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REV. E. O. JAMES, B.Lirr., F.C.S, 






JUN 3 1958 




IN recent years the progress of scientific research 
in the department of prehistoric archaeology has 
been such that there seems to be room for a small 
volume setting forth the results arrived at by 
archaeologists in terms that can be understood 
by ordinary intelligent readers. The books hither- 
to published on the subject have been confined 
for the most part to special aspects of early culture, 
and, therefore, are not intended to cover the whole 
field of the life of man before history (i.e., the 
era prior to written records). In the selection 
of subject matter, it has been the purpose of the 
author to give a resume of the conclusions arrived 
at by specialists in their several departments, 
in such a manner as to present a consecutive 
account of the early history of the human race. 
References are given in footnotes to enable the 
serious student to investigate the evidence for 
himself, and frame his own conclusions. In this 
way it is hoped that the book may be of value 


to those persons who are about to pursue a 
systematic course of training at the University 
of Oxford or London for a Diploma in Anthro- 
pology, as well as to the general reader. 

It will be readily understood that in a work of 
this kind no attempt can be made to enter into 
detailed investigations of such complex problems 
as those dealing with the migrations of early 
culture. It must be left to Prof. Elliot Smith 
to verify his hypothesis by comparing the dis- 
tribution of the various elements belonging to 
the supposed megalithic culture on a world-wide 
scale, and to Dr. Rivers and Mr. Perry to test 
the theory by means of more intensive regional 
studies. If their conclusions are correct, then a 
vital transformation must take place in our whole 
attitude towards the culture of savage people 
and its supposed primitiveness. But for the 
present the writer of an " introduction " to pre- 
historic archaeology must be content to follow 
the more generally accepted view, and merely 
state as fairly as possible the points at issue. The 
same applies to the controversy regarding the age 
of the Grime's graves and Cissbury flint-mines. 

The author desires to express his indebtedness 
to Mr. Henry Balfour of Oxford for revising the 
entire MS., and, with his characteristic attention 


to accuracy, enabling him to avoid many pitfalls. 
To Dr. W. H. E. Eivers of Cambridge, Mr. J. 
Reid Moir, and Mr. Demant for their invaluable 
assistance and suggestions ; also to Mrs. James 
for her help with the preparation of the MS. 

E. 0. JAMES. 
















INDEX 256 



ANTHROPOLOGY (" the science of man," from 
av6p<*)7To$ and Ao^o?), in the usually accepted 
sense of the term, deals more particularly with 
the origin and place of man in evolution, his de- 
velopment as an individual and as a race ; the 
physical and mental changes he has undergone 
in his struggle for existence ; and lastly, his social 
organization and religion. The large and steadily 
increasing amount of material in this new field of 
research more than justifies its existence as a 
separate branch of natural science ; in fact, so 
wide is the range of the subject that it has been 
found necessary to divide it into various sections. 
In England we employ the term " anthropology " 
to cover all the phenomena dealing with the earlier 
stages of the history of mankind, subdividing 
it into its several departments. The following 
classification proposed by the Committee for 
Anthropology of the University of Oxford sets 
forth the scope of the science : 



(1) Zoological : The comparative study of the 
anatomical and other physical characters which 
determine the zoological position of man, with 
special reference to the group anthropomorpha. 

(2) Palaeontological : The antiquity of man, 
as ascertained by geological and anatomical 

(3) Ethnological : The comparative study of 
the physical characters which distinguish the 
principal races of mankind from each other. 
The classification and geological distribution of 
races and sub -races. The influence of environment 
upon physique. The elements of anthropometry, 
the physiology of sensation, and the methods of 
the comparative study of the senses. 


(1) Archaeological : The antiquity of man as 
ascertained by the earliest remains of his handi- 
work. The chief characteristics of the prehistoric 
periods, and the methods employed in determining 
their sequence and duration. The persistence of 
early conditions of culture in later times. 

(2) Ethnological : The comparative study and 
classification of peoples, based upon conditions of 
material culture, language, and religious and social 
institutions and ideas, as distinguished from physical 


characters. The influence of environment upon 

(3) Sociological : The comparative study of social 
phenomena, with special reference to the earlier 
history of : 

(a) Social organisation (including marriage- 

customs), government, and laws ; 

(b) Moral ideas and codes ; 

(c) Magical and religious practices and beliefs 

(including treatment of the dead) ; 

(d) Modes of communicating ideas by signs, 

articulate language, pictographs, and 

(4) Technological : The comparative study of 
the origin, development, and geographical distri- 
bution of the principal arts and industries, with 
their appliances. 

In the following pages we shall confine our 
attention to that part of the subject which throws 
light on primeval man as distinct from modern 
races that have remained in a primitive state of 
culture, using the latter to supplement the archaeo- 
logical evidence at our disposal. 

Since the publication of The Origin of Species 
in 1859, the outlook of the scientific world has 
been entirely changed regarding the early history 
of mankind. Long before Charles Darwin formu- 
lated his hypothesis scientific opinion had been 


inclining towards the view that species were 
derived from other species by some unknown law. 
The idea of the mutability of species is to be found 
in the teaching of the Greek philosophers, as, for 
example, Aristotle, who thought that there had 
been a continuous succession of animals, plants, 
and zoophytes, resulting from the original meta- 
morphosis of inorganic matter, which constituted 
the origin of life. On this hypothesis man was no 
exception to the universal rule, since he was only 
distinguished from the other animals by certain 
features by the relative size of the brain, by two- 
leggedness, and mental characters. But he was 
too impressed with intelligent design in Nature to 
appreciate the principle of natural selection dimly 
foreshadowed in the writings of Empedocles. 
Lucretius, who attributes all his philosophy and 
science to the Greeks, in his De Rerum Natura, 
gives a wonderful picture of primeval man, " strong 
built of ampler bones," without knowledge of 
agriculture, fire or clothing, living on the products 
of the chase, gradually softened by the " warm 
hearth " and " fond caress of prattling children." 
Similarly we find in the Satires of Horace a reflection 
of the current Greek thought. Man, when first 
he crept from out of earth's womb, was, we are told, 
but a " dumb, speechless creature, with scarce 
human form," fighting " with nails and double 
fists for acorns or sleeping-holes at night." Thus 


the speculative minds of ancient Greece had in a 
measure formulated the evolution hypothesis ; 
but with the displacement of philosophy by Chris- 
tianity, interest centred round the Creator rather 
than the creature. 

The early Church was content to regard the 
whole realm of Nature as the work of the Divine 
Logos (cf. St. John i. 1), acting in conjunction with 
the other persons in the Blessed Trinity (Acts iv. 24). 
The disciples, like their Master, were absorbed in 
the thought of the loving Father Who " maketh 
His sun to rise on the evil and the good, and sendeth 
rain on the just and on the unjust," Who feeds the 
birds of the air, and clothes the grass of the fields, 
and in Whom man " lives and moves and has his 
being." St. Paul's teaching was more or less 
based on the Hebrew cosmogony, although the 
Gnostics were the first actual Christian cosmog- 
onists. This sect assumed the existence of a good 
God and a Demiurge, a Divine world and a material 
world (A>/), a world of light and a world of 
darkness. The cosmos and man were created by 
the Demiurge, although the latter received sparks 
of the Divine Nature, and struggles to free himself 
from the bondage of the material universe. Thus, 
Gnosticism is a combination of Greek and Zoro- 
astrian dualism. The Logos, who became manifest 
in the Christ, was set by the good God to rescue 
man from " the Prince of this world," and the 


bondage of evil (v\y). The Fathers in contro- 
verting this heresy applied a literal interpretation 
to the story of the Creation and the Fall as given 
in Genesis. Irenaeus, Tertullian, Clement of 
Alexandria, Origen, Hippolytus and the Nicene 
Fathers rejected the Gnostic theory of the Demiurge, 
and emphasized the co-operation of the Logos in 
the work of creation. 

St. Augustine distinctly formulated a theory of 
evolution based on the cosmogony of Genesis. 1 
He said nothing of the inter-relations of species, 
but he emphatically declared in favour of creation 
by growth. The schoolmen likewise interpreted 
creation more or less in Aristotelian terms, even 
going so far as to find the origin of life in putrefac- 
tion 2 a theory revived in scientific dress at the 
present day by Dr. Bastian. Anselm, some years 
before, had reconciled the creation narrative in 
Genesis with platonic philosophy, 3 postulating the 
existence of the cosmos eternally in the Divine 
Mind. This view was taken more or less by the 
Mystics of the later Middle Ages. It was, however 
(as Huxley and Mr. A. L. Moore have pointed out), 
largely through the influence of Milton's Paradise 
Lost that the doctrine of special creation found its 
way into post-reformation theology. People have 

1 De Genesi ad literam, lib. v. cap. v. and xxiii. 

2 S. Thorn. Aq. Summa Theol i. Ixix. 2. 
8 Monolog. ix. 


unconsciously come to regard the theory as a kind 
of inspired gloss on the early chapters of Genesis. 
Yet there is a huge difference between the text 
and the commentary. In the Bible we have, 
" And God said, Let the earth bring forth, etc.," 
words which are at least consistent with a gradual 
development. But Milton says : 

" The grassy clods now calved ; now half appeared 
The tawny lion, pawed to get free 
His hinder parts, then springs as broke from bonds 
And rampart shakes his brinded mane ; the ounce, 
The libbard, and the tiger, as the mole 
Rising, the crumbled earth above them threw 
In hillocks : the swift stag from under ground 
Bore up his branching head : " 1 

This literal interpretation of the narrative was 
characteristic of Protestant theologians about the 
time of the Keformation. Thus Luther, com- 
menting on Genesis I. says, " Moses is writing 
history and reporting things that actually hap- 
pened." 2 Again, Calvin maintains that " God 
was pleased that a history of the creation should 
exist," and (quoting from St. Augustine) he adds 
that " He made a hell for the inquisitive." 3 The 
theory of special creation is therefore one of the 
many heritages of doubtful value bequeathed to 
us by Protestantism. 

1 Par. Lost, bk. vii. 414 ff. ; cf. Moore, p. 178. 

2 Meldet geschenene Dingi. 3 Instit. i. Ixiv. 1. 


Gradually this doctrine of the fixity of species 
took definite shape through the labours of John 
Ray, Milton's younger contemporary, and others, 
till it reached its climax in the great work of 
Linnaeus (1707-78), the able botanist who " found 
biology a chaos and left it a cosmos." The genius 
of Linnaeus lay in classification. In his Systema 
Naturae he placed Homo Sapiens as a distinct 
species in the order Primates together with the 
apes, the lemurs, and the bats, and further classified 
the varieties of man into four divisions, according 
to the colour of the skin and other characteristics. 
Nevertheless he concluded that " species tot sunt, 
quot diversas formas ab initio produxit Infinitum 
Ens, quae formae secundum generationis in inditas 
leges produxere plures, ab sibi semper similes." 1 
Had Linnaeus carried his researches farther and 
tackled the question how the existing differences 
in species came about, he would have probably 
arrived at another conclusion. 

Contemporary with the great botanist lived 
another biologist, Georges Louis Leclerc, Comte 
de Buff on. Like Linnaeus he attacked the subject 
from the hypothesis that species were endowed by 
the Creator with certain fixed characteristics, but 
he had no sympathy with the former's system of 
classification. " Une verite humiliante pour 1'homme 
c'est qu'il doit se ranger lui-meme dans la classe des 

1 Philosophia Botanica. 


animaux," he says. A further examination of the 
anatomical evidence, however, soon showed him 
that there are in the animal body organs of little or 
no purpose ; in fact, that each organism is in reality 
a combination of other organisms, and that man 
too " must take his place in the ranks of animals, 
being, as he is, an animal in every material point." 
This conclusion was a distinct step towards the 
formulation of the hypothesis of the mutability 
of species, and the conception of the derivation of 
groups of species showing structural resemblance 
from a common ancestor. Buffon, however, care- 
fully avoided suggesting this theory of the origin 
of species, mindful of the fact that the eyes of the 
Sorbonne were upon him. He went so far as to 
hint at a possible ancestor of the horse and ass, and 
of the ape and man, carefully adding the saving 
clause that since the Bible affirms the contrary 
" of course the thing cannot be." 

His immediate successors apparently did not 
share his regard for the doctrine of special creation, 
since both Erasmus, Darwin and Lamarck put 
forth almost simultaneously a theory of evolution, 
in which they attributed alteration in type to en- 
vironment, the acquired characters becoming heredi- 
tary. The latter believed that the more complex 
species were developed from pre-existent simpler 
forms. The change, he thought, was brought 
about by the use or disuse of organs and other 


physical conditions of life such as environment, etc. 
After tracing organic life back to the monad stage, 
in 1809 he boldly proclaimed the descent of man 
from the anthropoid apes, showing their anatomical 
resemblances, and setting forth an hypothesis of 
a race of quadrumanous apes, that mastered all 
the other animals, spreading in all directions, and 
gradually acquiring the power of speech and other 
human faculties. 1 

Against this view Cuvier threw the weight of 
his geological knowledge. He contended that the 
geological ages ended with sudden catastrophes 
which annihilated all life, and that species were 
then created afresh. His great knowledge of 
comparative anatomy and geology rendered him 
a powerful adversary against the Lamarckians, 
more especially as the science of embryology was 
hardly born when Cuvier won his famous victory 
over the evolutionists at the Academy of Sciences 
at Paris in 1830. 

Von Baer published in 1827 an account of the 
development of the chick, and at the same time 
showed the similarity in the mode of origin 
of these animals with others lower in the scale. 2 
His further researches showed the marked resem- 
blance between the early embryos of the vertebrates. 
In the course of development the fish-like qualities 

1 Philosophic Zoologique. 

2 Epistola de ovi mammalium et Jiominis genesi. 


(gill-clefts, etc.) of the embryo destined to become 
a bird disappear, and unmistakable avian character- 
istics become pronounced. 

Contemporary with these revelations appeared 
LyelPs Principles of Geology (1830), which showed 
that there is no reason for supposing the inter- 
polation of a series of cataclysmal changes in the 
rocks as suggested by Cuvier. By abolishing the 
catastrophe theory of special creation the palaeon- 
tologist was faced with the problem of explaining 
the connexion between the fossil and modern 
forms of life, and accounting for the apparent 
genetic continuity between them. To-day the 
botanist of the Linnaean school is faced with a 
similar difficulty, since the apparently clear dis- 
tinction between the flowering and non-flowering 
plants has been broken down by the discovery of 
the connecting links in the Lycopodiaceae, Rhizo- 
carpeae, and Gymnospermeae. The groups of fungi, 
algae, and licheneae have now completely run into 
one another, and when the lowest forms of each 
are alone considered, even the animal and vegetable 
kingdoms cease to have a definite dividing line. 

But perhaps the greatest opponent of the doctrine 
of special creation is the science of comparative 
embryology. Among other things it has shown 
the existence of numerous rudimentary organs 
in the bodies of man and beast. The whale, for 
instance, possesses in the embryo state a complete 


set of teeth together with rudimentary hind legs, 
furnished with bones, joints and muscles, of which 
there is no trace externally. The teeth disappear 
before birth, but the vestigial legs remain, though 
concealed from view within the body. The vermi- 
form appendix, the canine teeth, the caecum, the 
coccyx, the inter and supra condyloid foramina 
of the humerus, are rudimentary or vestigial 
organs, useless in the human economy, which 
testify to the fact that " the original form of all 
organisms is one and the same, and that out of 
this one form, all, the lowest as well as the highest, 
are developed in such a manner that the latter 
pass through the permanent forms of the former 
as transitory stages." l Mr. Robert Chambers in 
his famous Vestiges of the Natural History of 
Creation (1844) pointed out that on the hypothesis 
of special creation the existence of rudimentary 
organs " could be regarded in no other light than 
as blemishes or blunders." 2 On the other hand, 
on the theory of a genetic connexion between the 
different forms of species they become intelligible 
and exactly what would be expected. " Thus we 
can understand," says Darwin, " how it has come 
to pass that man and all other vertebrate animals 
have been constructed on the same general model, 

1 Quoted from Meckel in Osborn's From the Greeks to Darwin, 
p. 212. 

2 Ibid. p. 202. 


why they pass through the same early stages of 
development, and why they retain certain rudiments 
in common. Consequently, we ought frankly to 
admit their community of descent : to take any 
other view is to admit that our structure, and 
that of all the animals around us, is a mere snare 
to entrap our judgment. This conclusion is greatly 
strengthened if we look to the members of the 
whole animal series and consider the evidence 
derived from their affinities or classification, their 
geographical distribution and geological succes- 
sion." l This conclusion had in a measure been 
reached by Goethe (1749-1832), who was the first 
to use the evolution idea as a guiding principle in 
the interpretation of vestigial structures in man. 
At the same time he realised that organisms try 
to compromise between specific inertia and indi- 
vidual change. The Goethian theory of an in- 
herent progressive impulse which lifts organisms 
from one stage of organisation to another influenced 
Chambers in the production of the Vestiges. 

Three years after the publication of the Vestiges 
M. Boucher de Perthes, who had been working for 
years on the gravel beds of the Somme, exhibited 
a number of flint implements associated with 
extinct fauna in the high terrace river gravel beds. 
This was by no means the first time that pre- 
historic flints had been laid bare. Towards the end 

1 Descent of Man, p. 25. 


of the seventeenth century the first recorded dis- 
covery was made in England. A fine pear-shaped 
implement obviously a human artefact was 
found, with the tooth of an extinct elephant, 
opposite to Black Mary's, near Grays Inn Lane in 
London. This was described as a British weapon, 
and put in the Sloane collection as such. Stone 
implements of the Neolithic type had already been 
found in Italy, and placed in the Vatican Museum 
as thunderbolts the explanation of stone axes, 
etc., given by writers in the Middle Ages, such as 
Gesner and Agricola. The flint arrowheads which 
were found from time to time on the surface of the 
ground were regarded by the uncultured folk as 
the weapons of a mythological race that inhabited 
the earth in former days. Several people, acquainted 
with native customs, who were therefore familiar 
with the use of flints by aboriginals, suggested 
that these so-called thunderbolts were in reality 
human artefacts, 1 but their true significance was 
not recognised till 1797, when Mr. John Frere, in 
describing his discoveries at Hoxne in Suffolk, 
referred these implements to a very remote period 
indeed, and to a people who had not the use of 
metals. 2 

1 Mercati, physician to Clement VIII., at the end of the sixteenth 
century appears to have been the first to assign the flints to a people 
unacquainted with bronze and iron. 

