' •y; ^■
THE LIBRARY
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OF CALIFORNIA
LOS ANGELES
^Ijc |nicnTati0naI ©Ijcalagitiil i^tbnirjr.
EDITORS' PREFACE.
Theology has made great and rapid advances in recent years.
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The Library is intended to form a series of Text-Books for
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The Authors, therefore, aim at conciseness and compactness
of statement. At the same time, they have in view that large
a
" EDITORS' PREFACE.
and increasing class of students, in other departments of inquiry,
who desire to have a systematic and thorough exposition of
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The Authors will be scholars of recognised reputation in the
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further progress.
STEWART D. F. SALMOND.
CHARLES A. BRIGGS.
THE INTERNATIONAL THEOLOGICAL LIBRARY.
•4«-
In connection with this Series,
in announcing that the following
for:—
An Introduction to the Literature
of the Old Testament.
Theology of the Old Testament.
An Introduction to the Literature
of the New Testament.
Contemporary History of the Old
Testament.
History of Christian Doctrine.
the Publishers have pleasure
Volumes are already arranged
Apologetics.
Comparative Religion.
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By S. R. Driver, D.D., Regius Pro-
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Christ Cliurcli, Oxford.
{Now ready.)
By A. B. Davidson, D.D., LL.D.,
Professor of Hebrew, New College,
Edinburgh.
By S. D. F. Salmond, D.D., Professor
of Systematic Theology and New
Testament Exegesis, Free Church
College, Aberdeen.
By Francis Brown, D.D., Professor
of Hebrew and Cognate Languages,
Union Theological Seminary, New
York.
By G. P. Fisher, D.D., LL.D., Pro-
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Edinburgh: T. & T. CLARK, 38 George Street.
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Ube international Ubeolooical Xibrarp.
EDITED BY
STEWART D. F. SALMOND, D.D.,
Professor of Systematic Theology and Neiv Testa7izciit Exegesis,
Free Church College, Aberdeen;
AND
CHARLES A. BRIGGS, D.D.,
Edward Robinson Professor of Biblical Theology, Union Theological
Seminary, Neiu York.
I. AN INTRODUCTION TO THE LITERATURE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
By Prof. S. R. DRIVER, D.D.
PRINTED BY MORRISON AND OIBB,
FOR
T. & T. CLARK, EDINBURGH.
LONDON, HAMILTON, ADAMS, AND CO.
DUBLIN, GEORGE HERBERT.
NEW YORK, CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS.
International The ological Library.
' AN INTEODUCTION
TO THE
LITEEATUEE OF THE
OLD TESTAMENT
BY
S. R. DRIVER, D.D,.
REGIUS PROFESSOR OF HEBREW, AND CANON OF CHRIST CHURCH, OXFORD;
FORMERLY FELLOW OF NEW COLLEGE, OXFORD.
SECOND EDITION.
EDINBURGH:
T. & T. CLARK, 38 GEORGE STREET.
189L
{The Rights of Translation and of Reproduction are Resei~ved,)
^
i-
J
PREFACE.
More than three years have elapsed since I undertook to pre-
pare an Introduction to the Literature of the Old Testament.
Although the more important parts of the ground were already
familiar to me, other occupations prevented my being able to
complete it until now. I ought, in the first instance, to guard
against any misapprehension as to the scope of the work. It is
not an Introduction to the Theology, or to the History, or even
to the Study, of the Old Testament : in any of these cases, the
treatment and contents would both have been very different. It is
an Introduction to the Literature of the Old Testament; and what
I conceived this to include was an account of the contents and
structure of the several books, together with such an indication
of their general character and aim as I could find room for in the
space at my disposal.^ For it is not more than just to myself
that I should state that by the terms of my agreement I was
limited in space : I had to do the best that I could within an
average, for the longer books, of 20-25 pages. There have been
many matters on which I would gladly have given fuller par-
ticulars : there have been opinions which I should often have been
glad to notice, or discuss more fully than I have done, if only
out of respect for those who held them : but my limits have
forbidden this, and I have repeatedly omitted, or abbreviated,
what I had originally written — sometimes, no doubt, to the
reader's advantage, though not perhaps always so. Hence, while
I am prepared to accept full responsibility for what I have said,
for what I have not said I must put in a plea to be judged
leniently.
'^ The Theology of the Old Testament forms the subject of a separate
volume in the present series, which has been entrusted to the competent
hands of Professor A. B. Davidson, of the New College, Edinburgh.
ix
X PREFACE.
A perfectly uniform treatment of the material has not been
aimed at. The treatment has varied with the character of the
different books. The contents of the prophetical and poetical
books, for instance, which are less generally known than the
history, properly so called, have been stated more fully than those
of the historical books : the legislative parts of the Pentateuch
have also been described with tolerable fulness. The relation to
one another of the parallel parts of the Old Testament has been
explained in some detail, as these have often an important bear-
ing upon the structure and authorship of the books concerned.
Much attention has been paid to the lists of expressions charac-
teristic of the style of particular writers. These have, in most
cases been drawn up, and in all cases independently tested and
verified, by myself; and care has been taken to exclude from
them^ words of slight or no significance. Distinctive types of style
prevail in different parts of the Old Testament ; and it is hoped
that at least the more important of these types may thus be
brought before the notice of students : though naturally the full
significance of such lists and their mutual bearing upon one another
will only be apprehended by one familiar with the whole of the
Old Testament, and able to view its parts in their true perspec-
tive. It was impossible to avoid altogether the introduction of
Hebrew words ; nor indeed, as the needs of Hebrew students
could not with fairness be entirely neglected, was it even desir-
able to do so ; but an endeavour has been made, by translation,
to make the manner in which they are used intelligible to the
English reader.
Completeness has not been attainable. Sometimes, indeed,
the grounds for a conclusion have been stated with approximate
completeness ; but generally it has been found impossible to
mention more than the more salient or important ones. This
is especially the case in the analysis of the Hexateuch. A full
statement and discussion of the grounds for this belongs to a
Commentary. Very often, however, it is believed, when the
relation of different passages to each other has been pointed out
briefly, a comparative study by the reader will suggest to him
additional grounds for the conclusion indicated. A word should
also be said on the method followed. A strict inductive. method
would have required a given conclusion to be preceded by an
^ With the limitation noted on p. 167, n. 2.
PREFACE. XI
enumeration of all the facts upon which it depends. This would
have been impossible within the limits at the writer's disposal, as
well as tedious. The method pursued has thus often been to
assume (on grounds not fully stated, but which have satisfied the
author) the conclusion to be established, and to point to particu-
lar salient facts, which exemplify it or presuppose its truth. The
argument in the majority of cases is cumulative — a species of
argument which is both the strongest and also the one which it
is most frequently impossible to exhaust within reasonable
compass.
In the critical study of the Old Testament, there is an im-
portant distinction, which should be kept in mind. It is that of
degrees of probability. The probability of a conclusion depends
upon the nature of the grounds on which it rests ; and some
conclusions reached by critics of the Old Testament are for
this reason more probable than others : the facts at our disposal
being in the former case more numerous and decisive than in the
latter. It is necessary to call attention to this difference, because
writers who seek to maintain the traditional view of the structure
of the Old Testament sometimes point to conclusions which,
from the nature of the case, are uncertain, or are propounded
avowedly as provisional, with the view of discrediting all, as
though they rested upon a similar foundation. But this is very
far from being the case. It has been no part of my object to
represent conclusions as more certain than is authorized by the
facts upon which they depend ; and I have striven (as I hope
successfully) to convey to the reader the differences in this
respect of which I am sensible myself. Where the premises
satisfy me, I have expressed myself without hesitation or doubt ;
where the data do not justify (so far as I can judge) a confident
conclusion, I have indicated this by some qualifying phrase. I
desire what I have just said to be applied in particular to the
analysis of the Hexateuch. That the " Priests' Code " formed
a clearly defined document, distinct from the rest of the Hexa-
teuch, appears to me to be more than sufficiently established by
a multitude of convergent indications ; and I have nowhere
signified any doubt on this conclusion. On the other hand, in
the remainder of the narrative of Gen. -Numbers and of Joshua,
though there are facts which satisfy me that this also is not
homogeneous, I believe that the analysis (from the nature of
XII PREFACE.
the criteria on which it depends) is frequently uncertain,^ and
will, perhaps, always continue so. Accordingly, as regards
"JE," as I have more than once remarked, I do not desire to
lay equal stress upon all the particulars of the analysis, or to
be supposed to hold that the line of demarcation between its
component parts is at every point as clear and certain as it is
between P and other parts of the Hexateuch.
Another point necessary to be borne in mind is that many
results can only be approximate. Even where there is no ques-
tion of the author, we can sometimes only determine the date
within tolerably wide limits {e.g. Nahum) ; and even where the
limits are narrower, there may still be room for difference of
opinion, on account of the different aspects of a passage which
most strongly impress different critics {e.g. in some of the
acknowledged prophecies of Isaiah). Elsewhere, again, grounds
may exist sufficient to justify the negative conclusion, that a
writing does not belong to a particular age or author, but not
definite enough to fix positively the age to which it does belong,
except within broad and general limits. In all such cases we
must be content with approximate results.
It is in the endeavour to reach definite conclusions upon the
basis either of imperfect data, or of indications reasonably sus-
ceptible of divergent interpretations, that the principal disagree-
ments between critics have their origin. Language is sometimes
used implying that critics are in a state of internecine conflict
with one another.^ This is not in accordance with the facts.
There is a large area on which the data are clear, and critics are
agreed. And this area includes many of the most important
results which criticism has reached. There is an area beyond
this, where the data are complicated or ambiguous ; and here it
is not more than natural that independent judges should differ.
Perhaps future study may reduce this margin of uncertainty. I
make no claim to have admitted into the present volume only
those conclusions on which all critics are agreed ; for naturally
^ See pp. 14, 17 f., 36, 109 f., etc. The same admission is constantly
made by Wellhausen, Kuenen, and other critics — most recently by Kautzsch
and Socin in the second edition (i 891) of the work named on p. 12, p. xi.
- It may not be superfluous to observe that, from allusions to the subject in
contemporary literature, no accurate opinion can commonly be formed as to
either the principles or the results of the critical study of the Old Testament.
PREFACE. XUl
I have followed the guidance of my own judgment as to what
was probable or not; but where alternative views appeared to
me to be tenable, or where the opinion towards which I inclined
only partially satisfied me, I have been careful to indicate this to
the reader. I have, moreover, made it my aim to avoid specula-
tion upon slight and doubtful data ; or, at least, if I have been
unable absolutely to avoid it, I have stated distinctly of what
nature the data are {e.g. p. 209 f ).
Polemical references, with very few exceptions, I have avoided :
in this case, the limitation of space coincided with my own in-
clinations. It must not, however, be thought that, because I do
not more frequently discuss divergent opinions, I am therefore
unacquainted with them. I have been especially careful to
acquaint myself with the views of Keil, and of other writers
on the traditional side. Upon no occasion have I adopted what
may be termed a critical as opposed to a conservative position,
without weighing fully the arguments advanced in support of the
latter, and satisfying myself that they were untenable.
Naturally a work like the present is founded largely on the
labours of previous scholars. Since Gesenius, in the early years
of this century, inaugurated a new epoch in the study of Hebrew,
there has been a succession of scholars, of the highest and most
varied ability, who have been fascinated by the literature of
ancient Israel, and have dedicated their lives to its elucidation.
Each has contributed of his best : and those who come after
stand upon the vantage-ground won for them by their pre-
decessors. In exegesis and textual criticism, not less than in
literary criticism, there has been a steady advance.^ The historical
significance of different parts of the Old Testament — the aim and
drift of individual prophecies, for instance, or the relation to one
another of parallel groups of laws — has been far more carefully
observed than was formerly the case. While in fairness to
myself I think it right to state that my volume embodies the
results of much independent work, — for I never accept the
dictum or conclusion of any critic without satisfying myself, by
personal study, that the grounds alleged in its support are
adequate, — I desire at the same time to acknowledge my in-
1 The progress in the two former may be measured approximately by the
Revised Version, or (in some respects, more adequately) by the notes in the
" Variorum Bible " of Eyre & Spottiswoode.
XIV PREFACE.
debtedness to those who have preceded me, and facilitated my
labours. The references will generally indicate who the author-
ities are that have been principally of service to me ; naturally
they vary in different parts of the Old Testament.
It does not fall within the scope of the present volume to deal
with either the Theology or the History of the Old Testament, as
such : nevertheless a few words may be permitted on them here.
It is impossible to doubt that the main conclusions of critics
with reference to the authorship of the books of the Old Testa-
ment rest upon reasonings the cogency of which cannot be
denied without denying the ordinary principles by which history
is judged and evidence estimated. Nor can it be doubted that
the same conclusions, upon any neutral field of investigation,
would have been accepted without hesitation by all conversant
with the subject : they are only opposed in the present instance
by some theologians, because they are supposed to conflict with
the requirements of the Christian faith. But the history of
astronomy, geology, and, more recently, of biology,^ supplies a
warning that the conclusions which satisfy the common unbi-
assed and unsophisticated reason of mankind prevail in the end.
The price at which alone the traditional view can be maintained
is too high. 2 Were the difiiculties which beset it isolated or
occasional, the case, it is true, would be different : it could then,
for instance, be reasonably argued that a fuller knowledge of the
times might afford the clue that would solve them. But the
phenomena which the traditional view fails to explain are too
numerous for such a solution to be admissible ; they recur so
systematically, that some cause or causes, for which that view
makes no allowance, must be postulated to account for them.
The hypothesis of glosses and marginal additions is a superficial
remedy : the fundamental distinctions upon which the main con-
clusions of critics depend remain untouched.'^
The truth, however, is that apprehensions of the character
^ Comp. the luminous and able treatment of this subject, on its theological
side, by the late lamented Aubrey L. Moore in Science and the Faith (1889),
asp. pp. xi-xlvii, and pp. 163-235.
- Of course there are many points at which tradition is not affected by
criticism. I allude naturally to those in which the case is different.
•' These distinctions, it ought to be understood, in works written in defence
of the traditional position, are, as a rule, very imperfectly stated, even where
they are not ignored altogether.
PREFACE. XV
just indicated are unfounded. It is not the case that critical
conclusions, such as those expressed in the present volume, are
in conflict either with the Christian creeds or with the articles
of the Christian faith. Those conclusions affect not the fact of
revelation, but only its form. They help to determine the stages
through which it passed, the different phases which it assumed,
and the process by which the record of it was built up. They
do not touch either the authority or the inspiration of the Scrip-
tures of the Old Testament. They imply no change in respect
to the Divine attributes revealed in the Old Testament; no
change in the lessons of human duty to be derived from it ; no
change as to the general position (apart from the interpretation
of particular passages) that the Old Testament points forward
prophetically to Christ.^ That both the religion of Israel itself,
and the record of its history embodied in the Old Testament, are
the work of men whose hearts have been touched, and minds
illumined, in different degrees,'^ by the Spirit of God, is manifest : ^
but the recognition of this truth does not decide the question of the
author by whom, or the date at which, particular parts of the Old
Testament were committed to writing ; nor does it determine the
precise literary character of a given narrative or book. No part
of the Bible, nor even the Bible as a whole, is a logically articu-
lated system of theology : the Bible is a " library," showing how
men variously gifted by the Spirit of God cast the truth which they
received into many different literary forms, as genius permitted or
occasion demanded, — into poetry of various kinds, sometimes
national, sometimes individual, sometimes even developing a truth
in a form approaching that of the drama ; into prophetical dis-
1 Comp. Prof. Sanday's words in The Oracles of God {\%(^\), p. 7 — a volume
which, with its counsels of wisdom and sobriety, I would gladly, if I might,
adopt as the Preface to my own. See also now (Nov. 1891) the admirable
work of Prof. A. F. Kirkpatrick, The Divine Library of the Old Testament.
2 I say, in different degrees ; for no one would attribute to the authors of
some of the Proverbs, or of the Books of Esther or Ecclesiastes, the same
degree of spiritual perception displayed, e.g. in Is. 40 — 66, or in the Psalms.
^ So, for instance, Riehm, himself a critic, speaking of the Pentateuch as a
record of revelation, remarks on the "immediate impression" of this char-
acter which it makes, and continues : "Every one who so reads the Penta-
teuch as to allow its contents to work upon his spirit, must receive the
impression that a consciousness of God such as is here expressed cannot be
derived from flesh and blood" {Einkitung, § 28, "Der Pentateuch als Offen-
barungsurkunde ").
XVI PREFACE.
courses, suggested mostly by some incident of the national life ;
into proverbs, prompted by the observation of life and manners ;
into laws, prescribing rules for the civil and religious government
of the nation ; into narratives, sometimes relating to a distant or
a nearer past, sometimes autobiographical ; and (to include the
New Testament) into letters, designed, in the first instance, to
meet the needs of particular churches or individuals. It is
probable that every form of literary composition known to the
ancient Hebrews was utilised as a vehicle of Divine truth, and is
represented in the Old Testament.^ Hence the character of a
particular part of the Old Testament cannot be decided by an
a priori argument as regards what it must be ; it can only be
determined by an application of the canons of evidence and
probability universally employed in historical or literary investi-
gation. None of the historians of the Bible claim supernatural
enlightenment for the materials of their narrative -.^ it is reasonable,
therefore, to conclude that these were derived by them from such
human sources as were at the disposal of each particular writer ;
in some cases from a writer's own personal knowledge, in others
from earlier documentary sources, in others, especially in those
relating to a distant past, from popular tradition. It was the
function of inspiration to guide the individual writer in the
choice and disposition of his material, and in his use of it for the
inculcation of special lessons. And in the production of some
parts of the Old Testament different hands co-operated, and have
left traces of their work more or less clearly discernible. The
whole is subordinated to the controlling agency of the Spirit of
God, causing the Scriptures of the Old Testament to be profitable
•rfo^nrciii, Heb. I, I. On the manifold Voice of God as heard in the Old
Testament, the writer may be permitted to refer to a sermon preached by him at
Cambridge on A])ril 27, 1890, and printed in the supplement to the Cambridge
Jieviexv, May i, 1890. See also the Contemporary KeviiW^ Feb. 1890, p. 229 f.
^ The preface to St. Luke's Gospel (Luke I, 1-4) is instructive in this
respect. St. Luke only claims for his narrative that he has used in its com-
position the care and research of an ordinary historian. Comp. Sanday, I.e.
pp. 72-75: "In all that relates to the Revelation of God and of His Will, the
writers [of the liible] assert for themselves a definite inspiration ; they claim
to speak with an authority higher than their own. But in regard to the
narrative of events, and to processes of literary composition, there is nothing
so exceptional about them as to exempt them from the conditions to which
other works would be exposed at the same place and time."
PREFACE. XVll
" for teaching, for reproof, for correction, for instruction, which is
in righteousness :" but under this presiding influence scope is left
for the exercise, in different modes and ways, of the faculties
ordinarily employed in literary composition. There is a human
factor in the Bible, which, though quickened and sustained by
the informing Spirit, is never wholly absorbed or neutralized by
it ; and the limits of its operation cannot be ascertained by an
arbitrary a priori determination of the methods of inspiration ;
the only means by which they can be ascertained is by an
assiduous and comprehensive study of the facts presented by the
Old Testament itself.^
^ Two principles, once recognized, will be found to solve nearly all the
difficulties which, upon the traditional view of the historical books of the Old
Testament, are insuperable, viz. — (i) that in many parts of these books we
have before us traditiofis, in which the original representation has been
insensibly modified, and sometimes (especially in the later books) coloured by
the associations of the age in which the author recording it lived ; (2) that
some freedom was used by ancient historians in placing speeches or dis-
courses in the mouths of historical characters. In some cases, no doubt,
such speeches agreed substantially with what was actually said ; but often
they merely develop at length, in the style and manner of the narrator, what
was handed down only as a compendious report, or what was deemed to be
consonant with the temper and aim of a given character on a particular
occasion. No satisfactory conclusions with respect to the Old Testament
will be arrived at without due account being taken of these two principles.
Should it be feared that the first of these principles, if admitted, might
imperil the foundations ol the Christian faith, it is to be pointed out that the
records of the New Testament were produced under very different historical
conditions ; that while in the Old Testament, for example, there are
instances in which we can have no assurance that an event was recorded
until many centuries after its occurrence, in the New Testament the interval
at most is not more than 30-50 years. Viewed in the light of the unique
personality of Christ, as depicted both in the common tradition embodied in
the Synoptic Gospels and in the personal reminiscences underlying the fourth
Gospel, and also as presupposed by the united testimony of the Apostolic
writers belonging almost to the same generation, the circumstances are such
as to forbid the supposition that the facts of our Lord's life on which the
fundamental truths of Christianity depend can have been the growth of mere
tradition, or are anything else than strictly historical. The same canon of
historical criticism which authorizes the assumption of tradition in the Old
Testament, forbids it- — except within the narrowest limits, as in some of the
divergences apparent between the parallel narratives of the Gospels — in the
case of the New Testament.
It is an error to suppose, as seems sometimes to be done, that topographical
exploration, or the testimony of Inscriptions, supplies a refutation of critical
XVlll PREFACE.
It is objected, however, that some of the conclusions of critics
respecting the Old Testament are incompatible with the authority
of our blessed Lord, and that in loyalty to Him we are pre-
cluded from accepting them. That our Lord appealed to the
Old Testament as the record of a revelation in the past, and as
pointing forward to Himself, is undoubted ; but these aspects of
the Old Testament are perfectly consistent with a critical view of
its structure and growth. That our Lord in so appealing to it
designed to pronounce a verdict on the authorship and age of its
different parts, and to foreclose all future inquiry into these
subjects, is an assumption for which no sufficient ground can be
alleged. Had such been His aim, it would have been out of
harmony with the entire method and tenor of His teaching.
In no single instance (so far as we are aware) did He anticipate
the results of scientific inquiry or historical research. The aim
of His teaching was a religious one ; it was to set before men
the pattern of a perfect life, to move them to imitate it, to bring
them to Himself. He accepted, as the basis of Llis teaching,
the opinions respecting the Old Testament current around Him :
He assumed, in His allusions to it, the premises which His
opponents recognised, and which could not have been questioned
(even had it been necessary to question them) without raising
issues for which the time was not yet ripe, and which, had they
been raised, would have interfered seriously with the paramount
purpose of His life.^ There is no record of the question,
whether a particular portion of the Old Testament was written
by Moses, or David, or Isaiah, having been ever submitted to
conclusions respecting the books of the Old Testament. The Biblical records
posse>s exactly that degree of historical and topographical accuracy which
would be expected from the circumstances under which all reasonable critics
hold that they were composed. The original sources of Samuel and Kings,
for instance, being the work of men familiar with Palestine, describe localities
there with precision : the chronology, being (in many cases) added subse-
quently, is in several respects in irreconcilable conllict with contemporary
Inscriptions (cf. Sanday, I.e. p. 9 ; or the note in the writer's Isaiah, p. 13).
Mr. Girdlcstonc, in The Foundations of the Bible (1890), partly from an in-
exact knowledge of the facts, partly through misapprehension of what critics
really hold, employs himself largely in beating the air.
' On Ps. no, see the note, p. 362 f. ; and especially the discussion of our
Lord's reference to this Psalm in the seventh of Mr. Gore's " Bampton
Lectures." It does n )t seem requisite for the present purpose, as, indeed,
PREFACE. XIX
Him ; and had it been so submitted, we have no means of
knowing what His answer would have been. The purposes for
which our Lord appealed to the Old Testament, its prophetic
significance, and the spiritual lessons deducible from it, are not,
as has been already remarked above, affected by critical
inquiries. Criticism in the hands of Christian scholars does not
banish or destroy the inspiration of the Old Testament ; \\. pre-
supposes it ; it seeks only to determine the conditions under which
it operates, and the literary forms through which it manifests
itself; and it thus helps us to frame truer conceptions of the
methods which it has pleased God to employ in revealing Himself
to His ancient people of Israel, and in preparing the way for
the fuller manifestation of Himself in Christ Jesus.
S. R. D.
June 1 8, 1 89 1.
PREFACE TO THE SECOND EDITION.
The present edition does not differ materially from the first,
the changes made in it being confined to the correction of a
few misprints, and the introduction of a slight amount of fresh
matter, chiefly bibliographical, which has been incorporated
partly in the text of the book, partly in the Addenda.
S. R. D.
Nov. 25, 1S91.
within the limits of a Preface it would not be possible, to consider whether
our Lord, as man, possessed all knowledge, or whether a limitation in this, as
in other respects, — though not, of course, of such a kind as to render Him
fallible as a teacher, — was involved in that gracious act of condescension, in
virtue of which He was willing "in all things to be made like unto His
brethren" (lieb. 2, 17). On this subject a reference to the sixth of the
Lectures just mentioned must sufilice. The questions touched upon in the
latter part of the preceding Preface are also thoughtfully handled by Bishop
Moorhouse in his volume entitled, The Teaching of Christ {\%()\), Sermons
i. and ii. And since this note was in type, there have appeared two essays,
one by A. Plummer, D. D., in the Exposito)- for July 1S91, on " The Advance
of Christ in 2o<p/a," the other An Inquiiy into the Nature of our Lord's
kno-.vkdge as inan, by the Rev. W. S. Swayne, with a Preface by the Bishop
of Salisbur}', each meriting calm and serious consideration.
CONTENTS.
PAGE
Addenda, ........ xxiii
Corrigenda, ........ xxvi
Abbreviations, ....... xxvi
Introduction (The origin of the Booi^s of the Old Testament, and
the growth of the Canon, according to the Jews), . . . xxvii
CHAPTER I
The Hexateuch,
§ I. Genesis,
§ 2. Exodus,
§ 3. Leviticus,
§ 4. Numbers,
§ 5. Deuteronomy,
§ 6. Joshua,
§ 7. The Prophetical Narrative of the Hexateuch (character and
probable date),
The Priestly Narrative of the Hexateuch (character and prob
able date).
Synopsis of the Priests' Code, .
I
4
20
39
55
65
96
109
iiS
150
CHAPTER n.
Judges, Samuel, and Kings, .
§ I. The Book of Judges, .
§ 2. 1-2 Samuel,
§ 3. 1-2 Kings,
151
151
162
175
Isaiah, .
Jeremiah,
Ezekiel,
CHAPTER III.
CHAPTER IV.
CHAPTER V.
194
232
260
xxii
CONTENTS.
CHAPTER VI. PACK
The Minor Prophets, ...... 280
§ I. Rosea,
. 281
§ 2. Joel, .
§ 3. Amos,
§ 4. Obadiah,
§ 5. Jonah,
§ 6. Micah,
§ 7. Nahum,
§ 8. Habakkuk,
. 287
. 293
■ 297
. 300
• 30s
. 314
. 316
§ 9. Zephaniah,
§ ID. Haggai,
§ II. Zechariah,
§ 12. Malachi,
. 318
. 320
. 322
. 333
The Psalms,
CHAPTER VII.
337
CHAPTER VIII.
The Book of Proverbs,
. 368
CHAPTER IX.
The Book of Job, . . . . .
. 384
CHAPTER X.
The Five Megilloth, . . . ,
. 409
§ I. The Song of Songs,
. 409
§2. Ruth, .....
• 425
§ 3. The Lamentations,
. 428
§ 4. Ecclesiastes (Qoheleth),
. 436
§ 5. Esther, ....
. 449
CHAPTER XL
Daniel,
. 458
CHAPTER XXL
Chronicles, Ezra, and Nehemiah, .
§ I. Chronicles,
§ 2. Ezra and Nehemiah, .
484
484
507
Index,
521
ADDENDA.
p. I, add : Fr. Tuch, Commeniar iiber die Genesis, zweite AttJI., besorgt
■von Prof. Dr. A. Arnold nebst einem Nachivort von A. Merx (1871) ; G. J.
Spurrell, Notes on the Hebrew Text of Genesis, Oxford 1887. On the
Cosmogony of Gen. I, see an article by the present writer in the Expositor,
Jan. 1886, where other literature on the subject is referred to, and his criti-
cism of Prof. Dana's theory in the Andover i^.'i.K.) Review, 18S7, p. 639 fif. ;
Prof. C. Pritchard, Oecasional Notes of an Astronomer, 1890, p. 257 ff.
P. 2, add : W. W. Graf Baudissin, Die Gesch. des Alttest. Priesterthutns
(1889), to be compared with Kautzsch's review in the Stud. u. Krit. 1890,
pp. 767-786, or Kuenen's in the Theol. Tijdsehrift, 1890, pp. 1-42 ; and the
discriminating article of C. G. Montehore in the Jeivish Quarterly Review,
Jan. 1891, entitled "Recent Criticism upon Moses and the Pentateuchal
Narratives of the Decalogue." Reuss' Gesch. dcr heil. Schr. AT.s appeared
in a 2nd ed. 1890 ; vol. ii. of Riehm's Einleitung ^'z.% published in 1890.
It may be of assistance to the reader who desires to pursue further the
critical study of the historical Books, to state that of the works here
mentioned, the two most important for his purpose are, for the Hexateuch,
Wellh.'s Composition and the Commentaries of Dillmann ; and for Judges
and Samuel, Wellh.'s Composition and Budde's Richter inid Samud (see p.
xxiv). A discriminating study of these works, and judgment on the points
upon which they differ, are the necessary foundation of all further progress.
The grounds for the principal critical conclusions respecting the Hexateuch
are stated, lucidly and moderately, and with greater fulness than was possible
in the present volume, in a series of papers by Prof. H. Vuilleumier in the
Revue de Tkeologie et de Philosophie (Lausanne), 1882 (Jan. May, July,
Sept. Nov.), 1S83 (Jan. Mar.), 1884 (May). It is understood that an English
translation of these papers is likely to appear shortly.
On the Text and Veisions of the OT., the most recent information is to be
found in Wellhausen's edition of Bleek's Eitileitung, 187S, p. 563 ff.; 1886,
p. 523 ff.^ See also the present writer's Notes on Samuel, p. xxxvi ff., with
^ In the 1878 edition of this work, parts, esp. those relating to Judges,
Samuel, and Kings, were rewritten by Wellhausen ; the 1886 edition,
except p. 523 fif., is a reprint of Bleek's work (which the editor — see p. v. —
still regards as a useful introduction to the critical study of the OT.), Well-
hausen's contributions to the previous edition being now incorporated in his
Composition des Hexateuehs, u.s.w.
xxiii
xxiv ADDENDA.
the references. Much information, especially bibliographical, for which no
space could be found in the present volume, is also contained in Dr. C. H.
H. Wright's Introduction to the Old Testament, published in the "Theo-
logical Lducator" (ed. 2, 1 891). And C. A. Briggs' Biblical Study, its
principles, methods, and history, together with a Catalogue of books of reference
(ed. 3, 1891^ will be found a comprehensive and valuable guide to the subject
with which it deals.
P. 9, 1. I ; p. 12, lines 9, 10. To obviate misunderstanding, it should have
been stated explicitly that it is the absolute use of " Elohim " (God) which
is here referred to as characteristic of P and (largely) of E. The term, as
qualified by a genitive, or possessive pronoun (^.^. "God of Israel," "thy
God," "your God"), is used quite freely by J ; the personal name, Jehovah,
—or rather, as it should strictly be represented in English, Yahwe,— as is well
known, not admitting of being so qualified.
Pp. 14-17. See also B. W. Bacon, "Notes on the Analysis of Gen.
32 — 50," in Hebruica, July 1S91.
P. 20, add : B. W. Bacon in \.\\eJourn. of Bibl. Lit. 1 890, p. 161 ff.
P. 105, 1. 2 from bottom. D''D33, riclies, in 22, 8 is a word found other-
wise only in the latest parts of the OT. (Eccl. 5, 18. 6, 2. 2 Ch. i,
II. 12), and in Aram. (Ezr. 6, 8. 7, 26 : also in the Targums, and in Syriac).
P. 151, add (chiefly on the text of Judges): K. Budde, in the Theol.
Literaturzeittmg, 1884, col. 211-16.
Pp. 151, 162, add: K. Budde, Die Biicher Richtcr nnd Samuel, ihre
Quellcn und ihr Aufbau, 1890 (a reprint of the essays here referred to,
together with additional matter, completing the author's critical analysis of
these two Books), with Kittel's critique in the Stud. n. Krit. 1892, pp. 44-71.
P. 182, 1. 4 ff. The passage, as restored with closer adhesion to the existing
Hebrew text, may be seen also in Cheyne's Origin and Religious Contents of
the Psalter (1891), pp. 193, 212. The contrast between the ancient poetic
fragment and the noble, but much later prayer, couched in a flowing Deutero-
nomic style, with which the compiler of the Book of Kings has united it, is
very noticeable.
P. 194. The translation of Delitzsch's Jesaia referred to is that of the
fourth edition, published by T. & T. Clark. The translation published by
riodder & Stoughton is from the third edition, and does not contain the
alterations and additions introduced by the author into his fourth edition. —
See also Cheyne's article, " Isaiah," in the Encyclopedia Britamiica (1881) ;
and "Critical Problems of the second part of Isaiah" in \\\iije^vish Qua7-terly
Review, July and Oct. 1891.
P. 19s, 1. 4: translated (T. & T. Clark, 1891). Of Schultz's compre-
hensive work, mentioned in 1. 6, a translation is also announced as in prepara-
tion. Add : Ed. Riehm, Alttestametitliche Theologie, 1890.
P. 301. "lob 1U'X2 Jon. I, 8 was not cited, as the clause "for whose
cause this evil is upon us" is omitted in codd. B S of LXX, and is regarded
by some modern scholars as a gloss explanatory of '^'(j7^'2 in v. "]. If it be
genuine, it materially strengthens the argument of p. 301 (see p. 445, «.).
P- 337> add : A. F. Kirkpatrick, The Piatms (Book i.), in the Cambridge
Bible for Schools (1891). The appearance, as I am revising these Addenda,
ADDENDA. XXV
of Prof. Cheyne's " Bampton Lectures " on the Psalms, makes me regret that
1 had not the advantage of having his volume before me while writing
chapter vii. At the same time, I hope that what I have there said may not
be deemed unsuitable as an "introduction" to the more complete discussion
of the problems presented by the Book of Psalms. (Cf. further Montefiore,
"Mystic Passages in the Psalms," in i\ie Jewish Quart. Rev. 18S9, p. 143 ff.,
and his review of the last-named work, ib. Oct. 1891.)
P. 341, 1. 9 from bottom, add : Ps. 92, 10. 93, 3. 94, 3. 1 13, I ; cf. 67, 4. 6.
P. 351, bottom. It is observable that the verb Vi^l (whence nS3D "pre-
centor" — only in the titles to Psalms, and Hab. 3, 19 — is derived) is used
otherwise only by the Chronicler — most often in the general sense of preside
over, superintend {\ Chr. 23, 4. 2 Chr. 2, 2. 18 [H. I. 17]. 34, 12. 13. Ezr. 3,
8. 9t), once with special reference to music, to lead (i Chr. 15, 21 f). It is
remarkable, if the word had been in use earlier, that it should not have
occurred, at least in its more general sense, in pre-exilic writings ; but in
2 Chr. 2, 2^. 1 8b [Heb. i^. 17b] jt jg substituted for the older word mi used
in I Ki. 5, 16 [Heb. 30]. See more fully the writer's note in Prof. Sanday's
Oracles of God, ed. 2, p. 146 ff.
P, 383. The Proverbs of Jesus the son of Sirach (Ecclesiasticus), written
c. 200 B.C., de-crve to be compared with the canonical- book of Proverbs:
cf. Cheyne, Job and Solomon, p. 179 ff. ; Montefiore, Jeivish Quart. Rev.
1 890, p. 449 ff.
P. 385, add: A. Dilimann, " Textkritisches zum Buche Ijob" in the
Sitzungsberichte der Kon.-Preiiss. Akad. der IViss. 1890, p. 1345 ff. [an
elaborate criticism of Dr. Hatch's Essay].
P. 437, n. 4. So also Dr. W. Wright, Arab. Gr. i. § 233, Rem. c, who
S' I
compares 'i S\) a deep investigator.
P. 447, n. 1. 2. The Rabbinical quotations from Ben-Sira have been
re-edited, with greater completeness, by S. Schechter in the Jezvish Quarterly
Review, July 1891. See also the gleanings by Ad. Neubauer, ib. Oct.
1891, p. 163 f. Against the opinion that Greek influences are traceable in
Ecclesiastes, see esp. P. Menzel, Der Griechische Einjluss auf Prediger und
IVeisheit Salomos (18S9).
P. 449, add : B. Jacob, " Das Buch Esther bei den LXX," ZATIV. 1890,
p. 241 (L
P. 458, add : A. Bludau, De Alex. luterpr. Libri Dan. indole critica
et hermencutica, 1 89 1.
P. 461. The "abomination of desolation" of i Mace, i, 54. 59, as seems
clear from the terms used, was a small heathen altar : of the expression
DDb^ )'*1i3ti' in Dan. 12, 11 (cf. 9, 27. 11, 31), a not improbable explanation
has been suggested by E. Nestle, ZATIV. 1884, p. 248 (see also Cheyne,
Origin of the Psalter, p. 105).
Pp. 468, note, 469, 479, note. Since the first edition of this work was
published, the writer has learnt, on high Assyriological authority, that
contract-tablets exist, bearing date continuously from the reign of Nabonidus
£0 that of Cyrus, showing that neither Belshazzar nor Darius the Mede
*
xxvi ADDENDA.
(supposing the latter to be an historical person") could have received the title
of ki7ig. (Comp. Sayce in the Expository Times, Dec. 1891.) The tablets
in question have been published by Dr. Strassmaier, and will be translated
before long.
P. 483. It may interest the philological student to know that the pron.
S (Dan. Ezr.) occurs in the Corp. hiscr. San. ii. i, No. 145 B ; isn (Ezr.)
ib. Nos. 137 B (as a stijix), 145 B, 149 A : Ipn il'. Nos. 137 A, B, appears to
be a variant of l^X (Dan.). The inscriptions quoted are all from Egypt.
P. 498 f. In view of the style of the additions in Chronicles, Mr. Girdle-
stone's theory of their origin {Fo20idatio7is of the Bible, pp. 31, 32, 34, 119,
120) will be seen to be an ill-considered one.
P. 503, No. 4, 1. I. An approximation to the weaker sense occurs in
I Ki. 12, 32. 15, 4 — both belonging, probably, to the compiler of Kings.
P. 505, No. 30. Add: I 12, 23. 29, I. II 28, 9.
P, 505, No. 36. Add : I 29, 8 (unless this be an isolated example, analogous
to the Arabic idiom, i^ jj»^l, Ewald, ^aww. arab. ii. p. 242 f,).
ABBREVIATIONS.
A'.^T'. =(Eb. Schrader) Die Keilinschriften und das AT., — translated
under the title The Cnneiforvi Inscriptions and the Old Testammt, London
1885, 1S8S (the standard work on the subject).
OTJC. = (W. R. Smith) The Old Testament in thejavish Church.
QPB'^. — Qiieen^s Printers' Bible (otherwise called the Vario7-um Bible'),
ed. 3, 1889, published by Eyre & Spoltiswoode : — the OT. edited by the
present writer and Prof. T. K. Cheyne.
RV. = Revised Version of the Old Testatnetit (1885).
ZATW. = Zeitschrift fiir die Alttestamenlliche Wissenschaft, edited by B.
Stade.
ZDMG. — Zeitschrift der Dentschen Morgenldndischen Gesellschaft.
Z,KWL. = Zeitschrift fiir Jdrcliliche Wissenschaft und kirchliches Lcben.
The symbol P is explained on p. 9 ; J, E, and JE on p. 12 ; H on p. 45 ;
D^ on p. 97.
The citations of Biblical passages are accommodated throughout to the
English version, except sometimes where the reference is more particularly
to a Hebrew term. (As is well known, the division of chapters is in certain
places not the same in the Hebrew as in the English Bible ; and the title to
a Psalm, where it consists of more than two words, is reckoned generally in
the Hebrew &sv. i.)
The dagger (t), attached to a list of passages, indicates that it includes all
instances of the word or phrase referred to, occurring in the OT.
INTRODUCTION.
THE ORIGIN OF THE BOOKS OF THE OLD TESTAMENT, AND
THE GRO WTH OF THE CANON, ACCORDING TO THE /E WS.
It is sometimes supposed that conclusions such as those
expressed in the present volume on the age and authorship
of certain parts of the Old Testament are in conflict with trust-
worthy historical statements derived from ancient Jewish sources.
This, however, is not the case. On the authorship of the
Books of the OT., as on the completion of the Canon of the
OT., the Jews possess no tradition worthy of real credence or
regard, but only vague and uncertain reminiscences, intermingled
often with idle speculations.
Of the steps by which the Canon of the Old Testament was
formed, little definite is known.^ It is, however, highly probable
that the tripartite division of the books, current from antiquity
among the Jews, has an historical basis, and corresponds to
three stages in the process ; and it has accordingly been adopted
in the present volume. It ought only to be stated that, though
the books belonging to one division are never (by the Jews)
transferred to another, in the case of the Prophets and the
" Kethubim " (Hagiographa), certain differences of arrangement
have sometimes prevailed. In the Talmud {Bdba bathra 14^)
the arrangement of the " Latter" Prophets is Jer, Ez. Is. the XII;
and this order is commonly observed in German and French
■^ For further information on the subject of the following pages, the reader
is referred to the learned and elaborate article by Strack, " Kanon des Alten
Testaments," in Y{&xzo^% Encycl. (ed. 2) vol. vii. (1880). See also Dillmann,
" Ueber die Bildung u. Sammlung heiliger Schriften des AT.," in the
Jahrb. f. Deutsche Theol. 1S58, pp. 419-91 ; and Jul. Fiirst, Der Ka^ion des
AT. nach den Ueberliefertingen im Talmud u. Midi-ash (1868). The most
recent work on the subject is G. Wildeboer, Die Enistekitng des A litest. Kanoiis,
1891. SeealsoF. Buhl, Aa;w« ?<. TextdesAT.s, 1891 (transl.: T. &T. Clark).
XXViil GROWTH OF THE CANON
MSS. The Massoretic scholars (7-9 cent.) placed Isaiah first ;
and the order sanctioned by them is adopted in the ancient
MS., now at St. Petersburg, and bearing a date = a.d. 916, in
Spanish MSS., and in the printed editions of the Hebrew Bible.
The Talmudic arrangement of the Hagiographa is Ruth, Ps. Job,
Prov. Eccl. Song, Lam. Dan. Est. Ezra,^ Chr. ; and this order is
found in I\ISS. ; the Massorites, followed (as a rule) by Spanish
MSS., adopted the order Chr. Ps. Job, Prov. Ruth, Song, Eccl.
Lam. Est. Dan. Ezr. : German MSS. have generally the order
followed in printed editions of the Hebrew Bible (and in the
present volume), Ps. Prov. Job, the 5 Megilloth^^ Dan. Ezr. Chr.
Other variations in the arrangement of the Hagiographa are also
to be found in MSS. The following are the earliest and principal
passages bearing on the subject : —
T. The Proverbs of Jesus, the son of Sirach {c. 200 B.C.), were
translated into Greek by the grandson of the author, c. 130 B.C.,
who prefixed to them a preface, in which he speaks of "the
law and the prophets, and the others, who followed upon them "
(koI TciJv oAAcuv Twv KO.T avTOvs r]KoXov6r]Kor(x)v), to the Study of
whose writings his grandfather had devoted himself, " the law
and the prophets, and the other books of our fathers {koI to.
uXXa TTtxTpia y8t'/?Ata)," " the law, the prophets, and the rest of
the books {kol to. Xoitto. twv y8t/3AtW)." This passage appears
to recognise the threefold division of the Jewish Canon, the
indefinite expression following "the prophets" representing
(presumably) the miscellaneous collection of writings known
now as the Hagiographa. In view of the fact that the tripartite
division was afterwards generally recognised by the Jews, and
that two of the names are the same, it may be taken as a
tolerably decisive indication that this division was established
c. 130 B.C., if not in the days of the translator's grandfather him-
self. It does not, however, show that the Hagiographa was
already completed, as we now have it ; it would be entirely con-
sistent with the terms used, for instance, if particular books, as
Esther, or Daniel, or Ecclesiastes, were only added to the collec-
tion subsequently
2 The 2nd Book of Maccabees opens with two letters (i, 1—2,
1 Including "Nehemiah" (p. 484).
* In the order in which they are read in the synagogue (p. 409), viz. Song,
Ruth, Lam. Eccl. Est.
ACCORDING TO THE JEWS. xxix
1 8), purporting to have been sent by the Palestinian Jews in
B.C. 144 to their brethren in Egypt. The second of these letters,
after the mention of certain apocryphal anecdotes connected with
Jeremiah and Nehemiah, continues as follows : —
" The same things were also reported in the public archives and in the
records relating to Nehemiah ; and how, founding a library, he gathered
together the things concerning the kings and prophets, and the (writings) of
David, and letters of kings about sacred gifts. ^ And in like manner Judas
also gathered together for us all those writings that had been scattered (ri
tia.Ti'jrTuiKiTa.) by reason of the war that we had ; and they remain with us.
If, therefore, ye have need thereof, send some to fetch them unto you "
(2, 13-15)-
These letters, whether they were prefixed to what follows by
the author of the rest of the book, or by a later hand, are allowed
on all hands to be spurious and full of untrustworthy matter ; ^
and the source referred to in the extract just cited — probably
some pseudepigraphic writing — is in particular discredited by
the legendary character of the other statements for which it is
quoted as an authority. The passage may, however, contain
an indistinct reminiscence of an early stage in the formation of
a canon, — " the things relating to the kings and prophets "
being a general designation of the writings (or some of them),
now known as the "Former" and "Latter" Prophets, to. tov
AauetS being some part of the Psalter, and the " letters of kings
respecting offerings " being (possibly) documents, such as those
excerpted in the Book of Ezra, respecting edicts issued by the
Persian kings in favour of the Temple. But even though the
statement be accepted as historical, manifestly the greater part
of the Hagiographa would not be included in Nehemiah's collec-
tion. And from the expression " founding a library" it would
naturally be inferred that Nehemiah's aim was the collection and
preservation of ancient national literature generally, rather than
the determination, or selection, of such books as deserved the
authority which we now express by the term "canonical." The
utmost that follows from the passage is that, according to the
■* i^nyouvTo oi kki iv Tali ava.'ypa(pa7s Kit) |y <ro7; uTof/t.vnfia.TKriJi.oT'i ToTf xara <ro»
tiiiftiocv TO, aira, xcci us xaTocfiakXofiivos fiifiKio^wriv iwiffuvnyayi ra -ripi Tuit
^a(riXiuy xai Ti)o(pyiTuy xai Ta tov Aaft/o xaJ icriffToXas (iaciXiuv Tipi avccfrificcTuv,
* TAe Speaker's Comvi. on the Apocrypha, ii. p. 541 ; cf. Schiirer, Gesch.
des J'lid, Volkes iin Zeilaller /esu Christi, ii. p. 741.
XXX GROWTH OF THE CANON
unknown author of the documents quoted, the books (or some of
them) now constituting the second division of the Canon (the
"Prophets"), and certain writings attributed to David, were
collected together under Nehemiah, and that they formed part
of a larger collection founded by him. But the origin of the
statement is too uncertain, and its terms are too indefinite, for
any far-reaching conclusion to be founded upon it.
3. The Fourth Book of Ezra. In this apocryphal book, written,
as is generally agreed, towards the close of the ist cent. a.d.,i
Ezra, shortly before his death, is represented as lamenting to
God that the Law is burnt, and as craving from Him the ability
to re-write it, in order that after his decease men may not be left
destitute of Divine instruction — " But if I have found grace in
Thy sight, send the Holy Ghost into me, and I shall write all
that hath been done in the world since the beginning, even the
things which were written in Thy law, that men may find Thy
path, and that they which will live in the latter days may live "
(14, 21 f). God grants Ezra's request: he prepares writing
materials and five skilled scribes ; the next day he hears a voice
saying to him, " Ezra, open thy mouth, and drink that I give
thee to drink " [cf. Ezek. i, 3], after which we read : —
"Then opened I my mouth, and, behold, He reached me a full cup, which
was full, as it were, with water, but the colour of it was like fire. And I
took it and drank : and when I had drunk of it, my heart uttered under-
Standing, and wisdom grew in my heart, for my spirit strengthened my
memor)- ; and my mouth was opened, and shut no more. The Highest gave
understanding unto the five men, and they wrote by course the things that
were told them, in characters which they knew not,- and they sat forty days ;
they wrote in the daytime, and at night they ate bread. As for me, I spake
in the day, and by night I held not my tongue. In forty days they wrote
94' books. And it came to pass, when the forty days were fulfilled, that the
^ Speaker's Com?)!, on the Apocrypha, i. p. 81 ; Schiirer, ii. 656 f.
^ So the Syriac Version (the original text of 4 Ezr. is not extant) : similarly
the Ethiopic, Arabic, and Armenian (Hilgenfeld, Messias Judaorum, 1869,
pp. 260, 321, 376, 432). The allusion is to the change of character, from
the old type, known from the Siloam inscription and Phoenician inscriptions,
to the so-called "square" type, which was attributed by tradition to Ezra.
In point of fact, the transition was a gradual one, and not completed till
long after Ezra's time. See the writer's Notes on Samuel, p. ix. tf.
^ So the Syr, Eth. Arab. Arm. The Vulgate has "204." Comp. W.
R. Smith, OTJC. p. 407.
ACCORDING TO THE JEWS. xxxi
Highest spake, saying, The first that thou hast written' publish openly, that
the worthy and the unworthy may read it : but iceep the 70 last that thou
mayest deliver them only to such as be wise among the people ; for in them
is the spring of understanding, the fountain of wisdom, and the stream of
knowledge. And I did so " {ib. vv. 39-48).
The same representation is frequently alluded to by the
Fathers,^ being derived in all probability from the passage of
Ezra just quoted. The point to be observed is that it contains
no statement respecting either a completion of the Canon, or
even a collection, or redaction, of such sacred books as were
extant in Ezra's time : according to the representation of the
writer, the books were actually destroyed, and Ezra re-wrote
them by Divine inspiration. Moreover, not only did he re-write
the 24 canonical books of the Old Testament, he re-wrote 70
apocryphal books as well, which are placed upon an equal, or,
indeed {v. 46 f.), upon a higher level than the Old Testament
itself! No argument is needed for the purpose of showing that
this legend is unworthy of credit : the crudely mechanical theory
of inspiration which it implies is alone sufficient to condemn it.
Nor can it be determined with any confidence what germ of fact,
if any, underlies it. It is, however, observable that there are traces
in the passage of a twofold representation : according to one {vv.
20-32), Ezra is regarded only as the restorer of the Law; accord-
ing to the other {v. 44), he is regarded as the restorer of the
entire Old Testament (and of the 70 apocryphal books besides).
' I.e. the 24 canonical Books of the OT., according to the regular Jewish
computation (Strack, p. 434), viz. Gen. Ex. Lev. Num. Dt. Josh. Jud. Sam.
Kings, Jer. Ez. Is. the XII, Ruth, Ps. Job, Prov. Eccl. Song, Lam. Dan.
Est. Ezr. Chr.
'E.g. Iren. adv. hcer. iii. 21, 2 {ap. Euseb. 5, 8); Clem. Al. i. 21, p. 392.
See other references in Strack, p. 415. That the passage in Irenceus has no
reference to a completion of the Canon by Ezra, and is based upon no inde-
pendent source, is shown clearly by Strack, p. 415, from the context : after
speaking of the marvellous manner in which, according to the legend, the
LXX translators, working independently, agreed verbally in their results,
uirn x.at to, vitpovTOi. i^vfi yvuvici or; kut iVfTrvoiav tov Siov SiV/v iipf/.nviv/iiivai ai
ypa<pai, Irenseus continues, "Nor is there anything remarkable in God's
having thus acted ; for, after the sacred writings had been destroyed {^ia.(p6a.f-
tia-uv TMv ypaipuv) in the exile under Nebuchadnezzar, when the Jews after 70
years had returned to their own country. He, in the days of Artaxerxes,
inspired Ezra the priest, of the tribe of Levi, to rearrange (avaralair^iai) all
the words of the prophets who had gone before, and to restore {xtoxutu-
(TTijirai) to the people the legislation of Moses."
XXXll GROWTH OF THE CANON
The first of these representations agrees with a tradition recorded
elsewhere in Jewish literature, though expressed in much less
extravagant language {Succah 20^): "The Law was forgotten out
of Israel : Ezra came up [Ezr. 7, 6], and established it." ^
Whether this statement is simply based upon the phrase in Ezr.
7, 6, that Ezra was "a ready scribe in the law of Moses" (cf.
vv. II. 21), or whether it embodies an independent tradition,
may be uncertain : there exists no ground whatever for questioning
the testimony of the compiler of the Book of Ezra, which brings
Ezra into connexion with the Latv. This, no doubt, is the historical
basis of the entire representation : Ezra, the priest and scribe, was
in some way noted for his services in connexion with the Law,
the recollection of which was preserved by tradition, and (in
4 Ezr.) extended to the entire Old Testament. What these
services were, we do not certainly know : they may have been
merely directed towards promoting the observance of the law
(cf. Neh. 8-10); but the term "scribe," and the form of the
representation in 4 Ezr. (in so far as this may be supposed to
rest upon a historical foundation), would suggest that they were
of a literary character : it would not, for instance, be inconsistent
with the terms in which he is spoken of in the OT. to suppose
that the final redaction and completion of the Priests' Code, or
even of the Pentateuch generally, was his work. But the passage
supplies no historical support for the supposition that Ezra had
any part either in the collection (or editing) of the OT. books
generally, or in the completion of the OT. Canon.
4. The Talmud. Here the celebrated passage is in the Baba
bdthra 14'', which, after describing the order of the books of
the OT., as cited above, continues thus : —
" And who wrote them? Moses wrote his own book and the section con-
cerninfj Balaam,- and Job. Joshua wrote his own book and eight verses of
the Law.^ Samuel wrote his own book and Judges and Ruth. David wrote
the Book of Psalms, at the direction of ten elders, viz. Adam,® Melchizedek,*
^ Comp. Delitzsch, Z. fiir Luth. Theol. 1877, p. 446.
* Nu. 22, 2 — 25, 9. Named specially, as it seems, on account of its not
being directly connected with the subject of the law (so Rashi [nth cent.] in
his commentary on the passage).
3 Dt. 34, 5-12. * n'' h^. See p. 505, No. 34.
' The Jews ascribe Ps. 139 to Adam ! * Ps. no.
ACCORDING TO THE JEWS. xxxiii
Abraham,^ Moses, Heman, Jeduthun, Asaph, and the three sons of Korah.
Jeremiah wrote his own book and the Book of Kings and Lamentations.
Hezekiah and his college wrote Isaiah, Proverbs, the Song of Songs, and
Qoheleth (Ecclesiastes). The Men of the Great Synagogue wrote Ezekiel,
the XII (Minor Prophets), Daniel, and Esther. Ezra wrote his own book
and the genealogies of the Book of Chronicles as far as himself." ^
By the college, or company (nj;"'D), of Hezekiah, are meant,
no doubt, the literary associates of the king mentioned in Prov.
25, I. The "Great Synagogue," according to Jewish tradition,
was a permanent council, established by Ezra, which continued
to exercise authority in religious matters till about B.C. 200, But
the statements respecting it are obscure and vague : already
critics of the last century doubted whether such a permanent
body ever really existed ; and in the opinion of many modern
scholars all that is told about it is fiction, the origin of which lies
in the (historical) narrative in Neh. 8 — 10 of the convocation
which met at Jerusalem and subscribed the covenant to observe
the law.3 Into the further discussion of this question it is not
necessary for our present purpose to enter. The entire passage
is manifestly destitute of historical value. Not only is it late in
date ; it is discredited by the character of its contents themselves.
^ Ps. 89. Jewish exegesis understood (falsely) the " righteous man from
the East (niT^D) " in Is. 41, 2 of Abraham : Ps. 89 is ascribed by the title to
Ethan the Ez7-ahite (^mTXH); and upon the supposition that the word TnTN
is connected with mtO "east" in Is. 41, 2, the Jews identified Ethan with
Abraham ! Ps. 89, i Targ. : "Spoken by Abraham, who came from the
east." (There are other slightly different enumerations of the supposed
authors of Psalms : see the Midrash on Qoheleth, 7, 19, p. 105 f. of
Wunsche's translation, or on Cant. 4, 4 (substantially the same passage),
ap. Neubauer, Studia Biblica, vol. ii. p. 6 f., where Melchizedek is not named,
and Ezra is included.)
^ w ly- Supposed to mean as far as the genealogies in i Ch. 6 (which
recites Ezra's ancestors, v. 15, though not including himself). According to
another view, as far as the word I7 in 2 Ch. 21,2.
^ See J. E. Rau, Diatribe de Synagoga Magna, 1726 ; and esp. Kuenen,
" Over de Mannen der Groote Synagoge," in the Verslagen en Mededeelingen
der Kon. Akadeinie van Wetenschappen (Afdecling Letterkunde), Amsterdam
1S76, pp. 207-248; W. R. Smith, OTJC. pp. 156 f. 408 f. ; and on the
other side, J. Derenbourg, Essai stir Phistoire et la g/ograp/iie de la Palestine
dapris les TncJf/iiuls, etc. (1867), p. 29 ff.; C. H. H. Wright, Ecclesiastes,
pp. 5 ff. , 475 ff. Comp. also C. Taylor, Sayings of the Jewish Fathers
(the Mishnic treatise ni3X \"51D), 1877, p. 124 f.
XX.XIV GROWTH OF THE CANON
What are we to think of the statement respecting the authorship
of the Psalms? What opinion can we form of the judgment ot
men who argue that because a person (Melchizedek) happens to
be mentioned in a particular poem, he was therefore in some way
connected personally with its composition ? ^ or of the reasoning
by which Abraham is brought into relation with Ps. 89 ? More-
over, the word " wrote " ^ (303) must plainly bear the same
meaning throughout ; what sense then is to be attached to the
statements about the college of Hezekiah and the Men of the
Great Synagogue ? In what sense can it be said that they
"wrote" different books of the Old Testament? The fact of so
much of the passage being thus unworthy of regard, discredits the
whole. It is an indication that it is not the embodiment of any
genuine or trustworthy tradition. In so far as the passage
yields an intelligible sense, it merely expresses inferences of the
most superficial order : it assigns books to prominent characters
living at, or shortly after, the times with which they deal. The
origin of the statements about the other books is uncertain. If
any book bears the impress of its author's hand, both in matter
and in arrangement, it is the Book of Ezekiel ; and yet it is said
here to have been "written" by the members of a body which
{ex hyp.) did not come into existence till a century after its
author's death. If some tradition of the manner in which the
books referred to were edited, or made generally available, for
popular use underlies these statements, its character and source
are far too doubtful for any weight to be attached to it, where it
' It is right, however, to mention that, according to some scholars (see
Wright, I.e. p. 453 ; Dahiian, Der Gottesname Adonaj, 1889, p. 79), i"!'' PJ?
means here on behalf of ; but even so, it will still be implied that the persons
named were in some sense the inspirers of the Psalms in question : for the
Jewish view, absurd as it may seem to be, is that the Psalms were composed
(lit. "spoken") by ten authors (□''^nn "IDD 'nJ^^^ mx ''J^ mC'y), though
in some undefined way David gave form to their words (see the passages
cited on p. xxxiii, note, and elsewhere).
- Not "arranged," or "edited," or even "inserted in the Canon." Rashi's
explanation (Strack, p. 418; Wright, p. 455 f.) is anything but satisfactory.
The supposition that the term means " wrote down " or " reduced to writing
what had previously been transmitted orally " is not probable, considering
the nature of the books referred to ; such a sense might be suitable in con-
nexion with a body of law, or a system of traditional exegesis, perpetuated in
a school, but hardly, for instance, with reference to a volume of prophecies.
ACCORDING TO THE JEWS. XXXV
conflicts with the irrefragable testimony suppHed by the books
themselves respecting their authorship or date.^
For the opinion, often met with in modern books, that the
Canon of the OT. was closed by Ezra, or in Ezra's time, there is
no foundation in antiquity whatever. As has been shown above,
all that can reasonably be treated as historical in the accounts of
Ezra's literary labours is limited to the Law. The Men of the
Great Synagogue — in so far as their services to Biblical literature
may be accepted as historical — were a permanent body, which
continued to act for more than two centuries after Ezra's time.
The opinion referred to is not a tradition at all : it is a conjecture^
based no doubt upon the passages that have been just cited, but
inferring from them more than they actually express or justify.
This conjecture was first distinctly propounded in the i6th
century by Ehas Levita, a learned Jew, the author of a work on
the origin and nature of the Massorah, entitled Massoreth ha-
Massoreth, written in 1538.^ The reputation of Elias Levita
caused this opinion to be adopted by the Protestant divines of
the 17th and i8th centuries, Hottinger, Leusden, Carpzov, &c. ;
and it has thus acquired general currency. But it is destitute
of historical foundation ; and the authority of Ezra cannot, any
more than that of the Great Synagogue, be invoked against the
conclusions of critical investigation. The Canon of the Old
Testament, in Loescher's words (quoted by Strack, p. 424), was
" non uno, quod dicunt, actu ab hominibus, sed paulatim a Deo,
animorum temporumque rectore, productus." The age and
authorship of the books of the Old Testament can be determined
(so far as this is possible) only upon the basis of the internal
evidence supplied by the books themselves, by methods such as
those followed in the present volume : no external evidence
worthy of credit exists.
^ It should never be forgotten that, with regard especially to antiquity, the
Talmud and other late Jewish writings abound with idle conjectures and
unauthenticated statements.
" Edited, with an English translation and notes, by C. D. Ginsburg,
London 1867. See p. 120 : "In Ezra's time the 24 books of the OT, were
not yet united in a single volume ; Ezra and his associates united them
together, and divided them into three parts, the Law, the Prophets, and the
Hagiographa. " See further, Strack, p. 416.
AN INTRODUCTION
TO THE
LITERATURE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
CHAPTER I.
• THE HEXATEUCH.
(Pentateuch and Joshua.)
Literature.' — a. Commentaries: — F. Delitzsch, A'euer Covimentar iiber die
Genesis, 1887 (translated : T. & T. Clark) ; A. Dillmann (in the Kiirzge-
fasstes Exegetisches Handbtuh zum AT.), Die Genesis {tA. 3), 1886 ; Ex. tind
Lev. 1880; Numeri Deiit. und Josua, 1886 (based on the original commen-
taries of A. Knobel in the same series, but largely or entirely re-written) ;
C. F. Keil (in the Bihlischer Coininentar iiber das AT., edited by himself
and Delitzsch), Geii. und Ex, (ed. 3) 1878 ; Lev. Num. und Deut. (ed. 2)
\?,-lO ; Josua, Richter und Ruth (ed. 2), 1874; M. Kalisch, Historical and
Critical Commentary on the OT., viz. Ge^ieds, 1858; Exodus, 1S55 ;
I^eviticus, 1867, 1872 (with much illustration from Jewish sources).
b. Criticism : — II. Hupfeld, Die Quellen der Genesis, 1853 ; H. Ewald,
History of Israel (td. 3, l864ff. : translated, Longmans, 1869 ff.), i. pp.
63-132; K. H. Graf, Die geschichtlichen BUcher des AT.s, 1866; Th.
Noldeke, Die Alttcstamcntliche Literatur, 1868; Untersuchungen ztir K'ritik
des AT.s, 1S69 (on the limits and characteristics of the document now
generally styled P) ; J. Wellhausen, Die Composition des Hexateuchs in the
Jahrbiicher fiir Deutsche Theologie, xxi. (1876) pp. 392-450 (on Genesis) ;
531-602 (on the narrative of Ex. — Josh.) ; xxii. (1877) pp. 407-479 (on the
laws in Ex. — Dt.) [reprinted I. in Skizzen und Vorarbeiten, ii. (1885) ; 2. (to-
gether with matter contributed by the same writer to his edition of Bleek's
Einleitimg published in 1878, on the structure of Judges, Samuel, and
Kings) in Die Coinposition des Hexateuchs und der historischen BUcher des
AT.s (1889)]; J. Wellhausen, Geschichte Israels, i. (1878), reprinted (sub-
stantially unaltered, but with improvements in detail) under the title Prole-
gomena zur Geschichte Israels (1S83 : ed. 3, 1886), and translated under the title
History 0/ Israel [P^. & C. Black), 1S85 ; Ed. Reuss, La Bible (translation
^ Only the more important works can be named. The older literature,
which has been largely superseded by more recent works, is of necessity
omitted altogether,
A
2 IJTERATURE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
with notes and Introductions), vol. i. 1879, PP- I-271 ; F. Delitzsch, 12 P€7it.-
kritische Stiidien in the Zci/sckr. fiir KircJil. Wissenschaft ii. Kirchl. Lebcn,
1880, and Urmosdisches im Pent., ib. 1882, p. Ii3ff. (on Nu. 6, 22-7), p. 226 ff.
(Nu. 10, 33-36), p. 281 ff. (the Decalogue), p. 337 ff. (Nu. 21, 14 f.), p. 449 ff.
(Nu. 21, 17 f.), p. 561 ff. (Nu. 21, 27-30) ; albo/^. 1S88, p. 119 ff. (Balaam) ; A.
Kuenen, Bijdragen lot de critiek van Pent, enjosna in the Thecl. Tijdschrift
xi.-xviii. (1877-84) [see the titles in Wellh. Comp. p. 312]; \V. R. Smith,
TJie OT. in the Jewish Chmrh (1881), esp. Lectures viii.-xii. ; W. H. Green,
A/oses and the Prophets (New York), 1883 ; The Hebrew Feasts in their rela-
tion to recent critical hypotheses concerning the Pentateuch (London), 1886;
David Castelli, La Legge del Popolo Ebreo nel sno svolgimento storico, 1S84 (a
well-written semi-popular exposition of the growth of Hebrew law, substan-
tially from Wellhausen's point of view) ; R. Kittel, Geschichte der Hebriicr, i.
(Quellenkunde u. Geschichte der Zeit bis zum Tode Josuas [follows Dillmann
largely]), 1S88; Prof. W. R. Harper in the American journal Hebraica
(New Haven, Conn.), i. Oct. 1888, pp. 18-73 [on Gen. i — 12, 5] ; ii. July 1889,
pp. 243-291 [Gen. 12, 6 — 37, i] ; iii. Oct. 1SS9, pp. 1-48 [Gen. 37, 2— Ex. 12,
51], with Prof. Green's criticism on No. i. , ib. Jan. — Apr. 1S89, p. 137 ff.,
on No. ii., Jan. — Mar. 1S90, p. 109 ff., on No. iii., Apr. p. 161 ff. ; the
commentaries of Delitzsch [pp. 1-38 on the Hexateuch generally] and
Dillmann, mentioned above; and the following "Introductions": Eb.
Schrader's edition (the 8th) of De Wette's Einleitung, 1869 ; Keil's Ein-
leitung, 1873; Ed. Reuss, Die Geschichte der Heiligen Schriften AT.s, 1881 ;
A. Kuenen, Hist.-crit. Onderzoek naar het Ontstaan en de Verzameling van
de Boeken des Ouden Verbonds (ed. 2), i. i, 1885 (translated under the title
The Hexateuch, Macmillan, 18S6) ; E. C. Bissell, The Pentateuch, its origin
and structure, 1S85 ; Ed. Riehm, Einleitung in das AT. (published post-
humously) i. (1889).
Books or articles dealing with special parts of the Hexateuch will be re-
ferred to as occa'-ion arises. Of the works named, the most important (even
for those who but partially accept its conclusions) is Wellhausen's essay On
the Composition of the Hexateuch, partly on account of its lucid exposition of
the subject, and partly on account of its forming the basis of all subsequent
investigation and discussion. Next in importance come the writings of Dill-
mann, Delitzsch, and Kuenen. In Dillmann's commentaries, especially,
details and references will usually be found, for which it has been impos-
sible to find place in the present volume. Kittel's book contains a useful
synopsis and comparison of different views. The style and characteristics
of the various sources of which the Hexateuch is composed are most abund-
antly illustrated in the papers (so far as they at present [May 1890] reach)
of Prof. Harper. The chief question in dispute among critics concerns,
not the limits of the several sources, but their relative dates (see below, § 7).
Keil, Green, and Bissell represent the traditional view of the origin and
structure of the Hexateuch. The reason why this cannot be maintained is,
.stated briefly, the presence in the Hexateuch (and in other parts of the Old
Testament) of too many facts which conflict with it.
The historical books of the Old Testament form two series \
THE IIEXATEUCIT. 3
one, consisting of the books from Genesis to 2 Kings/ embracing
the period from the creation to the release of Jehoiachin from his
imprisonment in Babylon, B.C. 562, the other, comprising the
Books of Chronicles, Ezra, and Nehemiah, beginning with Adam
and ending with the second visit of Nehemiah to Jerusalem in
B.C. 432.^ Though differing from each other materially in scope
and manner of treatment, these two series are nevertheless both
constructed upon a similar plan ; no entire book in either series
consists of a single, original work ; but older writings, or sources,
have been combined by a compiler in such a manner that the
points of juncture are often plainly discernible, and the sources
are in consequence capable of being separated from one another.
The authors of the Hebrew historical books — except the shortest,
as Ruth and Esther — do not, as a modern historian would do,
re-write the matter in their own language ; they excerpt from the
sources at their disposal such passages as are suitable to their
purpose, and incorporate them in their work, sometimes adding
matter of their own, but often (as it seems) introducing only such
modifications of form as are necessary for the purpose of fitting
them together, or accommodating them to their plan. The
Hebrew historiographer, as we know him, is essentially a compiler
or arranger of pre-existing documents, he is not himself an
original author. Hebrew writers, however, exhibit, as a rule,
such strongly marked individualities of style that the documents,
or sources, thus combined can generally be distinguished from
each other, and from the comments of the compiler, without
difficulty. The literary differences are, moreover, frequently
accompanied by differences of treatment or representation of the
history, which, where they exist, confirm independently the
conclusions of the literary analysis. Although, however, the
historical books generally are constructed upon similar principles,
the method on which these principles have been applied is not
(juite the same in all cases. The Books of Judges and Kings, for
instance, resemble each other in their mode of composition : in
each a series of older narratives has been taken by the compiler,
and fitted into a framework supplied by himself, the framework
in both cases being, moreover, composed of similar elements and
^ Exclusive of Ruth, wliich, at least in the Hebrew Canon, is treated as
part of the D'"2in3 or Hagiographa.
* Though the genealogies are brought down to a later date.
4 LITERATURE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
designed from the same point of view. The Books of Samuel
are likewise constructed from pre-existing sources, but the com-
piler's hand is very much less conspicuous than is the case in
Judges and Kings. The Pentateuch includes elements homo-
geneous, at least in large measure, with those of which the Book
of Joshua is composed ; and the literary structure of both is more
complex than that of either Samuel, or Judges and Kings. It
will be our aim, in the following pages, to exhibit the structure
of these different books by discovering, so far as this is possible,
their component parts, and determining the relation which these
parts hold m regard to each other.
* § I. Genesis.
The Book of Genesis is so called from the title given to it in
the Septuagint Version, derived from the Greek rendering of 2, 4"
avTT] rj ^t/3Ao? yevecretos ovpavov kol yrj<;. By the Jews it is
termed, from its opening word, n''p'X7i3 B'reshlth. It forms the
first book in the Hexateiich^ — as the literary whole formed by the
Pentateuch and Book of Joshua may conveniently be termed, —
the general object of which is to describe in their origin the
fundamental institutions of the Israelitish Theocracy {i.e. the civil
and ceremonial law), and to trace from the earliest past the course
of events which issued ultimately in the establishment of Israel
in Canaan. The Book of Genesis comprises the introductory
period of this history, embracing the lives of the ancestors of
the Hebrew nation, and ending vvith the death of Joseph in
Egypt. The aim of the book is, however, more than merely to
recount the ancestry of Israel itself ; its aim is, at the same
time, to define the place occupied by Israel among other nations,
and to show how it gradually emerges into separate and distinct
existence. Accordingly the line of its ancestors is traced back
beyond Abraham to the first appearance of man upon the earth ;
and the relation, both to each other and to Israel, of the nations
descended from the second father of humanity — Noah — is
indicated by a genealogical scheme (c. 10). I'he entire book
may thus be divided into two parts, of which the first, c. i — 11,
presents a general view of the Early History of Mankind.,
explaining the presence of evil in the world (c. 3), sketching
GENESIS. 5
the beginnings of civilisation (c. 4), accounting for the existence
of separate nations (c. 10 ; 1 1, 1-9), and determining the position
occupied by Israel among them (10, i. 21-22; 11, 10-26);
while the second, c. 12 — 50, comprehends in particular the
History of Israel's immediate ancestors, the Patriarchs.
The narrative of Genesis is cast into a framework, or scheme,
marked by the recurring formula, Tliese are the generations
(lit, begettings) of . . . This phrase is strictly one proper to
genealogies, implying that the person to whose name it is pre-
fixed is of sufficient importance to mark a break in the genea-
logical series, and that he and his descendants will form the
subject of the record which follows, until another name is
reached prominent enough to form the commencement of a new
section. By this means the Book of Genesis is articulated as
follows : —
C. I— 4I (Creation of heaven and earth, 5, I — 2, 4*: second account of
the origin of man upon earth, followed by the story of the Fall,
2, 4"^ — 3, 24 ; growth of sin in the line of Cain, and progress of inven-
tion, 4, 1-24 ; beginning of the line of Seth's descendants, 4, 25 f.).
5, 1—6, 8 [Adam and his descendants, through Seth, to Noah, c. 5 ;
the increasing wickedness of the earth, 6, 1-8).
6, 9 — 9, 29 (History of Noak and his sons till their father's death,
including, in particular, the narrative of the Flood, 6, 9—8, 22 ; and
the new covenant made by God with humanity in the person of Noah,
9. I-I7)-
10, I — II, 9 [Sons of Noak and nations sprung from them, c. 10; the
dispersion of mankind over the earth, II, I-9).
11, 10-26 (Line of S/iem to Terah, the father of Abraham).
EI, 27 — 25, n {Terah, with the history of his descendants, Abram and
Lot, ending with the death of Abram).
25, 12-1S {Ishmael, with list of Arab tribes claiming descent from him).
25, 19 — 35, 29 (Life of Isaac, with history of Esau and Jacob, until the
time of Isaac's death).
^ The formula is here applied meiapliorically la "heaven and earth," and
stands at 2, 4*. By analogy it v/ill introduce an account of heaven and
earth, and of that which sprang from either, or could be regarded as its
jirogeny. This agrees with what is narrated in c. i, but not with what
follows in 2, 4'' ff. (for the narrative here is silent respecting the /learvrrs, the
subject being the formation of man, and the preparation of the earth to
receive him). The formula must here, therefore, contrary to usual custom,
refer to what precedes. It is a plausible conjecture that originally it stood
as the superscription to i, i. (Dr. Green, Hehraica, v. 143-5, omits to
observe that the formula introduces some account o'i the person himsdfxvixae.&.
in it, as well as of his descendants.)
6 LITERATURE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
C. 36 [see zn.'. i. 9] {Esau and his descendants, the rulers of the Edomites,
with a digression, vv. 20-30, on the aboriginal inhabitants of Edom).
C. 37 [see t'. 2] — 50 (Life oi Jacob subsequently to Isaac's death, and
history of his sons till the death of Joseph).^
With which of the component parts of Genesis this scheme
was originally connected, will appear subsequently. The entire
narrative, as now disposed, is accommodated to it. The atten-
tion of the reader is fixed upon Israel, which is gradually dis-
engaged from the nations with which it is at first confused ; at
each stage in the history, a brief general account of the collateral
branches having been given, they are dismissed, and the narrative
is limited more and more to the immediate line of Israel's
ancestors. Thus after c. 10 (the ethnographical Table) all the
descendants of Noah disappear except the line of Shem,
II, 10 if.; after 25, 12-18 Ishmael disappears and Isaac
alone remains ; after c. 36 Esau and his descendants disappear,
and only Jacob is left. The same method is adopted in the
intermediate parts : thus 19, 30-38 the relation to Israel of the
collateral branches of Moab and Ammon is explained: 22, 20-24
(sons of Abraham's brother Nahor), and 25, 1-4 (sons of
Abraham's concubine Keturah), the relation to Israel of certain
Aramaic and Arabian tribes is explained.
The unity of plan thus established for the Book of Genesis,
and traceable in many other details, has long been recognised
by critics. It is not, however, incompatible with the use by
the compiler of pre - existing materials in the composition of
his work. And as soon as the book is studied with sufficient
attention, phenomena disclose themselves which show incon-
trovertibly that it is composed of distinct documents or sources,
which have been welded together by a later compiler or redactor
into a continuous whole. These phenomena are very numer-
ous ; but they may be reduced in the main to the two following
heads : (i) the same event is doubly recorded ; (2) the language,
and frequently the representation as well, varies in different
sections. Thus i, i — 2, 4^ and 2, 4^-25 contain a double
narrative of the origin of man upon earth. It might, no doubt,
^ The formula occurs next Nu. 3, i : see also Ru. 4, 18 ; i Ch. i, 29+
(from Gen. 25, 12). The close of one section is sometimes repeated so as to
form the starling-point of the section which follows : cf. Gen. l, 27 f. with
5. I f- ; S> 32 with 6, 10; n, 27 with v. 26.
GENESIS. 7
be argued prima facie that 2, 4^' ff. is intended simply as a more
detailed account of what is described summarily in i, 26-30 ;
and it is true that probably the present position of this section
is due to the relation in which, speaking generally, it stands to
the narrative of those verses; but upon closer examination
differences reveal themselves which preclude the supposition
that both sections are the work of the same hand. In 2, 4*" ff.
the order of creation is: i. man (v. 7); 2. vegetation (v. 9;
cf. V. 5); 3. animals (v. 19)^; 4. woman {v. 21 f.). The
separation made between the creation of woman and man, if it
stood alone, might indeed be reasonably explained upon the
supposition just referred to, that 2, 4'' ff. viz. describes in detail
what is stated succinctly in i, 27^^; but the order in the other
cases forms part of a progression evidently intentional on the
part of the narrator here, and as evidently opposed to the order
indicated in c. i (vegetation, animals, man). Not only, how-
ever, are there these material differences between the two
narratives; they differ also in form. The style of i, i — 2, 4*
is unornate, measured, precise, and particular phrases frequently
recur. That of 2, 4*^ ff. is freer and more varied ; the actions of
God are described with some fulness and picturesqueness of
detail ; instead of simply speakifig or creating, as in c. i. He
fashions, breathes into man the breath of life, plants, places,
takes, sets, brings, closes up, builds, Sec. (2, 7. 8. 15. 19. 21, 22),
and even, in the allied c. 3 {v. 8), walhs in the garden : the
recurring phrases are less marked, and fiot the same as those of
I, I — 2, 4^ In the narrative of the Deluge, 6, 9-13 (the
wickedness of the earth) is a duplicate of 6, 5-8, as is also
7, 1-5 of 6, 18-22 — the latter, with the difference that of every
clean beast seven are to be taken into the ark, while in 6, 19
(cf. 7, 15) t2vo of every sort, without distinction, are prescribed ;
similarly 7, 22 f (destruction of all flesh) repeats the substance
of 7, 21 : there are also accompanying differences of repre-
sentation and phraseology, one group of sections being akin to
I, I — 2, 4% and displaying throughout the same phraseology,
the other exhibiting a different phraseology, and being conceived
in the spirit of 2, 4^—3, 24 (comp. e.g. 7, 16'^ shut in, 8, 21
smelled, with 2, 7. 8. 15 &c.).2 17, 16-19 '^^^ ^S, 10-14 the
' The rendering " had formed " is contrary to idiom.
- The composite character of the narrative of the Flood has been pointed
8 LITERATURE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
promise of a son to Sarah is twice described, Avith an accom-
panying double explanation of the origin of the name Isaac?-
The section 27, 46 — 28, 9 differs appreciably in style from
27, 1-45, and at the same time exhibits Rebekah as influenced
by a different motive in suggesting Jacob's departure from
Canaan, not as in 27, 42-45 to escape his brother's anger,
but to procure a wife agreeable to his parents' wishes (see
26, 34 f). Further, in 28, 19 and 35, 15 we find two explana-
tions of the origin of the name Bethel : 32, 28 and 35, 10 two
of Israel : 32, 3. 33, 16 Esau is described as already resident
in Edom, while 36, 6 f. his migration thither is attributed to
causes which could only have come into operation after Jacob's
return to Canaan. ^ The Book of Genesis presents a group of
sections distinguished from the narrative on either side of them
by differences of phraseology and style, and often by con-
comitant differences of representation : these differences, more-
over, are not isolated, nor do they occur in the narrative
indiscriminately : they are numerous, and reappear with singular
persistency iti combination with each other ; they are, in a word,
so marked that they can only be accounted for upon the sup-
position that the sections in which they occur are by a different
hand from the rest of the book.
The sections homogeneous in style and character with
I, I — 2, 4''' recur at intervals, not in Genesis only, but in the
following books to Joshua inclusive ; and when disengaged from
the rest of the narrative, and read consecutively, are found to
constitute a nearly complete whole, containing a systematic
account of the origines of Israel, treating with particular minute-
ness the various ceremonial institutions of the ancient Hebrews
(Sabbath, Circumcision, Passover, Tabernacle, Priesthood,
Feasts, &c.), and displaying a consistent regard for chrono-
logical and other statistical data, which entitles it to be con-
sidered as the framework of our present Hexateuch. This
source, or document, has received different names, suggested by
one or other of the various characteristics attaching to it.
out often ; see the art. Pentateuch, by the present Dean of Peterborough, in
the Dictionary of the Bible (ed. I, 1863), p. 776. On the phraseology see
more fully below, § 7.
^ There is a third explanation, from a third source (see below), in 21, 6.
* Keil's explanation of this discrepancy is insufficient.
GENESIS. 9
From its preference (till Ex. 6, 3) for the name God (" Elohim ")
rather than /^//c'Z'fl/^, it has been termed the Elohistic narrative,
and its author has been called the Elohist ; and these names are
still sometimes employed. By Ewald it was termed the " Book
of Origins ; " ^ by Tuch and Noldeke, from the fact that it seemed
to form the groundwork of our Hexateuch, the " Grundschrift ;"
more recently, by Wellhausen, Kuenen, and Delitzsch, it has
been styled the " Priests' Code." This last designation is in
strictness applicable only to the ceremonial sections in Ex. — Nu. ;
these, however, form such a large and characteristic portion of
the work, that the title may not unsuitably be extended so as to
embrace the whole ; and it may be represented conveniently, for
the sake of brevity, by the letter P.-
In Genesis, as regards the limits of P, there is practically no
difference of ophiion amongst critics. It embraces the descrip-
tion of the Creation of heaven and earth, and of God's rest upon
the Sabbath (i, i — 2, 4=^); the line of Adam's descendants
through Seth to Noah (5, 1-28. 30-32) ; the story of the Flood,
with the subsequent blessing of Noah, and covenant established
with him by God (6, 9-22. 7, 6. 11. i3-i6'\ 18-21. 24.8, 1-2*.
3'^~5' 13^- i4~i9- 9j i~i7' 28-29); ^^"^ enumeration of nations
descended from Japhet, Ham, and Shem (10, 1-7. 20. 22-23.
31-32); the line of Shem's descendants to Terah (11, 10-26); a
brief account of Abraham's family (11, 27. 31-32), of his migra-
tion to Canaan, and separation there from Lot (12, 4''-5. 13, 6.
11^ [from and they\-\2^ [to Flain\), of the birth of Ishmael (16,
1^ 3. 15-16), the institution of Circumcision (c. 17), the destruc-
tion of the Cities of the Plain (19, 29), the birth of Isaac {21, i^
2^-$), the purchase of the family burial-place at Machpelah in
Hebron (c. 23), the death of Abraham and his burial by his sons
at Machpelah (25, 7-1 1*^) ; a list of tribes tracing their origin to
Ishmael (25, 12-17); Isaac's marriage with Rebekah, Esau's
Hittite wives, Jacob's journey to Paddan-Aram to obtain a wife
^ Urspriinge, — Ewald's rendering of the Heb. JliTpin ("generations"),
the term (p. 5) characteristic of this source ; see his Hist, of Israel, i. 74-96.
^ Dillmann uses the letter A. Wellhausen, who supposes the " Priests'
Code " to have passed through more stages than one before it reached its
present form, denotes the nucleus of it by the letter Q. This letter is
chosen by him on account of \hQ. four (Quatuor) covenants described in it
(with Adam, i, 28-30 ; Noah, 9, 1-17 ; Abraham, c. 17 ; Israel, Ex. 6, 2 ff. )■
The first of these, however, is not strictly a covenant, but a blessing.
10 LITERATURE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
agreeable to his mother's wishes (25, 19-20. 26^ 26, 34-35.
27, 46 — 28, 9), Jacob's marriage with Rachel, his return from
Paddan-Aram to Canaan (29, 24. 29. 31, iS'^ [from and all]. 33,
iS'*), the refusal of his sons to sanction intermarriage with the
Shechemites (34, 1-2^ 4. 6. 8-10. 13-18. 20-24. 25 [partly].
27-29), his change of name to Israel at Bethel (35, 9-13. 15),
the death of Isaac (35, 22''-29) ; the history of Esau (c. 36 [in
the main]);^ the migration of Jacob and his family to Egypt, and
their settlement by Pharaoh in the land of P^ameses (37, 1-2*
to Jacob. 41, 46. 46, 6-27. 47, 5-6^'-^ 7-1 1- 27^ [from a>id
they]-2Z), Jacob's adoption of Ephraim and Manasseh (48, 3-6.
7 ?), the final charge addressed by him to his sons, and his burial
by them (49, i^ 2 8''-33. 50, 12-13).
These passages present an outline of the antecedents and patri-
archal history of Israel, in which only important occurrences —
as the Creation, the Deluge, the Covenants with Noah and
Abraham — are described with minuteness, but which is sufficient
as an introduction to the systematic view of the theocratic insti-
tutions which is to follow in Ex. — Nu., and which it is the main
object of the author of this source to exhibit. In the earlier part
of the book the narrative appears to be tolerably complete ; but
elsewhere there are evidently omissions (1?.^. of the birth of Esau
and Jacob, and of the events of Jacob's life in Paddan-Aram,
presupposed by 31, 18). But these may be naturally attributed
to the compiler who combined P with the other narrative used
by him, and who in so doing not unfrequently gave a preference
to the fuller and more picturesque descriptions contained in the
latter. If the parts assigned to P be read attentively, even in a
translation, and compared with the rest of the narrative, the
peculiarities of its style will be apparent. Its language is
1 For it is generally allowed that vv. 2-5. 9 -28 (though even here the
framework appears to be that of P) include an element foreign to P : in
particular, the names of Esau's wives differ from those given in 26, 34 f.
28, 9 (both P), and must thus have been derived, most probably by the com-
piler, from a different source.
2 As read in LXX., where, though the substance is unaltered, the sequence
is preferable: "And Jacob and his sons came into Egypt to Joseph ; and
Pharaoh, king of Egypt, heard of it. And Pharaoh spake unto Joseph,
saying, Thy father and thy brethren are come unto thee : behold, the land
of Eg}'pt is before thee ; in the best of the land make thy father and thy
brethren to dwell." Then follows v. 7.
GENESIS. II
that of a jurist, rather than a historian ; it is circumstantial,
formal, and precise: a subject is developed systematically; and
completeness of detail, even at the cost of some repetition, is
regularly observed.^ Sentences are cast with great frequency
into the same mould ; ^ and particular formulae are constantly
repeated, especially such as articulate the progress of the narra-
tive.^ The attention paid by the author to numbers, chrono-
logy, and other statistical data, will be evident. It will also be
apparent that the scheme into which, as was pointed out above,
the Book of Genesis, as a whole, is cast, is his work, — the
formula by which its salient divisions are marked constituting
an essential feature in the sections assigned to P.
The parts of Genesis which remain after the separation of P
have next to be considered. These also, as it seems, are not
homogeneous in structure. Especially from c. 20 onwards the
narrative exhibits marks of composition ; and the component
parts, though not difiering from one another in diction and
style so widely as either differs from P, and being so welded
together that the lines of demarcation between them frequently
cannot be fixed with certainty, appear nevertheless to be plainly
discernible. Thus in 20, 1-17 our attention is arrested by the
use of the term God, while in c. 18 — 19 (except 19, 29 P), and in
the similar narrative 12, 10-20, the term Jehovah is uniformly
employed. The term God recurs similarly in 21, 6-31. 22,
1-13, and elsewhere, particularly in c. 40 — 42. 45. For such a
variation in similar and consecutive chapters no plausible explana-
tion can be assigned except diversity of authorship.^ At the same
time, the fact that Elohitn is not here accompanied by the other
criteria of P's style, forbids our assigning the sections thus charac-
terized to that source. Other phraseological criteria are slight ;
^ E.g. 7, ir. 13-16. 9, 9-11. 12-17. 17, 10-14. 23-27. 49, 29-30. 32.
^ E.g. I, S**. S^ 13 &c. ; 5, 6 — 8, 9-11. 12-14 &c. ; 11, lo-ii. 12-13
&c. ; 12, 4^ 16, 16. 17, 24. 25. 21, 5. 25, 20. 41, 46^ Ex. 7, 7.
•^ "These are the generations of . . ." (above); i, ^. 8^ 13 &c. ; 10, 5
[see QPB.'''\ 20. 31. 32. 25, 16. 36, 40. 43 &c. ; 6, 22 compared with
Ex. 7, 6. 12, 28. 50 (and elsewhere). See more fully in § 7.
■* It is true that Elohim and Jahweh represent the Divine Nature under
different aspects, viz. as the God of nature and the God of revelation
respectively ; but it is only in a comparatively small number of instances that
this distinction can be applied without great artificiality to explain the variation
between the two names in the Pentateuch.
12 LITERATURE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
there are, however, not unfrequently differences of representation,
some of which will be noticed below, which point decidedly in
the same direction. It seems thus that the parts of Genesis
which remain after the separation of P are formed by the
combination of hvo narratives, originally independent, though
covering largely the same ground, which have been united by a
subsequent editor, who also contributed inconsiderable additions
of his own, into a single, continuous narrative. One of these
sources, from its use of the name Ju/nveh, is now generally
denoted by the letter J ; the other, in which the name Elohim
is preferred, is denoted similarly by E ; and the work formed
by the combination of the two is referred to by the double letters
JE. The method of the compiler, who combined J and E
together, was sometimes, as it would seem, to extract an entire
narrative from one or other of these sources (as 20, 1-17 from
E ; c. 24 from J) ; sometimes, while taking a narrative as a whole
from one source, to incorporate with it notices derived from the
other; and sometimes to construct his narrative of materials
derived from each source in nearly equal proportions.
In the details of the analysis of JE there is sometimes uncer-
tainty, owing to the criteria being indecisive, and capable, conse-
quently, of divergent interpretation. Points of minor importance
being disregarded, the analysis, so far as it seems to the writer to
be reasonably clear, is exhibited in the following tables. E first
appears in the history of Abraham (c. 15 or 20).^
I. c. I — II. The beginnings of history.
J 2, 4^ — 3, 24. 4, 1-26. 5, 29. 6, 1-4. 5-8. 7, 1-5. 7-10 (in the main).- 12.
16^-ij. 22-23. 8- 2''-3". 6-12. 13''. 20-22. 9, 18-27. io> 8-19. 21.
24-30. ir, 1-9. 28-30.
■' The notes appended are not intended to do more than afford a partial
indication of the grounds on which the analysis rests ; for fuller details
reference must be made to the more special works named p. i f. The Book
of Genesis has been publisiied (in German), in a convenient form, with the
different sources distinguished typographically, by Kautzsch and Socin {Dit^
Genesis init ciiisserer Unlerscheidtin^ der Quellenschriftcn, 1S91). Great
pains and care have been bestowed upon the preparation of this work ; but
the details, so far as the line of demarcation between J and E, and the parts
assigned to the redactor, are concerned, can in many cases not claim more
than a relative probability, as the editors themselves avow.
^ For vv. 7-9 include two or three expressions borrowed by the redactor
fiom P.
GENESIS. 13
The rest belongs to P (above, p. gf.). 4, 25-26. 5, 29 are fragments of
the line of Seth, as it was given in J, the final redactor of the Pentateuch (R)
having preferred in the main the line as given by P (5, I-28. 30) : notice
that in point of fact the verses 4, 25 f. are /a>-a//,/ to 5, 3. 6 : notice further
the difference in style of 5, 29 from the rest of the ch., and the resemblance
to 4, 25 f., as well as the allusion to 3, 16 f. (also J). In the account of the
Flood, the main narrative is that of P, which has been enlarged by the
addition of elements derived from J : liere, however, these elements form a
tolerably complete narrative, though there are omissions, e.c^. between 6, 8
and 7, I of the instructions for making the ark, the redactor having preferred
the account of P : and in what follows, the narrative of J, for a similar
reason, is not perfectly complete. The distinguishing characteristics of the
two narratives are well exhibited by Delitzsch (p. 164 f. ): each viz. is
marked by a series of reairring features which are absent from the other,
and by which it is connected with other sections of the book, belonging
respectively to the same source (comp. above, p. 7). The interchange of
Jehovah and God is here specially noticeable. In c. 10 the scheme of P is
singularly clear : i/. i is the title to the entire section, dealing wiih the "sons
of Noah" : vv. 2-5 sons of Japheth, with subscription : vv. 6-7. 20 sons of
Ham, with subscription: vv. 22-23. 3' sons of Shem, with suliscription :
V. 32 the subscription to the entire section. The framework of the ch. is thus
supplied by P, and into it notices of the nations descended from Noah,
derived from J, have been inserted by the final redactor. Observe that v. 22
begins the third main division of the ch., and that v. 21, taken strictly, is out
of place before it : v. 24 f. contain J's account of Shelah, Eber, and Peleg,
parallel to that of P in 11, 12-17 (comp. 4, 25 f. beside 5, 3-8).
Notice also that the genealogies in J (both here and elsewhere) are cast in
a different fnotild from those of P, and are connected together by similarities
of expression, which do not occur in P : thus in 4, 17-26. 10, 8-19. 21.
24-30. 19, 37-38. 22, 20-24. 25, 1-6 notice the recurrency of the form of
sentence. Unto . . . was born ; of 1p^ (not 1 vlH, as in P) used of the
father ; of XIH D3 ; and of the phrase the father of . . , (see Budde, Die
Biblische Urgcschichte, 1883, pp. 220-223).
II. 12 — 26. Abraham and Isaac.
fj 12, i-4'». 6-20. 13, 1-5. 7-11* (to East). 12'' (from and moved)-i8.
\e ^•
fj 16, ib-2. 4-14. 18, I — rg, 28. 30-38. 2r, i*. 2^.
lE 20, i-ry. (18). 2r, 6-2t.
(J 33. 22, 15-18. 20-24. c. 24. 25, 1-6.
lE 21, 22-32*. (32''). (34). 22, 1-14. 19.
(J 25, ri''. 18. 21-26". 27-34. 26, 1-14. (r5). 16-17. (i8)- 19-33-
"lE
The verses enclosed in parentheses appear to be due to the compiler of
JE. The parts not included in the table belong to P (p. 9f.), with the
exception of c. 14, the character of which points to its being taken from a
14 LITERATURE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
special source. C. 15 shows signs of composition ; but the criteria are inde-
cisive, and no generally accepted analysis has been eftected. (It is accord-
ingly printed in the table between the J and the E lines.)
19, 29 belongs to P. Observe (i) God twice, Jeliovah having been
regularly used before {e.g. vv. 13. 14. 16. 24. 27) ; (2) remembered (see 8, i
in P; and Ex. 2, 22) ; (3) " cities of the Plain," as 13, 12 P. The verse further
betrays itself as an insertion in its present context, in that it repeats in other
words the substance of the preceding narrative ; and secondly in the general
statement that Lot dwelt in "the cities of the Plain," which would fall
naturally from a writer compiling a summary account of the occurrence (and
is actually used by P in 13, 12), but hardly so from one who had just before
named Sodom repeatedly as i\\Q particular city in which Lot dwelt.
With 21, 33 ("called on the name of Jehovah") comp. 4, 26. 12, 8. 13, 4.
26, 25 (all J : not so elsewhere in the Pent.).
26, 3b-5 has probably (on grounds of style: see Del.) been expanded or
recast by the compiler. The same may have been the case with 22, 15-18.
26, 15. 18 appear to be additions made by the compiler for the purpose of
harmonizing with 21, 25 ff. Observe in v, 33 the different explanation of
the name " Beer-sheba," as compared with 21, 31 (E). It has been
plausibly conjectured that in c. 24 — 26 a transposition has taken place, and
that the original order was 25, 1-6. 11". c. 24 (observe that v. 36 appears to
presuppose 25, 5). 26, 1-33. 25, 2i-26\ 27-34, of which c. 27 is now the
natural sequel.
III. 27 — 2>^. Jacob atid Esau.
5) 27, I
{
-45. 28, 10. 13-16. 19. 2-14.
11-12. 17-18. 20-22. 29, I. 15-23. 25-28. 30.
J 29, 31-35. 3»'-5 7. 9-16. 20*" (now . . . sons)
E 30, 1-3* (to k/ices). 6. 8. 17-20*.
J I 24—31, I. 3. 46. 48-50-
lE 30, 20'=-23. 31-2. 4-i8». 19-45. 47. 51—32,2.
{
J 32. 3-^3*- 22. 24-32. 33, 1-17. 34, 2*'-3. 5. 7. 11-12. 19.
E i3*'-2i. 23. i8''-20.
Si 34. 25 (P'lrtly). 26. 30-31. 35, 14. 2i-22\
lE 35, 1-8. 16-20.
In 27, 1-45 some critics discover the traces of a double narrative, and con-
sider accordingly that the narrative of J has been supplemented by details
taken from E ; but it is doubtful whether the grounds alleged are decisive.
In 28, 10-22 the main narrative is E, vv. 13-16 being inserted from J.
Both narratives contained the account of the theophany at Luz, E giving
]irominence to the dream and vision of the ladder, which made the place one
"where heaven and earth meet" {v. 17 being the sequel to z'. 12), J to the
uords of promise addressed to Jacob ; the compiler has united the two
GENESIS. 15
accounts, as mutually supplementing each other. The promise in-'. 13 f.,
as elsewhere in J (13, 14-16; 12, 3), .accommodated in v. 15 to Jacob's
present situation. Render v. 13 as RV. marg. (see iS, 2 Ileb.) : in J Jehovah
appears standing beside Jacob as he slept.
In 29, 31 — 30, 24 (births of Jacob's children) the main n.arrative is J, with
short notices from E. Notice God interchanging w'w^ijeltot'ah, and the double
etymologies in vv. 16 and iS ; 20 ; 23 (with God) and 24 (yi\\\\ Jehovah). But
in c. 29—32 it must remain an open question whether the points of separation
between J and E have in all cases been rightly determined.
In 30, 25 — 31, 18 (the parting of Jacob and Laban), 30, 25—31 is mainly
J, 31, 2-18^ mainly E. The two sources give a different account of the
arrangement between Jacob and Laban, and of the manner in which, never-
theless, Jacob prospered. The success which in 30, 35 ff. is attributed to
Jacob's stratagem, with the effect of the striped rods upon the ewes in the
flock, is in 31, 7-12 attributed to the frustration by Providence of Laban's
attempt, by repeatedly altering his terms, to overreach Jacob, and to the fact
that only the striped he-goats leaped upon the ewes. Each account, how-
ever, appears also to contain notices incorporated from the other, which, in
some cases, harmonize imperfectly with their present context, and complicate
the interpretation (for details see Dillmann or Delitzsch).
31, 45 54 may have been in parts expanded or glossed by the compiler :
w. 45. 47. 5i-54appear to embody E's account of the covenant between Jacob
and Laban ; vv. 46. 48-50 the account given by J. Observe that the covenant
in V. 50 is differe7it in its terms from the covenant in v. 52.
In c. 34 the analysis is not throughout equally certain ; but marks of P's
style appear unmistakably in some parts, while they are absent in others, and
the motives and aims of the actors seem not to be uniformly the same. In
vv. 3. 11-12 Shechem himself is the spokesman, and his aim is the personal
one of securing Dinah as his wife; \x\vv. 8-io(cf. 16. 21-23) his father Hamor
is spokesman, and his aim is to secure an amalgamation between his people
and Jacob's : observe also the similarity in the terms in which circumcision is
mentioned vv. \^. 22^. 24^ and 17, lo^- (P), and between v. 24 and 23,
lob. 18^ (also P). But it is not impossible that P here is based upon elements
derived from E ; see Wellh. Comp. p. 312 ff., Cornill, ZATIV. 1891, p. i ff.;
and cf. 35, 5. 48, 22 (both E). In 35, 21-22* notice Israel {ox Jacob (cf. p. 17).
IV. c. 11— t^o. Joseph.
{
J 12-2T. 25-27. 28'' (to silver). 31- 35.
E 37, 2''-ii. 22-24. 28* (to///). 23<=-30. 36.
fj c. 38. c. 39. 42, 38—44. 34--
lE c. 40.1 41, 1-45.1 47-57- 42. 1^37- 45. 1—46, 5-^
1 With (as it seems) traces of J, as 40, i*". 3''. 15^ 41, 14 ("and they
brought him quickly from the dungeon"). 42, 27-28. 45, 4 ("whom ye sold
into Egypt"). 5 ("that ye sold me hither"). 45, 28. 46, i ("Israel").
2 With traces of E (43, 14. 23").
l6 LITERATURE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
([ 46, 28 — 47, 4. 6^.' 12-26. 27* (to Goshen). 29^ 31. 49, i''-28».
(E 48, 1-2. 8-22.2
/J 50. I-"- 14.
(.£ 15-26.
Though the analysis of c. 37 is in parts uncertain, the differences of repre-
sentation which it exhibits show that it is of composite origin. Thus v. 28
is not the continuation of vv. 25-27 : notice the indefinite expression, "and
there passed by Midianites, merchantmen," which evidently describes the
first appearance of merchants upon the scene : the sequel to v. 25 would have
been expressed by "7mA the Ishmaelites drew near" (or some similar verb, but
with the subject definite): v. 28 is thus parallel to vv. 25-27, not the sequel to
them. Notice, further, that it is t^vlee said that Joseph was brought into Egypt
and sold there; once, 37, 36, by the Midianites, in agreement with v. zS**-';
the other time, 39, i, by the Ishmaelites, in agreement with v. 28"'. Again,
if in V. 28 the subject of "they drew" be Joseph's brethren, it is strange, as
Reuben appears clearly to be in their company, that, going afterwards to
the pit, he should be surprised at not finding Joseph in it ; on the other hand,
if " they" refer to the Midianite merchants passing by, who drew up Joseph
from the pit without his brothers' knowledge, the surprise of Reuben is at once
explained, and the expression in 40, 10 " for I was stolen out of the land of
the Hebrews" exactly describes what had occurred. If 37, 19-21. 25-27.
28b (And they sold . . . silver). 31-35. 39, I &c. , on the one hand, and 37,
22-24. ^S^''. 29-30. 36, on the other, be read consecutively, they will be
found to form two complete parallel accounts of the manner in which Joseph
was taken into Egypt, each (as will appear presently) connecting with two
corresponding narratives in the chapters following : in one (J) Joseph is sold
by his brethren to dshtftaelites, in the other (E) he is cast by his brethren
into a pit, and stolen thence by the Midianites without his brothers' know-
ledge. V. 21 is tautologous beside v. 22*, but forms an excellent introduc-
tion to vv. 25-27. Notice that in '] Judah takes the lead (so 43, 4. 43, 14 ff.);
in E Reuben (so 42, 22. 37) : it is not impossible that (as has been suggested)
" Reuben" in v. 21 was originally "Judah."
The narrative of Joseph in c. 39 ff. consists, as it seems, of long passages
excerpted alternately from J and E, each, however, embodying traits derived
from the other. The ground of this conclusion is the observation — {a) that
the representation in different parts of the narrative varies ; {h) that in each
of these long passages occur short, isolated notices not in entire harmony
with the context in which they are embedded, but presupposing different cir-
cumstances. Thus {a) in c. 42 Joseph's brethren are charged with being
spies, and in reply volunteer the information about their younger brother {vv.
^ As read in LXX., viz. (directly answering v. 4) : "And Pharaoh said unto
Joseph, Let them dwell in the land of Goshen; and if thou knowest that
there are able men amongst them, then make them," &c. Then follows
5-6* (P), as given above, p. 10.
'•* In the main, probably ; but the two narratives cannot here be disengaged
with certainty. Perhaps z't/. 13-14. 17-19 are from J.
GENESIS. 17
7-13. 30-32) ; in the report of what had occurred given in c. 43, there is no
allusion to such a charge, and Joseph is expressly said to have asked them if
they had a brother {vv. 6-7 : so 44, 19) ; {/>) 42, 35 comes unexpectedly after
V. 27 f., but agrees with v. 25 : having been given special provision for the
way [v. 25), the brethren naturally only make the discovery that the money
is in their sacks at the end of the journey. On the other hand, 42, 27 f.
harmonizes with 43, 19 f., where the discovery is made at the lodging place.
The former is E's account, the latter J's, 42, 27 f. being inserted in E from J.
Further, in 42, 19-24. 34-37 the detention of Simeon is an essential feature
of the narrative ; but in 42, 38 — 43, 10, and again in 44, 18-34, there is
entire silence respecting him : his release is not one of the objects for which
the brethren return to Egypt. Had the whole narrative been by one
hand, it would have been natural to find Simeon mentioned iii the farts 0/
c. 43 — 44 where he is tmnoticed. The notices of Simeon in 43, 14. 23b,
agreeing thus imperfectly with their immediate context (J), appear to have
been inserted in it from the parallel narrative (E). (A similar point connected
with c. 39 is noticed by the commentators.) Phraseological indications point-
ing to the same conclusion are — {a) Jehovah in 39, 2. 3. 5. 21. 23, God in 41,
51. 52. 45, 5. 7-9. 46, 2. (The use of Cua? elsewhere in these sections, in
converse with Egyptians, or between Joseph, whilst in disguise, and his
brethren, is naturally inconclusive either /w E, 40, 8. 41, 16 &c., or against
J, 43, 29. 44, 16.) (b) A preference for Israel as the name of the patriarch
in one group of passages (37, 3. 13. 43, 6. 8. 11. 46, 29. 30. 47, 29. 31. 48,
8. 10. 13. 14. 50, 2 : J), and for Jacob in the other (42, i. 4. 29. 36. 45, 25.
27. 46, 2. 5. 48, 2 : E), — a preference so decided as to make it probable that
in the few passages where, in the context of ], Jacob occurs (37, 34), or, in
the context of E, Israel (45, 28. 46, I. 2. 48, 2''. 11. 21), the variation is
either a change made by the compiler, oris due to the use by him of the other
source. The unusual word nnn?DX sack occurs thirteen times in c. 43 — 44 (J):
by a remarkable coincidence it also occurs twice in the two verses 42, 27 f.,
which, on independent grounds, were assigned above to the same source (no-
where else in the OT. ) ; E uses the more ordinary term pL^* 42, 25. ^5 (also
In c. 49 the Blessing of Jacob is, of course, incorporated by J from an in-
dependent source. It may have been in circulation either as a separate piece,
or as part of a collection of national poetry.
That P and JE form two clearly definable, independent
sources, is a conclusion abundantly justified by the facts. As
regards the analysis of JE, the criteria (as said above) are fewer
and less definite ; and the points of demarcation cannot in all
cases be determined with the same confidence. Nevertheless
the indications that the narrative is composite are of a nature
which it is not easy to gainsay ; and the difficulty which some-
times presents itself of disengaging the two sources is but a
natural consequence of the greater similarity of style subsisting
B
1 8 LITERATURE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
between them than between JE, as a whole, and P.^ In the
history of Joseph the harmonizing additions wliich the analysis
attributes to the compiler may be felt by some to constitute an
objection to it. In estimating the force of such an objection,
we must, however, balance the probabilities : is it more probable,
in the light of what appears from other parts of the Pentateuch,
that the work of one and the same writer should exhibit the
incongruities pointed to above, or that a redactor in combining
two parallel narratives should have introduced into one traits
borrowed from the other? The narrative of Joseph cannot be
judged entirely by itself; it must be judged in the light of the
presumption derived from the study of JE as a whole. And
this presumption is of a nature which tends to confirm the con-
clu.^ion that it is composite.
The distinction between P and JE — in particular, between P and J — may be
instructively illustrated from the blessings and promises which form a con-
spicuous feature in the Book of Genesis, and, in virtue of the progressive
limitation of their scope, harmonize with its general plan (p. 6). To P
belong I, 28 -30 (Adam) ; 9, 1-7 (Noah); 17, 6-8 (Abraham); 28, 3 f. and
35, II f. [quoted 48, 3] (Jacob): to JE 3, 15 (the Protevangelium) ; 9, 26
(Shem) ; 12, I-3 (Abraham : also 13, 14-17. 15, 5. 18. 18, 18. 22, 15-18) ;
26, 2-5. 24 (Isaac) ; 27, 27-29. 28, 13-15 (Jacob) ; 49, 10 (Judah). Let the
reader notice how those assigned to P are cast in the same phraseology, and
express freq.uenily the same thoughts : those assigned to J exhibit greater
variety ; and such common features as they present (especially those addressed
to the three patriarchs) are different from those that mark the other series.
In P, it may be observed, the promises are limited to Israel itself; in J the
prophetical outlook embraces other nations as well.
The process by which, probably, the Book of Genesis assumed
its present form may be represented approximately as follows.
First, the two independent, but parallel, narratives of the patri-
archal age, J and E, were combined into a whole by a compiler
whose method of work, sometimes incorporating long sections
' Dillmann attempts to separate J and E with great minuteness. But it is
often questionable if the phraseological criteria upon which he mainly relies
warrant the conclusions which he draws from them. He is apt (as the
present writer ventures to think) not to allow sufficiently for the probability
tiiat two writers, whose general styles were such as those of J and E are
known to have been, would make use of the same expressions, where these
expressions are not (as in the case of P) of a peculiar, strongly marked type,
l)Ut are such as might be ;-.sed, so far as we can judge, by any writer of the
best historiographical style.
GENESIS, 19
of each intact (or nearly so), sometimes fusing the parallel
accounts into a single narrative, has been sufficiently illustrated.
The whole thus formed (JE) was afterwards combined with the
narrative P by a second compiler, who, adopting P as his frame-
work, accommodated JE to it, omitting in either what was
necessary in order to avoid needless repetition, and making such
slight redactional adjustments as the unity of his work required.
Thus he naturally assigned i, i — 2, 3 the first place, — perhaps
at the same time removing 2, 4* from its original position as
superscription to i, i, and placing it where it now stands. In
appending next, from J, the narrative of Paradise, he omitted
probably the opening words (for the narrative begins abruptly),
and \.o Jahweh added the defining ^^]nwc\. Eloh'un} "God," for
the purpose of identifying expressly the Author of life in 2, 4^ {'(.
with God, the Creator, in i, i fif. Still following J, he took from
it the history of Cain and his descendants (4, 1-24), but rejected
the list of Seth's descendants (which the fragments that remain
show that J must have once contained) except the first two names
(4, 25 f.), and the etymology of Noah (5, 29), in favour of the
genealogy and chronological details of P (5, 1-28. 30-32). In
6, I — 9, 17 he combines into one the double narrative of the
Flood, preserving, however, more from both narratives than was
usually his practice, and in parts slightly modifying the phraseology.
In 9, 18-27 he introduces from J the prophetical glance at the
character and capabilities of the three great ethnic groups
descended /'rom Noah, following it by the account, from P, of
the close of Noah's life (9, 28 f.). C. 10 (the Table of nations)
includes elements derived from both sources (p. 13); it is
succeeded by the account from J of the dispersion of mankind
(11, 1-9). C. XI, 10-25 carries on the line of Israel's ancestors
from Shem to Terah, from P; i r, 26-32 states particulars
respecting Abram's immediate relations, taken partly from P,
partly from J, and necessary as an introduction to the history of
Abram in c. 12 ff. Mutatis mutandis, a similar method is
followed in the rest of the book. The narrative of Genesis,
though composite, is constructed upon a definite plan, and to
the development of this plan the details that are incorporated
from the different sources employed are throughout subservient.
^ Producing an unusual and emphatic phrase (= Jahweh, who is God),
occurring again in the Pentateuch only Ex. 9, 30.
20 LITERATURE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
Twice in P (17, i. 21, i'') the nvimt. JeJwvah appears in place of the name
God ; and the variation, il has been argued, is subversive of the grounds upon
which the critical analysis of Genesis rests. But this argument attaches
undue significance to an isolated phenomenon. We must weigh the alterna-
tives, and ask which is the more probable : that an inference, dependent upon
an abundance of criteria, extending throughout the entire Pentateuch, should
be a mistaken one, or that the compiler, or even a scribe, should tivicc have
substituted the more usual Jehovah for Elohim under the influence of the
usage of the verses preceding. To this question there can surely be but one
answer. The compiler of Chronicles changes conversely Jehoz'ah of his
original source into God, neither consistently nor with apparent reason,
except that when writing independently, he evinces a preference for the latter
term himself; comp. e.g. 2 Ch. 22, 12. 23, 9 ; 25, 24 ; 33, 7 ; 34, 9. 27 with
2 Ki. 1 1, 3. 10 ; 14, 14 ; 21, 7 ; 22, 4. 19.
The more special characteristics of J, E, and P, and the question of their
probable dates, will be considered when they have been reviewed in their
entirety at the end of the Book of Joshua.
* § 2. Exodus.
Literature (in addition to the works mentioned above, p. I f. ). — Ad.
JUiicher, Die Qaellen von Exodus i.-vii. 7, Halis Sax. 1S80, and Die Qiiellen
von Exodus \\\. 8 — xxiv. 11, in "Cti^ Jahrbiicher fiir Protcstantische Theologie,
1882, pp. 79-127, 272-315; C. A. Briggs, "The Little Book of the
Covenant " [Ex. 34, 11-26] in The Hebrew Student (Chicago), May 1883,
p. 264 ff. ; " The Greater Book of the Covenant " [Ex. 20, 22 — c. 23], ib.
Jime 18S3, p. 2S9 ft;
The Book of Exodus (called by the Jews, from its opening
words, niOL*' n?Nl^ or more briefly nict;') carries on the history
of the Israelitish nation from the death of Joseph to the erection
of the Tabernacle by Moses in the second year of the exodus
(40, I. 17). The structure of the book is essentially similar to
that of Genesis, the same sources, P and JE, appearing still side
by side, and exhibiting the same distinctive peculiarities. It will
be convenient, in analysing the book, to divide it into sections,
which may be briefer than was the case in Genesis.
I. C. I — II. Events hading to the deliverance of t]ie Israelites
fro7n Egypt.
C. I — 2. The continued increase of Jacob's posterity in Egypt,
and the measures instituted for the purpose of checking it by a
"new king," unmindful of the benefits conferred previously upon
EXODUS. 21
his country by Joseph (c. i). The birth and education of Moses,
and his flight from Egypt into the land of Midian (c. 2).
b_
'J-
P I , 1-7- 13-^4- 2, 23
I, 8-12. 15-22. 2, 1-23'* (to died).
I, 1-5 repeats the substance of Gen. 46, 8-27 (cf. p. 6). 2, 15-23* are
assigned by Dillm. to J, chiefly on the ground that Zipporah's father is called
Keuel {v. 18), while in c. 18, which undoubtedly belongs to E, he bears the
name of yethro. But, as Jillicher points out, the name Reuel (Nu. 10, 29)
may not be part of the original narrative in this chapter ; had it stood in it
originally, it would probably have been found in v. 16, rather than in v. 18.
C. 3, I — 7, 13. Moses is commissioned by Jehovah to be the
deUverer of his people ; his preliminary negotiations with the
Israelites and with Pharaoh.
P 6, 2 — 7, 13.
f J 7-8. 16-20. 4, 1-16. 19-20°. 4, 22 — 6, 1.
IE 3, 1-6. 9-15. 21-22. 17-18. 20''-2I.
In c. 3 the main narrative is E (notice the frequency of God
vv. 4. 6^ II. 12. 13*. 14*. 15*), with short passages from J; in
c. 4 — 6, I, on the contrary, the main narrative is J, with short
passages from E. The verses 4, 17-18. 20^-21 are assigned to
E on account of their imperfect connexion with the context :
4, 1 7 speaks of " the signs " to be done with the rod, whereas
only one sign to be performed with it has been described vv. 1-9 ;
4, 2 1 mentions wonders to be done before Pharaoh, whereas vv. 1-9
speak only of wonders to be wrought for the satisfaction of the
people. The two verses read, in fact, like fragments from another
narrative, which once, of course, contained the explanations
which are now missing. Further, in the existing narrative, v. ig,
from its contents, is not fitted to be \\\t sequel oi v. 18: it, in
fact, states an alternative ground for Moses' return into Egypt ;
and the name Jethro makes it probable that v. iZ belongs to the
same current of narrative as 3, i and c. 18 {i.e. E) ; hence v. 19
will be referred to J. V. 20^ goes naturally with v. 17 (the rod).
Passing now to the consideration of the passage assigned to P
(6, 2 — 7, 13), and comparing it with JE as a whole, we observe
that it does not describe the sequel of 3, i — 6, i, but i?, parallel
to it, and contains a partly divergent account of the commission
of Moses, and of the preliminary steps taken by him to secure
the release of his people. This will be apparent if the narrative
22 LITERATURE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
be followed attentively. 3, i — 6, i describes the call and com-
mission of Moses, the nomination of Aaron as his spokesman
with the people (3, 16. 4, i. 16), and three signs given to him
for the satisfaction of the people if they should demand his
credentials : Moses and Aaron have satisfied the people (4, 30.
31), but their application to Pharaoh has proved unsuccessful
(c. 5), and something further is threatened (6, i). The con-
tinuation of 6, I is, however, 7, 14; for though the revelation
and commission contained in 6, 2-S might in itself h^ treated as
a repetition of that in c. 3, its different style points to P as its
source, and the sequel shows that in fact it is part of a parallel
narrative of Moses' call and commission, in which, nnlike 4, 31,
the people refuse to listen to the promises conveyed to them
(6, g), and in which, upon Moses' protesting his inability to
plead, not, as before, with the people, but with Pharaoh^ Aaron
is appointed to be his spokesman with him (6, 11-12. 29-30.
7, 1-2). If Pharaoh had already refused to hear him (as he
would have done, had c. 5 — 6 formed a continuous narrative), it
is scarcely possible that Moses should allege (6, 12) a different
a priori ground — a ground, moreover, inconsistent with 4, 31 —
for his hesitation. Aaron having been thus appointed Moses'
spokesman with Pharaoh, the case of the king's requiring a
guarantee is next provided for : Aaron's rod is to be thrown
down that it may become a reptile ^ 7, 8 f. Pharaoh's heart,
however, is hardened; and the narrative at 7, 13 has reached
just the same point which was reached in 6, i. The parallelism
of details which prevails between the two narratives is remark-
able ; comp. 6, 2-8 and 3, 6-9. 14-15; 6, la"" (= 30) and
4, 10 ; 7, I and 4, 16; 7, 4 f . and 3, 19 f. 6, i.
•
7, 14 — II, 10. The narrative of the plagues.
^ P 7, 19-20° (to commanded). 2i*'-22.
) I J 7, 14-18. 23. 25.
( I E 17 (partly) 2o''-2i" (to river). 24.
P 8, 5-7. i5''-T9- 9. 8-12.
fj 8.21-4.
8, 20—9, 7. 13-21. 23''-34.
22-23". 24». 35.
1 )'3ri a 7-epiile, not t^'Hi a serpent, as in 4, 3.
* The verses are numbered as in the English version.
EXODUS. 23
1 {{ "■ "'■
I3''-I9. 28-29. II, 4 8.
10, 8-13'. 14* 20-27. ^'^' i~3- 9-10.
The grounds of the analysis depend, in the first instance, upon
Hterary criteria ; which, however, are remarkably supported by
corresponding differences in the representation. Reserving for
the present the consideration of the few passages referred to E,
and confining our attention to P and J, we observe that the
narrative of the plagues is marked by a series of systematic differ-
ences, relating to four distinct points — viz. i. the terms of the
command addressed to Moses ; 2. the demand made of
Pharaoh ; 3. the description of the plague ; 4. the formula
expressive of Pharaoh's obstinacy : and further, that these differ-
ences ^^r^^ /ri?^/^^;2/'/v w/M corresponding differences in the parts
of the preceding narrative, 3, i — 6, i, which have been assigned
(on independent grounds) to P and JE respectively. Thus in P
Aaron co-operates with Moses, and the command is Say iintc
Aaron (7, 19. 8, 5. 16; so before, in 7, 9: even 9, 8, where
Moses acts, both are expressly addressed) ; no demand is ever
made of Pharaoh, the plagues being viewed rather as signs, or
proofs of power, than as having the practical object of securing
Israel's release ; the description of the plague is brief, seldom
extending beyond the compass of two or three verses ; the
success or failure of the Egyptian magicians (who are mentioned
only in this narrative) is noted ; the hardening of Pharaoh's
heart is expressed by the verb pm, p-fn {ivas strong, made strong
RV. niarg.) 7, 22. 8, 19. 9, 12 (so 7, 13), and the concluding
formula is Aftd he hearkened not unto them, as Jehovah had spoken
(7, 22. 8, 15^ 19. 9, 12 : so 7, 13). In J, on the contrary,
Moses alone (without Aaron) is commissioned to present himself
before Pharaoh ; he addresses Pharaoh himself^ (in agreement
with 4, 10-16, where Aaron is appointed expressly to be Moses'
spokesman with the people) ; a formal demand is uniformly made,
Let 7?iy people go, that they t?iay serve jne (7, 16. 8, i. 9, i. 13.
10, 3: so before 4, 23. 5, i in the corresponding narrative);
upon Pharaoh's refusal, the plague is announced, and takes
^ Aaron, if he appears at all, is only Moses* silent companion : 8, 8 (see
w. 9. 10). 25 (see vv. 26. 29). 9, 27 (see v. 29). In 10, 3 it is doubtful if the
plural " and ///^j/ said " is original : notice at the end of the speech {v. 6'')
" and he turned."
24 LITERATURE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
effect, either without further human intervention (8, 24. 9, 6), or
at a signal given by Moses (not by Aaron) (7, 20. 9, 22 f.
10, 12 f 22); the interview with Pharaoh is prolonged, and
described in some detail ; sometimes also the king sends for
Moses and Aaron to crave their intercession for the removal of
the plague (8, 8. 25. 9, 27. 10, 16); the term used to express the
hardening of Pharaoh's heart is was heavy (133) or made heavy
(nosn) 7, 14. 8, 15. 32. 9, 7. 34. 10, I. The narrative generally is
written in a more picturesque and varied style than that of P ;
there are frequent descriptive touches, and the dialogue is
abundant. In a word, the two currents of narrative display just
the same contrasted literary characteristics which they exhibit in
the Book of Genesis.
Recurring phrases which mark this narrative and distinguish it from that
of P are (besides " Let my people go " &c., and "133, n^n^n of the heart,
just noted) refuseth (|S0)) esp. followed by " to let the people go," 7, 14. 8, 2.
9, 2. 10, 3. 4 (so before 4, 23) ; 7, 15 serpent C^ni), see 4, 3; Thus sailh
Jehovah, said regularly to Pharaoh (so 4, 22. 5, i) ; behold . . . with the
participle in the announcement of the plague 7, 17. S, 2. 21. 9, 3. iS. 10, 4
(so 4, 23); border 8, 2. 10, 4. 14. 19; tJiou, thy people, and thy sen'auts
8, 3. 4. 9. II. 21. 29. 9, 14,1 cf 10, 6. 12, 30; God of the Hebreivs
7, 16. 9, I. 13. 10, 3 (so 3, 18. 5, 3) ; to intreat 8, 8. 9. 28. 29. 9, 28.
10, 17; such as hath not been &c. 9, 18. 24. 11, 6, cf. 10, 6, 14; to sever
(ri/Sn) 8, 22. 9, 4. 11,7; the end or object of the plague (or circumstance
attending it) stated 8, 10. 22. 9, 14. 16. 29''. 10, 2''. 11, 7.
The grounds for believing that what remains in the narrative
of the plagues after the separation of P is not perfectly homo-
geneous, but contains elements due to E, are, stated briefly, as
follows. Reasons were given above (p. 21) for concluding that
the two verses 4, 17-18, which speak of the rod of Moses, were
not originally part of the context in which they are now found,
and they were assigned accordingly to E. Now, in the narrative
of the plagues, the effect in certain cases is brought about not
immediately by God, but by the intervention of Moses' rod
(7, 17. 2o'\ 9, 23. 10, 13). It is difficult not to connect the
passages in which the rod is thus named with 4, 17-18, and to
treat both as notices derived from the same source E. The
opinion that the parts of the narrative which remain after the
^ The symmetry of this verse is much improved, if, with Hitzig, for "J^p PX
we read '13 i^?^*
EXODUS. 25
separation of P are to some extent composite, is confirmed by
other indications. Thus in 7, 17 the transition from the " I " of
God to the " I " of Moses is abrupt and (in the historical books)
unusual; hence the suspicion arises that originally the subject
of / will smite was Jehovah (cf. v. 25^), and that the words
"with the rod that is in mine hand" were introduced by the
compiler of JE from the other source used by him. By the side
of 9, 34^ V. 35* would seem to be superfluous.
The reasons for attributing to E the other passages assigned to this source
in the analysis must be sought in the works of Welih. DiUm. and Jiilicher.
It may be that a few additional traits are also derived from him ; but the
point is one on which it is not possible to speak with confidence. Only one
plague (as it seems, ;s derived entirely from E, the ninth (10, 21-27). The
concluding formula in E is and Pharaoh's heart was hardened [p^n lit- '"«•?
strong\ (or and Jehovah hardened PharaoK s heart), and he would not let the
children of Israel (or them) go 9, 35 (contrast J 's phrase, v. 34''). 10, 20. 27.
II, 10 (cf. 4, 21 E). P uses the same verb pm, but follows it by and he
hearkened not nnto them, as Jc'iovah had spoken.
II. c. 12 — 19, 2. The last plague, the departure of tJie Israelites
fro/n Egypt, and their Jc iirney to Sinai.
C. 12 — 13. The institution of the Passover, and the Feast of
Unleavened Cakes. The death cf the first-born of the Egyptians,
and journey of the Israelites from Rameses to Succoth. The
law respecting the dedication of the first-born (12, i — 13, 16).
March of the Israelites from Succoth to Etham, on the border
of the wilderness (13, 17-22).
P 12, 1-20. 28. 37". 40-51- i.^. I f- 20.
T 20 f. ^ ,^ 21 f.
-' 2I-'^7. ^1, ^-10.
