act. — Since the signing of the Neu- 
trality Act on November 4, 1939, American ships have been prohibited from 
entering vrar zones and American seamen have been prohibited from sailing 
on vessels of belligerent nations. The resultant unemployment has been very 
great and is constantly increasing. 

2. The sale of ships. — A second major cause of unemployment has been the 
sale since the outbreak of the war of 381 vessels with an aggregate tonnage 
of 1,300,000 to foreign operators, and the sale of 47 vessels of approximately 
450,000 tons to the United States Army and Navy. Most of these ships have 
come out of active service, a greater number have not been replaced, and the 
crews formerly on these ships are, therefore, for the most part unemployed. 

In addition, the Maritime Commission shipbuilding replacement program has 
increased unemployment. As speedier and larger vessels are being constructed 
and placed in operation, many seamen are being displaced. 

The situation has become so acute that the current issue of the magazine 
Building America, which is devoted to the study of ships and men in the 
American Merchant Marine, states : 

"Another problem they face is that of unemployment. In October 1940 they 
(the maritime unions) stated that there were about eight or nine thousand 
seamen out of work. They fear the number may be larger. The Navy is taking 
over merchant ships as auxiliary vessels, and this automatically breaks the con- 
tracts made between the unions and the shipping companies." ^ 

The Social Security Board estimates that at the present time there are lo.DO^) 
seamen in the United States unemployed and seeking work. 

At the present time no agency of the United States Government collects 
adequate regular information on employment, unemployment, earnings and 
allied problems of seamen, fishermen, and longshoremen. One of the few avail- 
able indexes is prepared by the Department of Labor, Bureau of Labor Sta- 
tistics, on the basis of employment estimates prepared by the United States 
Maritime Commission, Division of Research. 

The resultant index of "estimated employment in water transportation" is 
based on the year 1929 as 100 and data are not available back beyond that 
date. The index includes the personnel, including masters and concession- 
aires, of American steam and motor merchant combination, passenger and 
freight, freighter, and tanker vessels of 1,000 gross tons and over, engaged 
in overseas foreign, nearby foreign, intercoastal, and coastwise trades. The 
index, therefore, includes virtually all maritime employment aboard ship exclu- 
sive of operations on the Great Lakes and inland waterways. 

The index of employment on October 15, 1940, stood at SO, a decline of 20 
percent from the year 1929. In actual figures, average employment for the 
year 1929 equalled 63,825, and therefore on October 15 employment stood at 

1 Social Security Board, Bureau of Unemployment Compensation, The Maritime Indus- 
try and Unemployment Compensation, by Constance A. Kiehel (Wasblngton, April 1939), 
mimeo. p. 7. 

2 Kiehel, op. cit., p. 8. Source of data. Arnold, John R., Earnings of Fishermen and of 
Fishing Craft, Appendix to The Fishing Industry and the Fishery Codes, Office of the Na- 
tional Recovery Administration, Division of Review, Industry Studies Section. 1936 (Work 
Materials No. 31, p. 40). 

3 Building America. A Photographic Magazine of Modern Problems, vol. VI. No. 2. p. .57, 
November 1940. 



approximately 52,464. The average level of employment for the first 10 months 
of 1940 is lovper than at any time since 1929, with the exception of the year 

The following tabulation shows the average annual index of estimated em- 
ployment in water transportation as prepared by the Bureau of Labor Sta- 
tistics, United States Department of Labor, on the basis of preliminary esti- 
mates of employment prepared by the United States Maritime Commission, 
Division of Research. 


Index numheis 
1929 = 100 

1929 100. 



89. (i 
S2. 4 








1940 (first 10 months 

Index numbers 
1929 = 100 

88. 6 

83. 1 


It is apparent that the general trend of maritime employment has been 
downward since 1929, the first year for which these data were collected. 

The trend of employment in water transportation as compared with the trend 
of employment in all manufacturing industries from 1935 to the present time 
is shown in exhibit A. 

Exhibit A. — Comparison of estimated employment in water transportation with 
employment in all manufacturing industries, 1935-JtO 

[Index numbers, 1929=100] 



All manu- 



.\11 manu- 

83! 1 







1939 - 

1940 (9 months) 




' Index includes personnel (including masters and concessionnaires) of American steam and motor mer- 
chant combination passenger and freight, freighter, and tanker vessels of 1,000 gross tons and over, engaged 
in overseas foreign, nearby foreign, intercoastal, and coastwise trades. 

2 Index on 1923-25 base converted to 1929 base to conform to index of employment in water transportation. 
This is the revised index adjusted to conform in general with levels indicated by data for wage earners of 
the 1937 Census of Manufactures. 

Sources: Water Transportation: United States Department of Labor, Bureau of Labor Statistics, based 
on preliminary estimates of employment prepared by the United States Maritime Commission, Division of 

All Manufacturing: United States Department of Labor, Bureau of Labor Statistics Employment and 
Pay Rolls, and mimeographed material. 

Specific Problems of Various M-\1!ITIme Unions 


The American Communications Association, the Congress of Industrial Organi- 
zations union in the communications field, reported that in April 1940, 81 per- 
cent of all American marine radio operators were covered by collective-bargaining 
agreements between maritime employers .and the American Communications 

The American Communications Association at that time held 180 marine agree- 
ments, all of which, except for one in the tanker industry, provided the 
following : 

(a) Preferential or closed shop and hiring through the union hall plus a 
rotary system of hiring. 

(ft) Wage increases ranging from $10 to $55 per month, depending on the 
service in which the vessel operates. 

(c) Establishment of the principle of overtime pay for work at the rate of 
$1 or $1.25 per hour, except in the tanker industry where a flat monthly sum 
is paid for clerical work. 

id) Annual vacations with pay ranging from 2 weeks to 1 month. 

260370— 41— pt. 10 13 



The following comparison shows the improvement of 
operators employed in the American merchant murine as a 
bargaining through the American Communications Associati 

•onditious of radi. 
resnlt <>f collectiv* 
•n : 

Freight vessels 

Minimum wage per month, $40. 

In most cases radio operators were 
required to act as helmsmen, per- 
form decli work, clerical duties, and 
in some cases were obliged to wait 
on table. 

Favoritism was the basis of hiring. 
Blacklist in common use. Hiring 
of operators with substandard quali- 

The hours of work were unlimited. 
Men who were required to act as 
purser-radio operators commonly 
were required to work from 12 to 
20 hours per day. 

Passenger vessels 

Minimum wage per month, $40. 

Maximum wage per month, $110. 

Most passenger ships carried only two 
radio operators. These men were 
required to maintain a continuous 
watch and therefore worked 12 
hours per day. 


Freight vessels 

Minimum wage per month, $125. 
No duties except standing a radio 

Rotary hiring through union halls 
under rules adopted by the union 
membership with a resultant partial 
stabilization of employment in an 
industry where there are three times 
as many qualified >vorkers as there 
are jobs. 

Hours of work limited to 8, except iu 
unusual conditions, when overtime is 
usually paid. 

Passenger vessels 

Minimum wage per month, $125. 

Maximum wage per month, $185. 

All passenger ships under contract 
with American Communications As- 
sociation carry at least three, and in 
some cases tive. I'adio operators. 
Hours of work are limited to 8 per 
day, thereby increasing the protec- 
tion of life and property at sea. 

(The same changes in hiring listed under •'Freight vessels" apply to operators 
on passenger vessels.) 

According to the estimates of the American Communications Association, 
there are now available between 1,500 to 1,600 jobs for marine radiomen com- 
pared to 2,500 to 3,000 about 10 years ago. The decline in employment of 
marine radio operators, which is expected to continue, is due to several factors, 
of which the following are the main ones : 

1. Mechanization: The international executive board of the American Com- 
munications Association, in its report to the tifth national convention of the 
American Communications Association held in April 1940, concluded: "Techno- 
logical advance has definitely arrived in the Held of maritime radio communica- 
tions." Meclianiz.ition in marine telegraphy has been accomplished through 
the introduction of the i-adioplione and will be continued if the auto alarm is 
adopted and placed in general use. 

Displacement of marine radio operators through the introduction of th^ 
radiophone operated by masters or mates has been particularly marked on 
the Great Lakes, wiiere about 25 operators are now employed as compared 
with some 300 a few years ago. Marine radio operators who lost their jobs 
on the Great Lakes because of mechanization have for the most part migrated 
to deep-water ports, causing an increase in the luunber of unemployed operators 
in these ports. Additional mechanization that has and will continue to displace 
marine radio operators includes the auto alarm, which permits ennjlo.vmenr 
of only one operator on some shii^s where three were previously employed. 

2. The Neutrality Act and the sale and transfer of ships to foreign operators 
have also decreased employment among marine radio opei-ators us among all other 
groups of seamen. 



8. The effect of tlie Maritime Commission's replacement shipbnilding program 
liu!? been to furtlier cause decreaserl employment of radio operators. 

The American Communications Association lias made numerous proposals for 
the solution of the problem of unemployment among marine radio operators. The 
union has talven a firm position in opposition to the extension of the use of the 
auto alarm on the groimds that the auto alarm does not adequately protect the 
pul»lic and does not maintain an adequate standard of safety. 

As an example of the extent to which the problem of safe radio commmiication 
installations on vessels has been ignored, a report of the Federal Coimnunications 
Commission disclosed that only 141 vessels on the Great Lakes were voluntarily 
equipued A\ith radio as of July 24, 1939. This is in the face of the fact that a 
year "earlier the Commission reported that 404 freight vessels and 62 passenger 
vessels over 100 gross tons were operating on the Lakes under the American flag. 
It is amiiirent that the maintmiaiice of safety standards both on the Great Lakes 
and offshore would reiiuirc additional radio operatois, whose emiiloyment would 
decrease the number of skilled operators who are presently unemployed. 

As a second means of distributing employment, the union has proposed the 
establishment of a 6-hour day for marine radio operators. 

In common with other maritime unions of the Congress of Industrial Organiza- 
tions, the American Communications Association maintains a union hiring hall 
which operates on the principle of rotary hiring. The dispatching is done by 
union members, and the system has completely eliminated favoritism in the hiring 
of radio operators. Improved conditions have resulted in more stable employment 
conditions in the industry, lower turn-over, and increased efficiency, all of which 
have accrued to the benefit of the ship operators as well as to the members of the 
American Communications Association. 


Tile International Fishermen and Allied Workers of America, the Congress of 
Industrial Organizations union with jiirisdictiim over workers in the fishing in- 
dustry, has a membership of approximately 17,000. most of whom work in the 
three Pacific Coast States and Alaska. Inasmuch as the problems of the industry 
are Nation-wide and are closely allied with the problems of both the seamen and 
of slioie woikers in canneries and food production generally, an attempt has been 
made to include in this statement a brief analysis of the problems of casual, sea- 
sonal, and migratory employment throughout the country. 

Just as agricultural woikers migrate in search of work, so fishermen are coii- 
timiously migrating in search of fish. Fishing seasons are very short for most 
species of ti-:h, various species are found in widel.\ separated areas, and the fisher- 
man who is trying to make enough money tcj support himself and his family must 
"follow the fish." 

The seasonal conditions throughout the major sections of the United States and 
Alaska, ^\■hich create a condition of seasonal employment, are shown in exhibit B. 

Exhibit B. — Seasonal operations, fishing industry 


Middle Atlantic- 

Great Lakes 

New England Cod, haddock, cask, hake, pollock, halibut, flounder, oysters, 



I Squeteague, sea bass, seup 

Swordflsh - 

Oysters, scallops, squeteague, scup, butterfish, whiting, 

Oysters, shrimp, squeteague, flounder, scup, sea bass, mullet, 

Red snapper, grouper 

Menhaden (North Carolina, Virginia) 

Menhaden (Florida) 

Pike, perch, carp, sauger, sucker, sheepshead, whiteflsh, mul- 
Pike, perch, carp, sauger, sucker, sheepshead, whiteflsh, mul- 
let (Lake Erie). 

Whiteflsh, lake herring, lake trout, perch, sucker, mullet, carp, 
pike, chub. 

Year round. 

July- September. 
Year round. 


Year round. 

All fishing subject 
to length of win- 

Year round. 


Exhibit B. — Seasonal operations, fishing industry — CJontinued 


Northwest— Alaska- 

Tuna, mackerel, flounder, grayfish, rockflsh, skate, halibut, 
ling-cod, barracuda, fioimder, salmon, sea bass, shad, halibut, 
sablefish, smelt. 

Sardine (Southern California) 

Sardine (Monterey) 

Alaska cod 


Flounder, halibut, sablefish, ling-cod, rockflsh, shad, smelt, 
steelhead, trout. 

Salmon (Washington, Oregon) 

Salmon (Alaska) 1--- 

Herring (Alaska) 

Cod (Alaska) 


Subject to legal 

Year round. 






Source- OflSce of National Recovery Administration, Division of Review, Earnings of Fishermen and of 
Fishing Craft; Appendix to The Fishery Industry and the Fishery Codes, by John R. Arnold. Work 
Materials No. 31, January 1936; table 1, pp. 4-7. 

The only employment data available covering workers in tbe fishing industry 
are those collected and published annually by the Bureau of Fisheries of the 
United States Department of the Interior. The latest available figures for 
the year 1938 disclose that employment of fishermen on vessels and on boats 
and shore totaled 130,184 persons in that year. A break-down of these figures 
is found in exhibit C. 

Exhibit C. — Employment in fishing industry, 1938 


men on 

men on 
boats and 



15, 125 
12, 760 
25, 023 
14, 400 
15, 884 


Middle Atlantic - - 







Alaska -- -- 


11, 007 



130, 184 

1 Including persons on boats and shore fisheries. 

Source: U. S. Department of the Interior, Bureau of Fisheries, Fisheries of the United States and Alaska, 
1938. (All figures for 1938 except figures for Mississippi River and tributaries, which are for 1931.) Statisti- 
cal Bulletin, No. 1385, p. 1. 

In addition to this quantitative figure, the Social Security Board has pub- 
lished an estimate prepared by the Bureau of Fisheries covering the year 1937 
which shows that of 119,000 employees of the fishing industry, 80,500 were 
more or less regularly employed and another 38,500 were estimated as receiving 
less than 50 percent of their earnings from fishing. The Social Security Board 
report added, "These individuals who gain the major share of their livelihood 
from other employment comprise more than one-third of the total of 119,000 
persons estimated as regularly engaged in fishing during some time of the 
year." * 

Employment varies among industries allied to the fishing industry in vir- 
tually direct relation to employment in the fishing industry itself. It is im- 
possible to determine the exact number of persons continuously and/or 

*Kiehel, op. cit, p. 54. 



seasonably employed in the transportation, wholesaling, and manufacturing 
of fishery products because of the inadequacy of employment statistics. 

Exhibit D shows the approximate number of persons employed in various 
categories of work in continental United States and Alaska. 

Exhibit B.— Employment in industries related to fisheries, United States and 
Alaska, 1938 


New England 

Middle Atlaxitic 


South Atlantic and GulL.- 



Mississippi and tributaries 



on boats 



Wholesaling and manufacturing 




15, 154 


Wage earners 


10, 968 
11, 728 
16, 822 
16, 645 

for year 

3. -^53 





1 Not avaDable. 

Source: U. S. Department of the Interior, Bureau of Fisheries, Fisheries of the United States and Alaska, 
1938. (All figures for 1938 except for Mississippi River and tributaries which are for 1931.) btatisticai 
Bulletin No. 1385, p. 6. 

A tabulation has been prepared contrasting average employment for the 
season with average employment for the full year in the wholesaling and 
manufacturing of fishery products. The tabulation, contained in exhibit E, 
reveals that the number of workers employed throughout the year in both 
Alaska and continental United States is approximately 46 percent of the number 
employed during the season. 

Exhibit "E.— Comparison of employment of wage earners for the season and the 
year in loholesaling and manufacturing of fishery products, 1938 


New England 

Middle Atlantic 


South Atlantic and Gulf.- 



Mississippi and tributaries- 
Alaska - 

Total, excluding Alaska. 

number of 

Season Year 

10, 968 

16, 822 
16, 645 


15, 154 


67, 643 

for year 

is of 



Source: U. S. Department of Interior, Bureau of Fisheries, Fisheries of the United States and Alaska 
1938. (All figures are for 1938 except for Mississippi River and tributaries which are for 1931.) Statistical 
Bulletin No. 1385, p. 6. 

The tabulation reflects the degree of seasonality prevailing in different 
geographical regions. In the Middle Atlantic and on the Mississippi River 
and its tributaries, employment for the year is 71.0 and 81.5 percent, respec- 
tively, of the average seasonal employment. This contrasts with the South 



Atliintic and Gulf and the Pacific coast where year-round employment averages 
are only 32.5 and 36.4 percent, respectively, of seasonal employment. 

It is obvioTis that where the season is extremely short, fishery workers are 
forced to seek outside employment to maintain themselves between seasons. 
This search for work often involves migration to other communities or States. 

The International Fishermen and Allied Workers of America have the 
largest percentage of their membership in the three Pacific Coast States. 
Because this region of the country is one in which seasonal operations are 
most common, the Congress of Industrial Organizations Maritime Committee 
is including the following description of the cycle of fishing operations on the 
Pacific coast prepared by Joseph F. Jurich, president of the International 
Fishermen and Allied Workers of America. 

"With Seattle as a starting point and the spring of the year as the be- 
ginning of the cycle, between seven and eight thousand people annually go 
from the State of Washington to Alaska to work in the canneries and fishing 
grounds. There are occasional odd seasons, such as the 1940 Bristol Bay 
season (to be described latei-) when a curtailment of operations by the 
United States Bureau of Fisheries prevents the emp'oyment of many fishermen. 

"The season in Alaska, which is established by the Bureau of Fisheries, 
opens no earlier than IMay and closes no later than September each year. In 
addition to the fishermen who go from Seattle to Alaska and return, there is 
a movement of fishermen who operate in the early spring in and around south- 
eastern Alaska and return to their home grounds. Some of these people then 
drift to Oreg(m and Washington fisheries, continue to California and complete 
the cycle by fishing for tuna off the coast of Mexico and in Mexican waters 
before returning to Seattle. 

"In the State of Washington, approximately 2,6(!0 or 2,700 fishermen and 
approximately 1,100 allied workers engaged in transportation, wholesaling, and 
manufacture of fishery products, are employed between June and the 1st of 
September, and between October 5 and November 20. There is also some 
interchange of workers in this field due to the migration of workers to Alaska 
for short periods of employment and siniilar migrations to the fisheries of 
Oregon and California coasts. Some of the resident Washington fishermen 
who migrate to Califoiiiia complete this cycle by engaging in tuna fishing off 
Mexico: however, only a small percentage of Washington and Oregon fisher- 
men take part in tuna fishing in foreign waters. 

"Depending on State regulations, which vary from year to year, between 
four and five thousand people are engaged in commercial clam digging for a 
short period of time. In Oregon, approximately 4,500 people are engaged in 
salmon trolling, gill netting, and fishing with other types of gear. The season 
varies in different localities and on the various rivers, but is spread from the 
month of May to November with additional time permitted for steelhead 
fishing during the winter months of December and January. There is also 
some shad fishing. 

"California has year-round fishing in some places. It has the usual excep- 
tions such as on the Sacramento River, where the fishing is conducted during 
two periods of the year with approximately 400 engaged in gill netting in 
that area. 

"Theie is a heavy concentration of fishing during the sardine season in San 
Francisco. The local people there have only 18 boats registered, although 
270 boats were engaged during the fall season of 1939 — this is with about 
10 men in each boat. The additional crews were drawn primarily from Puget 
Sound (about (50 percent) and from San Pedro (about 40 percent). This is a 
short season and ends officially February 15. Actually because of weather con- 
ditions and slackening of fishing, the season ends about New Year's. These 
men then either go back to their i>orts up north or continue on down to 
San Pedro where they take part in local fisheries or become part of the fleet 
off the Mexican coast fishing for tuna and other species of fish. 

"The small boats out of the port of San Francisco, manned by approximately 
400 fishemien, also wander around and engage in salmon, crab, shark, and other 
types of fishing. 

"San Pedro conducts fishing the year round, and some of the fishermen go 
as far north as Alaska for herring and salmon fishing in the early summer and 
return in tlie late summer and fall for sardine and mackerel off California. In 


the late winter and early spring, they lish for tuna. Approximately M.nOO people 
are eugagetl in fishing in tliis iMirt." 

In addition to uncertainties of the I'un of tish, legal restrictions on the length of 
the season have at various thnes caused widespread unemployment in the fishing 
industry. A typical example of this occui-red as a result of the 1i)40 regulations on 
fishing in Bristol Bay. Alaska, promulgated in January HMO hy the Bureau of 

In addition to a previously required week-end shut-down of operations of 36 
hours, the Bureau in 1940 required a midweek shut-down of 48 hours, making a 
total of 84 hours per week in which no fishing operations could be carried on. 
Fishing operations in the area are continuous as there are at most only 18 to 19 
actual fishing days on Bristol Bay, and the taking away of another 4 to 5 days 
through the additional shuit-down worked a great hardship. In addition, the 
Bureau curtailed emi)Ioynient of fishermen on Bristol Bay from 2,400 to 1,560 by 
limiting the luunher of fishing boats which were allowed to oiierate there. 

These regulations seriously Curt.iiled Alaskan fishing and canning operations in 
1940 by reducing the margin of profit for operators and driving many of them from 
the Territory for the season. Virtually all operators who ship from the port of 
San Francisco, including cannery operators, decided that it was economically 
imdesirable to operate. 

The 1940 rerulations for Bristol Bay area consequently deprived thousands of 
workers of a livelihood. More than 3,000 workers who annually go from the 
Pacific coast of the United States to Bristol Bay to fish and work in the canneries 
were unemployed during the summer of 1940, as were hundreds of seamen who 
customaril.v man the Alaska-bound vessels. 

There is no solution to the seasonal problem of Alaskan fishing. Thousands of 
workers who return to Alaska summer after summer have long provided an 
experienced labor supply from which the operators may draw. Because of the 
short season, the industry is dependent on experienced fishermen and cannery 
workers and is desirous of having a minimum amount of labor turn-over each year. 
Yet in the face of the desire both of the union, representing all Alaskan fishery 
workers, and the industry, lefi.slatio:i has been proposed in Congress whicli would 
limit fishing rights to Alaskan residents. x\t the present time, Alaskan fishing pei*- 
mits are granted only to citizens of the United States ; and the proposal is, there- 
fore, nothing more than an attempt to discriminate against Pacific-coast fishermen 
who have helped build up the Alaskan fishing industry over the past 40 years, or 
to force them to become residents of Alaska. 

A large percentage of the present employees of the canneries and fisheries are 
Alaskan I'esidents who derive the greater part of their annual income from this 
work. The employment situation in Alaska at the present time is such that the 
addition of thousands of fishermen and camiery workers to the population, which 
Avill result if this legislation is adopted, would cause great hardship and privation. 


The International Longshoremen's and Warehousemen's Union, with a mem- 
bership of approximately 35,0€0, is a party to the coastwise contract covering 
all longshoremen on the Pacific coast. The union's membership includes long- 
shoremen, dock checkers, bargemen, gatemen, dock watchmen, and ship scalers 
employed in the maritime industry as well as many thousands of warehousemen, 
a great number of whom work in warehousing directly dependent upon the 
shipping industry. 

Prior to the organization of Pacific-coast longshoremen in 1933 and 1934, long- 
^ore work on that coast was exceedingly .casual in nature, as it still is on the 
Atlantic and Gulf coast.s. The emplo.vers fostered the maintenance of a large 
surplus labor supply and hired by means of the "shake-up" described in detail in 
exhibit F. 

"Exhibit F. — Chaeacteristics of Longshore Employment Before Unionization 


"The characteristics of the demand for labor in the stevedoring industry 
are too well known to justify detailed reporting here. It is sufficient to say 
that the demands are sporadic and intermittent and that the iudustri' is sub- 


ject to variations in activity wliich are superimposed on the seasonal and 
cyclical fluctuations and long-time changes common to all industry. The com- 
ing and going of ships are decided not only by factors affecting the general 
trend of trade and commerce but also by climatic conditions and fortuitous 
circumstances whose effects may be largely local. 

"The history of the labor market of the industry bears out these peculiarities 
of demand. Stevedoring has been responsible for one of the most conspicuous 
classes of casual workers. Intermittency of employment, insecurity, and de- 
moralization have been the reward of the dock worker; for him insecurity is 
frequently the only certainty. 

"Because of the maximum forces required to fulfill the usual necessity of 
discharging and loading ships in minimum time and because of the irregularity 
of sailings, labor is ordinarily engaged for specific jobs only. Such constant 
dissolution and reconstitution of the labor force of given employers lead in- 
evitably to intense competition for jobs, breed surpluses, and allow easy access 
into the industry of unemployed men from other industries. This latter char- 
acteristic is due not so much to the unskilled nature of the work as to the 
degree to which a proportion of unskilled labor can be absorbed into the 
labor force.^ 

"Under such circumstances, hiring has customarily been accomplished through 
the daily congregation of men at specified places and times ; from among them, 
foremen select individual workers, thus assembling a labor force large enough 
to meet the port requirements for the next several hours. This method is 
the notorious 'shape-up' or 'shape' (known in Great Britain as 'calling on'). 
It is a system which has propagated favoritism, bribery, and demoralization. 
In some ports a part of the men have organized themselves into permanent 
gangs, and thus the practice has been simplified by the hiring of an entire 
gang as a unit. Sometimes the shape-up has not been used as a means of 
hiring the entire force each day. In such cases employers have maintained a 
permanent nucleus around which the total daily labor force has been built. 
Like the casuals, however, these permanent men are paid only for time put in 
and are apt not to be scheduled to work on regular shifts to any greater extent 
that the casuals. Their advantage rests in their having first preference for 

"The irregularity and unpredictability of demand have led each employer 
to attempt to attach to himself a maximum reserve. With such surpluses 
many men are turned down at every shape-up and are left to await the next 
shape at their customary stand or to attend other shapes, but since they have 
no real knowledge of labor requirements in other places, their chances of get- 
ting work are limited. This kind of labor immobility, which creates shortages 
in the midst of surpluses, is also responsible for much idle time which is 
not compensated, although the worker must put it in to insure getting any 
work at all." 

Average earnings on the San Francisco water front in 1933, prior to unioni- 
zation, were $10.45 a week. Many longshoremen were on relief, others were 
virtually destitute, and only a very small number, the men in so-called star 
gangs, managed to earn a living. Speed-up marked the work which was accom- 
panied by a high accident rate. The accumulation of these intolerable condi- 
tions led to unionization, and in turn to decasualization. 

Under the union earnings increased. Exhibit G discloses that in the 2-year 
period between September 12, 1938, and September 7, 1940, all registered 
longshoremen in San Francisco earned an average of $38.71 weekly, and permit 
men earned' an average of $24.47. During this period, members of gangs 
averaged $42.59 weekly. 

5 See Boris Stern, Cargo Handling and Longsliore Labor Conditions, p. 68 : "Tliere is 
no apprentice system existing in longshore work. The new worker * * * is placed 
in the gang on an equal basis with the older men and at equal pay. * * * But when 
it comes to the handling of the ship's winches or to stowing the cargo in the ship's hold, 
the degree of training required, the amount of judgment, and the sense of responsibility 
involved in so placing the cargo as to make the best possible use of the space and to insure 
that no damage will be done either to the cargo or to the ship during the crossing — such 
work can be learned only after several years of constant and persevering application." 
Handling special types of cargo, such as lumber, likewise requires a special skill. 

Source : Works Progress Administration, National Research Project, Keport No. Lr-2, 
Decasualization of Longshore Work in San Francisco, by Marvel Keller (Philadelphia, April 
1939), pp. 1-2. 



Exhibit G.— Earnings of San Francisco longshoremen, Sept. 12, 1938, to Sept. 

7, 19J,0 ' 




per year 

per week 

$4, 026. 28 
4. 428. 96 
2, 544. 73 

2, 214. 48 
1, 272. 37 

$38. 71 



1 Included is the period of the San Francisco dock clerks' strike from Nov. 10, 1939, to Jan. 3, 1940. During 
this 2-month period, fullv registered longshoremen averaged only $13.49 and .$8.93 a week, and permit men 
averaged for the months of November and December only $62.80 and $35.67, respectively. 

2 Earnings are computed on a basis of hours worked reduced to equivalent straight-time hours and 
extended at 95 cents per hour, the straight-time hourly rate. Equivalent straight-time hours are calculated 
on a basis of 1 hour overtime equals 1 J^ equivalent straight-time hours. 

3 Earnings of permit men cover the period from Oct. 1, 1938, to Sept. 30, 1940, inclusive. These figures 
are based on a 10 percent sample of all permit men, selected at random from central-ofBce records of the 
dispatching hall used for reporting earnings to the California State Unemployment Commission. 

Source: Records of San Francisco longshore dispatching hall. 

Virtually complete decasualization of longshore work has been effected since 
1934 in all' ports of the Pacific coast as the result of coastwise collective bargain- 
ing contracts between the International Longshoremen's and Warehousemen's 
Union of the Congress of Industrial Organizations and the Waterfront Employers 
Association of the Pacific Coast, on behalf of the various employers of longshore 
labor (shipping companies and stevedoring contractors) in California, Oregon, 
and Wa.shington. 

The key to successful operation of the decasualization system is union operation 
of the dispatching hall. The San Francisco longshore dispatching hall, from 
which all longshoremen in the port are dispatched, is maintained and financed 
jointly by the San Francisco local of the International Longshoremen's and Ware- 
housemen's Union and by the Waterfront Employers Association of San Fran- 
cisco. The operations of the hall, which commenced on March 4, 1935, are under 
the supervision of the joint labor relations committee, composed of an equal num- 
ber of representatives of the union and the employers, which meets weekly and 
oftener if necessary. 

Registered longshoremen working in the port of San Francisco fall into two 
categories — those who are members of the union and those who are "permit" 
men working by permission of the labor relations committee. There are a total 
of approximately 4,500 regular Iong.shoremen registered with the labor relations 

Members of the union fall into 2 further classifications— those who are regular 
members of gangs and those who work from the plug or extra board as replace- 
ments. Briefly, the system works as follows : Let us assume that an employer has 
ordered 4 gangs for a certain dock at a certain time. Four gangs are ordered by 
the dispatcher to report with 18 men in each gang. The permanent members of 
the gangs may number, respectively, 16, 14, 18, 13. It will be necessary for 8 
of the gangs to secure 2, 4, and 5 men, respectively, from the extra board in order 
to report for work with a full complement of men. Preference of employment is 
given to union members who have plugged into the extra board and signified they 
desire to work on the day in question. If an insufficient number of members of 
the union are available for work, permit men will be dispatched to the job. 

Hours of work are equalized primarily between gangs rather than between 
individual members of the union ; and, as will be shown, almost equal distribution 
of work has been attained. Records are kept in terms of equivalent straight-time 
hours which reflect earnings rather than actual hours worked as every hour of 
overtime, paid at time and one-half, is counted as an hour and a half. 

The labor relations committee each Friday analyzes the trade expected in the 
port for the week ahead and establishes the "hours for the week" which begins 
on Sundav and ends on Saturday night. It is impossible to equalize the hours of 
gangs on^an exact basis each week and therefore equalization of gang-hours is 
done over a 4-week period. The dispatchers have constantly before them records 


of the hours worked by each gang in the period and dispatch gangs with •.) 
view to bringing about equalization of work. 

Although the majority of the members of the union are regular members of 
gangs, a considerable number of union members and all of the permit men work 
off the extra board. They are not expected to work more hours in any one week 
than the "hours for the week" established by the labor relations committee unless 
they are employed on a job, in which case they work until the job is completed 
and work fewer hours the following week. Hours worked by plugboard and 
permit men are equalized each period. 

The wide spread in earnings of plugboard and permit men results in many 
cases from the fact that these groui)s are composed primarily of single men, many 
of whom are satisfied with a mininuini nnnilier ot hours of work each week. This 
does not imply that permit men share equally in tlie work of the port, for, as their 
name implies, they represent a necessary auxiliary labor force working by 
permission of the labor relations committee and utilized for the purpose of pro- 
viding an additional labor supply. 

A detailed analysis of the system, entitled "Decasualization of Longshore 
Work in San Francisco," was publislied in 1939 by the national research project 
of the Works Progress Administration. The experience of San Francisco, as de- 
scribed in this report, is applicable to the three other large Pacific coast ports, 
namely, Seattle, Portland, and San Pedro, the port of Los Angeles, with the 
exception that earnings in these ports are slightly below the level of earnings 
in San Francisco. 

The extent of decasualization and sharing of work is shown in table 8 of the 
report, from which the following excerpt is taken : 

Table 8. — Distribution of gangs that worked in each Jf-wcek period, Feb. 1 to 
Dec. 5, 1937 ^ 

Number of equivalent straight-time hours worked 

of gangs 

of gangs 


35 • 



190tol99.9_- .. .. 



210 to 219 9 




1 Works Progress Administration, national research project, Decasualization of Longshore Work in San 
Francisco, by Marvel Keller. Kept. L-2, Philadelphia, April 1939, p. 56. 

In other words, 97.1 percent of all longshoremen who were regular members 
of gangs earned between $171 and $190 a period (4 weeks) in the year 1937. 
This tabulation is included only to demonstrate the extent of rotation of work 
and does not reflect earnings at the present time. Two factors influenced the 
extremely high earnings shown in this table — the fact that the period used 
as a sample begins at the conclusion of the 3-month strike which had tied up 
cargo operations through November and December 1936 and January 1937 
and caused an accumulation of work, and the high level of business conditions 
in the year 1937 which resulted in greatly increased cargo operations. 

In evaluating the San Francisco longshore dispatching system and decasuali- 
zation plan. Marvel Keller, author of the national research project report, 
concluded : 

"The San Francisco work-rotation scheme thus is a share-the-work plan 
without the usual implications of underemployment — a plan operating within 
the framework of controls which, in fact, tend to insure adequate employment 
to the registered labor force. It provides for a labor force which is flexible in 
size, yet it effectively avoids the usual problem of casual work. Equalization 
of earnings of registered nonunion or permit men, although on a lower level 
than that of the registered union men, is provided on a relatively high level, 
as least during periods of normal port activity. The purely casual (non- 
registered) workers represent individuals for whom longshore work is merely 
supplementary to another primary occupation rather than persons dependent 


on such odd jobs. Such differences as prevail among union men, beyond the 
relatively narrow limits within which gang-hours are equalized, are accounted 
for largely by the preferences of the individual workers. * * * 

"More complete equalization of earnings— and at a generally higher level- 
was realized in San Francisco during 1937 than had been achieved in other 
ports even during the predepression years for which data are available. This 
is true notwithstanding the fact that the data available on other ports usually 
cover only preferred groups of longshoremen; that is, those with relatively 
steady and wide opportunities for work. * * * 

"The distribution of earnings and the high degree of stabilization in the 
longshore labor market of San Francisco may be expected to result in long- 
shoremen representing a relatively light burden to the unemployment-compensa- 
tion fund of the State of California." * 

As a result of the nearly complete decasualization which has been achieved, 
virtually no union longshoremen on the Pacific coast are ever totally unem- 
ployed, ' few receive unemployment compensation, and only an infinitesimal 
number of men unable to do longshore work continuously, because of ill health 
or old age, are ever on relief. Thus decasualization and rotation of work, 
a demand pressed by the union for a considerable length of time before it was 
acceded to by the employers, has materially stabilized employment conditions 
in longshore work to the benefit not only of the longshoremen themselves but 
to the community as a whole. 

In 1940 longshoremen on the Atlantic and Gulf coasts still have no job 
security, work when they can under intolerable conditions of speed-up, are 
exposed to constant accident hazards, and are forced to pay a sizable portion 
of their earnings to straw bosses and union racketeers operating with the 
knowledge of the employers. 

The conditions that prevail are conditions of an unorganized, extremely 
exploited industry. The port of New York, for example, is flooded with thou- 
sands of longshoremen, for many of whom there will never be enough work. 
Many Atlantic coast longshoremen exist and do that only through relief. 

In* 1938 the New York settlement house, Greenwich House, conducted a 
survey and published a report on longshoremen and their homes, based on 
a case study of 278 longshoremen selected from names listed by Greenwich 
House, Morgan Line (Southern Pacific Steamship Co.), Clyde Mallory Line, 
Savannah Line, Cunard Line, Anchor Line, and two parochial schools. 

The report disclosed that the average annual income of 217 longshoremen 
with families and one or more dependents, who were investigated, was $900; 
and that 39 percent of the families had annual incomes of less than $800. 
Only 11.5 percent, or a little more than one-tenth of the whole group earned 
over^ $1,600 a year. 

