Skip to main content

Full text of "Discourse, delivered in Providence, in the colony of Rhode Island, on the 25th day of July, 1768. At the dedication of the tree of liberty, from the summer house in the tree"

See other formats


DISCOURSE, 

DELIVERED  in  PROVIDENCE, 

IN  THE 

COLONY  of  RHODE  ISLAND, 

upon  the  25th  Day  of  July,  1768. 

AT 

The  DEDICATION  of  the 

TREE    of  LIBERTY, 

From  the  Summer  House  in  the  TREE. 


By  a  SON  of  LIBERTT 

(SILAS  DOWNER) 


PROVIDENCE 

PRINTED    AND    SOLD     BY   JOHN  WATERMAN* 
AT  HIS  PRINTING  OFFICE,  AT  THE  PAPER-MILL 

M,DCC,LXVIII 


TARRYTOWN,  N.  Y. 

REPRINTED 

WILLIAM  ABBATT 

1918 
BEING  EXTBA  NUMBER  64  OF  THE  MAGAZINE  OF  HISTORY  WITH  NOTES  AND  QUERIES 


A  DISCOURSE 

DELIVERED    AT    THE    DEDICATION    OF 

THE  TREE   OF  LIBERTY, 
IN  PROVIDENCE 


Dearly  beloved  Countrymen. 

WE  His  Majesty's  subjects,  who  live  remote  from  the  throne, 
and  are  inhabitants  of  a  new  world,  are  here  met  together 
to  dedicate  the  Tree  of  Liberty.     On  this  occasion  we  chear- 
fully  recognize  our  allegiance  to  our  sovereign  Lord,  George  the 
third,  King  of  Great  Britain,  and  supreme  Lord  of  these  dominions, 
but  utterly  deny  any  other  dependence  on  the  inhabitants  of  that 
island,  than  what  is  mutual  and  reciprocal  between  all  mankind. 
It  is  good  for  us  to  be  here,  to  confirm  one  another  in  the  principles 
of  liberty,  and  to  renew  our  obligations  to  contend  earnestly  there 
for. 

OUR  forefathers,  with  the  permission  of  their  sovereign,  emi 
grated  from  England,  to  avoid  the  unnatural  oppressions  which 
then  took  place  in  that  country.  They  endured  all  sorts  of  mis 
eries  and  hardships,  before  they  could  establish  any  tolerable  foot 
ing  in  the  new  world.  It  was  then  hoped  and  expected  that  the 
blessings  of  freedom  would  be  the  inheritance  of  their  posterity, 
which  they  preferred  to  every  other  temporal  consideration.  With 
the  extremest  toil,  and  danger,  our  great  and  noble  ancestors  found 
ed  in  America  a  number  of  colonies  under  the  allegiance  of  the 
crown  of  England.  They  forfeited  not  the  privileges  of  English 
men  by  removing  themselves  hither,  but  brought  with  them  every 
right  which  they  could  or  ought  to  have  enjoyed  had  they  abided 
in  England.  They  had  fierce  and  dreadful  wars  with  savages, 
who  often  poured  their  whole  force  on  the  infant  plantations,  but 
under  every  difficulty  and  discouragement,  by  the  good  providence 

311 


4  DISCOURSE   DELIVERED   IN   PROVIDENCE 

of  GOD  they  multiplied  exceedingly,  and  flourished,  without  re 
ceiving  any  protection  or  assistance  from  England.  They  were 
free  from  impositions.  Their  kings  were  well  disposed  to  them, 
and  their  fellow  subjects  in  Great  Britain  had  not  then  gaped  after 
Naboth's  vineyard.  Never  were  people  so  happy  as  our  fore 
fathers,  after  they  had  brought  the  land  to  a  state  of  inhabitancy, 
and  procured  peace  with  the  natives,  They  sat  every  man  under 
his  own  vine,  and  under  his  own  fig-tree.  They  had  but  few  wants; 
and  luxury,  extravagance,  and  debauchery  were  known  only  by 
the  names,  as  the  things  signified  thereby  had  not  then  arrived 
from  the  old  world.  The  public  worship  of  GOD,  and  the  educa 
tion  of  children  and  youth,  were  never  more  encouraged  in  any 
part  of  the  globe.  The  laws  which  they  made  for  the  general  ad 
vantage  were  exactly  carried  into  execution.  In  fine,  no  country 
ever  experienced  more  perfect  felicity.  Religion,  learning,  and  a 
pure  administration  of  justice  were  exceeding  conspicuous,  and 

kept  even  pace  with  the  population  of  the  country. 