E ^ 31-36- 37''-39- -^ 17-19-
{
In c. 12 — 13 the double treatment is peculiarly evident. We
have («) 12, 1-13 (Passover); 14^-20 {Mazzoth or Unleavened
Cakes); 28. 37^ 40-42. 51 (narrative); 43-5° (Passover —
supplementary); 13, i f. (first-born): {b) 12, 21-27 (Passover);
29-36. 37'-38 (narrative, — continuation of 11, 4-8); 39. 13, 3-10
(Unleavened Cakes); 11-16 (first-born): the former narrative
exhibits throughout the marks of P ; the latter, those of JE. The
Passover, it is to be observed, though followed by the Feast of
Mazzoth (Unleavened Cakes), is distinct from it both in its origin
and in its observance; and the distinction is recognised in both
^ V. 14 refers to the first day of Mazzoth (Lev. 23, 6), not to the Passover.
26 LITERATURE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
narratives, especially in that of JE. The injunction in P respect-
ing the first-born (13, i f.) is here isolated; the full explanation
is first given Nu. 3, 12 f 8, 16-19.
The distinction between P and JE in c, 12 is sufficiently
established upon literary grounds ; but a material justification of
the analysis is to be found in the fact that 12, 21-27 cannot be
the original sequel of 12, 1-20 (or rather, of 12, 1-13; for
vv. 14-20 do not concern the Passover at all). The verses do
not describe the execution of the commands received by Moses in
iw. I- 1 3. Moses does not repeat to the people, even in an
abridged form, the injunctions before received by him ; but,
while several points of importance {e.g. the character of the
lamb, and the manner in which it was to be eaten) are omitted,
fresh points (the hyssop, the basin, none to leave the house), not
mentioned before, are added. The inference is irresistible that
12, 21-27 is really part of a different account of the institution
of the Passover,! which "stands to 12, 3-13 in the same
relation that the regulations respecting Mazzoth in 13, 3-10
stand to those in 12, 14-20" (Dillm. p. 100). Vv. 25-27
are conceived entirely in the spirit of parts of 13, 3-16
(see vv. 5. 8. 10. 14 f.) ; it is probable, therefore, that both
passages are of similar origin, and may be referred either to J
(Dillm.) or to the compiler of JE expanding materials derived
from J (so Wellh., at least for 13, 3-16).
A noticeable difference between P and JE is the greater specialization and
strictness of the provisions contained in the former narrative {e.g. 12, 15 f.
18 f. 43-49). As regards the parts assigned to E, with v. 31'' comp. 3, 12.
10, 8. II. 24"; with V. 32, ID, 9. 24" ; with v. 35 f., 3, 21 f. 11, 2 f. (all E) ;
in 13, 17-19 notice God (not Jehovah) four times; and with v. 19 comp.
Gen. 50, 24, in a context which (on independent grounds) is assigned to the
same source. 12, 34. 39 deserve attention, being evidently intended as an
explanation of the origin of the Feast of " Unleavened Cakes."
C. 14 — 15. The passage of the Red Sea; Moses' Song of
Triumph ; the journey of the Israelites to Marah and Elim.
P 14, 1-4. 8-9. 15-18.
5-7. 10' (to afraid). 11-14. i9''-20.
10". \g\
^ Dr. Green's explanation of the imperfect connexion of 12, 21-27 with
the preceding narrative [Hebrew Feasts, p. 102) does not .satisfy the require-
ments of the case. See further on c. 12-13, Delitzsch, Studieii, vii. p. 337 ff.
EXODUS. 27
P 21^ {to over /^e sea). zi". 22-22. 26-27'' (ioover the sea).
<] 21*' (to dry /and). 24-25.
IE
P 28-29. (15. 19)-
fj 27". 30-31. 22-27
^E IS, 1-18. 20-21. ^^ ^7-
The passages assigned to P will be found to be connected both with each
other and with other parts of the Pentateuch belonging to the same source :
thus "harden (pTPl) the heart " z-. 4 recurs m'. 8. 17, and is the same term
that is used by P in the narrative of the plagues (p. 23) ; "get me honour"
id. recurs vv. 17. 18. Lev. 10, 3 ; comp. also Z'v. 4. 18 " and the Egyptians
shall know," &c. (cf. 6, 7. 7, 5. 16, 12); w. 9. 23 "and the Egyptians
pursued;" vv. 22. 2Q "the dry land" and "the wall;" vv. 16. 21
"divide;" the rcpetilio7is (in the manner of P) in v. 17 f. as compared with
V. 4, in 28" as compared with 23, in 29 as compared with 22. The particulars
of the analysis depend to a certain extent upon the apparently double char-
acter of the narrative in some parts of the chapter. As regards the parts
attributed to E, with v. 10" comp. Josh. 24, 7 (E) ; with v. 19, Gen. 21, 17.
31, II (the "angel of God"). It is possible that other trails in the narrative
also have their source in E {e.g. v. 16 " hft up thy rod ;" comp. above, p. 24).
14, 28" may be a notice derived from J (comp. 8, 31. 9, 7. 10, 19).
In c. 15 the Song{zn'. i''-i8, cf. 20-21) is, of course, incorporated by E from
an earlier source — perhaps from a collection of national poems. K 19
appears to be a later redactional addition, reverting, in terms borrowed from
P (see 14, 23. 26. 29*'), to the occasion of the Song. The Song itself appears
to have undergone some expansion, or modification of form, at a later age ;
for V. 13 ("Thou hast guided them to Thy holy habitation") appears clearly
to describe a. fast event, and v. 17'' points to some Jixed abode of the ark^
the temple at Shiloh (i Sa. I, 9), if not (Riehm, Eiiil. p. 299 f.) the temple
at Jerusalem. 1 In z'z/. i*'-3 we seem indeed (to use Dillmann's expression)
to hear Moses himself speaking ; and both Dillm. and Delitzsch {Gen. p. 29)
agree with Ewald {Die Dichter des A.B.^s, i. i, p. 175 ; cf. Hist. ii. 354) in
sppposing that the Song, as a whole, is a later expansion of the Mosaic
theme contained in vv. l''~3, — perhaps designed originally as a festal Passover-
song (Is. 30, 29). Probably, however, the greater part of the Song is Mosaic,
and the modification, or expansion, is limited to the closing verses ; for the
general style is antique, and the triumphant tone which pervades it is just
such as might naturally have been inspired by the event which it celebrates.
C. 16^19, 2. The journey of the Israehtes from Elim to
Sinai, including particulars respecting the quails and manna
given to the people in the wilderness of Sinai (c. i6); the
miraculous supply of water at Rephidim, and the conflict with
Amalek at the same place (c. 17) ; the meeting with Jethro, and
the counsel given by him to Moses (c. 18).
1 The verbs in 17" may be translated as pasts or futures, indifferently.
28 LITERATURE OF THE OI,D TESTAMENT.
P i6, 1-3. 6-24. 31 36. 17, i' (to Rephidlm).
4-5- 25-30' -17. i''-^.
3-6.
19, I-2».
3-16. c. 18. 19, 2^
In c. 16 the parts assigned to P have many marks of his style which are
absent from the rest of the narrative (see § 7). There are also corresponding
differences of representation ; thus in vv. 6-7 [evening and morning, agreeing
with vv. 8. \i flesh at evening, and bread at morning) the communication
made to the people is different in its terms from that given in vv. 4-5 to
Moses {bread alone, with no distinction of morning and evening) ; and
vv. 25-30 agree with vv, 4-5. In the text of P a transposition appears to
have taken place; for vv. 11-12 the command to speak to the people
follows the account vv. 6-8 of the actual delivery to them of the message ;
probably the original order was vv. 1-3. 9-12. 6-8. 13 &c.
C. 18, though in one or two places (as in parts of vv. 2-4. 8- 10)
there may be traces of the hand of the compiler of JE, is other-
wise an excerpt from E ; notice the preponderance in the chapter
of God (not Jehovah). The chapter is one of great historical
interest : it exhibits to us a picture of Moses legishxtbig. Disputes
arise among the people ; the contending parties come to Moses
to have them settled ; he adjudicates between them ; and his
judgments are termed "the statutes and decisions {TorotJi) oi
God" {v. 16). It was the historic function of the priests to give
decisiotis (niin, miin) upon cases submitted to them, in matters
both of civil right (Dt. 17, 11) and ceremonial observance {ib.
24, 8) ; and here Moses himself appears discharging the same
function, and so laying the foundation of Hebrew law.
III. 19,3 — c. 40. Israel at Sinai.
(a) The solemn establishment of the theocracy at Sinai
(see 19, 5-8. 24, 3-8) on the basis of the Ten Commandments
(20, 1-17), and of a Code of laws (20, 23—23, 33) regulating
the social life and religious observances of the people, and called
the " Book of the Covenant " (24, 7); (b) the giving of directions
to Moses on Mount Sinai for the construction of the Tabernacle,
with the vessels and appointments belonging to it, for the conse-
cration of Aaron and his sons as priests, the selection of Bezaleel
and Oholiab to execute the skilled work that was necessary, and
the delivering to Moses of the two Tables of the Law (24, 12—
31, 18); (e) the incident of the Golden Calf, Moses' intercession
EXODUS. 29
on behalf of the people, and the renewal of the covenant (c. 32 —
34) ; (d) the construction of the Tabernacle and its appurten-
ances in accordance with the directions prescribed in c. 25 — 31,
and its erection (40, 17) on the first day of the second year of the
exodus (c. 35 — 40).
f J 20-25. 20, 22-23, 33. 3-8.
i.E 19, 3-19.1 20, 1-21. 24, (1-2). (9-11)- 12-14-
P 24, is-i8» (to clo7(d). 25, I— 31, i8» (to testimony).
\e. 24, i8\ 31. I8^ 32, 1-8.
34, 29-35. c. 35—40.
{
i 32. 9-14. 15-29.30-33.6.17-". 3.3.12-34-28.
The structure of JE's narrative of the transactions at Sinai 19,
3 24, 14. 18'^ and 31, 18^' — 34, 28 is complicated, and there
are parts in which the analysis (so far as concerns J and E) must
be regarded as provisional only. Nevertheless, the composite
character of the narrative seems to be unmistakable. Thus in
c. 19 the natural sequel of z'. 3 went up would be, not v. 7 came,
but V. 14 ivent down: v. (^ is superfluous after v. 8'' (if, indeed, it
be more than an accidental repetition of it): v. 13^' is isolated,
and not explained by anything which follows (for the " trumpet "
of vv. 16-19 is not the " ram's-horn " of this verse). In the latter
part of the chapter vv. 20-25 interrupt the connexion : z;. 20 is
a repetition of v. iS'' ("descended"), and v. 21 of v. 12; the
priests and Aaron are introduced without preparation : v. 2^
" and said ("i?DS''l) unto them " (not " and told them ") should be
followed by a statement of the words reported, and is quite dis-
connected with 20, I : on the other hand, 20, i is the natural
continuation of 19, 19. It is evident that two parallel narratives
of the theophany on Sinai have been combined together, though
it is no longer possible to determine throughout the precise limits
of each. 19, 20-25 are commonly assigned to J : Kuenen con-
siders these verses, together with v. 13'^ 24, 1-2. 9-11 (which
similarly interrupt the connexion in c. 24), as standing by them-
selves, and forming part of a third and independent narrative of
the occurrences at Sinai. 19, 3-19 (though parts oivv. 3-8 may
1 In the main.
30 LITERATURE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
be derived from J) belongs in the main to E ; the sequel (as just
said) is formed by 20, i, introducing the Decalogue (20, 2-17),
and the following verses 20, 18-2 1^ (notice God \n 19, 3. 17. 19^
20, I. 19. 20. 21). 24, 12-14. iS**. In c. 24, 7'7'. 1-2. 9-1 1 are
of uncertain origin. Possibly they are to be regarded as in-
troductory to V. 12 ff., and assigned to E; possibly, as Kuenen
supposes, they belong with 19, 13^ 20-25 to ^^ independent
narrative, of which only fragments have been preserved.
The Decalogue was, of course, derived by E from a pre-existing
source, at least the substance of it being engraven on the tables
in the Ark, and incorporated by him in his narrative. Some
interesting critical questions arise from a comparison of the
Decalogue as here given with the form in which it is repeated in
Dt. (5, 6-21), where, although it is introduced ostensibly {vv. 5.
22) as a verbal quotation, it presents considerable differences
from the text of Exodus. The differences are most remarkable in
the 4th, 5th, and loth Commandments, which are here printed in
parallel columns, the variations being indicated by italics : —
Ex. 20. Dt. 5.
8. Remember the sabbath day to 12. Observe the sabbath day to
keep it holy. keep it holy, as Jehovah thy God com-
9. Six days shalt thou nianded thee. 13. Six days shalt thou
labour, and do all thy work : 10. but labour, and do all thy work : 14. but
the seventh day is a sabbath unto the seventh day is a sabbath unto
Jehovah thy God : in it thou shalt not Jehovah thy God : in it thou shalt not
do any work, thou, nor thy son, nor do any work, thou, nor thy son, nor
thy daughter, thy man-servant, thy daughter, 7ior thy man-servant,
nor thy maid-servant, nor nor thy maid-servant, nor thine ox,
thy cattle, nor tliine ass, nor any of thy cattle,
nor thy stranger that is within thy nor thy stranger that is within thy
gales : gates : in order that thy man-sei-vatit
and thy maid-servant may rest as jvell
II. For in six days Jehovah made as thou. 15. A)id than shalt remcni-
heaven, and earth, the sea, and all her that tlion wast a sci~vant in the
that in them is, and rested the seventh latid of E,i^ypt, and Jehovah thy God
day : therefore Jehovah blessed the brought thee out thence by a mighty
sabbath day, and hallowed it. ha7td, and by a stretched out arm :
therefo7-e Jehovah thy God commanded
thee to keep the sabbath day.
1 Kuenen, in his discussion of these chapters in the Th. Tijdschr. xv. 190,
suggested that 20, 18-21 stood originally in E between 19, 15-19 and 20, i ;
and Wellh. Camp. 327 f. assents. Certainly the verses suit the proposed
place ; and their position there ivould explain the allusion in Dt. 5, 5.
EXODUS. 31
12. Honour thy father and thy 16. Honour thy father and thy
mother. mother, as Jehovah thy God com-
that thy days may be ma7ided thee : that thy days may be
Iqujt long, a^id that it may be well with
upon the land which Jehovah thee, upon the land which Jehovah
thy God is giving thee. thy God is giving thee.
• • • • • .....
17. Thou shall not covet thy 21. Ami thou shalt not covet thy
neighbour's house, thou shalt not neighbour's wife, and thou shalt not
covet thy neighbour's wife, desi)-e thy neighbour's house, his field,
or his man-servant, or his maid-ser- or his man-servant, or his maid-ser-
vant, <7r his ox, or his ass, or anything vant, his ox, or his ass, or anything
that is thy neighbour's. that is thy neighbour's.
The principal variations are in agreement with the style of
Dt., and the author's hand is recognisable in them. Thus with
Observe v. 12 comp. Dt. 16, i ; with as Jehovah thy God com-
manded thee (which is not strictly appropriate in what purports
to be a report of the words spoken), 20, 17. 24, 8. 26, 18; with
the spirit oiv. I4^ 14, 29. 15, 10; with the motive of gratitude
in v. 15, 15, 15. 16, II. 12. 24, 18. 22 ; and with the addition
in V. 16'', 5, 29 [Heb. 26]. 6, 18. 12, 25. 28. 22, 7. Does, however,
even the text of Ex. exhibit the Decalogue in its primitive form ?
It is an old and probable supposition,^ suggested in part by the
fact of this varying text, that in its original form the Decalogue
consisted merely of the Commandments themselves, and that the
explanatory comments appended in certain cases were only added
subsequently. Thus, according to this view, the 2nd, 4th, and
5th Commandments read originally : —
" Thou shalt not make to thyself any graven image."
" Remember the sabbath day to keep it holy."
" Honour ihy father and thy mother."
All the Commandments would thus be moulded in uniform
shape, and would be expressed in the same terse and simple
form in which the ist, and the 6th to the 9th, appear now. It
has further been conjectured that, as the comments in vv. 9. 10.
T2 bear a singular resemblance to the style of Dt., they were in
the first instance added in that book, and thence transferred sub-
sequently to Ex.; and that, as it is scarcely probable that the
author of Dt. would omit part of the Decalogue (though he might
1 Ewald, Hist. ii. 159 ; Spealar s Conim. p. 336; Dillmann, p. 201.
32
LITERATURE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
for the purpose of explanation add clauses), v. 1 1 may have been
only introduced into the text of Ex. after Dt. was written. As
regards the first of these conjectures, it is no doubt attractive and
plausible. In the phrase "them that love me" v. 6 there is
embodied a thought which in the Pent, is confined to Dt., viz.
the love of God, which in that book is made the foundation of all
human action (e.g. 6, 5. 10, 12. 11. i al.); the expression "within
thy gates" v. 10 (= in thy cities) is all but peculiar to Dt.,
occurring in it twenty-nine times; the expressions in v. 12 "that
thy days may be long," and "the land which Jehovah thy God
is giving thee," are also (especially the latter) of repeated occur-
rence in the same book (neither occurring elsewhere in the Pent.).
These facts possess undoubtedly considerable weight. It is,
however, an objection to the inference which they appear to
authorize, that the clauses in question (as a glance at the parallel
columns will show) are not incorporated ejitire in Exodus. If the
clauses were transferred to Ex. from Dt., it is not apparent why
portions of them were omitted. On the whole, therefore, the
more probable view appears to be that these clauses are in their
original place in Exodus, and that they are of the same character
as certain other sections in Ex., chiefly of a parenetic or hortatory
character (as 13, 3-16. 23, 20-33), which do exhibit an approxi-
mation to the style of Dt., and which are the source of certain of
the expressions which were adopted afterwards by the author
of Dt., and became part of his phraseology.^ It must, indeed,
be admitted that the expression "within thy gates," and the
phrases in v. 12, read more distinctively Deuteronomic than those
occurring in the sections referred to ; but (unless the text of the
Decalogue has passed through phases respecting which we can
but speculate) the explanation proposed seems to be the most
reasonable one. If it be correct, the additions in Dt. will, of
course, be of the nature oi further comments upon the text of
Exodus. V. II, however, stands upon a different footing : not
only does it supply no elements for the style of Dt., but it is dis-
similar in style to JE : in its first clause it resembles closely
3r, 17'', and in its second Gen. 2, 2^ — both passages belonging
to P. As there is force in the remark that the author of Dt. is
not likely to have omitted the verse had it formed part of the
Decalogue at the time when he wrote, it is not improbable that
^ The expressions referred to are noted below, at the end of § 5.
EXODUS. 33
it was introduced into the text of Exodus subsequently, upon the
basis of the two verses of P just cited.
The laws contained in the " Book of the Covenant " (20,
20 — 23, 33) comprise two elements (24, 3), the " words " (or com-
mands) and the "judgments:" the latter, expressed all hypo-
thetically," occupy 21, i — -22, 17. 25^ 26. 23, 4 f . ; the former
occupy the rest of the section to 23, 19 ; what follows, 23, 20-33,
annexing 2^. promise in case of obedience, as Wellh. observes, im-
parts to the preceding law-book the character of a " covenant "
(of. 24, 7). The laws themselves are taken naturally from a pre-
existing source, though their form, in particular cases, may be
due to the compiler who united J and E into a whole. The
main body of the "judgments," 21, i — 22, 17, seems to have
undergone no alteration of form ; but in the following parts of
the section most critics are of opinion that slight parenetic addi-
tions have been made by the compiler; eg. 22, 21^-22 (observe
in V. 23 [Heb. 22] him, he, his in the Hebrew, pointing back to
the singular "sojourner" in v. 21) ; and in the final exhortation,
23, 23-25^^ (which anticipates unduly v. 27 f., and disguises the
conditional character of the promises vv. 25^. 26 ff., which are
dependent on v. 22) : the substance of this passage may have
been derived from 34, 11. 13. The verses 23, 4 f. can hardly
be in their original position ; for the context (on both sides)
relates to a subject of a different kind, viz. just judgment.
The laws themselves are designed to regulate the life of a
community living under simple conditions of societ}', and chiefly
occupied in agriculture ? They may be grouped as follows : — (i)
20, 22-26 prohibition of graven images, and regulations for the
construction of altars; (2) 21, 2-1 1 regulations respecting
Hebrew male and female slaves ; (3) 21, 12-17 capital offences;
(4) 21, 18-32 injuries to life or limb ; (5) 21, 33-22, 6 cases of
danger caused by culpable negligence, or theft; (6) 22, 7-17
deposits, loans, and seduction (which is here treated, not as a
moral offence, but as a wrong done to the father, and demanding
pecuniary compensation); (7) 22, 18-31, and 23, 4 f. (not to
■ refuse help to an oiemy in his need), miscellaneous religious and
moral injunctions; (8) 23, 1-3. 6-9 veracity, and equity in the
^ To Cod, 25^ beginning originally with "And / will bless" (so LXX.
Vulg.). _
^ Notice the prominence of the ox, ass, and sheep, 21, 28 — 22, 10,
C
34 LITERATURE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
administration of judgment ; (9) 23, 10-19 on the Sabbatical
year, the Sabbath, the three annual pilgrimages, and sacrifice ;
(10) 23, 20-33 the concluding exhortation. That the community
for whose use the Code was designed had made some progress in
civilisation, is evident from the many restrictions imposed on the
arbitrary action of the individual ; on the other hand, that it was
still in a relatively archaic condition appears from such regula-
tions as 21, 18 f. 23-5 (the lex talionis), or the conception of God
as the immediate source of judgment (21, 6 ; 22, 8-9 : cf. i. S. 2,
25). Notice also the rudimentary character of the ceremonial
injunctions respecting altars 20, 24-26, the right of asylum 21,
13 f., first-fruits and firstlings 22, 29 f. 23, 19, prohibition to eat
nsiD 22, 31, the observance of the sacred seasons 23, 10-17,
sacrifice 23, 18; comp. 20, 23. 22, 20 against the worship of
idols or other gods, just and equitable motives are insisted on
{e.g. 22, 21. 27. 23, 4f. 9) ; but religious institutions, it is evident,
are still in a simple, undeveloped stage.^
In c. 24, V. 18" ("and he went up," &c.) is E's introduction to 31, i8\
c. 32 ; and vv. 15-18' are P's introduction to c. 25 — 31.
C. 25—31, I S'* form P's account of the instructions given to
Moses respecting the Tabernacle and the priesthood. These
instructions fall into two parts : (i) c. 25—29 ; (2) c. 30 — 31. In
c. 25—29 the following subjects are dealt with :— («) the vessels
of the Sanctuary, named naturally first, as being of central
interest and importance (c. 25) ; {b) the Tabernacle, designed to
contain and guard them (c. 26) ; (c) the Court round the Taber-
nacle containing the Altar of the daily Burnt-offering (c. 27) ; {d)
the dress (c. 28) and consecration (29, 1-37) of the priests who
are to serve in the Sanctuary ; {e) the daily Burnt-offering, the
maintenance of which is a primary duty of the Priesthood (29,
38-42), followed by what is apparently the final close of the
entire body of instructions, 29, 43-46, in which Jehovah promises
that He will bless the Sanctuary thus established with His pre-
sence. C. 30—31 relate to {a) the Altar of Incense (30, i-io);
{b) the maintenance of public service (30, 11-16) ; {c) the Brazen
Laver (30, 17-21) ; {d) the holy Anointing Oil (30, 22-33) ; (^)
the Incense (50, 34-38) ; (/) the nomination of Bezaleel and
Oholiab(3T, i-ii); (^) the observance of the Sabbath (31,12-17).
i Comp. further on this code W. R. Smith, OTJC. p. 33^ ff-
EXODUS. 35
A question arises here whether the whole of this group of chapters belongs
to the original legislation of P. It is remarkable that the Altar of Incense^
which, from its importance, might have seemed to demand a place in c.
26 — 29 (among the other vessels of the Tabernacle), is mentioned for the
first time in 30, l-io, when the directions respecting the essential parts of the
Tabernacle are apparently complete (see 29, 43-46) : even in 26, 34 f. (where
the position of the vessels of the sanctuary is defined) it is not included.
Moreover, the annual rite prescribed in Ex. 30, 10 is not noticed in the detailed
account of the Day of Atonement in Lev. 16, and only one altar, the altar of
Burnt-offering, appears to be named throughout the chapter. Further, the
ceremony of anointing, which in 29, 7. Lev. 8, 12 is confined to the Chief
priest (Aaron), is in 30, 30 extended to the ordinary priests (his "sons"),
although the original limitation to Aaron alone would seem to be confirmed
by the title "the anoiiilid priest," applied to the Chief priest (Lev. 4, 3.
5. 16. 6, 22 [Ileb. 15] : cf. 16, 32. 21, 10. 12. Ex. 29, 29 f. Nu. 35, 25), which,
if the priests generally were anointed, would be destitute of any distinctive
significance. On these grounds (chiefly) it is argued that c. 30 — 31, together
with certain other passages in which the same phenomena occur, form part of
a secondary and posterior stratum of P, representing a later phase of cere-
monial usage. Space forbids the question being considered here as fully as it
deserves; and it must suffice to refer to Wellh. Comp. 139 ff. ; Kuen. Hex.
§ 6. 13 ; Del. Studien, iii. ; Dillni. EL. p. 263 f., NDJ. p. 635 ; and the
Diet, of the Bible {e:d. 2), art. Exouus.
The section on the Sabbath (31, 12-17), ^^ ^^'^ been often observed {e.g.
by Delitzsch, Studien, xii. p. 622), has in w. 13-14* affinities with the code of
which extracts have been preserved in Lev. 17 — 26 (see p. 43 ff.) ; and it is
probable that these verses have been excerpted thence, and adapted here as
the nucleus of a law inculcating the observance of the Sabbath in connexion
with an occasion on which the temptation might arise to disregard it.
In the narrative of the Golden Calf (31, iS*" — 34, 28), c. 32, as
a whole, may be assigned plausibly to E; only vv. 9-14 appear
to have been expanded by the compiler of JE (comp. Gen. 22,
16-18, to which \n V. 13 allusion is inade). 32, 34 — t,t,, 6 ex-
hibits traces of a double narrative : thus v. 5^ the people are
commanded to do what, according to 4^, they had ahxady done —
which confirms the. prifjia facie view that vv. 5-6 are a doublet of
vv. 3^-4. No satisfactory analysis of the entire passage has,
however, been effected. All that can be said is that if E be the
basis of 33, 1-6, it has been amplified by the compiler, possibly
with elements derived from J.
33, 7-1 1, which (as the tenses in the original show) describe
throughout Moses' fra dice {v. 7 " tiscd to take and pitch," &c.),
was preceded, it may be conjectured, in its original connexion
by an account of the construction of the Tent of Meeting and of
36 LITERATURE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
the Ark,^ which was no doubt the purpose to which the orna-
ments, vv. 4-6, were put ; when the narrative was combined with
that of P, this part of it (being superfluous by the side of c. 25.
35 &c.) was probably omitted, only vv. 7-1 1 being regarded as
of sufficient interest to be retained.
33, 1 2 — "34, 9 forms a continuous whole, though whether belong-
ing to J (Dillm.) or to the compiler of JE (Wellh.) can scarcely
be definitely determined ; in 34, 1-3 there may be traces of E.
Ic is a plausible conjecture of Dillmann's that TyT^, 14-17 originally
followed 34, 9 : where they at present stand, they break the con-
nexion between t^I-, 13 ^"d 33, 18; while as stating the issue of
the whole intercession, and directly responding to 34, 9, they
would be entirely in place. 34, 10-26 introduce the terms of the
covenant, v. 27. These agree substantially — often even verbally'^
— with the theocratic section of the "Book of the Covenant"
(23, 10 ff.); the essential parts of which appear to be repeated,
with some enlargement (especially in the warning against idolatry
vv. 12-17), ^s constituting the conditions for the reneival oi the
covenant.
In the preceding pages no attempt has been made to give more
than an outline of the structure of JE's narrative in c. 19 — 24.
32 — 34. Much has been written upon it ; but though it appears
to display plain marks of composition, it fails to supply the
criteria requisite for distributing it in detail between the different
narrators, and more than one hypothesis may be framed which
will account, at least apparently, for the facts demanding ex-
planation. It is probable that it reached its present form by a
series of stages which can no longer, in their entirety, be dis-
tinguished with certainty. The relation of the Code of laws in
34, 11-26 to the very similar Code in 23, 10 ff. is also capable
of different explanations. Hence beyond a certain point the
conclusions of critics are divergent. Under the circumstances, it
seemed wisest to the writer not to include in his analysis more
than appeared to him to be reasonably probable.
Those who desire to pursue the subject further should consult Wellh.
Comp. pp. 83 ff., 327-333 ; Dillmann, Cointn. pp. 189 ff., 331 ff. (who in some
^ See especially Dt. 10, i, which a comparison with the text of Ex. shows
must refer to something omitted in the existing narrative (see below, § 5)-
- Cf. w. 18. 2o'\ 21. 22-3. 25-6 with 23, 15. 12. 16-19. ^'^- 19-20', how-
ever, agree with an earlier part ofJE, viz. 13, 12-13.
EXODUS.
37
3-
4-
5-
6.
7-
respects takes a very different view from Wellh.); and Jiilicher, JPTh.
1882, pp. 295-315. See also Montefiore,/6-ww^ Quart. Kcv. 1S91, p. 276 ff.
In 34, 27-2S the preceding body of laws on the basis of which the covenant is
made, appears to be spoken of as "Ten Commandments" (Heb. "words").
It has hence been supposed that, though in its present form it has undergone
expansion, it originally consisted of ten particular injunctions ; and many
attemots have been made to determine which these may have been. Wellh.
{I.e. p. 331 f.) reconstructs this second " Decalogue" as follows : —
1. Thou shalt not worship any other god {v. 14).
2. Thou shalt not make to thyself any molten gods {v. 17).
The Feast of Unleavened Cakes shalt thou keep {v. 18).
All that first openeth the womb is mine {v. 19),
The Feast of Weeks thou shalt observe {v. 22).
And the Feast of Ingathering at the turn of the year {ib.). \{v. 25).
Thou shalt not offer the blood of my sacrifice with leavened bread
8. The fat of my feast shall not be left until the morning {ib.) [in the form
in which the injunction appears in Ex. 23, 18].
9. The best of the first-fruits of thy ground thou shalt bring unto the
house of Jehovah thy God {v. 26).
10. Thou shalt not seethe a kid in his mother's milk {ib.).
Stade (Cwc/i. i. 510) had previously proposed a very similar restoration,
the only material difference being that with him No. 5 is " Thou shalt observe
the Sabbath" (cf. v. 21), while No. 6 embraces Wellh. 's 5 and 6.
C. 35 — 40 form the sequel to c. 25 — 31, narrating the execu-
tion of the instructions there communicated to Moses. The
relation of these chapters to c. 25 — 31 will be best learnt from
the following synopsis, extracted (with slight modifications) from
Kuenen's Onderzoek (§ 6. 15), which exhibits at the same time
the corresponding passages of the LXX (the order of which in
several cases differs remarkably from that of the Hebrew) : —
Hebrew Text
Greek Text.
Ex. 25—31,
35.
1-3 (the Sabbath : v. 3 added).
35. 1-3-
31, 15-
4-9 (the people are invited to
35, 478(z'.8lleb.
25, 1-9.
bring free-will offerings).
omitted).
10-19 (all skilled workmen in-
35. 9-19 (with
vited to assist).
variations).
20-29 (the offerings are presented).
35, 20-29.
30-36, I (Moses announces to
35, 30—36, I.
31, r-ii-
the people the appointment
of Bezaleel and Oholiab).
36,
2-7 (the presentation of offerings
completed).
36, 2-7.
8-19 (Curtains made for the
cf. 37, 1-2.
26, i-ri. 14.
" tabernacle " (the p:;'^), and
the tent over it).
38
LITERATURE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
Hebrew Text.
36, 20-34 (Boards for the framework
of the " tabernacle ").
35-38 (Veil for the Holy of holies,
and Screen for the entrance to
the Tent).
37, 1-9 (the Ark).
10-16 (Table of Shewbread).
17-24 (Candlestick).
25-28 (Altar of Incense).
29 (Anointing Oil and Incense).
38, 1-7 (Altar of Burnt-offering).
8 (Brazen Laver).
9-20 (Court of the Tabernacle).
21-23 (Superscription to the ac-
count of metal employed).
24-31 (the account itself).
39, 1-3 1 (Vestments for the High
Priest and the Priests).
32-43 (Delivery to Moses of the
completed work of the Taber-
nacle).
40, 1-16 (Moses commanded to rear
up the Tabernacle, and to
consecrate the priests).
17-33 ('he Tabernacle erected,
and the sacred vessels arranged
in their places).
34-38 (the Cloud and Pillar of
Fire).
Greek Text.
Ex. 25-
-3'.
cf. 38, 18-21.
26, 15-29.
37, 3-6.
26, 31-32.
36-37.
38, 1-8.
25, 10-20.
38, 9-12.
25, 23-29.
13-17-
25, 31-39.
Wantins^.
30, 1-5-
38, 25. "^
30, 22-33.
34-38.
cf. 38, 22-24.
27, 1-8.
38, 26.
30, 17-18"
37. 7-18.
27, 9-19.
37> 19-21.
39, i-io.
cf. 30, II-
16.
36, 8''-40.
28, 1-43.
39, II. 14-23.
40, 1-13 {w. 6-8
Heb. omitted
in part, v. II
altogether).
40, 14-26. 38, 27.
40, 27 {vv. 28.
29'' Heb. omit-
ted).
40, 28-32.
In the main, the narrative is repeated verbatim from the
instructions in c. 25 — 31, with the simple substitution of past
tenses for future ; in two or three cases, however, a phrase is
altered, and there are also some instances of omission or abridg-
ment. Thus a few verses (as 25, 15. 22. 40. 26, 12-13. 28, 29. 35.
29, 43-46. 30, 7-10) are omitted, as not needing repetition; others
(as 25, 16. 21. 30. 37^ 26, 30. 2,2,- 34-35. 3°, 6. i8'\ 19-21,
chiefly relating to the position of the different vessels named)
are incorporated in c. 40, 17-33, ^^e account of the erection
of the Tabernacle, where they naturally belong; and the
sections on the Anointing Oil and the Incense (30, 22-33.
34-38) are merely referred to briefly in a single verse, 37, 29.
In c. 39 there are also some noticeable cases of abbreviation.
The only material omissions are the Urim and Thummim (28,
LEVITICUS. 39
30), and the consecration of priests (29, 1-37), which follow in
Lev. 8, the oil for the lamps (27, 20 f.), and the daily Burnt-offering
(29, 38-42): with these exceptions the execution of the instructions
contained in c. 25 — 31 is related systematically.^ The change of
order is in most cases intelligible. The injunction to observe
the Sabbath, which closes the series of instructions, stands here in
the first place. This is followed by the presentation of offerings,
and the nomination of Bezaleel and Oholiab ; after which is
narrated the construction of the Tabernacle, of the sacred vessels
to be placed in it, and of the Altar and Laver, with the Court
surrounding them. The Sanctuary having been thus completed,
the dress of the priests is prepared, the work, complete in its
different parts, delivered to Moses, and the Tabernacle erected
and set in order. The Altar of Incense and the Brazen Laver,
which appear in the Appendix to c. 25 — 29 (viz. in c. 30), are here
enumerated in accordance with the place which they properly
hold, in the Tabernacle (c. 37) and Court (c. 38) respectively.
C. 35 — 40 raise the same question of relationship to the main body of P
which was stated above on c. 30 f. If c. 30 f. be allowed to belong to a
secondary stratum of P, the same conclusion will follow for these chapters as
a necessary corollary ; for in c. 35 — 39 the notices referring to c. 30 — 31 are
introduced in t/ieir froper order, and c. 40 alludes to the Altar of Incense. "•'
Dillm., though he disputes Wellh.'s conclusions with regard to c. 30 — 31,
agrees with him virtually as regards c. 35 — 40 {NDJ. p. 635).
.- § 3. Leviticus.
Literature. — See above, p. i f.
The Book of Leviticus is called by the Jews, from its opening
word, ^^P^y. It forms throughout part of the Priests' Code, in
which, however, c. 17 — 26 constitute a section marked by certain
special features of its own, and standing apart from the rest of
the book.
I. C. I — 16. Fundamental Laws of Sacrifice, Purification, and
Atonemetit.
(i.) I, I — 6, 7 (c. I — 5 Heb.). Law of the five pj'incifal types
of sacrifice.
^ 38, 24-31 differs, however, somewhat remarkably from 30, 11 16.
^ For some other grounds, peculiar to these chapters, which are held to
point in the same direction, see Kuenen, Hex. § 6. 15.
40 LITERATURE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
C. I. The Burnt-offering (ritual of sacrifice).
C. 2. The Meal-offering (ritual of sacrifice).
The second pers. in 2, 4-16 (unlike the rest of tliese chapters) is notice-
able, and may be an indication that the ch. is formed out of a combination
of elements originally distinct.
C. 3. The Peace-offering (ritual of sacrifice).
C. 4. The Sin-offering (ritual of sacrifice for the four cases
of unintentional sin, committed by 1. the "anointed
priest" {i.e. the Chief priest) ; 2. the whole people; 3.
a ruler ; 4. an ordinary Israelite).
It is not impossible that Lev. 4 may represent a more advanced stage in
the growth of the sacrificial system than Ex. 29. Lev. 8 — 9 ; for here the
blood of the Sin-offering for the Chief priest and for the people is treated
with special solemnity, being brought within the veil, and sprinkled on the
horns of the Incense-altar; whereas in Ex. 29, 12. Lev. 8, I5- 9; 9- '5 it is
treated precisely as prescribed here in the case of the ordinary Sin-offering,
vv. 25. 30. 34 (see Wellh. Comp. p. 13S f.). — A law for the Sin-offering both
of the people and of an individual is contained also in Nu. 15, 22-31.
5, 1-13. Appendix to c. 4, containing (i) examples of
unintentional sins, requiring a Sin-offering, z'Z'. 1-6; (2)
provision for the case of those whose means did not suffice
for the ordinary sin-offering, vv. 7-13.
5, 14 — 6, 7 (5, 14-26 Heb.). The Guilt-offering (three cases,
or groups of cases — viz. different cases of fraud or
sacrilege — defined, in which the Guilt-offering is incurred).
On 5, 17-19, which enjoins a 6'«:7/-offering for (apparently) the same case
for which in 4, 22 ff. a i'iw-otfering is prescribed, see DiUm. ad loc. ; Stade,
Gesch. ii. 256 f.
(ii.) 6, 8 — c. 7 (c. 6 — 7 Heb.). A manual oj priestly directions
under eight heads.
6, 8-13. Regulations to be observed by the priest in sacri-
ficing the Burnt-offering.
14-18. Regulations to be observed by the priest in sacri-
ficing the Meal-offering.
19-23. The High Priest's daily Meal-offering.
24-30. Regulations to be observed in sacrificing the Sin-
offering.
7, 1-7. Ritual of the Guilt-offering (which is not defined in
2^ 14—6, 7), with an appendix, vv. 8-10 (arising out of
V. 7), on the priests' share in the Burnt- and Meal-offering.
LEVITICUS. 41
11-21. On the species of Peace-offering (the Thank-offering,
vv. 12-15 ; the Vow- and the Voluntary-offering, v. 16 ff ),
with the conditions to be observed by the worshipper in
eating the flesh.
22-27. Fat (of ox, sheep, and goat in all cases, and of other
animals dying naturally or torn of beasts) and blood
(generally) not to be eaten.
28-34. The priests' share of the Peace-offering, viz. the
"heave-leg" and the "wave-breast."
35-36. First subscription to the preceding section 6, 8 —
7, 34 (in so far as this comprises regulations respecting
the priests' share in the different offerings).
37 — 38. Second more general subscription.
This subscription relates to 6, 8 — c. 7 only, which forms an independent
collection of laws linked together by the same formula that is used here, viz.
This is the law of . . . {6, (). 14. 25. 7, i. 11) ; only the laws thus intro-
duced are recognised in the subscription, where they occur in the same order : ^
6, 19-23 (otherwise introduced, and not, as it seems, recognised in the sub-
scription) was perhaps not originally part of the collection ; 7, 22-27 (regu-
lating the conditions under which animals might be used for food) may be
regarded as an appendix to 7, 11-21, being probably placed here on account
of the Peace-ofiering being accompanied by a sacrificial meal ; the subject
of 7, 28-34 is also closely connected with the Peace-oftering, and may be
fairly regarded as comprehended in the heading 7, il.
The main distinction between c. 1 — 6, 7 and 6, 7 — c. 8 is that while the
laws of the former group relate, as a rule, to the manner in which the sacrifice
Itself is to be offered, the latter contain regulations anciUa7y to this, e.g.
concerning the dress of the officiating priest, the fire on the altar, the portions
to be eaten by the priest or the worshipper (as the case may be), the disposal
of the flesh of the Peace-offerings (as opposed to the parts which went upon
the aUar, c. 3), &c. The treatment is not, however, perfectly uniform through-
out : on the analogy of c. I — 4, 7, 1-7 (the ritual oi the Guilt-offering) should
occupy the place of — or, at least, precede (cf. c. 4 before 5, 1-6) — 5, 14 — 6, 7
(the cases in which the Guilt-offering is to be paid).
(iii.) C. 8 — 10, The consecration of the priests, and their solemn
entry upon office.
C. 8. Aaron and his sons consecrated to the priesthood in
accordance with the instructions Ex. 29, 1-37.
^ In the existing text of Lev. 6, S — c. 7 nothing corresponds to the "con-
secration" offering of 7, 37; either the expression rests on a misinterpre-
tation of 6, 19-23, or a law on this subject may have been omitted by the
compiler of P in view of the fuller treatment in Ex. 29.
42 LITERATURE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
C. 9. Aaron and his sons solemnly enter upon their
office.
C. 10, 1-7. Nadab and Abihu punished for offering strange
fire : the priests forbidden to mourn for them.
8-9 (lo-i x). Priests forbidden to drink wine while officiating.
12-15. The priests' share in the Meal-offerings and Peace-
offerings.
16-20. A law in narrative form determining that, in the
people's Sin-offering (the blood of which was not z^. 18
(cf. 9, 15. 9) brought within the Tabernacle), the flesh
should be eaten by the priest, not burnt without the
camp (as had been done 9, 15, cf. 11).
This law is a correction of the usage followed in 9, i^^ (see 9, li) — which
is in agreement with the analogy of the injunction Ex. 29, 14, and its
execution Lev. 8, 17 — on the ground of the regulation in c. 4, according to
which the flesh of only those Sin-offerings was to be biir7it, of which the blood
had been brought within the Tabernacle and sprinkled on the Altar of Incense
(4, 1-21 ; cf. 6, 30). The connexion of 10, 10 f. with 10, 9 is imperfect, the
subject treated being in reality a different one (see 11, 47 ; and com p. Ez.
44, 23 beside 21). Unless the rendering of RV. niarg. be adopted — which,
though grammatically possible, is somewhat artificial — it would almost seem
as if 10, 10 f. had been transplanted from their original context.
(iv.) C. II — 16. Laws of Purification and Atotietnent.
C. II. Clean and unclean animals.
(i) Animals unclean as food : {a) Quadrupeds (nona), m\
2-8; ip) aquatic creatures (D''Dn )'"1C' "swarming things
of the waters"), vv. 9-12; {c) flying creatures (=liy), a.
birds, vv. 13-19; /?. flying insects (^liyn )'"lt^' "swarming
things that fly"), vv. 20-23; {d) creeping insects and
reptiles (pxn ^y pb'H pCM "swarming things that
swarm upon the earth"), vv. 41-42, with conclusion, vv.
43-45. (2) On the pollution caused by contact with the
carcases of certain animals, vv. 24-40. Vv. 46-47 sub-
scription.
Vv. 24-40 appear not to be part of the original draft of this chapter ; for the
subscription, v. 46 f , notices only the four classes of creatures not to be eaten
{z/v. 2-8; 13-23; 9-12; 41-45), and ignores the contents of vv. 24-40
(creatures whose carcases are not to be touched] ; these verses, moreover,
differ from the rest of the ch., in that they define the purification rendered
necessary by non-observance of the regulations prescribed.
LEVITICUS. 43
C. 12. Purification after child-birth.
This ch. would more suitaVily follow c. 15, with which it is connected in
subject, and which, indeed, it presupposes in v. 2 (see 15, 19).
C. 13 — 14. Leprosy.
Diagnosis of leprosy in man, 13, 1-46 ; leprosy in clothing
and leather, 47-59; purification of the leper, 14, 1-32;
leprosy in a house, 33-53; subscription to the whole,
54-57-
C. 15. Purification after certain natural secretions.
C. II — 15 are linked together by the recurring colophon This is ihe
law of . , . II, 46. 12, 7. 13, 59. 14, 32. (54). 57. 15, 32.
C. 16. Ceremonial of the Day of Atonement.
The introduction, v. i, directly connects this ch. wiih c. 10. Whether
it was originally separated from c. lo by c. II — 15 (esp. when the different
character of the introductions li, i. 13, i. 14, 32. 15, i is considered) may
be doubtful. At the same time, the position which c. 11 — 15 now occupy is
a thoroughly appropriate one: "They come after the consecration of the
priests, whose functions concerning the 'clean' and 'unclean' they regulate,
and before the law of the Day of Atonement on which the sanctuary is
cleansed from the pollutions caused by involuntary uncleanness of priests and
people" (Kuen. p. 82; so Wellh. p. 150).
On the question whether this ch. represents throughout one and the same
stage of ceremonial usage, see the study of Benzinger in the ZATIV. 1S89,
pp. 65-89,
11. C. 17 — 26. The Law of Holiness.
Literature. — Graf, Die Geschicht lichen Biicher des AT.s (1866), pp.
75-83 ; Noldeke, Untersitchungen (1869), pp. 62-71 ; Kayser, Das Vorexi-
lische Biich der Urqeschichte Isr. (1874), pp. 176-184 ; Klostermann, Hat
Ezechiel die in Lev. 18 — 26 am deiitlichsten erkcnnbai-e Gesetzessammlung
verfasst? in the Z. filr Ltith. Theologie, 1877, pp. 406-445 ; Wellhausen,
Comp. pp. 151-175; Delitzsch, Stiidien (1880), xii. p. 617 ff. ; Horst, Leviti-
cus xvii. — xxvi. nnd Hc'zekiel (Colmar, 1881); Wurster in the ZATIV.
1884, pp. 112-133; Kuenen, Nexateuch, §§ 6. 24-28; 14. 6; 15. 5-10;
Riehm, Einleitutig (1889), pp. 177-202.
We arrive here at a group of chapters which stand by them-
selves in P. While in general form and scope appertaining to
P, they differ from the main body of P by the presence of a
foreign eleme?it, which manifests itself partly in the style and
phraseology, partly in the motives which here become prominent.
The phenomena which the chapters present are explained by the
supposition that an independent — and in all probability an older
44 LITERATURE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
— body of priestly legislation lies at the basis of c. 17 — 26, which
has been incorporated in P, — either by the compiler of P, or by
a redactor writing under the influence of P, — sometimes (as it
would seem) with slight changes of form introduced for the pur-
pose of accommodating it to P, at other times interwoven with
elements derived from P. The elements thus united with P are
distinguished from it, partly by the predominance of certain ex-
pressions never, or very rarely, found in P (or indeed in the
Hexateuch generally), partly by the prominence given to particu-
lar principles and motives : the laws themselves have also (in
certain instances) been provided with a parenetic framework in a
manner unlike that of P. The principle which determines most
conspicuously the character of the entire section is that of holiness
— partly ceremonial, partly moral — as a quality distinguishing
Israel, demanded of Israel by Jehovah (19, 2. 20, 7. 8. 26.
21, 6-8. 15. 23. 22, 9. 16. 32), and regulating the Israelite's life.
Holiness is, indeed, a duty laid upon Israel in other parts of the
Pent.;^ but while elsewhere it appears merely as one injunction
among many, it is here insisted on with an emphasis and frequency
which constitute it the leading motive of the entire section. In
consequence of this very prominent characteristic, the present
group of chapters received from Klostermann in 1877 the happily-
chosen title of Das Heiligkeitsgesetz, or " The Law of Holiness,"
which it has since retained.
That these chapters of Lev. are rightly treated as containing
an independent body of laws, appears not merely from the dis-
tinctive character thus belonging to them, but, further, from the
somewhat miscellaneous nature of their contents (as compared
with Lev. i — 16. 27), from the recurrence in them of subjects
that have been dealt with before, not only in Ex. 20 — -23, but
also in P (comp. 17, 10-14 ^i^d ?> 26 f; 19, 6-8 and 7, 15-18;
20, 25 and c. 11), and from the fact that they open with instruc-
tions respecting the place of sacrifice, and close with a parenetic
exhortation, exactly in the manner of the two other Pentateuchal
Codes, the " Book of the Covenant" (Ex. 20, 24-26 ; 23, 20 fif.)
and the code in Deuteronomy (Dt. 12 and 28). The laws, no
doubt, in substance, if not also in form, date in general from a
much older time than that of the collector who brought them
■^ In JE Ex. 22, 31 (though in a ceremonial rather than in a moral con-
nexion) ; and in Dt. 14, 2. 21.
LEVITICUS. 45
together and fitted them into their present framework. It will
be convenient to denote the laws thus incorporated in P, with
their parenetic framework, by the abbreviation H} H has
points of contact with P, but lacks many of its most character-
istic features. Ezekiel, the priestly prophet, has affinities with P,
but his affinities with H are peculiarly striking and numerous :
the laws comprised in H are frequently quoted by him, and the
parenetic passages contain many expressions — sometimes remark-
able ones — which otherwise occur in Ezekiel alone.
List of phrases characteristic of c. 17 — 26 : —
1. nin"" ''jX I am Jehovah, esp. at the end of an injunction or series of
injunctions (nearly fifty times) : 18, 2.' 4. 5.- 6. 21. 30.- 19, 3.'- 4.'^
10.2 12. 14. 16. 18. 25.228. 30. 31.- 32. 34.-36.-37. 20, 7.28.3 24.^21,
12. 15.=* 23.=' 22, 2. 3. 8. 9.3 i6.» 30. 31. 32.3 ZT,. 23, 22.- 43.- 24, 22."^
25, 17.2 38.^ 55.- 26, I.- 2. 13.* 44." 45. So Ex. 6, 2. 6. 8. 29. 12, I2^
29, 46\'* 46^.2 31, I3^='Nu. 3, 12, end. 41. 45. 10, lo.^ 15, 4I^■* 4I^^
2. mn'' ''JS Cnp ''D For J Jchovah am holy: 19, 2.- 20, 26. 21, 8.* Cf.
II, 44. 45 (For I am holy).
3. That sanctify you {them, &c.) : 20, 8. 21, 8. 15. 23. 22, 9. 16. 32. So
Ex. 31, 13. Ez. 20, 12. 37, 28.t
4. ti^'X C^'^X for whoever: 17, 3. 8. 10. 13. 18, 6. 20, 2. 9. 22, 4. 18. 24, 15.
So 15, 2. Nu. 5, 12. 9, 10. Ez. 14, 4. 7 (with ^XTki"" n''20 as ch.17, 3.
8. 10).
5. / "Will set (^nnil) my face against , . . : 17, 10. 20, 3. 5 ("«i}{ TlJ^ti'l).
6. 26, 17. So Ez. 14, 8. 15, 7^ 7" (2-c>). Jer. 21, 10 (qj;^). 44, 11
6. / wz7/ cut off from the midst of his {its, their) people : 17, 10. 20, 3. 5.
6.5 Cf. Ez. 14, 8 ( . . . Tjinp: ii^ Lev. mpp).
^ Kuenen uses the symbol P^, distinguishing different strata of the Priests'
Code (denoted by P in the present volume) as P- and P^ The only reason
why the same symbol has not been adopted here is that the writer did not
wi>h to impose upon himself the task, which its use would have involved, of
distinguishing between P- and P^.
- Followed \yj your {their) God.
^ Followed by the participial clause that sanctify you {him, ^^c).
* Followed by a relative clause.
t The dagger (both here and elsewhere) denotes that all instances of the
word or phrase referred to that occur in the OT. have been cited. The
distinctive character of an expression is evidently the more marked, and the
agreement between two writers who use it is the more striking, in proportion
to the rarity with which it occurs in the OT. generally.
° In P always '^ shall be cut off" (see § 7). In general the Divine "I " appears
here with a prominence which it never assumes in the laws of P.
46 LITERATURE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
7. nipni ']7r\ to walk in the statutes: 18, 3. 20, 23. 26, 3. Also I Ki.
3, 3. 6, 12. 2 Ki. 17, 8. 19; but chiefly in Ez., viz. 5, 6. 7. 11,
20. is, 9. 17. 20, 13. 19. 21. 33, IS : cf. jer. 44, 10 ("Tipna"! "minn)-!
8. ''OSii'DI Tllpn my statutes and my judgments : iS, 4 (inverted). 5. 26.
19, 37. 20, 22. 25, 18. 26, 15. 43.
9. To ohserzie and do: 18, 4. 19, 37. 20, 8. 22. 22, 31. 25, 18. 26, 3.
10. -\^'^ Jiesh = next-of-kin: 18, 12. 13. 17 (m^5k^')• 20, 19. 21, 2. Nu.
27, II ; i~lb'3 "li^ti^ 18, 6. 25, 49. Not so elsewhere.
T ; •* :
11. n?3T evil purpose (of unchastity) : 18, 17. 19, 29. 20, 14 bis. So Jud.
20, 6. Hos. 6, 9. Jer. 13, 27. Ez. 16, 27. 43. 58. 22, 9. 11. 23, 21.
27- 29. 35. 44. 48 bis. 49. 24, 13. (In RV. often lezudness.)
12. nVOy neighbour: 18, 20. 19, 11. 15. 17. 24, 19. 25, 14 /w. 15. 17.
5, 21 bis. Zech. 13, 7.f A peculiar term ; not the one in ordinary use.
13. To profane — tlie na??ie of Jehovah 18, 21. 19, 12. 20, 3. 21, 6. 22, 2. 32
(Am. 2, 7. Isa. 48, 11): a ^o/v thing or sanctuary 19, 8. 21, 12.
23. 22, 15 (so Nu. 18, 32) : in other connexions 19, 29. 21, g*". 15.
22, 9 : comp. 21, 4. 9a. So Ex. 31, 14 (of the Sabbath). So often in
Ezek. : o^ Jehovah 13, 19. 22, 26; His name 20, 9. 14. 22. 39. 36,
20-23. 39, 7; i/?V sabbaths 20, 13. 16. 21. 24. 22, 8. 23, 38 (Isa.
56, 2. 6) ; His holy things or sanctuary 22, 26. 23, 39. 44, 7 ; cf.
also 7, 21. 22. 24. 22, 16. 24, 21. 25, 3. 28, 7. 16. 18. Obviousl
the correlative of Nos. 2, 3.
14. My sabbaths: 19, 3. 30. 26, 2. Ex. 31, 13. Ez. 20, 12. 13. 16. 20.
21, 24. 22, 8. 26. 23, 38. 44, 24. Isa. 56, 4.t
15- D^^'^^X things of nought =zvai7i gods : 19,4. 26, i. Not elsewhere in
Pent. Chiefly besides in Isaiah (9 times, and 7''7Sn once).
16. IM^SD nXI^I a7id thou shall be afraid of thy God: 19, 14. 32. 25, 17.
36. 43-
17. (DH Dil'IOn) "13 VDT his {their) blood shall be tipon him {them) : 20, 9.
II. 12. 13. 16. 27. Ez. 18, 13 (n-n'' u vm). 33, 5 (n'H' u im).t
(The ordinary phrase is l^i^XI (n) ^J? IDn)-
18. 7he bread of {their) God: 21, 6. 8. 17. 21. 22. 22, 25. Nu. 28, 2 (cf. 24.
Lev. 3, II. 16), Ez. 44, 7.t (Ez. 16, 19 diff"erently.)
19". XDn XC'3 to bear sin: 19, 17. 22, 9. Nu. 18, 22. 32; cf. Ez. 23, 49.!
19". (DjIXuDn ("l^Sw*: to bear his {their) sin: 20, 20. 24, 15. Nu. 9, 13.!
20*. (D)13"iy (l)t5ki*J /^ /vrt;- /^^■.f (MtvV) iniquity : 17, 16. 19, 8. 20, 17. 19.
So 5, I. 17. 7, 18. Nu. 5, 31. 14, 34 (cf. 15, 31 nn n:iy). Ez. 14, 10.
44, 10. I2.t
20*'. '■^'^ J<L"3 to bear iniquity : Ex. 28, 43 ; cf. Lev. 22, i6.f
20'. . . . py XC3 lo bear the iniquity of . . . {=^ be responsible for) :
Ex. 28, 38. Nu. 18, I bis; no bear th,ir iniquity, v. 23 (see Dillm. ;
and comp. Wellh. Comp. p. 341). f
20"*. . . . to bear the iniquity <?/ another : Lev. 10, 17. 16, 22. Nu. 30, 15
[H. 16]. Ez. 4, 4. 5. 6 (not always in the same application). So
KOn XC'] to bear the sin of msiny, Is. 53, 12.
LEVITICUS. 47
The distinctive prominence attached in this group of chapters
to the ideas of hohness, and of the reverence due to Jehovah or
to a holy thing, will be evident from this collection of charac-
teristic expressions. Amongst the expressions quoted, several
instances of agreement with Ezekiel will have been observed ;
others will be noticed subsequently (§ 7), when the nature of
the relation subsisting between Ezekiel and the " Law of Holi-
ness " comes to be considered more particularly.
We may now proceed to examine c. 17 — 26 in detail.
C. 1 7 treats oifour subjects : —
1. No animal (of a kind offered in sacrifice) to be slain for
food, except it be presented at the central sanctuary,
and its flesh eaten there as a Peace-offering, vv. 1-7.
2. Sacrifices not to be offered except at the central
sanctuary, vv. 8-9.
3. Blood not to be eaten : in the case of animals of a kind
not offered in sacrifice, it is to be poured upon the
earth, vv. 10-14.
4. The flesh of animals dying naturally, or torn by beasts,
not to be eaten, vv. 15-16.
C. 17, as it seems, belongs in the main to II ; but the text is probably
mixed. Thus "unto (at) the door of the tent of meeting" in vv. 4. 5. 6
(which is in fact not required for the sense) appears to be an additional
definition, after the manner of P, introduced by the compiler ; and tliere are
not improbably elements belonging to P in other parts of the chapter.
On 17, 1-7, and its relation to Dt. 12, 15 ff., see (i) Wellh. Coinp. 152-154,
Hist. 50 f. 377 ; Horst, 6o ; Kuen. § 6. 27, 28 ; 14. 6 ; 15. 5, 9, who argue that
the injunction was unknown to the author of Dt., and assign it to a date later
than Dt. ; (2) Del. Studicn, 447 f. 622, who argues that it is older than Dt.,
and abrogated by it (so Dillm. EL. 535) ; (3) Kittel, Theol. Studien aus
Wiirttemberg, 1881, 42(T., Cesch. 99, and Baudissin, Priecterthjim, 47, following
Kayser and Diestel (cf. also Dillm. EL. 536; W. R. Smith, OTIC. 236;
Answer to the Amended Libel (Edin. 1879), 61-64, 72, 73), who think that
in its original form the law contained no reference to the central sanctuary,
but presupposed a plurality of legal sanctuaries (Ex. 20, 24 ; cf. I Sa. 14,
32-35), and was only accommodated to the single sanctuary when it was
incorporated in P. The law seems not to be strictly consistent with P ; for
in P (Lev. 7, 22-27) the slaughtering of animals for food is freely permitted,
the only restriction being that their fat and blood are not to be eaten. The
third of the opinions quoted appears to be the most probable.
C. 18. Unlawful marriages and unchastity; and Molech
worship {p. 21).
48 LITERATURE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
Entirely IL Observe the plan of the chapter : the laws themselves occupy
the central part vv. 6-23 ; vv. 1-5, 24-30 form respectively a parenetic
introduction and conclusion. The characteristics of H are very evident in
the style of the parenetic portion, and also in the refrain " I am the Lord,"
both there {vv. 2^°. 4". ^. 30'') and in the laws {vv. G'. 21'^). It is probable that
the laws themselves were found by the compiler of H already formulated,
and that he merely provided them with the parenetic setting. The laivs, it
may be observed, are in the 2nd pers. sing., the parenetic portions in the 2nd
pers. plural.
C. 19. A collection of miscellaneous laws, regulating the
religious and moral behaviour of the Israelites, in the
manner of parts of Ex. 20-23, but with a more distinct
predominance of the ethical element.
Likewise H, except, probably, v. 21 f. J'. 2^ ("Ye shall be holy," &c.)
states the fundamental principle from which the special precepts which follow
are deduced. The ch. may be divided into three parts : (l) vv. 3-8 laws
analogous to the fi}'st table of the Decalogue ; ^ (2) vv. 9-22 laws analogous
to the second tMie. Here, however, v. 19 deals with a different subject, viz.
unnatural mixtures, in three precepts, with a new introduction. And v. 20,
treating of a very special case of unchastity, and (unlike vz>. 3-19) in the third
person, belongs rather to c. 20, where it would stand suitably after v. 10.
Either it has been removed here by accident, or it was once accompanied by
other laws on the same subject, omitted by the compiler in view of c. 18 and
20. V. 21 f. are alien to the general tenor of either this ch. or c. 20,
and appear to be an addition from the point of view of P. (3) vv. 23-37,
a kind of supplement to vv. 2-19, with a special introduction, v. 23, and
containing injunctions of a somewhat more general character ; notice in v. 34
the extension of the principle oi v. 18 ("thou shalt love thy neighbour as thy-
self " [viz. among the "children of thy people "]) to the stranger. The 2nd
pers. sing, preponderates (though it is not used exclusively) in vv. 9-19,
the 2nd pers. plural in vv. 2-8 and vv. 23-37. In vv. 2-19 the laws appear
often to be arranged in Pentads, or groups of five, each closed by the refrain
(implying the ground of their observance) I am Jehovah : see vv. 9-10. 1 1-12.
13-14. 15-16. 17-18. 19 (incomplete).
C. 20. Penalties enjoined for certain offences specified inc. 18
and 19, 3*. 31 : viz. (i) Molech worship and divination,
vv. T-7 ; (2) (chiefly) unlawful marriages and unchastity,
vv. 8-21, with conclusion, vv. 22-26, and supplement,
V. 27 (a witch or wizard not to live).
^ Though vv. 5-8 (on Peace-offerings) are, it is true, of a different character.
The law here laid down is in 7, 15 — 18 (P) retained only for two (apparently)
less important species of "Peace-offering," the Vow- and the Voluntary-
offering ; for the Thank-offering a stricter law is prescribed (so 22, 29 f. ).
LEVITICUS. 49
The laws forming the boily of the ch. are provided with a parenctic intro-
duction and conclusion (vz>. 2-6 partly, vv. 7-8, t'v. 22-26) in the same
style as c. 18, and evidently by the same hand. It is commonly considered
that c. 18 states the prohibitions, and c. 20 prescribes the penalties incurred
by disobedience to them; but though this may be the relation between the two
chapters which guided the compiler in placing them where they now stand,
it may be doubted whether it is the principle which determined their original
composition ; for the correspondence is imperfect ; not only does the order of
cases differ, but four of the cases named in c. 18 (vv. 7. lO. 17^ iS) are not
noticed here. Nevertheless, the two lists have many features in common ;
and they may well have been drawn up by the same writer, though not with
the definite intention of their supplementing one another. As in the case of
c. 18, the parenetic framework is probably all that is due to the compiler of
H. K 24b introduces a short injunction {v. 25) on the distinction of clean
and unclean food, which, to judge from the general character of the "Law
of Holiness," must once have been accompanied by fuller definitions on the
same subject (analogous to those which now stand in c. 11):^ z'Z'. 24''-26
have features in common with 11, 43-45. J^- 27 is supplementary to v. 6.
C. 2 1 — 22. Regulations touching priests and offerings, under
five main heads — (1) Rules to be observed in certain
cases of domestic Ufe by (a) the ordinary priests, 21, 1-9 ;
{^) the Chief priest, 21, 10-15 : (2) conditions of bodily
perfection to be satisfied by those discharging priestly
duties, 21, 16-24: (3) the two conditions for partaking
in the sacrificial food, viz. ceremonial purity and
membership in a priest's family, 22, 1-16: (4) animals
offered in sacrifice to be free from imperfections, 22,
17-25 : (5) three special injunctions respecting sacrifices,
22, 26-30, with concluding exhortation, 22, 31-33.
The contents of both chapters are evidently determined by the main idea
of the code : they show how the " Law of Holiness " is to be observed in its
application to the priesthood and to sacrifices. Both also exhibit repeatedly
the characteristic phraseology and motives of H ; the only question is
whether they belong to it entirely. In the laws themselves there is little that
is akin to P ; it is probable, therefore, that these are derived mainly from H,
the parts exhibiting the ideas of P being chiefly redactional additions. Thus
the laws themselves use the uncommon expressions " seed of Aaron" 21, 17.
21. 22, 3. 4, and " the priest that is chief among his brethren " (for the " chief
priest") : the superscriptions and subscriptions use the more fixed phraseology
of P "the sons of Aaron" 21, I. 24. 22, 2. 18, and were probably added
later ; in 21, I-15 there is, further, a disagreement between the superscription
(in which the friests are addressed) and the laws that follow (in which the
priests are spoken of in the 3rd pers., and the people, v. 8, are addressed),
^ Wellh. p. 158; Klost. p. 409; Riehm, p. 1S4.
D
50 LITERATURE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
which supports the same conclusion. Otherwise c. 21 appears to belong
entirely to H, except in one or two isolated phrases, as v. 21^ (on the ground
of this exception, see Wellh. p. 160 f.). Whether c. 22 belongs as largely to
H is less certain. Horst (p. 22 f. ), with whom Kuen. (p. 269) agrees, con-
siders vv. 3-7. 17-25. 29-30 as belonging in the main to P ; in the last
named passage v. 30 deviates from 19, 6-8 (H), but agrees with 7, 15 (P) ;
the definitions in vv. 5-7 are in the style of P rather than in that of H ; and in
vv. 17-25 most of the usual marks of H are absent. It is at least probable
that these passages, though not perhaps belonging entirely to P (see the marks
of 11 in vv. 3. 4. 18. 25 [Horst, p. 23]^ have been revised and added to in
the spirit of P. The conclusion 22, 31-33 is in the style of 18, 26-30. 19,
37. 20, 22-26 (H).
C. 23. A calendar of sacred seasons,^ in particular i^v. 2. 37)
of the days on which "holy convocations," i.e. religious
assemblies, were appointed to be held, with particulars
respecting the manner of their observance. The days
stated are the following: all Sabbaths, the ist and 7th
days of Mazzoih, the Feast of Weeks, New Year's Day,
the Day of Atonement, the ist and 8th (or supernumerary)
day of the Feast of Booths.
The elements of which the ch. is composed consist of excerpts
from two sources ; laws from H and P having been combined
so as mutually to supplement one another, — in all probability by
a compiler living subsequently to both, and representing the
principles of P.
(H 9-20. 22. 39". 40-43-
(P 23,. 1-8. 21. 23-38. 39'. 39°. 44.
Our guide in analysing the chapter must be the title {vv. 2. 4)
and subscription {v. 37 f.), which authorize us to expect an
enumeration of " holy convocations." Vv. 3. 5-8 correspond
with the terms of the title ; the Sabbath, and the first and seventh
(lays of Mazzoih, were observed by " holy convocations." (It is
true that the Passover-day v. 5 was not so observed ; but the
Passover appears to be mentioned here, not on its own account,
but rather as introductory to Mazzoth, vv. 6-8.) Vv. 9-14
prescribe an offering of a sheaf, as the first-fruits of the harvest,
on "the morrow after the Sabbath." This injunction (i) falls
outside the scope of the calendar, as fixed by the title ; it relates
' DnyiD "stated times," RV. (usually) "set (or appointed) feasts," a wider
term than JPI "pilgrimage," which denotes the three "feasts" observed as
pilgrimnges, viz. Mazzoth, Weeks, and Ingathering (Ex. 23, 14-17).
LEVITICUS. 51
to an offering to be made on a day for which no convocation is
prescribed; moreover, in its present connexion (2) there is
nothing to fix the day which is meant, an indication — as Dehtzsch
remarks — that the passage no longer stands in its original context
(which must naturally have contained some specification of the
"Sabbath" intended).^ Vv. 9-14 belong thus to H.
Vv. 15-22 (Feast of Weeks). Here only z/. 21 falls within the
scope of the title; the rest (i) depends upon the same com-
putation from the undefined "Sabbath" as vv. 9-14; (2) pre-
scribes an offering of similar kind to that in v. 11, viz. of the
wave-loaf, which falls outside the category of the sacrifices named
in the subscription, v. 37. Vv. 15-20. 22 will belong accordingly
to H ; with e^. 22 comp. 19, 9 f. (also H).
Vv. 23-25 (New Year's Day), 26-32 (Day of Atonement),
33-36 (Feast of Booths, with a supernumerary eighth day), agree
with the terms of the title, prescribing observances for the days
on which the "holy convocations" were to be held. V. 37 f. is
the subscription corresponding with the title, vv. 2, 4. Accord-
ing, now, to vv. 2. 4. 37-38 the subject to be dealt with in
the ch. is completed ; it is surprising, therefore, after the sub-
scription, V. 2)1 f-j to find a group of additional regulations,
vv. 39-43. These verses, enjoining certain usages in connexion
with the Feast of Booths, and explaining the significance of this
name, form an appendix, derived from H (notice the refrain in
43^), but accommodated to P by slight additions introduced by
a later hand, (i) In H — to judge by the analogy of z/. 10 (" when
ye reap the harvest") and v. 15 (the date in which depends upon
that fixed in v. 10) — the date of the Feast of Booths was fixed
only in general terms by the close of the period of harvest
("when ye have gathered in the increase of the land"); it is
probable, therefore, that the words, "on the 15th day of the 7th
month," are an insertion in the original law, made with the object
of harmonizing it more completely with the definite date of P
in V. 34 ; (2) V. 39, after stating that the feast is to last for seven
days, proceeds to add, " on the first day and on the eighth day
shall be a solemn rest ; " in vv. 40-43, however, this eighth day
^ It is understood traditionally of the 1st day of Mazzoth (so that the
" morrow " would be Nisan 16) ; but this is not the usual sense of " Sabbath."
In its original connexion, the " Sabbath " meant was probably the ordinary
weekly Sabbath that fell during the seven days of Alazzolh.
52 LITERATURE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
is consistently ignored, though the seven days are spoken of
repeatedly. It can scarcely be doubted that in v. 39 the words,
"on the first day shall be a solemn rest, and on the eighth day
shall be a solemn rest," are a second insertion, made by a
later hand for the purpose of bringing the appendix into formal
agreement with v. 36, where, it is to be noticed, the eighth day
is introduced in a natural and orderly manner, after the seven
have been dealt with, expressly as an additional observance. In
point of fact, under Solomon this feast Avas observed for seven
days — on the eighth day the king sending the people away
(i Ki. 8, 66) ; in post-exilic times, a supernumerary eighth day is
mentioned, with express reference to the law of P here, Neh. 8, 18 j
2 Ch. 7, 9 (where the text of Kings is altered).^
The common characteristic of the parts of this calendar which
belong to H is the relation in which the feasts stand to the land
and to agriculture : the " morrow after the Sabbath " during
Mazzoth, the Feast of Weeks, and the Feast of Booths, all alike
-mark stages in the ripening of the produce of the soil ; the first
cut sheaf, the completed barley and wheat harvest (the loaf), the
end of the vintage. The feasts are significant in the same
manner in JE and Deut. (Ex. 23, 15. 16. 34, 18. 22. Dt. 16, i.
9. 13); in P this point of view has become obscured, and they
are treated rather as occasions, fixed arbitrarily, for religious
observances.
C. 24. 1. On the lamps in the Tabernacle, vv. 1-4 {w. 2-3 =
Ex. 27, 20 f almost verbatim).
2. On the Shewbread, vv. 5-9.
3. Laws on blasphemy, and certain cases of injury to
the person, arising out of a particular incident,
vv. 10-23.
The analysis of tlie ch. is not difficult. The laws in vv. 15-22 belong to
H, the marks of whose style they show {e.,i^. :^'''X ti^X v. 15 ; TT'Cy i'- 19 ;
the refrain v. 22'') : the tradition respecting the occasion which gave rise to
' Riehm (p. 187 f.), though he does not doubt that w. 9-21 (or 22). 39-43
are derived from a different source from the rest of the ch., questions whether
they are rightly attributed to II, on the ground chiefly that they exhibit traits
belonging to P rather than II. However, of the clauses containing these
traits, w. 3. 21. 31 are already assigned to P in the analysis ; the others
{vv. l6\ 41 middle) may well be definitions added afterwards in the spirit of
P Delitzsch, Sludien. p. 621 f., agrees with the analysis given in the text.
LEVITICUS. 53
them lias been cast into form by P, vv. 10-14. 19 (comp. the similar narrative,
Nu. 15, 32-36). The injunctions contained in vv. 1-9 belong likewise to P.
C. 25. I. The Sabbatical year, vv. 1-7, with an appendix,
vv. 19-22.
2. The year of Jubile, vv. 8-18. 23, with regulations
respecting the right of redemption, arising out of
the institution of the Jubile, vv. 24-55. Vv. 35-
38 are on usury, a subject connected with the Jubile
year, not in itself, but in virtue of the circumstances
under which it was apt to be exacted (z'. 35* : cf.
vv. 25*. 39*. 47*).
Vv. 19-22 interrupt the connexion ; for v. 23 is evidently the sequel to
w. 8-18. The verses were probably placed where they now stand by the
redactor, who desired their contents to be referred to the Jubile year as well
as to the Sabbatical year.
The marks of H are most evident in w. 1-7. 14 f. (JT'DJ?). 17-18. 35-38.
42. 43. 55 (comp. also vv. i f. and 8 with 23, 9 f. and 15) ; they -are least pro-
minent in vv. 29-34. Probably vv. 1-7. 8-13 (in the main). 14-23. 35-38, and
the nucleus of vv. 24-28. 39-55, belong to H ; the elements belonging to H
in the last two passages having been modified and expanded by the hand
which incorporated H in the Priests' Code. Vv. 29-34 appear to be a later
insertion, if only from their introducing a term, viz. Leviles, which has not
before been used or defined. As in c. 23, the reference to agriculture is
prominent, especially in w. 1-7 (which seem plainly to be based upon
Ex. 23, 10. 11). 19-22.
C. 26. Prohibition of idolatry, and injunction to observe the
Sabbath, vv. 1-2 {v. 2-19, 30); hortatory conclusion to
the preceding code, vv. 3-45, with subscription, v. 46.
This conclusion is in the general style of Ex. 23, 20 ff. and
Dt. 28, but expresses the ideas and principles peculiar to the Law
of Holiness, and is evidently the work of the same compiler.
"The la}id and agriculture have here the same fundamental
significance for religion as inc. 19. 23. 25. The threat of expulsion,
18, 27 f. 20, 22, is repeated here in greater detail. The one com-
mandment expressly named is that of allowing the land to lie
fallow in the Sabbatical year, 26, 34." It begins, as it also ends,
with one of the characteristic expressions of H (" if ye walk in my
statutes:'' '^ I am Jehovah''). As. the list, p. 45 f., will have shown,
many of the other characteristic expressions of H also occur in it.^
1 Comp. also v. ^ with 25, 18''. 19''; v. 10 (esp. the unusual term |L*'^)
with 25, 22.
54 LITERATURE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
It contains, however, in addition, many words and phrases which
are original, several recurring remarkably in Ezekiel (see § 7).
In Lev. 17 — 26, then, we have before us elements derived
from P, combined with excerpts from an earlier and independent
collection of laws (H), the latter exhibiting a characteristic
j)hraseology, and marked by the preponderance of certain
characteristic principles and motives. In some of its features this
Code of laws resembles the " Book of the Covenant." As there,
the commands (in the main) are addressed to the people, not to
the priest; as there, they are also largely (cf. esp. Lev. 19) cast
into an abrupt, concise form, without comments or motives
(except " I am Jehovah "). The moral commands cover also
much of the same ground. It differs from Ex. 21 — 23 chiefly in
the greater amount of detail, and in dealing with the ceremonial,
rather than with the civil, side of an Israelite's life. That this
collection of laws is not preserved in its original integrity is
evident from many indications : some subjects are treated incom-
pletely ;^ elsewhere the arrangement is imperfect,- and there are
several instances of repetition.^ The question arises whether
other excerpts from this collection of laws are preserved else-
where in the Pentateuch. If the list on p. 45 f. be considered
carefully, it will appear that several of the expressions character-
istic of the " Law of Holiness " are combined remarkably in the
short ordinance on the Sabbath in Ex. 31, 13-14% which may
accordingly, with great probability, be regarded as an excerpt from
it (so Del, Dillm., Horst). Lev. 11, 43-45 (cf. both the phrase-
ology and 20, 25) may be another excerpt : Horst, Kuenen, and
Dillm. (partly) would even include the entire body of law with
which II, 43-45 was primarily connected, viz. 11, 1-23. 41-47.
A third passage that may be plausibly assigned to it is the law of
"Fringes," Nu. 15, 37-41 (Del., Horst, Dillm., Kuen.).'* When
the collection existed as a complete whole, the different subjects
^ E.g. 19, 5-8 (which almost necessarily implies that laws respecting other
species of sacrifices must once have formed part of the code). 20, 25.
- As 19, 5-8, just quoted ; 19, 20. 21-22. 20, 27.
* 19, 3. 30. 26, 2 ; 19, 4. 26, I ; 19, 9. 23, 22 ; 19, 31. 20, 6. From the
facts just noted it is inferred by Dillm. {NDJ. p. 639) that the collection,
l)ef()re it reached its present form, passed through several hands.
■* Dillm. (A'Zy. p. 640) considers that H is also the basis of Lev. 5, 1-6
(cf. 1:11? N*J*31)- 21-24 (nVOy). Nu. 10, 9 f. See further on this subject § 7.
NUMBERS. 55
which it embraced were no doubt treated in accordance with a
definite plan ; at present only excerpts exist, which show what
some of the subjects included in it were, but do not enable us
to determine what principle of arrangement was followed in it.
III. C. 27. On the commutation of vows and tithes, (i) Of
TOWS ; which might consist of persons, vv. 2-8, cattle, vv. 9-13,
houses, V. 14 f , fields, vv. 16-25, but not of firstlings, v. 26 f ,
and if consisting in some object "devoted"^ could not be
commuted, v. 28 f. ; (2) oi tithes, vv. 30-33.
The ch. belongs to P, and presupposes c. 25 (z;. 17 ff. the
year of Jubile).
§ 4. Numbers.
Literature. — See above, p. i f.
The Book of Numbers (called by the Jews, from its fifth
word, ^3^^:53) carries on the narrative of the Pentateuch to the
40th year of the exodus. The book opens on the ist day of
the 2nd month in the 2nd year; the departure from Sinai, in the
20th day of the 2nd month, is related in 10, 1 1-28 ; the arrival in
the wilderness of Paran (or Kadesh), the mission of the spies,
and subsequent defeat at Hormah are narrated in c. 13 — 14;
the arrival in the desert of Zin (or Kadesh), in the 40th year, is
recorded 20, 1 ; Aaron's death (on the ist day of the 5th month
of the 40th year, n, 38) is related in c. 20, 23-29.
In structure the Book of Numbers resembles Exodus, JE re-
appearing by the side of P, though, as a rule, not being so closely
interwoven with it. It begins with a long extract from P, ex-
tending from I, I to 10, 28, the main topics of which are tJie
disposition of the camp and the duties of the Levites.
C. I. The census of the twelve tribes, exclusive of the tribe
of Levi {vv. 47-54), who are to be appointed guardians of the
Tabernacle, and to be located around it in the centre of the
camp, apart from the other tribes. The number of males
above 20 years old (exclusive of Levites) is given at 603,550.
C. 2. The position of the tribes in the camp, and their order
on the march.
^ The D"in : see the author's Notes on Samuel (1S90), pp. 100-102; or
more fully Ewald, Antiquities of Israel, pp. 101-106 (Eng. tr. 75-78).
56 LITERATURE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
C. 3 — 4. The Levites taken to assist the priests, in lieu of the
first-born, in doing the service of the Tent of Meeting. Their
numbers, their position in the centre of the camp about the
Tabernacle, and their duties.
3, 1--4 the priests (recapitulation) ; 5-10 the Levites appointed to assist the
priests in subordinate duties ; II-13 they are taken for this purpose in lieu of
the tirst-born in Israel; 14-20 the Levites (from one month old) to be num-
bered ; 21-37 the numbers, position, and charge of the three Levitical
famiHes — the Gershonites, Kohathites, and Merarites ; 38 the priests to be
on the east of the Tabernacle ; 39 the whole number of Levites 22,000 ;
40-51 the first-born numbered (22,273), and a ransom taken on behalf of the
273 in excess of the number of the Levites.
C. 4. Particulars (in fuller detail than in c. 3) respecting the duties of the
Kohathites vv. 1-20, Gershonites vv. 2.1-2%, Merarites vv. 29-33 j ^"d their
numbers (from 30 to 50 years of age), viz. Kohathites vv. 34-37 (2750),
Gershonites vv. 3S-41 (2630), and Merarites vv. 42-45 (3200), — in all {vv.
46-49) 85S0.
The style of c. 1-4 is more than usually diffuse. Thus in c. 2 all that is
essentially new as compared with c. I are the statements 2, 3*. 5». 7". 9*" &c.
respecting the order of the tribes ; and in c. 3 — 4, 4, 4-33 is largely an ex-
pansion of what is stated more succinctly in 3, 24-38. It is observable that
3, 40-51 exemplifies by actual numerical computation the more general thought
of 3, 12, that the Levites are representative of the first-born of Israel. The
systematic development of a subject, capable in itself of being stated more
simply and succinctly, is characteristic of the narrative-sections of P.
C. 5 — 6. Laws on different subjects : — {a) 5, 1-4 exclusion of
the leprous and unclean from the camp; (/;) 5, 5-10 the officiat-
ing priest to receive the compensation for fraud, in case the
injured person be dead, and have no next-of-kin, as also all
heave-offerings and dedicatory offerings: {c) 5, 11-31 law of
ordeal prescribed for the woman suspected by her husband of
unfaithfulness; (^) 6, 1-21 the law of the Nazirite ; {e) 6, 22-27
the formula of priestly benediction.
C. 7. The offerings of the 12 princes of the tribes at the
consecration of the Tent of Meeting and of the altar, viz. (i)
6 " covered wagons," or litters, for the transport of the fabric of
the Tabernacle by the Gershonites and Merarites, vv. 1-9 ; (2)
vessels for use at the altar, and animals for sacrifice, vv. 10-S9.
The ch. (in the names of the 12 princes, and the use of the 6 wagons)
presupposes cc. 1.4; and yet the occasion to which it relates precedes Nu.
I, I (comp. vv. I. 10. 84 with Ex. 40, 17. Lev. 8, lo-ii). The origin
of this incongruity must remain uncertain. The particularity of detail which
characterizes P generally here reaches its climax, 5 entire verses being
NUiMBERS. 57
repeated verbatim 12 times. But the aim of the writer, no doubt, was to
dilate upon the example of liberality displayed upon the occasion by the
lieads of the people.
C. 8. {a) Vv. 1-4 instructions for fixing (see RV. vmrg.) the
lamps upon the golden candlestick; (b) vv. 5-22 consecration of
the Levites to their duties (connecting with 3, 5-13).; {f) vv.
23-26 the period of the Levites' service (from 25 to 50 years of
age).
In 4, 3. 23. 30 the limits are from thirty to fifty years of age. The law
here must represent the practice (or theory) of a different time from that of
c. 4, and is in all probability a later modification of that law. The supposi-
tion that the regulations in c. 4 are temporary and refer only to the transport
of the Tabernacle in the wilderness, while the regulation here is permanent,
relating to the service of the Levites generally, introduces an arbitrary distinc-
tion : the terms used in the text are precisely the same in both cases (8, 24''
and 4, 3''-4. 23^ 30*'). In the time of the Chronicler {c. 300 B.C.) liability to
service began in the 20th year (2 Ch. 31, 17. Ezr. 3, 8) : the change from the
30th year is attributed (i Ch. 23, 3. 24-27) to David.
C. 9. {a) The Passover of the second year, followed by the
institution of a supplementary or "Little" Passover, a month after-
wards, for the sake of those hindered accidentally from keeping the
Passover at the regular time, vv. 1-14; ip) the signals given by
the cloud for the marching and halting of the camp, vv. 15-23.
C. 10. (a) The use of the silver trumpets in starting the several
camps, and on other occasions, vv. i-io ; {b) the departure of the
Israelites from Sinai, and order of their camps on the march,
vv. 11-28 ; {c) (JE) the services of Hobab secured for the guid-
ance of the Israelites in the wilderness ; and the functions of the
ark in directing the movements of the Israelites, vv. 29-36.
C. II — 12 (JE). The murmuring of the people at Taberah and
Kibroth-hattaavah. Appointment of seventy elders to assist
Moses. Quails given to satisfy the people. Miriam's leprosy.
C. II appears to show marks of composition (see Dillm.), though, as is
often the case in JE, the data do not exist for separating the sources employed
with confidence. C. 12 belongs probably to E.
C. 13 — 14. The narrative of the spies.
(P 13,1-17*. 21. 25-26" (to /'(7n?«). 32*.
I JE 17''- 20. 22-24. 26''--3i. 32*"- 33.
P 14, 1-2. 1 5-7. 10. 26-38.1
JE 3-4. 8-9. 11-25. 39-45.
^ In the main.
58 LITERATURE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
The double character of the narrative is very evident. Observe
(i) that 13, 22 \?, parallel \.o v. 21, v. 32 to vv. 27-31, and 14, 26-34
to 14, II. 22-25; observe (2) the difference of representation
which characterizes the two accounts : in JE the spies go only as
far as the neighbourhood of Hebron, in the south of Judah {13,
22-24); iri P they explore the whole country, to Rehob (Jud,
18, 28) in the far north (13, 21 : with this agrees the expression
in 13, 32 and 14, 7 ^^ through which 7ve have fussed^'): in JE,
upon their return, they represent the land as a fertile one, but
one which the Israelites have not the means of conquering
(13, 27-31); in P they represent it as one that " eateth up its
inhabitants," i.e. as an impoverished land (see Lev. 26, 38. Ez.
36, 12,), not worth conquering (13, 32) : in JE Joshua is not
named as one of the spies, and Caleb alone stills the people, and
is exeftipted in consequence from the sentence of exclusion from
Palestine (13, 30. 14, 24); in P Joshua as well as Caleb is
among the spies ; both are named as pacifying the people, and
are exempted accordingly from the sentence of exclusion (14, 6.
30. 38 ; cf. 26, 65 P). This last difference is remarkable, and will
meet us again : had the whole narrative been by a single writer,
who thought of Joshua as acting in concert with Caleb, it is
difficult not to think that Joshua would have been mentioned
beside Caleb — not, possibly, in 13, 30, but — in 14, 24, when
the exemption from the sentence of exclusio7i from Palestine is first
promised. In P the spies start from the " wilderness of Paran "
(13, 3 ; cf. 26) : in JE, though it is not here so stated, it may be
inferred from Nu. 32, 8 (cf. Dt. i. 19. Josh. 14, 6) that they
started from Kadesh ; and with this agree the words to Kadcsh
in 13, 26. If the passages assigned to the two narratives be
read continuously, it will be found that each is nearly as com-
plete as in the case of the narrative of the Flood in Genesis :
only the beginning in JE is replaced by the fuller particulars
from P. The phraseology of the two narratives differs as usual.
C. 15 (P). {a) Vv. 1-16 the Meal- and Drink-offering appointed
to accompany every Burnt-offering and Peace-offering; {l)) vv.
17-21 a cake of the first dough of the year to be offered as a
Heave -offering ; (r) vv. 22-31 the Sin-offering of the com-
munity, or of an individual, for accidental derelictions of duty ;
{d) vv. 32-36 narrative of the punishment inflicted upon a
Sabbath-breaker: (e) vv. 37-41 the law of "Fringes."
NUMBERS. 59
Fv. 22-31 belong to the general subject of Lev. 4, i — 5, 13 ; the Sin-offer-
ing of the congregation having been already prescribed there (4, 13-21), but
the animal being a different one, viz. a bullock. The language of v. 22
supports the view that here sins of omission are referred to, while in Lev. 4
the reference is to sins of commission. Those who are not satisfied with this
explanation suppose that the two laws represent the practice of different
times (so Dillm., remarking that in v. 24 the language of cowmission is used,
and in Lev. 5, I that of omission). On w. 37-41 see p. 54.
C. 16 — 17. The rebellion of Korah, Dathan, and Abiram.
Confirmation of the priestly prerogatives enjoyed by the tribe of
Levi.
( P 16, I". a*-/', (j^-ii). (16-17)- 18-24. 27*. 32".
( ]E i''-2\ 12-15. 25-26. 27''-34.
P 16, 35. (36-40). 41-50. c. 17.
JE
Here two, if not three, narratives have been combined. If the
parts assigned to each in the table be read continuously, the
following will appear as their several characteristics :—
1. In JE Dathan and Abiram, Reubenites, give vent to their
dissatisfaction with Moses, complaining (?'. 14) that his promises
have been unfulfilled, and resenting the authority (13'') and
judgeship (15*^) possessed by him : they, with their tents and
households, are swallowed up by the earth vv. 27-34. This is a
rebellion of laymen against the civil authority claimed by Moses.
The narrative is nearly complete, there being only some slight
omissions at the beginning.
2. In P there appear to be two strata of narrative. In the
parts not enclosed within parentheses, Korah, at the head of 250
princes of the congregation, not themselves all Levites,^ opposes
Moses and Aaron in the interests of the community at large,
protesting against the limitation of priestly rights to the tribe of
Levi, on the ground {v. 3) that "^7// the congregation are holy."
Invited by Moses to establish their claim by appearing with
censers at the sanctuary, they are consumed by fire from Jehovah.
With this representation agrees 16, 41-50. c. 17, the point of
^ As appears, partly from the general expression in v. 2 ("princes of the
congregation," with no limitation to Levites), partly from the fact that in
27, 3 Maiiassiles disown, on behalf of ihtir fa'her, complicity in the insurrec-
tion of Korah, which, if all his company had consisted of Levites, would
evidently have been unnecessary.
6o LITERATURE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
wliich is to confirm — not the exclusive rights of Aaron, as against
the rest of the tribe of Levi, but — the exclusive right to the
priesthood possessed by Levi, against Israel generally (the
opposition is clearly not between Aaron and the other Levites,
but between Levi and the other tribes; the words in 17, 12 f.
also are spoken from the point of view of {\\t people at large).
3. This narrative appears to have been afterwards enlarged by
additions (the parts enclosed within parentheses), emphasizing a
somewhat different point of view, and exhibiting Korah, at the
head of 250 Levites, as setting himself in opposition to Aaron,
and protesting on behalf of the tribe of Levi generally against
the exclusive right claimed by the sons of Aaron (observe 7^ ye
sons of Levi, and 9 ff. where Korah's company are described as
dissatisfied with their menial position, and claiming equal rights
with Aaron). With this representation agrees 16, 36-40 (see
V. 40 " that no stranger that is not of the seed of Aaron," &c.).
Thus JE mentions only Dathan and Abiram, P only Korah ;
and the motives and aims of the malcontents are in each case
different. The phraseology of the two main currents of the
narrative is that of JE and P respectively. A more general
ground, tending to show the composite character of the narrative,
is the inequality of the manner in which Korah, Dathan, and
Abiram appear in it ; whereas in v. i f. they are represented as
taking part in a common conspiracy, they afterwards continually
act separately : Moses speaks to Korah without Dathan and
Abiram, and to Dathan and Abiram without Korah {vv. 4-1 1 ;
12-14; 16-22; 25 f); Dathan and Abiram do not act in
concert with Korah vv. 16-22, but remain in their tents at a
distance vv. 26-27 ; finally, their fate is different. In other
words, Korah is united with Dathan and Abiram, not in reality,
but only in the fiarrative : he represents different interests, and
acts throughout independently of them. Observe, further, the
threefold speech of Moses to Korah vv. 5-7. 8-1 1. 16 f. (the
third in part repeating simply the substance of the first).
The important distinction between the two strata of P is that
in the main narrative there is no indication of any opposition
between Aaron and Levi (i.e. between priests and Levites), while
in the secondary narrative this opposition is palpable, and the
gulf separating priests and Levites is strongly emphasized (cf.
the emphasis laid on the same distinction in Nu. 3, 4. S).
NUMBERS. 6 1
Wellh. originally {Comp. io6f.) assigned No. 2 to an independent source,
used by the compiler of JE, and No. 3 to P ; but in consequence of Kuenen's
criticisms {Theol. Tijdsc/ir. 187S, p. I39ff.), he has since [Conip. 339 f.)
aliandoned that position, and agrees with the analysis expressed in the text,
which is accepted also by Dillm. (p. 89) and Baudissin {Priesterthum, p. 35).
In vv. 24. 27 it is highly probable that the original reading was " the tabernacle
o{ fehovah" (as 17, 13) ; not only is the sing, "tabernacle" remarkable, but
the word (pt^'J^) is never in prose (whether in the Pent, or elsewhere) applied
to a /i//wa« habitation, whereas it is used repeatedly of "the Tabernacle."
LXX (each time) has only " the tabernacle of Korah."
C. 18 (P). {a) Vv. 1-7 duties, and relative position, of priests
and Levites : the sons of Aaron to act as priests, to be responsible
for the service of the Sanctuary and Altar ; the other Levites to
assist them in subordinate offices; {b) vv. 8-19 the revenues of
the priests defined ; {c) vv. 20-24 the tithe to be paid by the
people to the Levites; but, vv. 25-32, a tithe of the tithe to be
paid by the Levites to the priests.
The ch. stands in close connexion with the main narrative of P in c.
16 — 17, 17, 12 f. forming the transition to it : notice how, as there, the rights
of the tribe of Levi (whether in the persons of " priests " or " Levites ") are
protected against the "stranger" belonging to another tribe, vv. 4''. 5". 7'*.
22 (with evident allusion to 16, 35. 46. 17, 13). In v. I "bear the iniquity
of the sanctuary " = be liable for any damage or desecration which may befall it
through their neglect, in one word, be responsible for it {c{. p. 46, No. 20").
In V. 2 "joined " there is in the Hebrew a play on the name Levi,
C. 19 (P). The rite of purification (by means of water mingled
with the ashes of a red heifer) after defilement with a corpse, vv.
1-13 ; with details for the application of the rite in particular
cases, vv. 14-22.
C. 20 — 22, I (P and JE). Israel at Kadesh ; with their journey-
ings thence to the plains of Moab.
20, 1-13 death of Miriam ; murmurings of the people for water, and sin of
Moses and xVaron at Meribah ; 14-21 refusal of Edom to permit the Israelites
to pass through their territory ; 22-29 death of Aaron, and investiture of
Eleazar as his successor, on Mount Hor. 21, 1-3 defeat of the king of
Arad ; 4-9 impatience of the people while making the circuit of the land of
Edom ; the brazen serpent ; 10-20 their itinerary to the " field of Moab " at
Pisgah ; 21-23 refusal of Sihon to allow Israel to cross his border ; 24-35
conquest by the Israelites of the territory of Sihon, and of Og the king of
Bashan ; 22, i arrival at the plains of Moab.
P 20, i" (to month). 2. 3''. 6. 12-13. 22-29.
IJE i"'. 3". 4-5. 7- II. 14-21. 21. 1-3.
P 21, 4" (to Hor). lo-ii. 22, I.
JE 4''-9- 12-35.
62 LITERATURE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
20, 14-21. 21, 4''-9. 12-30 may belong in particular to E.
In 21, 10 ff. it is observable that the form of the itinerary in P and JE is
slightly different. In F {z>. lof.) the Z'erd stands tirst ; in JE (z't-. 12. 13. 16.
19. 20) the /'/ace stands first ("from . . . they journeyed," &c.). The
same distinction recurs elsewhere : contrast c. 33 [V) /•assi'/n with II, 35.
C. 2 2, 2 — 36, 13. Israel in the plains of Moab.
22, 2 — c. 24. The history of Balaam (JE).
22, 2-41 (except vv. 22-35=^) may be assigned with some con-
fidence to E ; observe God almost uniformly (not Jehovah) ; and
comp. vv. 9^ 20* with Gen. 20, 3. 31, 24 (both E). Vv. 22-35"
(the episode of the ass) are taken from a different source, viz. J ;
notice {a) m v. 21 Balaam goes " with the princes of Moab," in r.
2 2ff. he is evidently alone; {b) in the main narrative of the ch.
Balaam, at the second message from Balak, receives permission
to go, provided only that he speaks what is put into his mouth
by God ; the episode implies that no permission to go had been
given to him, and he is first taught by the angel on the way that
he is only to speak what is put into his mouth ; (3) Jehovah (not
God). The narrative at 35^^ reaches the same point as 20^ : 35"
(repeating 21'') appears to have been added by the compiler for
the purpose of leading back into the text of E. It is uncertain
whether c. 23—24 belong to J or E, or whether they are the
work of the compiler who has made use of both sources : critics
differ, and it is wisest to leave the question undetermined. The
early part of c. 22 seems to contain elements derived from a
different source from the main body of the ch. : thus v. 2 is super-
fluous before v. 4'', 3^^ and 3^' are different statements of sub-
stantially the same fact ; and the notices of the " elders of Midian "
in vv. 4. 7 (and not afterwards) suggest the inference that they
are derived from a narrative which told more fully how the
Midianites made common cause with Moab against Israel.
C. 25. The Israelites seduced at Shittim into idolatry and
immorality : the zeal of Phinehas rewarded with the promise
of the permanency of the priesthood in his family. Vv. 1-5
belong to JE ; vv. 6-18 to V.
The beginning of P's narrative has been omitted in favour of that of JE.
From 31, 16 it may be inferred that it contained some account of the
treacherous (see r. iS) "counsel of Balaam," given with the view of seducing
the men of Israel into sin, and so of bringing them into disfavour with
Jehovah. Of the two narratives, one (JE) names the Moabites, the other
(!') the Midianites, as those who led Israel into sin ; the latter supplies the
NUMBERS. 6^
motive for the war against Midian described in c. 31 (comp. Delitzsch,
Zh'lVL. 18S8, p. 122). For Midianites in the neighbourhood of Moab, cf.
22, 4. 7. Gen. 36, 35.
C. 26 — 31 all belong to P.
C. 26. The second census of Israel (see c, i f.) during the
wanderings. The sum-total of males (from 20 years old) is given
at 601,730, exclusive of the Levites (from one month old), 23,000.
Vv. 9-1 1, which are based upon c. 16 in its present (composite) form, are
probably an insertion in the original text of the ch. : likewise v. 58* (the
details of which are not in harmony with P's genealogy of Levi in Ex. 6,
17-19. Nu. 3, 20. 21. 27. 33, and are disregarded in the verses that
follow).
C. 27. {a) Vv. i-ii the law of the inheritance of daughters, in
families in which there was no son, arising out of the case of the
daughters of Zelophehad ; {b) vv. 12-23 Moses commanded to
view Palestine before his death ; and Joshua instituted as his
successor.
C. 28 — 29. A priestly calendar, defining the public sacrifices
proper for each season.
C. 28, 1-2 introduction; vv. 3-8 the daily morning and even-
ing Burnt-offering ; z;. 9 f. the Sabbath ; vv. 1 1-15 the New Moons ;
V. 16 Passover; vv. 17-25 Mazzoth; vv. 26-31 the day of First-
fruits \i.e. the Feast of Weeks : so called only here, cf. Ex. 23,
I6^ 34, 22^]; 29, 1-6 New Year's Day; vv. 7-1 1 Day of Atone-
ment ; vv. 12-34 the seven days of the Feast of Booths, with the
supernumerary eighth day vv. 35-38 ; v. 39 f. subscription.
28, 3-8 is largely a verbal repetition of Ex. 29, 38-42. For the rest, the
ch. is supplementary to the calendar in Lev. 23 (which, as a rule, alludes to,
but does not describe in detail, the special sacrifice), from which some of the
particulars are repeated (as 28, 17. 18. 25. 26''. 29, I. 7. 12. 35 ; cf. Lev. 23,
6-8. 21. 24f. 27. 34. 36). The New Moons (28, 11-15) are not mentioned
in Lev. 23.
C. 30. The law of vows.
F". 2 a vow made by a man to be in all cases binding : z^. 3 ff. conditions
for the validity of vows made by women.
C 31. The war of vengeance against Midian (see 25, 16-18).
Though cast into narrative form, the ch. has really a legislative oliject,
viz. to prescribe a principle for the distribution of booty taken in war. Of
the place, circumstances, and other details of the war we learn nothing ; we
64 LITERATURE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
are toIJ only of the issue, how, viz., 12,000 Israelite warriors, without losing a
man (v. 49), slew all the males and married women of Midian, took captive
32,000 virgins, and brought back 800,000 head of cattle, besides other booty.
In the high figures, and absence of specific details, the narrative resembles
the descriptions of wars in the Chronicles or in Jud. 20. The account, as
we have it, contains elements which are not easy to reconcile with his-
torical probability. The difficulties of the section are mitigated by the
supposition that the simpler materials supplied by tradition have here been
elaborated by the compiler, in accordance with his love of system, into an
ideal picture of the manner in which a sacred war must have been conducted
by Israel.
C. 32. Allotment by Moses of the trans-Jordanic region to the
tribes of Gad, Reuben, and the half-tribe of Manasseh.
p 18-19. 28-32. (33).
JE 32, 1-17 (in the main). 20-27 (in the main). 34-42.
Throughout rv. 1-32 the negotiations with Moses are con-
ducted on the part of Gad and Reulmi alone : the half-tribe of
Manasseh is named for the first time— and apparently only for the
sake of completeness — in the summary statement, v. 33. As
regards the structure of the ch., in some parts "the style of P is
manifest throughout, in others only in traces. It would seem
that the compiler has combined P and JE, sometimes following
P exclusively, sometimes following in the main JE, but intro-
ducing elements from P.
Thus in vv. 1-4 " Eleazar the priest," the "princes," and the "congrega-
tion" {i.e. 2" and part of 4) belong to P : in vv. 5-15 the expressions are
chiefly those of JE, and the allusions are nearly entirely to JE's narrative in
c. 13—14; but isolated phrases appear to have been introduced from P [v. 5
"for a possession;" v. II "from 20 years old and upward;" v. 12
"Joshua;" v. 13, cf. 14, 33 P) ; similarly in vv. 20-27, where the phrases
suggestive of P might even be removed without injury to the narrative {z>. 22»
to Ihfore the Lord; 22" from and this land [the preceding "then after-
ward . . . and be" may, of course, with equal propriety be rendered "and
afterward ... ye shall be guiltless "] ; perhaps v. 24" (cf. 30, 3" P) ; v. 27
"every one that is armed for war"). On the other hand, vv. 34-38
evidently point back to vv. 3. 16 f. 24" (JE). It is not impossible that v. 33
is a late' addition to the ch. On vv. 39-42 comp. Wellh. Coinp. p. 117;
Dillm. p. 2CO.
C. 33. P's itinerary of the journeyings of the Israelites from
Rameses to the plains of Moab, vv. T-49 ; followed by directions
respecting the occupation of Canaan, vv. 50-56 (introductory
to c. 34).
DEUTERONOMY. 65
Tn vv. 50-56 directions from P relative to the method of allotment of
Canaan, vv. 50. 51. 54, have been combined, as it seems, with two excerpts
from H respecting the extirpation of Canaanitish idolatrj', vv. 52-53. 55-56.
Observe the two rather noticeable terms n?32 and n^3C-'D (^- 52), occurring
elsewhere in the Pent, only Lev. 26, i. 30 (H).
C. 34 (P). The borders of Canaan proper (W. of Jordan), vv.
1-15, with the names of those appointed for the purpose of
assisting Joshua and Eleazar in its allotment, vv. 16-29.
C. 35 (P). Appointment of 48 cities for the residence of the
Levites, vv. 1-8 ; and of 6 among them, 3 on each side of
Jordan, as cities of refuge for the manslayer, with conditions
regulating their use, vv. 9-34.
C. 36 (P). Heiresses possessing landed property to marry into
their own tribe (in order, viz., to preserve the inheritance of each
tribe intact).
A provision rendered necessary by the ordinance of 27, 6-1 1.
§ 5. Deuteronomy.
Literature. — See p. i f. ; and add: Ed. Riehm, Gcsetz^elnmg Hose's im.
LattJe Moab, 1S54 (cf. also Einleitiing, i. pp. 233-248, 311-318); F. W.
Schultz, Das Deiiteronomium erkldrt, 1S59 (the Mosaic authorship here
maintained was afterwards abandoned by the author, being no longer con-
sidered by him to be required by the terms of 31, 9); P. Kleinert, Das
Deuteronomiuni u. der Deuteroiiomikcr, 1S72, with Riehm's review in the
Stud, und Kritiken, 1873, PP- 165-200 ; Aug. Kayser, Das Vorexilische Biich
der Urgeschichte Israels, 1874 (deals in particular with the relation of Dt. to
Gen. — Nu. ); J. HoUenberg in the Slud. ttnd Kritiken, 1874, pp. 472-506
(on the "margins" of Dt. \i.e. Dt. 1-4. 29-34], and their relation to the
Deuteronomic sections of Joshua).
On c. 32 the monograph of Ad. Kamphausen, Das Lied Moseys, 1^62 ; and
on c. 33 that of K. H. Graf, Der Segen A/ose's, 1857.^
Deuteronomy is called by the Jews (from the opening words)
D"'"inin nW, or more briefly ti''~^2l. The English name is derived
from the (ine.xact) rendering of 17, 18 riN-TH minn nyj'p- in the
^ The writer has dealt more fully with some questions relating to this book
in an article on Deuteronomy contributed by him to the forthcoming second
edition of Smith's Dictionary of the Bible, of which the following pages may
be regarded as an abbreviation.
^ Which signifies a repetition (i.e. copy) of this law, not this repetition of the
law.
E
(^ LITERATURE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
LXX TO BevTcpovo/xLov TovTo. It rccords the events of the last
month (i, 3. 34, 8) of the forty years' wanderings of the children
of Israel. The greater part of the book is occupied hy the dis-
course in which Moses, before his death, sets before the Israelites
the laws which they are to obey, and the spirit in which they are
to obey them, when they are settled in the Promised Land. This
is preceded and followed by other matter, the nature of which
will appear from the following table of contents : —
I, 1-5. Historical introduction, describing the situation and occasion
on which the discourses following were delivered.
1, 6 — 4, 40. Moses' Jirst discourse, consisting of a review of the circum-
stances under which the Israelites had arrived at the close of their
wanderings, and concluding with an eloquent practical appeal (c. 4)
not to forget the great truths impressed upon them at Horeb.
4, 41-43. Historical account of the appointment by Moses of three cities
of refuge east of Jordan.
4, 44-49. Historical introduction to Moses' secon J dlscomse, forming the
legislation proper.
C. 5 — 26. The legislation, consisting of two parts : (i) c. 5 — 11 hortatory
introduction, developing the first commandment of the Decalogue, and
inculcating the general theocratic principles by which Israel, as a
nation, is to be guided ; (2) c. 12 — 26 the Code of special laws.
C. 27. Injunctions (described in the third person) relative to a symbolical
acceptance by the nation of the preceding Code, after taking possession
of Canaan.
C. 28 — 29, I. Conclusion to the Code (connected closely with 26, 19),
and consisting of a solemn declaration of the consequences to follow
its observance or neglect.
29, 2 — 30, 20. Moses' //^/ri/ discourse, embracing (i) the establishment
of a fresh covenant between the people and God (c. 29) ; (2) the
promise of restoration, even after the abandonment threatened in c. 28,
if the nation should then exhiliit due tokens of penitence (30, i-io);
(3) the choice set before Israel (30, 11-20).
31, I-13. Moses' farewell to the people, and commission of Joshua.
His delivery of the Deuteronomic law to the Levitical priests.
31, 14 — 32, 47. The Song of Moses, with accompanying historical
notices.
32, 48 — 34, 12. Conclu-ion of the whole book, containing the Blessing
of Moses, and describing the circumstances of his death.
The structure of Dt. is relatively simple. The body of the
book is pervaded throughout by a single purpose, and bears the
marks of being the work of a single writer, who has taken as the
basis of his discourses, partly the narrative and laws of J E as they
exist in the previous books of the Pentateuch, partly laws derived
DEUTERONOMY. 6/
from other sources ; and who also, towards the end of his work,
has incorporated extracts from JE, recording incidents connected
with the death of Moses. One of the final redactors of the
Pentateuch has likewise, towards the end of the book, introduced
notices of P relating to the same occasion. The analytical
scheme of the book is accordingly as follows : —
P
32, 48-52.
HE
I—
-26.
27,
1-4-
27> 5-
-7^
7''-8.
9-IC
1. I
P
iJE
Id 31
, I-
-13-
31
, 14-:
22.
23-
•30-
32, :
1-43-
44.
P34,
i\
8-
-9-
iJE
Id
34:
, i''-
-7-^
10.
II-
-12.
45-47- (c- 33)-^
It will be convenient to consider first the character and scope
of the central part of the book, c. 5 — 26, and c. 28.
As will be seen from the table of contents, the Deuteronomic
legislation, properly so called, is contained in c. 12—26, to
which c, 5 — II form an introduction, and c. 27 — 28 a con-
clusion. In Dt. itself the Code (including c, 28) is referred to
frequently (i, 5. 4, 8. 17, 18. 19. 27, 3. 8. 26. 28, 58. 61. 29, 29.
31, 9. II. 12. 24. 26) as this laiv, or as this book of the law (29,
21. 30, ID ; cf. Josh. I, 8).
That these expressions refer to Dt. alone (or to the Code of laws contained
in it), and not to the entire Pent., appears (l) from the terms of i, 5. 4, 8,
which point to a law about to be, or actually being, set forth ; (2) from the
parallel phrases, this commandment, these statutes, these judgments, often
spoken of as inculcated to-day (7, 12, see v. \\; 15, 5. 19, 9. 26, 16. 30, 11),
and this covenant (29, 9. 14), which clearly alludes to the Deuteronomic
legislation (cf. i<v. 19. 20 " the curse written /;; this book," i.e. in c. 28), and
is distinguished from the covenant made before at Sinai (29, i).
In order rightly to estimate the character of Dt., it is necessary
to compare it carefully with the previous books of the Pentateuch.
The accompanying synopsis of latvs in Dt. will show immediately
which of the enactments in it relate to subjects not dealt with in
the legislations of JE and P, and which are parallel to provisions
contained in either of those codes.
^ Incorporated from an independent source. ^ In the main.
68
LITERATURE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
SYNOPSIS OF LAWS IN DEUTERONOMY,
IE.
Ex. 20, 2-17.
23, 12 (cf. 34, 21).
20, 24.*
23,24,34, 12. 15 f.
Deuteronomy,
P (including H).
22, 31.
23. 19'; 34, 26^
23, 10 f.*
21, 2-11.*
22,30; 13, 11-12;
34. 19-
23, 14-17; 34, 18.
20''. 22-25.
23, 1-3. 6-8.
22, 20.
22, 18 (witch
alone).
21, 12-14.*
23, r.
5, 6-21 (the Decalogue).
,, 14'' (object of Sabbath).
12, 1-28 (place of sacrifice).
,, 29-32 (not to imitate Canaanite
rites).
,, 16. 23 ; 15, 23 (blood not to be
eaten).
13 (seduction to idolatry).
14, I f. (disfigurement in mourning).
„ 3-20 (clean and unclean animals).
„ 2i» (food improperly killed).
,, 21'' (kid in mother's milk).
22-29 (tithes).
15, i-li (Sabbatical year).
,, 12-18 (Hebrew slaves).
,, 19-23 (firstlings of ox and sheep:
cf. 12,6. I7f. ; 14,23).
16, I-17 (the three annual pilgrim-
ages)._
„ 18 (appointment of judges).
,, 19 f. (just judgment).
,, 21 f. (erection of Asherahs and
" pillars " prohibited).
17, I (offerings to be without
blemish : cf. 15, 21).
,, 2-7 (idolatry, especially worship
of the "host of heaven ").
,, 8-13 (court of final ap]ieal).
,, 14-20 (law of the king).
18, 1-8 (rights of the tribe of Levi).
,, 9-22 (law of the prophet).
,, 10" (Molech-worship ; cf. 12,31).
,, io''-ii (different kinds of divi-
nation).
19, I- 13 (asylum for manslaughter :
murder).
,, 14 (the landmark).
,, 15-21 (law of witnesses).
Lev. 17, 1-9.*
Nu. 33, 52.
Lev. 17, 10-14;
19, 26'; (cf.
3, 17; 1,
26 f. ; Gen.
9, 4)-
» 19, 28.
,5 II, 2-22 ; 20,
25-
,, 17,15; 11,40.
„ 27, 30-33;
Nu. 18, 21-
32.*
,, 25, 1-7.*
,, 25, 39-46.*
Nu. 18, 17 f.* (cf.
Ex. 13, If.;
Lev. 27,
26; Nu. 3,
13; 8, 17).
Lev. 23* ; Nu, 28
— 29.*
,, 19, 15-
„ 26, W
„ 22, 17-24.
„ 7, 32-34 ;
Nu. 18, 8-
20.*
,, iS, 21; 20,
2-5-
,, 19, 26". 31 ;
20, 6. 27.
Nu. 35 ; Lev. 24,
17. 21.
Lev. 19, 1 6''.
DEUTERONOMY.
69
JE.
21, 15. 17.
23, 4 f.
22, 16 f.
22, 25.
22,
21,
26 f.
16.
22, 21-24 ; 23; 9.
17,
14.
ct.
22,
29' •
23,
19"
5 34j
26'.
Deuteronomy.
22,
5)
J5
20 (military service and war : cf.
24, 5)-
21, 1-9 (expiation of uncertain
murder).
,, 10-14 (treatment of female
captives).
„ 15-17 (primogeniture).
,, 18-21 (undutiful son).
,, 22 f. (body of malefactor).
1-4 (animals straying or fallen).
5 (sexes not to interchange gar-
ments).
6 f. (bird's nest).
8 (battlement).
9-1 1 (against non-natural mix-
tures).
12 (law of "fringes").
13-21 (slander against a maiden).
22-27 (adultery).
28 f. (seduction).
,, 30 (incest with step-mother).
23, 1-8 (conditions of admittance
into the theocratic community).
,, 9-14 (cleanliness in the camp).
,, 15 f. (humanity to escaped slave).
, , 1 7 f. (against religious prostitution).
„ 19 (usury).
,, 21-23 (vows).
,, 24 f. (regard for neighbour's
crops).
24, 1-4 (divorce).
,, 6. 10-13 (pledges).
,, 7 (man-stealing).
,, 8 f. (leprosy).
,, 14 f. (justice towards hired ser-
vants).
,, 16 (the family of a criminal not
to suffer with him).
,, 17 f. (justice towards stranger,
widow, and orphan).
„ 19 f. (gleanings). _
25, 1-3 (moderation in the infliction
of the bastinado).
,, 4 (ox not to be muzzled while
threshing).
,, 5-10 (law of the levirate).
,, II f. (modesty).
,, 13-16 (just weights).
,, 17-19 (Amalek !).
26, i-i I (thanksgiving at the ofiering
of first-fruits).
,, 12-15 (thanksgiving at the offer-
ing of triennial tithes).
P (INCLUDING H).
Lev. 20, 9.
.. 19, 19-
Nu. 15, 37-41.
Lev. 18,20; 20,10.
,, iS, 8; 20, II.
Nu. 5, 1-4.*
Lev. 25, 35-37.
Nu. 30, 2.
Lev. 13 — 14.
:, 19, 13.
,. I9> 33 f-
„ I9,9f-; 23,22.
„ 19, 35 f.
cf. Nu. iS, 12 f.
70
LITERATURE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
JE.
Deuteronomy,
P (including H).
20, 4. 23; 34, 17.
27,
15 [cf. 7, 25].
Lev
19, 4 ; 26, i».
21, 17.
16 [cf. 21, 18-21],
17 [19, 14]-
>>
20,9.
18.
19, 14-
22, 21-24; 23, 9.
19 24, 17].
19. 33 f-
20 22, 30].
18, 8; 20, II.
22, 19.
21.
18,23:20,15.
22.
20, 17; 18,9.
23.
18,17; 20,14.
21, 12.
24.
24, 17.
23, «.
25 [16, 19"].
23. 20-33.
28
(closing exhortation).
>>
26, 3-45-
13.
9. 16.
6,
8 ; II, 18 (law of frontlets).
23.
13 ; 34, 14-
J)
14; 11,16 (against ' ' other gods ").
13,
14.
J »
20 f. (instruction to children).
23,
32 f. ; 34, 12.
15 f.
7,
2-4. 1 6 (no compact withCanaan-
ites).
Nu.
ZZ, 5S-
23.
24; 34, 13-
J >
5 ; 12, 3(Canaanite altars, "pil-
lars," &c. to be destroyed).
>»
zi, 52.
19,
6; 22,30.
M
6 ; 14, 2. 21 ; 26, 19 ; 28, 9
(Israel a holy people),
(in different connexions.)
Lev
II, 44f. ; 19,
2; 20,7.26;
Nu. 15, 40.
22,
21 ; 23, 9.
10,
19 (to love the stranger).
>>
19, 34-
16,
13. 15 (feast of "booths,"
"seven days").
>>
23. 34- 39-
41-43-
17,
6; 19, 15 ("two or three wit-
nesses").
Nu.
35. 30.
21,
23-25-
19,
21 (/t'x talionis).
(but in a different application in
each case.)
Lev
24, 19 f.
The passages should be examined individually : for sometimes,
especially in the case of the right-hand column, the parallelism
extends only to the subject-matter, the details being different,
or even actually discrepant. The instances in which the diver-
gence is most marked are indicated by an asterisk (*). The first
important fact that results from such an examination is this, that
the laws in JEy viz. Ex. 20 — 23 (repeated, partially, in 34, 10-26),
and the kindred section 13, 3-16, form the foimdafion of the
Deutcronomic legislation. This is evident as well from the numer-
ous verbal coincidences^ as from the fact which is plain from the
1 E.g. Dt. 16, x" and Ex. 23, 15 ( = 34, 18); 3 middle zx^A 13, 6 ( = 23,
15 = 34, 18) ; 4 and 13, 7 ; 4" and 23, 18. 34, 25 &c.
DEUTERONOMY. 71
left-hand column, viz. that nearly the whole ground covered by
Ex. 20 — 23 is included in it, almost the only exception being the
special compensations to be paid for various injuries (Ex. 21, 18
— 22, 15), which would be less necessary in a manual intended
for the people. In a few cases the entire law is repeated verbatim^
elsewhere only particular clauses {e.g. 6, 8. 20. 15, 12. 16. 17),
more commonly it is explained (16, iq*". 22, 4'') or expanded;
fresh definitions being added (16, 1-17), or a principle applied
so as to cover expressly particular cases (17, 2-7. 18, 10''. 11).
Sometimes even the earlier law is modified ; discrepancies arising
from this cause will be noticed subsequently. The additional
civil and social enactments make provision chiefly for cases likely
to arise in a more complex and developed community than is
contemplated in the legislation of Ex. 20 — 23.
In the right-hand column most of the parallels are with Lev.
17—26 (the Law of Holiness). These consist principally of
specific moral injunctions; but it cannot be said that the legis-
lation in Dt. is based upon this code, or connected with it
organically, as it is with Ex. 20 — 23. With the other parts of
Lev. — Nu. the parallels are less complete, the only remarkable
verbal one being afforded by the description of clean and
unclean animals in 14, 4*. (y-\(f ( = Lev. 11, 2*'-2o, with
insignificant differences ^) : in some other cases the differences
are great, — in fact, so great as to be incapable of being
harmonized.
An example or two will illustrate the different relation in which Dt. stands
to the other Pentateuchal codes. If 16, I-17 be compared with the parallels in
JE, it will be seen to be an expansion of them, several clauses being quoted
verbally (see p. 70, note), and only placed in a new setting. If it be compared
with Lev. 23, the general scope will be seen to be very different, though,
with the parts of Lev. 23 which belong to H, there are two or three
expressions in common, viz. in 16, 11". 13. 15. \Vith the table of sacrifices
in Nu. 28 f. there is no point of contact in Dt. The laws in 14, 22-29.
^5) 19-23. 18, 1-8 diverge most remarkably from those on the same subjects
in Lev. — Nu. In other instances, also, there are differences, though less
considerable.
The different relation in which Dt. stands to the other codes
may be thus expressed. It is an expansio7i of that in JE (Ex.
20 — 23) ; it is, in several features, parallel to that in H (Lev.
17 — 26); it contains allusions \.q laws such as those codified in
^ 14, 9-10. 20 are /';7(/fr than Lev. 11, 9-12. 21-22 ; 14, 4''- 5 is not in Lev.
72 LITERATURE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
some parts of P, while from those contained in other parts its
provisions differ widely.^
In so far as it is a law-book, Dt. may be described as a manual,
which without entering into technical details (almost the only
exception is 14, 3-20, which explains itself) would instruct the
Israelite in the ordinary duties of life. It gives general direc-
tions as to the way in which the annual feasts are to be kept and
the principal offerings paid. It lays down a few fundamental
rules concerning sacrifice (12, 5 f. 20. 23. 15, 23. 17, i): for a
case in which technical skill would be required, it refers to the
priests (24, 8). It prescribes the general principles by which
family and domestic life is to be regulated, specifying a number
of the cases most likely to occur. Justice is to be equitably and
impartially administered (16, iS-20). It prescribes a due posi-
tion in the community to the prophet (13, 1-5. 18, 9-22), and
shows how even the monarchy may be so established as not to
contravene the fundamental principles of the theocracy (17,
14 ff.).
Deuteronomy is, however, more than a mere code of laws ; it
is the expression of a profound ethical and religious spirit, which
determines its character in every part. At the head of the
hortatory introduction (c. 5 — 11) stands the Decalogue; and the
First Commandment forms the text of the chapters which follow.
Having already (4, 12 ff) dwelt on the spirituality of the God of
Israel, the lawgiver emphasizes here, far more distinctly than
had been before done. His iinity 2XiA unique Godhead {6, 4. 10,
17: cf 3, 24. 4, 35. 39), drawTng from this truth the practical
consequence that He must be the sole object of the Israelite's
reverence (6, 13. 10, 20). He exhorts the people to keep His
statutes ever in remembrance (5, i. 6, 6-9. 17 f. &:c.), warning
them with special earnestness lest in days of prosperity and
thoughtlessness they should forget Him (6, 10-12. 8, 11-18 &c.),
and yield to the temptations of idolatry, and setting before them
the dangers of disobedience (6, i4f. 7, 4. 8, 19 f 11, 16 f : so
4, 25 ff. — a prelude of c. 28). He reminds them of the noble
privileges, undeserved on their ]iart (7, 7 f. 9, 4-6 ; and the
retrospect following, as far as 10, 11), which had been bestowed
1 From what has b:en said in the text, it will be apparent how incorrect
is the common description of Deuteronomy as a "recapitulation" of the laws
contained in the preceding books.
DEUTERONOMY. 73
upon them (lo, 14 f. 22: so 4, 37); and re -asserts with fresh
emphasis the old idea (Ex. 24, 8. 34, 10) of the covenant sub-
sisting between the people and God (5, 2. 3. 26, 16-19: so 4,
23. 32. 29, 12-15), assuring them that if they are true on their
side God will be true likewise (7, 9-13. 8, 18. 11, 22-28). Par-
ticularly he emphasizes the love of God (7, 8. 13. 10, 15. 23, ^^ :
so 4, 37), tracing even in his people's affliction the chastening
hand of a father (8, 2 f. 5. 16), and dwelling on the providential
purposes which His dealings with Israel exemplified.
Duties, however, are not to be performed from secondary
motives, such as fear, or dread of consequences : they are to be
the spontaneous outcome of a heart from which every taint of
worldliness has been removed (10, 16), and which is penetrated
by an all-absorbing sense of personal devotion to God ("with
a// the heart, and with a// the soul ; " see p. 94). Love to God,
as the motive of human action, is the characteristic doctrine of
Deuteronomy (6. 5. 10, 12. 11, i. 13. 22. 13, 3. 19, 9. 30, 6. 16.
20) : as here dwelt upon and expanded, the old phrase t/iose that
love me is filled with a moral significance which the passing use
of it, in passages like Ex. 20, 6. Jud. 5, 31, would scarcely
suggest. The true principle of human action cannot be stated
more profoundly than is here done : it was a true instinct
which in later times selected Dt. 6, 4-9 for daily recitation by
every Israelite ; ^ and it is at once intelligible that our Lord
should have pointed to the same text, both as the "first com-
mandment of all" (Matt. 22, 37 f. Mark 12, 29 f.), and as em-
bodying the primary condition for the inheritance of eternal life
(Luke 10, 27 f.).
The code of special laws (c. 12 — 26) is dominated by similar
principles. Sometimes, indeed, the legislator is satisfied to leave
an enactment to explain itself: more commonly he insists upon
the object which it is to subserve {e.g. 14, 23. 21, 23 iScc.) or the
motive which should be operative in its observance. An ethical
and religious aim should underlie the entire life of the com-
munity. Local sanctuaries were apt to be abused, and to
degenerate into homes of superstition and idolatry : all offerings
and public worship generally are to take place at the central
sanctuary, " the place which Jehovah thy God shall choose '' (c.
12, and often). Old enactments are repeated (12, 3; cf. 7, 5),
^ The Shemd : C. Taylor, Sayings of the Jewish Fathers (1S77), pp. 52, 130.
74 LITERATURE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
and fresh enactments to meet special cases (c. 13. 20, 16-18) are
added, for the purpose of neutralizing every inducement to
worship " other gods." The holiness of the nation is to be its
standard of behaviour, even in matters which might appear
indifferent (14 i f. 3-20. 21); its perfect devotion to its God is
to exclude all customs or observances inconsistent with this (18,
9-14). In particular the duties of humanity, philanthropy, and
benevolence are insisted on, towards those in difficulty or want
(12, 19. 15, 7-11. 22, 1-4. 24, 12 f. 14 f 27, 18), and towards
slaves (15, 13 f 23, 15 f), especially upon occasion of the great
annual pilgrimages (12, 12. 18. 14, 27. 29. 16, 11. 14. 26, 11.