The Greenwich House survey translated the average earnings into hours 
and days worked and made the following analysis : 

"Let's try translating these incomes into hours of work. If we average the 
$1.05 'deep water' hourly rate and the 95 cents 'coastwise' hourly rate, we 
get a rate of $1 per hour. Figuring on this rate, we find that the average 
longshoreman in our group worked only 1,019 hours in an entire year. (If 
we assumed that he earned p'art of his income from overtime work at a higher 
rate of pay, then the number of hours he worked in a year would turn out 
to be .still less.) At best, this means he did only half-time work, for a 40-hour 
week would amount to 2,080 hours per year and on a straight-time basis would 
yield an income of $2,080." ' 

The irregularity of the work is further pointed out in the Greenwich House 
survey which 'adds : 

"Half-time work would not be so bad if it were not so irregular. Long- 
shoremen must learn to manage not only on a low yearly income but on a 
highly irregular weekly one. For they may earn $40 one week and absolutely 
nothing the next. In fact, 20 percent of the men we interviewed had earned 
nothing at 'all the week before." ^ 

' Longshoremen and Their Homes : The Story of a Housing Case Study Conducted Under 
the Auspices of Greenwich House, by Elizabeth Ogg. Greenwich House, New York, 19o9. 
p. 31. 

8 Ibid. 



Investigation of 217 longshoremen with one or more dependents disclosed that 
in the weeli preceding the survey 43 men, or 19.8 percent of the group, had 
earned nothing ; 34 men, or 15.7 percent, had earned less than $10 ; and a total of 
141 men, or 65 percent of the group, had earned $20 or less." 

The Greenwich House survey concludes that "relief, for the families as well 
as the single longshoremen, was only 'a last desperate resort, dreaded and 
avoided as long as possible." Only 29.3 percent of all families interviewed 
had ever been on relief and only 5.5 percent had received relief during the 12 
months preceding the survey.'" 

The average size of the families of 217 longshoremen who headed house- 
holds was 4.4 persons. 


The National Maritime Union, org'anized in 1987, as an outgrowth of the 
rank-and-file movement in the International Seamen's Union, today has approxi- 
mately 62,000 members on the Atlantic and Gulf coasts, the Great Lakes, 
Mississippi River, and other inl'and waters. The union has contracts with 
virtually all steamship lines operating on these two coasts and with many of 
the lines operating on the Great Lakes and the rivers. 

For the first time seamen, organized in the National Maritime Union, have !a 
strong organization through which they can improve their conditions by eco- 
nomic and political action. The union has to its credit two major accom- 
plishments since 1937. In the first place, it has materi'ally raised wages, 
shortened hours, and generally improved the condition under which seamen 
work. Second, the union has protected the interests of its members by pro- 
viding them with welfare services, aiding them in becoming citizens, and cam- 
paigning for unemployment insurance and other legislation. 

The House committee, at its hearings in New York in July 1940, heard the 
testimony of 'a man who had been a seaniau intermittently over a period of 
years. This witness, Elliott Philip Robbius, listed his address as "care of 
National Maritime Union, New York, N. Y." The address is the key to much 
of the union's work and many of its problems, for seamen are in every sense 
of the word migrant workers. Many seamen ship from and return to the 
same port for months and years. Others, unable to find employment in one 
port, are forced to migrate to other ports in search of work. 

In an attempt to stabilize employment conditions and insofar as possible 
control the labor supply, the union through the union-operated hiring hall, 
has developed an effective system of rotary hiring which is today standard 
practice in all of the maritime unions of the Congress of Industrial Organiza- 

As a result of the rotary system of hiring and the union-controlled hiring 
hall, the shipping industry on the Atlantic and Gulf coasts now enjoys greater 
stability than at any time in its history. For this reason, the establishment of 
rotary shipping and its operation by union dispatchers may well be considered 
one of the most outstanding accomplishments of the union. 

Numerous attacks have been made on the union hiring halls, both by em- 
ployers desirous of returning seamen to the chaotic conditions which prevailed 
before the formation of the National Maritime Union, and by Members of Con- 
gress who through ignorance or shortsightedness opposed the hiring halls and 
sponsored legislation which, if enacted, would disrupt satisfactory and well- 
established labor practices of the industry. Thoilgh equalization of earnings is 
impracticable in the shipping industry, rotary hiring does distribute available 
jobs without favoritism or bribery, and is the most practicable way of provid- 
ing employment stabilization in an unstable industry. 

At the time the union was organized, wages were considerably lower than 
they are at the present time. Seamen were better paid at the close of the 
First World War than they were at any time prior to the organization of the 
National Maritime Union, and able-bodied seamen and firemen received $85 and 
$90 per month respectively, with other classifications of workers above ship 
being paid proportionately. In 1921, when the seamen's union was broken, the 
seamen were left with little or no protection, and wages tobogganed until in 
January 1922 able-bodied seamen and firemen were receiving only $47.50 and 
$50 a month. 

Ibid., p. 59. 
" Ibid., p. 35. 


In 1937, the uewly formed United States Maritime Commission, through the 
Chairman, Joseph P. Kennedy, issued a report entitled "Economic Survey of 
the American Merchant Marine." This report surveyed employment and earn- 
ings of seamen during the depression and concluded : 

"Wages fell and working conditions grew steadily worse imtil, at the depth 
of the depression, some American seamen were receiving as little as $25 a 
month, living under wretched conditions, eating unpalatable food, and working 
12 hours or more a day." " 

At the present time wages in the passenger and freight agreements of the 
National Maritime Union range from $65 to $95 a month in the deck depart- 
ment, from $70 to $92.50 in the engine department, and from $65 to $130 in the 
stewards' department. At the present time, able-bodied seamen receive the 
following minimum monthly rate of pay : 

Passenger and freight vessels, coastwise $77. 50 

Passenger and freight vessels, deep sea 82. 50 

Colliers 85.00 

Tankers 87.50 

Great Lakes vessels 118. 50 

In addition, seamen are now paid overtime at the rate of 70 cents an hour for 
all work over 8 hours in the deck and engine departments, and over 9 hours in 
the stewards' department. 

Following is a scale of average wages for various ratings as provided in 
International Seamens' Union and National Maritime Union contracts over the 
6-year period, 1935 to 1940, inclusive : 

1935 > 


1937 2 




Deck department: 

$70. 00 



$73. 00 


125. 00 

$82. 00 

65. 00 

128. 00 
102. 00 

$90. 00 


122. 50 
107. 50 

$95. 00 
100. 00 



$98. 00 

103. 00 



Engine department: 

Fireman -- -- -- - 

85. 00 



Coal passer or wiper - - -- 


Steward's department: 

135. 00 

Cook 3 . 

117. 50 

100. 00 



1 While there had been some rank and file agitation prior to 1935, this is the first year in which the agita- 
tion was reflected in rising wage scales. „, , .. . , , •„ 

2 The formal birthday of the National Maritime Union is May 3, 1937. The demarcation is largely illu- 
sory. The National Maritime Union membership was the old International Seamen's Union rank and 
file under another name. „ . . , . , , „„„ 

3 Average wages compiled hv the Oovernment for these ratings cover all American ships of 5,000 gross 
tons and over, but National Maritime Union figures cover only tankers, freighters, and colliers. If pas- 
senger ships had been included, these averages would be higher. 

Note.— \verage monthly wages for the years 1935 through 1937 are taken from Merchant Marine Statis- 
tics, published by the Department of Commerce. These cover aU American vessels 5,000 and more gross 
tons. Average monthly wages for the next 3 years are based on National Maritime Union contracts with 
passenger-freighter, tanker, and collier operators. 

One of the most detailed descriptions ^of the problems of maritime workers 
is contained in the report of the Maritime Labor Board to the President and 
to Congress. The description is quoted in exhibit H. 

"Exhibit H. — Employment Conditions of Maritime Wokkers 

"The work done and the kind of life lived by maritime workers is essentially 
different from that of workers in other occupations. The maritime worker's 
job. whether that of engine-room hand, deck hand, steward, or longshoreman, 

"U. S. Maritime Commission, Economic Survey of the American Merchant Marine, 
Washington, November 1937, p. 46. 


is irregular and exactini;-; it alternates betw 'en dull routine and conditions 
demanding intense labor, quick intelligence, and high courage. 

"According to custom, seamen arc ciuploiicd for a single round-trip voyage 
only, longshoremen for the period r<'</iiir<d to load or unload a, particula/r 
vessel. Though some workers remain attached to one ship or stevedoring com- 
pany over a period of m()n11is or years, for the majority, employment in these 
occupations is both irregular and insecure. An indication of the extent of 
unemployment in this pursuit is given by figures showing that the number of 
unemployed persons in water transportation per 1,000 employed in 1937 was 
120, compared with 103 on the steam railways, 88 in automobile factories, and 
116 in cotton mills.^" Considerable periods may also occur between jobs. The 
changes that have taken place in shipping incident to the development of 
modern science, though they have materially reduced the risks of employers 
and have in certain ways lightened the labor of workers, have, for the time 
being at least, considerablj^ increased the risk of unemployment by creating an 
oversupply of labor. 

"The wages and earnings of seamen are also relatively loir. For example, 
the prevailing monthly rate for able-bodied seamen on merchant vessels is $72.50 
in addition to living quarters and food. Because of frequent spells of unem- 
ployment among seamen, the total annual earnings for most of the unlicensed 
personnel fall far short of the possible full-time cash earnings of $870, exclusive 
of overtime earnings. 

"In the case of longshoretnen the hourly rate is relatively high, htit in spite 
of frequent overtime the persistently intermittent character of the employment 
brings the annual earnings to a comparatively loir IcrcJ icith some notable 

"In view of all these circumstances it is not surprising that the labor turn- 
over is exceptionally high. The separation rate in deep-sea shipping, for ex- 
ample, is five times the average rate in manufacturing." Among longshore- 
men, accidents are also particularly prevalent, the frequency rate for long- 
shoremen for the year 1936 being 17.6 as compared with 13.6 for all industries." 

"Unlike other workers, when a seaman sells his labor he virtually sells him- 
self, 1emi)orarily. Of necessity he lives on the ship. There is no i^ossibility 
of changing his place of work or his occupation, whether or not conditions are 
satisfactory, until he reaches a safe port. While he is at sea, and to a less 
extent ashore, the seaman is restricted in matters which other workers con- 
sider definitely personal, such as food, clothing, living quarters, a.ssociates, and 
recreation. Frequently the 'foc's'le' is crowded, unsanitary, and ill-ventilated, 
though conditions have been improved in recent years, especially on the newer 
vessels. Hours of work are irregular if not long, and there is little provision 
for recreation in off time. Aboard ship the seaman's working life is strictly 
disciplined while on shore, lacking in general stabilizing home ties, he has 
little opportunity for normal participation in the social life of any place. 

"Ill roiilrast to the nidritinic < iiiiiloj/cr. a i/rcaf part of irliosn: risk has been 
lint hji scientific iiiiprorciiiciits. insiinnicc. anil (Idrcniiiiciit siilisidirs. the ma/rir 
time irork-cr of today fiiidx himself in a iiiiiiiiKlii inistahle and inferior position 
among workers in general. Almost his entire life represents a departure from 
the normal way of living. Legally the seaman is restricted. Once he signs 
shipping articles, he becomes a member of a group apart whose rights and 
duties are closely circumscribed by a special code of laws. Economically he is 
insecure; his right to industrial self-government -is often unrecognized and his 
collective bargaining challenged, especially when in conflict with navigation 
laws. Politically he is virtually disfranchised owing to frequent absence at 
election time. Yet, no other group of industrial workers is asked, or is 
expected, to shmo the compliance, discipline, loyalty, courage, and the spirit of 
self-sacrifice demanded of seamen by the employer and the public." [ItJilics 

Soiirce : M.nritime Latior Board, Report to the President and to the Congress, March 1, 
1940, pp. 25-20. 

12 Office of the Administrator, -Census of Partial Employment, Unemployment, and Occu- 
pations, 1937, vol. 1. p. 17. 

1' Social Security Board, Constance A. Kiehel, The Maritime Industry and Unemployment 
■Compensation, p. 27 (mimeosraph) . 

" National Safety Council, Accident Rates in the Maritime Industry, 1936, pp. 3-4. 


Maritime workers face a problem of discrimination which also threatens 
/iiaiiy groups of industrial workers. Companies, including the Standard Oil Co., 
liave arbitrarily refused to employ or hire seamen over the age of 40 without 
regard to the physical or technical ability of the seaman to perform work as 
required. The union, faced with this problem, realizes that the only solution 
is the extension of the Federal «il(l-;m«'-security program to provide increased 
beiietits, and to lower the age of eliuiljility. 

Seamen who are temporarily unemployed find it extremely difficult to qualify 
for relief. They are unable to maintain residence in a given community or 
State for a long enough time to enable them to qualify for local relief. In 
addition, the arbitrary exclusion of seamen from the benefits of the unemploy- 
ment-compensation system which now covers virtually all industrial workers 
is totally unjustified and leaves the seamen without any protection when they 
are unemployed. 

After 3 years of discussions and conferences with Government agencies and 
congressional committees in an effort to obtain unemployment insurance, and 
in spite of a statement by President Roosevelt more than a year ago that unem- 
ployment compensation should be provided for seamen, the seamen have been 
unable tf) obtain the benefits now enjoyed by other workers. 

Fiorello LaGuardia, mayor of the city of New York, testifying before this 
connnittee on July 29, 1940, in New York City, discussed the treatment of sea- 

Mayor LaGuardia correctly stated that the problem of unemployment among 
seamen creates special problems which must be given special consideration. 
The mayor said that if "you will include them (the seamen) in the unemploy- 
ment-insurance system and provide for their care during times they are not at 
v;ea * * * you will be helping a great deal" and that seamen are "on shore 
sometimes through no fault of their own and they should not be treated or 
provided for under the same general provisions as you will provide for migi'ants 
other than seamen." 

Mayor LaCJuardia reached the crux of the problem— the necessity of main- 
taining exuperieuced personnel adequate to man the American merchant marine 
Avhen he said : 

"We need them. We need to keep them skilled. We don't want them to grow 
^tale. and yet the vei-y calling of their occupation is such that they are 'beached' 
at times. If the ship goes into drydock the men are 'beached' because a great 
many ships have been taken out of connnission." 

Mayor LaGuardia's statement correctly points out some of the things that 
must be done to improve the comlitions of American seamen. What he failed 
to understand was that in addition to the measures he suggested, it is necessary 
to maintain and improve collective bargaining and to repeal the antiquated 
maritime laws still on the statute books which virtually keep the seamen in 
bondage, and not only interfere with their right to bargain collectively but 
])revent them from exercising their i>rivileges and responsibilities as American 


The real solution to the basic economic problems of the maritime workers — 
unemployment and instability — the same problems faced by workers in other 
industries — is the creation of additional jobs and the stabilization of employ- 
ment for those now working. Migratory and casual workers would not create 
an economic problem if they earned annual incomes adequate to support them- 
selves and their families. Because the e^^irnings of migratory and casual work- 
ers fall far below the standard of adequacy or even subsistence, their problem 
has become one of great importance to the entire national economy. 

Certain proposals have been made before the House committee which would 
tend to destroy civil liberties without providing any solution to the problem 
of unemployment and its corollaries, casual and migratory employment. 

The Congress of Industrial Organizations Maritime Committee is opposed to 
the proposal of Dr. Frank Lorimer, made during the New York hearings, which 
would establish a population registration systeru and require all citizens to 
carry registration cards, register their changes of address with the police, and 
conform to certain other regulations. It is the position of the Congress of 
Industrial Organizations Maritime Committee that his recommendation is totally 



unnecessary, is susceptible of being subverted from its alleged purpose, and is 
completely inimical to the interests of the American people. 

Instead of passports and regimentation, the people of the United States need 
more jobs and greater security for migratory and casual workers. The way to 
attain this is to extend collective bargaining, shorten hours, and raise wages 
so that the purchasing power of wage earners, who form the largest single 
group in the population, will be increased. 

The experience of the maritime unions affiliated with the Congress of Indus- 
trial Organizations has been that extension of collective bargaining and the 
building of strong unions has greatly improved the economic and social condi- 
tions of the workers in the industry. Through organization of maritime unions 
and negotiation of collective bargaining agreements, the workers in the mari- 
time industry have seen employment stabilized to an extent that had not been 
considered possible, have seen hours shortened, wages increased, and conditions 
improved, and have seen the highly casual longshore industry of the Pacific 
Coast decasualized. , . . 

Submitted by Congress of Industrial Organizations Maritime Committee. 

Bjorne Halling, Executive Secretary. 

Mr. Lamb. The third is a statement secured from a migrant wit- 
ness who was unable to appear. This statement has been prepared 
at the suggestion of the committee staff by Samuel J. Smith, a sailor. 
It is a description of the problems encountered by this man in the 
course of his moving about from coast to coast and port to port. 

The Chairman. That will be admitted in the record. 

(The statement referred to is as follows :) 


Seamen Pay Social Sbcitrity Out of Their Wages and Board, But Get — 


When a sailor is "on the beach" for 60 days, he loses his rights to marine 
hospital treatment. We have no "city hospitals." AVe cannot get free treat- 
ment if sick, nor get relief from the city or State. We cannot be voters unless 
we live on shore for 1 year. We are "wards of the Federal Government" when 
people wish to penalize us. But we are just floating gypsies when we are desti- 
tute. When shipping is slack in one port, we hitchhike, or ride freight trains 
to another seaport. We are modern Ishmaelites, with every man's hand turned 
against us. 

My suggestions are: 


(Many shipowners discard their employees at the age of 40. They are no 
longer wanted; hence the rigid physical tests — and this is after many years of 
sea service to shipowners.) Give us the rights of humans — decent homes, square 
meals, decent clothing. Don't drive us into becoming objects of charity. 


Numher of vessels. — Forty-one to Panamanian registry, 17 to Brazil registry, 
10 to Greek registry, 19 to France registry, 35 to Canada registry, 113 to British, 
and 58 more available in laid up fleet of the Maritime Commission besides 
several other small company tankers, which brings up the grand total of 306 
ships to date. The average number of men for each ship is 40, which includes 
the captain and 3 mates, chief engineer, and 3 assistant engineers ; roughly 
speaking, the number of men thrown "high and dry" on the beach is 12,240. 
Of this number, some have enlisted in the Navy and Army, and some have been 
drafted. Taking the average wage of an unlicensed seaman as $85 per month, 
and pay for overtime, he is reluctant to enlist in peacetime for $54 per month. 
The seaman pays into social security, but there is no provision made to draw 
benefits for unemployment. 


The seaman is not eligible for "relief similar to shore workers. He cannot 
vote, unless, here in Maryland, he can prove that he has resided at least 1 
year on shore. He cannot truthfully claim any particular port as his home,, 
because his livelihood takes hixn to many ports. Those who cannot join the 
Naval Reserve are also unable to pass the steamship company doctors (indeed 
they are sometimes stricter than the Government doctors). Industrial con- 
cerns cannot use our services ; our training is different. Besides, we have chosen 
the sea for our livelihood ; in other words, we don't "fit in." 


Has worked 58 days to date. 

Steamship Ruth Kellogg (Kellogg Steamship Co.), 11 days (sold to British). 

Steamship Kopperston (Mystic Steamship Co.), 39 days (injured at sea),, 
came ashore in Coast Guard patrol ; taken to hospital at Norfolk, Va. Injuries i 
Broken ribs, and contusions of leg, hospital and out-patient treatment about 
2 months. 

Tri mountain oil tanker, in dry dock, employed 8 days and laid off on account 
of not being strong enough to continue work. 

My mode of living Cents- 
Breakfast 10 

Lunch ^ 15 

SujiiJer , 15 

Tobacco (for 2 days) 10 

Total abstainer. 

Rent. — A room at $3 per week and going into debt to a poor woman who lia& 
but five rooms. 

Have sold my sextant (I am a licensed navigator), books, clothing; in fact, 
anything of value, in order to exist. I begged a dinner on Thanksgiving Day 
from a friend ; but I cannot beg from a stranger. The above jobs were 
unlicensed jobs, because I am unable to get a position as a chief officer of ocean 
vessels, as my license calls for. Our European trade is cut off on account 
of war. Only the Portuguese and African ports are open to American ships. 
And the neutrality laws forbid Americans to go to sea under foreign-flag vessels. 

And so — we starve. 

A word on "Seamen's Institutes and Anchorages" (dog-houses) ; "Abandon 
Ye All Hope— All Ye Who Enter Here." 

The "seamen's institutes" ai'e placed where seamen pay more, and receive 
less, than in any other fourth-rate hotel for seamen. Most of the rooms are 
too large for a coffin; too small for a grave; with chicken-fence wire around 
the upper part of the rooms. A stranger will go there once, but never twice. 
They are hang-outs for the lowest type of men who are not seamen. They 
are classed as charitable institutions on condition that four church services a 
month are held. In order to entice seamen to go to these places for church 
services, they will sometimes give him a cup of coffee and a stale bun. The 
only advantage of frequenting these "dens of hypocrisy" is, there is a reading 
room, where one can sit and read a 1936 magazine. Yet, they get a "cut" of 
the community chest funds yearly. They pay nothing for labor, such as 
cleaning windows, sweeping, and washing lavatories. Tlieir clerks and two 
or three bed makers may get small wages, but other helpers never. These 
institutions receive donations from the well-to-do people, who think the seamen 
get anything they want — room, board, and- clothing — free. The seamen pay for 
all. Once a year they may sing hymns in order to get a "Christmas dinner," 
or a cup of coffee. I mention these things because the general public is under 
the impression that they are going good. They are the seamen's worst enemies ; 
they will try to procure strikebreakers if and when a strike is on. Even their 
room keys are an insult — a block of wood is chained to every key 6 by 6 inches 
so that one cannot put it in his pocket. The writer stayed at the Baltimore 
Anchorage, and even had to furnish his own soap. The bedbugs are free. 
The rooms are dimly lit ; one cannot see to read or write. And as these rooms 
are open at the upper part, one can hear all the drunks at night, hear each 
other snore. Charitable institutions! Better, by far, to live in a boxcar and 
retain one's self-respect. 

260370— 41— pt. 10 14 



During the first World War, American seamen were allowed to sail under 
Allied flags. This writer served as an officer on board two French vessels. 
Under the neutrality law, we seamen are not allowed to service under foreign 
flags, under penalty of losing our citizenship. This year I have been offered as 
much as $700 per month, and while starving on the beach or "on de fence," must 
wait until a job appears on a United States merchantman. 

The navy yards and ship yards have absorbed a few seamen ; or those who 
could pass a rigid physical test. There, again, the work is different ; for ex- 
ample, a seaman on a merchant vessel does all his work "by hand," such as 
sailmaking (sewing canvas). In navy yards sewing machines are used, of which 
Ave know nothing; the same applies to wire and manila rope work. Machinery 
takr's a great part. And so we have to unlearn our methods of splicing wire 
caMes, etc. 

This writer has held a license as an ocean navigator for 23 years ; it cost me 
about $1,200 for professional training in order to pass examinations. Yet, in 
recent years, all that is available for me is to make a "relief" trip of less than 
a month, while a regular officer takes a vacation. Therefore many men, like 
the writer, are forced to seek an unlicensed job, as a sailor; and now, the em- 
ployed sailors don't quit ; they ask for a 10-day vacation, so relief trips are in 
order for unlicensed men also. 

Seamen, as I know them, are intensely loyal to America, I'egardless of the 
unkind remarks used against them. They have built for themselves a strong 
organization, in order to gain better food, better wages. The shipowners are 
using "national defense" as a weapon to destroy all that we have fought for. 
Should this country become involved in actual warfare, the seamen would all 
do their part, without resorting to "draft." 

The majority of the young seamen are reluctant to swap jobs at $75 per 
month for a position as a naval man at $54 in times of peace. 


The Chairman. Will you give your name and address to the re- 
porter ? 

Mr. Whatley. David Whatle}^. 

I have two or three points of view that I am quite sure will interest 
the committee. 

The Chairman. What is your business? 

Mr. Whatley. An attorney. I represent no organization. 

The Chairman. Where do you reside? 

Mr. Whatley. 1717 G Street NW., Washington, D. C. 

The Chairman. All right. 

Mr. Whatley. I have a couple of points of view I think have not 
been expressed here so far. 

inadequate attention to single transients in WASHINGTON 

There has been inadequate j^resentation, I think, for the problem 
that exists for the unattached single men or women, often called tran- 
sients, particularly in the urban centers. 

I think Washington is typical of the inadequate care that is given 
to this class of people and therefore draw your attention to that. 

I would recommend heartily that the entire membership of this 
committee, at sometime in the near future, visit personally all the mis- 
sions in the city here, particularly during a very cold spell and par- 
ticularly around meal time if it is possible. 


They have two meals a day. At one of them, the Volunteers of 
America, they serve what purports to be a breakfast at about 9:30. 

At the Gospel Mission they serve what purports to be a supper 
about 5:30. 

The bulk of the membership of the House and Senate passes by 
both of these missions daily coming to and from the sessions of the 

I find in questioning- most of them that practically none of them 
have ever stopped to see the actual conditions that exist here. 

There are window j^anes that are broken out that ])ermit the cold 
winter wind to pass through almost unobstructed. The food is so 
terrible that the bulk of the transients in Washington are not even 
attractecl to these so-called missions except on two or three special 
occasions a year, like Christmas time and Thanksgiving time, which 
occasions are specially publicized and which attract a large group, 
particularly because they have one good meal that attracts not only 
single men and women but families that are hungry. 

They get sometimes as good a fare as a slice of roast beef and good 
bread and a good cup of coffee. 

Ordinarily that breakfast affair is a washed out chicory coffee, a 
kind of cereal made from oatmeal that is served without sugar and 
without cream — served with skimmed milk and day-old bread which 
is received free from the bakeries here. 

At supper time they give them a bowl of soup which they secure 
from the left-overs from the navy yard, and one or two other items 
which are totally inadequate to sustain any man even in the summer- 
time, for any length of time. 

It is in itself an obvious reason for so much unemployment among 
that class of people — why they are chronically unemployed — and it 
appears to me to reflect directly upon the whole problem of unemploy- 
ment and care for these people, because it causes a chronic circle. 
Hunger prevents employment and unemployment becomes chronic and 
because of that that segment of the ])opuIation has been completely 
overlooked by any legislation with the exception of minor cases of 
care in some localities. 

As to Federal legislation, the Federal Government has done 
nothing about it since 1935 when they disbanded the transient shelters 

Major Brown has pointed out that 65 or 70 percent of arrests made 
in Washington are of nonresident people. 

Now, the actual financial burden on the localities for support of 
those people is quite great in the jails and it does not constitute a 
punishment, so that there is no incentive for good citizenship. 

I think it is a rather shoddy argument to say that a man must be 
fed so that he will become either a law-abiding citizen or a potential 
member of the national defense. But I do say that it strikes at the 
very system of criminal administration that a man has no incentive 
since he is rewarded by being arrested in Washington, being sent to 
the municipal jail where he is given a clean bed, a warm place to 
sleep, and three square meals a day. 


If I maj^ I would like to make a couple of recouimendatious aifect- 
ing the whole migrant problem nationally. 


May I recommend that the Department of Agriculture give atten- 
tion as this committee undoubtedly has, to the problem of nationaliza- 
tion' and federalization of the distribution of certain major basic farm 
products — cotton, corn, wheat and so forth, in order to ameliorate the 
differential between what the farmer receives and what the consumers 
pay. This will help to avoid further the export subsidies which in 
turn penalize our own processes of farm products and help the for- 
eign competitor, such as Japan, in the cotton-processing industry by 
allowing them to obtain a lower price. 

The Chairman. We have covered that in our hearings in different 
places — not in Washington but we have covered that. 

Mr. Whatley. Further, may I recommend the federalization of 
the entire public assistance program, of the Social Security Board, 
that I believe was recommended by Miss Edith Abbott. 

The Chairman. Yes. 

Mr. Whatley. And a system of grants-in-aid for the general 
public relief. 

Further, may I ask that the tenant purchase program be expanded 
with Senator Lee's bill and that this can be done cheaper by using 
land which has been taken up by the States and municipal govern- 
ments for tax purposes, which land is at the present time bought in 
by land speculators under tax sales and which could be purchased 
much cheaper by the Federal Govermnent and turned over to ap- 
proved tenants. 

Further, that the Federal Government set up migratory camps 
in all the urban centers to take care of the single migrant people, 
which camps should be located on land already owned by the Fed- 
eral Government and should be constructed by Work Projects Ad- 
ministration labor to reduce the cost of such camps. 

The Chairman. Thank you very much, sir. 

(A statement by Congressman H. Jerry Voorhis, of California, was 
submitted for the record and appears as follows :) 


In recent years an increasing number of people in the United States 
have come to realize that one of the major social and economic prob- 
lems of our day is the problem of virtually homeless families who 
have been forced off the farms they formerly worked and uprooted 
from their former homes to wander across the face of the United 
States in search of a new place where they may strike root. 

Four Phases or Migration 

There are four different phases to this problem. First, is the 
mechanization of agriculture, coupled with low prices for many of 


our basic farm products and the consequent growth of large scale 
corporation agriculture with the pushing of many fornierly inde- 
pendent farmers and tenants off the land to become either hired 
agricultural laborers in their old homes or to move to other parts 
of the country. The second phase of the problem is a net westward 
migration of these homeless people most of whom have gone to the 
States of the Pacific Coast and the Southwest. But unlike the typi- 
cal migrations which have marked American history all through its 
<30urse, these people have found not free lands in a new unoccupied 
country but instead a condition where there were already many 
people unemployed, where the price of land was high and the supply 
of labor plentiful. It is with these two phases of the problem that 
we must mainly concern ourselves, although the third and fourth 
phases cannot be neglected. They are the necessity in California 
and certain other States of a certain amount of seasonal labor in 
agriculture. This necessity has been present for a very long time 
and will almost unquestionably continue. Finally we have the prob- 
lem of an overcrowding of certain areas as illustrated by the fact 
that 45 percent of the people newly arriving in California in the 
past 10 years have settled in Los Angeles County alone. The effect 
of their immigration in such a case is not so dramatic as when they 
congregate in rural areas and camp along roadsides but it is never- 
theless a serious problem not only to the people newly arriving but 
also to the older settlers who find themselves confronted by severe 
competition for jobs together with a threat to established wage 


rehabilitation of agriculture 

A variety of solutions for these general problems have been pro- 
posed. The only long-range solution, of course, is an improvement 
in the economic and social conditions of the whole United States 
and particularly of the farming areas of the South and Middle West, 
from which regions most of the migrants come. I shall not attempt 
to set forth here a complete program for the economic rehabilitation 
of American agriculture but it should at least be indicated that by 
means of rehabilitation loans the Farm Security Administration has 
enabled literally thousands of farm families who might otherwise 
have become migrants to improve their farming practices and repair 
their homesteads and make a new start on the land that has in the 
past yielded them so meager a living. A broad attack on farm ten- 
ancy is necessary as well, I tliink, as some modifications of our tax 
laws and our agricultural adjustment program so as to give advan- 
tage to the family unit farm over the large-scale corporation type of 


Reclamation and conservation are of great importance. Soil con- 
servation, the provisions of better fertilizers, and measures of this 
sort such as are being carried on in the Tennessee Valley, will help 


to stem the migrant tide and if properly administered the reclama- 
tion of formerly arid lands in the West can be the means of pro- 
viding thousands of new homesteads for some of these people. An- 
other program which offers real hope is the program of enabling 
migrant families either to rent or purchase on easy terms small plots- 
of good land in regions where there is a considerable amount of sea- 
sonal demand for labor. In this way they have a home and are also, 
enabled to form a corps of dependable workers in such communities. 


In the last analysis, however, it is important that steps be imme- 
diately taken to recognize practically the fact that this is a Federal 
problem and not a local one. Until this is done the full energies of 
the Nation as a whole will hardly be directed toward a solution and 
since the roots of the problem are so deep and so intimately asso- 
ciated with certain basic forces at work today it will never be solved 
until national attention is given to it. 



In the next place American States cannot resort to exclusion acts 
such as one nation is enabled to impose against immigration from 
other nations, nor do I feel that it would be right for us to do this 
if we could. On the other hand, it cannot be denied by any fair- 
minded person that in California particularly the relief rolls of the 
State, the work of the county hospitals, and the capacity of the 
schools have all been severely taxed by the rapid influx of these 
new people. If States like California are to be expected to absorb 
a large number of distressed folk into their social and economic 
fabric the least that the Nation as a whole can do is to assume its 
share of the financial burden involved. It is for this reason that 
I have introduced in the last three Congresses successively legislation 
providing for Fedei-al reimbursement to States of the amount of 
money expended on the relief and medical care of nonresidents. 
This legislation leaves the administration of such relief entirely in 
the hands of the local State and county authorities but j^rovides that 
if they do grant relief or medical care to nonresidents the Federal 
Government will repay them for moneys expended. The legislation 
also would bring about uniform residence requirements in the several 
States and would provide an orderly process for the determination of 
the State of legal settlement by the Social Security Board in case 
of disputes between State authorities. 

I hope I have made it clear that I do not believe that this type of 
legislation is any long-range answer to this problem. I do feel, how- 
ever, that to meet the immediate situation it is not only important but 
a matter of evident justice both to the States and counties to which a 
large number of people have moved as well as to those people 

(Whereupon, at 5 : 30 o'clock p. m., the hearing was adjourned with- 
out date.) 


(The following document was received subsequent to the hearing^ 
and accepted for the record :) 

Factors Underlying the Insecurity of Farm People in the Corn Belt 
(by paul s. taylor and william w. allen) 

The stream of destitute people who seek to better their condition by migra- 
tion from one State to another is fed by those who have lost their security 
upon the land. The dramatic exodus to the Pacific coast of people detached 
from the soil of the southwestern Cotton Belt and of the adjacent hill country 
is well known. Less attention has been given to those conditions which now 
are unsettling people in the Corn Belt, and thus stimvilating directly and in- 
directly a distress migration. 

This study is based upon field investigations in the Middle West, principally 
in tlie summer of 1940. It is intended as a documentation of the factors which 
are producing insecurity there. It rests upon observation and interview, upon 
examination of farm journals and newspapers, and upon special studies by 
others. Attention is focussed upon those groups whose insecurity is growing, 
rather than upon those who derive advantages of status from the changes which 
are occurring. 

This memorandum is complementary to the brief statement submitted by 
Paul S. Taylor at the hearings before the Special Committee on Interstate 
Migration on December 2, 1940, and should be read in conjunction with that 

The displacement of farm operators and farm laborers which now is in 
progress in the Corn Belt was not unforeseen. Just a decade ago A. G. Black, 
present administrator of the Farm Credit Administration, wrote : 

"It is only yesterday that the engineers began to design farm equipment 
that could l)e used most effectively only upon large acreages. Up to the present, 
the prevailing size of farm has been the dominating force in the development 
of machinery. There are indications now that we are entering upon a period 
where machinery will become a dominant force for shaping the size of the 
farming unit * * *. 

"Once the new equipment is introduced * * * j^ becomes a fixed invest- 
ment, but there is a possibility of reducing costs by working this equipment to 
capacity. If the equipment has a larger capacity for land, additional land may 
be rented or purchased * * * 

"The time has just been reached when methods of production on large farms 
can differ sufliciently from those on small farms to make it desirable to form 
large farms solely to take advantage of the opportunity to exploit the benefits 
of large-scale production." (Large-scale farming in the Corn Belt, Journal of 
Farm Economics, 1931, vol. XIII, pp. 146-154.) 

It is this simple principle of the economy of capacity use of machinery that 
causes operators who are unsuccessful in obtaining one of a diminishing number 
of farms to be forced off the land. 

Dr. Black estimated the prospects of farm consolidation in the following 
language, which raises issues of definition : 

"My own prophecy would be that there will not be many large farms or 
corporation farms created in the Corn Belt. I would expect a material increase 
in the size of the individual farm, however, during the next two decades. The 
most eflScient family-size farm may well become from one to two sections in 
size." (Ibid.) 

Definitions of "large-scale farming" and the "family farm" are not yet a 
matter of general agreement among economists. It is pertinent, therefore, to 
note that the census of 1930- reported 205 acres in a cash-grain area as the 
largest average size of farm in any type-of-farming area in Illinois. The larg- 
est average size of farm of any type-of-farming area of Iowa in the same year 
was 193 acres in the northern cash-grain area, an area which a study of the 
State Agricultural College characterized as "typified by large farms." Dr. 
Blacks' 1931 anticipation of "family-size farms" from "one to two sections in 
size" it therefore appears, suggested an increase of approximately from three to 
six times in size. 