> 

WHEN  we  view  this  country  in  its  extent  and  variety  of  cli 
mates,  soils,  and  produce,  we  ought  to  be  exceeding  thankful  to 
divine  goodness  in  bestowing  it  upon  our  forefathers,  and  giving 
it  as  an  heritage  for  their  children.  We  may  call  it  the  promised 
land,  a  good  land  and  a  large — a  land  of  hills  and  vallies,  of  rivers, 
brooks,  and  springs  of  water— a  land  of  milk  and  honey,  and  where 
in  we  may  eat  bread  to  the  full.  A  land  whose  stones  are  iron, 
the  most  useful  material  in  all  nature,  and  of  other  choice  mines 
and  minerals;  and  a  land  whose  rivers  and  adjacent  seas  are  stored 
with  the  best  of  fish.  In  a  word,  no  part  of  the  habitable  world  can 
boast  of  so  many  natural  advantages  as  this  northern  part  of 
America. 

BUT  what  will  all  these  things  avail  us,  if  we  be  deprived  of 
that  liberty  which  the  GOD  of  nature  hath  given  us?  View  the 
miserable  condition  of  the  poor  wretches  who  inhabit  countries 
once  the  most  fertile  and  happy  in  the  world,  where  the  blessings 


AT   THE   DEDICATION   OF   THE   TREE   OF   LIBERTY  5 

of  liberty  have  been  removed  by  the  hand  of  arbitrary  power. 
Religion,  learning,  arts,  and  industry,  vanished  at  the  deformed 
appearance  of  tyranny.  Those  countries  are  depopulated,  and 
the  scarce  and  thin  inhabitants  are  fast  fixed  in  chains  and  slavery. 
They  have  nothing  which  they  can  call  their  own;  even  their  lives 
are  at  the  absolute  disposal  of  the  monsters  who  have  usurped 
dominion  over  them. 

THE  dreadful  scenes  of  massacre  and  bloodshed,  the  cruel 
tortures  and  brutal  barbarities  which  have  been  committed  on 
the  image  of  GOD,  with  all  the  horrible  miseries  which  have  over 
flowed  great  part  of  the  globe,  have  proceeded  from  wicked  and 
ambitious  men  who  usurped  an  absolute  dominion  over  their  fel 
lows.  If  this  country  should  experience  such  a  shocking  change 
in  their  affairs,  or  its  despotic  sway  should  succeed  the  fair  enjoy 
ment  of  liberty,  I  should  prefer  a  life  of  freedom  in  Nova  Zembla, 
Greenland  or  in  the  most  frozen  regions  in  the  world,  even  where 
the  use  of  fire  is  unknown,  rather  than  to  live  here  to  be  tyrannized 
over  by  any  of  the  human  race. 

GOVERNMENT  is  necessary.  It  was  instituted  to  secure  to 
individuals  that  natural  liberty  which  no  human  creature  hath  a 
right  to  deprive  them  of.  For  which  end  the  people  have  given 
power  unto  the  rulers  to  use  as  there  may  be  occasion  for  the  good 
of  the  whole  community,  and  not  that  the  civil  magistrate,  who  is 
only  the  people's  trustee,  should  make  use  of  it  for  the  hurt  of  the 
governed.  If  a  commander  of  a  fortress,  appointed  to  make  de 
fence  against  the  approaches  of  an  enemy,  should  breech  about 
his  guns  and  fire  upon  his  own  town,  he  would  commence  tyrant, 
and  ought  to  be  treated  as  an  enemy  to  mankind. 

THE  ends  of  civil  government  have  been  well  answered  in 
America  and  justice  duly  administered  in  general,  while  we  were 
governed  by  laws  of  our  own  make,  and  consented  to  by  the  Crown. 
It  is  of  the  very  essence  of  the  British  constitution,  that  the  people 