13). Gratitude and a sense of sympathy evoked by the recollec-
tion of their own past, are the motives again and again incul-
cated : two forms of thanksgiving form the termination of the
code (c. 26). Already in the Decalogue the reason assigned for
the observance of the fourth commandment, "that thy man-
servant and thy maid-servant may rest as well as thou," and the
motive, "And thou shalt remember that thou wast a bondman in
the land of Egypt" (5, 14''. 15), indicate the lines along which
the legislator moves, and the principles which it is his desire to
impress (add 13, 5. 10. 15, 15. 16, 3^ 12. 23, 7. 24, 18. 22).
Forbearance, equity, and forethought underlie the regulations
20, 5-11. 19 f. 21, 10-14. 15-17. 22, 8. 23, 24. 25. 24, 5. 6. 16.
19-22. 25, 3 ; humanity towards animals, those in 22, 7. 25, 4.
Not indeed that similar considerations are absent from the older
legislation (see e.g. Ex. 22, 21-24. 27. 23, 9. 11. 12), and (as the
table will have shown) some of the enactments which have been
cited are even borrowed from it ; but they are developed in Dt.
with an emphasis and distinctness which give a character to the
entire work. Nowhere else in the OT, do we breathe such an
atmosphere of generous devotion to God, and of large-hearted
benevolence towards man ; and nowhere else is it shown with
the same fulness of detail how these principles may be made to
permeate the entire Hfe of the community.
Dt. contains, however, two historical retrospects, i, 6 — 3, 22
and 9, 6 — 10, 11, besides allusions to the history in other places ;
and the relation of these to the four preceding books must next
be examined. The following table of verbal coincidences shows
that in the history Dt. is even more closely dependent upon
the earlier narrative than in the laws. The reader who will be at
DEUTERONOMY. 75
the pains to underline (or, if he uses the Hebrew, to overVme)
in his text of Dt. the passages in common, will be able to see at
a glance (i) the passages of Ex. — Nu. passed over in Dt, (2) the
variations and additions in Dt.
Dt.
I,
7"
(Nu. 14, 25).i
>>
9"
(Nu. II, 14).
>>
12
(Nu. II, 17'').
»,
13'
Cf. Ex. 18, 2i»,
>>
15
Ex. 18, 25.
>>
17"
,, 18, 22. 26.
>»
9.
6 ifw^/
., 32, 9- 33> 3- 5- 34. 9-
>»
9"
„ 24, 12.
»i
9 middle
„ 24, I8^
>»
9 ^;zrf'
(Ex. 34, 28").
))
IO»
Ex. 31, i8\
>>
12
„ 32, 7. 8\
»»
13
„ 32, 9-
>)
14"
„ 32, 10" (Nu. 14, 12").
>>
15
» 32, 15-
>)
16
» 32, I9^ 8«.
>>
17
>, 32, 19"-
>j
18-19
,, 34, 28 (cf. 9).
>>
20
.
>»
21*
„ 32, 20.
»>
22
See Nu. 11, 1-3. Ex. 17, 7. Nu. II,
4- 34.
>,
23-24
[See Dt. I. 19 ettd. 26. 32].
>»
25
(Resumption of Dt. 9, 18).
,,
263
(Ex.32, 1 1'').
>>
27»
(Ex. 32, 13).
>>
28
(Nu. 14, 16 ; cf. Ex. 32, 12).
>>
29''
(Ex.32, 11").
)>
10,
. 1"
Ex. 34, \\
^ The parenthesis indicates that, though there is a coincidence in the
language, the passage quoted does not describe the same event, but is
borrowed from another part of the nan-ative. Thus Dt. I, 9-17 alludes to
the appointment of judges to assist Moses, described in Ex. 18 ; but some of
the phrases seem borrowed from the narrative of the 70 elders in Nu. 11.
So in 2, 27''. aS*". 29", alluding to Nu. 21, 22 (the message to Sihon), the
expressions are borrowed from Nu. 20, 17. 19 (the message to Edoiii).
' This verse does not necessarily describe the sequel of v. 20 ; it may be
rendered: " And your sin . . . \ \.oo\i{—had taketi)."
^ Vv. 26-29 cannot refer actually to Ex. 32, 1 1-13, because the inter-
cession there recorded was made before Moses' first descent from the mount,
whereas in Dt. ■?'. 25 points back to v. 18, which clearly relates what took
place after it (viz. Ex. 34, 9. 28').
76 LITERATURE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
Dt.
lO, I*"
Ex. 34, 2.
I' (the ark)
• ■ •
2"
Ex. 34, i\
2''-3'' (the a)
■h)
.
3"
Ex. 34, 4.
4
Ex. 34, 28^
5-6-9
.
io( = 9, i8)
Cf. Ex. 34, 9 f. 28.
II
(Ex. 33, I).
The dependence of Dt. i, 24-40. 41-46 on Nu. 13, 17 — 14, 25.
14, 40-45- 20, I, and of 2, 1—3, 3 on Nu. 21, 4-35=^ (3, 4-11 being
an expansion of Nu. 21, 35"), it must be left to the reader to
work out for himself. Apart from the verbal coincidences, while
there are sometimes omissions, as a rule the substance of the
earlier narrative is reproduced freely with amplificatory additions.
A singular characteristic of both retrospects is the manner in which,
on several occasions, a phrase describing originally one incident
is applied iti Dt. to another. Allusions to the narrative of Gen. —
Nu. occur also in other parts of Dt.^ But the remarkable circum-
stance is that, as in the laws, so in the history, Dt. is dependent
7ipon JE. Throughout the parallels just tabulated (as well as in
the others occurring in the book), not the allusions only, but the
words cited, will be found, all but uniformly, to be in JE, not in
P. An important conclusion follows from this fact. Inasmuch
as, in our existing Pent., JE and P repeatedly cross one another,
the constant absence of any reference to P can only be reason-
ably explained by one supposition, viz. that when Dt. was com-
posed JE ajid P were tiot yet united into a single work, and JE
alone formed the basis of Dt.'^
This conclusion, derived primarily from the two retrospects, is
confirmed by other indications. Dt. speaks regularly, not of
Sinai, but ol Horeb (as Ex. 3, i. 17, 6. 33, 6), a term never used
by P: Dt. names Dathan and Abiram (11, 6), but is silent as
to Korah ; in the composite narrative of Nu, 16 Dathan and
^ As I, S. 6, 10 and often (the oath) to Gen. 22, 16 f. 24, 7. 26, 3 ; 6, 16
to Ex. 17, 7; II, 6 to Nu. 16, I^ 32''; 24, 9 to Nu. 12, 10. Comp. also
7, 14. 20 (the hornet). 22 and Ex. 23, 26. 28. 30. 29*"; 9, s*" and Ex. 23, 23.
27. 2,1^ ; II, 23. 25 and Ex. 23, 27 ; 12, 20 and Ex. 34, 24 &c.
2 Notice esp. the transition from Dt. I, 40 (=^Nu. 14, 25'') to Dt, i, 41
( = Nu, 14, 40), the intervening z'v. 26-39, which belong in the main to P,
being disregarded. A single instance of this kind would not be conclusive ;
but the consistent disregard of P in Dt, admits of but one interpretation.
DEUTERONOMY. 'J']
Abiram alone (p. 60) belong to JE. Similarly the exception
of Caleb alone (without Joshua) in i, 36 agrees with JE, Nu.
14, 24 (p. 58). The allusions to Gen. — Ex. are likewise con-
sistently to JE : thus, while the promise (i, 8) is found both in
JE and P, the oath is peculiar to JE. If the author of Dt. was
acquainted with P, he can only have referred to it occasionally,
and certainly did not make it the basis of his work. The
verdict of the historical allusions in Dt. thus confirms that of
the laws (p. 70 f.).^
Authorship and date of Deuteronomy.
Even though it were clear that the first four books of the Pent,
were written by Moses, it would be difficult to sustain the Mosaic
authorship of Deuteronomy. For, to say nothing of the remark-
able difference of style, Dt. conflicts with the legislation of Ex. —
Nu. in a manner that would not be credible were the legislator
in both one and the same. Even in Dt. 15, 17'' compared with
Ex. 21, 2 ff., and Dt. 15, i-ii compared with Ex. 23, 10 f. (both
JE), there are variations difficult to reconcile with both being the
work of a single legislator (for they are of a character that cannot
reasonably be attributed to the altered prospects of the nation at
the close of the 40 years' wanderings, and point rather to the
people having passed during the interval into changed social
conditions) ; but when the laws of Dt. are compared with those
of P, such a supposition becomes impossible. For in Dt.
language is used implying that fundamental institutions of P are
unknotvn to the author. Thus, while Lev. 25, 39-43 enjoins the
release of the Hebrew slave in the year of Jubile, in Dt. 15, 12-18
the legislator, without bringing his new law into relation with the
different one of Lev., prescribes the release of the Hebrew slave
in the 7th year of his service. In the laws of P in Leviticus and
Numbers a sharp distinction is drawn between the priests and
the common Levites : in Dt. it is implied (18, i'') that all mem-
bers of the tribe of Levi are qualified to exercise priestly func-
tions; and regulations are laid down (18, 6-8) to meet the case
of any member coming from the country to the central sanctuary,
and claiming to ofliciate there as priest.- Moreover, in P par-
^ The dependence of Dt. upon JE is generally recognised by critics; see
e.g. Delitzsch, ZKIVL. 1882, p. 227 ; Dillm. NDJ. p. 609.
^ The terms used in v, 7 to describe the Levites' services are those used else-
where regularly oi priestly duties, Du'3 nitJ' to minister in the name, as i8, 5
78 LITERATURE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT,
ticular provision is made for the maintenance of both priests and
Levites, and in Nu. 35 (cf. Josh. 21) 48 cities are appointed for
their residence. In Dt., under both heads, the provisions are
very different. Dt. 18, 3 is in conflict with Lev. 7, 32-34; and
Dt. 18, 6 is inconsistent with the institution of Levitical cities
prescribed in Nu. 35 : it impHes that the Levite has no settled
residence, but is a "sojourner" in one or other of the cities
("gates," see p. 92) of Israel. The terms of the verse are
indeed entirely compatible with the institution of Levitical cities,
supposing it to have been imperfectly put in force ; but they fall
strangely from one who, ex hypothesi, had only 6 months previously
assigned to the Levites permanent dwelling-places. The same
representation recurs in other parts of Dt. : the Levites are fre-
quently alluded to as scattered about the land, and are earnestly
commended to the Israelite's charity (12, 12. 18. 19. 14, 27. 29.
16, II. 14. 26, II. 12-13). Further, Dt. 12, 6. 17 f. 15, 19 f.
conflict with Nu. 18, 18 : in Nu. the firstlings of oxen and sheep
are assigned expressly and absolutely to the priest ; in Dt. they
are to be eafen by the owner himself at the central sanctuary.
Lastly, the law of tithes in Dt, is in conflict with that of P on the
same subject. In Nu. 18, 21-24 the tithes — viz. both animal
and vegetable alike (Lev. 27, 30. 32) — are definitely assigned to
the Levites, who, in their turn, pay a tenth to the priests (Nu. 18,
26-28): in Dt. there appears to be no injunction respecting the
tithes of animal produce ; but the reservation of a tithe of vege-
table produce (12, 17 f, 14, 22 f.) is enjoined, which is to be con-
sumed by the offerer, like the firstlings, at a sacrificial feast, in
which the Levite shares only in company with others as the
recipient of a charitable benevolence. A large proportion, there-
fore, of what is assigned in Nu. to the Levites remains implicitly
the property of the lay Israehte in Dt.^ It is held, then, that these
(of the priest: cf. 17, 12. 21, 5); '•32^ IDJ? to stand before— i.e. to wait on
(see«.^. I Ki. 10, %)— Jehovah, as Ez. 44, 15. Jud. 20, 28, cf. Dt. 17, 12.
18, 5. (The Levites "stand before"— z.^. wait upon— M^ congregation Nu.
16, 9. Ez. 44, ii\ In 2 Ch. 29, II priests are present : see v. 4.)
i The common assumption that in Dt. a second tithe, on vegetable produce
only, in addition to that referred to in Nu. is meant, is inconsistent with the
manner in which it is spoken of in Dt. : even supposing the first tithe to be
taken for granted as an established usage, it is not credible that a second
tithe should be ih\x5 for the first time instituted -without a word to indicate
that it was an innovation, or in any respect different from what would be
DEUTERONOMY. 79
differences of detail between the laws of Dt. and those of P are
greater than could arise were the legislator the same in both,
and that they can only be explained by the supposition that the
two systems of law represent the usage of two distinct periods of
the nation's life. For though it is no doubt thoroughly conceiv-
able that Moses may have foreseen the neglect of his own institu-
tion, this will not explain his enjoining observances in conflict
with those which he had already prescribed ; while, as regards
the impoverished condition of the Levites, there is no indication
that this is merely a future contingency for which the legislator
is making provision ; it is represented throughout as the condition
which the ivriter sees around him (cf. Jud. 17, 7 f. 19, i ff.).
There are also discrepancies between Dt. and other parts of P, as i, 22 (the
people suggest spying out the land of Canaan) and Nu. 13, i fT. (the same
suggestion referred to Jehovah) ; 10. 3 [Moses makes the ark before ascending
Sinai the second time) and Ex. 37, i {Bezalcel makes it after Moses' return
from the mount) ; 10, 6 and Nu. 33, 31. 38 ; 10, 8 and Ex. 28 f. Lev. 8
&c. In the light of the denionstraied dependence of Dt. upon JE, it can
scarcely be doubted that the real solution of these discrepancies is that the
representation in Dt. is based upon parts of the narrative of JE, which were
still read by the author of Dt., but which, when JE was afterwards combined
with r, were not retained by the compiler. Notice that in 10, 7 the form of
the itinerary agrees 'with that of JE (p. 62).
There are, moreover, expressions in the retrospects (esp. the
repeated "at that time" 2, 34. 3, 4. 8. 12. 18. 21. 23, and "unto
this day" 3, 14) implying that a longer interval of time than 6
months (t, 3 compared with Nu. 33, 38 and 20, 22-28) had elapsed
since the events referred to had taken place.-^ And the use of
the phrase "beyond Jordan" for Eastern Palestine in i, i. 5. 3, 8.
4, 41. 46 f. 49, exactly as in Josh. 2, 10. 7, 7. 9, 10 &.c. Jud. 5, 17.
10, 8, implies that the author was resident in Western Palestine
(the same usage, implying the same fact, in Nu. 22, i. 34, 15).'^
ordinarily understood by the word "lithe." And if a larger and more im-
portant tithe had to be paid, it is scarcely possible that there should be no
reference to it in the solemn profession 26, 12 f.
1 The curious transition in I, 37 from the 2nd to the 40th year of the
exodus, and back again to the 2nd year in i, 39. points in the same direction
— unless, indeed (which is quite possible), the solution suggested above be
here also the true one, and the reference be to some incident of the 2nd year
recorded in JE, but not preserved in our existing Pentateuch.
^ The variations between Dt. and Ex. — Nu., in connexion with the attempts
that have been made to reconcile them, are considered more fully in the article
8o LITERATURE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
But In fact the Mosaic authorship of Gen. — Nu. cannot be
sustained. P, at any rate, must belong to a widely different
age from JE. Can any one read the injunctions respecting sacri-
fices and feasts in Ex. 23, 14-19 beside those in P (Lev. i — 7.
Nu. 28 — 29, for instance), and not feel that some centuries must
have intervened between the simplicity which characterizes the
one and the minute specialization which is the mark of the other ?
The earliest of the Pentateuchal sources, it seems clear, is JE ;
but at whatever date this be placed, Dt. must follow it at a con-
siderable interval : for the legislation of Dt. implies a more
elaborately organized civil community than that for which pro-
vision is made in the legislation of JE. Nor is this more elaborate
organization merely anticipated in Dt. ; it is presupposed as
already existing. And in fact the historical books afford a strong
presumption that the law of Dt. did not originate until after the
establishment of the monarchy. In Dt. the law respecting
sacrifice is unambiguous and strict : it is not to be ofiered in
Canaan "in every place that thou seest" (12, 13), but only at the
place chosen by God " out of all thy tribes to set his name there "
(12, 5. 14. 18. 14, 23 and often), i.e. at some central sanctuary.
Now in Ex. it is said (20, 24''), "In every place where I record
my name, I will come unto thee and bless thee ; " and with the
principle here laid down the practice of Josh. — i Ki. 6 conforms :
in these books sacrifices are frequently described as offered in
different parts of the land, without any indication (and this is the
important fact) on the part of either the actor or the narrator that
a law such as that of Deut. is being infringed. After the exclu-
sion of all uncertain or exceptional cases, such as Jud. 2, 5. 6,
20-24, where the theophany may be held to have justified the
erection of an altar, there remain as instances of either altars
or local sanctuaries Josh. 24, I^ 26''. i Sa. 7, 9 f 17. 9, 12-14.
10. 3- 5- S (t3, 9 f.). II, 15. 14, 35- 20, 6. 2 Sa. 15, 12. 32.
The inference which appears to follow from these passages is sometimes
met by the contention that the period from the abandonment of Shiloh to the
erection of the Temple was an exceptional one. The nation was in disgrace,
and undergoing a course of discipline, its spiritual privileges being withheld
till it was ripe to have them restored ; and, in so far as Samuel appears often
in the Diet, of the Bible, §§ II, 14, 16, 17. See also §§ 18 (" beyond Jordan "),
20 <fW (Egyptian customs alluded to in Dt. ), 31-32 (language), 33 (bearing
of the prophets and historical books on the date of Dt.).
DEUTERONOMY. 8 1
as the agent, his function was an extraordinary one, limited to himself. It
may be doubted whether this answer is satisfactory. There is no trace in
the narrative of such disciplinary motives having actuated Samuel ; and the
narrator betrays no consciousness of anything irregular or abnormal having
occurred. See especially I Sa. 9, 12 ff. 10, 3-5, where ordinary and regular
customs are evidently described ; and 14, 35, which implies that Saul
frequently built altars to Jehovah.
The sanctuary at which the Ark was for the time located had
doubtless the pre-eminence (cf. Ex. 23, 19; i Sa. i — -3); but,
so far as the evidence before us goes, sacrifice was habitually
offered at other places, the only limitation being that they should
be properly sanctioned and approved ("in every place where I
record my name'''')} The non-observance of a law does not, of
course, imply necessarily its non-existence ; still, when men who
might fairly be presumed to know of it, if it existed, not only
make no attempt to put it in force, but disregard it without
explanation or excuse, it must be allowed that such an inference
is not altogether an unreasonable one.
The history thus appears to corroborate the inference derived
above from c. i — 4 &c., and to throw the composition of Dt. to
a period considerably later than the Mosaic age. Can its date
be determined more precisely? The termifius ad quern is not
difficult to fix: it must have been written prior to the iSth year
of King Josiah (b.c. 621), the year in which Hilkiah made his
memorable discovery of the "book of the law" in the Temple
(2 Ki. 22, 8 ff.). For it is clear from the narrative of 2 Ki. 22 — 23
that that book must have contained Deuteronomy ; for although
the bare description of its contents, and of the effect produced by
it upon those who heard it read (22, 11. 13. 19) might suit Lev.
26 equally with Dt. 28, yet the allusions to the covcjiaiit contained
in it (23, 2. 3), which refer evidently to Dt. (29, i. 9. 21. 25 :
cf 27, 26), and the fact that in the reformation based upon it
Josiah carries out, step by step (2 Ki. 22, 13. 19. 23, 3-5. 7.9-11.
24 &c.), the principles of Dt., leave no doubt upon the matter.
How mucli earlier than B.C. 621 it may be is more difficult to
determine. The supposition that Hilkiah himself was concerned
in the composition of it is not probable : for a book compiled by
the high priest could hardly fail to emphasize the interests of the
^ The expression DlpO ?D3 may include equally places conceived as
existing contemporaneously (cf. the same idiomatic use of ~)D, Lev. 11, 24''),
or selected successively.
F
S2 LITERATURE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
priestly body at Jerusalem, which Dt. does not do (i8. 6-8).^
The book is stated to have been found while some repairs were
being carried on in the Temple : and there is force in the argument
that it could hardly have been lost during the early years of
Josiah (who appears to have been throughout devoted to the
service of Jehovah) ; but this might easily have happened during
the heathen reaction under Manasseh. Hence it is probable
that its composition is not later than the reign of Manasseh. ^
The conclusion that Dt. belongs, at least approximately, to
this age, is in agreement with the contents of the book.
(i.) The differences between Dt. and Ex. 21-23, point with
some cogency to a period considerably removed from that at
which the Israelites took possession of Canaan, and presuppose
a changed social condition of the people.
(2.) The law of the kingdom, 17, 14 ff., is coloured by reminis-
cences of the monarchy of Solomon. The argument does not
deny that Moses may have made provision for the establishment
of a monarchy in Israel, but affirms that the form in which the
provision is here cast bears traces of a later age.
(3.) The forms of idolatry alluded to, specially the worship of
the "host of heaven" (4, 19. 17, 3), seem to point to the middle
period of the monarchy. It is true, the worship of the sun
and moon is ancient, as is attested even by the names of places
in Canaan ; but in the notices (which are frequent) of idolatrous
practices in Jud. — Kings no mention occurs of "the host of
heaven" till the period of the later kings.^ That the cult is
presupposed in Dt. and not merely anticipated prophetically,
seems clear from the terms in which it is referred to. While
we are not in a position to affirm positively that the danger was
1 VV. R. Smith, OTJC. p. 362; DiUm. 614. Colenso's opinion, that
Jeremiah was the author, has found no favour with critics, and is certainly
incorrect ; it is true, the language of Jeremiah often remarkably resembles
that of Dt., but when the two are compared minutely, it appears that many
of the characteristic expressions of each are absent from the other.
3 So Ewald, iy/j/. i. 127, iv. 221; W. R. Smith, Add. Answer {^iSxvi.
1878), 78; Kittel, pp. 57-59- Reuss, La Bible (1879), i. 156 fl". ; Kuenen,
Hex. p. 214, and (though less contidenlly) Dillmann, NDJ. p. 613 f., prefer
the reign of Josiah. Delitzsch, Studien, xi. 561, and Riehm, Einl. (18S9) p.
246 f., assign it to tlie reign of Hezekiah.
^ 2 Ki. 23, 12 names Ahaz (cf. Is. 17, 8 end, belonging to the same reign);
2 Ki. 21, 3. 5 [cf. 23, 4. 5] Manasseh ; 17, 16 is vague; Zeph. i, 5. Jer. 7,
18. 8, 2. ly, 13. 44, 17. Ezek. 8, 16 belong to a somewhat later period.
DEUTERONOMY. 83
not felt earlier, the law, as formulated in Dt., seems designed to
meet the form which the cult assumed at a later age.
(4.) The influence of Dt. upon subsequent writers is clear and
indisputable. It is remarkable, now, that the early prophets,
Amos, Hosea, and the undisputed portions of Isaiah, show no
certain traces of this influence;^ Jeremiah exhibits marks of it on
nearly every page ; Zephaniah and Ezekiel are also evidently
influenced by it. If Dt. were composed in the period between
Isaiah and Jeremiah, these facts would be exacdy accounted for.
(5.) The language and style of Dt, clear and flowing, free from
archaisms, but purer than that of Jeremiah, would suit the same
period. It is difficult in this connexion not to feel the force of
Dillmann's remark (p. 611), that "the style of Dt. implies a long
development of the art of public oratory, and is not of a char-
acter to belong to the first age of IsraeUtish literature."
(6.) TYi'S: prophetic teaching of Dt., the point of view from which
the laws are presented, the principles by which conduct is
estimated, presuppose a relatively advanced stage of theological
reflexion, as they also approximate to what is found in Jeremiah
and EzekieL
(7.) In Dt. 16, 22 we read, "Thou shalt not set thee up a
mazzebah (obelisk or pillar), which the Lord thy God hateth."
Had Isaiah known of this law he would hardly have adopted the
mazzebah (19, 19) as a symbol of the conversion of Egypt to the
true faith. The supposition that heathcti pillars are meant in Dt.
is not favoured by the context {v. 21''); the use of these has,
moreover, been proscribed before (7, 5. 12, 3).
If, however, it be true that Deuteronomy is the composition of
another than Moses, in what light are we to regard it ? In
particular, does this view of its origin detract from its value and
authority as a part of the Old Testament Canon ? The objection
is commonly made, that if this be the origin of the book it is a
"forgery:" the author, it is said, has sought to shelter himself
under a great name, and to secure by a fiction recognition or
authority for a number of laws devised by himself. In estimating
this objection, there are two or three important distinctions which
must be kept in mind. In the first place, though it may appear
paradoxical to say so, Dt. does not claim to be written by Moses :
whenever the author speaks himself, he purports to give a
^ Reminiscences of c. 32 occur (probably) in Hosea and Isaiah i.
84 LITERATURE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
description in the third person of what Moses did or said.^ The
true " author " of Dt. is thus the writer who introduces Moses in
the thi7-d person ; and the discourses which he is represented as
having spoken fall in consequence into the same category as the
speeches in the historical books, some of which largely, and
others entirely, are the composition of the compilers, and are
placed by them in the mouths of historical characters. This
freedom in ascribing speeches to historical personages is charac-
teristic, more or less, of ancient historians generally; and it
certainly was followed by the Hebrew historians. The proof
lies in the great similarity of style which these speeches con-
stantly exhibit to the parts of the narrative which are evidently
the work of the compiler himself. In some cases the writers may
no doubt have had information as to what was actually said on
the occasions referred to, which they recast in their own words ;
but very often they merely give articulate expression to the
thoughts and feelings which it was presumed that the persons
in question would have entertained. The practice is exemplified
with particular clearness in the Book of Chronicles, where David,
Solomon, and different prophets all express ideas and use idioms
which are distinctively late, and are mostly peculiar to the com-
piler of Chronicles himself; but there are many instances in other
books as well.'-^ An author, therefore, in framing discourses
appropriate to Moses' situation, especially if (as is probable) the
elements were provided for him by tradition, would be doing
nothing inconsistent with the literary usages of his age and people.
Secondly, it is an altogether false view of the laws in Dt. to
treat them as the author's "inventions." Many are repeated from
the Book of the Covenant ; the existence of others is independ-
ently attested by the " Law of Holiness ; " others, upon intrinsic
grounds, are clearly ancient. In some cases, no doubt, an aim
formerly indistinctly expressed is more sharply formulated, as in
others modifications or adaptations are introduced which the
tendencies of tlie age required ; but, on the whole, the laws of
1 See I, 1-5. 4> 41 43- 44—5. i- 27, i- 9- "• 29, 2 (Heb. i). 31, 1-30.
Undoubtedly, the third person may have been used by Moses ; but it is
unreasonable to assert that he 7imst have used it, or to contend that passages
in which it occurs could oily have been written by him. See Delitzsch,
Sliidicn, X. p. 503 f. ; or, more briefly, Genesis (18S7), p. 22.
^ See below, under Joshua, Kings, and Chronicles.
DEUTERONOMY. 85
Dt. are unquestionably derived from pre-exisient usage ; and the
object of the author is to insist upon their importance, and to
supply motives for their observance. The new element in Dt.
is thus not the laws, but their parenetic setting. Deuteronomy
may be described as the prophetic re-forviulation, and adaptation
to new needs, of an older legislation. Judging from the manner
in which the legislation of JE is dealt with in Dt., it is highly
probable that there existed the tradition — perhaps even in a
written form — of a final address delivered by Moses in the plains
of Moab, to which some of the laws peculiar to Dt. were attached,
as those common to it and JE are attached to the legislation at
Horeb. There would be a more obvious motive for the plan
followed by the author if it could be supposed that he worked
thus upon a traditional basis. But be that as it may, the bulk of
the laws contained in Dt. is undoubtedly far more ancient than
the time of the author himself: and in dealing with them as he
has done, in combining them into a manual for the guidance of
the people, and providing them with hortatory introductions and
comments, he cannot, in the light of the parallels that have been
referred to, be held to be guilty of dishonesty or literary fraud.
There is nothing in Dt. implying an interested or dishonest
motive on the part of the (post-Mosaic) author : and this being
so, its moral and spiritual greatness remains unimpaired ; its
inspired authority is in no respect less than that of any other
part of the OT. Scriptures which happens to be anonymous.
The view of Dt. as the re-formulation, with a view to new
needs, of an older legislation, meets the objection that is some-
times urged against the date assigned to it by critics, viz. that it
contains provisions that would be nugatory in 8-7 cent. b.c. ; for
instance, the injunction to give no quarter to the inhabitants of
Canaan (7, 1-5. 20, 16-18). Of course, as the crcatiott of that
age, such an injunction would be absurd : but it is repeated from
Ex. 23, 31-33 ; in a recapitulation of Mosaic principles, supposed
to be addressed to the people when they were about to enter
Canaan, it would be naturally included ; and so far from being
nugatory in 8-7 cent. B.C., it would indirectly have a real value :
occurring, as it does, in close connexion with the prohibition of
all intercourse with the Canaanites, it would be an emphatic
protest against tendencies which, under Ahaz and Manasseh,
became disastrously strong. The injunction respecting Amalek
86 LITERATURE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
(25, 17-19) is repeated for a similar reason ; it formed an indis-
putable part of the older legislation (Ex. 17, 16), and would be
suitable in Moses' mouth at the time when the discourses in Dt.
are represented as having been spoken.
The much-debated "law of the kingdom" (17, 14-20) appears
also in its kernel to be old. It will be observed that the limi-
tations laid down are all theocratic: the law does not define a
political constitution, or limit the autocracy of the king in civil
matters. It stands thus out of relation with i Sam. 8, 11-17.
ID, 25. Its object is to show how the monarchy, if established,
is to conform to the same Mosaic principles which govern other
departments of the theocracy. F. 15 asserts the primary con-
dition which the monarchy must satisfy, — "Thou mayest not
set a foreigner to be king over thee : " a condition conceived
thoroughly in the spirit of Ex. 23, 32 f., and designed to secure
Israel's distinctive nationality against the intrusion of a heathen
element in this most important dignity. The prohibitions, v.
t6 f., guard against the distractions too often caused by riches
and luxury at an Oriental Court ; danger from this source may
well have been foreseen by Moses : still, these verses certainly
wear the appearance of being coloured by recollections of the
court of Solomon (i Ki. 10, 25-28. 11, 2-4), or even of the
eagerness of a powerful party in the days of Lsaiah to induce the
king to strengthen himself by means of Egyptian cavalry (Isa. 30,
16. 31, I ; cf Jer. 2, 18. 36). The injunctions, v. \^ ff., secure
the king's personal familiarity with the principles of the Deutero-
nomic law, for the reason assigned in v. 20. As the re-formu-
lation of an older law, embodying the theocratic ideal of the
monarchy, the law of the kingdom contains nothing that is ill-
adapted to a date in 8-7 cent., or that would have sounded
"absurd" to the author's contemporaries, supposing that to be
the period at which he lived. ^
For reasons that have been stated, the law of the Central
Sanctuary appears, in its exclusiveness, to be of comparatively
modern origin ; but this law in reality only accentuates the old
pre-eminence in the interests of a principle which is often insisted
1 Witli the last three paragraphs comp. Delitzsch, Stiidien, xi. passim. That
the legislation of Dt. is based generally upon pre-existing sources is fully
recognised by critics ; see e.g. Graf, Gesch. Biicher, pp. 20, 22, 24 ; Reuss,
La Bible, i. 159 f. ; DiUmann in his commentary, /aw/;«, esp. p. 604 IT.
DEUTERONOMY. 8/
on in JE, viz. the segregation of Israel from heathen influences.
History had shown that it was impossible to secure the local
sanctuaries against abuse, and to free them from contamination
by Canaanitish idolatry. The prophets had more and more
distinctly taught that Zion was emphatically Jehovah's seat ; and
it became gradually more and more plain that the progress of
spiritual religion demanded the unconditional abolition of the
local shrines. It was not enough (Ex. 23, 24. 34, 13) to demolish
heathen sanctuaries : other sanctuaries, even though erected osten-
sibly for the worship of Jehovah, must not be allowed to take their
place. Hezekiah, supported, it may be presumed, by prophetical
authority, sought to give practical effect to this teaching (2 Ki. 18,
4. 22. 21, 3). But he was unable to bring it really home to the
nation's heart ; and the heathen reaction under Manasseh ensued.
Naturally, this result only impressed the prophetical party more
strongly with the importance of the principle which Hezekiah
had sought to enforce ; and it is accordingly codified, and
energetically inculcated, in Deuteronomy. Josiah (2 Ki. 22—
23), acting under the influence of Dt., abolished the high places
with a strong hand ; but even he, as Jeremiah witnesses {passim),
could not change radically the habits of the people ; and the ends
aimed at in Dt. were only finally secured after the nation's return
from the Babylonian captivity.
It has been shown above that the legislation proper of Dt. is
comprised in c. 5 — 26, to which 4, 44-49 forms a superscription
and c. 28 a conclusion. In what relation now does c. i — 4, 40
stand to the body of the book ? It is thought by some critics,
partly on account of slight disagreements with statements in
c. 5 — 26 which it exhibits, partly on account of the separate
heading 4, 44-49, which appears to be superfluous after i, 1-4,
to be not part of the original Dt., but to have been added, as an
introduction, by a somewhat later hand. It is doubtful if this
view is correct. The incongruities, though they no doubt exist,
are scarcely sufficiently serious to outweigh the strong impression
produced by the language of c. i — 4, 40, that it is by the same
hand as c. 5 ff.^ But the separate heading, especially if its
circumstantiality be considered, certainly wears the appearance
of being due to a writer who was not acquainted with the intro-
1 The most noticeable is that between 2. 14-16 and 5, 2-3. 11, 2-7. See
the article in the Did. of the Bible, § 26. On c. 29 f., also, see ib. § 28.
88 LITERATURE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
duction to c. 5 ff. contained in c. i — 4, 40. Perhaps Kleinert,
with some older scholars, is right in supposing (pp. 33, 168 f.) that
4, 44 — c. 26 was the part of Dt. that was first completed, and
that c. I — 4, 40. 41-43 was prefixed afterwards by the author
himself as an introduction.
C. 27. This chapter, which enjoins certain ceremonies to be
performed after the Israelites have entered Canaan, interrupts
the connexion between c. 26 and c. 28, and has probably been
removed from the position which it originally occupied. Vv. 9-10
may have once formed the connecting link between c. 26 and
c. 28. In the rest of the ch. four distinct ceremonies are
enjoined — (i) the inscription of the Deuteronomic law on stones
upon Mount Ebal 7'v. 1-4. 8 ; (2) the erection of an altar and
offering of sacrifices on the same spot vv. 5-7 ; (3) the ratifica-
tion of the new covenant by the people standing on dot/i moun-
tains vv. 11-13; (4) the twelve curses uttered by the Levites
and responded to by the whole people vv. 14-26. Vv. 1-8
appear to be based upon an older narrative, which has been
expanded and recast by the author of Dt. Fv. 11-13 are
disconnected with i-S, the situation and circumstances being
both different; but they must be taken in connexion with 11,
29 f., and understood to specify the symbolical ceremony which
is there contemplated. The connexion of vv. 14-26 with vv.
11-13 's very imperfect. F. 12 L represent six of the tribes
(including Levi, which is reckoned here as a lay-tribe, Ephraim
and Manasseh being treated as one) on Gerizim and six on Ebal
— in tolerable accordance with Josh. 8, 33; and we expect
(cf. II, 29) some invocation of blessings and curses on the two
mountains respectively. V. 14 ff., on the contrary, describe only
a series of curses, uttered by the Levites, to which all Israel
respond. The two representations are evidently divergent, and
give an inconsistent picture of the entire scene. Either some-
thing which made the transition clear has dropped out between
vv. 13 and 14, or v. 14 ff.' have been incorporated from some
independent source (see Dillmann, pp. 367-9).
31, I — 32, 47, including the "Song of Moses" (32, 1-43).
p^
Argument of the Song. After an exordium [^vv. 1-3), the poet states his
theme {v. 4" As for the Rock, His work is perfect), the uprightness and faith-
fulness of Jehovah, as ilhistrated in Ilis dealings with a corrupt and ungrate-
ful nation {vv. 4-6). He dwells on the providential care with which the
DEUTERONOMY. 89
people had been guided to the home reserved for them, how prosperity had
there tempted it to be untrue to its ideal ("Jeshurun") character, until the
punishment decreed for this had all but issued in national extinction, and the
final step had only been arrested by Jehovah's "dread" of the foe's malicious
triumph {vv. 7-27). Now, therefore, in His people's extremity, Jehovah will
interpose on their behalf ; and when the gods whom they have chosen are
powerless to aid them, will Hiiiiself take up and avenge His servants' cause
{vv. 28-43). Thus the main idea of the poem is the rescue of the peojDle by
an act of grace, at a moment when ruin seemed imminent. The poem begins
reproachfully ; but throughout tenderness prevails above severity, and at the
end the strain becomes wholly one of consolation and hope.
The Song shows great originaHty in form, being a presentation
of prophetical thoughts in a poetical dress, which is unique in
the OT. The standpoint — whether assumed or real — from
which the poet speaks is subsequent to the Mosaic age, to which,
vv. 7-12, he looks back as to a distant past. The style of treat-
ment, as a historical retrospect, is in the manner of Hos. 2,
Jer. 2, Ezek. 20, Ps. 106. The theme is developed with great
literary and artistic skill ; the images are varied and expressive ;
the pnrallelism is usually regular, and very forcible.
It would be going too far to affirm that the Song cannot be by
the same hand as the body of Deut. At the same time, most of
the characteristic expressions are different, and it presents many
fresh thoughts ; so that internal evidence, though it does not
absolutely preclude its being by the same author, does not favour
such a supposition, and the context hardly leaves it a possibility.
For if 31, 14 ff. be examined carefully, it will be seen that there
are really two introductions to the Song, viz. vv. 14-22 and
vv. 23-30. These appear to be by different hands; the first
exhibiting several phrases not found elsewhere in Dt, the
second being in the general style of the body of the book.
Vv. 14-22 (as also ^i'^--, 44) are held to form part of JE; hence we
must suppose that the Song, being already at the time when JE
was coinposed attributed to Moses, was incorporated as such
in JF.. The section containing it was excerpted afterwards
by the author (or redactor) of Dt, who, adding 31, 23-30
and 32, 45-47, gave it the place that it now holds. If the
song be older than JE, it is a fortiori older than Dr., and
(unless JE was composed in the lifetime of the author of
Dt.) cannot be by the author of the book. The historical
allusions are most naturally understood as spoken from the
90 LITERATURE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
poet's actual standpoint : the nation is already in possession of
Canaan, has already suffered itself to be seduced into idolatry,
and is on the verge of perishing. Both the thought and the style
of composition exhibit a maturity which points to a period con-
siderably later than that of Moses. The date to which it is to
be assigned will depend upon the interpretation of the expression
" not a people" in v. 21. By some this is considered to denote
the Syrians, by others the Assyrians. Dillmann adopts the former
view, and ascribes the Song to the period of the Syrian wars ; in
particular, to the interval between 2 Ki. 13, 4. 7 and 13, 23.
25- 14. 25 f. (c. 800 E.G.). Certainly this period exactly agrees
with the standpoint from which the ^oxxg purports to be spoken.
C. 32, 48-52. This short passage bears evident marks of P's
style; it is partly identical with Nu. 27, 12-14.
C, ZZ- ^^^^ Blessing of Moses. This offers even fewer points of
contact with the discourses of Dt. than the Song. It was prob-
ably handed down independently, and inserted here, when Dt.
as a whole was incorporated in the Pent. It should be compared
with the Blessing of Jacob in Gen. 49 ; for though (with the
exception of the blessing on Joseph, which contains reminis-
cences from Gen. 49, 25 f.) the thoughts here are original, there
is a general similarity of character and structure between the two
blessings. A difference in external form may be noted : each
blessing here is introduced by the narrator separately, speaking
in his own person. Compared, as a whole, with the Blessing of
Jacob, it may be said to be pitched in a higher key : the tone is
more buoyant; while the former in the main has in view the
actual characteristics of the different tribes, the Blessinor of
Moses contemplates them in their ideal glories, and views them
both separately and collectively {vv. 26-29) ^^ exercising
theocratic functions and enjoying theocratic privileges. The
most salient features are the (apparent) isolation and depression
of Judah, the honour and respect with which Levi is viewed, the
strength and splendour of the double tribe of Joseph, and the
burst of grateful enthusiasm with which {vv. 26-29) the poet
celebrates the fortune of his nation, settled and secure, with the
aid of its God, in its fertile Palestinian home. There is also
a special exordium {vv. 2-5), describing how Jehovah, coming
fro7n [not to'] Sinai, gave His people a law through Moses, and
held the tribes together under His sovereignty.
DEUTERONOMY. 9 1
V. 4, if not also vv. 27". 2S {drave otit, said, dwelt), implies a date later
than Moses ; as regards the rest of the Blessing, opinions differ, and, in fact,
conclusive criteria fail us. The external evidence afforded by the title {v. i)
is slight. Internal evidence, from the obscure nature of some of the allusions,
is indecisive, and offers scope for diverging conclusions. Kleinert (pp.
169-175), urging V. 7 (Judah's isolation, in agreement with its non-mention
in Deborah's song), assigns it to the period of the Judges. Graf, understand-
ing V. 7 differently, and remarking the allusion to the Temple in v. 12, and
the terms in which the power of Joseph is described in v. 17, thinks of the
prosperous age of Jeroboam II. (2 Ki. 14, 25), which is accepted by Kuenen,
Reuss, and others. Dillmann (p. 415 f.), interpreting vv. 7. 12 similarly,
considers that the terms in which Levi and Judah are spoken of are better
satisfied by a date very shortly after the division of the kingdom, in the reign
of Jeroboam I., and adduces reasons for supposing it to be the work of a
poet of the northern kingdom, which afterwards came to be attributed to
Moses. Delitzsch defends the Mosaic authorship, though excepting v. 4,
which he alhjws must have been added subsequently. V. 7 " And bring him
— not, unto his laiid, but — unto \\\% people" is very difficult. Perhaps the
allusion is to some circumstance on which the historical books are silent :
in default of a better explanation, it is interpreted by many as a prayer,
uttered from the point of view of an EpJu-aimi/e, for the reunion of Judah
and Israel, either, viz. after the rupture of the kingdom under Jeroboam I.
(Dillm. &c. ), or (Riehm, Einl. p. 313) during the rivalry between the two
kingdoms of David at Hebron over Judah, and of Ishbosheth over Israel
(2 S. 2 — 4). The style of c. 33 suggests a higher antiquity than c. 32.
Style of Deuteronomy. The literary style of Dt. is very marked
and individual. In vocabulary, indeed, it presents comparatively
few exceptional words ; but particular words and phrases, con-
sisting sometimes of entire clauses, recur with extraordinary
frequency, giving a distinctive colouring to every part of the work.
In its predominant features the phraseology is strongly original,
but in certain particulars it is based upon that of the parenetic
sections of JE in the Book of Exodus (esp. 13, 3-16. 15, 26.
19, 3-8, parts of 20, 2-17. 23, 20 ff. 34, 10-26).
In the following select list of phrases characteristic of Dt., the
first 10 appear to have been adopted by the author from these
sections of JE; those which follow are original, or occur so
rarely in JE, that there is no ground to suppose them to have
been borrowed thence. For the convenience of the synopsis,
the occurrences in the Deuteronomic sections of Joshua are
annexed in brackets.
I. ZinS to love, with God as object : 6, 5. 7, 9. 10, 12. 11, i. 13. 22. 13, 3
[Heb. 4]. 19, 9. 30, 6. 16. 20. [Jnsh. 22, 5. 23, 11.] .So Ex. 20, 6
(=: Dt. 5, 10). A characteristic principle of Dt. Of God's love to
92 LITERATURE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
His people : 4, 37. 7, 8. 13. 10, 15. 23, 5 [Heb. 6]. Not so before.
Otherwise first in Hos. 3, i. 9, 15. 11, i, cf. 4. 14, 4 [Heb. 5].
2. DnnX D"'n^S other gods -. 6, 14. 7, 4. 8, 19. 11, 16. 28. 13, 2. 6. 13
[Heb. 3. 7. 14]. 17, 3. iS, 20. 28, 14. 36. 64. 29, 26 [Heb. 25]. 30,
17.31,18.20. [Josh. 23, 16. 24, 2. 16.] So Ex. 20, 3 {=Dt. 5, 7).
23, 13 ; cf. 34, 14 (inx ^X). Always in Dt. (except 5, 7. 18, 20.
31, 18. 20) with to serve ox go after. Often in Kings and Jeremiah,
but (as Kleinert remarks) usually with other verbs.
3. That your {thy) days may be long [or to prolong days\ : 4, 26. 40. 5, 33
[Heb. 30]. 6, 2^ II, 9. 17, 20. 22, 7. 25, 15. 30, 18. 32, 47. So
Ex. 20, 12 (= Dt. 5, 16). Elsewhere, only Is. 53, 10. Prov. 28, 16.
Eccl. 8, 13 ; and, rather differently. Josh. 24, 31 = Jud. 2, 7.!
4. The land {Y'\^T\ : less frequently the ground, HDlXri) zvhich Jehovah
thy Cod is giving thee (also us, you, them, i, 20 &c. ) : 4, 40. 15,
7, and constantly. So Ex. 20, 12 (= Dt. 5, 16) n?:DTSn.
5- D"'13y Ti'l house 0/ bondage (lit. of slaves) : 6, 12. 7, 8. 8, 14. 13, 5. 10
[Heb. 6. 11]. [Josh. 24, 17.] So Jud. 6, 8. Mic. 6, 4. Jer. 34, 13.
From Ex. 13, 3. 14. 20, 2 ( = Dt. 5, 6).t
6. In thy gates (of the cities of Israel) : 12, 12. 15. 17. 18. 21. 14, 21. 27-
29. 15, 7. 22. 16, 5. II. 14. 18. 17, 2. 8. iS, 6. 23, 16 [Heb. 17].
24, 14. 26, 12. 28, 52. 55. 57. 31, 12. So Ex. 20, io( = Dt. 5, 14).
Nowhere else in this application : but cf. i Ki. 8, 37 = 2 Ch. 6, 28.
7^- ri/JD DJ? « people of special possession : 7, 6. 14, 2. 26, iS.f Cf. Ex.
19, 5 n^JD "h Dn''''m.
7i5. Cnp Dy <z /i^^' people : 7, 6. 14, 2. 21. 26, 19. 28, <^.\ Varied from
Ex. 19, 6 ti^np 'IJ a holy nation: cf. 22, 30 and holy men shall ye
be unto me.
5. IVhieh I co7nmand thee this day: 4, 40. 6, 6. 7, II, and repeatedly.
So Ex. 34, II.
9. Take heed to thyself {yourselves) lest, &c. : 4, 9. 23. 6, 12. 8, il. II, 16.
12, 13. 19. 30. 15, 9 (cf. 24, 8); comp. 2, 4. 4, 15. [Josh. 23, 11.]
So Ex. 34, 12; cf. 19, 12. (Also Ex. 10, 28. Gen. 24, 6. 31, 24,
cf. 29 ; but with no special force. )
10. A mighty hand and a stretched out arm: 4, 34. 5, 15. 7, 19. 11, 2. 26,
8. The combination occurs first in Dt. Alighty hatid oXonQ : Dt.
3, 24. 6, 21. 7, 8. 9, 26. 34, 12 [cf. Josh. 4, 24]. So in JE Ex.
3, 19. 6, I. 13, 9. 32, II. (Nu. 20, 20 differently. ) Stretched out
arm alone : Dt. 9, 29 (varied from Ex. 32, 11). So Ex. 6, 6 P.
11. "in3 to choose : of Israel 4, 37. 7, 6. 7. 10, 15. 14, 2, — the priests 18,
5. 21, 5, — of the future king 17, 15, — and especially in the phrase
"the place which Jehovah shall choose to place (cr set) His name
there," 12, 5. 11. 14. 18. 21. 26. 14, 23-25. 15, 20. 16, 2. 6. 7. 11.
15. 16. 17, 8. 10. 26, 2, or " the place which Jehovah shall choose"
18, 6. 31, II. [Josh. 9, 27.] Very characteristic of Dt. : not
applied before to God's choice of Israel ; often in Kings of Jerusalem
(i Ki. 8, 44. II, 32 &c.) ; in Jeremiah once, 33, 24, of Israel.
Also charact. of II. Isaiah (41, 8. 9. 43, 10. 44, i. 2 : cf. chosen
DEUTERONOMY. 93
43, 20. 45, 4. Of \}[\& future, 14, I. 65, 9. 15. 22: and applied to
Jehovah's ideal Servant, 42, i. 49, 7).
12. 6x'1C"'D) "I3~lpD J/"in my21 and tlwti shall exti7iguisk the evil fro7n Ihy
viidst {ox J ro III Israel): 13, 5 [Heb. 6]. 17, 7. 12. 19, 19. 21, 21.
22, 21. 22. 24. 24, 7.t This phrase is peculiar to Dt. ; but Jud.
20, 13 is similar.
13. That the Lord thy God may (or Because He wilt) bless thee: 14, 24. 29.
15, 4. 10. 16, 10. 15. 23, 20 [Heb. 21]. 24, 19: cf. 12, 7. 15, 6. 14.
14. 7 he stranger, the fatherless, and the luidozu : 10, 18. 24, 17. 19. 20. 21.
27, 19. Cf. Ex. 22, 21 f. Hence Jer. 7, 6. 22, 3. Ezek. 22, 7.
Together with //z^ Z«'//£ .• 14, 29. 16, 11. 14. 26, 12. 13.
15- p3T lo cleave, of devotion to God : 10, 20. 11, 22. 13, 4 [Heb. 5]. 30,
20: the corresponding adjective, 4, 4. [Josh. 22, 5. 23, 8.] So
2 Ki. 18, 6 : cf. 3, 3. I Ki. 11, 2.f
16. And remember that thou wast a bondman in the land of Egypt : 5, 15.
15, 15. 16, 12. 24, 18. 22.t
17. (V^y) ~\TV Dinn ^ thine eye slmll mt spare {him): 7, 16. 13, 8 [Heb.
9]. 19, 13. 21. 25, 12. Also Gen. 45, 20. Is. 13, 18, and frequently
in Ezek.
18. J^DPl 12 HTll and it be sin in thee: 15, 9. 23, 21 [Heb. 22]. 24, 15 ; cf.
21, 22 : with not, 23, 22 [Heb. 23].
19. nniDH t'lSn the good land {o{ Canaan) : i, 35. 3, 25. 4, 21. 22. 6, 18.
8, 10 (cf. 7). 9, 6. II, 17. [Josh. 23, 16.] So I Ch. 28, 8.t Dt.
1, 25 (Nu. 14, 7) and Ex. 3, 8 are rather different.
20. Which thou {ye) knoivest (or knewest) not: 8, 3. 16. 11, 28. 13, 2. 6. 13
[Heb. 3. 7. 14]. 28, 33. 36. 64. 29, 26 [Heb. 25]. Chiefly with
reference to strange gods, or a foreign people. Cf. 32, 17.
21. That it may he well with thee ("[^ 3D''^ fr^b or lU'X) : 4, 40. 5, 16.
29 [Heb. 26]. 6, 3. 18. 12, 25. 28. 22, 7. Similarly (D^S) ^i' 3101 :
5, 33 [Heb. 30]. 19, 13, and 1\]±> 6, 24. 10, 13.
22. 3"'£3M, inf abs., used z.Av(^x\)\2\\y =^t!ioroughly : 9, 21. 13, 14 [Heb. 15].
17, 4. 19, 18. 27, 8. Elsewhere, as thus applied, only 2 Ki. 11, i8.t
23. To fear God (HXT'^ : often with that they may learn prefixed) : 4, 10.
5, 29 [Heb. 26]. 6, 24. 8, 6. 10, 12. 14, 23. 17, 19. 28, 58. 31, 13,
cf. 12.
24. (?3V) ?*"in N?, in the sense of not to be allorved : 7, 22. 12, 17. 16, 5.
17, 15. 21, 16. 22, 3. 19. 29. 24, 4. A very uncommon use; cf.
Gen. 43, 32.
25. To do that which is right ("^C'^^) in the eyes of Jehovah : 12, 25. 13, 18
[Heb. 19]. 21, 9: with mtOH that which is good added, 6, 18. 12,
28. So Ex. 15, 26, then Jer. 34, 15, and several times in the frame-
work of Kings and the parallel passages of Chronicles.
26. To do that which is evil (j;"in) in the eyes of Jehovah : 4, 25. 9, 18. 17,
2. 31, 29. So Nu. 32, 13 ; often in the framework of Judges and
Kings, Jeremiah, and occasionally elsewhere. Both 25 and 26
gained currency through Dt., and are rare except in passages
written under its influence.
94 LITERATURE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
27. The priests the Lcvites ( = the Levitical priests) : 17, 9. iS, I. 24, 8.
27, 9 : the priests the sons of Levi, 21, 5. 31, 9. [Josh. 3, 3. 8, 33.]
So Jer. 33, 18. Ez. 43, 19. 44, I5- 2 Ch. 5, 5. 23, iS. 30, 27. Ps
expression " sons of Aaron " is never used in Ut.
28. With all thy {your) heart and with all thy {your) soul: 4, 29. 6, 5. 10,
12. II, 13. 13, 3 [lieb. 4]. 26, 16. 30, 2. 6. 10. [Josh. 22, 5. 23,
14.] A genuine expression of the spirit of the book (p. 73). Only
besides (in the third person) i Ki. 2, 4. 8, 48;]. 2 Ki. 23, 3. 2S||.
2 Ch. 115, 12; and (in the first person, of God) Jer. 32, 41.
29. ""JSp jnj, in the sense oi delivering up to : I, 8. 21. 2, 31. 33. 36. 7, 2.
23. 23, 14 [Heb. 15]. 28, 7 and 25 (with ^123). 31, 5. [Josh. 10, 12.
II, 6.] Also Jud. II, 9. I Ki. 8, 46. Is. 41, 2.t The usual phrase
in this sense is T"3 \T\l-
30. To turn (ID) neither to the right hand nor to the left: 2, 27 lit. (Nu. 20,
17 has nt33) : so i Sa. 6, 12. Metaph. 5, 32 [Heb. 29]. 17, 11.
20. 28, 14. [Josh. I, 7. 23, 6.] So 2 Ki. 22, 2||. \
31. Dn^ T\'^'}i'(2 the -cvork of the hands (= enterprise) : 2, 7. 14, 29. 16, 15.
24, 19. 28, 12. 30, 9 : in a bad sense, 31, 29.
32. ms, of the redemption from Egypt : 7, 8 (Mic. 6, 4). 9, 26. 13, 5
[Heb. 6]. 15, 15. 21, 8. 24, 18. Not so before: Ex. 15, 13 (the
Song of Moses) uses 7S3 (to reclaim).
33. 3~ip midst, in different connexions, especially *]2"lp3, ^QIpD. A
favourite word in Deut., though naturally occurring in JE, as also
elsewhere. In P "jin is preferred.
34. To rejoice bcfo7-e Jehovah : 12, 7. 12. iS. 14, 26. 16, 11. 14 {zL Lev.
23, 40). 26, II. 27, 7.
35. To make His name dwell there (|3?y, )^t^'^) : 12, il. 14, 23. 16, 2. 6.
II. 26, 2. Only besides Jer. 7, 12. Ezra 6, 12. Neh. i, g.f With
Dlbv (^'^ -f^^) : 12, 5. 21. 14, 24. This occurs also in Kings (to-
gether with nvn'?, nM\ which are not in Dt.) : i Ki. 9, 3. 11, 36 al.
36. (aDl\ "1"'T') IT' n^C'JD that to which thy {your) hani is put : 12, 7. 18.
15, 10. 23, 20 [Heb. 21]. 28, 8. 20.t
37. And . . . shall hear and fear (of the deterrent effect of punishment):
13, II [Heb. 12]. 17, 13. 19, 20. 21, 21. t
38. To observe to do (mCT^ ~\'0V) : 5, I. 32 [Heb. 29]. 6, 3 &c. (sixteen
times : also four times with an object intervening). [Josh. I, 7. 8.
22, 5.] Also a few times in Kings and Chronicles.
39. To observe and do : 4, 6. 7, 12. 16, 12. 23, 23 [Heb. 24]. 24, 8. 26, 16.
28, 13 ; cf. 29, 9 [Ileb. 8]. [Josh. 23, 6.]
40. The land ivhither ye go over (or enter in) to possess it : 4, 5. 14 and
repeatedly. Hence Ezra 9, 11. nnCl'? to possess it follows also
which Jehovah is giving thee (No. 4): 12, I. 19, 2. 14. 21, I.
[Josh. I, 11'.] Cf. Gen. 15, 7. In P, with similar clauses, ninx?
is used : Lev. 14, 34. 25, 45. Nu. 32, 29. Dt. 32, 49.
41. a. nin' n3J?in Jehovah's abomination, esp. as the tinal ground of a
DEUTERONOMY. 95
prohibition : 7, 25 (cf. 26). 12, 31. 17, i. 18, I2». 22, 5. 23, 18
[Heb. 19]. 24, 4. 25, 16. 27, 15: /'. nnyin alone, chiefly of heathen
or idolatrous customs, 13, 14 [Heb. 15]. 14, 3. 17, 4- 18, 9. 12".
20, 18. 32, 16. a. So often in Prov. ; comp. in H, Lev. 18, 22.
26 f. 29 f. 20, 13 (but only of sins of unchaslity).
There are one or two points of contact between Dt. and H
(e.g. in the use of the term thy brother 15, 3. 7. 9. 11. 12. 17,
15. 22, 1-4. 23, 19 f. 25, 3, as Lev. 19, 17. 25, 14. 25. 35. 36.
39. 47) ; but with P generally it shows no phraseological con-
nexion whatever. In the few laws covering common ground,
identical expressions occur (as c. 14 po, 24, 8 nyTiH j;3:i); but
these are either quotations or technical expressions, and do not
constitute any real phraseological similarity between the two
writings ; they are not recurrent in Dt.
Most of the expressions noted above occur seldom or never
besides, or only in passages modelled upon the style of Dt. In
addition, other recurring features will be noticed by tlie attentive
reader, which combine with those that have been cited to give a
unity of style to the whole work. The original features prepon-
derate decidedly above those that are derived. The strong and
impressive individuality of the writer colours whatever he writes ;
and even a sentence, borrowed from elsewhere, assumes, by the
setting in which it is placed, a new character, and impresses the
reader differently (so especially in the retrospects, c. 1-3. 9-10).
His power as an orator is shown in the long and stately periods
with which his work abounds : at the same time the parenetic
treatment, which his subject often demands, always maintains its
freshness, and is never monotonous or prolix. In his command
of a chaste, yet warm and persuasive eloquence, he stands unique
among the writers of the Old Testament.
The influence of Dt. upon subsequent books of the OT. is
very great. As it fixed for long the standard by which men
and actions were to be judged, so it provided the fornnulas in
which these judgments were expressed ; in other words, it
provided a religious terminology which readily lent itself to
adoption by subsequent writers. Its influence upon parts of
Joshua, Judges, Kings will be apparent when the structure of
those books comes to be examined: in a later age it shows itself
in such passages as Neh. i, 5 ff. c. 9; Dan. 9. Among the
prophets, Jeremiah's phraseology is modelled most evidently
96 LITERATURE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
upon that of Dt. ; and reminiscences may frequently be traced
in Ezekiel and Ueutero-Isaiah.
Differences should, however, be noted, as well as resemblances ; for instance,
even the Deuteronomic passages in Jud. and Kings contain neiv expressions
not found in Dt. {e.g. i Ki. \\, 2 to incline the heart [often in Jer.] ; w, \a
perfect heart, &c.) : on Jeremiah, comp. p. 82, note.
' § 6. Joshua.
Literature. — See p. if.; and add : Hollenberg in the Stiidien uftd
Kritiktn, 1874, pp. 472-506 ; and Der Charakter der Alexandj-inischen Ueber-
setzimg des Btiches Josiia, Moers, 1876; Budde in \:n& ZATIV. 1S87, pp. 93-
166; 1SS8, p. 148. Comp. Delitzsch, Genesis ^1887), pp. 30-33.
The Book of Joshua is separated by the Jews from the Penta-
teuch (the Torah or Law), and forms Avith them the first of the
group of writings called the "Former Prophets" {i.e. Joshua,
Judges, Samuel, and Kings). This distinction is, however, an
artificial one, depending on the fact that the book could not be
regarded, like the Pentateuch, as containing an authoritative
rule of life ; its contents, and, still more, its literary structure,
show that it is intimately connected with the Pentateuch, and
describes the final stage in the history of the Origi'jies of the
Hebrew nation.
The book divides itself naturally into two parts, the first
(c. I — 12) narrating the passage of Jordan by the Israelites, and
the subsequent series of successes by which they won their way
into Canaan ; the second (c. 13 — 24) describing the allotment of
the country among the tribes, and ending with an account of the
closing events in Joshua's life. Chronological notes in the book
are rare (4, 19. 5, 10; and incidentally 14, 10). The period of
time covered by the book can only be determined approximately ;
for though Joshua is stated to have died at the age of no years,
there is no distinct note of his age on any previous occasion. ^
From a comparison of 14, 10 with Dt. 2, 14 it would seem that
in the view of the writer of the section 14, 6-15 the war of
conquest occupied about 7 years.
The Book of Joshua consists, at least in large measure, of a
continuation of the documents used in the formation of the Penta-
teuch. In c. I — 12 the main narrative consists of a work, itself
1 He is called a " young man," Ex. ^t,, il, in the first year of the exodus.
JOSHUA. 97
also in parts composite, which appears to be the continuation of
JE, though whether its component parts are definitely J and E,
or whether it is rather the work of the writer who combined J and
E into a whole, and in this book, perhaps, permitted himself the
use of other independent sources, may be an open question.
The use of P in these chapters is rare. In c. 13 — 24, on the
contrary, especially in the topographical descriptions, the work of
P predominates, and the passages derived from JE are decidedly
less numerous than in the first part of the book. There is, how-
ever, another element in the Book of Joshua besides JE and P.
JE, before it was combined with P, seems to have passed through
the hands of a writer who expanded it in difterent ways, and who,
being strongly imbued with the spirit of Deuteronomy, may be
termed the Deuteronomic editor, and denoted by the abbreviation
D".^ The parts added by this writer are in most cases readily
recognised by their characteristic style. The chief aim of these
Deuteronomic additions to J E is to illustrate and emphasize the
zeal shown by Joshua in fulfilling Mosaic ordinances, especially
the command to extirpate the native population of Canaan, and
the success which in consequence crowned his efforts. ^ In point
of fact, as other passages show (p. 108), the conquest was by no
means effected with the rapidity and completeness which some
of the passages quoted imply ; but the writer, as it seems,
generalizes with some freedom. Another characteristic of the
same additions is the frequent reference to the occupation ot
the trans-Jordanic territory by Reuben, Gad, and the half-tribe
of Manasseh, not merely in i, 12 ff. and 22, 1-6, but also 2, 10.
9, TO. 12, 2-6. 13, 8-12. 18, 7^
I. C. I — 12. The Conquest of Palestine.
C. I — 2. Preparations for the passage of the Jordan and
conquest of Canaan. Joshua is encouraged by God for the task
imposed upon him, and receives (according to the stipulation,
Nu. 32, 20-27) the promise of assistance from the 2^ tribes
whose territory had already been allotted to them on the E. of
Jordan (c. i). The mission of the spies to Jericho and the
compact with Rahab (c. 2).
^ No account is here taken of the distinction drawn by Kittel, p. 60.
2 See I, 1-9. 3, 7. 10. 4, 14. 5, I. 6, 2. 8, i. 29 (Dl. 21, 23). 30-35. 10,
40-42. II, 14 f. 16-23. 21, 43-45- 23, 3- 9- 14''- 24, II middle. 13.
G
98 LITERATURE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
{
JE 2, 1-9. 12-24.
D^ c. I. 2, lo-ir.
C. I is based probably upon an earlier and shorter narrative, from which,
for instance, the substance of vv. I. 2. 10. II may be derived, but in its
present form it is the composition of D^. It is constructed almost entirely of
phrases borrowed from Dt. : comp. vv. 3-5* and Ut. il, 24. 25"; 5''-6. Dt.
31, 23 end. 6. 7". 8 (also i, 38. 3, 28) ; 7. Dt. 5, 32 (Ileb. 29). 29, 9 (Heb. 8) ;
9. Dt. 31, 6, also ih. i, 29. 7, 21. 20, 3 (the uncommon }*"iy) ; n''. Dt. 11,
31 ; I3''-I5 Dt. 3, 18-20; 17" as v. 5 ; iS*" as v. 6\ Even where the
phrases do not actually occur in Dt., the tone and style are those of Dt.
The greater part of c. 2 shows no traces of the Deut. style ; it is, however,
very evident in the two verses lo-ii ; see Dt. 31, 4. i, 28, and esp. 4, 39
(the phrase He is God in heaven above, &c. occurring nowhere else in the
OT.); comp. also Josh. 4, 23. 5, I (both D^). V. 9 contains reminiscences
from the Song in Ex. 15 {vv. 16. 15).
C. 3 — 4. The passage of the Jordan, and the erection of two
monuments in commemoration of the event, consisting of two
cairns of stones, one set up in the bed of the river itself, the
other at the first camping-place on the West side, Gilgal, which
henceforth becomes the headquarters of the Israelites till the
conquest is complete.
D2
I. 5. lo-n. 13-17- 4. 1-3- 8.
12. 4-7. 9 II".
3, 2-4, 6-9.
Il''-I2.
P 4, 13.
19.
'H:
20.
15-18.
D2 4,
14. 21-24.
The composite structure of c. 3 — 4 is apparent from the follow-
ing considerations, (i) After it has been stated, 3, 17, in express
terms, that the passage of the Jordan was completed, the
language of 4, 4. 5. 10" implies, not less distinctly, that the
people have not yet crossed ; in fact, at 4, 11 the narrative is at
precisely the same point which was reached at 3, 17. (2) 4, 8
and 4, 9 speak of two different ceremonies — the location of
stones, taken from Jordan, at Gilgal, and the erection of stones
/;/ tlie bed of the river itself : v. 8, now, is plainly the sequel of
V. 3, while V. 9 coheres with vv. 4-7, which, on the other hand, inter-
rupt the connexion of z'. 3 with v. 8. (3) 3, 12 is superfluous, if
it and 4, 2 belong to the same narrative ; it is, however, required
JOSHUA. 99
for 4, 4. The verses assigned to a form a consecutive narrative,
relating to the stones deposited at Gilgal. The narrative b is not
complete, part having been omitted when the two accounts were
combined together. In the parts which remain, 4, 4 is the sequel
to 3, 12; the twelve men pass over before the ark into Jordan
4, 4-7 ; the stones are erected in the river v. 9 ; alter this, the
people "hasten and pass over" {v. 10"): in the other narrative
the people have " clean passed over " before the ceremony is
even enjoined. The combined narrative a b has been slightly
amplified by D^ in the verses assigned to him in the analysis — in
3, 2-4. 6-9, probably, upon the basis of notices belonging to JE.
It is not, however, clear that the two main narratives are J and
E respectively ; and hence the letters a and b have been used to
designate them. With 4, 21 (nL"X) comp. Dt. 11, 27. iS, 22;
with 23^ c. 2, 10. 5, i; with 24, Dt. 28, 10. 4, 10''; and above,
p. 92, No. 10.
C. 5 — 8. Joshua circumcises the people at Gilgal ; and the Pass-
over is kept there (5, 1-12). He receives instructions respecting
the conquest of Jericho : the city is taken and "devoted" (Dt.
7, 2. 25 f.), Rahab and her household being spared according to
the compact of c. 2. After this Joshua advances against Ai, in
the heart of the land, near Bethel ; he is at first repulsed in con-
sequence of Achan's offence in having appropriated a portion of
the spoil, which had been " devoted " at Jericho. Achan having
been punished, the Israelites succeed in obtaining possession of
the city by a stratagem (7, i — 8, 29). Joshua erects an altar on
Ebal, the mountain on the north of Shecheni, and fulfils the
injunctions Dt. 27, 2-8.
I _^ 5> IO-12- 7j_I;
\ (JE 2-3. 8-9. s- 13—61 27. 7, 2-26. 8, 1-29.
( I D2 5, I. 4-7- 8, 30-35.
6, 2. 27 show signs of the hand of D- : wilh 2' comp. S, i. Dt. 2, 24 ;
with 2'', c. I, 14. 8, 3. 10, 1 ; V. 2"] recalls i, 5. 9. 17. 9, 9''. On the question
(which cannot here be properly considered) whether the rest of c. 6 exhibits
marks of composition, reference must be made to Wellh. [Coiii/i. pp. 121-4)
and the Commentary of Dillm.
In 8, 1-29 short additions or expansions due to D- are «>. I ("P'oar not,
neither be thou dismayed ;" cf. Dt. I, 21. 31, 8. c. 10, 25). 2^ 27 (cf. Dt.
2, 35), and probably a few phrases besides, both here and in c. 7. (Comp.
the additions sometimes made by the C/iroii icier in his excerpts from Kini;s,
lOO LITERATURE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
e.g. I Ch. 21, ii\ 2 Ch. 7, I2t'-i6». 8, ii''. iS, 31".) On the rest of 8, 1-29,
see Wellh. Coiiip. 125 f., and Dillni. p. 472 ff.
With regard to 8, 30-35 a difficulty arises from the position
which it occupies in the book. Ebal lies considerably to the
north of Ai, and until the intervening territory was conquered
(respecting which, however, the narrative is silent) it is difficult to
understand how Joshua could have advanced thither. Either
the narrative is misplaced, and (as has been suggested) should
follow II, 23 ; or (Dillm.) JE has been curtailed by the compiler
of the book, and the details w'hich, no doubt, it once contained
respecting the conquest of Central Palestine — similar to those
respecting that of the South (c. 10) and of the North (c. 11) —
have been omitted.
8, 30-32 agrees with Dt. 27, i-S ; v. 33 also agrees tolerably with Dt. 11,
29. 27, 11-13, but not completely, there being no mention of the curse. The
reading oi the law v. 34 f. is not enjoined in Dt. In v. 34 the words "the
blessing and the curse" (which, though they seem to be epexegetical of "a//
the words of the law," cannot be so in reality) may be a late insertion,
designed to rectify the apparent omission in v. 33. With the expressions in
V. 35 cf. II, 15. Dt. 31, 30. 29, 10: notice also in v, 33 the Deut. phrase,
"the priests the Levites" (p. 94).
C. 9. The Gibeonites, by a stratagem which disarms the sus-
picions of the Israelites, secure immunity for their lives, and are
permitted to retain a position within the community as slaves,
performing menial offices for the sanctuary (iepd8oi;A.oi).
P 15''. 17-21.
JE S-Q"- 11-15"- i6- 22-23. 26-27* (to t^tf)').
D" 9, T-2. 9''-iQ. 24-25. 27''.
Vv. 22. 23. 26 f. form evidently part of a narrative parallel to that of vv.
17-21, and not the sequel of it ; and the style of the latter shows that it
belongs to V (notice especially "the congregation," and "the princes"
[p. 126], who here take the lead rather than Joshua). In v. 27 "for the
congregation, and," and perhaps in vv. 23. 27 "(both) hewers of wood and
drawers of water," will likewise be elements derived from P.
C. 10. The con(}uest o{ Southern Canaan : Joshua first defeats
at Beth-horon the five kings of Jerusalem, Hebron, Jarmuth,
Lachish, Eglon, and afterwards gains possession of Makkedah,
Lihnah, Lachish, Gezer, Eglon, Hebron, Debir : further parti-
culars are not given, but Joshua's successes in this direction are
generalized, vv. 40-43.
JOSHUA. lOI
(JE 10,1-7. 9-11. i2''-i4\ 15-24. 26-27.
I D- 8. 12% I4\ 25. 28-43.
10, 1-14 forms a whole from JE, with additions (to which the
middle clause of v. i may be added) revealing the hand of D-,
and similar in style to those made by him in c. 6 and c. 8.
F. 1 2' -1 3* (to enemies) is an extract from an ancient collection
of national songs, called the J)Ook of Jashar or of the Upright (see
also 2 Sa. I, 18) : v. 13*^-14'^ is the comment of the narrator (here,
perhaps, E) upon it. In 12'^ and 14"^ notice the phraseology:
delivered up (lit. gave before) as 11,6 and frequently in Dt. (p. 94);
^NTC' Tyb as Dt. 31, 7 ; fought for Israel ^s v. 42. 23, 3. Dt. i,
30. 3, 22. 20, 4. As regards the account in vv. 28-43 ^^ the
manner in which Joshua pursued his victory, it is to be observed
that in Jud. i, 1-20 the conquest of the South of Palestine is
attributed \.o Judah ; and Hebron and Debir are represented in
Josh. 15, 14-19 ( = Jud. I, 10-15) as having been taken under
circumstances very different from those here presupposed. It
seems that these verses are a generalization by D-, in the style
of some of the latter parts of the book, attached to the victory
at Gibeon, and ascribing to Joshua more than was actually
accomplished by him in person. With v. 40 comp. 11, 11. 14.
Dt. 20, 16.
C. II. The conquest of Northern Canaan; Joshua defeats
Jabin, king of Hazor, with his allies, at the waters of Merom, and
captures the towns belonging to him {vv. 1-15). The ch. closes
({ov. 16-23) ^^'ith a review of the entire series of Joshua's suc-
cesses, in the South as well as in the North of Canaan. Vv. 1-9
are from JE, amplified by D'^ in parts of vv. 2. 3. 6. 7. 8": vv.
10-23 belong to D-.
In vv. 10-15 the consequences of the victory by the waters of Merom are
generaUzed by D^ in the same manner as those of the victory at Beth-horon in
10, 28-39. The survey in w. 16-23 is also in the style of D-. In v. 21 f.
"what in other accounts (14, 12. 15, 15-19. Jud. i, 10-15) is referred to
Caleb and Judah is generalized and attributed to Joshua " (Dillmann).
C 12. A supplementary list of the kings smitten by the Israel-
ites — Sihon and Og (with a notice of the territory belonging to
them) on the East of Jordan, and 31 kings slain under Joshua,
on the West of Jordan.
Another generalizing review by D^. The retrospective notice of Sihon
and Og is in the manner of this writer (p. 97). Of the 31 (or, if v. iS be
103 LITERATURE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
corrected after the LXX, 30) kings named, 16 (15) are not mentioned else-
where, at least explicitly, among those conquered under Joshua, viz. the kings
of Geder, Adullam, Bethel, Tappuah, Ilepher, Aphek of the Sharon (LXX),
Taanach, Megiddo, Kedesh, Jokneam, Dor, the nations of Galilee (LXX),
Tirzah (on Ilormah and Arad, comp. Jud. i, 17. Nu. 21, 1-3); hence,
probably, either omissions have been made in the narrative of JE (comp.
what was said above on 8, 30-35) in the process of incorporation by the
compiler, or this list is derived from an independent source.
II. C. 13 — 34. The Distribution of the Territory.
C. 13. (i) Vv. 1-13 Joshua receives instructions to proceed
with the allotment of the conquered territory {vv. i. 7. Vv. 2-6
contain a parenthetic notice of the districts, chiefly in the South-
west and in Lebanon, not yet conquered. Vv. 8-12 describe
the limits of the territory assigned by Moses to the 2\ trans-
Jordanic tribes : v. 13 is a notice of tribes on the East of Jordan
not dispossessed by the Israelites) ; (2) vv. 14-33 the borders and
cities of the trans-Jordanic tribes, Reuben, Gad, and the half-
tribe of Manasseh. Vv. 15-32 belong to P (except, probably, parts
of vv. 29-31), V. 13 to JE, vv. 1-12. 14. 33 to D^.
Vv. I. 7 may also be derived from JE. For a difficult question arising out
of V. 7 in connexion with z-i<. 2-6, it must suffice to refer to Wellh. p. 130 f,
or Kuen. Hex. § 7. 27. At the beginning of v. 8 the text (which yields an
incorrect sense) must be imperfect ; see Dillni., or QPB^. V. 33 is a
repetition o{ v. 14, added probably by a late hand : it is not found in LXX.
In the parts of this ch. assigned to P, observe the recurring superscriptions
and subscriptions vv. 15. 23. 24. 28. 29. 32; similarly 15, 20. 16, 8. 19, i.
8, 10. 16 &c. The framework is that of P ; but the details are in some
cases (especially in c. 16) derived from JE.
C. 14. Prei)arations for the division of the land by lot by
Joshua and Eleazar {vv. 1-5); Caleb receives from Joshua his
]jortion at Hebron in accordance with the promise Dt. i, 36
{vv. 6-15). Vv. 1-5 belong to P, vv. 6-15 may be a narrative
of JIC, expanded or recast, in parts, by D^.
In introducing his account of the division of West Palestine
ainong the tribes, the compiler of the bopk has followed P ;
vv. 1-5 being evidently dependent on Nu. 34, 13-17. 35,
1-8, and showing, moreover, the usual marks of P's style. The
corresponding subscription, from the same source, is 19, 51.
Wellh. Kuen. Dillm. agree in supposing that 18, i (which certainly reads
more appropriately as an introduction to the narrative of the partition of the
vilwlc land than to that of a part only) stood originally before 14, 1-5.
JOSHUA. 103
P't'. 6 15 display traits pointing to D-, though not so numerous as is usually
the case. They also contain allusions to phrases found in Dt., but not in
Num. 13 — 14; as v. 7'^?i~0 to spy out to Dt. i, 24 (the idea is expressed
by other words in Nu. 13—14) ; 8=" to Dt. i, 28 ; 9" to Dt. i, 36 ; 12 i:i'^\>':;^
to Dt. 1, 28 D^p:y ""32 (Nu. 13, 22. 28 p:j?n n^b') ; 14'' t" Dt. i, 36. The
passage in its original form appears, like JE in Nu. 13 — 14 (p. 58), to
have presupposed Caleb alone as a spy : for the terms used in vv. 7. 8 (" sent
vie" "went up with me'") are not those of a person addressing another who
was his companion on the occasion referred to ; so that in v. 6 the words " con-
cerning me and," it seems, must have been added for the purpose of accom-
modating the narrative to that of P in Nu. 13 — 14.
C. 15. Jitdah. The borders of Judah, vv. 1-12; Caleb's
conquest of Hebron, and Othniel's of Kirjath-sepher (Debir),
vv. 13-19; the cities of Judah, arranged by districts, vv. 20-63.
<P 15. 1-13- 2o-.;4. 48-62.
«JE 14-19. 45-47. 63.
Vv. 45-47 are an insertion in P from some different source ; daughters, in
the sense of dependent towns, is not one of P's expressions.'
C. 16 — 17. The children oi Joseph (i.e. the west half of Man-
asseh, and Ephraim). The description is less coinplete than in
the case of Judah, and also less clearly arranged. 16, 1-3
describes the south border (but only this) of the 2 tribes treated
as a whole ; 16, 5-10 describes the borders of Ephraim with a
notice {v. 9) of certain cities belonging to Ephraim, but situated
in the territory of Manasseh, and {v. io = Jud. i, 29) of the fact
that the Israelites did not succeed in dispossessing the Canaanites
from Gezer. C. 17 describes the borders of Manasseh, with a
notice of the cities belonging to it in Issachar and Asher {vv. i—
13), concluding {^v. 14-18) with an account of the complaint of
insufficient territory made by the joint tribes to Joshua, and of
the permission given to them by him to extend their territory for
themselves.
(P 4-8. 17, i». (i''-2). 3-4. 7. 9'. 9"=-IO».
"ijE 16, 1-3. ^^. 17, 5- (6)- 8^ 9^ 10^-18.
The main description is that of JE, the compiler having here
followed P less than usual. Two indications of compilation
may be noted, (i) In JE the lot of the two sons of Joseph is
' It occurs (in Gen. — Kings) only Nu. 21, 25. 32. 32, 42. Josh. 15, 45. 47.
17, II (6 times). 16. Jud. I, 27 (5 times). Ii, 26. (On 15, 28 LXX, of. Dillm.)
104 LITERATURE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
consistently spoken of as one (i6, i. 17, 14-18; so iS, 5); in
P it is expressly described as twofold (16, 5. 8. 17, i-'^), Manasseh
being named yfrx/ (16, 4) in accordance with 14, 4. Gen. 48, 5
by the same narrator ;i (2) after the description of the southern
border alone of "Joseph" 16, 1-3, the narrative starts afresh
16, 4, the description first given being in great part repeated
{vv. 5-8). V. 8^' is the regular subscription of P (19, 8. 16 &:c.).
JE's original narrative is thus restored in outline by AVellh. (p. 133) ; " The
two divisions of Joseph receive but one territory (16, I, cf. 17, 14), the
borders of which are defined (16, 1-3 : the north border is now missing).
In this territory Ephraim receives we do not know how many portions, and
Manasseh ten (17, 5). The more important Ephraimite cities are enumerated,
and a limitation follows (16, 9). Next, Manasseh's territory is described, and
it is mentioned that some important cities situate in it belong to Ephraim (17,
8. 9'') ; but that, on the other hand, Manasseh also extended northwards into
Asher and Zebulun, though the cities belonging to it there remained Canaan-
itish (17, 10I5-13). The account is concluded by 17, 14-18, which is of the
nature of an appendix." The narrative of JE is continued by iS, 2-10.
C. 18. {a) Vv. i-io the Israelites assemble at Shiloh, and
set up the Tent of Meeting : at Joshua's direction a survey
("describe" ///. write) of the land yet undivided is made, and its
distribution by lot to the seven remaining tribes is proceeded
with at Shiloh; {b) vv. 11-28 the tribe of Benjamin, its borders
(vv. 11-20), and cities {vv. 21-28). Vv. i. 11-28 belong to P,
vv. 2-6. 8-10 to J E, z;. 7 to Yf-.
On iS, I comp. above on c. 14. With the notice in v. 7% cf. 13, 14. 33.
Dt. 10, 9. 18, l''. 2 ; with that in 7'', 2, 10 &c. (p. 97).
C. 19. The lots of Simeon {vv. 1-9), Zebulun {vv. 10-16),
Issachar {vv. 17-23), Asher {vv. 24-31), Naphtali {vv. 32-39),
and Da7i {vv. 40-48), with a notice of the assignment of Timnath-
serah, in Ephraim, to Joshua (?'. 49 f.), and subscription, v. 51.
( 1' ig, 1-8. 10-46. 48. 51.
IE
47. 49-50-
Vv. 35-38, where the enumeration differs in form from the rest of the ch.,
may be an excerpt from JE, which, to judge from iS, 9, would appear to have
contained a description of the tribal allotments by cities — now mostly super-
seded by the text of P. The notice v. 49 f. is parallel to 15, 13 (Caleb),
and is presupposed in 24, 30 (both J E). V. 51 is the final subscription to
' With 17, r. 3-4, cf. Nu. 27, i-ii (P). V. \^-2, on the other hand,
differs from P in representation (Nu. 26, 28-34), and appears to be a gloss.
JOSHUA. 105
P's whole account of the division of the land, iS, i. 14, i ff., following the
particular subscription, v. 48, relating to Dan, just as Gen. 10, 32 follows
Gen. 10, 31, or as c. 21, 41 f. follows 21, 40.
C. 20. The appointment of cities of refuge, in accordance with
Nu. 35, pff. and Dt. 19; Dt. 4, 41-43 (the appointment of the
three trans-Jordanic cities by Moses) being disregarded.
^P 20,1-3.1 b"- {\.o judgment). 7-9.
The ch., as a whole, is in the style of P, but it exhibits
in parts points of contact with Dt. It is remarkable, now, that
just these passages are omitted in the LXX (vv. 3 "(and) un-
awares " ; 4-5 ; 6 from " (and) until " to " whence he fled ; " also
V. 8 "at Jericho eastward"). As no reason can be assigned for
the omission of these passages by the LXX translators, had they
formed a part of the Hebrew text which they used, it is probable
that the ch. in its original form (P) has been enlarged by addi-
tions from the law of homicide in Dt. (c. 19) at a comparatively
late date, so that they were still wanting in the MSS. used by
the LXX translators. Cf. Hollenberg, Alex. Uebers. p. 15.
In V. 3 observe that njJti'^ imwittingly (lit. in error) is the phrase of P
(Nu. 35, II. 15. Lev. 4, 2, &c.) ; nyT v33 unaivares is the phrase of Dt.
(4, 42. 19, 4 : not elsewhere) : it is the latter which is not recognised in LXX.
C. 21. Forty-eight cities assigned by the Israelites to the tribe
oi Levi, in accordance with the injunctions contained in Nu. 35,
1-8. Vv. 1-42 belong to P, vv. 43-45 to D-.
]'v. 43-45 form D-'s subscription, not to 21, 1-42, but to D-'s entire
account of the division of the land, as 19, 49 f. is JE's, and 19, 51 P's.
C. 22. The division of the land being thus completed, Joshua
dismisses the 2\ tribes to their homes on the east of Jordan,
vv. 1-8. The incident of the altar erected by them at the point
where they crossed the Jordan, vv. 9-34.
< P (22, 9-34).
( D- 22, 1-6. (7-8).
Vv. 7-8 are a fragment of uncertain origin, attached, as it seems, to v. 6
by a later hand. The source of vv. 9-34 is also uncertain. The phraseology
^ Except " (and) unawares" (nyi v23) '" v. 3.
I06 LITERATURE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
is in the main that of P (cf. the citations, p. I23fir.i) ; but the narrative does
not display throughout the characteristic style of P, and in some parts of it ^
there occur expressions which are not those of P. Either a narrative of P
has been combined with elements from another source =* in a manner which
makes it difficult to effect a satisfactory analysis, or the whole is the work of
a distinct writer, whose phraseology is in part that of P, but not entirely.
C. 23. Thejlrst of the two closing addresses of Joshua to the
people, in which he exhorts them to adhere faithfully to the
principles of the Deuteronomic law, and in particular to refrain
from all intercourse with the native inhabitants of Canaan.
C. 24. {a) The second of Joshua's closing addresses to the
people, delivered at Shechem, differing in scope from that in
c. 23, and consisting of a review of the mercies shown by God to
His people from the patriarchal days, upon which is based the
duty of discarding all false gods, and cleaving to Him alone.
The people, responding to Joshua's example, pledge themselves
solemnly to obedience ; and a stone, in attestation of their act,
is erected in the sanctuary at Shechem, vv. 1-2S; {l>) notices ot
the death and burial of Joshua, of the burial of Joseph's bones
at Shechem, and of the death and burial of Eleazar, vv. 29-33.
E 24, i-ii^ (to_vo«). II^ 12. 14-30. 32-33.
D^ c. 23. \i*' {to Jcbusite). 13. 31.
C. 23 shows throughout the hand of D-: comp. c. I and 22, 1-6 ; its object
apparently being to supplement 24, i ff. by inculcating more particularly the
principles of the Deuteronomic law. C. 24 is generally admitted to belong
to E ; it is incorporated here, with slight additions, by D-. In v. 11 the
words "the Amorite ... the Jebusite" (cf. Dt. 7, i) in point of fact inter-
rupt the connexion: the context speaks only of the contest with the "lords"
of Jericho. With v. 13 comp. Dt. 6, IO^ 11 ; with v. 31 Dt. ii, 7. Other
similar slight additions by D^ are probably v. i middle clause (cf. Dt. 29, 10),
12» to be/ore you (cf. Ex. 23, 28. Dt. 7, 20). In z>. 12 twelve for t~vo should
certainly be read with LXX. The context requires imperatively a reference
^ Which, however, do not include all the marks of P's style which the
section contains.
* Esp. vv. 22-29, and in the expression nL*'3^(n) L33t^' 2'^'- 7- 9- 1°. il.
13. 15. 21, which, though common in D and D'-^ {e.g. i, 12), occurs, in lieu of
P's regular term T\\^'':i'0 ilLDO. only in two doubtful passages of P (13, 29'.
Nu. 32, 2,3)'
* The sense of v. 11'' is uncertain. If the rendering of RV. be correct,
one chief reason for treating the narrative as composite— viz. that the altar is
represented in v. ions on the west side of Jordan, and in v. 11 on its east
—disappears. (On 7>1D c(. W. A. Wright, Journal of Philology, xiii. 1 17 fi. )
JOSHUA. 107
to some event subseqtient to the capture of Jericho ; so that the two kings of
the Amorites on the east of Jordan (Sihon and Og)— who have, moreover,
been noticed in v. 8— are here out of place. This retrospect differs in some
respects from the previous narrative, and mentions incidents not otherwise
recorded, e.g. the worship of "other gods" beyond the Euphrates vv. 2. 14;
the war of Balak with Israel w. 9; the " lords " or citizens of ]>tx'\c\vo fighting
against Israel v. \\; the number of the kings in v. 12, which, whether two
or twelve, disagrees in either case with the 31 (30) of 12, 24.
Points of contact with E : 57. i "before God" cf. Ex. 18, 12; vv. 12.
15. 18 "the Amorite" (p. 112) ; v. 25", cf. Ex. 15, 25 ; further, with vv. 2^
23*. 26" (the oak), comp. Gen. 35, 2-4; with v. 26, Gen. 28, 18; with
V. 27, Gen. 31, 44 f. 52 ; and with v. 32, Gen. 33, 19. 50, 25. Ex. 13, 19.
The Book of Joshua thus assumed the form in which we have
it by a series of stages. First, the compiler of JE (or a kindred
hand), utilizing older materials, completed his work : this was
afterwards amplified by the elements contributed by I)^: finally,
the whole thus formed was combined with P.^ From a historical
point of view, it is of importance to distinguish the different
elements of which the narrative is composed. Historical matter,
as such, is not that in which D^ is primarily interested ; except
in his allusions to the 2\ trans-Jordanic tribes (which are of the
nature of a retrospect), the elements contributed by him either
give prominence to the motives actuating Joshua, or generalize
and magnify the successes achieved by him. Looking at JE,
we observe that it narrated the story of the spies sent to explore
Jericho, the passage of the Jordan (in two versions), the circum-
cision of the Israelites at Gibeath-araloth (5, 2 f.) or Gilgal
(5, 8 f.), the capture of Jericho and of Ai (c. 6 ; 7-8), in each of
which accounts traces are perhaps discernible of an earlier and
simpler story than that which forms the body of the existing
narrative, the compact made with the Gibeonites, the defeat at
Beth-horon of the five kings who advanced to attack Gibeon,
with their execution at Makkedah, and Joshua's victory over the
kings of the North at the waters of Merom. From this point the
narrative of JE is considerably more fragmentary, consisting of
little more than partial notices of the territory occupied by the
tribes (15, 45-7, and parts of c. 16-17), ^"^^ anecdotes of the
manner in which, in particular cases, they completed, or failed
to complete, the conquest of the districts allotted to them.-
^ This view is preferred deliberately to that of Dillmann.
- 13, 13; perhaps the nucleus of 14, 6-1 5; 15, 13-19; 63; 16, 10; 17,
12 f,; 14-18; 18, 2-6; 8-10; 19,47.
I08 LITERATURE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
The account of the close of Joshua's life is preserved more fully
c. 24 (E).
That JE's narrative is incomplete is apparent from many
indications, e.g. the isolated notice of Bethel assisting Ai in 8, 17,
the entire absence of any mention of the conquest of Central
Palestine (p. 100), the fragmentary character of the notices of the
conquest of Judah, &c. It is, however, remarkable that a series
of notices, similar in form and representation, and sometimes in
great measure verbally identical with those found in the Book
of Joshua, occur in the first chapter of Judges; and the resem-
blance is of such a character as to leave little doubt that the tv/o
series are mutually supplementary, both original 'y forming part
of one and the same continuous account of the conquest of
Palestine (see below, under Judges). From the entire group of
these notices, narrating, partly the successes, partly the failures,
of individual tribes, we learn that the oldest Israelitish tradition
represented the conquest of Palestine as having been in a far
greater degree due to the exertions of the separate tribes, and as
having been effected, in the first instance, much less completely
than would be judged to have been the case from the existing
Book of Joshua, in which the generahzing summaries of D-
{e.g. 10, 40-43; II, 16-23; 21, 43-45) fofm a frequent and
prominent feature. The source of the notices in question is
supposed by many critics (Budde, p. 157) to be J, though not of
18, 2-6. 8-10, where the survey of Canaan is represented as
being carried out as though no unfriendly population were still
holding its own in the land. C. 24 also stands on a different
footing from the notices referred to J, the conquest, as it seems,
being conceived as more completely effected {vv. 12". 18) than
in the representation contained in these notices. C. 24, however,
is assigned, upon independent grounds, to the source E, which
might almost be said to be written from a standpoint approach-
ing (in this respect) that of D^.
P entertains the same view of the conquest as D^ (18, i*"),
and carries it to its logical consequences : Eleazar and Joshua
formally divide the conquered territory among the tribes (18, i ;
14, 1-5). The limits of the different tribes, and the cities
belonging to them, are no doubt described as they existed in a
later day ; but the partition of the land being conceived as
ideally effected by Joshua, its complete distribution and occupa-
JOSHUA. 109
tion by the tribes are treated as his work, and as accomphshed in
his hfetime. A difference between P and JE may here be
noted. P mentions Eleazar the priest as co - operating with
Joshua, and even gives him the precedence (14, i. 17, 4- i9>
51. 21, I ; cf. Nu. 27, 19. 21. 34, 17 P); in JE Josliua always
acts alone (14, 6. 15, 13. 17, 14- 18) 3- S. 10. 24, i).
On the phraseology of D- see, besides the citations pp. 93 fF., 9S R".,
Joshua, in the Diet, of the Bible (ed. 2), § 5. It has, in particular, affinities
with the margiits of Dt. ; and includes also a few expressions not found in
Dt. One term, frequent in D^'s summaries, may be here noted, D''~inn
to ban or devote, 2, 10. 10, i. 28. 35. 37. 39 f. n, n f. 20 f. : see Dt. 2, 34.
3, 6, and esp. in ihe injunctions (cf. p. 97, note) 7, 2. 13, 15, 20, 17. But
the D"in must be a very old institution in Israel : it is mentioned in JE Ex.
22, 20. Nu. 21, 2 f. Josh. 6 — 7. Note also the servant of Jehovah, of Moses :
1, I. 2. 7. 13. 15. 8, 31. 33. 9, 24. II, 12. 15. 12, 6. 13, 8. 14, 7. 18, 7. 22,
2. 4. 5 (Dt. 34, 5)-
§ 7.
Our analysis of the Hexateuch is completed, and the time has
arrived for reviewing the characteristics of its several sources, and
for discussing the question of their probable date. Deuteronomy,
indeed, has been considered at sufficient length ; but there
remain J, E, and P. Have we done rightly, it will perhaps be
asked, in distinguishing J and E? That P and "JE" formed
originally two separate writings will probably be granted ; the
distinguishing criteria are palpable and abundant : but is this
established in the case of J and E? is it probable that there
should have been two narratives of the patriarchal and Mosaic
ages, independent, yet largely resembling each other, and that
these narratives should have been coi^bined together into a
single whole at a relatively early period of the history of Israel
(approximately, in the 8th century B.C.)? The writer has often
considered these questions ; but, while readily admitting the
liability to error, which, from the literary character of the narra-
tive, accompanies the assignment of particular verses to J or E,
and which warns the critic to express his judgment with reserve,
he must own that he has always risen from the study of "JE"
with the conviction that it is composite ; and that passages
occur frequently in juxtaposition which nevertheless contain
indications of not being the work of one and the saiiie hand.
no LITERATURE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
It is no doubt possible that some scholars may have sought to
analyse JE with too great minuteness; but the admission of this
fact does not neutralize inferences drawn from broader and more
obvious marks of composition. The similarity of the two narra-
tives, such as it is, is sufficiently explained by the fact that their
subject-matter is (approximately) the same, and that they both
originated in the same general period of Israelitish literature.
Specimens have already been given of the grounds upon which the
analysis of JE mainly rests, of the cogency of which the reader will
be able to form his own opinion : as the notes appended will
have shown, the writer does not hold the particulars, even in
the book of Genesis, to be throughout equally assured. If,
however, minuter, more problematical details be not unduly
insisted on, there does not seem to be any inherent improbability
in the conclusion, stated thus generally, that "JE" is of the
nature of a compilation, and that in some parts, even if not so
frequently as some critics have supposed, the independent sources
used by the compiler are still more or less clearly discernible,
J and E, then (assuming them to be rightly distinguished),
appear to have cast into a literary form the traditions respecting
the beginnings of the nation that were current among the
l)eople, — ajiproximately (as it would seem) in the early centuries
of the monarchy. In view of the principles which predominate
in it, and in contradistinction to the " Priests' Code," JE, as a
whole, may be termed the p/vp/ie/ica/ narrative of the Hexateuch.
In so far as the analysis contained in the preceding pages is
accepted, the following features may be noted as characteristic
of J and E respectively. In the Book of Genesis both narratives
deal largely with the antiquities of the sacred sites of Palestine.
The people loved to think of their ancestors, the patriarchs, as
frequenting the spots which they themselves held sacred : and
the traditions attached to these localities are recounted by the
two writers in question.
Thus in J Abraham builds altars at Shechem, Bethel, and Hebron (12, 7.
8; 13, 4. 18), Isaac at Beer-sheba (26, 25), and Jacob erects a " pillar " at
Bethel (35, 14) : in E Abraham builds an altar on Moriah (22, 9) ; Jacob
erects and anoints a "pillar" (28, 18. 22. 31, 13) at Bethel, and afterwards
builds an altar there (35, i. 3. 7) ; another pillar is built by him near Bethel,
over Rachel's grave (35, 20) ; and an altar, on ground bought by himself, at
Shechem (t^t^, 19 f-); he also sacrifices at Beer-sheba (46, i^. Jacob and
Laban, moreover, erect a "pillar," maiking a boundary, in Gilead (31, 45.
PROrHETICAL NARRATIVE OF THE HEXATEUCH. Ill
51-2); and Joshua sets up a "great stone" in the sanctuary at Shechem
(Josh. 24, 26). J explains the origin of the names Beer-lahai-roi Gen. 16, 14,
Beer-sheba 26, 33, Bethel 28, 19, Penuel 32, 30, Succoth 33, 17, Ahel-
Mizraim 50, 17 : E those of Beer-sheba 21, 31 f., Mahanaim 32, 2, Allon-
bachuth (near Bethel), the burial-place of Deborah, 35, 8. In J Abraham
journeys through the district of Shechem and Bethel, and also visits Beer-
sheba (21, 33), but his principal residence appears to be Hebron, afterwards
the grea.i Judaic sanctuary (13, 18. 18, l) ; in E he dwells chiefly in Beer-
sheba (the sanctuary frequented by Ephraimites, Am 5, 5. 8, 14) and the
neighbourhood (20, i. 21, 14. 22, 19). Isaac's home is in or near Beer-
sheba in both sources (25, 11''. 21-23. 26, 7 ff. J; 28, 10 E). Jacob's
original home is Beer-sheba (25, \V>. 21 ff. J ; 28, 10 E), and he at least
passes through it in 46, 1-5 (prob. E) ; but the places with which he is
chiefly associated are Bethel 28, 11 ff. J and E, 35, i ff'. E, and Shechem 33,
19 f. E, 48, 22 E (alluded to here as assigned expressly to Joseph, i.e. to
northern Israel). Only once, 37, 14 (J or E?), is he mentioned, exception-
ally, as being at Shechem. Allusions to sacred trees (mostly terebinths or
oaks), which, it may be supposed, were pointed to in the narrator's own day,
occur in both J (12, 6. 13, 18. 18, l) and E (21, 33. 35, 4. 8. Josh. 24, 26),
as also in Gen. 14, 13 (cf. Jud. 4, 11. 6, 11. 19. 9, 6. 37. i Sa. 10, 3).
As compared with J, E frequently states more particulars: he is "best
informed on Egyptian matters" (Dillm.) ; the names Eliezer (probably),
Deborah, Potiphar, "Abrekh," Zaphenath - Pa'neach, Asenalh, Potiphera
(Gen. 15, 2 [contrast 24, 2 J]. 35, 8 [contrast 24, 59 J]. 37, 36. 41, 43. 45),
Pithom, Raamses, Puah, Shiphrah, Hur (Ex. I, li. 15. 17, 10. 12. 24, 14), are
preserved by him : to the details mentioned above, add those respecting the
burial-places of Joshua, Eleazar (Josh. 24, 30. 33), and Joseph {ib. 24, 32 ;
cf. Gen. 50, 25. Ex. 13, 19). The allusions to the teraphim-worship and
polytheism of the Aramaean connexions of the patriarchs (Gen. 31, 19. 30. 53
[see the Heb.]. 35, 4. Josh. 24, 2. 15) are all due to him, as well as, probably,
the notices of Miriam (Ex. 2, 4 fif. 15, 20 f. Nu. 12. 20, i), of Joshua as the
minister and attendant of Moses (Ex. 17, 9 f. 24, 13. 32, 17. 33, 11. Nu. 11,
28; cf. Josh. I, I), and of the rod in Moses' hand (Ex. 4, 17. 2o\ 7, 17. 9,
22 f. 10, 12 f. 14, 16. 17, 5. Nu. 20, 8. II).
The Standpoint ot E is the prophetical, though it is not brought
so prominently forward as in J, and in general the narrative is
more "objective," less consciously tinged by ethical and theo-
logical reflexion than that of J. Though E mentions the local
sanctuaries, and alludes to the '• pillars " without offence, he
lends no countenance to unspiritual service : the putting away
of "strange gods" is noticed by him with manifest approval
Gen. 35, 2-4. Josh. 24, 14-25. Abraham is styled by him a
"prophet," possessing the power of effectual intercession (Gen.
20, 7) ; Moses, though not expressly so termed, as by Hosea
(12, 14), is represented by him essentially as a prophet, entrusted
112 LITERATURE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
by God with a prophet's mission (Ex. 3), and holding excep-
tionally intimate communion with Him (Ex. 33, 11. Nu. 12, 6-8;
c(. Dt. 34, 10). In his narrative of Joseph, the didactic import
of the history is brought out 50, 20 : the lesson which he makes
it teach is the manner in which God effects His purposes through
human means, even though it be without the knowledge, and
contrary to the wishes, of the agents who actually bring them
about (cf. also 45, 5-S).
Other features that have been noticed in E are : DTl^K construed as a
phiral (Gen. 20, 13. 35, 7. Josh. 24, 19); God's coming in a dream (Gen.
20, 3. 31, 24. Nu. 22, 8 f. 20 : not so elsewhere), and generally the
frequency of the dream as a channel of revelation in his representations
(add Gen. 28, 11 f 31, 10 f c. 40 — 41. 46, 2 : cf. 37, 5-1 1. 42, 9 ; probably
also 15, I. 21, 12 [see 14]. 22, i [see 3]) ;' the double call Gen. 22, 11. 46, 2.
Ex. 3, 4; Jethro, not Reuel (Ex. 2, 18 [p. 21]. Nu. 10, 29), as the name of
Moses' father-in-law Ex. 3, i. 4, 18. 18, i ff. ; and (if the passages quoted
are all rightly derived from E) " Iloreb"- (Ex. 3, 2. 17, 6. 33, 6) in prefer-
ence to "Sinai," "mountain of God " (Ex. 3, 2 [cf i Ki. 19, 8], 4, 27. 18,
5. 24, 13) ; " Amorite," as the general name of the pre-Israelitish population
of both West and East Palestine (Gen. 15, 16. 48, 22. Nu. 21, 21. 31 f Josh.
24, 8. 12. 15. 18 [so 2 Sa. 21, 2. Am. 2, 9. 10: cf Jud. 6, 10. i Sa. 7, 14]);
J prefers "Canaanite" (Gen. 12, 6. 13, 7. 24, 3. 37. 34, 30).^
J, if he dwells less than E upon concrete particulars, excels
in the power of delineating life and character. His touch is
singularly light : with a few strokes he paints a scene which,
before he has finished, is impressed indelibly upon his readers'
memory. In ease and grace his narratives are unsurpassed ;
everything is told with precisely the ainount of detail that is re-
quired : the narrative never lingers, and the reader's interest is
sustained to the end. His dialogues especially (which are fre-
quent) are remarkable for the delicacy and truthfulness with
which character and emotions find expression in them : who can
ever forget the pathos and supreme beauty of Judah's inter-
cession, Gen. 44, i8fif. ? Other noteworthy specimens of his
style are afforded by Gen. 2 — 3. 11, 1-9. c. 18 — 19. c. 24. 27,
1 Much less frequently in J : 26, 24. 28, 13-16.
- As in Dt. (i, 2. 6. 19. 4, 10. 15. 5, 2. 9, 8, 18, 16. 29, i [28, 69 Heb.]):
not elsewhere in the Pent.
^ The lists of nations Gen. 15, 19-21. Ex. 3, 8. 17. 13, 5. 23, 23 &c.
stand upon a different footing, and are probably due mostly to the compiler
of JE. Comp. Budde, Die Bibl. Urgesc/tichte, p. 345 fif.
PROPHETICAL NARRATIVE OF THE HEXATEUCH. II3
1-46 (which is mostly, if not entirely, the work of J). Ex. 4,
1-16. The character of Moses is pourtrayed by him with singular
attractiveness and force. In J, further, the prophetical element
is conspicuously prominent. Indeed, his characteristic features
may be said to be the fine vein of ethical and theological re-
flexion which pervades his work throughout, and the manner
in which his narrative, even more than that of E, becomes the
vehicle of religious teaching. " He deals with the problem of
the origin of sin and evil in the world, and follows its growth
(Gen. 2 — 4. 6, i-S); he notices the evil condition of man's heart
even after the Flood (8, 21), traces the development of heathen
feeling and heathen manners (11, i ff. 9, 22 ff. 19, i ff. 31 ff.),
and emphasizes strongly the want of faith and disobedience visible
even in the Israel of Moses' days (Ex. 16, 4-5. 25-30. 17, 2. 7.
14, II f. 32, 9-T4. ^^, 12—34, 28. Nu. II. 14. 25, I ff. Dt. 31,
16-22). He shows in opposition to this how God works for the
purpose of counteracting the ruin incident to man, partly by
punishment, partly by choosing and educating, first Israel's fore-
fathers to live as godlike men, and finally Israel itself to become
the holy people of God. He represents Abraham's migration
into Canaan as the result of a divine call and promise (Gen. 12,
1-3. 24, 7) ; expresses clearly the aim and object of this call (18,
18 f.) ; exhibits in strong contrast to human sin the Divine mercy,
long-suffering, and faithfulness (Gen. 6, 8. 8, 21 f. 18, 23 ff. Ex.
32, 9-14. 33, 12 ff.) ; recognises the universal significance of
Israel in the midst of the nations of the world (Gen. 12, 2 f. 27,
29. Ex. 4, 22 f. 19, 5 f. Nu. 24, 9); declares in classical words
the final end of Israel's education (Nu. 11, 29; cf. Gen. 18, 19
RV. Ex. 19, 5 f.); and formulates under the term belief \hQ. spirit
in which man should respond to the revealing work of God (Gen.
15, 6. Ex. 4, I. 5. 8 f. 31. 14, 31. 19, 9; cf. Nu. 14, 11; and also
Dt. I, 32. 9, 23). And in order to illustrate the divine purposes
of grace, as manifested in history, he introduces, at points "
fixed by tradition, "prophetic glances into the future (Gen. 3, 15.
5, 29. 8, 21. 9, 25-27. 12, 2 f. 18, 18 f. 28, 14. Nu. 24, 17 f), as
he also loves to point to the character of nations or tribes as
foreshadowed in their beginnings (Gen. 9, 22 ff 16, 12. 19, 31 ff
25, 25 ff. 34, 25 ff. 35, 22 [see Dillm.'s note here] ; cf. 49, 9 ff)':^
(Dillm. NDJ. p. 629 f.).
It is a peculiarity of J that his representations of the Deity are
H
114 LITERATURE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
highly anthropomorphic. He represents Jehovah not only (as
the prophets generally, even the latest, do) as expressing human
resolutions and swayed by human emotions, but as performing
sensible acts. Some illustrations from J's narrative in Gen.
2 — 3- 7 — 8 were quoted above (p. 7) ; but the instances are not
confined to the childhood of the world. Thus He comes down
to see the tower built by men, and to confound their speech, 11,
5. 7 (so 18, 21. Ex. 3, 8: rather differently Nu. 11, 17. 25. 12,
5), visits the earth in visible form Gen. 18—19, tneets Moses
and seeks to slay him Ex. 4, 24, takes ^/"the chariot wheels of the
Egyptians 14, 24. Elsewhere, He is grieved, repents (Gen. 6,
6 f. Ex. 32, 14), swears (Gen. 24, 7. Nu. 11, 12), is angry (Ex.
4, 14 ai.) ; but these less material anthropomorphisms are not so
characteristic as those just noticed, being met with often in other
historical books and in the prophets {e.g. i Sa. 15, 11. 2 Sa.
24, 16. Jer. 18, 8-10. 26, 19).
How far other sources were employed by J and E must remain
uncertain, though the fact that such are sometimes actually quoted,
at least by E, makes it far from improbable that they were used
on other occasions hkewise. The sources cited are mostly
poetical : no doubt in Israel, as in many other nations, literature
began with poetry. Thus E cites the '• Book of the Wars of
Jehovah" (Nu. 21, 14 f), and the "Book of Jashar" (Josh. 10,
12 f ), from each of which an extract is given. The former book
can only have been a collection of songs celebrating ancient
victories gained by Israel over its enemies.^ The poems themselves
will naturally, at least in most cases, have been composed shortly
after the events to which they refer. At what date they were
formed into a collection must remain matter of conjecture : the
age of David or Solomon has been suggested. The Book of
Jashar, or "the Upright" (in which David's lament over Saul
also stood, 2 Sa. i, 18), was probably of a similar character, —
a national collection of songs celebrating the deeds ot worthy
Israelites. This, at least, was not completed before the time of
David, though the nucleus of the collection may obviously have
been formed earlier. E, moreover, on other occasions, quotes lyric
poems (or fragments of poems), viz. the Song of Moses (Ex. 15,
I ff.), the Song of the Well (Nu. 21, 1 7 f?); and the Song of
triumph over Sihon {ib. vv. 27-30). There is no express state-
^ For the expression, cf. i Sa. iS, 17. 25, 28.
PROrHETICAL NARRATIVE OF THE IIEXATEUCH. II5
ment that these were taken by him from one of the same sources;
but in the light of his actual quotations this is not improbable,
at least for the first two : the Song of Deborah, Jud. 5, i ff.,
may also have had a place in one of these collections. Further,
the command to write "in a book"i the threat to extirpate
Amalek (Ex. 17, 14), makes it probable that some written state-
ment existed of the combat of Israel with Amalek, and of the
oath sworn then by Jehovah to exterminate His people's foe. The
poetical phrases that occur in the context may suggest that this
too was in the form of a poem, reminiscences of which were
interwoven by E in his narrative. And the Ten Commandments
which E incorporates, of course existed already in a written
form. The Blessing of Jacob (Gen. 49) may have been derived
by J from a source such as the Book of Jashar : the Song of
Moses in Dt. 32 (which is very different in style) was taken pro-
bably from an independent source. The ordinances which form
the basis of the "Book of the Covenant" must also have existed
in a written shape before they were incorporated in the narrative
of J ; as well as the " Words of the Covenant," which, probably
in an enlarged form, are preserved in Ex. 34, 10 ff. (cf. z;. 27 f).
The existence of written laws c. 750 B.C. is implied by Hos. 8, 12.
Critics of different schools — Dillmann, Kittel, and Riehm, not
less than Wellh. and Kuen. — agree in supposing that E was a
native of the Northern kingdom. His narrative bears, indeed,
an Ephraimitic tinge. Localities belonging to the Northern
kingdom (see above) are prominent in it, especially Shechem
and Bethel (the custom of paying tithes at which — cf Am. 4, 4
— appears to be explained in Gen. 28, 21 f.). Hebron is sub-
ordinate : Abraham is brought more into connexion with Beer-
sheba. Reuben, not Judah (as in J), takes the lead in the
history of Joseph. Joshua, the Ephraimite hero, is already
prominent before the death of Moses ; the burial - places of
famous personages of antiquity, as of Deborah, Rachel, Joshua,
Joseph, Eleazar, when they were shown in Ephraimite territory,
are noticed by him (Gen. 35, 8. 19 f Josh. 24, 30. 32. 33). J is
commonly regarded as having belonged to the Southern kingdom.
^ Ileb. "13B3, of which, however, tlie English equivalent is "in a book :"
comp. Nu. 5, 23. Job 19, 23. The Hebrew idiom is explained in Ges.-
Kautzsch (ed. 25), § 126. 4 ; or in the writer's N^otes on Samuel, pp. 5, 123.
Il6 LITERATURE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
The general Israelitish tradition treated Reuben as the first-born ;
but in J's narrative of Joseph, Judah is represented as the leader
of the brethren. Gen. 38 (J) records traditions relating to the
history of Judahite families which would be of subordinate
interest for one who was not a member of the tribe. Abraham's
home is at Hebron. The grounds alleged may seem to be
slight in themselves, but in the absence of stronger grounds on
the opposite side, they make it at least relatively probable that
E and J belonged to the Northern and Southern kingdoms
respectively, and represent the special form which Israelitish
tradition assumed in each locality.
On the relative date of E and J, the opinions o' critics differ.
Dillm. Kittel, and Riehm assign the priority to E, placing him
900-850 B.C., and J c. 750 (Dillm.), 830-800 (Kittel), or c. 850
(Riehm).^ Wellhausen, Kuenen, and Stade, on the other hand,
assign the priority to J, placing him 850-800 B.C., and E c. 750.-
The grounds of this difference of opinion cannot be here fully discussed.
It turns in part upon a different conception of the limits of J. Dillm. 's "J "
embraces more than Wellh.'s "J," including, for instance, Ex. 13, 3-16. 19,
5 f. 32, 7-14, and much of 34, 1-28, which approximate in tone to Dt., and
which Wellh. ascribes to the compiler of JE. Dillm. 's date, c. 750 (p. 630),
is assigned to J largely on the ground of just those passages which form no
part of Wellh.'s J. It is true, these passages display a tone and style (often
parenetic) which is not that which prevails generally in J ; and as the
anthropomorphisms of J favour, moreover, an earlier date, it is possible that
they are rightly assigned to the compiler of JE rather than to J (as, indeed,
is admitted by Dillm. (p. 681) for the similar passages, Gen. 22, 15-18. 26,
3''-5. Ex. 15, 26. Nu. 14, 11-23). Dillm. allows the presence in his "J"
of archaic elements, but attributes them to the use of special sources ; his
opinion that E is one of these sources is not probable.
Although, however, critics differ as to the relative date of J
and E, they agree that neither is later than c. 750 B.C. ; and
most are of opinion that one (if not both) is decidedly earlier.
The terminus ad qiievi is fixed by the general consideration that
the prophetic tone and point of view of J and E alike are not so
definitely marked as in the canonical prophets (Amos, Hosea,
t<:c.), the earHest of whose writings date from c. 760-750. It is
^ So most previous critics, as Niildeke (J c. 900), Schrader (E 975-950; J
S25-800), Kayser {c. See), Reuss (J 850-800; E "perhaps still earlier").
- In the same order, II. Schultz, Alttest. Tluol. (ed. 4) p. 60 f (J to the
leign of Solomon ; E S50-800).
PROPHETICAL NARRATIVE OF THE IIEXATEUCII, 11/
probable also, though not quite certain (for the passages may be
based upon unwritten tradition), that Am. 2, 9. Hos. 12, 3 f. 12 f.
contain allusions to the narrative of JE. The terminus a quo is
more difficult to fix with confidence : in fact, conclusive criteria
fail us. We can only argue upon grounds of probability derived
from our view of the progress of the art of writing, or of literary
composition, or of the rise and growth of the prophetic tone and
feeling in ancient Israel, or of the period at which the traditions
contained in the narratives might have taken shape, or of the
probability that they would have been written down before the
impetus given to culture by the monarchy had taken effect, and
similar considerations, for estimating most of which, though
plausible arguments, on one side or the other, may be advanced,
a standard on which we can confidently rely scarcely admits of
being fixed. Nor does the language of J and E bring us to any
more definite conclusion. Both belong to the golden period of
Hebrew literature. They resemble the best parts of Judges and
Samuel (much of which cannot be greatly later than David's own
time) ; but whether they are actually earlier or later than these,
the language and style do not enable us to say. There is at least
no archaic flavour perceptible in the style of JE.^ And there
are certainly passages (which cannot all be treated as glosses), in
which language is used implying that the period of the exodus
lay in the past, and that Israel is established in Canaan. ^ The
' On some of the supposed arcliaisms of the Pent., see Deuteronomy in
the Did. of the Bible, § 31 ; Delitzsch, Genesis (1887), p. 27 f.
- See (in JE) Gen. 12, 6 ; 13, 7 ; 34. 7 ("in Israel : " comp. Dt. 22, 21.
Jud. 20, 6. 10. 2 Sa. 13, 12) ; 40, 15 ("the land of the Hebrezos") ; Nu. 32, 41
(as Dt. 3, 14 : see Jud. 10, 4).
In the other sources of the Pent. comp. similarly Gen. 14, 14. Dt. 34, I
("Dan:" see Josh. 19, 47. Jud. 18, 29); Gen. 36, 31 ; Lev. iS, 27 f. ; Nu.
22, I. 34, 15 (p. 79); Dt. 2, 12*; 3, II (Og's bedstead a relic of antiquity) ;
as well as the passages of Dt. quoted p. 77 &c. Dt. 2, 12. 3, 11. 14 might,
indeed, in themselves be treated as glosses (though they harmonize in style
with the rest of Dt. i — 3) ; but the attempts that have been made to reconcile
the other passages with Moses' authorship must strike every impartial reader
as forced and artificial. The laws, also, in many of their details, presuppose
(and do not merely anticipate) institutions and social relations, which can
hardly have grown up except among a people which had been for some time
settled in a permanent home. Cf. Dillm. ND/. 593-6; Riehm, Eint. § 12.
It must be remembered that there is no passage of the OT. which ascribes
the composition of the Pent, to Moses, or even to Moses' age ; so that we
are thrown back upon independent grounds for the purpose of determining its
IlS LITERATURE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
manner also in which songs are appealed to (Nu. 21, 14. 27),
in support of historical statements, is scarcely that of a con-
temporary. All things considered, a date in the early centuries
of the monarchy would seem not to be unsuitable both for J and
for E ; but it must remain an open question whether both may
not, in reality, be earlier. The date at which an event, or
institution, is fir.st mentioned in writing, must not be confused
with that at which it occurred, or originated : in the early stages
of a nation's history the memory of the past is preserved habitually
by oral tradition ; and the Jews, long after they were possessed
of a literature, were still apt to depend much upon tradition.
Space forbids here an examination of the styles of J and E. They have
much in common ; indeed, stylistic criteria alone would not generally suffice
to distinguish J and E ; though, when the distinction has been effected by
other means, slight differences of style appear to disclose themselves ; for
instance, particular expressions are more common in J than in E, and E is
apt to employ somewhat unusual words.^ Whether, however, the expressions
noted by Dillm. NDJ. pp. 618, 625 f., are all cited justly as characteristic of
E and J respectively, may be questioned ; they depend in part upon details of
the analysis which are not throughout equally assured. Both J and E bear a
far closer ^£«^;-a/ resemblance than P does to the earlier narratives of Jud.
Sam. Kings: J especially resembles Jud. 6, 11-24. 13, 2-24. c. 19.
P, both in method and literary style, offers a striking contrast
to either J or E. P is not satisfied to cast into a literary form
what may be termed the popular conception of the patriarchal
and Mosaic age : his aim is to give a systcfnatic view, from a
priestly standpoint, of the origin and chief institutions of the
Israelitish theocracy. For this purpose, an abstract oi the history
is sufficient : to judge from the parts that remain, the narrative
of the patriarchal age, even when complete, cannot have been
more than a bare outline; it only becomes detailed at important
epochs, or where the origin of some existing institution has to
date. The "law of Moses" is indeed frequently spoken of; and it is un-
questioned that Israelitish law did originate with him : but this expression is
not evidence that Moses was the writer o{ the Pent., or even that the laws
which the Pent, contains represent throughout his unmodified legislation.
I)t. 31, 9. 24 may be referred reasonably to the more ancient body of law
which forms the basis of the Deut. code. Comp. Delitzsch, Gen. p. t,}, f.
^ E.g. TXii'^''^ Gen. 33, 19. Josh. 24, 32 (Job 42, ii)t; D''3b Gen. 31,
7. 4if ; Ex. 18, 9 mn ; 21 nrn (very uncommon in prose) ; 32, 18 Hti'ipn ;
25 Qn"'Cp3 nV'^L''^ (poetical) ; nS in a local sense.
PRIESTLY NARRATIVE OF THE HEXATEUCH. II9
be explained (Gen. 9, iff. c. 17. 23); the intervals are bridged
frequently by genealogical lists, and are always measured by
exact chronological standards. Similarly in the Mosaic age, the
commission of Moses, and events connected with the exodus, are
narrated with some fulness ; but only the description of the
Tabernacle and ceremonial system can be termed comprehensive ;
even of the incidents in the wilderness, many appear to be intro-
duced chiefly on account of some law or important consequence
arising out of them.^ But even here the writer is careful not to
leave an absolute gap in his narrative : as in the patriarchal
period the intervals are bridged by genealogical lists, so here the
40 years in the wilderness — the greater part of which is a blank
in JE — are distributed between 40 stations (Nu. ;^;^). In the
Book of Joshua the account of the conquest — though largely
superseded by that of JE — appears to have been told summarily :
on the other hand, the allotment of land among the tribes —
arising out of the instructions in Nu. 34, and the basis of the
territorial subdivision existing under the monarchy — is narrated
at some length (the greater part of Josh. 15 — 21). Other
statistical data, besides genealogies, are a conspicuous feature
in his narrative ; for instance, the lists of names and enumerations
in Gen. 46. Nu. i — 4. 7. 13, 1-15. c. 26. 34.
In the arrangement of his material, system and circum-
stantiality are the guiding principles ; and their influence may
be traced both in the plan of his narrative as a whole, and in his
treatment of individual sections. Not only is the narrative con-
structed with a careful and uniform regard to chronology, but
the history advances along a well-defined line, marked by a
gradually diminishing length of human life, by the revelation
of God under three distinct names, Elohwi, El Skaddai,^ and
Jehovah, by the blessing of Adam, with its characteristic con-
ditions, and by the subsequent covenants with Noah, Abraham,
and Israel, each with its special " sign," the rainbow, the rite of
circumcision, and the Sabbath (Gen. 9, 12 f. 17, 11. Ex. 31, 13.
* Ex. 16, 1-3. 6-24, see vv. 32-34 ; Lev. 10, iff; 24, 10-14. 23 ; Nu. 9,
I ff.; 15, 32-36; c. 17; 20, 2. 3\ 6, see vv. 12-13. 22-29; 25, 6-9. see
vv. 10-13 ; 27, I ff. 36, I ff.
■^ Gen. 17, I. 28, 3. 35, II 48, 3. Ex. 6, 3 ; also Gen. 43, 14 in E : comp.
in poetry 49, 25. Nu. 24, 4. 16. Gen. 49, 25 shows that the title ShadJai
is an ancient one.
120 LITERATURE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
17). In his picture of the Mosaic age, the systematic marshaUing
of the nation by tribes and families, its orderly distribution in
the camp and upon the march, the unity of purpose and action
which in consequence regulates its movements, are the most
conspicuous features (Nu. i — 4, 10, 11-28 &c.). In the age of
Joshua stress is similarly laid upon the complete and methodical
division of the entire land among the tribes. Further, wherever
possible, P seeks to set before his readers a coticrete picture, with
definite figures and proportions : consider, for example, his
precise measurements of the ark of Noah, or of the Tabernacle ;
his representation, just noticed, of the arrangement of the tribes
in the camp and on the march ; his double census of the tribes
(Nu. I. 26) ; his exact estimate of the amount of gold and other
materials offered by the people for the construction of the
Tabernacle (Ex. 38, 24-31), of the offerings of the princes
(Nu, 7), and of the spoil taken from the Midianites (Nu. 31).
It is probable, indeed, that in many of these cases only par-
ticular elements of the representation were supplied to him by
tradition : his representation, as a whole, seems to be the result
of a systematizing process working upon these materials, and
perhaps, also, seeking to give sensible expression to certain ideas
or truths (as, for instance, to the truth of Jehovah's presence in
the midst of His people, symbolized by the "Tent of ]\Ieeting,"
surrounded by its immediate attendants, in the centre of the
camp 1). His aim seems to have been to present an ideal picture
of the Mosaic age, constructed, indeed, upon a genuine traditional
basis, but so conceived as to exemplify the principles by which
an ideal theocracy should be regulated. ^ That he does not
^ In JE the "Tent of Meeting" is represented regularly as outside the
camp, Ex. 33, 7-11 (where the tenses used express what was Moses' //a^^//.-
see Ges.-Kautzsch, ed. 25, § 112. 3). Nu. 10, 33. 11, 26-27. 12, 4 ("come
out "), only once as being within it (Nu. 14, 44). The general impression,
also, derived from the narrative of JE, is that it was simpler in its structure
and appointments than as represented in P.
^ It is difficult to escape the conclusion that the representation of P includes
elements, not, in the ordinary sense of the term, historical. His chronological
scheme appears to have been deduced by him by calculation from data of a
nature now no longer known to us, but in jxart artificial. It is remarkable, for
instance, that the entire number of years from the Creation to the Exodus is 2666
(= I of 4000) years. There are also difficulties connected with the numbers of
the Israelites (esp. in Nu. i — 4) ; here, likewise, as it seems, the figures cannot
be all historical, but must have been obtained in some manner by computation.
PRIESTLY NARRATIVE OF THE HEXATEUCH. 121
wilfully desert or falsify tradition, appears from the fact that even
where it set antiquity in an unfavourable light, he still does not
shrink from recording it (Ex. i6, 2. Lev. 10, i. Nu. 20, 12. 24.
27, 13 f ). It is probable that, being a priest himself, he recorded
traditions, at least to a certain extent, in the form in which they
were current in priestly circles.
His representations of God are less anthropomorphic than those
of J (p. 114), or even of E. No angels or dreams are mentioned
by him. " Certainly he speaks of God as ' appearing ' to men,
and as 'going up' from them (Gen. 17, i. 22 f. 35, 9. 13. 48, 3.
Ex. 6, 3), at important moments of the history, but he gives no
further description of His appearance: usually the revelation of
God to men takes with him the form of simple speaking to them
(Gen. I, 29. 6, 13. 7. i. 8, 15. 9, i. Ex. 6, 2. 13 al.); only in the
supreme revelation on Sinai (Ex. 24, 16 f. cf 34, 29^^), and when He
is present in the Tent of Meeting (Ex. 40, 34 f.), does he describe
Him as manifesting Himself in a form of light and fire (Ti33
glory), and as speaking there with Moses (Nu. 7, 89. Ex. 25, 22),
as man to man, or in order that the people may recognise
Him (Ex. 16, 10. Lev. 9, 6. 23 f. Nu. 14, 10. 16, 19. 42. 20, 6).