In 1930 E. G. Nourse, of the Institute of Economics, forecast an increase of 
larm size even greater than anticipated by A. G. Blacli. Disclaiming any attempt 
to determine the ultimate limits of farm expansion, he stated : 

"I concur in the general judgment of students of farm management that agri- 
culture does not lend itself at all readily to such aggregations of large units as 
would tempt corporate enterprise into this field. On the other hand, there is 
much to indicate that, even with the decentralized character of agricultural proc- 
esses and the development of comparatively small power units adapted to farming, 
farms from four to possibly ten times the size of the family operating units to 
which we have been accustomed would make the best fit with the requirements of 
the new technique. Even if on grounds of conservatism we take the Inwer figure, 
the introduction of such a change in organization would permit a selective process 
which would result in culling out the three-quarters of our farmers who show 
themselves to be the poorest business managers. There is ample evidence that this 
process is even now in greater or less degree under way * * *" (Proceedings of 
the American Economic Association, 1930, pp. 126-132). 


Of first importance is the development of tractors of a type suited to operations 
in the Corn Belt. The rubber-tired all-purpose tractor has come to be recognized 
as the type of machine most useful for power. Its adoption has occurred mainly 
since 1935. The number of farm tractors of all types in the four Corn Belt States 
of Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, and Iowa was 230,839 in 1930. By 1940, according to the 
estimate of Implement and Tractor (July 6, 1940), the total had risen to 486,478, 
or an increase of 110.7 percent. 

The significance of tractor power lies not only in its saving of labor. By raising 
total farm overhead costs, it also exerts strong pressure on operators to use their 
power to full capacity in order to reduce power cost per unit. The easiest and 
most natural way to serve this need is to acquire more land on which to employ 
the machine. The result is stiff competition among farm operators for a limited 
supply of land. This principle had more elaborate statement in the testimony 
referred to earlier, and need not be developed further here. ( See also Technology 
on the Farm, published by United States Department of Agriculture, 1940; Na- 
tional Research Project, Tractors, Trucks, and Automobiles, 1938; and presenta- 
tions by staff of the Bureau of Agricultural Economics before the Senate Civil 
Liberties Committee, 1940, and before the Temporary National Economic Com- 
mittee, 1940.) 


Perhaps even more effective in producing incentive to expand size of farm than 
the tractor itself is the development of new and improved implements specially 
adapted for use with tractors. Mechanical corn pickers, two-row and four-row 
planters, and cultivators are examples. Mechanical corn pickers in the spring of 
1910 already numbered 1 to each 9V2 Iowa farms, according to the assessors' 
reports. By 1938 more than one-third the corn was mechanically picked over great 
stretches from Illinois to South Dakota. 

Beyond the mechanical corn picker there is already visible the combined har- 
vester, which picks and shells corn in one operation in the field. Of course, 
mechanical pickers and shelters, operating separately, are not new. Now they are 
being built into a single machine and operated experimentally in comparison with 
other types of combines. Preliminary results of the corn combines are very 
promising. A few machines are in commercial use. 


One of the obstacles which it was feared might limit the use of combines in corn 
is moisture. A test recently reported by Farm Implement News is basis for a 
claim that — 

"Elevators in surplus corn territory can usually handle shelled corn if the 
moisture is not over 25 percent. For storage in grain bins on farms, the moisture 
should be under 15 percent as a rule. The conclusion seems clear that farmers 
in surplus corn territory engaged in grain rather than livestock farming can 
pick and shell in the field if they so desire and market their shelled corn imme- 


diately, just as they do their wheat. The saving in labor and machine-use by 
this system is obvious" (Farm Implement News, October 31, 1940). 

Perhaps some economic aspects of the use which may be made of corn com- 
bines are as significant as their mechanical perfection, which appears ready 
to revolutionize harvesting methods in the cash-grain areas of the Corn Belt. 
Some of the first combines have been purchased by elevator men, or grain han- 
dlers, who then offer either to buy corn in the field and harvest it, or to harvest 
it on a custom contract for the farmer. Buying corn in the field is the counter- 
part of "patch buying" lettuce, melons, or other vegetables. Patch buying is 
one of the practices by which the handlers (i. e., packers, processors, or grower 
shippers) have secured volume for their processing and marketing organizations, 
extended their control over production on the land, and integrated and concen- 
trated phases of production, financing and marketing of vegetables. So few corn 
combines are yet in use that any generalization would be hazardous. Besides, 
there is no way to ascertain now whether the differential in capacity to handle 
moisture will or will not favor the handlers strongly. The trend will bear 
watching, however, for what it may mean to the status of corn farmers. 

One of the limiting factors which has restricted enlargement of Corn Belt 
farms is the ability of a man to cultivate his corn within the season. Experi- 
ments designed to eliminate the necessity of row cultivation by new and faster 
methods of early tillage have been made during the past 2 or 3 years under 
auspices of a well-known hybrid corn breeder in Illinois. These are described 
in the Hybrid Corn News, summer issue, 1939: 

"new implements, new methods fob corn world of tomorrow 

"Under careful scrutiny on the El Paso farm of Lester Pfister is an 80-acre 
test field of hybrid corn drilled May 24 with the newly designed eight-row 
planter pictured above and cultivated with the drag harrow, finger weeder, 
rotary hoe, and other implements of speedy, mass cultivation. 

"The test is being made, according to the silver-haired corn breeder, to deter- 
mine if weed growth can be controlled without the traditional, slow implement& 
of row cultivation to the extent that the economies offered by this type of 
streamlined farming can successfully be incorporated into the production of 
hybrid seed corn. 

"Projected plans for harvesting the 80 acres also include a new type corn 
combine that will pick and shell the corn in one operation, delivering it in bags- 
much in the same manner as our small grain combines. 

"Watching the experiment also, with keen eyes and an ear to the ground for a 
possible new equipment market, are those manufacturers whose newly designed 
implements of production are being tried for the first time in this experiment. 

"With the new planter the rows are drilled 20 inches apart. The planter 
makes deep furrows, into which is dropped one kernal of seed every 19 inches. 
This gives the same number of stalks per acre as given under normal methods of 
planting. Drilling the corn in this fashion, which allowing greater "feeding" 
ground for cultivation implements of the Corn Belt. 

"Expedient to the successful use of this type of planting and care is a good 
program of advance cultivation. For instance, the piece of ground being tested 
on the Pfister farm was fall plowed from wheat and alfalfa land. And further 
preparation in advance of planting time included one working with a field culti- 
vator and four workings with a wide harrow with teeth set very deep. Planting- 
was delayed until the last of May in order to allow the weeds to be well sprouted 
and worked down several times before the actual planting. 

"Due to the deep furrows made by the planter and in which the corn hills are 
planted, the ground can be worked with the rotary hoe and harrow until it has- 
reached considerable size. In being worked the ground gradually fills into the 
furrows around the roots of the corn. 

"If the ground has received sufficient advance cultivation and the corn is 
cultivated frequently enough during early growth, Mr. Pfister believes that the 
leaves of the corn shading the ground will offer sufficient impediment to the- 
weeds to hold them in check for the remainder of the season. 

"At present Mr. Pfister contemplates continuing the experiments with records 
on costs, weed control, and yields carefully kept and checked against the same 
factors appearing in contemporary plots planted, cultivated, and harvested in 
traditional Corn Belt fashion. 


"Just as the introdnction of hybrid corn into the Corn Belt has relegated 
varieties of open-pollinated corn into comparative obscurity, it is also calling 
forth new implements of production." 

In August 1940 these expeiiments were reported to us by interview with the 
corn breeder. He stated with confidence that the new practices give promise at 
an early date of eliminating the necessity for row cultivation and of facilitating 
the harvest of corn by combine. 

The elimination of row-crop cultivation has additional economic significance 
beyond the breaking of a worlv factor hitherto limiting size of farm. If achieved, 
it will be possible for farmers in the Corn Belt to do all their tractor work with 
machines of the crawler type, instead of, as now, using mainly the all-purpose, 
row-crop type. Cr:iwler-tyi)e tractors are more costly, but fuel costs are much 
less. Because overhead cost-^ will thus be higher relative to operating costs, the 
principle of the economy of capacity use may become even more important than 
at present as an agent of farm consolidation in the Corn Belt. 


The recent development of small combine harvesters for small grains is spread- 
ing this form of harvesting rapidly into the Corn Belt. Early use of huge 
combine harvesters for large-scale operations was on the Pacific coast. In the 
twenties and early thirties these gi'eat "factories on wheels" were rapidly dis- 
placing wheat farmers in the Inland Empire of Washington. See Edwin Bates, 
Commercial Survey of the Pacific Northwest, U. S. Department of Commerce, 
Domestic Commerce Series, No. 51, 1931. pp. 230-231, 241-246, 268-274, 288^-284. 
311-313, 332^334.) A. P. Brodell, of the Bureau of Agricultural Economics, 
describes the spread of the combine as its size became smaller : 

"The increase in the use of the combined harvester-thresher during the last 20 
years has been exceedingly rapid and widespread. Its limited use in harvesting 
less than 5 percent of the wheat crop in 1920 has increased until in 1938 it was 
used in harvesting about 50 percent of the wheat acreage harvested for grain. 
During the same period the number of combines on farms in the United States 
increased from about 4,000 to around 100,000. 

"Types and sizes also have changed, the general tendency being toward smaller 
and lighter machines. The 'baby' combine, of recent development, has been largely 
responsible for the rapid spread of the combine method of harvesting in the 
Central, Eastern, and Sduthern States, where wh(-at ncreages are small compared 
with the large acreages of the Plains and western wheat country. The combine 
is used also in the harvesting of small grains (ither than wheat, and in i:he 
harvesting of such crops as grain sorghums, soybeans, and grass seeds ; but it still 
remains of primary importance in harvesting wheat. * * * 

"The limited use of the combine in harvesting oats for grain is due probably 
to the desire of farmers to save the oats straw for feed and bedding. Conse- 
quently, the combine is used for harvesting oats to a greater extent in those areas 
where oats are plentiful than in areas where the acreage is limited. In the East 
North Central States nearly 15 percent of the oats harvested for grain was 
harvested with the combine [in 1938]. In the Middle Atlantic, West North 
Central, and South Atlantic States less than 9 percent of the crop was combined." 
(Agricultural Situation, August 1939.) 

The desire to use straw, which is a present factor retarding combine harvesting 
in some areas, presents no insurmountable barrier. Some farmers already use 
pick-up l)alers to salvage the straw left in windrows by combines. (See Farmers' 
Guide, November 2, 1940; (dipper's Farmer, April 1940.) In Story County, Iowa, 
small farmers liave licen I'naliled to save straw from their small combine-harvested 
fields by using custom balers. One custom operator baled 550 acres in a season. 
Capper's Farmer, August 1940.) About 68,000 combine threshers were sold in 
1939 and 1940. (Farm Implement News, February 6, 1941.) 


It has been pointed out frequently that the livestock phases of farm operation 
are a present limiting factor Iti expansion of size of farm. The recent report of 
the Department of Agriculture on Technology on the Farm, for example, calls 
attention to the fact that, to 1936, "in sections where livestock production pre- 


vails, the area in crops per farm ha.s shown little tendency to increase" in contrast 
to a fairly substantial increase in cash grain. How serious an obstacle to expan- 
sion livestock production is, and how long it will remain so, are other questions. 
The paragraphs which follow suggest answers which are being applied to impor- 
tant phases of the livestock industry. 

Production and handling of forage crops is a major factor in the cattle- and 
.sheep-feeding industry of the Corn Belt. At this point, as in other "bottlenecks," 
mechanization is now weakening tlie bonds which have held the scale of produc- 
tion small. Pick-up balers have gi-eatly reduced time and labor requirements for 
harvesting hay and straw, and reduced storage requirements. Tractors and 
rubber tires on existing types of haying machinery have materially speeded up old 
methods. Recently ensilage cutters have been adapted for tractor-drawn Jield 
operation. They require much less labor than the previous method. Srationary 
ensilage cutters have commonly been owned either individually, by two or more 
cooperating farmers, or by custom operators. Field ensilage cutters, rubber-tired 
for great mobility, and representing greater investment, off^r increased proba- 
bilities of cooperative or custom operation. Which form of ownership will pre- 
dominate is not yet clear. 

Now there is being develoi)ed the forage harvester for field chopping of hay or 
grass silage. Prof. F. W. Duffee, of the University of Wisconsin, reports : 

"An analysis was then made of the comparative labor rt^iuirements of the field 
baler and the large field chopper, showing an advantage in favor of the field chop- 
ping method of 13 to 1, insofar as the work involved in getting the hay onto the 
wagon was concerned. The prices of tliese units would be about the same" (Agri- 
cultural Engineeiing. Jniniary 1041). 

A dairy farmer in liliuois who a forage harvester reports a lower, but still 
impressive, saving of labor: 

"It was ditficult to get help, and we like this method because it enables us to 
put up hay twice as fast with a crew half as large as would be needed for other 
methods that would be practical on this farm. We run a large dairy herd, operate 
5 nulk routes, and bottle 1,700 quarts of milk and a lot of cream each day. It 
takes considerable feed to produce so much milk, and we keep 80 of the 640 acres 
in alfalfa. It would require a big labor bill to handle 3 cuttings a year in the old 
way, and we would lose more hay. This way materially reduces weather loss and 
practically eliminates loss of leaves" (A. G. Maupin, New Way To Put Up Hay, 
Capper's Farmer, February 1939). 

In terms of acreage, hay is tlie third largest crop in the United States. Pro- 
fessor Duffee points out tlie meaning of the harvester, if successful as it appears 
to be : 

"I believe the forage harvester is of profound significance, as it represents the 
last link in the development of mechanized agriculture, insofar as the three major 
crops outside the Cotton Belt are concerned. I repeat that we have mechanized 
grain and corn, but not hay ; when haymaking is fully mechanized we will then 
for the first time have fully mechanized agriculture insofar as the field work is 
concerned on millions of American fai'ms" (Agricultural Engineering, January 

E. W. Hamilton asserts that "the chopping of hay in the field promises to effect 
as much of a revolution in American agriculture as did the conung of the self- 
binder" (Countrv Gentleman, Aiigust 1940). 

Other forms of mechanization also contribute to the handling of forage. Blow- 
ers elevate chopped bay. Implement and Tractor (July 6, 1940) calls the forage 
blower a "sign of a new roughage era," and adds that "used in connection with 
the forage harvester, the forage blower may lower the curtain on pitchforks and 
other equipment depending heavily on manpower." 

Not all improved methods come through commercially produced machinery. 
Ingenious, practical farmers are continually at work developing semimechaniza- 
tions, or making new mechanical adaptations, or devising new working short 
cuts. Fann journals are filled with examples which may be summarized as 
follows : 

"A Nebraska farmer speeds up raking by pulling two aclapted rakes behind 
an old automobile" (Capper's Farmer, ]\Iay 1939). "Some farmers are mount- 


ing horse-propelled hay bucks on rebuilt automobiles or on tractors" (Capper's 
Farmer, May 1939, May 19-10). "An Illinois farmer applies the same home-made 
device to move grain shocks to the thresher" (Bloomington Pantagraph, July 29, 

"A Missouri custom thresher built four of these units to eliminate all his 
bundle wagons" (Capper's Farmer, April and July 1939). "A Minnesota farmer 
has had built a tractor-mounted sweep stacker in order to stack hay from the 
windrow" (Capper's Farmer, October 1939). 

"An Indiana farmer feeds two stationary hay balers placed at opposite ends 
of the field with his tractor buck rakes to give him a full load in both direc- 
tions" (Farmers' Guide, August 24, 1940). "Simple woven wire devices to roll 
off silase into trench silos are used to speed unloading" (Capper's Farmer, 
July 1939). 

"In anticipation of commercially produced forage harvesters, 'Not a few have 
improvided crude machines of their own'" (Country Gentleman, August 1940). 

"The use of grass silage began to attract attention about 3 years ago. 'The 
implement industry unfortunately did not rush in and provide the needful 
machinery, yet grass silage in this country has spread like wildfire. This year 
it will be put up on thousands of dairy farms across the continent. More ma- 
chines for harvesting the grass and getting it into the silos are needed. Some 
implements will be available this year that we should have had 2 years ago.' 
Barns are now being designed and built to provide the greater strength required 
to store chopped hay than to store loose hay" (Country Gentleman, March 1941). 

Mechanization of one stage in the process often creates pressure to improve the 
methods used in other stages. Previously regarded as eflicient, these customary 
methods have become bottlenecks to be eliminated. A 735-acre Indiana farmer, 
for example, found himself in this position after equipping his farm with 
tractors : 

"With tractor power in the field, transportation to the farmstead or feeding 
point constituted the bottleneck in haying operations. He eliminated it by 
making rubber-tired wagons with flat racks. Behind a car or truck these wagons 
will shuttle a load of hay any distance up to a mile without causing any con- 
gestion in the field. One season his father, with a small pick-up truck and three 
wagons, hauled all the hay, kept loading and unloading crews busy, and replaced 
four men and four teams" (Capper's Farmer, May 1940). 

Methods found eflicient in one area of specialized production migrate to other 
areas. Thus — 

"With the increase in stacking, particularly in central Iowa, has come a new 
enterprise — custom stacking. Taking a cue from the West, quite a few combina- 
tion sweep rake-stackers, pushed by tractors, were put into use this year. In 
Marshall County, Iowa, a dozen or more of these outfits were in operation. In 
this section of the Corn Belt stacking of hay was almost unknown until last 
year. The usual rate charged by custom stackers was $1.25 per hour for 
machine, tractor, and operator" (Country Gentleman, November 1940). 


One of the reasons why it has been assumed that handling livestock will be a 
barrier to expanded farming operations is its high labor requirement. We may 
expect that for a time livestock production, particularly in certain phases, will 
retard farm enlargement. Enterprising farmers, however, already are develop- 
ing practices which make it doubtful how serious a limiting factor ultimately 
this will prove to be. The rapid development of economies in forage production 
has been described above. It remains to indicate some of the ways in which 
labor handling and storage costs in feeding operations and around the barns are 
being cut, thus opening the way for larger operations. Scrapers on cables run 
through a barn remove and load manure in a single operation (observed in 
Livingston County, 111. ) . Tractor-mounted loaders are coming into use by many 
large feeders. An Iowa farmer reports that with loader and tractor-drawn 
spreader he and his sons have loaded and spread "10 loads of manure in 50 
minutes" (Capper's Farmer, October 1939). Mobile hay bimks simplify hay 
hauling and feeding, save hay from trampling, and permit feeding always in a 
clean spot. Mechanical elevation of feed by blower or carrier, overhead storage, 
and gravity or carrier distribution to feed bunks are increasingly in use. Feed- 


ing plant lay-out begins to resemble that of commercial elevators. A Nebraska 
fanner, for example, has arranged his storage building so that — 

"There is a dump-pit elevator and feed grinder at the ground level in the 
center of the building. The storage space for shelled grains is above the drive- 
way. Grain may be spouted down from each of the several overhead bins 
into the hopper of the grinder. The ground feed is delivered into the elevator 
pit, from which place it may be lifted to the top of the building and delivered 
through the pipe at the left to bunks in the feed lot. There is a telescopic joint 
where the picture shows a bend in the pipe. The section of the pipe below the 
joint may be swung about in a wide arc to reach several feed bunks. Mr. Meyer 
can feed 100 or more steers without shoveling any grain" (Capper's Farmer, 
September 1939). 

A recent article on 'beef-making equipment" reports that on an Indiana farm 
"assembly-line methods have been adopted in arrangement of buildings and in 
processing, mixing, and delivery of feed to the lots." The article continues : 

"At the farmstead, equipment is arranged on the pr.nciple of an assembly 
line so that feed preparation and mixing is a continuous process from bins, 
cribs, mows, and silo to the cattle. 

"The hay chopper is mounted permanently across a runway onto which trucks 
may be backed so that feed may be unloaded directly into it. The blower dis- 
charges into bins in a mill building which is equipped with grinding and mixing 
machinery. If corn is to be chopped it is blown into one side of the mill and 
hay into the other. Grain is run into four small bins from which it may be 
spouted into trucks or wagons. 

"At feeding tiiue, corn and corn meal and chopped hay are loaded at the 
elevator and slage at the silo. The hand-fed ration is thus made up as feed 
wagons proceed toward the bunks. 

"Mr. Morgan finishes 800 to 1,000 cattle annually, and so labor charges 
without special equipment would contribute greatly to beef-making costs. * * * 
Equipment provided enables 1 man to feed and bed 200 steers in 31/2 hours a 
day, the same time formerly required in caring for 50 head. Thus the labor 
charge against beef turned out at that plant has been reduced 75 percent" (Cap- 
per's Farmer, June 1940). 

A variation of the same pattern is employed by a Harrison County, Iowa, 
farmer, who reports : 

"I bought the place as a beef-making farm and designed my plant purposely 
with the notion of saving the labor of at least 1 man * * * With this ar- 
rangement 1 man can feed 400 cattle and look them over to see that they all 
come up to eat, within 11/2 to 2 hours * * * The second man is free to 
milk and look after sows and pigs. I formerly employed a third to attend 
those chores" (Capper's Farmer, May 1940). 


Improvement of the highways and the development of more mobile machinery 
are important factors making possible enlargement of individual farm enter- 
prises. Tractors capable of rapid movement in fields and on roads are now 
available. Rubber tires are essential elements in both achievements. Rubber 
provides better traction, consequently more power in the fields; also it makes 
for greater speed. Between 1937 and 1940 the percentage of wheel-type tractors 
sold by manufacturers for domestic use which were equipped with rubber tires 
rose from approximately 43 to 92 percent (Implement and Tractor, July 6, 1940, 
and Farm Implement News, February 6, 1941). Crawler-type tractors can be 
moved speedily on highways by loading them on i-ubber-tired trucks. Rubber 
tires are becoming common on harvesting machines and appearing on tillage 
machines partly to cushion shock, but even more to give mobility. 

Since most farm land is already occupied, it is not always easy for an operator 
to acquire contiguous fields to meet his need for expansion. With mobile ma- 
chinery, it becomes possible to incorporate in a single enterprise fields which 
are not part of a single block of land but which are distant from the headquar- 
ters. While costs rise because fields are not contiguous, the rise is nullified 
to a surprising degree by the developments noted above. 

The substitution of rubber for steel or iron-bound wood has made possible 
basic changes in engineering design. Prof. F. W. Duffee, of the University of 


Wisconsin, states that "rubber seems to me to be the nucleus of many recent 
changes in agricultural methods. It makes them practical. With rubber we 
find it possible to do things we hadn't thought of, or hadn't thought possible"' 
(Country Gentleman, November 1939). 

Among the things which become practical with rubber is consolidation of 
farms in order to cut overhead costs. Neil M. Glaik states : 

"Changes in agriculture scarcely foreseen evt n by the most farsighted may 
result from the coming of rubber. In certain sections, for example, there has 
been a marked tendency toward an increase in the size of the family size farm, 
made possible by modern equipment. But as Professor Duffee pointed out, a 
farmer can't always get additional land next door; but a mile or so down the 
ro.'id there may be plenty. 

" •^Ve used to get questions about expanding,' said Mr. Duffee. 'and when we 
investigated we often found it meant hauling equipment from one farm to 
another. As long as it was a case of steel wheels, or removing steel lugs to 
go on the highway, or perhaps loading plows or even the tractor itself on a 
truck, we were inclined to discourage the idea. Today a man can go a mile 
or so on the road with rubber-tired equipment in less time than he could go 
to the back end of his farm 10 years ago. So now when we are asked about 
expanding, our inclination is to say : "Go ahead." ' 

"Mr. Babcock (Ithaca, N. Y. farm operator) sees rubber tires thus helping 
to put agriculture in stronger hands. In his opinion, the principal effect of 
mounting farm equipment on rubber will be to spread the area over which a 
competent farmer may operate efficiently. 'This means,' he .says, 'that more 
and more land, in the Northeast at least, will be run by those who have the 
means for working it and who possess the ability to operate it. Areas of land 
worked by a single operator need not be adjacent.'" (Ibid.) 

The complexity of the pattern of farm operations which is developing is 
described in a recent study in Indiana : 

"The mechanization of agriculture and the continuous shifts in the ownership 
of farm land have been major factors in developing a farm unit complexity 
little appreciated by even the most observing agricultural workers. Only 55 
percent of the operating units in Deercreek Township and 42 i)ercent of them in 
Johnson Township were located in one contiguous tract and owned by one indi- 
vidual. The remaining operating units presented pictures of varying degrees 
of complexity. Some of the operating units included as many :is five different 
landowners, and as many as six separately located tracts of land, some of which 
ranged from 7 to 15 miles from the home tract. 

"Even though definite evidence indicates that tlie farm-iniit picture was becom- 
ing somewhat complex as early as 1914, it is apiiarent that recent trends toward 
larger operating units accompanied, or encouraged, by the increased use of 
large-scale machinery has mtide the situation more acute, and now presents 
new and different problems in the efficient operation and management of the 
land on many Indiana farms." (John R. Hays, Land Tenure and Land Use in 
Selected Areas in Indiana. Unpublislied Ph. D. thesis. February 1940.) 

Harry O'Brien confirms the trend of noncontiguous, or distance, farming, as 
a part of farm consolidation in the Corn Belt : 

"Power farming makes this possible. The farmer wants more land. He often 
cannot get it next to his own farm. So he gets it where he can. By truck or 
fast-speed tractor on rubber tires, he can transport one set of tools from one 
farm to another. This is being done by thousands of Corn Belt farmers today, 
as their operations l)ecome larger" (Our Changing Farm Map, Country Gentle- 
man, June 1940). 

How noncontiguous tracts can be combined into a single livestock farm is 
suggested by a 200-cow dairy in Pennsylvania. Seven places have been con- 
solidated into a 700-acre unit, made possible largely by modern equipment on 
rubber tires. (Furrow, July-August 1940). 

The most extreme examples of distance farming which we observed in the 
Corn Belt were two farms, each with large fields 75 and 80 miles apart, respec- 
tively. The Iowa farm comprised 1,000 acres all told, and the Illinois farm 
more than 1,100 acres. These probably shoiiid not be called "chain farms." 
They were operated not as separate farms under a single management, but iis 
single-farm operations in very much the same sense as if the fields had been 


111 the Wheat Bolt distance farming takes on even more extreme forms than 
are yet apparent in the Corn Belt. A Kansas farmer operates two wheat 
farm's, one of them 320 acres in size. 'When the harvest is finished at home, 
(he) loads the tractor on the truck, hitches the 12-foot combine behind, and in 
5 hours he is 116 miles away ready for the Scott County harvest" (Capper's 
Farmer, June 1940). Another Kansas farmer loads his crawler-type tractor 
on a truck and farms two sections 130 miles distance from his home farm of 
300 acres. He also takes dirt-moving contracts during fall and winter and 
"uses a house trailer as headtiuarteis for the operating crew when they are 
away from home" (Capper's Farmer. September 1939). Interstate grain farm- 
ing "is practiced by an Oklahoma farmer who also operates another tract 220 
miles away in the Texas Panhandle, hauling his equipment back and forth by 
truck (Capper's Farmer, Jtdy 1940). 


A picture of the traditional farm-wage worker of the Corn Belt known as 
the hired man was drawn by H. C. Taylor more than 20 years ago. 

"On the general farm in the northern part of the country the typical wage 
worker on the farm is a young man who is temporarily a member of the farm- 
er's family as well as a part of the farm crew. He eats at the family table, 
reads the paijer in the family living room after supper, puts his soiled clothes 
into the family washing, and in general shares the life of the farm home. If 
he is a good hand he will soon become interested in the work of the farm and 
attached to the farm by many ties other than the wages he draws. This 
young man is a part of the farm family, and whether he is contented with the 
life and interested in the work depends largely upon the success of the farmer 
and his wife in developing sympathetic and happy relations. There are no 
class distinctions. The young man expects to become an independent farmer 
and feels that he is gaining skill, money, and credit which will enable him to 
establish a home of his own in a few years. * * * The hired man is not 
satisfied simply to eat and sleep in the house. He expects to be made to feel 
at home, and if he does not feel at home, he will move along and try another 
place. The farmer and his hired man work side by side in the field and in 
the barn : they sit side by side at the table, and it is perfectly natural that the 
employee should expect to be considered a part of the family. * * * The 
ffOdI of the hind iihiii is thr position of an imhix ndcnt ptrmer on a farm of his 
oini.' (Agricultural Economics. r.)20, pp. l(i<s, 157-158, 176). 

Since this description was written the position of farm wage workers in the 
Corn Belt has undergone marked change. More efiicient methods of work have 
raised productivity per man. The national research project reports a decline 
in family labor employed in the corn area between 1909 and 1936 of nearly 
19 percent and in hired labor of 30 percent. The Bureau of Agricultural 
Economics reports continuance of the decline of hired workers since 1936. 
L. J. Fletcher states: "Farm machines are largely responsible for the dis- 
appearance of women and children as workers in the fields and are displacing 
the 'hired man'"' (Journal of Farm Economics, May 1937). Studies by Case 
aiitl Wilcox, of the University of IlliTiois. fully corroborate this trend: 

'One of the unfortunate aspects of all these changes — more mechanization 
and less labor entering into crop production — has been that the farm affords 
less opportunity for employment, (^n the cash-grain farms in the study, the 
number of laborers hired declined almost in proportion to the reduced labor 
requirements for crop production" (R. H. JVilcox and H. C. M. Case, Twenty- 
five Years of Illinois Crop Costs 1913-37. Bull. 456, p. 408). 

The falling off in total employment available to wage workers on farm.s 
has been refiected in complete elimination from the occupation of some, in 
underemployment of others. Curiously, the number of persons who call them- 
selves farm-wage Ijiborers may actually increase. As Prof. Ray B. Wakeley 
has noted : 

"Improved methods and greater efficiency in farming are causing an increas- 
ing number of farm consolidations. Especially in the cash-grain areas of the 
Corn Belt, combinations of from 2 to 10 farms are reported with increasing 
frequency. (Jhanges like these add to the number of hired laborers, but they 


decrease the total number of workers needed in agriculture" (Surplus Farm 
Labor, Iowa Farm Economist, October 1940). 

Where the displaced farm laborers go is mainly to the towns, often on Work 
Projects Administration or relief. Occasionally we were informed in the summer 
of 1940 that "some of the laborers who come from Kentucky move back there." 
This resembles the return of Oklahoma laborers from California, or southerners 
from the mountains left unemployed by depression in automobile plants of Michi- 
gan. Some farm laborers find jobs in factories, which, in the eastern part of the 
Corn Belt, are not distant from farming areas. For this reason the problem of 
displaced farm laborers (and farmers) stands out less starkly in Ohio and Indiana 
than in the Cotton Belt, Wheat Belt, and western portions of the Corn Belt itself. 
Stimulation of defense activity is enlarging temporarily this outlet for the 

Ihere is little protest on the farms over the displacement of laborers. As 
empioyers, the farmers are naturally relieved by the process and the laborers are 
not vocal. 

"What the tractor has displaced in greater volume than the farm tenant is the 
hired hand. But the farm laborer is a voiceless fellow who looks for a job 
somewhere else if he can't find it on the farm and not much is heard from him" 
(El Paso (111.) Journal, July 4, 1940). 

Declining employment of wage laborers makes an appeal not only to farmers 
but to their wives as well. For example : 

"Little or no outside help is required when you use a McCormick-Deering 
picker to harvest your crop. It takes only one man to operate both tractor and 
picker. Thus the problem of finding and boarding a large crew of outside help 
at corn-picking time is eliminated, and the womenfolk, too, are relieved of worry 
and extra kitchen work" (advertisement pamphlet entitled "McCormick-Deering 
Quality Built Corn Pickers" ) . 

Intimacy of relationship between the farmer's family and his wage laborers 
is one of the chief reasons why the status of "hired man" always has been 
regarded as paternalistically protected and as superior. It is this very fact, 
however, that the hired man lives in the household, that adds to the burden of 
work by the farmer's wife. Open protest against it appears to be growing. The 
wife of a central Illinois machine farmer emphasized this to us in the summer of 

"You can remember this : The women won't do any more cooking for hired men. 
I never have a man in the house. For the last 6 weeks they've been feeding them 
in the church on big long tables, at 40 cents a meal. Otherwise they eat in 
restaurants. Our men bring their dinners. Let their own wives put up their 
dinners. Farm women aren't going to be tied down. They aren't going to be 
slaves. Farm women want modern homes." 

She was willing, however, to drive farm machinery and to have her 12-year-old 
daughter do so. 

A description of the growing industrialization of the relationship between 
employer and employed on the land appears in a report from St. Clair County 
issued in 1938 by the Illinois Emergency Relief Commission : 

"It was found and agreed that the number of farm laborers is decreasing for 
the reason that the cost of living was rising, while the wage of farm laborers 
remained stationary. Also, farm operators have in large measure discontinued 
giving foodstuffs and shelter, in addition to wages, regarding their workers more 
as employees in other industries. This circumstance may contribute to another 
phase of the problem, since it tends to result in the use of casual and transient 
labor, especially in seasons of greatest need. This results, as pointed out by the 
representatives of the farm bureau, in absence of needed skills. The farm 
bureau particularly emphasized the fact that a man doing only occasional farm 
labor, even if this has been his principal occupation, may now be helpless under 
present-day farm mechanization." (Release dated April 20, 1938, entitled 
"Exhibit K, Relief Rolls and Farm Employment." ) 

Of similar tenor is the report from Agricultural Digest, March 80, 1937, of an 
innovation : 

"Recent help-wanted advertisements for farm hands have in many cases 
stipulated married men, with trailer houses. In former years Iowa farmers 
hired unmarried men, boarding them in their own homes, or employed married 
helpers, providing them with separate houses." 

The photographs in tliis section were submitted 
by the Farm Security Administration and were 
accepted for the record. 

They ihustrate conditions existing in and around 
defense areas in various sections of the country, such 
as were described by various witnesses in the Decem- 
ber 1940, February and March 1941 hearings, and 
appearing in parts 8, 9, and 10 of these hearings. 

Parking lot adjoining Quincy, Mass., shipyards. Cars parked here bear tags from many States. 

People at Quiney, Mass., rent their back yards to shipbuilders for car space because of lack of parking space. 

Trailer bome of Mr. and Mrs. Clyde Burton near the Bath, Maine, shipyard. 

Migrating farmer from soutbern Louisiana seel^ing work at i uni' I u m -inu, Alexandria. He is carrying 
his bedding and a portable iiouse. 

Ins tent, beiiit; on Ciu\ urimitut pioiM 


irnclioii u.nkiTslixriii I h.'sc I.Mils uti (i,,\, 
(Jdiie uul (if dcKirs and I here lue n<i similar; 

livi', C. I. king 

•p%- '> 

Defen-^e ciinstn 

Kiund garbase ami rutibisli heap in tlie rear of tlieir tenl 
ingston, La. ])eceiiiber 1940. 

Sick child liviiit; in s()uali)r near a defense construction job at Corpus Christi, Tex. His father, a construc- 
tion worker, was injured while at work and later found employment on a parking lot. December 1940. 

Tent occupied by men, two women, and two children near Alexandria, I-; 
tion at the Array camp and slept in shift.-^ 

■ i 



-i -'-y-T 









L'e migrant .souths from Los Angeles interview a friend at San Diego about jobs. 'I'lie.v were told they 
could find work in the morning if they hustled. December 1940. 

Camp \a\ III--I 111 I "I 

built f.n IhclllM'lM- 

the shacks aieon (i 

I kcrs from Monroe, La , cookins 
!(m| lumber Here they ha\e m 

if doors m front of shacks they have 
ar\ f.'K ilities and pay no rent, since 

Shipyard worlcers' lunchroom at Bath, Maine/showing crowded conditions due to increased persoimel at 

the yard. 


In Iowa we were informed in the summer of 1940 that this type of advertise- 
ment continues to appear annually, usually in the spring. 

Wallace's Farmer raises the question editorially of the progressive shortening 
of the term of employment: 

"When do you fire your hired man? Some farmers were discussing this up 
in Cerro Gordo County, Iowa, recently. The general practice seemed to be to 
hire an extra man in the spring, sometimes not till late April, and then fire him 
after harvest. That makes a work year of 21/2 months. Maybe another month 
in the fall if the corn is husked by hand" (August 26, 1939). 

Apparently for some who used to obtain steady work the year round oppor- 
tunity has dropped to seasonal employment from planting through harvest; 
sometimes the laborer is even expected to furuisli his own house on the farm. 