2 Archaeologia, xiii. p. 204. 


In the next century geologists and archaeologists 
worked together, and concluded that the imple- 
ments associated with gravel beds and extinct 
mammals must be connected. In 1806 a com- 
mission was appointed to investigate the geology 
of Denmark. This led to the examination of the 
famous kitchen middens (shell mounds) and the 
dolmens, and in consequence to the collection of 
a vast quantity of flint implements, which in due 
course were arranged and classified in chronological 
order. In 1825 the Rev. J. MacEnery, the Roman 
Catholic chaplain at Tor Abbey, explored Kent's 
Cavern near Torquay, in company with Mr. North- 
more, and found flint implements in association 
with the remains of the cave-bear and cave-hyena, 
below a thick, continuous sheet of stalagmite. 
Three years later a similar discovery was made in 
France by Tournal and Christol, and shortly after 
(1833) Schmerling described his explorations in 
the caves near Liege, in which flints were not only 
associated with the bones of such extinct animals 
as the mammoth, woolly rhinoceros, etc., but also 
with a few human remains. Then came the afore- 
said researches of Boucher de Perthes between 
1839 and 1846, which led not only to archaeologists 
assigning to man a tremendous antiquity corre- 
sponding to that of the fauna of the Pleistocene 
or Glacial epoch, but also suggesting that at first 
man was but a tool-making animal. This latter 


conclusion was greatly supported by the discovery 
of human remains to be described in the subse- 
quent chapters bearing a striking resemblance 
to the anthropoid apes, and primitive man of 

Contemporary with these finds there appeared 
in 1859 the epoch-making work by Charles Darwin, 
The Origin of Species. In this volume, which has 
probably influenced human thought more than 
any other book of modern times, Darwin summarised 
the former evidence in favour of interpreting 
creation in terms of evolution ; and, at the same 
time, enunciated the principle upon which progres- 
sive changes are brought about. He accumulated 
a vast store of facts to show that the origin and 
development of species is due to natural selection 
in the struggle for existence. A. R. Wallace had 
come to the same conclusion quite independently 
at the same time. The latter was careful to point 
out, however, that although natural selection 
explains the origin of man's physical nature, it is 
altogether^ inadequate when applied to his spiritual 
and intellectual nature. 

Both Darwin and Wallace found in Malthus' 
article on Population " the long-sought clue to 
the effective agent in the evolution of organic 
species." 1 In this essay Malthus showed that 
disease, accidents, famines and war act as " positive 

1 Wallace, My Life, 1905, vol. i. p. 232. 


checks to increase," and keep down the population 
of savage races to a lower average than that of 
civilized peoples. Darwin and Wallace inde- 
pendently applied this line of argument to the 
struggle for existence in the animal kingdom, and 
came to the conclusion that this self-acting process 
would necessarily improve the race, because in 
every generation the inferior would inevitably 
disappear, and the fittest survive. 1 Things now 
began to move. In 1863 Lyell, in his Geological 
Evidences of the Antiquity of Man, showed how 
the ape-like characters of the skeleton found at 
Neander on the banks of the river Dussel, in 
Rhenish Prussia, supported Lamarck's doctrine 
of progressive development and transmutation. 
Subsequently he carefully reviewed all the evidence 
at that time available, in favour of the existence 
of primeval man in the Glacial period, concluding 
that the implements found at St. Acheul on the 
Somme belonged to the early Pleistocene (i.e. 
Glacial) Age. 

The newly formulated theory of the origin of 
species met with serious opposition both in 
scientific and in theological circles ; but the hypo- 
thesis was confirmed from every available source, 
in addition to the able writings of Prof. Huxley, 
Romanes, Weismann, and Sully, to say nothing 
of those of such speculative students as Ernst 

1 Op. cit. p. 361 ; cf. Darwin, Life and Letters, i. p. 83. 
J.A. B 


Haeckel, Herbert Spencer, etc. Controversies have 
arisen from time to time over some of the details 
of the scheme of development. Thus, the Neo- 
Darwinian school, headed by Weismann, maintain 
that natural selection explains all transformation 
of species, while Spencer, Haeckel, Cope, etc., 
adhere to Darwin's original hypothesis of trans- 
mission of the effects of use and disuse. Certain 
rearrangements of and additions to the original 
hypothesis as set forth by Darwin have been made 
of late years. New facts have been added, such 
as Mendel's botanical researches in heredity of 
characters, which strengthen the position con- 

As we shall have occasion to show in the following 
pages, no branch of natural science has contri- 
buted more to the theory of evolution than an- 
thropology "the child of Darwin" and no line 
of thought has more materially reacted on religion 
for good than this doctrine of development. It 
has shown the Creator in an entirely new light ; 
it has unfolded an aspect of the Divine Mind and 
Purpose in creation which was altogether hidden 
from view by the quasi scientific-theological dogma 
of special creation. At first, of course, the new 
theory seemed likely to prove a deadly enemy to the 
theologian. Hitherto Paley had been the recog- 
nised authority on the order of nature. The 
substitution of Darwin and evolution for this 


theologian and his metaphysical explanation of 
the universe, naturally raised a storm of indig- 
nation in the breasts of pious souls committed to 
the doctrine of special creation. Consequently 
" Christians in all good faith set to work to defend 
a view which has neither Biblical nor patristic, 
nor mediaeval authority." L 

Mr. Darwin himself endeavoured to show, how- 
ever, that " the theory of evolution is quite com- 
patible with the belief in a God." 2 In fact, he 
concludes The Origin of Species by saying, " there 
is grandeur in this view of life, with its several 
powers, having been originally breathed by the 
Creator into a few forms or into one." As Prof. 
Tyndall has wisely remarked, the evolution hypo- 
thesis " does not solve it does not profess to 
solve the ultimate mystery of this universe." 3 
So far then as the " origin of species " is concerned 
we may conclude with Huxley that " evolution 
does not come into contact with Theism, con- 
sidered as a philosophical doctrine. That with 
which it does collide, and with which it is abso- 
lutely inconsistent is the conception of creation 
which theological speculators have based upon 
the history narrated in the opening of the Book 
of Genesis." Similarly, he explains that " Anthro- 

1 Science and the Faith, p. 180. 

2 Life and Letters, i. p. 307. 

3 Scientific Use of the Imagination, p. 49. 


pology has nothing to do with the truth or false- 
hood of religion it holds itself absolutely and 
entirely aloof from such questions but the natural 
history of religion, and the origin and growth of 
the religions entertained by the different tribes of 
the human race, are within its proper and legitimate 
province." l It is not creation or the existence of 
a Creator, still less the matter of a final revelation 
of God to man in Christ, that evolution and anthro- 
pology disproves, but merely the so-called " Mosaic " 
cosmogony. The true purpose of this ancient 
myth has been ably set forth by the researches of 
the late Canon Driver and others. 

It is hardly necessary to point out in a work of 
this kind that myth is not so much untruth as the 
childhood stage of history before it has drawn a 
clear distinction between imagery and actual 
occurrence, between fancy and fact. The problems 
of creation, the origin of man, and of evil, the 
beginning of social organization, and the distribu- 
tion of races, are cast into narrative form in language 
suitable for the mental capacity of the people for 
whom they are written. God teaches His people 
" precept upon precept, line upon line, here a little 
and there a little." The caves and rocks had not 
yet revealed their secret when the opening chapters 
of Genesis were written. The primitive mind askecf 
" Whence came man ? ?: " How does he differ 

1 Brit. Ass. Dublin, 1878. 


from the beasts ? ' : Such questions as these, as we 
hope to be able to show, were answered with child- 
like wisdom and fascinating spirituality freed 
from the crude and gross mythologies of those who 
" had not the fear of God before their eyes." The 
book of Genesis was written to teach religious truth, 
and to this end human tradition was made the 
vehicle of bringing home to the minds of its original 
readers certain spiritual realities. Matters that 
are discoverable by human reason, and the means 
of investigation which God has placed within the 
reach of man's faculties, are not the proper subjects 
of Divine revelation, any more than the material 
facts of nature are the concern of revealed religion. 

It is to the successive discoveries of a series of 
human fossil remains that have been made since 
the middle of the last century that we must turn 
to ascertain the true history of early man, and 
the gradual process of development through which 
he passed ere he became Homo sapiens. In the 
forthcoming pages we shall endeavour to set forth 
in some detail the anthropological and archaeo- 
logical evidence which has accumulated since the 
days of Lucretius, Lamarck, Darwin and Lyell, 
and completely verified the anticipations of these 
original thinkers. On such matters the Bible 
can throw little light. The old belief that " there 
are just as many species of plants and animals as 
there were different forms originally created by 


the Infinite Being ; and that these different forms, 
according to the laws of reproduction imposed 
upon them, produced others, but always forms 
like themselves," has yielded to a " view of life, 
with its several powers, having been originally 
breathed by the Creator into a few forms or into 
one ; and, that whilst this planet has gone cycling 
on according to the fixed laws of gravity, from 
so simple a beginning endless forms most beautiful 
and most wonderful have been, and are being 
evolved.' 1 



So long as man was believed to have come into the 
world as a fully equipped being the last of a 
series of special creations there was little room 
for scientific research in the matter of prehistoric 
man, although even as long ago as 1843 Dr. J. C. 
Prichard, who may be regarded as the founder 
of modern anthropology, wrote, in his Natural 
History of Man : " The organised world presents 
no contrasts and resemblances more remarkable 
than those which we discover on comparing man- 
kind with the inferior tribes. That creatures 
should exist so nearly approaching to each other 
in all the particulars of their physical endowments 
and capabilities, would be a fact hard to believe 
if it were not manifest to our observation. The 
differences are everywhere striking : the resem- 
blances are less obvious in the fulness of their extent, 
and they are never contemplated without wonder 
by those who, in the study of anatomy and physi- 
ology, are first made aware how near is man in his 



physical constitution to the brutes. In all the 
principles of his internal structure, in the composi- 
tion and functions of his parts, man is but an 
animal. The lord of the earth, who contemplates 
the eternal order of the universe, and aspires to 
communion with its invisible Maker, is a being 
composed of the same materials, and framed on 
the same principles, as the creatures which he had 
tamed to be the servile instruments of his will, or 
slays for his daily food. The points of resemblance ; 
they extend to the most recondite arrangements 
of that mechanism which maintains instrumentally 
the physical life of the body, which brings forward 
its early development and admits, after a given 
period, its decay, and by means of which is pre- 
pared a succession of similar beings destined to 
perpetuate the race." 

Since these words were written more than half 
a century has elapsed, during which time Lamarck's 
theory of the development of species has been 
enlarged into a definite scheme of evolution de- 
pending upon natural selection, the survival of 
the fittest in the struggle for existence and the 
hereditary transmission of acquired characters. 
By many infallible proofs, some of which have 
been briefly considered, the doctrine has won its 
way to universal acceptance by those who are 
acquainted with the facts. The science of anthro- 
pology, whose business is to study man as a unit 


VH V -^SS 

H^ g'3 
X u S H 



So W 



,* PL, ,2 




in the animal kingdom, has therefore become one 
of the most prominent and fascinating branches 
of this method of regarding the world of nature. 
Closely allied to it are other sciences. Geology 
and palaeontology investigate the secrets hidden 
in the rocks, and thus prepare the way for the 
anthropologist, by telling him the age of the 
deposits in which human remains are discovered, 
and identifying the associated prehistoric fauna. 
The anatomist and physiologist explain the struc- 
ture and functions of the human body, while the 
psychologist deals with the operations of the human 
mind. Ethics treat of man's duty to his neighbour, 
and theology deals with his duty to his God, and 
God's relation to him. Philology is concerned 
with the origin, development and racial significance 
of language. Sociology, technology and prehis- 
toric archaeology investigate the social and legal 
organization, customs, institutions, artefacts, etc., 
of man from the earliest times onwards. Thus, 
the compleat anthropologist must be acquainted, 
though perhaps not very intimately, with all these 
allied sciences. 

Before proceeding to give some idea of the 
progress that has been made during the last fifty 
years in investigating the early history of humanity 
and civilization from the new standpoint we will 
first briefly survey the geological and archaeo- 
logical situation. The geologist divides the earth's 


strata into definite ages, of which, the earliest to 
contain indisputable evidence of human remains 
is the Pleistocene Period. The duration of this 
period is variously estimated. Prof. Sollas regards 
the deposits which were laid down during the age 
as forming, when superimposed, a depth of 4000 
feet. He estimates that the formation has pro- 
ceeded at the rate of a foot per century, and that 
therefore the collective deposits of the Pleistocene 
period have taken approximately 400,000 years 
to form. 1 Prof. Eutot thinks that 140,000 years 
will suffice to account for the formation of the 
Pleistocene gravels of Belgium, and therefore 
argues that what applies to Belgium applies to 
the rest of Europe. Penck, on the other hand, 
requires at least half a million years to account 
for the changes produced by Alpine glaciers during 
the Pleistocene phases of glaciation. Prof. Keith 
is content with an Ice Age lasting from 450,000 
to 700,000 years. In the present state of our 
knowledge the estimates are little better than 
guesses, although rough calculations have their 
value as rough guides of the enormous antiquity 
of primeval man. 

Beyond the Pleistocene we enter the Pliocene 
Period of the earth's geological history. The 
presence of man in this age is still sub judice, as we 
shall see when we come to discuss the problem in 

1 Nature, 1900, vol. Ixii. p. 481. 


its various aspects. Suffice it to say at this juncture 
that the Palaeolithic Period of archaeology 
corresponds roughly to the Pleistocene of the 
geologist, while the pre-palaeolithic or Eolithic 
Period extended far back into the Tertiary era. 
During the Pleistocene epoch there was a distinct 
change in the fauna from time to time, due to the 
alteration in climate. In the temperate intervals 
the richly wooded and well-watered plains of 
Europe became happy hunting grounds for large 
herds of animals grazing over the verdant plains, 
together with a number of rhinoceri and mammoths 
seeking their pasture in the fresh herbage of the 
forest. Ranging the moors were troops of ele- 
phants and elks ; the bear watched over her young 
in the cave ; the hippopotamus sported among the 
gigantic foliage, or plunged majestically into the 
river, while the cave-lion, the hyena, and other 
beasts of prey lay in wait amongst the dark thickets 
and large rocks ready to spring upon the herds of 
grazing animals or hippopotamuses hurrying to the 
water. Then came the north winds, and with 
them the return of glacial conditions. Pursuer 
and pursued alike were caught as in a trap, and 
the majority left but their carcases as evidence 
of their existence on the earth. Those that 
sought safety in flight were sooner or later exter- 
minated. This fate befell the hippopotamuses, and 
also one or two species of elephant. Elephas anti- 


quus, Trogontherium, Machairodus or Trucifelis 
the early cat and a species of beaver, Elas- 
motherium, likewise perished in the Drift period. 
Other animals, like the lion and hyena, withdrew 
to the sunnier south and there lingered on till the 
glacial conditions passed away. 

On the other hand, according to Von Zittel, 
an immigration of cold-loving animals took place, 
which still survive in the Arctic regions, on the 
Asiatic Steppes, and in the high mountain ranges. 
These mixed with the old drift fauna surviving 
in the temperate zone. The thick woolly rhino- 
ceros (Rhinoceros antiquus) and the woolly- 
haired mammoth (Elephas primigenius), together 
with Rhinoceros merckii, were able to defy the raw 
climate and thus were preserved. The reindeer 
followed the musk ox and other arctic fauna 
northwards, and pastured in large herds on the 
edges of the glaciers. The ibex, chamois, Alpine 
hare, marmot, etc., that now live on the Alps, 
have also survived. 

According as the glaciers advanced or receded, 
the animals of the drift were forced southwards, 
or wandered northwards. During the inter-glacial 
phases, the mammoth especially seems to have 
penetrated far to the north of Europe. In con- 
sequence of these oscillations in the climatic con- 
ditions of the Drift era we have to distinguish the 
pre-glacial and inter-glacial phases as warmer 


sub-periods of the glacial epoch. Prof. Sollas 
illustrates these revolutions of climate from the 
Hotting 1 breccia, and, notwithstanding Prof. 
Lepsius' criticism of the doctrine of interglacial 
episodes as set forth by this stratum, we may with 
advantage refer to it as an example in favour of 
glacial oscillations. 2 

This breccia consists of fragments of a dark 
grey dolomite limestone, cemented together by a 
reddish marly matrix. The rock on which it rests 
is a dark blue clay containing scratched glacial 
boulders ; it is a true boulder clay, and represents 
a moraine of the third glacial phase. Since the 
breccia overlies this, it must be of later date. 
Higher up, at a height of about 2500 to 3000 feet, 
we encounter a second deposit of boulder clay, a 
moraine formed during the fourth or last glacial 
episode. This rests directly upon the smooth 
surface of the breccia, which must therefore be of 
earlier date. Thus the breccia is older than the 
last glacial phase, and younger than the 
last but one, and may provisionally be regarded 
as representing an interglacial epoch, since it 
contains numerous fossil remains of non-alpine 
flora. 3 From this evidence Penck concludes that 

1 Hotting is a village on the northern slope of the Inn 
valley, near Innsbruck. 

2 Ancient Hunters, pp. 24-28. 

3 Of. R. von Wettstein, Die Fossile Flora der Hottingen Breccia. 


the climate of Innsbruck in the days of the Hotting 
breccia was 2 C. warmer than it is now ; and 
therefore the snow-line stood 1000 feet above its 
present level. That is to say, only the higher 
peaks of the Alps were snow-clad. 

Thus the Hotting region furnishes us with 
geological evidence of the oscillations of climate 
in the Glacial period. The lower boulder clay, 
representing the third glacial phase, witnesses to 
a time when the snow-line of the Alps had descended 
4000 feet below its existing level, and the valley 
of the Inn was filled with ice ; the Hotting breccia, 
representing the third interglacial phase, testifies 
to a time when the ice had disappeared and the 
mountains had been denuded of their snow, when 
also forest growth, thickets of rhododendrons, and 
a quantity of flowering annuals covered the bare 
rocks, and adorned the dreary expanses of boulder 
clay. The upper boulder clay, representing the 
fourth and last glacial phase, witnesses to a final 
advance of the ice when the snow-line again crept 
down to its previous level, 5000 feet below that 
of the Hotting interval, and glaciers replaced the 
forests of the Inn. 

Space prevents any further discussion of the 
vexed question of the various stages in the Glacial 
period. The subject is really one of geology, 
though its bearing on anthropology is of the utmost 
importance. Looking at it from a purely un- 


biased standpoint, we feel that the general scheme 
of four Ice Ages separated by interglacial phases, 
as suggested by James Geikie, Penck, Sollas, and 
Bruckner, is supported by stronger evidence than 
the arrangement advocated by the French school 
Boule, Breuil, Obermaier, etc. or that of Messrs. 
Dawkins and Lamplugh, in this country. 

The appearance of the human race on the earth 
is supposed to belong to a past more remote than 
the beginning of the Glacial period, although the 
evidence of the existence of man in very early days 
is somewhat unconvincing. It is difficult to 
definitely assign any human remains except flints 
to the Pliocene, although Dr. Eugene Dubois, the 
discoverer of the famous Pithecanthropus Erectus 
the ape-man of Java refers the strange creature 
he unearthed at Trinil to the Tertiary epoch. 