313 


6  DISCOURSE   DELIVERED   IN   PROVIDENCE 

shall  not  be  governed  by  laws  in  the  making  of  which  they  had  no 
hand,  or  have  their  monies  taken  away  without  their  own  consent. 
This  privilege  is  inherent,  and  cannot  be  granted  by  any  but  the 
Almighty.  It  is  a  natural  right  which  no  creature  can  give,  or 
hath  a  right  to  take  away.  The  great  charter  of  liberties,  commonly 
called  Magna  Charta,  doth  not  give  the  privileges  therein  mentioned, 
nor  doth  our  Charters,  but  must  be  considered  as  only  declara 
tory  of  our  rights  and  in  affirmance  of  them.  The  formation  of 
legislatures  was  the  first  object  of  attention  in  the  colonies.  They 
all  recognized  the  King  of  Great  Britain,  and  a  government  in 
each  was  erected,  as  like  to  that  in  England  as  the  nature  of  the 
country  and  local  circumstances  would  admit.  Assemblies  or 
parliaments  were  instituted,  wherein  were  present  the  King  by 
his  substitutes,  with  a  council  of  great  men,  and  the  people  by 
their  representatives.  Our  distant  situation  from  Great  Britain 
and  other  attendant  circumstances,  make  it  impossible  for  us  to 
be  represented  in  the  parliament  of  that  country,  or  to  be  governed 
from  thence.  The  exigencies  of  state  often  require  the  immediate 
hand  of  government;  and  confusion  and  misrule  would  ensure 
if  government  was  not  topical.  From  hence  it  will  follow  that  our 
legislatures  were  compleat,  and  that  the  Parliamentary  authority 
of  Great  Britain  cannot  be  extended  over  us  without  involving 
the  greatest  contradiction:  For  if  we  are  to  be  controuled  by 
their  Parliament,  our  own  will  be  useless.  In  short,  I  cannot  be 
perswaded  that  the  Parliament  of  Great  Britain  have  any  lawful 
right  to  make  any  laws  whatsoever  to  bind  us,  because  there  can 
be  no  fountain  from  whence  such  right  can  flow.  It  is  universally 
agreed  amongst  us  that  they  cannot  tax  us,  because  we  are  not 
represented  there.  Many  other  acts  of  legislation  may  affect  us 
as  nearly  as  taking  away  our  monies.  There  are  many  kinds  of 
property  as  dear  to  us  as  our  money,  and  in  which  we  may  be  great 
ly  injured  by  allowing  them  a  power  in,  or  to  direct  about.  Sup 
pose  the  Parliament  of  Great  Britain  should  undertake  to  pro 
hibit  us  from  walking  in  the  Streets  and  highways  on  certain 

314 


AT  THE   DEDICATION   OF   THE   TREE   OF   LIBERTY  7 

Saints'  days,  or  from  being  abroad  after  a  certain  time  in  the  even 
ing,  or  (to  come  nearer  to  the  matter)  to  restrain  us  from  working 
up  and  manufacturing  materials  of  our  own  growth,  would  not 
our  liberty  and  property  be  as  much  affected  by  such  regulations 
as  by  a  tax  act.  It  is  the  very  spirit  of  the  constitution  that  the 
King's  subjects  shall  not  be  governed  by  laws,  in  the  making  of 
which  they  had  no  share;  and  this  principle  is  the  great  barrier 
against  tyranny  and  oppression?  If  this  bulwark  be  thrown  down, 
nothing  will  remain  to  us  but  a  dreadful  expectation  of  certain 
slavery.  If  any  acts  of  the  British  Parliament  are  found  suitable 
and  commensurate  to  the  nature  of  the  country,  they  may  be  in 
troduced,  or  adopted,  by  special  acts  of  our  own  Parliaments, 
which  would  be  equivalent  to  making  them  anew;  and  without  such 
introduction  or  adoption,  our  allowance  of  the  validity  or  force 
of  any  act  of  the  English  or  British  Parliament  in  these  dominions 
of  the  King,  must  and  will  operate  as  a  concession  on  our  part 
that  our  fellow  subjects  in  another  country  can  choose  a  set  of 
men  among  themselves,  and  impower  them  to  make  laws  to  bind 
us,  as  well  in  the  matter  of  taxes  as  in  every  other  case.  It  hath 
been  fully  proved,  and  is  a  point  not  to  be  controverted,  that  in 
our  constitution  the  having  of  property,  especially  a  landed  es 
tate,  entitles  the  subject  to  a  share  in  government  and  framing 
of  laws.  The  Americans  have  such  property  and  estate,  but  are 
not,  and  never  can  be  represented  in  the  British  Parliament.  It 
is  therefore  clear  that  that  assembly  cannot  pass  any  laws  to  bind 
us,  but  that  we  must  be  governed  by  our  own  parliaments,  in 
which  we  can  be  in  person,  or  by  representation. 

BUT  of  late  a  new  system  of  politics  hath  been  adopted  in 
Great  Britain  and  the  common  people  there  claim  a  sovereignty 
over  us,  although  they  be  only  fellow  subjects.  The  more  I  con 
sider  the  nature  and  tendency  of  this  claim,  the  more  I  tremble  for 
the  liberties  of  my  country.  For  although  it  hath  been  unan 
swerably  proved  that  they  have  no  more  power  over  us  than  we 

315 


8  DISCOURSE   DELIVERED   IN   PROVIDENCE 

have  over  them,  yet  relying  on  the  powerful  logic  of  guns  and  cut 
lery-ware,  they  cease  not  to  make  laws  injurious  to  us;  and  when 
ever  we  expostulate  with  them  for  so  doing,  all  the  return  is  a  dis 
charge  of  threats  and  menaces. 