The effects of labor displacement are not limited to permanent wage workers. 
They extend to the sons of farm operators as well. As Wilcox and Case recently 
have pointed out : 

"The sons of farmers are finding, as they approach maturity, less opportunity 
of becoming established as farmers themselves. There are not so many farms 
for rent ; and the opportunity to get a start by working as a hired laborer has 
been reduced. This reduced opportunity tends to offset the effects of the greater 
attractiveness of farming and farm life so far as keeping young men and women 
on the farms is concerned" (Illinois Agricultural Experiment Station Bulletin 
476, p. 404). 

Also, this increasing difficulty of ascending the agricultural ladder, caused by 
the increase in capital equipment necessary to start farming, and by growing 
competition for farms withdraws another element always regarded as essential 
to the status — "hired man." 

Some agricultural workers remain on the land after mechanization has pro- 
gressed, with improved standard of living. Ray E. Wakeley notes this in report- 
ing a recent study of Hamilton County, Iowa : 

"A recent survey in Hamilton County indicated that the younger hired hands 
were relatively well off. Nearly all of them owned a car, and most of them were 
assured of steady employment. The average laborer in this survey had worked 
for 2 years at his present job. One-fourth of these laborers were related to their 

"The average size of farm on which these laborers were working is 300 acres. 
The farms are two-man farms, considerably larger than average for the State 
or for that section of the State" (Iowa Farm Economist, October 1940). 

But for many there is loss of status, with greater irregularity of employment 
and break-down, not only of the close relationship which formerly prevailed 
between hired man and farmer, but also of clear-cut attachment to agriculture 
as source of livelihood. Wakeley continues: 

"Temporary or emergency workers, in contrast, have neither security nor 
reasonable promise of advancement. Most of them are caught between the 
farm and the city. They cannot extricate themselves so as to attain a level of 
living which will* make it possible for them to take a full part either in rural 
or urban society." 

The effect on relief agencies of the displacement of laborers was immediate. 
In the spring of 1938 the Illinois emergency relief commission reported that 
the spring farm labor supply conferences held to help farmers needing laborers 
had turned largely into conferences to help laborers needing farm jobs which 
were disappearing" (Illinois emergency relief commission, mimeographed release, 
dated April 29, 1938, entitled "Exhibit K, relief rolls and farm employment") 
From county after county the reports came in : 

From Calhoun County : "As in other counties, power machinery is supplautmg 
farm labor." ^ , . , j. ^, 

From Greene County : "The supervisor of Kane Township gave us, before the 
meeting, some very interesting information as to what is occurring in his town- 
ship There are 10 farmers who are planning to plant 75 acres of corn each, and 
intend to cultivate this crop without any help. There is 1 farmer who is tending 
1,500 acres of land. He has 6 tractors and will hire only 6 or 7 men, when pre- 
viously between 15 and 20 men were employed to tend this amount of land." 

From Ogle Countv : "One person who is a farmer on a large scale stated that 
modern machinery 'has replaced to a large extent the need of farm hands 
and has tended to level off the cycle of farm work. He stated that in his own 

260370— 41— pr. 10- 



community of Polo there have been 70 tractors sold during this last year and 
that as a rough estimate each of these has displaced one farm worker. It was 
felt that later on, perhaps in the harvest season, there might be need of some 
additional farm help for a period of 1 or 2 days, but that this need could be taken 
care of." 

From Morgan County : "It is reported from the Jacksonville area that farmers 
are using their tractors night and day rather than hire additional labor." 

From Lee County : "Machinery is tending to iron out the peaks which formerly 
required so much seasonal help." 

From Peoria County: "The supervisors of Rosefield and Halleck Townships, 
in Peoria County, have constant inquiries as to the possibilities of Work Projects 
Adminis^tration employment from unemployed farm laborers, both relief and 

From Vermilion County: (The farm advisor and several members of the Farm 
Bureau) pointed out that the displacement of the casual farm labox"^r was due 
in a large measure to the general use of power machinery and suggested that 
some program of public employment would have to be planned to absorb these 
permanently displaced agricultural workers. 

A "hired hand" wrote to Wallace's Farmer : 

"I am a hired man and have worked for just two men in the last 14 years. 
But the last 4 years I have had a hard time living on 114 days' work out of the 
year, outside of corn husking. Farmers expect their men to live on relief the 
rest of the time" (hired hand, Fremont County, Iowa, March 25, 19S9). 

Professor Wakeley states that — 

"Probably as many as one-fourth of the people on relief in towns of under 
5,000 in Iowa are or have been farm laborers. The shift toward hired labor has 
increased the proportion of workers in agriculture who are dependent on seasonal 
employment and need public assistance part of the year" (Iowa Farm Economist, 
October 1940). 

In an editorial of September 7, 1940, Wallace's Farmer says : 

"Some of the big farms badly need workers for 10 days at a time, but only a few 
times a year. They pay the workers for the time worked, and the relief adminis- 
tration keeps the crew alive until they are needed next time. 

"An Iowa farmer put it a little differently: 'I don't use a year-round hired 
man any more. I hire one for a month in the spring and for a month in the 
fall and let W. P. A. keep him in between.' " 

An Illinois county suijervisor whom we interviewed last summer was puzzled. 
On the one hand, he and his brother had expanded their own operations in part- 
nership to include what had been four farmsteads. On the other, his county 
responsibility showed him the effect of labor displacement on the relief rolls. 
Like many another man faced with the advantages and disadvantages of change, 
he said in perplexity, "I've always felt we'd be better off here if we'd nevei- had 
the tractors. If we'didn't have all this machinery there'd be a job for everybody, 
and at wages they could live on. * * * We didn't get our first row-crop 
tractor till just this spring — but everybody else was doing it, so what the hell?" 


Enough evidence has been cited already to show that mechanical techniques 
and methods of farm organization and operation are developing to the point 
where early fulfillment of Dr. A. G. Black's 1931 prophecy that "the most 
efficient family-size farm may well become from one to two sections in size" is 
now possible of realization. The principle of capacity use of machines which 
drives toward larger farms has been elaborated in the testimony of Paul S. 
Taylor before the Special Committee on Interstate Migration sufficiently to 
require no repetition or addition here. We face now the condition foreseen by 
an economist which would permit "a selective process which would result in 
culling out the three-quarters of our farmers who show themselves to be the 
poorest business managers." Not alone questions of increasing farm operating 
efficiency are raised, but broad issues of social policy confront us as we start 
the actual displncemont which this enlargement of farms entails. L. J. 
Fletcher stated this 5 years ago before the annual meeting of the Ajmerican 
Farm Economic Association : 

"A greater spread of production costs will likely result as ability to operate 
and manage mechanical equipment becomes more important than muscular 


ability and willingness to work long hours. This widening of the bracket be- 
tw^een the high and low cost producer will increase the problem of those who 
desire to insure a suitable income to all farmers and to maintain them all as 
independent farm operators and, if possible, as farm owners. * * * Relative 
efficiency in production will determine the size of the farm project unless social 
legislation prevents" (Journal of Farm Economics, May 1937). 

Enlargement of farms proceeds commonly by a practice known as "field 
renting." Sometimes it begins with outright purchase, but probably more often 
renting, or field renting, is the preliminary to purchase. A recent Intensive 
study in Indiana describes ways in which field renting takes place: 

"The practice of renting separate fields has become common in these two 
townships and in other parts of Indiana as a result of the following situations : 

"1. Some retired farmers or farmers' widows wish to retain possession of the 
farm buildings and possibly of some pasture and hay land, but do not want 
to operate the entire tract. 

"2. Some landowners occupy the farm buildings but operate none of the 
land, and devote their time to city employment. 

"8. Some owner-operators and renters wish to increase their cropland with- 
out the capital outlay for purchases. The renting of fields enables them to 
increase their feed production, and thus keep more livestock on their home 
tracts. BHeld renting enables more efficient use of large-scale machinery by 
cutting down the per-acre cost of the fixed charges." (J. R. Hays, "Relation- 
ship of character of farming units to land management in two townships in 
Indiana." Bulletin 450, p. 12.) 

The patterns of farm consolidation are numerous and varied. Small farms, 
some of them "uneconomically small" for a family are consolidated into larger 
farms of "economic size." Farms are enlarged to gi-eat size for pure conuner- 
cial operation. Consolidation is grounded both on purchase and on lease land. 
Operation of enlarged farms is by the farmer himself, by father and son, by 
tenants, by hired labor, or by a combination of these. The factors which accom- 
pany and seem to give impulse to consolidation likewise are varied. This 
report emphasizes mechanization in its broadest sense, because machinery is 
believed to be basic. At one time or another, in one place or another, to one 
observer or another, factors such as the purchase of land by city people who 
crowd out "farmers" by substituting hired labor for tenants, the taking advan- 
tage of aspects of the agricultural adjustment program, or tax laws, the bid- 
ding up of rentals, appear to play a leading part. We believe they are 
subordinate, although not to be ignored. In this variety of farm, the Corn 
Belt closely resembles the Cotton Belt. 

The following reports on the difficulty of tenants in finding farms to rent, made 
by observers in various counties in Indiana show the appearances of consolidation 
in March 1940 as seen by people who are close to it. 

Bartholomew County : "Farmers with tractor equipment are renting two or 
more farms." 

Allen County : "One of the main causes for this has been that there have been 
so many farms sold by insurance companies to factory workers who will live on 
the fann but rent fields." 

Delaware County: "Factory employees purchasing smal farms and operating 
as a side line. Expansion of small operators taking up otherwise available 

Fayette County : "Causes : A. Agricultural Adjustment Administration program 
has cau.sed landlords to hire hands to farm. In many cases Agricultural Adjust- 
ment Administration check pays farm laborer but gives him no opportunity to 
make any progress toward security. B. Trend toward mechanized equipment is 
tending to encourage commercialized farming rather than family-size farms. C. 
Apparently more young men are starting to farm, which is displacing older men 
who have spent their entire life farming, and who are not equipped for any other 
type of work." 

Marion County: "1. Mechanized farm machinery and other labor-saving devices 
of the farm ; the high cost of this equipment necessitates the operation of large 
units to pay the original cost and maintenance. 2. Uncertainty of farm com- 
modity prices. 3. Agricultural Adjustment Administration program has curtailed 
production to the point that many farm owners are renting their houses to indus- 
trial workers and renting fields to farmers with mechanized equipment so that 


they may stay within compliance with the conservation program. This has 
tended to greatly reduce the number of family-sized units available to farm 

Wells County : "One of the major causes contributing to this condition is the 
rubber-tired tractor. After a farmer purchases this machinery he rents two or 
more farms in addition to his own. This invariable crowds out one or two small 

Adams County: "It appears that the cause of the situation in this county is 
not that there are more farmers than there are farms, but that the farmers, with 
the use of power equipment, are farming more land, thus making fewer farms 

Miami County: "It appears that farms are getting harder to rent each year. 
I believe the cause of this is the efficient power machinery that farmers have 
which permits one man to operate more land. If a landowner desires to retire 
he can rent his fields to a neighbor and continue to live on the farm. This just 
makes another farm less for a farm family to operate." 

Jasper County: "The principal cause appears to be the increase of tractor 
power and equipment. Many farmers in this territory are farming as many as 
four times the number of farms previously oi>erated, complying with the Agi-i- 
cultural Adjustment Administration program and realizing exceedingly large 
benefit payments. Other landlords are operating their farms with hired labor 
and using the Agricultural Adjustment Administration payment to pay this 
hired labor, and thereby receiving all proceeds from the farm. The absentee 
landlords owning farms in this territory increase the tenant problem by refusing 
to rent to tenants without tractors, or they rent their entire farm to neighboring 
farmers with power equipment." 

White County : "Some of the better tenant farmers have purchased farms and 
are how operating the purchased farms as well as land they had been operating 
SIS tenants. The tendency in this county is for increased use of power equipment 
and the operation of large units. This is not only the attitude of operatoi-s but 

Fulton County : "One farmer will take one or two tractor outfits and rent the 
itotal sum of three or four farms. * * * When these farms are incorporated 
iin this way one man will farm about six or seven hundred acres." 

In Iowa a letter from Woodbury County published by Wallace's Farmer and 
Iowa Homestead (May 4, 1940) emphasized loopholes in the homestead tax- 
exemption law which offered advantages to city folk : 

"It's because of the 40-acre tax exemptions. The landlords rent their homes 
in town for big rent, occupy their farm homes, put up their mail boxes and get 
40-acre homestead exemption. Their soil-conservation checks will more than 
pay for hiring their land farmed. They get the entire crop and do 
nothing. * * *" 

We saw in the summer of 1940, from central Ohio to northwestern Iowa, actual 
working out of the pressure to enlarge farms in application of the principle of 
capacity use of machinery. Much of the evidence which we gathered has already 
been presented. A few other examples from interviews in the field are given 
here : 

(1) An extension specialist in farm machinery at an agricultural college: 
"In the better land, farms are increasing in size, and one of the big elements 
is machinery. I hate to see the destruction of the family farm. I've seen them 
use foremen and work crews, with 10 tractors or 6 cornpickers in a field. It's 
the industrialization of farm life. Buildings are torn down, the employer em- 
ploys labor when he needs it, and lets somebody else care for it when he doesn't." 

(2) An oflScial of the United States Department of Agriculture in a Corn Belt 
State: "Machinery on the better land is putting labor out of jobs and farmers 
out of their farms. City people put their money in farm land, partly because 
of the insecurity of the times, and partly perhaps to avoid income tax by putting 
money into upkeep and improvement of the land. Substantial buildings on farms 
retard consolidation, but on the good land I don't know whether we're going to 
be able to stop it." 

(3) A county agent in western Ohio described the beginnings of farm con- 
solidation in his county: "There is an agricultural problem arising in X County 
lirobably more widespread than this county alone, but which came more acutely 
to my attention during land-use meetings in eight townships this spring. 


"Farmers in these meetings reported that from two to three tenants per town- 
ship were not able this spring to rent farms and found it necessary to sell their 
livestock and machinery. They also told me that the young men in these town- 
ships are not able to purchase farms that are being sold in the townships, but 
that a very large percentage of these farms are being sold to owners in Dayton, 
Richmond," Union City, and cities even farther away. They tell me that the 
prices paid for these farms are out of line with their agricultural production 
values, and that a farmer really cannot purchase them and come out on his 

"We would like to see this social as well as economic problem studied more 
fully from an actual research angle. We know in general that these farmers 
for the most part do not find farms to rent, move to the county seat or other small 
county towns, causing a severe shortage in hou.sing in small towns. They are 
also causing severe competition for jobs available in these towns. When it was 
man-and-horse labor, the small farm wasn't at such a disadvantage to the large 
farm. The man who has the machinery is the man who gets the farm. We don't 
find our young people able to start in farming." 

(4) Empty houses are less frequently visible as evidence of consolidation and 
displacement in the Corn Belt than in Cotton and Wheat Belts, but they are occa- 
sionally to be seen. Near Irwin, Ohio, a boy by the roadside gave us the simple 
explanation: "Empty houses? They got tractors and then they didn't need the 
tenants any more." 

(5) We visited one 9,000-acre Corn Belt farm operated by brothers, nearly all 
of which they own. The brothers remember the days of oxen on their father's 
farm ; their land began when each bought 40 acres with money given 
by their father. Ever since they have continued to buy land, 1,000 acres as 
recently as the last couple of years. The ranch is operated with day laborers 
paid $2.50 when they work, and provided with house. The advantage which 
the brothers claim for large farming is low overhead; the estimate was made 
that the same 9,000 acres operated as family farms would require twice the 
machinery. It was stated that consolidation of farms is going on in the district, 
one man taking two farms, building up farms of 500 acres, 800 acres, and so on. 

(6) The farm editor of an Illinois newspaper reported the following as among 
the symptoms of farm consolidation in his area: "(a) In a recent local survey 
an average of eight empty farmhouses per township were reported. ( & ) A tenant 
farmer told the editor he intended to organize a tenants' union, because other 
farmers' organizations fail to represent the tenants subject to displacement, 
(c) Nowadays farmers don't want farms close to other farmers who are ex- 
pandine. because they won't be able to expand themselves." 

(7) In one county of the Illinois cash-grain area we were told that the principal 
factor displacing tenant operators in the last 2 or 3 years had been a trend toward 
operation of farms with hired labor by owners who previously had rented their 
land to tenants. Many of these new owner-operators were townspeople who 
continued to live in nearby towns, and exercised supervision by frequent visits 
to their farm property. Some were retired farmers, others merchants or pro- 
fessional men. Our informant, a large farmer and an official of the county 
Agricultural Adjustment Administration organization, described the trend : 

"The main trouble we're having here is landlords farming their places them- 
selves, and the reason for it is we got power equipment now. So, inside 10 days 
we'll be through corn picking and can put the pickers in the shed and go to town, 
and not do a thing on the place till the next spring. A lot of people think thC' 
Agricultural Adjustment Administration is what's brought this trend on, but it 
isn't. It's true that the benefit payments are helping to bring it on some, buc 
they're not the main cause. The main thing that causes it is just some little 
disagreement, between the landlord and the tenant, lots of times over some little 
foolish thing that shouldn't cause any trouble. But now we got power equip- 
ment, and that, together with the fact the conservation program cuts down the 
amount of ground that has to be cultivated, makes it possible for the landlord 
to get mad when these little disagreements and misunderstandings come up, and 
take over the farm and run it himself. 

"This power equipment we got is the biggest curse we've got toward that. A 
landlord can take $3,000, or really even less, and go out and buy enough machinery 
to farm his place. 


"It's not all the landlord's fault; not by a jugfull. I started out as a hired 
man working by the month, and I was a renter for a good many years, and 
I'm still renting some land, and reuttng other laud out to a tenant, so I know 
both sides of it, and I can tell you it's not all the landlord's fault. 

"One thing that makes a lot of landlords mad, so they get disgusted, and wanl 
to farm the place themselves, is a lot of tenants don't take care of a place. They 
won't fix up the buildings, or cut the weeds ; or if there's a board loose on the 
barn, instead of taking a hammer and going to fix it, they'll let it flap for months, 
till tiie landlord sends out a man from town to fix it. 

"I know how it is — I've got a renter on a quarter I own over in X county, 
and every year I have to take two or three men over for a week, to fix up the 
buildings and repair and paint ; the tenant don't do a thing. Twenty years ago, 
if I'd asked my landlord to hire carpenters to fix up my crib, he'd wanted to 
shoot me ; he'd have said : 'And what in hell are you doing, when it's too wet 
to work in the fields?' " 

(8) An Illinois farmer, operating 480 acres and owning other land, told us: 
"No, sir. It is not just the slack or incompetent farmer who gets squeezed out 
and' can't get a place. I can name you plenty of good farmers, intelligent, with 
plenty of equipment that haven't been able to find places in the last 2 years. Of 
course, in general, the ones that aren't much as farmers tend to be the first 
to go, but this year and last year there's been good farmers with good equipment 
put ofe. I'd say in the last 2 years 90 percent of those that couldn't get places 
were that kind. 

"Last year I just tried to make myself believe that it was only weedmg out 
the poor farmers, but that just isn't so. Why did I try to make myself believe 
it so long? Well, mostly because the prospects just look so damn bad if that 
wasn't the case, that I didn't like to face it. I saw this trend coming all right, 
but so many men a lot smarter than I am would give reasons why it's going 
to work out, that I tried to make myself believe it. If we can't solve it— the 
trend toward displacing tenants— we're going to run into dictatorship as sure 
as God made green apples. If we don't solve it, it'll be handled through the 
Government, and we'll be asking for a dictator. Why am I worried about it? 
Why, what would the community be like, if they all operated that way?" 

(9) An Illinois Agricultural Adjustment Administration county official said: 
"A lot of those that couldn't get a place move to southern Illinois, Indiana, Mis- 
souii, and Kentucky. Quite a few get onto some farm that isn't good for much 
but raising a little stock— land that's worth, say, $30 to $40 an acre. A good 
many buy a place like this— make just a small down payment. Who moves to 
these places? Well, a good many fellows that were renting and couldn't get a 
place, and some that had owned but lost their land or were just about to lose it. 
Well, for example, George, he's been renting one of the half-section places that X 
bought. (Note. — X is a young businessman residing in the county seat, who has 
bought four farms since 1938 ; he plans to begin operation of three with hired 
labor in the spring of 1941.) He's going to have to sell out ; he's tried all over to 
get a farm and can't. He plans to go to western Missouri, and be some kind of 
manager on a horse farm there. 

"John, another renter on one of the places X is going to operate, don't know 
yet what he'll do. He's been on that place about 10 years, a half section, and 
very good land. He's a good farmer with good equipment ; he's done everything 
in the world to get a place and hasn't found one yet." 

(10) Illinois obsei-vers noted the movement of displaced farmers to poor land: 
"Another thing that's coming in: Tenants who can't get a place buy 40 acres 
and settle to try to hold over their equipment for a year, in the hope of getting a 
place the following year. This year up along the Sangamon River, several farms 
have been split up into 40-acre patches, and tenants who couldn't get a place are 
taking them. 

"Most of the displaced tenants move to town, do odd jobs, carpentering, iwiint- 
ing. Work Projects Administration. We've taken on one here at the bank as a 
janitor. Some, a few, move back to Kentucky, but one of our biggest problems 
is cheap labor moving up from Kentucky. Tliey're glad to work for $10 a month 
at first." 

(11) In Livingston County, 111.: "There is a definite trend for those who've 
lost the places they were on in the good land areas, to gravitate to the poor land, 
and to try to farm it with the same methods they used when they were on the 
good land. For example, a good many get up on the Cayuga Ridge." 


(12) An Illinois county agent: "Oh, no; I don't think the trend toward larger 
units has worked itself out yet. I expect it to continue. We're seeing more and 
more of it. I don't see anything which will stop it, short of Government inter- 
ference. There are people here who want that; want to limit the size of unit 
a man may farm, but I'm not in favor of that because you couldn't police it. It 
would be administratively impossible. Besides, that's getting regimentation we 
can't have here — it is opposed to our system of ownership and free enterprise. 
The backing up of population on the land during the depression hasn't checked 
the trend toward larger units, as some might exi^ect. In fact, in some case it 
has increased the tendeiicy. For example, last Friday a man came in, asking if 
we knew of any place to rent. He'd been on one place 12 years, but the landlord 
had just notified him that he was moving onto the farm next spring to live — not 
to work it, but just to live in the house. He'll rent the land out to a neighbor 
to work. This renter has no good prospect of getting another farm. About the 
only way you can get a farm now is through having some friends who are next 
to somebody who has one to rent, and who will put in a good word for you." 

(13) Illinois farm manager: "The main trend toward larger farms dates 
back only 5 or 6 years, to the time they began to be able to buy machinery, but 
there was some of it, even before. One reason, maybe, was that the depression 
sent a lot of farmers' sous home from the city ; naturally, they felt "if he's home, 
we can farm more land.' But the trend was not so pronounced then, during those 
early years, because, due to the low prices and all, they couldn't buy machinery. 
From 1926-27 on, farmers weren't buying much of anything they didn't absolutely 
need, and along in 1931 and '32 they were buying absolutely nothing." 

(14) Professional manager of farms in Illinois and Indiana: "I think there 
might be quite an opportunity for farming from town by a man who has enough 
of the right kind of power equipment and implements. The technological condi- 
tions are much more favorable to such an organization of fanning then they were 
only 8 or 10 years ago, due to the new machines and rubber. If a man were a 
good manager, and hired the right kind of helii — I don't mean highly trained, 
but just farm boys from around her, who know machinery — I think he might do 
very well at it. He could have a central machinery shed and workshop, in town, 
live in town, and rent land out around town on a straight cash-grain farming 
proposition. I would not hesitate, under present conditions, with rubber tires, 
to try it for a radius of say 15 to 20 miles out, in all directions, that is, say an 
area about 30 miles across. I'd want to start out on share rentals, at first, but 
after I got well enough established so that I could afford to gamble a little, I'd 
try olYei^ng cash rent. How many farms could one outfit handle? Well, the only 
limit is the limit of a man's executive ability. It would all depend on what kind 
of help you got. If you got some good submanager tyi>e of help, you could handle 
a great deal. But I wouldn't hesitate to go out and manage 2,500 to 3,000 acres 
on that basis myself, without any submanagers or straw bo.sses at all, just with 
ordinary farm help." 

Among the appeals he felt sure would be effective in winning landlords to this 
tyiie of operation, despite the fact that it would provide absolutely no manure 
for their land, were: "I'd tell landlords, especially absentee landlords: 'We've 
got good equipment; we don't handle any livestock, so you can be sure all our 
attention is being given to farming your land ; and you can be sure no grain is 
being diverted to a tenant's livestock, on the side.' And there's another thing 
that would create more of a demand for that kind of farming now than some 
years ago — many absentee owners have realized that buildings on a farm are 
not an asset." 

In a nearby county we were told that .a professional farm manager is now 
attempting to organize a machine-farming center along the lines just described. 
One of the main obstacles he has met is said to be fear of local opinion on the 
part of the directors of the bank from which he is seeking backing. 

(15) An agricultural ofiicial in western Indiana: "Shortage of fai-ms is the 
biggest problem we have here at present. I have noticed it only in the last 3 
years. It seems to have been more acute last winter than before, and this fall 
thev are alreadv coming to us here, every day, asking if we know of a place to 
rent. We have'had so many come in and ask: 'Can you tell me where I can get 
a farm?' I ask why they are leaving the place they are on, and they say : 'So-and- 
so's got my place.' Often it is somebody who is renting more land. The trend 
here is very definitely toward larger operating units." 


(IG) \ farm owner of Mercer County in western Illinois: "Down in Adams 
Coimtv there's some poor land that is a kind of jumping-off place for a lot of 
those tliat got squeezed off better laud. There's one township there that has 
about 60 cases getting help from the Farm Security Administration, and it is 
estimated that 50 percent of them have come there within the last 5 years. Sev- 
eral townships surrounding it are in about the same situation. In the northern 
two-thirds of the State, if they get squeezed out they tend to drift toward: (1) 
The poor land along the rivers, particularly along the Mississippi and the Illinois ; 
(2) north into the thinner land of Wisconsin and Michigan ; and (3) onto the poor 
land in the good land areas; for instance onto Cayuga and Sugar ridges, and 
along the Mackinaw." 

(17) An agricultural official: "Contract land sales ought to be studied; a lot 
have been made here, often to tenants who couldn't get places. Insurance com- 
panies will accept from 10 to 25 percent as down payment ; sometimes as low as 
$1 000 I've encountered a number of cases of contract sales to renters who had 
lost the places they were renting. Sometimes they have mortgaged their livestock 
and machinery, in order to try to buy a farm on a contract sale. Within one day, 
recently three so-called owners who had bought farms on contract, asked fiuancial 
help from the local Farm Security Administration. Each one had mortgaged live- 
stock or machinery. In one case, the man had sold virtually all his livestock to 
get the down payment, and was trying to operate a quarter section without live- 
stock. This man had been a renter for years on good land ; he had had at least 
a half section, and was well equipped with livestock and machinery." 

(18) A western Iowa professional farm manager: "Tenant farmers' fear of 
not being able to rent a place has been a big factor in recent sales of farm land. 
They usually buy a smaller farm than that they have been on, because they can't 
finance purchase of a full half section. They usually buy on small down payment 
of 10, 15, or 20 percent. In some cases we sell to our own tenants, men who have 
proven themselves, on less than 10 percent down payment. In other words, it's a 
character sale. If he has proven himself, by his record with us for several years, 
that is more important to us than an additional 10 percent down on the payment. 
It has been a question in my mind : if a tenant buyer is a good half-section farmer, 
shouldn't he try to buy a half section unless, that is, he is able to rent another 
quarter besides the one he buys? If he reduces his scale of operations to a quarter 
section, because he is unable to rent an additional quarter, it seems undesirable. 
We have no figures on how many of our buyers rent additional land, but there 
is a lot of competition for unimproved land, particularly in the better-land areas, 
and as a result, many of our buyers cannot rent additional land. I would estimate 
that, roughly, 25 percent of the sales would be to owner-operators who are buying 
more land in order to expand. A lot of our early sales were to this type of buyer ; 
they would buy early, fearing that someone else would get the piece of land they 
wanted. In extreme northern Iowa, for example, around Sioux County, there 
is a large class of purely tenant large-scale operators, who don't want to tie 
up their capital in land. If investment buyers would come into the market 
more, these operators would slacken up their buying; they would feel that 
they could rent the land from these buyers, and that they would not need 
to buy it. Power farming and larger farm units are economically advan- 
tageous, even though they may not be socially advantageous. There is a 
real difference between the social aspect and the economic. Power and 
larger implements will drive a certain (percentage of our farmers from 
Iowa. There is definitely a tendency to increase the size of farming unit 
and that will mean au exodus, somewhere. If industry picks up, they won't go 
west, but if industry lags, I suppose the normal tendency is to go west, at least 
it has been in the past. I think the issue is the social or home aspect as com- 
pared with the purely economic aspect of farming. I don't believe we have 
emphasized as much as we could have the social and home values of the farm. 
I think these values will tend to hold the economic trend in check, partly at least ; 
that is, that it will come to a balance." 

(19) Indiana attorney who supervises farms for absentee landlords: "There 
are big changes in farming the last 10 years. One farmer I know out here goes 
7 or 8 miles to one of his farms from his home place. He has most of his imple- 
ments on rubber and has a truck, so he pulls the machinery back and forth 
between the places. He farms three places now ; on one the owners live in the 
buildings and he just rents the land. It is a problem for the tenant farmer to rent 


a farm around here. Most of them are well equipped. Practically all have a 
tractor, and still they can't get a place. Some are poor farmers, some are good 
ones, just victims of circumstances. They may have lost the places they were on 
because they were sold. Or maybe the landlord wanted to come on it himself, 
either to move on and work it him.self or to hire the work done. There is not 
so much of that here, but some of the Chicago people who come in do it. Some 
of them hire managers, and some just get a good, competent hired man to work 
the place for them. 

"Those that can't get a place usually give up, sell out, and try to get work. 
A fellow was in here the other day who had stored his stuif over for a year, 
hoping to get a place for 1942. Quite a few go on Work Projects Administration. 
I don't know what becomes of the rest — it is hard for a man that is along in years 
to get a job in the mills. We have some 'farmers' that hold down a job in 
industry and hire the work done on their farms. That is not right. Some of 
them drive 30 miles to work. There are landlords who don't care, so long as the 
work gets done, but I would never rent to one of these fellows." 

(20) An Indiana farm manager: "Farms are scarce. Four fellows have 
come to me in the last few days looking for places. There have been a few cases 
of landlords putting tenants off and starting operation with hired Jielp, but not 
very many right around here. X is living in town and running h*s two farms, 
almost a section altogether, with hired hands. I expect farms to continue getting 
bigger, but I doubt the change will be very rapid. One of my neighbors is 
farming 500 acres, without a horse on the place, and only one cow and a few 
chickens. He has just one man, by the month till the corn is picked. Another 
neighbor is farming 960 acres, with three sets of buildings, but he has two sons 
and a hired man. He uses a big caterpillar, pulling .5 16-inch bottoms, but that is 
the only one used in this neighborhood." 

(21) We were at the house of an Illinois farmer who had just let it be known 
that he had a farm to rent. A neighbor woman aged 50 rushed in, saying. "I just 
heard your place is for rent. I had a pie in the oven but decided to come right 
over to see if Jake and I could get it." Jake had inherited a 320-acre farm from 
his father, subject to mortgage. In 1932 he lost it by foreclosure, but remained 
to operate as tenant. In 1940 the farm was sold, and Jake was notified to vacate 
in March 1941. His wife said: "It just seems there aren't any farms around 
here, the fellows are all farming .so big. And these big shots— our old neigh- 
bors — are buying up so much land. Of course, you can't hardly blame them; 
they've got tlie money to invest and have to put it somewhere. There are plenty 
of farms in that thin land up in Wisconsin ; we were up there last Sunday. The 
company that owns our old place wants to sell Jake a farm on contract : it seems 
the onlv wav vou can get a farm now is to buy one. But Jake says he's too old 
to start paying for a farm at his age (52)." Jake had a full line of equipment, 
including two tractors and combine. He got no farm and held a sale of his 
equipment in January 1941. 

(22) An Illinois farmer's widow who owns an 80-acre farm with no buildings: 
"The 1 dav mv place was for rent they just about drove me crazy coming to try 
to rent it. " Seven or eight or more came, and a couple of them came back two or 
three times. X came just as quick as he heard my renter was giving up the 
place ; he left his threshing crew and came right in. He has three-quarters now, 
and has a lot of machinery, so he wants to get more land. Of the seven or eight 
who came in that 1 day. before I rented it, four were men who already had a place 
but wanted more land", and two were young fellows wanting to get married, who 
wanted to get a place to start up on. The man to whom I rented didn't bat an eye 
when I slid the oats share up to half and half. I told him I had always rented 
for two-fifths the oats, the way grandpa did. but as long as everybody else was 
getting half I didn't see why I shouldn't." 

(2'3) Salesman for ground-feed company in Illinois: "Mister, there's been 
plentv pushed out. Where do they go? Mister, that's just the question- 
where did they go? Chances are two out of three went on Work Projects 

('^4) A physician in count v seat of an Illinois cash-grain coimty : What s 
happening to farm population here? Well, the first thing is, there's more machin- 
ery and less men hired. And something we doctors know is that none of the 
farmers have anv money. They're all loaded up with machinery, bought on 
credit, and everv "noon tlie company tells them on their radio programs 'You can 



buy our machinery without any money down.' A farmer will buy anything, 
so long as he can buy it on credit. We doctors used to know, 30 years ago, 
that even a hired man would pay something on his bill in time ; whenever he got 
something, he'd pay on the bill. But now, even the farmer himself can't pay ; he's 
loaded down with debt for machinery. Seems our people haven't any morals any 
more ; they don't believe in paying their bills." 

(25) A 320-acre part-owner farmer : A farmer near him is expanding his opera- 
tions to 800 acres next year. "This will be the ruination of three tenants and 
three hired men. It seems to me there ought to be a tax against that kind of 
farming. That's putting men out of work." 

(26) A former Illinois county agent : "I look for farms to get bigger and bigger 
in this area. You'll notice thrtt for every 40 or 80 which changes hands, 9 out of 
every 10 neighbors are after it. They're not only equipped to farm more land, 
but they're anxious to do it. I'd say a half section is now, but inside a few 
years, a section will be the efficient size for an average operator through here." 

(27) Illinois farm land salesman and ex-banker: "I don't like it. I think it's 
a dangerous tendency, dangerous for the community ; might lead to something like 
socialism or communism. I had been thinking of writing a little article for the 
Farm Bureau paper. We ought to show the landowners it is to their interest to 
keep up and 4)ut more buildings on land ; they could put buildings on 80's and 
120's to provide a place for a young couple. Landlords should have the danger 
pointed out to them. True, they might make more in the short run by tearing 
down buildings, but there's danger. We ought to show them there will be no 
profit in it, if they get all the land in their hands, and a mob takes it away from 
them, and maybe kills them and the family in the bargain. For stability we 
need to make" places for more people. If we make places for young families 
on the land, they can have a cow, chickens, few pigs, etc., and always make a 
living. They can't be so easily inflamed and are more stable than hordes in the 

(28) A half-section farmer of central Illinois, with housemovmg as a side 
business : "In the last 4 or 5 years I've moved off about 12 to 15 farm houses in a 
radius of around 15 miles. Many displaced farmers go to nearby villages because 
rents are high in the city. People can buy a lot and one of these moved-off farm 
houses cheap in villages' About 12 years ago, that's when they really started to 
spread out and root the little fellow off. Well, it's power farming did it. There 
was some before, but that's when they all started doing it. It's getting serious 
right here in this country. Two fellows farming together was spreading out and 
fanning more land every year. They was going to take over another place next 
spring. One morning when they got up they found two letters on their front 
porch that didn't come through the mail, and them letters told them they'd 
better stop spreading out, or they'd be burned out." 

(29) A farm laborer, son of a small farmer in a poor-land area of southwest- 
ern Indiana: "One thing that causes some farms to get bigger is there are so 
many places with buildings that are getting run down and need a lot of repairs. 
The landlord don't want to lay out the money, so he rents to somebody who has 
a place with buildings enough of his own." 