The story of Pithecanthropus is well known to 
anthropologists. The site lies on the east bank 
of the Solo, a stream which rises among the volcanic 
hills in the centre of Java. From the deposits 
of the east bank of the Solo, Dr. Dubois, between 
1891 and 1894, removed fossil bones representing 
twenty-seven different kinds of animals, which he 
assigned to the late Pliocene. Below the fossil- 
iferous bed is a stratum of conglomerate, under 
which is a layer of clay, resting on a marine deposit 
containing fossil shells of early Pliocene type. 
It was in the fossiliferous bed, among the late 


Pliocene (?) fauna, that a skull-cap, a human 
thigh bone (left), and two molar teeth were dis- 
covered. In his memoir, which he published in 
1894, he assigns the remains to an animal having 
an erect attitude like man, and a brain case with 
mixed characters, partly simian and partly human. 
Thus he named it Pithecanthropus Erectus, because, 
although it possessed the human erect posture, yet 
it presented many ape-like traits. It occupied, 
in fact, according to Dubois, a position midway 
between anthropoid apes and man. Therefore 
it was the harbinger of a family of " Missing 
links." L 

Unfortunately, however, the bones, though 
found in the same strata, were some distance apart, 
and therefore it has been suggested that they may 
not belong to the same individual. The femur is 
almost unanimously regarded as human, but 
expert opinion is divided over the teeth, some 
regarding them as simian, others as human. This 
testifies to their intermediate character. The chief 
interest, however, attaches to the calvaria or 
skull-cap. Prof. Cunningham emphasizes the 
similarity it bears to the gibbon ; Prof. Schwalbe 
sees more resemblance to the chimpanzee, while 
both agree that it is simian rather than human. 
The opinion of anatomists is thus divided. Six 

1 Pithecanthropus Erectus : eine menschenahnliche Uebergangsform 
aus Java. Cf. Royal Society of Dublin, 1895 : Dubois. 


authorities regard the skull as human and six 
describe it as simian, while eight (mostly French) 
consider it to be intermediate, i.e. a missing link. 
The forehead recedes more than that of the chim- 
panzee, but the length and breadth of the skull is 
well within the range of human dimensions. The 
cranial capacity, however, is considerably reduced 
by the thickness of the supra-orbital torus in front, 
and the occipital wall behind. The capacity of an 
average European man is about 1500 c.c., and 
that of the highest apes 600 c.c. A Tyrolese skull 
has been found to only measure 880 c.c., and a 
female skull in Peru 920 c.c., but these are ex- 
ceptional cases. Sir W. Turner found the capacity 
of an Australian woman's skull to be limited to 
930 c.c., and that of a Dravidian Bheel to be 940 
c.c. 1 The normal cubic content of the cranium 
in Australia is about 1250 c.c. to 1350 c.c. Dubois 
estimated the volume of the head of Pithecan- 
thropus at 850 c.c., a calculation rather lower 
than that arrived at by other investigators of the 
creature. But even making allowance for a re- 
duced estimate, the brain capacity of Pithecan- 
thropus is about half-way between the highest 
ape and the lowest men. Nevertheless it should 
be remembered in this connexion that the size of 
the skull-cap, or even of the brain itself, is by no 

1 Trans. Royal Soc. Edin. 1911, xlvii. p. 456. Of. Ancient Hunters, 
p. 38. 


means a safe guide in estimating mental capacity. 
Some of the most primitive remains show an 
exceedingly large calvaria. The capacity of several 
of the Neanderthal type of crania, for example, 
often exceeds, or at least equals, that of the modern 
European. Furthermore, it is by no means in 
accordance with the general character of the 
artefacts unearthed from the Pliocene strata by 
Mr. Reid Moir, Mr. Benjamin Harrison, etc., to 
assign to " Eolithic " man a small mental capacity. 

Quite apart from the vexed question of cranial 
capacity, a cast of the brain reveals that " the 
average area of the exposed superficies equals half 
the average area in twelve European hemispheres, 
but at least double that in the brain of a large 
chimpanzee or of an orang-utan. This seems to 
indicate that our fossil being possessed already a 
certain amount of power of speech." l On the 
other hand, the pithecoid condition in the parietal 
lobe lying between the centres for sensation show 
that the brain of Pithecanthropus was unable to 
reason by the association of memorised ideas. 
That is to say, the ape-man was hardly human 
in intellect. 

Adding to this evidence the definitely human 
femur, and the animal represented by the remains 
justifies its name of Pithecanthropus Erectus 

1 Dubois, 4th Internal. Congress Zoology, 1898, p. 78 ; Journal 
Anat. and Physiol. 1899, vol. xxxiii. p. 273, 


the ape-man who walked erect. But does this 
mean that he is the " Missing Link ? ?: In Pithe- 
canthropus we find a being who is human in stature, 
gait, and, in fact, in every respect save his brain. 
All the structural characters of this interesting 
specimen from Java are exactly what we should 
expect to find in the transitional stage between 
man and ape. Does Pithecanthropus, then, re- 
present the long sought missing link in the evolution 
of the human organism ? 

Before answering this question there are two 
facts that have to be considered : (1) What 
exactly is the antiquity of the Java remains ? 
(2) What relation does Pithecanthropus bear to 
Palaeolithic man, and the embryonic history of 
the human body ? There is also, of course, the 
momentous question as to whether the bones 
belong to the same skeleton, for if two skeletons 
are represented, one may be human and the other 
anthropoid. It seems, however, highly probable 
that the bones belong to the same species, and, as 
no trace of a burial is discoverable, it is reasonable 
to assume that they are parts of the same individual. 
If we do not admit this, we must suppose that the 
teeth and femur belong to a human being possessed 
of simian features, while the calvaria is part of an 
anthropoid skull. Again, if two skeletons are 
represented it is curious that no further remains 
should have been discovered in the immediate 


neighbourhood. We may therefore decide this 
latter point in favour , of Prof. Dubois, who 
assigned the bones to one and the same creature. 
To pass on to the matter of the date of the 
remains, we find ourselves faced with a more 
difficult problem. It has already been shown 
that Prof. Dubois claims Pliocene antiquity for 
Pithecanthropus. This conclusion has been con- 
tested by several authorities, who place the Solo 
deposits in the Pleistocene. To settle the age of 
the strata more definitely, and to re-investigate 
the site, Frau Lenore Selenka and Prof. Max 
Blanckenhorn arranged an expedition in 1906 to 
visit Trinil, with the result that a number of fossil 
forms were brought to light. Again expert opinion 
is divided. Dr. Stemme regards the fauna as late 
Pliocene, while others refer it to the older Pleisto- 
cene. Prof. Keith is of the opinion that the 
mammalian remains of the fossiliferous bed at 
Trinil resembles that of the Cromer forest beds, 
which oscillate in the geological scale on either 
side of the border-line between the Pliocene and 
Pleistocene. 1 This seems to be the most probable 
solution to the problem, since they include such 
forms as Elephant, Stagodon, Rhinoceros, Hyena, 
Hippopotamus, Babalus (identical with a Siwalik 
Pliocene form), Deer, etc. Prof. Klaatsch has 
recently explored the region in search of flint 

1 The Antiquity of Man, p. 260. 


implements made by Pithecanthropus, but without 

The relation of Pithecanthropus to the ancient 
types of Palaeolithic man is complicated by 
the recent discovery of several types of ancient 
humanity of an entirely different nature. Granting 
that the Trinil ape-man lived at the end of the 
Pliocene, it is inconceivable that the rudimentary 
brain represented by his calvaria should have de- 
veloped into that of the later type, in the interval 
between the Pliocene and the mid Pleistocene. 
This difficulty is greatly enhanced by the discovery 
made a few years ago at Piltdown in Sussex. The 
site of this epoch-making discovery is situated in 
a shady avenue leading to Barkham Manor, a 
short distance from a beautiful piece of Sussex 
moorland Piltdown Common eight miles north of 
Lewes, and three miles from Uckfield. Near the 
Manor, between the roadway and the hedge, there 
is a small gravel-pit on the right hand side of the 
avenue. A less likely spot for a momentous dis- 
covery it would be difficult to imagine. Even 
the trained eye of the expert would not expect 
to find beneath this shallow stratum of river-gravel, 
which is less than four feet in depth at this point, 
human remains calculated to materially advance 
our knowledge of primeval man. The gravel is 
stratified and was evidently laid down by running 
water, judging from the water- worn appearance 


of some of the flints, although the Ouse is now 
nearly a mile away to the north-west. In the 
lowest layer, which is only six inches in thickness, 
Charles Dawson of Lewes procured an unusually 
thick human parietal bone. A few years later 
(1911), on again visiting the spot, he picked up 
another piece of the frontal region of the same 
skull, including a portion of the left superciliary 
ridge. On examination of his finds he was im- 
pressed by the resemblance the fragments bore to 
the Heidelberg jaw, 1 and consequently took them 
to Dr. Smith Woodward at the Natural History 
Museum in London. This led to further excava- 
tions, and the discovery in the spring of 1912 of 
the greater part of what is perhaps the most im- 
portant prehistoric skull yet unearthed. 2 

The remains consist of a large part of the left 
side of the skull, and a portion of the lower jaw. 
In the same deposit a number of eoliths were found 
(bearing a striking resemblance to the eoliths 
discovered by Mr. Benjamin Harrison in the red 
gravels at Ightham in Kent), together with some 
unworn palaeolithic implements of the Chellean 
type. In the summer of 1914 Mr. Dawson found 
in the upper layer of gravel a fossilised piece of an 
elephant's femur, showing evidence of having been 
worked into shape by human hands. If this is 
really a bone implement, then the industry that 

x See p. 43. 2 Quarterly Jour. Geol Soc. March 1913, vol. xix. p. 117. 


has hitherto been confined to Mousterian or post- 
Mousterian times must be carried back to the 
pre-Chellean era ! 

A very interesting collection of animal remains, 
such as the mastodon arvernensis, a Pliocene ele- 
phant (elephas meridionalis), two teeth of the 
hippopotamus, horse, beaver, and a large red deer, 
were found near the skull. The two Pliocene 
beasts elephas meridionalis, and the mastodon 
were, like the eoliths, in a water- worn condition, 
and prove that the gravel was partly composed of 
the remains of some Pliocene deposit, probably a 
higher and older gravel of the river Ouse. The 
skull, however, appears to be contemporaneous 
with the palaeoliths rather than the eoliths and the 
Pliocene fauna, as the bones show no signs of being 
waterworn. If this assumption is correct, the age 
of Piltdown man Eoanthropus Dawsoni as he is 
called should be fixed as early Pleistocene. At 
the same time it should be pointed out that Mr. 
Reid Moir, the well-known expert on early flints, 
assigns the " more Palaeolithic-looking specimens " 
to a period preceding the " Chelles " phase. In 
this case the Piltdown skull belongs to an inter- 
mediate period between the Pliocene eoliths and 
the early Pleistocene palaeoliths. In fact Prof. Keith 
would go so far as to definitely assign Eoanthropus 
to the Pliocene. 1 

1 Antiquity of Man, pp. 306-315. 


It is impossible here to review all the evidence 
regarding the antiquity of this important discovery. 
Sufficient, however, has been said to show that the 
Piltdown remains takes us very far back, into at 
least the earliest phases of the Pleistocene, and 
therefore not far removed, in point of time, from 
Pithecanthropus. But the most cursory glance 
at a cast of these two early types of humanity- 
granting that the latter is human will show at 
once the enormous difference between their physical 
features. Pithecanthropus is, as we have seen, 
a creature with an extremely low receding forehead, 
prominent brow-ridges, a small cranial capacity, 
and other ape-like features. Eoanthropus, on the 
other hand, has a cranial capacity of about 1397 
c.c., 1 a very high forehead (higher than in the 
Neanderthal race), feebly developed brow-ridges, 
thus in some respects resembling modern man. 
The shape of the upper part of the skull is thoroughly 
human, and the low cranial capacity is partly 
explained, if the supposition is correct, that the 
Piltdown skeleton is that of a woman. 

The lower jaw is perhaps of greater significance 
than any other feature of the skull. So nearly 
does it resemble the mandible of a young chim- 

1 Smith Woodward's latest estimate is nearly 1300 c.c., Keith * 
suggests as much as 1397 c.c., if the two sides of the skull were 
properly restored, but Elliot Smith's rearrangement would reduce 
the capacity to 1100 c.c. 


panzee that Dr. Smith Woodward has taken the 
jaw of that ape as a model for his reconstruction. 
He has given the creature ape-like front teeth, 
and a correspondingly elongated upper jaw, thus 
making the face very prognathous (protruding). 
The jaw, like several other very early mandibles, 
is chinless, and therefore the front teeth must 
have been very large, though it is possible that the 
anterior curve of the jaw passed more sharply 
upwards than in Dr. Woodward's cast, and the 
teeth are in consequence smaller and more human. 
This conjecture is supported by the two molars 
that have been preserved, both of which are per- 
fectly human. Jutting in from the jaw where it 
is broken off there is a small piece of bone which 
makes the extent of the symphysis (bony union of 
the two sides of the jaw) very great. This again 
is an ape-like feature. 1 Enough has been said to 
show that Eoanthropus represents a new genus 
combining a human cranium with an ape's jaw, 
and therefore, that Dr. Woodward is justified in 
placing it in a class by itself with a distinctive name. 
Before discussing the relationship of Pithecan- 
thropus to the Piltdown man and the rest of 
humanity, the other discoveries that have thrown 
light upon the origin and antiquity of man must be 
briefly reviewed. 

1 Gerrit S. Miller in Bureau American Ethnol. (Nov. 24, 1915) 
refers the mandible to an adult chimpanzee. 


Eighteen years separated the discovery of Pithe- 
canthropus from that of the second great find which 
takes man back to late Pliocene or early Pleistocene 
times. In 1907 an immense and extraordinary 
human jaw was found by workmen in a sandpit 
near the village of Mauer, about ten kilometres 
south-east of Heidelberg. The mandible was 
buried about eighty feet below the surface in a 
layer of sand and shingle, from which a number of 
extinct animals have been extracted. The fauna 
includes Elephas antiquus, Rhinoceros etruscus, two 
species of bear ( Ursus arvernensis and Ursus denin- 
geri) ; a cave lion, wolf, boar (Sus scrofa priscus), 
deer (Cervus patifrons), red deer, roe deer, bison, 
beaver, horse (Equus stenonsis), and shells similar 
to those of the Cromer forest bed. It will be seen 
that there is, so far as the evidence goes, a very 
close similarity in the animals known to the Heidel- 
berg man and Eoanthropus. Elephas antiquus, 
Rhinoceros etruscus, and the two bears, suggest, 
if not Pliocene, at least one of the early genial 
episodes of the Pleistocene. 

The jaw itself presents several remarkable feat- 
ures. The dentition is absolutely human, the 
teeth being almost absurdly small in comparison 
with the enormous strength of the rest of the 
mandible. Notwithstanding the small teeth, there 
is complete absence of any prominence at the chin. 
The chin of modern man is the result of the con- 


traction of the upper surface of the jaw, owing to 
less room being required for the teeth. It is there- 
fore surprising to find such small teeth in what is 
admittedly the largest human jaw yet discovered. 
In fact the dentition of the Heidelberg jaw is in 
some respects (excluding the grinding molars, 
which are enormous) less primitive than that of the 
Australian of to-day, though, of course, exceeding 
that of any modern Europeans. It is thus clearly 
impossible to assign the possessor of this mandible 
to the anthropoid variety of Primates. On the 
other hand, its huge proportions, and the slight 
depression replacing the sigmoid notch (the upper 
margin of the ascending ramus) testify to its primi- 
tive character. Prof. Keith thinks that the jaw 
is too massive to fit the skull of Pithecanthropus, 
though he is prepared to admit a comparison be- 
tween the teeth of the two creatures. Be this as 
it may, Homo Heidelbergensis represents a human 
genus far removed from the later types of Palaeo- 
lithic man, and at the same time a definitely human 

To pass from the remains that possess good 
claims to occupy an intermediate position between 
mankind and the anthropoid apes, we come to the 
human fossils in mid-Pleistocene deposits. The 
first discovery of remains of Palaeolithic man to 
receive serious attention was made in 1856, when 
some workmen brought to light a human skeleton 


in the Feldhofen Cave, at the entrance to a small 
ravine called Neanderthal, on the right bank of 
the river Diissel, in Rhenish Prussia. It lay em- 
bedded in a hard loam, and unfortunately was 
badly damaged before it was extricated. How- 
ever, Dr. Fuhlrott, a physician who happened to 
be interested in cave exploration, was near at hand, 
and superintended the excavation, with the result 
that the cranium, the thigh bones, the right and 
left humerus, fragments of the pelvis, shoulder-blade, 
collar-bone, and of the ribs, were preserved, and 
are now in the Rheinische-Antiquitats' Museum 
at Bonn. When the remains were first exhibited, 
doubts were freely expressed as to their human 
character. Virchow pronounced his opinion that 
the cranium was diseased ; Broca declared them 
to be normal ; and Dr. Shaafhausen, an expert 
anatomist, who . in 1858 published an excellent 
account of the bones, in which he described them 
as the " most ancient memorial of the early in- 
habitants of Europe." 1 Huxley recognised the 
skull as human " the most brutal of all known 
human skulls " though he always maintained 
that Neanderthal man was merely an extreme 
variant of modern man, and not a separate type 
Homo Neanderthalensis* 
The most striking features of the skull are the 

1 Of. G. Busk, Natural Hist. Review, 1861, p. 283. 
8 Man's Place in Nature, 


thickness of the bones, the low retreating forehead, 
the heavy brow-ridges, and the widening of the 
occipital region. The cranial capacity is estimated 
at 1230 c.c. The bones and teeth of the cave- 
bear, the cave hyena, Rhinoceros tichorhinus, and 
Elephas primigenius, were found in a similar cave 
in the same stratum, thus suggesting that the 
Neanderthal man lived in company with Pleistocene 
fauna. This conclusion the world in the middle 
of the nineteenth century was by no means ready 
to admit. All kinds of interpretations were put 
upon the remains. It was impossible to argue 
that the narrow-headed individual with the low 
retreating forehead and projecting brow-ridges, 
embedded in a cave eroded in Devonian limestone 
in which such fauna as the mammoth also occurred, 
was only 4000 years old. Since the chronology 
of Archbishop Usher could not err, the Neanderthal 
skeleton could only be that of an idiot, of an usual 
species of ape, or of a diseased person. 