Wrath also proceeds forth from Him (Nu. 16, 46), or destroying
fire and death (Lev. 10, 2. Nu. 14, 37. 16, 35. 45 ff. 25, 8 f ).
But anthropopathic expressions of God he avoids scrupulously ;
even anthropomorphic expressions are rare (Gen. 2, 2 f , cf Ex.
31, 17''), so that a purpose is here unmistakable. It may be
that as a priest he was accustomed to think and speak of God
more strictly and circumspectly than other writers, even those
who were prophets. On the other hand, he nowhere touches on
the deeper problems of theology. On such subjects as the
justice of the Divine government of the world, the origin of sin
and evil, the insufficiency of all human righteousness (see, on the
contrary. Gen. 5, 24. 6, 9), he does not pause to reflect; the
free Divine choice, though not unknown to him (Nu. 3, 12 f. 8,
16. 17, 5 ff. 18, 6), is at least not so designedly opposed to
human claims as in J. His work contains no Messianic outlooks
into the future : his ideal lies in the theocracy, as he conceives
it realized by Moses and Joshua" (Dillm. ND/. p. 653). In P
the promises to the patriarchs, unlike those of J, are limited to
Israel itself (see above, p. 19; and add Ex. 6, 4. 6-7). The
substance of these promises is the future growth and glory
122 LITERATURE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
(" kings shall come out of thee ") of the Abrahamic clan ; the
establishment of a covenant with its members, implying a special
relation between them and God (Gen. 17, 7^ Ex. 6, 7^), and
the confirmation of the land of Canaan as their possession. The
Israelitish theocracy is the writer's ideal ; and the culminating
promise is that in Ex. 29, 43-46, declaring the abiding presence
of God -with His people Israel.
The literary style of P is strongly marked. If JE — and espe-
cially J — be free, flowing, and picturesque, P is stereotyped,
measured, and prosaic. The narrative, both as a whole and in its
several parts, is articulated systematically; the beginning and close
of an enumeration are regularly marked by stated formulae.^ The
descriptions of P are methodical and precise. When they embrace
details, emphasis ^ and completeness ^ are studied ; hence a
thought is often repeated in slightly different words.* There is
a tendency to describe an object in full each time that it is
mentioned \^ a direction is followed, as a rule, by an account of
its execution, usually in the same words." Sometimes the cir-
cumstantiality leads to diffuseness, as in parts of Nu. i — 4 and
(an extreme case) Nu. 7 (p. 56). Metaphors, similes, &c., are
eschewed (Nu. 27, 17'' is an exception), and there is generally an
absence of the poetical or dramatic element, which is frequently
conspicuous in the other historical books of the OT. (including
J and E). To a greater degree than in any other part of the
OT. is a preference shown in P for standing formulcR and expres-
sions ; some of these recur with great frequency, and are apparent
in a translation. Particularly noticeable is an otherwise uncom-
mon mode of expression, producing a peculiar rhythm, by which a
statement is first made in general terms, and then partly repeated,
for the purpose of receiving closer limitation or definition.''
^ Comp. p. II, notes 2 and 3 ; and add Nu. i, 20-21. 22-23 &c. ; 2, 3-9.
10 16 &c. ; 10, 14-2S ; 26, 12-14. 15-18 &c. See also p. 127, No. 44.
2 Gen. I, 29. 6, 17. 9, 3.
' Notice the precision of definition and description in Gen. lO, 5- 20. 31.
36, 40 ; 6, 18. 7, 13 f. 23, 17. 36, 6. 46, 6-7. Ex. 7, 19. Nu. i, 2. 20. 22 &c.
* Comp. p. II, note i ; add Gen. 2, 2-3. 23, 17-20. Ex. 12, 18-20.
' Comp. Gen. i, 7 beside 6; 11 beside 10; 8, 18 f. beside 16 f.
« Gen. I, 6 f. ; 1 1 f . ; 24 f. ; 6, 18-20. 7, 13-16 ; 8, 16-19 ; Ex. 8-16 f. ; 9,
8-10; Nu. 17, 2. 6.
~ Gen. I, 27. 6, 14. 8, 5. 9, 5. 23, 11. 49, 29"- 30. Ex. 12, 4. 8. 16, 16. 35.
25, 2. II. 18. 19. 26, I. Lev. 25, 22. Nu. 2, 2. 18, 18. 36, 11-12 Heb. &c.
PRIESTLY NARRATIVE OF THE IIEXATEUCH. 1 23
It seems as though the habits of thought and expression,
which the author had contracted through his practical acquaint-
ance with the law, were carried by him into his treatment of
purely historical subjects. The writer who exhibits the greatest
stylistic affinities with P, and agrees with him sometimes in the
use of uncommon express'ions, is the priestly prophet Ezekiel.
The following is a select list of some of the most noticeable
expressions characteristic of P; many occurring rarely or never
besides, some only in Ezekiel. The list could readily be
increased, especially if terms occurring only in the laws had
been added ; ^ these, however, have been excluded, as the object
of the list is rather to show that the historical sections ot P
exhibit the same literary features as the legal ones, and that the
same habits of thought and expression pervade both.^ Refer-
ences to Lev. 17—26 have been included in the list. It will
be recollected that these chapters do not consist wholly of
excerpts from H, but comprise elements belonging to P (p. 44).
H itself also, as was remarked, is related to P, representing like-
wise priestly usage, though in an earlier phase ; so that it is but
natural that its phraseology should exhibit points of contact with
that of P.
r. God, noi Jehovah: Gen. I, i and uniformly, except Gen. 17, i. 21, i",
until Ex. 6, 2.
2. Kind [l^]^) : Gen. I, 11. 12 bis. 21 bis. 2^ bis. 2^ ter. 6, 20 ter. 7, 14
quater. Lev. Ii, 14. 15. 16. 19 [hence Dt. 14, 13. 14. 15. 18].
22 quater. 29. Ez. 47, lo.f
3. To szvarm (pC) : Gen. i, 20. 21. 7, 21. 8, 17. Ex. 7, 28 [hence Ps.
105, 30]. Lev. II, 29. 41. 42. 43. 46. Ez. 47, 9. Fig. of men:
Gen. 9, 7. Ex. i, 7.+
^ E.g. "savour of satisfaction," "fire-sacrifice," "statute for ever." But
the laws of P, it is worth remarking, are, as a rule, formulated difierently
from those of either JE or D (contrast e.g. the '''2 mx, ''^ t^'Q3, IX U"^
^3 ntJ'X, &c. of Lev. I, 2. 4, 2. 5, I. 15. 13, 2. 29. 38. Nu. 5, 6. 6, 2 al.
with the C"X "'31 of Ex. 21, 7. 14. 20. 26 &c.), and show besides differences of
terminology, which, however, the reader must be left to note for himself.
- Were these expressions confined to the legal sections, it might be argued
that they were the work of the same hand as JE, who, with a change of
subject, adopted naturally an altered phraseology ; but they are found re-
peatedly in the narrative parts of the Ilexateuch, where the peculiar
phraseology cannot be attributed to the special character ot the subject {e.g.
Gen. 6—9. Ex. 6, 2 — 7, 13. c. 16. Nu. 13—14. 16—17. Josh. 22, 9 ff.).
124 LITERATURE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
4. Sivarmiiig things (}*"lt^') : Gen. I, 20. 7, 21. Lev. 5, 2. II, 10. 20
[hence Dt. 14, 19]. 21, 23. 29. 31. 41. 42. 43. 44. 22, 5.!
5. To be fruitful and tmiUiply (mil n~l£) : Gen. i, 22. 28. 8, 17. 9, i. 7.
17, 20 (cf. 2 and 6). 28, 3. 35, II. 47, 27. 48, 4. Ex. i, 7. Lev.
26, 9. ' Also Jer. 23, 3 ; and (inverted) 3, 16. Ez. 36, ll.f
6. /<?r/6>(7rf'(n?3SP) : Gen. i, 20. 30. 6, 21. 9, 3. Ex. 16, 15. Lev. 11, 39.
25, 6. Ez. 15, 4. 6. 21, 37, 23, 37. 29, 5. 34, 5. 8. 10. 12. 39, 4.t
(In Jer. 12, 9 n^3X7 is an infin.)
7. Generations {T\X\7\T\) ■
(a) In the phrase T/iese are the ge^ierations of , . . (see p. 5 f.).
{b) Otherwise : Gen. lO, 32. 25, 13. Ex. 6, 16. 19. 28, 10. Nu. I
(12 times). X Ch. 5, 7. 7, 2. 4. 9. 8, 28. 9, 9. 34. 26, 31.!
8. nSD in the st. c, in cases where ordinarily HNO would be said : Gen.
5, 3. 6. 18. 25. 28. 7, 24. 8, 3. II, 10. 25. 21, 5. 25, 7. 17. 35, 28.
47, 9. 28. Ex. 6, 16. 18. 20. 38, 25. 27 (thrice). Nu. 2, 9. 16. 24.
31- 33' 39- So besides only Neh. 5, 11 (prob. corrupt). 2 Ch. 25, 9
Qri. Est. I, 4.f (Peculiar. P uses nXD iii such cases only twice,
Gen. 17, 17. 23, I.)
9. To expire (yij) : Gen. 6, 17. 7, 21. 25, 8. 17. 35, 29. 49, 33. Nu. 17,
12. 13. 20, 3 (^w. 29. Josh. 22, 20. (Only besides in poetry : Zech.
13, 8. Ps. 88, 16. 104, 29. Lam. i, 19 ; and 8 times in Job.)f
10. With thee {him, &c. ) appended to an enumeration: Gen. 6, 18. 7, 7.
13. 8, 16. 18. 9, 8. 28, 4. 46, 6. 7. Ex. 28, I. 41. 29, 21 bis. Lev. 8,
2. 30. 10, 9. 14. 15 (25, 41. 54 oy). Nu. 18, I. 2. 7. II. 19 bis.
Similarly after you {thee, &c.) appended to "seed : " Gen. 9, 9. 17,
7 bis. 8. 9. 10. 19. 35, 12. 48, 4. Ex. 28, 43. Nu. 25, 13.
11. And Noah did {so) ; according to, &c. : Gen. 6, 22 : exactly the same
form of sentence, Ex. 7, 6. 12, 28. 50. 39, 32^ 40, 16. Nu. i, 54.
2, 34. 8, 20. 17, II [Heb. 26] : cf. Ex. 39, 43. Nu. 5, 4. 9, 5.
12. TV^zV selfsame day (ntn DVH DVy) : Gen. 7, 13. 17, 23. 26. Ex. 12,
17. 41. 51. Lev. 23, 14. 21. 28. 29. 30. Dt. 32, 48. Josh. 5, 11.
10, 27 (not P : probably the compiler). Ez. 2, 3. 24, 2 bis. 40, l.f
13. After tJieir families (DIT'- DmnaCJo!?) : Gen. 8, 19. 10, 5. 20. 31. 36,
40. Ex. 6, 17. 25. 12, 21.1 Nu. I (13 times). 2, 34. 3—4 (15 times).
11, 10 (JE). 26 (16 times). 29, 12. 33, 54. Josh. 13, 15. 23. 24. 28.
29. 31. 15, I. 12. 20. 16, 5. 8. 17, 2 bis. 18, II. 20. 21. 28. 19
(12 times). 21, 7. 33. 40 (Heb. 38). I Sa. 10, 21. i Ch. 5, 7. 6,
62. 63 (Heb. 47. 48, from Josh. 21, 33. 38). f
^ The isolated occurrence of this expression in JE does not make it the less
characteristic of P. Of course the writer of Ex. 12, 21 was acquainted with
the word HriDdD, and could use it, if he pleased, in combination with 7. It
is (hef'cqiitiicy of the combination which causes it to be characteristic of a
particular author. For the same reason ilfv; is characteristic of St. Mark's
style, notwithstanding the fact that the other evangelists employ it occa-
sionally. The same remark holds good of Nos. 12, 15, 17, 22, 38, 41, &c.
PRIESTLY NARRATIVE OF THE HEXATEUCH. 1 35
14. by? ^-f regards all, with a generalizing force ^ namely, 1 mean (Ewakl,
§ 310''): Gen. 9, 10". 23, IO^ Ex. 14, 28 (cf. 9 h''T\\). 27, 3. 19
(si vera 1.). 28, 38. 36, i\ Lev. 5, 3. II, 26. 42. 16, 16. 21. 22, 18.
Nu. 4, 27. 31. 32. 5, 9. 18, 4. 8. 9. Ez. 44, 9. (Prob. a juristic
use. Occasionally elsewhere, esp. in Ch.)
15. All everlasting covenant: Gen. 9, 16. 17, 7. 13. 19. Ex. 31, 16. Lev.
24, 8; cf. Nu. 18, 19. 25, 13.*!
16. Exceedingly (IXIO 1X?33, not the usual phrase): Gen. 17, 2. 6. 20.
Ex. I, 7. Ez. 9, 9. 16, I3.t
17. Substance {^:;\2~\) : Gen. 12, 5. 13, 6. 31, 18. 36, 7. 46, 6. Nu. 16, 32
end. 35, 3. Elsewhere (not P) : Gen. 14, 11. 12. 16 bis. 21. 15, 14;
and in Ch. Ezr. Dan. (15 times). f
iS. Zb^a/Z/^r (cot— cognate with "substance"): Gen. 12, 5. 31, \% bis.
36, 6. 46, 6.t
19. Sotil (t^'S3) in the sense o^ person: Gen. 12, 5. 36, 6. 46, 15. 18. 22.
25. 26. 27. Ex. I, 5. 12, 4. 16 (RV. wa«). 19. 16, \b{\\N. persons).
Lev. 2, I (RV. one). 4, 2. 27. 5, i. 2 ; and often in the legal parts of
Lev. Num. (as Lev. 17, 12. 22, 11. 27, 2). Nu. 31, 28. 35. 40. 46
(in the account of the war with Midian). Josh. 20, 3. 9 (from Nu.
35, II. 15). See also below, No. 25". A usage not confined to P,
but much more frequent in P than elsewhere.
20. Throtighotct your {their) generations {U'Z'^THt? DHl'iP) : Gen. 17,7- 9-
12. Ex. 12, 14. 17. 42. 16, 32. 33. 27, 21. 29, 42. 30, 8. 10. 21. 31.
31, 13. 16. 40, 15. Lev. 3, 17. 6, II. 7, 36. 10, 9. 17, 7. 21, 17. 22,
3. 23, 14. 21. 31. 41. 24, 3. 25, 30 {his). Nu. 9, 10. 10, 8. IS, 14.
15. 21. 23. 38. 18, 23. 35, 29.t
21. Sojpumifigs (DniJD), with land: Gen. 17, 8. 28, 4. 36, 7. 37, i. Ex.
6, 4. Ez. 20, 38 ; with days: Gen. 47, 9 bis. Only besides Ps. 119,
54; and rather differently 55, 16. Job 18, I9.f
22. Possession (nfilS) : Gen. 17, 8. 23, 4. 9. 20. 36, 43. 47, 11. 48, 4. 49,
30. 50, 13. Lev. 14, 34. 25, 10-46. 27, 16. 21. 22. 24. 28. Nu. 27,
4. 7. 32, 5. 22. 29. 32. 35, 2. 8. 28. Dt. 32, 49. Josh. 21, 12. 39.
22, 4 (D-). 9. 19 bis. Elsewhere only in Ezekiel (44, 28 bis. 45, 5.
6. 7 bis. 8. 46, 16. 18 /^r. 48, 20. 21. 22 i^w) ; Ps. 2, 8 ; I Ch. 7,
28. 9, 2 ( = Neh. II, 3). 2 Ch. II, 14. 31, i.f
23. The cognate verb to get possessions (THSJ), rather a peculiar word : Gen.
34, 10. 47, 27. Nu. 32, 30. Josh. 22, 9. 19.1
24. Pi/rcliase, piircliasid possession (;-\2pf2) • Gen. 17, 12. 13. 23. 27. 23,
18. Ex. 12, 44. Lev. 25, 16 bis. 51. 27, 22. (Prob. a legal term.
Only besides Jer. 22, 11. 12. 14. 16. )t
25. Peoples (D''J2y) in the sense o'i kinsfolk (peculiar) :
{a) That soul (or that tnan) shall be cut off from his kinsfolk : Gen.
17, 14. Ex. 30, 33. 38. 31, 14. Lev. 7,20. 21. 25. 27. 17, 9. 19, 8.
^ The asterisk indicates that all passages of the Hexateuch in which the
word or phrase quoted occurs are cited or referred to.
126 LITERATURE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
23, 29. Nu. 9, 13+. (In Lev. 17, 4. 10. iS, 29. 20, 3. 5. 6. iS.
23, 30. Nu. 15, 30 the noun is singular.)
{b) To be ga/hered to ones kinsfolk: Gen. 25, 8. 1 7. 35, 29. 49, t^t^.
Nu. 20, 24. 27, 13. 31, 2. Dt. 32, 50 bis.\
(e) Lev. 19, 16. 21, I. 4. 14. 15. Ez. 18, 18: perhaps Jud. 5, 14.
IIos. 10, 14.1
26. SeUler or sojourner (2Q>)T\) : Gen. 23, 4 (hence Rs. 39, 13. i Ch. 29,
15). Ex, 12, 45. Lev. 22, 10. 25, 6. 23. 35. 40. 45. 47 bis. Nu. 35,
15. Also I Ki. 17, I (text doubtful). t
27. Getting, acquisition {'^':^) : Gen. 31, 18. 34, 23. 36,6. Lev. 22, 11.
Josh. 14, 4: cf. Ez. 38, 12 f. ; also Pr. 4, 7. Ps. 104, 24. 105, 21. f
28. Rigour i^Ti) : Ex. i, 13. 14. Lev. 25, 43. 46. 53. Ez. 34, 4.!
29. Judgments (D''£2Dti' [not the usual wordj) : Ex. 6, 6. 7, 4. 12, 12. Nu.
Z2,, 4- Ez. 5, 10. 15. II, 9. 14, 21. 16, 41. 25, II. 28, 22. 26. 30,
14. 19. Pr. 19, 29. 2 Ch. 24, 24. t
30. Fathers^ houses ( = families: ni3X n'3, or sometimes niQS alone):
Ex. 6, 14. 25. 12, 3. Nu. 1—4 (often). 17, 2. 3. 6. 26, 2. 31, 26. 32,
28. 34, 14. 36, I. Josh. 14, I. 19, 51. 21, I. 22, 14.
31. Zi'isj/j- (niX3V) of the Israehtes : Ex. 6, 26. 7, 4. 12, 17. 41. 51. Nu.
1, 3. 52. 2, 3. 9. 10. 16. 18. 24. 25. 32. 10, 14. iS. 22. 25. 28. 33,
I.* (Dt. 20, 9 differently.)
32. Congregatioti (my) of the Israelites: Ex. 12, 3. 6. 19. 47. 16, i. 2. 9.
10. 22. 17, I. 34, 31. 35, I. 4. 20. 38, 25. Lev. 4, 13. 15. 8, 3-5. 9,
5. 10, 6. 17. 16, 5. 19, 2. 24, 14. 16. Nu. 13, 26 <^«. 14, I. 2. 5. 7,
10. 27. 35. 36. 16, 2. 3. 9 /!'«. 19 bis. 21. 22 (Lev. 10, 6). 24. 26.
41. 42. 45. 46. [Heb. 17, 6. 7. 10. 11]. 20, I. 2. 8 ^w. II. 22. 27.
29. 25, 6. 7. 31, 12. 16. 26. 27. 43 (as well as often in the other
chapters of Nu. assigned wholly to P). 32, 2. 4. Josh. 9, 15. 18 bis.
19. 21. 27. 18, I. 20, 6. 9. 22, 12. 16. 17. 18 (Nu. 16, 22). 20. 30.
(Cf. No. 39.) Never in JE or Dt., and rare in the other hist,
books : Jud. 20, i. 21, 10. 13. 16. i Ki. 8, 5 ( = 2 Ch. 5, 6). 12, 20.
33. Between the two evenings : Ex. 12,6. 16, 12. 29, 39. 41. 30,8. Lev.
23, 5. Nu. 9, 3. 5. II. 28, 4. 8.t
34. In all your dwellings (D^TinC'ID 733): Ex. 12, 20. 35, 3. Lev. 3,
17. 7, 26. 23, 3. 14. 21. 31. Nu. 35, 29 (cf. 15, 2. 31, 10). Ez. 6, 6. 14.
35. litis is the thing which Jehovah hath coinmanded : Ex. 16, 16. 32.35,
4. Lev. 8, 5. 9, 6. 17, 2. Nu. 30, 2. 36, 6.t
36. A head (n^J^J lit. skull) in enumerations : Ex. 16, 16. ^S, 26. Nu. i,
2. 18. 20. 22. 3, 47. I Ch. 23, 3. 24.t
37. To remain over (fjiy : not the usual word) : Ex. 16, 18. 23. 26, 12 bis.
13. Lev. 25, 27. Nu. 3, 46. 48. 49. t
38. Rider or prince (N't^'3), among the Israelites : Ex. 16, 22. 35, 27
Lev. 4, 22. Nu. I, 16. 44. cc. 2. 3. and 7 (repeatedly). 4, 46. 10, 4.
13, 2. 17, 2. 6 (Ileb. 17. 21). 25, 14. 18. 34, 18-28. Josh. 22, 14.
In JE once only, Ex. 22, 27: never in Dt. Jud. Sam.: in Kings
only I Ki. 8, i, and in a semi-poetical passage, 11, 34. Cf. Gen.
17, 20. 23, 6. 25, 16. 34, 2. Often in Ez., even of the king.
PRIESTLY NARRATIVE OF THE IIEXATEUCII. 12/
39. Rulers {princes) of {ox in) the congregation : Ex. 16, 22. 34, 31. Nu. 4,
34. 16, 2. 31, 13. 32, 2. Josh. 9, 15. 18 (cf. 19. 21). 22, 30 (cf. 32) :
cf. Nu. 27, 2. 36, I. Josh. 17, 4-1
40. Z:^c'/ r^j-^ (pnnC) : Ex. i5, 23. 31, 15. 35, 2. Lev. 16, 31. 23, 3. 24.
32. 39 bis. 25, 4. 5.t
41. According to the command {\\L mouth) 0/ Jehovah {rWTV' '^t:^'))})'- Ex. 17,
I. Lev. 24, 12. Nu. 3, 16. 39. 51. 4, 37. 41. 45. 49. 9, 18. 20. 23.
10, 13- 13. 3- 33. 2. 38. 36, 5- Josh. 15, 13 (^N). 17, 4 6s)- 19, 5o.
21, 3 (7X)- 22, 9. Very uncommon elsewhere : Dt. 34, 5'' (pro
bably from P : cf. Nu. 33, 38). 2 Ki. 24, 3.
42. Half {r\''"ir\'0 ■■ not the usual word) : I':x. 30, 13 bis. 15. 23. 38, 26.
Lev. 6, 13 bis. Nu. 31, 29. 30. 42. 47. Josh. 21, 25 ( = I Ch. 6, 55)
Only besides i Ki. 16, 9. Neh. 8, 3. i Ch. 6, 46.!
43. ^j;q to trespass and [:y?o t7-espass (often combined, and then rendered
in RV. to commit a trespass) : Lev. 5, 15. 6, 2 [Heb. 5, 21]. 26, 40.
Nu. 5, 6. 12. 27. 31, 16. Dt. 32, 51. Josh. 7, I. 22, 16. 20. 22. 31.*
Ez. 14, 13. 15, 8. 17, 20. iS, 24. 20, 27. 39, 23. 26. (A word
belonging to the priestly terminology. Never in Jud., Sam., Kgs.,
or other prophets [except Dan. 9, 7] ; and chiefly elsewhere in Ch.)
44. The methodical form of subscription and sjiperscriptiott: Gen. 10, [5J.
20. 30. 31. 25, 16. 36, 19. 20. 31. 40. 43. 46, 8. 15. 18. 22. 25. Ex.
I, I. 6, 14. 16. l9^ 25^ 26. Nu. I, 44. 4, 28. 33. 37. 41. 45. 7,
I7\ 23b. 29" &c. 84. Z2>^ I. Josh. 13, 23". 28. 32. 14, I. 15, I2^ 20.
16, 8^ 18, 20. 28\ 19, 8". 16. 23. 31. 39. 48. 51 [cf. Gen. 10, 30.
31]. 21, 19. 26. 33. 40. 41-42. (Not a complete enumeration).
45. For tribe P has nearly always PIDD, very rarely '031" ; for /^ beget "vhx^
(Gen. 5, 3-32. 6, 10. 11, 11-27. I7, 20. 25, 19. 48, 6. Lev. 25, 45.
Nu. 26, 29. 58), not 1^^ (as in the genealogies of J : Gen. 4, 18 ter.
10, 8. 13. 15. 24 bis. 26. 22, 23. 25, 3) ; for to be hard or to harden
(of the heart) pTH, p^n lit. to be or 7>iake strong {\L\. 7, 13. 22. 8, 19
[Heb. 15]. 9, 12. 14, 4. 8. 17), not 123, T'33n lit. /^ be ox make hea^y
(Ex. 7, 14. 8, 15. 32 [Heb. 11. 28]. 9, 7. 34. 10, i); {ox to stojie DJl
(Lev. 20, 2. 27. 24, 14. 16 Ziw. 23. Nu. 14, 10. 15, 35. 36 : also Dt.
21, 21. Josh. 7, 25''[?P]*), not ^PD (Ex. 8, 26 [Heb. 22]. 17, 4. 19,
13 bis. 21, 28 bis. 29. 32. Dt. 13, 10 [Heb. n]. 17, 5. 22, 21. 24.
Josh. 7, 25''*); lox to spy mn (Nu. 13, 2. 16. 17. 21. 25. 32 /-/.r.
14, 6. 7. 34. 36. 38. 15- 39 : also 10, 33 JE. Dt. i, ^ *), not ^Jl
(Nu. 21, 32. Dt. I, 24. Josh. 2, I. 6, 22. 23. 25. 7, 2 /Vj. 14, 7) ;
and for the pron. of i ps. sing. "iJX^ (nearly 130 times; "i^JS once
only Gen. 23, 4: comp. in Ez. ^^K 138 times, ""DDX once 36, 28).
^ In Dt., on the contrary, ""^JX is regularly employed, except (i) 12, 30
<z//fi?r the verb, according to usual custom {Jourti. of Phil. 1S82, p. 223) ; (2)
29, 6 [H. 5] in a stereotyped formula (Ex. 7, 17 al.); (3) in the Song, 32,
21- 39 ; (4) in the passage assigned to P, 32, 49. 52, — 8 times in all.
128 LITERATURE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
The following geographical terms are found only in P :
46. Kirjath-Arha for Hebron: Gen. 23, 2. 35, 27. Josh. 15, 13. 54. 20, 7.
21, II. (The same name is referred to, but not used, in Josh. 14,
i5=Jud. I, 10 JE: see also Neh. 11, 25).
47. Machpelah: Gen. 23, 9. 17. 19. 25, 9. 49, 30. 50, 13.!
48. Paddan-Aram: Gen. 25, 20. 28, 2. 5. 6. 7. 31, 18. 33, 18. 35, 9. 26.
46, I5.t (48, 7 Po-ddan alone. J says Ay-am-naharaim 24, 10, as
Dt. 23, 4[Heb. 5]. Jud. 3, 8.)
49. The Desert of Zin (|V) : Nu. 13, 21. 20, i«. 27, 14. 33, 36. 34, 3.
Dt. 32, 51. Josh. 15, i: cf. Zin, Nu. 34, 4. Josh. 15, 3.
50. The Plains of Moab {"y^yc fimy) : Nu. 22, I. 26, 3. 63. 31, 12. 33,
4S-50. 35, I. 36, 13. Dt. 34, I. 8. Josh. 13, 32.f
Eleazar the priest, though not unmentioned in the other sources (Dt. 10, 6.
Josh. 24, 33), is specially prominent in P, esp. after the death of Aaron (Nu.
20, 25-2S), as Nu. 26, I &c. 31, 12 &c. 32, 2. 28. 34, 17. Josh. 14, I. 17, 4.
19, 51- 21, I. The priestly tradition also records incidents in which his son
Phinehas (Ex. 6, 25) took part : Nu. 25, 7. 11. 31, 6. Josh. 22, 13. 30-32 (in
JE 24, 33; cf Jud. 20, 28).
Under the circumstances, the statement in the Speaker's Comm. i. p. 28*,
that the peculiarities of the Elohistic phraseology "are greatly magnified,
if they exist at all," is a surprising one. In point of fact, the style of P (even
in the historical sections) stands apart, not only from that of J, E, and Dt.,
but also from that which prevails in any part of Jud. Sam. Kings, and has
substantial resemblances only with that of Ezekiel.
It remains to consider the date of P. Formerly this was
assumed tacitly to be the earUest of the Pentateuchal sources ;
and there are still scholars who assign at least the main stock of
it to 9-8 cent. B.C. No doubt the fact that in virtue of its syste-
matic plan and consistent regard to chronology, it constitutes, as
it were, the groundwork (see p. 9) of the history, into which the
narratives taken from the other sources are fitted, gave to this
view a prima facie plausibility. No a priori reason, however,
exists why these narratives should not have been drawn up first,
and their chronological framework have been added to them
afterwards ; and a comparative study of the intrinsic character of
P in its relation to these other sources has led the principal
critics of more recent years to adopt a different view of its origin
and date. The earlier criticism of the Pent, was mostly literary ;
and literary criteria, though they enable us to effect the analysis
of a document into its component parts, do not always afford
decisive evidence as to the date to which the component parts
are severally to be assigned. A comparison of P, both in its
historical and legal sections, {a) with the other Hexateuchal
TRIESTLY NARRATIVE OF THE HEXATEUCH. 1 29
sources, ((^) with other parts of the OT., brings to hght f^cts
which seem to show that, though the elements which it embodies
originated themselves, in many cases, at a much earlier age, it
is itself the latest of the sources of which the Hexateuch is
composed, and belongs approximately to the period of the
Babylonian captivity.
The following, stated briefly, are the principal grounds upon
which this opinion rests.
The pre-exilic period shows no indications of the legislation of
P as being in operation. Thus the place of sacrifice is in P
strictly limited ; and severe penalties are imposed upon any
except priests who presume to officiate at the altar. In Jud.
Sam. sacrifice is frequently offered at spots not consecrated by the
presence of the Ark, and laymen are repeatedly represented as
officiating, — in both cases without any hint of disapproval on the
part of the narrator, and without any apparent sense, even on the
part of men like Samuel and David, that an irregularity was being
committed. Further, the incidental allusions in books belonging
to the same time create the impression that the ritual in use
was simpler than that enjoined in P : in P, for instance, elaborate
provisions are laid down for the maintenance and safety of the
Tabernacle, and for the reverent handling of the Ark and other
sacred vessels ; in i Sam. the arrangements relating to both are
evidently much simpler: the establishment at Shiloh (i Sa. i — 3)
is clearly not upon the scale implied by the regulations Ex.
35 — 40. Nu. 3 — 4 : the Ark is sent for and taken into battle, as a
matter calling for no comment ; when it is restored to Kirjath-
jearim, instead of the persons authorized by P being summoned
to take charge of it, it is placed in the house of a native of the
place, whose son is consecrated by the men of Kirjath-jearim them-
selves for the purpose of guarding it. In 2 Sa. 6, the narrative
of the solemn transference of the Ark by David to Zion, the
priests and Levites, the proper guardians of it according to P
(Nu. 3, 31. 4, 1-15), are both conspicuous by their absence;
David offers sacrifice (as seems evident) with his own hand, and
certainly performs the solemn priestly (Dt. 10, 8. 21, 5 ; cf. Nu.
6, 23-27) function of blessing (2 Sa. 6, 13. 17. 18; cf i Ki. 9,
25- 8) 55 of Solomon). That many of the distinctive institu-
tions of P are not alluded to — the Day of Atonement, the Jubile
year, the Levitical cities, the Sin-offering, the system of sacrifices
J
IjO LITERATURE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
prescribed for particular days — is of less importance : the writers
of these books may have found no occasion to mention them.
But the different tone of feeling, and the different spirit which
animates the narratives of the historical books, cannot be dis-
guised : both the actors and the narrators in Jud. Sam. move in an
atmosphere into which the spirit of P has not penetrated. Nor
do the allusions in the pre-exilic prophets supply the deficiency,
or imply that the theocratic system of P was in operation. The
prophets attack formalism and unspiritual service ; they there-
fore show that in their day some importance was attached by the
priests, and by the people who were guided by them, to ritual
observances ; but to the institutions specially characteristic of P
they allude no more distinctly than do the contemporary his-
torians.
Nor is the legislation of P presupposed by Deuteronomy. This
indeed follows almost directly from the contents and character
of Dt. as described above (pp. 70 f., 77-9). As was there shown,
Dt., both in its historical and legal sections, is based consistently
upon JE: language, moreover, is used, not once only, but re-
peatedly, implying that some of the fundamental institutions of
P are not in operation. Had a code, as extensive as P is, been
in force when Dt. was written, it is difficult not to think that
allusions to it would have been both abundant and distinct, and
that, in fact, it would have determined the attitude and point of
view adopted by the writer in a manner which certainly is not
the case.
And when P is compared with Ut. in detail, the differences
tend to show that it is later than Dt.
Thus (a) in Dt. the centralization of worship at one sanctuary is enjoined,
it is insisted on with much emphasis as an end aimed at, but not yet realized:
in P it is presupposed as already existing, (b) In Dt. any member of the
tribe of Levi possesses the right to exercise priestly functions, contingent only
upon his residence at the Central Sanctuary : in P this right is strictly limited
to the descendants of Aaron, (t) In Dt. the members of the tribe of Levi
are commended to the charity of the Israelites generally, and only share the
tithe, at a sacrificial feast, in company with other indigent persons ; in P
defmite provision is made for their maintenance (the 48 cities, with their
"suburbs"), and the tithes are formally assigned to the tribe as a specific
due ; similarly, whde in Dt. firstlings are to be consumed at sacrificial feasts,
in which the Levite is only to have his share among others, in P they are
reserved solely and explicitly for the priests. In each case the stricter
limitation is on the side of P. (</) The entire system of feasts and sacrifices
PRIESTLY NARRATIVE OF THE HEXATEUCH. 13I
is much more complex and precisely defined in P than in Dt. True, the
plan of Dt. would not naturally include an enumeration of minute details ;
but the silence of Dt. is nevertheless significant ; and the impression which a
reader derives from Dt. is that the liturgical institutions under which the
author lived were of a simpler character than those prescribed in P.
It is possible, indeed, that, considered in themselves, some of
the cases quoted might be regarded as relaxations, sanctioned by
D, of observances that were originally stricter. But this view lacks
support in fact. The ritual legislation of JE, which, it is not
disputed, is earlier than D, is in every respect simpler than that of
D ; and a presumption hence arises, that that of D is similarly
earlier than the more complex legislation of P. This presump-
tion is supported by the evidence of the history. The legislation
of JE is in harmony with, and, in fact, sanctions, the practice
of the period of the Judges and early Kings, with its relative
freedom, for instance, as to the place of sacrifice (p. 80) and the
persons authorized to offer it \^ during which, moreover, a simple
ritual appears to have prevailed, and the Ark was guarded, till
it was transferred by Solomon to the Temple, by a small band
of attendants, in a modest structure, quite in accordance with
the representation of JE (p. 120, 7iote). The legislation of D
harmonizes with the reforming tendencies of the age in which it
was promulgated, and sanctions the practice of the age that
immediately followed : it inculcates a centralized worship, in
agreement with a movement arising naturally out of the exist-
ence of the Temple at Jerusalem, strengthened, no doubt, by
the fall of the Northern kingdom, and enforced practically by
Josiah ; its attitude towards the high places determines that of
the compiler of Kings, who wrote in the closing years of the
monarchy; it contains regulations touching other matters {e.g.
the worship of the " host of heaven ") which assumed prominence
at the same time ; the revenues and functions of the priests are
more closely defined than in JE, but the priesthood is still open
to every member of the tribe of Levi. The legislation of P is
in harmony with the spirit which shows itself in Ezekiel, and
sanctions the practice ot the period beginning with the return
from Babylon ; and the principles to which P gives expression
appear (at a later date), in a still more developed form, as form-
ing the standard by which the Chronicler consistently judges the
^ Ex. 20, 24-26, it seems clear, is addressed to the lay Israelite (cf. 24, 5).
132 LITERATURE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
earlier history. The position into which the legislation of P
appears to fall is thus inierinediaie between Dt. and the Chronicler.
But further, P appears, at least in some of its elements, to
be later than Ezekiel. The arguments are supplied chiefly by
c. 40 — 48, where Ez. prescribes the constitution of the restored
community, and in particular regulates with some minuteness the
details of the Temple worship. The most important passage is
44, 6-16. Here the Israelites are rebuked for having admitted
foreigners, uncircumcised aliens, into the inner Court of the
Temple to assist the priest when officiating at the altar {^. 6-8) ;
and it is laid down that no such foreigners are to perform these
services for the future {v. 9) —
" 1" But the Levites that went far from me, when Israel went astray, which
went astray from me after their idols ; they shall bear their iniquity. " And
they shall be ministers in my sanctuary, having oversight at the gates of the
house, and ministering in the house ; they shall slay the burnt-offering and
the sacrifice for the people, and they shall stand before them [see p. 78, noie\
to minister unto them . . . ^* And they shall not come near unto me, to execute
the office of priest unto me, nor to come near to any of my holy things, unto
the things that are most holy : but they shall bear their shame, and their
abominations which they have committed. '^^ Yet will I make them keepers
of the charge of the house, for all the service thereof, and for all that shall
be done therein. ^^ But the priests the Levites, the sons of Zadok, that kept
the charge of my sanctuary when the children of Israel went astray from me,
they shall come near to me to minister unto me ; and they shall stand before
me [see ?7^.] to offer unto me tlie fat and the blood, saith the Lord God :
"5 they shall enter into my sanctuary, and they shall come nenr to my table,
to minister unto me, and they shall keep my charge " {vv. 10-16 : cf. 48, 11).
From this passage it seems to follow incontrovertibly that the
Levites generally had heretofore (in direct conflict with the pro-
visions of P) enjoyed pi-iestly rights (v. 13) : for the future, how-
ever, such as had participated in the idolatrous worship of the
high places are to be deprived of these rights, and condemned
to perform the menial offices which had hitherto been performed
by foreigners {vv. 10 f. 14); only those Levites who had been
faithful in their loyalty to Jehovah, \\7.. the sons of Zadok, are
henceforth to retain priestly privileges {v. 15 f.). Had the Levites
not enjoyed such rights, the prohibition mv. 13 would be super-
fluous. The supposition that they may have merely usurped
them is inconsistent with the passage as a whole, which charges
the Levites, not with usurping rights which they did not possess,
but with abusing rights which they did possess. If Ez., then,
PRIESTLY NARRATIVE OF THE HEXATEUCH. 1 33
treats the Levites generally as qualified to act as priests, and
degrades them to a menial rank, without so much as a hint that
this degradation was but the restoration of a status quo fixed by
immemorial Mosaic custom, could he have been acquainted with
the legislation of P ? ^
This is the most noteworthy difference between Ez. and P. There are,
however, other points in which Ez.'s regulations deviate from P's in a manner
that is difficult to explain, had the legislation of P, in its entirety, been recog-
nised by him. In particular, while more complex than those of Dt., the
provisions of Ez. are frequently simpler than those of P ; so that the inference
that the system of P is a development of that of Ez., as Ez.'s is of that of D,
naturally suggests itself. Comp. in particular Ez. 46, 13-15. 4-7- 45' 18-20
(RV. marg.), 21-24. 25. 43, 18-27 with Nu. 28—29. Ex. 29, 1-37. Lev. 16.
If the rites prescribed in these passages of P had been in operation, and
were invested with the authority of antiquity, it seems improbable tliat Ez.
would have deviated from them as largely as he has done. It is true that, as
a prophet, his attitude towards the sacrificial system may have been a free
one ; and hence this argument, taken by itself, would not perhaps be a
decisive one : still, when it is seen to be in harmony with other facts point-
ing in the same direction, it is not to be lightly ignored, the more so, as Ez.
plainly attached a value to ceremonial observances, and is thus the less likely
to have introduced a simplification of established ritual.
The later date for P, suggested by a comparison of it with JE, D,
and Ez., is confirmed, as it seems, by the character of the religious
conceptions which it presents. No doubt all representations of
the Deity must be anthropomorphic ; but contrast the anthropo-
morphism of Gen. 2, 4** ff. with that of i, i — 2, 4* : in the former,
Jehovah is brought into close connexion with earth, and sensible
acts are attributed to Him (above, p. 114): in the latter. His
transcendence above nature is conspicuous throughout ; He
conducts His work of creation from a distance ; there are
no anthropomorphisms which might be misunderstood in a
material sense. Contrast, again, the genealogies in JE (Gen. 4)
with those in P (Gen. 5); does not JE display them in their
fresher, more original form, while in P they have been reduced
to bare lists of names, devoid of all imaginative colouring? In
JE the growth of sin in the line of Cain leads up suitably to the
narrative of the Flood ; in P no explanation is given of the
^ The suggestion made by Delitzsch {Studien, vi. p. 288) does not really
mitigate the difficulty ; for the terms of v. 10 do not admit of being restricted
to the descendants of Aaron's other son Ithamar. Cf. Koiiig's work, cited
on p. 134, ii. p. 325 : see also Kautzsch in the Stud. u. Krit. 1890, p. 767 ff.
134 LITERATURE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
corruption overspreading the earth, and rendering necessary the
destruction of its inhabitants. In JE the patriarchs are men of
flesh and blood ; the incidents of their history arise naturally
out of their antecedents, and the character of the circumstances
in which they are placed. Moreover, in the topics dwelt upon,
such as the rivalries of Jacob and Esau, and of Laban and
Jacob, or the connexion of the patriarchs with places famed in
later days as sanctuaries, the interests of the narrator's own
age are reflected : in P we have a skeleton from which such
touches of life and nature are absent, an outline in which legis-
lative (Gen. 17), statistical, chronological elements are the sole
conspicuous feature.^ There is also a tendency to treat the
history theoretically (p. 120), which is itself the mark of a later
age. The representations of the patriarchal age seem, moreover,
not to be so primitive as in JE : the patriarchs, for instance, are
never represented as building altars or sacrificing ; and Noah
receives permission to slaughter animals for food without any
reference to sacrifice, notwithstanding the intimate connexion
subsisting in early times between slaughtering and sacrifice.^
Dillm. and Kittel seek to explain the contradiction, or silence, of Dt. &a
by the hypothesis that P was originally a " private document," representing,
not the actual practice of the priests, but claims raised by them,— an ideal
theocratic constitution, which they had for the time no means of enforcing,
and which consequently mij^ht well have either remained unknown to pro-
phetic writers, or not been recognised by them as authoritative. "It is
a literary peculiarity of P to represent his ideal as already existing in the
Mosaic age ; hence from his representation of an institution it cannot be
argued that it actually existed, but only that it was an object of his aims
and claims" (Kittel, pp. 91-93 ; Dillm. NDJ. pp. 666, 667, 669; similarly
Baudissin, Prieslerlhum, p. 280). But such a conception of P is highly arti-
ficial ; and there is an antecedent improbability in the supposition that a
system like that of P would be propounded when (as is admitted) there was
1 In the earlier historical narratives precise chronological data are scarce;
in Jud. .Sam. Kings they are admitted to belong to the latest element in the
books, viz. the post-Deuteronomic redaction.
" The subject of pp. 129-34 is treated at length by Wellhausen, Hist, of
Israel, chaps, i.-v., viii. (or, more succinctly, in his art. "Pentateuch" in
the Encycl. Britannica, ed. 9), where, in spite of some questionable assump-
tions, and exaggerations in detail, many true points are undoubtedly seized.
.See alsoW. R. Smith, OTJC. ch. xii.; and Konig, Offcnhaningshep-i(f des
AT.s, ii. pp. 321-332, where some of the principal grounds for the opinion
expressed in the text are concisely and forcibly stated.
PRIESTLY NARRATIVE OF THE HEXATEUCH. 1 35
no hope of its realization, and in an age which shows no acquaintance with
it, — for Dillm. places it c. 800, between E and J, — and whose most repre-
sentative men evince very different religious sympathies.
As regards the distinction between priests and Levites, it is observed
by Kittel that there are parts of P in which this is not treated as eslah-
lished. Thus in the main narrative of Nu. 16 — 17 (p. 59 f. ) there is no sign
of opposition between priests and Levites ; the tribe is regarded as one ; and
the standpoint is thus that of Dt. : while in the insertions 16, 7''-li. 16-17.
36-40 (lb.) the distinction, so far from being universally accepted, appears
as a matter of dispute. (Similarly Baudissin, pp. 34 f., 276 f.) He further
argues that there are grounds for supposing that many passages of P (esp.
Lev. I — 7. II — 15; parts of Nu. 5 — 6; and H) where now "Aaron" or
"Aaron and his sons" (implying the clearly-felt distinction of priests and
Levites) stands, originally there stood "the priest" alone (as is actually still
the case in most of c. 13). The recognition of the distinction in other strata
of P he reconciles with their earlier date by the same supposition as Dillm.,
viz. that it was not really in force when they were written, but assumed
by the author to be so, " in order to set vividly before his contemporaries
the ideal which he sought to see realized " (p. 109).
These arguments are cogent, and combine to make it probable
that the completed Priests' Code is the work of the age subsequent
to Ezekiel. When, however, this is said, it is very far from
being implied that all the institutions of P are the creation of
this age. The contradiction of the pre-exilic literature does not
extend to the whole of the Priests' Code indiscriminately. The
Priests' Code embodies some elements with which the earlier
literature is in harmony, and which indeed it presupposes : it
embodies other elements with which the same literature is in
conflict, and the existence of which it even seems to preclude.
This double aspect of the Priests' Code is reconciled by the sup-
position that the chief ceremonial institutions of Israel are in their
origin of great antiquity ; but that the laws respecting thern were
gradually developed and elaborated, and in the shape in which
t/iey are formulated in the Priests^ Code that they belong to the
exilic or early post-exilic period. In its main stock, the legisla-
tion of P was thus not (as the critical view of it is sometimes
represented by its opponents as teaching) " manufactured " by
the priests during the exile: it is based upon pre-existing
Temple usage, and exhibits the form which that finally assumed.^
Hebrew legislation took shape gradually ; and the codes of
^ Even a critic as radical as Stade refers to Lev. i — 7. 11 — 15. Nu. 5. 6.
9. 15. 19, as well as the Law of Holiness, as embodying for the most part
pre-exilic usage {Gcsc/i, ii. 66) : comp. Wellh. Hist. pp. 366, 404.
136 LITERATURE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
JE (Ex. 20 — 23; 34, loff.), Dt., and P represent three successive
phases of it.
From this point of view, the a'kisions to priestly usage in the
pre-exilic literature may be consistently explained. They attest
the existence of certain institutions : they do not attest the exist-
ence of the particular document (P) in which the regulations
touching those institutions are now codified. Thus Gen. 8, 21 (J)
uses the term "savour of satisfaction" (Lev. i, 9 and often in
P); Jiid. 13, 4. 7 alludes to "unclean" food; Jud. 13, 5. 7.
16, 17. Am. 2, II f to Nazirites (cf. Nu. 6, 2ff.); i Sa. 2, 28
speaks of the "fire-sacrifices of Jehovah" (Lev. i, 9 &c.); 3, 3
of the "lamp of God" (Ex. 27, 20); 6, 38". names a "guilt-
offering;" 21, 6 the shewbread (Lev. 24, 8 f.).i These passages
are proof that the institutions in question are ancient in Israel,
but not that they were observed wi'^k the precise fonjialities pre-
scribed in P ; indeed, the manner in which they are referred to
appears not unfrequently to imply that they were much simpler
and less systematically organized than is the case in P.
Other allusions to priestly usage or terminology may be found in Am. 4, 5
(Lev. 2, II. 7, 12); Is. I, 13 (SlpO a "convocation," Lev. 23, 2. T^k.c.)',
Jer. 2, 3 (Lev. 22, 10. 16); 6, 2S. 9, 3 (^^31 I^H, Lev. 19, 16) ; 30, 21
Ct^T Lev. 21, 21. 23; nnpn Nu. 16, 5'\ 9. 10); 34, 8. 15. 17 (im x-ip
to "proclaim libertj'," Lev. 25, 10, but in Jer. 01 the Sabbatical year, in Lev.
of the year of Jubile) ; perhaps also in Am. 2, 7 (p. 46, No. 13), though this
expression is of a kind which might have been chosen independently.
Whether, however, Jud. 20 — 21. i Sa. 2, 22'' (see Ex. 38, 8). i Ki. 8,
1. 5 are evidence of the early existence of the conceptions of P is doubtful.
Jud. 20 — 21 shows in parts the phraseology of P," but (as will appear when
these chapters come to be considered) there are independent grounds for con-
cluding that this narrative is composite, and that the parts in which this
phraseology appears are of later origin than the rest. In i Sa. 2, 22* it is
remarkable {a) that the LXX omits this half-verse ; {b) that it disagrees with
the rest of the narrative, representing the sandtuary as a ieni, rather than as
^ There are other similar allusions, e.g. to Burnt- and Peace-offerings, i Sa.
6, 14. 10, 8 &c. ; the Uiim and Thummim, and the Ephod, Dt. ZZ^ 8. i Sa.
14, 3. 41 LXX (see QrB\ 28, 6 &c.
-20, I. 21, 10. 13. 16 the "congregation" [seep. 126, No. 32]; with the
verb pnpni 20, I cf. Lev. 8, 4. Nu. 16, 42 [H. 17, 7]. 20, 2. Josh. iS, i.
22, 12; 20, 6 HOT ic'y ''3 [p- 46, No. II]; 20, 15. 17. 21, 9t npsjin
(see Nu. I, 47. 2, 33. 26, 62 ITpQnn; also i Ki. 20, 27 t); 21, li "every
male," as often in P, see (in a similar context) Gen. 34, 25. Nu. 31, 7. 17 ;
ib. -)2T 33L"D Dyis 12 lar 2.y:"t:h c'\s lyT- n^ ■l:^^s (Nu. 31. 17- is. 35).
PRIESTLY NARRATIVE OF THE HEXATEUCH. 1 37
a "temple" with doors and door-posts (l, 9. 3, 3. 15). Thus two grounds,
neither connected with its relation to P, converge in favour of the conclusion
that this passage is an insertion in the original narrative, of uncertain date.
In I Ki. 8, 1.5^ the terms agreeing with the usage of P are isolated in Kings,
and omitted in the LXX (comp. below, p. 181 f.).
It is admitted by Dillm. (p. 667) tliat the passages alleged to
show the literary use of P in pre-exilic times are insufficient :
either the resemblance is too slight to establish the use of P, or
the origin of the passages adduced is doubtful.
Thus Hos. 12, 4* [Heb. 5*"] is not evidence of the use of Gen. 35, 9-13.
15 ; the terms of the reference are satisfied by the narrative of J, of which an
extract is still preserved in Gen. 35, 14, — a view which is the more probable,
as Hos. 12, 3-4^ la*" [H. 4-5^ 13*"] is admitted to be based upon JE, see
Gen. 25, 26. 32, 28 [H. 29]. 27, 43 [in 27, 46—28, 9 P Jacob does not
take flight]. 29, 20. 30; Hos. 12, 12* [H. 13''] the "field" of Aram is
supposed to be a variation of " FaJdan- Aram," which is peculiar to P (see
p. 128, No. 48); but there is no substantial ground for this hypothesis, and
the fact just mentioned that in P Jacob does xioiflee from Esau is against it :
Am. 7, 4 and Gen. 7, II the "great deep," Jer. 4, 23 and Gen. i, 2
in31 inn (cf. is. 34, n), Jer. 23, 3 and Gen. i, 22 &c. "be fruitful and
multiply," may have been phrases in current use, but not necessarily derived
from the passages of P. (A few other similar instances exist.)
In Dt. the following parallels may be noted : —
5, 15. Ex. 31, 16 (n'J'y, lit. do, of observing, the Sabbath f). — 12, 23». Lev.
17, II. 14. — 14, 4-20. Lev. II, 2''-22 (permitted and forbidden animals). —
16, 8''. Ex. 12, 16''. — 17, I (cf. 15, 21). Lev. 22, 17-24 (animals offered in
sacrifice to be without blemish). — 18, l*" ("fire-sacrifices," as I Sa. 2, 28). —
19, 3'' (n^'1 ^3 r\)y::> U\'h)- Nu. 35, 6. n.— 19, 12 (the " avenger of blood ").
Nu. 35, 19. 21. — 20, 6. 28, 30 (see RV. nim'g.). — 22, 9". Lev. 19, \cf. — 22,
9*" RV. marg. (the same priestly penalty which is found Lev. 6, 18" [H. 11"].
Ex. 29, 37*. 30, 29").— 22, II. Lev. 19, 19" (rjDj?::')-— 23, 23 [h. 24]. Nu.
30, 13 ("jTlDC^ Jn^'ID; also Jer. 17, 16. Ps. 89, 35, but not specially of a
voiv).—2i„ 8. Lev. 13— 14.— 25, 16. Lev. 19, 35 (^ly ilC'V ; unusual).
Ot these the most important is 14, 4-20. Here is a long
passage virtually identical in Dt. and Lev. ; and that it is bor-
rowed by D from P — or at least from a priestly collection ot
Torbth — rather than conversely, appears from certain features of
style which connect it with P and not with Dt.,- and from
^ "AH the congregation of Israel," ^'^ gathered together" (D'^iyiJ Nu. 10,
3. 4. 14, 35. 16, II. 27, 3), '^ heads of the tribes" [Nu. 30, 2; cf. 32, 28.
Josh. 14, I. 19, 51], '■'■\h<t princes ol\}aQ fathers" [p. 126, Nos. 38, 30].
2 Esp. pj3 kind, 14, 13 f. 15 (with the peculiar suffix liiriO^) ; NJ3D unclean.
138 LITERATURE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
the fact that 7'v. 7. 9-10. i2'\ 20 seem most naturally to be
al>l>revia ted horn. Lev. 11, 4-6. 9-12. 13*. 21-22 respectively. If
so, however, one part of P was in existence when Dt. was written ;
and a presumption at once arises that other parts were in
existence also. Now, the tenor of Dt. as a whole conflicts with
the supposition that all the institutions of the Priests' Code were in
force when D wrote ; but the list of passages just quoted shows
that some were, and that the tcrminolog)^ used in connexion with
them was known to D. Dt. thus corroborates the conclusions
drawn from the prophetical and historical books. Institutions
or usages, such as the distinction of clean and imclean, the
jirohibition to cat with the blood, sacrifices to be without
blemish, regulations determining the treatment of leprosy, vows,
the avenger of blood, etc., were ancient in Israel, and as such
are alluded to in the earlier literature, though the allusions do
not show that the laws respecting them had yet been codified
precisely as they now appear in P.
The following liistorical passages of Dt. also deserve notice, and will be
referred to again: — 16, 3. Ex. 12, 11 (piDn "haste;" only besides Ls. 52,
12).— 26, 6. Ex. I, 14. 6, 9 ("hard bondage ;" also i Ki. 12, 4. Ls. 14, 3). —
26, 8. Ex. 6, 6 ("outstretched arm").— 27, 9. 29, 13 [IL 12]. Ex. 6, 7;
of. Lev. 26, 12 ("to be to you a God" occurs elsewhere in P, but not "to
be to me a people ").
The same phenomena are repeated in Ezekicl. However
doubtful it may be whether Ezekiel presupposes the completed
Priests' Code, it is diflicult not to conclude that he presupposes
parts of it. In particular, his book appears to contain clear
evidence that he was acquainted with the "Law of Holiness."
Thus, when in c. 4 he resents the command to eat food prepared
in such a manner as to be unclean ; when in c. 18. 20. 22 he lays
down the principles of a righteous life, or reproaches the nation
or Jerusalem with its sin ; when in c. 44 he prescribes laws
regulating the life of the priests in the restored community, — in
each instance he expresses himself in terms agreeing with the
Law of Holiness in such a manner as only to be reasonably
explained by the supposition that it formed a body of precepts
with which he was familiar, and which he regarded as an
also, in zt. 10. 19 seems to be substituted for the more technical yp^*
abomination of Lev. 1 1, 10. 20. Ku'-nen, § 14, 5, argues that Lev. i r, 4- 6 &c.
expands Dt. 14, but allows that the latter was derived from a priestly source.
PRIESTLY NARRATIVE OF THE HEXATEUCH. 1 39
authoritative basis of moral and religious life. Let the following
passages be compared : — -^
4, 14'. Lev. II, 44". — 4. I4^ Lev. 22, 8. — 6, 9, cf. Xu. 15, 39 ("heart
and eyes," "go a whoring"). — 14, 4. 7\ Lev. 17, 3. 8. 10 (see p. 45, No.
4). — 14, 8 (see ib. Nos. 5, 6 [with 3"lpJ2. which Ez. does not use in this
sense, alfen-d \.o~\^r\'0\)- — f-^, 6*. II. 15. Lev. 18, 20. 19. — 18, 7*. I2». i6'.
i8\ Lev. 19, 33. 25, I4\ 17*. — il>. Lev. 19, 13 ("spoil by violence "). — 18,
8». 13'. Lev. 25, 37.— 18, 8". 24. 26. Lev. 19, 15. 35 (^iy iniquity: cf. Ez.
3, 20. 28, 18. 33, 13. 15. 18: rare elsewhere). — 18, 9*. 17. Lev. 18, 3. 26,
3.— 18, I3^ 33, 5- Lev. 20, 9. II. 12. 13. 16. 27 1 (the concise phrase of
Lev. amplified in Ez. by the addition of ri'n'). — 18, 19". Lev. 18, 4. 19, 37
al. — 20, 5 ("lifted up my hand" [also itj. 6. 15. 23. 28. 42. 36, 7. 47, 14.
Nu. 14, 30 (P)], "made myself know^n," "I am Jehovah"). Ex. 6, 8. 3. 6. —
20, 7, cf. Lev. 18, 3. — 20, II. 13. 21. Lev. 18, 5 ("which if a man do,
he shall live in them"). — 20, 12. 20. Ex. 31, 13 (nearly the whole verse).
20, 28'. 42''. Ex. 6, 8.— 20, 38. Ex. 6, 4 fl/. (p. 125, No. 21"* 7. — 22, 7^ Lev.
20, 9. — 22, 8 ("profaned," "my sabbaths," p. 46, Nos. 13, 14). — 22. 9*.
Lev. 19, 16. — ^eiid{T\'C\; ih. No. ii). — 22, 10, cf. Lev. 18, 7. 19.— 22, 11.
Lev. 20, 10. 12. 17. — 22, 12. Lev. 25, 37. — 22, 26. Lev. 22, 15". 10, 10. —
24, 7". Lev. 17, 13.— 33, 25. Lev. 19, 26.-44, 7 ("my bread," see p. 46,
No. 18). — 44, 20, cf. Lev. 21, 10 (long locks forbidden, but to the chief
priest only). — 44, 2i». Lev. 10, 9. — 44, 22, cf. Lev. 21, 14 (of the chief
priest). — 44, 23. Lev. 10, 10. — 44, 25*. Lev. 21, i. — 44, 25^ Lev. 21, 2''-3
(abridged in Ez. ^. — 44, 28*. Nu. iS, 20 ("I am their inheritance"). — 44,
29^ Nu. 18, 14. — 44, 3o\ Nu. 15, 21. — 44, 31. Lev. 22, 8. — 45, 10. Lev.
19, 36.*
The following are technical expressions, borrowed (as seems clear) from
priestly terminology, but not sufficient to prove Ez.'s acquaintance with
the codified laws in the form in which we now have them : 4, 14"" ^liD
"abomination" [used technicalh' of stale sacrificial flesh] (Lev. 7, 18. 19, 7. Is.
65, 4t). — 8, 10 J'p^ "abomination" [used technically of forbidden animals]
(Lev. 7, 21. II, 10-13. 2of. 23. 41 f. Is. 66, 17!). — 14, 7 "separateth him-
self" (Lev. 22, 2). — 14, 10. 44, 10. 12" "bear their iniquity" (p. 46, No.
20*). — 14, 13*. Lev. 5, 15 (form of sentence ; and 7i'!3 Sy»2, p. 127, No. 43). —
16, 40. 23, 47 D31 for to s'.oiu (p. 127, No. 45). — 21, 23 [H. 28]. 29, 16
" bringeth iniquity to remembrance" (Nu. 5, 15). — 36, 25, cf. Nu. 19, 13. —
40, 45. 46. 44, 14 "keep the charge of" (Nu. 18, 4. 5).— 46, 7 "as his
hand shall attain unto" (Lev. 5, 11. 14, 21 f. 30-32. 25, 26. 47. 49. 27, 8.
Nu. 6, 21^. — 47, 9». Gen. i, 21. Le%-. 11, 46; and Nos. 2, 12, 14, z^c, 28,
and perhaps 6, 22, 34, in the list, p. 123 ff.
^ The passages, both here and in other similar instances, would have been
transcribed in full, had not the exigencies of space forbidden it.
2 But expressions such as I, 9 (cf. Ex. 26, 3). 27'' (cf. Nu. 9, 15). 28* (Gen.
9, 14). 8, 17 (Gen. 6, lO. 10, 2 (Lev. 16, 12). 24, 17 (Lev. 13, 45 : see Mic.
3, 7). 24, 23 (Ex. 12, 11), &c. appear to arise out of the narrative in "which
they occur, and are not necessarily reminiscences of the passages cited.
140 LITERATURE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
The parallels with Lev. 26, 3 ff. are peculiarly numerous and
striking, including several expressions not occurring elsewhere in
the Old Testament : —
Ez. 4, 16. 5, 16. 14, 13 ("break the staff of bread ") : Lev. 26, 26.
4, 16 ("bread by weight") : ib.
4, 17. 24, 2J, cf. II, 10 ("pine away in their iniquities") : v. 39.
5, 2. 12. 12, 14 ("scatter , . . draw out a sword after them") : v. 33.
5, 6. 20, 16 ("rejected my judgments ") : v. 43.
5, 6. 7 al. [see p. 46, No. 7] (" walk in my statutes") : v. 3.
5, 8. 20, 9. 14. 22. 41. 22, 16. 28, 25, cf. 38, 23. 39, 27 ("before
the eyes of the nations ; " 20, 14. 22 " brought out ") : v. 45.
5, 17. 14, 15 ("send upon you . . . beasts . . . and they will
bereave thee ") : v. 22.
5, 17. 6, 3. II, 8. 14, 17. 29, 8 ("and I will bring a sword upon
you ") : V. 25. (Not a phrase used by other prophets.)
6, 4. 6 ("your sun-images") : v. 30.
6, 5 ("lay the carcases . . . before their idols [Qni^J] ") : v. 30.
II, 20" ("walk in my statutes, and keep my ordinances, and do
them ") : v. 3.
II, 20'' ("they shall be to me a people, and I will be to them a
God") : V. 12 (also Ex. 6, 7).
13, 10. 36, 3 (jy^l iV' '■^because ami by the cause that" ... a
peculiar phrase, not found elsewhere) : v. 43.
16, 60. 62" ("remember," "establish my covenant") : vv. 42. 45. 9''.
24, 21. 30, 6. 18. 33, 28, cf. 7, 24 (" pride of your power") : v. 19.
34, 25 ("and I will cause evil beasts to cease out of the land ") : v.b.
34, 26 ("the shower ... in its season") : v. 4.
34, 27" ("and the tree of the field shall yield its fruit, and the earth
shall yield her increase") : ib. cf. 20''.
34, 27'' ("when I shall have broken the bars of their yoke") : v. 13.
34, 2S\ 39, 26'' ("they shall dwell securely, none making them
afraid ") : vv. 5''-6".
36, 9-10" ("and I will turn unto you, and multiply," &c.) ; v. 9.
37, 26'' ("and I will set my sanctuary in the midst of them ") : v. 1 1.
39, 27 ("their enemies' lands") : vv. 36. 39, cf. 34. 41. 44.
Cf. 5, 7. 8. II, 12 ("nations that are round about you") : 25, 44.
These phraseological resemblances between Ez. and H (the
number of which is not quite exhausted) are, in truth, evidence
of a wider and more general fact, viz. the fundamental identity
of interest and point of view which shows itself in Ez. and the
"Law of Holiness.' Both breathe the same spirit; both are
actuated largely by the same principles, and aim at realizing the
same ends. Thus both evince a special regard for the "sanctu-
ary" (Lev. 19, 30, 20, 3. 21, 12. 23. 26, 2. Ez. 5, II. 8, 6. 23,
PRIESTLY NARRATIVE OF THE HEXATEUCII. I41
58 f. 25, 3. 43, 7 ff.), and prescribe rules to guard it against pro-
fanation ; both allude similarly to Israel's idolatry in Egypt (Lev.
18, 3. Ez. 20, 7 ff.), and to the "abominations" of which Israel
has since been guilty; both emphasize the duty of observing
the Sabbath ; both attach a high value to ceremonial cleanness,
especially on the part of the priests ; both lay stress on abstaining
from blood, and from food improperly killed (nsiDI ni?33) ; and
both further insist on the same moral virtues, as reverence to
parents, just judgment, commercial honesty, and denounce usury
and slander (Ez. 18, 6 ff., 22, 7 ff., with the parallels). ^
The similarities between Ez. and the Law of Holiness, esp.
Lev. 26, 3 ff., are so great that it has been held by some critics
that the prophet himself was the author, or, at least, the redactor
of this collection of laws.- But there are differences, as well as
resemblances, between Ez. and H, of which this hypothesis gives
no sufficient explanation ; and from the time when it was first
propounded there have always been critics who opposed it.^
Noldeke pointed to stylistic differences;* Klostermann, compar-
ing in greater detail Ez. and H, showed further that the prophet
seemed everywhere to be expanding or emphasizing a simpler
original ; ^ Wellh. and Kuenen appealed to material differences as
likewise precluding the authorship of Ez. It is thus agreed by
the best critics that Ez. is not the author, or even the compiler,
of the Law of Holiness. It may further be taken as granted
that the laws of H — at least the principal and most characteristic
laws — are prior to Ez.: the manner in which he takes as his
standard, or point of departure, laws identical with those of H,
is admitted to establish this point.^
^ Comp. Smend, Ezcchicl, p. xxv. f.
2 Graf, Gesch. B. pp. 81-83 ; Colenso ; Kayser ; Horst, pp. 69-96.
^ Noldeke, Untcrsuclnntgen, p. 67 ff.; Wellh. Hist. 376 ff. ; Klostermann,
in the art. cited p. 43; Smend, Ezechiel, p. xxv. ff., 314 ff. ; Delitzsch, Stiidien,
p. 617 ff. ; Kuenen, Hex. § 15. 10.
•* Thus in H we never find Ez.'s standing title " Lord Jehovah : " in Ez.
we never find fT'DV, and only once VDJ? (p. 46, No. 11 ; p. 125, No. 25).
^ Ez. never uses the phrase " I am Jehovah " alone : he always says, " And
ye (thou, they) shall know that I am J.," sometimes adding besides a further
clause introduced by " when . . . ; " or he attaches some epithet, or predi-
cate, " I am Jehovah your God," or " I Jehovah have spoken."
^ Kuen. Hex. p. 2S7. But the relation of Ez. 44 &c. to H is not quite the
same throughout ; when the two are compared in detail, while in some
respects Ez. is in advance of H, in others H is in advance of Ez. ijb. p. 286).
142 litp:rature of the old testament.
The age of the writer who fitted these laws into their parenetic
framework is, however, disputed. 26, 3 ff., as seems clear, must
have been written at a time when Israel had already worshipped
at "high places" and erected sun-images {v. 30); but beyond
this it is thought by many to presuppose the exile. " Not only
does it (as 18, 25 ii. 20, 22) hold out the threat of banishment
of the people and desolation of the land, and describe the condi-
tion of the nation in exile, — which in itself would be possible
after the end of the Northern kingdom in 722, — but in vv.
34 f- 43 the neglect of the Sabbatical year down to the period of
the exile 1 is implied, i.e. the entire history to that date is pre-
supposed ; the promise of renewed acceptance to favour after
repentance, v. 40 ff., is, moreover, scarcely in place, if addressed
to those who are to be warned against transgression of the law
and the penal consequences which such transgression would
involve, whereas it is thoroughly appropriate if addressed to those
who have already, by their disobedience, incurred these conse-
quences themselves" (Dillm. NDJ. p. 645 f ). Wellh. {Hist. p.
383 f), Kuen. (p. 283), Smend, and others, on these grounds,
assign the compilation of H to the exile ; and Dillm., though he
does not doubt that the nucleus of 26, 3 ff. is earlier, admits that
it has been enlarged then, especially in z;. 31 fif. Klost. and
Del., on the contrary, place it prior to the exile, the former, in
particular, arguing at some length that the resemblances between
Ez. and Lev. 26, 3 ff. are of a character that shows Ez, to be
dependent on Lev. 26, 3 ff, rather than the author of Lev. 26,
3 ff. on Ezekiel.2 On the whole, while fully admitting the great
difficulty of determining questions of priority by the mere com-
^ Or rather, strictly, to the time when the words were written.
'^ It is Ez.'s custom to combine reminiscences from his predecessors (Dt.,
or other prophets) with expressions peculiar to himself ; and Klost. seeks to
show that he deals similarly with Lev. 26, 3 ff. Thus he argues that in 4,
17 "pine away in their iniquity" is a reminiscence from Lev. 26, 39, to
which Ez. has prefixed his own expression (cf. 30, 7) "be astonied one with
another" (comp. 34, 4" with Lev. 25, 43. 46. 53 ["with force" added]).
Whether all Klost. "s arguments are cogent may be doubted ; nevertheless
there seem to the writer to be considerations which support the view taken
in the text. Lev. 26, 3 ff. is in style terse and forcible ; Ez. is difluse : Lev.
also appears to have the advantage in originality of expression (contrast e.}^.
"the pride of your power" in Lev. 26, 19 and in Ez. 7, 24 (LXX). 24, 21.
30, 6. 18. Tyi, 28), and in the connexion of thought (contrast Lev. 26, 4-6. 13
with Ez. 34, 25-29).
PRIESTLY NARRATIVE OF THE HEXATEUCII. I43
parison of parallel passages, the view that gives the priority to
26, 3 ff. seems to the present writer to be the more probable :
the certainty of approaching exile (which was unquestionably
realized by Jeremiah, and no doubt also by his like-minded
contemporaries) would, not less than the actual exile, form a
sufficient basis on which to found the promise of restoration (as,
in fact, it forms such a basis to Jer. himself). But the parenetic
framework of H, while it may thus be earlier than Ez., is not,
perhaps, much earlier; for though isolated passages in Lev. 26
resemble, for instance, passages of Amos or Micah,i the tone ot
the whole is unlike that of any earlier prophet ; on the other
hand, its tone is akin to that of Jeremiah, and still more (even
apart from the phrases common to both) to that of Ezekiel. The
language and style are compatible with the same age, even if they
do not actually favour it.- The hnvs of H date in the main from
a considerably earlier time ; but it seems that they were arranged
in their present parenetic framework, by an author who was at
once a priest and a prophet, probably towards the closing years
of the monarchy. And if H formed still, in Ez.'s day, a separate
body of law, which was not combined with the rest of the Priests'
Code till subsequently, the prophet's special familiarity with it
would be at once naturally explained.
While the majority of the parallels in Ez. are with the excerpts
of the Law of Holiness embedded in Lev. 17 — 26, it will be
observed that there are others, sometimes remarkable ones, with
certain other passages of the Pent, especially with Ex. 6, 6-8. 1 2,
12-13. 31. 13-M''- Lev. 10, 9^ lo-ii. 11, 44. Nu. 15, 37-4T,
several of which have been already referred, on independent
grounds (p. 54), to H. The evidence of Ez. thus confirms the
conclusion stated above, that a considerable body of priestly
Toroth existed, permeated by the same dominant principles, and
embracing, not only the continuous extracts preserved in Lev.
17 — 26, but also fragments — perhaps not confined to those just
cited — embedded in other parts of the Pentateuch. And if Ex.
6, 6-8 be rightly assigned to this collection of laws, it may be
conjectured that it was prefaced by a short historical introduc-
tion, setting forth its origin and scope. And some at least of
^ As z'. 5", Am. 9, \y, vv. 16". 26'', Mic. 6, 14". 15'. Riehm's argument
(Ei?il. i. p. 202) is tar from conclusive.
' Comp. Dilim. EL. p. 619.
144 LITERATURE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
these Toroth seem clearly to be older than Dt. Not only do
some of the passages just quoted appear to be presupposed by
Dt. (p. 138), but the instances in which the laws of D are
pai-alkl to those of H (see the table, p. 68 fif.) are most reason-
ably explained by the supposition that both D and the compiler
of H drew from the same more ancient source, the languafre
of which has been, perhaps, least changed in H, while D has
allowed himself greater freedom of adaptation. ^
The argument of the preceding pages meets by anticipation — for it was
completed before the writer had seen either — objections such as those urged
in the British Quarterly Rev. vol. 79 (1884), p. I15 ff., or by Principal Cave,
The Inspiration of the OT. p. 263 ff., and places, it is believed, the rela-
tion of the Priests' Code to the pre- exilic literature in a just light. An
unbiassed comparison of P with this literature shows, namely, that there are
elements of truth both in Dillm.'s view of the origin of P, and in Wellh.'s.
The passages appealed to in proof of the existence of the completed Priests'
Code under the earlier Kings lack the necessary cogency, on account of the
gewral contradiction which the pre-exilic literature opposes to the conclusion
that the system of P was then in operation, and because the hypothesis that P
had a "latent" existence, as an unrealizable priestly ideal (p. 134), does not
seem a probable one. On the other hand, as said above, these passages are
good evidence that the principal institutions of P are not a C7-eation of the
exilic period, but that they existed in Israel in a more rudimentary form from
a remote period. It is not so much the institutions in themselves as the
system with which they are associated, and the principles of which in P they
are made more distinctly the expression, which seem to bear the marks of a
more ailvanced stage of ceremonial observance.
The consideration of the probable age of the several institu-
tions of P is an archaeological rather than a literary question,
and hence does not fall properly within the scope of the present
volume. A few general remarks may, however, be permitted.
It cannot be doubted that Moses was the ultimate founder of
both the national and the religious life of Israel ;2 and that he
provided his people not only with at least the nucleus of a system
of civil ordinances (such as would, in fact, arise directly out of
his judicial functions, as described in Ex. 18), but also (as the
necessary correlative of the primary truth that Jehovah 7vas the
God of Israel) with some system of ceremonial observances,
^ It is remarkable that, while clauses from JE are often excerpted in Dt.
verbatim, in the parallels with H the language is hardly ever identical.
- Comp. Wellh. Hist. pp. 434, 438 f, endorsed by Kuenen, Th. T. 1883,
p. 199.
PRIESTLY NARRATIVE OF THE HEXATEUCH. I45
designed as the expression and concomitant of the religious and
ethical duties involved in the people's relation to its national
God. It is reasonable to suppose that the teaching of Moses on
these subjects is preserved, in its least modified form, in the
Decalogue and the "Book of the Covenant" (Ex. 20 — 23). It
is not, however, required by the view treated above as probable
to conclude that the Mosaic legislation was Ibnited to the subjects
dealt with in Ex. 20 — 23 : amongst the enactments peculiar to
Dt. — which tradition, as it seems, ascribed to a later period of
the legislator's life — there are many which likewise may well have
formed part of it. It is further in analogy with ancient custom
to suppose that some form oi priesthood ^ouXd be established by
Moses; that this priesthood would be hereditary; and that the
priesthood would also inherit from their founder some traditionary
lore (beyond what is contained in Ex. 20 — 23) on matters of
ceremonial observance. And accordingly we find that JE both
mentions repeatedly an Ark and " Tent of Meeting " as existing
in the Mosaic age (Ex. 33, 7-1 1. Nu. 11, 24 ff. 12, 4 fif. Dt. 31,
14 ff.), and assigns to Aaron a prominent and, indeed, an official
position (Ex. 4, 4 "Aaron the Levite ;" 18, 12; 24, i. 9);
further, that in Dt. (10, 6'') a hereditary priesthood descended
from him is expressly recognised ; and also that there are early
allusions to the " tribe of Levi " as enjoying priestly privileges
and exercising priestly functions (Dt. 33, 10. Mic. 3, 11; cf
Jud. 17, 13).^ The principles by which the priesthood was to be
guided were laid down, it may be supposed, in outline by Moses.
In process of time, however, as national life grew more complex,
and fresh cases requiring to be dealt with arose, these principles
would be found no longer to suffice, and their extension would
become a necessity. Especially in matters of ceremonial observ-
ance, which would remain naturally within the control of the
priests, regulations such as those enjoined in Ex. 20, 24-26.
22, 29-31. 23, 14-19 would not long continue in the same
^ These functions consisted largely in pronouncing Toiah, i.e. point ittg out
(min) what was to be done in some special case ; giving decisions on cases
submitted to them — determining, e.g., whether or not a man was "unclean,"
whether or not he had the leprosy, &c. ; and also imparting authoritative
moral instruction. See a good note on the term in Kuen. Hex. § 10. 4. In
civil matters, it is the function which Moses himself is represented as dis-
charging in Ex. 18 (above, p. 28).
K
146 LITERATURE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
rudimentary state ; fresh definitions and distinctions would be
introduced, more precise rules would be prescribed for the
method of sacrifice, the ritual to be observed by the priests, the
dues which they were authorized to receive from the people, and
other similar matters. After the priesthood had acquired, through
the foundation of Solomon's Temple, a permanent centre, it is
]jrobable that the process of development and systematization
advanced more rapidly than before. And thus the allusions in Dt.
imply the existence of usages beyond those which fall directly
within the scope of the book, and belonging specially to the juris-
diction of the priests {e.^^. 17, 11. 24, 8) : Ezekiel, being a priest
himself, alludes to such usages more distinctly. Although,
therefore, there are reasons for supposing that the Priests' Code
assumed finally the shape in which we have it in the age subse-
quent to Ez., it rests ultimately upon an ancient traditional basis ; ^
and many of the institutions prominent in it are recognised, in
various stages of their growth, by the earlier pre-exilic literature,
by Dt., and by Ezekiel. The laws of P, even when they included
later elements, were still referred to Moses, — no doubt because in
its basis and origin Hebrew legislation was actually derived from
him, and was only modified gradually.^
The institution which was among the last to reach a settled
state, appears to have been the priesthood. Till the age of Dt.,
the right of exercising priestly offices must have been enjoyed by
every member of the tribe of Levi (p. 77, n. 2) ; but this right on
the part of the tribe generally is evidently not incompatible with
\\\Q^ pre-eminence oidi\^'\x(\Q.v\zx family (that of Aaron : cf. Dt. 10, 6),
which, in the line of Zadok, held the chief rank at the Central
Sanctuary. After the abolition of the high places by Josiah, how-
ever, the central priesthood refused to acknowledge the right which
(according to the law of Dt.) the Levitical priests of the high
places must have possessed.-^ The action of the central priest-
^ And indeed 'like Dt.) includes some elements evidently archaic.
^ A similar view of the gradual expansion of the legislation of I' from a
Mosaic nucleus is expressed by Delitzsch, Genesis, p. 26 f. Indeed, it is a
question whether even in form P is throughout perfectly homogeneous. There
are other parts as well as those inclutling the Law of Holiness, which, when
examined closely, seem to consist oi strata, exhibiting side by side the usage
of difi'erent periods. The stereotyped terminology may (to a certain extent)
be the characteristic, not of an individual, but of the priestly style generally.
^ See 2 Ki. 23, 9, where it is said of the disestablished Levitical priests
PRIESTLY NARRATIVE OF THE HEXATEUCH. I47
hood was endorsed by Ezekiel (44, 6 ff ) : the priesthood, he
declared, was for the future to be confined to the descendants of
Zadok ; the priests of the high places (or their descendants) were
condemned by him to discharge subordinate offices, as menials
in attendance upon the worshippers. As it proved, however, the
event did not altogether accord with Ez.'s declaration ; the
descendants of Ithamar succeeded in maintaining their right to
officiate as priests by the side of the sons of Zadok (i Ch. 24,
4 &c.). But the action of the central priesthood under Josiah,
and the sanction given to it by Ezekiel, combined, if not to
create, yet to sharpen and accentuate^ the distinction of
"priests" and "Levites." It is possible that those parts of P
which emphasize this distinction (Nu. i — 4 &c.) are of later
origin than the rest, and date from a time when— probably after
a struggle on the part of some of the disestablished Levitical
priests — it was generally accepted.
The language of P Ms not opposed to the date here assigned
that they "came not up to the altar of Jehovah in Jerusalem, but they did
eat unleavened bread among their brethren," i.e. they were not deprived of
the 7?iainienance d\XQ to them as priests by the law of Dt. 18, 8, but they were
not admitted to the exercise of priestly functions.
^ For it is difficult not to think that among the families permanently con-
nected with the Temple, which belonged, or were reputed to belong, to the
priestly tribe, there must have been some whose members failed to maintain
the right which they technically possessed, and were obliged to be content
with a menial position ; so that this exclusion of the priests of the high places
from the priesthood probably only emphasized a distinction which already de
facto existed, and is recognised explicitly in B.C. 536 (Neh. 7, 39. 43 &c.).
^ See V. Ryssel, De Elohistae Pcntatcuchi Sermone (1878) ; F. Giesebrecht,
Der Sprachgebraiich des hexatemliisclien Eloliistcn in the ZATIV. 18S1,
177-276, with the critique of the latter by the present writer in the Jonrjial
of Philology, xi. 201-236; Kuenen, Hex. § 15. II. The present position of
the writer is not inconsistent with that adopted as the basis of his critique in
1882. The aim of that article, was not to discuss the general question of
the date of P, or even to show that the language of P was incompatible with
a date in or near the exile (see p. 204) ; its aim was avowedly limited to an
examination of particular daia which had been alleged, and an inquiry
whether they had been interpreted correctly {ib.). In the philology of the
article the writer has nothing of consequence to mydify or correct. In his
etymology of n~lt^'Di P- 205, he was led into error through following Ges.
too implicitly (see Dillm. ad be); and the discussion of T^lHi P- 209, is
incomplete (see Kiinig, Offenh. des AT,' s, ii. 324 f.). Perhaps also (in spite
of pp. 227, 232) sufiicient weight was not given to the remarkable preponder-
ance of ''JJ^ over '•ajX in P, and to P's resemblance in this respect to Ez.
148 LITERATURE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
to it. To be sure, Giesebrecht, in his endeavour to demonstrate
the lateness of P, overshoots the mark, and detects many
Aramaisms and other signs of lateness in P which do not exist ;
indeed, in some cases the words alleged by him form part of
the older laws which P embodies. But it is true (as is admitted
in \h& Journal of Phil. p. 232) that there is a residuum of words
which possess this character, and show affinities with writings
of the age of Ez. That these are less numerous than might
perhaps be expected, may be explained partly by the fact that P's
phraseology is largely traditional, partly by the fact that the real
change in Hebrew style does not begin till a later age altogether ;
many parts of Ez. {e.g. c. 20), and even Haggai and Zechariah,
do not show more substantial signs of lateness than P. The
change is beginning (c. 450) in the memoirs of Nehemiah and in
Malachi ; but Aramaisms and other marks of lateness (esp. in
syntax) are only abundant in works written after this date —
Esther, Chr., Eccl., &c. The phraseology of P, it is natural to
suppose, is one which had gradually formed ; hence it contams
elements which are no doubt ancient side by side with those
which were introduced later. The priests of each successive
generation would adopt, as a matter of course, the technical
formulae, and other stereotyped expressions, which they learnt
from their seniors, new terms, when they were introduced, being
accommodated to the old moulds. Hence, no doubt, the simi-
larity of Ez.'s style to P, even where a definite law is not quoted
by him : although, from the greater variety of subjects which he
deals with as a prophet, the vocabulary of P is not sufficient for
him, he still frequently uses expressions belonging to the priestly
terminology, with which he was familiar.^
After the illustrations which have been given above (p. 20, Src) of the
grounds upon which the analysis of Exodus and the following books depends,
the inadequacies of the "Journal theory" of the Pentateuch, advocated by
((). 127, No. 45). But the writer is still of opinion that the formula mn'' ^3K
(l). 45, No. I, cf. 2), in which about half the instances of 'jx occur, is of early
origin. And he considers also that there is a larger traditional element in the
phraseology of 1' than Giesebrecht's argument appears to allow for.
1 The incorrectnesses which appear from time to time in Ez. are due pro-
bably, partly to the fact that, as a prophet mingling with the people, he was
exposed to influences from which the priests generally were free, partly to
eirors originating in the transmission of his text.
PRIESTLY NARRATIVE OF THE HEXATEUCH. 149
Principal Cave in his work citeci (p. 144), will be manifest. This theory fails,
in a word, to accoiint for the phaenomena ^^ihich the Pent, presents. Thus (i)
it offers no explanation of the phraseological variations which Ex. &c. display,
and which (as the list, p. 123 ff., will have shown) are quite as marked as those
in Genesis.-' If these variations were so distributed as to distinguish con-
sistently the laws on the one hand from the narratives on the other, the theory
might possess some plausibility ; the laws, for instance, might be supposed to
have required naturally a different style from the narrative, or Moses might
have compiled the one and an amanuensis the other : but, as a fact, the
variations are not so distributed ; not only do the different groups of laws
show differences of terminology, but the narratives themselves present the
same variations of phraseology as in Genesis, some parts having numerous
features in common with the sections assigned to "P" in that book, and
with the laws contained in Ex. 25 &c., and other parts being marked by an
entire absence of those features. The Journal theory cannot account for these
variations in the narrative sections of Ex. — Dt. (2) The Journal theory is
unable to account for the many and cogent indications which the different
codes in the Pent, contain, that they took shape at different periods of the
history, or to solve the very great difficulties which both the historical (esp.
c. I — 3. g — 10) and legal parts of Dt. present, if they are regarded as the
work of the same contemporary writer as Ex. — Nu. (3) The Journal theory
takes a false view of the Book of Joshua, which is not severed from the
following books, and connected with the Pentateuch, for the purpose of
satisfying the exigencies of a theory, but because this view of the book is
requited by the facts — a simple comparison of it with the Pent, showing, viz.
that it is really hotnogeneous with it, and (especially in the P sections) that it
differs entirely from Jud. Sam. Kings. But Principal Cave's treatment of
the books from Ex. to Josh, is manifestly slight and incomplete.
In ch. vi. of Principal Cave's book there are many just observations on the
theological truths which find expression in the Mosaic law ; but it is an
iQnoratio elenchi to suppose them to be a refutation of the opinion that
Hebrew legislation reached its final form by successive stages, except upon
the assumption that all progress must proceed from purely natural causes, —
an assumption both unfounded in itself and opposed to the general sense of
theologians, who speak, for instance, habitually of a "progressive revela-
tion " (so " Revelation " and " Evolution," p. 251, — though the latter is not a
very suitable term to use in this connexion, — are not antagonistic except upon
a similar assumption). Prof. Bissell's Pentateuch fails to establish the points
which it was written to prove, partly for the same reason, partly for a different
one. The author is singularly unable to distinguish between a good argu-
ment and a bad one. Thus the passages adduced (chiefly in chaps, viii.-x.)
to prove the existence of the Pent, in the Mosaic age all, upon one ground
or another (comp. above, p. 137, lines 6-9), fall short of the mark ; and while
his volume contains many sound and true observations on the deep spiritual
teaching both of the law and also of other parts of the OT., which may be
urged with force against the exaggerations and false assumptions which critics
^ Which Principal Cave accepts as proof of its composite origin (p. 171 ff.).
150 LITERATURE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
have sometimes allowed themselves to make, he has not shown that this
teaching must stand or fall with the traditional view of the origin of the Old
Testament books, or that the critical view of their origin cannot be stated in
a form free from exaggeration, and entirely compatible with the reality of the
supernatural enlightenment vouchsafed to the ancient people of God. (For
some useful reflexions on the Pent, as a channel of revelation, from a point
of view at once critical and religious, see Riehm's Einl. §§ 28, 29.)
Dr. Kay's Crisis Hupfeldiana (1865), from the tone in which it is written,
sometimes produces, upon readers who have no independent knowledge of
the subject, the impression that its author has successfully refuted all the
arguments upon which critics rely. This, however, is by no means the case.
In the first place, it touches but a part of a large subject ; and, secondly, in
the part which it does touch, it is essentially a criticism of details and side
issues. In this criticism, the author, who was a sound Hebrew scholar, is
very often right, and convicts Colenso (against whom it is primarily directed)
of some error, or inconclusive argument ; but he fails to show that these
faults vitiate essentially the main conclusions which critics have reached.
THE PRIESTS' CODE.
Genesis I, I— 2, 4". 5, I-2S. 30-32. 6, 9-22. 7, 6. 7-9 (in parts). II. 13-16*.
18-21. 24. 8, 1-2'. -^S. 13*. 14-19. 9, 1-17. 28-29. 10, 1-7. 20. 22-23. 31-
32. II, 10-27. 31-32- 12, 4''-5. 13, 6. 1I''-I2^ 16, I*. 3. 15-16. c. 17. 19, 29.
21, i\ 2''-5. c. 23. 25, 7-ii\ 12-17. 19-20. 26''. 26, 34-35. 27, 46—28, 9. 29,
24. 29. 31, i8\ 33, i8\ 34, i-2». 4. 6. 8-10. 13-18. 20-24. 25 (partly). 27-
29- 35. 9-13- 15- 22^-29. c. 36.1 37, 1-2^ 41, 46. 46, 6-27. 47, 5-6MLXX).
7-11. 27''-28. 48, 3-6. 7? 49, \\ 28''-33. 50, 12-13.
Exodus I, 1-7. 13-14. 2, 230-25. 6, 2 — 7, 13. 19-20*. 21^-22. 8, 5-7. 15b-
19. 9, 8-12. 12, 1-20. 28. 37^. 40-51. 13, 1-2. 20. 14, 1-4. 8-9. 15-18. 21*.
2i'--23. 26-27". 28a. 29. 16, 1-3. 6-24. 31-36. 17, I*. 19, I-2^ 24, 15-18*.
25, I— 31, I8^ 34, 29-35. c. 35—40.
Leviticus c. i — 16. (c. 17 — 26). c. 27.
Numbers i, i — 10, 28. 13, I-I7». 21. 25-26* (to Pan?;/). 32". 14, 1-2.^ 5-7.
10. 26-38.1 c. 15. 16, I". 2''-7'. (7"-ii). (16-17). 18-24. 27". 32\ 35. (36-40).
41-50. c. 17 — 19. 20, l^ (to month). 2. 3^ 6. 12-1;^. 22-29. 21, 4* (to Hor).
lo-ii. 22, I. 25, 6-18. c. 26—31. 32, 18-19. 28-31. 'c. 33—36.
Deuteronomy 32, 4S-52. 34, i*. 8-9.
Joshua 4, 13. 19. 5, 10-12. 7, I. 9, 15b. 17-21. 13, 15-32. 14, 1-5. 15, I-13.
28-44. 48-62. 16, 4-8. 17, I*. (i''-2). 3-4. 7. 9\ 9'^-io'. 18, I. 11-28.
19, 1-8. 10-46. 48. 51. 20, 1-3 (except '■and unawares'). 6" {\.o judgmettt).
7-9 [cf. LXX]. 21, 1-42 (22, 9-34).
1 In the main. ^ With traces in 32, 1-17. 20-27.
CHAPTER II.
JUDGES, SAMUEL, AND KINGS.
§ I. The Book of Judges.
Literature.— G. L. Studer, Das Bttch der Richter, 1842 ; E. Berthean
(in the Kia-zgef. Exeg. Haiidb.), ed. 2, 1883; Keil \n Josua, Richter n.
Ruth (ed. 2), 1874; Wellhausen in Bleek's Einl. (1878) pp. 181-205 [ =
Comp. 213-238]; Nist. pp. 22S-245; A. van Doorninck, Bijdrage tot de
tekst-kritiek van Rkht. i.-xvi. (1879); C. Budde, ZATIV. 1887, p. 93 ff.,
1888, p. 148 (on I, 1—2, 5), 1888, p. 285 ff. (on c. 17—21). (The substance
of the following pages appeared in Xht Jewish Quarterly Review, April 1889.)
The Book of Judges derives its name from the heroes whose
exploits form the subject of its central and principal part (2, 6 —
c. 16). It consists of three well-defined portions: (i) an intro-
duction I, 1 — 2, 5, presenting a view of the condition of the
country at the time when the period of the Judges begins; (2)
the history of the Judges, 2, 6 — c. 16; (3) an appendix, c. 17 — 21,
describing in some detail two incidents belonging to the period,
viz. the migration of a part of the tribe of Dan to the north, c.
17 — 18, and the war of the Israelites against Benjamin, arising
out of the outrage of Gibeah, c. 19 — 21.
The Judges whose exploits the book records are 13 in number,
or, if Abimelech (who is not termed a judge) be not reckoned,
12, viz.: Othniel (3, 7-1 1); Ehud (3, 12-30); Shamgar (3, 31);
Barak [Deborah] (c. 4 — 5); Gideon (6, i — 8, 32); Abimelech
(8. 33—9. 57); Tola (10, 1-2) ; Jair (10, 3-5); Jephthah (10,
6 — 12, 7); Ibzan (12, 8-10); Elon (12, 11-12); Abdon (12,
13-15); Samson (c. 13 — 16). Shamgar, Tola, Jair, Ibzan, Elon,
Abdon, whose exploits are told only summarily, are sometimes
called the " minor " Judges. According to the chronology of the
book itself, the period of the Judges embraced 410 years;
thus : —
X51
8;
years.
40
)>
18
>>
80
>j
20
>>
; 40
>>
7
j»
40
5>
3
J>
23
>)
22
Jl
iS
>>
6
>»
7
!>
10
H
8
>>
40
? J
20
?f
410 y
ears.
152 LITERATURE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
3, 8 Israel serves Chushan-Rishathaim
3, 1 1 Deliverance by Othniel : the land rests
3, 14 Israel serves Eglon
3, 30 Deliverance by Ehud : the land rests
4, 3 Oppression by Jabin
5, 31 Deliverance by Deborah : the land rests 40
6, I Oppression by Midian
8, 28 Deliverance by Gideon : the land rests
9, 22 Abimelech reigns over Israel
10, 2 Tola judges Israel
10, 3 Jair judges Israel
10, 8 Oppression by Ammon
12, 7 Jephthah judges Israel
12, 9 Ibzan judges Israel
12, II Eton judges Israel
12, 14 Abdon judges Israel
13, I Oppression by Philistines
15, 20=16, 31 Samson judges Israel
Total,
This total, however, appears to be too high ; and it is at any
rate inconsistent with i Ki. 6, i, which assigns 480 years ^ to the
period from the exodus to the 4th year of Solomon, whereas, if
the Judges be reckoned at 410 years, this period, which must
embrace in addition the 40 years of the wilderness, 7 years of
the conquest (p. 96), 20 years of Samuel (i Sa. 7, 2), 20 (?) years
of Saul, 40 years of David, and 4 of Solomon, would extend (at
the least) to 541 years. Many attempts have been made to
reduce the chronology of the Judges, by the assumption, for
instance, that some of the periods named in it are synchronous,
or the figures meant to be treated as round ones (especially 40
and 80 = 40 X 2); 2 but it must be admitted (with Bertheau, pp.
XV. xvii.) that no certain results can be reached by the use of
such methods, and that, as matters stand, an exact chronology
of the period is unattainable.
The three parts of which the Book of Judges consists differ
considerably in structure and character, and must be considered
separately.
I 1^ I — 2, 5. This section of the book consists of fragments
^ Though this is open to the suspicion of having been reached artificially
( = 4oX 12).
^Comp. Bertheau, pp. xii.-xvii. ; Wellh. I/i'sf. p. 229 f.j Com/', p. 356;
Kuenen, OiiJerzoek, i. 2 (1SS7), § 18. 4, 6, 7.
JUDGES. 153
of an old account of the conquest of Canaan — not by united
Israel under the leadership of Joshua, but — by the individual
efforts of the separate tribes. The fragments, however, narrate
the positive successes of Judah and Simeon (i, 1-20) and the
"House of Joseph" (i, 22-26) only. There follows a series of
notices describing how particular tribes, viz. Manasseh, Ephraim,
Zebulun, Asher, Naphtali, and Dan, failed to dispossess the
native inhabitants. By the opening words : " And it came to
pass after the death of Joshua," the section is attached to the
Book of Joshua, and the events narrated in it are assigned to the
period after the close of that book. But it has long been sus-
pected ^ that these words are, in fact, merely a redactional addi-
tion, and that the account is, in reality, parallel^ at least in part,
with the narrative in Joshua, and not a continuation of it. The
Book of Joshua (as we now have it) describes how the whole
land was subdued by the Israelites, and taken possession of by
the individual tribes (see e.g. 21, 43-45. 23, i : both D'-). In
Jud. I the Israelites are still at Gilgal (2, i), or close by at
Jericho (i, 16); and hence the tribes "go up" {i.e. from the
Jordan Valley to the high ground of Central Palestine), as at the
beginning of the Book of Joshua (5, 9), Judah first, to conquer
their respective territories (i, i. 2. 3).
As was remarked above (p. 108), these notices display a strong
similarity of style, and in some cases even verbal identity, with a
series of passages, somewhat loosely attached to the context,
preserved in the older strata of the Book of Joshua. Thus Jud.
I, 21 (the Benjaminites' failure to conquer Jerusalem) agrees
almost precisely with Josh. 15, 63, the only material difference
being that the failure is there laid to the charge, not of Benjamin,
but oi Judah ; i, 2o^ 10'' — 15 agrees in the main with Josh. 15,
14-19; I, 27-28 with Josh. 17, 12-13; I) 29 with Josh. 16,
10. Most of the verbal differences are due simply to the different
relations which the fragments hold in the two books to the
contiguous narrative. Josh. 17, 14-18 (complaint of the " House
of Joseph") and 19, 47 (Dan) are very similar in representation
(implying the separate action taken by individual tribes) and in
phraseology.^ It can hardly be doubted that both Jud. i and
^ Comp. the Speaker s Comm. ii. p. 123 f.
* Notice "House of Joseph" (unusual), Josh. 17, 17. Jud. i, 22. 23. 25;
"daughters" for dependent towns, Josh. 17, 11. 16. Jud. I, 27; ^^ would
154 LITERATURE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
these notices in Joshua are excerpts from what was once a detailed
survey of the conquest of Canaan : of these excerpts some have
been fitted in with the narrative of Joshua, others have been
combined in Jud. i so as to form, with the addition of the open-
ing words, After the death of Joshua, an introduction to the period
of the Judges. The survey is incomplete ; but the parts which
remain may have stood once somewhat in the following order :
a. (Judah) Jud. i, i {from "and the children of Israel asked") —
7. 19. Josh. 15, 63 (cf Jud. I, 21). Jud. I, 20. Josh. 15, 14-19
(cf. 14, 13. 15. Jud. I, 10-15). Jud. I, 16-18. 36;! b. (Joseph)
Jud. I, 22-26. Josh. 17, 14-18; c. (the ill-success of different
tribes) Josh. 13, 13. Jud. i, 27-28 ( = Josh. 17, 12 [the names
of the towns are stated in v. 11 and so not repeated]-! 3). 29
(Josh. 16, 10). 30-33. 34. Josh. 19, 47 [see QPB'^?^ Jud. i, 35.^
II. 2, 6 — c. 16. This, the central and principal part of the
book, comprising the history of the Judges properly so called,
consists essentially of a series of older narratives, fitted into a
framework by a later editor, or redactor, and provided by him,
where necessary, with introductory and concluding remarks.
This editor, or redactor, is imbued strongly with the spirit of
Deuteronomy. His additions exhibit a phraseology and colour-
ing different from that of the rest of the book ; all contain the
same recurring expressions, and many are cast in the same type
or form of words, so that they are recognizable without difficulty^
Thus the history of each of the six greater Judges is fitted into
a framework as follows — the details vary slightly, but the general
resemblance is unmistakable : 3, 7-1 1 (Othniel) " And the
children of Israel did that which was evil in the sight of Jehovah,
. . . and the anger of Jehovah was kindled against Israel,
and He sold them into the hand of Chushan-rishathaim, . . ,
and they served Chushan-rishathaim eight years ; . . . and the
children of Israel cried unto Jehovah, and He raised up unto
them a saviour, . . , and the land had rest forty years." 3,
12-30 (Ehud) " And the children of Israel again did that which
was evil in the sight of Jehovah, and Jehovah strengthened Eglon
king of Moab against Israel, . . . and they served Eglon eighteen
dwell," Josh. 17, 12. Jud. i, 27. 35; the "chariots of iron," Josh. 17, 16.
Jufl. I, 19.
^ Where Avioriles is probably an error for Edomites (on I, 16 see QPB^.).
' Comp. Budde, p. 94 fl".; Kittel, Gesch. p. 239 ff. (on i, 8, p. 241, «. 8).
JUDGES. 155
years ; and the children of Israel cried unto Jehovah, and
Jehovah raised up to them a saviour ; . . . and Moab was sub-
dued, . . . and the land had rest forty years." The scheme is
similar in the case of Barak (4,1—5, 31), Gideon (6, 1-7; 8, 28),
Jephthah (10, 6. 7. 10; 11, 33"; 12, 7), Samson (13, i ; 15, 20
[twenty years]. 16, 31 end). In all we have the same succession
of apostasy, subjugation, the cry for help, deliverance, described
often in the same, always in similar, phraseology. Let the reader
notice how frequently at or near the beginning and close of the
narrative of each of the greater Judges the following expressions
occur: did that which was evil in the sight of Jehovah, sold'^ or
delivered them into the hand of . . ., cried unto Jehovah, subdued,
and the land had rest . . . (3, 7, 8. 9. 1 1 ; 3, 12. 15. 30; 4, i. 2.
3- 23- 5> 31^ 6, I. 6". 8, 28; 10, 6. 7. 10. II, zz''; 13. I- 16, 31 end).
It is evident that in this part of the book a series of independent
narratives has been taken by the compiler and arranged by him
in a framework, designed with the purpose of stating the chrono-
logy of the period, and exhibiting a theory of the occasion and
nature of the work which the Judges generally were called to
undertake. In the case of the six minor Judges (Shamgar, Tola,
Jair, Ibzan, Elon, Abdon) detailed particulars were probably not
accessible to the compiler ; hence the narratives are much briefer,
though here also they show much mutual similarity of literary
form (3, 31; ID, 1-2; 3-5; 12,8-10; 11-12; 13-15).
To this history of the Judges 2, 6 — 3, 6 forms an introduction,
the nature of which must next be examined. Is this introduction
the work of the compiler also ? In parts of it we trace his hand at
once (2, II. 12. 14; in vv. 16. 18. 19 also notice the expressions
raised np, saved, oppressed, comparing 3, 9. 15 ; 4, 3 ; 6, 9 ; 10,
12. 13; and the general similarity of tone). But the whole
cannot be his work : for 2, 6-9 is repeated with slight verbal
differences from Josh. 24, 28. 31. 29. 30 (LXX: 28. 29. 30. 31);
elsewhere the point of view is differe?it, and the details harmonize
imperfectly with each other, authorizing the inference that he has
here incorporated in his work older materials.
Thus 2, 23 cannot be the original sequel of 2, 20-22 ; the fact that the
Canaanites were not delivered "into the hand of Joshua" {v. 23), cannot be
This figure is almost peculiar to the compiler of this book (2, 14. 3, 8. 4,
2. 10, 7 ; rather differently in the older narrative 4, 9) and the kindred author
of I Sa. \2.{v 9) ; it is derived probably from Dt. 32, 30 (the Song).
156 LITERATURE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
a consequence of what happened (v. 21) after Joshua s death. In 3, I-3 the
ground for which the Canaanites were not driven out is that the Israehtes
might learn the art of war ; in 2, 22 and 3, 4 it is that they might be tested
morally, that it might be seen whether they would adhere to the service of
Jehovah or not. The list of nations in 3, 3 is scarcely consistent with that in
3, 5 ; the nations named in 3, 3 are just those occupying particular districts
in or near Canaan, the six named in 3, 5 are representative of the entire
population of Western Palestine (Ex. 2,3, 2. Dt. 7, I &c.: cf. p. 112, «.).
The oldest part of this section is, no doubt, 3, 1-3, describing
how the Israelites became trained in warfare through the
inhabitants of particular districts continuing to dwell among or
near them ; and it has been plausibly conjectured that these
verses formed once the sequel to c. i (where the fad of such
inhabitants being left is described) : in this case the expression
" a/l the Canaanites " (which would be untrue, if taken absolutely)
receives its natural limitation ; it will be limited to the Canaanites
named in the context of c. i, viz. the people of Gezer, Dor,
Megiddo, Taanach, Beth-Shean, &c. (i, 29-33). Thus 2, 6 — 3,
6 as a whole may be analysed as follows: — 2, 6-10 (repeated,
except V. 10, from Joshua) describes the death of Joshua, and the
change which in the view of the compiler came over the nation
in the following generation ; 2, 1 1-19 states the compiler's theory
of the period of the Judges, which he intends to be illustrated by
the narratives following; 2, 20-22 deals with a different subject,
not the nations around Israel as vv. 11-19, but the nations in
their midst, who, through the disobedience of the Israelites, after
Joshua's death, were still to be left for the purpose of testing
their moral strength ; the sequel of 2, 20-22 is 3, 5-6, stating
how the Israelites intermarried with the Canaanites, and thus
failed to endure the test. 3, 1-3 is the older fragment, enumer-
ating the nations that were instrumental in training Israel in war-
fare ; when this was incorporated, 2, 23 (attaching loosely and
imperfectly to 2, 22) was prefixed as an introduction, 3, 4 being
ai)pended, for the purpose of leading back to the general thought
of 2, 20-22 and its sequel 3, 5-6. It is probable that 3, 1-3
was originally shorter than it now is, and that it has been some-
what amplified by the compiler.
It is not impossible that 10, 6-16, the introduction to the narrative of
Jephthah, which is much longer than the other introductions, may be the
expansion of an earlier and briefer narrative (perhaps E : Stade, ZA TW.
1S81, p. 341 f.), to which in particular w. 6^ 8 (partly). 10. 13-16 may
JUDGES. 157
belong. The particulars in zl 17 f. appear to be simply derived from c. 1 1, the
two verses being prefixed here as an introduction, after the notice of the
Ammonites in 10, 7. 8.^ That the author of c. Ii wrote independently of
10, 6-18, and could not have had these verses before him, appears from the
wording of II, 4, which, as it stands, is evidently \he Jirst mention of the
Ammonites, and must have been differently expressed had 10, 6-8 preceded.
It is possible that the Deuteronomic compiler (as in view of his
prevalent thought and tone we may now term him) was not the
first who arranged together the separate histories of the Judges,
but that he adopted as the basis of his work a continuous narra-
tive, which he found ready to his hand. Some of the narratives
are not adapted to illustrate the theory of the Judges, as ex-
])0unded in 2, 11-19 ; so, for instance, the accounts of the minor
Judges (3, 31 ; 10, 1-5 ; 12, 8-15), in which no allusion is made
to the nation's apostasy, but which, nevertheless, as remarked
above, are cast mainly in one and the same mould, and the
narrative of Abimelech in c. 9 : a lesson is indeed deduced from
the history of Abimelech, 9, 24. 56. 57, but not the lesson of 2,
1 1-19. It is very possible, therefore, that there was -a. pre-Deuier-
ono7nic collection of histories of Judges, which the Deuteronomic
compiler set in a new framework, embodying his theory of the
history of the period. Perhaps one or two of the recurring phrases
noted above, such as " subdued" (3, 30; 4, 23 ; 8, 28 ; 11, -i^T^,
which seem to form a more integral part of the narratives proper
than the rest, may mark the portions due to the pre-Deuteronomic
compiler. There is also a more noticeable feature of the book
which may be rightly attributed to him. It is clear that the
Judges were, in fact, merely local heroes ; they formed temporary
heads in particular centres, or over particular groups of tribes-
Barak in the north of Israel ; Gideon in the centre; Jephthah
on the east of Jordan ; Samson in the extreme south - west.
Nevertheless, the Judges are consistently represented as exer-
cising jurisdiction over Israel as a whole (3, 10 ; 4, 4 ; 9, 22 ; 10,
2. 3 ; 12, 8. 9; 16, 31; and elsewhere); and this generalization
of their position and influence is so associated with the individual
narratives that it must have formed a feature in them before they
came into the hands of the Deuteronomic compiler : hence, if it
was not a conception shared in common by the authors of the
1 So in c. 8, the main contents of zik 33-5 seem derived from c. 9, and
placed where they now stand, as a link of connexion between c. 8 and c. 9.
158 LITERATURE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
separate narratives, it must be a trait due to the first compiler of
this portion of the book. The question, however, whether the
Deuteronomic compiler had before him a number ot separate
narratives, or a continuous work, is a subordinate one : the
important distinction is undoubtedly that between the narratives
generally and the framework in which they are set.
The parts, then, of 2, 6 — c. 16, which either belong wholly to
the Deuteronomic compiler, or consist of elements which have
been expanded or largely recast by him, are— 2, 11-23; 3^ 4-6;
7-1 1 (almost entirely : there are no details of Othniel's judgeship
such as constitute the narratives respecting Ehud, Barak, &c.) ;
I2-I5^ 30^; 4, 1-3; 5, 31"; 6, I. 7-10 ;i 8, 27'' (probably).
28^ 33-34. 35 (based on c. 9); 10, 6-16. 17 f. (based on c. 11);
13, i; 15, 20: 16, 31''. All these parts are connected together
by a similarity of tone and phraseology, which stamps them as
the work of a different hand from that of the author (or authors)
of the histories of the Judges themselves.
III. C. 17 — 21. This division of the book differs again in
character from either of the other two. It consists of two con-
tinuous narratives, not describing the exploits of any judge, but
relating two incidents belonging to the same period of history.
C. 17 — 18 introduces us to an archaic state of Israelitish life:
the tribe of Dan (18, i) is still without a possession in Canaan :
Micah's " house of God," with its instruments of divination,
"the ephod and the teraphim," and its owner's satisfaction at
securing a Levite as his priest (17, 5-13), are vividly pourtrayed ;
nor does any disapproval of what Alicah had instituted appear to
be entertained. The narrative as a whole exhibits the particulars
of what is briefly mentioned in one of the notices just referred to,
Josh. 19, 47, though the latter can scarcely be derived from it
on account of the different orthography of the name Laish
(Leshem, or rather, probably, Leshilm). The two chapters con-
tain indications which have led some to suppose that they have
been formed by the combination of two parallel narratives. But
' Assigned by Budde {ZATW. 1SS8, p. 232) to the Ilexateuchal narrator
E. Certainly the pliraseology is not throughout that of the Deuteronomic
compiler, and exhibits affinities with the parts of Josh, which belong to E.
Notice that in c. 11 the narrator has constructed Jephthah's message largely
on the basis of JK's narrative : thus with vv. 17-22. 26 comp. Nu. 20, 14. 17-,
21, 4. 13. 21-2-1. 25 (where the agreement is often verbal).
JUDGES. 159
the inference is here a questionable one, and it is rejected by
Kuenen, who will only admit that in two or three places the
narrative is in disorder or has suftered interpolation.^
With the second narrative (c. 19 — 21), on the other hand, the
case appears to be different. In c. 20, not only does the
description in parts appear to be in duplicate (as in vv. 36^-46
by the side oi vv. 29-36") j^ but the account, as we have it, can
hardly be historical. The figures are incredibly large : Deborah
(5, 8) places the number of warriors in entire Israel at not more
than 40,000; here 400,000 advance against 25,000 + 700 Ben
jaminites, and the latter slay of the former on the first day 22,000,
on the second day 18,000; on these two days not one of the
25,000 + 700 of the Benjaminites falls, but on the third day
10,000 Israelites slay 25,100 of them (20, 2. 15 RV. marg. 17.
21. 25. 34. 35). Secondly, whereas in the rest of the book the
tribes are represented uniformly as acting separately, and only
combining temporarily and partially, in this narrative Israel is
represented as entirely centralized, assembling and taking action
as one 7nan (20, i. 8. 11 : similarly 21, 5. 10. 13. 16), with a
unanimity which, in fact, was only gained — and even then
imperfectly — after the establishment of the monarchy. This
joint action of the "congregation" contradicts the notices of all
except the initial stages in the conquest of Palestine, not less
than every other picture which we possess of the condition of
Israel during this period. The motives prompting the people's
action, and the manner in which they are collected together, are
unlike what appears in any other part of either Judges or Samuel :
elsewhere the people are impelled to action by the initiative of
an individual leader ; here they move, in vast numbers, auto-
matically ; there is not even mention of the head, who must have
been needful for the purpose of directing the military operations.
^ Kuenen, OndcKxek, i. 2 (1887), p. 35Sf. The two chronological notes,
18, 30. 31, for instance, can hardly both be by one hand ; and had the
original narrator desired to state the name of the Levite, he would almost
certainly have done so where he was first mentioned, 17, 7 ff . V. 30 is a
notice added by a later hand, intended to supply this deficiency. The "day
of the captivity (properly exite) of the land " can only denote the exile of the
ten tribes in 722 B.C.
- Comp. V. 31 and v. 39 (in each 30 Israelites smitten); v. 35 (25,100
Benjaminites smitten) and vv. 44-46 (18,000-)- 5000 -f- 2000 = 25,000 smitten):
the 'i.vhole number of Benjaminites, as stated in v. 15, was but 25,000 -|- 700.
l6o LITERATURE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
However keenly the rest of Israel may have felt its indignation
aroused by the deed of Gibeah, and the readiness of the Ben-
jaminitcs to screen the perpetrators (20, 13), the combination
can hardly have taken place on the scale depicted. Nor is there
any trace either in Judges (5, 14) — if this incident (comp. 20, 27^)
be prior to the time of Deborah^or in Samuel — if it be sub-
sequent to it — of the tribe of Benjamin having been reduced to
one-fortieth of its numbers, or in the narrative of i Sa. 11 of
the virtual extermination (21, lo-ii) of the population of Jabesh
Gilead.
These difficulties attach only to c. 20 — 21, not to c. 19. The
conclusion to which they point is this, that c. 20 — 21 are not
homogeneous : parts are decidedly later than c. 19, and exhibit
the tradition respecting the action of the Israelites against
Benjamin in the shape which it has assumed in the course of a
long period of oral transmission. The story of the vengeance
taken by the Israelites against the guilty tribe offered scope for
expansion and embellishment, as it was handed on in the mouth
of the people ; and the literary form in which we have it exhibits
the last stage of the process. Hence the exaggeration both in
the numbers and in the scale upon which the tribes combined
and executed their vengeance upon Benjamin and Jabesh Gilead.
The narrative of the outrage in c. 19 is old in style and repre-
sentation; it has affinities with c. 17 — 18, and in all probability
has come down to us with very little, if any, alteration of form.
The narrative of the vengeance, on the contrary, in c. 20, has
been expanded : as it was first written down, the incidents were
simpler, and the scale on which they were represented as having
taken place was smaller than is now the case. But the original
narrative has been combined with the additions in such a manner
that it cannot be disengaged with certainty, and is now, in all
])robability, as Kuenen observes, not recoverable."^ In c. 21 the
narrative of the rape of the maidens at Shiloh wears the appear-
' Wliich, however, is pretty clearly a gloss, and so no real indication of the
period to which the incident was assigned by the original narrator. Had 7'v.
27''-28" been an explanation made by the original narrator, they would almost
certainly have stood in v. 18, they//-J/ occasion of the inquiry being made.
^ Hertheau's attempted analysis is admitted to be unsuccessful, being
dependent upon insufficient criteria. Another tentative solution is offered
by Budde, ZA TIV. 1888, p. 296 ff. The parts to which the difficulties attach
have points of contact with V (p. 136).
JUDGES. l6l
ance of antiquity, and stands, no doubt, on the same footing as
c. 19; vv. 5-14, on the contrary, have affinities with the later
parts of c. 20. The remarl<, " In those days there was no king
in Israel," connects the two narratives of the appendix together
(17, 6; 18, i; 19, i; 21, 25: in 17, 6 and 21, 25, with the
addition, "Every man did that which was right in his own
eyes"): this, from its character, must certainly be pre -exilic,
and stamps the narratives of which it forms a part as pre-exilic
likewise. In c. 19 — 21 the phrase belongs to that part of the
narrative, which there are independent reasons for supposing to
be earlier than the rest. The object of the narrative in its present
form appears to have been to give an ideal representation of the
community as inspired throughout by a keen sense of right, and
as acting harmoniously in concert for the purpose of giving effect
to the dictates of morality.
In the first and third divisions of the book no traces are to be
found of the hand of the Deuteronomic redactor of the middle
division ; there are no marks either of his distinctive phraseology
or of his view of the history, as set forth in 2, 11-19. Hence it
is probable that these divisions did not pass through his hand ;
but were added by a later hand (or hands) after 2, 6 — c. 16 had
reached its present shape.
On the historical value of the Book of Judges, reference may be made to an
article by Prof. A. B. Davidson on Deborah in the Expositor, Jan. 1887, pp.
4S-50, who, after remarking on the difference in point of view between the
histories and the framework, oljserves that the regular movement of apostasy,
subjugation, penitence, and deliverance, described in the latter, is hardly
strict history, but rather the religious philosophy of the history. "The author
speaks of Israel as an ideal unity, and attributes to this unity defection, which
no doubt characterized only fragments of the whole. . . . The histories
preserved in the book are probably traditions pre-erved among the individual
tribes. That in some instances we have duplicates exhibiting divergences in
details is natural, and does not detract from the general historical worth of
the whole. The story of Deborah is given in a prose form (c. 4) as well as
in the poem (c. 5), and the divergences can be accounted for only on the
supposition that c. 4 is an independent tradition." Thus the Song speaks of
a combination of kiui^s of Canaan (5, 19), of whom Sisera is the head — his
mother (5, 29) is attended by princesses (not ladies, AV. : see i Ki. 11, 3.
Is. 49, 23); c. 4 speaks of Jabin, who is described as himself " kmg of
Canaan," reigning at Hazor, and of Sisera, his general. Further, while in
c. 4 Deborah dwells at Bethel in Ephraim, and Barak at Kedesh in Naph-
tali, and, in addition to his own tribe, summons only Zebulun (4, 10), in 5,
15 both leaders are brought into close connexion with Issachar, and the
L
l62 LITERATURE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
language employed creates at least the impression that they belonged to that
tribe. Li 5, 14. 15. 18 Ephraim, Benjamin, Machir {i.e. Manasseh), and
Issachar, as well as Naphtali and Zebulun, are alluded to as assisting in the
struggle. No doubt the points of agreement between the narrative and the
poem are greater than the points of divergence ; but there is sufficient
divergence to show^ that the narrative embodies a tradition which had become
modified, and in parts obscured, in the course of oral transmission. In fact,
it is not impossible that tradition (as is its wont) may have combined two
distinct occurrences, and that, with the victory of Barak and Deborah over
the kings of Canaan, with Sisera at their head, may have been intermingled
elements belonging properly to an old Israelitish victory over Jabin, a king in
the far north of Palestine, reigning at Hazor. On the narrative of Gideon
(c. 6 — 8), comp. Wellh. Coinp. p. 223 ff.; Bertheau, p. 158 ff.
§ 2. 1-2 Samuel.
Literature. — Otto Thenius, Die Biicher Sanniels (in the Kgf. Exeg.
Handb.), ed. 2, 1864 (in some respects antiquated); Wellhausen, Der Text
der Biicher Samuelis, 1 87 1 (important for the criticism of the text) ; Keil,
Die Biicher Samuels (ed. 2, 1875) > Wellhausen in Bleek's Einleitiing, 1878,
pp. 206-231 \=Comp. pp. 238-266]; Hist. pp. 245-272; A. F. Kirkpatrick,
1-2 Samuel in the Cambridge Bible for Schools and Colleges; Aug. Kloster-
mann, Die Biicher Sam. ti. der Kdnige, in Strack and Zockler's Kgf. Kom-
vientar, 1887 (to be constantly distrusted in its treatment of the text) ; C.
Budde in the ZATW. 18S8, p. 231 ff. ; S. R. Driver, Notes on the Hebrew
l^cxt of the Books of Samuel, with an Introduction on Hebre^v Palaeography
and the ancient Versions, and facsimiles of Inscriptions (1890).
The two Books of Samuel, like the two Books of Kings,
formed originally a single book. The Book of Samuel and the
]jook of Kings were treated by the LXX as a coinplete history of
the two kingdoms of Israel and Judah ; and the work was divided
by them into four books, termed accordingly ^ifiXoi /GacrtAetwi/.^
The same division was followed by Jerome in the Vulgate,
though, for the title " Books of Kt?igdoj)is" he preferred to sub-
stitute "Books of Kings." '^ It hence passed generally into
Christian Bibles, and was adopted from them in the printed
editions of the Hebrew text, with the difference, however, that
each pair of books retained the general title which it bore in
^ The case is similar with 1-2 Chronicles, and with Ezra and Nehemiah,
each of which originally formed in the Hebrew one book. Comp. Origen,
ap. Euseb. 6, 25.
- See his Preface to the Books of Kings (called also the Prologus Galeatus),
printed at the beginning of ordinary editions of the Vulgate.
1-2 SAMUEL. 163
Hebrew MSS., and 1-4 fiaa-LXeiwv or Region became 1-2 Samuel
and 1-2 Kings.
The Book owes its title to the circumstance that Samuel is
the prominent figure both at its opening and for some time sub-
sequently, and from the part taken by him in the consecration of
both Saul and David, may be said in a measure to have deter-
mined the history during the entire period embraced by it.
The period of history included by 1-2 Sam. begins with the
circumstances leading to the birth of Samuel, and extends to the
close of David's public life — i Kings opening with the picture
of David lying on his deathbed, and passing at once to the
events which resulted in the nomination of Solomon as his suc-
cessor. The death of Saul marks the division between i and 2
Sam. The contents of the books may be grouped for convenience
under the four heads: 1. Samuel and the establishment of the
monarchy (I i — 14); 2. Saul and David (I 15 — 31); 3. David
(II I — 20) ; 4. an appendix (II 20 — 24), of miscellaneous con-
tents. The division possesses, however, only a relative value,
the first two parts especially running into and presupposing one
another. Some of the narratives contained in 1-2 Sam. point
forwards, or backwards, to one another, and are in other ways so
connected together as to show that they are the work of one and
the same writer : this is not, however, the case in all ; and it will
be the aim of the following pages to indicate, where this is
sufficiently clear, the different elements of which the two books
are composed.
The reader will at once notice three concluding su/nmaries, which occur in
the course of the two books, I 14, 47-51 (Saul's wars; his family and princi-
pal ofificer) ; II 8, 15-18 (list of David's ministers, immediately following
upon a summary account of his wars, vv. 1-14) ; 20, 23-26 (list of ministers
repeated, with one addition, that of Adoram). These summaries show that
the narrative to which each is attached has reached a definite halting point,
and support (as will appear) certain inferences respecting its relation to the
parts which follow.
I. I Sa. I — 14. Sa/nue/ and the Monarchy.
(i) C. I — 7. Birth and youth of Samuel, including (2, 17-36.
3, 11-14) the announcement of the fall of Eli's house (i, i — 4,
i^) ; defeat of Israel by the Philistines : capture and restoration
of the Ark (4, i" — 7, i); Samuel's judgeship, and victory over
the Philistines at Eben-ezer (7, 2-17),
It is doubtful whether 4, i*' — 7, i was intended in the first
164 LITERATURE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
instance as a continuation of c. i — 4, i*. For, whereas tlie
general tenor of c. i — 4, i* would lead us to expect the fall of
Eli's house to be the prominent feature in the sequel, in point of
fact the fortunes of the Ark form the principal topic in 4, i^ —
7, I, and the fate of Eli and his sons is but a particular incident
in the national disaster : thus a different interest prevails in the
two narratives; and c. i — 4, i* appears to have been written as
an introduction to 4, i'' — 7, i (stating particulars of the previous
history of Eli and his sons, and accounting for the [jropheticai
importance of Samuel) by a somewhat later hand.
The Song of Hannah (2, i-io) is not early in style, and seems unsuited to
Hannah's position : its theme is the humiliation of the lofty and the exalta-
tion of the lowly, which is developed wiih no special reference to Hannah's
circumstances;^ and v. 10 presupposes the establishment of the monarchy.
The Song was probably composed in celebration of some national success :
it may have been attributed to Hannah on account of v. 5''. 2, 27-36
(announcement to Eli by the unnamed prophet), which has affinities with H
7, must have been recast by the narrator, and in its new form coloured by
the associations with which he was himself familiar ; for v. 35 (like 2, 10)
presupposes the monarchy (" shall walk before mitte anointed for ever "). The
prophecy relates to the supersession of the priesthood of Eli's family by that
of Zadok (l Ki. 2, 27^, which is to enjoy permanently {v. 35) the favour of
the royal dynasty. In point of fact, from the time of Solomon onwai'ds,
Zadok's line held uninterrupted supremacy in the priesthood at Jerusalem.
Observe that 6, 6 alludes to the narrative of J (Ex. 8, 32 [H. 28]; 10, 2
^bynn ; 12, 33)-
7, 2-17 is a section of later origin than either c. 1^4, i* or
4, i^ — 7, I, homogeneous (see below) with c. 8. 10, 17-27*. c. 12.
Hitherto Samuel has appeared only as a prophet : here he is
represented as a "judge" (7, ■^. C''. 10 ff.; cf. 12, 11) under
whom the Israelites are delivered from their oppressors, much in
the manner of the deliverances recorded in the Book of Judges.
The consequences of the victory at Eben-ezer are in 7, 13 gener-
alized in terms hardly reconcilable with the subsequent history :
contrast the picture of the Philistines' ascendency immediately
afterwards (10, 5. 13, 3. 19 ff. &c.).
It is probable that the original sequel of 4, i*" — 7, I has here been omitted to
make room for 7, 2 ff. ; for the existing narrative does not explain (i) how the
I'hilistines reached Gibeah (10, 5 &c. ), and secured the ascendency implied
13, 19 ff. ; or (2) how Shiloh suddenly disappears from history, and the priest-
1 It differs in this respect from the Magnificat (see v. 2 of this, Luke i, 48),
which is sometimes quoted as parallel.
1-2 SAMUEL. 165
hood located there reappears shortly afterwards at Nob (c. 22). That sonie
signal disaster befell Shiloh may be inferred with certainty from the allusion
in Jer. 7, 14. 26, 6 (conip. Ps. 78, 60; and Q\\e.yx\(t, Jeremiah, p. 1 17).