IT  is  now  an  established  principle  in  Great  Britain  that  we 
are  subject  to  the  people  of  that  country,  in  the  same  manner  as 
they  are  subject  to  the  Crown.  They  expressly  call  us  their  sub 
jects.  The  language  of  every  paultry  scribler,  even  of  those  who 
pretend  friendship  for  us  in  some  things,  is  after  this  lordly  stile, 
our  colonies — our  western  dominions — our  plantations — our  islands 
— our  subjects  in  America — our  authority — our  government — with 
many  more  of  the  like  imperious  expressions.  Strange  doctrine, 
that  we  should  be  the  subjects  of  subjects,  and  liable  to  be  con- 
trouled  at  their  will!  It  is  enough  to  break  every  measure  of  pa 
tience,  that  fellow  subjects  should  assume  such  power  over  us. 
They  are  so  possessed  with  the  vision  of  the  plenitude  of  their 
power,  that  they  call  us  rebels  and  traitors  for  denying  their  au 
thority.  If  the  King  was  an  absolute  monarch  and  ruled  us  ac 
cording  to  his  absolute  will  and  pleasure,  as  some  kings  in  Europe 
do  their  subjects,  it  would  not  be  in  any  degree  so  humiliating  and 
debasing  as  to  be  governed  by  one  part  of  the  King's  subjects  who 
are  but  equals.  From  every  part  of  the  conduct  of  the  Adminis 
tration,  from  the  acts,  votes,  and  resolutions  of  the  Parliament, 
and  from  all  the  political  writings  in  that  country  and  libels  on 
America,  this  appears  to  be  their  claim,  which  I  think  may  be  said 
to  be  an  invasion  of  the  rights  of  the  King,  and  an  unwarrantable 
combination  against  the  liberties  of  his  subjects  in  America. 

LET  us  now  attend  a  little  to  the  conduct  of  that  country  to 
wards  us,  and  see  if  it  be  possible  to  doubt  of  their  principles.  In 
the  9th  of  Anne,  the  post  office  act  was  made,  which  is  a  tax  act, 
and  which  annually  draws  great  sums  of  money  from  us.  It  is 
true  that  such  an  establishment  would  have  been  of  great  use,  but 
then  the  regulation  ought  to  have  been  made  among  ourselves. 

316 


AT  THE   DEDICATION   OF   THE   TREE   OF   LIBERTY  9 

And  it  is  a  clear  point  to  me  that  let  it  be  ever  so  much  to  the  ad 
vantage  of  this  country,  the  Parliament  had  no  more  right  to  in 
terfere  than  they  have  to  form  such  an  establishment  in  the  elec 
torate  of  Hanover,  the  King's  German  dominions. 

THEY  have  prohibited  us  from  purchasing  any  kind  of  goods 
or  manufactures  of  Europe  except  from  Great  Britain,  and  from 
selling  any  of  our  own  goods  or  manufactures  to  foreigners,  a  few 
inconsiderable  articles  excepted,  under  pain  of  confiscation  of 
vessel  and  cargo,  and  other  heavy  penalties.  If  they  were  indeed 
our  sovereign  lords  and  masters,  as  they  pretend  to  be,  such  regu 
lations  would  be  in  open  violation  of  the  laws  of  nature.  But 
what  adds  to  this  grievance  is,  that  in  the  trade  between  us  they 
can  set  their  own  prices  both  on  our  and  their  commodities,  which 
is  in  effect  a  tax,  and  of  which  they  have  availed  themselves. 
And  moreover,  duties  are  laid  on  divers  enumerated  articles  on 
their  import,  for  the  express  purpose  of  a  revenue.  They  freely 
give  and  grant  away  our  monies  without  our  consent,  under  the 
specious  pretence  of  defending,  protecting  and  securing  America, 
and  for  the  charges  of  the  administration  of  justice  here,  when  in 
fact  we  are  not  indebted  to  them  one  farthing  for  any  defence  or 
protection  from  the  first  planting  the  country  to  this  moment,  but 
on  the  contrary,  a  balance  is  due  to  us  for  our  exertions  in  the  gen 
eral  cause;  and  besides,  the  advantages  which  have  accrued  to 
their  trade  with  us  hath  put  millions  in  their  pockets.  As  to  the 
administration  of  justice,  no  country  in  the  world  can  boast  of  a 
purer  one  than  this,  the  charges  of  which  have  been  always  chear- 
fully  provided  for  and  paid  without  their  interposition.  There 
is  reason  to  fear  that  if  the  British  people  undertake  the  business 
of  the  administration  of  justice  amongst  us  it  will  be  worse  for  us, 
as  it  may  cause  an  introduction  of  their  fashionable  corruptions, 
whereby  our  pure  streams  of  justice  will  be  tainted  and  polluted. 
But  in  truth,  by  the  administration  of  justice  is  meant  the  keeping 