So long as this skeleton was the only one of its 
kind, and an imperfect one at that, its testimony 
was unconvincing. Even among scientists, who 
had no creation theory to maintain, there was, 
as we have seen, a sharp divergence of opinion 
as to whether the relic should be ascribed to an 
extinct race, or whether it belonged to a degenerate 
and diseased individual of the modern type of 
man. In the sixty years that has elapsed since 


the first discovery many other similar remains 
have been brought to light, which prove the exist- 
ence of a definite Neanderthal race widely spread 
over Europe in the earlier part of the Pleistocene 

While the scientific world was thinking hard, 
its meditations were disturbed by the discovery, 
in 1866, of a woman's jaw in the Trou de Naulette 
a limestone cave in the banks of the river Lesse 
in Belgium. Only the region of the chin and the 
left part of the mandible remained. All the teeth 
had dropped from their sockets after death, but 
the sockets show that they were of the Neanderthal 
type. The conclusion that the Naulette mandible 
belongs to the same species as the skeleton from 
the Neander valley is also supported by the absence 
of chin and its massive proportions, together with 
the geological evidence furnished by the site in 
which it was found. The jaw lay fourteen feet 
below the surface of the ground, and in the same 
stratum remains of mammoth, woolly rhinoceros, 
bear and reindeer occurred, together with flint 
implements of the Mousterian type. 1 

A skull of a similar nature had been found in 
Forbes Quarry, Gibraltar, in 1848 ; but, as this 
discovery took place before the epoch-making 
discovery at Neanderthal, it attracted little atten- 
tion, till in 1862 Mr. George Busk brought the 

1 See p. 73. 


skull to England, and subsequently presented it 
to the Museum of the Royal College of Surgeons 
in Lincoln's Inn Fields, London. In 1864 he 
published a description of the skull, and a few 
years later Broca described its osteological charac- 
ters. But it was not until 1907, when Prof. Sollas 
took the matter up, that a detailed and critical 
account of the remains was put forth. Additional 
information on the subject has been given by Dr. 
Duckworth and Dr. Sera the former, having 
explored the site in 1910, found Mousterian flints 
in an adjoining cave. The most important feature 
of the specimen consists in the fact that the bones 
of the face and of the skull have remained intact. 
The mandible and upper molars are wanting, as 
is a part from the vault of the skull. The upper 
jaw does not project, therefore the face is not 
prognathous. The cranial capacity is estimated 
by Keith at 1100 c.c., 1 and is therefore less than 
the typical Neanderthal type. A striking feature 
of the skull is the enormous size of the orbital and 
nasal cavities. Keith regards the Gibraltar man 
as a more primitive type than the true Neanderthal 
race ; in fact, it appears to him to bridge the gulf 
between Pithecanthropus and the typical Nean- 
derthal man. 2 

The ball having been set rolling, it moved rapidly. 

1 Sollas gives the capacity as 1260 c.c., and Boule 1296 c.c. 

2 Ancient Types of Man, p. 121 f. Cf. Antiquity of Man, T p. 135. 


The caves at Le Moustier, Chapelle-aux-Saints, 
La Ferrassie, in France ; Spy, in Belgium ; St. 
Ere" lade, in Jersey, revealed traces of their ancient 
inhabitants, so that at the present time we have 
more than twenty examples of the Neanderthal 
type of Palaeolithic man. Space does not permit 
of our describing these various discoveries. Suffice 
it to say that while presenting certain variations, 
the Neanderthalers were a short, sturdily built 
race, standing about 5 feet 3 inches. They had 
projecting brow-ridges, massive jaws and teeth, 
prognathous faces, and chinless mandibles. Their 
bodies were very probably hairy. They walked 
upright, and protected themselves from the icy 
climate of the mid-Pleistocene period by clothing 
themselves in skins, living in caves and making 
fires. A minute examination of their bones re- 
veals certain resemblances to the white, Mongol 
and Australian races of modern times, and also a 
few ape-like characters which are not found in any 
of the present day varieties of man. 

During the last inter-glacial phase the Neander 
thai race seems to have become extinct in Europe, 
but some time before its disappearance a type of 
man with different anatomical features arrived, 
and succeeded in establishing himself in France 
and elsewhere. Until recently it was supposed 
that there was but one race in Europe, and that 
this evolved passing through the stages of culture 



known as the Mousterian, Solutre'an, and Mag- 
dalenian. But this hypothesis has now been 
abandoned by most archaeologists. A theory 
advanced by M. FAbbe Breuil suggests that at the 
end of the Mousterian phase a new race of men, 
the Aurignacians, entered Europe by way of the 
land bridge connecting Tunis with Sicily and Italy 
traversed by the fauna in the previous age. Thence 
these people proceeded to France with the hippo- 
potamus, elephas antiquus and rhinoceros merckii, 
and established themselves in the Pyrenees and 
the valley of the Vezere, where they came into 
contact with the Neanderthal race. Further, it 
has been supposed that other races of a negroid 
character subsequently entered France and Italy, 
having affinities with the Pygmies. Before passing 
judgment on this hypothesis we must examine 
the evidence upon which it is based. 

In excavating a railway cutting in the valley of 
the Vezere, near Les Eyzies in the Dordogne, a 
rock shelter (Cro-Magnon) was found in 1868, 
containing five almost entire skeletons. These 
differ from the Neanderthal type in exhibiting 
certain marked resemblances to modern man. 
Their cephalic index i.e. the ratio of the breadth 
of a skull to its length, expressed as a percentage 
is about 73.6 and the cranial capacity 1590 c.c. 
The teeth are small, and the average height of the 
skeletons about 5 feet 1 1| inches. The strata of the 


lower floor of the cave in the limestone cliffs showed 
traces of hearths and the culture of the Aurig- 
nacian period. This type of humanity is character- 
ised by massive skulls with large cranial capacities, 
but slightly developed brow-ridges, well-marked 
chins, prominent cheek bones, long slender limbs, 
with short humeri or upper arm bones. Examples 
of the Cro-Magnon race have been discovered at 
Paviland (Wales), Grottes des Enfants (Mentone), 
Engis, Chancelade, Kent's Cavern, and possibly at 
Gough's Cave, Cheddar. 1 

In 1909 a complete skeleton belonging to a lower 
type of Palaeolithic man was discovered by the 
Swiss archaeologist, M. 0. Hauser, near Combe 
Capelle (in Perigord, France). Near the skeleton 
a number of flint implements of the Aurignacian 
type were found, together with a quantity of pierced 
snails' shells, which had evidently been used as a 
necklace. The skull presents a marked contrast 
to the Neanderthal type. In place of the low, 
flat cranium it has a high, well-developed fore- 
head. The superorbital ridges are less prominent, 
while the jaw shows little sign of prognathism. 
The chin has been described as a transition between 
a negative and a positive chin. The absence of a 
definite chin, however, shows that the man was of 
an early type, much less advanced than his Cro- 
Magnon successor. The Combe Capelle skeleton 

1 Cf. J.A.I, vol. xliv. 1914, pp. 241 if. 


has been associated with several others by Prof. 
Klaatsch. A very similar skull has been found 
at Galley Hill, near Northfleet, in Kent. It was 
discovered in 1888 in terrace gravels, although 
it was not until 1895 that it was described. The 
matter was then put before the Geological Society 
of London by Mr. E. T. Newton, F.R.S., but much 
difference of opinion was expressed by authorities ; 
some contended that the remains were those of a 
man living in the river-drift period ; others that 
they represented a late Palaeolithic or Neolithic 
interment. Prof. Keith describes the Galley Hill 
man as a type of a new race, which is still repre- 
sented in the modern population of Britain, although 
it was originally evolved long before the valley 
system of England had taken its present configura- 
tion. 1 M. Rutot, in 1903, assigned the remains to 
an early pre-palaeolithic culture period named by 
him the Mafflian, a conclusion he modified in 
1909, bringing the skeleton down to the Strepyan 

The Galley Hill remains were found in a gravel 
bed, 10 feet thick and 90 feet above the level of the 
valley. The skeleton was at a depth of eight feet 
from the surface, but unfortunately no associated 
fauna or implements have been found. However, 
the mammalian remains of the " high-level terrace " 
in the immediate vicinity include such early species 

1 Antiquity of Man, pp. 178-193. 


as Elephas antiquus, various forms of rhinoceros, 
ox, trogontherium, etc., and Palaeolithic imple- 
ments of the Chellean type are said to have been 
obtained from the same gravel. The chief difficulty 
lies in the fact that the spot at which the remains 
were discovered had been quarried away by the 
time the matter was scientifically investigated, and, 
therefore, it is impossible to definitely prove that 
the bones were in undisturbed strata. The skeleton 
itself is so distorted that measurements tend to 
become misleading. It appears to have belonged 
to a man of short stature, resembling in some 
respects modern human beings. The skull is 
dolichocephalic (long headed), with well marked 
superciliary ridges, a prominent glabella, and but 
a slightly developed chin. The large size of the 
last molar and of the head of the femur was 
thought by Dr. Gar son to be peculiar. The cephalic 
index is 64, and the thickness of the skull is 12 
millimetres. Through the courtesy of Prof. Keith, 
the present writer recently carefully examined the 
cast of the skull at the Museum of the Eoyal College 
of Surgeons, and came to the conclusion that the 
anatomical features of the specimen are primitive 
but not Neanderthaloid. The thickness of the 
cranial walls, the extreme length of the cephalic 
index, the strong bony ridges over the eyebrows, and 
the dimensions of the last molar, are all primitive 
characters, but at the same time it does not present 


the crude and beastial appearance of Homo Neander- 

In 1911 Mr. Reid Moir discovered at Ipswich a 
human skeleton in what is thought to be pre-boulder 
clay. 1 The fact that the remains were only 4j feet 
below the surface makes a later interment a highly 
probable explanation of the presence of the skeleton 
in the stratum. If, however, it can be proved that 
the site is really undisturbed, the discovery is of 
the utmost importance, as it constitutes an example 
of very early man. An examination of the actual 
remains do not suggest so great antiquity. The 
Neanderthaloid characters are absent, and the 
cranial capacity is estimated at 1430 c.c. True, the 
tibia was without the sharp, bony crest a simian 
feature yet this alone cannot be taken as of much 
value. With this passing reference, we deem it 
expedient to defer judgment on the archaeological 
value of the Ipswich skeleton till more convincing 
evidence is forthcoming. 2 

Before concluding this survey of ancient human 
remains, mention should be made of an interesting 
discovery at Grotte des Enfants, near Mentone, 
France. This cave derives its name from the fact 
that in the upper strata of the floor the skeletons 

1 J.A.I. 1912, vol. xii. p. 351. 

2 Mr. Reid Moir has lately published in Nature a letter in which 
he gives up the claim to a pre-boulder clay age to the Ipswich 



of two children were found. These, however, do 
not concern us now. Further excavations, carried 
out under the patronage of the Prince of Monaco, 
revealed, in another stratum, two human skeletons 
(those of an aged woman and a young man), which 
show a certain resemblance to a negroid type. 
The late Prof. Gaudry, after examining the jaw 
of the male skeleton, pointed out the similarity of 
the mandible to that of the natives of Australia 
large teeth, feeble chin development, and degree 
of prognathism. 1 Dr. Verneau saw in the same 
remains African negroid affinities, a conclusion 
supported by the long and slender lower limbs 
and forearms. Adding to these latter features 
the prominent molars, markedly prognathous jaws 
and sloping teeth, there seems to be good reason 
for assigning the remains to a distinct type. It 
has been called after the family name of the Prince 
of Monaco, the Grimaldi Race. 

From the foregoing descriptions, it follows that 
the remains of primeval man may be divided into 
three main groups. In the first place come the 
examples from the late Pliocene or early Pleistocene 
epoch Pithecanthropus, Eoanthropus, Homo 
Heidelbergensis, and the disputed Galley Hill man. 
In the second category are instances of the definitely 
human Neanderthal type. These are often called 
Homo Primigenius. The third division consists 

' 1 L' Anthropologie, 1903. 


of three varieties of Homo recens the Aurignacian, 
Cro-Magnon, and Grimaldi types. 

We are now in a position to discuss the relation- 
ship, or absence of relationship, of these various 
species. Are we to regard the first group as 
" missing links," since they all appear to be coeval 
in point of time, and represent a very early type 
of man having definite simian features ? Or do the 
remains found at Piltdown belong to one race, 
those in the Mauer sands to another, and the semi- 
human creature in the Trinil beds to a third species ? 
It would be easy to suppose that the Heidelberg 
man and Eoanthropus were preceded by still 
more primitive ancestral forms, of which Pithecan- 
thropus is an example. But the difficulties in the 
way of accepting this simple explanation of an 
extremely complex problem have already been 
pointed out. And only recently the question has 
been further complicated, for about two miles from 
Trinil a definitely human, though primitive, tooth 
has been discovered, which is thought to be older 
than Pithecanthropus. 1 

Prof. Klaatsch puts forth an ingenious but highly 
speculative supposition when he assumes the 
existence of a quantity of propithecanthropi 
(pre-ape-men or common progenitors of apes and 
men) which broke up into mighty hordes dispersing 
in all directions. From these hordes the ancestors 

1 Blanckenhorn, Zeitschrift fur Ethnologic, Bond 42. 5. 337. 


of the various anthropoids sprang. Thus, one 
concourse of pre-men wandered into Asia, and from 
them originated the orangs, whilst the main horde, 
ever evolving, came into Europe with the glacial 
fauna and produced the Aurignacian race. Had 
the Piltdown man been discovered when Klaatsch 
drew up his scheme, he would probably have placed 
Eoanthropus as the forerunner of the Aurignacians. 
Pithecanthropus is explained, on this hypothesis, 
as a propithecanthropi who has failed to attain to 
definite humanity. The more primitive and gorilla- 
like Neanderthal type is introduced into Egypt 
as an invader from Africa. 1 Keith takes violent 
exception to this theory. 2 No doubt the weakness 
lies in attributing to the ancestors of the orang-utan 
so close an association to any human ancestral forms. 
Keith adopts the view that the Neanderthal type 
is ancestral to the modern types, the alteration in 
physical features being largely due to the altera- 
tion in the pituitary angle (the pit or fossa situated 
on the upper-intracranial-aspect of the basal axis), 
consequent on a change in the function of the pitui- 
tary gland. 3 The fact that some of the Australians 
actually exemplify this process lends weight to the 
suggestion, but, at the same time, it should be 
remembered that Dr. Sera, after careful examina- 

1 Prehistorische Zeitschrift, i. 

2 Nature, Feb. 16, 1911 ; Dec. 15, 1910. 

3 Antiquity of Man, p. 156. 


tion of the Gibraltar skull, in which the pituitary 
angle is very open (and therefore tends to pitch 
the face forwards), concludes that the change in 
the pituitary gland may be due to environment 
and not to a condition of evolution. 1 

If Dr. Sera can prove definitely that the degree 
of platycephalism the downward flattening of 
the cranial arc in the Neanderthal skull is the 
result of environment, the theory of Homo Neander- 
ihalensis as a distinct type of primeval man will 
have to be abandoned, and the Gibraltar man 
regarded as presenting the essential features of 
Homo primigenius before he was affected by glacial 
environment, the result of which conditions is 
exemplified by the Neanderthal species. It is un- 
fortunate for Dr. Sera's argument that the Eskimos, 
who to-day represent an arctic race, display any- 
thing but platycephalic features. It is also difficult 
to reconcile Sera's view with the skull formation of 
Homo recens (Aurignacian and Cro-Magnon) who, 
in the Aurignacian period, lived side by side with 
glacial fauna, and yet had a well arched cranium. 

In the present state of our knowledge it is im- 
possible to speak with any degree of precision on 
the exact mode of development of the races and 
types of mankind. It seems highly probable that 
the Aurignacians were not evolved from the Nean- 
derthal race ; at least not in Europe. Kramberger, 

1 Archiv. Antropologia, 1909, vol. xix. p. 5. 


Schwalbe and Keith consider that the Neander- 
thal people represent a distinct species of human 
being. In this case it is justifiable to divide 
humanity into Homo primigenius and Homo 
recens (or sapiens). According to Schwalbe's view, 
the following classification would be allowable : 

Briix 1 




Homo Galley Hill 
Primi- Cro-Magnon 
genius. Australian 


European J 

The discovery of a human form like Eoanthropus 
and the Galley Hill man, wherein the features of 
modern man are represented, at the close of the 
Pliocene or the beginning of the Pleistocene age, 
is against any theory of a continuous gradual 
development from Pithecanthropus through Homo 
Heidelbergensis and Homo Neanderthalensis to the 
later types. Even if the Galley Hill skeleton be 
assigned to a more recent date, Eoanthropus has to 
be considered. Does he represent a separate human 
genus which became extinct and left no progeny, 
or does he constitute a stage of evolution reached 
by man at the commencement of the Pleistocene 
period ? These are indeed momentous questions 

1 A skull found at Briix (Moravia) is suggested as the connect 
ing link of the two species Cf. Keith's genealogical tree of man's 
ancestry reproduced on page 61. 


which have yet to be satisfactorily answered. 
If man of the Galley Hill-Piltdown type preceded, 
in point of time, man of the lower Neanderthal 
order, the ancestry of the former must be sought in 
the early Pliocene, or even in the Miocene or 
Oligocene, contemporary with eoliths. In this 
case Pithecanthropus and the Neanderthal race 
must be regarded as degenerate forms of humanity, 
which in course of time became extinct. Some 
authorities have tried to prove that the Neanderthal- 
Spy race survived the Palaeolithic age as the 
dolichocephalic Europeans ; others have attempted 
to show that the native Australians and the Eskimos 
are the direct successors of Neanderthal man. 

We, however, incline to the view (if we might 
venture to put forth a tentative suggestion, while 
awaiting further evidence) that man evolved from 
a common precursor early in the Pliocene, leaving 
behind him those pre-chellean implements which 
show undoubted signs of human workmanship. 
The discovery of Propliopithecus in the Oligocene 
strata of the Egyptian desert, having almost human 
dentition, slightly developed canines, perpen- 
dicular incisors and premolars, is a step towards 
the finding of the hypothetical common ancestor. 
It is quite within the bounds of probability that 
further research in the neighbourhood of the 
Siwalik hills in northern India will reveal one more 
of the Tertiary forerunners of the apes and man. 





Cornbe Capelle 

Galley Hill 


4,000 ft. 
400,000 years 


5,oco ft. 
500,000 years 


9,000 ft. 
900,000 years 


Palaeopithecus may be cited as an example from 
the Pliocene of the Siwalik hills, of a generalized 
type of extinct ape, related to the chimpanzee, 
the gorilla, and the gibbon, with upper premolars 
resembling those of man. Primitive representa- 
tives of the four existing types of anthropoids have 
been discovered in southern India. 

It therefore seems highly probable that in the 
Pliocene period there existed a type of man suffi- 
ciently high to serve as a common ancestor for the 
Neanderthal and the Eoanthropus-Galley Hill- 
Cro Magnon species of the human organism. -In 
our opinion Pithecanthropus does not represent 
either a precursor or an early phase of Neanderthal 
man, but a development on lines of its own. It is 
clearly impossible that the Piltdown or even the 
Gibraltar man could have evolved from the Trinil 
ape man, and there is good reason to believe that 
the Neanderthal type does not represent a develop- 
ment of Pithecanthropus. It seems more probable 
that the Heidelberg mandible constitutes a part of 
the remains of an early Neanderthal species living 
at the beginning of the Pleistocene, and perhaps 
contemporary with Eoanthropus. Towards the 
end of the Ice Age the Neanderthal type became 
extinct, while the Piltdown- Galley Hill race sur- 
vived as Aurignacian and Cro-Magnon man. It 
is possible that a certain amount of fusion between 
the types in Europe in the later Pleistocene resulted 


in the variation from the Cro-Magnon race pre- 
sented by the remains found at Grimaldi. 