(2) C. 8 — 14. Circumstances leading to the appointment of
Saul as king (c. 8 — 12); Saul's measures of defence against the
Philistines; Jonathan's exploit at Michmash (13, i — 14, 46);
summary of Saul's wars, and notice of his family (14, 47-52).
C. 8 — 12 are formed by the combination of two independent'^
narratives of the manner in which Saul became king, differing in
their representation both of Samuel and of his relation to Saul.
The older narrative comprises 9, i — 10, 16; 27'' [as in LXX :
see RV. ;«<7/y.] ; 11, i-ii. 15 (nomination of Saul as king by
Samuel ; his success against Nahash king of Amnion, and
coronation by the people at Gilgal), of which the continuation is
c. 13 — 14. The other and later narrative consists of c. 8
(request of the people for a king); 10, 17-27* (election of Saul
by lot at Mizpah) ; c. 12 (Samuel's farewell address to the
people). In the older narrative Samuel the seer, famous in a
particular district, anoints Saul in accordance with Jehovah's
instruction, in order that Israel may have a leader to deliver it
from the Philistine yoke (9, 16), inspiring him at the same time
to do "as his hand shall find" (10, 7) when occasion arises.
The occasion comes in the peril to which Jabesh of Gilead a
month (10, 27^^ LXX) afterwards is exposed. Saul rescues it
successfully (11, i-ii); and Samuel's choice is confirmed by the
people with acclamation (11, 15). In 13, 2-7^ 15*' — 14, 46 Saul
fulfils the object of his nomination by his successes against the
Philistines; and 14, 47-52 closes the narrative. C. 11 does not
appear to presuppose the election of Saul by the people, 10,
17-27*. The messengers of Jabesh do not come to Gibeah
{v. 4) on Saul's account : Saul only hears the tidings accidentally
upon his return from the field ; and in what follows he acts, not
in virtue of an office publicly conferred upon him, but in virtue
of the impulse seizing him {v. 6) ; whereupon, mindful of Samuel's
injunction to "do as his hand shall find," he assumes the com-
mand of the people (on 11, 14, see below). Throughout this
narrative also the appointment of Saul is regarded favourably
(see especially 9, 16'') ; nor is there any indication of reluctance
on Samuel's part to see the monarchy established.
' So Budde, p. 228, SiC, against Wellh., Stade, and Kuenen.
l66 LITERATURE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
On the other hand, in the other narrative, in which this older
account is incorporated, the point of view is different. Samuel
exercises the functions, not of a seer or prophet, but of a judge,
in agreement with the representation of 7, 2 ff . ; and he rules the
people in Jehovah's name (8, 7^'). The proposal for a king
originates with the people ; and the request addressed to Samuel
is based, not on the need of deliverance from foreign foes, but on
the injustice of Samuel's sons in their capacity as their father's
deputies, and on the desire of the people to have the same
visible head as other nations (8, 3-5). The request is viewed
with disfavour by Samuel, and treated as a renunciation of
Jehovah. He seeks to dissuade the people from persisting in it,
by enumerating to them the exactions which their king will
impose upon them, and yields in the end unwillingly (8, 6-22).
The same tone prevails in 10, 17-27% and in the farewell address
of Samuel, c. 12 {vv. 12. 17. 19). It is not, of course, necessary
to suppose that this narrative is destitute of historical founda-
tion ; but the emphasis laid in it upon aspects on which the
other narrative is silent, and the difference of tone pervading it,
show not the less clearly that it is the work of a different hand.
II, 14, in which the ceremony at Gilgal is viewed as a renewal oi
the kingdom, is probably a redactional adjustment, made for the
purpose of harmonizing the two narratives; for in 11, i-ii, as
said above, Saul does not appear to act as one already recognised
as king. Perhaps 11, 12 f. are inserted likewise ; but the precise
relation of these verses to 10, 25-27* is uncertain. The notice
9, 2^"= 10, 23^ has been introduced in one of these passages from
the other. The second narrative is in style and character homo-
geneous with 7, 2 ff., and with this may be regarded in a sense as
forming the conclusion to the history of the Judges contained in
Jud. 2, 6 — c. 16. In both the general point of view is similar:
Israel's apostasy and obedience are contrasted in similar terms ;
and the task of delivering Israel from the Philistines, "begun"
(Jud. 13, 5) by Samson, is continued under Samuel (7, 3^ 13 f. ;
cf 12, 11).
In the older narrative, 10, 8 and 13, 7''-i5" are held by many to be subse-
quent insertions. The grounds for this opinion (which are based chiefly upon
the imperfect connexion of the two passages with their context) may be seen
in Wellh. Hist. 1^1 '^■•, Budde, pp. 241-243. According to the intention of the
insertion, the meeting of Samuel and Saul related in it is the first after 10, 8 ;
1-2 SAMUEL. 167
hence it is earlier than 11, 14 (if not than 11, 12 f. as well), i.e. earlier than
the union of the two accounts of Saul's elevation to the throne.
The earlier narrative is an example of the best style of Hebrew
historiography : the scenes are brought vividly before the reader,
and are full of minute incident.^ The later narrative has been
usually regarded as Deuteronomic ; but the Deuteronomic style
is by no means so pronounced as in the case of the framework
of Judges and Kings. Budde has pointed out that it presents
noticeable affinities with E, and has made it probable that it is a
/rf-Deuteronomic work, which in parts has been expanded by a
subsequent editor.
Stylistically, the following features, connecting the different parts of the
narrative with each other, or with E and Judges, deserve notice : —
7, 3. 12, 20. 24 ivith all your heart [in Dt. always "with all your heart,
and loith all your soul"\
7, T, put away the strange gods : Gen. 35, 2 (cf. 4). Josh. 24, 14''. 23 (cf 20).
Jud. 10, 16.
7, T, prepare your /warts unto Jehovah : Josh. 24, 23 ("incline").
7, 4. 12, 10 Baal and * Ashtoreth : Jud. 2, 13. 3, 7 (the 'Asherahs). 10, 6.
7, 5. 12, 19. 2T, pray for y 021 : cf. Gen. 20, 7. 17. Nu. II, 2. 21, 7.
7, 6. 12, 10 -cve have sinned :" cf. Jud. 10, 10 (notice the whole v.). 15.
7, 8 C7y and save: Jud. 3, 9. 10, 10. 12 (crjalso 3, 15. 6, 6. 7. c. 12, 8. 10).
7, 13 ^i-Z^t/w^^ (y^33n) : Jud. 3. 3°- 4> 23. 8, 28. 11, 33.
7, 13. 12, 15 the hand of J. 7aas against them : Jud. 2, 15. Dt. 2, 15 «/•
7, 14 Aniorite, of the non-Israelite inhabitants of W. Palestine (p. II2).
8, 5^ 20". 10, 19. 24": Dt. 17, I4''-I5".
8, 7''. 10, 19. 12, 12". 17''. 19'' (Jehovah the nation's king).
8, 8 to forsake Jehovah, and serz'e other gods: Josh. 24, 16 (cf. 20). Jud.
10, 13 ; cf. c. 12, 10. Jud. 2, 12. 13. 10, 10.
8, 18. 12, i^ {-whom ye have chosoi).
10, 18". Jud. 6, 8f. 10, II f. : J'n^ to oppress also Jud. 2, iS. 4, 3; and
Ex. 3, 9 (E).
10, !()'*' preseitt yotirselves [y^'!;\rO before Jehovah : Josh. 24, i.
12, 6. 8 (allusion to Moses and the exodus) : cf. Josh. 24, 4-6. 17.
12, 9 sold: Jud. 2, 14. 3, 8. 4, 2. 10, 7.
^ It contains several somewhat remarkable and unusual words : 9, 7 ^]^
and mVZ'n ; 17 "T^V ; 25 LXX nni ; 10, 3 e^Sn = to advance; 13, 6 n^V ;
14, I x^-^ ; 6 ll^'yo ; 32 noy- Peculiar to this narrative also is the title 'y^yi
leader ox prince 9, 16. 10, I (so 13, 14 and subsequently [below, p. 174]). In
the other narrative king is the term always employed.
^ The argument from style is cumulative : hence expressions which, if they
stood alone, would have no appreciable weight, may help to support an
inference, when they are combined with others pointing in the same direction.
l68 LITERATURE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
12, II enemies on er'ery side (2''3DD) = Dt. 12, 10. 25, 19. Josh. 21, 42,
23, I (D-)- Jud. 2, 14. 8, 34.
12, 14. li, to fear atid serve Jehovah : Josh. 24, 14".
12, 16 r/(? before your eyes : Dt. I, 30''. 4, 34''. 29, 2". Josh. 24, 17".
12, 23 1^ rhhVi : cf. Josh. 24, 16.
The similarities, partly with E (esp. Josh. 24), partly with the redaction of
Judges, are evident. The entire phenomena appear to be best explained by
the supposition that the basis consists of a narrative allied to that of E,
which was afterwards expanded, esp. in 12, 9 ff. , by a writer whose style and
point of view were similar to those of Dt. and the compiler of the Book of
Judges. To this second writer may be attributed the strange mention of
Samuel by himself in 12, II, and the notice in 12, i2ofNahash, derived,
indeed, from c. 11, but so applied as to conflict with the representation in
8, 4 ff. The original narrative ^ may be an excerpt from the same source as
Jud. 6, 7-10. 10, 6-16 (pp. 156, 158), which perhaps carried on the history
of E to the time of Samuel. Graf pointed out the resemblance of i Sa. 12 to
Josh. 24; and remarked that the discourse in the one seems "to close the
history of the J udges, as the discourse in the other closes that of the conquest
of Palestine" (Geseh. B. p. 97 : cf. Del. Gen. p. 33). That this narrative —
or at least the representation contained in it — was known to Jeremiah may
be certainly inferred from Jer. 15, i ; for it is only here (and not in the other
narrative of Saul's appointment as king) that mention is made of Samuel as
interceding for the people (Cornill, ap. Budde, p. 230).
II. C. 15 — 31. Saul and David.
(i) C. 15 — 18. Rejection of Saul. Introduction of David to
the history. Saul's jealousy aroused by his successes against the
Philistines.
C. 15 (Saul and Amalek) does not appear to have been
written originally in continuation of c. 14: for (i) it would be
out of place after the narrator of c. 14 had finished his account of
Saul's reign {vv. 47-51); (2) the style and representation differ.
In c. 14, for instance, the history is narrated, so to say, objectively :
Amalek, v. 48, is smitten (it is implied) because they spoiled the Israelites:
here a theoretical motive is assigned for the expedition, vv. 2. 6, and supreme
importance is attached to the principle actuating Saul in bis conduct of it
{v. 10 ft'.): the circumstances, also, of Saul's rejection are so told as to
inculcate at the same time the prophetic lesson (Jer. 7, 21-26) that Jehovah
demands obedience in preference to sacrifice. Of course, the fact that the
history is thus told with a purpose does not invalidate its general truth :
"that Saul actually smote the Amalekites, and that Samuel actually slew
A gag at Gilgal before Jehovah, are historical facts, which there is no ground
for calling in question" (Wellh. Comp. p. 249).
C. 15 holds, in fact, an intermediate position between the two
^ Which presents affinities with Hosea (Budde, p. 236 f. ).
1-2 SAMUEL. 169
currents of narrative 9, i &c. and c. 8 &c. ; it presupposes the
former (for v. i points back to 10, i, and a phrase in v. 19'' appears
to be borrowed from 14, 32), but approximates in its prophetic
tone to the latter. Its contents adapt it for the position which it
now holds in the book, after the formal close of the history of
Saul's reign, 14, 47-51, and before the introduction of David:
note in particular v. 28, which explains how, in what follows,
David is the principal figure even during the lifetime of Saul.
In c. 16 — 18 there are tzvo accounts of David's introduction to
the history. According to one account, 16, 14-23, he is of
mature age, " a man of war, and clever in speech [or in business],"
on account of his skill with the harp brought into Saul's service
at the time of the king's mental distress, and quickly appointed
his armour-bearer {vv. 18. 21). According to the other account,
17, I — 18, 5, he is a shepherd lad, inexperienced in warfare, who
first attracts the king's attention by an act of heroism against
the Philistines: in this account, moreover, the inquiry 17, 55-58
comes strangely from one who, according to 16, 14-23, had not
merely been told who his father was, but had manifested a
marked affection for David, and had repeatedly been waited on
by him (vv. 21. 23). ^ Allusions to David's exploit against
Goliath occur, however, in subsequent parts of the narrative (see
19, 5. 21, 9 [Heb. 10]. 22, Io^ 13); so that the victory over
Goliath must have formed a prominent element in the popular
tradition respecting David,^ and it is only the literary lorm in
which 17, I — 18, 5 here appears, and its collision with 16, 14-23,
which forbid the supposition that it was written originally for the
place which it now occupies. But that the following section
must from the first have been preceded by so/fie account of
David's military prowess is evident from 18, 7, which implies
that he had achieved some success (or successes) against the
Philistines.
In the section 17, i — 18, 5 the genuine text of LXX (cod. Vat.) omits
^ Contrast also 18, 2 ("did not let him go back" — not as RV.) with 16,
21-23; ^nd observe that the terms of 17, 12 introduce David as a fiew
character in the history (comp. 9, I ; 25, 2 ; I K. 11, 26). The latter cir-
cumstance shows, further, that 16, 1-13 (David anointed at Bethlehem) and
17, I — 18, 5 do not both belong to the same stratum of narrative.
- It is remarkable that in II 21, 19 Goliath is stated to have been slain by
Elhanan of Bethlehem (otherwise i Ch. 20, 5).
lyo LITERATURE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
vv. 12-31. 41. 50. 55 — 18, 5. By the omission of these verses the elements
which conflict with 16, 14-23 are greatly reduced {e.g. David is no longer repre-
sented as tnikno7vn to Saul), but they are not removed altogether (comp.
I7i 33- 38 ff- with 16, 18. 21''). It is doubtful, therefore, whether the text of
LXX is here really to be preferred to the Heb.: both Wellh. {Comp. 250) and
Kuenen {Oiiderz. § 23. 7) agree that either the translators, or, as Kuenen
supposes, the scribe of the MS. used by them, omitted the verses in question
from harmonistic motives, without, however, entirely securing the end desired.
It is to be observed that the covenant with Jonathan, iS, 3, is presupposed by
20, 8. The verses 17, 12. 15 have probably been modified in form, for the
purpose of harmonizing the representation with that of 16, 14-23.
In 18, 6-30 (Saul's growing jealousy of David), the continuation of 16,
14-23 (the evil spirit vexing Saul), there are again considerable omissions in
LXX (cod. Vat.), the text of LXX reading as follows : — 6'= (And women
dancing came forth out of all the cities to meet David with timbrels, with joy,
&c.). 7. 8" (to Imt thousands). 12" (And Saul was afraid of David). 13-16.
20-21^ (to against him). 22-26" (to son-in-law). 27-29* (reading in 28'' "and
tJiat all Israel loved him "). In this instance it is generally admitted that the
LXX text deserves the preference : the sequence of events is clearer, and the
stages in the gradual growth of Saul's enmity towards David are distinctly
marked {com^.vv. 12". 15''. 29. 19, i). See Kirkpatrick on i Samuel, p. 242;
or the writer's Notes on Samuel, p. 12 1.
(2) C. 19 — 22. David finds himself obliged to flee from Saul.
He visits Samuel at Ramah (19, 18-24), learns through Jonathan
that Saul's enmity towards him is confirmed (c. 20), and repairs
in consequence first to Abimelech at Nob, then to Achish at
Gath (c. 21), and finally takes refuge in the cave of Adullam
(c. 22).
19, 18-24 is parallel with 10, 10-13. Two explanations must have been
current respecting the origin of the proverb, Is Saul also among the prophets?
both, however, bringing the incident into connexion with Samuel. The
account here cannot be by the same hand as that in 10, 10-13, though both
were deemed worthy of retention by the compiler of the book. C. 20 has
been supposed to be a doublet to 19, 1-7, partly on account of some resem-
blance in the situation (19, 1-3 and 20, i''-3. 11. 24), partly on account of
the apparent incompatibility of David's uncertainty as to Saul's feeling
towards him with the declared hostility of 19, I. 10 ff. The resemblance is,
however, very partial ; and Saul's attitude was probably apt to fluctuate from
day to day with his changeful temper (comp. 19, 6 f. after v. i).
(3) C. 23 — 26. David as an outlaw : {a) at Keilah (23, 1-13) ;
{b) in the wilderness of Ziph (23, 14-29); (r) in En-gedi, where
he cuts off Saul's skirt in the cave (c. 24) ; {d) in Carmel (David
and Nabal) (c. 25); {e) in the wilderness of Ziph again, where he
steals by night Saul's spear and cruse of water (c. 26). C. 24
1-2 SAMUEL. 171
and c. 26 recount two anecdotes of David's outlaw life. Whether,
however, the two narratives really relate to two different occa-
sions, or whether they are merely different versions of the same
occurrence, is a question on which probably opinion will con-
tinue to be divided. There are remarkable resemblances
between the two accounts ; and though there are also differences
of detail, these are hardly greater than might have grown up in a
story current among the people for some time before it was
committed to writing. If the occasion in c. 26 is a different one
from that in c. 24, it is singular that it contains no allusion, on
either David's part or Saul's, to David's having spared Saul's life
before.
As regards the resemblances between the two accounts, compare 26, i and
23, 19 ; 26, 2 and 24, 2 ; 26, 8 and 24, 4. iS*" ; 26, 9". il» and 24, 6. lo* ;
26, 17 and 24, 16 ("Is this thy voice, my son David?") ; 26, 18 and 24, 9.
II ; 26, 19" and 24, 9 (Saul adjured not to listen to men who may have cal-
umniated David) ; 26, 20^ and 24, 14 ; 26, 21 and 24, 17 ; 26, 23 and 24, 12.
15; 26, 25° and 24, 19 f. ; 26, 25'' and 24, 22. If the two narratives be
different versions of the same event, that in c. 26 will be the earlier and the
more original : notice the antique conception underlying 26, 19 ; and in 24,
17-21 the more explicit terms of Saul's answer as compared with 26, 21. 25.
(4) C. 27 — 31. David seeks refuge in the country of the
Philistines with Achish (c. 27). The Philistines resolve to attack
Israel (28, if). Saul consults the witch at En-dor (28, 3-25).
David is dismissed by Achish on account of the suspicions of the
Philistine lords (c. 29). His vengeance on the Amalekites who
had smitten Ziklag (c. 30). Death of Saul and Jonathan on
Mount Gilboa (c. 31).
28, I f. attaches immediately to c. 27, and is continued by c. 29 — 31. 28,
3-25 appears to have been misplaced. 28, 4 the Philistines have advanced
to Shunem (in the plain of Jezreel) ; 29, i they are still at Aphek, in the
Sharon (Josh. 12, 18), and only reach Jezreel in 29, 11. Thus the situation
in 28, 4 anticipates c. 29 — 30. The narrative will be in its right order if 28,
3-25 be read after in. 29— 3c. On the relation of 28, 3-25 to c. 15, Wellh.
Hist. pp. 258-262, and Budde, pp. 244-246, should be compared.
III. 2 Sa. I — 20. David.
(i) C. I — 8. Lament of David over Saul and Jonathan (c. i).
David is made king at Hebron over Judah, and subsequently,
after the murder of Ishbosheth, over all Israel (c. 2 — 5, 3).
' Where, however, my life shou'd probably be read with LXX for a flea.
1/2 LITERATURE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
Capture by Joab of the stronghold of Jebus, which David hence-
forth makes his residence (5, 4-16). Successes against the
Phihstines (5, 17-25). The removal of the Ark to the "city of
David" (c. 6). The prophecy of Nathan, arising out of David's
desire to build a Temple for the Ark, with David's prayer con-
sequent upon it (c. 7). Summary of David's wars, and list of
his ministers (c. 8).
The thread of the history is here carried forward without interruption.
Only the notices in 2, lo». 11 are, probably, later insertions: for 10'' is the
natural sequel of 9, and 12 of lo*". And 5, 17-25 can scarcely have been
written for the place which it now occupies ; for were the entire ch. a con-
tinuous narrative, "the hold" (rni^'DPl) of v. 17 could hardly denote any
other spot than "the hold" (same word) of v. 9 {i.e. Zion), which, never-
theless, is evidently not the case. The same term recurs 23, 14, likewise in
connexion with David's Philistine wars. Probably the passage was written
originally for a different context, and inserted here in accordance with the
chronology (see v. 17).
C. 8 marks a break in the book, and closes the chief account
of David's public doings. It should be compared with the con-
clusion of the history of Saul's reign, I 14, 46-51. In some
respects it anticipates what follows, just as that does (Amalek, c.
15), comp. vv. 3. 5. 12 (Amnion), with c. 10 — 12. The oldest
narrative of the two reigns is constructed upon a similar model.
First is described the manner in which Saul and David respect-
ively reach the throne ; then tlieir accomplishment of the
military task in the first instance entrusted to them (I 9, 16; II
3, 18. 19, 9): then follows a survey of other memorable
achievements ; and so the history is concluded.
(2) C. 9 — 20 [of which I Ki. i — 2 is the continuation]. History
of events in David's coiirt-\\{Q, showing how Amnon, Absalom,
and Adonijah failed in turn to secure the succession to the
throne : viz. the friendly regard shown by David to Jonathan's
son, Mephibosheth (c. 9) ; the war with Ammon ; David and
Bathsheba; the birth of Solomon (c. 10 — 12); Amnon's rape of
his half-sister Taraar, and his murder by order of Absalom (c.
13); the rebellion and death of Absalom (c. 14 — 19); the revolt
of Sheba (20, 1-22) (an incident springing out of the revolt of
Absalom) ; list of David's ministers (20, 23-26).
The parts of this narrative are mutually connected together, and
are marked by unity of plan : thus c. 9 is required for the pur-
pose of explaining the notices 16, 1-4. 19, 24-30 (see 9, 10), and
1-2 SAMUEL. 173
17, 27 (see 9, 5) ; the account of the war with Ammon is needed
for the purpose of showing how David became acquainted with
Bathsheba, the future mother of Solomon ; the following chapters
describe in detail how one after another of Solomon's elder
brothers failed to obtain the throne. The abundance and par-
ticularity of detail show that the narrative must date from a
period very little later than that of the events related. The
style is singularly bright, flowing, and picturesque.
IV. C. 21 — 24. An appendix to the main narrative of the book,
of miscellaneous contents : viz. (a) the famine in Israel stopped
through the sacrifice of the sons of Saul by the Gibeonites (21,
1-14); (ii^) exploits against the Philistines (21, 15-22); (c) David's
Hymn of Triumph (c. 22 = Ps. 18); {d) David's "Last Words"
(23, 1-7); {e) further exploits against the Philistines, and list of
David's heroes (23, 8-39); (/) David's census of the people
(c. 24).
Here a and /are in style and manner closely related (24, i is evidently the
sequel to 21, 14'' : comp. also 21, 14''. 24, 25), as are also b and e. The four
chapters interrupt the continuous narrative, c. 9 — 20. I Ki. I— 2 ; whence it
may be inferred that they were placed where they now stand after the separa-
tion had been effected between the Books of Samuel and Kings. The sources
made use of by the compiler exhibit no affinity with c. 9-20. i Ki. i — 2.
The list of heroes (like the previous lists, 3, 2-5. 5, 14-16. 8, 15-18 &c.)
may be derived from the register of the " recorder" (8, 16) ; cf. below, p. 177.
Looking at 1-2 Sam. as a whole, relatively the latest passages
will be Hannah's Song, and I 2, 27-36. 7, 2 — c. 8. 10, 17-27*.
II, 14. c. 12. c. 15. II 7, all of which, in their present form, have
some affinities in tliotight and expression with Dt., though
decidedly less marked than those observable in the redaction of
Kings, so that they will hardly be later than c. 700 b.c. The
rest, it is plain, is not throughout the work of one hand, or
written imo tenore (cf. what was said above on I i — 4, i"; 17,
I — 18, 5; 19, 18-24; c. 24 and 26; II 5, 17-25): but in all
probability it is mostly earlier than the passages just quoted,
and in some parts (esp. II 9 — 20) nearly contemporary with the
events recorded. The most considerable part which appears
plainly to be the work of a single author, is II 9 — 20 : inany parts
of the preceding history of David (I 15 — II 5), especially those
which, as Wellh. has shown, are mutually connected together,^
1 Cf. e.g. I 18, 7. 29, 5 ; 18, 25. 27 (LXX). II 3, 14 ; 22, 20 ff. 23, 9 ff. ;
23, 2. 30, 8. II 2, I. 5, 19 ; I 25, 2 ff 30, 26 ff.; 27, 3. 30, 5.
174 LITERATURE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
and form a continuous thread, are also, probably, by the same
hand, though whether by the same as II 9 — 20, must remain
here undetermined.
There are a certain number of expressions which occur frequently in 1-2
Sam. ; but some are evidently colloquialisms, and many occur likewise in the
narrative parts of Jud. Kgs., so that they appear to have formed part of the
phraseology current at the time, and their use does not imply necessarily
identity of author. The following are the most noticeable : —
1. As thy soulliveth: I I, 26. 17, 55. II 11, 11. 14, 19: preceded by ^j
Jehovah liveth I 20, 3. 25, 26. 2 Ki. 2, 2. 4. 6. 4, 30.f
2. hvihl ''32: Dt. 13, 14. Jud. 19, 22. 20, 13. I i, 16 (V^2 n3). 2, 12.
10, 27. 25, 17. I Ki. 21, 10. 13. 2 Ch. 13, 7: ^y>^2 '•C'JS or c"x
I 25, 25. 30, 22. II 16, 7. 20, I. I Ki. 21, 13.1
3. Jehovah of Hosts : I i, 3. 11. 4, 4. 15, 2. 17, 45. II 5, 10 ('V ''H^S "'"'').
6, 2. 18. 7, 8. 26. 27. I Ki. 18, 15. 19, 10. 14. 2 Ki. 3, 14. 19, 31
[ = Is. 37, 32]. (All in Gen. -Kings. Often in the prophets, except
Joel, Obadiah, Jonah, and Ezekiel.)
4. So may God do {to me) and more also : I 3, 17. 14, 44. 20, 13. 25, 22.
II 3. 9- 35- 19) H- I Ki- 2, 23. 2 Ki. 6, 31. Ru. i, 17 : with a plur.
verb (in the mouth of a non-Israelite), i Ki. 19, 2. 20, lo.f
5. From Dan even to Beersheba : I 3, 20. II 3, 10. 17, 11. 24, 2. 15.
Jud. 20, I (. . . poS). I Ki. 4> 25. From B. to Dan: i Ch. 21,
2. 2 Ch. 30, 5.t
6. Prince or /^a<'i'fr (T'JJ), of the chief ruler of Israel : I 9, 16. 10, i. 13, 14.
25, 30. II 5, 2. 6, 21. 7, 8. I Ki. I, 35. 14, 7. 16, 2. 2 Ki. 20, 5.
(All in Gen.-Kings.)
7- 'nTi to come mightily {oi z. spirit): I 10, 6. 10. 11, 6. 16, 13. iS, 10
(of an evil spirit). Jud. 14, 6. 19. 15, 14. Not so elsewhere.
S. As Jehovah liveth: I 14, 39. 45. 19, 6. 20, 3. 21. 25, 26. 34. 26, 10.
16. 28, 10. 29, 6. II 2, 27 (C^i/). 4, 9. 12, 5. 14, II. 15, 21 (22,
47). I Ki. I, 29 (followed by who redeemed iny soul, as II 4, 9).
2, 24. 17, I. 12. 18, 10. 15. 22, I4i|. 2 Ki. 2, 2. 4. 6. 3, 14. 4,
30. 5, 16. 20. (All in the hist, books. In the Pent, only As 1 live
thrice: Nu. 14, 21. 28 ["JN ••n]. Dt. 32, 4o[^33X ■>n] )
9. Blessed he thou (ye) of J.: I 15, 13. 23, 21. II 2, 5. Ruth 3, 10. Only
Ps. 115, 15 besides; but cf. Jud. 17, 2. Ru. 2, 20.
10. DC'D to spread out, deploy : I 23, 27. 27, 8. lO. 30, i. 14. Jud. 9, 33.
44. 20, 37. (All in Gen.-Kings.)
11. T'PD pnC'D: I 25, 22. 34. I Ki. 14, 10. 16, 11. 21, 21. 2 Ki. 9, 8.t
Peculiar, or nearly so, to 1-2 Sam. are— ^IDHX (I 4, 7. 10, 11. 14, 21.
19, 7. II 5, 2. The usual form is hoH).— VJ'X"! h'V nonxi (I 4, 12. II i,
2. IS, 32t)-— "imn r\^T\ no (i 4, 16. 11 1, 4t)-— nyi ^bivo ncx nrO) :J"x?3
p3V (I 15, 3- 22, I9t).— yo::' in the picl-\o summon (I 15, 4. 23, 8t).—
zhVyoutfh the masc. of 7\'d?V (I J7, 56. 20, 22\). —Battles of Jehovah (I 18,
1-2 KINGS. 175
17. 25, 28 ; rather differently Nu. 21, 14!).— 1? njti' XP1 and not repeat it to
him (I 26, 8. II 20, lof).— The comparison to an angel of God {I 2(), 9. II 14,
17. 20. 19, 27f).— p nnX ^n''1 as a link of transition (II 2, i. 8, i. 10, i.
13, I. 21, iS : rather differently 1 24, 6. Never in Hex.: in Jiid. only 16,
4; in Ki. only II 6, 24.— ran (^<^//)' (H 2, 23. 3, 27. 4, 6 [not LXX]. 20,
lof).— mn ^"0 ^a/, rr\2r\ to give food to, nnny;w(ii 3, 35. 12, 17. 13, 5-7.
10. An uncommon word : elsewhere only in the picl, Lam. 4, 10; and
r\S-\2food, Vs. 69, 22).
§ 3. 1-2 Kings.
Literature. — K. C. W. F. Bahr in Lange's Bibekverk, 1868; Otto
Thenius (in the A^gf. Exeg. Handb.), ed. 2, 1873 ; C. F. Keil, ed. 2, 1876 ;
Wellhausen in Bleek's Einl. (1878) pp. 231-266 [= Comp. 266-302, and
pp. 359-61]; Hist. p. 272 ff. ; Stade, Der Text des Berichtes iiher Salomons
Batiten in the ZATIV. 1S83, pp. 129-177 (important: see the chief results
in QPB^.; also Stade's Gesch. Isr. i. pp. 311-343. with illustrations); ib.
1884, p. 271 ff. ; 1885, pp. 165 ff., 178, 275 ff.; 1SS6, p. 156 ff. (on other
passages of Kings) ; Klostermann (see p. 162, with the caution).
The two Books of Kings embrace the history of Israel from
the period of David's nomination of Solomon as his successor,
consequent upon the rebellion of Adonijah, to the release of
Jehoiachin from prison in Babylon by Evil-merodach, 562 b.c.
The structure of the two books is essentially similar to that of
the central part of the Book of Judges : materials derived from
older sources have been arranged together, and sometimes
expanded at the same time, in a framework supplied by the
compiler. The framework of the compiler is in general readily
distinguishable. It comprises the chronological details, refer-
ences to authorities, and judgments on the character of the
various kings, especially with reference to their attitude to the
worship at the high places, — all cast in the same literary mould,
and marked by the same characteristic phraseology. Both in
point of view and in phraseology, the compiler shows himself to
be strongly influenced by Beiiteronof/iy.
The Books of Kings may be treated conveniently in three
parts: — (i) I i^ — n Solomon; (2) I 12 — II 17 Israel and Judah ,
(3) II 18 — 2<, Judah. Each part shows abundant marks of the
compiler's hand; but the scheme or plan of his work, from the
nature of the case, is most evident in the second part, where the
compiler has to arrange and bring into mutual relation with one
another the successive reigns in the two contemporary king-
176 LITERATURE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
doms. For each reign he adopts an introductory and concluding
formula, couched in similar terms throughout, between which
are described the events belonging to the reign in question, only
very rarely an isolated notice being allowed to appear after the
closing formula (I 16, 7. II 15, 16; cf 24, 7).
These formulae are too well known to need quotation. The opening
formula, in the case of the kings of Judah {f.^. I 15, 9 f), consists of two
sentences, the first defining the synchronism with the kingdom of Israel, the
second staling the age, the length of reign, and the name of the king's
mother. In the case of the kings of Israel {e.^^. I 15, 33), it consists usually
of a single sentence, in which the synchronism with the kingdom of Judah
and the length of reign are alone stated. The closing formula for the kings
of Judah {e.^. II 8, 23 f ) consists of two sentences, the first containing the
compiler's reference to his source, the second — rarely separated from the
first by an intervening notice (I 14, 30. 15, 7. 2^^. 22, 46-49. II 15, 37) —
mentioning the death and burial of the king, and the name of his successor.
In the case of the kings of Israel {e.^g. I 16, 27 f) the formula is similar,
except that the words " was buried with his fathers " are never used. Slight
deviations from these formulae occasionally occur, arising mostly out of the
circumstances of the case : thus the clause "and slept with his fathers" is
omitted in the case of those kings who came to a violent end; II 12,
21. 14, 20. 21, 26. 23, 30. The repetition of the closing formula in the
case of Jehoash II 13, 12 f 14, 15 f. is no doubt the result of some error:
its position in 13, 12 f, immediately after the opening formula (z/. 10 f.), is
contrary to analogy.
Thejudgvients on the several kings ("And he did that which was right —
or that which was evil — in the eyes of Jehovah ; " in the case of Israel,
always "that which was evil") usually follow the opening formula, and are
mostly confined to a single verse (as I 15, 26). Occasionally, however, they
are drawn out at greater length, and embrace fuller particulars (as I 14,
22-24. 15, 11-14. 16, 30-33. II 16, 3-4).
The Book of Kings differs from all the preceding historical
books, in the fact that the compiler refers habitually to certain
authorities for particulars not contained in his own work. These
authorities are (i) for the reign of Solomon, the "Book of the
acts of Solomon" (i Ki. 11, 41) ; (2) for the Northern kingdom,
the " Book of the chronicles of the Kings of Israel "(17 times — for
all the kings except Jehoram and Hoshea) ; (3) for the Southern
kingdom, the " Book of the chronicles of the Kings of Judah "
(15 times — for all except Ahaziah, Athaliah, Jehoahaz, Jehoiachin,
and Zedekiah). These authorities, it is to be noticed, are always
referred to for information respecting the kings, their build-
ings, warlike enterprises, and other undertakings ; for instance,
1-2 KINGS. 177
" And the rest of the acts of Solomon, and all that he did, and
his ivisdom, are they not written in the Book of the acts of Solo-
mon ? " ' It may be safely inferred from the character of these
references that the "Books of chronicles" were of a political
character : they contained notices of the public and official doings
of the several kings. '^ The Book of the acts of Solomon
included, in addition, some specimens or notices of his "wis-
dom." The name by w'nich the Books are quoted points to the
same conclusion. The expression chronicles (lit. words, or acts,
of days) is the proper term used to denote an official journal, or
minutes of events : i Ch. 27, 24 it is implied that the results of
David's census would in the ordinary course of things have been
included in the "chronicles" of his reign ; Neh. 12, 23 a "book
of chronicles " is mentioned, in which the heads of Levitical
families were registered. Now, it appears from 2 Sa. 8, 16. 20, 24.
I Ki. 4, 3. 2 Ki. 18, 18. 37. 2 Ch. 34, 8 that David, Solomon,
Hezekiah, and Josiah had among their ministers one who bore
\X\Q.\X\\Q.C)i recorder (\\\.. remembrancer : T'DTD, LXX 6 wo/ai/avt^o-zcwi/,
vTrofj.vr]fjiaToypd(J30^, 6 CTri, twv VTrofivrjixaTiov) ; and it may reason-
ably be inferred that the other kings as well had a similar
minister. It can hardly be doubted that the function of this
minister was to keep an official record of the public events of the
reign,^ such as would be denoted by D''D^^ ^"IDT or " chronicles."
It has been questioned whether the "Books" referred to in
Kings are the actual official records of the two kingdoms, or
two independent historical works based upon them. Modern
scholars, though not upon very decisive grounds, prefer generally
' Other phrases used are : "how he warred, and how he reigned," "and
all that he did," "and all his might, and all that he did, and the cities that
he built," " and his treason that he wrought," " and all that he did, and the
ivory house which he built, and all the cities that he built," "and his might
wherewith he fought against Amaziah king of Judah," "and all that he
did, and his might, how he warred, and how he recovered Damascus and
Hamath," "and his conspiracy which he made," "and all his might, and
how he made the pool, and the conduit, and brought water into the city,"
"and all that he did, and his sin that he sinned" (I 14, 19. 29 a/. 15, 23.
16, 20. 22, 39. II 14, 15. 28. 15, 15. 20, 20. 21, 17).
^ The sin of Manasseh would be no doubt his public recognition of idolatry.
^ Comp. Est. 2, 23. 6, I, in which last passage "chronicles" is in appo-
sition with " book of records " (ni3"lDTn IDD), a term used in the Aramaic
sections of Ezra to denote the Persian official archives (Ezr. 4, 15 ; cf. 6, 2).
M
178 LITERATURE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
the latter alternative. The difference is not important. In either
case the two books were digests or summaries of events of
national importance, with names and lists of officers, &c. The
book dealing with the reign of Solomon appears to have been
distinct from either of the two containing the annals of the two
kingdoms subsequent to the rupture.
In the narrative of Kings (apart from the compiler's frame-
work) two elements are distinguishable — (i) brief, statistical
notices, sometimes called the " Epitome," relating chiefly to
events of political importance; (2) longer, continuous narratives,
describing usually occurrences in which the prophets were more
or less directly concerned. In form the Epitome is no doubt
the work of the compiler; but the particulars embraced in it,
after what has been said, may reasonably be regarded as derived
by him from the two books named. The longer narratives,
which there is no reason to suppose formed part of the official
annals (for these are uniformly referred to in connexion with the
public doings of the kings), will have been taken by him from
various independent sources. These narratives are written
mostly in a bright and chaste Hebrew style, though some of them
exhibit slight peculiarities of diction,^ due doubtless (in part)
to their North Israelitish origin. Their authors were in all pro-
bability prophets, — in most cases, prophets belonging to the
Northern kingdom ; though the data do not exist for identifying
them, in individual cases, either with any of the prophets named
incidentally in the narrative of Kings, or with those mentioned
from time to time in the Chronicles in connexion with the history
^ E.g. in the Elisha-narratives, inx for nx ''''"'" (fein.) II 4, 16. 23. 8, I
(also I 14, 2. Jud. 17, 2. Jer. 4, 30. Ez. 36, 13!), and the other ferns, in 1 —
4, 2. 3. 7. 23 : the prep. -nX ivith, written -fliS (as often in Jer. Ez.) 12
times between I 20 and II 8 ([ 20, 25 bis. 22, 7. S (inXO- 24. II i, 15 l>is.
3, II. 12. 26. 6, 16. 8, 8); and slight solecisms of form or expression, as
••mnn'w'nn n 5> ^'^ ; i" in ^-h'co f', n ; n3\x «'^vv.? 6, 13 Kt. (=|iu() ;
r\\fim. (Aram, xi) 6, 19; mCi'nn 7, 12; DH-ny 9. iS; DH^^S-ny 9, 20;
the verb (Aram.) nX'H 4. 28. (-niS. however, will hardly have been the
pronunciation of the original author : notice the frequent plena scrip/ io ; and
the occurrence several times in the same chapters of the usual form -nX-) As
the book approaches its close, some deterioration of style is noticeable, though
mostly (as it seems) in the parts due to the compiler, e.g. II 17. c. 21-25.
1-2 KINGS, 179
of particular reigns.^ These prophetical narratives appear in
most cases to have been transferred by the compiler to his work
without material alteration. Sometimes, however, especially
where speeches or prophecies are concerned, the style and
thought so closely resemble those of the framework, that it is
impossible not to conclude that the original text has been
expanded or developed by him.
From the fulness of particulars respecting the history of the
Temple (II 11, 4 ff. ; 12, 4-16; 16, 10-18 ; 22, 3 ff.), it has been
conjectured, not improbably, that the Temple archives were also
among the sources employed by the compiler. In the chron-
ology, the age at accession and regnal years of the several kings
are generally considered to be derived from the two official
" chronicles : " but the synchronisms will hardly be taken from
the same sources ; for it does not appear probable that in each
kingdom the accessions would be dated regularly by the regnal
years of the other. The author of a joint history of both king-
doms would, however, have a sufficient inducement to notice
such synchronisms ; so that they may be reasonably attributed
to the compiler, who may be supposed to have arrived at them
by computation from the regnal years of the successive kings. -
In the arrangement of the reigns of the two series of kings a definite prin-
ciple is followed by t"he compiler. When the narrative of a reign (in either
series) has once been begun, it is continued to its close, — even the contem-
porary incidents of a prophet's career, which stand in no immediate relation
to public events, being included in it : when it is ended, the reign or reigns
of the other series, which have synchronized with it, are dealt with ; the
reign overlapping it at the end having been completed, the compiler resumes
his narrative of the first series with the reign next following, and so on.
We may now proceed to consider the Books of Kings in
detail.
I. I Ki. I — II. Solomon. — Here c i — 2 are the continuation of
2 Sa. 9 — 20 (p. 172), forming at once the close of the history of
I^avid and the introduction to that of Solomon. Only 2, 2-4,
as the phraseology unmistakably shows (see below), owes its
present form to the compiler ; and the two notices respecting
David's death, and the length of his reign, in 2, lo-ii, may be
due to his hand also. In other respects c. i — 2 is entirely in
1 2 Ch. 9, 29. 12, 15. 13, 22. 20, 3}. 26, 22. 32, 32. 12,^ 19 (?).
^ See the note in the writer's Isaiah, p. 12 ff., with the references.
I So LITERATURE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
the style of 2 Sa. 9 — 20, and appears to be the work of the
same author. Solomon's throne being now secured, the account
of his reign follows, c. 3 — 11. The principle upon which the
narrative is here arranged has been pointed out by Wellh. The
central point is the description of Solomon's buildings, the
Temple and the royal palace contiguous,^ c. 6 — 7. On each side
of this the compiler has placed a group of narratives and shorter
notices, with the view of illustrating Solomon's wisdom and mag-
nificence. At the close, c. 1 1, comes some account of Solomon's
political opponents, preparatory to the narrative, c. 12, of the
division of his kingdom. Thus 3, 4-15 describes Solomon's
choice of wisdom, which is at once followed by an illustration of
it as afforded by his judgment on the two children. C. 4 gives
a picture of the character and extent of his empire ; c. 5 (nego-
tiations with Hiram, king of Tyre, and preparations for the work
of building the Temple) is introductory to c. 6 — 7, as 8, i — 9, 9
(prayer of dedication, and warning for the future) forms the con-
clusion to it. 9, 10-28 consists of notices relating indirectly to
Solomon's buildings (the cities offered by him to Hiram in
acknowledgment of his services ; the levy raised by Solomon
from among the Canaanites for the purpose of constructing his
buildings; his navy bringing gold from Ophir). In 10, 1-13
(the narrative of the visit of the Queen of Sheba) another even
more dazzling picture is presented of Solomon's wisdom and
royal splendour. 10, 14-29 the notices of the wealth which
Solomon's wide commercial relations brought in to him (9,
26-28), which had been interrupted by the episode of the
Queen of Sheba, are resumed. It will be evident from this
survey how homogeneous, speaking generally, c. 3 — 4 are with
9, 10 — 10, 29. C. ir, in terms ominous of the future, describes
how, in the judgment of the compiler, Solomon's reign had been
clouded, partly by his own declension in religion, partly through
the troubles occasioned by political opponents.
The parts of c. 3 — 11 which have been added, or expanded,
by the compiler are distinguishable without much difficulty.
3, 2. 3 (which agree with the disapproval of the high places
expressed elsewhere by him : the narrative of 3, 4 ff., on the con-
trary, does not seem to consider any excuse to be necessary) ;
14 (notice the Deuteronomic phraseology: see p. 190 f., Nos. 2,
' See the art. "Jerusalem," Part ii., in the Enrycl. Britaiuiica (ed. 9).
1-2 KINGS. l8l
3, 22b) ; 6, 11-13 ; 8, i-ii (expanded probably from a narrative
originally briefer i); 8, 23-61 (the prayer of dedication, which it
seems has received its present form at the hands of the compiler) ;
9, 1-9 (the Deut. phrases are here even more strongly marked
than in the prayer : see below); 11, 1-13 (in its present form),
and parts of vv. 32-39 : perhaps also 5, 1-5 ; 8, 15-19, though
these two sections, which are kindred in character and import
with the prophecy of Nathan, 2 Sa. 7, may be the work of an
earlier prophetical narrator. All these passages are, on the one
hand, so different in style from the main current of narrative,
and, on the other hand, have such affinities both in style and in
point of view with the subsequent parts of the tvvo books which are
jjlainly the work of the compiler, that no hesitation need be felt
in attributing them to his hand. What remains is (in the main)
the pre-Deziteronomic narrative of Solomojis reign, though probably
not entirely in its original order, and including a few additions
made to it subsequently. 3, 4-13. 15. 16-28. 10, 1-13 will be
prophetical narratives of relatively early origin. The list of officers
in 4, 1-19, with the sequel (describing their duties) in 4, 27-28,
may naturally be supposed to be derived from the State-annals
(the "Book of the acts of Solomon," 11, 41). The intermediate
verses, 4, 20-26, interrupt the connexion,'^ and seem to be an
insertion, which the expression in v. 24, ^'- beyond Xho. River "[/>.
the Euphrates] applied to the country tuest of the Euphrates, and
implying consequently a Babylonian standpoint (see Ezr. 4, lofif
5, 3 &c.), shows cannot be earlier than the period of the exile.
In 5, 15 f. the numbers are larger than is probable ; and the entire notice
(in spite of the explanation proffered in 2 Ch. 2, 17 f.) is in imperfect relation
with V. 13 f. 9, 10-28 consists of a series of notices, imperfectly connected
together: v. 14, for instance, appears, in fact, to refer to an incident
anterior \.o w. Il''-I3: the "account" of the le\'y, promised in t'. 15, only
follows in V. 20, the intermediate verses being parenthetic : 9, 24° (Pharaoh's
daughter and Millo) has no point of contact either with what precedes or with
what follows. And 9, 22 (no levy of Israelites) conflicts with 5, 13 f. and
1 1, 28 (which speaks of the " burden of the house of Joseph "). The literary
form of 9, 10-28 is, for some reason, less complete than that of any other
portion of the Books of Kings. In the LXX many of the notices are
^ LXX in 8, 1-5 has a considerably shorter text, which, nevertheless, reads
quite completely, and may represent the more original form of the passage.
^ The Heb. word rendered those in v. 27 (nSx) should properly be tliese.
In the LXX, 4, 27 f. immediately follow 4, 19 (4, 20 f. standing after 2, 46).
1 82 LITERATURE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
differently arranged, and the text is soiTietimes briefer : it seems, therefore,
that in the MSS. used by them the Hebrew text here had not yet reached the
form in which we now have it.^
8, I2f. have a poetical tinge. It is remarkable now that in LXX (where they
stand after v. 53) they appear in a fuller form, with the addition ai» llov airvt
yiypa-TTTai \\i lii[i?.Iv Tn; ulvi; ; i.e. (as Can hardly be doubted : cf. Josh. 10, 13
Pesh.2) -itTM IDD hv nairiD S^"l xS"l (comp. Wellh. Comp. 271 ; Encycl.
Brit. ed. 9, xiv. p. 84). The original Hebrew cannot be represented quite
accurately by the Greek text, and Wellh. 's restoration may not be altogether
certain : but the words just quoted can hardly have been invented by the
translators; it seems therefore that the "Book ofjashar" (p. 114) contained
a poetical account of the foundation of Solomon's Temple, and was still cited
by name in the text of Kings used by the LXX.
The kernel of c. 11 is old; but the narrative must, in parts,
have been recast and placed in a different light. In vv. 1-13,
V. 7 — where tx tJien connects imperfectly with vv. 5-6 — and the
notice v. 3 respecting the number of Solomon's wives, are no doubt
excerpts from the older narrative : the emphasis laid on the
declension caused thereby in Solomon's religion is expressed in
phrases which betoken the hand of the compiler. In what
follows, the original purport of the narrative can hardly be that
which now appears. In the narrative in its present form, the
" adversaries " \n v. 14 ff. are described as " raised up " by way of
punishment for the sitis of Solomon's later days {vv. 3. 4. 9) :
but, in point of fact, the incidents described in vv. 21-22. 24-25
(note the expression "«//the days of Solomon"), if not also in
vv. 26-28, occurred early in his reign ; hence, if the view of the
compiler be that of the original narrator, the punishment will
have preceded the sin which occasioned it. It seems clear that
the narrative itself (z'. 146".) is ancient, but that the setting {vv.
9-13), which represents the events narrated as the punishment for
the idolatry of vv. 1-8, was added subsequently by the compiler.
In the narrative of Ahijah {vv. 29-39), vv. 32-39 must have been
' Compare the last two notes. So 5, 17. i8\ 6, 37-38* take the place in
LXX of 6. I*" : 6, 1 1-13 and 9, 15-25 are omitted : on the other hand, 9, 24 f.
23. 17 appear (with 4, 29 f. 3, l\ 5, 15) after 2, 35 ; 9, 16. 17' (with 3, i")
after 4, 34; 9, 24" after 9, 9:9, 15. 17-22 after 10, 22: there are also
several additions. In some cases (but by no means in all) there is good
reason to suppose that the recension represented by the LXX has preserved
better readings than the Hebrew ; see examples in QFB^.
^ Where "lC"n is similarly confused with "l^fH t^ie song ("JAjo^Cl^Z.).
1-2 KINGS. 183
expanded by the compiler, as they abound with marks of his
style (see p. 190 ff.). 11, 41-43 is the concluding formula of
Solomon's reign, in the compiler's usual manner.
The work which lay at the basis of the pre-Deuteronomic
account of Solomon's reign must have been one in which the
arrangement of material was determined less by chronological
sequence than by community of subject. In other words, it was
not so much a chronicle as a series of detached notices. The
description of the buildings forming the central feature in it,
particulars respecting the preparations or materials required for
them, and notices, or short narratives, illustrating Solomon's
wisdom, or splendour, or the organization of his empire, were
placed on either side of it. At the close came c. 1 1 (in its
original form), containing some account of the political opponents
who from time to time disturbed the tranquillity of his reign.
Throughout, the author evinces a warm admiration for Solomon :
he recounts with manifest satisfaction the evidences of his
wisdom, and dwells with pride on the details of his imperial
magnificence, on the wealth which streamed in to Jerusalem
from all quarters, on his successful alliances and commercial
undertakings, and on the manner in which his fame commanded
the wonder and respect of distant nations. The darker shades
in the picture seem largely, though not, perhaps, entirely, to be
due to the Deuteronomic compiler.
II. I Ki. 12 — -2 Ki. 17. Israel and Judah. — Here we have
alternately short notices and long continuous narratives — the
latter now and then expanded by the compiler — arranged in a
chronological framework, in the manner indicated above. The
longer narratives are sometimes slightly modified at the beginning
and end for the purpose of establishing a connexion with the
history on either side of them. C. 12 contains the older
narrative of the defection of the ten tribes from the dynasty of
David; vv. 26-33 (Jeroboam's calves, and the worship instituted
in connexion with them) may be due, in their present form, to
the compiler; 12, 33 introduces the account of the prophecy
against the altar of Bethel — a narrative not probably of very
early origin, as it seems to date from a time when the names both
of the prophet of Judah and of the " old prophet " were no longer
remembered. 13, 33-34 lead back to the main thread of the
history. 14, 1-18 (the wife of Jeroboam and the prophet Ahijah)
1 84 LITERATURE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
is in its substance, no doubt, ancient ; but the answer of Ahijah
has certainly in parts been recast in the phraseology of the
compiler (esp. vv. 8. 9. 10. 15. 16).
Observe the standing phrases of the compiler in these verses (see p. 190 ff. ) ;
and the anachronism in 14, 9 (as addressed {ojcrolioam), "above all that were
before thee" (16, 25. 30 (cf. 33. II 17, 2. 18, 5) show besides that this phrase
is the compiler's). In some of its other features the prophecy bears a striking
resemblance to those of Jehu son of Hanani 16, I-4, Elijah 21, 20''-22, the
unnamed prophet ib. 24, and the disciple of Elisha 11 9, 7-10 (comp. 14, 7
with 16, 2; T'pn pntJ'JO 14, 10. 16, II. 21, 21. II 9, 8 [i Sa. 25, 22. 34];
niWl "l"l!>y 14, 10. 21, 21. II 9, 8. 14, 26 (in a notice of the compiler's) ;
"ins "iy2 14, 10. 16, 3 ['•"ins]. 21, 21 ; IHm that dietli, kc. 14, II. 16, 4.
21, 24 : but it is quite possible that these phrases are original here, and have
been adopted thence by the compiler when he recast, or amplified, the three
later prophecies quoted. (That the prophecies in the Books of Kings have
really, in parts, been amplified by the compiler may be inferred upon two
grounds : not only do the parts in question exhibit conitnon features, connect-
ing them with the compiler, but in style and expression they have no parallel
in the prophecies of Amos, Hosea, or other prophets, whose writings have
been preserved independently, prior to Jeremiah.)
From 14, 19 to c. 16 the history consists chiefly of a collection
of short notices (14, 25-28. 15, 6. f". 12-13. ^5- 16-22. 27-28
&c.) arranged in the schematism of the compiler (the chronology
and judgments on the kings), as 14, 19-20. 21-24. 29-31. 15,
1-2- 3-5- T' 8. 9-1 1- M- 23-24. 25-26. 29-32. 33-34. 16, 1-4
(recast), &c. (On the phraseology of these passages, see below.)
C. 16 ended, the framework expands for the purpose of
admitting the narratives respecting Elijah and Elisha. It is
doubtful whether all these narratives are by the same hand : but
all appear to be of North Israelitish origin ; and all, especially
those dealing with Elijah, exhibit the ease, and grace, and vivid-
ness which belong to the best style of Hebrew historical narrative.
The beginning of the history of Elijah has probably been omitted
by the compiler : the place ^vhence Elijah is to depart, 17, 3, the
ground for which he is persecuted and addressed as the " Troubler
of Israel,"' 18, 10. 17, and particulars respecting the murder of
the prophets by Jezebel, alluded to 18, 13, are not stated in the
existing narrative. The suddenness, however, with which Elijah
is introduced upon the scene, and the abruptness of his first
utterance in 17, i, are in harmony with the character which
everywhere belongs to the prophet's movements, and the dramatic
form in which the narrative is cast. C. 1 7 the drama opens :
1-2 KINGS. 185
the severity of the famine foretold by Elijah is left to be inferred
by the reader from the picture of the privations to which the
prophet himself is exposed. C. 18 recounts the triumph of
Elijah upon Carmel ; c. 19 the reaction experienced by him
afterwards ; his withdrawal to Horeb ; the mysterious vision
there; the commission {vv. 15-18) assuring him of the final
triumph of his cause. The events to which this commission
correspond are related in 2 Ki. 8, 7-15. c. 9 — 10, but with a
different motive, from a political rather than a religious stand-
point, and without reference to Elijah, — an indication that these
narratives, together with I 20. 22 (where likewise the predominant
interest is political), did not originally form part of the same
literary whole as I 17-19. I 21, however {Ahab and Naboth),
is in the style of I 17-19 : Elijah, as before, suddenly intercepts
Ahab with his unwelcome presence ; and the close of the struggle
between the prophet and the king looms in view (vv. 19. 20).
But the narrative which records actually the death of Ahab,
though designed by the compiler to describe the end of Ahab
foretold by Elijah, was not, perhaps, written as the sequel to c.
21 : in particular, the place 22, 37-38 (Samaria), where the dogs
licked the blood of Ahab, does not accord with the prediction in
21, 19 (Jezreel). II i presents an impressive picture of Elijah's
inviolable greatness : II 2 (the ascension of Elijah) is at once
the close of the history of Elijah and the introduction to that
of Elisha ; from a literary point of view it is more closely
connected with the latter than with the former.
To the same hand to which are due I 20. 22 may also, perhaps,
be ascribed II 3, 4-27 (Jehoram and Jehoshaphat against Moab) ;
6, 24 — 7, 20 (siege of Samaria by Benhadad : its relief in accord-
ance with Elisha's prediction); and 9, i — 10, 28 (the "photo-
graphic picture" of the accession of Jehu). In all these nar-
ratives the political interest predominates above the biographical ;
and some noticeable similarities of form and expression also
occur.i
The history of Elisha is comprised in a series of short narra-
tives, describing particular incidents in his life : these are intro-
duced by II 2, 1-18 (Elisha succeeds to the inheritance of
Elijah), the rest consisting of 2, 19-22 (the bitter waters
1 Comp. I 20, 18. II 7, 12. 10, 14; I 20, 30 end ("nnn lin). 22, 25.
II 9, 2t; I 22, 4". 5. 7. II 3, t. II ; VT "Sn I 22, 24. II 9, 23.
1 86 LITERATURE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
sweetened) ; 23-25 (the mocking children rent by bears) ; 4, 1-7
(the widow's oil multiplied); 8-37 (the Shunammite woman);
38-41 (the poisoned pot rendered harmless); 42-44 (the barley-
loaves multiplied) ; c. 5 (Naaman) ; 6, 1-7 (the iron axe-head
made to swim) ; 8-23 (attempt of the Syrians to capture Elisha);
8, 1-6 (Gehazi recounts Elisha's wonders to the king); 7-15
(Elisha and Hazael) ; 13, 14-19 (Elisha and Joash) ; 20-21
(miracle wrought by Elisha's bones). These narratives no doubt
exhibit the traditions respecting Elisha as they were current in
prophetic circles in the 9-8 cent. B.C. : their immediate soun e
may have been a work narrating anecdotes from the life of Elisha
(and perhaps from the lives of other prophets as well).
The narratives of Elijah and Elisha appear to have been incorporated by
the compiler without substantial alteration : only here and there has one ot
them been expanded by an insertion which, by its manner, betrays the com-
piler's hand (I 21, 20''-26 : notice the phrases in vv. 20''-24, and the awkward
parenthesis in vv. 25-26 ; II 9, 7-10% where not only do the phrases of the
compiler abound (p. 190 fif.), but it is difficult not to think that v. \& " and he
opened the door and fled," in agreement with the command v. 3'', should
follow immediately the announcement of v. 6).
In contrast with the sections dealing with the N. kingdom, in
which the prophets play such a considerable part, the longer
narratives relating to the S. kingdom II 11, i — 12, 16 (eleva-
tion of Joash to the throne, and his measures regarding the
Temple), 16, 10-18 (the altar of Ahaz) place the Temple and
priesthood of Jerusalem in the foreground. These narratives are
evidently of Judaean origin, and (to judge from the minuteness
in the details) based probably upon official documents. The
section 13, 14-19 (Elisha and Joash) has been noticed above:
14, 8-14 (Amaziah's challenge of Joash), it may be inferred froni
V. II " Beth-shemesh mhich be/ongeth iojudah" (cf. I 19, 3), is of
Israelitish origin. The narrative in the following chapters is
composed chiefly of short notices — even the long and important
reigns of Jeroboam and Azariah (Uzziah) receiving each hardly
more than a single verse of independent detail (14, 22. 25 [26-7
is comment]. 15, 5). After the close of the N. kingdom (17, 6),
the compiler introduces a long survey of the causes which, in
his judgment, led to its fall (17, 7-23), and explains {vv. 24-41)
the origin of the mixed population and religion of the country of
Samaria at the time in which he lived.
1-2 KINGS. 1 8/
III. 2 Ki. \%—2^. Jiidah.
With c. 1 8 begins the reign of Hezekiah. i8, 1-12 is the
composition of the compiler, though the particulars in vv. 2. 4.
8 are doubtless derived by him from his sources; vv. 9-12
repeat, in brief, the account of the close of the N. kingdom.
1 8, 13 — 19, 37 comprises the narrative of the invasion of Judah by
Sennacherib in his campaign of 701, and the miraculous occur-
rence which obliged his retreat. Here the brief notices in 18,
14-16 differ in character from the circumstantial narrative com-
mencing with z;. 17; it is also remarkable that the name of the
king, which v. 17 ff. is uniformly written liT'pin, is here spelt
rT'pTn : it is fair to infer, therefore, that they are derived from a
different source, which may well be the State-annals. iS, 17 —
19, 37 is the one long narrative in the Book of Kings relating to
Judah, and similar in general character to the prophetical narra-
tives of the N. kingdom. It includes a prophecy, 19, 21-31,
attributed to Isaiah, and unquestionably his ; but there is no
ground for supposing that the narrative as a whole, though it
stands also (together with 20, 1-19) in the Book of Isaiah (c.
36 — 39), is from Isaiah's hand; as will be shown (under Isaiah),
there are reasons for concluding it to be the work of a prophet
writing in the subsequent generation, which was incorporated,
with slight additions, in his work by the compiler of Kings.
As the narrative approaches the time in which the compiler
himself lived (c. 21 ff.), and in which, therefore, the writer's
l)ersonal knowledge, or information derived from the generation
immediately preceding, would be available, his own share in the
work appears to increase. In the account of the reign of Manasseh
(c. 21), the narration of concrete facts scarcely extends beyond
vv. 3. 4'\ 5. 6\ 7'\ 16'': the rest is the comment of the compiler,
vv. 11-15, which is not assigned to any individual prophet,
though it agrees remarkably with parts of Jeremiah (see below,
p. 193), being probably the compiler's summary of the teaching
of contemporary prophets.
The reign of Josiah (22, i — 23, 30), including the two im-
portant events, the discovery of the Book of the Law and the
reformation based upon it, engrosses naturally the interest of
the compiler, and is described by him at some length : the parts
in which his own style is specially prominent are 22, I3^ 16 ff.
and 23, 3. 21-28 (especially 25" from Dt. 6, 5; and 26-7}.
1 88 I.ITERATURE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
25, 22-26 is an abridgment of Jer. 40, 7-9. 41, if. 17 f. 42, i.
43, 3 ff. : 25, 27-30 cannot of course have been written before
the year of Jehoiachin's release, B.C. 562.
According to VVellh. and Kuenen, the compilation of the
Book of Kings was completed substantially before the exile (c. 600
B.c.),^ only short passages which imply an exilic standpoint being
introduced afterwards.
These passages, as given by Kuenen (p. 420), are I 4, 20-26 [Heb. 4, 20 —
5, 6] (see V. 24) ; 9, 1-9. 11, 9-13 (in their present form) ; II 17, 19-20 ; 20,
17-18; 21, 10-15 ; 22, 15-20; 23, 26-27 ; 24, 2-4; 24, iS— 25, 30.
I 4, 20-26 has been discussed above (p. 181) : as the passage seems clearly
to be an insertion in the text of c. 4, v. 24 does not, as some have argued
(Keil, Einl. § 58. 3), show that the Book of Kings, as a whole, was only
compiled during the exile. II 17, 19 f. likewise interrupts the connexion.
The original writer is dealing only with the causes of the declension of the
kingdom q[ Israel : in v. 18 he remarks that in consequence of Israel's rejec-
tion Judah only was left ; and the sequel to this is vv. 21-23, describing how
this result came about (" /v; he rent Israel from the house of David," &c. ).
Vv. 19-20, commenting on the faithlessness o{ Judah, and the rejection
and exile of the etitirc seed of Israel, are plainly an insertion made by a
subsequent writer, who desiderated a notice of the same causes producing a
similar effect in the case of Judah. II 24, 18 ff. can, of course, only have
been written after the exile had commenced. The other passages are either
such as are thought to presuppose the fall of the city and temple, or contain
references to passages which do this (I 11, 9*' to 9, 1-9; II 23, 26. 24, 3 to 21,
10-15 [Manasseh]) : but very similar anticipations are expressed by Jeremiah
before the exile ; so that no sufficient reason exists, at least on the ground of
the contents of these passages, for attributing them to a ditferent hand from
that of the main compiler of the Book. But it must be admitted that II 21,
10-15. 23, 26-27 interfere with the connexion, and wear the appearance of
V)eing insertions made after the original narrative was completed, so that upon
literary grounds this view of their origin is not untenable. On the whole, it
is highly probable that the redaction of Kings was not entirely completed by
the main compiler ; tliough it is only occasionally possible to point with
confidence to the passages which belong to a subsequent stage of it.
That it is one and the same compiler who formulated the short notices or
" Epitome," and at the same time combined them with the longer narratives,
is shown (against Thenius) by Wellh. p. 298 (after Kuen. Onderz. (ed. i) i.
266f. ): there are cases in which e3.ch presupposes the other ; and the contents
^ Notice the expression /o this day, II 8, 22. 16, 6, in passages belonging
clearly to the compiler, and not taken by him from his sources, and of which
at least the first appears to imply that the Jewish State was still existing
when it was written ; also the precise information respecting the Samaritans,
17, 24-34 (?<«/o this day, v. 34), which a writer near at hand would be more
likely to possess than one resident in Babylonia.
1-2 KINGS. 189
of the Epitome are much too fragmentary or it to have ever constituted an
independent histoiy.
The compiler of Kings, though not, probably (as has some-
times been supposed), Jeremiah himself, was nevertheless a man
like-minded with Jeremiah, and almost certainly a contemporary
who lived and wrote under the same influences. Deuteronomy
is the standard by which the compiler judges both men and
actions ; and the history, from the beginning of Solomon's reign,
is presented, not in a purely "objective" form (as e.g. in 2 Sa.
9 — 20), but from the point of view of the Deuteronomic code.
It is a characteristic of the passages added by the compiler (so
far as they are not notices based upon his sources) that they do
not usually add to the historic contents of the narratives, but
(like the corresponding additions in Judges) present comments
upon it, sometimes introduced as such, sometimes introduced
indirectly in the shape of prophetic glances at the future, at
different stages of the history. The principles which, in his view,
the history as a whole is to exemplify, are already expressed
succinctly in the charge which he represents David as giving to
his son Solomon (I 2, 3-4) : they are stated by him again in
3, 14, and more distinctly in 9, 1-9. Obedience to the Deutero-
nomic law is the qualification for an approving verdict : deviation
from it is the source of ill success (I ir, 9-13. 14. 7-1 1- 16, 2. II
17, 7-18 &c.), and the sure prelude to condemnation. Every
king of the Northern kingdom is characterized as doing "that
which was evil in the eyes of Jehovah : " in the Southern kingdom
the exceptions are Asa, Jehoshaphat, Jehoash, Amaziah, Uzziah,
Jotham, Hezekiah, Josiah, — usually, however, with the limitation
that "the high places were not removed," as demanded by the
Deuteronomic law. The writer viewed Jeroboam as the author
of a schisin, and the founder of a worship which contravened the
first principle of the Deuteronomic code, the law of the Central
Sanctuary, and lent itself readily to contamination by heathen
cults : hence his uniformly unf.ivourable verdict on the rulers of
the N. kingdom. He does not, however, place a// deviations
from the law of Dt. in the same category : he views, indeed, the
worship (of Jehovah) at the high places with disfavour, but the
kings who permit it are not thereby disqualified from receiving a
verdict of approval, as are those who patronized, or encouraged,
practices actually heathen.
igO LITERATURE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
Phrases characteristic of the compiler of Kings. In many of these the
influence of Dt. is directly traceable ; others, though not actually occurring
in it, frequently express thoughts in harmony wiih its spirit.
1. To keep the charge offehovah: I 2, 3. Dt. II, i ; cf. Josh. 22, 3 (D-).
2. To walk in the ways of fehovah : I 2, 3. 3, 14. 8, 58. II, 33. 38. Dt.
8, 6. 10, 12. II, 22. 19, 9. 26, 17. 28, 9. 30, 16. Josh. 22, 5.
3. To keep (or execute) his statutes and commandments and judgments (some-
times one term omitted) : I 2, 3. 3, 14. 6, 12. 8, 58. 61. 9, 4. 6.
II, 33. 34. 38. 14, 8. 11 17, 13 (cf. 37). 19. 18, 6. 23, 3. In Dt.
constantly. (The reference throughout is specially to Deuteronomy.
So generally, where the law, or Moses, is alluded to : I 8, 9 (Dt.
10, 5. 29, I). 53 (Dt. 4, 20 [also Lev. 20, 26] ). 56 (Dt. 12, 9 f. 25, 19).
II 10, 31. 14, 6 (Dt. 24, 16). 18, 12. 21, 8. 22, 8. 23, 21. 25.)
4. Testimonies (nnj?) = I 2, 3. II 17, 15. 23, 3 (in Dt. always pointed
niny: 4, 45- 6, 17- 20),
5. That thou jjiayest prosper, &c. : I 2, 3. Dt. 29, 9. Josh. I, 7*.
6. To establish his {my) 7vord : I 2, 4. 6, 12. 8, 20. 12, 15 ; cf. Dt. 9, 5.
7. To walk before me {in truth, uprightness, &c.) : I 2, 4. 3, 6. 8, 23. 25.
9, 4 (II 20, 3 the Hithp.).
8. There shall not fail (lit. ^i? cut off) to thee: I 2, 4. 8, 25. 9, 5. Cf.
Jer. 33, 17. 18. 35, 19 ; and with p 2 Sa. 3, 29. Josh. 9, 23.
9. ]Vith all the heart and with all the soul: I 2, 4. 8, 48. II 23, 3. 25, as
often in Dt. (in II 23, 25 with 1X0 in the rare sense of " might,"
only besides in Dt. 6, 5) : see p. 94. Cf. with all the heart (alone) :
I 8, 23. 14, 8. II 10, 31.
10. 7b build an house to the name off. : I 3, 2. 5, 3. 5. 8, 17. 19. 20. 44.
48 (cf. 9, 7) : dependent on 2 Sa. 7, 13 (the prophecy of Nathan).
11. As it is this day : I 3, 6. 8, 24. 61. Dt. 2, 30. 4, 20. 38. 8, 18. 10, 15.
29, 28 [Heb. 27].
12. Given me rest on every side: I 5, 4 [Heb. 18]. Dt. 12, lO. 25, 19.
Josh. 21, 42. 23, I (D-). 2 Sa. 7, I.
13. Chose out of all the tribes of Israel : I 8, 16. II, 32. 14, 21. II 21, 7.
14. Ihat my 7iame might be there: I 8, 16. 29. II 23, 27. Elsewhere
with to put (DC') or make to divell (pC') : I 9, 3- n, 36. 14. 21.
II 21, 4. 7, as in Dt. (p. 94, No. 35).
In 8, 22 ft", and 9, 1-9, the reminiscences from Dt. , or the Deut. sections
of Joshua, are remarkably abundant : — -
8, 23. Dt. 4, 39. Josh. 2, w^ (1)'). — 25 DS pT (jvi- so that). II 21, 8. Dt.
15, 5 (peculiar. Not elsewhere, except in the |:)arallels 2 Ch. 6, 16. 33, 8). —
2-] {the heaven of heavens). Dt. 10, 14.— 32. Dt. 25, I.— 33". Dt. 28, 25.—
35'. Dt. II, 17. — 37*. Dt. 28, 22. 38. — 37''. ib. 52 (comp. esp. "gates;"
p. 92, No. 6).— 40^ Dt. 4, 10". 12, I. 31, 13.-41'. Dt. 29, 21.-42°. Dt.
II, 2 and often. — 43" {peoples of the earth). 53. 60. Dt. 28, 10. Josh. 4. 24
(D-). — 43'' {thy name is called over, viz. in tol;en of ownership [see 2 Sa. 12,
28 RV. marg.]). Dt. 28, 10 (esp. in Jer, as 7, 10 f. 25, 29 a/.).— 44». Dt.
20, I. 21, 10.— 46 {deliver up before: see p. 94, No. 29). — 47". Dt. 30, i. —
1-2 KINGS. 191
48'. Dt. 30, 2. — 51. Dt. 9, 29.—//'. {iron furnace) Dt. 4, 20. Jer. II, 4.t —
52''. Dt. 4, 7. — 56. Josh. 21, 43. 23, 14 (D-). — 58 (see above, Ncs. 2, 3).— 6o^
Josh. 4, 24 (D'-). — 60*. Dt. 4, 39. — 9, 3 {to put 7ny name thej-e : see above,
No. 14).— 4 (see Nos. 7, 3).— 6". Dt. 29, 26.— 7^ Dt. 28, 37.— S''-9. Dt. 29,
24-26 (Jer. 22, 8-9).
15. /V;/tr/ = wholly devoted (of the heart): I S, 61. Ii, 4. 15, 3. 14.
II 20, 3 = Is. 38, 3. Only so besides in Chr.
16. To cut off fro VI upon the ground: I 9, 7. 13, 34 (to destroy). 14, 15
(to root up) : with the same, or similar, verbs, Dt. 4, 26. 6, 15.
II, 17. 28, 21. 63. 29, 28. Jer. 12, 14. 24, 10. 27, 10. 28, 16.
17. To dismiss {X\^'^) from bfore my {/lis) face: I 9, 7. Jer. 15, I : so with
cast aiuay ("J^^::',-!) II 13, 23. 17, 20 [p, not ^]}^]. 24, 20. Jer. 7,
15; with remove (TDH) H 17, 18. 23. 23, 27. 24, 3. Jer. 32, 31 ;
with cast ^(C'Di) Jer. 23, 39. Not in Dt.
18. 11,2: Josh. 23, 12" (D-) ; cf. Dt. 7, 3. 4".
19. D''i'1pt^ abominations (of false gods) : I II, 5. 7. II 23, 13. 24. Dt. 29,
17 [Heb. 16]. So in Jer. and Ez.
20. To do that ivhich is evil in the eyes of Jehovah : I 1 1, 6, and more than
thirty times besides (p. 93, No. 26).
21. PlJSnn to be angry: I 11, 9. II 17, 18. Dt. i, 37. 4, 21. 9, 8. 20.t
22*. For the sake of David tliy father {ox 7)iy servant): I 11, 12. 13. 32. 34
(cf. 36). 15, 4. 118, 19. 19, 34. 20, 6.
22''. Other references to David as a standard of piety are also frequent :
I 3, 3. 6. 14. 9, 4. II, 4. 6. 2>T,. 38. 14, 8. 15, 3. 5. II. II 14, 3.
16, 2. 18, 3. 22, 2.
23. Chosen, with reference to Jerusalem : I 11, 13. 32. 36. 8, 44. 48 (cf.
16). 14, 21. II 21, 7. 23, 27. Based on Dt. (p. 92, No. 11).
24. To do that zuhich is right in the eyes of Jehovah : I 11, t,2,. 38. 14, 8.
15, 5. II. 22, 43 at. (p. 93, No. 25).
25. A lamp (for David) : I il, 36. 15, 4. II 8, 19 = 2 Ch. 21, 7.
26. 7'o provoke Jehovah to anger [rather, to vex Him] : I 14, 9. 15. 15, 30.
16, 2. 7. 13. 26. 33. 21, 22. 22, 53. II 17, II. 17. 21, 6. 15. 22, 17.
23, 19. 26. Dt. 4, 25. 9, 18. 31, 29. 32, 16. 21 ; and often in Jer.
27. Behold, I bring evil upon . . . : I 14, 10. 21, 21. II 21, 12. 22, 16
(= 2 Ch. 34, 24). Jer. 6, 19. 11, 11. 19, 3. 15. 35, 17. 45, s.f 7o
brini^ evil upon also I 9, 9. 21, 29. II 22, 20, and often in Jer. : not
common elsewhere.
28. 77/1? fettered and the free (an alliterative proverbial phrase, denoting
"all ") : I 14, 10. 21, 21. II 9, 8. 14, 26. Dt. 32, 36 (the Song).t
29. Who made Israel to sin (of Jeroboam) : I 14, 16. 15, 26. 30. 34. 16, 26.
22, 52. II 3, 3. 10, 29. 31. 13, 2. 6. 14, 24. 15, 9. 18. 24. 28. 23,
15 : comp. 21, 16 (of Manasseh and Judah). Ci. I 12, 30. 13, 34.
II 17, 21. 22.
30. Upon every high hill and tinder every spreading tire : I 14, 23. II 16, 4
(cf. 2 Ch. 28, 4). 17, 10 (the first clause varied from Dt. 12, 2^ • the
second precisely as there; also Jer. 2, 20. 3, 6. 13 [cf. 17, 2]. Is.
57, 5. Ez. 6, 13 t).
192 LITERATURE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
31. Alioi/iiiia/ions 0/ (he tiaiions : I 14, 24. II 16, 3. 21, 2. Cf. Dt. 18,
9. 12.
32. Whom Jehovah dispossessed from Ihfore the children of Israel : I 14, 24.
21, 26. II 16, 3. 17, 8. 21, 2. Cf. Dt. 9, 4. 5. II, 23. Josh. 23, 5.
33. Idols {J^hhi) ■• I 15. 12. 21, 26. 11 17, 12. 21, II. 21. 23, 24. Also
Lev. 26, 30. Dt. 29, 16. Jer. 50, 2, and esp. in Ezek. [39 timesj.f
34. Turned 7iot aside from . . . : I 15, 5. 22, 43. II 3, 3. 10, 29 (nnXO).
31 (^yO)- 13. 2. 6. II. 14, 24. 15, 9. 18 (^yn)- 24. 28. 17, 22. 18,
6 (1-inxo).
35. Vanities Q'^^Dn (of idols) : I 16, 13. 26. Dt. 32, 21 ; cf. Jer. 8, 19. 14,
22, Unusual. Cf. II 17, 15. Jer. 2, 5 (the cognate verb ?2n).
36. Did sell himself (\o do evil) : I 21, 20. 25. II 17, 7. Only so here.
37. The people still sacrificed and hitrut incense in the high places : I 22, 43.
II 12, 4. 14, 4. 15, 4. 35 : similarly I 3, 2. 11, 8. II 16, 4. 17, II.
23, 5 : burnt incense aho, in a similar connexion, II 18, 4. 22, 17.
23, 8, and often in Jer. (as 11, 12. 13. 17. 44, 3ff.).
38. Jl'onld not destroy : II 8, 19. 13, 23. Dt. 10, 10.
39. My {his) servants the prophets: II 9, 7. 17, 13. 23. 21, 10. 24, 2 : in
Jer. six times (7, 25. 25, 4. 26, 5. 29, 19. 35, 15. 44, 4). First in
Am. 3, 7. Also Zech. i, 6. Ezr. 9, 11. Dan. 9, lo.f
40. 7'o Idot out the name from under heavtn: II 14, 27. Dt. 9, 14. 29, 19;
cf. 7, 24. 25, 19.
41. The host of heaven venerated: II 17, 16. 21, 3!!. 4. 5II. Jer. 8, 2.
19, 13. Zeph. I, 5. Forbidden Dt. 4, 19. 17, 2,.\
42. To cleave to Jehovah : II 18, 6 (cf. the same word in 3, 3. I 11, 2), as
in Dt. (p. 93, No. I5).i
If the reader will be at the pains of underlining in his text the phrases here
cited, he will not only realize how numerous they are, but also perceive how
they seldom occur indiscriminately in the narrative as such, but are generally
azK^regatedm particular passages (mostly comments on the history, or speeches),
which are tliereby distinguished from their context, and shown to be presum-
ably the work of a different hand.
The following modes adopted by the compiler for introducing historical
notices are observable : —
43. Ill his days . . . I 16, 34. II 8, 20. 15, 19 LXX (see QPB''^.) 23, 29.
24, I.
44. In those days . . . 11 10, 32. 15, 37. 20, i.
45. At that time ... I 14, i. II 16, 6. 18, 16. 20, 12. 24, 10.
46. >y^'(xin : emphatic) ... II 14, 7. 22. 25. 15, 35^ 18, 4. 8.
47. Then (|X) ... I 3, 16. 8, i. 12. 9, II^ 24\ 11, 7. 16, 21. 22, 49
(Ileb. 50). II 8, 22^. 12, 17 (Heb. 18). 14, 8. 15 16. 16, 5. Comp.
r'oTi 9, 9 LXX (=9, 24 Heb.).
This use of tX is noticeable. In many cases, the notices introduced by it
1 Comp. also II 17, 36. 38 and Dt. 9, 29. 6, 13. 4, 23; 19, 15. 19 (king<ioms
of the earth) and Dt. 28, 25 (also six or seven times in Jer.); 19, 15'' and
Jer. 32, 17; 19, iS'' and Dt. 4, 28.
1-2 KINGS. 193
lack any definite point of attachment in tlie preceding narrative : at the same
time, their directness of statement and terseness of form suggest the inference
that they may be derived immediately from the contemporary annalistic
records (Ewald, Hist. i. 168; Wellh. Hist. p. 2S6). The same may be the
case with some of the other notices just cited.
48, The frequency with which the prophecies in 1-2 Ki. are introduced
by the same term ('>3) "iC'S jy Forasmucli as . . . is also notice-
able : I 3, II. 8, iS. II, II. 13, 21. 14, 7. 16, 2. 20, 28. 36. 42.
21, 20 (inf.). 29. II I, 16. 10, 30. 19, 28 (Isaiah). 21, 11. 22, 19.
The resemblances with Jer. are most marked towards the end
of the two books, esp. in II 17, 13-20. 21, 11-15. 22, 16-19: —
II 17, 13 testified: Jer. 11, 7.
Turn ye, Sec: cf Jer. 18, II. 25, 5. 35, 15.
my servants the prophets : see above, No. 39 (esp. 7, 25. 25, 41).
14. 40. 18, 12. 21, 9 hearkened not: Jer. 7, 26. 11, 7, and often
besides.
hardened theirnecks : Jer. 7, 26. 17, 23. 19, 15 (from Dt. 10, 16).
\z^ folloivcd vanity and beeame vain : Jer. 2, 5.
16 the host of heave7i: see above. No. 41.
iS. 23 removed Jrom before his face : see above, No. 17.
20 rejected a/l the seed of Israel : cf. Jer. 31, 37 If . . ., I will also
reject all the seed of Israel.
21, II (effect of Manasseh's guilt) : Jer. 15, 4.
12 both his ears shall tingle : Jer. 19, 3 (probably from i Sa. 3, i if).
i^for a prey and a spoil : cf. Jer. 30, 16.
15 : cf. Jer. 25, 6. 7. 32, 32; 7, 25 {p^).
16. 24, 4 innocent blood {or the blood of innocents) in Jerusalem : Jer.
19, 4. 22, 17 (of Jehoiakim).
22, i6\ 17": Jer. 19, 3b-4. "This place" is also very common else-
where in Jer., as 7, 6. 7. 20. 16, 9.
17* to vex me tuith the ivork of their hands (so I 16, 7) : Jer. 25, 6b.
7b. 32, 30b 44, 8 (from Dt. 31, 29).
17b and my wrath sliall be kindled, &c. : Jer. 7, 20.
igfor a desolation and a curse : Jer. 42, i8b. 44, 22^.
But these parallels are not sufficient to show that Jeremiah is the compiler
of Kings. The passages quoted consist rather of summaries of the prophetic
teaching of the time, which was based ultimately upon Dt., and of which
the most influential representative was no doubt Jeremiah : hence it is not
unlikely that his phraseology acquired general currency, and would be natu-
rally employed by the compiler in framing his summaries.
N
CHAPTER III.
ISAIAH.
Literature. — W. Gesenius, Der Proph. Jesaja iihersetzt ; mil einem
vollst. phil. krit. ji. hist. Co/iunoitar, 1 820-21 ; F. Hitzig, Dcr Proph. Jes,
libers, u. ausgelegt, 1833 (the source of much that is best exegetically in more
recent commentaries) ; H. Ewald in the Prophetett des A. Bttndes, 1840-41,
(ed. 2) 1867-6S (parts of vols, ii., iv., v. of the translation) ; A. Knobel, Der
Proph. Jes. (in the Kgf. Exeg. JIandb.) 1843, ^^- 4 with additions by
L. Diestel, 1872 ; ed. 5 (rewritten throughout) by A. Dillmann, 1890; C. P.
Caspari, Beitrdge zur Einl. in das Buck Jes. 1S48 ; S. D. Luzzatto, il prof.
Isaia volgarizato e commcnlato [in Hebrew] ad itso degli Israditi, Padova
1856-67 ; F. Delitzsch, Bibl. Comm. iihcr das Biich Jes. 1S66, (ed. 4) 18S9 ;
T. K. Cheyne, The Book of Isaiah chronologically arranged, 1870, and The
Prophecies of Isaiah, a new transl., irifh comm. and appendices, 18S0, (ed. 3)
1884 ; W. Kay in the Speaker^ s Conun. ; E. Reuss in La Bible, 1876 ; C. W. E.
Nagelsbach (in Lange's Bibchverk), Der Proph. Jes. 1877 ; C. J- Breden-
kamp, Der Proph. Jes. erldiitert, 1SS6-87. Of a n)ore general character are
■ — Sir Edw. Strachey, Jeivish History and Politics in the times of Sargon attd
Sennacherib, ed. 2, 1874; F. II. Krliger, Essai sur la thcologie d'Esaie
xl.-lxvi., 1881 ; W. R. .Smith, The Prophets of Is-rael and their place in
history to the close of the %th cent. B.C., 18S2, Lectures v. -viii. ; A. B. David-
son in the Expositor, 1883, Aug., Sept. ; 1S84, Feb., Apr., Oct., Nov.,
Dec. (on c. 40-66) ; H. Guthe, Das Ziiktoiftsbild des Jes. {Akademische
Antrittsvorlesung), 1S85 ; S. R. Driver, Isaiah ; his life and times, and the
writings which hear his name (in the series called " Men of the Bible "), 1888 ;
G. A. Smith, The Book of Isaiah (in the "Expositor's Bible"), (2 vols.,
1889-90). For other literature, see Delitzsch, p. 34 ff. (Eng. tr. p. 45 ?i.);
Dillm. p. xxviii. f. ; and the authorities referred to in Kuencn's Onderzoek, ii.
(ed. 2) 1SS9, pp. 28-157.
On the Prophets generally, the character of prophecy, their relation to
the history, their theology, &c., the following works may be consulted : Aug.
Tholuck, Die Propheten u. ihre IVeissagiingen, i860, (ed. 2) 1867 ; G. F.
Oehler, Die Theologie des AT.s, 1873 (translated), § 205 ff. ; A. Kuenen,
P7-ophets and prophecy in Israel (very full of information on the prophets and
their work, but wriiten from an avowedly naturalistic standpoint), '^^[ji
F. E. Kcinig, Der Offenharungsbegriff des AT.s, 2 vols. 1882 (an exhaustiW
discussion of the nature of prophecy, and the views that have been held of it) ;
194 ;
w
ISAIAH. 195
C. von Orelli, Die alt lest. Weiss, von der Volleiiduug dcs Gollesreiches, 1882
(translated under the title OT, Prophecy) ; Ed. Riehm, £>ie Mess. Weiss., Hire
Entstehiing, ihr zeitgesch. Charakter, u. ihr Verlidltniss zit der Neutest.
Erfiillung, (ed. 2) 1S85 (to be recommended) ; C. A. Briggs, Messiattic
Prophecy, 1886; H. Schultz, Alltest. Theologie, (ed. 4) 18S9, p. 213 ff.
(and elsewhere) ; F. Delitzsch, Mess. Weissagimgeit in Gesch. Folge, 1890.
See also Dean Stanley's Lectures on the Jeivish Church, vols. ii. and iii. ; and
F. W. Farrar, The Minor Prophets, 1S90, chaps, i. — iv.
B.C. Chronological Table.
745. TiGLATH-PlLESER II.
740. Uzziah named (probably) in Assyrian Inscription. Call of Isaiah,
734. Pekah deposed and slain; Hoshca (with Assyrian help) raised to the
throne of Samaria. Deportation of inhabitants of N. and N.E. Israel
by Tiglath-Pileser.
732. Damascus taken by Tiglath-Pileser.
727. Shalmaneser IV.
722. Sargon, Fall of Samaria and end of the Northern Kingdom.
711. Siege and capture of Ashdod by the troops of Sargon.
710. Sargon defeats Merodach-baladan, and enters Babylon.
705. Sennacherib.
703. Sennacherib defeats Merodach-baladan, and spoils his palace.
701. Campaign of Sennacherib against Phoenicia, Philistia, and Jiidah.
681. Sennacherib succeeded by Esariiaddon.
607. Nineveh destroyed by the Medes and Babylonians.
586. Destruction of Jerusalem by Nebuchadnezzar.
549-38. Period of Cyrus' successes in Western and Central Asia.
538. Cyrus captures Babylon, and releases the Jewish exiles.
Isaiah, Jeremiah, Ezekiel, and "the Twelve" (/.f. the Minor
Prophets) form the concluding part of the second great division
of the Hebrew Canon, " The Prophets," being called specially,
in contradistinction to the " Fonner Prophets " (p. 96), the
" Latter Prophets."
Isaiah, son of Amoz, received the prophetic call in the last
year of King Uzziah's reign (6, i), i.e. (according to the new
chronology i) b.c. 740 ; and he prophesied in Jerusalem during
the reigns of the three succeeding kings, Jotham, Ahaz, and
Hezekiah. He was married (8, 3) ; and two sons are alluded to,
Shear-jashub (7, 3) and Maher-shalal-hash-baz (8, 1-4). The
scene of his labours appears to have been chiefly, if not ex-
clusively, Jerusalem ; and from the position which was evidently
accorded to him by both Ahaz and Hezekiah, it has been con-
^ See the writer's Isaiah, pp. 8, 13 f. (with the references).
196 LITERATURE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
jectured that he was of noble blood. Few particulars of his life are
recorded ; the chief being connected with the part taken by him
at the two crises through which during his lifetime Judah passed
(c. 7 — 8 ; 2^^ — 37). For how many years he survived the second
of these crises (b.c. 701) is not known ; in 2 cent. a.d. there was a
tradition current among the Jews, and alluded to also by Christian
writers, that he suffered martyrdom by being sawn asunder in
the persecutions which followed the accession of Manasseh.
According to 2 Ch. 26, 22 Isaiah was the author of a history of
the reign of Uzziah ; and il?. 32, 32 mention is made of a " Vision
of Isaiah," containing an account of tlie reign of Hezekiah,
which formed part of the (lost) " Book of the Kings of Judah and
Israel " (see below, under Chronicles) ; but nothing further is
known of either of these works.
The Book of Isaiah may be divided conveniently as follows :
— c. I — 12. 13—23. 24—27. 28—33. 34-35- 36—39- 40—66.
Among these prophecies there are some which, as will appear,
are not the work of Isaiah himself, but belong to a different, and
later, period of Israelitish history.
I. C. I — 12. The first collection of Isaiah's prophecies,
relating to the kingdoms of Judah and Israel, and belonging to
various occasions from B.C. 740 to B.C. 701.
C. I. The "Great Arraignment" (Ewald). Vv. 2-9 the
prophet charges his people with unfaithfulness and ingratitude :
he compares them to unnatural children who have disowned
their father; and traces to their want of discernment the troubles
from which they are at present suffering. Fv. 10-17 the
defence which they are supposed to offer, that the Temple
services are maintained with splendour and regularity, is in-
dignantly disallowed by him: their religious observances are not
the expression of a right heart. Vv. 18-23 an offer of pardon is
made, on God's part, to the guilty nation, — an offer, however,
which it speedily appears will not be accepted by it. Vv. 24-31
the prophet passes sentence. Jehovah will take the judgment
into His own hands, and by a severe discipline purge away evil-
doers, and restore the people to its pristine and ideal character.
The date of c. i is uncertain, but it must have been written (notice in z'. 7
the/Zc/. Dv3X) whilst a foe was ravaging the territory of Judah. According
to some (Ges. Del. Dillm ), these foes are the allied troops of Syria and
Lsrael (2 Ki. 15, 37), and the ch. belongs to the end of the reign of Jotham,
ISAIAH. 197
being the first of Isaiah's prophecies after his call (c. 6) : according to others
(Hitz., \V. R. Smith) they are the Assyrians {ib. 18, 13), and the ch. belongs
to the reign of Ilezekiah (B.C. 701), its position at the beginning of Isaiah's
prophecies being explained from the general character of much of its contents
fitting it to form an introduction to the following discourses.
C. 2 — 5. Here Isaiah dwells in greater detail on the judgment
which he sees imminent upon Judah. He opens 2, 2-4 with an
impressive picture of the pre-eminence to be accorded in the
future, by the nations of the world, to Israel's religion. Vv.
5- 8 he contrasts therewith the very different condition of his
people, which he sees about him ; and announces vv. 9-22 the
judgment about to fall upon every object of human pride and
strength. 3, i-ii a collapse of all existing society is approach-
ing, the cause of which is referred, vv. 12-15, ^^ ^^e selfish and
thoughtless behaviour of the nation's guides. 3, 16 — 4, i Isaiah
attacks the luxurious dress of the women, declaring how in the day
when disaster overtakes the city, and her warriors are defeated by
the foe, it will have to be exchanged for a captive's garb. This,
however, is not the end. For those who escape the judgment a
brighter future will then commence, which is described 4, 2-6.
C. 5, in its general scope, is parallel to c. 2 — 4. Vv. i — 7 the
parable of the vineyard shows how Judah has disappointed its
Lord and Owner : vv. 8-24 the prophet denounces, in a series
of "Woes," the chief national sins; ending, vv. 25—30, with a
more distinct allusion to what may shortly be expected at the
hands of an unnamed but formidable foe (the Assyrians).
Probably a summary of discourses delivered at the end of Jotham's reign, or
beginning of that of Ahaz. 3, 12 implies that the throne was occupied by a
weak king, such as Ahaz was: from 2, 16 ("ships of Tarsbish ") it may
perliaps be inferred that the seaport of Elath, which Uzziah had recovered
for Judah (2 Ki. E4, 22), had not yet been captured by the Syrians {ib. 16,
6). The idea of a national catastrophe, extirpating evil-doers, but preserv-
ing a remnant, worthy to form the nucleus of a renovated community in the
future (4, 3 ff. ), is characteristic of Isaiah ; it is foreshadowed at the time of
his call (6, 13"), and recurs often afterwards, i, 26 f. 10, 21 f. 17, 5-8 (of
Ephraim). 28, 5. 37, 32. The " Day of Jehovah " (2, 12 il. ) is the figure —
first, as it seems, so applied by Amos (5, 18. 20) — under which, with varying
imagery, the prophets represent Jehovah's manifestation at important
moments of history (see W, R. Smith, Proph. I31 f., 396 f. ; Isaiah, p.27f.).
C. 6. Isaiah's call (year of Uzziah's death — not later than 740
B.C.). The vision, with its impressive symbolism, is described by
Isaiah in chaste and dignified language. The terms of his prophetic
igS LITERATURE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
commission are stated in vv. 10-13. He is to be the preacher
and teacher of his people; but his work, whatever it may accom-
plish secretly, is to be in appearance fruitless. And this is to
continue until tlie desolating tide of invasion has swept over the
land, and purged to the utmost the sin-stricken nation. He is
not, however, left without a gleam of hope : the core of the
Jewish nation will survive the judgment, and burst out afterwards
into new life : it is a " holy seed," and as such is indestructible
{v. 13'': for the figure of the reviving tree, cf. Job 14, 7-9).
C. 7, I — 9, 7. Prophecies uttered during the Syro-Ephraimitish
war (B.C. 735-734). An alliance had been concluded between
Pekah, king of Israel, and Rezin, king of Damascus, for the
purpose of opposing a barrier to the aggressions of the Assyrians ;
and the object of the present invasion of Judah was to force that
country to join the coalition : the intention of the allies being to
depose Ahaz (who cherished Assyrian proclivities), and to sub-
stitute for him a more subservient ruler, one son of Tabeel
(7, 6). I'he invasion caused great alarm in Judah (7, 3) ; and
Ahaz meditated casting himself upon the Assyrians for help, — a
policy of which Isaiah strongly disapproved. Isaiah, being
directed to go and accost Ahaz, assures him that his fears are
groundless : the power of the two allied kingdoms is doomed to
extinction ; their plan for the ruin of Judah will not succeed,
7, 4-9. To meet Ahaz' distrust, Isaiah announces the birth of
the child, who, in spite of the destitution (ik 15, cf 22) through
which his country must first pass, is still the mysterious pledge
and symbol of its deliverance, vv. 13-16. The thought which
has hitherto been in the background is now no longer concealed :
and Isaiah confronts Ahaz with the naked truth, declaring how
his plan for invoking Assyrian help will issue in unforeseen
consequences : Judah will become the arena of a conflict between
Assyria and Egypt, and will be desolated by their contending
armies, vv. 17-25. In 8, 1-4 Isaiah reaffirms, in a symbolical
form, the prediction of 7, 8 f. 16. 8, 5-15 are words of con-
solation addressed to his immediate friends and disciples. The
tide of invasion will indeed inundate Israel ; and will even pass
on and threaten to engulph Judah : but it will be suddenly
arrested, vv. 5-10: do not regard Rezin and Pekah with
unreasoning fear ; do not desert principle in the presence of
imagined danger, vv. i i-i s- Dark times are coming, when
ISAIAH. 199
men will wish that they had followed the "teaching and admoni-
tion" [v. 20; see V. 16) of Isaiah, vv. 16-22. But nevertheless
Jehovah has a brighter future in store for His people : the North
and North-east districts, which had just been depopulated (in
734) by Tiglath-pileser (2 Ki. 15, 29), will be the first to experience
it ; and the prophecy closes with an impressive picture of the
restoration and triumph of the shattered nation, of the end of its
oppressors, and of its security and prosperity under the wondrous
rule of its ideal King, 9, 1-7.
9, 8 — 10, 4 (belonging probably to the beginning of the same
war, but addressed to Israel, not Judah). l"he prophet in four
strophes, each closing with the same ominous refrain, draws a
picture of the approaching collapse of the N. kingdom, which
he traces to its moral and social disintegration. (1)9, 8-12. The
Ephraimites' proud, but inconsiderate, superiority to danger
will terminate in their country being beset on all sides by its
foes. (2) 9, 13-17. A great and sudden disaster befalls Ephraim,
defeating the plans of its statesmen, and leaving it defenceless.
(3) 9, 18-21. Rival factions contending with one another insidi-
ously undermine Ephrairn's strength. (4) 10, 1-4. The rulers of
the nation have demoralized both the people and themselves :
in the day when misfortune comes they will be unable to cope
with it, and will perish helplessly on the battle-field.
10, 5 — 12, 6. A picture of the pride and ambition of the
Assyrians, of their sudden ruin, of the release of Jerusalem from
its peril, and of the ensuing rule of the Messianic king. This
prophecy is one of the most striking creations of Isaiah's genius :
in power and originality of conception it stands unsurpassed.
The Assyrian is in reality an instrument in the hands of
Providence, but he fails to recognise the truth ; and Isaiah
describes his overweening pretensions, 10, 5-15, and their
sudden collapse, vv. 16-19. The fall of the Assyrian will not
indeed leave Israel unscathed ; but those who escape, though
but a remnant, will have their understanding enlightened, and
will look to Jehovah alone, vv. 20-23. Let Judah, then, be
reassured : though the Assyrian draw near, and even swing his
arm audaciously against the citadel of Zion, in the moment
when victory seems secure he will be foiled, vv. 24-34;
Jerusalem will be delivered, and a reign of peace, under the
gracious rule of the ideal Prince of David's line, will be inaugu-
200 LITERATURE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
rated, ii, i-io : Israel's exiles from all quarters will return;
the rivalry of Judah and Ephraim will be at an end, ?'Z'. 11-16 ;
and the restored nation will express its gratitude to its Deliverer
in a hymn of thanksgiving and praise (c. 12).
In 10, 28-32 Isaiah represents the Assyrian as advancing against
Terusalem by the usual Hne of approach from the north. It does not
appear, however, that either Sargon or Sennacherib actually followed this
route ; and the prophet, it is probable, intends merely to draw an effective
imaginative picture of the danger threatening Jerusalem, and of the manner
in which {v. 33 f.) it would be suddenly averted. The historical situation
implied by the prophecy agrees with that of the year 701 B.C., when
Sennacherib, having completed the reduction of the rebellious cities of
Phoenicia, was starting for the south, intending to reduce similarly Jerusalem,
and the Philistine cities of Ashkelon and Ekron : at a time when the
Assyrians were actually approaching from the north, their intended attack
might readily take shape in the prophet's imagination in the manner repre-
sented in 10, 28-32 (comp. Isaiah, pp. 66 f. 70-73. Similarly Ew.,
Schrader, I\AT. p. 386, Stade).
Prof. W. R. Smith {Proph. 297 fif. ) places the prophecy at the beginning
of Sargon's reign, regarding 10, 5 ff. as an ideal representation of the
ambitious pretensions of the Assyrians, and of the failure to which they were
doomed, not suggested by any .r^tr/«/ historical occasion. (Similarly Dillm. ;
Kuen. § 43. 5 places it towards the end of Sargon's reign.)
On c. 12 comp. Prof. Francis Brown in ihe yoicr/i. of Bibl. Lit. 1890,
pp. 128-131.
II. C. 13 — 23. Prophecies dealing (chiefly) with foreign
nations. C. i — 12 centre entirely round either Judah or Israel ;
the present group comprises prophecies, in which, though there
is often an indirect reference to one of these countries, the
])rimary interest lies, as a rule, in the nation which they respect-
ively concern. The prophets observed closely the movements
of history : they saw in the rise and fall of nations the exhibition
of a Divine purpose ; and the varying fortunes of Israel's nearer
or more distant neighbours often materially affected Israel
itself. These nations were, moreover, related to Israel and Judah
in different ways : sometimes, for instance, they were united by
ties of sympathy and alliance ; in other cases they viewed one
another with mutual jealousy and distrust. The neighbouring
nations, especially, being thus in various ways viewed with
interest by their own people, the Hebrew prophets not un-,
naturally included them in their prophetic survey. The foreign
])rophecies of Isaiah are distinguished by great individuality of
character. The prophet displays a remarkable familiarity with
ISAIAH. 201
the condition, social or physical, of the countries with which he
deals ; and seizes in each instance some characteristic aspect, or
feature, for notice (e.g. the haughty independence of Moab, the
tall and handsome physique of the Ethiopians, the local and other
peculiarities of Egypt, the commerce and colonies of Tyre).
13, I — 14, 23. On Babylon. In this prophecy the Jews are
represented as in exi'/e, held in thraldom by the Babylonians, but
shortly to be released in consequence of the capture of Babylon
by the Medes (13, 17). C. 13 describes the mustering of the
assailing forces on the mountains, the terror of their approach,
the capture and sack of the city, the fewness of the survivors
(v. 12), and the desolation which will mark thereafter the site of
Babylon. 14, 1-2 states the reason of this, viz. because the
time has arrived for Israel to be released from exile : " F"or
Jehovah will have compassion upon Jacob, and will again choose
Israel., and settle them in their own land." 14, 3-20 the
prophet provides Israel with an ode of triumph, to be sung in
the day of its deliverance, depicting, with extreme beauty of
imagery, and not without a delicate under-current of irony, the
fall of the Babylonian monarch from his proud estate : vv. 21-23
he reasserts the irretrievable ruin of the great citv.
The situation presupposed by this prophecy is not that of
Isaiah's age. The Jews are not warned, as Isaiah (39, 6) might
warn them, against the folly of concluding an alliance with
Babylon, or reminded of the disastrous consequences which
such an alliance might entail ; nor are they threatened, as
Jeremiah threatens them, with impending exile : they are repre-
sented as in exile., and as about to be delivered from it (14, 1-2).
It was the office of the prophet of Israel to address himself to
the needs of his own age, to announce to his contemporaries
the judgments, or consolations, which arose out of the circum-
stances of their own time, to interpret for them their own
history. To base a promise upon a condition of things ?iot yet
existent, and without any pomt of contact with the circum-
stances or situation of those to whom it is addressed, is alien
to the genius of prophecy. Upon grounds of analogy the
prophecy 13, 2—14, 23 can only be attributed to an author
living towards the close of the exile and holding out to his
contemporaries the prospect of release from Babylon, as Isaiah
held out to his contemporaries the prospect of deliverance from
202 LITERATURE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
Assyria. (Comp. below, p. 230.) The best commentary on it
is the long prophecy against Babylon, contained in Jer. 50—51,
and written during (or at least on the eve of) the exile, which
views the approaching fall of Babylon from the same standpoint,
and manifests the same spirit as this does. As the prophecy
only names the Medes, and contains no allusion to Cyrus or
the Persians, it is probable that it was written shortly before
549 B.C. (in which year Cyrus overthrew the Median empire
of Astyages : the Persians uniting with the Medes, after successes
in Asia Minor and elsewhere, captured Babylon in 538).
14, 24-27. On the Assyrian. A short prophecy declaring
Jehovah's purpose to overthrow the Assyrian army upon the
•' mountains " of Judah.
The date is no doubt daring the period of Sennacherib's campaign against
Judah in 701. The prophecy has no connexion with what precedes. It is
directed against Assyria, not Babylon ; and it anticipates, not the capture of
the city of Babylon, but the overthrow of the hosts of Assyria in Judah.
14, 28-32. On the Philistines. The Philistines are in exulta-
tion at the fall of some dreaded foe : Isaiah warns them that
their rejoicing is premature, that the power which they
dreaded will recover itself, and prove even more formidable than
before. The Assyrian is approaching in the distance {v. 31");
Philistia will suffer severely at his hands {vv. 30^ 31^), though
Zion, in the strength of its God, will be secure {vv. 3o^ 32'^.
The title (t-. 28) suggests that " the rod which smote " Philistia was Ahaz,
and assigns the prophecy to 728 [or 715] B.C. But the connexion of
thought appears to require the foe alluded to in v. 29 to be identical with
the foe alluded to, more directly, in v. 31, i.e. the Assyrian. If so, Sargon
will be the "snake" of v. 29, and Sennacherib the more formidable
"serpent flying a\)out," and the date will be. some short time after Sargon's
death in 705. The Philistines might naturally feel elated upon receiving
news of the murder of Sargon, who had defeated Hanno of Gaza at Raphia
in 720, and captured Ashdod in 711. That Sennacherib severely punished
the Philistines, appears from his own inscription {Isaiah, p. 67 f.).
C. 15—16. On Moab. The prophet sees a great and terrible
disaster about to fall upon Moab, desolating the country, and
obhging the flight of its inhabitants, c. 15. He bids the fugitives
seek safety in the protection of the house of David, and send
tokens of their submission to Jerusalem ; for there, as he knows,
the violence of the Assyrian aggressor will soon be stilled (cf. 29,
20), and a just and righteous king will be sitting on David's
ISAIAH. 203
throne (cf. 9, 5-7), 16, 1-5. But the haughty independence
of the Moabites prevents their accepting the prophet's advice ;
and the judgment must accordingly run its course, 16, 6-12.
Vv. 13-14 form an epilogue. The prophecy, as a whole, had
been delivered on some previous occasion : Isaiah, in the epilogue,
affirms solemnly its speedy fulfilment.
The dates both of the original prophecy and of tlie epilogue, are matter of
conjecture. The epilogue may be assigned plausibly to a period shortly
before Sargon's cam[iaign against Ashdod in 711, when Moab is mentioned
as intriguing with Philistia and Egypt {Isaiah, p. 45). But to what date the
prophecy itself belongs is very uncertain. The expression heretofore in v,
13 is amb'guous : it may denote a comparatively short interval of time (2 Sa.
I Si 34)1 or one that is much longer (Ps. 93, 2). The prophecy may have
been written by Isaiah some 25 years before, in anticipation of the foray
made by Tiglath-pile>er upon the districts east of Jordan in 734, which
(according to the notice I Ch. 5, 26) extended as far south as Reuben. But
the style and tone of 15, i — 16, 12 impress many critics as different from thnt
of Isaiah ; and hence they suppose it to have been delivered originally by
some earlier prophet, but to have been adopted and reinforced by Isaiah.
The terms of 16, 13 (which in no way connect the preceding prophecy with
Isaiah himself) rather support this view. There are analogies for the repro-
duction (and partial modification) by one prophet of a passage written by
another : comp. 2, 2-4 with Micah 4, 1-3 ; Jer. 49, 7-16 and Obad. 1-9. 16;
and the use mnde by Jer. himself of this prophecy (see the reff on RV. maj-i;.
of Jer. 48). The invasion (as the Moabites flee in the direction of Edom)
appears to take place from the North ; Judah is represented as strong enough
to defend the fugitives ; and the territory N. of the Arnon {i.e. Reuben and
part of Gad) is occupied by the Moabites. This combination of circumstances
suits the reign of Jeroboam II.; and the original prophecy has accordingly
been referred to the occa-ion of the subjugation of Moab by that king, pre-
supposed by 2 Ki. 14, 25, when the powerful monarch Uzziah was ruling
over Judah — the author being supposed to be a prophet of Judah who sym-
pathized (15, 5. i6, 10 f ) with the suffering Moabites (so Hitzig, Reuss,
Wellh. in the Encyel. Brit. xvi. 535 ; W. R. Smith, Proph. pp. 91 f., 392;
Dillm. ). Ges., Ew., Cheyne, Kuen. (§44), Baudissin, also, attribute 15, i — 16,
12 to an earlier prophet than Isaiah, but without attempting to define its
occasion more particularly. 16, 3''-4 (which is in harmony wiih Isaiah's style
and thought) may be conjectured, if this view be adopted, to be an addition
made to the original prophecy by Isaiah himself (Cheyne).
17, i-ii. On Damascus. Isaiah declares the impending fall
of Damascus, to be followed shortly by that of Ephraim as well, vv.
1-5. A remnant will, however, escape, who will be spiritually
transformed, and recognise Jehovah as the sole source of their
strength, vv. 6-8. The ground of E|)hraim's ruin is its forgetful-
ness of Jehovah, and its adoption of foreign cults, vv. 9-1 1.
204 LITERATURE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
The prophecy is parallel in thought to 8, 4, though, from ils containing no
allusion to hostilities with Judah, it may be inferred (Ew. Del. Ch. Kuen.
Dilhn.) that it was written before the Syro-Ephraimitish war had commenced.
17, 12-T4. A short but singularly grapliic prophecy, describing
the ocean-like roar of the advancing Assyrian hosts, and their
sudden dispersion.
In general conception (though the figures used are different) the prophecy
resembles 14, 24-27, and may be assigned to the same period.
C. 18. On Ethiopia [Heb. Cush]. The king of Ethiopia,
alarmed by intelligence of the approach of the Assyrians, is
summoning his troops from different parts of his empire, vv. 1-2.
Isaiah declares to him that his anxiety is needless : the plans of
the Assyrians will be intercepted, and their hosts overthrown,
independently of the arms of Ethiopia, vv. 3-6. Hereupon the
Ethiopians will do homage to the God of Israel, v. 7.
The prophecy may be assigned, like the last, to the year 701. An advance
upon Egypt lay always witliin the plans of the Assyrians : and the Ethiopians
might well fear that Sennacherib, when he had conquered Juilah and the
Philistines, would pursue his successes, and make an endeavour to add not
Egypt only, but Ethiopia as well, to his empire. In point of fact, Sen-
nacherib was advancing towards Egypt when his army (at Pelusium) was
smitten by a pestilence (Hdt. ii. 141 ; Isaiah, p. 81 f.).
C. 19. On Egypt. A period of unexampled collapse and
decay, affecting every grade and class of society, is about to
commence for Egypt, vv. 1-17, to be succeeded by the nation's
conversion and spiritual renovation, vv. 18-25.
The prophecy is a remarkaljle one, both on account of its many allusions
to the characteristic habits of the people and features of the country, and for
the catholicity of the picture with which it closes (Assyria and Egypt, the one
Judah's oppressor, the other its untrue friend, to be incorporated, on an equality
with Israel itself, in the kingdom of God).
The date of the prophecy is not certain ; but it is at least a plausible con-
jecture that it was written in 720 B.C., when Sargon defeated the Egyptians
at Raphia. Sargon did not " rule over " Egypt {v. 4) ; but it is not necessary
to suppose that I.^aiah has here a definite person in view ; he probably merely
• means to say that, in the political disorganization which he sees to be immi-
nent, the country will fall a prey to the first ambitious and determined man
who invades it. In point of fact, Sargon defeated the Egyptian arms both in
720 and in 71 1 ; Sennacherib did the same in 701 ; Esarhaddon penetrated
into Egypt, and reduced it to the condition of an Assyrian province, c. 672 ;
Psammelichus, a Libyan, made himself master of it shortly afterwards, c. 660,
and revolutionized the policy of its former kings by opening it for the first
time to the Greeks. Ew., Stade, Dillm., Kuen. (§43. 23-25) assign the
prophecy to the period after Sennacherib's retreat in 701.
ISAIAH. 205
C. 20. On Ashdod. While Ashdod was besieged by the
Assyrian troops in 711, Isaiah walks the street of Jerusalem in a
captive's garb, continuing to do so for three years, in order to
prefigure the shameful fate that would befall Egypt at the hands
of the victorious Assyrians.
The date is fixed by Sargon's inscriptions, whicli allude to the siege of
Ashdod, and imply that the revolt of the Philistines, which led to it, was
carried through with promises of help from Egypt. Isaiah's symbolical act
was doubtless meant indirectly as a protest against the Egyptianizing party in
Jerusalem, and intended to impress forcibly upon the people of the capital
the folly of reliance upon Egypt.
21, i-io. On Babylon. The prophet in imagination sees
Babylon besieged by an eager and impetuous foe, vv. 1-2 : the
vision agitates and appals hirn, vv. 3-4 : the issue, for a while,
appears uncertain, but in the end he is assured that the city has
fallen, vv. 5-9 ; and he announces the result as a duty imposed
upon him, but with no sense of satisfaction or relief, v. 10.
The prophecy has been commonly referred to the capture of Babylon by
the Medes and Persians under Cyrus in 538 B.C. This view is open to two
objections: (i) no intelligible purpose would be subserved by Isaiah's
announcing to the generation of Hezekiah an occurrence lying nearly 200
years in the future, and having no bearing on contetnporary interests ; (2) it
does not account for the alarm and aversion with which the prophet contem-
plates the issue {vv. 3. 4. 10), so different from the exultation displayed else-
where by the prophets when announcing the fall of the great oppressing
city (c. 13, 2 — 14, 23 ; c. 40 — 48; Jer. 50 — 51). The first of these objec-
tions would be obviated by the supposition that the prophecy is really the
work of an author writing towards the close of the exile (Ew. Hitz. &c. );
but even so the second would still retain its force. Hence the prophecy has
been referred by Kleinert, Stud. 71. Krit. 1877, p. 174 ff., Cheyne, and the
present writer [Isaiah, p. 96 ff.) to a siege of Babylon by the Assyrians in
Isaiah's own time. The inscriptions show that Merodach - Baladan made
repeated efforts, in the time of Sargon and Sennacherib, to free Babylon from
the Assyrian yoke, and that the Assyrians on three separate occasions, B.C.
710, 703, and 696, besieged and entered the rebellious city. As Merodach-
Baladan had probably (c. 39) some understanding with Hezekiah, the
struggle between him and the Assyrians would be watched with interest in
Judah : the success of the latter would mean the punishment of those sus-
pected of being implicated with him. This success (perhaps in 710) Isaiah
finds it his duty to announce. His human sympathies are with his own
people : he foresees the sufferings which the present triumph of Assyria will
entail upon them (" my threshing," &c. v. 10); and hence the distress with
which the prospect fills him {v. 3 f.), and the apparent unwillingness with
which he delivers hi^ message. This view of the [uophecy has not, however,
foundfavour with recent writers on Isaiah (Delitzsch; Kuen. §43. 10; Dillm.),
2o6 LITERATURE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
who agree in supposing it to refer to the conquest of Babylon by Cyru«, and
ascribe it accordingly to a prophet living towards the close of the exile.
2 1, 11-12. On DuiTiah {i.e. Edom). A call of inquiry reaches
the prophet from Seir (Gen. 2>(^, 8 f.): he replies, in dark and
enigmatic terms, that though the "morning" (i.e. brighter days)
may dawn for Edom, it will quickly be followed by a " night " of
trouble ; for the present no more favourable answer can be given.
2 1, 13-17. On 'Arab. A tide of invasion is about to overflow
the region inhabited by 'Arab and Kedar (v. 17); the Dedanite
caravans passing through it have to seek refuge in the woods :
the people of Tema bring supplies to the fugitive traders.
Within a year Kedar will be so reduced in numbers, that only
an insignificant remnant will survive.
'Arab denotes not Arabia (in our sense of the word), but a particular
nomad tribe inhabiting the N. of the Peninsula, and mentioned Ez. 27, 20 f.,
with Dedan and Kedar, as engaged in commerce with Tyre. Kedar was a
wealthy pastoral tribe, 60, 7. Jer. 49, 29. Tenia lay some 250 miles S.-E. of
Edom. Sargon's troops were engaged in war with the Philistines in both
720 and 711 : and it may be conjectured that these two prophecies were
delivered in view of an expected campaign of the Assyrians in the neigh-
bouring regions in one of these years.
22, 1-14. A rebuke, addressed by Isaiah to the inhabitants
of the capital, on account of the undignified temper displayed
by them when their city was threatened with an assault by the
foe. V. I describes the demeanour of the people ; vv. 2-3 the
events which had preceded ; vv. 4-5 the grief and shame over-
whelming the prophet in consequence; vv. 6-12 the hasty
measures of defence which had been taken by the people, and
the inappropriate temper manifested by them at the time and
subsequently : v. 13 is the prophet's rebuke.
The prophecy belongs probably to eiiher 71 1 or 701 B.C. In 71 1 B.C.
Sargon's troops were in the neighbourhood of Judah (engaged upon the
siege of Ashdod) ; and as Judah is mentioned at the same time as " speaking
treason " against him, it is possible that some collision may have taken place
with Sargon's soldiers, resulting in a panic and defeat, such as Isaiah
describes.^ The objection to referring it to 701, the year of Sennacherib's
invasion, is its minatory tone ; for in the other prophecies belonging
undoubtedly to this period, Isaiah makes it his aim to encourage and sustain
^ But the hypothesis that Sargon gained a series of successes, and even
ended by ca[Huring Jerusalem, lacks adequate historical foundation, and
must be rejected (see W. R. Smith, Fro/>/i. p. 295 ff. ; Isaiah, p. 101 f. ;
Schrader, KA T. p. 407 f ; Kuen. § 41. 4'- ; DilUn. pp. 3, 103, 197).
ISAIAH. 207
his people : but this difficulty may be overcome by referring it to an episode in
this invasion — by supposing it to allude, for instance, to a panic occasioned
by the first conflict with the Assyrians (W. R. Smith, Proph. p. 346 ;
Dillm.), or else to have been spoken by the prophet after Sennacherib's
retreat, in condemnation of the temper shown by the people while the
invasion was in progress (Guthe, Sorensen, Kuenen, § 43. 19-21).
2 2, 15-25. On Shebna. Shebna, a minister holding in
Jerusalem the influential office of Governor or Comptroller of
the Palace, is threatened by Isaiah with disgrace and banish-
ment ; and Eliakim, a man of approved views, is nominated as
his successor.
It is evident that Shebna represented a policy obnoxious to Isaiah—
probably he was one of the friends of Egypt. The prophecy must date
from before 701 ; for in that year (36, 3. 37, 2) Eliakim is mentioned as
holding the office here promised him by Isaiah, and Shebna occupies the
subordinate position of " Scribe," or secretary.
C. 23. On Tyre. In picturesque and effective imagery, the
approaching fall of Tyre, the great commercial and colonizing
city of antiquity, is described, vv. 1-14. After seventy years of
enforced quiescence, however, Tyre will revive, and resume her
former occupation ; but her gains, instead of being applied to
her own profit or adornment, will be consecrated to the service
of Jehovah, vv. 15-18.
Isaiah expresses here, in a form consonant with the special
character of Tyre — as before, in the case of Ethiopia, 18, 7, and
Egypt, 19, 18 ff. — the thought of its future acknowledgment of
the true God : the commercial spirit, by which it is actuated,
will not be discarded, but it will be elevated and ennobled.
The date of the prophecy depends partly upon v. 13. This verse is
difficult and uncertain : but if the rendering of RV. be correct, the prophet
points, as a warning to Tyre, to the punishment recently inflicted upon
Chaldx-a by the Assyrians —probal)ly in 710-09 or 703 (p. 195); and the
prophecy will have been written shortly before Sennacherib's invasion of
Phoenicia in 701 (Cheyne, W. R. Smith, Froph. p. 333 ; cf. Isaiah, p. 106).
But the " Chaldceans " are introduced somewhat unexpectedly; and Del.
(whose rendering of the received text is too forced to be probable) inclines
to adopt the emendation of Ew. and Schrader {KAT. p. 409 f. ) 01:^33
Canaanites for D''nt^'3, the verse then referring, of course, to the fate impend-
ing on Phoenicia itself. Kuenen (§ 42. 23), finding this verse inexplicable,
disregards it, and assigns the prophecy to the period of Shalmaneser's siege
of Tyre (between 727 and 723 B.C.), related by Josephus {Arch. ix. 14. 2).
III. C. 24 — 27. These chapters are intimately connected
20S LITERATURE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
together, and form a single prophecy. They " present vividly
and strongly the Divine judgment upon the world, and the
redemption of God's people." In particular, they declare the
overthrow of some proud, tyrannical city (the name of which is
not stated), and depict the felicity, and spiritual blessedness,
which Israel will afterwards enjoy.
24, 1-13 announce a great convulsion about to overwhelm a
large portion of the earth, obliterating every distinction of class,
and spreading desolation far and wide. For a moment, however,
the vision of ruin is interrupted ; and the praises of the redeemed
Israelites are heard, borne from afar over the Western waters,
V. 14 f. : but such rejoicings, the prophet declares, are
premature : another and more terrible scene in the drama of
judgment has still to be enacted, z'V. 16-24. In c. 25 the
deliverance is supposed to have been effected, and the hostile
city overthrown : and the prophet puts into the mouth of the
redeemed community two hymns of thanksgiving, 25, 1-5. 9 ;
25, 6-S he pictures the blessedness of which Zion will then be
the centre for <?// nations ; while haughty Moab, 25, 10-12, will
be ignominiously humbled. 26, i-io is a third hymn of thanks-
giving ; 26, 11-19 is a retrospect (supposed likewise to be
spoken a/^e?- the deliverance) : the nation looks back to the
period of distress preceding its deliverance, and confesses that
this bad been accomplished, not by any power of its own, but by
Divine aid. 26, 20-21 the prophet returns to his own present,
and addresses words of comfort to his contemporaries in view of
the approaching ''indignation" {i.e. 24, i ff.). C. 27 contains
further descriptions of the fall of the hostile power, with a fourth
hymn {zw. 2-5), and of the restoration of God's own people.
Modern critics agree generally in the opinion that this prophecy
is not Isaiah's: and (chiefly) for the following reasons: — i. It
lacks a suitable occasion in Isaiah's age. It cannot be plausibly
assigned to the period of the Assyrian crisis of 701 ; for we possess
a long series of discourses belonging to the years 702-701 : in
all Isaiah views similarly the coming overthrow of Assyria ;
but in the present prophecy both the structure and the point of
view are throughout different (contrast e.g. c. 29 — 32 with these
chapters). Thus Isaiah never connects either the aggressions or
the ruin of the Assyrian power with movements of the dimen-
sions here contemplated : the Assyrian forces are broken " upon
ISAIAH. 209
the mountains" of Judah (14, 25); but the earth generally is
untouched (contrast 24, 1-12. 17-20). Isaiah always speaks of
the army, or king, of Assyria : here the oppressing power is some
great city (25, 2-3. 26, 5). In Isaiah, again, the "remnant"
which escapes is saved in Judah or Jerusalem (4, 3. 37, 32):
here the voices of the redeemed are first heard from distant
quarters of the earth (24, 14-16).
2. The literary treatment (in spite of certain phraseological
points of contact with Isaiah) is in many respects unlike Isaiah's.
3. There are features in the representation and contents of the
prophecy which seem to spring out of a different (and later)
vein of thought from Isaiah's.
Thus the style is more artificial than that of Isaiah, as appears, for instance,
in the frequent combination of nearly synonymous clauses, often kavvhirui (24,
3ff.), the repetition of a word (24, 16. 25, I^ 26, 3. 5. 15. 27, 5), the
numerous alliterations and word-plays (24, i. 3. 4. 6. 16. 17. iS. 19. 25, 6.
10''. 26, 3. 27, 7), the tendency to rh\me (24, i. 8. 16. 25, i. 6. 7. 26, 2. 13.
20. 21. 27, 3, 5), — all features, which, though they may be found occasionally
in Isaiah, are never aggregated in his writings as they are here. There are,
moreover, many unusual expressions, the combination of which points simi-
larly to an author other than Isaiah. Traits connected with the representa-
tion, not in the manner of Isaiah, are e.g. 24, 16. 21-22. 25, 6. 26, 18 f.
(the resurrection). 27, I (the animal symbolism), the reflexions 26, 7 ff- The
principal points of contact with Isaiah are 24, 6 (lyTO)- ^'^ (23, i). 13 (i7j
6). i6b(2r, 2. 33, i). 20 (I, 8 n3li5?3). 25, 2(17, i nbso)- 4 (i4. 30 uh^
T
D"'3V3S"l)- 4 (9. 17 n'-'Jn -IV^C). 5 (32. 2 IVV). 7 (10, 20 inDD). 9 (i7.
8 D'JDn). II'' (17, 7 f- 22, 11''). 13 (11, II the wide dispersion); but, in
the light of the general difference, these are not sufficient to establish Isaiah's
authorship : they do not show more than that the author was familiar with
Isaiah's writings, and sometimes borrowed expressions from them. His pro-
phecy contains similarly reminiscences from other prophe's, as 24, I (Nah. 2,
II) ; 24, 2. 4. 27, 6 (Hos. 4, 9. 3. 14, 7 ff.) ; 24, 17-18^ (Jer. 48, 43-44°) ; 24,
20" (Am. 5, 2) ; 26, I (Isa. 60, 18) ; 26, 21 (Micah i, 3). It is true the author
follows Isaiah more than other prophets ; but it is difficult not to feel the
justice of Delitzsch's remark {Isaiah, ed. 4, p. 2S6), " that the contents of the
prophecy, in order to find a place in the OT. knowledge of salvalion, must
be referred to an age subsequent 10 Isaiah's."
But if it be not Isaiah's, to what period is the prophecy to be
assigned ? The absence of distinct historical allusions makes this
question a diflicult one to answer. 27, i alludes (as it seems) to
Assyria, Babylon, and Egypt ; hence it will not be earlier than
the time when Babylon becatne formidable to the Jews. The
present writer was disposed formerly to acquiesce in the opiniori
O
210 LITERATURE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT,
that it might have been written on the eve of the exile, in view
of the great poUtical upheaval wrought by Nebuchadnezzar ; but
it differs so widely from the other prophecies of this period
(Jer. Ez.) that this view can scarcely be maintained. There are
features in which it is in advance not merely of Isaiah, but even
of Deutero-Isaiah. It may be referred most plausibly to the
early post-exilic period.^ All admit that the ideal element is
larger here than in most prophecies of the OT. "The seemingly
historical allusions are in reality symbolical : when we attempt
to fix them they elude our grasp" (Uelitzsch). Even Dean
Plumptre (though he attributes the prophecy to Isaiah) writes : ^
"The language, with the exception of the reference to Moab
(25, 10), seems deliberately generalized, as if to paint the general
discomfiture in every age (and, above all, in the great age of the
future Deliverer) of the enemies of Jehovah and His people.''