317 


10  DISCOURSE   DELIVERED   IN   PROVIDENCE 

up  an  idle  sett  of  officers  to  rob  us  of  our  money,  to  keep  us  down 
and  humble,  and  to  frighten  us  out  of  our  undoubted  rights. 

AND  here  it  may  be  proper  to  mention  the  grievances  of  the 
custom  house.  Trade  is  the  natural  right  of  all  men,  but  it  is 
forestrained,  perplexed  and  fettered,  that  the  officers  of  the  cus 
toms,  where  there  happens  a  judge  of  admiralty  to  their  purpose, 
can  seize  and  get  condemned  any  vessel  or  goods  they  see  fit.  They 
will  seize  a  vessel  without  shewing  any  other  cause  than  their  ar 
bitrary  will,  and  keep  her  a  long  time  without  exhibiting  any  libel, 
during  all  which  time,  the  owner  knows  not  on  what  account  she 
is  seized,  and  when  the  trial  conies  on,  he  is  utterly  deprived  of  one 
by  a  jury,  contrary  to  the  usages  among  our  fellow  subjects  in 
Britain  and  perhaps  all  his  fortune  is  determinate  by  a  single, 
base,  and  infamous  tool  of  a  violent,  corrupt,  and  wicked  adminis 
tration.  Besides,  these  officers,  who  seem  to  be  born  with  long 
claws,  like  eagles,  exact  most  exorbitant  fees,  even  from  small 
coasting  vessels,  who  pass  along  shore  and  carry  from  plantation 
to  plantation,  bread,  meat,  firewood,  and  other  necessaries,  and 
without  the  intervention  of  which  the  country  would  labour  under 
great  inconveriiencies,  directly  contrary  to  the  true  intent  and 
meaning  of  one  of  the  acts  of  trade  by  which  they  pretend  to 
govern  themselves,  such  vessels  by  that  act  not  being  obliged  to 
have  so  much  as  a  register.  It  is  well  known  that  their  design  in 
getting  into  office  is  to  enrich  themselves  by  fleecing  the  mer 
chants,  and  it  is  thought  that  very  few  have  any  regard  to  the  in 
terest  of  the  Crown,  which  is  only  a  pretence  they  make  in  order 
to  accomplish  their  avaricious  purposes. 

THE  common  people  of  Great  Britain  very  liberally  give  and 
grant  away  the  property  of  the  Americans  without  their  consent, 
which  if  yielded  to  by  us  must  fix  us  in  the  lowest  bottom  of  slavery: 
For  if  they  can  take  away  one  penny  from  us  against  our  wills, 
they  can  take  all.  If  they  have  such  power  over  our  properties 
they  must  have  a  proportionable  power  over  our  persons;  and  from 

318 


AT  THE   DEDICATION   OF  THE   TREE   OF   LIBERTY  11 

hence  it  will  follow  that  they  can  demand  and  take  away  our  lives 
whensoever  it  shall  be  agreeable  to  their  sovereign  wills  and  pleas 
ure. 