(30) A young farmer of Madison County, northeastern Nebraska: 'Corn 
pickers are coming into our country quite a little in the last few years, since 
they have been building them lighter in weight, and with a power take-olT, and 
on rubber. They are bought by the larger farmers and by those planning to do 
custom work. Combines have been selling pretty well, just the last 2 or 3 years. 
With us, it is mainly the small ones, 5- and 6-'foot cut. A few field ensilage 
cutters have come in. They are owned by big feeders or by custom operators. 
A good many farm houses are not used by farmers any longer. Most of those 
near the towns are occupied by WPA-ers or people on relief, but farther out, a 
lot stand empty. A lot of people lost their places due to drought and the de- 
pression, and when they leave, somebody who has a place buys or leases their 
farms. A lot of those that leave go to Washington or Oregon ; a few are buying 
back cheaper farms now ; and some move to town, either to get a job or go on 

(31) Chairman of county agricultural planning committee in central Illinois: 
"Some consolidation of units has been occurring here, through either buying or 
renting additional farms. One thing that often encourages it is that farm 
buildings have gotten so run down that it would cost a good deal to fix them 


up, and the owner doesn't feel that he can lay oiit that much, particularly on the 
clieaper land. A thing that I am more concerned about, however, is a trend 
which is just beginning, but would be very serious if it develops far; that is, for 
landlords to replace tenants with hired labor. Tlie hired labor doesn't contribute 
to the support of the community, toward building up your churches and schools. 
A hardware dealer in town has six farms, and in the last couple years he has put 
the tenants off, all but one, and works them himself with hired labor. Some say 
the only reason he kept that one tenant is that it enabled him to get a better 
corn allotment." 

(32) An Illinois county assessor: "Consolidation means just one less place for 
the other fellow. When a man gets to gobbling up all of the places, there's 
nothing for these others to do. I'm afraid someday it'll go here just like it did 
in Europe ; tlie rich may find themselves on the shelf. Maybe our people will get 
to thinking : 'Why should I send my boys out to fight for these millionaires?' I 
fear for the future of our country if these trends continue." 

(33) A large farmer in central Illinois: "One thing which aggravates the 
sliortage of farms for tenants is the fact that our tax system penalizes the 
man who provides a home for a family to live in. Just last week a businessman 
was complaining to me about it. He had bought a 240-acre place on which the 
buildings were pretty badly run down. It had been farmed for the last 3 years 
by a man operating almost a thousand acres. This businessman modernized the 
house, put on a new barn, built new fences, and fixed it up generally. He thinks 
he will get a better renter that way— which he wiU. All tliose improvements are 
going to raise his taxes almost 30 percent, but a landlord that puts a tenant off, 
rents the land to an adjoining farmer, and either tears the buildings down, or lets 
them go to ruin, will get just the same share rent and cash rent, will reduce 
both his tax base and upkeep costs. Of course, the man that keeps his build- 
ings up and has a lot of livestock on his place may be better off in the long run, 
but a lot of our landlords are pressed for money now, and don't see it that way." 

(34) Illinois renter: "This farming two farms is a bad thing; the landlords 
let the places run down when they rent out their fields. Therefore, there is less 
property on which to base taxes ; therefore taxes are higher on those farms which 
remain ; therefore added reason why they have to go out and rent more land to 
keep up with their taxes; and it goes around like a circle. It's tough on those 
who get bumped." 

(35) An east-central Illinois country-town merchant: "No; they don't hire 
half as much labor as they used to ; less than that, I'd say. And it has got so 
that a landlord doesn't need any buildings anymore ; he needs only a crib on the 
place. Why, if a set of buildings burn down, a landlord is almost money ahead — 
he can get just the same rent." 

(36) An expanding Illinois operator: "Of course, it's kind of tough on the 
little fellow, but a man has to look out for himself." 


The attitudes with which mechanization in the Corn Belt is viewed exhibit 
wide variety. At one extreme, attention is fixed on rising income for those 
farm operators who remain. More or less expressive of this point of view 
is a 1937 bulletin of Purdue University, Indiana, phrased in terms of historical 
retrospect and a maxim : 

"Farm machinery which enables power to replace hand labor and makes 
possible larger units of operation, is in a large measure responsible for the 
favorable social and economic position of the American farmer in contrast 
with that of his European and Asiatic contemporaries. * * * initial cost, in- 
ventory value and repair cost of machinery per acre decrease as size of farm 
increases." (The cost of using farm machinery in Indiana, Bulletin No. 437.) 

Some agricultural economists Who have seen displacement of farmers as the 
other side of mechanization have faced the issue. As long ago as 1930, before 
the difficulty of absorbing the displaced stood out so clearly as it does now, 
one of them made note of the selective process resulting when oiieratoirs 
mechanize and expand, saying that "if carried through with a degree of 
thoroughness anywhere between the 4-1 and the 10-1 ratios suggested above, 
it must be obvious that the level of entrepreneurship in this industry is des- 
tined to be raised to a quite significant degree." He commented as follows on 
the view of persons apprehensive at this prospect : 



"The real indictment to be brought by those who 'view with alarm' is that 
even the modest degree of operative consolidation suggested in our 4-1 ratio 
would remove 75 percent of our 'independent' farmers and make them wage 
workers with all the social sacrifice which that is supposed to imply. 

"As an utterly bai'efaced piece of amateur psychology, I would suggest an 
alternative appraisal of this change in status from proprietor to wage worker, 
if it does in fact take place. us say that at least 75 percent of our agri- 
cultural workers have been fighting a losing battle against the increasing 
complexity which has come into their calling. Less and less capable to master 
the te(?hnologicaI needs of modern scientific agriculture, they have found 
themselves increasingly enmeshed in an economic system which in terms of 
meeting market requirements, solving financial problems, and adjusting pro- 
ductive operations was complex on the eve of the World( War and has been 
•quite baffling ever since. Mere handicraftsmen (including those whose educa- 
tion is meager to the point of illiteracy) have been struggling with the problems 
of the specialized technician and the business executive. So long and so 
unsuccessfully has the contest now run that the 'independent' farmer would 
perhaps be ready to admit himself licked were it not that his so-called friendfs 
had encouraged him to believe that his problems could be solved by political 
patent medicine while his old habits of thought and patterns of economic 
organization remained comfortably unchanged. 

"Until it is proved that commercial and professional specialization in other 
callings is definitely damning and that the social discipline of group life in 
large business undertakings is less valuable than the alleged independence of the 
farmer, this basis for fear of the mild process of agricultural mechanization 
seems to me unconvincing." (E. G. Nourse, Some economic and social accom- 
paniments of the mechanization of agriculture: Proceedings of the American 
Economic Association, 1930.) 

Today, absorption of the displaced clearly presents a more serious problem 
than it did a decade ago when the preceding statement was made. Recognizing 
this, the editor of Country Gentleman wrote in 1940 : 

"Power farming is increasing at a rapid pace, particularly in the Corn Belt 
and other areas of fertile land. This causes farms to increase in size ; fewer 
men are needed. These are facts of national importance. * * * The spread- 
ing use of mechanized equipment and the operation of larger acreages by 
individual farmers are contributing to a surplus farm population. This is 
true of other areas as well as the Corn Belt. If chances to work are not opened 
up to these people oft the land two prospects shape up. One is an increase in 
public relief. The other is a movement for a redistribution of land. This has 
occurred in many other countries since 1918." (Country Gentleman, June 1940.) 

Emphasis on the critical character of the problems of which displacement is 
the most conspicuous symptom comes from Henry A. Wallace : 

"All these (technological developments) make agriculture a dynamic craft- 
profession that more and more requires specialized training and knowledge, and 
cause other, related, tendencies and effects : Bigger, more commercialized farms ; 
a lessening of rural isolation and growing dependence on cities and city life ; 
changes in family and neighborly relationships, enlarged dependence on a money 
economy and less on home-produced foods and clothing and self-made recreation; 
keener competition in localities, areas, and regions; and an intensification of the 
Biblical statement that to him that hath .shall be given, and from him that hath not 
shall be taken away. * * * ^d^] ^q economic probabilities two social 
factors: That the farm population is the seed bag of population, and that the 
forces of technology are driving more and more farmers down the agi'icultural 
ladder, from positions as owners to those of renter, tenant, wagehand — or even 
migrants." (Christian Science Monitor, weekly magazine section, September 14, 

A member of the Legislature of Iowa wrote as recently as last December : 

"I believe the State of Iowa owes a duty to every farm tenant in the State — 
a selfish duty, perhai>s, but nevertheless a duty. That duty is to keep the tenant 
a good citizen, reasonably secure in his chosen job of farming. 

"It is in the interest of the public welfare that Iowa should solve its tenancy 
problems, which means, in simple terms, either to make tenants more secure or 
make their opportunity to become owners more simple. 

"That is not being accomplished under present laws. It will not be done under 
future legislation unless the people act. If allowed to drift, will conditions 


become so bad that we will either be confronted by peasants on our farms or 
revolution in our land? I hope not ; but I'm not sure. 

"To discourage large operators of farm land and to promote family sized units 
would be the first step iii making tenants more secure. I believe some State law 
following roughly the outlines below will accomplish this result." (Wallaces'' 
Farmer and Iowa Homestead, December 28, 1940.) 

Recognition of the far-reaching import of current changes is now becoming- 
general. In at least the three States of Iowa, North Dakota, and Oklahoma, land 
taxes graduated on size of holding have been voted upon or proposed. Both 
major parties paid their respects to preservation of the family farm in their J940 
platforms. Representatives of the farm machinery industry and agricultural 
engineers acknowledge the gravity of the situation, but profess the belief that 
recent development of small machinery will enable family farms to compete with 
success. The McCormick medal for '"exceptional and meritorious engineering 
achievement in agriculture" in 1941 has been awarded to an engineer noted, among 
other things, for his work in the "creation of smaller tractors." Commenting 
on this award the Journal of the American Society of Agricultural Engineers 
said : 

"He has wiped out much of the differential in efficiency between the large and 
small farm, and has lightened the labors of farmers by the hundred thousand, 
What these things mean in preservation of the family system of farming and the 
American social order we can only vaguely surmise." (Agricultural Engineer-^ 
ing, Januar.y 1941.) 

Whether we can rely upon small machines to see us through the existing period 
of change and insecurity ; whether we can depend upon their competitive qualities, 
to lead us in the direction of sound national policy is highly questionable. It 
should be made the subject of more careful study and analysis than it has yet 

The direction of this research and thought should not be confused by arguments 
"for or against the machine as a social instrument." Accepting the benefits which 
the machine manifestly can render on farms as elsewhere, the analysis should be 
pointed toward mitigation of its unfavorable effects and toward the broadest 
distribution of its benefits. 


The United States Senate, during the Seventy-fourth Congress^ 
asked in a Senate resokition for a i-eport from the Secretary of Labor 
on the problem of hiborers migrating across State lines (S. Res, 298^ 
74th Cong.). 

This report was filed with the Senate during the Seventy-fifth Con- 
gress and was referred to a subcommittee of the Senate Committee on 
Education and Labor under date of July 3, 1937, but was not printed. 

Because of the fundamental character of this investigation and 
report, it has furnished valuable background material for the work 
of our present committee and certain excerpts are here introduced 
into our record for the purposes of reference. These excerpts follow 
in the order in which they appeared in the report of the Secretary of 


Migration has brought into focus the distress of large numbers of American 
workers and the acute problems to the communities with which the migrants 
come in contact — problems of relief, education, health, and of social and economic 
conflicts. The insufliciency of existing data and the lack of means adequately 
to investigate the subject cannot obscure the widespread and pressing character 
of the problems which center in the migration of workers. Accordingly, the 
following summary of tentative findings is submitted : 

*Plates referred to in this report are held in committee files ; not printed. 


1. The workers who now migrate across State lines are predominantly native 
white Americans. „ . ^ 

2 Families appear to form a larger proportion of all migrant groups than 
formerly. Most of the migrants in agriculture move in family groups including 
small children. 

3. Interstate migrants are younger than the working population as a whole. 
The concentration of migrant workers between the ages of 20 and 45 makes 
them a highly employable group. 

4. Migration of workers is a normal process of adjustment to changes in op- 
portunity. The causes of migration are so fundamental and pervasive as to 
leave little hope that workers may be immobilized and little justification for the 
existing discrimination against the migrant himself. 

5. Migration falls characteristically into two main types : 

(a) Migration for permanent relocation in response to major economic 
changes such as industrialization, drought, and depression. 

(&) Continual migration from job to job in response to seasonal or irregular 
fluctuations in the demand for labor. 

6. The relocation of workers across State lines affects more persons than does 
continual migration. More than 9,000,000 persons moved from one State to 
another or entered the country as foreign immigrants during the decade 1920 
to 1929. More than half of these were domestic migrants. 

7. During the depression hundreds of thousands of destitute workers were 
dislodged and migrated across State lines in the somewhat futile hope of 
finding subsistence. More adequate local relief since 1932 has tended to stabilize 
the population and to induce some migrants to return to their former places of 
residence. Business recovery reduced still further the number of depression 
migrants. But even today the floating population in search of work appears 
to be greater than during the 1920"s. 

8. The total volume of relocation since 1929 is probably no greater than in 
the previous decade, although the volume of domestic migration may have 
doubled. Increased domestic migration has been offset by the almost complete 
disappearance of foreign immigration. The burden of adjusting to changing 
economic conditions has been largely shifted from the immigrant to the American 

9. The rapid development of the United States would have been impossible 
without an extreme mobility of workers. Relocation of workers is necess^iry 
in any dynamic society and in this country relocation must involve movements 
across State lines. Industrialization, the development of new areas, drought, 
the collapse of old structures such as farm tenancy, technical changes, depres- 
sion and the quest for health all force workers to move from one State to 

10. Industrialization shifted 6,000,000 persons from farms to cities during the 
1920's, partly within the various States and partly across State lines. Tliis 
urban trend has now been resumed at three-fifths of the former rate, after a 
brief interruption during the depression. 

11. As new areas develop and old ones decline, workers must migrate across 
State lines in order to develop the new resources and to relieve the older 
communities of sun^lns workers. The problems of stranded commmunities 
resulting from shifting work opportunities are accentuated by local wage 
and tax inducements to attract Industry. After employment has shifted from 
one area to another, migration gives rise to fewer problems than the continuance 
of stranded communities as a result of insufficient migration. 

12. Drought in the Great Plains, coming after years of depression, has 
forced more than 200,000 persons to migrate to other States. Further migration 
from these areas is to be expected. Half a million persons are still dependent 
on Federal grants for their existence in the drought States. 

13 More than four-fifths of the recent migration of workers to California 
consisted of persons from States afflicted by drought. More than half of 
these migrants came from the drought States of the Great Plains where emigra- 
tion would be desirable even after the present drought comes to an end. 
Most of the drought migrants in California have been forced to become constant, 
seasonal mifjrants without residence in any one community. 

14. The disintegration of tenancy in the cotton region of the Southeast has 
already forced thousands of former tenants to seek casual employment in 
Florida and elsewhere. Technical developments will continue to dislodge 
increasing numbers. 


15. Increasing numbers of workers are forced to move ceaselessly across 
State lines to eke out a living by piecing together short and scattered seasons 
of employment in agriculture and industry. As long as employers demand 
much more labor in one season than another, workers must migrate or find 
some alternative means of subsistence within each local area. For hundreds 
of thousands of American workers even a meager subsistence is dependent 
upon continual interstate migration. 

16. Migration of workers, although necessary, is largely unguided or ill- 
directed. Although the relocation of workers has been broadly advantageous 
it has often been inefficient from the point of view of the particular individuals 
involved. There has been inadequate migration from many stranded areas. 
At the same time there has often been too concentrated a flow to particular 

17. Rarely does any type of migrant have, the assurance of a definite job 
until after he has moved. The lack of such assurance is especially disastrous 
for seasonal migrants who hope at most to share in a few weeks of employ- 
ment in one place. When the migration of seasonal workers is overstimulated, 
untold misery results. 

18. Accurate knowledge as to the employment and earnings of migratory 
workers does not exist. The failure to appropriate funds for the preparation 
of this report has made it impossible to secure comprehensive information. 
Such studies as are available suggest that migrants seeking new permanent 
places of work, if they find employment, earn less than most workers in the 
areas to which they go. Many, however, receive more than they earned in 
the areas from which they came. 

19. Seasonal migrants in agriculture seem to be able to average only about 
6 months of work each year. They appear to average about $300 a year per 
single man and $400 a year per family. 

20. The interstate migrant has been largely overlooked in many of the 
recent laws to provide for the security of workers. Agricultural workers have 
been excluded from the employment compensation laws so far enacted and from 
Federal old-age annuities. Seasonal workers are inadequately covered in most 
State social security laws. Many workers now stand to lose whatever right 
to unemployment compensation they may have accumulated if they migrate 
from one State to another, unless special arrangements to cover such cases are 
successfully established by future interstate agi-eements. 

21. The conditions of migratory life, as observed in the areas recently sur- 
veyed, are a threat to the development of good citizens : 

(a) The migrant and his family tend to be isolated from the normal activities 
of the connnunity, both because of their enforced mode of travel and 
living and because of community prejudices against them. The ex- 
treme unwillingness of some communities to assimilate the migrant is 
evidenced by border patrols and strict enforcement of vagrancy laws. 
It is also reflected in the difficulties experienced by relief authorities in 
obtaining funds for the relief of migrants who are in need. 

(ft) Living accommodations for most migrants are deplorable. Families with 
as many as six children are traveling in old cars and trucks. At niglit 
they sleep by the roadside, in squatter cami>s, or crowd into one- or 
two-room cabins in low-priced tourist camps. Unattached men live, 
for the most part, in congregate shelters maintainefl by relief agencies 
or in "jungles." Even labor camps provided for migrant agricultural 
workers are frequently crowded, inadequately equipped, and insanitary. 

(c) Lack of medical care and health protection for the migrant menaces the 

community as well as the migrants themselves. The ordinary health 
services of the community are seldom available to nonresidents except 
in extreme emergencies. Few communities attempt to control venereal 
and other contagious and infectious diseases among migrant workei-s. 

(d) Educational opportunities are lacking or extremely limited for the chil- 

dren of thousands of migrant families, particularly those of migrant 
agricultural workers. Children old enough to work in the fields are 
expected to contribute badly needed income, and parents often do not 
consider it worth while to eni'oll the younger children in school during 
their short stay in any one community. School authorities, on their 
part, are frequently lax in enforcing the school-attendance laws in 
case.-^ of tlie children of migrant familie.s. 



22. Public relief is dependent in most communities upon legal settlement. Lack 
of uniformity in the settlement laws, the long period required to obtain settle- 
ment in some States, and the possibility of losing settlement in one State before 
it is acquired in another results in many persons becoming Stateless. 

23. Since the liquidation of the Federal transient program, relief for migrants 
has been sharply restricted. Such relief as is available has been generally limited 
to families with young children, unattached women, and, the sick and agecl. The 
attempts of both public and private relief agencies to discourage migrants from 
applying for assistance makes it impossible even to know how many are in need. 


Frances Perkins, 
Secretary of Ldbor. 

Part I. Nature of the Problem 


This report on migration isi made in response to Senate Resolution 29S of the 
Seventy-fourth Congress. The resolution authorized and directed the Secretary 
of Labor to "study, survey, and investigate the social and economic needs of 
laborers migrating across State lines, obtaining all facts possible in relation 
thereto which would not only be of public interest but which would aid the Con- 
gress and the States in enacting remedial legislation." 

In accordance with the terms of the resolution, the emphasis of this report will 
be upon workers who migrate across State lines. However, it has not always 
been possible to distinguish the worker from the nonworker or the interstate 
migrant from those migrating between localities within a given State. Workers 
will constitute the vast majority of every group discussed, and likewise workers 
who move across State lines. Where intrastate migrants are included within the 
group surveyed, it will be because similar conditions are shared by those who 
move across State lines and those who may chance to remain within the borders 
of. a single State. 

The term "migration" is one which calls for definition.^ It is a generic term 
embracing groups with somewhat different characteristics and problems. Bi-oadly 
speaking, a migrant is any person who changes the location of his actual residence 
or workplace from one local community to another. Usually migrating persons 
change residence and workplace at the same time. But sometimes persons move 
their residence without a change of workplace, and the job of a worker some- 
times moves to another community while the worker himself retains his former 

Most of the problems of migration have arisen from change of residence.* 
Throughout the report, except where special qualification is made, a migrant 
will be a person who changes his residence. Within this definition, two major 
classes of migrants must be distinguished. 

Seasonal and casual workers who move continually from job to job will 
be referred to as constant migrants. Migration is sometimes mistakenly dis- 
cussed as though this were the only group of migrants. Even more funda- 
mental and presenting at times extremely serious problems is the group of 
removal migrants, who move in response to a fairly permanent relocation of 
their work. Such migration may be internal or across international boundaries. 
The westward movement of population in the United States is an important 
example of internal removal, while the arrival of foreign immigrants to this 
country is a movement of the same type except that it takes place across 
national lines.' 

1 The term "transient" is not used in this report, except by way of quotation, because It 
has conveyed such different meanings to different people. The different classes of all mi- 
grants, all persons without homes, constant migrants, depression migrants, nonresidents 
receiving any kind of relief, nonresidents receiving Federal relief, and nonresidents in need 
of relief have all been designated as "transients" at various times. 

2 A migrant is defined under the unemployment compensation acts in terms of the work- 
place rather than the home. This suggests a study of those persons whose jobs move across 
State lines but stay within commuting distance of the worker's home. The Bureau of Labor 
Statistics has begun to collect information on this subject. 

' The terms "immigrant" and "emigrant" may thus be applied to migrants within the 
country as well as to those who come from or go to other countries. Since the term "immi- 
gration" has a special connotation, internal migrants are called "domestic immigrants" or 
"settlers" and "domestic emigrants" to distinguish them from the foreign migrants. 


Frequently the removal migrants merge into the class of constant migrants. 
Thus the drought refugees, who are clearly removal migrants in origin, have 
often become seasonal workers, moving from job to job, when they have been 
unable to reestablish themselves permanently in any one community. Much 
migration during the recent depression also belongs to an intermediate class. 
Numerous depression migrants took to the road because of lack of work or 
relief at home and not usually with the intention of moving constantly. Some 
have returned to their former homes, so that their migration was special 
and temporary. Some have resettled, and thus become removal migrants. 
Others have continued to search for work on the road and so become constant 
migrants recruited from the relocating forces of the depression. 

It is important not to confuse migration with the relief problem faced by 
some migrants. The need for relief occurs among some of each class of 
migrants, but the great mass have never been relief cases. However, nonresi- 
dent relief cases will receive special attention throughout this report because 
our settlement laws make the problem of relief a crucial one, and because 
the need of some migrants for relief is very great.'' 

This report will be composed of three distinct parts. Part I, prepared by the 
Bureau of Labor Statistics, outlines the nature of the problem of human 
migration in the United States. Information has been assembled from a 
wide variety of sources presenting a comprehensive view of our present 
knowledge. At the same time it is important to note the extent of our 
ignorance which necessitates continuing work in this field. 

Part II, prepared by the Children's Bureau, deals with social problems 
of migrant workers and their families as they have been observed in certain 
areas studied by agents of that Bureau. The extensive literature on the social 
problems which arise from migration will not be summarized. Rather an at- 
tempt is made to illustrate these problems specifically from conditions which 
were directly observed. 

Part III consists of a photographic documentation of the report supplied 
by the Resettlement Administration. The purpose of part III, as of the photo- 
graphs in the text, is to suggest concretely the working, traveling, living con- 
ditions of migrant workers as they have been directly observed. 

Part I attempts to show what kind of people the migrants are, the reasons for 
the existence of each, of the several types of migration, the direction, extent and 
trend of migration of each type, how migrants are recruited, what they earn, and 
how they may be treated under the existing unemployment-compensation acts. 
The literature on these subjects is voluminous but fragmentary. Many impor- 
tant questions still remain unanswered. Hence several agencies have been asked 
to collect special informal i(.n fi-om their field representatives or to begin or com- 
plete studies which they had planned. In addition, the Bureau of Labor Statistics 
has begun two new studies : A sample of public employment office records and a 
study of statistical schedules covering migrant workers who have obtained relief 
during the past year. 

The study of employment office records was undertaken with the cooperation of 
the United States Employment Service and 16 State employment services. Twenty- 
one centers in all parts of the country were selected for study.^ From these 21 
centers a sample of 123.52.3 registrants' records was taken. Preliminary tabula- 
tions reveal that at least 26,671 of the workers studied had been migrants, as 
shown by the fact that at least one job across the State line was recorded on their 
registration cai'ds. When completed, this study should reveal the age, sex, color, 
marital status, dependency status, occupation, industry, and direction of migration 
of job seekers in different sections of the country. Comparisons between the 26,671 
interstate migrants and those who showed nlovement within their S'tates as well as 
comparisons between migrant and resident workers will be available. Use will be 

* It is also important to distinguish the migrant population from the local homeless popu- 
lation. Both classes are homeless and both are likely to be in need of relief, but the local 
homeless are legal residents and therefore eligible to local relief even under existing resi- 
dence laws. Wherever local homeless persons have been included in the groups studied, this, 
fact has been noted. „ „ ,. /~, ,.^ t^ 

6 Birmingham, Ala. ; Fresno, Los Angeles, Oakland, and San Bernardino Calif. ; Pe"^er, 
Colo. ; Bridgeport, Conn. ; Chicago, 111. ; Baton Rouge and New Orleans, La ; Springfield, 
Mass. ; Minnesota (transient file) ; Kansas City and St. Louis, Mo. ; Newark, N. J. ; Bufta o, 
N Y. ; Akron, Ohio ; Oklahoma City, Okla. ; Portland, Oreg. ; Memphis, Tenn. ; and Seattle, 

260370— 41— pt. 10 IP 


made in this report of tlie results of a preliminary tribulation of the whole sample 
and of certain findings from the complete tabulation for migrants who have been 
recorded in Chicago since 1923. 

The collection of schedules covering recent relief cases was made possible by the 
cooperation of social agencies in Washington, D. C, St. Louis, Minneapolis, and 
various otiices of the State Relief Administration of California. Approximately 
5,000 such schedules have been received. These have not yet been analyzed because 
no funds were available. 

Part II gives a present-day picture of the living conditions and social problem.s 
of migrant families and individuals as observed by agents of the Children's Bureau 
during field visits to representative areas. These visits were made between Sep- 
tember 1936 and the middle of February 1937. 

The areas selected for study by the Children's Bureau included States and cities 
in which the migrations were primarily of seasonal agricultural workers, and 
others in which there were migrations of both skilled and casual industrial labor- 
ers. A number of the cities were centers in which seasonal migrants gather be- 
tween migrations or through which they pass en route to other localities for em- 
ployment. These are cities at iinpc.rtimt railroad junction points and on th,e main 
highways east and west and north and south. I'eople migrating for reasons otlier 
than for work opportunities and people in search of favorable climate are also 
represented in the areas studied. 

Wide representation of the various geographical sections of the United States 
was aiforded in tlie selection of the localities visited." In a number of the States 
several communities, urban and rural, were visited in order to obtain a compre- 
hensive picture of the types of migration problems in those States. 

T'he information gathered includes descriptive data pertaining to the nature 
and extent of the problems of migration in the areas visited and also the 
social problems and provisions available for meeting them. Information was 
gathered from: (1) Interviews with officials and individuals familiar with 
the problems of migrants and their care, and interviews with a small number 
of migrant unattached persons and family groups; (2) observations made by 
the agents of the Children's Bureau on standards of care provided — relief, 
housing, shelter, etc.; and (3) published or informal reports of agencies which 
gave statistical information regarding the extent of the problem, and records 
of individual cases of migrants applying for relief. 

The interviews with oflScials and individuals included State officials con- 
versant with labor and welfare problems and local persons connected with 
public and private social welfare organizations, educational and health agencies, 
police departments, and employment services. The observations as to standards 
of care provided were made through personal visits to typical shelters and 
camps, including the commercial tourist camps, State camps, and camps fur- 
nished by employers to agricultural workers. 

Time did not permit interviews with large numbers of migrants and their 
families but in many of the conununities there was opportunity for brief inter- 
views with a small number. Sometimes this was just a chance conversation 
with a family as their old car or covered wagon was parked at a service station 
or on the street. Some families were interviewed during visits to camps and 
still others were seen at the oflSces of the relief agencies as they came in to 
apply for aid. Visits were also made to the jungles and shelters frequented 
by unattached men. 

Although no attempt will be made in this initial report to examine specific 
proposals for the treatment of migrant workers, it is believed that the data 
assembled should prove helpful in assessing particular measures. The character 

" Tlie following States and cities were Included : 

Middle West. — Illinois : Chicago ; Iowa : Des Moines ; Kansas : Topeka : Ohio : Cincinnati : 
Michigan : Lansing, Detroit, Flint ; Missouri : St. Louis, Kansas City ; Minnesota : St. Paul, 

South. — Georgia : Atlanta ; Alabama, Birmingham : Louisiana : New Orleans : Florida : 
Jacksonville, Tampa, Miami. West Balm Beach, St. Petersburg, and rural areas. 

Southwest and West. — Oklahoma : Oklahoma City ; Colorado : Denver ; Arizona : Phoenix, 
Yuma, Tucson : New Mexico : Albuquerque, Roswell, Las Cruces, Lordsburg ; Texas : El 
Paso. Dallas, Fort Worth, Amarillo, and three rural counties ; California : San Francisco, 
Los Angeles, Sacrami-nto, Stockton, Fresno, and two rural counties — Imperial and Kern. 

Northicest. — Waslilnutoii : Yakima Valley and I'uget Sound areas ; Oregon : Willamette 
Vallev and Hood River ^'all<'^• areas. 

7?«.?f .— New York : New York Citv. 


of the migration problem, as presented in part I, and the character of existing 
needs of migrants as described in part II are believed to be vital factors which 
should be considered in the framing of any comprehensive program relating to 
workers who move across State lines. 


All types of workers become migrants aa movement becomes necessary to find 
work or regain he:ilth. No single picture is adequate to iwrtray the migrant 
worker throughout the United States at all times. Recently, however, existing 
studies have revealed three significant changes in the migrant population: (1) 
An increasing proportion of native white persons, (2) a displacement of single 
men by migrant families, and (3) a growing tendency toward young migrants 
of the most employable ages. 

Nativity and color 

The migratory workers of each period are drawn from the domestic working 
population and from new foreign immigrants. Historically, the foreign-born 
have accounted for much of the migration into the United States and between 
individual States. A,s late as the decade, 1920-30. for example, 4,300,000 immi- 
grantsi relocated in this country, a number nearly as large as the highest estimate 
so far made of the luunber of persons who moved from one State to another 
during that decade (4.600,000).' Many of these foreign-born workers continued 
to migrate from job to job after their arrival. In certain areas most of the 
constant migrants were formerly workers of foreign birth. Thus successive 
waves of Chinese, Japanese, and Mexicans have dominated the highly mobile 
ranks of California farm Avorkers at various times between 1850 and 1930, to- 
gether with smaller numbers of Indians, Hindus, and Filipinos." Mexicans, the 
last of the foreign recruits to migratory life in this country, are still to be found 
largely among those workers who migrate seasonally into California, the south- 
western States, and the western beet fields.'" 

In recent years the burdens of migration have been increasingly borne by native 
white Americans, since immigration laws have virtually ended the arrival of new 
workers from abroad. Less than 36,000 aliens have arrived in each of the 5 years 
since 1931. Fewer workers have arrived than have departed.'^ This curtailment 
of foreign immigration operates directly to reduce the proiwrtion of the foreign- 
born arrivals among workers who are in the process of relocating in the several 
States. It also operates to decrease the proportion of foreign-born persons in 
the working iM)pulation of the country, as the former immigrants die, and so to 
decrease indirectly the foreign-born element among all migrant workers. The 
proportion of the foreign born among workers who have migrated recently for 
permjinent relocation cannot be known until the next census is published, but com- 
prehensive data are available for more than 20,000 interstate migrants who regis- 

•^ Part I of this report (chs. II-XIII) was prepared by N. A. ToUes, of the Bureau of 
Labor Statistics, assisted by Amy Macmaster. The contributions of persons and agencies 
outside the Bureau of Labor Statistics are acl^nowledged in the letter of transmittal and in 
footnotes throughout the text. 

^^ See appendix A. The figure of 4,600,000 for domestic migrants includes 120,000 foreign 
born who had arrived in earlier periods and who relocated during the decade. 

° Cf. Paul S. Taylor and Tom Vasey, Historical Baclvgxound of California Farm Labor, 
Rural Sociology. September 1936, pp. 289-294. 

1" Intrastate migrants in California still probably include a higher proportion of Mexicans 
than of whites, although the pnijiortion of Mexicans has been reduced recently by emigra- 
tion to Mexico and by native wliiio drought refugees who have become seasonal worliers. 
Eric II. Thomisen reported within the last year that two-thirds of the California growers 
hire Mexicans (Indoor Minds and Outdoor Miseries, U. S. Resettlement Administration, 
San Francisco, 1936, quoted in an unpublished study of California farm labor by the Fed- 
eral Writers Project, Worlcs Progress Administration, Oakland, Calif.). 

The majority of Texas and Arizona seasonal worl^ers and of western beet-sugar field 
workers are Mexicans. (U. S. Children's Bureau, field reports, 1936-37, and Paul S. 
Taylor, Mexican Labor in the United States : The Valley of the South Platte, Colo., 
University of California Publications in Economics, 1929.) However, most of the Texas 
agricultural migrants now remain within the State (cf., infra, p. 157), and interstate mi- 
gration of beet-sugar workers has been greatly reduced (infra, pp. 142-143). 

"LT. S. Department of Labor, Immigration and Naturalization Service. (Cf. Statistical 
Abstract, 1936, p. 9-5.) During the fiscal year ending in 1936, immigration exceeded emi- 
gration for the first time since 1931. Alien admissions numbered 36,329, or 512 more than 
alien departure.; from .Tuly 1935 to June 1936. 



tered for relief in 13 cities under the Federal transient program between August 
1934 and April 1935. Less than 6 percent of this group of depression migrants 
were foreign born, and more than four-fifths of the group were native whites." 
Some allowance may be made for a greater accessibility of relief to native whites, 
which would increase their proportion in the relief population. However, it seems 
clear that more than three-quarters of the depression migrants were native whites. 
White persons " now predominate even among the migrants along the California 
border where Mexicans have been most numerous until recently. Complete counts 
are being made of "persons in need of manual employment" who enter California 
on all highways. Table 1 shows that nearly nine-tenths of all such migrants dur- 
ing the year ending June 15, 1936, were white persons. The constant seasonal 
migrant in this area is best represented by returning Californians. Among these 
one-seventh were Mexicans, while three-fourths were whites. Relatively large 
proportions of Mexicans are also shown among the immigrants to California from 
the neighboring Pacific Coast and Mountain States. However, the drought refu- 
gees who are now migrating in large numbers to California are almost entirely 
white persons, as can be seen from tliose data in table 1, which relate to workers 
entering from Oklahoma. 

12 John N. Webb, The Transient Unemployed, Division of Social Research Monograph III, 
Works Progress Administration, 193.5, table 4, p. 102. Computed for 9 months to include 
unattached persons and family heads with other race or color counted as foreign-born. 

The cities studied were Boston, Chicago, Dallas, Denver, Jacksonville (Fla.), Kansas 
City (Mo.), Los Angeles, Memphis, Minneapolis, New Orleans, Phoenix, Pittsburgh, and 

The following statements may be helpful in evaluating the representative character of 
this sample : 

"* * * The cities were well distributed geographically * * * in total registra- 
tions in these cities not only varied much as did registrations in the country as a whole, 
but represented from 7.1 to 8.8 percent of all unattached transients registered each month, 
and from 11.5 to 15.9 of all transient family groups" (loc. cit., p. 23). 

'•Except for the fact that they were nonresidents, there seems little reason for consider- 
ing transients as a distinct and separate group in the total relief population * * • 
they were younger and included a greater proportion of unattached persons" (loc. cit.. p. 2). 

"The following comparison of the usual occupations of the transients studied with the 
resident relief group and with all gainful workers (loc. cit, table 17) indicates further the 
type of sample which was available : 

April 1935 

relief regis- 
79 cities, 
May 1934 

All gainful 


1930 U. S. 


All persons 








6. 1 

Proprietors, managers, and officials 


Clerical _ .. 




Operators ' 



Skilled-- .. ... 




UnskUled ... 


Service .. . 


Telephone, telegraph, radio. 

rces did not distinguish between 

13 The following 

lative and foreign-born whit* 

intekstatp: migkation 


Table 1. — Major racial groups of migrant workers entering California 
automobile, June 16, 1935, to June 15, 1936 ^ 


Racial group 

License plate of car— State 

White 2 




Other » 

Total migrants 

87, 362 

78, 233 













13, 984 
35, 935 

12, 271 


13, 720 
34, 634 














Arizona -- - - 












' Adapted from Edward J. Rowell, Monthly Labor Review, December 1936, p. 8. 