But this generalization of prophecy is itself the mark of a later
age. Pre-exilic prophecies are uniformly accommodated to the
occasion out of which they arise : even where the language is
figurative, it still takes its colouring from the definite circum-
stances to which the prophet addresses himself. But this pro-
phecy partakes, in fact, of an apocalyptic character. " It has
too universal an application — the language is too imaginative,
enigmatic, and even paradoxical — to be applied to an actual
historical situation, or to its development in the immediate
future. . . . It is a summary or ideal account of the attitude of
the alien world to Israel, and of the judgment God has ready
for the world." And even though itself of later origin, "its place
in the Book of Isaiah is intelligible. C. 24 — 27 fitly crown the
long list of Isaiah's oracles upon foreign nations. They finally
formulate the purposes of God towards the nations and towards
Israel, whom the nations have oppressed." ^
Under what circumstances the prophecy may have been written we can but
conjecture. From Neh. I, 3 it may be inferred that some calamity, on
which the historical books are otherwise silent, had befallen the restored
community ; and perhaps this prophecy was designed for the encouragement
1 So Ewald, Delitzsch {Alessiauische IVcissagHngen, 1890, p. 144 f.), Dill
mann. Smend {ZATIV, 1884, pp. 161-224) and Kuenen (§ 46. 20) place
it later, in the 4th century K.c, hut upon grounds of doubtful cogency.
- In the Commentary on the OT., edited by Bp. Ellicott.
^ G. A. Smith [above, p. 194], i. 416 f. 430 f.
ISAIAH. 2 1 1
of the people at the time when that disaster was imminent, the author (in
some cases) basing his representations upon those of Isaiah, and developing
lines of thought suggested by him. Possibly, indeed, it may owe its place
in the Book of Isaiah to the fact that it was from the first intended as a
supplement to Isaiah's prophecies against foreign nations, applying some of
the truths and principles on which Isaiah insisted to the circumstances of the
age in which the author wrote (comp. Dillm. p. 222).
Of course the ascription of the prophecy to this age in no
degree impairs its rehgious value. On the contrary, "c. 24-27
stand in the front rank of evangeHcal prophecy. In their expe-
rience of religion, their characterizations of God's people, their
expressions of faith, their missionary hopes, and hopes of immor-
tality, they are very rich and edifying." ^
The prophecy in some respects stands alone in the OT. It is
remarkable on account of the width of area which the prophet's
imagination traverses, the novelty and variety of the imagery
which he employs, the music of language and rhythm which
impressed Delitzsch's ear so forcibly, and the beautiful lyric
hymns in which the redeemed community declares its gratitude.
IV. C. 28 — ^^. A group of discourses, dealing (all but entirely)
with the relation of Judah to Assyria, — the earlier insisting
on the shortsightedness of revolting from Assyria, and trusting
to Egypt for effectual help ; the later foretelling the trouble in
which, through the neglect of Isaiah's warnings, Judah and
Jerusalem would be involved, and their subsequent deliverance.
C. 28. Vv. 1-6 the prophet begins by declaring the approach-
ing fall of the proud capital of Samaria. He then turns aside,
V. 7, to address Jerusalem. Here also there is the same self-
indulgence and reluctance to listen to better counsels : the
political leaders of the nation scorn the prophet's message, and
trust to Egyptian help to free themselves from the yoke of
Assyria ; but the day will come when they will find how terribly
their calculations are at fault, vv. 7-22. Vv. 23-29 are words of
consolation addressed to Isaiah's own disciples and followers,
teaching by a parable God's purposes in His discipline of His
people.
From vv. 1-4 it is evident that the prophecy was written some time prior
to 722, the year of the fall of Samaria. The tone adopted by Isaiah shows
what power the friends of Egypt were already beginning to exercise in Judah.
C. 29 — 32. A series of prophecies belonging (if 29, i be
1 G. A. Smith, ti>ii/. p. 431 f.
212 LITERATURE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
rightly interpreted) to the year before Sennacherib's invasion of
Judah, i.e. to 702 B.C.
C. 29. Within a year Jerusalem will be besieged, and reduced
to extremities by her foes ; but in a moment the hostile throng
pressing around her will be dispersed, and vanish like a dream,
vv .\-^. To the people, however, all seems secure : the prospect
opened by Isaiah appears to them incredible : they view his
words with astonishment, v. g\ He reproaches them with their
want of discernment, declaring that ere long the event will prove
the truth of what he has said, and the wisdom of their counsellors
will stand abashed, vv. 9''-i6. He closes with a picture of the
ideal future that will follow the downfall of the Assyrian (v. 20"),
and of the altered character and temper which will then manifest
itself in the nation, vv. 1 7-24.
C. 30. The negotiations with Egypt have here reached a
further stage. An embassy, despatched for the purpose of con-
cluding a treaty, is already on its way thither. Isaiah predicts
the disappointment in which the project will assuredly end, and
in a brief but pithy motto sums up the character of Egypt, —
boastful in the offer of promises, procrastinating and inefficient
in the performance of them, vv. 1-7. He paints the terrible
results in which the political shortsightedness of the people's
leaders will ultimately land them, z'Z'. 8-17; though afterwards
his tone changes into one of reassurance, and he draws a picture
(similar to that in 29, 17 fif.) of the ideal future that is to follow,
of the glorification of external nature, corresponding to the
nation's transformed character, which is to accompany it, vv.
18-26, and of the triumphant overthrow of the Assyrian invader,
by which it will be inaugurated, vv. 27-33.
C. 31 — 32, 8 reiterates, under fresh figures, substantially the
same thoughts: the disappointment to be expected from Egypt,
31, 1-3; Jehovah's deliverance of His city, v. 4f.; the people's
altered character afterwards, v. 6 f ; the fall of the Assyrian,
V. 8 f. : 32, 1-8 the prophet delineates once more the ideal
future, dwelling in particular on the regeneration of society,
and the recovery of a clear and firm moral judgment, which are
to signalize its advent.
32, 9-20 is addressed specially to the women, whose indiffer-
ence and unconcern had attracted the notice of the prophet.
Their careless assurance, Isaiah tells them, is misplaced : trouble
ISAIAH. 213
is impending over the land ; it is about to be ravaged by the foe ;
and next year's harvest will be looked for in vain, vv. 10-12.
And the state of desolation will continue, until a vivifying spirit
is poured upon it from on high, altering the face of external
nature, and transforming, morally and religiously, the character
of the inhabitants, vv. 13-20.
C. 33. The end of the Assyrian is at length approaching : the
country is indeed a picture of desolation and misery {vv. 7-9) ;
but the moment has arrived for Jehovah to arise and defend His
city : and already the prophet sees the hosts of the Assyrians
dispersed, and the Jews seizing the spoil {v. 3 f.), vv. 1-12. Ere
long the present distress will be " mused on " only as a thing
that is past : Zion, safe in the protection of her Divine Lord,
will be at peace ; and no sickness, or sin, will disturb the felicity
which thenceforth her citizens will enjoy, vv. 13-24.
The date of Ihis prophecy is a year later than c. 29 — 32, i.e. B.C. 701,
apparently shortly after the incidents related in 2 Ki. 18, i3''-i6. Sennacherib
had taken many fenced cities of Judah, and laid a fine upon Hezekiah ;
but had afterwards, upon whatever pretext, made a fresh demand for the
surrender of Jerusalem ; and the messengers who had been sent to Lacliish to
purchase peace of him had returned without accomplishing their purpose
(v. 7 f.). Isaiah, abandoning the tone of alarm which he had adopted a year
previously, when the foe was still in the distance {e.g. 29, I-4), sets himself
here to calm and reassure his people (comp. 37, 22-32).
V. C. 34 — 35. The contrasted future of Edom and of Israel.
The prophet declares a judgment to be approaching, which will
embrace all nations: specially in Edom is "a great sacrifice"
prepared, which will strip the country of its inhabitants, and
leave it a desolation, the haunt of desert animals, for ever
(c. 34). Far different will be the future of the ransomed
Israelites. For them the desert soil will bring forth abundantly ;
human infirmities will cease to vex, human needs will be relieved ;
secure from molestation the exiles will return to Zion, and obtain
there never-ending joys (c. 35).
The most prominent characteristic of this prophecy is the glow of passion
which pervades c. 34, recalling that which animates the prophecies against
Babylon in 13, 2 ff . and Jer. 50 — 51, The author, or the people whom he
represents, must have been smarting from some recent provocation, as, indeed,
is intimated unambiguously in 34, 8 " For unto Jehovah belongeth a day of
vengeance, and a year of recompence /<?r //ji? quarrel of Zion." The hostile
feeling which prevailed generally between Israel and Edom broke out most
suongly at the time when Jerusalem was captured by the Chaldceans in 5S6 ;
214 LITERATURE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
then the Edomites manifested an open and malicious exultation at the fall of
their rival, which, as allusions in contemporary (Obadiah 10-16 ; Ez. 35 ;
Lam. 4, 21 f.), and even in later (Ps. 137, 7) writers show, was bitterly
resented by the Jews. The strong vein of feeling which pervades c. 34 makes
it extremely probable that this was the occasion of the prophecy : the ground
ofZion's "quarrel " may be illustrated from Ez. 35, 10-13. The literary style
of the prophecy is also not Isaiah's ; and both in tone and in representation,
it presents affinities with prophecies which, upon independent grounds, must
be referred to the period of the exile.
VI. C. 36 — 39. An historical section, differing (except by the
addition of the Song of Hezekiah, 38, 9-20) only verbally from
2 Ki. 18, 13. 18, 17 — 20, 19, and narrating certain important
events in which Isaiah was concerned, viz. : (i) the double
demand (36, 2 ff. ; 37, 7 ff.) made by Sennacherib for the sur-
render of Jerusalem ; Isaiah's final predictions of its deliverance,
and their fulfilment, c. 36 — 37 ; (2) Hezekiah's sickness ; his cure,
and the promise made to hirn by Isaiah, followed by his Song
01 thanksgiving, c. 38 ; (3) the embassy sent by Merodach-
Baladan, king of Babylon, to Hezekiah ; Isaiah's reproof of
Hezekiah for having displayed to them his treasures, and his
prediction of future spoliation by the Babylonians, c. 39.
The original place of these narratives was not the Book of
Isaiah, but the Book of Kings, whence they were excerpted (with
slight abridgments) by the compiler of the Book of Isaiah (as
Jer. 52 was excerpted from 2 Ki. 24, i8ff. by the compiler of
the Book 01" Jeremiah), on account, no doubt, of the particulars
contained in them respecting Isaiah's prophetical work, and the
fulfilment of some of his most remarkable prophecies,^ the Song
of Hezekiah being added by him from an independent source.
This is apparent — (i) from a comparison of the two texts. Thus (minor
verbal differences being disregarded)^
2 Ki. iS, 13 = Is. 36, I.
18, 14-16 =* * *
18, 17—19, 37 =36, 2-37, 38.
20, 1-6 -- 38, 1-6 {vv. 4-6 abridged).
7-8 = 21-22 (out of place).
9-1 1 = 7-8 (abridged).
* * * = 9-20 (Hezekiah's Song).
12-19 = c. 39 (Merodach-Baladan's embassy).
If the places in which the two texts differ be compared, it will be seen that
^ With 37, 36 f. comp. not only 37, 7. 22. 29, but also 10, 33 f. 14, 25. 17,
13 f. iS, 5 f. 2y, 6f. 30, 27 n: 31, Sf. yj, 3. 10-12 [Isaiali, p. 82 f.).
ISAIAH. 215
that of Kings has the fuller details, that of Isaiah being evidently abridged
from it : notice especially Is. 38, 4. 7-8 by the side of 2 Ki. 20, 4. 9-11 (Is.
56, 2-3\ 17-18" are related similarly to 2 Ki. 18, 17-18". 32) : Is. 38, 21-22
(where it is to be observed that the only legitimate version of the Hebrew
"irfy::''' 1DX''1 is "And Isaiah said" [not '-'had said"]) is also clearly in its
proper position in the text of Kings. Further (2) the narrative, as it stands
in Isaiah, shows manifest traces of having passed through the hand of the
compiler of Kings, especially in the form in which Hezekiah's prayer is cast
(Is. 37, 15-20 = 2 Ki. 19, 15-19), in 37, 34", where the reference to David is
a motive without parallel in Isaiah, but of great frequency in Kings (p. 191,
No. 22), and in c. 38 — 39 (c-.o. 38, i In those days, p. 192, No. 44 ; 3, of.
1 K. 2, 4, and p. 190, No. 7 ; 39, I At that time, p. 192, No. 45. From what
source the prophetical narrative, c. 36 — 37, was derived by the compiler of
Kings, we have no means of determining. The prophecy, 37, 22 32, bears,
indeed, unmistakable marks of Isaiah's hand ; but the surrounding narrative
(which shows no literary traits pointing to him as its author) seems to be
the work of a writer belonging to the subsequent generation : for a con-
temporary of the events related would hardly have attributed the successes
against Hamath, Arpad, and Samaria (36, 19), which were, in fact, achieved
by Tiglath-Pileser or Sargon, to Sennacherib, or have expressed himself, yj ,
38, without any indication — and apparently without any consciousness — that
Sennacherib's assassination (B.C. 681) was separated from his invasion of
Judah (B.C. 701) by an interval of 20 years. The absence in 37, 36 of all
particulars as to time and place points to the same conclusion.
Isaiah's ^ poetical genius is superb. His characteristics are
grandeur and beauty of conception, wealth of imagination, vivid-
ness of illustration, compressed energy and splendour of diction.
These characteristics, as is natural, frequently accomj^any each
other; and passages which exemplify one will be found to
exemplify another. Examples of picturesque and impressive
imagery are indeed so abundant that selection is difficult. These
may be instanced, however : the banner raised aloft upon the
mountains (5, 26 11, 10. 18, 3. 30, 17, — in different connexions) ;
the restless roar of the sea (5, 30) ; the waters rising with irresist-
ible might (8, 7 f.) ; the forest consumed rapidly in the circling
flames, or stripped of its foliage by an unseen hand (10, 16 f.
33 f.) ; the high way (11, 16. 19, 23) ; the rushing of many waters
(17, 12 f.) ; the storm driving or beating down all before it (28,
2. 29, 6. 30, 27 f. 30 f.) ; the monster funeral pyre (30, 33);
^ For an estimate of Isaiah's position as a prophet, and an exposition of the
leading principles of his teaching, the writer must refer either to what he has
himself said on these subjects elsewhere {isaiah, p. 107 ff. ), or to what has
been said on them, ably and fully, by other writers — most recently by Dillm.
pp. ix-xix (esp. xv-xix).
2l6 LITERATURE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
Jehovah's hand " stretched out," or " swung," over the earth,
and bearing consternation with it (5, 25. 14, 26 f. 23, 11. 31, 3;
II, 15. 19, 16. 30, 32). Especially grand are the figures under
which he conceives Jehovah as "rising up," being "exalted," or
otherwise asserting His majesty against those who would treat it
with disregard or disdain (2, 12-21. 3, 13. 5, 16. 10, 16 f. 26.
19, 1. 28, 21. 31, 2. 33, 3. 10). I'he blissful future which he
foresees, when the troubles of the present are past, he delineates
in colours of surpassing purity and beauty : with mingled wonder
and delight we read, and read again, those marvellous pictures
of serenity and peace, which are the creations of his inspired
imagination (2, 2-4. 4, 2-6. 9, 1-7. 11, i-io. 16, 4''-5. 29, 18 ff.
30, 21-26. 32, 1-8. 15-18. 33, 5 f. 20 ff.). The brilliancy and
power of Isaiah's genius appear further in the sudden contrasts,
and pointed antitheses and retorts, in which he delights ; as 8,
22 — 9, I. 17, 14. 29, 5. 31, 4 f.; I, 3. 10 (Jerusalem apostrophized
as Sodom and Gomorrha). 19 f. 2, 20 f. (the idols and Jehovah).
3, 24. 5, 8 f. 14 (the pomp of the busy city sinking into Sheol).
24. 10, 14 f. (the wonderful image of the helplessness of the entire
earth before Sennacherib, followed by the taunting comparison of
the tyrant to an inanimate implement). 17, 13. 23, 9. 28, 14 ff.
29, i^'- 3T> 3- ZZ^ 10-12. 37, 29.
Isaiah's literary style shows similar characteristics. It is chaste
and dignified : the language is choice, but devoid of all arti-
ficiality or stiffness ; every sentence is compact and forcible ; the
rhythm is stately ; the periods are finely rounded {e.g. 2, 1 2 ff. ;
5, 26 ff. ; II, 1-9). Isaiah indulges occasionally — in the manner
of his people — in tone-painting (17, 12 f. 28, 7 f. 10. 29, 6), and
sometimes enforces his meaning by an effective assonance (5, 7.
10, 16. 17, I. 2. 22, 5. 29, 2. 9. 30, 16. 32, 7. 19), but never to
excess, or as a meretricious ornament. His style is never diffuse :
even his longest discourses are not monotonous or prolix ; he
knows how to treat his subject fruitfully, and, as he moves along,
to bring before his reader new and varied aspects of it : thus he
seizes a number of salient points, and presents each singly in a
vivid picture (5, 8 ff. ; 7, 18 ff.; 9, 8 ff. ; 19, 16 ff.). Isaiah has the
true classical sense of Trt'pas ; his prophecies always form artistic
wholes, adequate to the effect intended, and having no feature
overdrawn. He, moreover, possesses a rare power of adapting
his language to the occasion, and of bringing home to his hearers
ISAIAH. 2 1 7
what he would have them understand : thus, with a few sentences,
he can shatter the fairest idols, or dissipate the fondest illusions
(i, 2. 3. 4 ; 2, 6 ff. ; 3, 14 f . ; 5, 8 ff. ; 22, i ff.; 15 ff. ; 28, 14 ff. ;
29, 12 ff. ; 31, 3, Sec), or win his hearer's attention by the deli-
cate irony of a parable (5, i fif.), or by the stimulus of a significant
name (8, i. 19, 18. 30, 7), or enable them to gaze with him upon
the majesty of the Divine Glory (6, 1 ff), or to wander in
imagination (n 1 ff., and elsewhere) over the transformed earth
of the Messianic future. And he can always point the truth
which he desires to impress by some apt figure or illustration :
for instance, the scene of desperation in 3, 6 f., or 8, 21 f., the
proverb in 9, 10, the child in 10, 19 (cf. 11, 6), the suggestive
similes in 17, 5. 6, the uneasy couch 28, 20, the disappointing
dream 29, 8, the subtle flaw, spreading insidiously through a wall,
30, 13 f. No prophet has Isaiah's power either of conception or
of expression ; none has the same command of noble thoughts, or
can present them in the same noble and attractive language.
VII. C. 40 — 66. These chapters form a continuous prophecy,
dealing throughout with a common theme, viz. Israel's restoration
from exile in Babylon. There is no thought in this prophecy of
the troubles or dangers to which Judah was exposed at the hands
of Sargon or Sennacherib ; the empire of Assyria has been suc-
ceeded (b.c. 607) by that oi Babylon : Jerusalem and the Temple
have been for long in ruins (58, 12- 61, 4 "the old waste
places;" 64, 10); Israel is in exile (47, 6. 48, 20, &:c.). And
the power of the Chaldseans is to all appearance as secure as
ever : the Jewish exiles are in despair or indifferent ; they think
that God has forgotten them, and have ceased to expect, or
desire, their release (40, 27. 49, 14. 24). This is the situation to
which the present prophecy is addressed : its aim is to arouse the
indifferent, to reassure the wavering, to expostulate with the
doubting, to announce with triumphant confidence the certainty
of the apj)roaching restoration.
The Jews went into exile in two detachments : the flower of
the nation with Jehoiachin in B.C. 597 ; the rest, after the revolt
of Zedekiah, in 586, when the city was taken and the Temple
burnt. Cyrus, who was to prove the instrument of their restora-
tion, first appears shortly before 550 ; uniting and organizing the
different tribes of Persian origin, he overthrows the Median
empire of Astyages in 549 ; and, at the head of the combined
2l8 LITERATURE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
armies of both nations, advances to further conquests. Having
captured Sardis, the capital of Croesus, king of Lydia, and left
his general Harpagus to complete the subjugation of Asia Minor,
he next (Herod, i. 177) reduces one after another the tribes ot
Upper (or Inner) Asia, and ultimately prepares to attack Babylon.
His own inscription^ narrates his success (b.c. 538): in the
following year the exiled Jews receive permission from him to
return to Palestine (Ezr. i, 1-3).
The prophecy opens at some date between 549 and 538 : for
the conquest of Babylon is still future ; but the union of the
Medes with the Persians appears to have already taken place."^
It introduces us therefore to the time while Cyrus is pursuing his
career of conquest in N.W. and Central Asia. The prophet's eye
marks him in the distance as the coming deliverer of his nation :
he stimulates the flagging courage of the people by pointing to
his successes (41, 2-4), and declares that he is God's appointed
agent, both for the overthrow of the Babylonian empire and for
the restoration of the chosen people to Palestine (41, 25. 44, 28.
45> 1-6- 13- 46, 11).
The following is an outline of the argument of this great
prophecy. It may be divided into three parts : (1) c. 40 — 48 ;
(2) c. 49—59 ; {3)c. 60—66.
(i.) Here the prophet's aim is to demonstrate to the people
the certainty oj the w/ning release, ^x\d to convince them that no
obstacles, real or imagined, will avail to hinder their deliverance.
For this purpose he uses different arguments, designed to estab-
lish \.hQ p07e.ier oi Jehovah, and His ability to fulfil His promises.
C. 40, after the exordium v. i f., stating the general theme
of the entire prophecy, the prophet bids a way be prepared
through the wilderness for the triumphal progress of Israel's king,
who is figured as a Conqueror about to return to Zion, leading
before Him His prize of war, the recovered nation itself. Vv.
12-26 the prophet demonstrates at length, chiefly from the works
of nature, the omnipotence of Israel's Divine Deliverer : no
finite spirit can compare with Him {vv. 12-17) ! "o human con-
ception can express Him {vv. 18-26). 41, 1-7 he dramatically
imagines a judgment scene. The nations are invited to come
forward and plead their case with Jehovah. The question is,
1 Isaiah, p. 136 f . ; Sayce, Fi-esh Light f 7-0 m the Hloniimcnts, p. 172 ff.
'"' ^i, 25 " from the east," i.e. Persia ; "from the north," i.e. Media.
ISAIAH. 219
Who has stirred up the great conqjieror, Cyrus ? ivho lias led him
upon his career of victory ? {v. 2 f.). Only one answer is possible :
not the heathen gods, but Jehovah, the Creator of history. A
digression follows, vv. 8-20, designed for the encouragement of
Israel, which has been chosen by Jehovah as His " servant," and
cannot therefore be discarded by Him. The judgment scene,
interrupted after v. 4, is now resumed; and the second proof of
Jehovah's Godhead is adduced : Ue alone knojos the future (vv.
21-29). 42> 1-6 Jehovah's "servant" appears under a new
aspect, and with new functions, — no longer the historic nation
of Israel (as 41, 8 f), but an ideal figure, reproducing in their
perfection the best and truest characteristics of the actual nation,
and invested by the prophet with a far-reaching prophetic mission.
Here his mission is described as twofold : {i) to teach the world
true religioTi ; (2) to be the medium of IsraeTs restoration (to be
a "covenant of the people") {v. 6). The prospect of the speedy
realization of his present announcement {v. 9) evokes from the
prophet a short lyric ode of thanksgiving, vv. 10-12 ; after which
he depicts, in splendid anthropomorphic imagery, Jehovah's ap-
proaching manifestation for the dehverance of His people, and
the discomfiture of the Babylonian idolaters, vv. 13-17. But
some of those who listen to him are blind and deaf: Jehovah's
"servant" (Israel, as 41, 8) has fallen short of the ideal which
the titles bestowed upon it implied : it has not responded to
Jehovah's gracious purpose ; hence the troubles which have fallen
upon it, and the bondage in which it is at present held fast, vv.
18-25. But now, Israel need fear no longer; Egypt, Ethiopia,
and Seba shall take its place as Cyrus' vassals ; from all quarters
the exiles shall return, 43, 1-7.
Another judgment scene, between Israel and the heathen, is
here imagined. The question is the same as before : which of
the two can point to predictions in proof of the divinity of their
God? But Israel is Jehovah's witness, 43, 8-13; and Israel
shall now speedily be redeemed, though of God's free pardon,
and not for any merit on its part : a glorious and blessed
future awaits it, a future in which the nations will press forward
to dedicate themselves to Jehovah, and to claim the honour of
membership in His people, 43, 14 — 44, 5. 44, 6 — 45, 25 the
prophet again brings forward the evidences of Jehovah's God-
head; and the promises of deliverance given already are made
220 LITERATURE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
more definite. In particular, as the prophet shows by a satirical
description of the manner in which they were manufactured in
his day, 44, 9-20, Jehovah is immeasurably superior to all idols,
who are impotent to thwart His purpose, or impede His people's
freedom : by His free grace He has blotted out Israel's sin, and
nominated Cyrus as the conqueror of Babylon and the agent of
His people's restoration, 44, 21 — 45, 17: His promises have
been given openly, and will assuredly be fulfilled, 45, 18 K
C. 46 — 47 the prophet dwells upon the near prospect of the fall
of the oppressing city, — in c. 46 drawing an ironical picture of
its humiliated idols ; in c. 47 contemplating the city itself, which
he personifies as a lady of queenly rank, obliged to relinquish the
position which she has long proudly held, and powerless to avert
the fate which threatens her. C. 48 consists mainly of a repeti-
tion and reinforcement of the arguments insisted on in the
previous parts of the prophecy : it ends with a jubilant cry
addressed to the exiles, bidding them depart from Babylon, and
proclaim to the utmost quarters of the earth the wondrous story
of their return.
(2.) In this division of the prophecy a further stage is reached
in the development of the author's theme. The controversial
tone, the repeated comparisons between Jehovah and the idols,
with the arguments founded upon them, disappear : the prophet
feels that, as regards these points, he has made his position
sufficiently secure. For the same reason, allusions to Cyrus
and his conquest of Babylon cease also : that, likewise, is
now taken for granted. He exhorts the people to fit them-
selves morally to take part in the return, and to share the
blessings which will accompany it, or which it will inaugurate ;
he contemplates more exclusively the future in store for
Israel, if it will respond to Jehovah's call ; and he adds fresh
features to the portrait of Jehovah's ideal Servant. C. 49 intro-
duces Jehovah's ideal Servant, describing dramatically his i)erson
and experiences, and announcing more distinctly than before
(42, 6) the twofold nature of his mission, vv. 1-13 : vv. 14-26
the prophet meets objections arising out of Israel's want of
faith. 50, 4-9 the ideal Servant is again introduced, recounting
in a soliloquy the manner in which he discharges his })rophetic
mission, and the trials which attend it; ?'. 10 f is the prophet's
own exhortation to his fellow-countrymen. 51, i — 52, 12 the
ISAIAH. 221
prospect of the approaching return is that which chiefly occupies
the prophet's thoughts ; and his confidence finds exultant ex-
pression in the thrice-repeated jubilant apostrophe, 51, 9. 17.
52, I : 52, 7 f . he sees in imagination the messengers bearing
tidings of Israel's deliverance arrive upon the mountains of
Judah, and hears the watchmen, whom he pictures as looking
out eagerly from the city walls, announcing with gladness the
joyous news : 52, 11 f. he repeats (cf. 48, 20) the cry, " Depart."
52, 13 — 53, 12 deals again with the figure of Jehovah's ideal
Servant, and develops under a new aspect his character and
work. It represents, namely, his great and surprising exaltation,
after an antecedent period of humiliation, suffering, and death,
in which, it is repeatedly stated, he suffered, not (as those who
saw him mistakenly imagined) for his own sins, but for the sins
of others. 54, i — 56, 8 fresh promises of restoration are
addressed to the exiles : c. 54 Zion, now distressed and afflicted,
will ere long be at peace, with her children, the "disciples
of Jehovah," about her ; c 55 let all prepare themselves to receive
the prophet's invitation and share the approaching redemp-
tion ; 56, I f. the moral conditions which they must satisfy
are once again emphasized ; 56, 3-8 all merely technical dis-
qualifications will henceforth be abolished. 56, 9— c. 57 the
strain alters : the prophet turns aside from the glorious future,
which is elsewhere uppermost in his thoughts, to attack the
faults and shortcomings which Israel had shown itself only too
reluctant to abandon, and which would necessitate in the end
a divine interposition for their removal. 56, 9 — 57, 2 he
denounces the unworthy rulers of the nation, who, like careless
shepherds (cf. Jer. 2, 8. 23, i f. Ez. 34), had neglected their
people, and left them to perish. 57, 3-11'^ he reproaches Israel
with its idolatry, drawing a picture of strange heathen rites, such
as Jeremiah and Ezekiel show to have prevailed in Judah till
the very eve of the exile, and the tendency to which no doubt
was still far from extirpated among the people at large (cf. 65,
3-5. 11): 57, ii'-2i Israel's sole hope is penitence and trust
in God — -" he ihat taketh refuge in me shall inherit the land, and
take my holy mountain into possession." C. 58 the prophet
repeats that the moral impediments which disriualify Israel for the
enjoyment of the promised blessings must be removed : especi-
ally he finds fault with the hollow unreality with which fasts
222 LITERATURE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
Avere observed, and draws a contrasted picture of the true fast
in which Jehovah dehghts, viz. deeds of philanthropy, unselfish-
ness, liberality, and mercy : if Israel will devote itself to these
works, and at the same time show a cheerful reverence towards
its God {v. 13), then Jehovah will shower down His blessings
upon it, and it will triumphandy resume possession of its ancient
home. C. 59 the prophet represents the people as confessing
the chief sins of which they have been guilty : unable to rescue
themselves, Jehovah will now interpose on their behalf, and
manifest Himself as a redeemer in Zion, not indeed to all without
distinction, but to those who satisfy the needful moral conditions,
and have "turned from rebellion in Jacob."
(3.) Here the prophet depicts, in still brighter hues, the felicity
of the ideal Zion of the future. As before, a progress may be
observed in the development of his thought. In c. 40 — 4S,
when Israel's release was foremost in his thoughts, the judgment
was conceived as falling solely upon Israel's foes : in c. 57 — 59,
however, he evinces a more vivid consciousness of Israel's sin-
fulness, and of the obstacle which that presents to the restoration
of the «?;////-^ nation ; and in the chapters which now follow, he
announces a judgment to be enacted in Israel itself, distinguish-
ing Jehovah's faithful " servants" (65, 8. 9. 13. 14. 15) from those
disloyal to him, and excluding the latter from the promised
blessings. C. 60 the longed for "light" (59, 9) bursts upon the
Ijrophet's eye : the dark cloud of night that shrouds the rest of
the world has been lifted over the Holy City; and he gathers the
features belonging to Zion restored into a single dazzling vision.
61, 1-3 Jehovah's ideal Servant is once more introduced,
describing the gracious mission entrusted to him, to " bring good
tidings to the afflicted," and to " proclaim liberty to the captives "
(cf 42, 3. 7. 49, 9), which is followed, as before (49, 9-12), by
the promise of Jerusalem's restoration (61, 4): m the rest of
c. 61 — 62 the prophet dwells upon the new and signal marks of
Jehovah's favour, resting visibly upon the restored nation, and
its own grateful appreciation (6r, 10 f.) of the blessedness thus
bestowed upon it. 63, 1-6 is a dramatic dialogue between
Jehovah, depicted as a victor returning from Edom, and the
l)rophet, in which, under the form of an ideal humiliation of
nations, marshalled upon the territory of Israel's inveterate foe,
is expressed the thought of Israel's triumph over its enemies.
ISAIAH. 223
The dialogue ended, the prophet's tone changes ; and St^, 7 — 64,
12, in the assurance that the redemption guaranteed by Jehovah's
triumph will be wrought out, he supplies faithful Israel with a
hymn of thanksgiving, supplication, and confession, expressive of
the frame of mind worthy to receive it, and couched in a strain
of surpassing pathos and beauty. C. 65 appears to be intended
as an answer to the suppHcation of c. 64, — an answer, however,
in which the distinction, alluded to above, is drawn between the
worthy and unworthy Israelites. God has ever. He says, been
accessible to His people, and ready to renew intercourse with
them ; it was they who would not respond, but provoked Him
with their idolatries. Israel, however, is not to be rejected on
account of the presence within it of unworthy members : a seed
of "chosen ones " will be brought out of Jacob, who shall again
inherit the mountains of Palestine. A new order of things
(<■'. 17; cf. 51, 16) is about to be created, in which Jerusalem
and her people will be to Jehovah a source of unalloyed delight,
and in which care and disappointment will cease to vex. 66, 1-5
the prophet, in view probably of the anticipated restoration
of the Temple, reminds the Jews that no earthly habitation is
really adequate to Jehovah's majesty, and that His regard is to
be won, neither by the magnificence of a material temple, nor by
unspiritual service, but by humility and the devotion of the
heart. He concludes, vv. 6-24, by two contrasted pictures of the
glorious blessedness in store for Jerusalem, and the terrible
judgment impending over her foes.
Authorship of c. 40 — 66. Three independent lines of argument
converge to show that this prophecy is not the work of Isaiah,
but, like 13, 2 — 14, 23, has for its author a prophet writing
towards the close of the Babylonian captivity, (i) The internal
evidence supplied by the prophecy itself points to this period as
that at which it was written. It alludes repeatedly to Jerusalem as
ruined and deserted {e.g. 44, 26^ 58, 12. 61, 4. 63, 18. 64, 10 f.) ;
to the sufferings which the Jews have experienced, or are
experiencing, at the hands of the Chaldaeans (42, 22. 25. 43, 28
[RV. 7narg?\. 47, 6. 52, 5) ; to the prospect of return, which, as the
prophet speaks, is imminent (40, 2. 46, 13. 48, 20 &c.). Those
whom the prophet addresses, and, moreover, addresses in person
—arguing with them, appealing to them, striving to win their
assent by his warm and impassioned rhetoric (40, 21. 26. 28. 43,
224 LITERATURE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
lo. 48, 8. 50, 10 f. 51, 6. 12 f. 58, 3 ft*., &c.) — are not the men
of Jerusalem, contemporaries of Ahaz and Hezekiah, or even
of Manasseh ; they are the exiles in Babylonia. Judged by the
analogy of prophecy, this constitutes the strongest possible pre-
sumption that the author actually lived in the period which he
thus describes, and is not merely (as has been supposed) Isaiah
immersed in spirit in the future, and holding converse, as it were,
with the generations yet unborn. Such an immersion in the
future would be not only without parallel in the OT., it would be
contrary to the nature of prophecy. The prophet speaks always,
in the first instance, to his own contemporaries : the message
which he brings is intimately related with the circumstances of
his time : his promises and predictions, however far they reach
into the future, nevertheless rest upon the basis of the history of
his own age, and correspond to the needs which are then felt.
The prophet never abandons his own historical position, but
speaks from it. So Jeremiah and Ezekiel, for instance, predict
first the exile, then the restoration ; both are contemplated by
them as still future ; both are viewed from the period in which
they themselves Hve. In the present prophecy there is no
prediction of exile ; the exile is not announced as something still
future : it xs presupposed, and only the release from it \^ predicted.
By analogy, therefore, the author will have lived in the situation
which he thus presupposes, and to which he continually alludes.
It is true, passages occur in which the prophets throw themselves forward
to an ideal standpoint, and describe from it events future to themselves, as
though they were past {e.g. 5, 13-15. 9, 1-6. 23, I. 14) ; but these are not
really parallel : the transference to the future, which they imply, is but
transient; in the immediate context, the prophet uses future tenses, and
speaks from his own standpoint (alluding, for instance, plainly to the events
or circumstances of his own age) ; the expressions, moreover, are general,
and the language is figurative. The writings of the prophets supply no analogy
for such a sustained transference to the future as would be implied if the>e
chapters were by Isaiah, or for the detailed and definite description of the
circumstances of a distant age.
(2.) The argument derived from the historic function of pro-
phecy is confirmed by the literary style of c. 40 — 66, which is
very different from that of Isaiah, Isaiah shows strongly marked
individualities of style : he is fond of particular images and
])hrases, many of which are used by no other writer of the OT.
Now, in the chapters which contain evident allusions to the
ISAIAH. 225
age of Isaiah himself, these expressions occur repeatedly ; in
the chapters which are without such allusions, and which
thus authorize prima facie the inference that they belong to a
different age, they are absent, and new images and phrases appear
instead. This coincidence cannot be accidental. The subject
of c. 40 — 66 is not so different from that of Isaiah's prophecies
[e.g.) against the Assyrians, as to necessitate a new phraseology
and rhetorical form : the differences can only be reasonably
explained by the supposition of a change of author. Isaiah in
his earliest, as in his latest prophecies (c. 29—33; 37' 22-32,
written when he must have been at least sixty years of age), uses
the same style, and shows a preference for the same figures ; and
the change of subject in c. 40 — 66 is not sufficiently great to
account for the marked differences which here show themselves,
and which indeed often relate to points, such as the form and
construction of sentences, which stand in no appreciable relation
to the subject treated.
The following are examples of words, or forms of expression, used repeatedly
in c. 40 — 66 (sometimes also in c. 13 f. and c. 34 f.), but never in the pro-
phecies which contain independent evidence of belonging to Isaiah's own age : —
1. To choose, of God's choice of Israel: 41, 8. 9. 43, 10. 44, i, 2 (cf. 42,
I. 49, 7, of the ideal, individualized nation) ; my choicn, 43, 20. 45,
4. 65, 9. 15. 22. So 14, I.
2. P7-aise (subst. and verb : n^nn, ?^n) : 42, 8. 10. 12. 43, 21. 48, 9.
60, 6. 18. 61, 3. II. 62, 7. 9. 63, 7. 64, 10.
3. To shoot or spring fori h (njDV) "■ 44. 4- 55. lO- 61, 11^; esp. meta-
phorically — (a) of a moral state, 45, 8. 58, 8. 61, 11''; {b) of an
event manifesting itself in history (not so elsewhere), 42, 9. 43, 19.
4. To break out {r\^^) into singmg : 44, 23. 49, 13. 52, 9. 54, i. 55, 12.
Also 14, 7. Only Ps. 98, 4 besides.
5. Pleasure (|*sn) : («) of Jehovah's purpose, 44, 28. 46, 10. 48, 14. 53
10; {b) o{ human purpose or business, 58, 3. 13. More generally,
54, 12. 62, 4.
6. Good will (God's) pr^'-i : 49, 8. 56, 7. 58, 5. 60, 7. 10. 61, 2.
7. Thy sons — the pronoun being feminine and referring to Zion : 49, 17.
22. 25. 51, 20. 54, 13. 60, 4. 9. 62, 5 ; cf. 66, 8. Isaiah, when he
uses the same word, always says sons absolutely, the implicit refer-
ence l>eing to God (Dt. 14, l) : so I, 2. 4. 30, i. 9.
8. To rejoice (t^'l^^) : 61, 10. 62, 5. 64, 4. 65, 18. 19. 66, 10. 14. Also
35. I-
9. Tlie phrases, / am Jehovah, and there is none else (or besides) : 45, 5.
6. 18. 21. 22 ; I am the first, and I am the last : 44, 6. 48, 12 ; cf.
41, 4 ; I am thy God, thy Sa7)iour, &c. : 41, 10. 13. 43, 3. 48, I7\
P
226 LITERATURE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
6i, S ; I am He, i.e. i/ie same (from Dt. 32, 39) : 41, 4I'. 43, loh. 13.
46, 4. 48, 12. No such phrases are ever used hy Isaiah.
10. The combination of the Divine name with a participial epithet (in the
English version often represented by a relative clause) : e.g. Creator
(or stretcher out) of the heavens or the earth : 40, 28. 42, 5. 44, 24''.
45, 7. 18. 51, 13 ; creator ox former of Israel : 43, i. 15. 44, 2. 24.
45' II- 49, 5; ^''y Saviour: 49, 26. 60, 16: thy {your, Israel's)
redeemer: 43, 14. 44, 24", 48, 17'. 49, 7. 54, 8 ; comp. 40, 22 f. 43,
16 f. 44, 25-28. 46, 10 f. 51, 15. 56, S. 63, 12 f. Isaiah never casts
his thought into this form.
The following words, though found once or twice each in Isaiah (cf. p.
124, >!.), are destitute there of any special force or significance, whereas in
c. 40—66 they occur frequently, sometimes with a particular nuance, or
shade of meaning, which is foreign to the usage of Isaiah : —
1. Isles or coasts (D''''N), used represeiztatively of distant regions of the
earth: 40, 15. 41, i. 5. 42, 4. 10. 12. 15. 49, i. 51, 5. 59, 18. 60,
9- 66, 19. In Isaiah, 11, 11 (also 24, 15), where it is used in its
primary sense (Gen. 10, 5) of the isles and coasts of the Mediter-
ranean Sea. The application in c. 40—66 is a marked extension of
the usage of Isaiah.
2. I^'ought i^^^: not the ordinary word) : 40, 17. 41, 12. 29. 45, 6. 14.
46, 9. 47, 8. 10. 52, 4. 54, 15. Also 34, 12. In Isaiah, 5, 8
only.
3. To create: 40, 26. 28. 41, 20. 42, 5. 43, i. 7. 15. 45, 7. 8. 12. 18. 54,
16. 57, 19. 65, 17. 18. In Isaiah, only 4, 5, in a limited applica-
tion. The prominence given to the idea of creation in c. 40—66 is
very noticeable (cf. p. 229).
4. Offspring (a^SVX^') : 42, 5- 44. 3- 4S, 19- 61, 9. 65, 23. In Isaiah, 22,
24. Also 34, I. Raiher a ])eculiar word. The usage in c. 40—66
is wider and more general than that in 22, 24, and agrees with the
usage of the Book of Job, 5, 25. 21, 8. 27, 14. 31, 8.
5. Justice emphasized as a principle guiding and determining God's
action: 41, 2. io\ 42, 21. 45, 13. 19. 51, 5; cf. 58, 2". The
peculiar stress laid upon this principle is almost confined to these
chapters; comp., however, IIos. 2, 19 [Ileb. 21].
6. The arm of Jehovah: 51, 5". 9. 52, 10. 53, i. 59, 16" (cf. 40, 10). 62, 8.
63, 5. 12. Hence Ps. 98, i (see 59, 16. 52, 10). In Isaiah, 30, 30.
But observe the greater independence of the figure as applied in
c. 40 — 66.
7. To deck 'c\'^Ti), or (in the reflexive conjugation) /<; dak oneself, i.e. to
glory, especially of Jehovah, either glorifying Israel, or glorying
Himself in Israel : 44, 23. 49, 3. 55, 5. 60, 7. 9. 13. 21. 61, 3. In
Isaiah, only 10, 15 of the saw vaunting itself a.g2.m&i its user.
8. The future gracious relation of Jehovah to Israel represented as a
covenant: 42, 6 ( = 49, 8). 54, 10. 55, 3. 59, 21. 61, 8. In 28, 15.
18. 33, 8 the word is used merely in the sense of a treaty or com-
pact. Isaiah, often as he speaks of a future state of grace, to be
ISAIAH. 227
enjoyed by his people, r.ever represents it under the form of a
cai'enant.
There are in addiiion several words and idioms occurring in c. 40 — 66
which point to a later period of the language than Isaiah's age, for which it
must suffice to refer to Cheyne, ii. 257 f., or Dillm. p. 353. A remarkable
instance is afforded by 65, 25, which is a condensed quotation from li, 6-9,
and where ITiT, the common Hebrew word for together, is replaced by TnS3
an expression modelled upon the Aram. XTn3, and occurring besides only
in the latest books of the OT. (2 Ch. 5, 13. Ezr. 2, 64 (= Neh. 7, 66). 3, 9.
6, 20. Eccl. II, 6f).
As features of style may be noticed —
1. The dnfliiation of -words, significant of the impassioned ardour of the
preacher: 40, i. 43, 11. 25. 48, 11. 15. 51, 9. 12. 17. 52, i. 11. 57,
6. 14. 19. 62, 10 /lis. 65, I. Very characteristic of this prophecy ;
in Isaiah the only examples — and those but partly parallel — are 8,
9^ 21, 9. 29, I.
2. A habit of repeating the same word or words in adjacent clauses or
verses; thus 40, 12 f. (regulated); i^ end and. 14 ^W (taught him);
14 (instructed him); 40, 31 and 41, i (renew strength); 6 f.
(courage, encourage) ; 8 f. (have chosen thee) ; 13 f. (I have holpen
thee) ; 45, 4 f. (hast not known me) ; 5 f. (and none else) ; 50, 7 and
9 (will help me) ; 53, 3 (despised) ; 3 f. (esteemed him) ; 7 (opened
not his mouth) ; 58, 13 (thine own pleasure); 59, 8 ; 61, 7 (double).
The attentive reader of the Hebrew will notice further instances.
Very rare indeed in Isaiah ; cf. i, 7 (desolate); 17, 5 (ears); 32,
17 f. (peace).
3. Differences in the structure of sentences, e.g. the relative particle
omitted with much greater frequency than by Isaiah.^
There are also literary features of a more general character,
which differentiate the author of c. 40 — 66 from Isaiah. Isaiah's
style is terse and compact : the riiovement of his periods is stately
and measured : his rhetoric is grave and restrained. In these
chapters a subject is often developed at considerable length :
the style is much more flowing : the rhetoric is warm and impas-
sioned ; and the prophet often bursts out into a lyric strain
(42, TO f. 44, 23. 45, 8. 49, 13), in a manner to which even Isa. 12
affords no parallel. Force is the predominant feature of Isaiah's
oratory : persuasion sits upon the lips of the prophet who here
^ For examples of expressions used, on the other hand, repeatedly by
Isaiah, but never found in c. 40 — 66, see Isaiah, pp. 194-6. Especially
noticeable is the all but entire absence from c. 40 — 66 of the two expressions,
And it shall come to pass, and /;/ that day, by which Isaiah loves to introduce
scenes or traits in his descriptions of the future {e.g. 4, 3. 7, 18. 21. 23. 8, 21.
10, 20. 27. II, 10. II &c. ; 3, 18. 4, I. 2. 7, 18. 20. 21. 23. 19, 16-24 &c),
but which occur here only 65, 24. 66, 23 ; 52, 6 (somewhat pecuJiarly).
228 LITERATURE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
speaks ; the music of his eloquence, as it rolls magnificently along,
thrills and captivates the soul of its hearer. So, again, if the most
conspicuous characteristic of Isaiah's imagination be grandeur,
that of the prophet to whom we are here listening \5 pathos. The
storms, the inundations, the sudden catastrophes, which Isaiah
loves to depict, are scarcely to be found in this prophecy.
The author's imagery is drawn by preference from a different
region of nature altogether, viz. from the animate world, in parti-
cular from the sphere of huma7i einotioji. It is largely the figures
drawn from the latter which impart to his prophecy its peculiar
pathos and warmth (see 49, 15. 18. 61, lo'*. 62, 5. 66, 13).!
His fondness for such figures is, however, most evident in the
numerous examples of persojtification which his prophecy con-
tains. Since Amos (5, 2) it became habitual with the prophets
to personify a city or community as a maiden., especially where it
was desired to represent it as vividly conscious of some keen
emotion.- This figure is applied in these chapters with remark-
able independence and originality. Zion is represented as a
widow, a mother, a bride, i.e. under just those relations of life in
which the deepest feelings of humanity come into play ; and the
personification is continued sometimes through a long series of
verses.^ Nor is this all. The prophet personifies nature: he
bids heaven and earth shout at the restoration of God's people
(44, 23. 49, 13; cf. 52, 9. 55, 12); he hears in imagination the
voices of invisible beings sounding across the desert (40, 3. 6.
57, 14); he peoples Jerusalem with ideal watchmen (52, 8) and
guardians (62, 6).'* Akin to these personifications is the dramatic
character of the representation, which also prevails to a remark-
able extent in the prophecy : see 40, 3 ff. 49, i ff. 50, 4-9.
53> I ff- 5S, t- 61, 10 f. 6z, 1-6.
(3.) The theological ideas of c. 40 — 66 (in so far as they are
^ The prophecy abounds also with other passages of exquisite softness and
beauty, as c. 51. c. 54—55. 61, 10. 63, 7—64, 12 &c.
- Is. I, 8. 23, 4 (Sidon lamenting her bereavement). 29, 1-6 {fern, pro-
nouns in the Hebrew). 37, 22 (Zion disdainfully mocking the retreating
invader). Zeph. 3, 14 and Zech. 9, 9 (Zion exultant). Jer. 4, 31. 6, 26. 46,
II. 19. 24. 50, 42. 51, 33. Mic. 4, 8. 10. 13 al.
' .See 49, 18-23. 51, 17-23 (Zion prostrate and dazed by trouble, but now
bidden to lift herself up). 52, i f. 54, 1-6. 60, 1-5. 62, 5 ; 47, I-15 (Babylon).
■'Add the personification of Jehovah's arm, 51, 9 f. Isaiah, unlike the
author of c. 40 — 66, evinces no exceptional preference for personification.
ISAIAH. 229
not of that fundamental kind common to the prophets generally)
differ remarkably from those which appear, from c. i — 39, to be
distinctive of Isaiah. Thus, on the nature of God generally,
the ideas expressed are much larger and fuller. Isaiah, for
instance, depicts the majesty of Jehovah : in c. 40 — 66 the
prophet emphasizes His infinitude; He is the Creator, the
Sustainer of the universe, the Life-Giver, the Author of history
(41, 4), the First and the Last, the Incomparable One. This is
a real difference. And yet it cannot be argued that opportunities
for such assertions of Jehovah's power and Godhead would not
have presented themselves naturally to Isaiah whilst he was
engaged in defying the armies of Assyria. But, in truth,
c. 40 — 66 show an advance upon Isaiah, not only in the sub-
stance of their theology, but also in the form in which it is
presented ; truths which are merely affirmed in Isaiah being
here made the subject of reflexion and argument. Again, the
doctrine of the preservation from judgment of a faithful remnant is
characteristic of Isaiah. It appears both in his first prophecy
and in his last (6, 13; 37, 31 f.): in c. 40 — 66, if it is present
once or twice by implication (59, 20. 65, 8 f.), it is no distinctive
element in the author's teaching; it is not expressed in Isaiah's
terminology,^ and it is not more prominent than in the writings
of many other prophets. The relation of Israel to Jehovah — its
choice by Him, its destiny, the purpose of its call — is developed
in different terms and under different conceptions ^ from those
used by Isaiah : the figure of the Messianic king (Isa. 9, 6-7.
II, I ff.) is absent ; the prophet associates his view of the future
with a figure of very different character, Jehovah's righteous
Servant,^ which is closely connected with his own distinctive view
of Israel's destiny.'* The Divine purpose in relation to the
nations, especially in connexion with the prophetic mission of
^ -iSkJ' (10, 20-22. II, II. 16. 16, 4. 17, 3. 21, 17. 28, 5 ; cf. 7, 3).
^Israel is Jehovah's "servant," entrusted by Him witli the discharge of
a sacred mission, and hence cannot now be disowned by its Divine Lord
(41, 8-10. 42, 19 f. 43, 10. 44, I f. 21. 45, 4. 48, 20).
3 42, I ff. 49, I ff. 50, 4-9. 52, 13—53, 12. 61, 1-3.
* To say that the figure of the ideal Servant of c. 40 — 66 is an advance
upon that of the Messianic king of Isaiah is not correct : it starts from a
different origin altogether ; it is parallel to it, not a continuation of it. Both
representations meet, and are fulfilled, in the person of our I^ord Jesus Christ,
but in the Old Testament they are distinct [Isaiah, pp. 175-180).
2 30 LITERATURE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
Israel, is more comprehensively developed.^ The prophet, in a
word, in whatever elements of his teaching are distinctive, moves
in a different region of thought from Isaiah ; he aj^prehends and
emphasizes different aspects of Divine truth.
C. 40 — 66 thus displays, in conception not less than in literary
style, a combination of features, which confirm the conclusion
based on the subject-matter of the prophecy, that it is the work
of an author writing towards the close of the exile, and predict-
ing the approaching conquest of Babylon by Cyrus, and the
restoration of the Jews, just as Isaiah predicted the failure of
Rezin and Pekah, or the deliverance of Jerusalem from Sen-
nacherib. It need only be added (for the purpose of avoiding
misconception) that this view of its date and authorship in no
way impairs the theological value of the prophecy, or reduces it
to a vaticinium ex eventn : on the one hand, the whole tone of
the prophecy shows that it is written />rior to the events which
it declares to be approaching ; on the other, it nowhere claims
either to be written by Isaiah, or to have originated in his age.
Nor upon the same view of it is any claim made by its author
to prevision of the future disallowed or weakened. "■^
The attempt is sometimes made to meet the force of the argument derived
from differences of phraseology and style by pointing to the examples of
similarities observable between c. 40 — 66 and the acknowledged prophecies
of Isaiah. No doubt a certain number of such similarities exist ; but they
are very far from being numerous or decisive enough to establish the conclu-
sion for which they are alleged. It is the differences between authors which
are characteristic, and form consequently a test of authorship : similarities,
unless they are exceedingly numerous and minute, may be due to other causes
than identity of authorship. They may be due, for instance, to community
of subject - matter, to the independent adoption by different writers of a
current terminology, to an affinity of genius or mental habit prompting an
^ Israel in its ideal character is to be the medium of religious instruction to
the world (42, i\ 4. 6. 49, 6") : comp. 45, 22 f. 51, 4''. 5". 56, 7^.
* There is no ground for supposing that the fulfilled p7-edictions frequently
alluded to (41, 26. 42, 9. 43, 8-IO. 48, 3-8) are those constituting the pro-
phecy itself; on the contrary, 42, 9 shows that they are, in fact, prior
prophecies, on the strength of the fulfilment of which the prophet claims to
be heard in the nnv announcements now made by him {Isaiah, p. 188 f.).
And in 44, 28. 45, I ff. the prophet does not claim foreknowledge of Cyrus,
but only o{ what he will accomplish : he is already "stirred up," and " come "
(41, 2. 25-''. 45, 13*), and the prophet promises that he will prosper in his
further undertakings (41, 25". 45, 1-3. 13").
ISAIAH. 231
author to borrow the ideas or phraseology of a predecessor, to involuntary-
reminiscence. But the diflerences between c. 40—66 and the acknowledged
prophecies of Isaiah are both more numerous and of a more fundamental
character than the similarities. A large number of the latter that have been
alleged will indeed be found, when examined, to be iiot distinctive, i.e. they
are not the peculiar possession of the Book of Isaiah, but occur in other
writers as well. And there are none which may not be naturally and reason-
ably accounted for upon one or other of the four principles that have just
been mentioned. The fallaciousness of arguing from similarities alone ought
to have been apparent from the case of Jeremiah and Dt., in which the
resemblances are much more abundant and remarkable than those between
the two parts of the Book of Isaiah, and yet are admitted — on all hands —
not to establish identity of authorship (p. 82, n.).^
The points urged Ijy J. Forbes, The Servant of the Lord (iSgo), pp. ix-xiii
(and elsewhere), to show that c. 40—66 is the work of Isaiah, cannot be said
to be cogent. Thus in Ezr. I, 1-3, Jeremiah, not Isaiah, is referred to:
and even though it be true that we have here the actual words of Cyrus,
based upon Is. 44, 27 f. 45, 1-3, these verses luere a prediction, they were as
truly a prediction of Cyrus' success against Babylon, as was {e.g. ) Is. 8, 4
of Tiglath-Pileser's success against Damascus (spoken at most 3-4 years
before the event). The expressions used on p. 41 are extravagant : it would
be as reasonable to call Isaiah's prediction, just quoted, "the common talk
and expectation of his countrymen," as these predictions of Cyrus' success,
spoken {ex hypothesi) some 7-8 years before the event : in fact, so little did
Cyrus' early conquests authorise the inference that he would capture the
powerful city of Babylon, that, as the prophet's words clearly imply, his
countrymen did not expect this, and would hardly credit his announcements
that it should be so. In 45, 4 the reference is not to the name "Cyrus," but
to \ht personal notice taken of him (cf. 43, i** of Israel) by Jehovah, and to
the honourable titles (44, 28. 45, i) conferred upon him. The other argu-
ments could be readily shown to be not more conclusive.
It will be found that the chief objections to the critical date of c. 40—66
have their root in an imperfect apprehension of the historical situation to
which criticism assigns it, and which is required (in parts) by the argument
of the prophecy : see in particular, on the latter point, G. A. Smith, ii.
pp. 9-12, who shows that the prophet's reasoning in c. 41 — 48 implies that
the early successes of Cyrus must have been already historical facts.
' See more fully, both on the characteristic teaching of c. 40 — 66 and on
the authorship, the papers of Prof. Davidson, cited above, p. 194; Isaiah
("Men of the Bible" series), pp. 168-212; Dillm. pp. 347-362, 469-474;
also, on the figure of Jehovah's ideal servant, Riehm, Alttestatnentliche
Theologie (1890), § 84. Delitzsch, in the 4ih ed. of his Commentary (1889),
adopts throughout the critical view of the authorship of the different parts ot
the book.
CHAPTER IV.
JEREMIAH.
Literature.— H. Ewald in his Prophets of the OT. 1840-1, ed. 2, 1867-S
(in the translation, vols. 3 and [c. 50—51] 5, p. i ff. ); F, Hitzig (in the Ajj/".
F.xeg. Handb.), ed. 2, 1866; K. H. Graf, Der Proph. Jcr. erkUirt, 1862; C.
W. E. Nagelsbach in Lange's Bihehverk, 1868 ; C. F. Keil in the Bibl.
Commentar, 1S72 ; Payne .Smith in the Speaker s Commentary, 1875 ; T. K.
Cheyne in the Pulpit Commentary {t\-pos\i\on of the text), 1883-5; y^r^w/rt//,
his life atid times (in the " Men of the Bible " series), 1888 ; C. von Orelli
in Strack and Zockler's Kgf. Kommentar, 1887; E. H. Plumptre in the
Commentary on the OT. edited by Bishop Ellicott. On c. 50—51, C. Biidde,
in \):iQ.Jahrh. f. deittsche Theol. xxiii. pp. 428-470, 529-562.
R.c. Chronological Table.
639. JOSIAH.
626. Call of Jeremiah.
621. Discovery of Deuteronomy ; Josiah's reformation.
609. Jehoahaz.
608. Jehoiakim.
604. Victory of Nebuchadnezzar over Pharaoh Necho at Carchemish.
597. Jehoiachin.
597. First siege of Jerusalem, and deportation of Jewish exiles.
596. Zedekiah.
586. Destruction of Jerusalem by the Chaldseans, and second deporta-
tion of Jewish exiles.
The prophet Jeremiah was of priestly descent. He was sprung
(i, i) from a little community of priests settled at Anathoth (of.
I Ki. 2, 26. Josh. 21, 18), a town not far north of Jerusalem, in the
tribe of Benjamin, with which he continued to maintain a con-
nexion (cf. II, 21. 37, 12), though the main scene of his pro-
phetic ministry was Jerusalem. His first public appearance as
a prophet was in the 13th year of king Josiah (i, 2. 25, 3), i.e.
626 B.C., 5 years before the memorable year in which the "Book
of the Law" was found by Hilkiah in the Temple. Of his life
during the reign of Josiah no further particulars are known : but
232
JEREMIAH. 233
his book contains abundant notices of the part played by him in
the anxious times which began soon after the accession of
Jehoiakim, and did not cease till the destruction of Jerusalem
by the Chald^eans in 586. Politically, the 4th year of Jehoiakim,
in which Nebuchadnezzar won his great victory over Pharaoh
Necho at Carchemish on the Euphrates, was the turning-point
of the age. Jeremiah at once grasped the situation : he saw
that Nebuchadnezzar was destined to achieve further successes ;
he greeted him with the ode of triumph in c. 46, and declared
that the whole of W. Asia would fall under his sway (c. 25),
implying thereby what he afterwards taught explicitly, that the
safety of Judah lay in yielding to the inevitable, and accepting
the condition of dependence upon Babylon. In the end, how-
ever, Jehoiakim revolted; and under his son and successor
Jehoiachin the penalty for his imprudence fell severely upon the
nation: Jerusalem was besieged; and after 100 days' reign, the
king "went out" (2 Ki. 24, 12), i.e. surrendered at discretion, to
the enemy : he himself, the queen mother Nehushta, the princi-
pal members of the court, and the elite of Jerusalem generally,
were condemned to exile in Babylonia. Zedekiah, having sworn
(Ez. 17, 11-18) a solemn oath of allegiance to Nebuchadnezzar,
was nominated king over those who remained in Jerusalem.
After a few years, however, Zedekiah compromised himself by
treasonable negotiations with Pharaoh Hophra ; and in his 9th
year the second siege of Jerusalem by the Chaldaeans began.
Jeremiah now (21, i-io: cf. 38, 17 f.) declares unambiguously
that the besiegers will prevail, adding, as a piece of practical
advice to the people generally, that desertion to them was the
sole guarantee of personal safety. This counsel did not proceed
from any unpatriotic motive, though it is easy to see that it might
be so interpreted : Zedekiah, in revolting at all, had been guilty of
a gross breach of faith (see Ez. 17), and the position taken now
by Jeremiah was but the corollary of that adopted by him in
604 (c. 25). Jeremiah's experiences during the siege — how he
was arrested in the north gate of the city on a charge of deserting
to the Chaldeans, and thrown into the common dungeon ; how
he was released thence in consequence of the king's anxiety to
learn from him the final issue of the siege ; how Zedekiah was
compelled to relinquish him into the hands of his courtiers ; and
how he was only rescued from death by starvation through the
234 LITERATURE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
intercession of a friendly foreigner, an Ethiopian, Ebed-melech —
are related in vivid detail in c. 37 — 38. After the capture ot
Jerusalem, Jeremiah was treated with consideration by the Chal-
dseans, and allowed to remain where he pleased : he was carried
against his will by some of the Jews who had been left in
Palestine into Egypt (c. 42 — 44).
Respecting the composition of the Book of Jeremiah, we have,
at least as regards its oldest portions, information considerably
more specific than is usual in the ca^e of the writings of the
prophets. His prophecies, we learn from c. 36, were first com-
mitted to writing in the 4th year of Jehoiakim, when Jeremiah
received the command to take a roll, and write therein " all the
words" which Jehovah had spoken to him "against Israel, and
against J udah, and against all the nations " from the days of Josiah
onwards. Accordingly, we read, Jeremiah dictated them to his
scribe Baruch, who wrote them "from his mouth" {vv. 4. 6. 17.
18. 27) in a roll. In the following year, in the 9th month (36,
9 f.), Baruch read the contents of the roll publicly before the
people at the gate leading into the upper court of the Temple.
Jehoiakim, being informed by his princes of what Baruch was
doing, ordered the roll to be brought to him, and read before
him. After three or four leaves had been read, the king, in a
passion, seized the roll, rent it with his penknife, and cast it
into the fire. After the roll had been thus destroyed, Jeremiah
was directed to rewrite its contents in a second roll {v. 28), which
was done in the same manner as before, Baruch writing at the
prophet's dictation ; and, it is stated, not merely were the con-
tents of the first roll repeated, but ''there iven added besides iinto
them many like words'' {v. 32). Whether, even in the first roll,
Jeremiah's discourses were reproduced verbatim as they were
delivered, or merely in general substance, coloured, perhaps, in
parts by the course of subsequent events, it is impossible to say ;
but in the second roll, which evidently must form the basis of
the prophecies as we have them, they were reproduced with
additions. Thus, as regards the prophecies belonging to the first
twenty-three years of Jeremiah's ministry, there must always be
some uncertainty as to what portions strictly reproduce the
original discourses, and what portions belong to the additions
made by the prophet in the fifth year of Jehoiakim. It is,
however, not unreasonable to suppose that among these addi-
JEREMIAH. 235
tions are included some of the more definite and distinct
denunciations of the nation's sin and of the coming judgment.
The earlier prophecies of Jeremiah's book, unlike the later ones, are
usually without specific dates (comp. 3, 6 the indeterminate expression, " In
the days of Josiah"), and often, also, somewhat general in their contents, so
that probably they are not so much the actual text of particular discourses, as
a reproduction of their substance, made by the prophet on the basis of notes
and recollections of his teaching at the time.
C. I. The vision of the prophet's call, in the 13th year of
Josiah, B.C. 626. Jeremiah, while still a youth {v. 6), is con-
secrated to be a prophet : it is to be his mission to announce
the weal or woe {v. 10), not of Judah only, but of other nations
as well ; in particular, however, he is to bear the tidings of woe
to his own people (vv. 11-16); he must expect, in the discharge
of his mission, to encounter great opposition, but is divinely
strengthened for the purjjose of overcoming it {vv. ij-ig).
C. 2 — 6 form presumably Jeremiah's first prophetical discourse,
as it was reproduced in a written form in the 5th year of
Jehoiakim. The discourse consists of four parts, in each of
which the general theme, viz. the nation's sin, is treated under
a distinct aspect, viz. (i) c. 2 ; (2) 3, 1-5 (continued by 3, 19 —
4> 2); (3) 3, 6-18; (4) 4, 3 — 6, 30. C. 2 the dominant subject
is Judah's idolatry. The prophecy opens with a touching picture
of the nation's innocency in the ideal period of its youth 2, 2-3 ;
vv. 4-13 describe its ingratitude and defection from Jehovah, and
vv. 14-17 the punishment which ensued: next the people are
reproached with leaning for help alternately upon Egypt and
Assyria, and with their devotion to gods which, in the time of
need, will be powerless to aid them, vv. 18-28; and finally, vv.
29-37, with their self-complacency (v. 35), and persistent refusal
to listen to wiser counsels. (2) 3, 1-5. 19 — 4, 2 the subject is
still Judah's idolatry, but there is held out the prospect of a
better future ; Judah has been like a faithless wife, 3, 1-3, whose
promises of amendment, v. 4 f., are but as empty words. Yet
Jehovah had thought to honour her, expecting love and faithful-
ness in return, but His purpose had been frustrated, 3, 19 f. This,
however, will not continue for ever : the offer of pardon is freely
made : and the prophecy closes with a picture of the penitent
nation confessing its sin (3, 23-25), and of the benefits accruing
from the spectacle of its loyalty to the nations of the earth (4,
236 LITERATURE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
1-2 RV. viarg.). (3) 3, 6-18. Jiidah contrasted unfavourably
with Israel. Judah has witnessed the fate which overtook her
sister, the N. kingdom, in her sin, but has derived no warning
from it : hence, relatively, Israel is more righteous than Judah ;
and the offer of pardon and promise of restoration are addressed
in the first instance to it, iw. 12-14; only when the ideal Zion of
the future has been established by the restoration of Israel, so
that even heathen nations flock towards \i(vv. 14-17), w'lW Judah
abandon its sin and return from banishment (which the prophet,
here presupposes) to dwell with Israel upon its own land, v. 18.
It is almost certain that this section is misplaced, (i) It interrupts the
connexion, for the words in 3, 19, ''But /said," are not antithetical to any-
thing in V. 18, while they are obviously so to the thought of 3, 5 : 3,
1-5 depicts Judah's faithlessness and empty promises of amendment, to which
the declaration, v. 19, of Jehovah's purpose, which had been frustrated, forms
a natural contrast. (2) The contrasted vieni of the behaviour of the two king-
doms is peculiar to this section, and is foreign to both 3, 1-5 and 3, 19 — 4, 2 :
notice, also, that whereas in 2, i — 3, 5 and 3, 19 — 4, 2 "Israel" designates
Judah, in 3, 6-18 it denotes the N. kingdom as opposed to Judah. (3) The
section is complete in itself : for v. 6 evidently marks a genuine beginning ;
and the promises, vv. 15-18, form a natural close, and one thoroughly in
harmony with the analogy of prophecy. Thus, thoug'h the prophecy belongs
no doubt to the same period as the rest of c. 2 — 6 (for it has many figures and
thoughts in common, e.g. vv. 6. 13 and 2, 20" ; the figure in v. 8 and 2, 2.
3, I ff. ; 3, 9 and 2, 20. 27. 3, i". 2; v. 14 and v. 22), it has probably,
through some accident of transmission, been displaced from its original
position. Comp. Stade, ZATIV. 1884, pp. 151-4.
(4) 4, 3 — 6, 30. Here the coming judgment is depicted more
distincdy : it is to be inflicted by a foe from the north. The
prophet begins by exhorting earnestly to penitence, if perchance
the future which he foresees can be averted, z'. 3 f. ; afterwards,
he bids the people betake themselves for safety into the fenced
cities, for the destroyer is approaching from the north ; soon he
sees him close at hand, and the capital itself invested by the foe,
vv. 5-18. Speaking in the name of his people, he gives expres-
sion to the sense of terror which thrills through him as the alarm
of war draws nearer : the vision of desolation embraces the whole
land : in vain does Zion seek the favour of her " lovers," they
are turned against her, vv. 19-31. Does this severe judgment
seem unmerited ? Gladly would Jehovah have pardoned, had
the nation shown itself worthy of forgiveness ; but all, high and
low alike (5, 4 f.), are corrupt, 5, 1-9. Let the appointed
JEREMIAH. 237
ministers ot judgment, then, complete their task : the only re-
striction is this, that Israel must not be exterminated {vv. 10. 18 :
cf. 4, 27) ; and a picture follows of the terrible and cruel invader,
who will desolate the land, slay the inhabitants, and carry the
survivors into exile, vv. 10-19. Vv. 20-29 I'evert to the thought
of vv. 1-9, dwelling afresh upon the moral cause of the coming
disaster : prophets and priests unite in the furtherance of evil.
In c. 6 the danger is depicted as still nearer : the capital itself
must now be abandoned (contrast 4, 6) : for the enemy is pre-
paring to storm it {v. 5). Jehovah's offer, even now, to spare
Zion is made in vain : worldliness and the illusion of security
engross the people's thoughts; and the judgment must therefore
take its course, vv. 6-21. Still another description follows of the
approach of the invader ; and the section closes with a significant
figure of the reprobate condition of the nation, vv. 22-30.
The foe from the north constitutes a feature in which 4, 3 — 6, 30 advances
beyond 2, l — 4, 2 : so that it is reasonable to suppose that 4, 3 — 6, 30 belongs
to a somewhat later date. The invader is mentioned, or alluded to, 4, 6-7.
13. 15-17. 21. 29. 5, 6. 15-17. 6, 1-6. 12. 22-25 : as no name is specified, it
is disputed who is meant. Herodotus (l. 103 ff.) speaks of a great irruption
into Asia at this time of Scythians, a wild and fierce people, whose home was
north of the Crimea, but who, like the Huns and Bulgarians of a later day,
were apt to make predatory incursions into the more favoured regions of the
south. On the present occasion their invasion is thus described (Rawlinson,
Anc. Monarchies, Bk. H. ch. ix. ; ed. 1879, vol. ii. p. 225 f.) : — "Pouring
through the passes of the Caucasus, horde after horde of Scythians blackened
the rich plains of the south. On they came like a flight of locusts, countless,
irresistible, . . . finding the land before them a garden, and leaving it
behind them a howling wilderness. Neither age nor sex would be spared.
The inhabitants of the open country and of the villages, if they did not make
their escape to high mountain tops or other strongholds, would be ruthlessly
massacred by the invaders, or, at best, forced to become their slaves. The
crops would be consumed, the herds swept off or destroyed, the villages and
homesteads burnt, the whole country made a scene of desolation. . . . The
tide then swept on. Wandering from district to district, plundering every-
where, settling nowhere, the clouds of horse passed over Mesopotamia, the
force of the invasion becoming weaker as it spread itself, until in Syria it
reached its term by the policy of the Egyptian king Psammetichus," who,
hearing that the Scythian hordes had advanced as far as Ashkelon, and were
threatening to invade Egypt, prevailed upon them by rich gifts to abstain
from their enterprise. Herodotus, who states that they were masters of
Western Asia from the Caucasus to the border of Egypt for 28 years (b.c.
635-607), may have exaggerated the extent and nature of their apx^^ ^lut the
fact of such an irruption having taken place cannot be doubted. It is
probable that the present prophecy, in its original intention, alluded to these
238 LITERATURE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
Scythian hordes, whom some of the descriptions remarkably suit (5, 17.
6, 22 f.), and who may well have ended by including Judah in their ravages ;
though afterwards, when it was committed to writing, and, as it were,
re-edited in the 5th year of Jehoiakim, it was accommodated by the prophet to
the Chaldaeans, who in the interval had become Judah's most formidable
foe, the phraseology being possibly modified in parts so as to describe them
more appropriately {e.g. 4, 7 the "lion" and "destroyer of nations" are
terms better suited to an individual as Nebuchadnezzar than to a horde ;
comp. the "lion," 49, 19 of Nebuchadnezzar, 50, 44 of Cyrus: 6, 22 "from
the uttermost parts of the earth," and "from the north " would be appropriate
either to the Scythians or to the Chaldx-ans, cf. 25, 32 : 10, 22. 13, 20.
25, 9. 47, 2). Comp. Ew. Hist. iv. 226-31; PropJids, iii. 70; Hitzig,
Jerein. p. 31 f. ; Graf, pp. 16-19; Wellhausen in Bleek's Einleitung, 1S78,
p. 335; Kuenen, § 52. 12.
C. 7 — 10 (excluding 10, t-i6) form a second group of pro-
phecies. The scene described in c. 7 is a striking one. The
prophet is commanded to station himself at the gate leading to
the upper court immediately surrounding the Temple, and there
to address the people entering in to worship. V. 3 states the
theme of his discourse : Amerid your ways and yotir doings, and I
will cause you to dwell in this place. The people of Jeremiah's
day, appropriating, in a one-sided sense, Isaiah's teaching of the
invioltibility of Zion, pointed to the Temple, standing in their
midst, as the palladium of their security. The prophet indig-
nantly retorts that they mistake the conditions of security {vv.
9-1 1). So long as the people tbllow dishonesty, immorality,
and idolatry, Jehovah will as little spare Zion as he spared
Shiloh of old : the fate of Ephraim will be also the fate of
Judah, 7, 1-20. 7, 21—8, 22 the subjects are substantially the
same : the people's refusal to listen to the warnings of their
prophets, their persistency in idolatry, the ruin imminent, the foe
already in the midst of the land, the vain cry for help raised by
the people in their distress, and the prophet's wail of sympathy.
In c. 9 the plaintive strain of 8, 18-22 is continued : the
]jrophet bewails the corruption of the people, which is rendermg
this judgment necessary, 9, 1-9 (the refrain 9, 9 as 5, 9. 29) : he
dwells anew, and with livelier sympathy, upon the troubles about
to fall upon the people, 9, 10-26; he bids (10, 17-25) the
inhabitants of the capital, which he already in spirit sees
invested by the foe, prepare to depart into exile, only at the end
(10, 24 f.) supplicating in the name of his people for a mitigation
of the coming disaster.
JEREMIAH. 239
The date of this prophecy is disputed. Some, arguing from its position
and the general similarity of tone with 4, 3 — c. 6, assign it to the same
period, before Josiah's iSth year (Hitz., Bleek, Einl. ed. 4, p. 360, Keil);
others, on account of the great resemblance with 26, 1-6, regard the occasion
as the same, and assign it to the beginning of tlie reign of Jehoiakim (Ew.
Graf, Nag. Kuen. § 53. 6, 7, Payne Smith, Cheyne, p. 115, Wellh. ap.
Bleek, I.e., Delitzsch, ap. Workman [see p. 253, noic\ p. xvii.
10, 1-16. Against idolatry. The " house of Israel" are warned
against standing in awe of the idols of the heathen, which,
however splendid and imposing in appearance, are powerless to
defend their worshippers (v. 14 f.) : on the other hand, Jehovah,
who is Jacob's portion, is the true and living God.
This section is misplaced, even if Jeremiah be the author, (i) It is foreign
to the context : the context on both sides deals with the judgment impending
upon Jerusalem, and the people are represented as already abandoned to
idolatry, in j)articular, to the worship of the Queen of Heaven and Baal (7,
18. 31) : 10, 1-16 deals entirely with the contrast between Jehovah and idols,
and warns the nation against karttiiii^ idolatry (t'. 2). (2) Jeremiah's
argument is " Expect no help from vain gods ; they cannot save you " (2, 28.
II, 12) ; here the argument is " Do not fear them, they cannot harni you."
And yet, according to Jeremiah's teaching, at the very time to which from its
position this section would be referred, Jeremiah was prophesying that
Judah would shortly be ruined by a nation of idolaters. The descriptions in
vv. 3-5. 9 imply that the "house of Israel" addressed is in the presence of an
elaborate idol-worship carried on — not by themselves, but — by the heathen,
which, they are emphatically taught, deserves no consideration at their hands.
The situation is that of the exiles in Babylonia. Either (Bleek) the prophecy
belongs to the latter part of Jeremiah's career, and was addressed by him
(cf. the letter in c. 29) to those of his fellow-countrymen who went into exile
with Jehoiacbin ; or (Movers, Hitz., Graf, Kuen. §53. 8, 9) it is the work of
a later prophet, writing towards the close of ihe exile, when (as we know from
II Isaiah) the magnificence of the Babylonian idols severely tried the faith
of the exiles : both the descriptions of idolatry and the argument ("Do not
stand in awe of the idols around you ; they are a thing of nought ; it is
Jehovah who made heaven and earth ") are in II Isaiah (Is. 40, 19-22. 41, 7^.
29. 44, 9-20. 46, 5-7 &c. ) strikingly similar. In the phraseology the only
noticeable point of contact with Jeremiah's style is in %'. 15, □Jl'lpD nj?3
(p. 258, No. 14). V. 1 1 is in Aramaic, with certain peculiarities showing that
its author must have spoken a particular Aramaic dialect : ' from the fact that
it interrupts the connexion between vv. 10 and 12 (for v. 12 in the Hebrew
^ The form XplX occurs in the Aramaic inscriptions on weights from
Nineveh of the 8th cent. n.c. {Corp. /user. .Seni. Bars ii. tom. i, Nos. i, 2,
3 &c.) and in Mandaic (Noldeke, Mand. Gr. p. 73); the /w.wV'^' HDN'' '"
the Tema-Inscr. {C./.S. ib. No. 113(7, 1. 14) and Dan. 5, 10 ; nSs (for |''^x)
in the Nabatsean Inscriptions (Euting, Nab. Iiischriften, 1887, p. 77).
240 LITERATURE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
begins with a participle, connecting immediately with v. lo), it is probable
that it was originally a note written upon the margin of v. 9, as a comment —
perhaps taken from some independent writing — on the argument of the text.
Those who attribute it to Jeremiah, generally view it as a reply with which
he provides the exiles, to be used by them when invited to take part in idol-
worship : Aramaic was understood, and used both commercially and officially,
by Assyrians, Babylonians, and Persians (the inscriptions referred to in the
note, however, have regularly ^\, not as here i"l, for the relative particle).
C. II — 12. (a) II, 1-8. This, with evident allusion to the law-
book discovered in Josiah's i8th year i{o. 2 "Hear ye the words
<j{ this covenant:" v. 3^ almost verbatim = V)\.. 27, 26''': with
5^cf. ib. 26''), relates, no doubt, what took place shortly after that
event. Jeremiah was instructed to go and " proclaim " (or
"recite") "//; the cities of Judah and in the streets of Jerusalem "
{v. 6) the words of the covenant, i.e. probably to undertake an
itinerating mission in Judah for the purpose of setting forth
the principles of Dt., and exhorting men to live accordingly.
{b) II, 9-17 appears to describe what happened some time
subsequently — possibly as late as the reign of Jehoiakim — when
the amendment of the people had been shown to be superficial
{v. 10 "they have returned to the fornaer iniquities of their
fathers "), and when the prophet accordhigly reaffirms the
sentence of judgment, which neither his own intercession {v. 14)
nor the people's hypocritical repentance (v. 15 R.V. marg.) will
be able to avert, {c) 11, 18 — 12, 6. In 11, iS-23 Jer. relates
how he had been apprised of a plot formed against his life by
the men of his native place, Anathoth, and the judgment which
he had pronounced upon them in consequence: 12, 1-6 he
expostulates with Jehovah on account of the impunity which the
conspirators nevertheless for the time enjoyed, and demands
upon them summary vengeance : in reply he is rebuked for his
impatience, and reminded that his faith may have in the future
yet greater trials to endure, {d) 12, 7-17 deals with a different
subject, and dates probably from a later time, when Judah viz., after
Jehoiakim's revolt from Nebuchadnezzar, was overrun by bands
of Syrians, Moabites, and Ammonites (2 Ki. 24, i f.), alluded to
here in the expression "my evil neighbours," 7>. 14. They, as
well as Judah, are threatened wath exile; but a gracious prospect
of restoration afterwards is held out to them {v. 15 f), if they
adopt from the heart the religion of Israel.
C. 13 contains — {a) the description of a symbolical act per-
JEREMIAH. 241
formed by the prophet for the purpose of illustrating the corrupt
condition of the people and its consequences, vv. i-i i ; {b) z.
parable, declaring significantly the disaster about to come upon
them, vv. 12-14; (r) a renewed exhortation to amendment,
vv. 15-17, followed, vv. 18-27, by the prophet's lamentation, as
the dark reality forces itself upon him, that the exhortation will
only be disregarded.
From V. 18 "Say ye to the king, and to the qncen-mothcr, Sit ye down
lowly," it is generally inferred by commentators (Graf and Keil being nearly
the only dissentients) that this prophecy belongs to the reign of Jehoiachin,
whose mother, Nehushta (2 Ki. 24, 8), is also specially mentioned in another
prophecy of Jeremiah's, 22, 26, as well as in the narrative of the exile of
Jehoiachin (29, 2; 2 Ki. 24, 12. 15), so that she probably exercised some
unusual influence at the time.
14, I — 17, 18. {a) c. 14 — 15. The immediate occasion of c. 14
was a drought {vv. 2-6), which was viewed by the prophet as a
token of Jehovah's anger, and elicited from him accordingly the
supplication following, vv. 7-9: Jehovah's answer follows; and
the dialogue is continued to the end of c. 15. Jer.'s intercession
is refused, 14, 10-12 (with?'. 11 comp. 7, 16. 11, 14; Avith v. 12*,
6, 2o^ II, 11'^); he seeks to excuse the people on the ground
that they have been deluded by their prophets, v. 13 (cf 5, 12.
6, 14); but the excuse is not accepted; prophets and people
must perish alike, vv. 14-18. In more beseeching tones,
Jeremiah renews his intercession, vv. 19-22; but is answered
even more decisively than before : Even Moses and Samuel
would not avail to avert the coming doom, or undo the evil
which Manasseh wrought for Judah, 15, 1-9 (with v. 4 cf 2 Ki.
21, 11-15. 24, 3 f ). Hereu])on the prophet vents his grief and
despair at the fate which (through the message which he bears)
obliges him to encounter the hatred and ill-will of all men, v. 10 :
V. 1 1 f. Jehovah reassures him : the time will come when his
opponents will be glad to implore his help, crushed by the
irresistible might of the "iron from the north" (the ".northern
colossus," the Chaldseans) : ^ once again, vv. 15-18, he bewails
the hard fate imposed upon him of having to predict the ruin of
^ Such is the most probable sense of the difficult v. 12 (Ewald, Keil).
Vv. 13. 14 [to be read as RV. second marg.\ as they stand, must carry on the
same line of thought : Jeremiah's enemies will be taken into exile, so as no
longer to be able to trouble him. But the thought would be very obscurely
and indirectly expressed : for just before {jj. 11) the pron. of the 2 ps. denotes
Q
242 LITKRATURE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
his country : vv. 19-21 he is finally taught that his success and
happiness depend upon his abandoning the false path of mistrust
and despair, {b) 16, i— 17, 18. In 16, i — 17, 4 the coming
disaster, with its cause, the people's sin, is set forth in still
plainer terms than in c. 14 f. : in 17, 5-13 the prophet points to
Jehovah as the sole source of strength in the hour of trouble ;
and concludes, vv. 14-18, with a prayer that he himself may
experience Jehovah's salvation, and be delivered from the
enemies who taunt and persecute him.
The intensity of feeling which Jeremiah displays throughout 14, I — 17, 18,
the persistency and earnestness with which he steps forward again and again
to intercede on behalf of his nation, the emphasis with which the doom is
declared to be irrevocable, authorise the inference that the prophecy belongs
to the time when the crisis was approaching, i.e. to the latter part of the
reign of Jehoiakim, when the prophet felt moved to make every effort to
avert, if it were possible, the inevitable. 17, 1 1 has even been thought to
contain an allusion to Jehoiakim's unjust and avaricious treatment of his sub-
jects, described more directly in 22, 13 f. 17 : but this is uncertain.
C. 17, 19-27. An exhortation on the Sabbath, to the strict
observance of which a promise of prosperity and the continued
existence of the monarchy {v. 25 : cf. 22, 4) is attached.
This prophecy is unconnected with what precedes : and from the difference
in tone — for the doom which in 14, l — 17, 18 is declared to be irrevocable, is
here conceived as capable of being averted, upon one condition being
observed — it may be inferred that it belongs to a different and earlier period,
perhaps (Orelli) to the time of Josiah's reformation (cf. Ii, I ff.).
C. 18 — 20. Lessons from the potter. In c. 18 Jeremiah is
made to teach, by observation of the method followed by the
potter, the great principle of the conditional nature of pro
phecy. The doom pronounced against a nation may, if the
nation alters its course, be modified or reversed : God's pur-
pose, as declared, is not of necessity absolute and uncondi-
tional, vv. I -10. The practical application follows: the Jews
are invited to amend their ways, in order that the threatened
evil may be averted ; they are represented as declining ; and
the judgment originally pronounced is reaffirmed, vv. 11-17.
'J'he people, i)roud in the possession of inviolable privileges
Jeremiah, here it would denote the nation, to the excliisioit cf Jeremiah !
There is high probability in Ewald's view, that vv. 12-14 ^""e accidentally
misplaced, and ought properly to follow v. 9, where they are in harmony
with the context, and where the change of person would be far less abrupt
(comp. the second person of the nation in v. 6).
JEREMIAH. 243
(v. 18), resent this unwelcome conclusion of the prophet's,
and proceed to form plots against his life (cf. 26, to f.), with
a vehement prayer for the frustration of which the chapter
closes, vv. 19-23. This prophecy, in which the fate of Judah is
represented as still undecided, and as depending on the people's
choice, would seem to be earlier than 14, i — 17, 18, where it is
treated as irrevocably fixed. C. 19, by a symbolical act, the
breaking of the potter's finished work, the earthen bottle, in the
valley of the son of Hinnom, the conclusion expressed in c. 18 is
repeated and reinforced : the nation has reached a point at
which amendment is no longer possible : and the disaster, when
it comes, will be final and irretrievable, vv. 1-13. Vv. 14-15
Jeremiah repeats in the Temple Court the substance of what he
had said, the consequence of which was that Pashhur, son of
Immer, the superintendent of the Temple, had the prophet
thrown into the stocks till the following day : after his release,
he pronounces upon the entire nation formal sentence of exile to
Babylon, 20, 1-6. The incident is followed, vv. 7-18, by an
outburst of deep emotion on the part of Jeremiah (comp. 15, 10.
15-18. 17, 15-18): the impulse to be a prophet had been an
irresistible one (cf. Am. 3, 8); but he had been rewarded by
nothing but hostility and detraction ; and though he is sensible
that Jehovah is with him (cf. i, 19), and will in the end grant
him justice against his persecutors, he still cannot repress the
passionate wish that he had never seen the light.
C. 21, i-io places us in Zedekiah's reign, during the period
{v. 2) when Nebuchadnezzar's troops were investing the city, at
the end of Zedekiah's ninth year. The passage contains the
answer given by Jeremiah to the message of inquiry addressed
to him by Zedekiah respecting the issue of the siege.
21, II — 23, 8. An important group of prophecies, containing
Jeremiah's judgments on the successive rulers who occupied in
his day the throne of David. 21, 11-14 is introductory; 22,
1-9 is an admonition imi)ressing upon the king the paramount
importance of justice. There follow the special judgments on
the kings — on Shallum (Jehoahaz), vv. 10-12, whose exile is
pathetically foretold ; on Jehoiakim, whose exactions are point-
edly contrasted with the fair and honourable dealings of his
father Josiah, and for whom an ignominious end is predicted,
vv. 13-19; and on Jehoiachin, whose banishment to a foreign
244 LITERATURE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
land is emphatically announced, vv. 20-30. The climax of the
entire prophecy is 23, 1-8. Vv. 1-2 are a denunciation of the
unworthy shepherds— />. rulers, comp. 2, 8. 10, 21— generally,
Avho have neglected and ruined the flock entrusted to them :
vv. 3-8 the prophecy closes with a promise of ultimate restora-
tion, and a picture of the rule of the ideal Prince of Jesse's line,
which in every respect forms a contrast with that exercised by
the imperfect rulers of Jeremiah's own day (5^ the opposite of
22, 13. 17 ; 6^' the opposite of 23, 1-2 : with v. 4 comp. 3, 15).
21, 12. 22, 3 f. (implying that the fate of Jndah is not yet irrevocably fixed)
appear to belong to the earlier part of Jeremiah's career (of. 17, 25); the
judgments which follow (as the terms of z^. 1 1 f. 19. 25 f. show) must have been
originally pronounced during the reigns of the kings to whom they severally
relate ; the whole being arranged together subsequently, on account of the
community of subject.
23> 9-40 is directed against the prophets, who were influential
in Jerusalem 1 in Zedekiah's reign (see 27, 14 f. 28, i ff.), and
who represented a policy the reverse of that counselled by
Jeremiah, and misled the people by false promises of security,
Jeremiah denounces them with much vehemence, charsina: them
even with immorality and profaneness (comp. 29, 23), and
declaring that their unauthorized prophesyings will avail neither
the people nor themselves.
C. 24 was written shortly after the exile of Jehoiachin. As
has been said (p. 233), the companions of Jehoiachin included
the flower of the nation : among those who were left in Jeru-
salem must have been many who hitherto had occupied a
humble station in life, but who now found themselves suddenly
called to fill state offices : these in many cases were elated by
their new dignities ; and proud of the confidence placed in them
by Nebuchadnezzar, they treated their brethren in exile with no
small contempt, declaring loudly that " the land was given to
them'' (see Ez. 11, 15. 33, 24). In this chapter Jeremiah passes
a comparative estimate upon the two divisions of the nation :
under the significant figure of the good and bad figs, he ex-
presses emphatically the different character of each, and the
different future in store for them.
C. 25 belongs to the critical year of the battle of Carchemish,
the fourth year of Jehoiakim (b.c. 604). In it Jeremiah first
' And also among those carried into exile with Jehoiachin, 29, 8 f. 20 ff.
JEREMIAH. 245
declares, vv. 1-14, that Judah and the neighbournig nations
must fall under the sway of the king of Babylon for seventy
years, at the end of which time his empire will come to an end ;
afterwards, zrv. 15-38, extending the range of his survey, he
views his empire as destined to embrace practically the then
known world.
C. 26 is assigned to "the beginning of the reign of Jehoiakim :"
no doubt, therefore, it dates from an earlier period than c. 25,
It recounts Jeremiah's attempt to lead his people to better
counsels, by warning them that, unless they amend their ways,
Jerusalem will share the fate which overtook Shiloh of old
(cf. c. 7) ; and describes the prophet's narrow escape from death
in consequence of the indignation aroused by his words.
C. 27 — 29 belong to the beginning of the reign of Zedekiah.
C. 27 relates how Jeremiah frustrated the attempt made by the
five neighbouring nations — -Edom, Moab, Amnion, Tyre, and
Zidon — to induce Zedekiah to join them in a league for the pur-
pose of revolting from the Chaldseans, and did his utmost to
convince the king of the uselessness of embarking upon any such
enterprise. C. 28 narrates how he opposed Hananiah, who was
one of the prophets who encouraged the people with false hopes,
and who promised the return, w^ithin two years, of the sacred
vessels (the loss of which was evidently keenly felt in Jerusalem),
which had been taken to Babylon, as well as the restoration of
Jehoiachin and the other exiles. C. 29 contains the letter sent
by Jeremiah to the exiles (who had been disquieted by prophets
announcing confidently their speedy return to Judah) exhorting
them to settle down contentedly where they were, to " build houses,
and plant gardens," for no restoration would take place until the
seventy years of Babylonian dominion had been accomplished,
vv. 1-23. This letter so enraged the false prophets in Baby-
lonia, that one of them — Shemaiah — sent to Jerusalem with the
view of procuring Jeremiah's arrest : the failure of his plot, and
Jeremiah's reply, form the subject oi vv. 24-32.
C. 30 — 33 embrace Jeremiah's principal prophecies dealing
with Israel's restoration. The thought has been expressed before
incidentally {e.g. 3, 14-18; 23, 3-8); but it is here developed
connectedly. The general import of c. 30, after the introductory
words vv. 1-4, is to assure Israel, that, though the present dis-
tress is severe, the nation will not wholly perish : in due time it
246 LITERATURE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
will be restored, Jerusalem will be rebuilt {v. 18), and ruled
again by an independent prince of David's line, who will enjoy
in particular the privilege of close access to Jehovah {w. 9. 21).
In this chapter the two verses 10- 11 (= 46, 27-28) are espe-
cially noticeable : the title of honour, " My servant," here given
to Israel for the first time (and applied to the actual nation),
appears to have formed the basis upon which II Isaiah con-
structs his great conception of Jehovah's ideal Servant (p. 229).
C. 31 holds out the hope of the restoration o{ Ephraim^ vv. 1-9,
as well as of Judah, vv. 10-14: at present Rachel (the mother
oi Joseph, i.e. Ephraim) — so the prophet's imagination pictures
her — is watching from her tomb at Ramah, and tenderly bewail-
ing the desolation of her children ; but the mother may stay her
grief; Ephraim will yet show penitence, vv. 15-20, and both
Ephraim and Judah will return together, vv. 21-30. There
follows the great prophecy of the " New Covenant," by which
the restored community will then be ruled, a covenant vi'hich is to
consist not in an external system of laws, but in a law written
in the heart, a j>rinciple operative from within, filling all men
with the knowledge of Jehovah, and prompting them to imme-
diate and spontaneous obedience, vv. 31-34. C. 32 describes
how Jeremiah, as a sign that, though the exile of the entire
nation was imminent, the Jews should still once again possess
the soil of Canaan, both purchased fields belonging to his cousin
at Anathoth, and took special means to ensure the preservation
of the title-deeds, vv. 1-15 : vv. 16-25 ^''^ records how his heart
afterwards misgave him, and vv. 26-44 how he was reassured
by Jehovah. In c. 33 the prophet, looking out beyond the
troubles of the present (v. 4 f.), depicts afresh the subsequent
purification and restoration of the nation (note v. i r, the reversal
of 7, 34. 16, 9. 25, 10), vv. 1-13; closing with a repetition (in a
slightly varied form^) of the Messianic prophecy of 23, 5 f, and
a solemn assurance of the perpetual validity of Jehovah's cove-
nant with the house of David and the Levitical priests, vv. 14-26.
' The symbolical name "Jehovah is our righteousness," which in 23, 6 is
given to the Messianic King, is here, 33, 16, assigned to the restored, ideal
city. The name is intended, of course, to symbolize the fact that Jehovah is
the source of righteousness to the restored community. In the one case, this
is indicated by the name being given to the king w ho rules over it (and w ho
therefore is doubtless viewed as vtedialirig the righteousness); in the other,
by its being given to the city in which the community dwells (of. Isa. i, 26).
JEREMIAH. 247
C. 32 — 23 ^""^ assigned expressly (32, 2. 33, i) to tlie period of Jeremiah's
honourable confinement in the "court of the guard," i.e. to the second part
of the siege, in Zedekiah's tenth year, after it had been interrupted by the
temporary withdrawal of the Chaldasans : the composition of c. 30 — 31
belongs probably to the same time, though from the tenor of 30, 2 ("Write
thee all (/le 'wjrds that 1 have spoken tcnto thee in a book") it is more than
possible that the contents had in part been originally uttered previously,
but, as 32, 2 "then" shows, that they were not committed to writing till
subsequently, probably after the fall of the city.
The chapters which follow are largely historical, thotigh natur-
ally confined to incidents in which Jeremiah was more or less
directly concerned.
C. 34, 1-7 relates the message which Jeremiah was instructed to
bear to Zedekiah respecting the future fate as well of the city as
of the king himself.
The occasion was probably during the first investment of Jerusalem by the
Chaldeeans (Hitz. Keil, Kuen. PS.), a little subsequent to 21, i-io ; though
others, from the fact that the prophecy is the one quoted in 32, 3-5 during
the second part of the siege, have referred it by preference to this period
(Ew. Graf).
34, 8-2 2. The inhabitants of Jerusalem, under pressure of the
siege, had solemnly engaged to emancipate their Hebrew slaves ;
but afterwards, when the seige was temporarily raised, had
treacherously disregarded the engagement. Jeremiah denounces
them for their breach of faith, with bitter irony proclaiming
"liberty" to the sword, the pestilence, and the famine, and
declaring that the Chaldasans will ere long return, and not
depart until they have reduced the city.
C 35 — 36 bring us back into the reign of Jehoiakim. The
date of c. 35 is towards the close of Jehoiakim's reign, when, the
territory of Judah being overrun by marauding bands (2 Ki.
24, 2), the nomad tribe of Rechabites took refuge in Jerusalem :
Jeremiah, from the example of their staunch adherence to the
precepts of their ancestor, points a lesson for his own fellow-
countrymen. C. 36 narrates the memorable incident of the fifth
year of Jehoiakim, when the roll of Jeremiah's prophecies was
burnt by the king in a fit of passion (p. 234).
C. 37 — -38 describe Jeremiah's personal history during the
siege of Jerusalem by the Chaldseans (comp. p. 233 f.).
C. 39 — 43 state particulars respecting the events of Jeremiah's
life after the capture of Jerusalem, the favour shown to him by
248 LITERATURE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
Nebuchadnezzar, the murder of Gedaliah, and the circumstances
under which the prophet, against his will, was brought into
Egypt: 43, 8-13 is a prophecy uttered by him upon the arrival
of the refugees at Tahpanhes (Daphnae), declaring the future
conquest of Egypt by Nebuchadnezzar.
39, I-14 connects imperfectly with c. 38, v. i going back to the beginning
of the siege. It seems (in spite of their being in the LXX) that the words in
vv. 1-2 from In the ninth year to in the city (which cannot be legitimately
treated as a parenthesis, as in RV. ) are an interpolation on the basis of 52, 4.
6f. 39, 4-13 is omitted in LXX, and it is doubtful if it forms part of the
original narrative : the connexion of v. 4 with v. 3 is imperfect, and in any
case vv. 4-10 are merely abridged irom 2 Ki. 25, 4-12 (comp. esp. v. 8 with
2 Ki. 25, 8-10), according to the purer and more original text still preserved
in Jer. 52, 7-16. Most probably the original text had only 39, i (to taken).
3 [with and for that, as in the Heb.]. 14 [Heb. and they sent']: these words
form a continuous narrative, the particulars in which are not borrowed from
c. 52 (so Ew. Hitz. Graf, Kuen. Orelli, — Hitz. and Or., however, including
V. I if. as well). 39, 15-18 is a supplement to c. 38, promising a reward
to Ebed-melech on account of the services rendered by him to Jeremiah.
C. 44. Jereiniah here rebukes the fugitives in Egypt for
relapsing into their old idolatries : they excuse themselves ; the
prophet, in reply, repeats his previous denunciations, declaring
that of their entire body, a handful only should return into the
land of Judah.
C. 45 is a short prophecy, containing words ot mingled
reassurance and reproof, addressed to Baruch in the depression
and disappointment which overcame him, after writing the roll of
the 4th year of Jehoiakim, at the near and certain prospect of
his country's ruin. He is reminded that the age is one in which
he must not expect great things for himself, but must be content
if he escapes with his bare life.
C. 46 — 5 1 form the book of Jeremiah's prophecies concerning
foreign nations, grouped together, as in the case of the similar
prophecies in the Books of Isaiah (c. 13 — 23) and Ezekiel
(c. 25 — 32). The prophecies are closely connected with c. 25
(most of the nations to which they refer being named in 25,
19-26), and indeed in the text of the LXX are inserted in it.^
C. 46. On Egypt. This falls into two parts: (i) vv. 3-12 an
^ They follow 25, 13, the words in 25, 13'' "which," &c., in the form,
"The things which Jeremiah prophesied against the nations," forming a
superscription ; v. 14 being omitted ; and vv. 15 (in the form, " Thus said
Jehovah," «S:c.). 16-38 following at the end.
JEREMIAH. 249
ode of triumph on the defeat of Pharaoh Necho at Carchemish
{v. 2), B.C. 604; (2) vz:. 14-26 a prophecy written in the same
strain as vv. 3-12, foreteUing the successful invasion of Egypt
by Nebuchadnezzar.
/'. 27 f. (words of reassurance addressed to Israel) are all but identical
with 30, 10 f. They appear to imply that the captivity has begun, and it is at
least doubtful (in spite of 3, 18. 16, 15) whether Jer. would have so expressed
himself in B.C. 604. On the other hand, they are in their place in c. 30,
which appears (p. 247) to have received its present form after the fall of
Jerusalem. Perhaps they were attached here subsequently, either by Jer.
himself, or by a reader, or editor, of his prophecies.
C. 47 is directed against the Philistines, indirectly also (^. 4)
against Tyre and Sidon : their country is to be wasted by a foe
whose attack is compared to waters rising up out of the north and
inundating the land.
The foe meant is unquestionably the Chaldceans (cf. 13, 20. 25, g. 46, 20),
and the occasion is no doubt the same as that of c. 46. The note of time in
V. i" is obscure ; but probably the allusion is to a capture of Gaza by the
Egyptians not otherwise known to us, either on their retreat from Carchemish,
or possibly in connexion with the movements mentioned in 37, 5. The note
may, however, be due to one who supposed the Egyptians to be meant in v. 2.
C. 48 is a long prophecy directed against Moab, for the
inhabitants of which desolation and exile are foretold. The
prophet develops his theme in considerable detail, in connexion
with the topography of Moab : he closes, v. 47, with a prospect of
restoration in the future.
The prophecy, esp. in vv. 29-3S, has numerous reminiscences from Isaiah's
prophecy (c. 15 — 16) on the same nation (see RV. vtarg.), but the style and
manner of the whole are very different : the treatment is more diffuse ; and it
is marked by greater vehemence [e.g. vv. lO. 20 ft". 26. 39).
49, 1-6 is on the Ammonites, a prophecy of similar import to
that on INIoab, but briefer; vv. 7-22 are on Edom, whose
mountain fortresses will form no protection against the attack of
the Chaldean king (figured by the "lion" of v. 19, and the
"eagle" of z'. 22); vv. 23-27 are on Damascus, whose warriors,
when the critical moment arrives, will be seized with panic, and
perish helplessly in the streets ; vv. 2S-33 are on the great
pastoral (Is. 42, 11. 60, 7) tribe of Kedar, who are to be rudely
disturbed in their security, and scattered " to every wind " by
Nebuchadnezzar; vv. 34-39 are on Elani (assigned by the title
to the beginning of the reign of Zedekiah), against which a fate
similar to that of Kedar is predicted.
250 LITERATURE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT,
It is probable that all these prophecies, except the last, belong to the 4th
year of Jehoiakim, and reflect the profound impression which Nebuchad-
nezzar's victory at Carchemish produced upon the prophet. On the remark-
able similarities between the prophecy upon Edom and that of Obadiah, see
below, under Obadiah. In the case of Amnion and Elam (49, 6. 39) the
prophecy closes with a promise of restoration similar to that given to Moab
{48, 47) : comp. 12, I5f.
C. 50 — 51. A long and impassioned prophecy against Babyloti,
50, I — 51, 58, followed by a short historical notice, 51, 59-64%
describing how, when Seraiah — probably the brother of Jeremiah's
friend and assistant Baruch — in the 4th year of Zedekiah (b.c.
593) accompanied the king on a journey to Babylon, Jeremiah
sent by his hand a scroll, containing a prophecy against the city,
with instructions to read it upon his arrival there, and afterwards
to sink it in the Euphrates, as a sign tliat Babylon would sink in
like manner, and not rise again. The prophecy itself (50, 2 ff.)
declares the approaching capture of Babylon, and the speedy
end of the power of the Chalda^ans ; the time has come for the
violence done by them to Israel to be requited (50, 1 1 f. 17-20.
Z'h'^- 5i> 5- 24. 34 f. 44- 56) ; a people from the north, even the
Medes, are about to be "stirred up" (cf Is. 13, 17) against them
(50, 3. 9. 25. 41 ff. 51, 2. II. 20-23 [Cyrus]); again and again
the prophet with eager vehemence invites the foe to begin the
fray (50, 14-16. 21. 26 f. 51, 11 f 27 f ), while he bids the exiles
escape betimes from the doomed city (50, 8. 51, 6. 45 f. 50), the
future fate of which he contemplates with manifest delight
(50, 2^ 13. 23 f. 35-38. 46. 51, 13 f. 25 ff. 30 ff. 33 ff. 47 ff.).
It does not seem that this prophecy (50, i — 51, 58) is Jeremiah's. The
grounds for this conclusion do not consist in the announcement per sc which
the prophecy contains of the end of the Babylonian power — for this was
certainly foreseen byjer. (25, 12. 27, 7. 22. 29, 10) — or in the phraseology,
which has much in common with Jer.'s ; but in the manner in which the
announcement is made, and especially in the contradiction which it evinces
with the position which Jer. is known to have taken in the year to which it
is assigned by 51, 59. (i) The standpoint of the prophecy is later than
Zedekiah's 4th year. The destruction of the Temple is presupposed (50, 28.
51, II. 51) ; the Jews are in exile, suffering for their sins (50, 4 f. 7. 17. 33.
51, 34 f. "hath made me an empty vessel") ; but Jehovah is now ready to
pardon and deliver them (50, 20. 34. 51, 2,2,^. 36) ; the hour of retribution is
at hand for their foes, and they themselves are bidden prepare to leave
Babylon (see the passages cited above). But in B.C. 593 it was the measure
cii /sraePs wickedness which, in Jer.'s estimation, was not yet filled up ; the
Chalda:ans had yet to complete against Jerusalem the work allotted to them
JEREMIAH. 251
by Providence (c. 24, &c.) ; only when this has been accomplished does the
prophet expect the end of the Babylonian monarchy, and the restoration of
Israel (25, 12. 27, 7. 29, 10). Thus the situation postulated by the prophecy
— Israel's sin forgiven, and the Chaldeans' work accomplished — had not
arrived whWs Zedekiah was still reigning: on the other hand, the coming
destruction of Jerusalem, which is foremost in Jer.'s thoughts throughout the
prophecies belonging to Zedekiah's reign, and which he views as necessarily
Jirecediiig \\\Q restoration, is here alluded to tsa past. (2) Th^ point of vieu> is
not that of Jer. either in or about the year 593. At that time, as we know
from c. 27 — 29, Jer. was opposing earnestly the prophets who were promising
that shortly Babylon would fall, and the exiles be restored ; he was even (c.
29) exhorting the exiles to settle down contentedly in their new home. But
the prophet who speaks in c. 50 — 51, so far from counselling patience, uses
all the arts of language for the purpose of inspiring the exiles with the hopes
of a speedy release, for doing which the " faLe prophets" were so severely
denounced by Jer. The line of thought adopted in the prophecy is thus in-
coni-istent with the attitude of Jer. in e.g. 593. (3) The prophecy is not a
viere declaration of the end of the Chaldcean rule, such as Jer. undoubtedly
made : it is animated by a temper, which, if it be Jer.'s, is not adequately
accounted for. The vein of strong feeling which pervades it, the manifest
satisfaction with which the prophet who utters it contemplates, under every
imaginable aspect, the fate which he sees imminent upon Babylon, show
it to be the work of one who felt far more keenly against the Chaldoeans
than Jer. did, who indeed, after the capture of Jerusalem, was treated
by Nebuchadnezzar with marked consideration (c. 39 &c.), and who, even
when in Egypt, still regarded the Babylonian king as carrying out the
purposes of Providence (43, 10 ff. 44, 30).^ There breathes in this pro-
phecy the spirit of an Israelite, whose experiences had been far other
than Jer.'s, \\ ho had smarted under the vexatious yoke of the Chaldseans
(cf. Is. 47, 6 f. 52, 5), and whose thoughts were full of vengeance for
the sufferings which his fellowcountrjmen had endured at their hands.
Other indications, not sufficient, if they stood alone, to authorise the con-
clusion thus reached, nevertheless support it. Jer. is not, indeed, like
Isaiah, a master of literary style : but the repetitions and the unmethodical
development of the subject which characterise c. 50 — 51 are both in excess
of his usual manner. Jer. also, it is true, sometimes repeats his own words
(p. 259), but not to the extent which would be the case here if he were
the author of c. 50 f. (50, 30-32. 40-46. 51, 15-19).
On the whole, the most probable view of c. 50 f. is the follow-
ing. The notice in 51, 59-64% that Jer. took the occasion of
Seraiah's visit to Babylon to record by a symbolical act his con-
viction that the Chalda^an dominion would in time be brought
to its end, is thoroughly credible : it is in accordance with Jer.'s
^ To suppose the prophet inspired to express emotions which (to judge from
the general tenor of his liook) he did not feel, would imply a very mechan-
ical theory of inspiration.
252 LITERATURE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
manner on other occasions (13, i ff. 19, i ff, 27, 2 ff.); and a
general declaration similar to tliat contained in v. 62 is perfectly
consistent with Jer.'s attitude at the time (25, 12. 29, 10). The
prophecy, 50, 2 — 51, 58, is the work of a follower of Jeremiah,
familiar with his writings, and accustomed to the use of similar
phraseology, who wrote no very long time before the fall of
Babylon, trom the same general standpoint as Is. 13, 2 — 14, 23.
c. 40 — 66. (It is not, therefore, in the judgment of the present
writer, a vaticinimn ex eventu.) In a later age the prophecy came
to be attributed to Jeremiah, and was identified with the
" scroll " sent by him to Babylon. In its original form, the
notice, 51, 59 ff., contained no reference to 50, i — 51, 58, v. 60
ending at "Babylon" (in the Heb. at THN* IDD bx : notice how
awkwardly, in the Hebrew, clause b is attached to clause «), but
only to the words written on the scroll sunk in the Euphrates :
when 50, I — 51, 58 was incorporated in the volume of Jer.'s
prophecies, v. 60^ was added for the purpose of identifying it
with the contents of the scroll.
The superscriptions to the longer independent prophecies in Jer.'s book fall
into one or two well-defined types, y)'t'w zuhich that in 50, I differs, which
would agree with the conclusion that the prophecy following was not part of
the original collection, but came into Jer.'s book by a different channel. The
usual types are (i) " The word which came to Jer. from Jehovah (saying) : " 7,
I. II, I. iS, I. 21, I. 25, I al. ; (2) "That which came (of) the word of
Jehovah to Jer." (p. 258, No. 27) : 14, i. 46, i. 47, i. 49, 34. The subject
of a prophecy is also sometimes indicated briefly by the prep. 7: 23, 9 (see
RV. ). 46, 2. 48, I. 49, I. 7. 23. 28 ; perhaps also 21, 11.
In 51, 64 the clause "and they shall be weary," which is evidently out of
place where it stands, is repeated from v, 58 — either through some error, or
(Budde) by the compiler, who prefixed it to the note, "Thus far are the words
of Jeremiah," as an indication that he understood these "words" to extend,
not to the notice in vv. 59-64% but only to "isyi, the last word of the preced-
ing prophecy.
C. 52. Historical account of the capture of Jerusalem by the
Chaldaians, and exile of the inhabitants.
This narrative is excerpted by the compiler of the Book of Jeremiah from
2 Ki. 24, 18 — 25, 30 — with the omission of 2 Ki. 25, 22-26 (which, being
simply condensed from Jer. 40, 7-9. 41, 1-2. 17 f. 42, i. 43, 3 ff., there was
no occasion to repeat), and the addition of Jer. 52, 28-30 (though these
verses, which are not in the LXX, and the chronology of which differs from
that o{ V. 12, were perhaps not introduced till a later stage in the redaction of
the book) from some other source — on account, no doubt, of its containing
detailed particulars of the manner in which Jer.'s principal and most constant
JEREMIAH. 253
prediction was fulfilled. The text of this section has, in several places,
been preserved here more purely than in Kings.
The two texts of Jeremiah?- In the Book of Jeremiah the text
of the LXX differs more widely from the Hebrew than is the case
in any other part of the OT., even in Sam., Kings, or Ezekiel.
In the text of the LXX, as compared with the Hebrew, there are
very numerous omissions, sometimes of single words, sometimes
of particular clauses or passages, there are occasionally additions,
there are variations of expression, there are also transpositions.
The number of words in the Hebrew text not represented in the
LXX has been calculated at 2700, or one-eighth of the entire
book. Very many of these omissions are, however, unimportant,
consisting only of such words as the title the prophet attached to
the name Jeremiah, or the parenthetic Saith the Lord, &c. ; but
others are more substantial, as 10, 6-8. 10. 11, 7-8 (except
8^ "but they did them not"). 29, 14 (except "and I will be
found of you"). 16-20. 33, 14-26. 39, 4-13. 52, 2S-30 : some-
times, also, a chapter, though the substance is not materially
altered, appears in a briefer form in the LXX (as c. 27. 28). The
most considerable transposition is in the different place assigned to
the prophecies on foreign nations (p. 248, note) : the order of these
prophecies among themselves is also changed. Different causes
have been assigned in explanation of these variations. By some
they have been attributed to the incompetence and arbitrariness
of the LXX translators ; by others they have been supposed to
arise from the fact that the existing Hebrew text, and the text
from which the LXX translation was made, exhibit tico different
recensions of Jeremiah's writings. A careful comparison of the
two texts in the light of (a) Hebrew idiom, (b) intrinsic probability,
shows that both these views contain elements of truth, though
neither is true exclusively ; the variations of the LXX are in part
"recensional," i.e. they are due to the fact that the Hebrew text
used by the translators deviated in some particulars from that
which we at present possess ; but in part, also, they are due to
^ See F. C. Movers, De utrinsque recens. 7'atic. Jeremici: Gi-(2C. Alex, et
Masor. indole et origine, 1837 ; Hitzig, p. xv. ff.; Graf, p. xl. ff.; A. Scholz,
Der Mass. Text tt. die LXX-Uehers, des Buches Jer. 1875; E. C. Work-
nian, The Text of Jeremiah, Edinburgh, 1889, with the reviews by the present
writer in the Expositor, May 1889, and by H. P. Smith in the Joiirn. of
Bibl. Lit. 1890, p. 107 ff. ; Kuenen, Oiilerz. % 58 (a very fair and impartial
•statement of the question).
254 LITERATURE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
the faulty manner in which the translators executed their work.
The claims of each text to represent the prophet's autograph have
been greatly exaggerated by their respective advocates ; ^ on the
whole, the Massoretic text deserves the preference ; but it is
impossible to uphold the unconditional superiority of either. To
determine which readings of the LXX are more original than
those of the Hebrew is often a task of no small difficulty and
delicacy ; and commentators and critics differ accordingly.
It is obviously impossible for the writer to enter here into details : he must
content himself with the two general observations (l) that there seem cer-
tainly to be many individual cases in which the purer reading has been pre-
served by the LXX ; (2) that it is at least probable that there are passages in
which the text has been glossed, or expanded, in the Hebrew, and is expre^seil
by the LXX in its more original form (see examples in QPB.^). Thus in c.
25 words are omitted in LXX in vv. i. 2. 6. 7. 9. 11-13. 14 (wholly). 18. 20.
24-26. 29. 33. With respect to some of these, opinions may differ ; but v. 18
"as it is this day " clearly cannot have lieen part of the original text of B.C.
604 (25, i), but must have been added after the fulfilment. In c. 27 — 29 the
omissions in LXX (or aldiiions in the Heb., as the case may be) are, from
some cause, peculiarly numerous: Kucnen, § 54, 6, here prefers the LXX
almost throughout (except 34, 10-12 = 27, 12-15 Heb., and 36 (29), 24-32,
where the translators have entirely missed the sense) ; on c. 27 see also VV.
R. Smith, OTJC. p. 113 ff.
It is remarked by Kuenen that the two texts of Jer. are not so much two
recensions, as the same recension in different stages of its history. The dif-
ferent position of the foreign prophecies in the two texts may be accounted
ior by various hypotheses, which cannot here be discussed.
The process by which the Book of Jeremiah assumed its
present form can only be represented by conjecture. The
chronological disorder, and the dislocations {e.g. 3, 6-18; to,
1-16), may be regarded as decisive against the opinion that the
prophecies were arranged as we now have them by Jer. himself,
or even by his scribe Baruch. Probably the collection was not
formed before the close of the exile : the large amount of varia-
tion between the LXX. and the Massoretic text may be most
readily explained by the supposition that in some cases Jer.'s
writings were in circulation for a while as single prophecies,
^ Especially by Graf and Keil on the one side, and by Workman on the
other. The last-named scholar has formed a false view of the method
followed by the translators, and has made, in consequence, the great mistake
of not dislingui^hing between deviations due only to the translators, and
those having their source in the MSS. used by them ; thus in his elaborate
" Syonp.sis of Variations," the majority were never in any Hebrew MS.
JEREMIAH. 255
or small groups of prophecies,^ in which variations might
more easily arise than after they were collected into a
volume. The foundation of the collection, it is natural to
suppose, was the roll of Jehoiakim's 5th year, consisting
of I, I f.2 4-19; C. 2 — 6; 7, 1—9, 26; 10, 17-25; II, 1-8; II,
c,_i2, 6; c. 25; 3 46, 1—49, 33 -'^ other prophecies were,
perhaps, only added as they came to hand, those relating to
Judah being placed, it seems, (as a rule) />e/ore those dealing
with foreign nations (c. 25. 46, i — 49, 33), while the narratives
which were rather of a biographical character were made to
follow c. 25, the foreign prophecies themselves being kept at the
end. C. 30 — 33 (prophecies of restoration) may have been
placed where they now stand, on account of their being con-
nected (like c. 27 — 29. 34) with the reign of Zedekiah : c. 45
(supplement to c. 36, to the roll mentioned in which the expres-
sion " these words " in v. i directly refers) may have been placed
after c. 37 — 44 (which form a tolerably continuous narrative),
and so separated from c. 36, on account of its subordinate char-
acter. 49, 34-39 (on Elam), though belonging to Zedekiah's
reign, would naturally be attached to the other foreign pro-
phecies : the same would be the case with c. 50 — 51 (Babylon).
Even so, however, there are several prophecies of which the
position remains unexplained : it is clear that in many particulars
the arrangement of the book is due to causes respecting the
nature of which we must confess our ignorance.
That the text of Jer. was liable to modification in the process of redaction
may be inferred, partly from some of the variations in the LXX (cf. p. 254),
partly from other indications. Thus 25, 13" cannot have been written by
Jer., as it stands, in 604 (25, i), but must have been added by one who had
the whole book before him : for " even all that is written in this book " pre-
supposes a prophecy against Babylon ; and c. 50 f. (or the prophecy implied
1 Thus c. 27 — 29, to judge from the unusual orthography of some of the
proper names (rT'DT, not "in"'0~lN and some other names similarly ; Nebuchad-
nezzar, not as commonly (and correctly) in Jer., Nebuchadrezzar), probably
have a history of their own (,if we but knew it), and reached the compiler
through some special channel (comp. p. 254).
^ Probably I, 2 was designed originally as the title to i, 4-19. X, 3, it is
evident, must have been inserted subsequently, for the purpose of including a
reference to prophecies at least as late as that contained in c. 38.
^ Assuming the Hebrew order to be 01 iginal. Possibly also c. 14 — 17. 18
— 20 formed part of the same roll ; but the precise date of these prophecies
is uncertain.
256 LITERATURE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
in 51, 59 f.) is expressly dated some years afterwards. And the verses 39, i f.
4-13, htiing ain'd^ed from 2 Ki. 25, can only have been inserted where they
now stand after the compilation of the Book of Kings was completed. And this
(p. 252) was subsequent to the composition of Jer. 40 — 43 ; so that the exist-
ence of stages in the formation of the present Book of Jeremiah is palpable.
Jeremiah's was a susceptible, deeply emotional nature. The
adverse course of events impresses him profoundly ; and he
utters without reserve the emotions which in consequence are
stirred within him. The trials which he experienced in the dis-
charge of his prophetic office, the persecution and detraction
which he encountered from those to whom his words were un-
welcome, the disappointments which, in spite of the promises
given him at his call (i, 10. 18), were nevertheless his lot in life,
the ruin to which, as he saw too truly, his country was hastening,
overpowered his sensitive, highly-strung organism : he breaks out
into bitter lamentations and complaints, he calls for vengeance
upon his persecutors, he accuses the Almighty of injustice, he
wishes himself unborn.^ Yet he does not flinch from the call of
duty : he contends fearlessly against the forces opposed to him ;
he struggles even to avert the inevitable. Love for his country
is powerful within him: through two long chapters (c. 14 f) he
pleads on behalf of his erring nation : the aim of his life is to
lead his people to better things. But the sharp conflict has left
its scar upon his soul. Isaiah's voice never falters with emotion :
Jeremiah bewails with tears of grief the times in which his lot is
cast ; - the strain of his thoughts imparts naturally to his periods
a melancholy cadence ; in pathetic tones he bids his country
prepare to meet its doom.^
And thus the tragic pathos of Jeremiah's life is reflected in his
book. His writings disclose to us his inmost thoughts. And as
the thoughts of an emotional spirit resent all artificial restraint,
so Jeremiah's style is essentially artless ; its only adornment con-
sisting in the figures which a poetical temperament, in an Eastern
clime, would spontaneously choose as the vehicle of feeling.
His prophecies have neither the artistic finish of those of Amos
or Isaiah, nor the laboured completeness of Ezekiel's. In his
^ II, 20. 12, 3. 15, 10 ff. 17, 15-18. 18, 19 ff. 20, 7 ff. 14 ff.
■''4, 19. 8, 18—9, I. 10, 19 ff. 13, 17. 23, 9.
^ E.g. 6, 26. 7, 29. 9, 17 f. 22, 10. 20 ff.: cf. 3, 14. 22. 4, 14. 6, 8. 31,
15—20.
JEREMIAH. 257
treatment of a subject he obeys no literary canons ; he pursues it
just as long as his feelings flow, or the occasion prompts him.
His language lacks the terseness and energy which is generally
characteristic of the earlier prophets : sentences are drawn out
at greater length ; even where the style is poetical, the parallelism
of thought is less perfectly sustained ; and there is a decided
tendency to adopt the rhetorical prose style of Deuteronomy
{e.g. c. 7. II. 34. 44), by which it is evident that Jeremiah is
greatly influenced. More than any other prophet, also, Jeremiah
not only uses favourite phrases, but repeats clauses and com-
binations of words, and sometimes (p. 259) whole verses. His
foreign prophecies (c. 46 — 49), though not so striking as Isaiah's,
display considerable variety of imagery and expression, as well as
greater poetic vigour than most of his other writings. By his
conception of the "New Covenant" (31, 31-34), he surpasses
in spirituality and profundity of insight every other prophet of
the Old Testament.
Expressions characteristic of Jeremiah :
1. QiJ^l shepherds, fig. of kings or rulers: 2, 8. 3, 15. 10, 21. 12, TO. 22,
22. 23, I. 2. 4. 25, 34-36. 50, 6. A favourite term in Jer. , even
wlien the figure of the flock is not explicitly drawn out.
2. The type of sentence, expressive of mingled pathos and surprise :
yno ... n« ... n 2, 14. 31. s, 4f. 19. 22. 14, 19. 22, 28. 49,
it; cf. 30, 6.
3- nnVJ'O, ni3VJ>D hacksUding^s) : 2, 19. 3, 22 (= Hos. 14, 5). 5, 6.
8, 5. 14, 7. Hos. II, 7. Pr. I, 32: in the combination nilti'D
f5^;"l::^ 3. 6. 8. u. i2.t
4- D"'3S xbl P|"iy njD io iiirn the neck ana not the ^ace : 2, 27. iS, 17.
32, 33. t
5- "ID"I?D n\h to receive correction: 2, 30. 5, 3. 7, 28. 17, 23. 32, 33.
35, 13. Zeph. 3, 2. 7. Pr. I, 3. 8, 10. 24, 32.t
6. 3P ?y n?y lit. to come up upon the heai-t (often || to remember') : 3, 16.
7, 31. 19. 5- 32, 35- 44, 2I^ Rare besides, Is. 65, 17. 2 Ki. 12, 5.
7- T^~\''-\'^ stidilwrnness : ■},, 17. 7, 24. 9, 13. 11, 8. 13, 10. 16, 12. iS, 12.
23, 17. Dt. 29, 18. Ps. 81, 13.1 (Always followed by "of heart ").
8. From the land of the north (usually as the place whence evil or invasion
arises): 3, 18. 6, 22. 10, 22. 16, 15. 23, 8. 31, 8. 50, q: from the
north, I, 14. 4, 6. 6, I. 13, 20. 15, 12. 46, 20. 47, 2. 50, 3. 41. 51,
48 ; cf. I, 15. 25, 9.
9. Men (lit. man) ofjudah and inhabitants of Jerusalem: 4, 4. 11, 2. 9.
17, 25. 18, II. 32, 32. 35, 13. 36, 31. Elsewhere only 2 Ki. 23, 2
= 2 Chr. 34, 30. Dan. 9, 7 (a reminiscence from Jer. : cf. 32, 37).
R
258 LITERATURE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
10. ^nj 12^' great desinidicn : 4, 6. 6, i. 14, 17. 48, 3. 50, 22. 51, 54.
Zeph. I, lo.f
11. An idea strengthened by the negation of its opposite : 4, 22. 7, 24. 21,
\o {for evil and not for good : so 39. 16. 44, 27. Am. 9, 4). 24,6''.
42, 10 (cf. Ps. 28, 5). Cf. above, No. 4. Very unusual elsewhere.
12. ncy nb^ to make a full end : 4, 27. 5, 10. 18. 30, ir = 46, 28.
13- N'3?D(ori3:x Hjn) ""J^H Behold I bring . . . ! 5, 15. 6, 19. 11, 11.
I9> 3- IS- 31, 8. 35, 17. 39, 16. 45, 5. 49, 5. I Ki. 14, 10. 21, 21.
2 Ki. 21, 12. 22, 16 = 2 Ch. 34, 24 (cf. above, p. 189, No. 27).
In other prophets, only three or four times in Ez.