THIS  claim  of  the  Commons  to  a  sovereignty  over  us  is  found 
ed  by  them  on  their  being  the  Mother  Country.  It  is  true  that 
the  first  emigrations  were  from  England;  but  upon  the  whole  more 
settlers  have  come  from  Ireland,  Germany,  and  other  parts  of 
Europe,  than  from  England.  But  if  every  soul  came  from  Eng 
land,  it  would  not  give  them  any  title  to  sovereignty  or  even  to 
superiority.  One  spot  of  ground  will  not  be  sufficient  for  all: 
As  places  fill  up  mankind  must  disperse,  and  go  where  they  can 
find  a  settlement;  and  being  born  free,  must  carry  with  them  their 
freedom  and  independence  on  their  fellows,  go  where  they  will. 
Would  it  not  be  thought  strange  if  the  commonalty  of  the  Massa 
chusetts-Bay  should  require  our  obedience,  because  this  colony  wras 
first  settled  from  that  dominion?  By  the  best  accounts,  Britain 
was  peopled  from  Gaul,  now  called  France,  wherefore  according  to 
their  principles  the  Parliaments  of  France  have  a  right  to  govern 
them.  If  this  doctrine  of  the  maternal  authority  of  one  country- 
over  another  be  a  little  examined,  it  will  be  found  to  be  the  great 
est  absurdity  that  ever  entered  into  the  head  of  a  politician.  In 
the  time  of  Nimrod,  all  mankind  lived  together  on  the  plains  of 
Shinar,  from  whence  they  were  dispersed  at  the  building  of  Babel. 
From  that  dispersion  all  the  empires,  kingdoms,  and  states  in  the 
world  are  derived.  That  this  doctrine  may  be  fully  exposed,  let 
us  suppose  a  few  Turks  or  Arabs  to  be  the  present  inhabitants  of 
the  plains  of  Shinar,  and  that  they  should  demand  the  obedience 
of  every  kingdom,  state,  and  country  in  the  world,  on  account  of 
their  being  the  Mother  Country:  would  it  be  one  jot  more  ridicu 
lous  than  the  claim  made  by  the  Parliament  of  Great  Britain,  to 
rule  and  reign  over  us?  It  is  to  be  hoped  that  in  future  the  words 
Mother  Country  will  not  be  so  frequently  in  our  mouths,  as  they 
are  only  sounds  without  meaning. 

319 


12  DISCOURSE   DELIVERED   IN   PROVIDENCE 

ANOTHER  grievance  to  be  considered,  is  the  alarming  attempt 
of  the  people  of  Old  England  to  restrain  our  manufactures.  This 
country  abounds  in  iron,  yet  there  is  an  act  of  Parliament,  passed 
in  the  late  King's  reign  to  restrain  us  from  manufacturing  it  into 
plates  and  rods  by  mill-work,  the  last  of  which  forms  are  absolutely 
necessary  for  the  making  of  nails,  the  most  useful  article  in  a  new 
country  that  can  be  conceived.  Be  astonished  all  the  world,  that 
the  people  of  a  country  who  call  themselves  Christians  and  a  civi 
lized  nation,  should  imagine  that  any  principles  of  police  will  be  a 
sufficient  excuse  for  their  prohibiting  their  fellow  subjects  in  a 
distant  part  of  the  earth  from  making  use  of  the  blessings  of  the 
GOD  of  nature!  There  would  be  just  as  much  reason  to  prohibit 
us  from  spinning  our  wool  and  flax,  or  making  up  our  cloaths. 
Such  prohibitions  are  infractions  on  the  natural  rights  of  men,  and 
are  utterly  void. 

THEY  have  undertook,  at  the  distance  of  three  thousand 
miles,  to  regulate  and  limit  our  trade  with  the  natives  round  about 
us,  and  from  whom  our  lands  were  purchased — a  trade  which  we 
opened  ourselves,  and  which  we  ought  to  enjoy  unrestricted.  Fur 
ther,  we  are  prohibited  by  a  people  who  never  set  foot  here  from 
making  any  more  purchases  from  the  Indians,  and  even  of  settling 
those  which  we  have  made.  The  truth  is,  they  intend  to  take  into 
their  own  hands  the  whole  of  the  back  lands,  witness  the  patents 
of  immense  tracts  continually  solicited,  and  making  out  to  their 
own  people.  The  consequence  will  be  shocking,  and  we  ought  to 
be  greatly  alarmed  at  such  a  procedure.  All  new  countries  ought 
to  be  free  to  settlers;  but  instead  thereof  every  settler  on  these 
patent  lands,  and  their  descendants  forever  will  be  as  compleat 
slaves  to  their  landlords,  as  the  common  people  of  Poland  are  to 
their  lords. 

A  standing  army  in  time  of  profound  peace  is  cantoned  and 
quartered  about  the  country  to  awe  and  intimidate  the  people — 
Men  of  war  and  cutters  are  in  every  port,  to  the  great  distress  of 