At the close of the Mousterian culture phase new 
races seem to have entered Europe perhaps bear- 
ing a resemblance to Eoanthropus on the one hand, 
and to a negroid variety on the other with them 
came the warm-loving fauna, such as the horse, 
bison, cave lion, and cave hyena, and an advance 
in culture. As the dry and cold climate of the 
later part of the ancient loess reappeared, a new 
race the Magdalenians migrated into Europe 
with the reindeer, producing weapons made of 
bone and horn and decorating their dwellings with 
wonderful pictures and designs. By the close of 
the Palaeolithic period the ice had retreated to- 
wards the pole, thereby affording ample space for 
racial expansion. Thus is explained the great 
movements of peoples which characterised the 
transition from the Old to the New Stone Age. 
That a new and higher type of man entered Europe 
with the Neolithic period is highly improbable, 
since, as has been shown by Keith, the physical 
features of Neolithic man bear a remarkable 
similarity to those of the Cro-Magnon species. 1 
It was not until long after the close of the Palaeo- 
lithic Age that the characteristic dolichocephalic 
skull is found in company with a round or brachy- 
cephalic type of cranium in the archaeological 

1 Antiquity of Man, pp. 1-45. 


remains of Central and Southern Europe, although 
some have maintained that brachycephaly is of 
extremely ancient date, going back to the mid- 

Amongst the Neanderthalers, one skull, that of 
Krapina, is distinctly round-headed, having a 
cephalic index of 85.5 ; while the much discussed 
skulls of Furfooz, Grenelle, and La Trenchere, are 
also brachycephalic. The last mentioned skull 
combines a prognathous jaw and prominent nasal 
bones with a cephalic index of 84.32. M. Breuil 
suggests an immigration from the east in the 
Solutrean culture-phase to account for the finds 
characteristic of this epoch in East Central Europe. 
On this hypothesis the above-mentioned brachy- 
cephals might be regarded as the forerunners of the 
round-headed Alpines who invaded the continent 
in Neolithic times. It is reasonable to suppose 
that the makers of the famous laurel leaf flints l 
followed the reindeer eastwards to the Steppes and 
Asia before the Magdalenian invasion began, and, 
after mingling with the brachycephals of Asia, 
returned to the Central highlands in later times. 
But since no human remains can with certainty 
be attributed to the Solutrean, the theory of a 
Palaeolithic brachycephalic race must be regarded 
as at present unproven. 

1 See page 75. 



PROF. SOLLAS is undoubtedly correct in describing 
man in the earliest stages of the Palaeolithic 
period as an " Ancient Hunter." A hunter he 
must have been, not essentially by choice but from 
necessity. His life consisted in wandering over 
the fertile country, in the warm inter-glacial 
phases, chasing wild beasts on the densely forested 
banks of the immense rivers, collecting birds' eggs, 
grubs, wild fruits and berries. Homo primigenius 
was probably at first mainly a vegetarian, till, 
through the deficiency of the food supply caused 
by the advancing glacial period, he was obliged 
to acquire flesh-eating propensities, and thus 
added animal food to his original diet. But even 
so, his earliest attempts at " hunting " would most 
likely be confined to frogs, and the small rodents, 
till, as his implements, weapons, and skill became 
more developed, he became a hunter of big animals. 



It can be pretty safely assumed, judging from the 
teeth of the earliest skulls, and from the lack of 
implements, that prior to the Chellean Age prim- 
eval man was chiefly a vegetarian, except for such 
flesh as was furnished by small animals. There- 
fore hunting, like the other arts of life, must be 
regarded as a product of evolution. 

It was probably not until the Neolithic period 
that the great revolution in the mode of life led by 
our ancestors took place, when the hunter became 
the shepherd and farmer, settling down to a less 
nomadic existence. In the cave of Mas d'Azil little 
heaps of burnt wheat have been found, together 
with stones of plums and cherries, and the shells 
of nuts. Thus, some anthropologists have been 
led to think that agriculture was first practised 
at the extreme end of the Palaeolithic Age. Be 
this as it may, the epoch-making discovery pre- 
ceded by a long interval the discovery of metals, 
although a complete mastery over stone had been 
acquired at this time. 

The Stone Age as a whole is not, 'however, 
divided into a hunting and an agricultural 
stage, but according to the nature of its 
weapons into the ancient or Palaeolithic Period, 
characterised by flaked implements ; and the new 
or Neolithic Period, characterised by ground and 
polished flints. 1 

1 Lubbock, Prehistoric Times, p. 60. 



The former is subdivided thus : 


lithic or 


Lower c < , , , 





These so-called epochs are merely landmarks 
representing the successive phases of culture in the 
early Stone Age. By assuming the erect attitude 
man became differentiated from all other animals 
by being free to pick up and hold or throw stones, 
etc., an accomplishment of the greatest value in 
the daily quest for food. With a piece of flint 
he could pound up his roots, berries, etc., scrape 
with a similar weapon the skins of the animals he 
had killed, dig holes in the ground for storehouses, or 
increase the warmth of his hut, and in later times 
could hollow out trees to make canoes. In short, 
flint, or, perhaps, a bone implement was used for 
everything for which a tool could be used. At 
first a stone haphazardly picked up no doubt 
served for many purposes.' Monkeys have been 
observed to use stones for cracking nuts, etc., and 
therefore there is no definitely human mental 
activity necessary in the performance of such an 
act. But as soon as man appeared, it was not 
long before he discovered that a shaped implement 
was far more practical than an unshaped one, and 
thus he began flaking his tools to the desired 


proportions. The earliest tools must have been 
made by flaking or hammering a piece of gravel 
with another stone to improve its shape and adapt 
it for use. Such roughly hewn pebbles or nodules 
and naturally broken stones showing work, with 
thick ochreous patina, have been found in the 
plateau gravels of Kent, Belgium, etc., and have 
been called eoliths (w, dawn, X/Oo?, stone) 
a name proposed by Mr. J. Allen Brown, and now 
almost universally adopted by archaeologists to 
describe all alleged artefacts belonging to an age 
earlier than the Palaeolithic. Such nodules have 
been subdivided by M. Rutot into three stages 
Reutelian, Mafflian, and Mesvinian. 1 

The controversy as to whether they were or 
were not the work of man is still unsettled. Sir 
Joseph Prestwich, Sir E. Ray Lankester, Mr. 
Benjamin Harrison, Mr. Reid Moir, and Dr. Black- 
more in England, and M. Alfred Rutot in Belgium, 
are among the chief advocates of the human origin 
of the flints. The first investigator in this field 
was the Abbe Bourgeois, who discovered in 1867 
a number of flints in upper Oligocene strata which, 
he thought, showed signs of intelligent design. 
This opinion was shared by several authorities, 
but repudiated by others. The question bristles 
with difficulties. On the one hand everyone feels 
that the precision of workmanship set forth in the 

1 J.A.I. 1905, xxxv. pp. 337-364. 


earliest forms of the Palaeolithic implements (the 
Chellean) presuppose an earlier stage when rougher 
implements prepared the way for the most finished 
types. On the other hand, it has been shown by 
Mr. Hazzledene Warren and others that eolithic 
forms are constantly being produced by cart wheels 
breaking up newly mended roads, the concussion 
of adjacent pebbles, the effects of weather, and 
other natural processes. Moreover, no other 
human remains have been found from the lower 
Tertiary strata. There are forms, however, that 
have been discovered in the upper Miocene which 
shows signs of regular chipping only explicable 
when regarded as the result of human workmanship. 
This conclusion is supported by the fact that 
implements of a similar kind (hollow scrapers) 
were used by the Tasmanians before they were 
ruthlessly exterminated by English Colonists be- 
tween 1825 and 1877. It should also be rerflem- 
bered that the argument that eoliths carry man's 
existence too far back is at best merely of the 
negative order, and for this reason it must be 
discounted to some extent. When man first used 
stones as implements he undoubtedly employed 
natural forms with sharp edges, and his first 
attempts at shaping must have been very erratic. 
It is therefore clearly impossible to say if a given 
flint owes its form to natural or accidental causes, 
such as weathering, movements of deposits, ice, 


crushing in landslips, etc., or if it was chipped by 

When, however, definite forms are produced 
like those found by Mr. Reid Moir in the detritus- 
bed below the decalcified red crag (middle Plio- 
cene), in Messrs. Bolton and Loughlin's brick pit 
near Ipswich, and elsewhere in the district, there 
can be little doubt of human workmanship. The 
implements in question are about four or five inches 
long, slightly compressed from side to side, with a 
curved point like the beak of an eagle hence they 
have been called the " rostro-carinate " type. 1 
These crag implements resemble in many parti- 
culars the ordinary Strepyan " hand- wedge " 
the most ancient palaeoliths previously known. 
The presence of ice scratches on rostro-carinate im- 
plements shows that a glacial climate prevailed when 
the red crag was formed, and therefore they belong 
to the middle deposits of the Pliocene period, since 
the sharpest change of climate occurs between the 
coralline crag (early Pliocene) and the red crag. In 
the Strepyan or pre-chellean stage, as represented in 
the gravels of the third terrace of the Somme at St. 
Acheul, the implements consist of almond-shaped 
nodules generally flaked at the point somewhat in 
the shape of a hand- wedge. Rude examples of side 
scrapers and end scrapers, and primitive forms of 
the boucher, are not uncommon at this stage. It is 

1 Ray Lankester, R.A.I. Occas. Papers, 4, 1914. 


possible that this culture was contemporary with 
Homo Heidelbergensis. If Eoanthropus can be 
proved to be really Pliocene he must be assigned 
to a much earlier culture-phase than the Strepyan, 
but, as has been shown, it is more likely that the 
skull is contemporaneous with the associated palaeo- 
liths rather than with the eoliths. 

The Strepyan implements were succeeded by 
an industry that produced lozenge-shaped imple- 
ments naked all round, called by Prof. Sollas 
" bouchers," after M. Boucher de Perthes, the 
first to set forth their significance. This culture- 
phase is named from the place Chelles, eight miles 
east of Paris, which has produced an abundance 
of these almond or lozenge-shaped hand-axes 
worked on both sides coup-de-poing type in 
company with Elephas antiquus, and meridionalis, 
Rhinoceros merckii, Trogontherium, cave-bear, etc. 

Mr. Reid Moir, in a paper before the Royal 
Anthropological Institute (December 14, 1915), 
endeavoured to show, and, as it appeared to the 
present writer, with no little success, the evolution 
of the earliest palaeoliths from the rostro-carinate 
implements. A series of ten implements recovered 
from the basal layers of the Red Crag of Suffolk, 
the Norwich Crag, the middle glacial gravel of 
Suffolk, and the river gravels in the Thames valley 
and at Warren Hill (Suffolk) were taken as typical 
examples. The^^^Bk^evolution from the most 


primitive form of the rostro-carinate to the more 
highly developed implement of the earliest Chelles 
type was shown to have taken place by removing 
flakes by means of blows on the flat lower or ventral 
plane of a rostro-carinate. Thus a sharp-cutting 
edge was produced, and the implement rendered 
rhomboidal in section, approximating to the earliest 
Chelles type. Mr. Reid Moir, after conducting 
various experiments, has found that the easiest 
way to make a Chellean implement is to proceed as 
if he desired to make one of the rostro-carinate 
form. In support of his theory he points out that 
there are traces of a " lateral platform " in many 
of the St. Acheul implements. This lateral plat- 
form is supposed to be the remains of the dorsal 
or upper plane of the rostro-carinate. 1 

Be this as it may, there was obviously a gradual 
development of type from the pre-Palaeolithic 
to the Palaeolithic culture. Thus, the next step 
after the Chellean boucher had been reached, was 
to sharpen the point or distal end of the flints and 
straighten the edges, which produces the Acheulean 
type, so called from the place of their discovery 
at St. Acheul in the valley of the Somme (Amiens). 
In the Upper Acheulean (St. Acheul II.) the boucher 
acquires a fine lanceolate form, and is accompanied 
by numerous smaller implements. The exact use 
of the Chellean and Acheulean boucher is a matter 

1 J.A.I. Jan. 1916, vol. xlvi. pp. 197-220. 


of some dispute among archaeologists. Mr. Henry 
Balfour is of the opinion that some of them were 
hafted and employed as a stone axe. This seems 
probable, notwithstanding the criticism of M. 
Commont, since similar implements (celts) were 
used in Neolithic times, and are, in fact, still used 
among primitive people. 

The next stage is the Mousterian, named from 
the cave at Le Moustier, on the right bank of the 
Vezere. The fauna suggest a cold climate, as 
the two earlier elephants, hippopotamus, and 
Rhinoceros mercki, had given place to the thick- 
coated mammoth. The flints also show a change 
in workmanship. Instead of being made by flaking 
a piece of flint (the core) to the required shape, 
they are made by carefully preparing the core 
and striking off flake implements at one blow 
(Levallois flakes). The nuclei are known as " tortois 
cores." It is usually supposed that this phase 
represents an advance in culture, as the result of 
the return of glacial conditions, which necessitated 
man seeking shelter in caves and clothing himself 
with skins, the preparation of which called for 
new and delicate instruments. After spending 
some weeks in a Mousterian shelter a short time 
ago, and there carefully examining a great number 
of implements, etc., the writer came to the con- 
clusion that, in many respects, the workmanship 
displayed in Mousterian flints is inferior to that of 


the preceding Aeheulean types. The fact that the 
Mousterian culture-phase is coeval with the reign 
of Neanderthal man lends support to the suggestion 
of a set back in the evolution of the flint industry, 
since the Neanderthal type appears to represent an 
inferior human species, destined, in course of time, 
to become extinct. 

At the close of the Mousterian age new races of 
men entered Europe perhaps successors of Eoan- 
thropus together with a new fauna consisting 
of warmth-loving animals, such as the horse, bison, 
cave lion, and cave hyena. With the more con- 
genial climate signs of progress in the manufacture 
of implements became manifest. In the Aurig- 
nacian culture-phase, so called from the grotto of 
Aurignac whete typical examples of the particular 
culture were found, the " keeled scraper " (grattoir 
carene) makes its first appearance. When freed 
from Mousterian influence there is a marked im- 


provement in the art of flint working. It was in 
the middle of the Aurignacian that the art of the 
period attained its highest point of excellence, and 
such special tools appear as the beaked burin, 
used for graving, the saw, the drill, the spokeshave, 
the grattoir, etc. The multiplicity of tools found 
in Aurignacian deposits shows that the workman 
exercised his skill in many different handicrafts, 
the most interesting of which is the introduction 
of a new material for implement making. Rough 


awls of bone and rods of ivory have been found in 
lower Aurignacian sites, which tend to become 
more specialized in the middle and upper Aurig- 
nacian, till definite weapons such as arrow-heads 
without barbs made from reindeer horns at last 
appear, together with bodkins of the more compact 
horn of the roe-deer. 

During the succeeding phase the Solutrean 
flint working reached its Palaeolithic zenith. The 
industry receives its name from the station of 
Solutre (Saone-et-Loire), where some of the finest 
examples were discovered during the cutting of a 
canal near Volgu. It is also well represented at 
the rock shelter of Laugerie Haute on the banks 
of the Vezere. The distinguishing features of these 
implements are the fine flaking (the secondary 
work could only have been produced by pressure, 
and not by the ordinary method of hammering), 
and the thinness and the unusual size of the blade. 
In fact the flaking on the so-called laurel and 
willow-leaf lance-heads can only be compared with 
the delicate workmanship on the sacrificial knives 
of Egypt ; and it is quite beyond the powers of 
the most experienced flint knappers to in any 
way imitate the degree of skill attained by the 
Solutrean workers. The apparent lack of prac- 
tical utility of these works of art has led some 
archaeologists to suggest that they were votive 
offerings not intended for common use. In support 


of this suggestion it may be mentioned that one 
of them had marks of red ochre a sacred sub- 
stance among some peoples upon it. Another 
characteristic implement is a finely-chipped point 
with a shoulder on one side, the pointe d cmn 
of French anthropologists. 

In this age sculpture on stone and engraving 
on bone was practised, although only a few in- 
stances of the latter are known. The earliest 
engravings seem to be those found in an upper 
level of the Aurignacian period at the Trilobite 
grotto, Arcy-sur-Cure. They consist of a reindeer 
bone engraved with a plant, and a schist pebble 
with a woolly rhinoceros and capridae. But it 
was in the Solutrean and Magdalenian periods that 
the artistic sense of Palaeolithic man reached its 
highest point. Whether the Solutreans practised 
the art of mural decoration is an open question, 
though there can be little doubt that the lumps of 
pigment and ochre occasionally found on the 
hearths are the remains of the painting materials 
of this age. The engraving of a cave lion from 
Combarelles has been referred to the Solutrean, 
and several drawings are assigned by the Abbe 
Breuil to this period. It was, however, chiefly 
in flint working that the artistic sense of the 
Solutreans finds expression. 

The next stage is named after the celebrated 
rock shelter of La Madeleine, also situated on the 


banks of the Vezere. As Magdalenian man sup- 
planted the Solutreans, the magnificent laurel-leaf 
blades immediately disappeared. So great and 
so sudden is the change in the general character 
of the flint implements that it is impossible to 
believe that the Magdalenians were evolved from 
the Solutreans. 1 True, the artistic sense developed 
in other directions, but this is not sufficient to 
account for the fact that the former were as un- 
skilled in flint-working as the latter excelled in it. 
It is therefore more reasonable to suppose that 
the Magdalenians migrated into Europe with the 
reindeer, producing the characteristic long thin 
flaked implements, the duck-billed blade scrapers 
and double-ended scraper, together with a quantity 
of weapons made of bone and horn daggers, 
harpoons, lance-heads, dart-points, etc. The flints 
consist chiefly of implements for making these 
weapons, and thus an entirely new industry 
developed in this epoch. The Magdalenian 
caves reveal three stages in the progress of its 
development : 

1. Lower, without harpoons. Needles, orna- 

mented bone-plates, chisel-ended lance- 
heads and flints are common. 

2. Middle, with harpoons, having one row of 

barbs. Lance-heads with forked base, and 
scrapers and engraving tools appear. 

1 Abb6 Breuil, Congress Internal. d'Anthrop. 1912, xiv. p. 201. 


3. Upper, with harpoons having a double row 
of barbs. In this stage chisels and end- 
scrapers are found. 

The new lance-heads consist of flat or conical 
rods, pointed at the distal ends, and having a 
wedge-shaped slit or a similar device for attachment 
to a shaft, at the proximal end. The union of the 
head with the shaft was no doubt secured by 
threads of sinew tightly bound round the joint. 
Both spears and harpoons were thrown by the 
hand, sometimes with the assistance of a spear- 
thrower, consisting of reindeer horn hook-shaped 
at one end. 

Both arrow-heads and spear-heads are usually 
ornamented with some engraved design. In fact 
so common was the art of engraving in the Mag- 
dalenian age that there is hardly a manufactured 
tool but is adorned with figures of the fauna 
characteristic of the period horse, reindeer, goat, 
mammoth, etc. Into this category comes the 
wonderful carving of a mammoth on a piece of ivory. 