2 Used as an inclusive term for all not classified ctheiwife. 

2 Includes Japanese, Chinese, American Indians, Hindus, and 6,229 gypsies. 

During the decade of the 1920's, the relocation of Negroes from South to 
North was a prominent feature of migration in the United States. Nearly a 
million Negroes crossed State lines in this period. This Negro movement ac- 
counted for one-fifth of the estimated interstate relocation during the decade, 
and for about one-tenth of the number of persons arriving in the various States, 
including foreign immigrants." Since the twenties, the importance of Negro 
migration has declined. In Chicago, a center well situated to reflect the trend 
of Negro migration, 31.4 percent of the recent job seekers who arrived in the 
1920's were Negroes but only 21.5 percent of those who arrived from 1934 to 
1936 were Negroes (table 2)." 

Table 2. — Percentage distribution by race of interstate tnigrants, 1923-36, in 
sample of registrations, at Chicago employment offices, grouped by periods of 

Years of termination of last job cited out- 
side State 










All racial groups 

.- percent- - 












The Negro has never been important among the seasonal migrants who move 
•continually from job to job.'* Only 2 percent of the migrants across the Cali- 
fornia border during the year 1035-36 were ^Negroes (table 1). 

All the available evidence points to a decline in the imixirtance of foreign and 
of colored workers among the migrants. The problems of migration now, as never 
in the recent past, affect native white American workers. 

15 Fm-ther ^tabulations of records taken from 20 other centers by the Bureau of Labor 
Statistics in cooperation with the U. S. Employment Service are now m preparation (cf., 
:supra, pp. 6-7). 

i« Cf. Webb, Transient Unemployed, op. cit., p. 34. 


Marital status and depcndeucy 

Family groups, including women and children, are more and more affected by 
the conditions of migratory life. Historically, it has been unattached men rather 
than the heads of families who have filled the need for seasonal migrants in the 
United States. The casual workers of the pre-war period in the western wheat 
fields, lumber camps, and orchards were single men." The lack of strong local 
ties and of family responsibilities adapt the single man to a migratory life much 
more easily than the families of women or minors.'' 

Available studies fail to reveal whether single men continue to outnumber the 
members of families amorg migrants generally, but there are numerous indica- 
tions of the increasing importance of the migrant family. Two factors appear to 
have put family groups in moti<ni : (1) Upheavals, such as depression and 
drought, have uprooted large numbers of workers whether families or unattached 
persons';"* (2) the growth of specialized crops such as sugar beets, fruits, 
vegetables, and cotton, has increased the available employment in harvest work 
which is adapted to family labor and which requires migrants in many areas."" 

The family status of depression migrants is best indicated from a study of 
cases formerly under the care of the Federal Transient Bureaus. Migrants who 
move because of drought are most easily observed at the California border. 

Federal transient cases i-eached their maximum number of 214,826 in Januaiy 
igSS."" Although less than one-fifth (17.8 percent) of the cases under care at 
that time were family cases, two-fifths of the individuals under care were mem- 
bers of the 38,651 family groups.''^ Drought refugees appear to consist almost 
entirely of families, and these families evidently include a large number of chil- 
dren. An average of 5 persons have arrived in California in each car bearing 
workers from the drought States during the 12 months ending June 15, 1936.*^ 
Although a few of these cars may have carried groups of single men, it is evident 
from various field reports that the great majority actually did contain family 

While the forces of dislocation have been uprooting families, seasonal agricul- 
tural work has increasingly attracted family groups to a life of perpetual 
migration. The sugar-beet companies of Colorado have endeavored to recruit 
families rather than single men, whenever they have required outside workers 
since 1919, in spite of the finding of one company that 1,000 "solos" could do 
40 percent more work than the family workers who could be shipped at equal 
expense.^ California agriculture which used to employ single men almost 
exclusively now makes large and increasing use of migrant families.^ The 
growing group of seasonal migrants in Florida also appears, from recent 
studies of the Resettlement Administration, to consist very largely of "kinship 
groups." " 

More comprehensive data as to the family status of migrants to various areas 
of the country will be available when the Bureau of Labor Statistics has the 
opportunity to complete the tabulation of records, already secured, from 21 
public employment oflSces.^* A sample tabulation reveals that one-third of the 

"Cf. The Casual Laborer and Other Essays, 1920 (posthumous), and Gibbons, Logging 
in the Douglas Fir Region, U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bulletin Xo. 711, Washington, 
1918, pp. 11-15. 

" Cf. Webb, Transient Unemployed, op. cit., pp. 38-39. 

" See, infra, pp. 44-49. and ch. VI. 

-0 See, infra, pp. 142-152. 

21 Webb, Transient Unemployed, op. cit., p. 100. 

22 An average of 3.1 individuals per family was found in 13 study cities (op. eit., p. 58). 
If all transient families had such an averaare composition, the family groups in .January 
1935 represented 119,818 individuals of an estimated total of 295,993 individuals under 
care. Less than 3 percent of the unattached persons under care were women (op. cit., p. 

23 Rowell, Monthly Labor Review, December 1936, op. cit., pp. 6-7. 

'* Since these border counts did not cover the railroads, some of the single men from 
drought States were misssed. An overwhelming proportion of married persons was also- 
found amonar recent rural immigrants to the State of Washington who were largely from 
drought States (cf. Paul H. Landis, Rural Immigrants to Washington State, 1932-36, 
Pullman, 1936). 

25 Taylor, Mexican Labor, II, 1929, op. cit., p. 134. 

28 Paul S. Taylor, Migratory Farm Labor in the United States, Monthly Labor Review,. 
March 1937. ., ^r c 

27 Preliminary data from a study of migrant labor in Florida made available by the U. S> 
Resettlement Administration (cf., infra, pp. 127-130). 

28 Cf., supra, pp. 6-7. 


most recent migrants to Chicago (1934-36) were married, that 47 percent of 
these migrants had dependents and that 27 of them had more than 1 dependent.^" 

Age a}id enipJoijahUity 

The recent increase in the importance of migrant families might suggest that 
migrant workers were relatively old workers. On the contrary, the available 
evidence indicates that the older worker migrates across State lines much less 
frequently than the young worker and that woi'kers who migrate are increas- 
ingly in the most employable age groups. Young employable persons are found 
more frequently among migrants than in the gainful population. 

The heads of migrant families are older than the average of the working 
population,''" as might be expected. However, these families include considera- 
ble numbers of young children and in the western farm areas, at least, the 
children of migrant families are usually employed workers. A recent study of 
328 migrant families in California farm camps revealed that one-quarter of 
the 904 working memliers were less than 20 years of age and that one-tenth 
were less than 15 years."' The fact that these youths and children were gainful 
workers brought the average (median) age of these workers in California 
migrant families down to 30 years. 

All available studies of migrant workers show them to be younger than the 
working population of the United States. The median average age of all gain- 
ful workers in 1930 was 35 years."^ The corresponding average age of each 
migrant group recently studied is close to 30 years. Such was the finding for 
<?'alifornia farm families, just mentioned. Such also was the finding of the 
Works Progress Administration study of migrant workers who registered in 13 
cities at the former Federal Transient Bureaus.^ The median ages of un- 
attached members of this "transient" group varied from 27 to 30 years between 
May 1934 and April 1935. while the much smaller group of family heads ^ had 
average ages from 33 to 35 years in different months. A combination of these 
two groups of "Federal transients" suggests that half of the workers who 
migrated across State lines during the depression were also 30 years of age or 

Workers who move for permanent settlement in new communities also appear 
to be younger than the workers residing in the communities to which the migrants 
go. A recent study of southern white migrants to Cincinnati shows such an age 
contrast.'" The median age of 389 migrant heads of families who had married 
Cincinnati residents was 30.6 years. The median age of 264 heads of families 
all members of which had come from the South was 33.8 years. Both groups 
were much younger than the control group. 434 heads of families permanently 
resident in Cincinnati, whose median age was 36 years. 

A similar contrast has been f(mnd between the age of migrants to Chicago who 
registered at public employment offices and the age of the working population of 
Chicago. Moreover, the recent migrants to Chicago appear to be younger than 
the former migrants were at the time of their movement to that city. Half of 

=» Thp averaso sizp of familv among the 170 of those mi.srant worker.^ who reported de- 
pendents was .S.n persons. This is closely similar to the size of the misrant faniilie.s studied 
who received aid under the Federal transient program (.".1 persons') (Webh. loc. cit. ; cf., 
supra, p. 21). However, nearly half of the Chicago immigrants reported dependents in 
contrast with one-fifth of the Federal transient cases. An average of 1.0 dependent worker 
was reported by all the migrant iob seekers studied who came to Chicago between 19,S4 and 
10.16. The migrant group, for those with and without dependents, thus averaged 2 persons, 
including the worker himself. 

Three-fifths of the Cliieago job seekers who moved in the years 1923 to 1029 were mar- 
ried at the time of registration for work, in contrast with one-third of the most recent 
migrants who were married. This contrast merely indicates that a large number of the 
earlier migrants had married bv 10.'^4. 

soCf. L. R. Breithaupt, Bulletin No. 164, Oregon Agricultural Experiment Station, 
Corvallis. lO.Sfi. 

" Adapted from an unpublished study of migrant farm labor In California by the 
V. S Resettlement Administration. San Francisco, courtesy of Edward J. Rowell. 

52 U. S. Bureau of the Census, Fifteenth Census of the United States (ef. Statistical 
Abstract. 10.S6, p. 5«). 

33 Cf. Webb, Transient Unemployed, op. cit., tables 2A, 2B, p. 101. 

" Cf. supra, pp. 20-21. 

ss Preliminary results of an nnnublished study by Grace O. Leybourne. This study was 
based on an analysis of 1.246 schedules of southern whites and 1.214 schedules of com- 
parable resident working-class families taken from the special Cincinnati census of April 
19.35. The schedules were made available by the city manager of Cincinnati and the 
regional department of economic security. 



the gainfully employed of Chicago in 1930 were more than 33 years of age,^* but 
half of the 1,134 migrants studied who came to Chicago after 1922 and who later 
registered at the public employment offices were less than 30 years of age at the 
time of migration." It was possible to separate these job seekers who had been 
migrants into groups, according to the time of their arrival in the city. Half of 
the 421 Chicago job seekers studied who moved during the 1920's were less than 
32 years at the time of migration. Half of the 351 workers who migrated in the 
period 1930-33 were less than 30 years and half of the 362 most recent migrants 
to Chicago (1934-36) were less than 29 years. We do not know whether this 
tendency toward younger and younger interstate migrants is characteristic of 
other areas. 

The younger worker appears to have much greater mobility and is, therefore, 
much more likely to become an interstate migrant than the older worker. Evi- 
dence of the correspondence between youth and mobility is available from several 
sources. One of the most striking age contrasts was found between the unat- 
tached migrants and unattached local homeless persons, as registered under the 
Federal transient program. Half of the interstate migrants studied in 13 cities 
were less than 28 years of age, while half of the local homeless were more than 
43 years of age.'* A similar contrast was found between the ages of interstate 
migrants and those who had moved only within the State of Indiana. Two-thirds 
of the migrants from other States were less than 35 years of age, while nearly 
two-thirds of the intrastate migrants were 35 years or older.^" Among the inter- 
state migrants themselves a similar rule seems to apply: the younger workers 
move the greater distances. This is suggested by table 3, which shows the ages 
of migrants registered at the public employment offices in Chicago whose previous 
jobs outside of Illinois were located in each of five regions. It will be seen that 
ithose emigrating from the Northeast and from the far West were distinctly 
younger than those who had come from the neighboring States of the east north 
central region.*" 

Table 3. — Percentage distribution of age at termination of last joT) cited outside 
State of interstate migrants, 1923-36, having employment in specified regions 
before registering at Chicago employment offices 

Age of termination of last job outside State 







I 1, 134 






All ages 










20 to 24 years 


25 to 29 years. 



35 to 39 years 



50 years and older 


Age unknown 


Including 30 cases of foreign origin, not tabulated for age. 

3''U. S. Bureau of the Census, Fifteenth Census of the United States, vol. IV, p. 440. 

ST Cf. supra, pp. 6-7. Similar information will be available for migrants to 20 other 
cities when tabulation of records obtained by the Bureau of Labor Statistics has been 

3s Webb, Transient Unemployed, op. cit., p. 29, and tables 2A, 2C, p. 101. 

3» Cf. Indiana, Governor's Commission on Unemployment Relief. Statistical Survey of 
Transient Activities, December 1933 to September 19.34. 1935. 

" Similar tabulations of employment office records from 20 other centers are in prepara- 
tion (cf. supra, pp. 6-7). 

This same tendency for the younger migrants to range more widely than the older 
migrants was revealed when the results of the monthly census of transients under care 
of the Federal transient bureaus were compared with the results of monthly registrations 
of the same bureaus. Thus the median age of all transients under care on March 31, 1935, 
was 32 years, while the median age of the transients who registered during that month 
in 13 study cities lay between 27 and 28 years (Webb, Transient Unemployed, op. cit., 
p. 30). Although part of this contrast arose from the inclusion of local homeless in the 
census figures. Dr. Webb concludes that the main reason for the contrast was "* * * 
that age distributions derived from continuous registrations in the 13 cities were weighted 
by the younger and more mobile persons, while age distributions derived from the 1-day 
■quarterly census were weighted by the older and less mobile persons" (loc. cit., p. 31). 



The youth of receut interstate migrants has made them a highly employable 
group, in striking contrast to homeless persons who move only within one local 
area The ages of greatest employabilily, as indicated by a number of studies 
bv the Bureau of Labor Statistics/^ appear to lie between 21 and 45 years. 
Nearly one-half of the local homeless in 6 cities who registered with the Fed- 
eral transient bureaus were more than 45 years of age/' At the same time, less 
than 15 percent of the unattached migrants, and less than 20 percent of the 
heads of migrant families registered with the same bureaus in 13 cities were 
over 45 years of age." The lack of older workers among these "Federal tran- 
sients" made them highlv employable. More than 70 percent of the unattached 
persons and nearlv four-fifths of the heads of families among these migrants of 
the depression period were more than 20 years, and less than 45 years of age. 

Table 4 shows the distribution of ages among migrants to Chicago in the 
prosperity, depression, and recovery periods, as compared with the age distribu- 
tion of the whole working population in 1930. The ages of this Chicago group 
of interstate migrants compared favorably both with those of the entire work- 
ing population and with those of the "Federal transients." Three-fifths of the 
working population were from 21 to 45 years of age, and these were the ages of 
a little more than 70 percent of the "Federal transients." But among the Chi- 
cago immigrants of all periods since 1922, 77.2 percent were aged from 21 to 45 
years at the time of migration. Moreover, an increasing proportion of Chicago 
immigrants have recently fallen within the ages of greatest employability : <8.7 
percent of the most recent Chicago immigrants (1934-36) were 20 and less than 
45 years of age.^" 

Table 4 —Percentage of interstate migrants, 1923-36, of specified ages at termi- 
nation of last job cited outside States, in Chicago employment office registra- 
tions, by periods of migration, compared with percentages of all ivorkers, 1930^ 
by age groups 

kge of terminatiou of last job cited outside State 

Year of termination of last job cited 
outside State 


All gain- 
ful work 

Number of cases. _. 


Less than 20 years 

20 to 24 years 

25 to 29 years 

30 to 34 years 

35 to 39 years 

40 to 44 years 

45 to 49 years 

50 years and older. 
Age unknown 


















«Cf. Monthly Labor Review, November 1932, pp. 1009-1010 ; op. cit.p 1010 ; op. clt, 
February 193?; p. 326; U. S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, Bull. No. 620, p. 3. , idem, 

\n exception 'was found in the department stores of Springfield, Mass., where Dr. Hewes 
revealed that from one-fifth to one-fourth of the employees were over 4o ^ears of age. 
Considerably more than half of this older group had been hired before they reached 45 
but since the largest number of them had been hired at ages from 40 to 44 it was 
concluded that there was "'abundant evidence of lack of prejudice on the part of retail- 
store manager^s__ against the hiring of older persons (Monthly Labor Review, October 

■^^l\PPal^ht^ieless over 45 years of age ranged from 43 to 49 percent of all. local home- 
less between October 1934 and April 1935 (Webb, Transient Unemployed, op. cit., table 2C, 
p. 101). 

" Loc. cit., tables 2A, 2B. 

« ln*^California farm camp, studied by the Resettlement Administration, there was a 
much larger proportion of workers under 20 years of age (2b.2 percent among, whites 
and 30 percent among Mexican families). The ages of greatest employability in Cali- 
fornia agriculture are probably somewhat different than in industry. Nine-tenths or 
the workers in the white families among these California migrant families were aged 
from 15) to 59 years, and 84 percent of the Mexican families were 15 and less than 6l> 
years of age. 



Migrant workers are not only heavily concentrated in the most employable 
aees but by actual tests they have proven to be an extremely employable group 
of worker'^ One such test is the judgment of interviewers as to the applicant s 
Physical ability and expressed willingness to perform work. By this test, more 
than nine-tenths of the workers registered with the Federal transient bureaus 
were emplovable."" Another test is the actual success of migrant workers in 
obtaining jobs in private industry. Table 5 shows that the most recent migrants 
to Chicago were more successful in obtaining private employment through the 
public employment offices than the migrants of 1923-29 who had become local 
residents Nonrelief placements had been secured by 24 percent of the Chicago 
migrants of 1934-36 who registered at the employment offices, but by only 7 
percent of the migrants of 1923-29. This superior employability of recent mi- 
grants cannot be attributed entirely to a more favorable age distribution. Within 
each of the age groups shown in table 5, placements in nonrelief jobs were 
obtained by large proportions of recent migrants than of those who had settled 
before 1930. Other unpublished tabulations show that the preference of private 
employers extended both to the single and the married groups of recent 
migrants.^' Despite this demonstration of employability in private industry, the 
recent migrant to Chicago remained unplaced by the employment offices more 
frequently than the more permanent worker. This was due to the fact that 
the more permanent residents of Chicago were given preference in assignment 
to relief work. In consequence, 9 percent of the recent migrants, as compared 
with 34 percent of the earlier settlers, secured placement on relief work after 
registering at the public employment offices of Chicago.'* 

Table 5.— Numbers of interstate migrants, 1923-^6, placed in relief and non- 
relief jobs by Chicago employment offlces, by age and period of migration 
(1923-29, 1930-33, 193J,^6) 

Disposition of applicant to December 1936 

Years of termination of last job reported outside Illinois 


Relief Nonrelief No 
placement placement placement 

All ages 

Total, 1923-36 









1930-33 - 


J 244 

Under 20 years of age 

Total, 1923-36-_. -- 





1923-29 --- 






1930 33 - --■ 


20 to 29 years of age 

Total, 1923-36 









1930-33 - 




1 Including 1 worker whose placement status was not reported. 

2 Including 2 workers whose placement status was not reported. 

*^ Cf . Webb, Transient Unemployed, op. cit, p. 44. ^ , i 

*' Thus among single workers nonrelief jobs were obtained by 24 percent of the workers 
who had migrated after 1933, but by only 10 jiercent of those who migrated before l'J.30. 
Among married workers nonrelief jobs were obtained by 24 percent of the recent migrants, 
but by only 4.4 percent of those who settled before 1930. c *! *.• -n 

*s Further tabulations of records already secured by the Bureau of Labor Statistics will 
show comparisons of placements as between migrants and the purely local workers who 
reported no previous jobs outside the city in which they were registered. Such data is 
available from samples taken in Chicago and 20 other centers. 



Table 5.— Numbers of interstate migrants, 1923-36, placed in relief amd non- 
relief jobs by Chicago emploifment offices, by age and period of migraPmi 
{1923-29, 1930-33, 1934-36)— Continued 

Disposition of applicant to December 1936 

Years of termination of last job reported outside Illinois 


Relief Nonrelief No 
placement placement placement 

30 to 39 years of age 

Total, 1923-36... 





1923-29 - 








40 to 49 years of age 

Total, 1923-36.. 




2 156 





2 81 




50 years and older 

Total, 1923-36 





1923 29 --- -- 





1930-33 - 



Age unknown 

Total, 1923-36 -- 



1923 29 -- 




1930-33 -- 


Including 2 workers whose placement status was not reported. 


Throughout history the most fundamental type of migration has been the move- 
ment Of peoples in 'search of permanent locations which promist>d to furnish 
more favoralile economic opportunities. Moving sometimes as conquering nations, 
sometimes as nomadic tribes or again as single families or individuals, men 
have recurrently sought to escape from residence in areas that supported life 
inadequately and to establish new homes where the resources or the economic or- 
ganization seemed more favorable. 

The migrant workers to be described in the next four chapters of this report are 
those who have relocated within the United States in response to such basic shifts 
in opportunitv. Their migration will be discussed in terms of the more im- 
portant causes of "job relocation." The workers them.selves, whether they arrive 
from abroad or from another State will be called removal migrants, to distinguish 
them from those constant migrants who move within each year from job to job 
In response to recurrent fluctuations in agriculture or industry. The term "mi- 
gratory labor" is sometimes restricted to refer solely to those individuals who 
are constantly moving. (See chs. IX, X, XI.) Such a definition excludes u 
major fraction of those workers who move across State lines and it obscures a 



major portion of the problem of human migration. A worker who enters a new 
community is no less a migrant because he moves infrequently and hopes to find 
permanent residence. Constant migrants and removal migrants are merged in 
the stream of migration at any one time, and while in the process of migration 
both types face all the problems of homelessness. But while the flow of constant 
migrants is composed of persons who continue to move from job to job, the flow 
of removal migrants is made up of a changing group of individuals who either 
find permanent settlement or join the stream of continual migrants. 

Table 6. — lumbers and percentages of the population of continental United 
States living outside State of birth in 1930, by race and nativity 

Numbers of persons 
in millions 

Percent of 

Race and nativity 

Living out- 
side State 
of birth 






32. 2 



White - 




Otlier ' 


» 100. 0' 

' Including Indians, Mexicans, and Orientals. 
2 Equals 11.6 percent of total population. 

Source: U. S. Census of Population, 1930, vol. II, tables 15-17. 

For three centuries the North American continent has attracted settlers from 
abroad. This foreign immigration has been followed by a vast tide of westward 
movement within the country as the European immigrant and his descendants 
found increasing opportunities toward the interior and the Pacific coast. By 
1890 the frontier had been passed, in the sense that no area with rich known 
resources was left unpopulated, and by 1930 the deliberate restriction of immigra- 
tion had cut down the number of new settlers from abroad to less than 250,000 a 
year. But the tradition of movement is still part of the American scene, ready- 
to serve the needs of the Nation as new resources develop and as old resources 
are exhausted locally. Nearly one-third of the people of the United States were 
living, as recently as the census of 1930, in States in which they had not been 
born (table 6). All of these 40,000,000 people had migrated across State lines at 
least once during their lives and some of them had moved many times. The. 
American worker has thus been more accustomed than the worker of most other 
nations to move in search of greater opportunity.*" 

In 1930 foreign-born persons numbered 14,000,000 or 11.6 percent of the total 
population. To what extent the foreign-born may have continued to move from 
State to State after arrival there is no way of telling. But in addition to these 
foreign immigrants, more than 25,000,000, or one-fifth of the native-born popula- 
tion of 1930 had moved from the various States where they wei'e born. Native- 
born Indians, Mexicans, and Orientals had moved least frequently across State 
lines. More than one-quarter of the Negroes and- almost a quarter of the native 
whites had been interstate migrants at some time since birth (table 6). 

The volume of migration during any fixed period, as for example, 1920-30, can 
only be estimated roughly because of the paucity of the materials now available.** 
The minimum domestic migration across State lines in the decade of the 1920's 
is measured by a net exodus of 2.8 million persons from 31 States. The remaining 
17 States and the District of Columbia gained population by migration. Their 
aggregate net gain was equivalent to the 2.8 millions which the 81 States lost 
plus the 3.1 millions of net foreign immigrants during that decade." 

These are estimates of net interstate shift of population. It is known that 
there was also some flow out of States of net gain and into States of net loss. 
The total number of migrant individuals was therefore greatly in excess of the 
net shift of population, but no accurate estimate of this gross migration is 
possible. The best estimate we can formulate at this time is that more than 

*9Cf. Carter Goodrich and others, Migration and Economic Opportunity, 1936, p. 504. 
^ A relatively slight addition to the census of population would furnish much more- 
reliable information. 

" See appendix A, for the method of computing these estimates. 


9 million persons moved into one or more States during the decade, 1920-30. 
Approximately one-half of these were immigrants from abroad (4.3 millions). 
The remainder were domestic interstate migrants (4.6 millions).^' 

Reduced to an annual average, these estimates mean that job relocation during 
the 1920's probably caused 400,000 persons to move from one State to another 
each year while an average of 430,000 persons were being attracted annually 
from abroad. Not all of these 890,000 annual migrants were workers. On the 
other hand, this estimate probably understates the gross volume of migration 
by a wide margin, and in any case an unusually large proportion of migrants 
are concentrated in the most employable ages.^' It is, therefore, probably not an 
exaggeration to state that there were at least this number of migrants among 
the gainfully employed. If this assumption is correct, interstate relocation of 
both domestic and foreign workers involved an average of 2 percent of the gain- 
fully employed each year from 1920 to 1930 and those workers who relocated 
from one State to another each year of the decade averaged about 1 percent 
of the gainfully employed.^* 

For the period since 1930, even the limited data from the census are lacking 
as a basis for estimating the volume of interstate migration. Apparently, a 
large increase in domestic migration has occurred, but the native migrant has, 
to a great extent, taken the place of the foreign immigrant in providing flexi- 
bility to the population."" In view of the declining number of foreign immi- 
grants, the aggregate annual number of new arrivals in the various States may 
have been no greater since 1930 than during the previous decade. 

The most ccunprehensive data now available show an annual rate of removal 
from State to State during the past 7 years that at least equals the average 
rate of the 1920's. Preliminary tabulations of 111,275 public employment office 
records from 19 cities show that 12 percent of these workers reported a specific 
job across the State line at some time during the years 1930-36.°" 

The detailed results given in table 7 show that in all but 4 of the 19 cities 
•covered, the registrants became interstate migrants at an average annual rate 
of more than 1 percent. One percent, it will be recalled, was the estimated 
average rate of interstate migration among the gainfully employed of the 
twenties. In all but 5 of these cities the rate was less than 2 percent per year. 
Thus, in most of the cities studied, the average proportion of domestic interstate 
migrants was between 1 and 2 times the corresponding proportion of the 1920's 
hut it was less than the combined former rate of migrancy among domestic and 
foreign workers." 

3Iuch of the migration in the United States since 1930 has been affected by 
■conditions of general business depression. During depression and prosperity 
alike, workers are induced to relocate by the push away from former homes 
and the pull toward new areas. Repulsion and attraction are continually pres- 
ent in any dynamic society but these forces operate somewhat differently in 
years of depression than in years of general prosperity. 

The push away from home becomes more intense during depression, as the 
search for work proves futile, as relief becomes inaccessible and as the stigma 
of failure haunts the idle worker. Hence the migration of unemployed workers 
increases as employment declines. The recent trend of travel by these dis- 
tressed migrants may be illustrated by statistics of accidents to railway tres- 
passers. Three-fifths of the migrants who received aid under the Federal 
transient program in 13 cities had traveled by "riding the rods." ^* 

In the ab.sence of comprehensive counts of trespassers prior to May 1935, 
it was necessarv to find another indicator of the number of railway trespassers. 

^2 See Appendix A. 

'■'" Of. supra. 

'"* Average number of the gainfully employed, 44.4 millions. 

=° Cf. supra. 

^^ Of. supra and appendix A. 

" Foreign immigrants averaged 42,750 per year from 1930 through 19.36, les.s than one- 
i:enth of the average annual rate of the 1020's. The negligible number of worlcers whose 
last job outside the State of registration was in a foreign country were included with the 
other migrants shown in table 7. In the Chicago sample, the only one completely tabu- 
lated, this number was 11 out of the ttoal of 713. 

=' Webb, Transient T'nemploved. op. cit.. chart opposite p. 68. Measures of railway 
trespassers indicate the volume of travel by those who do not pay their fares, not the 
number of migrants. Highway travel is not measured and this omission largely excludes 
-the travel by family groups (cf. appendix A). 



The trend of nonfatal accidents to railway trespassers have been found to 
measure with fair accuracy the trend of illegal train-riding by those migrants 
who are most likely to be in need of immediate relief.^" 

Table 7. — Numbers and percentages of ivorkers terminating jois outside States 
of registration during period, 1930-36,^ as shown hy samples of records of 
public employment offices in 19 cities 


Number of workers 

In sample 

job outside 


Percent interstate 
migrants, 1930-36 


Per year 


St. Louis 




New Orleans- -- 


Oklahoma City 
Baton Rouge. -. 



Kansas City.-. 


San Bernardino 





Los Angeles 

5. 285 



is' 5 



■ Samples taken by U. S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, December 1936, with the cooperation of the U. S. 
Employment Service and the indicated State employment services (cf. appendix A). 

2 E.xcluding workers whose last job cited outside New Jersey was located in New York City. These 
"migrants" from New York City equaled 5.1 percent of the sample and their inclusion would raise the ag- 
gregate proportion of interstate migrants to 7.9 percent. The former New York City workers have been 
excluded because of the possibility that they retained their former homes after changing theii' place of work 

Plate 5 suggests that illegal train riding declined gradually during the 
prosperous years, 1923 to 1929, increased by 45 percent as the depression 
deepened, from 1929 to 1933 and decreased sharply with the greater availability 
of local relief and the beginning of recovery in 1934. The evidence of plate 5 
that the depression phase of migration is passing finds support from recent 
observations in the field.''" Indeed, plate 5 indicates that the volume of travel 
by distressed migrants is now no greater than in the 1920's. The upward trend 
of highway travel, not reflected in plate 5, would suggest, however, that the 
depression phase of migration has not wholly disappeared. 

The push away from unfavorable areas also gives a somewhat different 
direction to depression migration than the direction which characterizes pros- 
perity. The very areas within West Virginia, Kentucky, the Middle We.stern 
States, and the Great Plains which had repelled workers during the prosperous 
twenties, appeared relatively favorable to the unemployed after 1930." These 
areas of poor long-range opportunity attracted the depression migrant who 
was in need of security rather than advancement. The higher wage levels of 
the industrialized areas proved useless to the worker who could find neither 

^8 Accidents to railway trespassers have been reported to the Interstate Commerce Com- 
mission since 1890. A high degree of correspondence is shown in Plate 4 between the 
trends of trespasser evictions and of nonfatal accidents to trespassers for the period 
May 1935 to December 1936, when both series were available for the United States as a 
whole. The Interstate Commerce Commission is now collecting further data, at the 
request of the Secretary of Labor, to indicate how far these accidents involve interstate 
migrants (cf. Appendix A). 

60 An average of 25 to 30 riders per train has been recently reported on the most heavily 
traveled lines of the Southwest, as compared with more than 100 such illegal riders in 
1932. (U. S. Children's Bureau, Field Reports, 193&-37). 

«i Cf. Carter Goodrich, B. W. Allen, and Marion Hayes, Migration and Planes of Living, 
1985, especially p. 79. 



work nor relief "' while the poorer areas at least offered the prospect of cheap 
subsistence on abandoned farms and assistance from relatives or friends. 

The forces of attraction change even more than the forces of repulsion as 
business conditions fluctuate between prosperity and depression. During pros- 
perity, many of the workers who relocate are attracted by the positive expecta- 
tion of finding jobs in specific developing areas. Immigration from abroad and 
the migration of skilled workers increases as employment improves and declines 
when no area within the country offers a good prospect of furnishing employ- 
ment. The number of foreign immigrants rose from 300,556 in 1922 to 706,896 in 
1924 "' as employment improved but fell from 279,678 in 1929 to 23,068 in 1933, 
as the depression deepened.*" Similarly, a study of interlodge transfers of ma- 
chinists, now in preparation by the staff of the Social Security Board,*^ reveals 
that skilled workmen move across State lines more frequently during periods 
of good employment than during depression. (Table 8.) Interstate transfers 
which averaged 3.1 percent of the estimated union membership*"' in the good 
years, 1925-29, fell to 1.4 percent in the most depressed year, 1932, and rose 
again to 2 percent of an enlarged membership during the last 2 years of increased 

-Interstate and total inter-lodge transfers among meml 
International Association of Machinists, 1920-36 

?r.s' of the 


Number of inter- 
lodge transfers 


union i 

Ratios of trans- 
fers to voting 





19 ->0 - 

24, 636 
12, 076 
9, 093 


49, 833 
22, 800 
14, 270 
6, 646 
■ 4,485 

13, 138 

22, 118 

330, 800 
273, 600 
180, 900 
76, 400 

71, 700 

72, 300 
74, 500 

77, 000 

78, 000 

77, eoo 

70. 700 
65, 000 
82, 000 
92, 500 
113, 700 

130, 000 
82, 800 

186, 700 
73, 300 
74, 700 




















1931 . 










Annual averages: 
1920 29 


1930-36 . 


1920-24 - -- - 






1 Number of members for whom per capita tax to the American Federation of Labor was paid by the 
International Association of Machinists. 
» Estimated from records covering 9 months. 

Source: Division of Research and Statistics, Social Security Board. 

«2 Cf . Harold F. Dorn and Frank Lorimer, Acnals of the American Academy of Political 
and Social Science, November 1936, p. 285. . . ,^^ .,, c, t^ 

« After 1924, immigration was decreased by deliberate restriction. (Cf. U. S. Depart- 
ment of Labor, Handbook of Labor Statistics, 1931, pp. 278-279.) 

"U. S. Department of Labor, Bureau of Immigration and Naturalization. (Cf. Statis- 
tical Abstract, 1936, p. 9.5.) . , T . 

«5 Division of Research and Statistics. These records of the International Association 
of Machinists are available continuously for the period since 1888. The analysis now 
in preparation is the first of a series of studies of migration from tradp-union records. 
Although some 50 international unions require that interlodge transfers be recorded 
centrally, no previous attempt to use these records for studies of migration appears to 
have been made. , , . . t^ •, 

«« Membership estimated from voting strength at conventions of the American federa- 
tion of Labor. Since these are not accurate figures of membership in any one year, the 
year-to-year changes in these ratios must be regarded with caution. 

The higher ratios of 1920-24 were probably due to the relocation of machine-shop work 
at the close of the Great War. 



There are few areas of positive attraction during- depression. Relatively 
attractive is the security of an old home, a warm climate, or an area reputed to 
grant relief freely. Migration to the poorest coimties of West Virginia and Ken- 
tucky illustrate the return to former homes.*" The consistent gains of population 
by Florida, Louisiana, New Mexico, Arizona, and California from among those 
aided by the Federal transient program, gains which were especially pronounced 
in winter months,*^^ illustrate the search of the homeless for a warm climate. 
The corresponding flow of Federal transients into Ohio probably illustrates the 
attraction of higher relief standards.'* However, the mass of the migration of the 
depression appears to have been a somewhat futile wandering in search of work 
without any very definite direction. Twenty-three of the forty-eight States showed 
alternating gains and losses of both unattached and family group of "Federal 
transients" during the period September 1834 to June 1935.'° 

To obtain a clearer picture of the characteristic origins and destinations of 
migrants we must resort to census records covering the decade 1920-30. In this 
period the directions of relocation were more pronounced than they appear to 
have been during the last 6 years. This is partly because the forces of attraction 
are more prominent in years of prosperity, partly because the information avail- 
able from the census, though slight, is more comprehensive than for years not 
yet covered by a census of population, and partly because any 10-year period 
gives the net effect of relocation a greater chance to stand out from random 
movements of migrant workers than is possible during shorter periods of time. 
Plate 6 shows the States which gained or lost popuhition as a result of the 
migration of the 1920"s, together with the extent of these net changes. A still 
clearer picture of the most important directions taken by specific native white 
workers is shown for the same period by plate 8.'^ 

With the passing of the depression many of the migration tendencies of the 
prosperity period are now reappearing more clearly. Hence the patterns of 
interstate relocation of workers during the 1920's are fundamental to any study 
of the problems of migration today. Four of the five causes of relocation to be 
discussed in subsequent chapters of this report are revealed by the interstate 
shifts of population as shown by plates 6 and 8: (1) Industrialization, (2) 
development and decline of particular areas, (3) tenancy, (4) health. The fifth 
cause, drought, did not appear prominently until after 1930. 