320 


AT  THE   DEDICATION   OF   THE   TREE   OF   LIBERTY  13 

trade.  In  time  of  war  we  had  no  station  ships,  but  were  obliged 
to  protect  our  trade,  but  now  in  time  of  full  peace,  when  there  are 
none  to  make  us  afraid  we  are  visited  with  the  plague  of  men  of 
war,  who  commit  all  manner  of  disorders  and  irregularities;  and 
behave  in  as  hostile  a  manner  as  if  they  were  open  and  declared 
enemies.  In  open  defiance  of  civility,  and  the  laws  of  Great 
Britain,  which  they  profess  to  be  governed  by,  they  violently 
seize  and  forcibly  carry  on  board  their  ships  the  persons  of  the 
King's  loving  subjects.  What  think  ye  my  brethren,  of  a  military 
government  in  each  town? — Unless  we  exert  ourselves  in  opposi 
tion  to  their  plan  of  subjecting  us,  we  shall  all  have  soldiers  quar 
tered  about  upon  us,  who  will  take  the  absolute  command  of  our 
families.  Gentry  boxes  will  be  set  up  in  all  the  streets  and  pas 
sages,  and  none  of  us  will  be  able  to  pass,  without  being  brought 
to  by  a  soldier  with  his  fixed  bayonet,  and  giving  him  a  satisfac 
tory  account  of  ourselves  and  business.  Perhaps  it  will  be  ordered 
that  we  shall  put  out  fire  and  candle  at  eight  of  the  clock  at  night, 
for  fear  of  conspiracy.  From  which  fearful  calamities  may  the 
GOD  of  our  fathers  deliver  us! 

BUT  after  all,  nothing  which  has  yet  happened  ought  to  alarm 
us  more  than  their  suspending  government  here,  because  our  Par 
liaments  or  Assemblies  (who  ought  to  be  free)  do  not  in  their  votes 
and  resolutions  please  the  populace  of  Great  Britain.  Suppose  a 
parcel  of  mercenary  troops  in  England  should  go  to  the  Parlia 
ment  house,  and  order  the  members  to  vote  as  they  directed  under 
pain  of  dissolution,  how  much  liberty  would  be  left  to  them?  In 
short,  this  dissolving  of  government  upon  such  pretences  as  are 
formed,  leaves  not  the  semblance  of  liberty  to  the  people.  We 
all  ought  to  resent  the  treatment  which  the  Massachusetts-Bay 
hath  had,  as  their  case  may  soon  come  to  be  our  own. 

WE  are  constantly  belied  and  misrepresented  to  our  gracious 
sovereign  by  the  officers  who  are  sent  hither,  and  others  who  are 
in  the  cabal  of  ruining  this  country.  They  are  the  persons  who 

321 


14  DISCOURSE   DELIVERED   IN   PROVIDENCE 

ought  to  be  called  rebels  and  traitors,  as  their  conduct  is  superla 
tively  injurious  to  the  King  and  his  faithful  subjects. 

MANY  other  grievances  might  be  enumerated,  but  the  time 
would  fail. — Upon  the  whole,  the  conduct  of  Great  Britain  shews 
that  they  have  formed  a  plan  to  subject  us  so  effectually  to  their 
absolute  commands,  that  even  the  freedom  of  speech  will  be  taken 
from  us.  This  plan  they  are  executing  as  fast  as  they  can;  and 
almost  every  day  produces  some  effect  of  it.  We  are  insulted  and 
menaced  only  for  petitioning.  Our  prayers  are  prevented  from 
reaching  the  royal  ear,  and  our  humble  supplications  to  the  throne 
are  wickedly  and  maliciously  represented  as  so  many  marks  of 
faction  and  disloyalty.  If  they  can  once  make  us  afraid  to  speak 
or  write,  their  purpose  will  be  finished. — Then  farewell  liberty. — 
Then  those,  who  were  crouded  in  narrow  limits  in  England  will 
take  possession  of  our  extended  and  fertile  fields,  and  set  us  to 
work  for  them. 

WHEREFORE,  dearly  beloved,  let  us  with  unconquerable  re 
solution  maintain  and  defend  that  liberty  wherewith  GOD  hath 
made  us  free.  As  the  total  subjection  of  a  people  arises  generally 
from  gradual  encroachments,  it  will  be  our  indispensible  duty 
manfully  to  oppose  every  invasion  of  our  rights  in  the  beginning. 
Let  nothing  discourage  us  from  this  duty  to  ourselves  and  our  pos 
terity.  Our  fathers  sought  and  found  freedom  in  the  wilderness; 
they  cloathed  themselves  with  the  skins  of  wild  beasts,  and  lodged 
under  trees  and  among  bushes;  but  in  that  state  they  were  happy 
because  they  were  free.  Should  these  our  noble  ancestors  arise 
from  the  dead,  and  find  their  posterity  trucking  away  that  liber 
ty,  which  they  purchased  at  so  dear  a  rate,  for  the  mean  trifles 
and  frivolous  merchandize  of  Great  Britain,  they  would  return  to 
the  grave  with  a  holy  indignation  against  us.  In  this  day  of  danger 
let  us  exert  every  talent,  and  try  every  lawful  means  for  the  pre 
servation  of  our  liberties.  It  is  thought  that  nothing  will  be  of 
more  avail,  in  our  present  distressed  situation,  than  to  stop  our 