The artistic conceptions of Magdalenian man, 
however, were not confined to sculpture and en- 
graving, but included extensive mural decorations 
in the caves in which he dwelt. These consisted 
of incised outlines and colour paintings in black 
and ochre of the fauna of the period. The first 
to discover these prehistoric art galleries was the 
little daughter of Marcellino de Sautuola, a Spanish 


nobleman, who accompanied her father to the 
Palaeolithic cave at Altamira in Spain. Growing 
weary of watching the digging operations she 
began to look restlessly around ; suddenly her 
attention was arrested, and she cried out " Toros " 
(bulls). Her persistence attracted the attention 
of M. Sautuola, who stopped his digging to enquire 
into the matter. There sure enough on the roof 
of the cave he saw a number of figures representing 
bison (which the child took for bulls), deer, horses, 
wild-boars, asses, etc. Some of the animals were 
merely engravings in outline, but others were 
painted in black or in brownish red. This happened 
in 1879, and during the last forty years a number 
of similar discoveries have been made in the Dor- 
dogne caverns. (La Mouthe 1895, Pair-non-pair 
1896, Font de Gaume 1901, etc.) One of the most 
interesting cave finds was the discovery in the 
cavern at Niaux (Ariege) of animal figures traced 
on the mud floor and on the walls, a system of 
dots and lines in red suggesting picture-writing. 
Some of the lines appear to indicate a kind of 
thro wing-club or boomerang, and on a bison (which 
forms part of the picture) an arrow is marked 
behind the shoulder. On quite a number of primi- 
tive drawings markings resembling arrow and 
arrowheads are to be found, as, for example, in 
the polychrome paintings of the Zuni, 1 and in the 

1 B. Amer. Ethnol 1880, pp. 9-43. 


famous Bushmen paintings. The purpose of such 
drawings is undoubtedly to control, by sympathetic 
magic, the fortunes of the chase. 1 

In the next stage of French Palaeolithic art, 
which is represented by the cave of Azil, the rein- 
deer had apparently disappeared, and the red 
deer had alone survived. In fact the realistic art 
of the Magdalenian period suddenly vanishes in the 
Azilian the closing phase of the Palaeolithic epoch. 
There is no working in ivory, as the mammoth 
had disappeared with the bison and reindeer, and 
thus made room for the existing fauna, characterised 
by the red deer. Although horses, cattle, pigs, etc., 
were the companions of the Azilians, these later 
Palaeolithic folk appear to have been as ignorant 
of the rearing of domestic animals as they were of 
agriculture. It should, however, be pointed out 
in this connexion that in the cavern Mas d'Azil, 
together with the heaps of burnt wheat, stones of 
plums, sloe and bird-cherries, and also shells of 
nuts, have been found. But the most ancient 
hand-mills for grinding corn are those discovered 
in Campigny (France) in strata more recent than 
the Azilian. The manufacture of pottery and the 
arts of spinning and weaving were also unknown 
in the Palaeolithic Age. 2 The only remains of the 

1 For a detailed account of Palaeolithic art see Prehistoric Art by 
E. A. Parkyn, pp. 19-131. 

2 Dupont and Rutot claim to have found fragments of pottery 


Magdalenian artistic development are a few gener- 
alised representations made with a paste of ashes, 
and pebbles marked with stripes or dots. These 
latter bear a certain resemblance to the designs on 
the sacred churinga among the Arunta tribe of 
Central Australia, and to the engravings on the 
rocks at Pigeon Creek in Queensland.- M. Piette 
claims an alphabetical significance for some of 
these graphic signs, 1 but it seems more probable 
to explain them as totemic in origin. 

The flint working during the close of the Palaeo- 
lithic period shows signs of a return to Aurignacian 
types ; the keeled scraper and the burin reappear, 
while the tiny flints known as pygmy flints, which are 
occasionally found in the Aurignacian, now become 
one of the characteristic features of the industry. 
These so-called " pygmy flints " are extremely 
minute. Some measure only T 3 ^th inch in size. It 
seems highly improbable that they belong to any 
one particular industry, since they are found from 
the Aurignacian to the Bronze Age. All kinds of 
explanations have been offered as to their use. 
Some archaeologists suggest that they were scrapers 
or knives, others that they were fish-hooks (which 

in an Upper Mousterian level in a cave in Belgium, associated with 
the usual extinct animals. Fragments are also alleged to have been 
discovered in Belgium in Aurignacian and Magdalenian strata, and 
by Mr. Reid Moir at Ipswich (J.A.I. 47, p. 409). 
1 1? Ant hropologie, xiv. p. 41, and xvi p. 1. 
J.A. F 


is very unlikely, as the Magdalenians used bone 
implements for this purpose) or employed in 
tattooing. The most absurd of all suggestions is 
that they are the normal implements of a relatively 
small pygmy race. It is reasonable to imagine 
that the flints were fixed into wooden handles and 
used as saws and razors, and possibly on to heavy 
clubs as a means of making the weapon more 
effective. Neolithic harpoons have been discovered 
studded with rows of tiny flints, and in Egypt 
saws are represented in some of the ancient monu- 
ments. A tool of this kind was also found in a 
peat-moss at Palada, in northern Italy. 

The characteristic Azilian implement is the broad, 
flat, harpoon usually fitted with two rows of barbs 
and a hole at the base through which the string 
passes. This weapon is made from the antler of 
the stag. The only bone implements are awls 
and punches. 

Judging from the fact that remains of the Azilian 
industry are sporadically scattered over nearly 
the whole of the western hemisphere, it seems 
that the close of the Palaeolithic period was charac- 
terised by great movements of peoples. When at 
the end of the Glacial epoch the ice retreated 
towards the pole, ample space was afforded for 
racial expansion. As we pass from the Palaeo- 
lithic to the Neolithic period we find great changes 
not only in the mode of life of the people but in the 


geographical distribution of land and sea. Hither- 
to Britain was part of the Continent of Europe, 
but with the dawn of the Neolithic, land submer- 
gences took place which separated Britain and the 
Channel Islands from the mainland, leaving traces 
here and there of submerged forests in the North 
Sea, the English Channel, and the Irish Sea. The 
Palaeolithic fauna and arctic flora quickly dis- 
appeared, giving place to animals and plants 
characteristic of a temperate climate. Man too 
speedily changed his customs. Finding the pro- 
duce of the chase becoming scarce he gave up his 
nomadic life for a more settled existence, domes- 
ticating a number of the animals by which he was 
surrounded (horse, dog, sheep, goat, etc.), and 
cultivating the " kindly fruits of the earth " (wheat, 
barley, millet, fruits, etc.). Whether this new 
departure was a result of immigration of new races 
into Europe, or whether it was merely an outcome of 
the new environment on a people directly descended 
from Palaeolithic man it is difficult to say. At any 
rate the experiment was eminently satisfactory. 

From agriculturalists Neolithic man became 
acquainted with the useful arts the manufacture 
of cloth by spinning and weaving wool and fibrous 
textures ; 1 the making of pottery, etc. but 

1 Since the evidence of weaving could not be preserved it is there- 
fore impossible to definitely affirm that the art was unknown to 
Palaeolithic man. 


apparently he was absolutely devoid of that par- 
ticular artistic taste that led the people of the later 
Palaeolithic epoch to decorate the walls of their 
caves and engrave designs on pieces of mammoth 
tusk. The energies of the inhabitants of Europe 
in the new Stone Age were spent in the erection 
of houses, and the making of clothing, utensils, 
etc., and the various features of which make for 

The flint industry continued much the same as in 
the later stages of the Palaeolithic period, except 
that, after flaking the implement to the desired 
shape, the Neolithic workers often ground and 
polished it, thereby improving not only the appear- 
ance but also the cutting edge. The flint arrow- 
head became a characteristic feature in the new 
industry. So great is the contrast between the 
tools of the later Palaeolithic and those of the 
Neolithic Age that several archaeologists have 
maintained that there must have been a hiatus 
between the two periods. The discoveries, how- 
ever, at the cavern of Mas d'Azil suggest an 
intermediate stage between the two cultures, 
which may reasonably be supposed to link up 
the apparently divergent civilizations. For here 
we have Palaeolithic hunters living side by side 
with existing types of animals, but unacquainted 
with the use of pottery, and possibly in the 
earliest stages of agriculture. Mr. J. Allen 


Brown maintained that a " mesolithic period," 
intermediate between the Palaeolithic and Neolithic, 
is represented by such forms as those found in the 
chalk rubble at Birling Gap, near Eastbourne. 
The animal remains at this site showed a complete 
mixture of Pleistocene and recent forms : musk 
ox, bear, cave hyena, elk, wolf, deer, fox. 

The flints of the early Neolithic period are often 
rough axe-like weapons, resembling in many cases 
Mousterian types. In Norfolk, at Grime's Graves, 
and in Sussex at Cissbury near Worthing, disused 
flint mines have been discovered, and a quantity 
of implements, hammer stones, etc., excavated. 
These were at one time put forth as a proof of a 
mesolithic period, because they showed forms like 
the Neolithic, but at the same time no evidence of 
polishing. 1 But since Cissbury is usually regarded 
as a factory site the absence of polished implements 
is explained by supposing them to have been sent 
away while the wasters and unground celts remain. 
There is a series of flints in the Pitts Rivers Museum 
at Oxford from an American site which shows 
implements in every stage of manufacture, in 
percentages decreasing from the roughest to the 
most nearly finished. It would not be difficult to 
mistake some of the early stages for Palaeolithic 
forms, though the finished product is a fine leaf- 
shaped point. Bearing this fact in mind, we may 

1 A polished celt has since been discovered at Cissbury. 


turn to the lively controversy that has taken 
place regarding the age of these finds since Mr. 
Reginald Smith, of the British Museum, read a 
paper before the Society of Antiquaries on May 
9th, 1912, in which he assigned the Grime's Graves 
and Cissbury flint-mines to the Palaeolithic, con- 
necting the typical Cissbury celt with the transi- 
tional period between Moustier and Aurignac, of 
which the typical site is Abri Audi. 1 

At the suggestion of Mr. Reginald Smith the 
writer recently examined a site at Stourpaine, in 
Dorsetshire, where this particular type of celt has 
been found, but as all the specimens he discovered 
were " surface " finds, he concludes that the 
evidence from this district is unconvincing. Of 
course it by no means follows that all surface finds 
are Neolithic, since the plough in chalk downs 
would in all probability go below the six inches 
of soil, and therefore it may easily throw up Palaeo- 
lithic forms. At Grime's Graves and Cissbury, 
however, we are dealing with disused mines, with 
deer-horn picks embedded in the strata, just as 
the prehistoric miners left them, and containing 
the actual marks of the stone axes on the walls of 
the subterranean galleries proceeding from the 
shafts. In such sites as these there is abundant 
opportunity for accurate investigation. 

The implements procured from these mines 

1 Archasologia, vol. Ixiii. p. 108, May 1912. 


undoubtedly bear a striking similarity to mid- 
palaeolithic types, but taken in conjunction with 
other facts the conclusion in favour of a " Cave " 
date for the deposits is not so obvious. So far no 
traces of exclusively Pleistocene fauna have been 
recorded from these mines, all the animal remains- 
horse, red-deer, sheep, dog, fox, beaver, etc., being 
characteristic of a Neolithic deposit. Of course 
it is possible that these animals may have existed 
in the Abri Audi period, but it is remarkable, to 
say the least, that there is no evidence of the 
exclusively mid-palaeolithic fauna. Surely frag- 
ments of mammoth, bison, cave bear, Rhinoceros 
tichorinus, or R. merckii must have survived in 
these mines as in all well authenticated Mousterian 
sites. Again, the antler picks, found in abundance 
at Grime's Graves, are typical of Neolithic deposits, 1 
while the flora oak, pine, beech, yew, spruce and 
pottery point to the same conclusion. As regards 
the flints, it must be confessed after spending an 
interesting hour with Mr. Reginald Smith at the 
British Museum that the present writer sees a 
remarkable similarity of culture between Grime's 
Graves and certain Mousterian caves, as, for 
example, La Cotte de St. Brelade, Jersey. But 
analogy of type is not sufficient evidence to prove 
that the flint mines at Grime's Graves and Cissbury 
are Mousterian or Aurignacian factory sites, especially 

1 W. Boyd Dawkins, Early Man in Britain, p. 400. 


as implements of the same patina and form 
occur in such Neolithic stations as Weeting, Ave- 
bury, Beechamwell, Cranwich, etc. Even the 
tortoise core and facetted butt, upon which the 
argument in favour of a Palaeolithic date for 
the deposits is largely based, are not unknown in 
neighbouring Neolithic deposits (Weeting, Beecham- 
well, etc.), where large blocks of flint have had 
to be reduced to workable dimensions. 

Viewing all the available facts, while admitting 
the strength of the case for a Palaeolithic date of the 
implements, we feel bound to follow the orthodox 
path until further geological and archaeological 
evidence is forthcoming, and regard the worker at 
Grime's Graves as a small, dark, long-headed 
Neolithic man one of the invaders from the south 
who discovered the art of pottery-making, of 
domesticating animals and planting crops, and 
who probably succeeded in driving Palaeolithic 
man northwards, whither the reindeer had ere 
this retreated. Here at Grime's Graves lay scat- 
tered about in all directions spear-heads, hatchets, 
scrapers and discs bearing a striking resemblance 
to those of the Mousterian culture, together with 
hammer stones, cores, red-deer antlers, and rudely 
made cups apparently used as lamps. Surely 
none other than a Neolithic workshop ? The flints 
were evidently worked on the spot, as battered 
hammer stones, cores and flakes, as well as finished 


implements such as axe-heads, scrapers, and borers 
are found in the fields around. The axe-heads 
were no doubt made in such factories as these and 
then taken away to be ground and polished, the 
grindstone being a large flat slab of rock or boulder, 
on which the implement was rubbed (often with 
the assistance of sand) backwards and forwards 
until a smooth surface was obtained. 

A word here should be added on the famous 
kitchen middens (kjokken moddinger) of Denmark 
the large mounds, consisting of kitchen refuse 
(shells, bones, implements, and fragments of 
pottery), discovered early in the last century along 
the eastern shores. Similar heaps have been found 
in the British Isles, in France, and, at the present 
day, at Tierra Del Fuego and many other parts. 
In Denmark they appear to belong to the earliest 
period of the Neolithic Age, for the implements are 
of a rude description and unground, although some 
of the flakes show evidence of considerable skill on 
the part of those who produced them. The animal 
bones are chiefly those of the stag, wild boar, wolf- 
fox, and roe-deer. No trace of the reindeer, horse 
or sheep has been found. The presence of the 
capercailzie, a bird extinct in Denmark since 
the destruction of pine forests, shows the antiquity 
of the Danish middens. There is no trace of 
domestic animals, nor of cultivated cereals. 

The most characteristic home of Neolithic man 


was the pit dwelling. A circular pit, similar to 
that found among the Bushmen, was dug in the 
ground to a depth of several feet. This was roofed 
with wattle and daub, and often surrounded by an 
earthen mound. In these habitations scrapers, 
arrow-heads, celts, saws, drills, flakes, cores, 
hammer stones, fragments of coarse pottery, grain 
crushers, and bronze and iron implements have 
been found. The presence of metal tools and 
even Roman coins shows that this form of dwelling 
survived long after Neolithic times, although 
before the first traces of metal had appeared higher 
types of houses were being built. Thus a cluster 
of pit dwellings have been found at Grossgartach, 
Wiirtemberg, in which separate rooms are con- 

On the banks of lakes in ; Switzerland and 
elsewhere some of the Neolithic tribes erected what 
are known as pile dwellings houses built on stout 
poles, over the water on the shores of lakes. The 
security afforded by natural islands probably first 
suggested the idea of constructing dwellings on 
lakes. The situation was advantageous for many 
reasons, but chiefly for the protection it offered 
against attack by man and beast, and the ease 
with which a plentiful supply of fish could be 
obtained. It is therefore not surprising that a 
great number of such villages came into existence 
during the Neolithic and Bronze Ages in Central 


Europe, once the idea was put into effect, and 
have lingered on to the present day in New Guinea, 
Borneo, and on the shores of the lakes of Central 
Africa. In Britain pile dwellings (called Crannogs) 
do not appear to have been constructed before the 
Bronze Age, and frequently they belong to late 
Celtic and Romano-British times. Thus, the well 
known lake village of Glastonbury has revealed a 
valuable collection of relics of late Celtic civilization. 
The antiquities discovered in the settlements 
show that this manner of life extended from Neo- 
lithic times through the whole of the Bronze Age 
into the early Iron Age. The remains found on 
these sites throw considerable light on the manners 
and customs of man in the Neolithic and Bronze 
periods. The number of domestic animals appear 
to have been small, and the food supply furnished 
by the wilder species. The horse, pig and sheep 
were rare until the Bronze Age. Wheat, barley 
and millet were cultivated by the lake dwellers. 
Garments woven from flax supplemented skins for 
clothing. Numerous earthenware vessels which 
have been discovered testify to the progress made 
in the art of the potter. Flaked celts subsequently 
ground and polished often made of diorite, etc. 
constitute the characteristic implement, although 
arrow-heads, knives, hammers and corn-crushers were 
also frequently used by the Neolithic pile-dwellers. 1 

1 Cf. R. Munro, The Lake Dwellings of Europe. 


With the close of the Neolithic period we must 
leave the culture of primeval man, as with the 
introduction of metals the progress of civilization 
made such rapid strides that a separate chapter 
on the beginnings of civilization must be devoted 
to the culture of the Metal Ages. Our endeavour 
in this chapter has been to survey briefly the human 
artefacts of the Stone Age in their entirety. Ere 
the Palaeolithic period closed man had attained a 
complete mastery over the flint industry. In the 
subsequent Neolithic Age his attentions were dis- 
tracted by the rise of such arts as pottery-making, 
weaving, etc., the practice of agriculture and 
the domestication of animals. As a flint worker, 
therefore, he tended to deteriorate, although there 
are many very brilliant exceptions to this rule. 
Throughout the whole of the Stone Age there is a 
gradual evolution in culture, which, as we shall see 
in the next chapter, was not confined to the tool- 
making aspect of the life of primeval man. 