The movement from farm to industrial areas was the most important form 
of interstate relocation during the 1920's. The desertion of farm areas is 
illustrated by the net exodus shown in plate 6 from the following 26 of the 31 
States which suffered a net loss of population : 
Georgia Mississippi Utah 

South Carolina Kansas Louisiana 

Virginia Nebraska New Mexico 

Arkansas North Dakota Vermont 

Kentucky Montana Colorado 

Iowa Missouri North Carolina 

Alabama Idaho Wisconsin 

Tennessee Oklahoma Wyoming 

Minnesota South Dakota 

More than nine-tenths (92.8 percent) of the net interstate outflow of popidation 
during the 1920's left these 26 States, each of which had more than the average 
proportion of their gainful population engaged in agriculture at the opening 

8" Goodrich, Migration and Planes of Living, op. cit., pp. <S-<9. West Virginia and 
Kentucky were States whicti lost population rather than gained trom movements of those 
migrants who received aid under the Federal transient program (cf. Webb, Transient 
Unemployed, op. cit., pp. 79-87). However, those who succeeded in returning home 
would not be classed as transients. The counties of greatest gain, as shown by Dr. 
Goodrich, were generally the counties with the highest percentages of resident relief m 
the entire United States. The return home may be illustrated by the net inflow of all 
transients to New Hampshire, and similar inflows of the unattached transients to 
Wisconsin and of family groups of transients to Virginia (Webb, loc. cit.). These were 
States of net loss during the 1920's (ch. plate 6). 

«s Cf. Webb, loc. cit., and pp. 8-10. 

«s Webb, op. cit., p. 81. note 1. 

™ Webb, op. cit., pp. 79-87. , ^ , „. .i, , *»,» 

■71 Reproduced by permission of C. W. Thornthwaite from Internal Migration in tno 
United States, 1934, plate VI. D. 


of the decade." The attraction of industrial areas is illustrated by the net 
inflow as shown by plate 6, into the following 10 of the 17 States which obtained 
a net gain of iwpulation : 

New York Ohio Rhode Island 

Michigan Connecticut Maryland 

Illinois Massachusetts 

New Jersey Indiana 

More than half (55.6 percent) of the net inflow of population into the 17 States 
and the District of Columbia went to these 10 industrial States.''^ Each of 
them had more than the average proportion of their gainful population in manu- 
facturing and trade at the close of the decade.'' The character of this migra- 
tion from farm to industry will be outlined in chapter IV. 

Second only to the movement from farms to cities during the 1920's was 
the movement out of declining areas and into newly developed areas. Apart 
from the 26 distinctly agricultural States, there were just 5 States which lost 
population through the migration of that decade (plate 6) : 

Pennsylvania Maine New Hampshire 

West Virginia Delaware 

All 5 of these States are in the eastern and less rapidly developing section of 
the country. Pennsylvania and West Virginia contain well-known "problem 
areas" where population presses on depleted natural resources. Maine and 
New Hampshire are located in the declining industrial area of New England. 
Among the States gaining population during the 1920's, California was outstand- 
ing, as can be seen from plate 8. That State alone received "one-quarter of the 
total net inflow across State lines. Apart from the highly industrialized States, 
7 States and the District of Columbia gained population as a result of the 
relocation of workers during the twenties (plate 6) : 

California Oregon District of Columbia 

Florida Washington Nevada 

Texas Arizona 

Together, these States obtained 47.8 percent of the net interstate and foreign inflow 
of population. Six of these eight areas are located in the most newly developed 
section of the country, the far AVest. Florida was also a rapidly developing area, 
the Florida boom liaving occurred during the twenties. Migration to the District 
of (Jolumbia is obviously related closely to the growth of the activities of the Fed- 
eral Government. The character of this relocation out of the declining areas and 
into the developing areas will be described more fully in chapter V. 

One factor in the current break-down of tenancy, as described in chapter VII, 
can also be appreciated by noticing the relocation trends of the 1920's. Every 
State of the southeastern Cotton Belt where farm tenancy is now crumbling lost 
population through migration during the twenties. Indeed, half of the net inter- 
state outflow of peoples from 31 States occurred in just six States where cotton 
tenancy predominates : " 

Georgia Arkansas Tennessee """S-^.l 

South Carolina Alabama Mississippi 

'-In lt»20. 26. -3 percent of the gahifully employed of eonthiental I'liited States were 
occupied in agriculture, forestry, and fishing. Of the States of net inflow onlv Florida 
Texas, Oregon, and Arizona had a larger proportion occupied in this ai;ri(ultiiral group' 
(Cf. Census of Population, 1920, tables 13, 14.) These four States were developing areas' 
discussed below. ' 

'3 In 1930, 44.8 percent of the gainfully employed of continental United States were 
engaged in manufacturing and mechanical industry or in trade. (Fifteenth Census 1930 
Unemployment, vol. I, pp. 54-55.) In addition to the 10 States listed, California had 
46.1 iXTcent of its gainful population engaged in manufacturing and trade, but since loss 
than the average proportion were engaged in manufacturing alone California is discussed 
as a case of a developing area rather than as a case of industrial attraction. Of the 31 
States of net outflow, only Pennsylvania and New Hampshire had more than the average 
proportion of their gainful population in manufacturing and trade. These States are 
listed below as under the cases of deciding areas. 

'iThe first 5 States listed obtained .52.2 percent of the total net inflow from other 
States and from abroad. 

"^ Compare p. 51 and plate G. 

260370 — 41— pt. 10 17 


This special dispersion of workers from oue group of the agricultural States sug- 
gests that the region of cotton tenancy is heavily overpopulated as compared with 
present economic opportunities. . , ^ 

The search for improved health appears, in some cases, to be a more important 
motive'for migration than the search for improved economic opportunities. Many 
of those who move to restore health are nevertheless workers who depend upon 
finding a job in the new conmiunities. Prominent among the States which are 
f-imous for climates favorable to health are California, Arizona, Nevada, and 
Colorado Plate 6 shows that the first 3 of these 4 States gained in population 
as a result of the migration of the 1920's. The health factor as a motive for 
relocation of workers across State lines is discussed briefly in chapter VIII. 


Removal from farm to industry has been the dominant migratory trend in the 
United States not only in recent years but throughout the twentieth century. 
Briefly interrupted during the recent depression, this drift has been resumed since 
3933. ' The worker who shifted from agriculture to industrial employment gen- 
erally moved at the same time from a rural to an urban area, and much of this 
relocation involved migration across Slate lines. This type of migration has been 
a natural response to the attraction of expanding industry and to the pressure of 
population against restricted opportunity in agricuiture. By means of this migra- 
tion American workers have generally improved their own earnings while pro- 
viding the labor supply necessary for our rapid industrial development. 

In the decade before 1920 industrialization had already drawn more workers 
into manufacturing industry than the number which remained in agriculture." 
By 1920 the money earnings of farm labor had risen to an estimated average of 
$810 per year, but industrial wage earners were then earning an average of $1,489 
per year." After 1920 the contrast between agriculture and industry became even 
more striking. During the next 6 years the industrial workers' buying power 
increased by 17 percent." At the same time the farm laborer's buying ix)wer 
declined,™ and the farm operator was faced with a fall of 12 percent in 
the average purchasing power of each unit of agricultural produce.^" Although 
this loss in unit buying power was partially offset by the production of more 
physical units per acre, the following contemporary observation by a leading agri- 
cultural authority was undoubtedly apt : 

"The outward signs of this rapidly increasing well-being of the already well-to-do 
and of the somewhat improved condition of the city working classes are evident 
to farm people the moment they enter a city's gates. It is small wonder that they 
are discontented.*"^ 

Migration to the city was one important outlet for this discontent. In 10 
vears, 1920 through 1929. there was a net movement from farms to urban areas, 
"interstate and intrastate, of 6.3 million persons. The total farm population 
declined by 1.4 millions, in spite of a natural increase from l)irths in excess of 
deaths on" farms of 4.9 millions.^ With the drastic curtailment of industrial 

•« Census of Population, 1920, vol. IV, p. 34 : 

Manufacturing and mechanical industry 

Agriculture, forestry and animal husbandry. 

Millions of gainfully 
occupied persons 



" Paul H. Douglas, Real Wages in the United States, 1890-1926, Houghton, Mifllin, 1930, 
table 147. 

's Douglas, loc. oit., derived from index of real earnings of employed workers in all in- 
dustries, including farm Inljor. 

■s* Douglas, op. cit., table iV-i (cf. pp. 65-69, 188-189). 

sou. S. Bureau of Agricultural Economics, Index Numbers of Prices Farmers Pay for 
Commodities Purchased, mimeographieal release, 1928. 

*i.Tohn D, Blaclj, Agriculture NowV, Journal of Farm Economics, April 1927, p. 161. 

»-V. 8. Bureau of Agricultural Economics. Farm Population Estimates. January 1. 1937, 
mimeographed release, June 24, 1937, tallies 2 and 3. 



employment after 1929, farm work became relatively more attractive than before 
because it promised at least a chance to obtain subsistence. The net exodus 
from farms dwindled from the average of 630,000 perf^ons a year in the 1920's 
to a mere 20,000 in 1931 (table 9). In 1932, at the bottom of the depression, 
a real increase in the numbers moving from cities back to farms occurred and 
the migratory drift of 25 years standing was temporarily reversed. According 
to the latest estimates, the "back to the farm" movement proved to have been 
much less extensive than had been supposed at the time. In 1932 there was a 
net relocation from cities to farms of about 266,000 persons, but at the first signs 
of business recovery the numbers moving from cities to farms declined sharply. 
Since 1932 the not farm-to-ciiy movement has been resumed at a rising rate, 
which was averaged nearly 400,000 persons per year or about three-fifths of the 
net relocation during the 1920's. By 1936 the net relocation away from farms 
rose to 417,000. 

Table 9. — Numbers of persons movhuj to and from United States farms, as 
related to estimated changes in the total farm poindation^ 

Thousands of persons 

Type of change 









City 2 to farm 








30, 971 






Net migration: 





30, 169 





30, 497 


31, 770 



Excess of births over deaths 


31, 801 


Estimated total farm population, Jan. 1 

< 31, 809 

' Source: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Agricultural Economics, Farm Population Esti- 
mates, Jan. 1, 1937, release of June 24, 1937. 

2 Including towns and villages. 

3 Allowances due to (n) changes to or from farming without change of residence, and (b) 
pretation of census instructions. It is not possible to separate the effects of these two factors. 

< Estimated farm population, Jan. 1, 1937: 31,729,000. 

No direct information Is available to show what part of the farm-city migration 
was interstate in character. In some cases, as in Illinois, movements over long 
distances from rural to urban areas may take place within a single State rather 
than across State lines. However, chapter III has sliown that the movement from 
farm to city was a major influence behind the interstate relocation which did 
occur in the decade of the 1920's. Some industrial communities such as Cincinnati 
are located close to depressed agricultural communities in other States and in 
fact more than one-tenth of the residents of Cincinnati in 1935 were white persons 
who had migrated at various times in the past from the upland areas of Kentucky, 
Tennessee, and West Virginia, Most of these mountain white farmers evidently 
migrated to obtain industrial work and not to obtain relief. Four-fifths of them 
had arrived before the depression when Cincinnati's superior relief facilities might 
have begun to outweigh the attraction of work.'' A forthcoming study of 1,134 
applicants at public employment offices who migrated to Chicago from 1923 to 1936 
will show that 10.9 percent of the gr<iup had been engaged in agriculture, forestry, 
or fishing innnediately before coming to Illin(us. Many other Chicago immigrants 
doubtless had been engaging in fanning at some time in the past, although not 
immediately before coming to Illinois.''* 

Interstate removal has been a necessary incident of the shift from restricted 
agricultural opportunltv in the South and West to the growing industrial oppor- 
tunities of the Northeast. There is no doubt that this job i-elocation of both the 

from a special census of Hamilton County, Ohio, April 1035, by Grace 
)ug:h the courtesy of the city manager and the regional department ot 

•3 Data obtained 

economic"ecuVitv!*^lv«ss"LeyTo"urne''is"preparing, aTepoft of her analy.sis of a special sample 
of mountain whi'te migrants found in this Cincinnati census (of., supra, p. 25). 
^ Cf., supra. 



commercial and the self-sufficient farm workers was to improve the position of the 
interstate migrants themselA'es. Dr. Goodrich, who has pushed the analysis of 
this migration into a study of individual counties, concludes tliat during the 

twenties: i ^. ^ i, • , -, 

"In general, the poorer regions gave up population to the richer ones and 
within sections it was the more prosperous communities— largely urban and indus- 
ti-iai— which drew people from the surrounding areas. If even the best of the agri- 
cultural counties usually gave up part of their population surplus, they at least 
lost in smaller proportions than the less-favored ones." ''' 

In bettering themselves, the removal migrants of the twenties were increasing 
the earning level of the country as a whole. By moving to areas where their labor 
was in better demand they took a necessary step to correct partially the mal- 
distribution of population, as compared to resources, which the changing economic 
structure had produced. This point has been neatly illustrated by Professor 
Douglas in connection with his calculations of real wages. He found that the 
change in real earnings of all workers would appear differently if the migration 
from farm to city were considered than if this shifting were left out of account. 
Indeed, a 2.5-percent increase, as compared with a total rise of 16.5 percent, in the 
real buying power of all workers between 1920 and 1926, was attributed by Douglas 
to the transfer of labor from the farms to the cities.*'' This calculation measures, 
the effect of tra)isfer exclusively within the group of hired workers during the first 
6 years of the decade. It is probable that real earnings were increased by at least 
5 percent during the whole decade as a result of the transfer of both farm opera- 
tors and farm laborers from agricultural to urban employments.'* 

No claim is made that migration is the only solution to the maldistribution of 
population or that migration completely solved the problem in the 1920's.^ In 
particular, this report presents no defense for the depressed condition of agri- 
culture in that period. Even if nothing further could have been done to restore 
agricultural opportunity, a good case could doubtless be made for "moving industry 
to the people rather than by the moving of people to industry." °° However, it is 
<^lear that the migration from farms to cities worked haltingly in a desirable 
.economic direction in view of the relative conditions and locations of the two 
forms of employment. Lacking specific data, we must suppose that the same 
ludgment should be made as to the continued interstate migration from farm to 
city which has been resumed, with the industrial recovery, since 1938. 


The relocation of workers from farms to urban connnunities was a necessary 
adjustment to the general shift of economic activity from agricultural to industrial 
work. Migration may be necessary, however, without a change of work when 
a given type of production is moved from one area to another. Much interstate 
migration is a result of such job relocation. For example, nearly half of the 
559 interstate migrants recently studied in Chicago reported jobs after entering 
Illinois within the same industrial groups as before relocation. Such industrial 
stability was remarkable in view of the importance of the movement from farms 
to Chicago industries (table 10). These 559 workers moved at various dates 
from 1923 to 1936. More than half of the 82 who moved within the last 3 years 
and who reported the character of their jobs before and after moving had work 
of the same general character in Illinois as before migration." 

'*'- Op. oit., pp. 4-5. 

" Douglas, op. cit., calculations for 1920-26 from tables 146 and 147 on the method 
suggested for the period 1914-26 on p. 395. 

88 No exact calculations are available for the whole decade, 1920-30, but Douglas shows 
that a 6-percent increase in real earnings was attributable to such a transfer during the 
11-year period 1914-26 (op. cit., p. 395). The calculation given by Douglas also 
necessarily omits the effect of migration of farm operators. Moreover, 5 of these 11 years 
fell in the wartime period, when the contrast between earnings in agriculture and in in- 
dustry were less marked than during the 1920's. 

*" As to the shortcomings of migration, see chs. XII, XIII. 

»» Cf. Goodrich, op. cit., p. 8. 

"^ From sample of 1,134 workers registered at public-employniont offices in Chicago who 
reported jobs outside the State of Illinois. (Cf., supra, pp. 6-7) 



Table 10. — Employment and industrial status after migration of interstate 
migrants, 1923-36, reporting industry of last job outside State before register- 
ing at Chicaqo employment offices, by periods of migration: 1923-29, 1930-3S, 

Job status and nature of industry of first job after migration 

Years of termination of last job cited 
outside State 


Total: Assigned industry before migration ' 

No job reported after migration 

Reported jobs after migration .-. 

Industry not assigned 

Assigned industry after migration _. 

Same industrial group ^ as before migration 

Different industrial group 2 than before migration 

1 Excluding 146 cases of undefined or unassigncd industry (e.g. relief work) of last job cited outside State. 

2 Industrial groups as follows: I. Agriculture, Forestry, Fishing; II. Manufacturing, Mining; III. Con- 
struction; IV. Distribution; V. Public L'tihties, Transportation; VI. Service. 

The reasons for the shifting of a given type of work from one State to another 
are too numerous to permit a complete catalog in this preliminary report. Three 
somewliat different examples of job relocation will be presented in this chapter 
to indicate the variety of influences at work: (1) The current shift of economic 
activity from densely settled to more sparsely settled areas; (2) the general case 
of the migration of industry; and (3) the special case of shifting sources of 
power. The particular reasons for job relocation range from the westward move- 
ment, which is as old as white settlement on this continent, to artificial and 
temporary stimulants to plant removal. But, whatever the reasons, once the 
relocation of jobs has occurred, a corresponding migration of workers is socially 
desirable. The danger is not that there should be migration but rather that the 
actual migration may insufficient, with the result that stranded populations 
develop in the areas which are either declining or which are developing too 
slowly to provide an adequate living for their increasing population. 

The available information as to migration in response to changes in the location 
of work is even less complete than the data regarding migration generally. 
Budget limitations have prevented any special investigation of such important 
factors as local wage and tax preferences which may have forced unnecessary 
migration across State lines. The effect of the development of new areas and 
the decline of the older areas of production upon interstate migration is reason- 
ably clear. Other types of shifts of work opportunities can only be suggested in 
this preliminary report. 

Interstate shift of general economic activity 

More than one-third of the net interstate shift of population during the 1920'!3 
consisted of a realJocation of workers from the more densely settled to the more 
sparsely settled areas of the United States. The main trend of this movement 
was westward, as may be seen graphically from plate 8. The westward move- 
ment of population, which was accompanied by the whole development of North 
America, did not end with the close of tlie nineteenth century. It not only 
continued but actually increased in absolute vohune during the decade, 1920 to 

^ Cf. Thornthwaite, Internal Migration in the United States, op. cit., plate VI. Each 
succes.sive decade since 1890 shows an increasing width of arrows pointing In westward 
direction. Because plate 8 is based on birth-residence data rather than age-group data, and 
because it shows onlv net relocations of more than 10.000, it does u«t reveal the entire 
interstate movement,' especially that into Oregon. Washington, and .Arizona (cf. appen- 
dix A). 


Misration from decliuing to developing areas doubtless affected the population 
of many States. However, It appears to Have been the chief factor which explains 
the inflow of workers to seven States and the exodus from five States during the 
1920's : 
Developing areas: Declining areas : 

California Pennsylvania 

Florida West Virgmia 

Texas Maine 

Oregon Delaware 

Washington New Hampshire 


Although the seven States listed in the first column all received net additions to 
their population by migration, this inflow cannot be explained as part of the farm 
to city movement, discussed in chapter V. The proportion of the gainful popu- 
lation in manufacturing industry of each of these States was smaller than the 
national average proportion, even at the end of the decade. Likewise, the 
exodus from distinctly agricultural areas fails to explain the outflow of migrants 
from the five States listed in the second column. The proportion of tlie gainful 
iwpulation on the farms of each of these five States was less than the national 
average proportion, even at the beginning of the decade. 

The attraction of rapidly developing communities does largely explain the 
migration of the 1920's to the seven States just cited. Each of these States was 
located in an area of relatively sparse settlement which was developing rapidly. 
Each of these States, except Florida, was located in the far West, the last area 
to be developed within the United States. Florida, although an Eastern State of 
early settlement, was nevertheless a new area in the sense that its climatic re- 
sources were discovered and developed extensively only in the present century. 
The migration to these rapidly developing areas was a response to the shift 
of both agriculture and industry into new areas rather than the result of a 
shift from one tvpe of job to tlie other. In six of the seven developing States, 
excluding Florida, farm population increased during the 1920's in face of the 
country-wide decline,*" and in California, Washington, and Arizona the value of 
farm property was actually greater in 1930 than it had been in 1920.'- At the 
same time opportunities for industrial workers were increasing in these same 
States. For example, the number of wage earners employed in manufacturing 
in the Pacific Coast States and in Texas and Arizona increa.sed from 8 to 24 
percent between 1925 and 1929, while in the country as a whole manufacturing 
employment increased by an average of only 5 percent."" As to Florida, the 
increased opportunities in service, construction, and commercial employments 
were reflected in the doubling of the urban population of the State during the 
decade 1920-30 as compared with an increase of slightly more than one-quarter 
in the urban population of the country as a whole."' 

The decline or less-than-average increase in the development of the East goes 
far to explain the emigration from the five States listed above which lost 
population by migration against the general trend. Pennsylvania presents a 
case of stranded coal-mining areas, to be discussed presently in some detail. 
West Virginia emigration was an attempt of submarginal farmers to escape 
from the pressure of a rapidly increasing population upon inadequate natural 
resources.'' Maine and New Hampshire are New England States which have 
suffered from the competition of the West and South. The farm population of 

M California, for example, had 22 persons per square mile and Oregon had 8.2 persons 
in 1920 as compared with a national average of 35.5 persons at that time (cf. U. S. 
Statistical Abstract, 1936, p. 3). 

^ Cf. U. S. statistical Abstract, 1936, p. 8. 

»^ Loc. cit., p. 576. 

sa Loc. cit., pp. J60-764. 

s^Cf.^'Carter' Goodrich and others, Migration and Economic Opportunity, 1936, ch. II. 
The case of eastern Kentucky and Tennessee is shown by Goodrich to be similar to tuat 
of West Virginia. Kentucky and Tennessee were listed in ch. Ill (p. 53) as cases of 
emigration from farm regions, but West Virginia was omitted from this list for the tech- 
nical reason that the importance of coal mining in West Virginia holds down the percent- 
age of farm workers among the gainfully occupied of that State. 


Maine and New Hampshire, for example, declined by 15 percent between 1920 
and 1930 as compared with a decline of 4 percent in the United States as a 
whole.** Moreover, the number of wage earners engaged in the manufacturing 
industries of Maine and New Hampshire decreased by 21 percent from 1919 to 
1929, as compared with a national decline of 2 percent.^ The relatively small 
exodus from Delaware was probably the result of the deflection of the chemical 
industry at the close of the Great War.^ 

Migration of industry — plant relocation 

When job opportunities shift from one region to another the worker in the de- 
clining industry must migrate if he is to avoid complete or partial unemploy- 
ment. Knowledge as to the extent and reasons for job relocation is therefore 
vital to any consideration of interstate migration. Yet the existing data as 
regards industrial relocation is meager and knowledge as to the actual response 
of workers to the shifting of employment is even less satisfactory." 

The most striking but the least significant form of job relocation is the out- 
right relocation of plants. Unfortunately, most of the available data as to the 
shift of job opportunities relates only to the removal of specific plants from one 
area to another. Plant relocation occurs when a single concern completely shuts 
down an establishment in one area and replaces it in another area. This is 
but one of the means of shifting the available jobs in a given industry. The 
concern may also set up one or more branches and move, amoeballke, from 
the home plant into the branches. Further, the movement may be the net 
result of the actions of many establishments; those in one community may 
decline or cease production while wholly independent concerns in a distant 
community may establish new plants or expand employment in plants already 
established. All three of these changes cause a migration of jobs. In each 
case, the workers in the declining area are faced with the necessity of migra- 
tion unless they find new work in the same area, or succeed in subsisting on 
savings or relief. 

The need for more extensive information on the migration of jobs from State 
to State is made particularly evident by the case of the well-known movement 
of the cotton-textile industry from New England to the South. During the 10 
years. 1923 to 1933, the New England States lost approximately 100,000 cotton 
textile jobs while the southern States gained 38,000.^ Yet there was practically 
no outright relocation of plants from North to South, at least in the last half of 
this period.® Apparently the southward movement of textiles occurred by the 
establishment and growth of new concerns and of branches in the southern States 
and not by the outright relocation of plants. The most dramatic recent example 
of loss of "textiles by New England was a case of shut-down, not relocation. The 
Amoskeag ilanufacturing Co. oi>erated the largest siiagle textile plant in the 
world in Manchester, N. H., until September 1935 when operations ceased. The 
former Amoskeag workers, 11,000 in number, have been faced with an acute 
problem of finding alternative jobs. But the Amoskeag concern never established 
a southern plant. Other concerns had already expanded capacity in the South 
and the combined action of the southern mills and of the Amoskeag had the 
effect of shifting the workers' jobs. 

^ Statistical Abstract, op cit., p. 8. 

^ U. S. Census of Manufactures, 1930, vol. Ill, p. 17. A similar decline of 19 percent in 
the number of manufacturing wage earners occurred in New England as a whole. In the 
New England States outside of Maine and New Hampshire the decline in manufacturing 
appears to have been offset by an increase in the number engaged in agriculture or trade 
or both. 

^ Loc. cit. 

3 The forthcoming reports of the National Research Project, Works Progress Administra- 
tion, should provide a valuable addition to our knowledge of these subjects. In one of 
the small communities recently studied, for example, about one-third of the former em- 
ployees of an abandoned factory remained local residents 8 years after the shut-down, 
another one-third appears to have migrated within the State, while the remaining one-third 
migrated across State lines or died. 

*U S. Senate, Conditions and Problems of the Cotton Textile Industry, Report of 
Cabinet Committee, S. Doc. Xo. 126, 74th Cong., 1st sess., 1935, p. 27. 

5Cf Daniel B. Cieamer, Is Industry Decentralizing? University of Pennsylvania, 1935. 



outright movement of plants by a single management. As might 
the volume of such relocation has been small. In al m«""f^f^tur 
•\n average of 261 plants were relocated each year between 1927 a 

The onlv comprehensive data as regards industrial relocation relate to the 
xiie uii . ... . ,. 4. ,^g might be expected, 

irins industry, 
and 1933, and 
this relocation resulted in a shift of 12,933 jobs per year. The rate of relocation 
remained fairly constant throughout the G-year period (table 11) Plant reloca- 
tion thus shifted an average of less than two one-hundredths of 1 percent of all 
iobs in manufacturing industry." One-sixth of the jobs shifted by plant reloca- 
tions, a total of 11.070 jobs in manufacturing industry, crossed not only State but 
lal' lines during the 6-year period, 1927-33. 


T\BLE 11— Relocation of manufacturhig plants and 
Uennial periods, 1927 to 1933 

of eniploiiment, during 

1927 to 29. 
1929 to 31. 
1931 to 33 

Plants relocated 

Jobs shifted by plant 

30, 284 
25, 305 
22, 013 

of total 


1 Adapted from previously unpublished data of the U. S Census of Manufactui;es as compiled by Daniel 
B Creamer, Is Industry Decentralizing?, University of Pennsylvania Press, 19o5. Relocations in the 
lumber industry and within the limits of cities were not included. Intrastate relocations are included. 

A special compilation by the Massachusetts Department of Labor and Indus- 
tries shows that a total of 147 plants moved out of the State of Massachusetts 
during the 7-year period, 1930-36 and that Massachusetts thereby lost an aver- 
age of 2,000 jobs a year from manufacturing industry (table 12). Two-thirds of 
these jobs went to other States in New England, one-quarter went to the Middle 
Atlantic States and one-tenth shifted to the East North Central region. The 
shift to the South by plant relocation was negligible.' Vermont also has recently 
achieved small increases in emi^loyment by relocation. Manufacturing plants 
which relocated in that State during the 2 years, 1935-36, were recently employ- 
ing 1,746 workers. Plants which had come from Massachusetts employed about 
1,000 of these workers.' 

Table 12.— Mir; rat ion of manufacturing cstahlishments and onploi/incut from 
Massachusetts,^ 1930 to 1936 



of estab- 

of Visage 


of estab- 

Average ' 
of wage i 
earners ' 















Phelps, director, Division of Statistics, Department of 
Source: Records of Annual Census of Manufactures in Massachusetts, March 1937. 

1 Adapted from data compiled by Roswell F 
Labor and Industries, State of Massachusetts. 

«Mr. Creamer's tabulation of census data took no account of State lines. A complete 
retabulation of the data would be rciiniiril to secure information as to Interstate relocation. 

' Regions as defined by the U. S. Cciisiis of Miinufactures. 

8 Three factories including textile mill with as^iregate employment at the time of reloca- 
tion of 232 workers relocated in the South durini^ the 7-year period. 

» Adapted from data compiled by Howard E. Armstrong, commissioner of industries, 
of the State of Vermont, March 1937. Source, records of Annual Census of Manufactures 
in Vermont. 



Migration of indmtnj-u'arje diffcrenlirils 

Among the many reasons for the relocation of .jobs across State lines and 
hence of the migration of workers, the existence of wage differentials between 
States is of particular interest. The migration of the cotton-textile industry 
from New England to the South is generally attributed to the competitive ad- 
vantage of the lower wage levels of the South." This differential rose to a 
maximum in 1924, at which time hourly earnings of textile workers averaged 64 
percent more in New England than in the South Atlantic States." There was a 
sharp decrease in this differential at the time of the introduction of the Cotton 
Textile Code under the National Recovery Administration, from 38.5 percent in 
Julv 1935 to 15.9 percent in the following month. 

Wage differentials have been increasing since the nullification of National 
Recoverv Administration codes and job opportunities have been shifting to those 
establishments which have cut wages by more than the average or advanced 
them by less than the average of their respective industries.'' 

Table 13. — EstaWshmeuts in cotton-r/arment industry reporting changes in 
hourly eartvings and employment to the U. 8. Bureau of Labor Statistics, May 
1935 to May 1936 

Change in average, hourly earnings, 1935 to 1930 

Decrease of — 

Less than 2.5 percent. 
2.5 to 7.4 percent 

Less than 7.5 percent... 

7.5 to 22.4 percent 

22.5 to 37.5 percent 

More than 37.5 percent. 


Number of establishments 

Northern Southern 

States States i 

Percent of 
change in 
Total ment ' 


1 Including Maryland and ^.y^icc^, 

2 Establishments in both regions. 

The cotton garment industry provides the most striking illustration of the 
current migration of job opportunities because of widening wage differentials. 
The 23 reporting establishments which maintained wages or decreased them by 
less than 2i/> percent dropped 9.5 percent of their workers while, at the other 
extreme, the'll establishments which cut average hourly earnings by more than 
371/2 percent were able to increase the number of man-hours worked by 34 per- 
cent. Moreover, in this case the shift in employment was definitely interstate in 
character. Wage cuts, and especially the extreme wage cuts which were asso- 
ciated with increasing employment, occurred much more frequently in the south- 
ern than in the northern States, as can be seen from talilo 13. 

Interstate migration of job opportiuiities to take advantage of lower wages is 
further illustrated bv the case of the shoe industry. In this case the migration 
is not from North to South, but from established communities, especially in 
Massachusetts, to smaller communities in Maine, New Hampshire, Missouri, and 
other areas. The industry is especially mpbile because the machinery is owned, 
not bv the shoe manufacturers but by one of two machine manufacturers who 

w Cf. Claudius T. Murchison, King Cotton Is Sick, University of North Carolina Press, 
1930. Lower taxes in the South also increased this competitive advantage. New England 
retained the finer grades of textiles because the more skilled labor in that area coiild be 
used with advantage in making the finer grades even when paid the higher wage rates or 

"VV^eighted average of hourly earnings in 17 leading occupations as computed by A F. 
Hinrichs and Ruth Clem, Historical Review of Wage Rates and Wage Differentials in the 
Cotton Textile Industry, Monthly Labor Review, May 1935, p. 4. r>„^^.„„ „„..„, ^„+ „iiir 

"Loc cit The six industries selected for intensive study were : Cotton garment, silk 
and rayon textile, brick and tile, cotton textile, sawmills, and hardware. 


lease the equipment on a royalty basis." Shoe manufacturers are therefore not 
tied to particular localities by investments in expensive machinery. 

Between 1923 and 1929 Massachusetts employment in the boot-and-shoe indus- 
try fell from 38 percent of the total for the country as a whole to 26.8 percent 
while substantial percentage gains occurred in New York, Missouri, Illinois, New 
Hampshire, and Wisconsin." Since 1930, Massachusetts has continued to lose 
heavily to other New England States. This may be seen from the inadequate 
data on plant relocations alone. More than half of the 7,800 job opportunities 
in Massachusetts plants which relocated out of that State between 1930 and 
1936 were in plants making shoes or shoemaking supplies. More than 3,000 of 
these jobs went to Maine and more than 2,000 moved to New Hampshire.^^ In 
the case of shoes, the wage differential between large and small localities allowed 
by the N. R. A. code appears to have stimulated migration, inasmuch as the 
largest movement out of Massachusetts towns occurred in 1934." Since shoe 
production in Massachusetts is located in highly specialized communities, the 
loss of plants must apply a heavy pressure toward the migration of workers. 

Migration, of iitdiixiri/ — Artificial sfiiiiiihnitfi 

Artificial stimulation of plant relocation across State lines appears to have be- 
come a fairly conunon practice in recent years. The failure of the Congress to 
make funds available for this investigation made it impossible to collect data on 
this subject systematically, but instances have been cited recently with increasing 
frequency. As early as 1925 a midwestern community gave an immigrating shoe 
plant a $100,000 subscription for the erection of a factory, plus a 10-year rebate 
of taxes, license, and water fees." Frequent reports have been published during 
the current year as to inducements offered by communities in Middle Atlantic and 
southern States to encourage the removal of garment, hosiery, paper, and shoe 
establishments.'** Considerable sums for the erection of factories for immigrating 
plants have apparently been subscribed, sometimes by weekly deductions from the 
workers' pay. Other attractions frequently offered, according to these reports, 
are long-term rebates of taxes, heat, and water, and purported guaranties of 
cheap labor and even of the absence of labor trouble. Some communities have 
paid the immigrating plant a cash bonus of from $10,000 to $20,000. 

An accompaniment of the movement has been the development of private de- 
centralizing agents, who offer to relocate debilitated industrial plants without 
expense,'" to places of cheap labor and no labor trouble, and to collect fees from 
the communities receiving the plants. The Governor of one southern State pub- 
licly urged his municipalities to offer every possible concession to bring in outside 
plants and invited a private agency to assist. The Governor of another southern 
State has warned the municipalities in his State to beware of such agencies and 
to investigate carefully the previous status of outside plants proposing to 

One alleged result of this artificially induced migration of plants has been the 
perpetuation and even the further lowering of already low wage scales in the 
communities of immigration. In one State, at least, the wages recently paid by 

13 Works Progress Administration, National Research Project, Reemployment Opportu- 
nities and Recent Changes in the Boot and Shoe Industry. Unpublished report prepared 
by Alfred Schwartzenfeld, special research section, New York City, March 1937, p. 3. 

"Cf. E. N. Hoover, Jr., Ihe Location of the Shoe Industry in the United States, Quar- 
terly Journal of Economics, Eebniary I'.t:;:;, p. 2C>r,. 

^^ Adapted from data compiled for' this report by Roswell F. Phelps, director of statistics, 
Massachusetts Department of Labor and Industries, from records of the Massachusetts 
Annual Census of Manufactures. 

18 What the framers of the code apparently overlooked was the fact that a lower wage 
scale in country districts must inevitably result in destroying industry in the great show 
cities, since manufacturers in such renters cannot continue to operate in competition with 
those who settle in rural coniniuiiitii's. ((ilcasdii Leonard Archer, chairman, (iovernor's 
committee on the shoe industry. The Slim^ Indiistrv in Massachusetts, April 11, I',, p. 5.) 

"Findings of the National Lalior Relations Hoard in trial of the Brown Shoe Co., Inc., 
St. Louis, Mo., regarding the discharge of 3 workers, allegedly because of joining the 

18 By Thomas L. Stokes in a series of 17 signed and syndicated articles of the Scripps- 
Howard press, January 4 to 22, 1937, on the subject of Migration of Industries to the 
South. The articles were based on a 3 weeks' tour of inspection. 

1" From the advertising letter of 1 such agency. 

2" Undesirable Establishments, an editorial in North Carolina Labor and Indnstrv, 
monthly bulletin of the North Carolina Department of Labor, Raleigh, N. C, vol. Ill, No. 
11, November 1936, p. 4. 



some incoming plants were considerably below the security wage of the Works 
Progress Administration. 