14- [OJ^mpS ny the time that I visit them {thee, him): 6, 15. 49, 8. 50,
31 : in the slightly varied forms DrnpQ T\'^ the time of their visiia-
T T \ ;
tion, 8, 12. 10, 15 = 51, 18. 46, 21. 50, 27 ; X1T\'^\>'^ D^D' the year
of their visitatiott, 11, 23. 23, 12. 48, 44.!
15- 3"'3DD "IIJD Terror on every side : 6, 25. 20, 3. 10. 46, 5. 49, 29. Ps.
31, 14.7 Cf. Lam. 2, 22 my terrors on every side.
16. V^y ■'DU' X"lpJ "Il>'X "^'^^ -tvhich my name is called (in token of owner-
ship) : of the temple or city, 7, 10. 11. 14. 30. 25, 29. 32, 34. 34,
15; of the people, 14, 9; of Jeremiah himself, 15, 16. Similarly
Dt. 28, 10. I Ki. 8, 4311. 2 Ch. 7, 14. Am. 9, 12. Is. 63, 19. Dan.
9, 18. 19 (the original meaning of the phrase may be learnt from
2 Sa. 12, 28). t
17. . . . Wy3r\ rising up and . . . (speaking) 7, 13. 25, 3. 35, 14 ; (send-
ing) 7, 25. 25, 4. 26, 5. 29, 19. 35, 15. 44, 4. 2 Ch. 36, 15 ; (testi-
fying) II, 7; (teaching) 32, 33 f.
18. The cities of Judah and the stree's of Jerusalem : 7, 17. 34. 11, 6. 33,
10. 44, 6. 9 (with "land of Judah"). 17. 21 : streets of Jerusalem,
also 5, I. II, 13. 14, 16. Not expressions used by other prophets.
19- |TX ntDH to incline the ear: 7, 24. 26. 11, 8. 17, 23. 25, 4. 34, 14.
35, 15. 44, 5 (not in Dt., or in any other prophet, except Is. 55, 3).
20. Behold, the days come, and . , . : 7, 32. 9, 24. 16, 14. 19, 6. 23, 5. 7.
30, 3. 31, 27. 31. 38. 33, 14. 48, 12. 49, 2, 51, 47. 52. Only
besides, Am. 4, 2. 8, 11. 9, 13. i Sa. 2, 31. 2 Ki. 20, 17 = Isa.
39, 6.
21. The voice of 7>iirth and the voice of gladness, the voice of the bridegroom
and the voice of the bride : 7, 34. 16, 9. 25, 10. 33, 11.
22. Cjn pyjD habitation of jackals : 9, 11 (H. 10). 10, 22. 49, 2>?,- 5', 37-t
23. nXD ^^*"lVp corner-dipt (an epithet of certain Arab tribes) : 9, 25. 25,
23- 49, 32.t
24. A verb strengthened by the addition of its passive: 11, iS (^jymn
yiXI)- 17, 14- 20, 7. 31, 4. 18.
25. 7/'''' sword, the pestilence, and the famine {sometimes in changed order):
14, 12. 21, 7. 9. 24, 10. 27, S. 13. 29, 17. 18. 32, 24. 36. 34, 17.
38, 2. 42, 17. 22. 44, 13; the s^t'ord and the famine: 5, 12. 11,
22. 14, 13. 15, 16, 18. 16, 4. 18, 21. 42, 16. 44, 12. 18. 27; cf.
15, 2.
JEREMIAH. 259
26. f)J? np"i2 ""Jin Behold I visit upon . . . : 11, 22. 23, 2. 29, 32. 46, 25.
50, 18 (~ix)'t The verb itself is also much more frequent in Jer.
than in any other prophet.
27. ... ^x •>"< -|2T n^n "ICX {'^ very peculiar type of sentence : Ewald,
Syntax, § 334") : 14, I. 46, I. 47, I. 49, 34. f
J8. }'"ixn niD^DD ?D7 niJ?P ./'''' <2: shitddering unto all kingdoms of the
earth : 15, 4. 24, 9. 29, 18. 34, 17. From Dt. 28, 25.
29. Sentences of the type "' fishers, and they shall fish them : " 16, 16. 23, 4.
48, 12. 51, 2.
30. And 1 will kindle a fire in . . . and it shall dei'Oiir . . . : 17, 27''.
21, 14". 49, 27. 50, 32". From the refrain in Am. i, 14, varied
from "And I will ^c'W," &c., Am. i, 4. 7. 10. 12. 2, 2. 5. Hos.
8, I4.t
31. To return each one from his evil way: 18, 11. 25, 5. 26, 3. 35, 15. 36,
3. 7. Jon. 3, 8. Cf. I Ki. 13, 33. 2 Ki. 17, 13. 2 Ch. 7, 14. Ez.
13, 22. 33, II. Jon. 3, 10. Zech. I, 4.
32. His {thy) soul sliall be to him {thee) for a prey : 21, 9. 38, 2. 39, 18:
cf. 45, 5.
33. Thus saith Jehovah (often -j-'^" hosts), the God of Israel: a standing
formula with Jeremiah, as 6, 6. 9. 7, 3. 21. 11, 3 &c., but extremely
rare in other prophets (not unfrequently, without of hosts, in Kings).
The principal cases of the repetition of passages, noted on p. 257, are the
following (sometimes with slight variations in the phraseology) : — i, 18". 19
and 15, 20.— 2, ^5^ 4, 7''-— 2, 28^ 11, 13".— 4, 4*". 21, I2\— 4, 6. 6, i.—
5, 9. 29. 9, 9 (H, 8).— 6, 13-15. 8, 10-12.— 6, 22-24. 50. 4I-43-— 6, 22\
26, 32".— 7, 16. II, 14'-— 7, 23\ 24-25. II, 4". 8-. 7"-— 7, 31-33- i9, 5-
6. ii\ 7"-— 8, 2^ 16, 4. 25, 33\— 8, 15. 14, 19".— 9, 15" (H. 14"). 23, 15.
—9, 16" (II. 15"). 49, 37"-— 10, 12-16. 51, 15-19.— II, 20. 20, 12.— II, 23\
23, I2^ 48, 44b. 49, 8'>.— 15, 2\ 43, ii\— 15, 13-14. 17, 3. A\—i6, 14 f.
23, 7 f-— 17. 20. 19, 3^—17, 25. 22, 4.— 19, 8. 49, 17 (Edom). 50, 13"
(Babylon); cf. iS, 16.— 21, 9. 38, 2.^21, 13 f. 50, 31 f-— 23, 5 f- 33. I5f-—
23, 19 f. 30> 23f.— 30, 10 f. 46, 27 f. —31, 36 f. ; cf. T,2„ 25f.— 46, 21^. 50,
27".— 48, 40. 4i\ 49, 22.-49, 18. 50, 40.— 49, 19-21, 50, 44-46.-49, 26.
50, 30. See also above, Nos. 21, 30.
CHAPTER V.
EZEKIEL.
Literature.— H. Ewald in Die Prophcten des AB.s (vol. iv. of the
translation) ; F. Hitzig in the Kgf. Exeg. Handb. 1847, ed. 2 (rewritten)
by R. Smend, 18S0 [does not altogether supersede Hitzig's work] ; C. F.
Keil, Der Proph. Ez. 1868, (ed. 2) 1882; C. H. Cornill, Der Proph. Ez.
geschildert, 18S2, and Das Buck des Proph. Ez. herausgegeben, 18S6
(Prolegomena, and apparatus criticiis, remarkably thorough: text apt to be
arbitrary) ; C. von Orelli (in Strack and Zockler's Kgf. Kommentar), 1888.
On the Temple in c. 40 — 42, &c., see also E. Klihn in the Stud. u. Krit.
18S2, pp. 601-688.
Ezekiel, the son of Buzi, was one of the captives ^ who were
carried with Jehoiachin in 597 into Babylonia, and was settled
with others at Tel-abib (3, 15), by the river Chebar (i, i. 3. 3, 15
&c.). He was a priest, and as such belonged to the aristocracy
of Jerusalem, who formed the bulk of the first captivity under
Jehoiachin. The exiles at Tel-abib must have formed a consider-
able community. Though their circumstances could hardly have
been affluent, they do not appear to have been in actual want :
Ezekiel lived in his own "house" (3, 24. 8, i. 12, 3 fif.), where the
elders of the Israelites are represented as coming to sit and listen
to his words (8, i ; cf 14, i. 20, i) ; and the houses of others
are alluded to, -^t^., 30 (cf. Jer. 29, 5). It was in the fifth year of
the exile of Jehoiachin (b.c. 592) that Ezekiel received his pro-
phetic call (i, 2ff); and the latest date in his book (29, 17) is
22 years afterwards (b.c. 570).
The home of Ezekiel's prophetic life was thus on the banks of
the Chebar. There he watched from a distance the toils closing
round Jerusalem ; and there he declared, in every variety of
symbolism and imagery, the approaching fall of the city, the ruin
of ancient Israel (c. i — 24). Israel's chief crime is its idolatry.
' He reckons by the years of '^ our captivity," 33, 21. 40, i. The epoch
from which the "30th year," i, i, is dated, is uncertain.
200
EZEKIEL. 261
This has vitiated its history from the beginning (c. 16. 20. 23),
and it is rife in it even now. It would seem that in this judgment
Ezekiel is not wholly just to the past, and that he has transferred
to it unconsciously the associations of the present. But be that
as it may, the corruption of Jerusalem is incurable now ; and
therefore, as he repeatedly insists, Jerusalem must perish. But
even the exiles fall far short of what they should be; exile has
not yet wrought upon them the moral change (Hos. 2, 14 f.)
which it was to effect. Hence his conviction that further
judgments were imminent for them in the future : and his
anxiety to win at least the souls of individuals (3, 16 ff. 33, 6 ff.),
who might form the nucleus of the purified Israel of the future.
His advances were received with coldness : he was even, as it
seems, obliged to refrain from speaking openly among the exiles,
and to confine himself to addressing those who visited him
specially in his own house (3, 24 f ; cf. c. 8. 14. 20), until the fall of
Jerusalem sealed the truth of his predictions, and assured for him
a credit which otherwise he would never have attained (24, 27.
33, 22). The antagonism between Ezekiel and the exiles is mani-
fest ; he addresses them regularly as a " rebellious house " (see
p. 278). How they felt towards him, and how he viewed
them, appears further from such passages as 12, 21 ff. 14, i ff.
20, I ff. Nevertheless, like Jeremiah (p. 244), he fixed his
hopes for the future upon them : Zedekiah and the Jews in
Jerusalem he gave up entirely (9, 9 f. c. 12. 17, 1-2 1. 21, 25-27.
c. 22) : the exiles, when purged, would form the foundation of
a better Israel in the future (ii, 17 ff. 17, 22-24. 20, 37 f,
36, 25 ff.).
The Book of Ezekiel consists of three sections, dealing with
three different subjects : — 1. c. i — 24. The approaching fall of
Jerusalem; II. c. 25 — 32. Prophecies on foreign nations, HI.
c. 33 — 48. Israel's future restoration.
The dates of the several prophecies are in many cases stated
with precision. No critical question arises in connexion with
the authorship of the book, the whole from beginning to end
bearing unmistakably the stamp of a single mind.
I. C. I — 24. The approaching fall of Jerusalem.
I. C. I — 3, 2 1. Ezekiel's call, and the beginnings ,of his
ministry. In c. i Ezekiel relates how in the fifth year of his
262 LITERATURE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
exile ( = B.C. 592) he fell into a prophetic trance or ecstasy ; ^ and
describes at length the vision which he then saw.
Out of a storm-cloud appearing in the north there gradually emerged the
likeness of four living creatures (cherubim), each with four wings and four
faces, and all moving harmoniously together, vv. 5-14. Looking more
closely, he perceived that they enclosed a kind of quadrangular chariot,
resting on four wheels, which had an independent motion of their own,
though always in perfect harmony with that of the four cherubim, for one
spirit actuated both, vv. 15-21 ; the four cherubim supported on their heads
a firmament, 7'v. 22-25 5 ^^^ o^ the firmament was a throne, with a Divine
Form seated upon it.
It is the supreme majesty of Jehovah which thus takes shape
in the prophet's imagination ; and it approaches " from the
north " (not from Zion), as an omen that His abode is no longer
in the city of His choice (cf also Jer. i, 13-15).
The main elements of the symbolism are suggested, no doubt, partly
by the two colossal cherubim in the Temple at Jerusalem, partly by the
composite winged figures which formed such an impressive feature in the
palaces of Babylonia ; but the prophet's imagination — the faculty which,
when the outer senses, as in an ecstasy, are dormant, is abnormally active —
combines the materials with which, while in a waking state, observation or
reflexion had stored his mind, into a new form,^ which both as a whole and
in its individual parts is, no doubt, meant to be significant {e.g. the four
hands, one on each side of each cherub, and the wheels full of eyes, to
symbolize the universality of the Divine presence).
2, 1-7. Ezekiel hears the voice of Jehovah speaking from the
throne, and commissioning him to be the prophet of His people,
though at the same time warning him of the opposition and ill-
success which he is likely to encounter. Nevertheless, he is bidden
not to fear ; and after the commission to preach has been repeated
to him in a symbolic form, 2, 8—3, 3, he is encouraged with the
further assurance that he will be enabled to bear up against his
opponents, 3, 4-1 1 (comp. Jer. i). Hereupon the vision leaves
him, vv. 12-14, ^nd he proceeds to the scene of his mission
among the exiles, v. 15. After seven days he is commanded to
commence his ministry, and is reminded of the nature of the
^ I, 3*' "the hand of Jehovah came there upon him," — a phrase describing
the sense of overmastery by a power beyond their own control, of which the
prophets were conscious when seized by the prophetic trance: cf. 3, 14. 22.
8, I. 33, 22. 37, I. 40, I. Is. 8, II. 2 Ki. 3, 15.
2 Lee, Inspiration 0/ Holy Scriptwe (ed, 4), pp. 173-183.
EZEKIEL. 263
responsibility placed upon him : he is a " watchman," appointed
to warn every sinner of the danger in which he stands, and, in
case he fails to do so, liable to bear the consequences of his
neglect, vv. 16-21.
2. 3, 22 — c. 7. The impending ruin of Judah and Jerusalem.
3, 22-27. Ezek. in a second trance sees again the same vision
as in c. i. On account of the temper in which the people will
meet him, he is released temporarily from the obligation of
speaking openly among them as a prophet (cf. 24, 27. 33, 22).
C. 4 — 5. The destruction of Jerusalem pourtrayed symbolically.
{a) 4, 1-3, the prophet, representing Jehovah, lays mimic siege
to Jerusalem; {b) 4, 4-17, representing the people, he enacts
figuratively the privations undergone by them during the siege,
and the misery to be experienced by them in exile afterwards ;
{c) 5, 1-4, representing the city, he significantly shows how the
inhabitants (symbolized by his hair) will in different w-ays be
scattered and perish. There follows, 5, 5-17, an exposition, in
unmetaphorical language, of the guilt of Jerusalem, and of the
judgment imminent upon her.
C. 6. Ezek. here apostrophizes the lajid. Not the city only, but
the land of Judah generally, has been desecrated by idolatrous
rites, which can only be effectually rooted out by a desolation,
and depopulation, of the entire territory.
C. 7. A final denunciation directed against the kingdom
generally, describing in still stronger terms the certainty of the
coming disaster, and the inability of prophet, priest, or elder to
avert it. In vv. 5-7. 10-12 the prophecy assumes a lyric strain,
such as is unwonted in Ezekiel.
3. C. 8 — II. Vision of the guilt and punishment of Jerusalem
(sixth year of the exile of Jehoiachin = B.C. 591).
C. 8. Ezekiel, in the presence of the elders, who are sitting in
his house, falls into a prophetic trance, and is brought in his vision
to Jerusalem, where he sees different forms of idolatry carried on
in the precincts of the Temple. C. 9 the threat expressed in
8, 18 is carried out. Jehovah, having left the throne borne by
the cherubim, stands at the entrance of the Temple to super-
intend, as it were, the execution of His purpose : at His command
His ministers pass through the city, and destroy all who have
not previously been marked on the forehead by an angel in token
of their loyalty to Jehovah. C. 10 Jehovah reappears upon the
264 LITERATURE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
throne, and commands burning coals, taken from the fire
between the cherubim, to be scattered over the city, vv. 1-3.
He again leaves His throne and stands beside the Temple while
this is being done, %nK 4-17, but resumes His seat as soon as
it is completed, preparatory to taking His final departure from His
sanctuary. He pauses for a while at the east gate of the outer
Court, vv. 18-22. C. II the prophet sees 25 men standing in
the east gate, who "gave wicked counsel in the city," i.e., no
doubt, who were planning revolt from Nebuchadnezzar, confident
{v. s'') in the strength of the city to resist reprisals. Their con-
fidence, it is declared, is misplaced ; for the city will be given
into the hands of its foes, vv. 1-12. Even as Ezekiel spoke, one
of the ringleaders dropped down dead. The prophet (cf. 9, 8),
dreading the omen, is moved to intercede on behalf of the
"remnant of Israel," and receives in reply the assurance that
Israel will not perish : the exiles, however contemptuously the
Jerusalemites may view them (comp. p. 244), will return to their
former home, and again enjoy the tokens of Divine favour,
vv. 14-22. After this, the cherubim, bearing Jehovah's glory,
finally leave Jerusalem : the prophet watches them in their
course as far as the Mount of Ohves, when the vision suddenly
leaves him, and he awakes from his prophetic trance to find
himself again among the captives of Tel-abib.
4. C. 12 — 19. The certainty of the fall of Jerusalem, and its
ground in the nation's sinfulness, further established.
12, 1-20. The exiles discrediting the announcement recently
made to them by the prophet, he firstly {I'v. 1-16) enacts in
their sight a dumb show, symbolizing the approaching exile of
Zedekiah and the people; and secondly (z^z'. 17-20) represents
under a figure the privations which they will suffer during the
siege and subsequently.
12, 21 — 14, II. On the prophets and their announcements.
The non-fulfilment of oracles uttered by the false prophets, and
the fact that Ezek.'s own prophecies, in consequence of their not
relating to the immediate future, did not admit of being tested
by the result, led the people to distrust all prophecies. But
Jehovah's word will not fail of its accomplishment, 12, 21-28:
the false prophets will not only be silenced by the logic of facts,
but they will themselves be swept away in the coming destruction,
13, 1-16. Vv. 17-23 are directed against certain prophetesses,
EZEKIEL. 265
whose influence among the exiles is described as particularly
pernicious. The prophets alluded to are no doubt those who
lulled the people of Jerusalem into false security, and who
unsettled the exiles with delusive promises of a speedy return
(see Jer. c. 28; 29, 15 ff. &c.). There follows a specification of
the conditions (abandonment of idolatry, and loyalty to Himself)
under which alone Jehovah will be consulted by His people, or
permit His prophet to answer them, 14, i-ii.
14, 12-23. -'^''' exception explained. When once Jehovah
has passed His decree against a land, the righteous who may
be therein will alone be delivered : ^ in the case of Jerusalem,
however, a remnant, against this rule, will escape, in order viz.,
by the spectacle of their godlessness, to satisfy the exiles, among
whom they are brought, of the justice of the judgment accom-
plished upon the city (cf. 12, 16).
C. 15 — 17. Allegories, exhibiting from different points of view
the nation's ripeness for judgment.
C. 15. Israel is compared to a vine-branch — not at its best the
most valuable of woods, and now, already half-burnt by the fire
(alluding to the exile under Jehoiachin) : can there be any ques-
tion what use will be found for the remainder? The unfavour-
able comparison is suggested by reflection on the history and
temper of the nation : and from what has already happened, the
prophet asks his hearers to infer what the final issue is likely to be.
C. 16. Jerusalem an adulteress. Jerusalem is depicted as a
woman who, in spite of the care and attention which Jehovah
had shown toward her, vv. 1-14, had requited Him with per-
sistent ingratitude and infidelity, vv. 15-34,- and has merited
accordingly the punishment of the adulteress, vv. 35-43. In her
sinfulness she has even exceeded Samaria and Sodom, vv. 44-52 ;
so low, accordingly, has she fallen in Jehovah's favour, that her
restoration (for a prospect of this, however distant, is still held
out) can only take place after that of Samaria and Sodom.
C. 1 7. Zedekiah's disloyalty to his Babylonian masters, and the
consequences which may be expected to result from it, vv. 1-2 1.
In vv. 3-10 the circumstances are stated in the form of an alle-
gory (or as it is termed in v. 2, a "riddle"), the sense of which
is explained in vv. 11-21. The prophecy closes, vv. 22-24, with
^ Cf. the theory of strict (temporal) retribution expounded in c. 18.
'^ The same figure as in Hos. 2, 7 ff. Jer. 2, 20 ff. 3, i f., cf. Isa. 57, 7-9.
266 LITERATURE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
a glance at brighter days to come, and the restoration of the
Davidic kingdom in the future,
C. 1 8. Ezek.'s contemporaries complained that they were suf-
fering for the sins and shortcomings committed by their fore-
fathers : "the fathers," they said, "have eaten sour grapes, and
the children's teeth are set on edge." The prophet, in opposi-
tion to this one-sided view, expounds a strongly individualistic
theory of retribution : every one is rewarded according to his
doings : the righteous man lives, the unrighteous man dies, —
each entirely irrespectively of his father's merits or demerits, w.
I-20. Similarly, the wicked man who repents of his wickedness
lives : the righteous man who turns from his righteousness dies,
vz'. 21-29. The practical lesson follows: let each one repent
while there is time ; for Jehovah "hath no pleasure in the death
of him that dieth," vv. 30-32.
The same proverb is quoted by Jeremiah (31, 29 f.), who admits that it
expresses a reality, but rests his hopes upon the advent of a better future,
when the conditions of society will be so altered that the evil consequences
of sin will be confined to the perpetrator, and not extend to the innocent.
Ezek.'s theory is prompted by the desire to exert a practical influence upon his
contemporaries ; hence he emphasizes that aspect of the question which they
neglected, and which, though not the so/e truth, is nevertheless an important
part of the truth, viz. that individual responsibility never entirely ceases, and
that individual effort, if exerted in the proper direction, may diminish, even if
it cannot altogether neutralize, the consequences entailed by the fault of our
ancestors.
C. 19. A lamentation on the "princes" (i.e. the Jewish kings),
and on the fall of the kingdom. Two other allegories : — (i) the
Davidic stock is likened to a lioness : her two whelps are
Jehoahaz (z'v. 3-4) and Jehoiachin (I'v. 5-9), whose different
fates are described, vv. 1-9; (2) it is likened to a vine planted
in a fertile soil, and putting forth strong branches (the Davidic
kings) ; but now the vine is forcibly uprooted : its strong rods
(Jehoahaz and Jehoiachin) are broken and destroyed ; it is itself
planted in the wilderness (the exiles with Jehoiachin) ; and fire is
gone forth out of the rod of its branches, destroying its fruit (the
suicidal policy of Zedekiah).
5. C. 20 — 24. The same theme further developed.
20, 1-44 (= c. 20 Heb.). (the 7th year of the exile, i.e. the
4th before the fall of Jerusalem = B.C. 590). The elders of Israel
come (as 14, i) to consult Ezekiel. He answers them in similar
EZEKIEL. 267
terms : while Israel's idolatry continues, Jehovah will not be
consulted by them. This answer is justified by a review of the
nation's history, showing how it had been continuously addicted
to idolatry, and Jehovah had only been restrained from destroy-
ing it by the thought that, if He did so, His name would be
profaned in the eyes of the heathen. And still the nation's
heart is unchanged : even exile has not eradicated the impulse to
idolatry; hence {v. 33 ff.) further purifying judgments must yet
pass over it, ere Jehovah (as He still will do) can acknowledge
it again as His own.
But Ezekiel sees the end of Jerusalem advancing rapidly ; and,
20, 45 — c, 24, his thoughts turn thither.
20, 45-49 (=21, 1-5 Heb.). A great and all-devouring con-
flagration is to be kindled in the forest of the South (i.e. the
southern tract of Judah, the " Negeb : " see Gen. 12, 9 RV.
inarg.). The meaning of the allegory is transparent.
C. 21 (=2 1, 6-37 Heb.). The sword of Jehovah against
Jerusalem. Jehovah threatens to draw His sword from its
sheath, and to cut off from Jerusalem "righteous and wicked"
alike, tv. 1-7. In vv. 8-17 the sword is represented as already
drawn ; and the prophet adopts almost a lyric strain, as he pic-
tures its glittering blade, darting hither and thither about the
gates of Jerusalem. Next Ezekiel imagines Nebuchadnezzar to
have already started, and to be debating whether first to attack
Jerusalem or Ammon : at the point where the roads diverge, he
consults his oracles ; the lot falls for him to proceed to Jeru-
salem, vv. 18-23; and the prophet describes, not without satis-
faction, the consequent abasement of the unworthy Zedekiah,
vv. 24-27. But though Jerusalem suffers first, Ammon will not
long glory in its escape : in vain may Ammon furbish its sword
in rivalry, as it were, to Jehovah's : it must return into its sheath,
and leave Ammon defenceless before the foe, vv. 28-32.
The Ammonites had previously (2 Ki. 24, 2) co-operated with Nebuchad-
nezzar, but they had afterwards intrigued to procure a general insurrection
against the Chaldrean power (see Jer. 27, 3 f. 9), and now were acting
probably in concert with Zedekiah. It was doubtless expected in Jerusalem
that Nebuchadnezzar would attack the Ammonites first : Ezek. declares the
speedy advent of the Chaldeans before Jerusalem. V. 23 alludes to the in-
credulity with which his prophecy would be received. The general sen=e of
the sword-song is clear ; but the text in parts is very corrupt (esp. vv. 10.
13 [15. 18 Heb.]: see QPB.^).
268 LITERATURE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
C. 22. The guilt of Jerusalem. The prophet draws an appal-
ling picture of the crime rampant in the capital ; dwelling in
particular, not (as c. 5. 16) on the idolatry, but on the moral
oftences of which the inhabitants had been guilty, vv. 1-22.
The corruption extends to all classes, vv. 23-31.
C. 23. Oholah and Oholibah. In c. 22 the prophet drew a
picture of the present generation : here he draws one of those that
had passed. Under an allegory, similar in character to that in
c. 16, he describes the past history of Samaria and Jerusalem.
Jehovah, in Egypt, took to Himself two women who were harlots ;
one became at length intolerable, so that she was put away, vv.
i-ii ; the other, instead of taking warning by her sister's fate,
excelled her in unholy practices, vv. 12-21 : she must therefore
be equally punished, vv. 22-35, upon grounds which, that none
may doubt their sufficiency, are stated again at length, vv. 36-49.
C. 24 (the ninth year of the exile, b.c. 588, the loth day of
the loth month, being the day on which Jerusalem was invested
by the Chaldseans, 2 Ki. 25, i ; cf. Zech. 8, 19). Vv. 1-14. By
the parable of the rusty caldron the prophet sets forth, firstly,
the siege now commencing; secondly, its final issue, viz. the
forced evacuation of Jerusalem by its inhabitants on account of
the defilement which they have contracted through their sins.
Vv. 15-27 an incident in Ezek.'s family life is made the vehicle
of a lesson. The prophet's wife suddenly dies : but he is com-
manded to refrain from all public manifestation of grief, in order
thereby to prefigure the paralysing shock of surprise which will
seize his countrymen when the tidings reaches them that the city
to which they still turned with longing eyes has really fallen
And when this has taken place, the truth of Ezek.'s prophetic
word will be demonstrated, and the need for his enforced silence
(3, 22 ff.) will have passed away.
11. C. 25 — 32. Prophecies on foreign nations.
Ezekiel, like Amos, Isaiah, and Jeremiah, embraced other
nations besides Israel in his prophetic survey : but his point of
view is one peculiar to himself, and determined naturally by the
circumstances of his age. The fall of Jerusalem wore the appear-
ance of a triumph for heathenism : Jehovah, so it seemed, had
been unable in the end to defend His city : the nations around
viewed Him with scorn, and His name was profaned amongst
EZEKIEL. 269
them. To reassert the majesty and honour of Jehovah by
declaring emphatically that He held in reserve a like fate over
Israel's neighbours, is the main scope of the following chapters.
Seven nations form the subject of the prophecies, viz. Amnion,
Moab, Edom, the Philistines, Tyre, Sidon, and Egypt : most are
comparatively brief; only those on Tyre and Egypt being more
elaborated.
1. 25, 1-7. OnAmmon(cf. 21, 28-32). Though the Ammonites
had seemingly combined with Judah in rebellion against Nebu-
chadnezzar, when Jerusalem was the first to fall, they had not
delayed to give malicious expression to their delight : Ezek. de-
clares that they shall be invaded in consequence by the " children
of the east " (Jud. 6, 3), i.e. by nomad Arab tribes, who would
plunder and appropriate the Ammonite territory.
2. 25, 8-1 1. On Moab. A similar prospect, upon substantially
the same ground, is held out to Moab.
3. 25, 12-14. On Edom. The Edomites are charged with
taking advantage of the opportunity of Judah's extremity to pay
off old scores : in this instance, Jehovah's vengeance will be
exacted of them by the hand of Israel itself.
4. 25, 15-17. On the Philistines. The Philistines were always
ready, when occasion offered, to manifest their hatred or con-
tempt (16, 27. 57) for Judah; and it may be inferred from the
present passage that they did so after the great misfortune which
had now befallen it. For this they are threatened by Jehovah
•with extinction.
5. 26, I — 28, 19. On Tyre. In the eleventh year of the
exile, B.C. 5S6, shortly after the fall of Jerusalem (alluded to in
26, 2).
The number of the month has dropped out in 26, i : it must have been
one later than the fourth, the month in which Jerusalem was taken, Jer. 52,
6 f. The Phoenicians appear as vassals of Nebuchadnezzar in Jer. 27, 3 ff.
(c. 593). Afterwards they carried into effect what they were already then
planning, and revolted — doubtless in concert with Judah and other neiijhbour-
ing states. At the time of Jerusalem's fall, Nebuchadnezzar was in the land
of Hamath (Jer. 52, 9) ; and he must soon afterwards have begun his famous
siege of Tyre, the commencement of which Ezek. here anticipates, and which,
according to Josephus (quoting from Phoenician sources), lasted for 13 years.
Nebuchadnezzar, though he must have seriously crippled the resources and
trade of Tyre, did not, as Ezek. himself owns (29, 18), succeed in reducing it.
Tyre was always less important politically than commercially ; and the fame
which the Tyrians enjoyed as the great seafaring nation of antiquity, and as
270 LITERATURE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
owning, moreover, an ancient and illustrious city, is no doubt the reason why
Ezek. deals with them at such length. He devotes to them, in fact, three
distinct prophecies, treating the Tyrian power under different aspects.
{a) C. 26. The rich merchant-city, which rejoices over the ruin
of Jerusalem, and hopes to turn it to her own profit, will feel
Jehovah's anger : the nations will come up against her and
destroy her, vv. 2-6, even Nebuchadnezzar, with his hosts and
implements of war, vv. 7-14 ; the tidings of her fall will produce
a profound impression upon the seafaring nations of the world,
vv. 15-21. {b) C. 27. A vivid and striking picture of the com-
mercial greatness of Tyre, soon to come to an end. Tyre is ere
represented as a shij>, to the equipment of which every quarter
of the world has contributed its best, which is manned by skilful
mariners and defended by brave warriors {vv. i-ii), but which,
nevertheless {vv. 26-36), to the astonishment and horror of all
beholders, is wrecked, and founders on the high seas. The
figure is not, however, consistently maintained throughout ;
already in v. 9^ ff. the language shows that the city is in the
prophet's mind; and vv. 12-25 ^.re devoted to a graphic and
powerful description of the many nations who flocked to Tyre
with their different wares. The contrast between the splendour
depicted in vv. x-25 and the ruin of z^. 26 ff. is tragically con-
ceived. The chapter is one of peculiar archaeological and
historical interest, {c) 28, 1-19. Against the king of Tyre. The
king of Tyre is represented as claiming to be a god, and to
possess Divine prerogatives ; but he will be powerless, Esek.
declares, in the day when the nations, at Jehovah's summons,
advance against him, vv. i-io. In a second paragraph Ezek.,
with sarcastic allusion to these pretensions of the Tyrian king,
describes him as a cherub decked with gold and precious orna-
ments, and placed on the mountain of God (or, of the gods) to
guard the treasures there ; but now, for his crimes, to be degraded
from his eminence, and made a mockery to all men, vv. 11-19.
6. 28, 20-26. On Sidon. A short prophecy, threatening Sidon
with siege and invasion, and closing with a promise addressed to
Israel.
7. C. 29 — 32. A group of six prophecies on Egypt.
Zedekiah's revolt from the Chaldreans had been accomplished in reliance
upon Egyptian help (17, 15); but the army which they despatched to the
relief of Jerusalem, and which even necessitated Nebuchadnezzar's raising the
EZEKIEL. 271
siege (Jer. 37, 5 ff. 34, 21 f.), speedily withdrew : and the Cbaldaeans, as Jer.
foresaw would be the case, reinvested the city. Ezek. here declares the igno-
minious humiliation of the boastful, but incapable power (cf. Is. 30, 7), which
had so often exerted a seductive influence over Israel, but had ever failed it
in the time of need.
(a) C. 29, 1-16 (loth month of the loth year of the exile, 6
months before the fall of Jerusalem). The humiliation of Egypt.
Pharaoh Hophra, king of Egypt, is figured as a river-monster
(the crocodile), secure in its native haunts, but soon to be drawn
thence by Jehovah, and left to perish miserably on the open
field, vv. 1-7. An invading foe will depopulate Egypt ; and the
country will be desolate for 40 years, vv. 8-12; at the end of
that time the Egyptian exiles will return, and a new Egyptian
kingdom will be established, but one too weak and unimportant
to inspire Israel again with false confidence, vv. 13-16. {l>) 29,
17-21. An appendix to z'V. 1-16, added 16 years afterwards, in
the 27th year of the exile ( = b.c. 570). Nebuchadnezzar, though
in his attack upon Tyre he was carrying out Jehovah's purpose
(cf. Jer. 25, 9), had failed to capture it; and the conquest of
Egypt is here promised him as compensation for his unrewarded
service, (c) 30, 1-19 (sequel to 29, 1-16). The ruin imminent
upon Egypt will affect the nation in its entirety : her army, her
people, her idols, her cities, will all suffer alike, (d) 30, 20-26
(first month of the nth year of the exile, i.e. 3 months before
the fall of Jerusalem). Ezek., alluding to the recent failure of the
Egyptian army to relieve Jerusalem {7'v. 21. 22 the "broken
arm") predicts for Egypt still further disaster, (e) C. 31 (3rd
month of the nth year of the exile, 5 weeks before the fall of
Jerusalem). The proud cedar-tree. The king of Egypt, in his
greatness is compared to a spreading and majestic cedar : the
fall of this cedar, and the dismay which it will occasion in the
world, are picturesquely described. (/) C. 32, 1-16 (12th
month of the 12th year of the exile, i.e. 19 months after the fall
of Jerusalem, b.c. 584). A lamentation on Egypt's approaching
disgrace. Pharaoh, representing Egypt, is compared, as in c. 29,
to a crocodile dragged far from its accustomed haunts, and cast
upon the dry land : its giant body covers hill and vale, and blood
streaming from it stains the earth : heaven and earth are aghast
at the spectacle, (g) Vv. 17-32 (14 days after vv. 1-16: in r'.
17 "in the twelfth month " has probably dropped out). An
272 LITERATURE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
elegy, describing the final end of the king of Egypt and all his
multitude. Their corpses lying unburied on the battle-field, the
prophet pictures their shades descending to the under-world
(Sheol), and imagines the ironical greeting which they will there
receive from the various peoples who once spread terror in the
earth, but who now repose in their several resting-places in the
recesses of Sheol : Egypt is at length become like one of them.
III. C. 33 — 48. Israel's restoration.
I. C. 33 — 39. The land and people.
C. 33. The prophet. By the fall of Jerusalem the truth of_
Ezek.'s predictions was brilliantly confirmed : the exiles would
now be no longer unwilling to hear him. Accordingly the respon-
sibility of the prophetic ofiice is again (see 3, 16-21) impressed
upon him, vv. 1-9; and he reaffirms publicly (?'. 10) his doctrine
of individual responsibility (see c. 18), with the object of show-
ing that no one, if he repents in time, need despair of the Divine
mercy. These truths had been borne in upon him {v. 22) during
a prophetic trance into which he had fallen on the evening before
the tidings of the fall of Jerusalem reached the exiles. It was
the crucial date, which had been indicated to him before (24,
25-27), as that after which his mouth would be no longer closed.
Vv. 23-29 are directed against the remnant who were left in
Judah, and who cherished the vain hope that they would be able
to maintain themselves there in something like their former state.
C. 34. The advent of the Messianic kingdom. The respon-
sible rulers of the nation have woefully neglected their trust.
The people consequently have in different ways suffered violence,
and even been driven forcibly from their home : Jehovah Him-
self will take them by the hand and restore them. The figure
of Jer. 23, 1-4 is here developed by Ezek. in detail.
C. 35 — 36. The land. After the fall of Jerusalem, the Edomites
had obtained possession of a portion of the territory of Judah, and
manifested an ill-natured delight in their rival's humiliation. The
prophet declares that for this unseemly ebullition of hatred,
Edom shall become a perpetual desolation (c. 35), while Judah,
which is now the reproach and derision of its neighbours, will be
repeopled, and receive of Jehovah's hand an abundant blessing,
36, 1-15. In 36, 16-38 the prophet draws out the ultimate
ground of Israel's restoration : Israel's dispersion, viz., caused
Jehovah's power to be doubted, and His honour sullied, among
EZEKIEL. 273
the heathen : that this might not endure for ever, Jehovah
Himself brings Israel back, at the same time, by an act of grace,
purging its guilt, and imparting to it a new heart.
C. 37. The people, (a) Vv. 1-14. The vision of the valley of
dry bones. Israel had in appearance ceased to be a nation ; the
people distrusted the future, and had abandoned all hope of
restoration (v. 11^). By the striking symbolism of this vision
they are taught that God can endow the seemingly dead nation
with fresh life, and plant it again in its old land (v. 14). (/')
Fz'. 15-28. Judah, however, will not be restored alone; Ephraim
also will share in the blessings promised for the future ; and both
houses of Israel will be united in the dominion of the Messianic
king. Jehovah's dwelling will be over them, and the nations
will acknowledge His presence in Israel.
The thought of the restoration of Ephraim as well as Judah occurs fre-
quently elsewhere in the prophets (Hos. I, II. 3, 5. Is. 11, 13. Mic. 2, 12.
5, 3. Jer. 3, 18. 31, 5 ft'.), and in Ezek. himself (4, 4. 5 (Orelli). 16, 53 ff. 37,
II. 39, 25. 47, 13 ff.). Vv. 27, 28 are a prelude of c. 40 ff. (esp. 43, 7-9).
C. 38 — 39. Jehovah's final triumph over the world. Ezek. here
develops in a new form his fundamental thought that Jehovah's
" name " must be vindicated in history, and acknowledged in its
greatness by the nations of the earth. He imagines an attack of
hordes from the north, organized upon a gigantic scale, against
the restored nation, but ending, through Jehovah's intervention,
in their total and ignoininious discomfiture, 38, 1-39, 16. The
spectacle will afford ocular evidence to the world of Jehovah's
power, and of the favourable regard which He will henceforth
bestow upon His restored and renovated people, 39, 17-29.
The imagery of 38, 4 ff. may have been suggested to Ezek. by the hordes of
Scythians, which had poured into Asia during the reign of Josiah, spreading
consternation far and wide (see p. 237). The same representation of an ufen/
defeat of nations, assembled for the purpose of annihilating Israel, will meet
us again in Joel and Zechariah. Comp. on this prophecy, C. H. II. Wright,
Biblical Essays, pp. 99-137.
2. C. 40 — 48. The constitution of the restored theocracy
(25th year of the exile = 572 B.C.). Ezek. is brought in a vision
to Jerusalem, where he sees the Temple rebuilt. He describes
at length its structure and arrangements ; and lays down direc-
tions respecting its services and ministers, and the distribution ot
the reoccupied territory. Ezek., as a priest, and as one to whom
S
274 LITERATURE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
the associations of the Temple were evidently dear, attache's
greater weight to the ceremonial observances of religion than was
usually done by the prophets ; and he here defines the principles
by which he would have the ritual of the restored community
regulated. Both the arrangements of the Temple and the
ritual to be observed are evidently founded upon pre-exilic prac-
tice, the modifications which Ezek. introduces being designed
with the view of better securing certain ends which he deems of
paramount importance. The Temple is Jehovah's earthly resi-
dence : in the restored community, which Ezek. imagines to be so
transformed as to be truly worthy of Him (36, 22-36), He will
manifest His presence more fully than He had done before
(37, 25-28) ; His re-entry into the Temple, and His abiding pre-
sence there, are the two thoughts in which c. 40 — 48 culminate
{43, 1-9. 48, 35); to maintain, on the one hand the sanctity
of the Temple, and on the other the holiness of the people, is
the aim of the entire system of regulations. Accordingly special
precautions are taken to guard the Temple, the holy things, and
the officiating priests, from profanation. The inner Court of the
Temple is to be entered by none of the laity, not even by the
"prince" (46, i ff.); no foreigners are for the future to assist
the priests in their ministrations ; instead of the Temple build-
ings being (as those of the pre-exilic Temple were) in close
proximity to the city and royal palace (so that the residence, and
even the burial-ground, of the kings encroached upon tliem,
43, 7-9), they are to be surrounded by the domain of the priests,
the city lying altogether to the south of tliis. The redistribution
of the territories of the tribes has the effect of bringing the Temple
more completely into the centre of the land. The rights of the
" prince" are limited : he is no longer to enjoy the prerogatives
of the old Davidic king, who treated the Temple almost as his
private chapel, entered its precincts as he pleased, and obliged
the priests to give effect to his wishes. He has, however, certain
religious duties to perform ; but ius political significance is
reduced to a minimum : he is, in fact, little more than the repre-
sentative of the nation in matters of religion. Though the
details are realistically conceived, it is evident that there is an
ideal element in Ezek.'s representations, which in many respects
it was found in the event imi)ossil)le to put into practice.
(i.) The Temple, c. 40 — 43. (a) Description and measurements
EZEKIEL. 275
of the outer Court, with its gateways and chambers, 40, 5-27 ;
(/') description and measurements of the inner Court, with its
gateways and chambers, 40, 28-47 ; W the Temple— the dimen-
sions of its various parts, the "side-chambers" (cf. i Ki. 6, 5)
surrounding it, and its decorations, 40, 48 — 41, 26 ;i {d) the
chambers north and south of the Temple (between the outer and
inner Courts) to serve as sacristies or vestries for the priests, 42,
T-14; {e) the external measurements of the whole complex of
buildings, 42, 15-20; (/) the Temple being thus represented as
complete, Jehovah, under the same symbolical representation as
before (c. i. c. 8-10), solemnly resumes possession of it, entering
by the same east gate of the outer Court by which Ezek., nearly
nineteen years previously, had seen Him leave it (10, 19), 43,
1-12; {g) the altar of Burnt-offering (noticed briefly, 40, 47),
with instructions for the ceremonial to be observed at its conse-
cration, 43, 13-27.
(2.) The Temple and the people, c. 44 — 46. The central aim
of the regulations contained in these chapters is to maintain the
sanctity of the Temple inviolate, {a) The east gate of the outer
Court, by which Jehovah entered, to be permanently shut, 44,
j_2 ; (h) no foreigner to be admitted for the future to the pre-
cincts of the Temple, even for the performance of subordinate
offices: menial services for the worshippers (44, 11'') are to be
performed henceforth by those members of the tribe of Levi
who had acted as priests at the high places, the right to exercise
priestly functions being confined strictly to the sons of Zadok,
44, 4-16 ; (f) regulations on the dress, habits, duties, and revenues
of the priests, 44, 17-31 ; {d) the "oblation," or sacred territory,
occupied by the Temple area, and by the domains of the priests
and Levites ; and the possessions reserved for the city, and
"prince," respectively, 45, 1-8; {e) specified dues, to be paid to
the "prince," for the purpose of enabling him, without arbitrary
exactions, to maintain, in the name of the community, the public
services of the Temple, 45, 9-17 ; (/) the half-yearly (45, 18. 20
RV. marg.) rite of atonement for the Temple ; and the sacrifices
to be offered by the "prince" on various occasions, with regula-
tions respecting the manner in which the outer Court of the
Temple is to be entered by the laity, 45, 18 — 46, 15.
1 The "separate place," with the " building," 41, 12-14, was a kind of
yard with outhouses, at the back of the Temple, for the removal of refuse, dscc.
2/6 LITERATURE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
46, I ff. the east gate of the inner Court is to be opened on Sabbaths
and New Moons, but the " prince " is to have no right of entry within it ; at
most, he may mount the steps to the threshold of the gate leading into it,
and worship there while the priest is offering the sacrifice ; on high festivals
he is to enter and leave the outer Court, just like the people generally.
(g) (Appendix to 45, 7 f.) Limitation of the rights to be exer-
cised by the "prince" over his own and his subjects' landed
possessions, 46, 16-18; {/i) (Appendix to 42, 13 f.) the places
reserved in the inner and outer Courts for cooking the sacrifices
appertaining to the priests and people respectively, 46, 19-24.
(3.) The Temple and the land, c. 47 — 48. (a) The barren
parts of the land (in the neighbourhood of the Dead Sea) to be
fertilized, and the waters of the Dead Sea to be sweetened, by a
stream issuing forth from underneath the Temple, 47, 1-12.
F. II. An exception, showing the practical turn of the prophet's mind : the
marshes beside the Dead .Sea to remain as they are on account of the excellent
salt which they furnish.
(/j) The borders of the land to be occupied by the restored
community, 47, 13-23. (c) Disposition of the tribes — the 7 north
of the Temple, 48, 1-7 ; the "oblation," or strip of sacred land
south of these, with the Temple, surrounded by the priests'
possessions, in the centre, the Levites' land and the city on the
north and south of these respectively, and with the domain of
the prince (in two parts) on the east and west, vv. 8-22 (cf. 45,
1-8) ; the 5 tribes south of the Temple, vv. 23-29 ; the 1 2 gates of
the city, and its name, Jehovah is ihei-e, symbolizing the central
thought of the entire prophecy, vv. 30-35 (contrast c. 22).
Ezekiel emphasizes in particular the po7ver and holiness of
God. His standing designation of God is " Lord Jehovah," for
which the title " God of Israel " — which Jeremiah, for instance,
uses constantly — only appears on special occasions (c. 8 — 11.
43, 3. 44, 2); and in His presence, he is himself only a "son of
man." The dominant motive of the Divine action is the dread
lest His holy name should be profaned : on the other hand, in
His people's restoration or in an act of judgment. His name is
sanctified, i.e. its holiness is vindicated (36, 23 i. 38, 23. 39, 7.
27). These truths find expression in Ezekiel's mo-t character-
istic phrase, "And they {or ye) shall know that I am Jehovah"
(above 50 times). This phrase is most commonly attached to the
EZEKIEL. 277
announcement of a judgment,^ but sometimes it follows a promise
of restoration. It strikes the keynote of Ezek.'s prophecies.
To the unbelieving mass of the people, as to the heathen, it
must have seemed that in the fall of Jerusalem, Jehovah had
proved Himself unable to cope with the enemies of His people :
Ezek. sees in it a manifestation of Jehovah's holiness visiting Israel
for its sins (cf 39, 23 f ), and He insists that the course of history
will bring with it other, not less striking, manifestations of His
Godhead. Thus in his prophecies on foreign nations the same
refrain constantly occurs (25, 5. 7. 11. 17. 28, 24 &c.) : the
judgment on each is a fresh proof of Jehovah's power, which is
finally vindicated most signally in the ideal defeat of nations,
whom Ezek. pictures as marshalled against the restored nation in
the future (38, 23 ; 39, 6 f. 22). To His faithful people, on the
other hand, the blessings which Jehovah will pour upon them
are an additional and special evidence of the same truth (20, 42.
34, 27, 36, II. 38. 37, 13. 14. 39, 28). In His attitude towards
His people, Jehovah is the righteous Judge, who is merciful
towards the repentant sinner, but deals sternly with the
rebellious (3, 16 ff. c. iS. 33). But the prophet's exertions to
gain the hearts of his fellow-countrymen were indifferently
rewarded ; hence, Israel's restoration in the last resort depends
upon Jehovah alone, who will work in the future, as He had done
in the past (20, 9. 14. 22. 44), /or His name's sake {:^6, 23; cf
39, 7. 25). "Jehovah must restore Israel, for so only can His
sole Godhead, which the ruin of His people had caused to be
questioned (c. 25 — 32), be generally acknowledged in the world ;
He ca?i restore Israel, for of His free grace He forgives His
people's sin and by the workings of His Spirit transforms their hard
heart (36, 26 f 39, 29)." For the future which Ezek. thus antici-
pates, the prophet's chief aim is to make provision that Israel
should not lapse again into its former sins ; and hence the new
constitution which he projects for it, c. 40 — 48. Ezek. is very far,
indeed, from depreciating moral ordinances (c. 18. 33 tS:c.); but
he finds the best guarantee for their observance, as well as the
best preventive against all forms of idolatry, in a well-ordered
ceremonial system ; and this he develops in c. 40 — 48. The
restored Temple assumes a central significance ; to guard it, and
all connected with it, from a repetition of the profanation which
1 6, 7. 10. 13. 14. 7, 4. 9. 27. II, 10. 12 &c.
2-8 LITERATURE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
it had experienced in the past (5, 11. c. 8 — 11. 43, 7 f.), to teach
the nation to reverence it aright, to render Israel worthy of the
God who would thus make His dwelling in their midst, is the aim
and scope of the concluding chapters of his book.
The literary style of Ezek. is strongly marked. He uses many
peculiar words ; and stereotyped phrases occur in his book with
great frequency. He is fond of artificial kinds of composition,
especially symbol, allegory, and parable, which he sometimes
develops at great length (<?.^^. c. 16. 23. 31), and elaborates in
much greater detail than is done by other propliets. He has
imagination, but not poetical talent. He is the most uniformly
prosaic of the earlier prophets, Jeremiah, though often also adopt-
ing a prose style {e.g. c. 7), rising much more frequently into the
form of poetry, and displaying genuine poetic feeling. The style
of poetry which Ezek. principally affects is the Qinah, or lamenta-
tion, the rhythmical form of which is sometimes distinctly audible
in his prophecies.^ Only very rarely does he essay a lyric strain
(7, 5-7. 10 f. 21, gff.), of a species peculiar to himself. His
allegories and long descriptive passages are, as a rule, skilfully
and lucidly arranged : the obscurities which some of them pre-
sent (especially c. 40 ff.) are probably due chiefly to corruption
of the text. INIost of the prophets display spontaneity : Ezek.'s
book evinces reflection and study : his prophecies seem often to
be the fruit of meditations, thought out in the retirement of his
chamber. The volume of his prophecies is methodically
arranged, evidently by his own hand : his book in this respect
forms a striking contrast with those of Isaiah or Jeremiah.
Expressions characteristic of Ezekiel : —
1. Son of man (DIX p), in addressing the prophet: 2, I. 3. 3, I. 3. 4,
and constantly (nearly loo times) ; often in the phrase, Ami/ tlioii,
son of man: 2, 6. 8. 3, 25. 4, I. 5, I &c. Elsewhere (as a title),
only Dan. 8, 17.
2. Lord Jehovah (HIH^ "HS) : 2, 4. 3, II. 27 &c. (more than 200 times
altogether. In other prophets occasionally, but far less frequently :
e.g. about 14 times in Jer.). In A. V., R.V., " Lord God."
3- House of rebelliousness (nn IT'a), of Israel : 2, 5. 6. 8. 3, 9. 26. 27.
12, 2. 3. 9. 25. 17, 12. 24, 3f : rebelliousness laXone (LXX house of ),
2, 7. 44, 6. Comp. Nu. 17, 10 [II. 16, 35] P nD ^12 ; Is. 30, 9-
4. niVIX lands: 5, 5. 6. 6, 8, and often (in all 27 times). The phir. of
' C. 19. 26, 17-18. 28, 18 f., and parts of 32, 17-32. See Budde, ZATW.
1882 pp. 15-22, and below, under Lamentations.
EZEKIEL, 279
this word gxezX\^ preponJerates in later writers: Gen. 10, 5- -O- 3^
(P). 26, 3. 4. 41, 54. Lev. 26, 36. 39; then not till 2 Ki. 18, 35.
19, II ; never in other prophets except Jer. 7 times, Dan. 3 times ;
in Chr. Ezr. Neh. 22 times.
5. Behold, I am against . . . usually ///ce or jok (7X or \>]} ''33n) : 5, S.
13, 8. 20. 21, 3 [H. 8]. 26, 3. 28, 22. 29, 3. 10. 30, 22. 34, 10.
35> 3- 3^1 9 {toward, — in a favourable sense). 3S, 3. 39, I. So
Nah. 2, 14. 3, 5. Jer. 21, 13. 23, 30. 31. 32. 50, 31. 51, 25.!
6. Ti? ja/zV/lV (lit. bring to rest) my fury upon . . . : 5, 13. 16, 42. 21, 17
[H. 22]. 24, 13. +
7. /, Jehovah, have spoken it, usually as a closing asseveration : 5, 13. 15.
17. 17, 21. 21, 17. 32 [H. 22. 37]. 24, 14. 26, 14. 30, 12. 34, 24;
followed by 'TT'E'yi and have done it (or will do it), 17, 24. 22, 14.
36, 36. 37, 14- ^o / have spoken it: 23, 34. 26, 5. 28, 10. 39, 5.
Comp. Nu. 14, 35. Not so in any other prophet.
8. D"'b'l^J idols : 6, 4-6. 9. 13, and often (39 times) ; see p. 192, No. 33.
9. And . . . shall know that I am Jehovah (see p. 276 f.). Comp. in P,
Ex. 6, 7. 7, 5. 14, 4- 8. 16, 12. 29, 46. Occasionally besides, Ex.
10, 2. I Ki. 20, 13. 28. Is. 49, 23. 26. 60, 16. Joel 3, 17.
10. Set thy face toward or against { . . . "['"JS Q''C') : 6, 2. 13, 17. 20, 46.
21, 2 [H. 21, 2. 7]. 25, 2. 28, 21. 29, 2. 35, 2. 38, 2.
11. D^p''SS water-courses (often joined with mountains, hills, and valleys,
for the purpose of designating a country): 6, 3. 31, 12. 32, 6. 34,
13- 35> 8. 36.4- 6.
12. 7//(^ mountains of Israel : 6, 2. 3. 19, 9. 33, 28. 34, 13. 14. 35, 12. 36,
I bis. 4. 8. 37, 22. 38, 8. 39, 2. 4. 17 ; cf. 34, 14. A combination
peculiar to Ez.
13. Stumbling-block of iniquity : 7, 19. 14, 3. 4. 7. 18, 30. 44, 12.
14. S'L"3 ruler or /;7«cv (applied sometimes to the king) : 7, 27. 12, 10.
12. 19, I. 21, 12 (H. 17). 25 (H. 30). 22, 6. 34, 24. 37, 25. 45, 8.
9; and often (in the sing.) c. 44—48- Not of Israel, 26, 16. 27,
21. 30, 13. 32, 29. 38, 2. 3. 39, I. 18. This term is used by no
other prophet, and is very rare elsewhere, except in P (p. 126).
15. A subject opened by means of a question : 8, 6. 12. 15. 17 (so 47, 6).
12, 22. 15, 2 ff. 18, 2. 19, 2. 20, 3. 4. 22, 2. 23, 36. 31, 2. 18. 32,
19- 37, 3; cf. 17, 9- 10. 15-
16. To put a persons -way upon his head {i.e. to requite him) -]-n jnj
y'S"l3 : 9, 10. II, 21. 16, 43. 22, 31; cf. 17, 19. Only besides
I Ki. 8, 32 11. (:;*X"13 nj?"l a'Cn is the more common synonym. )
17. D''SJX wings: 12, 14. 17, 21. 38, 6 bis. 9. 22. 39, 4.t
iS. DSC contempt, \yW to contemn (Aram.) : 16, 57. 25, 6. 15. 28, 24. 26.
36, 5-
19. In the time of the iniquity of the nid : 21, 25. 29 (II. 30. 34). 35, 5.
On Ezek.'s affinities with the priestly terminology, esp. with the Law of
Holiness, see above, pp. 45 f. 123 ff. 138 ff. 37, 27 f. 43, 7. 9, it is to
be noted, express a fundamental thought of the Priests' Code (p. 122).
CHAPTER VI.
THE MINOR PROPHETS.
Literature.— F. ITifzig (in the Kgf. Exeg. Haudh.), 183S, ed. 3, 1863, ed.
4, by H. Steiner (with sHght additions and alterations, but substantially un-
changed), iSSi ; H. Ewald, in his Prophelen des AB.s, 1840-41, ed. 2,
1S67-68 (translated); C. F. Keil, 1866, ed. 2, 1888; E. B. Pusey, The Minor
Prophets, with a Commentary explatiato/y and practical ; C. von Orelli (p.
260) ; F. W. Farrar, The Minor Prophets, their lives and times, in the
" Men of the Bible " series, 1890 (useful). The articles in the Encycl. Brit.
(ed. 9) may also often be consulted with advantage.
On particular prophets the following may be specially noticed : —
riosea:— Ed. Pocock (Regius Professor of Hebrew in Oxford), Comm. on
Hosea, 1685 (exhaustive, for the date at which it was written) ; Aug. WUnsche,
Der Proph. Hosea, 186S (with copious quotations from Jewish authorities) ;
W, Nowack, Der Proph. Hosea erkldrt, 1880; A. B. Davidson in the Ex-
positor, 1879, p. 241 ff.; W. R. Smith, Prophets of Israel, Lect. iv.; T. K.
Cheyne, Hosea, 7vith notes and introduction (in the Camb. Bible for Schools
and Colleges), 1884 ; J. Sharpe, Notes and Dissertations on Hosea, 1SS4.
Joel :— Ed. Pocock, Comm. on Joel, 1691 ; K. A. Credner, Der Proph.
foeliibers. ti. erJcliirt, 1S31 ; Aug. WUnsche, Die Weiss, des Proph. Joel iibers.
u. erkldrt, 1872 ; A. Merx, Die Proph. des Joel u. ihre An sieger, 1879 (with an
elaborate historical account of the interpretation of the book) ; J. C. Matthes
in the Theol. Tijdschrift, xix. (1S85), pp. 34-66, 129-160, xxi. (1887), 357-381 ;
A. B. Davidson in the Expositor, Mar. 1888; H. Holzinger, Sprachkarakter
u. Abfassungszeit des Buches Joel, in the ZATW. 1889, pp. 89-13 1.
Amos:— G. Baur, Der Proph. Amos erkldrt, 1847 ; J. II. Gunning, De god-
sprakcn van Amos ve7-t. en verkl. 1885 ; W. R. Smith, Pi-ophets, Lect. iii.
Obadiah :— C. P. Caspari, Der Proph. Ob. ausgelegt, 1842.
Jonah :— M. Kalisch, Bible Studies, Part. ii. 1878 ; T. K. Cheyne, Theol.
Review, 1877, P- 291 ff.; C. II. II. Wright, Biblical Essays {i?,^6), pp. 34-98;
Delitzsch, Mess. IVeissagungeft, 1890, p. 88.
Micah :— Ed. Pocock, Comvi. on Micah, 1677 ; C. P. Caspari, iiber Micha
den Morasthiten u. seine proph. Schrift, 1851-2 (very elaborate); W. R.
Smith, Proph. p. 287 ff. ; T. K. Cheyne in the Camb. Bible for Schools and
Colleges, 1S82 ; V. Ryssel, Untersuchtingen iiber die T extgestalt n. die Echt licit
des B. Micha, 1887. On c. 4 f . Keunen, Theol. Tijdschr. 1872, p. 285 ff.
Nahum : — O. Strauss, Nahumi de Nino Vaticinium, 1853.
280
HOSEA. 281
Habakkuk : — F. Delitzscli, De Hab. Proph, vita at/jue atate, 1S42, ed. 2,
1S44; and Z?^r Proph. Hab. aitsgelegt, 1843.
Zephaniah : — F. A. Strauss, Vaticmia Zephanicr, 1843 ; F. Schwally in
iheZATlV. 1890, pp. 165-240.
Haggai : — A. Kohler, Die nachexilischcn Propheteii erhldrt (I. Haggai,
1S60; II. Sachariah i.-viii., 1861 ; III. Sachariah ix.-xiv., 1863; IV.
Malachi, 1865); T. T. Perowne, Pfagg. and Zee h. (in the Camb. Bible).
Zechariah : — A. Kohler, as above ; C. H. H. Wright, Zechariah and his
Prophecies, 1879 (the " Bampton Lectures" for 1878, vviih crit. and exeg.
notes); W. H. Lowe, Tlie HebrctO Student's Comfn. on Zech. Heb. and LXX,
1882. From the abundant literature dealing specially with c. 9 — 14 may be
selected, in addition, Abp. Newcome, Minor Prophets, London 1785 ; Heng-
stenberg, Beitriige ziir Einl. ins AT. 1 831, i. p. 361 ff. ; Christ ology of t lie
OT. (Clark's transl.) iii. 329— iv. 138 ; Bleek, Stnd. u. Krit. 1852, p. 247 ft'.,
and in his Introduction; Stahelin, Einl. in die kan. Bb. des AT. 1862,
p. 315 ff.; J. J. S. Perowne, article Zechariah in the Diet, of the Bible,
1863; B. Stade in the ZATIV. 1881, pp. 1-96; 18S2, pp. 151-172,
275-309, with Kuenen's criticisms in his Onderzoek (ed. 2), §§ 81-83 ; T. K.
Cheyne in 'C^&Jeivish Quart. Rev. 1888, pp. 76-83.
iMalachi : — Ed. Pocock, Comm. on Malachi, 1677; A. Kohler, as above;
B. Stade, Gesch. Isr. ii. 128-138 ; T. T. Perowne, in the Catnb. Bible.
§ I-
HoSEA.
Chronological
Table.
786. Jeroboam II.
737-
Pekahiah.
746. Zechariah.
735-
Pekah.
745. Shallum.
733-
Hoshea.
745. Menahem.
722.
Fall of Samaria.
Hosea prophesied in the Northern kingdom under Jeroboam IL
and succeeding kings. Jeroboam II. was the fourth and most
successful ruler (2 Ki. 14, 23-29) of the dynasty founded by
Jehu, who overthrew the dynasty of Omri, and destroyed the
public worship of Baal (to which Ahab had given the patronage
of the court). The dynasty of Jehu had not, however, satisfied
the expectations of the prophets by whose sanction and aid it had
been established (2 Ki. 9 — 10); and hence almost the opening
words of Hosea's prophecy are a denunciation of judgment upon
it (i, 4 f . : the allusion is to 2 Ki. 10, 11). The reign of Jeroboam
II. was a long one, marked by successes without and prosperity
within (comp. the picture of material welfare drawn in c. 2) : the
luxury, selfishness, oppression of the poor, and kindred vices
which it engendered, are rebuked in stern tones by Hosea's elder
contemporary Amos. After the death of Jeroboam II. party
282 LITERATURE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
spirit, which there was now no strong hand to hold in check,
broke out : Zechariah could not maintain his throne, and was
murdered after a six months' reign by a conspiracy. With him
the dynasty of Jehu came to an end. There followed a period of
anarchy of which Hosea (7, 3-7. 8, 4) supplies a picture : phantom
kings coming forward in rapid succession, with the form, but
without the reality, of royal power ; the aid of Assyria and Egypt
alternately involved by rival factions (Hos. 5, 13. 7, 11. 8, 9.
12, I : the corresponding penalty, 9, 3. 6. 10, 6. 14, 5). Thus
Shallum, after a month, was overthrown by Menahem, who sought
to strengthen his position by buying the support of the Assyrian
monarch Pul (Tiglath-Pileser), 2 Ki. 15, 19 f. This application
to Assyria appears to be alluded to in Hos. 8, 9 f. : at the same
time, or shortly after, another party was seeking help in the
opposite direction, from Egypt, 12, i''. Menahem reigned for
10 (8) years : his son Pekahiah succeeded him, but after two years
was murdered by Fekah, a rough soldier from Gilead, whom we
hear of in Is. 7 as engaged with Rezin, king of Damascus, in an
attack upon the dynasty of David in Jerusalem. Pekah, — whose
reign, to judge from the Inscriptions, must have been considerably
shorter than is represented in the Book of Kings, — in his turn,
was deposed and murdered by Hoshea, with the connivance and
support of the Assyrian king Tiglath-Pileser (b.c. 734). Hoshea,
however, ultimately broke with the power to which he owed his
throne, and opened treasonable negotiations with So or Seve {i.e.
Sabako), king of Egypt, with the result that Shalmaneser, Tiglath-
Pileser's successor, laid siege to Samaria, which, after holding
out for three years, capitulated to Sargon. Large numbers of
the inhabitants were transported by Sargon to different parts of
Assyria ; and the kingdom of Ephraim was thus brought to its
close.
It is probable that the title (i, i) has not come down to us in its original
form: for (i) it is clear from internal evidence that c. I— 3 belong to the
reign of Jeroboam II., and that c. 4—14 relate to the troubles that fol-
lowed ; this being so, it is strange that the later date (Uzziah, &c.) should
precede the earlier one (Jeroboam) ; (2) it is hardly likely that Hosea, writing
in and for the Northern kingdom, would date his book by reigns of the kings
o'ijiidah; (3) it is doubtful if any of Ilosea's prophecies date from the period
after 734, the year in which Tiglath-Pileser deported the inhabitants of the
trans-lordanic region (2 Ki. 15, 29) to Assyria : for Gilead is alluded to as
Israelilish (6, 8. 12, 11 ; cf. 5, i), without any reference to a judgment having
HOSEA. 28
J
fallen upon it ; nor is there any allusion to Pekah's attack upon Judah in
735 B.C. Probably the original title had simply " in the days of Jeroboam,"
and was intended to refer only to c. I — 3 : when a title had to be found for
the whole book, in order to indicate that the latter part referred to a later
jieriod, the names of the Judn?an kings contemporary with, and subsequent
to, Jeroboam II. were added.
Professor .Sayce {Jewish Quart. Kcv. i. 162-172) accepts the period indi-
cated in the title (though admitting it to be inexactly expressed), holding that
c. 4 ff. belong to a later date than is commonly supposed, viz. to the reign
of Iloshea, and considering the latter part of the book to date actually from
the period of the siege (which he supposes to be alluded to). The conjecture
by which he seeks to support this view, that "Jareb" (5, 13. 10, 6) is the
natal name of .Sargon, awaits confirmation.
The terminus a quo of Hosea's prophecies will thus be shortly
before B.C. 746: the teiniinus ad quern, B.C. 735-4 (or, if Prof.
Sayce's view be accepted, b.c. 722).
The Book of Hosea falls naturally into two parts: (i) c. i — 3,
belonging to the latter part of the reign of Jeroboam II. ; (2) c.
4 — 14, belonging to the period of the kings following.
I, C. I — 3. This part of the book consists of three sections,
I, 2 — 2, 1 ; 2, 2-23; c. 3. Theyf/'i'/ of these contains a symboli-
cal representation of Israel's unfaithfulness to Jehovah, and the
consequences of it : the prophet gives to the three sons borne by
his unchaste wife Gomer, the symbolical names, Jezreel, — in
anticipation of the vengeance to be exacted of the house of Jehu
on the spot where formerly Jehu had massacred the house of
Ahab, 2 Ki. 10, 11, — Lo Riihaviah, " Uncompassionated : " and
Lo-atnmi, "Not my people," in token of Jehovah's rejection of
Ephraim, viK 2-9. Yet this rejection is not final : a promise of
the union of Judah and Israel and restoration of the latter to
favour follows. Jezreel, the scene of defeat in i, 5, becomes the
scene of an ideal victory, marking the return of the nation from
exile, and its reconquest of Palestine ; and its members are
invited to resume the use of the title which had just been dis-
carded, and to accost one another in terms implying their entire
restoration to Jehovah's favour, i, 10 — 2, i [Heb. 2, i — 3].
The second section, 2, 2-23, states in plain language the mean-
ing which the prophet attaches to the narrative of i, 2 — 2, i.
Vv. 2-13 the prophet dwells upon the impending punishment,
and the cause of it, viz. Ephraim's ingratitude to Jehovah, and
her forsaking him for Baal; and vv. 14-23 he shows how this
period of punishment will be also a iiieans of reformation, and
284 LITERATURE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
will result in the bestowal upon the nation of fresh marks of con-
fidence and love at the hands of her Divine husband (" Jezreel,"
typifying Israel, is now to verify her name by being soiVfi anew in
the earth). And thus the interpretation ends, 2, 23, at the same
point which the original prophecy had reached in 2, i.
2, I is the close of i, lo-ii, and should be included in c. i. The
"mother "in 2, 2 is, of course, the community conceived as a whole, the
" children " being the individual members.
In the third section (c. 3) Hosea appears again, as in c. i,
enacting the part of Jehovah towards His people. His love for
his faithless wife, and his behaviour towards her {vv. 1-3), are,
as he says himself (^'Z'. i''. 5), symbols of Jehovah's love towards
the unfaithful Israelites, and of the means employed by Him
(deprivation for a season of civil and religious institutions) to win
them back to purity and holiness.
II. C. 4 — 14. These chapters consist of a series of discourses,
a summary, arranged probably by the prophet himself at the close
of his ministry, of the prophecies delivered by him in the years
following the death of Jeroboam II. Though the argument is
not continuous, or systematically developed, they may be divided
into three sections : c. 4 — 8, in which the thought of Israel's guilt
predominates; c. 9 — 11, ir, in which the prevailing thought is
that of Israel's J>?i/iis/iment ; 11, 12 — c. 14, in which these two
lines of thought are both continued (c. 12 — 13), but are followed
(c. 14) by a glance at the brighter future which may ensue, pro-
vided Israel repents. The following is an outline of the subjects
treated : — (i.) C. 4. Israel's gross moral corruption (v. 2), abetted
and increased by the worldliness and indifference of the priests.
C. 5 — 7. The self-indulgence and sensuality of the leaders of the
nation, resulting in the degradation of public life, and decay of
national strength, intermingled with descriptions of the bitter
consequences which must inevitably ensue. C. 8. The prophet
announces the fate imminent on northern Israel, with its cause,
viz. idolatry and schism, vv. 1-7 : already, indeed, has the judg-
ment begun ; Israel has drawn it upon itself, by dallying with
Assyria, by religious abuses, and by a vain confidence in fortified
cities, vv. 8-14. (ii.) C. 9 — 11, 11. The approaching judgment
is described more distinctly : disaster, ruin, exile (9, 3), — even
the idols of Beth-el will not be able to avert it, but will be
carried off themselves to Assyria (10, 5 f.), — with passing allusions
HOSEA. 285
to its ground, viz. the nation's ingratitude and sin, and with a
glance at the end (11, 8-1 1) at the possibihty of a change in the
Divine purpose, resulting in Ephraim's restoration, (iii.) 1 1,
12— c. 14. The thought of Israel's sin again forces itself upon the
prophet : they had fallen short of the example set them by their
ancestor : in vain had Jehovah sought to reform them by His
prophets ; the more He warned them, the more He blessed them,
the more persistently they turned from Him : the judgment
therefore must take its course (13, 15 f). There follows an
invitation to Israel to repent, and renounce its besetting sins;
and with a description of the blessings which Jehovah will confer,
in case Israel responds, the prophecy closes (c. 14).
Hosea is thus in a jjre-eminent degree, especially in c. 4 — 14,
the prophet of the decline and fall of the Northern kingdom : ^
what Amos perceived in the distance, Hosea sees approaching
with rapid steps, accelerated by the internal decay and disorgan-
isation of the kingdom. Not only the moral corruption of the
nation generally, including even the priests (4, i f. 8, 6, 8-10.
7, I. 9, 9), but the thoughtless ambition of the nobles, the
weakness of its kings, the conflict of opposing factions, are
vividly depicted by him (4, iS. 5, i. 7, 3-7. 16. 9, 15. 10, 3,
13, 10). He alludes frequently to Israel's idolatry, both their
attachment to sensuous Canaanitish cults and their devotion to
the unspiritual calf-worship (4, 12-14. i5- i7- 5, i-3- 8, 4-6. 11.
9, I. 10. 15. 10, I. 5. 8. 15. II, 2. 12, II. 13, I f) : idols are
satirized by him as made by the hands of men, in a form devised
by human minds, of the silver and gold which they owed to
Jehovah (2, 8. 8, 4-6. 13, 2) ; hence the folly of trusting in them
or worshipping them (8, 4 ironically — "they are made 07ily to be
cut off;" 10, 5 f. 14, 3). Hosea urges Israel to repent, grounding
his appeal upon the many tokens of Jehovah's love to which its
history had borne witness (9, 10. 11, i. 3-4. 12, 9. 13. 13, 4. 5;
cf. 6, 7. 8, i), in virtue of which Israel was bound to the observ-
ance of a multitude of duties, comprised in the " Torah " of
Jehovah (8, 1^. 12), which it was the office of the priests (4, 6) to
inculcate and uphold. Through Israel's neglect of the duties
thus laid upon it, Jehovah has the right to enter into judgment
^ JiiJah is alluJed to only incidentally, 4, 15. 5, 5. 10. 12. 13. 14. 6, 4.
II. 8, 14. 10, II. II, 12 (obscure: text doubtful). 12, 2: usually in unfavour-
able terms; otherwise, however, in i, 7 and (by implication) i, 11. 3, 5.
286 LITERATURE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT
with it (4, I. 5, r). These duties, for the non-observance of
which the prophet rebukes Israel, are primarily moral ones, as
appears in particular from 4, 1-8, where he attributes the moral
degeneration of the people {vv. 1-2) to the priests' forgetfulness
of the "Torah" of their God. The people, however, think to
propitiate Jehovah with their offerings (8, 13; cf. 5, 6), forgetting
that His delight is in " mercy, and not sacrifice," and in the
(practical) "knowledge of God" (see Jer. 22, 16) more than in
burnt-offerings (6, 6) ; and in spite of the love shown to them in
the past, repay Him with ingratitude, and slight the commands
on the observance of which He sets the highest value. Hence
He is become their enemy (5, 12. 14. 7, 12. 13. 8, 14. 9, 9. 15 f.
13, 7 f); and the prospect of invasion (5, 8. 8, i. 3. 11, 6. 13,
16), and exile to a foreign land (8, 13. 9, 3. 6. 17. 11, 5), is held
out before them by the prophet with ever-increasing distinctness
and force. Particularly noticeable is Hosea's conception of love
as the bond uniting Jehovah and Israel (3, i. 9, 15. 11, i. 4. 14,
4), as well as individual Israelites with one another (6, 6).^
Style of Hosea. " Osee commaticus est [is broken up into
clauses], et quasi per sententias loquens," said Jerome long ago ;
and his words exactly describe the style of the prophet, short,
abrupt sentences, very frequently unconnected by any copula,
full of force and compressed feeling, pregnant with meaning, the
thought sometimes so condensed as to be ambiguous or obscure.
The style of Hosea is unique among the prophets : his elder
contemporary Amos writes in much more flowing and regular
periods. But Hosea's style seems to be the expression of the
emotion which is stirring in his heart : his sensitive soul is full
of love and sympathy for his people ; and his keen perception of
their moral decay, and of the destruction towards which they are
hastening, produces in consequence a conflict of emotions,
which is reflected in the pathos, and force, and "artless rhythm
of sighs and sobs," which characterise his prophecy (notice e.g. the
pathos of such verses as 6, 4. 7, 13. 9, 12. 14. ir, 2-4. 8 f.).
The figures used are suggestive ; they are, however, in agreement
with his general style, indicated by a word, and not, as a rule,
worked out (4, 16. 5, 14. 6, 4''. 5^ 7, 4. 6. 7. ir. 16. S, 7. 9, 10.
10, 7. 13, 3. 14, 5. 6. 8): Jehovah, on His terrible side, is com-
^ See more fully on Hosea's prevailin<; lines of thought, W. R. Smith;
Cheyne, p. 22 \{. ; Farrar, chap. viii.
JOEL. 287
pared to a lion, a panther, a bear (5, 14. 13, 7. 8: in a different
application, 11, 10), and even to a moth or rottenness (5, 12); on
His gracious side, to the latter rain (6, 3), and to the dew (14, 5).
Hosea is also fond of paronomasias, 2, 22''-23* (sow). 8, 7. 9, 15 end. 11,
5 (double sense of "return"). 12, 11" ; comp. the allusion to the derivation
of "Ephraim,"9, 16. 13, 15. 14, 8 «/c/; and the use of " Beth- Aven " for
" Beth-el," 4, 15. 10, 5 (cf. 8). The construction of clauses a.aviXi'ru; is more
common in him than in any other prophet : e.g. 4, 7. 18. 5, 3". 6\ 10. 6, 10.
7, 12. 16. 9, 6. 9. 15. 10, I. 2". 6. II^ 14, 4 (li. 5), &c. : clauses with nfiy
similarly, 4, 16. 5, 7. 7, 2. S, 8. 13 (hence Jer. 14, 10). 10, 2" (uncommon).
§ 2. Joel.
The title of this prophecy mentions nothing beyond the names
of the prophet and of his father Pethuel. The prophecy consists
of two parts, i, 2 — 2, 17, and 2, 18 to the end. i, 2-7 states,
in graphic language, the occasion of the prophecy, viz. a visita-
tion of locusts, accompanied by a drought, which caused the
severest distress throughout the country, i, 10-12. 16-20; the
prophet exhorts the people to fasting, supplication, and mourn-
ing, I, 13 f. 2, I. 12 f. ; for the present visitation of locusts is to
him a symbol of the approaching " Day of Jehovah'' (i, 15), to
be ushered in by another visitation of terrible and unprecedented
intensity, 2, 2-1 1, which timely repentance may perchance avert,
2, 12-17. The people, we must suppose, responded to the
])rophet's invitation: 2, 18 f. describes in narrative form (see
RV.) Jehovah's gracious change of purpose, which tliereupon
ensued ; and what follows, to the end of the book, is His answer
to the people's prayer. The answer begins with a promise of
deliverance from the famine : rain will again descend upon the
l)arched soil ; fruitful seasons will compensate for the locusts'
ravages; and all will know that Jehovah is Israel's God, 2, 20-27.
Then the spirit of prophecy will be poured out upon all flesh :
and the " Day of Jehovah " will draw near, with dread-inspiring
signs in heaven and earth. But the terrors of that day are not
now for the Jews, but for their enemies : in the judgment which
marks its arrival, those who trust in Jehovah will escape, 2, 28-
32; but upon the heathen, who have "scattered Israel among
the nations, and parted my land," besides otherwise ill-treating
the people of God, summary vengeance will be taken: they
are invited to arm themselves, and come up to the valley of
288 LITERATURE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
Jehoshaphat ("Jehovah judges"), ostensibly for battle against
the Jews, in reality to be annihilated by the heavenly ministers
of Jehovah's wrath (3, 11''). The scene of carnage which ensues
is pictured under suggestive figures, v. 13 f; but "Jehovah will
be a refuge unto His people, and a stronghold to the children
of Israel." Then the soil of Judah will be preternaturally fertil-
ised ; and "a fountain shall come forth of the house of Jehovah,
and shall water the valley of Shittim " {i.e. the unproductive
Jordan-valley) : Egypt, on the other hand, and Edom, as a
punishment for the wrongs inflicted by them upon the people of
Judah, will be changed into wildernesses.
The locusts in c. i (though this has been questioned) are, no doubt, to be
untieistood literally ; there is nothing in the language used to suggest any-
thing but an actual visitation of locusts, from which the country has been
suffering. The actual locusts suggest to Joel the imagery by which he
describes, 2, I ff., the approach of the " Day of Jehovah :" here the locusts
are idealized ; they are creatures of the imagination, invested with appalling
size and power, the prototype of the "apocalyptic" locusts of Rev. 9, 3-10
(where, however, the ideal delineation is carried much further than here).
As the locusts in c. 2 are compared to an army, they can hardly (as some have
supposed) be themselves merely symbolical of an army. The meaning of
" the northern one " in 2, 20 is disputed, and uncertain. From the connexion
with vv. 19. 25 it would naturally be understood to denote the locusts, the
removal of which follows the people's repentance. But locusts never (or
scarcely ever) enter Palestine from the north ; so that (unless the occasion
was one of the exceptions) "the northern one" would be an unsuitable
designation for them ; hence by some the term is considered to be descrip-
tive of a human foe (see below).
For determining the date of Joel (the title being silent) we are
dejjendent entirely upon internal evidence ; and as this is inter-
preted differently by different critics, much diversity of opinion
exists on the subject. The principal criteria afforded by the
prophecy are the following: — (i) Joel mentions Tyre, Zidon,
the Philistines, the Greeks (" Javan," i.e. lonians), Sabeans, Egypt,
and Edom ; (2) he is silent — not even noticing them allusively
— ori the Syrians, Assyrians, and Chalda^ans ; (3) he nowhere
mentions or alludes to the Ten Tribes ; even when speaking
most generally, e.g. of the future restoration, or of Israelites sold
as slaves (3, i. 6. 19), he only names "Judah and Jerusalem :"
" Israel," where the term occurs (2, 27 ; 3, 16 : 3, 2 is ambiguous),
ap|)ears to be used simply as the generic name of Judah ; (4)
Jehovah's people is "a reproach among the nations" (2, 19);
JOEL. 289
and it is said of " all nations " that they have " scattered " His
" heritage among the nations, and parted " His " land," and
"cast lots over" His "people" (3, 2^-^'^); the return of the
captivity of Judah and Jerusalem is also anticipated by the
prophet (3, i); (5) the Tyrians, Zidonians, and Philistines are
charged with having plundered the gold and silver and treasures
belonging to Jehovah, and selling captive Judahites to the Greeks
(3, 4-6); (6) Egypt and Edom are threatened with desolation
for the violence done to Judah in murdering innocent Judahites
in their land (3, 19); (7) there is no allusion to any kind of
idolatry ; the services of the Temple are conducted regularly;
the priests take a prominent position, and are evidently held in
respect (r, 9. 13. 2, 17); the cessation, through the locusts and
drought, of the means of providing the daily IMeal- and Drink-
offering is treated as a grave calamity ; (8) the prophet is silent
as to the king, and even as to the princes ; the elders, on the
contrary, are alluded to as prominent in a public gathering; (9)
mention is made (3, 2. 12) of the "valley of Jehoshaphat," pre-
sumably so called from the king of that name; (10) there are
resemblances between Joel and Amos which show that one of
the two prophets must have imitated or borrowed from the other
(Joel 3, 16 and Amos i, 2 ; 3, 18 and Amos 9, 13^).
It was argued by Credner in 1831 that the conditions implied
by these criteria were satisfied by a date in the early part of the
reign of King Joash, B.C. 878-839 [rather c. 837-801] (2 Ki. 12),
after the invasion of Judah by Shishak (i Ki. 14, 25. 26),
which is supposed to be alluded to in 3, 17'^ (no stratigers to
pass through Jerusalem any more). 19 {^'■violence against the
children of Judah "), the reign of Jehoshaphat (No. 9), and the
revolt of the Edomites under Jehoram (2 Ki. 8, 20-22), to the
murder by whom of Judahites settled in their territory 3, 19 may
refer, and not long after the plundering of the royal treasures
(No. 5) by marauding Philistines and Arabians during the same
reign (2 Ch. 21, 16. 17. 22, i), but before the time when the
Syrians under Hazael threatened Jerusalem, and had to be
bought off at the cost of the Temple treasures by Joash (2 Ki.
12, 17), and a fortiori before the time when Judah suffered at
the hands of Assyrians or Chaldseans (cf. No. 2). Upon this view
3, 2-3. 6 are referred to the loss of territory suffered by Judah
at the time of the revolt of Edom (which was followed quickly
T
290 LITERATURE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
by that of Libnah, 2 Ki. S, 22), and to the sale of prisoners,
whom the Phihstines and Arabians might be presumed to have
taken, to other nations, such as is laid by Amos (r, 6. 9) to the
charge of Gaza and Tyre. Joash (2 Ki. 11, 21) was only seven
years old when he came to the throne : if Joel's prophecy dated
from the period of his minority, the non-mention of the king
(No. 8), it is urged, would be explained, while the position of
the priests, and the regularity of the Temple services (No. 7),
would be a natural consequence of the influence exerted by the
priest Jehoiada.
Credner's arguments were specious ; and most scholars until
recently acquiesced in his conclusion. At the same time, he can
hardly be considered to have done justice to 3, 2 : the strong
expressions here used respecting the dispersion of Israel among
the nations, and the allotment of the Holy Land to new occu
pants, cannot fairly be referred to any calamity less than that of
the Babylonian captivity. Keil feels this objection so strongly,
that he supposes the words in question to be spoken by Joel
with reference to the future ; but if the passage be read in con-
nexion with the context, it seems plain that the prophet alludes
to sufferings which have been already undergone by the nation.
And when the criteria noted by Credner are considered carefully,
it appears that many of them are equally consistent with a date
after the captivity, while other features exhibited by the prophecy
even agree with such a date better.
Thus-^ (i) the enemies of Judah are the nations collectively, who are
assembled for a signal defeat outside the walls of Jerusalem; This is a
feature prominent in later prophets, as Ez. 38 — 39, Zech. 14 : the earlier
prophets speak oi definite enemies of Judah (as the Assyrians). (2) The book
implies a nation united religiously, and free from any of those tendencies to
heathenism which call forth the constant rebuke of the pre-exilic prophets.
(3) No king is mentioned : the nation possesses a municipal organisation with
a priestly aristocracy, which accords with the constitution that prevailed after
the exile. Tliat the Persians do not appear as the enemies of Israel is not
more than natural, they were hard masters, but not invaders ; and under
their rule (comp. Neh. ) the enemies of the Jews were their neighbours, pre-
cisely as appears in Joel. (4) Edom's hostility to Judah was not confined to
the period of the reign of Joash : it was habitual ; and a bitter feeling against
^ Comp. W. R. Smith, s.v. "Joel," in the Encycl. Brit. The form in
which the arguments on the same side are stated by Merx is not free from
exaggeration.
JOEL. 291
Edom often manifests itself in Jewish writers after the events of B.C. 586
(cf. p. 213 f. ). (5) Egypt is probably mentioned only as the typical instance
of a power hostile to Judah : even on Credner's theory the allusion is to an
incident which happened a century before. And 3, i;* is much more pointed
if spoken after the desecration of the Temple by the Chaldxans (cf. Isa.
52, i), than after the invasion of Shishak (who is not stated to have entered
lerusalem at all). (6) 2 Chron. i\ mentions the palace only, not the Temple ;
and is silent altogether as to the Phoenicians, who are here charged with
robbing it. There is no ground for limiting the traffic in slaves to the age of
Amos ; and the notice of Javan (Greece) better suits a later time, when
Syrian slaves were in request in Greece. (7) Judah and the people of
Jehovah are convertible terms : northern Israel has disappeared. This is
not the case in the earlier prophets ; the prophets of Israel do not exclude
Judah, at least from their promises, nor do the prophets of Judah exclude
Israel. (8) The importance attached to the daily offering is not less charac-
teristic of the post-exilic age (Neh. 10, 33; cf. Dan. 8, 11. 11, 31. 12, 11).
(9) Joel's eschatological picture consists largely of a combination of elements
derived from older unfulfilled prophecies. Its central feature, the assembling
of the nations to judgment, already appears in Zeph. 3, 8, and in Ezekiel's
prophecy concerning Gog and Magog, where the wonders of fire and blood
are also mentioned (Ezek. 38, 22). The picture of the fertility of the land
(3, 18) is based on Am. 9, 13 (comp. below) ; that of the stream issuing from
the Temple, and fertilizing the barren Wady of Acacias, upon Ezek. 47, 1-12
(cf, Zech. 14, 8); the outpouring of the Spirit, upon Ezek. 39, 29. ^
These arguments are forcible. In particular, the terms oj
3, 1-2 (cf. 2, 19''), the relation of Israel to "the nations" which
these passages presuppose, and the general resemblance of the
representation in c. 3 to those found in the later prophets, must
be allowed to turn the balance of evidence somewhat strongly in
favour of the later date. Joel's imagery and language are fine :
but he can scarcely be said to exhibit the originality or breadth
of view which are generally characteristic of the earlier prophets.
He seems to move " in the circle of moral convictions and
eschatological hopes which had been marked out for him by his
great predecessors : " he does not, like Amos and Hosea, lay
stress upon the moral demands made by Jehovah upon His
people : in c. 3 the Jews are saved, apparently just because they
are Jews, and their foes, as foes, are annihilated. It seems as if
Joel reaffirmed, in a form suited to the temper and needs of his
age, the promises of the older prophets, which it was impossible
' See also Farrar, pp. 1051 12, 120-123. Those who adopt this date for
Joel often suppose that "the northern one" of 2, 20 is an allusion to the
imagery of Ez. 38, 15. 39, 2, where the ideal hosts that threaten Judah are
represented as coming from the north. But it is doubtful if this is right.
292 LITERATURE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
to regard as adequately accomplished in the actual condition of
the restored exiles.
The principal literary parallels between Joel and other prophets are the
following:— I, 15. Isa. 13, 6.-2, 2. Zeph. I, 15 (and Ex. 10, 14'').— 2, 3.
Ez. 36, 35 (the "garden of Eden").— 2, 6\ Nah. 2, lo^ [H. 11"] (n2i>
inXDt)-— 2, 10. Isa. 13, 10. Ez. 32, 7.-2, 17". Ps. 42, 3. 10. Mic. 7, 10.—
2, 27. Isa. 45, 5. 17.— 2, 28, cf. Ez. 39, 29.-2, 32. Ob. 17.— 3, 3". Ob. 11
(bli: n'' : only Nah. 3, 10 besides).— 3, 4. 14. Ob. 15.— 3, 10. Mic. 4, 3.—
3, 16. Am. I, 2.-3, 17". Ob. 17. Isa. 52, i".— 3, 18. Am. 9, 13.— 3, 19.
Ob. 10.
Orelli argues that some of these parallels are decisive for the pre-exilic date
of Joel (p. 237): " Ez. 30, 2 f. is unmistakably dependent upon Joel I, 15.
2, I f. ; similarly Jer. 25, 30 f. on Joel 3, 11. 16. So Isa. 66, 18 presupposes
Joel 3, 2 Ez. 47, I ff. develops further the imagery of Joel 3, 18 ; and Ez.
3% 17- 39> 8 allude in all probability especially to Joel 3. The dependency
of Isa. 13, 6. 9 on Joel i, 15 is palpable. And the parallels with Amos
show incontrovertibly that he is earlier than this prophet. Am. i, 2 is taken
certainly from Joel 3, 16: accordingly Am. 9, 13 also is dependent on Joel
3, 18." But that this is the true relation between the passages quoted is by
no means self-evident. Nothing is more difficult (except under specially
favourable circumstances) than from a »ie>-e comparison of parallel passages
to determine on which side the priority lies ;^ and if those cited by Orelli be
examined, it will be seen that there is no reason (apart from the assumption,
upon other grounds, that Joel is the earlier) why the relation should not be
inverted, why, in other words, it should not be Joel who is the borrower.
And as regards the parallels with Amos, it is to be noticed that in each case
the picture in Joel is more highly coloured than in .\mos : especially (as
Kuen. § 68. 15 observes) it seems unlikely that Amos, if he had been borrow-
ing from a passage which described Jehovah's thunder as shaking heaven and
earth, would have limited its effects to the pastures of the shepherds and the
top of Carmel. But even if this argument be not accepted as decisive, there
is still nothing inl^erent either in these or in the other passages to show that the
priority is with Joel : in other words, the parallels cannot be used for deter-
ntining the date of Joel ; we can only, after having determined his date on
independent grounds, point to the parallels for the purpose of illustrating (as
the case may be) either his dependence upon the other prophets, or their
dependence upon him. In 2, 32 (Ileb. 3, 5), however, Ob. 17, "And in
Mount Zion shall be those that escape," does appear to be expressly cited :
"And in Mount Zion and Jerusalem shall be those that escape, as Jehovah
hath said."
The style of Joel is bright and flowing; and the contrast, which is palpable,
with Haggai or Malachi is no doubt felt by many as a reason against the
view that his prophecy dates from the same general period of the history.
^ It is for this reason that the endeavours of Kiiper, Caspari, and others to
establish the priority of Is. 13 f 34 f. 40 — 66 to Jer. Nah. Zeph. are not
conclusive.
AMOS. 293
But it is a question whether our knowledge of this period is of a character
authorizing us to affirm that a style such as Joel's could not have been written
then ; at least, if Zech. 12 — 14 dates from the post-exilic age, it is difficult to
argue that Joel cannot date from it likewise. The phraseology, viewed as a
whole, can hardly be cited as positively favouring the later date, though it is
true that it includes some words and expres^ions which are more common in
the later than in the earlier literature : thus I, 2. 4, 4 QXI . . . H (the
usual form is QX • • • H) ; I, 9- 2, 17 "ministers of Jehovah" (cf. Jer. ^2>
21 f. Isa. 61, 6. I Ch. 16, 4. 2 Ch. 13, 10. 29, 11. Ezr. 8, 17. Neh. 10, 37^
40) ; 2, 2. 4, 20 "ini "in ; 2, S rbu (Job [EUhu], Neh. Chr.l ; 2, 20 t]iD ««<^
(Aram. : 2 Ch. 20, 16. Eccl. 3, 11. 7, 2. 12, 13 f) ; 3 (4), 2 Jehovah's p/ead-
»«^(USt;'3) with His enemies (Jer. 2, 35. 25, 31. Ez. 17, 20. 20, 35. 36. 38,
22. Isa. 66, 16); 3 (4), 4 bv b^i *2 Ch. 20, II) ; 3 (4), 10 JiDM 3 (4). i»
nmn (Aram.).
« §3. Amos.
Amos, as the title to his book informs us, was "among the
herdmen of Tekoa," i.e. he belonged to a settlement of herdmen
who had their home at Tekoa, and who, as the word used
implies, reared a special breed of sheep, of small and stunted
growth, but prized on account of their wool. From 7, 14 we
learn that he had under his charge herds of larger cattle as well ;
and that he was employed besides in the cultivation of sycomore
trees. Although this has been questioned, the Tekoa meant is
no doubt the place of that name about 9 miles south of Jeru-
salem : Amos, therefore, will have been a native of Judah,
though he received a commission — being taken, as he describes
it, "from after the flock" (7, 15) — to go and prophesy to the
people of Israel. In connexion with the nature of prophecy, it
is to be noticed that Amos disclaims (7, 14) being a prophet by
profession or education : he is no " son of a prophet," i.e. no
member of a prophetic guild (2 Ki. 4, i &:c.); his inspiration is
independent of any artificial training. The year of Uzziah's
reign, in which the "earthquake," mentioned in i, i (cf. Zech.
14, 5), took place, is not known; but internal evidence points to
the latter part of Jeroboam II. 's reign, a//erth.e successes alluded
to in 2 Ki. 14, 25, i.e. about 760 — 746 B.C., as that to which
Amos' prophetic ministry belongs. The reign of Jeroboam II.,
though passed by briefly in the historical books (2 Ki. 14, 23-29),
was the culiiiinating point in the history of the Northern kingdom.
Jeroboam had been successful in recovering for Israel territory
which it had lost (2 Ki. 14, 25); and the allusions in Amos
294 LITERATURE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
show us the nation reposing in opulence and ease {e.g. 6, 1-5) :
the ritual of the calf worship at Beth-el, Gilgal, and elsewhere
was splendidly and punctiliously maintained (4, 4 f . 5, 21-23.
7, 13. 8, 14): general satisfaction reigned: the proud citizen of
Ephraim felt that he could defy any adversary (6, 13). Such
was the condition and temper of the people when Amos, arriving
at the great national sanctuary of Beth-el as a stranger (7, 10-17),
interrupted the rejoicings there with his forebodings of woe.
The book falls naturally into three parts, c. i — 2, c. 3 — 6,
c. 7 — 9, each dominated by the same fundamental thoughts, and
the whole pervaded by a unity of plan which leaves no reason-
able doubt that the arrangement is the author's own. I. The ^rs^
]>art, c. I — 2, is introductory. Here, after the fine exordium
(i, 2), so graphically descriptive of Jehovah's power, Amos takes
a survey of the principal nations bordering on Israel, — Damascus,
Gaza, Tyre, Edom, Ammon, Moab, Judah, — with the object of
showing that as none of these will escape retribution for having
broken the common and universally regarded dictates of morality ;
so Israel, for similar or greater sins (2, 6-8), aggravated, indeed,
in its case by ingratitude (z'V. 9-12), will not be exempt from the
same law of righteous government : a disaster darkly hinted at
(w. 13-16) will undo all the conquests achieved by Jeroboam II. !
The enumeration of countries is evidently intended to lead up to
Israel, antl is arranged skilfully : the Israelite would listen with
some inward satisfaction whilst his neighbours' faults, with the
judgments that they would incur, were being pointed out; in the
end, however, he is measured himself by exactly the same
standard that is applied to others, and is threatened with retri-
bution not less severe.
II. C. 3 — 6. This part consists of three discourses, each intro-
duced by the emphatic Hear ye this word (3, i. 4, i. 5, i).
Here the indictment and sentence of 2, 6-16 are further justified
and expanded. The Israelites argued that the flict of Jehovah's
having chosen the nation was a guarantee of its safety. Amos
replies : That is not the case ; you have mistaken the conditions
of His choice : for that very reason He will punish you for your
iniquities (3, i f.). Nor, he continues, does the prophet say this
without a real power constraining him : for does any effect in
nature take place without its due and adequate cause ? {vtK 3-8).
Call the heathen themselves to witness whether justice rules in
AMOS. 295
Samaria ! (t'. 9 f.). The toils will ere long have closed about the
land (vv. 11-15). C. 4 begins by denouncing the thoughtless
cruelty and frivolity of the women {vv. 1-3) : the prophet next
asks the Israelites ironically whether their punctiliously per-
formed ritual will save them (z'. \i.): the fivefold warning has
passed unheeded {w. 6-1 1) : prepare thyself, then, for judgment !
In c. 5 — 6 the grounds of the judgment are repeated with greater
emphasis (5, 7. 10. 11 f. 6, 3-6) : the infatuation of the people is
exposed in desiring the " Day of Jehovah," as though that could
be anything but an interposition in their favour (5, 18-20); a
ritual unaccompanied by any sense of moral obligation is indig-
nantly rejected (5, 21-24); the nature of the coming disaster is
described more distinctly (exile, 5, 26 [RV. via7-g^. 27. 6, 7), and
the enemy indicated, though not named (the Assyrians), which
should "afflict" Israel over the entire limits of the territory which
Jeroboam had not long since regained (6, 14 : see 2 Ki. 14, 25).
III. C. 7 — 9, consisting of a series of visions, with an historical
interlude (7, 10-17) and an epilogue (9, 7-15). The visions
reinforce, under a simple but effective symbolism, the lesson of
the previous discourses : in the first two (7, 1-6), the threatened
judgment is interrupted at the prophet's intercession ; the third,
which spoke without any concealment or ambiguity, aroused the
alarm and opposition of Amaziah, the priest of the golden calf at
Beth-el, and is the occasion of the historical notice, 7, 10-17.
The fourth vision is the text of a fresh and more detailed de-
nunciation of judgment (c. 8) : the fifth depicts the desolation
falling upon the people as they are assembled for worship in
their own temple, and emphasizes the hopelessness of every
effort to escape (9, 1-6). The prophecy closes, 9, 7-15, with
brighter anticipations for a more distant future. Israel, indeed,
for its sins will be dealt with as any other nation : but only the
sinners will perish utterly : a faithful remnant will escape {7)V.
7-10) ; the house of David will be restored to its former splen-
dour and power,^ and the blessings of unity and prosperity
will be shared by the entire nation {vv. 13-15).
The unity of plan governing the arrangement of the book will be manifest :
the main theme, gradually introduced in c, i — 2, is developed with increas-
^ V. 12 alludes to the nations conquered by David, and so owned by
Jehovah as His subjects (see p. 258, No. 16) : 2 Sa. S, 1-14. Ps. 18, 43.
296 LITERATURE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
ing distinctness in the chapters which follow, till it gives place to the
Messianic outlook at the close. The allusions of Amos to the social condi-
tion and religious life of the Northern kingdom do not present such a dark
picture as that drawn by liosea a few years later (c. 4 — 14), during the
anarchy and misrule which prevailed after the dynasty of Jehu had fallen :
nevertheless the amendment, which was still viewed by him as a possibility
(5, I4f. )» never came ; and almost before a generation had passed away, his
forebodings of invasion, disaster, and exile (2, 13-16. 3, 11-15. 4, 12. 5, 2 f .
16 f. 27. 6, 14. 7, 9. 17. 8, 2f. 9, 1-4) were amply realized by Tiglath-
Pileser, Shalmaneser, and Sargon (2 Ki. 15, 29. 17, 3-6). Jndah is alluded
to by Amos only incidentally : 2, 4 f 3, i (" the whole family"). 6, i. 9, 11.
Amos is the earliest of the prophets whose writings are extant
and of undisputed date ; and hence, hke those of his younger
contemporary Hosea, his writings are of importance as witness-
ing to the religious beliefs current in the eighth century B.C. It
is clear, for instance, that he recognised (2, 4) an authoritative
Divine teaching or Torah, by which, however, like Hosea (4, 6
compared with v. if.; 8, i. 12, cf. 6, 6), he appears to have
understood primarily the moral precepts of Jehovah (comp. 5,
21-27, where he rebukes the people with neglecting the 77ioral
demands of God, and trusting to sacrifice to indemnify them).
The broad moral standard by which he judges Israel is particu-
larly noticeable. It is not a standard peculiar to Israel, it is the
common moral standard recognised as binding by it and by
other nations alike. Jehovah is God of the whole earth, of other
nations not less than of Israel (c. i ; 9, 7), and will only be
Israel's God in so far as the same morality is practised in its
midst. Jehovah had been pleased to enter into a special per-
sonal relation with Israel : this fact, to which the common people
pointed as their security (5, 14 end), in the eyes of Amos, only
aggravates their guilt (3, 2). Disregard of the moral law is the
first charge which he brings against Israel itself (2, 6-8); and
his indignation against every form of moral wrong is vehemently
expressed (comp. e.g. the outburst against deceit in commercial
dealings 8, 4-8; notice also the oath, 8, 7. 4, 2. 6, 8: each
time elicited by the same fault). The observances of religion
are no substitute for honesty, and will not be accepted by Jehovah
in lieu of righteousness of heart (5, 21-24).
On the "Day of Jehovah" (5, 18-20), and the manner in which Amos
reverses the popular conception of it, see W. R. Smith, Proph. p. 131 f.,
who also (p. 120 ff. ) draws out suggestively many other characteristics of
Amos' teaching. In noticing tlie fortunes and deserts of the nations border-
OBADIAH. 297
ing on Palestine, Amos adopted a precedent which was followed afterwards
by Isaiah, Teremiah, and Ezekiel. Amos was a man naturally shrewd and
observant : alike in his survey of foreign nations (comp. also 6, 2. 8, 8. 9, 7),
and in his allusions to Israelitish life and manners, he reveals a width of
knowledge and precision of detail which is remarkable. On 5, 26 see Amos
in the Diet, of the Bible (ed. 2), at the end.
Jerome (Pref. to Amos), speaking of Amos with reference to
his style, describes him as " imperitus sermone, sed non scientia;"
and, though the context suggests that he is merely arguing a
prio7-i from the prophet's antecedents, it has hence been some-
times the custom to attribute to his style a peculiar homeliness
and "rusticity." But this judgment is not borne out by the
facts. His language, with three or four insignificant exceptions,
is pure, his style classical and refined. His literary power is
shown in the regularity of structure, which often characterizes
his periods, as i, 3 — 2, 6. 4, 6-1 1 (the fivefold refrain), and the
visions (7, i. 4. 7. 8, i); in the fine climax 3, 3-8; in the
balanced clauses, the well-chosen images, the effective contrasts,
in such passages as 3, 15. 5, 2. 21-24. 6, 11, 8, 10. 9, 2-4: as
well as in the ease with which he evidently writes, and the skill
with which (as shown above) his theme is introduced and
developed. Anything of the nature of roughness or rusticity
is wholly absent from his writings. His regular, flowing sen-
tences form a remarkable contrast with the short, abrupt clauses
which Hosea loves. It is true, in the command of grand and
picturesque imagery he is not the equal of Isaiah ; nevertheless
his thought is often finely expressed (i, 2. 5, 24. 8, 8. 9, 5 f);
and if, as compared with other prophets, images derived from
rural life somewhat preponderate, they are always applied by
him aptly {e.g. 3, 4. 8. 5, 8. 16. 17. 19. 9, 9), and never strike
the reader as occurring too frequently, or as out of place.
§ 4. Obadiah.
The short prophecy of Obadiah is concerned alinost entirely
with Edom. Vv. 1-9 the prophet declares the ruin impending
on Edom : her lofty rock-hewn dwellings will this time be pene-
trated by the invader; her allies will abandon her; the " wisdom "
for which Edom was proverbial will fail her in the hour of her
need. Vv. lo-ii state the ground of the preceding denuncia-
tion, viz. the violence and outrage of which Edom had been
298 LITERATURE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
guilty in the day of Jerusalem's calamity; vv. 12-14 he bids
them emphatically desist from their inhuman delight; vv. 15-21
he returns to dwell upon the retribution which awaits them : a
" Day of Jehovah " is near upon all nations. The escaped of
Judah, united (as it appears) with the restored "House of Joseph"
(cf. Jer. 31, 5. 27 &c.), and endued with irresistible might, will
exterminate the " House of Esau : " the territory of Judah will
be enlarged on all sides, the inhabitants of the South possessing
Edom, and Benjamin overflowing into Gilead : " saviours " —
such as the judges (Jud. 2, 16. 3, 9. 15) — will defend Zion
against its foes, and Jehovah's kingdom will be established.
For determining the date of Obadiah the two chief criteria are
(i) the expressions in vv. 11-14; (2) the relation of Ob. to
Jeremiah's prophecy on Edom, 49, 7-22. (i) In vv. ix-14 Ob.
speaks of a day of "disaster," "calamity," and "distress" which
has befallen Jerusalem, on which " foreigners " entered the city
and "cast lots" upon it; and when the Edomites not only
exulted at the humiliation of the Jews, but actively assisted their
foes, and sought to intercept and cut off the fugitives. These
expressions are most naturally referred to the destruction of
Jerusalem by the Chaldceans in 586, and to the hostile temper
evinced then by the Edomites, which (see p. 213) was profoundly
resented by the Jews.'^ (2) Jer. 49, 7-22 and Ob. display such a
large element common to both as to make it evident either that
one borrovved from the other, or that both are dependent upon
the same earlier original : comp, Ob. 1-4 ; 5-6 ; 8 with Jer.
49, 14-16; 9-10^; 7 (respectively). There are reasons for sup-
posing the second of these alternatives to be the correct one.
For, when the two texts are compared carefully together, it
appears that the prophecy, viewed as a whole, is in its more
original form in Ob? And yet, as the date of Jer. 49, 7 ff. seems
^ So Ewakl, Meyrick (in the Speakers Coin»i.), Kuenen, Farrar, (S:c.
2 The sequence in Ob. is better : thus " We (I) have heard tidings from
Jehovah" is in a more suitable place at the beginning, as in Ob,, than in
the middle, as in Jer.; the language is terser and more forcible (Jer., in
several instances, appears to expand the text of Ob. by introducing words);
and, in particular, the parts of Jer. which have no parallel in Ob. have
aflinities with Jer.'s own style, showing that Jer. took materials from an older
prophecy, which he embedded in elements contributed by himself. (This is
shown in detail by Caspari, pp. 7-13, whose argument is generally admitted
to be conclusive, e.g. by Graf, /er. p. 559 ff )
OBADIAH. 299
fixed, not only by 46, i f. (b.c. 604), but by internal evidence as
well/ to a period prior to the capture of Jerusalem by the Chab
daeans, the prophecy of Ob., if it alludes to the conduct of the
Edomites after that event, cannot evidently have formed the
model for Jer. ; and the resemblances between the two prophecies
can only be explained by the supposition that the common
elements have been derived by both fro7n a prophecy older thaji
either^ which Ob. has incorporated with least alteration, while
Jer. has treated it with greater freedom.- This older prophecy
will consist of Ob. 1-9, which contains no allusion to the special
circumstances of B.C. 586 :^ in Jer. the order of these verses is
changed, and vv. 7 (Edom's abandonment by its allies, — an allusion
apparently to some circumstance of the time when the original
prophecy was written), 9 are omitted. In favour of this supposi-
tion it is remarked, that though, on the whole, the prophecy is in
its more original form in Ob., in particular instances more original
elements seem to have been preserved by Jer. (49, 9. I5^ 16
[in^;!"3n], as compared with Ob. 5. 2^ 3 ["im'bsn omitted]).
The date and occasion of the earlier prophecy must remain uncertain ;
Ewald {Hist. iii. 159 f. ) conjectured that it may have been when Elath, the
port on the Red Sea which had been occupied by the Jews under Uzziah
(2 Ki. 14, 22), was restored by Rezin to the Edomites (//'. 16, 6 RV. niai-g. :
of. 2 Ch. 28, 17).
Other scho'ars have sought to explain the relation of Jer. to Ob. more
simply by referring the prophecy of Ob. to an earlier occasion altogether, viz.
to the plundering incursion of " Philistines and Arabians," who apparently,
according to 2 Ch. 21, 16 f., penetrated into Jerusalem in the reign of Jehoram
(B.C. S51-844 [Kamphausen]), in which case, of course, Jer. would borrow
from it directly.'' And this view of its date has been supported by the observa-
tion that there is no mention in Ob. of the Chaldreans as the enemies of the
Jews. The expressions, however, which Ob. uses (notice esp. ^^ cast lots upon
Jerusalem") appear to be too strong to be referred with probability to this
invasion, which, from the silence of the Book of Kings, appears to have been
little more than a predatory incursion, from the effects of which Judah speedily
^ 49, 12'' RV. the punishment of Jerusalem is ?,\.\\\f7itiiie.
2 So Ewald, Prophets, ii. 277 ff.; Graf (/.^.) ; Kuenen ; Briggs [Mess. Prof/i.
315 f ). Meyrick, p. 564, appears to have overlooked Jer. 49, 12
■* And which also differs in representation from what follows : in vv. 1-9
Edom is destroyed by the nations {v. l) and its treacherous allies ; in v. 15 ff.
it falls laith other nations in the day of universal retribution (cf. Is. 34, 2. 5)
before the victorious Israelites.
* So Dehizsch, Keil, Orelli. The argument deduced by Keil from Joel 3,
3. 5. 6 will, of course, fall through, if Joel be really a post-exilic prophet.
300 LITERATURE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
recovered, and in connexion with which, moreover, Edoniilcs are not men-
tioned at all. And the non-mention of the Chalda?ans is not a decisive ar<ju-
ment ; for the prophecy is a short one, it is directed entirely against Edoni,
and it is the habit of the Hebrew prophets to speak allusively rather than
directly {e.g. Ez. in c. 35 does not name the Chaldceans). Ob. 19 also
appears to presuppose the exile of the Ten Tribes. The taunting speech in
Jer. 38, 22^ appears to be in part modelled upon Ob. 7""^ : notice the peculiar
rhythm of both these passages (cf. below, p. 430).
§ 5. Jonah.
Jonah, the son of Amittai, as we learn from 2 Ki. 14, 25, was
a native of Gath-hepher, in the tribe of Zebulun (Josh. 19, 13),
who lived in the reign of Jeroboam II., and predicted to that
king the successful issue of his struggle with the Syrians, which
ended with his restoration of the territory of Israel to its ancient
limits. These prophecies must have been delivered in the early
part of Jeroboam II.'s long reign ; it would have been interesting,
had they been preserved, to compare them with the prophecies
of Amos, uttered towards the close of the same reign, which
announced how Jeroboam's successes would ere long be fatally
undone (see Am. 6, 14). The Book of Jonah, however (unlike
the books of all the other prophets), consists almost entirely of
narrative, being devoted to the description of a particular incident
in the prophet's life. The story is too well known to need
repetition in detail. Jonah, commissioned to preach at Nineveh
Jehovah's judgment against the great city, seeks to avoid the
necessity of obeying the command, fearing (as appears from 4, 2)
that Jehovah might in the end be moved to have mercy upon the
Ninevites, so that his predictions of judgment would be frustrated.
Accordingly, he takes ship at Joppa, with the view of escaping to
'i'arshish (Tartessus in Spain). A violent storm overtakes the
ship : the sailors, deeming that one of those on board is the cause
of it, cast lots to discover who it is : the lot falls upon Jonah,
who consents to be cast into the sea. Thereupon the sea
becomes calm. Jonah is swallowed by a great fish, whicli, after
three days, casts him forth, uninjured, upon the land. Again
the prophet receives the commission to preach at Nineveh. This
time he proceeds thither ; but at his preaching the Ninevites
repent, and Jehovah rescinds the decree which He had passed
against them. Displeased at the seeming failure of his mission,
JONAH. 301
Jonah sits down outside the city, and asks to be allowed to die ;
but a gourd quickly springing up and sheltering him from the
sun, and as quickly dying and leaving him exposed to its rays,
by exciting his sympathy, is made the means of justifying in his
eyes Jehovah's merciful change of purpose with respect to
Nineveh.
Both in form and contents the Book of Jonah resembles the
biographical narratives of Elijah and Elisha (i Ki. 17 — 19. 2 Ki.
4 — 6 &c.), though it is pervaded by a more distinctly didactic
aim. It cannot, however, have been written until long after the
lifetime of Jonah himself.
This appears (i) from the style, which has several Aramaisms, or other
marks of a later age : as I, 5 nrSD ; I, 6 nC'ynn to //zz«/' ( = Heb. 2C'n
Ps. 40, 18) ; cf. n^ncy Ps. 146, 4; and in Aram., Dan. 6, 4 and the Targums ;
I, 7. 12. 4, 10 ^ fur ")C'X — esp. in the compound form in which it occurs in
I, 7. 12 ; I, 9 the title "God of heaven, "as in Neh. I, 5 and other post-exilic
writings (see below, under Ezra and Nehemiah) ; I, 12 pnC' ; 2, i. 4, 6. 7. 8
n3D, as Dan. i, 10. 11. i Ch. 9, 29, and in Aram.; Qj,'^ 3, 7, as in Aram.,
Ezr. 6, 14. 7, 23 ; yy^ to labour if, 10 (in ordinary Hebrew yv). The diction
is, however, purer than that of Esther or the Chronicles. (2) From the
Psalm in c. 2, which consists largely of reminiscences of other Psalms (in the
manner of Ps. 142, 143, 144, i-u), many of them not of early origin (comp.
V. 2. Ps. 18, 6. 5. 120, I ; V. 3. Ps. 18, 4. 42, 7 ; v. 4. Ps. 31, 22. Lam. 3, 54 ;
■V. 5». Ps. 18, 4. 116, 3. 69, I ; z/. 6. Ps. 30, 3 ; z/. 7. Ps. 142, 3. 18, 6;
V. 8. Ps. 31, 6 ; z/. 9. Ps. 50, 14. 116, 17 f. 3, 8) : a Psalm of Jonah's own
age would certainly have been more original, as it would also have shown a
more antique colouring. (3) From the general thought and tenor of the book,
which presupposes the teaching of the great prophets (comp. esp. 3, 10 with
Jer. 18, 7 f.). (4) The non-mention of the name of the king of Nineveh, who
plays such a prominent part in c. 3, may be taken as an indication that it was
not known to the author of the book.
Some of the linguistic features might (possibly) be consistent
with a pre-exilic origin in northern Israel (though they are more
pronounced than those referred to, p. 178, n.): but, taken as a
whole, they are more naturally explained by the supposition that
the book is a work of the post-exilic period, to which the other
considerations adduced point with some cogency. A date in the
5th cent. B.C. will probably not be far wide of the truth. ^
^ The statement that it was the tradition of the Jews that Jonah was the
author of the book appears to rest upon a misapprehension : comp. the
passage from Bdba bdthra cited in the Introduction.
Like other late writings, the narrative itself is also dependent in parts
303 LITERATURE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
The aim of the book. Although it is apparent that the book
is written with a didactic purpose, opinions have differed as
to what this purpose precisely was. According to Ewald, its
main purpose is to show that only true fear and repentance can
bring salvation from Jehovah, — a truth which is exemplified, first
in the case of the foreign sailors (i, 14), then in that of Jonah
himself (c. 2), and lastly in that of the Ninevites (3, 5-9), and
which, in the last resort, rests upon the Divine love (3, 10. 4, 11).
According to Riehm, its aim is partly to teach that it is wrong in
a prophet, as it is also useless, to attempt to evade a duty once
imposed upon him by God, partly to develop and emphasize the
teaching of Jer. 18, 7 f., that prophecy viz. is conditional ; and
to show that even when a Divinely-inspired judgment has been
uttered by a prophet, it may yet be possible by repentance to
avert its fulfilment ; and, if this be done, objection must not be
taken that God's word is made of none effect. But though these,
and other lessons, are, no doubt, included in the book, the
climax in c. 4 is an indication that the thought which is most
prominent in the author's mind is a different one. The real
design of the narrative is to teach, in opposition to the narrow,
exclusive view, which was too apt to be popular with the Jews,
that God's purposes of grace are not limited to Israel alone, but
that they are open to the heathen as well, if only they abandon
their sinful courses, and turn to Him in true penitence. It is
true, the great prophets had often taught the future reception of
the heathen into the kingdom of God : but their predominant
theme had been the denunciation of judgment ; and the Israelites
themselves had suffered so much at the hands of foreign oppres-
sors that they came to look upon the heathen as their natural foes,
and were impatient when they saw the judgments uttered against
them unfulfilled. Jonah appears as the representative of the
jjopular Israelitish creed. He resists at the outset the com-
mission to preach to Nineveh at all : and when his preaching
there has been successful in a manner which he did not antici-
pate, he murmurs because the sentence which he had been
commanded to pronounce is revoked. That repentance might
avert punishment had often been taught with reference to
upon models: comp. I, 14. Jer. 26, 15; 3, 8''. Jer. 18, 11. 26, 3; 3, 9«.
Joel 2, 14; 9". Ex. 32, 12''; 10". Ex. 32, 14; 4, 2''. Joel 2, \f. Ex. 34, 6'^
(but in E.\. without nyiH ^>' CHJl) ; 4, l" and 8". i Ki. 19, 4^
JONAH. 303
Israel ; and Jeremiah lays down the same truth with reference to
the nations generally in 18, 7 f. The aim of the book is thus to
supply a practical illustration of JercmiaKs teaching ; and in the
rebuke with which the book closes, the exclusive spirit of the
author's own contemporaries stands condemned. " In no book
of the OT.," remarks Bleek, "is the all-embracing fatherly love
of God, which has no respect for person or nation, but is moved
to mercy on all who turn to Him, exhibited with equal impres-
siveness, or in a manner so nearly approaching the spirit of
Christianity."
On the historical character of the narrative opinions have differed widely.
Quite irrespectively of the miraculous features in the narrative, it must be
admitted that there are indications that it is not strictly historical. The
sudden conversion, on such a large scale as (without pressing single expres-
sions) is evidently implied, of a great heathen population, is contrary to
analogy ; nor is it easy to imagine a monarch of the type depicted in the
Assyrian inscriptions behaving as the king of Nineveh is represented as
acting in presence of the Hebrew prophet. It is remarkable also that the
conversion of Nineveh, if it took place upon the scale described, should have
produced so little permanent effect ; for the Assyrians are uniformly repre-
sented in the OT. as idolaters. But, in fact, the structure of the narrative
shows that the didactic purpose of the book is the author's chief aim. He
introduces just those details that have a bearing upon this, while omitting
others which, had his interest been in the history as such, might naturally
have been mentioned ; e.g. details as to the spot at which Jonah was cast on
to the land, and particulars as to the special sins of which the Ninevites were
guilty.
No doubt the materials of the narrative were supplied to the
author by tradition, and rest ultimately upon a basis of fact : no
doubt the outlines of the narrative are historical, and Jonah's
preaching was actually successful at Nineveh (Luke 11, 30. 32),
though not upon the scale represented in the book. These
materials the author cast into a literary form in such a manner
as to set forcibly before his readers the truths which he desired
them to take to heart. The details are artistically arranged.
The scene is laid far off, in the chief city of the great empire
which had for long been Israel's formidable oppressor. Jonah,
commissioned to proceed thither, seeks, with dramatic propriety,
to escape to the furthest parts known to the Hebrews in the
opposite direction. The ready homage done by the heathen
sailors to the prophet's God is a significant omen of what is to
follow. Jonah is represented (hke those less spiritual of his
304 LITERATURE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT,
fellow-countrymen of whom he is the type) as wayward, un-
spiritually-minded, deficient in insight ; he does at last what he is
commanded to do, but he does it with so little perception of a
prophet's mission that he is disappointed with a result at which
he ought clearly to have rejoiced : he has Elijah's despondency
(i Ki. 19, 4), without Elijah's excuse. It is in consistency with
the prophet's character that in c. 4 he is led indirectly to make
the confession from which the main lesson of the book is
immediately deduced, by his love of self being painfully touched j
for his compassion upon the gourd is only elicited by the
scorching effect of the sun's rays upon his own person. We
learn nothing respecting the after-history either of Nineveh or of
the prophet : the author, having pointed the moral of his story,
has no occasion to pursue the narrative further.
The Psalm in c. 2 is not strictly appropriate to Jonah's situation at the
time; for it is not 2^ petition for deliverance to come, but a thanksgiving for
deliverance already accomplished (like Ps. 30, for instance). Hence,
probably, the Book of Jonah was not its original place ; but it was taken by
the author from some prior source. The expressions in vv. 3. 5. 6 &c. may
have been intended originally in a figurative sense (as in the Psalms cited
above, from which they are mostly borrowed), but they may also have been
meant literally (see vv. 5". 6", which are not among the phrases borrowed),
and have formed part of a Psalm composed originally as a thanksgiving for
deliverance from shipwreck, and placed by the author in Jonah's mouth
on account of the apparent suitability of some of the expressions to his
situation.
The allegorical view of the book is supported by Kleinert (in Lange's
Bihelwerk), and in this country by Professor Cheyne and C. H. H. Wright
[above, p. 280]. According to this view, Jonah does not merely represent the
unspiritual Israelites, he symbolizes Israel as a nation, and the narrative is an
allegory of Israel's history. Israel, as a nation, was entrusted with a pro-
phetical commission to be a witness and upholder of Divine truth ; but
Israel shrank from executing this commission, and often apostatized : it
was in consequence "swallowed up " by the world-power Babylon (see c^p.
Jer. 51, 34), as Jonah was swallowed by the fish ; in exile, however, like
Jonah (c. 2), it sought its Lord, and thus was afterwards disgorged uninjured
(cf ill. V. 44) ; after the return from exile, there were many who were dis-
appointed that the judgments uttered by the prophets did not at once take
etfcct, and that the cities of the nations still stood secure, just as Jonah
was disappointed that the judgment pronounced against Nineveh had been
averted.
MICAH.
§ 6. MiCAH.
Micah was a younger contemporary of Isaiah's. This appears
partly from i, 6, which was evidently uttered prior to the fall of
Samaria in 722, partly from the interesting notice in Jer. 26, 17 f.,
from which we learn that 3, 12 was spoken during the reign of
Hezekiah. While Isaiah's home, however, was the capital,
Micah was a native of a small town in the maritime plain,
Moresheth, a dependency of Gath (i, i. 14). As has been
observed, the difference of position and surroundings is marked
in the writings of the two prophets. Isaiah writes as one
acquainted with the society and manners of the capital ; Micah
speaks as a " man of the people," who sympathized with the
peasantry in their sufferings, and he attacks, not indeed with
greater boldness than Isaiah, but with greater directness and
in more scathing terms (see especially 3, 2-4), the wrongs to
which they were exposed at the hands of the nobles and rich
proprietors of Judah. Further, while Isaiah evinces a keen
interest in the political movements of the time, Micah appears
almost exclusively as an ethical and religious teacher : he men-
tions, indeed, the Assyrians, but as a viere foe, not as a power
which might tempt his countrymen to embark upon a perilous
political enterprise, and he raises no warning voice against the
danger to Judah of Egyptian influence.
The Book of Micah falls naturally into two parts, c. i- — 5 and
c. 6 — 7.
I. In this part there is again a division at the end of c. 3 :
in c. 1 — 3 the i)redominant tone is one of reproof and denun-
ciation ; in c. 4 — 5 it is one of promise. The prophet begins
I, 2-4 by describing, in impressive imagery, the approaching
manifestation of Jehovah for judgment, on account, v. 5, of
the transgression of the two kingdoms, which is centred in their
respective capitals, Samaria and Jerusalem. In the first instance,
TV. 6-7, Micah declares the impending ruin of Samaria : the
evil does not, however, rest there ; he sees it {v. 9) advancing
upon Jerusalem as well, and utters his wail of lament as the
vision of disaster meets his eye. His sympathy is in particular
attracted by the district in which his own home lay ; and he
describes, in a series of characteristic paronomasiae, the fate of
U
306 LITERATURE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
different places situated in it, vv. 8-16. 2, i-ii the nature of
the people's sin, and its punishment, are both more distinctly
indicated. The people's sin is the high-handed conduct of its
great men, who eject their poorer neighbours from lands and
homes, in order that their own possessions may become the
larger. The punishment is in correspondence with the sin : ere
long the nation will see heathen conquerors dividing amongst
themselves the inheritance of Jehovah, 2, 1-5. The people
attempt to stop the prophet's unwelcome harangue. He replies,
It is not impatience on Jehovah's jjart that prompts Him thus to
threaten ; neither is punishment His chosen work : as long as
His people " walk uprightly," He responds to them with friendly
words and acts, vv. 6-7 ; the cause of His present unwonted
attitude lies in you, who plunder mercilessly the unsuspicious
and the unprotected : as a just retribution for the expulsion of
others, you, the aggressors, shall be expelled yourselves, vv. 8-10.
V. II Micah returns to the thought oi v. 6 : the only prophets
to whom the people will listen are those who hold out alluring,
but deceitful, promises of material enjoyment and prosperity.
At this point there is an abrupt transition, and v. 12 f. consists
of a prophecy of the restoration of Israel. Assembled as a
thronging multitude at one centre, as sheep in a fold, the
Israelites prepare to re-enter their ancient home. The "breaker
up " ^ advances before them, forcing the gates of the prison in
which they are confined ; the people follow, marching forth
triumphantly through the open way : their king, with Jehovah at
his side (Ps. no, 5), heads the victorious procession (Ex. 13, 21 ;
Isa. 52, 12). The scene in these two verses is finely conceived ;
and the past tenses represent it forcibly and vividly.