THE following description of the life of early man, 
from the pen of Mr. Worthington Smith, in his work, 
Man, the Primeval Savage, .may serve by way of 
introduction, and incidentally of criticism, to a 
discussion on the manners and customs of our 
ancient ancestors : 

" If we imagine the darkness to have lifted, we 
see the men and women standing about or crouch- 
ing many carrying bones and stone tools near 
fires. There is one central fire and several minor 
fires bounding the fringes of the human haunt. 
The fires are kindled from sparks (derived from 
concussion of flints) applied to dried grass. Some 
of the men and women are feeding the flames with 
ferns, twigs, tree-branches, and logs. Other men 
and women are seen sitting or lying about in dens 
or hovels formed of tree-branches and stones, or 
resting under bushes, trees, fallen trunks, or natural 
sheltering banks of earth. Hairy children are 
seen running about or crawling on all fours. Bones, 
some with half-putrid meat attached, are seen 



strewn about in all directions. . . . The women 
have gestures and sounds sufficient for their wants. 
At a signal of danger they point and imitate the 
roar of the lion, the growl of the bear, or the bellow- 
ing of the elk. Some of the female adults are seen 
to be nursing or suckling hairy infants. Some 
of the older and feebler males and females are seen 
walking with branches or sticks hacked from trees. 
Some, especially the young people and children, 
are full of vivacity and frolic, others are in ill- 
health, burnt with fever or wheezing and coughing 
with colds. . . . Fever patients, consumptives, 
the blind, the half-blind, and fractious children 
are driven off and killed, for the earliest human 
savages probably possessed but scant sympathy 
for either pleasure or pain in their fellows. He 
did not bury his dead, and our remote precursors 
probably paid little or no more attention to a human 
being than a dog now pays to the dead body of a 
fellow-dog. Death was not foreseen or understood. 
A dead man was really a man lying down who did 
not, could not, or would not get up again. His 
carcass was left for wolves and hyenas. . . . 

Any curiously twisted or contorted branch or 
twig, any curious stone or fossil, he would pick up, 
examine, smell, and possibly dread. Perhaps 
primeval men set up fetiches in their haunts. . . . 
Of course there was no marriage, but there was 
pairing, and it is probable that one male would 


keep more or less to one female, but only till one 
birth had taken place. After one birth there 
would probably be fresh pairing. ... At pairing 
seasons there would be terrific roaring, yelling, 
biting, and fighting amongst the males. The 
weaker males would be torn and killed, and left 
for the hyenas ; the fittest, strongest, and hand- 
somest would survive." l 

This dreary picture of " Man, the Primeval 
Savage," is hardly equalled by the gloomy view of 
modern people in a primitive state of culture 
portrayed by Sir James Frazer in The Golden Bough. 
Just as the latter writer represents the savage of 
to-day as the victim of all kinds of hallucinations, 
and the prey of malignant spirits at every turn, 
so the former regards the customs and manners of 
primeval man as more brute-like than those of the 
lowest savages now existing. No doubt the theory 
of a gradual development from a creature like 
Pithecanthropus has led many anthropologists to 
see in Palaeolithic man nothing but a rude, tool- 
making animal, devoid of all ordered social organ- 
ization, and incapable of any conception of religion. 
With the discovery of human remains bearing a 
striking resemblance to modern man, in the very 
early gravels, primeval man has been regarded as 
capable of something more than mere tool-making. 
In fact the high degree of skill attained in the later 

1 Pp. 49-54. 


Palaeolithic especially during the Solutrean 
culture-phase suggests that the being who made 
the wonderful " laurel-leaf " lance-heads, delicately 
flaked on both sides, in a manner surpassing all 
imitation by modern European flint- workers, was 
endowed with an artistic intelligence such as is 
not possessed by primitive man of to-day. 

Unfortunately we have no time-machine by 
which to revisit the scene of man's earliest life in 
this world. But by laboriously combining the 
evidence derived from the discoveries of the im- 
plements, caves, river-gravels, settlements, and 
other works of primeval man, together with that 
of his bones, and then interpreting these survivals 
in the light of modern primitive culture, we are 
able to determine to some extent the manner of 
man our ancestor was, the kind of life he led, and 
the customs and rites he practised. 

In the last chapter we had a glimpse of " Man, 
the primeval tool-maker," and from the evidence of 
human artefacts alone we see that Mr. Worthington 
Smith's " primeval savage " was an exceedingly 
skilful artificer. Furthermore, in later Palaeo- 
lithic times he was an artist and an engraver of no 
small ability. Can it be, we repeat, that the being 
who was responsible for these Palaeolithic arts 
and industries was in reality the howling, biting, 
fighting, fever-stricken creature, without natural 
sympathy and devoid of all social and religious 


organization, as he is portrayed to have been by 
Mr. Worthington Smith ? l His assumption is, of 
course, pure conjecture as, to a certain extent, 
must be every picture of the mode of life of early 
man which is not supported by evidence from 
existing races now in the Stone Age. 

In the very earliest stages of human development 
it is, of course, true that man was very primitive in 
his way of life. The person who first exercised 
his handicraft on chipping flint for a specific use 
was doubtless very much more rudimentary in 
his habits than his skilled descendants in the later 
Palaeolithic. But even so, unless we are pre- 
pared to identify Homo Primigenius with proto-man 
a sort of Prepithecanthropus inhabiting the 
earth in the Oligocene or Miocene epochs of the 
Tertiary period we shall find it difficult to fit in 
the archaeological and the anthropological evidence 
to the requirements of Mr. Worthington Smith's 
"primeval savage." For our part, we are content 
to confine our attention to the definitely human 
being that arose at the end of the Pliocene or the 
beginning of the Pleistocene, till such time as 
sufficient evidence is forthcoming of the existence 
and habits of the hypothetical potential ancestor 
of Homo Primigenius. 

1 Of course if Mr. Smith's description refers to " pro to man " it 
may be more or less correct, but it does not describe, so far as we can 
judge, the. life of Palaeolithic man. 
J.A. G 


Let us now try and visualize man as he was at 
the earliest known human stage of evolution. As 
regards stature he was not very different from 
modern man, but with a longer body and arms and 
shorter legs. The head was not abnormally small, 
but invariably dolichocephalic ; the jaw was power- 
ful and prognathous, but the chin receded. The 
brow ridges were probably prominent and the nose 
broad. Until he became a hunter of large animals 
he would be presumably unclothed, as he would 
not have skins at his disposal. Furthermore, 
fur-bearing animals were not plentiful in the warm 
climate prior to the Glacial period. It may be 
therefore reasonably supposed that clothing, like 
cave-dwelling, was one of the arts of life learnt 
by man in the Pleistocene probably early in the 
Mousterian phase. 

Likewise fire, though familiar to man from the 
beginning, was not used by him till he had learnt 
the secret of its properties and devised some means 
of obtaining it. How and when this was accom- 
plished is not known. In the early Pleistocene 
there is evidence of its existence, as, for example, 
in the hearths discovered in Mousterian sites. 
There are two obvious sources of natural fire- 
lightning and volcanic lava. The latter is limited 
to certain areas, and the former would be but 
sporadic. Moreover, at such conflagrations he 
would be so terrified that he would not be in a 


position to appreciate the result. Another way 
in which forest fires are accidentally kindled is by 
friction of boughs in a stormy wind creating a dust 
that in due course would ignite. In the sort of 
climate in which earliest man apparently lived 
bamboo, and the sort of wood that most readily 
ignites by attrition, would be plentiful, and, there- 
fore, it is possible that an observant mind experi- 
mented in the generation of heat, and the 
consequent manufacture of fire by rubbing together 
two pieces of wood. This suggestion is sup- 
ported by the widely distributed custom of 
frictional fire-making among primitive people 
to-day, and, all things considered, appears to be 
the most probable explanation of the origin of 

Having discovered a method by which fire could 
be obtained, it would not be long before our primeval 
ancestors found abundant uses for this all- essential 
phenomenon. It would soon be ascertained that 
fire was a means of safety from the attacks of 
hostile animals, and that cooked food is more 
palatable than raw flesh. The hardening effect of 
this force would be of much value in the manufac- 
ture of spears, etc. Little wonder then that, in 
process of time, it came to be regarded with super- 
stitious awe as a gift from heaven. 

Passing from the arts of life to the question of 
primeval social organization, we are at once faced 


with, very difficult and complex problems. Obviously 
little light can be gleaned from archaeological 
remains, and therefore we must turn for clues to 
the lower creation, on the one hand, and, on the 
other, to those races which have remained in more or 
less a Palaeolithic stage of culture. Many of the 
lower creatures, such as baboons, monkeys, dogs, 
bees, etc., live in communities governed by a chief 
who controls the movements of the troop. On the 
death of one leader another is assigned to the office 
by the general consent of the herd ; strength, size, 
and shrewdness being the qualifications usually 
demanded for the position. The community is 
divided into smaller groups families each of 
which is allotted a special territory, with definitely 
established boundaries. A regular system of 
mating, often of a semi-permanent type, is common 
among the higher animals, constituting a prototype 
of primeval marriage. It seems that earliest man 
inherited from his ancestors in the lower creation 
the instinct of a social organization which developed 
into the system still set forth by modern races of 
primitive people. It is, of course, open to argue 
that such people as the Australians, Bushmen, 
and the now extinct Tasmanians, have had countless 
ages in which to evolve social and religious systems 
which was not the case with Pleistocene man. 
On the other hand, it may be contended that the 
same people have also had equal time to degenerate 


in an isolated environment. Be this as it may, 
it is now recognised by anthropologists that, for 
purposes of securing a working hypothesis, the 
manners, customs, and beliefs of modern savages 
may be taken as a standard from which to deduce 
general principles. We will, therefore, now pro- 
ceed to a further investigation of the manners and 
customs of primeval man by the method of reason- 
ing by analogy. 

Of all recent races of man in a primitive state of 
culture the Tasmanians were the lowest. When 
they became extinct in the latter part of the nine- 
teenth century, they were still living in the Palaeo- 
lithic age some have gone so far as to describe 
them as an Eolithic race, since their implements 
were made by simply chipping a piece of flint in 
eolithic fashion. Mr. Henry Balfour, on the other 
hand, is inclined to regard them as representing 
a separate industry, while Prof. Sollas inclines to 
Tylor's opinion that they resemble the Mousterian 
culture. The flints in question were made from 
artificially produced flakes, in a few cases with 
neatly trimmed edges, but mostly showing an 
irregular outline. The implements may, therefore, 
be safely described as pre-Aurignacian in character, 
and, unless they belong to a separate industry, 
they can perhaps most correctly be assigned to an 
early stage of the Mousterian. Huxley regarded 
both the Australian and Tasmanian skulls as more 


or less Neanderthaloid, and some authorities have 
actually described these races as survivals of 
Neanderthal man. But the type has little in 
common with the Neanderthals, except in so far 
as they are platycephalic and show a retreating 
forehead, flattened occiput, prominent supra-orbital 
ridges, and slightly developed chin. Boule there- 
fore seems justified in concluding that " all these 
modern so-called ' Neanderthaloids ' are nothing 
more than varieties of individuals of homo sapiens, 
remarkable for the accidental exaggeration of 
certain anatomical traits which are normally de- 
veloped in all specimens oiHomo Neanderthalensis." 1 
It would, therefore, seem that there is reason to 
regard the race as unchanged descendants of an 
independent stock Homo sapiens tasmanianus, as 
Dr. Sergi calls it. In any case the Tasmanians 
were a Palaeolithic race, surviving but little changed 
throughout the ages. 

Most unfortunately, practically nothing is known 
of these highly interesting and instructive people 
beside the fact that they lived a nomadic hunting 
life, wore little or no clothing, except in winter, 
when skins were sometimes worn, and that they 
used flint and wood implements. They were 
certainly acquainted with fire, which they made 
by rubbing the pointed end of a stick to and fro 
in a groove cut out in another piece of wood, or by 

1 Ext. Ann. Pal. 1913, pp. 66-75. 


rotating one stick on another in a hole. They 
made rough attempts at drawing and painting 
which compare favourably with the efforts of 
Magdalenian man. With canoes proper they were 
unacquainted, but they are said to have possessed 
a useful substitute, consisting of a bark " raft," 
made by lashing together with coarse grass the 
bark of the eucalyptus tree. But of their social 
and religious organization nothing is known. 1 

Of the other primitive race still in the Stone Age 
more has been determined, thanks to the researches 
of Messrs. Spencer and Gillen, Dr. Howitt, Ling 
Eoth, and other first-hand investigators. It is 
now generally admitted by anthropologists that 
of all surviving races the Australians are apparently 
the lowest in culture, and nearest to the primeval 
type. In their native state they are unacquainted 
with the use of metals, pottery, and agriculture, nor 
do they practise any of the arts and industries 
found in the higher civilizations. Their flint im- 
plements and bone awls resemble in certain aspects 
Magdalenian types, while their polished celts show 
Neolithic characteristics. But with this latter 
exception the Australians are still in a Palaeolithic 
stage of culture, a conclusion supported, with the 
aforementioned reservations, by their physical 
features. The low retreating forehead, progna- 
thous jaws, depressed cranial vault, and small 

1 Cf. Ling Roth, The Aborigines of Tasmania. 


capacity, large teeth, prominent brow-ridges, and 
dolichocephalic skull, all suggest Palaeolithic 

The origin of the people will be considered in a 
later chapter. Suffice it to say here that although 
the Australians are not necessarily direct descend- 
ants of the species that inhabited Europe in the 
mid-Pleistocene, they must have become isolated 
at a very early period while still living a life of 
primitive simplicity. This is suggested by the 
absence of all traditions and myths relating to 
their migration to the continent. Moreover, they 
agree in type so closely among themselves that 
they are now regarded as a distinct race. 

The Australian is a cheerful, but treacherous, 
individual, who lives on the products of the chase. 
He never, in his native state, rears cattle, domesti- 
cates animals (except the dog), cultivates the soil 
for any kind of food-crop, builds permanent dwel- 
lings, manufactures clothing, nor wears anything 
on his body except a hip girdle, necklaces of animal 
teeth, and similar adornments (nose pins, etc.). 
Sometimes in cold weather he puts on skins or 
matting. The Australians dwell for the most 
part in rude huts or wurleys, made of grass-tree, 
or occasionally of paper-bark. These are made 
by the women. In some districts more permanent 
structures are erected, built of logs of wood and 
thatching plastered with clay, and erected on a 


wooden frame. Circular stone erections are said to 
have been used in North- West Australia. The large 
huts are intended for more than one family, or for 
the unmarried men and youths. 

The Australian is an able and sagacious hunter, 
and, unlike the Tasmanian, he is also a fisherman. 
The famous boomerang is a deadly weapon in the 
skilful hands of the native, and in West Australia 
fish are even procured by a special fish boomerang. 
Besides this, clubs with various shaped heads and 
stone-headed spears are in use throughout the 
country. The women are usually provided with 
a digging-stick which is sometimes used for defen- 
sive purposes. In hunting animals the Australian 
black usually follows his prey till he has tracked 
it down. When it runs he runs, when it stops he 
stops, and so on, till at last the man proves sturdier 
than the beast (usually a kangaroo). This method 
of catching kangaroos requires a hunter of ex- 
ceptional endurance to bring it to a successful 
issue, and is therefore less frequently adopted than 
hunting with dogs or securing the prey in nets. 
Emus, being powerful birds and fleet of foot, are 
not easily captured. The native usually watches 
the tracks near a waterhole. When the birds come 
down the hunters set up an immense net behind 
them, or else drive them into pits dug near the 
feeding grounds. Ducks are often taken by stretch- 
ing a net across a river, although they are also 


stalked, speared, or snared by nooses set in the 
swamps. Fish are procured by the simple method 
of the native walking into the water and catching 
the fish with his feet. Big reptiles, such as the 
turtle, are captured with the aid of a sucker fish. 
This is taken out to sea, the native tying a string 
to its tail and putting it overboard to serve as a 
means of securing his prey. Thus he is enabled 
to aim correctly his harpoon. In some parts 
bone or shell hooks with worms, shrimps, and 
crabs as bait are used. In New South Wales 
fishing with hook and line is the special province 
of the women. To catch water-fowl the black- 
fellow will swim under water and pull the bird 
down. In like manner, to procure a meal of 
pigeon or cockatoo, he gets into a tree at night and 
lashes out with a stick at the birds as they fly 

Opossum hunting is a most sportsmanlike 
pursuit in South Australia, where the animal 
abounds. The hunter carefully examines the 
trunks of the trees in the forest, to see whether 
there are any recent marks of opossum's claws 
upon them. The trained eye can at once tell by the 
scratches if the animal's last move was up or down 
the tree. If the former be the case, he either makes 
a fire at the bottom and smokes him out, or he 
climbs the tree, cuts a hole in the trunk where he 
believes him to be concealed, and pulls him out ! 


The flesh of animals and fish is usually cooked. 
Occasionally, if the native is very hungry after a 
long chase, he will eat his prey raw, or, in the case 
of a fish, just fling it on the fire and eat it almost 
immediately. But when not so ravenous he cleans 
his fish, and plucks and draws his birds, cooking 
them on hot ashes, and serving them on a dish of 
bark in a most appetising manner. 

Before leaving the subject of the food quest 
we must refer to the practice of cannibalism. 
Except as part of a religious ceremony, or on very 
rare occasions, human flesh is not eaten. The 
Australian aborigines are not cannibals. Usually 
the revolting practice is only resorted to in order 
to acquire the strength of a dead man, or to estab- 
lish a vital union with the dead. Enemies are 
sometimes eaten to prevent their coming together 
again, and should a man in the Turribul tribes be 
killed in the ceremonial combats that follow initia- 
tion ceremonies, portions of the flesh are eaten as 
a sacred meal. 

As regards vegetable food, yams and similar 
roots are dug up by the women and eaten raw or 
roasted. Seeds are collected and ground between 
two stones, and often baked into cakes. Nuts are 
roasted in the fire, after having been soaked in 
water for a considerable time. Grubs are also 
eaten, sometimes raw, sometimes cooked. Ants' 
eggs are also a favourite article of food. The black 


tracks down bees to their hives in trees, cuts out 
the nest (the bees being stingless), and extracts 
the honey. 1 

Notwithstanding the fact that primitive people 
are usually skilful hunters, as has been shown above 
there is no tribe in Australia unable to secure 
food by natural means yet supernatural or magical 
influence is invariably brought to bear on the chase. 
This has been illustrated, as regards Palaeolithic 
man, by the Aurignacian and Magdalenian cave 
paintings. As M. Salomon Reinach points out, 
all the animals represented are such as are desirable 
for food, 2 although his second statement, that 
" undesirable animals " are not depicted, is not 
correct, since a lion, a bear, and a wolf have been 
found on the wall of Combarelles, and a wolf at 
Font de Gaume. It by no means follows, however, 
that these animals were not eaten by Palaeolithic 
man. Nevertheless, there seems little doubt that 
the metaphorical magic of the artist's pencil had 
once a literal meaning. Mr. F. H. Gushing de- 
scribes the images of their totems carved out of 
stone by the Zuni Indians, with a flint arrow bound 
to the fetish. 3 This apparently corresponds to the 
arrows painted on the side of the bison at Font- 
de-Gaume. The image is set apart for magical 

1 N. W. Thomas, Natives of Australia, pp. 88-118. 

2 V Anthropologie, xiv. p. 357. 

3 Bureau Amer. Ethnol 1880, pp. 9-43. 


purposes at the New Year Festival. Every 
hunter carries the fetish with him in the chase. 
Likewise among the Ojibwa Indians the medicine 
man makes a drawing of the animal to be hunted 
and paints the heart in vermilion, drawing a line 
from it to the mouth, along which the image passes 
at his incantation. 1 Again, the paintings of the 
Bushmen recall the mural decorations of the French 
and Spanish caves, and these we know were for 
sympathetic magic, rather than for aesthetic pur- 
poses. 2 In the sandstone caves of the Natal Downs 
(Australia) the Pegulloburra tribe make drawings 
of emu and kangaroo, and incidents of the chase, 
together with impressions of the hand daubed with 
red. 3 From an artistic point of view these sketches 
are inferior to those of Palaeolithic man, and 
obviously belong to a different school from the 
Aurignacian, but, nevertheless, judging from similar 
decorations on Churinga or sacred amulets, weapons 
and various other objects used in sacred ceremonies, 
they must be magico-religious in intent. 