Shifting sottrces of power — a case of stranded communities 

Pennsylvania has been noticed earlier in this report as a highly industrialized 
State which lost population by the migration of the 1920's, contrary to the 
general trend of that decade." The net emigration from Pennsylvania is esti- 
mated to have been 89,000, but this loss of population was the result of a very 
large movement in both directions. Actually, more than half a milliou persons 
left the State in the same decade when more than 400,000 persons were entering 
the State.^ The emigration from Pennsylvania cannot be attributed to the 
exodus from farms, because only 8 percent of the gainful workers of that State 
were engaged in agriculture at the beginning of the decade."^ Nor can this 
exodus be attributed to a decline of employment in manufacturing industry. 
On the contrary, the growth of Pennsylvania manufactures was undoubtedly 
responsible for the large volume of immigration to that State. 

Half a million persons left Pennsylvania during the 1920's largely because 
the Nation was obtaining its power and heat less from Pennsylvania coal and 
more from oil, from other coal fields, and from water resources. Mucli more 
power was consumed at the end of the decade than at the beginning.^ Part 
of these increased requirements were met by increased efficiency in the use of 
power which reduced by at least 10 percent the fuel required for each unit of 
power developed.^' This still left an increasing demand for all fuels combined, 
but the use of coal failed to increase because of the substitution of oil, natural 
gas, and water power. While coal supplied four-fifths of our power at the 
beginning of the decade it supplied hardly more than three-fifths at the end.^' 

Pennsylvania supplied a decreasing proportion of the coal which was pro- 
duced, partly because the older seams in Pennsylvania became more difficult to 
work and thus suffered in competition with the newer seams in West Virginia, 

21 Supra, p. 69. 

23 Thp following calculation of gross migration is necessarily incomplete but gives some 
clue to the movement iu both directions. It is obtained by applying ratios of gross to net 
migration from birth-residence data to net migi-ation from the age group data for native 
wliites and Negroes (cf. appendix A) : 



Net migra- 

Native whites 


Foreign-born (net only) 


162, 000 
120, 000 
137, 000 

-1-102, OOO 
-f 137, 000 

23 statistical Abstract, 1936, op. cit., p. 8. _, ., ^ 

«Thus manufacturing industry used one-third more horsepower and the railroads car- 
ried one-fifth more ton-miles of freight in 1029 than in 1919 (cf. Statistical Abstract of the 
United States, 1936, pp. 773, 380). Tlieso riMiuiroments were drastically reduced as the 
depression set in after 1929, but the migration of 1920-30 was not affected by these later 

2s Cf E. Dana Durand, American Industry and Commerce, Ginn, 1930, pp. 215-218. 

2«Cf. Statistical Abstract, op. cit., pp. 356-716, 724. and Durand, op. cit., p. 219, note. 
Using Durand's conversion factors, the power produced in millions of tons of coal equiva- 
lents was as follows : 



Coal --- - 











• November 1921. 
» January 1930. 


Ohio and Kentucky,'' and partly because the operators in these newer areas ob- 
tained the competitive advantage of lower wage rates by depriving the workei-s 
of ordinary civil liberties/' While Pennsylvania produced an average of 261,000,- 
000 tons of coal each year in the period 1916-20, she produced an average of only 
214 000 000 tons a year in the period 1926-30.™ Finally, the increased use of 
power at the mines reduced somewhat the labor required to obtain each ton of 
coal '" As a result of all these factors, the number of coal miners attached to 
the Pennsylvania industry fell by 13 percent from 302,000 in 1919 to 264,000 in 
1929" From the deserted coal towns of western Pennsylvania also went the 
increasing numbers of vouths who could not find employment in this declining 
industry, the dependents of miners and many of those who had lived by serving 
the needs of the industry and its workers. . . ^ ^ , • ^v -i 

The opposite side of the shift in power production is to be found m the oil 
fields of the West.'' Two and one-half times as much petroleum was produced 
at the end of the twenties as at the beginning.'' This discovery of and demand 
for oil attracted migrants from all over the country to the boom towns of Texas, 
Oklahoma and California. The population of Oklahoma City and of Tulsa 
doubled between 1920 and 1930,'* a rate of increase far greater than could have 
been produced by natural increase or even by migration within the State. 

More than simple removal is involved in the development of oil fields, however. 
Perpetual migration is induced by the unstable character of the industry. The 
labor of prospecting is followed by feverish drilling as soon as a discovery is 
made "Within a year or two the limits of the pool have been traced and drilling 
sharply declines. * * * During the period of intensive drilling activity, popu- 
lation increases tremendously and housing pressure is very great. The penod 
of rapid population growth continues for a couple of years after drilling has 
reached a maximum and then population begins to decline, frequently at an 
accelerated rate because of oil discoveries elsewhere." '^ Thus the population of 
Seminole County, Okla., increased moderately to 23,000 until 1925 when the first 
well was completed, rose to 58,000 in 3 years of intensive drilling and to^ a maxi- 
mum of 79,000 bv 1930, 2 years after new drilling had begun to decline. 

A study of public employment-ofhce records in Oklahoma City has been under- 
taken specificallv for this investigation to close some of the very serious gaps 
in our information concerning interstate migrants in oil production. ' We know 
that the mushroom growth of oil communities, frequently outside of urban cen- 
ters, must attract workers from a distance to provide buildings and other com- 
munity services as well as to conduct the actual drilling.'' We know that some 
oil-field workers move only once, that some frequently follow the locations of 
hew drilling and that other&i work in oil fields as part of a more extensive work 
pattern. The extreme mobility of some workers of this latter class is illustrated 
by plate 9, which shows the actual routes in 1938 and 1934 of 35 migratory-casual 
workers in oil and gas surveyed by the Worksi Progress Administration. Here- 
tofore we have had little clue as to the proportion of this oil-field migration 
which is interstate in character or as to the proportion of the migrants into 
oil communities who are directly employed by the petroleum industry. The 
preliminarv finding that 15.8 percent of the job seekers in Oklahoma City 
reported emplovment on a specific job out&iide Oklahoma is therefore interesting. 

2^Cf. National Bureau of Economic Research, Recent Economic Changes, McGraw-Hill, 
1929, p. 440, and Statistical Abstract, op. cit., p. 716. ^^ -, ^ t t- m- „■- 

28U S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, Bulletin No. 454, 1927. Cf. Isador Lubin, Miner i 
Wages and the Cost of Coal, 1924. . ^ 

23 Anthracite and bituminous (Statistical Abstract, op. cit., p. tlb). 

«> Cf. Durand, op. cit., p. 433. 

31 U. S. Census of Mines and Quarries, 1930, vol. I, table .5. 

32 Also at the sites of dam construction (cf. supra, p. 181). 
83 Statistical Abstract, op. cit., p. 723. 

3' Statistical Abstract, op. cit., p. 22. , ^, .. ^ c^ ^ n • -^ r ^^ .,„=,„i 

35 C. W. Thovntlmaite, Internal Migration in the Inited States, University of I ennsyl- 

vania Press, 1934, p. 46. 

38 Cf. Thornthwaite, op. cit., fig. 3. p. 48. ^ . . tt m w t i a ^ 

^ Cf George W Stocking, The American Petroleum Industry in H. T. Warshaw (ea.). 

Representative Industries in the United States, Holt, 1928, pp. 548-50 

38 John N. Webb, The Migratory-Casual Worker, Research Monograph VII, Works Progress 
Administration, 1937. Reproduced with permission. The workers studied received aid 
after the migration reported, under the Federal Transient Program. 

39 Cf. supra, pp. 6-7. 


The fact that 9.0 percent of these workers had entered Oklahoma within the 
last 7 years shows that migration into that State is continuing in considerable 
volume at the very time when thousands of drought refugees were being forced 
to leave. However, the data available suggest that migration within the State 
of Oklahoma has been somewhat greater than the volume of immigration to 
that State. Further analysis of these records is expected to show age, marital 
status, and former work of the migrants in comparison with the more stable 
workers in the particular industry and in other employments. 


Recent droughty have forced more than 200,000 persons to migrate from Uie 
10 States of the Great Plains in the attempt to relocate in other sections of the 
country. Special attention will be given to this flight of drought refugees,^ not 
only because of its present importance but also because it illustrates in a 
striking manner the general necessity for the movement of workers across State 

Drought conditions 

The Great Plains consist of a semi-arid region which covers the western 
portions of 6 States : 

North Dakota Nebraska Oklahoma 

South Dakota Kansas Texas 

and the eastern portions of 4 States : *° 

Montana Colorado 

"Wyoming New Mexico 

No other region of the United States, except the Cotton Belt, is so dependent 
upon agriculture. An average of 40 percent of the population live on farms. 
Even the urban communities of this region are closely deix^ndent upon the success 
of local farming and grazing.'" Agriculture, in turn, is closely dependent upon 
rainfall. Although most of the soil is exceptionally fertile, the normal rainfall 
is sciUity, avcraiiiMg arduiul 20 IucIk s jxr year, the lower limit of moisture 
required" for culti-- tiiv'd (•;d])s." Small dift'iTf iiccs' in the amount and the timing 
of rainfall and in ihe 1( uipcratsire during the period of rainfall thus determine 
wherlier the crops of the Great Plains will succeed or fail." 

Rainfall on the Great Plains has been subnormal during 5 of the past 7 
year.s— 1930, 1931, 1933, 19! ;4, 1' 3G.** Two of these years, 1134 and 193G, were 
seasons of intense drought. Plate 11 (p. 11) shows the average djeficiency from 
the noimal, low level of rainfall in this region during the 6-year period, 
1980-.S5. The two centers of the most severe drought stand out clearly from 
l)lat!> 11: (1) A northern center concentrating at the jiuicture of the Dakotas, 
Montana, and Wyoming, and (2) a southern center concentrating at the juncture 
of n States — Texas, New Mexico, Colorado, and Kansas.*^ These two areas of 
most intense drought distress are both located squarely within the region of 

*" f"f. C. W. Thornthwivite in Goodrich, Migration and Economic Opportunity, op. cit., 
fig. 40. 

« Cf. Conrad Taeuber and Carl C. Taylor, The People of tlie Drought States, Works 
Progress Administration, Division of Social Research, Series V, Bulletin No. 2, 1937, p. 6. 

^ Thornthwaite in Goodrich, op. cit., pp. 205-7. Temperature is also naturally a limiting 
factor upon agriculture. The northern portion of the region has a sliort frost-free season 
while throughout the region the beneficial effect of existing rainfall in the summer is oftem 
diminished by hot, drying winds. 

" Cf. Thornthwaite loc. cit., and F. D. Cronin, H. W. Beers, Areas of Intense Drought 
Distress, 1930-36, Works Progress Administration, Division of Social Research, Series V. 
Bulletin No. 1, p. 4. 

" Cronin and Beers, loc. cit. 

*^ Cronin and Beers have mapped a combined index of drought Intensity, using as con- 
stituent series certain measures of rainfall, crop conditions, pasture conditions, changes la 
the number of cattle, and amounts of Federal aid per capita (loc. cit., pp. 29-30). The 
broad result of the combined index is very similar to that shown by deficiency in rainfall, 
table abo^e. as mapped in plate 11. Plate 11 represents the first constituent series of the 
combined index and is reproduced with permission of the authors. 



the Great Plains. To a less marked degree, the droughts of 1934 and 1936 
affected a much broader area/" but in both years the farmers of the Great 
Plains suffered most. 

Much of the laud value itself, in addition to the inunediate harvest, has 
been destroyed by drought. Billions of tons of valuable top soil, loosened by 
previous cultivation and no longer held together by the usual moisture, have 
been piled into dunes and scattered by the wind as far as the Atlantic Ocean.*^ 
At least 15 percent of the whole area of the Great Plains has been severely 
damaged by wind erosion and the economic value of more than 1 percent of the 
total area has been permanently destroyed.''^ The greatest destriiction by 
wind has occurred in (1) a northern area, chiefly in the Dakotas, and in (2) a 
southern area known as the Dust Bowl. These areas of greatest prosion are 
t'he regions of highest wind velocity and they also conform roughly to the 
two areas of greatest drought intensity previously mentioned. The southern 
Dust Bowl is an elliptic-ally shaped area covering the Panhandles of Texas 
and Oklahoma and the small adjacent portions of Kansas and Colorado.'" 
A recent survey of this Dust Bowl has revealed that 8.7 million acres or 53.4 
percent of the area surveyed has been seriously eroded, mostly by wind. 
"This situation is very discouraging," report the soil conservation experts, 
"but when it is considered that another 43.5 percent of the area is affected by 
slight erosion, also caused mostly by wind, the situation becomes alarming." ^ 
The same survey presents the following picture of the Dust Bowl in recent 
months : 

"The conditions around numerous farmsteads are pathetic. A common farm 
^cene is one with high sand drifts filling yards, banked high against buildhigs, 
and partly or wholly covering farm machinery, wood piles, tanks, troughs, scrubs, 
and young trees. In the fii>ld,s iiearl»y may be seen the stretches of land, bare, 
unproductive subsoil, and sand drifts piled along fence rows, across farm roads, 
and around Russian thistles and other plants * * * IHness has greatly in- 
creased, especially diseases of the mucous membranes and respiratory organs 
(and much of this) noticeable increase in sickness seems to be directly attributable 
to the dust-laden air * * * the scenes are dismal to the passerby ; to the 
resident they are demoralizing." ^' 

The c .rod us 

To escape these drought conditions, more than 200,000 persons have migrated 
out of the Great Plains region since 1929. An analysis of school census returns 
from counties in the Great Plains has indicated that about 150,000 persons left 
the region from 1930 through 1935." Since 1935 the exodus from the drought 
States has increased in volume. During the 15 months, January 1936 through 
Mtirch 1937, a total of 57,226 persons "in need of manual employment" entered 
the single State of California in cars bearing license plates of the 10 Slates of 
the Great Plains."' The estimated emigration of 200,000 persons during the past 7 

^« See map of officially designated drouglit counties, 1934 and 19.36. Croniu and Beers, 
op. cit., fig. 1, p. 3. In 1934, the drought area covered portions of all but Oregon of the 
States west of the Mississijiiii River as well as portions of Wisconsin and Illinois. In 1936, 
the area west of the (Jicai riains was relatively free from drought but the east south 
central area from thr Appalarhians to the Mississippi River was affected. In both 1934 and 
19.36 the drought was intense in portions of 5 States outside the Great Plains— Minnesota, 
Wisconsin, Iowa, Missouri, and Arkansas. 

*'Cf. Charles E. Kellogg, Soil Blowing and Dust Storms, U. S. Department of Agriculture, 
Miscellaneous PuUications, No. 221, March 1935. 

*■'* Estimate from reconnai.s.sance survey of the Soil •, 'ouKcivation Service conducted before 
the storms of 1935 and 1936. and quoted hv 'rhonithwaile in Goodrich, op. cit.. p. 240. 
It IS a common observation that, umler conditions whirli liave recently prevailed in the 
(Dust Bowl) area, soils have been seriously dauumi'd Ijv tlie winds of a single blow season." 
(Arthur H. Toel, Soil Conservation Reconnaissance Survey of the Southern Great Plains 
iq-j7 oQ^°° Ai'ea. U- S. Department of Agriculture, Technical Bulletin No. 556, January 

^ Thornthwaite in Goodrich, op. cit.. p. 238. 

f» U. S. Department of Agriculture, Technical Bulletin No. 55S, loc. cit. 
^, .L'oc- cit- P- 2. Cf. E. G. Brown, S. Gottlieb, and R. L. Lovbourn, Dust Storms and 
Their Po.ssible Effects on Health, U. S. Public Health Service Reports, vol. 50, No. 40, 
j-eprint no. 1707, 1935. 

=>2 Loc. cit., p. 224. 

•=3 Revised border counts furnished by Edward J. Rowell, Resettlement Administration, 
>an Francisco. (Cf. supra, table 11 and Monthly Labor Review, February 1936, pp. 312- 
31 S and December 1936, pp. 1355-63. 


years is merelj' the combiuatiou of the two figures just cited. The figure of 
57,226 persons, for the period since 1935, is a gross understatement because it 
excludes all those who moved to other States than California, those who entered 
California by railroad and those who obtained license plates in other States 
after leading the Great Plains but before crossing the California border." While 
more than 200,000 persons have moved out of the Great Plains States entirely, 
it is certain that many other persons who remained within the general region 
migrated across State lines as a result of the drought. ^^ 

The origin of most of the recent migrants from the Great Plains appears to 
have been in the two areas of greatest drought distress. Those drought refugees 
who moved into California came largely from the States of the southern Dust 
Bowl, while those who moved to the Pacific Northwest came principally from 
the northern area of greatest drought intensity. Thus the 78,491 persons who 
were counted upon entering California from the States of the Great Plains, June 
1935 through March 1037, were divided as follows : "" 

New Mexico 4,812 

Montana 1. 920 

South Dakota 1, 707 

North Dakota 1, 550 

Wyoming 1. 217 

Oklahoma 35, 899 

Texas 14, 420 

Kansas G, 959 

Nebraska 5, 162 

Colorado 4, 845 

The 3 most important States in the soutliern Dust Bowl — Oklahoma, Texas, and 
Kansas — provided 73 percent of the migrants to California from the Great Plains. 
Oklahoma, the State most severely affected by wind erosion, accounted for 48 
percent of tliese California immigrants from the Great Plains and for 24 percent 
of all the immigrants to California who were counted, excluding returning Cali- 
fornians."' A much smaller sample of 182 families entering rural Washington 
from the Great Plains at various dates from 1932 to 1936 shows the following 
division by States of origin : "'"* 

North Dakota ^ 38 

Montana 33 

South Dakota 30 

Oklahoma 26 

Colorado 14 

Kansas 14 

Nebraska 10 

Wyomuig 10 

Texas 6 

Nf'w Mexico 1 

Over half of enrgra.nts came from the northern area of greatest distress, 
Montana and the two Dakotas, but one-quarter came from the three important 
States of the southerr. Dust Bowl, and one-seventh came from the single State 
of Oklahoma. The proportion of the Washington immigrants who came from the 
southern Dust Bowl was surprisingly large, considering the distance from that 
area to ihe State of Washington. 

The chief destination of drought refugees has been the Pacific coast area, where 
rapid agricultural development," and relative freeilom from drought "'' combined to 

=< Mufli larger numbers of California hnmigrant.s from drought States have been published 
by Taylor, Vasey, and Rowell (Monthly Labor Review, loc. cit). These larger numbers 
result "from a definition of the drought area to include all of the States which lie betvveen 
the Mississippi River and the States of the Pacific coast. Those drought States correspond 
with the oHiciallv designated drought area of 1934, except lliat Oregon was excluded by 
Tavlor, Vasev. and Rowell. From this larger list of (houglit States the total number of 
migrants liv highway to California from January 19;;r, tlii-ougli M.irch ]037, was 89,859. 

•-Thus about oue-Vliird of a group of 144 families w!io ab.-mdoiied farms in Tripp C^>uuty, 
S. Dal<.. betwrcii T.ivo and 1934 mov-ed into tlic nej-hiM.riii- Srai- of Neliraska. one of tlie 
States of llie (iivat I'lains. (George W. Hill. Itural Mini-ation ami Farm Ahamionmenr, 
Federal EmerL-enev Kelief Administration, Division of Keseareli Statistics and Finance, 
Series II, I3iill(>tin Xo. C, June 193.5. Cf. Taeuber and Taylor, op. cit., p. 47.) 

•■^8 Revised lionlei- counts furnished by Edward .T": Rowell. 

"Drouglit alone (iocs not account adequately for the heavy migration from Olclahoma 
to Califoriii.-i Reports of tield ol)servers suggest that a con.siderable proportion of these 
Oklaliei:ia eiiiiLirants were displaced cotton tenants from the eastern section of the State 
where dioimht conditions \\iTe not severe. (See fig. 14 and Cronin and Beers, op. cit., 
fig 8 p .';."i I To explain tliis concentrated eniigratiou, account should probably be taken 
of: (1) I'reviotis low ( i-oiioinic level; (2) habitual mobility of tenants ; (3) drought: (4) 
the general tenden<'v toward liisplacement of cotton tenants (cf. ch. VII) : and (5) lack 
of adequate local r.'lief (cf. ch. XVI). ^ „ „, , . ^ . . 

55 Paul H. Landis, Kural Immigrants to Washin.gton State. 1932-36. \\ashington Agri- 
cultural Experiment Station, Rural Sociology Series in Population, Xo. 2, Pullman, Wash., 
July 1936. p. 7. 

=" Cf. supra, pp. 5G. 71. 

™ Cronin and Beers, op. cit., fig. 1, p. 3. 


give Di-omise of new opportunities. Of the estimated total of 200,000 emigrants 
fronithr Great Plains since 1929, 78,491 were actually counted upon entermg 
rVlifornia in 21 months since June 1935,«' so that number of drought immigrants 
t?cSlforiiia dm?ng the whole 7-year period certainly exceeded 100,000. Of the 
remaining 100,000 persons or less, perhaps 60,000 entered Idaho and the Pac-ific 
Northwest leaving not more than 40,000 persons who went to all other States. 
Of those who migrated eastward about 12,000 went to eastern Mmnesota, to 
Wisconsin, and to Michigan.«=^ On the Pacific coast, and doubtless also in some 
sections of Idaho, Texas, and Arizona, these drought refugees have provided a 
iuaior fraction of all interstate migrants. Information from California is uiost 
comprehensive The 78,491 immigrants from the 10 States of the Great Plains, 
June 1935 to March 1937, formed 54.4 percent of the total of 144,224 persons "'in 
need of manual employment," other than returning Californians, who entered 
that State by car in that 21-month period.*" In Oregon and in Washington two 
studies of smaller numbers have indicated that approximately two-fifths of the 
families of recent immigrants who settled in rural areas had come from the 
States of the Great Plains.*^ The proportion of Pacific coast immigrants who 
came from the Great Plains drought area would have been still larger in each 
of these cases if account could have been taken of those who stopped in Idaho, 
Utah, Nevada, and Arizona for any length of time before entering the Pacific 
Coast States where they were counted."' 

Permanent relocation or constant migration 

The hoi)e of those who left the drought-stricken areas was to find new perma- 
nent locations where they could earn a living. Unlike their ancestors, however, 
they could not find any open frontier with lands waiting to be developed by 
individual initiative. Since the Pacific coast region was the most open for develop- 
ment and the least affected by drought, the drought refugees flocked to that 
area. The resulting pressure of new immigrants for farm hinds, already largely 
pccupied, and the need for employment by the resident farmers <>f the far West 
was therefore very heavy. The number of immigrant families wlio arrived in 
rural Oregon during the single year 1935-86, for example, has been estimated to 
have been equal to 2.5 percent of the total number of farms in that State the 
previous year.** 

The pressure of drought migrants upon such new locations for permanent 
settlement as existed is further illustrated by reports of the United States 
Reclamation Service. During the 3 years 1984-36, 624 familes have been set- 
tled on the irrigated lands of 5 reclamation projects. For these 624 openings 
a total of 7,750 applications were received, 12 applicants for eacli farm available. 
Only those drought farmers who had been most successful could hope to qualify, 
because of the need for sufiicient capital to operate the newly reclaimed land. 
Yet table 14 shows that 42.5 percent of the actual settlers came from the drought 
States in the period 1934-36, as compared with only 6.9 percent of the settlers 

"Revised border counts furnished by Edward J. Rowell (cf. supra, note). From the 
l)roader list of 19 drought States a total of 111,260 persons entered California during this 
21-month period. 

"2 Field directors of the U. S. Resettlement Administration estimated recently that 15.000 
drought families liad entered Washington. Oregon, and Idaho, and that 3.000 drought fam- 
ilies had gone to Minnesota,, and Mieliigan. (New Yorl< Times, January 17, 1937. 
Of. U. S. Resettlement i'>n. A Survey of Cinii'nt Migration of gpttlers From 
Drought Areas Into Idaho, Oregon, and W:isliini;liiu, I'ortlaiKl, Ovog, September 193G.) The 
estimates in the text, except for (alifurnia. take no acrdunt of unattached persons but 
assume an average of 4 persons per family. By comparison it may be noted that tiie Cali- 
fornia border counts revealed an average of 5 persons in each entering cai- (Monthly Labor 
Review, Deccmltcr lOoG. op. cit., pp. 6-7) and that a recent Oregon samjile of these drought 
refugees i-eveale<l an average of 3.92 persons per family (Oregon Agricultural Experiment 
Station, Circulai of Information, Xo. 1.-..-), .Tunc 19:^G, p. .5). 

«3From the I'.i otlicially .l.'signatcd drought States of 1934 (excluding Oregon) 124,592 
persons were coiinteil. Tliis luunber was S(i.4 jKMcent of the total immigrants by highway 
other than tliose retnining in cars with California license jilates. 

*' Oregon : 1.. K. l'.r(itlnuii>t and ('. S. Hoffman, rreliniinaiy Information Concerning Im- 
migration Into Unral Districts in Oi-egon, .lanuary T.'.".:'. to .Tune IM.lti. Oregon Agricultural 
Experiment St.itioi!. Ciicuhir of Information, No, \'>7. rorvallis. Oreg.. August 1936, p. 2. 
Washington: Paul II. Landi.-^. Rural Immigrants to Wasliiniiton St.ate. 1932-36. Washing- 
ton Agricultuial Exi)eriment Station. Rural Sociology Series in I'opularion, No. 2. I'ullman, 
Wash., .Tuly I'J'-Ui, p. 7. 

^ Cf. Taeuber and Taylor, op. cit.. p. 46. 

«® L. R. Breithaupt and C. S. Hoffman. Preliminary Information Concerning Immigration 
Into Rural Districts in Oregon. January 1933 to June 1936. Oregon .Agricultui'al Exi^eriment 
Station, Circular of Information, No. 1.57, August 1936. 



of the 3920"s on these same projects. Reports from project managers also verify 
strongly the opinion that drought conditions, more than depression conditions, 
have heen responsible for the extensive recent interest in filing applications for 
this new land." 

Tahle 14. — District of origin, of new settlers on flee irrigation projects^ of the 
RecJamation Service, U. S. Department of the Interior, by periods of settle- 
mnit. 1920-29, 1930-33, J93-',-30 

District of origin 

Number of new .settlers 

Percentage of new settlers 








Intrastate .- 






62. 8 


Other .''tates 


'■ Yakima (Kittitas division), Klamath, Phoshone, Riverton, Vale. 
• Or from opening of the project. 

3 Colorado, Kansas, Montana, Nebraska, New Mexico, North Dakol 
■\Vyoming (except for Shosl one, located in Wyoming). 

Oklahoma, South Dakota, Texas, 

While few of the drought refugees were able to locate on Government lauds, 
those who moved to the Northwest seem to have been relatively successful in 
relocating. Many still possessed personal savings acciunulated in previous years. 
According to reports from the regional office of the Resettlement Administra- 
tion, approximately one-fonrth of the drought migrants to Idaho, Oregon, and 
Washington had ret:iined sufficient savings to lease or malce a down payment on 
a farm." Another one-qutirter had sufficient savings to enable them to get located 
with the help of relatives or friends. About half of these drought families were 
without funds. Those who arrived without funds were especially fortunate to 
find in 1936 local shortages of seasonal workers in tlie sugar-beet fields of Idaho, 
and in the -hop fields, orcliards, and wheat fields of Oregon and Washington. 
Additional labor was temporarily needed in some areas to save the crops. Con- 
sequently, some of the drought migrants were able to earn something soon after 
their arrival.*'^ 

I<:ven in the Northwest many drought refugees faced great difficulties in estab- 
lishing themselves. Aid from the local communities was generally unavailable 
for persons who had not established local residence,*™ and aid from the Resettle- 
ment and Worlts Progress Administrations was available for only a fraction of 
thnse who arrived without funds.™ A recent study of families who had moved 
to Washington during the years 1932 to 1936 showed that 18 percent of 180 
families from drought States were considered unsuccessful in their adopted 
communities, and that 24 percent of 191 families were reported as "transients" 
ill the communities where they were studied.'' 

The drought refugees who moved to California, largely from the southern 
drought area, seem to have been much less fortunate than the northern drought 
migrants. Fewer of the southern drought migrants appear to have a'quired 
significant amounts of savings, and in California it was especially difficult to 
l3ecome an independent farm operator." All observers are agreed that the 
majority of drought refugees who have moved to California have become 
migrant agriculturtil laborers, in spite of the fact that more than one-third of 
tliem seem to have been farm operators or farm tenants, and less than one-fifth 
seem to have been farm laborers before migration.''^ The regional oflice of the 

" Data furnishpd by special inquiry for this report by the Reclamation Service at the 
rpdiipst of the U. S. Bureau of Labor Statistics. 

""Data furnished by the Information Division, U. S. Resettlement Administration. 

cj See ch XVI. 

'" Information Division, V. S. Resettlement Administration. 

-1 Paul H. Landis, op. cit.. tables 14, lo ■ , • ^, * c.* * • 

'=('f infr'i Large capital investments are required in that .state since intensive tarni- 
inu is carried on upon irrigated land. (Cf. Taylor, Historical Background, op. cit., and 

"'™ Field studv of'213 white families in California farm camps. 193.5. by Paul S. Taylor 
iiid Tom Vasev Data furnished in advance of publication by Edward J. Rowell, regional 
1. iw.r arivisor Resettlement Administration. San Francisco, one-quarter of the families had 
enm4 ralTfbniln from a drought State for the first time in 1933 or 1934. 

200370 -41--!Jt. 10 IS 


Resettlement Administration has estimated that more than half of the 50,000 
agric-v Itnral laborers in California who constantly seek to elie out a living by 
moving from job to job are persons who have been driven from other States by 

^^Sinr^'nymaulur'relocation has often been unobtainable, thousands of the 
foimer farm operators from the drought area have been forced to continue to 
wa ler from job to job in search of work. The yhave thus l.ecome c-onstaiit 
nSrants the type described in chapters IX to XI of this report. A major fraction 
of the present floating labor supply of the far West has been recruited from the 
ranks of drought refugees. This appears to be true even m the Northwest, where 
d^-ought nSts were most fortunate. The Yakima Valley of Washington, for 
exainple is a fanning area which has mer its need for seasonal labor for many 
ve?rs from among the habitual migrants of the Pacific coast region. Yet 23 per- 
cent of the 252 migrant workers studied in that valley in 193S-36 reported that 
thev had resided in one of the drcaight States 1 year before interview. 

Later chapters of this report (XII, XIII) will show how slight is the employ- 
ment and how low are the annual earnings that may now he obtained by drought 
refugees who migrate constantly from job to job on the Pacihc coast. Neverthe- 
less even the drought refugees who have failed to settle permanently in any one 
new location are probably In better circumstances, both temiwrarily and perma- 
nently than they would be in their former homes on the Great I'lains. The best 
information now avaihible indicates that large-scale interstate emigration from 
the Great Plains is still necessary to correct the previous oversettlement of this 

Aecd for coiitiiitird inii/rntioii 

Droughts on the Great Plains are not new. Prior to the recent series of dry 
years intense drought prevailed in at least part of the area in 18S9, 1890, 1901, 
1910, and 1917. Indeed, since 1889 the region has averaged almost 1 dry year 
in every 4." But although ample rainfall has been followed by drought through- 
out the recorded history of the area, no regular rhythm api>ears in this climatic 
cycle. Our present knowledge is not sufficient to make possible any reliable fore- 
cast of the vears which will enable crops to be grown. All that can now be said 
is that taking the 26 years, 1910 to lPo6, as a whole the climate of the northern 
Great Plains appears" to have been drier and that of the southern Great I'lains 
actually more humid than it is logical to expect over any long period unless a 
liermanent change in climate is in progress.'" 

Each succession of relatively humid years has in the past stimulated an 
expansion of agriculture accompanied either by a flood of immigration or a 
stoppage of the previous outflow. Each series of dry years has led to the 
departure of a tide of refugees from the area." The last of these waves of 
misguided expnnsion occurred during the 1920's at the end of the longest 
period of favoiable climate in this region which has been recorded.'^ The de- 
velopment of dry farming methods after 1905, the ruin of cattlemen in the 
depression of 1920-22 and the development of power machinery adapted to the 
conditions of the Great Plains all set the stage for a large-scale conversion 
of grazing land into the production of cultivated crops. Thus while the value 
of farm land and equipment was falling in the regions of established culti- 
vation, they rose rapidly in the counties of the Great Plains from 1924-29.™ 
The population of the Great Plains States as a whole increased by only 0.4 
percent from 6,093,862 to 6,117,300 during the whole decade 1920-30. Since 
these States have a very high rate of natural population increase, it is clear 
that there was a net emigration from the Great Plains States as a whole 
during the 1920's of something like 100,000 persons per year.'" Despite this 

"■* Paul H. Landis and Melvin S. Brooks. Farm Labor m the Yakima Valley, Washington, 
AVashington Agricultural Experiment Station, Rural Sociology Series in Farm Labor, No. 1, 
Pullman, Wash., December 1936, p. ?>2. Minnesota. Iowa, and Missouri, in addition to the 
States of the Great Plains, were considered drought States for this purpose. (Cf. infra, 
pp. 162-164.) 

''^ Cronin and Beers, op. cit., p. 4. 

'8 Thornthwaite in Goodrich, op. oit., pp. 219, 227. 

'''' Cf. Cronin and Beers, loc. cit. This cycle of climate and migration was observed as 
early as 1896 bv the Chief Hvdrographer of the U. S. Geological Survey (U. S. Department 
of Agriculture, Yearliook, 1896, p. 168). 

■'^ Cf. Cronin and Beers, op. cit., p. 6, Thornthwaite, op. cit., plate II, and pp. 222-22-3. 

™ Thornthwaite, op. cit., pp. 214-17. 

*" Taeuber and Taylor, op. cit., pp. 25-27. 


heavy emigration from the Great Plains States as a whole, there appears to 
have been a considerable movement into those particular portions of these 
States whose dry farming was being extended. Natui'al increase, together with 
this local immigration, more than doubled the population of 25 counties of 
Oklahoma, Kansas, and Texas which were located on the high portion of the 
Great Plains. These 25 counties gained 197,045 pei-sons." From this very 
area, drought refugees are now pouring to other sections of the country. 

Very large returns may occasionally be obtained from crop cultivation on the 
Great" Plains given the lucky coincidence of favorable weather, low costs and 
high prices. Arable farming is extremely speculative, however. Thus the 
average net income per 640-acre wheat farm in Sheridan County, Kans., was 
$20,472 in 1920, but the average net annual income for the remaining 20 
years of the period 1912 to 1934 was less than $35. This was a period when 
climatic conditions were probably more favorable than the average.**^ One 
result of this extremely speculative economy is a highly unstable farm popu- 
lation. Two-thirds of the farmers of western Kansas in 1895 had moved away 
by 1805 and three-fifths of those farming in that area in 1905, in 1915 and in 
1920 had moved a^^■ay at the end of a 10-year period. 

It is evident that emigration from the Great Plains is by no means new. In 
fact, there was less emigration from western Kansas between 1926 and 1935 
than in any previous i>eriod. Only half of those residing there in 1925 moved 
away during the next 10 years.'' Another result of unstable crop yields on 
the Great Plains is a threat to the stability of all American agriculture. In 
drought years this region not only provides no marketiible crops but even 
draws crops from other areas for cattle feeding. However, one authority be- 
lieves that in occasional years of heavy yields the region is capable of pro- 
viding such large surpluses of wheat from the expanded acreage as to depress 
the price throughout the country. "It is not to be expected that the area 
could ever have" an abundant crop in a year of general shortage." ** 

The present plight of the Great Plains is not simply the result of the vagaries 
of climate. It is the direct result of overgrazing and an unwise plowing up of 
land unfitted for crop culture. As long as the land was used for moderate grazing 
the cover of native grass held the soil. Little wind erosion occurred in what is 
now called the Dust Bowl during the di'y years, 1S93 to 1895.^^ The dry-farming 
methods which converted this region from grazing to crop production necessitated 
constant, deep plowing to conserve moisture. But this very process destroyed the 
cover of native vegetation and left the bare top soil loose and dry — ready for the 
wind to carry it away or pile in dunes during years of drought. In addition, 
the conversion of land from pasture to plow promoted over-grazing in the area 
because the numbers of livestock were not reduced proportionately to the reduc- 
tion of their range.*" The resulting destruction of the land has made the Great 
Plains area even less able to support its present population than in the past. 

Emigration from the drought area is still increasing in volume and further 
large volume of such migration is to be expected. From the 10 States of tlu^ 
Great Plains 32,277 per.sons in need of manuul employment went to California 
i»v highway during the last half of 1936 as compared with 21.317 persons in the 
last half of 1035. During the first quarter of VX',7 rlicre were 1(»,(J8S innnigrants 
to California from this area as compared with 7,207 during the corresponding 
months of tlie previous yer.r.-^ The Oi'egon Agricultural Experiment Station re- 
ports similar increases in that State. In fact, the rural immigrants to Oregon, 
mostly from di-ought States, are believed to have been as numerous during t