C. 3 is parallel in thought to 2, i-ii : but the offences of the
great men are depicted in more glaring colours ; and the punish-
ment is announced with greater distinctness and finality. Judges,
])riests, and i)rophets are alike actuated by a spirit of heartless
avarice and cupidity ; and yet {v. 11^) they rely upon Jehovah to
defend them against calamity (cf. Jer. 7, 4). And the prophet
closes with the startling announcement that on their account, on
^ I.e. either a leader, or a detachment of men, whose duty it was to break
up obstncles opposing the progress of an army. See more fully the Expositor,
Apr. 1887, p. 266 fT., where it is shown that the statement of Bp. Pearson and
others, that the Jews understood this term of the Messiah, is an error.
MICAH. 307
account, viz., of the misconduct of its great men, the capital
itself would be completely ruined (3, 12).
In c. I — 3 the promise of 7-cstoration, 2, 12 f., interrupts the connexion
and occasions difficulty. Such promises occur, no doubt, in the prophets
after an announcement of disaster {e.g. IIos. i, 10 — 2, i ; Isa. 4, 2-6) ; but
here the promise is associated closely with a denunciation of sin, so that
between !v. 11 and 7'. 12 there is no point of connexion whatever. Ewald
felt the ditiliculty of 2, 12 f. so strongly that (like Ibn Ezra before him) he
supposed the verses placed in the mouth of the false prophets, as an illustration
of their deceptive promises of security (to be construed then with v. n : "he
shall even be a prophet of this people (saying), I will surely assemble," &c. ;
comp. Isa. 5, 19. Jer. 23, 17). The contents of the two verses are, however,
too characteristic, and the thought is too elaborately drawn out, for this view
to be probable ; moreover, as Caspari (p. 123) observes, they presuppose
disaster, if not exile, which itself would not be granted by the false prophets
(see 3, 11). The ordinary interpretation must thus be acquiesced in ; though
it must be granted that the verses stand in no logical connexion with 2, i-ii.
But their contents afford no sutiicient ground f(jr attributing them to another,
and later, hand than Micah's. The idea of a scattering or exile is implied in
I, 16. 2, 4. 5. 3, 12 ; the idea of the preservation of a "remnant" had been
promulgated more than a generation before by Amos (9, 8-9 ; comp. also
Hos. I, 10. II. II, 10. 11); and the general thought of the passage is
similar to that of 4, 6 f. The verses can scarcely, however, be in their
original context : either they belong to another place in the existing Book of
Micah (Steiner would place them after 4, 8), or — which may be a preferable
alternative — the existing Book of ]Micah consists only of a collection o(
excerpts, in some cases fragmentary excerpts, from the entire series of the
prophet's discourses, and the context in which 2, I2f, originally stood has
not been preserved to us.
The picture of disaster and ruin with which c. i — 3 closes, is
followed (in the manner of the other prophets, e.specially Isaiah)
by a vision of restoration. Zion, no longer ruined and deserted,
is pictured by the prophet as invested with even greater glory
than before : it has become the spiritual metropolis of the entire
earth ; pilgrims flock to it from all quarters ; a " federation of
the world " has been established under the suzerainty of the God
of Israel, 4, 1-5. In that day the banished and suffering
Israelites will be restored ; and Jehovah will reign over them in
Zion for ever, v. 6 f. F. 8 the prophet proceeds to contemplate
the future revival of the kingdom of David ; but v. 9 f. he returns
to the immediate present, and dwells on the period of distress
which must be passed through before the revival can be con-
summated. '■'■ Noiv., why dost thou cry out aloud?" he ex-
claims ; for he hears in imagination the wail of despair and
308 LITERATURE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
pain rising from the capital at the approach of the foe (the
Assyrian), v. 9 ; he takes up, v. 10, the figure used at the end of
V. 9 : the painful process must continue till the new birth has been
achieved ; the nation must leave the city, dwell in the field, and
journey even to Babylon ; there will it be delivered and rescued
from its foes. But noiv {i.e. as before, in the prophet's own present
or immediate future), many nations are assembled against Zion,
eager to see her prostrate in the dust ; they know not, however,
Jehovah's purpose ; He has assembled them only that they may be
gathered themselves "as the sheaves into the floor," and there
"threshed" by the triumphant daughter of Zion herself, vv. 11-
13. ^ And yet, ?i02v, there is a siege imminent; and humiliation
awaits the chief magistrate of Israel (the king) : the ruler who is to
be his people's deliverer will arise from another quarter, from the
insignificant town of Bethlehem ; and Israel will be " given up "
—i.e. abandoned to its foes— until he appears and reunites the
scattered nation, 5, 1-3 (Heb. 4, 14—5, 2). Then will Israel
dwell securely : when danger threatens, capable men will be at
hand, in more than sufficient numbers ("seven . . . eight"), to
ward it off; when the Assyrian essays to invade the territory
of Judah, under Messiah's leadership he will be triumphantly
repelled, vv. 4-6. Upon those of the nations who are disposed
to welcome it, the "remnant of Jacob" will exert an influence
like that of the softly - falling, beneficent dew; towards those
who resist it, it will be as a fierce, destructive lion, vv. 7-9.
Finally, Micah points to the inward notes of the nation's changed
state, the destruction of warlike implements, which will be no
longer needed, and of idolatry, in which it will no longer find its
delight, vv. 10-15.
In c. 4—5 the connexion of thought is so incomplete that again the
question arises whether the text is in its original integrity. The two cliief
sources of difficulty are the clause in 4, 10, And shalt come even to Babylon, and
the three verses, 4, I1-13. The context, taken as a whole, speaks of an
approaching period of distress (4, 9. io». 5, i. 3"; conip. 3, 12), which will
result, however, in Zion's deliverance, and in the roloralion of David's
humbled kingdom (4, 8. 10", except the clause just qtioted, 5, 2ff.). 4, 11-13,
on the other hand, describes a great success achieved by Zion over the " many
nations " assembled against her — a representation which appears to be
incompatible with the exile to Babylon in 4, 10, and even with the distress
implied in 4, 9. 5, i. 3", to say nothing of the disaster of 3, 12. The
contradiction, as it seems, can only be explained by one of the following
MICAH. 309
alternatives. Either (i) as was said above, with reference to 2, 12 f.,
Micah's prophecies have not been transmitted in their integrity, and con-
necting links are missing; or (2) 4, 11-13 does not belong to the same
occasion as 4, g(., but was uttered under the influence of an altered set f)f
impressions, and reflects a new phase of the prophet's conception of his
nation's future ; or (3) Micah's prophecies have suffered interpolation. It is
an objection to (i) and (2) that the prophecy, at least from 7;. 8, wears the
appearance of being a single continuous discourse (notice esp. the threefold
noiv, 4, 9. II. 5, l), and not a series of separate prophecies, which might
differ from one another in representation, as {e.g.) Isa. 3, 25 f. or "i;!, 13 f.
differs from 29, 5-8. 31, 8 f. &c. If, however, the prophecy be really a single
connected discourse, as the transportation to Babylon in v. 10 would seem to
be inconsistent with the victory outside Jerusalem promised in vv. II-13,
the only apparent alternative is to conclude that the words in z'. 10, "And
shalt come even to Babylon," are a later addition or gloss, written originally
on the margin with the view of making the prophecy more definite, and intro-
duced afterwards by error into the text. With these words omitted, the
representation becomes clear and consistent : v. 10 now merely describes how
the inhabitants leave the capital, and encamp in the fields preparatory to sur-
rendering to the enemy, when Jehovah interposes suddenly on their behalf, and
there delivers them ; and vv. 11-13 depict the manner in which this deliver-
ance is effected, viz. by the nation being supernaturally strengthened in order
to vanquish itsfoes.^ It may, indeed, be still objected that 4, II-13 conflicts
with 4, 9-iO'\ 5, I, and still more with 3, 12 ; and Nowack {ZATIV. 1S84,
p. 277 ff.) and others maybe thought to be right in treating 4, 11-13 as a
later addition as well : but (l) there is no necessary contradiction between
vv. 11-13 ^nd vv. 9-10*. 5, I. 3^*; a victory may well be preceded by a
period of anxiety and distress (comp. e.g. Isa. 3, 25 — 4, i preceding 4, 2-6) ;
(2) 3, 12 forms the close of a distinct prophecy, and although 4, i ff. intro-
duces the counterpart to it, it is not clear that the whole of c. 4 — 5 was added
at the same time : the original sequel to 3, 12 may have terminated at 4, 7 ;
and 4, 8 ff. may have been written and attached to it subsequently. Apart
from the Babylon-clause in 4, 10, the general line of thought in 4, 8 — 5, 15
is quite parallel with that of the great discourses of Isaiah delivered in view
of the Assyrian crisis of 701 {e.g. c. 29 — 32) ; trouble and danger, followed
by deliverance, the dispersion of foes, and the advent of the Messianic age,
being the ideas that are common to both. In itself, it is to be observed, the
mention of Babylon occasions no difficulty. As Micah views the Assyrians
as the power which the Jews have to dread, Babylon, as a principal city of
their empire, with which recently, it is probable, Judah had had dealings
(Is. 39), must of course, if the words were Micah's, be named as the
^ Caspari (p. 190) and Keil escape the contradiction between 4, 11-13 and
4, 9 f. by taking nnyii 4) i '. i'l the sense of And then {i.e. after the deliver-
ance of 4, 10, when the nations who presume to assail Israel will be triumph-
antly dispersed). But according to usage nnyi would only naturally denote
either the present, or the immediate future, as contrasted with the more
distant future indicated at the end off. 10.
310 LITERATURE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
locality to which, in accordance with the Assyrian custom {2 Ki. 15, 29),
the people were to be exiled by them (cf. also Is. 39, 6 f.). The difficulty
of the clause arises solely out of its relation to the context of Aliiah, with
which it seems to be inconsistent.
II. C. 6 — 7. (i.) 6, I — 7, 6. Here the standpoint changes. It
is no longer the leaders only, as in c. i — 3, whose misconduct the
prophet denounces, the people as a whole are addressed, and the
entire nation is represented as corrupt, not " a good inan " can
be found in it (7, 1-2). The prophecy is conceived dramatically,
and may be headed (comp. Ewald) Jehovah and Israel in contro-
versy : Jehovah, represented by the prophet, is plaintiff; Israel is
defendant. V. i f, is the exordium : vv. ■t,-^ Jehovah states His
case : what has Me done to merit Israel's ingratitude and neglect?
Vv. 6-7. The people, admitting its sin, inquires how its God can
be propitiated ? will thousands of sacrifices, will even a man's
first-born son, be sufficient to satisfy His demands? V. 8. The
prophet gives the answer : Jehovah demands not material ofter-
ings, but justice, mercy, humility. W'. 9-16. Jehovah speaks,
addressing primarily the capital, denouncing with indigna-
tion the injustice, oppression, and violence rampant in it, and
threatening condign punishment, in the shape of invasion, deso-
lation, and disgrace. 7, 1-6. The prophet is the speaker : he
describes — with a passing glance at the day of retribution, v. 4''
— the desperate condition of the nation, — anarchy, persecution,
universal corruption of justice, the ties of society dissolved, even
friendship and wedded love no longer to be trusted — "a man's
enemies are the men of his own house."
The social condition thus depicted is darker than that which is either
described or implied in any other part of the book. In their connexion
with c. 6, the verses 7, 1-6 may be taken as exhibiting anew the necessity of
the judgment held out in 6, 13-16 against a people which will listen neither
to the admonition of 6, S, nor to the denunciation of 6, 9-12.
(2.) 7, 7-20. Here, though the literary form is still that of a
dramatic dialogue, both the subject and the point of view are
different. Vv. 7-13 may be headed Israel and the pi-ophet : vv.
14-20, The prophet and his God. Vv. 7-10 the community
speaks, — not, however, the corrupt community of the present, as
described in vv. 1-6, but the penitent community of the future :
the day of distress, v. 4'*, is supposed to have arrived : the suffer-
ing and humiliation (here described as "darkness") involved in
MiCAir. 311
it have brought the nation to a sense of its guilt ; hence it is able
to assert its confidence in the approach of a brighter future, and
to triumph over its adversary's fall. Vv. 11-13. The prophet
supposes himself to reply : he re-echoes the nation's hopes : the
ruined fence of the vineyard (Is. 5, 1-7) will be rebuilt, and the
banished Israelites will return, though, he adds, before this
promise can be realised, judgment must take its course, and
"the land" become desolate (cf. 6, 16'').
V. \i,. The prophet, turning now to Jehovah, supplicates, in
the name of the penitent people, for the fulfilment of the promise
of V. 1 1 f . V. \^. Jehovah gives His reply, short but pregnant :
at the restoration, the wonders of the Exodus will be re-enacted.
Vv. 16-17 the words glide insensibly into those of the prophet :
the effects of the spectacle upon the nations of the world, their
terror and prostration, are powerfully depicted. The prophecy
closes with a lyric passage, vv. 18-20, celebrating the Divine
attributes of mercy, compassion, and faithfulness, as manifested
in the deliverance promised in the preceding verses.
C. 6 — 7 were assigned by Ewald to an anonymous prophet
writing in the reign of Manasseh. The hope and buoyancy
which Isaiah kindled, and which left its impress upon the pages
of Micah, c. i — 5, has given way, he remarks, in c. 6 — 7 to
despondency and sadness : Micah declaims against the leaders
of the nation only, in c. 6 — 7 (as was already observed above)
the corruption has extended to the entire people; and 6, 16
("the statutes of Omri, and all the works of the house of Ahab")
points directly to the age of Manasseh as that in which the pro-
phecy was written. It is true there is no chronological difficulty
in supposing that Micah himself may have survived at least the
commencement of the heathen reaction which marked the reign
of Manasseh ; but the difference in form and style between
c. 6 — 7 and c. i — 5 is such, Ewald urges, as to be scarcely com-
patible with the opinion that both are by the same author. C.
6^7 is dramatic in structure ; the prophecy is distributed between
different interlocutors in a manner which is far from common in
the prophets, and is altogether alien from c. i — 5 : the "echoes
of Isaiah's lofty eloquence" are here no longer audible; the elegiac
tone of c. 6 — 7 already approaches closely to that of Jeremiah ;
the linguistic features which mark c. i — 5 are also absent.
Wellhausen (in Bleek's Eiiii., ed. 4, p. 425 f.) advanced a step
312 LITERATURE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
beyond Ewald, accepting Ewald's judgment so far as related to
6, I — 7, 6, but calling attention to the sharp contrast subsisting
between 6, i — 7, 6 and 7, 7-20 —
" 7, 1-6 consists of a bitter lamentation uttered by Zion over the corruption
of her children ; and the day of retribution, though ready, is yet future, v. 4,
But with V. 6 the thread of the thought is broken, and the contents of vv.
7-20 are of a wholly different character. Zion, indeed, is still the speaker;
but here she has already been overpowered by her foe, the heathen world,
which is persuaded that by its victory over Israel it has at the same time
vanquished Jehovah, v. 10. The city has fallen, its walls are destroyed, its
inhabitants pine away in darkness, i.e. in the darkness of captivity, vv. 8. Ii.
Nevertheless, Zion is still confident, and though she may have to wait long,
she does not question her final triumph over the foe, vv. 7. 8. lo*. 11. She
endures patiently the punishment merited by her past sins, assured that when
she has atoned for them, God will take up her cause, and lead her to victory,
V. 9. Then the leaf turns : Zion rules over the heathen, and these humbly
proffer her their homage at Jerusalem.^ Thus the situation in 7, 7-20 is
quite different from that in 7, 1-6. What was present there, viz. moral
disorder and confusion in the existing Jewish state, is here past ; what is
there future, viz. the retribution of v. 4*^, has here come to pass, and has
been continuing for some time. What in Z'v. 1-6 was still unthought of, viz.
the consolation of the people, tempted in their trouble to mistrust Jehovah,
is in vv. 7-20 the main theme. Between v. 6 and v. 7 there yawns a century.
On the other hand, there prevails a remarkable similarity between 7, 7-20
and Isa. 40 — 66. "
Accordingly Wellhausen supposes 7, 7-20 to have been
added to 6, 1-7, 6 by a prophet writing during the Babylonian
captivity.
Ewald's date for 6, i — 7, 6 is exceedingly probable ; though we
cannot affirm with ecjual confidence that Micah is not the author.
With such a small basis as c. i — 5 to argue from, we are hardly
entitled to pronounce the dramatic form of 6, i ff. inconsistent
with Micah's authorship. At the same time, there is a difference
of tone and manner in 6, i — 7, 6, as compared with c. i — 5,
which, so far as it goes, tell against, rather than in favour of,
identity of author : instead of Micah's sharp and forceful sen-
tences, we have here a strain of reproachful tenderness and regret
(see esp. 6, 3. 5. 7, i); and, as Kuenen remarks (§ 74. 11), the
prophecy does not, as would be natural if the author were the
^ Wellh. interprets v. 12 (as is done by Keil and others) of the heathen
hastening to join themselves to Israel (as Isa. 45, 14 &c. ), not of the scattered
Israelites returning. And in v. 13 he takes T*~ixn, also as Keil, of the earth.
The view adopted in the text (p. 311) is that of Caspari, Hitzig, and Ewald.
MICAH. 3 I 3
same, carry on, or develop, lines of thought contained in c. i — 5.
The point is one on which it is not possible to pronounce con-
fidently ; but internal evidence, it must be owned, tends to sup-
port Ewald's conclusion.
As regards 7, 7-20 Wellh.'s characterisation of the passage,
and exposition of the argument, are both eminently just. The
question remains whether the inferences which he deduces from
them follow.
It is true that a century or more elapsed in fact between tlie period alluded
to in V. 6 and the period supposed to have commenced in z'. 7 : but we can
hardly measure the prophet's representations by the actual history ; to him,
as to other prophets, future events may have seemed nearer than they were
shown by the result to be : both Isaiah and jNIicah, for example, pictured
the Messianic age as immediately succeeding the downfall of the Assyrian.
The prophet who is here speaking may similarly have pictured calamity
working its penitential effect upon the nation much sooner than the course of
history actually brought about. The contradiction with 7, 1-6 is really con-
fined to VJ. 7-10 : the transition must be admitted to be abrupt ; but these
verses may fairly be regarded as an ideal confession placed in the mouth of
the people, whilst lying under the judgment which the prophet imagines
(implicitly) to have passed over it : comp. Hos. 6, I-3, the confession sup-
posed to be uttered by the nation when "in their affliction they seek me
earnestly" (5, 15). V. 11 ff. may be treated as consolations spoken from the
prophet's standpoint, after the manner of Zeph. 3, 14 ff. As regards the
resemblances with Isa. 40-66, it is true again that the thought is often
similar;^ but there are no unambiguous references to the Babylonian exile,
such as are frequent both in Isa. 40 — 66 and in other prophecies belonging
to the same period. Thus Jer. 50, 19 is remarkably parallel with v. 14; but
it is preceded [v. 17 f) by the express mention both of Babylon and of lis
king, Nebuchadnezzar, unlike anything to be found in Mic. 7, 7-20, where,
indeed, even the word ir/iim does not occur.* It is not clear, therefore, that
the expressions here, which seem to imply that a state of exile is in the
prophet's mind (as v. 11 "a day io build up thy fences"), are more than
parts of the imaginative picture drawn by/him of the calamity which he sees
to be impending. Comp. Zeph. 3, 14-20.
^ Comp. 7, 8*. 9^ Isa. 42, 16. 62, I^ -9'. 42, 24. 25. 64, s''.— 10. 49, 25.
26. 51, 23.— II. 58, 12 &c. — 12. 43, 5f. 49, 12. — 14. 63, \f\ 64, 9. 65, 9.
10 [Jer. 50, 19]. — 15- 41, 18. 43. 16 f. 48, 21.— i6f 45, 14. 54, 15. — 18-20.
43, 25. 44, 22. 54, 8 f 55, t.
■^ The mention oi Assyria in Mic. 7, 12 rather than Babylon, and the name
Mazor for Egypt (only besides in Isaiah, 19, 6. 37, 25), do not favour the
exilic date of 7, 7-20,
314 LITERATURE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
§ 7. Nahum.
The theme of the prophecy of Nahum is the fall of Nineveh.
In a noble exordium, i, 2-6, Nahum depicts the appearance of
Jehovah in judgment, and its effects upon the physical universe ;
then, after briefly commemorating, v. 7, His faithfulness towards
those who are His true servants, he proceeds to describe the fall
and irretrievable destruction destined to overtake the Assyrian
capital, vv. 8-12% and the exultation which the news of the
oppressor's fall will produce in Judah, vv. \2"~\'^} In c. 2 he
depicts in forcible and vivid language the assault upon Nineveh,
the entrance effected by her foes, the scene of carnage and
tumult in the streets, the flight of her inhabitants, the treasures
plundered by the captors, the city which hitherto had been the
home of brave intrepid warriors ("the den of lions," vv. 11-12)
deserted and silent. In c. 3 the theme of c. 2 is further
developed and confirmed. The cruelty, the avarice (z'. i), the
crafty and insidious policy (?'. 4) of the Assyrians, directed only
to secure their own aggrandisement, is the cause of Nineveh's
ruin ; and again Nahum sees in imagination the chariots and
horsemen of the victor forcing a path through the streets, and
spreading carnage as they go {vv. 2-3). For Jehovah is against
Nineveh {v. 5 f.), and in the day of her desolation none will be
there to comfort her {v. 7) : as litde will she be able to avert her
doom as was No-amon (Thebes, in Upper Egypt), in spite of the
waters that encircled her, and the countless hosts of her defenders
{vv. 8-1 1). Nineveh's fortresses will give way : her men will be
as women : in vain will she prepare herself to endure a siege :
the vast multitude of her inhabitants will vanish as locusts : amid
the rejoicings of all who have suffered at her hands the proud
empire of Nineveh will pass for ever away.
Respecting the person of Nahum nothing is known beyond the statement
ot the title that he was an Elkoshite. A place bearing the name oi Alkush,
containing a grave which is shown as that of Nahum, exists at the present
day in the neighbourhood of Mosul (the ancient Nineveh) ; but the tradition
connecting this locality with the prophet cannot be traced back beyond the
i6th cent. Far more ancient and credible is the tradition recorded by
Jerome in his commentary on Nahum, that the prophet was the native of a
^ Vv. 8-12* are addressed to the people or city of Nineveh, vv. 12''. 13 to
Judah or Jerusalem, v. 14 to Nineveh again, and v. 15 (expressly) to Judah.
NAHUxM. 315
village in Galilee, which in Jerome's time bore the name of Elkesi. If
Nahum were of Galilcean origin, certain slight peculiarities of his diction
might be explained as provincialisms.
As regards the date of Nahum's prophecy, the tei-mimis a quo is
the capture of Thebes in Egypt (alluded to in 3, 8-10) by Asshur-
banipal, shortly after 664 ; ^ the terminus ad qjie/ri, the destruc-
tion of Nineveh by the Babylonians and Medes in 607. Within
these hmits it is impossible to fix the date more precisely. On
the one hand, the freshness of the allusion to the fate of
Thebes, and the vigour of style (which resembles that of Isaiah
rather than Zephaniah's or Jeremiah's), may suggest that it
belongs to the earlier years of this period ; on the other hand, as
the fall of Nineveh is contemplated as imminent {e.g. i, 13 "And
now" &c.), and the Assyrians are represented as powerless to
avert the fate which threatens them, it may be thought to belong
to the period of the decadence of the Assyrian power, which fol-
lowed the brilliant reign of Asshurbanipal (b.c. 668-626).
It has been suggested that the immediate occasion of the prophecy may
have been the attack made upon Nineveh by Cyaxares, king of Media (Ildt.
i. 103), c. 623 B.C., which, though it proved abortive, may have turned the
prophet's thoughts towards the city, and the destiny which he saw to be in
store for it. The terms of i, 11. 13. 15. 2, \t^ end seem to point to some
recent invasion, or act of tyranny, on the part of the Assyrians, not recorded
in the historical books. The determination of the tcnuiiins a quo makes it
improbable that these verses allude to the invasion of .Sennacherib, nearly 40
years before (b.c 701) ; and, of course, altogether excludes a date immediately
after Sennacherib's retreat (adopted formerly by some commentators).
Nahum's poetry is fine. Of all the prophets he is the one who
in dignity and force approaches most nearly to Isaiah. His
descriptions are singularly picturesque and vivid (notice especially
2, 3-5. 10. 3, 2-3): his imagery is effective and striking {e.g. 2,
II f 3, 17. 18) ; the thought is always expressed compactly; the
parallelism is regular : there is no trace of that prolixity of style
which becomes soon afterwards a characteristic of the prophets of
the Chaldaean period. "The Book of Nahum is less directly
spiritual than the prophecies of Hosea, Isaiah, and Micah ; yet it
forcibly brings before us God's moral government of the world,
and the duty of trust in Him as the Avenger of wrong-doers,
the sole source of security and peace to those who love Him "
(Farrar).
^ See Sclirader, K'AT. p. 450 f.
3l6 LITERATURE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
§ 8. Habakkuk.
Habakkuk prophesied towards the beginning of the Chaldaean
supremacy. His prophecy is constructed dramatically, in the
form of a dialogue between himself and Jehovah (comp. Mic.
6 — 7; Jer. 14 — 15). The prophet begins, i, 2-4, with a cry
of despair respecting the violence and injustice which prevails
unchecked in the land. Vv. 5-1 1 Jehovah answers that the
instrument of judgment is near at hand — the Chaldeans, " that
bitter and hasty nation, which march through the breadth of
the earth to possess dwelling-places that are not theirs," whose
advance is swift and terrible, and whose attack the strongest
fortresses are powerless to resist. But the prophet is now per-
plexed by a difficulty from the opposite direction : will Jehovah,
who has ordained the power of the Chaldreans as an instrument
of judgment (comp. Is. 10, 5 f.), permit the proud, idolatrous
nation to destroy the righteous with the guilty, and in its lust of
empire to annihilate without distinction the entire people of
God? V'iK 12-17. Habakkuk places himself in imagination upon
his prophetic watch-tower (cf. Is. 21, 6), and waits expectantly
for an answer that may satisfy his " complaint," or impeachment,
touching the righteous government of God, 2, i. Jehovah's
answer, the significance of which is betokened by the terms in
which it is introduced, is this : T//e ChaldcBan is elated with pride ;
but the Just, by his faithfulness^ will be preserved alive, v. 4. It is
implied, in the terms of the oracle, that the pride of the Chaldsean
will prove in the end his ruin ; and this the prophet, after dwell-
ing somewhat more fully {v. 5) on the ambitious aims of the
Chaldsean, develops at length, vv. 6-20, in the form of a taunt-
ing proverb (^"'d), which he imagines the nations to take up
against him in the day of his fall. The "proverb" consists of a
series of five " Woes " (cf. Is. 5, 8 fif.), directed in succession against
the rapacious violence of the Chald^eans, the suicidal policy
pursued by them in establishing their dominion, the dishonesty
and cruelty by which the magnificence of their cities was main-
tained, the barbarous delight with which they reduced to a state
of helplessness the nations that fell under their swa}-, their gross
and insensate idolatry. At the close of the last strophe the
^ I.e. moral steadfastness and integrity ; see 2 Ki. 12, 16 ; Jer. 5, i. 9, 3.
HABAKKUK. 317
prophet passes by contrast from the contemplation of the dumb
and helpless idol to the thought of the living God, enthroned on
high, before Whom the earth must stand in awe.
C. 3 consists of a lyric ode, which, for sublimity of poetic
conception and splendour of diction, ranks with the finest (Ex.
155 J"d. 5) which Hebrew poetry has produced. In this ode
the prophet represents God as appearing Himself in judgment,
and executing vengeance on His nation's foes. The opening
invocation (v. 2) attaches to the promise of 2, 4 : the " report "
is the message of judgment which is implied in that verse, and
expressed more distinctly in the verses that follow. The prophet
longs to see the work of judgment completed, yet prays that
Jehovah in wrath will remember mercy. Vz'. 3-7 depict the
theophany and its effects. God approaches — as Dt. 33, 2. Jud.
5, 4 — from the direction of Edom (Teman : cf. Jer. 49, 20): the
light of His appearing illumines the heavens ; the earth quakes,
and nations flee in consternation. Vv. 8-15 the prophet states
the motive of the theophany. Was Jehovah, he poetically asks,
wroth with seas or rivers, that He thus came forth riding in His
chariots of salvation ? and once again he depicts, in majestic
imagery, the progress of Jehovah through the earth, iw. 8-12.
The answer to the inquiry follows, v. 13 f. : Jehovah's appearance
was for the salvation of His people, to annihilate those who
sought to scatter it, and whose delight it was to destroy insidi-
ously the helpless people of God. The poet closes, vv. 16-19,
by describing the effect which the contemplation of Jehovah's
approaching manifestation produced in his own heart : suspense
and fear on the one side, but on the other a calm and joyous
confidence in the God who, he is persuaded, will ensure His
people's salvation.
The precise date of Habakkuk's prophecy is difficult to fix.
From the terms of the description in i, 7-10. 15 f. 2, (i° ff., he
seems to be writing at a time when the character and aims of the
Chaldseans were becoming patent, and conquests (2, 8^) had
already been gained by them ; but before their movements had
created alarm in Judah, so that the prophet's first declaration
respecting what they would ultimately achieve was one calculated
to be received with incredulity (i, ^ "I work a work in your
days, which ye will tiot believe though it be told you "). I'he
prophecy may be assigned with great probability to the reign of
3l8 LITERATURE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
Jehoiakim (b.c. 608-59S), though we are not sufficiently ac-
quainted with particulars as to the movements of the Chaldasans
at the time, or the attention attracted by them in Judah, to say
confidently whether it was written before or after the victory
over the Egyptians at Carchemish in 604. That victory marked
out the Chaldaeans as destined for further conquests : and its
crucial significance was at once seized by Jeremiah (p. 233).
But the tone of i, 5'' and the terms of i, 6 ("Behold, / establish
[D''PD]," &c.) appear to imply that this decisive moment in the
])rogress of the Chaldsan arms had not yet arrived : so that the
prophecy belongs probably to the years shortly preceding it,
when the growing power of Nabopolassar's empire was beginning
to manifest itself in the overthrow of Nineveh (accomplished with
the assistance of tlie Medes) in 607, and, probably, in other
successes.
Delitzsch formerly {Hab. p. xi.), and Keil, arguing that I, 8 is the source
of Jer. 4, 13. 5, 6, and 2, 20 of Zeph. i, 7 [cf. Zech. 2, 13 (Heb. 17)],
assigned the prophecy of Hab. to the early years of Josiah's reign, or even to
that of Manasseh : but the grounds for either of these dates are insufficient ;
Hab. may with equal propriety be regarded as having modelled his own
phrases on those of Jer. and Zeph. Ps. 77, 16-19 also agrees so closely with
Hab. 3, 10-15, that one of the two must be dependent upon the other : Del.
(upon internal grounds) seeks to establish the priority of the Psalm ; but it
is very doubtful if his argument is conclusive (comp. above, p. 292).
The different point of view in Hab., as compared with Jeremiah, should
be observed. "Jeremiah emphasizes throughout his j^eople's sin, and con-
sequently regards the Chald;T;ans almost exclusively as the instrument of
punishment : Habakkuk, though not blind to Judah's transgressions (I, 2-4),
is more deeply impressed by the violence and tyranny of the Chaldoeans,
and hence treats their chastisement as the first claim on Jehovah's righteous-
ness" (Kuen. § 77. 8. Comp. C\\tynt, Jeremiah, p. 133; Farrar, p. 161 AT.).
Jeremiah teaches that wickedness in God's own people is doomed :
Habakkuk declares that wickedness in the Chaldttans is doomed likewise.
§ 9. Zephaniah.
Respecting Zephaniah's personality, nothing is known beyond
what is recorded in the title to his book. He is there described
as the descendant, in the fourth generation, of " Hezekiah," and
as having prophesied during the reign of Josiah. Hezekiah is
not a very common Israelitish name ; and it is supposed by
some that the Hezekiah meant is the king of that name, so that
the prophet would be great-grandson of a brother of Manasseh.
ZEPIIANIAH, 319
From the allusions to the condition of morals and religion in
Judah in i, 4-6. 8. 9. 12. 3, 1-3. 7, it may be inferred with
tolerable certainty that the period of Josiah's reign during which
Zephaniah wrote was prior to the great reformation of his
eighteenth year (b.c. 621), in which the idolatry attacked by the
prophet was swept away (comp. e.g. i, 4. 5 with 2 Ki. 23, 4.
5. 12).
From the fact that he speaks of a " remnant of Baal " I, 4 (which implies
that in part the Baal worship had already been destroyed), it has been
inferred further that he wrote after Josiah's 12th year, in whicli, according
to 2 Ch. 34, 3, the king's measures of reform were first commenced. 1 he
LXX, however, iox ^■^\» remnant read QJ*' name (cf. Hos. 2, 17 [H. 19].
Zech. 13, 2) ; so that, if their reading be correct, this inference will fall to
the ground.
Zephaniah's propliecy may be divided into three parts : I. the
menace, c. i ; II. the admonition, 2, i — 3, 7; III. the promise,
3, 8-20.
I. C. I. Zephaniah opens his prophecy with an announcement
of destruction, conceived apparently — to judge from the univer-
sality of its terms — as embracing the entire earth, v. 2 f., but
directed in particular against the idolaters and apostates in
Judah and Jerusalem, vv. 4-6. Let the earth be silent ! for a
"Day of Jehovah" Cp. 197) is at hand, a day of sacrifice, in
which the victims are the Jewish people, and those invited to
partake in the offering are the heathen nations " sanctified " (see
I Sa. 16, 5) for the occasion, v. 7. Three classes are named as
those upon whom the judgment will light with greatest severity,
court officials, who either aped foreign fashions or were foreigners
themselves, and who were addicted to corrupti 11 and intrigue ;
the merchants resident in Jerusalem ; and Jews sunk in irreligious
indifferentism, vv. 8-13. Vv. 14-18 the prophet develops the
figure of the " Day of Jehovah," describing the darkness and
terror which are to accompany it, and the fruitlessness of the
efforts made to escape from it.
II. 2, I — 3, 7. Here Zephaniah urges his people to repent, vv.
1-3, and thus to escape the threatened doom, which will engulph,
he declares, in succession the Philistines, vv. 4-7, Moab and
Amnion, vv. 8-1 1, Ethiopia, v. 12, and even Nineveh, the proud
Assyrian capital, itself, vv. 13-15. From Nineveh the prophet
turns again to address Jerusalem, and describes afresh the sins
rampant in her, especially the sins of her judges and great men,
320 LITERATURE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
and her refusal to take warning from the example of her neigh-
bours, 3, 1-7.
III. 3, 8-20. Let the faithful in Jerusalem, then, wait patiently
until Jehovah's approaching interposition is accomplished, v. 8,
the issue of which will be that all nations will serve Him "with
one consent," and that the purged and purified "remnant of
Israel" will cleave to God in sincerity of heart, and, trusting in
Him, will dwell in safety upon their own land, vv. 9-13. With
his eye fixed on this blissful future, the prophet, in conclusion,
bids his people rejoice thankfully in the restoration of Jehovah's
favourable presence in their midst, in the removal of the reproach
and sorrow at present resting upon them, and in the honourable
position which they will then hold among the nations of the
earth, vv. 14-20.
Though Zephaniah predicts the destruction of Nineveh (2, 13-15), he
makes no allusion to the agents by which it was accomplislied, the Chal-
deans, who indeed at the time when the prophet wrote, while Asshurbanipal
was still sitting on the throne of Assyria, or had but recently (626) died, had
not yet appeared as an independent power. The early years of the reign of
Josiah coincided, however, with the great irruption of Scythian hordes into
Asia recorded by Herodotus (above, p. 237) ; and it is not impossible that the
])rophet's language, and especially his description of the approaching Day of
Jehovah, may reflect the impression which the news of these formidable
hosts, advancing in the distance and carrying desolation with them, ])ro-
duced in Jadah (comp. i, 2-3. 7>'. 13. 16. 17b, from which it appears that
Zephaniah pictures some invading foe as the agent in the coming disaster).
Some interesting remarks on the prophetic representation of Zephaniah
may be found in the Encycl. Brtt. s.v.
§ 10. Haggai.
Sixteen years had elapsed since the return of the Jewish
exiles from Babylon, and no effort — or at least no successful
effort — had been made to rebuild the national sanctuary. In the
second year of Darius (b.c. 520), the prophets Haggai and
Zechariah (cf. Ezr. 4, 24. 5, i. 2) came forward, reproaching the
people with their neglect, and exhorting them to apply them-'
selves in earnest to the task, with the result that four years
afterwards {il>. 6, 14. 15) the work was completed.
The prophecy of Haggai consists of four sections, arranged
chronologically : —
(i.) C. I. In the 2nd year of Darius, the first day of the 6th
HAGGAI. 321
month, Haggai appeals publicly to the people no longer to post-
pone the work of rebuilding the Temple : their neglect was not
due to want of means, for they had built ceiled houses for them-
selves, and it had been followed, he points out, by failure of
crops and drought, indicative of the Divine displeasure. His
words produced such an effect upon those who heard them, that
on the 24th day of the same month the people, headed by
Zerubbabel and the high priest Joshua, began the work.
(2.) 2, 1-9. On the 2ist day of the 7th month, the prophet
addresses words of encouragement to those who might have
seen the Temple of Solomon, and compared the structure now
rising from the ground unfavourably with it : the later glory of
the Temple will exceed its former glory, by reason, viz., of the
munificence of the Gentiles, who will offer of their costliest
treasures for its adornment {v. 7 RV. ; cf. Is. 60, 5'^ 1 1'') ; and
the blessing of peace is solemnly bestowed upon it.
(3.) 2, 10-19. On the 24th day of the 9th month, Haggai, by
means of replies elicited from the priests on two questions
respecting ceremonial uncleanness,^ teaches the people that, so
long as the Temple continues unbuilt, they are as men who
are unclean : their offerings are unacceptable ; and hence the late
unfruitful seasons. From the present day, however, on which
the foundation of the Temple was laid (v. 18 f), Jehovah pro-
mises to bless them.
(4.) 2, 20-23. O" the same day, Haggai encourages Zerubbabel,
the civil head of the restored community, and representative
of David's line (i Ch. 3, 19), with the assurance that in the
approaching overthrow of the thrones and kingdoms of the
heathen (cf. v. 6 f.), he will receive special tokens of the Divine
favour and protection. ^
The style of Haggai, though not devoid of force, is, compara-
tively speaking, simple and unornate. His aim was a practical
one, and he goes directly to the point. He lacks the imagina-
tion and poetical power possessed by most of the prophets ; but
his style is not that of pure prose : his thoughts, for instance,
not unfrequently shape themselves into parallel clauses such as
are usual in Hebrew poetry.
^ See the explanation of the passage in Farrar, p. 193.
^ See Jer. 22, 24 : the honourable position from which Jehoiachin is there
degraded, is here bestowed afresh upon Zerubbabe.
X
322 LITERATURE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
§ II. Zechariah.
The Book of Zechariah falls into two parts, clearly distin-
guished from each other by their contents and character, c. i — 8
and c. 9 — 14. There is no question that c. i — 8 are the work
of the Zechariah whose name they bear ; but the authorship and
date of c. 9 — 14 are disputed, and will be considered subse-
quently.
Zechariah, the son of Berechiah, the son of Iddo, prophesied,
according to i, i. 7 and 7, i, in the 2nd and 4th years of
Darius Hystaspis (b.c. 520 and 518). He was thus a contem-
porary of Haggai's, and is unquestionably identical with the
Zechariah, son of Iddo, who is named in Ezra 5, i. 6, 14 as
co-operating with Haggai in his efforts to induce the people to
prosecute the work of rebuilding the Temple.
I. C. I — 8. This part of the book consists of three distinct
prophecies : (i) i, 1-6, introductory; (2) i, 7 — c. 6; (3) c. 7 — 8.
(i.) I, 1-6. A brief but earnest exhortation to repent, which
Zechariah is directed to address to his fellow-countrymen, based
upon the consequences which their forefathers had experienced
when they neglected the warnings of the "former prophets."
The 8th month of the 2nd year of Darius would fall between the
date of Hag. 2, 1-9 and that of Hag. 2, 10-19.
(2.) I, 7 — 6, 8 (24th day of the nth month of the same year),
comprising eight symbolical visions, with an appendix, 6, 9-15,
the whole being designed for the encouragement of the Jews,
and especially of Zerubbabel and Joshua, respectively the civil
and religious heads of the community, in the work of rebuilding
the Temple. The significant features of each vision are pointed
out to the prophet by an angel.
(a) I, 8-17. The Divine chariots and horses, which are
Jehovah's messengers upon earth (i, 10^'; cf. Job i, 7), report
that there is no movement among the nations (Hag. 2, 6 f. 21 f.),
no sign of the approach of the Messianic crisis: 70 years have
passed (b.c. 586-520), and still Jerusalem lies under the Divine
displeasure ! Jehovah replies with the assurance that the Temple
shall now be rebuilt, and the prosperity of His people be no
longer delayed.
(p) I, 18-21 [Heb. 2, 1-4]. Four horns, symbolising the
ZECHARIAII. 323
nations opposed to Israel, have their strength broken by four
smiths.
(c) C. 2. An angel with a measuring hne goes forth to lay out
the site of the new Jerusalem : it is to have no walls, for its
population will be unlimited, and Jehovah will be its defence.
Judgment is about to break upon Babylon; let those still in
exile, then, hasten to escape : ere long many nations will join
themselves to Israel : already Jehovah is stirring in His holy
habitation.^
(d?) C. 3. Joshua, the high priest, appears, standing before
Jehovah, laden with the sins of the people : he is accused by
Satan, but is acquitted, and given rule over the Temple, with the
right of priestly access to Jehovah, vv. 1-5. After this he
receives the further promise of the advent of the Messiah (v. S^ :
see Jer. 23, 5. 33, 15), and the restoration of national felicity,
vv. 6-10.
((?) C. 4. The vision of the golden candlestick and the two
olive-trees, symbolising the restored community (the candlestick),
receiving its supply of Divine grace (the oil) through the two
channels of the spiritual and temporal power (the olive-branches,
V. 12, or "sons of oil," i.e. anointed ones, v. 14, viz, Joshua
and Zerubbabel), vv. 1-5. 11-14. Vti 6-10 contain an encour-
agement addressed to Zerubbabel, who, it is said, will find the
obstacles before him disappear, and, in spite of mockers (v. 10),
will himself finish the Temple which he has now begun.
(/) 5, 1-4. A roll, inscribed with curses, flies over the Holy
Land, as a token that in future the curse for crime will of itself
light upon the criminal.
(<?■) 5' 5-1 f- Israel's guilt, personified as a woman, is cast into
an ephah-measure, and, covered by its heavy lid, is transported
to Babylonia, where for the future it is to remain.
(/i) 6, 1-8. Four chariots, with variously coloured horses,
appear, for the purpose of executing God's judgments in different
quarters of the earth. That which goes northwards is charged
in particular to "quiet His spirit" (i.e. to satisfy His anger: cf.
Ez. 5, 13. 16, 42) on the north country, i.e. on Babylonia.
^ Former prophecies are here reaffirmed : see Is. 54, 2 f . 60, I8^ 19. 14, 2.
Ez. 43, 9. Is. 14, I. 66, 6. Similarly with i, 16. 17, cf. Is. 52, S'-. 9''.
58, 12 ; with 8, 4, Is. 65, 20; with 8, 7 f,, Is. 43, 5. Ez. 36, 24. 28;
with 8, 22 f., Is. 45, 14 &c.
324 LITERATURE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
6, 9-15 (historical appendix). The prophet is commanded to
take of the gold and silver which some of the exiles had sent
as offerings for the Temple, and to make therewith crowns for
the high priest Joshua : at the same time, he repeats (3, 8) the
promise of the Messiah, who will rule successfully, and complete
the building of the Temple.
Vv. 12-13 are in parts obscure, and it is possible that in z/. il the words
" upon the head of Zerubbabel, and " have fallen out after " set them," and
that " him " in v. 12 should be "them" (Ew. Hitz. Wellh.): notice the plural
"crowns" in v. ii, and also "between thein both " in v. 13, which, as it
stands, can be only very artificially explained. Vv. I2''-I3* will then relate to
Zerubbabel as a type of the Messiah (with 13* comp. the promise in 4, 9) ;
and V. 13'' "and he shall be (or as RV. marg. there shall be) a priest upon
his throne " to Joshua. For the co-ordination of the temporal and spiritual
powers in the theocracy, comp. 4, 14 ; and for a promise addressed 'ointly
to both, Jer. 33, 17-26.
(3.) C. 7 — 8 (4th day of the 9th month of the 4th year of
Darius), C. 7. Zechariah, in answer to an inquiry put to him
by the men of Beth-el, whether the fast of the 5th month
(which had been kept during the exile in memory of the destruc-
tion of the Temple, Jer. 52, 12-14) should still be observed,
declares that Jehovah demands no fasts, but only the observance
of His moral commands, which their forefathers, to their cost,
had neglected (cf Isa. 58, 3-12). In c. 8 he draws a picture of
the Messianic future, when the nation will be prosperous and
the land yield its fruit, when the fast days ^ will become seasons
of gladness, and the heathen will press forward to share the
blessings of the Jews.
II, c. 9 — 14. These chapters contain two distinct prophecies:
(i) c. 9 — II, with which, as seems probable, 13, 7-9 should be
connected; (2) 12, i — 13, 6. c. 14.
(i.) In c. 9 the prophet announces a judgment about to fall
upon Damascus, Hamath, Tyre, and Sidon, and upon the chief
cities of the Philistines in the South ; a remnant of the Philis-
tines is converted, and Jehovah encamps about His sanctuary as
a protector, vv. 1-8. The advent of the Messiah, as prince of
peace, follows, vv. 9-10; the Israelites in captivity are restored
to their own country, where Jehovah, after having enabled them
to contend successfully with their foes (the Greeks, v. 13), will
further bless and defend them, vv. 11-17.
i r. 19: see Jer. 52, 6 f . 12 14. 41, 1-3. 52, 4.
ZECHARIAH. 325
C. 10. The people are earnestly exhorted by the prophet to
trust in Jehovah, not in teraphim and diviners, through whose
baleful influence it is that they fall a prey to unworthy rulers,^
V. if. But Jehovah will remove these unworthy rulers; and
Judah, under new leaders, and in union with Ephraim, will gain
a decisive victory over its foes, vv. 3-7 ; the banished Ephraimites
will return ; and Egypt and Assyria will both be humiliated,
w. 8-12.
C. II. A storm of war bursts over the North and East of the
land, filling the people's unworthy leaders with consternation,
vv. 1-3. An allegory follows, in which the prophet, represent-
ing Jehovah, takes charge of the people, whom their own selfish
and grasping rulers had neglected and betrayed ; but they
resent his authority, so he casts them off in disdain, vv. 8-10:
when he proceeds to demand the wages for his services, they
offer him a paltry sum — the price of an ordinary slave (Ex. 21,
32), which he flings contemptuously into the treasury (RV.
marg.), after which he declares symbolically that the brother
hood between Judah and Israel is at an end, v. 14.
The people having thus openly rejected the Divine guidance,
the prophet now assumes the garb and character of a " foolish
shepherd," to represent the manner in which Jehovah will permit
them to be treated by their next ruler, v. 15 f., whose power,
however, will not be of long duration, v. 17. The (unworthy)
shepherd will be smitten by the sword, and his flock will be
dispersed : two-thirds will perish immediately ; the remainder,
purified by further trial, will constitute the faithful people of
God, 13, 7-9.
The section, 13, 7-9, where it stands, is disconnected both with what pre-
cedes and with what follows: with c. II it is evidently connected by the
similarity of the figure ; and, containing as it does a promise, it forms a suit-
able sequel to II, 15-17. The suggestion that it forms the conclusion to
c. II is due to Ewald, and has been treated as probable by many critics
(Reuss, Wellh., Stade, Cheyne, Kuenen).
The date of this prophecy is extremely difficult to determine ;
and, in fact, the internal evidence points in diff"erent directions.
On the one hand, there are indications which seem clearly to
show that the prophecy is pre-exilic. The kingdom of the ten
tribes is spoken of in terms implying that it still exists (9, 10.
* Figured as "shepherds : " see p. 327, ncle 2, at the end.
326 LITERATURE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
II, 14); Assyria and Egypt are mentioned side by side (to, 10.
11), just as in Hosea (Hos. 7, 11. 9, 3. 11, 11. 12, i); the tera-
phim and diviners in 10, i f. point to a date prior to the exile rather
than to one after it; the nations threatened in 9, 1-7 are those
prominent at the same time (cf. Am. i, 3. 6. 9). The period to
which, by those who acknowledge the force of these arguments,
c. 9 is assigned, is towards the end of the reign of Jeroboam II.,
prior to the anarchy which broke out after his death, and to
Tiglath-Pileser's conquest of Damascus in B.C. 732. C. 10 is
placed somewhat later : v. 10 presupposes — not, indeed, the exile
of the ten tribes in 722, but — the deportation of the inhabitants
of N. and N.E. Israel by Tiglath-Pileser in 734 (2 Ki. 15, 29 —
observe that the districts to be repeopled are Lebaiio7i and
Gilead) ; 11, 1-3 (somewhat earlier than c. 10) is a prediction of
the same invasion of the Assyrian king; 11, 4-17 is understood
as a symbolical description of the rejection of Jehovah by the
kingdom of the ten tribes in the troubles which followed the
death of Jeroboam 11.,^ and of His consequent abandonment of
them {v. 10; cf. 2 Ki. 15, 19. 20. 29), vik 14-17 being aimed at
the existing king of Ephraim, probably Pekah, under whom the
previously amicable relations between Israel and Judah ceased.
Upon this view, the author is an early contemporary of Isaiah,
and probably a native of the kingdom of Judah. ^
On the other hand, the prophecy also contains passages which
appear to imply a post-exilic date ; 9, 11 f. and 10, 6-9 seem to
presuppose the captivity at least of Ephraim (notice especially
" cast them off" in 10, 6) ; and in 9, 13 the Greeks are mentioned,
not as a distant, unimportant people, such as they would be in
the 8th century B.C., and even in the days of Zechariah (c. 520),
but as a zf^r/^-power, and as Israel's most formidable antagonist,
the victory over whom (which is only achieved by special Divine
aid) inaugurates the Messianic age. This position, however,
was only attained by the Greeks after the conquest of Palestine
by Alexander the Great, b.c. 332.
^ The " three shepherds" of v. 8 are supposed to be Zechariah, vShallum,
who reigned for one month, and some usurper who attempted to succeed
Shallum, but who in the britf narrative of 2 Kings is unnoticed.
2 So Abp. Newcome and others, Ewald, Bleek, Hitzig (slightly earlier),
Reuss, Orelli, Briggs {Mess. Proph. p. 183 ff.), H. Schultz {AT. Thcol. 1SS9.
p. 64), Riehm {Einl. ii. p. 156 f.).
ZECHARIAII. 327
The double nature of the allusions in this prophecy has greatly
perplexed commentators, and obliged them to resort sometimes
to forced interpretations. This is more particularly the case
with those who adopt the post-exilic date of the prophecy.
Thus Keil is obliged to assume — against analogy — that Egypt and Assyria
in 10, II are named typically ; Stade (who places the prophecy c. 300 B.C.).
that Egypt is the Egypt of the Ptolemies, and Assyria the " Syria " of the
Seleucidae, which, though (possibly) to be assumed for Ps. S3, 9, is not
probable here by the side of the mention of Ephraim, and the (pre-exilic)
teraphim (lo, 2). Both Keil and Stade again {ZATIV. 1881, pp. 27, 71)
suppose that " the three shepherds " cut off " in one month "(11,8) are the
three world-empires (or their rulers) which had successively oppressed Israel
(Babylonian, Persian, and Macedonian, or Assyrian, Babylonian, and
Persian) ; but this would be a highly unnatural application of the term shep-
herd ; and the "one month" Stade owns that he cannot explain, while Keil
offers only an artificial and improbable explanation. On the other hand, if
the reference were to some of the short-lived kings who reigned over
Ephraim after Jeroboam II., the figure used (which is applied often in the OT.
to the native rulers of Israel) would be a natural one, and the " month," even
though it should have to be taken not literally, could still be understood of some
short space of time, in a manner that would be quite intelligible. And
although other prophets, writing after the exile of the ten tribes, pictured
them as sharing in the blessings of the restoration {e.g. Jer. 31, 4ff. ), yet
passages sucli as 9, 10 ("I will cttt off the chariot from Ephraim, and the
horse from Jerusalem"), II, 14 (where the "brotherhood" between Judah
and Israel, existing at the time, is broken), especially the lattef, are very
difficult of explanation if the prophecy be of post-exilic date.^
The passages adduced by Hengstenberg, Stade, and others to show the
prophet's acquaintance with earlier prophecies (esp. those of Jeremiah and
Ezekiel)^ are of doubtful cogency ; in some cases the expressions quoted as
parallel are not so similar, or of such an exceptional character, that one must
necessarily have been borrowed from the other ; in others (if there be depend-
^ " Ephraim " must in this case be used emblematically (Del.), or archaisti-
cally (Wellh. Enc. Brit. s.v.). Whether the Messianic passage, 9, 9 f , be
really /rwr to Isaiah, and not rather a reaffirmation of Isaiah's prophecies,
may be questioned : the portrait of the Messianic King seems to be original
in Isaiah.
2 Comp. 9, 2''-4. Ez. 28, 3. 4. 8^ — 9, 5. Zeph. 2, 4. — 9, 5''-7. Am. i,
7-8.-9, 10. Mic. 5, lof— 12^ Is. 61, 7. — 10, 3. Jer. 23, 2''. Ez. 34, 17
(the he-goats). — 10, 5\ Mic. 7, 10. — 10, s** (riders on horses). Ez. 38, 15. —
10, 8\ Jer. 23, 3''. — 10, 9\ Jer. 31, 27. — io\ Hos. 11, 11. — 10''. Mic. 7,
I4^ — II, 3°. Jer. 25, 36. — 3'*. Jer. 12, 5 (the "pride of Jordan"). — 4''. Jer.
12, 3 ("flock . . . slaughter"). — 5". Jer. 50, 7°. — 11, 9. 16. Ez. 34, 4.
¥o'c the figure of the shepherd and the sheep, see also p. 257, No. i, Mic.
5, 6. Zeph. 3, 19. Ez. 34 {passim), and Is. 56, 11.
328 LITERATURE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
ence on one side or the other) it is not clear that the similarities are not due
to the dependence of the prophecies referred to upon this prophecy (comp.
the remark on p. 292).
On the other hand, the only grave obstacle to a date before
B.C. 722 is the manner in which the Greeks are mentioned in
9, 13: 9, II f. and 10, 6-9, in the light of Hos. i, 11. 11, 10. 11.
Am. 9, 14 can hardly be said to be absolutely incompatible with
such a date. T\\q predominatit character of the allusions in the
prophecy appears thus to be pre-exilic. Perhaps, under the cir-
cumstances, we may be justified in concluding (with Prof. Cheyne
and Kuenen) that the prophecy as a whole dates from the 8th
century B.C., but that it was modified in details, and accom-
modated to a later situation, by a prophet living in the post-exilic
period, when the Greeks had become formidable to the Jews, and
many Jews had been exiled among them.^
The writer is as conscious of the difficulties of this prophecy as any of those
who have discussed it before him, and is only tempted to adopt this view of it
as the one which on the whole seems to accord best with the phenomena which
it presents. Of 11, 8 it must be admitted that no interpretation has been
proposed which is not more or less arbitrary. Delitzsch {Mess. Weiss.
p. 149 ff.), who considers the prophecy, like Is. 24 — 27, to be apocalyptic,
and views its seemingly pre-exilic traits as the symbolic imagery in which
the post -exilic author clothes his eschatological thought, regards "the
three shepherds" as three representative figures, impersonating the three
classes of prophets, priests, and princes. But this interpretation is forced
and contrary to analogy, besides leaving the "month" unexplained. The
application of the prophecy to the rejection of Christ by the leaders of the
Jews does not relieve its difficulty ; the correspondence with the supposed
fulfilment remains imperfect ; and had the simultaneous destruction of "the
three shepherds" been intended by the prophet, the idiom "in one day"
(l Sa. 2, 34. Is. 10, 17, al.") rather than "in one month" would have been
the one naturally employed. The view which appears to present the least
difficulty, and which may claim at least Xho^resuniptive support of the narrative
form of the prophecy, is that it is (until v. 15 f.) a symbolical description of
events whicli had already taken place, the significance of which the prophet
by his allegory points out, but respecting which the historical sources at our
disposal are partially, perhaps even wholly, silent.
(2.) 12, I — 13, 6. In c. 12 the prophet sees an assembly of
nations, includingy^^d('(?/^, advancing against Jerusalem, 12, 1-3;
but their forces are smitten with a sudden panic, v. 4, and the
^ Josephus speaks of many Judahites taken captive to Egypt in 320 by
Ptolemy Lagi ; and Palestine shortly afterwards experienced several invasions,
viz. at the liands of Eumenes in 318, Antigonus in 315-314, Seleucus in 301
and 295, and Antiochus in 281.
ZECHARIAH. 329
chieftains of Judah, perceiving that Jehovah fights for Jerusalem,
turn their arms against the other nations, v. $ (. ; Jehovah, how-
ever, saves Judah first, in order that the capital, elated by deliver-
ance, may not triumph over it, vv. 7-9. After this, Jehovah pours
upon the inhabitants of the capital (who seem to be represented
as guilty of some murder) a " spirit of grace and supplication ; "
they mourn in consequence long and bitterly, expressing thereby
their penitence, vv. 10-14. Henceforth a fountain of purification
from sin is permanently opened (see the Heb.) in Jerusalem ;
idols are cut off; and prophets (who appear to be represented
in an unfavourable light) cease, either being repudiated by their
friends or disowning their vocation, 13, 1-6.
C. 14. Another assault upon Jerusalem is here described.
The nations this time capture the city, and half of its population
is taken into captivity, %k i f. ; Jehovah next appears in order to
rescue the remainder; He stands upon the Mount of Olives,
which is rent in sunder beneath Him, and through the chasm the
fugitives escape, vv. 3-5. Thereupon the Ivlessianic age com-
mences : two streams issue forth from Jerusalem, E. and W., to
water the land, which becomes a plain, with the exception of
Jerusalem (cf. Is. 2, 2), which is rebuilt to its former limits
(cf. Jer. 31, 38 ff), vv. 8-1 1. Vv. 12-15 the prophet reverts to
the period of v. 3 in order to describe more fully the dispersion
of the invaders, in which Judah is specially named as taking part
{v. 14 RV. Jiiarg.). The nations who escape do homage to
Israel's God, and come annually to worship Him at the Feast of
Tabernacles ; if they neglect to do this, Jehovah withholds from
them their rain, while the Egyptians (whose country was not
dependent upon rain for its fertility) are punished in another
manner, vv. 16-19; '^"d all Jerusalem is consecrated to His
service, v. 20 f.
By many critics^ this prophecy has been assigned to a prophet living
shortly before the close of tlie kingdom of Judah, under either Jehoiakim,
Jehoiachin, or Zedekiah. That the Northern kingdom no longer existed may
be inferred from the fact that though the subject of the prophecy is said
(12, l) to be Israel, Judah alone is mentioned, and is regarded as constitut-
ing the entire people of God ; the promise, too, in 14, 10, includes Geba, the
most northernly border town of Judah, but takes no notice of the territory of
the ten tribes. That, further, it was written subsequently to the death of King
^ Abp. Newcome, Knobel, Schrader, Bleek, Ewald, Riehm, Orclli.
330 LITERATURE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
Josiah at Megiddo (B.C. 609), appears from 12, 11, if it may be assumed (as
is commonly done) that by the "mourning of Hadadrimmon in the valley of
Megiddo " is meant the lamentation over the death of that king, alluded to
in 2 Ki. 23, 29 f. 2 Ch. 35, 22-25. And the mention of the " House of
David" (12, 7. 10. 12. 13, i) appears to indicate a time when Judah was
still ruled by kings. The idolatry noticed in 13, 2, and the description of
the prophets in 13, 2-6, would agree with the same date (Jer, 23, 9 ff.
&c.). The references in 12, 2 ff. 14, i ff. are supposed accordingly to
be to the approaching attack of the Chaldasans, to their capture of Jeru-
salem in 586, and to the escape, after severe trials, of a fraction of the
inhabitants.
It is doubtful whether these reasons are conclusive. The
prophecy is very different in character from the contemporary
prophecies of Zephaniah and Jeremiah (see esp. 14, 1-5); and
the passages quoted, though sufficient to make it probable that
it was written after the end of the Northern kingdom in 722 and
the death of Josiah in 609, do not show with equal clearness that
it was written before the destruction of Jerusalem in 586, The
lamentation for Josiah remained, as 2 Ch. 35, 22-25 shows, in
the memory of the people, long after the generation which
witnessed it had died out. The terms in which the " House of
David " is alluded to do not necessarily itnply that it was the
r/////?^ family, though it is true that a pre-eminence is attached to
it (12, 7. 8. 13, i): it is mentioned side by side with other
families (12, 12-14); and from i Ch. 3, 17-24. Ezr. 8, 2 we
know that the descendants of David were reckoned as a distinct
family as late as the time of the Chronicler. Other indications
favour the post-exilic date. The independent position assigned
to the " House of Levi," as a whole, beside the " House of
David," is unlike the representations of the earlier period {e.g.
those of Jeremiah, who only names the priests as a class, and
ranks them after the king's "princes," i, 18. 2, 26. 4, 9. 8, i. 13,
13 &c.); on the other hand, it would harmonise with post-exilic
relations, when the family of David was reduced in prestige,
and the tribe of Levi was consolidated. The allusions in 13,
2-6 are obscure; but prophets generally (not false prophets only)
seem to be regarded with disfavour, and we are reminded of the
age in which Sheinaiah, Noadiah, and " the rest of the prophets,"
conspired against Nchemiah (Neh. 6, 10-14). Sorcerers are
alluded to in Mai. 3, 5. One of the most remarkable features
in the prophecy is the opposition between Judah and Jerusalem
ZECHARIAH. 331
(i2, 7, cf. 14, 14^), of which there is no trace in pre-exiHc
writings, but which might arise in later times, when the central
importance of the Temple had increased, when Jews of the
Diaspora would turn their eyes naturally to Jerusalem, so that
in comparison with it the country districts might be depreciated,
and might readily be looked down upon by the inhabitants of
the capital. It is to be observed that the "House of David"
and the inhabitants of Jerusalem are repeatedly spoken of as
associated together (12, 7. 8. 13, i).
As regards the occasion of the prophecy it is impossible to do more than
speculate. It is conceivable that in the post-exilic period where our history
is a blank (B.C. 518-45S ; 432-300), the family of David assumed importance
in Jerusalem, and supplied some of the leading judges and administrators,
and that they had been implicated with the people of the capital in some
deed of blood (12, 10-14), on the ground of which the prophet depicts
Jehovah's appearance in judgment. In the heathen invaders of 12, 2 ff. 14, 2 f.
he perhaps has not in view any actual expected foe, but pictures an imaginary
assault of nations, like Ezekiel (c. 3S — 39'-), from which he represents
Jerusalem, though not without severe losses, as delivered. In other
features also the prophecy appears to be one of those (cf. Is. 24-27) in which
not merely the fguralive, but the imaginative element is larger than is
generally the case, especially in the pre-exilic prophets. But even when
allowance has been made for this, many details in the prophecy remain
perplexing ; and probably no entirely satisfactory explanation of it is now
attainable.^
That the author of Zech. i — 8 should be also the author of
either c. 9 — 11 or c. 11 — 14 is hardly possible. Zechariah uses a
different phraseology, evinces different interests, and moves in a
different circle of ideas from those which prevail in c. 9 — 14.
Thus Zech. is peculiarly fond of the confirmatory formula, "Thus saith the
Lord" (i, 3. 4. 14. 16. 17. 2, 8. 3, 7. 6, 12 &c.); "came the word of the
Lord unto ..." I, 7. 4, 8. 6, 9. 7, i. 4. 8. 8, I. 18; in c. 9—14 we have
the former only in 11, 4, the latter not at all: the parenthetic "Saith the
1 In 12, 2 it may be assumed that Judah fights against Jerusalem by com-
pulsion ; cf. vv. 4". 5. 6.
"Traits suggested by earlier prophecies are perhaps: 12, i. Is. 51, 13. —
2 (the cup of reeling). Is. 51, 22.-4. Dt. 28, 28.— 6\ 14, \\°. Joel 3, 20.—
9. Ez. 39, 4-24.— 13, I. Ez. 36, 25.-2. Hos. 2, 17. — 14, 5. Am. i, i.— 6.
7. 9. Is. 24, 23.-8. Ez. 47, I ff. Joel 3, i8\— 10. Jer. 31, 38f. — 11. Jer. 25,
9. Is. 43, 28 (the herein or " ban "). — 12. 13. Ez. 38, 21. 22\— 16. Is. 66, 23.
— 20f. Jer. 31, 40. Joel 3, 17.
3 The post-exilic date of c. 12 — 14 is accepted by most critics, except those
named p. 329, note.
332 LITERATURE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
Lord," is also much more frequent in c. i— 8 than in c. 9 — 14 ; on the other
hand, "in that day," which is specially frequent in c. 12 — 14 (12, 3. 4. 6.
8 Ins. 9. ir. 13, I. 2. 4 his. 14, 4. 6. 8. 9. 13. 20. 21), occurs thrice only in
c. I — 8 (2, II. 3, 10. 6, 10), and only twice in c. 9 — 11 (9, 16. 11.. 11). In
c. 9 — 14 (except in the narrative part of c. 11) poetic imagery and form
prevail (the verses, as in the prophets generally, being composed largely of
parallel clauses) : in c. I — 8 the style is unpoetical, and parallelism is un-
common.
That c. I — 8 consists largely of visions, of which there are
none in c. 9 — 14, might not itself be incompatible with identity
of author (cf. Am. i — 7 and 8 — 9) ; but the dominant ideas and
representations of c. i — 8 are very different from those of either
c. 9 — II or c. 12 — 14. In c. i — 8, the lifetime of the author
and the objects of his interest — the Temple and the affairs of
the restored community — are very manifest ; but the circum-
stances and interests of the author, whether of c. 9 — 11 or of c.
12 — 14, whatever obscurity may hang over particular passages,
are certainly very different. Zechariah's pictures of the Messiah
and the Messianic age are coloured quite differently from those
of c. 9 — II or c. 12 — 14 (contrast 3, 8. 6, 12 f. with 9, 9 f, and
c. 8 with the representation in c. 14) : the prospects of the nation
are also represented differently (contrast i, 21. 2, 8-1 1. 8, 7 f. with
12, 2 ff. 14, 2 f ; and observe that in c. 12 — 14 the return of
Jewifih exiles is not one of the events which the prophet looks
forwnrd to).
Similarities between c. i — 8 and c. 9—14 are few, and insignificant as
compared with the features of difference. The only noteworthy one is the
phrase 3L"?D1 inyn, 7, I4- 9> 8 (but see Ez. 35, 7) ; -\^-y^r\ = to remove 3, 4.
13, 2 (in different connexions) occurs too often to be characteristic of a
single writer (2Sa. 12, 13. 24, 10. Job 7, 21 : i Ki. 15. 12. 2 Ch. 15, 8. Eccl.
II, 10) ; " daughter of Zion," 2, 10. 9, 9, is used constantly by the prophets ;
and when Keil remarks that the designation of the theocracy as the house of
Judah and Israel (or Ephraim or Joseph) occurs both in i, 12. 19. 2, 12. 8,
13 and in 9, 13. 10, 6. 11, 14, he omits to point out that "Ephraim" and
"Joseph" do not occur at all in c. I — 8, that in i, 12. 2, 12 only Judah and
Jerusalem are named ; and that in i, 19. 8, 13 the allusion is to Israel
scattered among the nations, not as in 9, 10. 11, 14 to a still existing
kingdom.
The position of c. 9 — 11. 12 — 14 is probably to be attributed
to the compiler who united the writings of the "Minor Prophets"
into a volume.
MALACIII. 333
This appears to follow from a comparison of the titles to Zech. 9 — 11.
12 — 14 and Malachi. We have, namely —
Zech. 9, I i-inn ps3 nin'' -im xtJ>D
12, 1 ^s-lt^"' bv ^1^'' "im xl*'d
Mai. I, I ^xi::''' bx nin"' nan ncd
As the combination niil' ~I3"I Xt^*Q is a little remarkable, and does not
occur besides, it is natural to seek some common explanation for the similarity
of the three titles. In 9, i, now, these words form an integral part of the
sentence that follows ; in the other two cases they belong entirely to the
title. It is a plausible conjecture therefore that the three prophecies now
known as "Zech." 9 — II. 12 — 14 and "Malachi" coming to the compiler's
hands with no authors' names prefixed, he attached the first of these at the
point which his volume had reached, viz. the end of Zech. 8, arranging the
other two so as to follow this, and framing titles for them (Zech. 12, i and
Mai. I, i) on the model of the opening words of Zech. 9, i.
§ 12. Malachi.
The prophecy of Malachi may be divided for convenience into
six parts or paragraphs.
(i.) T, 2-5 (Exordium). The love of Jehovah towards Israel
(which was questioned by some of Malachi's contemporaries) is
manifest in the contrasted lots of Israel and Edom : in vain may
Esau's descendants expect a restoration of their ruined country.
(2.) I, 6 — 2, 9. Israel, however, is unmindful of this love, and
does not render to Jehovah the honour and reverence which are
His due. Especially the priests are neglectful of their duties,
allowing inferior or unclean offerings to be presented upon the
altar : the service of Jehovah is in consequence brought into
contempt, for which they are threatened, 2, 1-9, with condign
punishment : Jehovah will send a curse upon them, and make
them contemptible before all the people.
(3.) 2, 10-16. A denunciation of those who had divorced their
own wives and contracted marriages with foreign women.
(4.) 2, 17 — 3, 6. To those who questioned the Divine govern-
ment of the world, and argued that righteousness secured no
greater favour in God's sight than unrighteousness, the prophet
announces the approach of a day of judgment, when Jehovah
will appear "suddenly" for the purpose of purifying His un-
worthy priests, besides declaring Himself as a " swift witness "
against the guilty members of His nation generally.
334 LITERATURE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
(5.) 3, 7-12. The neglect of the people in paying tithes and
other dues has been visited by Jehovah with drought, locusts,
and failure of crops ; but a blessing is promised upon the land
if in the future these obligations are conscientiously discharged.
(6.) 3, 13 — 4, 6. The people complain that "it is vain to serve
God ; " no distinction is made between the evil and the good :
the day is coming, replies the prophet, when Jehovah will own
those that are His, and silence the murmurers, 3, 13-18: the
workers of wickedness will be punished, and the righteous
triumph over their fall, 4, 1-3. The prophecy concludes with
an exhortation to obey the requirements of the Mosaic Law, and
with a promise of the advent of Elijah the prophet, to move
the people to repentance against the day of Jehovah, and thus
to avert, or mitigate, the curse which otherwise must smite the
earth, 4, 4-6.
Respecting the person of Malachi nothing is known. The name does not
occur elsewhere ; and it has even been questioned whether it be the personal
name of the prophet. Already the LXX have strangely, in i, i, iv x'-'p"' ayyixou
a.lToZ{i.e. "|DX??3 for 13x^0) ; and the Targum has, "by the hand of Malachi
[or, of my messenger], ivhose name is called Ezra the scribe. '" The same
tradition is mentioned by Jerome (who accepts it) and other writers But had
Ezra been the author of the prophecy, it is difficult to think that his author-
ship would have been thus concealed. From the similarity of the title, in
form, to Zech. 9, i. 12, I, it is probable (p. 333) that it was framed by the
compiler of the volume of the twelve prophets ; and this, taken in conjunction
with the somewhat prominent recurrence of the same word in 3, i, has led
some modern scholars to the conjecture that the prophecy, when it came to the
compiler's hands, had no author's name prefixed, and that he derived the name
from 3, I, "I^XPD being there understood by him either as an actual designa-
tion of the author, or as a term descriptive of his office, and so capable of
being applied to him symbolically (Ewald, Kuenen, Reuss, Stade).
It is evident that the prophecy of Malachi belongs to the
period after the Captivity, when Judah was a Persian province
("thy governor''' '\r\r\^ i, 8: cf. Hag. i, i. Neh. 5, 14. 12, 16
&c.), when the Temj)le had been rebuilt (i, 10. 3, i), and public
worship was again carried on in it. The three abuses which
he mainly attacks are the degeneracy of the priesthood, inter-
marriage with foreign women, and the remissness of the people
in the payment of sacred dues. These abuses, especially the
second and third, are mentioned prominently in the memoirs of
Ezra and jSTehcmiah, and are what those reformers set them-
MALACHI. 335
selves strenuously to correct (see Ezra 9, 2. 10, 3. 16-44. Neh.
10, 30. 32 ff. 13, 4 ff. 15 tT. 23 ff. 28 f.). It may reasonably be
inferred therefore that the prophecy dates from the age of Ezra
and Nehemiah.
The only question open is whether its author wrote before the arrival of
Ezra in Judah, B.C. 45S (Herzfeld, Bleek, Reuss, Stade), or somewhat later,
viz. either shortly before or during Nehemiah's second visit there (Neh. 13,
6fif. ), B.C. 432 (Schrader, Kohler, Keil, Orelli, Ivuenen). On the whole,
the period of Nehemiah's absence at the Persian Court is the most probable :
the terms of i, 8 make it a little unlikely that Nehemiah himself was " gover-
nor" at the time when Malachi wrote.
The situation in Judah at the time when Malachi prophesied
was one of depression and discontent. The expectations which
earlier prophets had aroused had not been fulfilled ; the restora-
tion from Babylon had brought with it none of the ideal glories
promised by the second Isaiah : bad harvests increased the dis-
appointment : hence many among the people began to doubt
the Divine justice ; Jehovah, they argued, could no longer be the
Holy God, for He was heedless of His people's necessity, and
permitted sin to continue unpunished ; to what purpose, there-
fore, should they concern themselves with His service ? A spirit
of religious indifference and moral laxity began thus to prevail
among the people. The same temper appears even among the
priests : they perform their offices perfunctorily ; they express
by their actions, if not by their words, their contempt for the
service in which they are engaged. And the mixed marriages
which were now the fashion threatened to obliterate altogether
the distinctive character of the nation. Malachi seeks to recall
his people to religious and moral earnestness : he insists on the
importance of maintaining the purity of the public worship of
God, and the distinctive character of the nation. His book is
remarkable among the writings of the prophets on account of the
interest which it evinces in ritual observances, and the grave light
in which it views ritual laxity. The explanation is to be found
in tne circumstances of the time. Israel's preservation as the
people of God could only be effectually secured by a strict
observance of the ceremonial obligations laid upon it, and by its
holding firmly aloof from the disintegrating influences to which
unrestricted intercourse with its neighbours would inevitably
expose it. Malachi judged the times as the reformers Ezra and
Nehemiah judged them. But he is no formalist; his book
336 LITERATURE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
breathes the genuhie prophetic spirit : ceremonial observances
are of value in his eyes only as securing spiritual service ; moral
offences are warmly reprobated by him (3, 5) ; and from the
thought of the brotherhood of all Israelites, under one Father,
he deduces the social duties which they owe to one another, and
the wrongfulness of the selfish system of divorce prevalent in
his day.
The style of Malachi is more prosaic than that of the prophets
generally : he has several peculiarities of expression (Kohler, p.
26); and his diction betrays marks of lateness, though not so
numerous or pronounced as Esther, Chronicles, and Ecclesiastes.^
He adopts also a novel literary form : first he states briefly the
truth which he desires to enforce, then follows the contradiction
or objection which it is supposed to provoke, finally there comes
the prophet's reply, reasserting and substantiating his original
proposition (i, 2 f. 6 ff. 2, 13 f. 17. 3, 7. 8. 13 ff.). Thus "in
place of the rhetorical development of a subject, usual with the
earlier prophets, there appears in Malachi a dialectic treatment
by means of question and answer. We have here the first
traces of that method of exposition which, in the schools that
arose about this time, became ultimately the prevalent one"
(Kohler, p. 26, after Ewald).
' Eg- ^XJ fo defile, i, 7. 12 ; TJ'X "'M 2, 9 ; and the inelegant syntax of
2, 13, which is quite in the style of the Chronicler.
CHAPTER VII.
THE PSALMS.
Literature. — H. Ewakl in the Dichter des AB.s (ed. 2), 1866 (trans-
lated) ; Justus Olshausen (in the Kgf. Exeg. Handh.), 1853; II. Hupfeld,
Die Pss. iibers. u. ausgelegt, 1855-62, ed. 3, revised by W. Nowack, 1888 ;
F. Hitzig, Die Fss. ilhers. it. ausgekgt, 1863, 1865 ; F. Delitzsch (in the
Bibl. Commentar), 1867, (ed. 4) 18S3 (translated : Hodder & Stoughton,
1S87-9) ; J. J. S. Perowne, The Book of Fs a bus: a new transl. with Introd. and
Notes, 1864-68, (ed. 6) 1886 ; W. Kay, 77ie Psalms with Notes, ed. 2, 1874 ;
R. W. Church (Dean of St. Paul's) in The Gifts of Civilisation, 1880, p.
391 ff. ; H. Gratz, Kriiischer Komrn. zn den Psabnen, 1S82-3 (alters the text
much too freely) ; T. K. Cheyne, The Book of Psalms (translation, with
short notes), in the " Parchment Lilirary," 1884 ; The Book of Psalms, oj- the
Praises of Israel: a new translation 'with Commentary, 1SS8 (on the te.xt, see
esp. pp. 369-406, with the references) ; Tlie Historical Origin and Religious
Ideas of the Psalter (being the " Bampton Lectures" for 1889), 1S91 ; and in
the Expositor, Aug. 1889-Jan. 1890 (Ps. 8. 16. 86. 87. 24. 26 and 28), 1890
March (Ps. 113-11S), July (Ps. 63), Sept. (Ps. 68). See also Lagarde,
Orientalia, ii. (18S0) p. 13 ff. ; W. R. Smith, O'/JC. Lect. vii., and art.
" Psalms" in the Encycl. Brit. (1S86) ; M. Kopf>tein, Die Asaph-Pss. ttnter-
sucht, 1881 ; A. Neubauer, On the Titles of the Psalms according to early
Jewish Authorities, in Stitdia Biblica, ii. p. i ff. (Oxford 1890).
The Book of Psalms (in most German MSS.,^ which are fol-
lowed in the printed editions of the Hebrew Bible) opens the
third division of the Hebrew Canon, the D''n^n3, or w/iiings
(also sometimes tj'npn ''nnD, ' Ay Loypacfia).
Hebrew Poetry."- — Hebrew poetry reaches back to the most
^ In Spanish MSS., as in Massoretic lists, it is preceded by Chronicles.
- See Rob. Lowlh, De sacra poesi Hebr(Tontm pralectiones academi:a (Oxon.
1753 ; transl. by G. Gregory 1847) ; J. G. von Herder, Voin Geist der Ebr.
Poesie, 1782-3, ed. 3, by K. W. Justi, 1825; II. Ewald, Die Dichter des
AB.s, i. I (" Aligemeines uber die hebr. Dichtkunst, und iiber das
Psalmenbuch ; " only pp. 239-292, 209-233 translated, in the translation of
the Psalms, i. p. i ff., ii. p. 328 ff.) ; Kuenen, Onderzoek (ed. i), 1865, vol. iii.
p. I ff., with the references.
Y
S3^ LITERATURE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
ancient recollections of the Israelites (Gen. 49. Nu. 21, 17 f.
27-30. Jud. 5 &c.) ; probably, as with other nations, it was the
form in which their earliest literary etTorts found expression.
Many poetical pieces are preserved in the historical books ; and
the Books of Psalms, Proverbs, Job (the Dialogue), Song of
Songs, and Lamentations are entirely poetical. The line between
poetry and elevated prose being, moreover, less sharply drawn
in Hebrew than in Western languages, the prophets not un-
frequently rise into a lyric or elegiac strain ; and even the author
of Ecclesiastes is led sometimes, by the moralizing character of
his discourse, to cast his thoughts into the form of gnomic poetry.
Of the two forms of poetry in which the greatest masterpieces
of the Aryan races have been cast, the epos and the drama, the
former is entirely unrepresented in Hebrew literature, the latter
is represented only in a rudimentary and imperfect form. As
will be shown in its proper place, the Song of Songs is of the
nature of a drama ; and the Book of Job may be styled a dramatic
poem. But the genius of the ancient Israelite was pre-eminently
subjective; the Hebrew poet did not readily accommodate him-
self to the exhibition, in a poetical form, of the thoughts and
emotions of others, such as the epos and the drama both require ;
it was his own thoughts and emotions for which he sought
spontaneously to find forms of expression. Hence Hebrew
poetry is almost exclusively lyric and gnomic.
In lyric poetry, the poet gives vent to his personal emotions or
experiences — his joys or sorrows, his cares or complaints, his
aspirations or his despair ; or he reproduces in words the impres-
sions which nature or history may have made upon him. The
character of lyric poetry, it is evident, may vary widely according
to the subject, and according to the circumstances and mood of
the poet himself. Gnojiiic poetry consists of observations on
human life and society, or generalizations respecting conduct and
character. But the line between these two forms cannot always
be drawn strictly : lyric poetry, for instance, may assume a
parenetic tone, giving rise to an intermediate form which may be
called didactic {e.g. Ps. 15. 25. 37 ; Pr. i — 9); or again, a poem
which is, on the whole, didactic may rise in parts into a lyric
strain (Job 29 — 31, 38 — 39; Pr. 8, 12 ff.).
Most of the Hebrew poetry that has been preserved is of a religious type :
but poetry is the expression of a national character ; and no doubt other
HEBREW POETRY. 339
sides of the national life— ^.?-. deeds of warriors, incidents of domestic interest,
love, wine, marriages, and deaths— were fully represented in it. Examples
of poems, or poetic sayings, in the OT. of a purely secular character are
Gen. 4, 23 f. (Lamech's song of triumph over the invention of metal
weapons). Nu. 21, 17 f. 27-30. Jud. 15, 16. i Sa. iS, 7, and even David's
two elegies, 2 Sa. i, 19-27. 3, 33 f. Allusions to songs accompanying
banquets or other festal occasions occur in Gen. 31, 27. 2 Sa. 19, 35. Am.
6, 5. Is. 5, 12. 16, 10. 24, 9. Job 21, 12. Ps. 69, 12 (cf. Job 30, 9. Lam.
3, 14. 63). 78, 63. Lam. 5, 14. Eccl. 2, 8: cf. also Is. 23, 16. Jer. 38, 22\
Poetry is distinguished from prose partly by the character of
the thoughts of which it is the exponent,— which in Hebrew
poetry, as a rule, either express or spring out of an emotion,—
partly by its diction (the choice and order of words), but especi-
ally by its rJiythin. The onward movement of emotion is not
entirely irregular or unrestrained ; it is checked, or interrupted, at
particular intervals ; and the flow of thought has to accommodate
itself in a certain degree to these recurring interruptions ; in other
words, it is divided into lines. In most Western poetry these
lines have a definite metre or measure : they consist, viz.,
of a fixed number of syllables (or of "feet"): in some cases
all the lines of a poem being of the same length, in other
cases lines of different length alternating, according to certain
prescribed rules. To the modern ear, also, the satisfaction which
the recurrence of lines of equable length produces, is often
enhanced by that assonance of the corresponding lines which
we term rhyme. But in ancient Hebrew poetry, though there
was always rhythm, there was (so far as has yet been discovered)
no metre ^ in the strict sense of the term ; and rhyme appears
^ On the attempts that have been made to discover metre (strictly so called)
in the OT., see the study of C. Budde in the StJtd. ii. Krit. 1S74, p. 747 ff.,
and in the Theol. Liizt. 1888, col. 3. The cleverest of these attempts is that
of G. Bickell in his Carniina Vd. Test, vietrice (1882), where the poems of
the OT. are transliterated in metrical forms analogous to those used by the
Syriac poets (Ephrem, iv:c. ). But the alterations in the text, and the metrical
licences, which are necessary for Bickell's system, form a serious objection to it.
At the same time, it is probable that in his search for a metre he has in
reality been guided by a sense of rhythm, which has enabled him to discover
imperfections due to corruption of the text. Prof. Briggs' system {Biblical
Study, p. 279 ft'.; Hcbraica, 18S7, p. 161 ff., 1888, p. 201 ff. ; comp. Yx.
Brown, yw/r«. of Bibl. Lit. 1890, p. 71 ff.)isnot one of strict metre, but
of measurement by accents or rhythmical beats, the "foot" not necessarily
consisting of the same number of syllables. The principle of Jul. Ley,
Leitfaden der Metrik dcr Heb. Pocsic (1887), is similar. Apart from con-
340 LITERATURE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
to have been as accidental as it was with the classical Latin
poets. The poetical instincts of the Hebrews appear to have
been satisfied by the adoption of lines of approximately the
same length,^ which were combined, as a rule, into groups of
two, three, or four lines, constituting verses, the verses marking
usually more distinct pauses in the progress of the thought
than the separate lines. The fundamental (and predominant)
form of the Hebrew verse is the couplet of two lines, the second
line either repeating, or in some other way reinforcing or com-
pleting, the thought of the first. In the verse of two lines is
exemplified also the principle which most widely regulates the
form of Hebrew poetry, the parallelismiis tiieinbroriiin — the
parallelism of two clauses of approximately the same length, the
second clause answering, or otherwise completing, the thought of
the first. The Hebrew verse does not, however, consist uniformly
of two lines ; the addition of a third line is apt especially to
introduce an element of irregularity : so that the parallelismus
ineml>ro7'um, though an important canon of Hebrew poetry, is
not the sole principle by which its form is determined.
The significance in Hebrew poetry of the parallelism of clauses
was first perceived by Rob. Lowth, who thus distinguished its
principal varieties : —
I. Synonymous parallelism. In this kind (which is the most frequent) the
second line enforces the thought of the first by repeating, and, as it were,
echoing it in a varied form, producing an effect at once grateful to the ear
and satisfying to the mind : as —
Nu. 23, 8 How shall I curse, whom God hath not cursed?
And how shall I defy, whom the Lord hath not defied?
Or the second line expresses a thought not indeed identical with that of the
first, but parallel and similar to it —
Josh. 10, 12 Sun, stand thou still upon Gibeon ;
And thou, Moon, upon the valley of Aijalon.
jecture, metre is only kmnvtt to have been introduced into Hebrew poetry
by the Jewish poets of the Middle Ages, in imitation of Arabic poetry.
(Hickell's Carmina should be supplemented by his short papers in the
Innsbruck Z. fur Kathol. Thcol. 1885, p. 717 ff. ; 1886, p. 205 ft"., 355 ff.,
546 ff., 560 ff. ; and his " Kritische Bearbeilung der Proverbien " in the
Wiener Ztschr. fiir die Kitndc dcs Morgenlandes, v. 79 ff". ).
^ And approximately, also, each complete in iiself, or coinciding with a
pause in the thought, — another point of difference from Western poetry, in
which the thought may generally move on continuously through two or more.
HEBREW POETRY. 34 1
2. Antithetic parallelism. Here the thought of the first line is emphasized,
or confirmed, by a contrasted thought expressed in the second. Thus —
Pr. 10, I A wise son maketh a glad father,
lUit a foolish son is the heaviness of his mother.
Ps. I, 6 For the Lord knoweth the way of the righteous;
But the way of the wicked shall perish.
This kind of parallelism is most frequent in gnomic poetry, where, from the
nature of the subject-matter, antithetic truths are often contrasted.
3. Synthetic or constructive parallelism. Here the second line contains
neither a repetition nor a contrast to the thought of the first, but in different
ways supplements or completes it. The parallelism, therefore, is merely of
form, and does not extend to the thought at all. E.g. —
Ps. 2, 6 Yet I have set my king
Upon Zion, my holy hill.
Pr. 15, 17 Better is a dinner of herbs where love is,
Than a stalled ox and hatred therewith.
26, 4 Answer not a fool according to his folly.
Lest thou also be like unto him.
27, 8 As a bird that wandereth from her nest,
So is a man that wandereth from his place.
A comparison, a reason, a consequence, a motive, often constitutes one of the
lines in a synthetic parallelism.
4. A fourth kind of parallelism, though of rare occurrence, is still suffici-
ently marked to be noticed by the side of those described by Lowth, viz.
climactic parallelism (sometimes called "ascending rhythm "). Here the first
line is itself incomplete, and the second line takes up words from it and
completes them — ■
Ps. 29, I Give unto the Lord, O ye sons of the mighty.
Give unto the Lord^/c>;^ and strength.
8 The voice of the Lord shaketh the wilderness ;
The Lord shaketh the wilderness of Kadcsh.
Ex. 15, 16'' Till thy people pass over, O Lord,
Till the people pass over, ivhich thou hast purchased.
This kind of rhythm is all but peculiar to the most elevated poetry : see
Jud. 5, 4^ 7. I9'\ 23''. Ps. 29, 5. 96, 13. Is. 24, 15 (Cheyne). There is
something analogous to it, though much less forcible and distinct, in some of
the " Songs of Ascents " (Ps. 121-134), where a somewhat emphatic word is
repeated from one verse (or line) in the next, as Ps. 121, i*". 2" (help) ; 3\
4; 4\ 5"; 7. 8"; 122, 2''. 3" &c.
By far the greater number of verses in the poetry of the OT.
consist of distichs of one or other of the types that have been
illustrated ; though naturally every individual hne is not con-
structed with the regularity of the examples selected (which,
342 LITERATURE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
indeed, especially in a long poem, would tend to monotony).
The following are the other principal forms of the Hebrew
verse : —
1. Single lines, or vwnoslkhs. These are found but rarely, being gener-
ally used to express a thought with some emphasis at the beginning, or
occasionally at the end, of a poem : Ts. i6, i. iS, i. 23, i. 66, i ; Ex.
15. 18.
2. Verses of three lines, or tristichs. Here different types arise, accordmg
to the relation in which the several lines stand to one another. Sometimes.
for instance, the three lines are synonymous, as —
Ps. 5, II But let all those that put their trust in thee rejoice.
Let them ever shout for joy, because thou defendest them :
And let them that love thy name be joyful in thee.
Sometimes a and b are parallel in thought, and c completes it —
Ps. 2, 2 The kings of the earth set themselves.
And the rulers take counsel together,
Against Jehovah, and against his anointed.
Or b and c are parallel —
Ps. 3, 7 Arise, Jehovah ; save me, O my God :
For thou hast smitten all mine enemies upon the cheek-bone;
Thou hast broken the teeth of the wicked.
Or a and c may be parallel, and b be of the nature of a parenthesis—
Ps. 4, 2 Answer me, when I call, O God of my righteousness ;
Thou hast set me at large when I was in distress :
Have mercy upon me, and hear my prayer.
3. Tetrastichs. Here generally a is parallel to b, and c is parallel to d ;
but the thought is only complete when the two couplets are combined ; thus—
Gen. 49, 7 Cursed be their anger, for it was fierce;
And their wrath, for it was cruel:
I will divide them in Jacob,
And scatter them in Israel.
So Dt. 32, 21. 30. 38. 41. Is. 49, 4. 59, 3- 4 &c.
Sometimes, however, a is parallel to c, and b to d—
Ps. 55, 21 His mouth was smooth as butter,
But his heart was war ;
Ullis words were softer than oil,
Yet were they drawn swords.
So Ps. 40, 14. 127, I. Dt. 32, 42. Is. 30, 16. 44, 5. 49, 2.
Occasionally a corresponds to d, and b to c ; this is called technically
"2«^/-06wY^a'parallelism,"but is of rare occurrence ; see Pr. 23, 15 f Is. 11, 13
(Cheyne). 59, 8.
HEBREW POETRY. 343
Or a, b, c are parallel, but d is more or less independent —
Ps. I, 3 And he is as a tree planted by streams of water,
That bringeth forth its fruit in its season,
And whose leaf doth not wither :
And whatsoever he doeth he maketh to prosper.
Or a is independent, and /', c, ^/ are parallel —
Pr. 24, 12 If thou sayest, Behold, we knew not this ; ■
Doth not he that weigheth the hearts consider it?
And he that keepeth thy soul, doth not he know it ?
And shall not he render to every man according to his work ?
Or it may even happen that the four members stand in no determinate
relation to one another ; see e.g. Ps. 40, 17.
4. and 5. Verses of 5 lines {pnitastic/is) occur but seldom in the OT., and
those of six lines [hexastichs) are still rarer ; see for the former, Nu. 24, S.
Dt. 32, 14. 39. I Sa. 2, 10. Ps. 39, 12. Cant. 3, 4; for the latter, Nu. 24,
17. I Sa. 2, 8. Cant. 4, 8. Hab. 3, 17 (three distichs, closely united).
The finest and most perfect specimens of Hebrew poetry
are, as a rule, those in which the parallehsm is most complete
(synonymous distichs and tetrastichs), varied by an occasional
tristich (^.^^. Job 28. 29 — 31. 38—39. Ps. 18. 29. 104. Pr. 8,
12 ff. ; and in a quieter strain, Ps. 51. 81. 91. 103 &:c.).
Upon an average, the lines of Hebrew poetry consist of 7 or
8 syllables ; but (so far as appears) there is no rule on the
subject ; lines may be longer or shorter, as the poet may desire ;
nor is there any necessity that the lines composing a verse should
all be of the sarne length.^ In Job and Proverbs lines of
approximately the same length are of more frequent occurrence
than in the Psalms ; and the didactic and historical psalms are
more regular in structure than those which are of a more emotional
character. Where the line is much longer than 7-8 syllables, it
is commonly divided by a casitra (comp. Ps. 19, 7-9 ; Ps. 119) :
on the use of this form of line in the elegiac poetry of the Hebrews,
see below, under Lamentations.
The prophets, though their diction is usually an elevated prose,
manifest a strong tendency to enforce and emphasize their
thought by casting it, more or less completely, into the form
of parallel clauses {e.g. Is. i, 2. 3. 10. 18. 19. 20. 27. 29 &c. ;
13, 10. II. 12. 13 &c. ; Am. 6, i. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7 Sic).
And sometimes they adopt a distinctly lyrical strain', as Is. 43,
^ Sometimes an exceptionally short line appears to be chosen for emphasis,
Job 14, 4" (inN n!?). Ps. 49, 15b ("jnp^ ^-2). 99. 3"- 5'-
344 LITERATURE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
io-i_'. 44, 23. 45, 8. But with the prophets the lines are very
commonly longer than is the case in poetry (in the technical
sense of the word) ; and the mo .-ement is less bright and rapid
than that of the true lyrical style.
Strophes or stanzas. By the strophe of the ancient Greek
choral ode, as by the stanza of modern European poetry, is
meant a group of lines, each line possessing a determinate
length and character, recurring regularly in the course of the
same poem. In this sense there are no strophes or stanzas in
Hebrew poetry. If, however, the term " strophe " be understood
in the modified sense of a group of verses, connected together by
a certain unity of thought, it is true that strophes of this kind
are found in Hebrew poetry. For that the Hebrew poets, at
least sometimes, grouped together a certain number of verses,
and marked consciously the close of such a group, may be
inferred from the refrains which appear from time to time in the
Psalms.^ The number of verses closed by a refrain is seldom,
however, more than approximately uniform in the same poem ;
no importance therefore appears to have been attached to
uniformity in the length of the Hebrew " strophe ; " the poet
placed the refrain where his thought came to a natural pause,
without being anxious to secure perfectly regular intervals. It
may be assumed with probabiUty that in other cases, especially if
the poem be one of any length, the poet would mark the progress
of his thought hy pauses at more or less regular intervals; and
the sections of the poem, closed by these supposed pauses, we
may term "strophes." And this conclusion is confirmed by the
fact that many of the Psalms seem naturally to fall, logically as
well as poetically, into groups of verses, two, three, or more, as
the case may be.^ But often the divisions are less regular or
^ SeePs. 39, 5«. 1 1"'; 42, 5. 11. 43, 5 [the two Psalms forming originally one] ;
46, [3I. 7- II ; 49. 12. 20; 56, 4. 10 f. ; 57, 5- II ; 59, 6. 14, and 9. 17 ;
62, I f. 5 f. ; 67, 3. 5 ; So, 3. 7- i9 ; S7, 4<=- 6"; 99, 5- 9 ; 107, 6. 13. 19.
28, and 8. 15. 21. 30; 116, I3''-14. l7''-l8; 136, !»>. 2° &c. (26 times) ; 144,
7"-8. II. Comp. Is. 9, 12''. 17''. 26''. 10, 4''. These refrains are not always
expressed in quite identical terms ; in one or two cases (Ps. 42, 5. 59, 9) the
variation is due probably to textual error ; but elsewhere it appears to be
intentional.
- E.i^. Ps. 2, 1-3. 4-6. 7-9- 10-12 ; 3, I f. 3 f. 5 f. 7 f. ; 13, if- 3 f- 5 f- ^
68, 1-3. 4-6. 7-10. 11-14- i5-iS- 19-23- 24-27. 28-31. 32-35; 114, 1 f. 3f•
5 f- 7 f •
THE PSALMS. 345
clearly marked ; and in such cases the question arises whether
they were really intended by the j^oet, and whether such sub-
divisions as the articulation of the thought may appear to suggest
are not to be regarded as logical rather than as poetical units,
and as not properly deserving — even in its modified sense — the
name of " strophes."
The Hebrew title of the Book of Psalms is D'^inn, lit. " praise-
sonsis," a word which in the OT. itself occurs only in the forms n^inn
{sg.) ni^nn (//.), and with the general sense o{ praise, praises
{e.g. Ex. 15, II. Ps. 22, 4). The modern term "Psalms" is
derived from the LXX rendering of Dvnn, i(/aXfjioi.
In the Massoretic text the Psalms are in number 150 ; but Ps. 9 and
10, as the alphabetical arrangement shows (see below), must have formed
originally a single whole (as they do still in the LXX and Yulg.) ; the same
was also the case with Ps. 42 and 43 (notice the refrain, 42, 5.^ II. 43, 5),
which are actually united in 36 Hebrew ^LSS. On the other hand, there is
reason to suppose that some Psalms, which now appear as one, consist of
elements which have been incorrectly conjoined ; this is certainly the case
with Ps. 144 (where v. 12 is quite unconnected with vz'. l-ii), and probably
also with Ps. 19. 24. 27. The LXX adds, after Ps. 150, a Psalm, stated in
the title to be 'i'loi toZ u.fi6fji.oZ, and ascribed to David, 'in l^u.avoua.'^viin tm
ToXia.'h, which is undoubtedly spurious.
In the Hebrew Bible (as in the RY.) the Psalter is divided
into five Books, Ps. i — 41; 42 — 72; 73 — 89; 90 — 106; 107 —
150. The end of each of the first four Books is marked by a
doxology (Ps. 41, 13 ; 72, 18 f. ; 89, 52 ; 106, 48), in accordance
with a custom, not uncommon in Eastern literature, to close the
composition or transcription of a volume with a brief prayer or
word of praise ; in Book 5 the place of such a doxology appears
to have been taken by Ps. 150 itself. The second Book has in
addition a special subscription (Ps. 72, 20), viz. "The prayers of
David, the son of Jesse, are ended." The division into five Books
is older than the LXX translation, in which the doxologies are
already found. The probable explanation of the division will be
considered subsequently.
The following Psalms are alphabetical, i.e. successive verses, half-verses,
or groups of verses begin with the successive letters of the Hebrew alphabet ;
I's. 9 — 10 (two verses to each letter, the scheme, however, being incom-
^ The English numeration of verses has been followed throughout.
34^ LITERATURE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
pletely carried through) ; 25 (one verse to each letter, with an extra verse at
the end: the 1 verse missing); 34 (also with an extra verse ^); 37 (2 verses
to each letter : the ]} verse is missing through a corruption in z'. 28 ; see the
commentators) ; III (a half-verse to a letter) ; 112 (do.) ; 119 (8 verses to a
letter) ; 145 (the 2 verse missing).- The alphabetical order appears to have
been sometimes adopted by poets as an artificial principle of arrangement,
when the subject was one of a general character, that did not lend itself
readily to logical development.
The Psalms, speaking generally, consists of reflexions, cast into
a poetical form, upon the various aspects in which God manifests
Himself either in nature, or towards Israel, or the individual
soul, accompanied often — or, indeed, usually — by an outpour-
ing of the emotions and affections of the Psalmist, prompted by
the warmth of his devotion to God, though varying naturally in
character, according to the circumstances in which he is placed.
Thus, in some Psalms the tone is that of praise or thanksgiving,
in others it is one of penitence or supplication, in others again
it is meditative or didactic : not unfrequently also a Psalm is of
mixed character ; it begins, perhaps, in a strain of supplication,
and as the poet proceeds the confidence that his prayer will be
answered grows upon him, and he ends in a tone of jubilant
exultation (e.^i^. Ps. 6. 13. 22 (see v. 22 ff.). 26. 31. 36. 64. 6g.
71). In the Psalter the devotional element of the religious
character finds its completest expression ; and the soul is dis-
played in converse with God, disclosing to Him its manifold
emotions, desires, aspirations, or fears. It is the surprising
variety of mood and subject and occasion in the Psalms which
gives them their catholicity, and, combined with their deep
spirituality, fits them to be the hymn-book, not only of the
second Temple, but of the Christian Church.
Individual Psalms often present a mixed character, so that it is difficult to
classify them in accordance with their subject-matter; but the following out-
line of the subjects which they embrace may be useful (comp. Hupfeld,
pp. vii.-ix.) : — i. Meditations on different aspects of God's providence,
as manifested in creation, history, &c. : Fs. 8 (man, how small, and yet
how great !). 19, 1-6 (God's glory in the heavens). 29 (Jehovah's majesty
^ The Q verse here no doubt originally stood before the y verse (giving a
subject for "cried" in v. 18), as in Lam. 2. 3. 4.
2 The other alphabetical poems in the OT. are Lam. i. 2. 3. 4 ; Trov.
31, 10-31. The original Hebrew of Sirach 51, 13-30, also, as Bickell has
shown (Z. f. Kailiol. Thcol. 1S82, p. 326 ff.), was alphabetical.
THE PSALMS. 347
seen in the thunderstorm). 33. 36. 65 (a harvest-Psalm). 103 (the merciful-
ness of God). 104 (the poem of Creation). 107. 145 — 7 ; and with invocations
of a liturgical character, 24, 7-10. 47. 67. 95—100. in. 113. 115. 117.
134—136. 148—150.
2. Reflexions on God's moral government of the world : Ps. i. 34. 75. 77.
90. 92. 112; and of a directly didactic character, Ps. 37. 49. 73 ; or on the
character and conduct that is pleasing in His eyes, Ps. 15. 24, 1-6. 32. 40,
1-12. 50.
3. Psalms expressive of faith, resignation, joy in God's presence, &c. :
Ps. II. 16. 23. 26. 27. 42 f. 62. 63. 84. 91. 121. 127. 128. 130. 131. 133.
139 (the sense of God's omnipresence) ; praise of the law, Ps. 19, 7-14. 119.
4. Psalms with a more distinct reference to the circumstances of the
Psalmist (including sometimes his companions or co-religionists), viz. (a)
petitions for help in sickness, persecution, or other trouble, or for forgiveness
of sins (often accompanied with the assurance that the prayer will be
answered): Ps. 3 — 7. 9 f . 12. 13. 17. 22, and many besides; {/>) thanksgiv-
ings, Ps. 30. 40, 1-12. 116. 13S.
5. National Psalms : — consisting of («) complaints of national oppression
or disaster : Ps. 14 (= 53). 44. 60. 74 and 79 (desolation of the sanctuary). So.
82. 83. 85. 94. 102. loS. 123. 137 ; (i^) thanksgivings for mercies either
already received, or promised for the future : Ps. 46. 47. 48. 66. 68. 76. 87
(Zion, the future spiritual metropolis of the world). 118. 122 (prayer for the
welfare of Jerusalem). 124 — 6. 129. 144, 12-15.
6. The //zV/criVa/ Psalms, being retrospects of the national history with refer-
ence to the lessons deducible from it : Ps. 78. 81. 105. 106. 114.
7. Psalms relating to the king {royal Psalms), being thanksgivings, good-
wishes, or promises, esp. for the extension of his dominion : Ps. 2. 18. 20.
21. 45 (on the occasion of a royal wedding). 72. 89 (a supplication for the
humiliated dynasty of David). loi (maxims for the guidance of a king).
no. 132. These Psalms have often a Messianic import.
The line separating 4 and 5 is not always clearly drawn.
Most of the Psalms are provided with titles. The object of
the titles is partly to define the character of a Psalm, partly to
state the name of the author to whom it is attributed, and some-
times also the occasion on which it is supposed to have been
composed, partly (as it seems) to notify the manner in which
the Psalms were performed musically in the public services of
the Temple. The terms describing the character and the
musical accompaniment of a Psalm are frequently obscure : for
the explanations that have been offered of them, reference must
be made to the commentaries.
As authors of Psalms are named —
1. Moses, " the man of God " (Dt. y^, i): Ps. 90.
2. David : in Book I. 37, viz. Ps. 3 — 9. ii — 32. 34 — 41 ; in Book II. 18,
viz. Ps. 51—65. 6S — 70; in Book III. i, viz. Ps. 86; in Book IV. 2, viz.
348 LITERATURE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
Ps. lOi. 103; in Book V. 15, viz. Ps. 108— no. 122. 124, 131. 133. 13S —
145,— in all 73.
3. Solomon : Ps. 72. 127.
4. Asaph : Ps. 50. 73 — S3, — in all 12.
5. Heman the Ezrahite : Ps. 88 (one of two titles).
6. Ethan the Ezrahite : Ps. 89.
7. The sons of Korah : Ps. 42. 44 — 49. 84. 85. 87. 88, — in all II.
Asaph, Heman, and Ethan are the names of the three chief
singers of David, often mentioned by the Chronicler, and referred
by him to the three Levitical famihes of Gershonites, Kohathites,
and Merarites respectively (i Ch. 6, 33-38. 39-43. 44-47;
15, 17-18. 19). They were regarded as the founders of the
families, or guilds, of singers, who assisted in the public worship
of the second Temple.^ The "sons of Korah" must be the
descendants — actual or reputed^of the Korah, son of Jizhar,
son of Kohath, son of Levi, who perished in the wilderness
(Nu. 16, I ff.), but whose sons are stated {Hk 26, 11) to have
escaped, who are also, under the title " Korahites," described by
the Chronicler as the gate-keepers of the Temple (i Ch. 9, 19.
26, 1-19) ; from 2 Ch. 20, 19 it may also be inferred that, if not
in the time of Jehoshaphat, yet in the Chronicler's own time,
they took part in the public worship of the Temple.
The following Psalms are referred by their titles — in terms borrowed gener-
ally, though not always, and sometimes with slight variations in detail, from
the historical books — to events in the life of David : Ps. 3 (2 Sa. 15 &c.). 7
(allusion obscure). 18 (=2 Sa. 22). 34 (cf. I Sa. 21, 13). 51 (2 Sa. 12). 52
(I Sa. 22, 9). 54 (I Sa. 23, 19). 56 (I Sa. 21, 11 [or 27, 2 f . 7-12?]). 57
(i Sa. 22, I. 24, 3ff.). 59 (i Sa. 19, 11). 60 (2 Sa. 8, 13 [cf. v. 3 Zobah].
I Ch. 18, 12). 63 (i Sa. 23, 14 ff. 24, I. 26, 2). 142 (i Sa. 22, i. 24, 3ff.).
The title of Ps. 30 "at the dedication of the House [or Temple]," alludes,
not to any event in the life of David, but to the occasion on which in later
days the Psalm was publicly recited (see Sofer'un, c. 18, § 2), viz. on the
anniversary of the Dedication of the Temple by Judas Maccabaeus, i Mace.
4, 52 ff. {to. lyy.a!-na, John lo, 22); the title of Ps. 92 "For the Sabbath
day," is to be explained similarly.
In the LXX there are some additional titles. The anonymous Psalms
33. 43. 67. 91. 93 — 99. 104 are ascribed to David ; in cod. A also Ps. 42;
and in a few MSS. Ps. i. 2 as well. The title to Ps. 71 is ru Aavcih, vluv
'luva^izfi xa] Tut TfuTui ai^uaAeornrilitTuv ; tO Ps. I38 (in Cod. A) tw Aauiii
' See 1 Ch. 25, i ff. 2 Ch. 5, 12. 29, 13 f. 35, 15 (where it is generally
allowed that Jeduthun [cf. Ps. 39. 62. 77 iz//cs] is another name of Ethan).
" Sons of Asap/i" (who are especially prominent) are mentioned also 2 Ch.
20, 14. Neh. 7, 44. II, 22 a/.
THE PSALMS. 349
Zct^^apiou ; and to Ps. 139 (in cod. A) tZ a. Zn'/^nfUu (with h t^ ^lao-TcpS.
on the marg. and in cod. T). Ps. 146. 147, l-ii. 147, 12-20 (for the
LXX treat this Psalm as two). 148 have each the title 'Ayyoctou x.a.) Za^^xpiou.
There are also references — sometimes obscure — to the occasion of the
Psalm : Ps. 27 -j- -yrpo tou ^P''''^'^^'" ! Ps- 29 -|- l^oVtou <Ty.r,vr,; ; Ps. 3' "h iKirra-
(Ti'ji; [see V. 23] ; Ps 66 -[- a.:iarTa.iTlM; • Ps. 70 -|- E/'j T(i iruo-at f/,i KUfiot ; Ps. 76
-\- cfoh Tpo; Tov ' A<r(T6pto'j ; Ps. So -J- -v^otX^oj vTip rou A(riTupiov ; Ps. 93 ^'' '^'"'
iif/.'ipa,)i Tov Tp/>(rix[i(idri)t/, on x.ntrcux.KTTa.i h yr,, alvo; cud'/i; tu A. ; Ps. 90 «'■''-
oTxo; o'iKiiOi>/j.i7Tai f/,iTCt, Triv al^f/.a,Xu(rii/.\ij a/dh tm A. ; Ps. 97 "^V '^■i ''''^- ^ T'" ''^'^o"
xcc^iirrxrxi ; Ps. I43 -\- o"^- ai"~ov vlo; x.a.Taiioix,'.t ; Ps. I44 -(- -jrfoi Tot VoXtoih ;
as well as notices of the days on which certain Psalms were recited in public
worship, viz. Ps. 24 t-^j ^<Sj o-a/3/3«T&Jv ; Ps. 38 vifi aoi,^^tt,rov ; Ps. 48 livT'-pa
(raji/^arcu ; Ps. 93 -'' '^''^ rif^ipav TotJ ■r^aa'a/S/SaTa!/ ; Ps. 94 I'ST^aS' irafi(iaTav (cf.
Ps. 92 in the Hebrew). So far as regards Ps. 24. 48. 92 (Heb.). 93. 94
these statements agree with the usage of the second Temple, according to
which the Psalms referred to were sung, on the days mentioned, during the
Drink-offering that accompanied the morning Burnt-offering.^
Arrangement of Fsalins, and gradual for/nation of the Psalter.
That the Psalter is not the work of a single compiler, but
was formed gradtially out of pre-existing smaller collections of
Psalms, appears from many indications. More than one Psalm
occurs in a double recension, the two forms differing so slightly
that both are not likely to have been incorporated by a single
hand: thus Ps. 53 ^ Ps. 14; Ps. 70 = Ps. 40, 13-17 ; Ps. loS
= Ps. 57, 7-11+ 60, 5-12. The manner in which the Psalms
ascribed to the same author are often distributed, viz. in inde-
pendent groups, points in the same direction : and a collector,
knowing that there were still 18 Davidic Psalms to follow, would
scarcely have closed Book II. (72, 20) with the words "The
prayers of David, the son of Jesse, are ended." The same con-
clusion follows from the remarkable manner in which the use
of the Divine names varies in the different parts of the Psalter.
In Book I. fehovah occurs 272 times, Elohim (absolutely) 15 ;
in Book W. Jehovah 30 times, Elohim 164; in Book III., in
Ps. 73 — Zt^, Jehovah 13 times, Elohim 36 times, but in 84 — 89,
Jehovah 31 times, Elohim 7; in Book IV. Jehovah only; in
Book V. Jehovah only, except in Ps. 108, i. 5. 7. 11. 13
[repeated from Ps. 57. 60]. and 144, 9. The exceptional pre-
ponderance of Elohim over [ehovah in Book II. (Ps. 42 — 72),
and in Ps. 73 — 83, cannot be attributed to a preference of the
authors of these Psalms for the former name ; for not only is
^ Del. p. 26 f. : the Psalms for the 3rd and 5th days were 82 and 81.
350 LITERATURE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
such a supposition improbable in itself, it is precluded by the
occurrence of the same ttvo Psalms, in the double recension just
spoken of, once with. Jehovah (Ps. 14 ; 40, 13-17) and once with
Elohim (Ps. 53 ; 70) : it must be due to the fact that Book II.
and Ps. 73 — S3 have passed through the hands of a compiler,
who changed "Jehovah" of the original authors into "Elohim."^
The reason of this change probably is that at the time when this
compiler lived there was a current preference for the latter name
(comp. the exclusive use of the same name in Ecclesiastes, and
the preference shown for it by the Chronicler).
It appears then that Ps. 42 — 83 formed once a separate col-
lection, arranged by a special compiler. But how is the sub-
scription 72, 20, "the prayers of David are ended," to be
accounted for, when Ps. 42 — 49 are ascribed to the sons of Korah,
and Ps. 50 to Asaph? A conjecture of Ewald's, which has been
generally accepted by subsequent critics, explains this plausibly.
Ewald supposed that a transposition of the original order had
taken place, and that Ps. 42 — 50 once stood after the Psalm now
numbered 72. If this conjecture be accepted, the arrangement
of the Psalms becomes at once intelligible. Book I. (Ps. i — 41),
consisting almost wholly of Psalms ascribed to David, was \\\q. first
collection; the second collection (Ps. 51 — 83) comprised, firstly,
Ps. 51 — 72, consisting all but entirely of Davidic Psalms, with
the subscription, 72, 20 (which is now in an appropriate place);
secondly, Ps. 42 — 49 a group of Korahite Psalms; and thirdly,
I*s. 50. 73 — 83 a group of Asaph-Psalms (which now stand together,
instead of being separated by Ps. 51 — 72); Ps. 84 — 89, con-
sisting of four additional Korahite Psalms, one ascribed to David
and one to f^than, form an appendix to the previous collection,
added to it by a different hand (for had Ps. 84 — 89 been col-
lected by the same hand, the Korahite and Davidic Psalms
contained in it would not, probably, have been separated from
Ps. 42 — 49 and Ps. 51 — 72 respectively, nor \soy\^ Jehovah have
suddenly begun again to preponderate over Ehuiim). The third
collection consists of Ps. 90 — 150. This difiers from the two
preceding collections in containing a far larger proportion of
Psalms of a liturgical character, or Psalms composed with a view
to use in the ])ublic worshi]) of the Temple. It must have been
1 Hence the expression "God, my (thy) God" (for "Jehovah, my (thy)
God") peculiar to these Psalms : Ps. 43, 4. 45, 7. 50, 7.
THE PSALMS. 351
formed subsequently to the collection Ps. 42—83; for Ps. 108
is composed of two Psalms (57, 7-1 1. 60, 5-12) with Elohini, in
spite of the marked preference shown elsewhere in Ps. 90 — 150
iox Jehovah, which shows that they must have been derived from
a collection in which the use of " Elohim " was characteristic.
Though no principle of arrangement is observed consistently
throughout, this third collection seems in several parts to be
based upon shorter, independent collections: thus Ps. 92 — 100
form a group, the Psalms in which, though assigned to no
particular author, show much similarity in both subject-matter and
expression; Ps. iii — 118 (containing the 7/rt'//^/-Psalms) ; Ps.
120 — 134 (the 15 "Songs of Ascents ") ; Ps. 135. 136 ; 146 — 150 ;
and the two groups of Psalms ascribed to David, Ps. 108 — no ;
Ps. 138 — 145, — form respectively collections marked either by
similarity of contents or by community of title. The natural
division of the Psalter appears thus to be into three parts, Ps.
I — 41. Ps. 42 — 89. Ps. 90 — 150: the division \n\.o five parts is
generally supposed to have been accomplished later, in imitation
of the Pentateuch, Ps. 42 — 89 being broken into two at Ps. 72,
the subscription to which would form a natural point of division,
and Ps. 90 — 150 being divided at Ps. 106, where v. 48 was
adapted by its contents to mark also the conclusion of a Book.
The order of the individual Psalms appears often to have been determined
by accidental causes : sometimes, however, the juxtaposition of two Psalms
seems to be due to community of subject {e.g. Ps. 20. 21, both royal Psalms ;
105 and 106, both historical Psalms), and sometimes also to the occurrence in
them of some more or less noticeable expression {e.g. I, 6'' and 2, \z^ ; 3, 5
and 4, 8 ; 16, II and 17, 15 ; 32, 11 and ^t,, i ; 34. 7 an J 35. 5-6 [the only
))laces in the Psalms where " the angel of J." is mentioned] i.\:c. ). Delitzsch
would extend this principle of juxtaposition to the entire Psalter ; but the
expressions to which he points are often so insignificant {^e.g. ^Q in 14, 7 and
15, I ) that it is not likely that a collector would have been guided by them.
Authorship oj the Psalms. Were the titles — in the case of such
Psalms as are provided with them — added by the authors them-
selves, or do they at least record authentic traditions respecting
the authorship, or not? So far as regards the musical and
liturgical notices, there is a decided presumption that their origin
dates from the period when these subjects first become prominent
in the OT., viz. the period of the second Temple:^ they were
' The principal terms used occur elsewhere only in Is. 38, 20. Ilab. 3, and
I Ch. 15, 17-21 ; comp. 16, 41 f. 2 Ch. 5, 12 f. 7, 6 6cc.
352 LITERATURE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
added probably when the Psalms came generally into liturgical
use. And the strongest reasons exist for supposing that the
historical notices are of late origin likewise, and though they
may embody trustworthy information respecting the source or
collection whence the Psalms were derived by one of the com-
pilers of the Book, that they contain no authentic tradition
respecting the authorship of the Psalms, or the occasions on
which they were composed. The grounds for this conclusion
are briefly as follows : —
1. The titles are suspicious, trom the circumstance that almost
the only names of authors mentioned are David, and two or
three prominent singers of David's age : except in the case of
those attributed to the "Sons of Korah," 7W author is named of
a date later than that of Solomon. But (amongst the anonymous
Psalms) many, by common consent, are much later than the age
of David and Solomon ; how comes it that their authors' names
are not recorded ? If the names of earlier Psalmists were known,
a fortiori^ it would seem, those of later Psalmists would be pre-
served by tradition.
2. The titles are strongly discredited by internal evidence ;
again and again the title is contradicted by the contents of the
Psalm to which it is prefixed. Thus of the 73 ascribed to
David, the majority, at least, cannot be his ; {ox\a) many are of
unequal poetical merit, and instead of displaying the freshness
and originality which we should expect in the founder of Hebrew
Psalmody, contain frequent conventional phrases (1?..^. Ps. 6. 31.
35. 40, 13 ff.), and reminiscences of earlier Psalms,^ which betray
the poet of a later age. {b) Some have pronounced x\ramaisms,
the occurrence of which in an early poem of Judali is entirely
without analogy, or other marks of lateness.^ (<:) Others have
stylistic affinities with Psalms which, upon independent grounds,
must be assigned to an age much later than that of David :
though the alphabetical arrangement (Ps. 9 — 10. 25. 34. 37. 145),
1 Ps. 86 is composed almost entirely of such reminiscences; see W. R.
Smith, OTJC. pp. 413-415. Similarly 144, I-II.
'^ "ij- in the suff. of 2 ps. fern. 103, 3. 4. 5 (as in 116, 7. 12. 19. 135, 9) ;
109, 8 the //«;-. D''Dy?0 (only besides Eccl. 5, i); 122, 3. 4. 124, i. 2. 6.
133, 2. 3. 144, 15 -K' (for Iti'S) ; 139, 2 y-1 thought, 3 ym lying down, 8
p^D, 19 Strip ('ill Aram.) ; 144, 7. 10. 11+ HVS to deliver {hx:\x^.), 13 |r (2 Ch.
16, 14, and Aram.), 145, 14 t|pT (Aram.).
THE PSALMS. 353
for instance, cannot be proved to have been unused as early as
David's day, the known examples of it are much later (Lam. i — 4.
?r. 31, 10-31); and at least Ps. 25. 34. 37. 145 are shown by
their general tone and style to belong to the later products of
Hebrew poetry, {d) Many are unadapted to David's situation
or character.
Thus some imply the existence of the Temple (Ps. 5, 7*. 27, 4.
28, 2 [see I Ki. 6, 5]. 65, 4. 68, 29. 138, 2 i) ; and it is at least open
to question whether the expression God's " holy hill," applied to
Zion (3, 4. 15, I ; cf. 24, 3. 26, 8. 27, 4 f.), would have come into
use until the sanctuary had been estabUshed upon it for a con-
siderable time. Others again, when we proceed to reconstruct,
from the allusions contained in the Psalm, the situation in
which it was composed, are found to imply that the Psalmist is
living in an evil time, when the wicked are established in the
land, and the godly are oppressed, and suffer in silence from their
tyranny and pride (Ps. 9 f. 12.2 14.2 35. 38 &c.),— a condition of
things entirely out of harmony with the picture presented to us
of any period of David's life in i — 2 Samuel. Often also the
terms used do not suit the circumstances of David's life : let the
reader examine carefully, for example, the following passages,
and ask himself whether they correspond really to David's situa-
tion ; whether they are not, in fact, the words of a man (or of
men) in a different condition of life, surrounded by different
companions, subject to different temptations, and suffering at the
hands of a different kind of foe : Ps. 5, 8-10, 6, 7 f. 12, 1-4. 17,
9-14. 22, II ff. 26, 9 f. 27, 10 ("For my father and my mother
have forsaken me''). 12. 28, 3-5. 35, 11-21. 38, 11-14. 41, 5-9.
62, 3f. 9f. 64, 2-6.
To take some further illustrations : Ps. II is referred, by those who defend
the title, to the occasion of Absalom's rebellion ; but the situation which it
implies is really very different : it implies a state of social disorder {v. 3),
in which the wicked shoot "in the darkness" {v. 2) at the upright; the
Psalmist is exhorted by his desponding companions to take refuge in flight
^ It is exceedingly doubtful whether, as Keil and others contend, the term
^DTl {palace, Is. 39, 7 ; temple, I Ki. 6, 3. 5. 17, and often) found in these
passages could be used of the " tent " spread by David for the ark (2 Sa. 7,
2. 6). The ^3'n at Shiloh had folding-doors and door-posts (i Sa. i, 9.
3.15).
- Implying an almost national defection. With 12, I comp. Jer. 5. I. 9
3-6. Mic. 7, 2. Is. 57, I.
Z
354 LITERATURE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
{v. i); instead of complying, he asserts his unabated confidence in God's
justice {z'V. 4-7). Ps. 20 and 21 contain good wishes for a king, who is
either addressed in the 2nd pers., or spoken of in the 3rd : both evidently
spring out of the regard which was entertained towards him by his subjects :
to suppose that David wrote for the people the words in which they should
express their own loyally towards him, is in the highest degree unnatural and
improbable. A similar remark may be made with reference to Ps. 61 (see
V, 6f.). Ps. 55 is generally explained as referring (cf. vv. 12-18) to David's
treacherous counsellor Ahithophel ; but the situation is again very unlike that
of David during Absalom's rebellion ; the Psalmist lives among foes in a city,
whose walls they occupy with their patrols : from the violence which they
exercise within it he would gladly escape to the desert {vz: 9>>-ll ; 6 f.) ; one
who had been his associate had treacherously abandoned him, for which he
is bitterly reproached by the poet. The situation in its principal features
recalls rather that in which Jeremiah found himself (Jer. 6, 6 f . 9, 1-5, 11,
18-21. 20, 10), or the author of Mic. 7, 5. Ps. 58 is a denunciation oUiiiJiist
judges ; the manner in which they are addressed, however, is not that of a
king, who could remove them if he chose, but of one who was powerless to
take action himself, though he desired (and expected) that retribution should
fall upon them from heaven. In Ps. 69. 86. 109, the singer is in great
affliction and trouble ; his nearest relations and friends have forsaken him
(69, 8) ; he is "poor and needy" (86, i. 109, 22), and is cruelly reproached
(69, 7-9 [for his religion\ 19 f. 109, 1-5. 22-25), — '^aits which are all inap-
plicable to David, and most insufficiently explained from 2 Sa. 16, 5 ff.
The titles which assign Psalms to particular occasions of David's life are
not more probable than the others. Ps. 34 is referred to the time when
David feigned madness at the court of Achish (i Sa. 21, 13) ; but there is
not a single expression in the Psalm suggestive of that occasion ; the Psalm
consists of religious retlcxions and moral exhortations— much in the manner
of Ps. 37 — of a perfectly general kind, and expressed in the hortatory style of
the later gnomic poetry (v. 11 ; comp. Pr. 4, i. 5, 7. 7, 24. 8, 32), entirely
out of relation with the situation supposed. Ps. 52 is stated to refer to Doeg.
In point of fact it speaks of some rich and powerful man, a persecutor of the
righteous, in whose fall will be seen exemplified the Nemesis which overtakes
the abuse of r/c/^fj- (z^. 7), while the Psalmist will flourish "like a spreading
bay-tree in the house of God." Is this agreeable either to the picture of
Doeg drawn in l Sa. 21, 7. 22, 9 ff., or to David's situation at the time?
The occasions to which Ps. 56. 57 are referred are not less improbable.
Ps. 59 is stated to have been composed by David when his house was
watched by Saul's messengers (i Sa. 19, 11); but the Psalm shows plainly
that the poet who wrote it is resident in a city attacked by heathen or
ungodly foes, whom he prays God to cast down, that His power may be
ma.m{fAX to the ends of the earth {w. 5-8. II-13; notice esp. the "■nations")
-both inconsistent with the feelings which David entertained tov.'ards Saul
(i Sa. 24, 6 &c.), and implying relations with the "nations" which did not
then exist. The titles in all these cases are palpably incongruous, and
appear sometimes to have been merely suggested to the compiler by a super-
ficial view of particular expressions {e.g. 52, 2 supposed to point to Doeg;
THE rSALMS. 355
54, 3 to the Ziphites ; 56, 2 to the Philistines ; 57, 3 to Saul ; 59, 3 to Saul's
messengers: so 63, I"" to the wilderness of Judah). But the situation and 