322 


AT  THE   DEDICATION   OF  THE   TREE   OF  LIBERTY  15 

imports  from  Britain.  By  such  a  measure  this  little  colony  would 
save  more  than  173,000  pounds  lawful  money,  in  one  year,  be 
sides  the  advantages  which  would  arise  from  the  industry  of  the 
inhabitants  being  directed  to  the  raising  of  wool  and  flax,  and  the 
establishment  of  manufactures.  Such  a  measure  might  distress 
the  manufacturers  and  poor  people  in  England,  but  that  would  be 
their  misfortune.  Charity  begins  at  home,  and  we  ought  primarily 
to  consult  our  own  interest;  and  besides,  a  little  distress  might 
bring  the  people  of  that  country  to  a  better  temper  and  a  sense  of 
their  injustice  towards  us.  No  nation  or  people  in  the  world  ever 
made  any  figure,  who  were  dependent  on  any  other  country  for 
their  food  or  cloathing.  Let  us  then  in  justice  to  ourselves  and 
our  selves  and  our  children,  break  off  a  trade  so  pernicious  to  our 
interest,  and  which  is  likely  to  swallow  up  both  our  estates  and 
liberties. — A  trade  which  hath  nourished  the  people,  in  idleness 
and  dissipation.  We  cannot,  we  will  not,  betray  the  trust  reposed 
in  us  by  our  ancestors,  by  giving  up  the  least  of  our  liberties.  We 
will  be  freemen,  or  we  will  die.  We  cannot  endure  the  thought  of 
being  governed  by  subjects,  and  we  make  no  doubt  but  the  Al 
mighty  will  look  down  upon  our  righteous  contest  with  gracious 
approbation.  WTe  cannot  bear  the  reflection  that  this  country 
should  be  yielded  to  them  who  never  had  any  hand  in  subduing  it. 
Let  our  wrhole  conduct  shewr  that  we  know  what  is  due  to  ourselves. 
Let  us  act  prudently,  peaceably,  firmly,  and  jointly.  Let  us 
break  all  off  trade  and  commerce  with  a  people  who  would  en 
slave  us,  as  the  only  means  to  prevent  our  ruin.  May  we  strength 
en  the  hands  of  the  civil  government  here,  and  have  all  our  exer 
tions  tempered  writh  the  principles  of  peace  and  order,  and  may  we 
by  precept  and  example  encourage  the  practice  of  virtue  and  mo 
rality,  without  which  no  people  can  be  happy. 

IT  only  remains  now,  that  we  dedicate  the  Tree  of  Liberty. 

WE  do  therefore,  in  the  name  and  behalf  of  all  the  true  SONS  of 
LIBERTY  in  America,  Great  Britain,  Ireland,  Corsica,  or  whereso- 

323 


16  DISCOURSE   DELIVERED   IN  PROVIDENCE 

ever  they  are  dispersed  throughout  the  world,  dedicate  and  solemn 
ly  devote  this  tree,  to  be  a  TREE  of  LIBERTY. May  all  our 

councils  and  deliberations  under  its  venerable  branches  be  guided  by 
wisdom,  and  directed  to  the  support  and  maintenance  of  that  liberty 
which  our  renowned  forefathers  sought  out  and  found  under  trees  and 
in  the  wilderness. 


-May  it   long  flourish,    add    may  the  SONS  OF  LIBERTY 

often  repair    hither,    to    confirm    and  strengthen  each  other 

When  they   look    toward   this  sacred    ELM,    may    they    be  pene 
trated  with  a  sense  of  their  duty  to  themselves,  their  country,  and 

their  posterity: And  may  they,  like  the  house  of  David,  grow 

stronger  and  stronger,  while  their  enemies,  like  the  house  of  Saul, 
grow  weaker  and  weaker.     AMEN. 


JOHN   WATERMAN, 

The  Printer  hereof; 

GIVES  Notice  to  his  former  good   Customers  and  others, 
that  he  continues  to  make  all  Sorts  of  Paper  as  usual, 
and  that  he  sells  the  same  at  the  cheapest  Rates  for  Cash. 
He  also  carries  on  the  Printing  Business    at  his  office  at  the 
Paper-Mill,   but  intends  shortly  to  remove    his  office  into  the 
most  Public  Part  of  the  Town,  where  he  proposes  to  extend  the 
Business.      The  Public  may  depend  upon  his  Fidelity,  Care  and 
Dispatch,  in  such  Printing  Work  as  they  may  employ  him  about. 

324 


REC  CIR  AU6  4 


FOR^A  NO.  DD6,  60m 


, 

i 


ERKELEY  LIBRARIES