Here is an actual case of Palaeolithic customs 
being practised by primitive man of to-day. These 
designs are therefore interesting, not only because 
they represent another aspect of the food quest, 

1 W. J. Hoffman, B.A. Eth. vii. 221-223. 

2 H. Tongue, Bushmen Paintings and Anthropos, viii. 1913, 
pp. 652 ff. and 1010 ff. 

3 Curr, Australian Race, ii. p. 476. 


but also because they show a real connexion between 
the manners, customs, and beliefs of primeval man 
and those of modern savages. Thus is justified 
the anthropological principle of determining the 
manner of life of the earliest human inhabitants 
of the earth, by an investigation of the rites 
and customs of surviving primitive people. The 
brief description of Australian culture given above 
will doubtless suggest to the archaeologist many 
Palaeolithic parallels. The aborigines, like Palaeo- 
lithic man, are hunters and flint- workers, they are 
unacquainted with agriculture, the domestication 
of animals, the erection of permanent dwellings, 
and yet the same artistic concept found among the 
men of the later Palaeolithic epoch is set forth in 
their caves and on their rocks. Is it too much to 
suppose that Palaeolithic man also performed 
Intichiuma ceremonies, whereby the Arunta and 
other Australian tribes increase the supply of the 
particular totem, animal, or plant by sacred 
rites ? 

Messrs. Spencer and Gillen, the well-known 
anthropological investigators of the tribes of Central 
and Northern Australia, have described what took 
place at the Intichiuma ceremonies in connexion 
with the witchetty grub totem at Alice Springs, 
in the Arunta country. The men of the local 
group assemble in the spring, and on a given day 
proceed, late in the afternoon, to Emily Gap, a 


place especially associated with the Alcheringa x 
ancestors of the group. On its walls are the sacred 
drawings characteristic of the totem, a fact that 
suggests a totemic significance for some of the 
Palaeolithic paintings. The Alatunja, or leader 
of the ceremonies, carries a small bark food vessel 
(called a pitchi, or, in this particular case, an apmara) 
and the rest of the party have in their hands little 
twigs of the Udniringa bush, on which the totem 
feeds. When the party reach a spot known as 
Ilthura oknira, placed high up on the western wall of 
the gap, they gather round a shallow cave, in which 
there is a large block of quartzite, surrounded by 
several small stones. The big stone represents 
the adult animal, the little stones being the eggs. 
First the leader taps the big stone with the twigs 
he carries in his hand, and invites it to lay eggs. 
He then rubs the stomach of each of the men with 
one of the smaller stones, saying " You have eaten 
much food." After visiting some ten of these 
spots, and repeating the same ceremony at each, 
the party returns to the camp and holds sacred 
ceremonies in the wurley erected for the purpose. 2 
Other ceremonies of a similar character are 

1 The mythical past or " Dream Time," in which the ancestors 
instituted the native ceremonies, and regulated the social organiza- 

2 Native Tribes of Central Australia, pp. 170-179. Cf. the author's 
Primitive Ritual and Belief, p. 94. 


performed in the autumn, but since their purpose 
is to effect a union of a sacramental character 
with the sacred species rather than to secure a 
supply of the totem, their description will be re- 
served for the next chapter. In the rites we are 
now considering there are several important links 
with prehistoric times, of which the drawings on 
the walls at Emily Gap and the use of red ochre 
may be quoted as examples. This evidence is 
supported by the fact that the Intichiuma cere- 
monies are closely connected with the magical 
control of the food supply, which has also given 
rise to cave paintings among the Bushmen and the 
Indians of America, analogous to those of the 

Now, if we are correct in our view that cere- 
monies corresponding to the Intichiuma rites of 
the Australians we do not suggest that they were 
in any way identical were performed by man 
at the end of the Palaeolithic epoch, then another 
conclusion of no small importance naturally fol- 
lows. The Intichiuma rites are the outcome, on 
the social side, of the totemic organization of society. 
Among primitive people a certain relation is assumed 
between man and animals and plants, and occa- 
sionally an inanimate object such as wind, rain, 
a stone, etc. Very often this kinship is supposed to 
be due to the original groups having arisen out of 
animals and plants. In Australia the Inapertwa 


(rudimentary men) are regarded as a stage in the 
course of transformation of complete men and 
women from lizards, rats, parakeets, emus, hakea 
trees, etc. Naturally when the groups were even- 
tually formed they were intimately associated with 
the animals and plants out of which they were 
evolved, the particular object becoming the totem. 
It is not unreasonable to suppose that some of the 
Palaeolithic paintings and carvings have a totemic 
significance, as, for instance, the mystic signs 
found on the painted pebbles at Mas d'Azil, which 
bear a certain resemblance to the Australian totemic 
designs. Again, according to Dr. Marett, the 
curious arabesques, made by the fingers in the 
gluey clay of the walls and roof of the cave at 
Gargas, are imitations of the scratches left by 
the cave-bear the totem of these particular Aurig- 
nacians. 1 Taken collectively and in conjunction 
with the fact that the primeval inhabitants of 
Europe, like the Australians, depended on the 
chase for their food supply, the evidence suggests 
the probability of the existence of totemism in 
the Palaeolithic age. 

There are three important features of the re- 
lation between human beings and their totems. 
(1) The totem is connected with a definite social 
group, and in the typical form of the institution 
this social division is exogamous (i.e. the law of 

1 The Threshold of Religion, p. 217. 



marrying out of the totem group). Often the 
group makes the name and the badge of the totem 
its own. (2) The members of the totemic group 
believe themselves to be " one flesh " with the 
totem, and often think they are descended from 
it. (3) There is a mystic bond between the totem 
and the totemite which is of a sacramental nature. 
The result of this is that the totem tends to 
consolidate a group of individuals, having a com- 
mon relationship being all " one flesh " with 
the sacrosanct animal into a distinct social unit. 
These totem groups are comparatively small, and 
form sub-divisions of the phratries or moieties into 
which the tribe is in the first place divided. In 
Australia the phratries are again divided into 
classes, either four or eight in number. This is 
a special variety of the exogamous system in which 
a person has not only to marry outside his own 
class, but also into a specified group. The totem- 
kins are cross-divisions with the classes. There 
seems to be no limit to the number of totem 
groups which may exist in a tribe, but the same 
group is seldom found in the two phratries. The 
relationship between the totem and the totemite 
makes the members of the same totem-kin regard 
themselves as brethren, and therefore they act 
together on all occasions, and an injury wrought 
by any one of them may be avenged on any other, 
so close is their relationship. 


Closely associated with the totemic organization 
of society is the practice of exogamy. This custom 
forces men and women to contract unions with 
the members of distinct food-groups, a practice 
not without economic advantage among people 
in a hunting stage of society. Thus, supposing 
the Cockatoo and Crow people are food-groups of 
the same totem-kin, all the members of each group 
are brethren because they are " one flesh." These 
are, we suppose, exogamous, and, therefore, Cock- 
atoo men must marry Crow girls. To borrow 
further from Dr. Marett's excellent example, 1 
let us imagine that the groups are separated by a 
river. After marriage the Cockatoos and Crows 
each abide on their own side of the river, 
where they are visited by their partners from 
across the water, who naturally are regarded more 
or less as outsiders, notwithstanding the fact that 
they are totemic brethren. The children mean- 
while grow up in the Cockatoo and Crow quarters 
respectively as little Cockatoos and Crows. Any 
correction that is found to be necessary in the 
upbringing of the young Cockatoo is exercised by 
the Cockatoos and not by the Crows though the 
father be a Crow. As the child grows to manhood 
he shares in the Cockatoo toils and spoils of the 
chase, inherits the weapons and other property 
of his group, and is initiated into their totemic 

1 Anthropology, pp. 169 f. 


mysteries. In the event of the Crows entering 
into deadly conflict with the Cockatoos, the youth 
has to fight for the latter against his father's people. 
It is therefore evident that where the wife stays 
with her group a system technically known as 
matrilocal marriage the life and interest of the 
children is wholly bound up with the mother's 
totem-kin, and, in consequence, descent is usually 
reckoned matrilineally. When matrilineal, matri- 
local, and matripotestal (supreme authority exer- 
cised over the children by the mother and her group) 
conditions are found together, we have mother-right 
at its fullest and strongest. It, however, does 
not follow that wherever a totemic basis of society 
prevails mother-right is found, although where there 
is an evolution it invariably happens that the 
development is from mother-right to father-right. 
The simplest organization is represented by the 
Urabunna and Dieri tribes of Australia, where dual 
organization, the system of marrying across, pre- 
vails. Among the Dieri the totem-kins are found 
in the phratry, but it is so arranged that no kin 
exists in both phratries, and marriage is regulated 
simply by the rule of exogamy. Among the 
Urabunna one totem-kin may not intermarry with 
any and every totem-kin of the opposite phratry, 
but each is limited to one kin. Thus, Wild Ducks 
are only allowed to marry Carpet Snakes, the 
children taking the name of their mother's totem 


(i.e. matrilineal descent). A similar dual organ- 
ization is found in Melanesia. 1 The Kariera tribe 
on the north-west coast of Australia is divided into 
four classes Banaka, Burung, Karimera, and 
Palyeri. 2 A Banaka man may only marry a Burung 
woman. Their children will be Palyeri, while 
those of a Burung man and a Banaka woman will 
be Karimera. The system may thus be described 
graphically : 

Banaka = Burung 

| \/ 

Karimera = Palyeri 

It will be observed that man and wife must 
belong to opposite phratries, and that " descent 
follows the distaff " ; the children belong to the 
same phratry, though not to the same class, as 
their mother. 

These examples suffice to show that the totem-kin 
is the social unit with the tribe the political unit 
of the inter-marrying groups. Occasionally an 
inter-tribal gathering takes place, as for example, 
for the purpose of holding initiation ceremonies, 
but this is a more or less rare occurrence. First 
a man belongs to the phratry, which is divided 
into two, four, or eight exogamous classes. But 
he also has a narrower relationship, that of the 
individual family. 

It has been asserted by many anthropologists in 

1 Dr. Rivers, History ofMelanesian Society. * J.A.I, xliii. pp. 143 f. 


the past, of whom Morgan, Bachofen, MacLennon, 
and Lubbock may be taken as examples, that 
primeval society consisted of an undivided commune 
in which marriage was unknown. No doubt the 
popularity of this hypothesis was largely due to 
the fact that it supported the theories of primitive 
common property and of economic determinism 
of the Marxian school of socialists. Almost the 
only positive evidence in its favour is the frag- 
mentary testimony of some ancient classical writers 
such as Herodotus and Strabo, but even if the 
examples quoted refer to promiscuity, they are 
too few to justify the conclusion that all peoples 
lived originally in the conditions which they 
describe. As to the indirect evidence in favour of 
the theory, consisting of inferences from such 
customs as matrilineal descent, religious prostitu- 
tion, unrestrained sexual intercourse before mar- 
riage, and primitive community of property 
every one of these conditions can be explained 
more easily on other grounds than on the assump- 
tion of promiscuity. The attitude of recent authori- 
ties to the theory is thus set forth by Howard : 
" The researches of several recent writers, notably 
those of Starcke and Westermarck, confirming in 
part and further developing the earlier conclusions 
of Darwin and Spencer, have established a proba- 
bility that marriage, or pairing between one man 
and one woman, though the union be only transitory 


and the rule frequently violated, is the typical j 
form of sexual union from the infancy of the human ; 
race." 1 

Morgan, who is largely responsible for the pro- 
mulgation of the doctrine of primitive promiscuity, 
first studied the Iroquois, and, no doubt, thoroughly 
digested their social organization. He subse- 
quently put Fison on to collect similar facts in Fiji. 
This latter investigator afterwards went to Aus- 
tralia, where he met Howitt. It is, therefore, 
easily explained why Howitt is inclined to find 
group marriage everywhere in the South-East 
district, since he had been indirectly (through Mr. 
Fison) brought under the influence of Morgan. 
Dr. Frazer, in his Totemism and Exogamy, adopts 
much the same lines as Morgan. 

There are four main arguments put forth in 
favour of communal marriage : 

(1) The Classificatory System. Because the 
savage calls all men father it is argued that he has 
no conception of individual paternity. But it 
should be remembered that he also calls all women 
mother. It is surely contrary to the natural order 
of things to suppose that a woman does not know 
her own child as distinct from other children, and 
that the child regards all women as its mother. 
Again, it is said, the matrimonial class does not define 
actual marriage but marriageability. That is to say, 

1 History of Matrimonial Institutions, i. pp. 90, 91. 


it defines a group in which a selection of partners 
may be made according to choice. But the mere 
fact that the class system shows a man where to 
look for a wife, presupposes the existence of indi- 
vidual marriage. The classificatory system is 
based on exogamy. The question, ' Why do 
people marry out ? " necessitates by way of 
answer, the definition of marriageability. 

(2) Supplementary Unions. According to Gason 1 
the Dieri girls are betrothed to one man in infancy, 
who in due course becomes her Tippa-malku 
husband. This is an individual relationship, since 
no woman can be Tippa-malku to two or more men 
at the same time. In due course certain supple- 
mentary unions are sanctioned by the council of 
old men. This is called the Pirrauru relationship, 
which is one in which a group of men and women 
have the right of sexual intercourse with one another. 
But a Pirrauru is always a wife's sister, or a brother's 
wife, or in some such definite relationship to her 
partner. Therefore the system is merely an extension 
of conjugal rights within what the savage regards as 
the " family circle." Furthermore, the relation- 
ship is only supplementary. When a man goes 
on a journey the Piraungaru husband steps in his 
place ; or, if a visitor, being of the proper class, 
calls upon a friend, the host may offer him his 

1 Woods, Native Tribes of South Australia, and Howitt, S.E. 
Tribes, p. 177. 


Tippa-malku as a temporary Pirrauru, provided 
he is Noa (i.e. in the relation of " spouseship ") to 
her. Therefore this system, though regrettably 
loose, does not constitute promiscuity, but rather 
represents an extreme degree of private ownership. 
In like manner, the sexual relations between groups 
of men formed by the husband's brothers and the 
group of women formed by the wife's sisters in 
Melanesia are but the extension of marital rights 
to members of a conventional brotherhood. 1 

(3) Ritual Defloration. Among all the tribes 
examined by Spencer and Gillen ritual defloration 
is practised on the girl by men standing to her in 
a definite relationship, as a marriage ceremony 
connected with the handing over of the girl to her 
allotted husband. 2 There is, however, no reason 
to suppose that this is a survival of primitive pro- 
miscuity. It is rather, as will subsequently be 
shown, a religious ceremony a " rite de passage " 
safeguarding the dangers to which individuals are 
subjected at any transition from one period of 
life to another. 

(4) Ceremonial License. Besides ritual deflora- 
tion and the Pirrauru relationship, considerable 
license is allowed on certain occasions when large 
numbers of men and women are gathered together 
to perform corrobborees. 3 At such times conven- 

1 Howitt, p. 175 ff. ; Seligmann, Mel of Brit. New Guinea, p. 473. 

2 Native Tribes, p. 9 ff. 3 Native Tribes, pp. 96, 97. 


tional restrictions such as class rules are broken 
down, but blood ties are respected. A man may 
have, in connexion with certain ceremonies, access 
to his mother-in-law, who under normal conditions 
is strictly tabu to him, but under no circumstances 
can there be any relaxation of the rule of chastity 
observed within blood relationships (actual father, 
brother and sons of a woman). Therefore it may 
be concluded that on all occasions when ceremonial 
license takes place, the strict class exogamy 
does not hold good, but incest as regards blood 
relationship is always strictly forbidden, and con- 
sequently a state of real promiscuity does not 

Enough has been said to show that there is good 
reason to suppose that primeval society was not 
an undivided commune in which " there is no 
marriage." If our surmise is correct, that Palaeo- 
lithic society was ordered on a totemic basis, the 
theory of primitive promiscuity absolutely falls 
to the ground. We are therefore of the opinion 
that from the earliest days of man's pilgrimage on 
the earth there was marriage and giving in marriage, 
if by marriage is meant " a union regulated by 
custom and law." l The tribe has yet to be found 
I in which unions are not regulated by custom and 
/ law. Dr. Malinowski, in his Family among the 
Australian Aborigines, has clearly proved the 

1 Westermarck, Origin and Development of Moral Ideas, ii. p. 364. 


existence of individual marriage as opposed to primi- 
tive promiscuity among the modern representatives 
of Palaeolithic man. He quotes forty-nine instances 
of the way wives are obtained by the natives, 
most of which are of a specific nature. 1 The 
simplest, and therefore perhaps the commonest, 
method of procedure is to exchange a sister for a 
wife. Betrothal often takes place at or even before 
birth, showing ipso facto how deeply rooted is the 
idea of the individual right of a man to a woman 
in the primitive mind. Even in elopements there 
are certain rites and formalities that have to be 
observed, as, for instance, the magic sleep into 
which the parents are cast and the hasty retreat 
of the lovers to a convenient distance from the 
camp ere the irate parents awake. Marriage by 
capture is not unknown ; but Mr. Curr is probably 
correct in saying that this method is more or less 
rare, as it would lead to constant attacks from the 
tribe from which the woman was stolen. 2 

The elaborate system of phratry organization 
described above greatly restricts a man in the 
choice of a wife. By the class system intermarry- 
ing between brothers and sisters is prevented, 
though the object of the system originally was 
probably to prevent marriage between people of 
different generations not related by blood. In 
the Arunta there is, unlike most Australian tribes, 

1 Pp. 34-66. 2 Australian Race, i. p. 108. 


no restriction whatever, as far as totems are con- 
cerned. In several of the Central tribes the totem- 
kin is found in both phratries, and tends to coincide 
with the local groups. Although methods of 
securing wives in the Arunta district include the 
magic use of love-charms to entice a girl to her 
lover, and also capture and elopement, it is the 
custom of Tualcha-Mura that is the most useful 
method of obtaining a wife. An arrangement is 
made between two men that the relationship 
shall be established between their two children, 
one a boy and the other a girl, both of tender 
years. They are then taken to the women's camp 
where each mother rubs the other child all over 
with a mixture of fat and ochre in the presence of 
all the other women. Some of the girl's hair is 
cut off and given to the boy to signalise the fact 
that when grown up it will be her duty to provide 
him (her son-in-law as he will be) with her own hair 
from which to make him a waist-girdle. The girl 
must be Mura to the boy, that is, one whose daugh- 
ters belong to the class from which his wife must 
come. By this ceremony she becomes Tualcha- 
mura, i.e. his actual or prospective mother-in-law. 
This relationship indicates that the man has the 
right to take the daughter of the woman ; she is, 
in fact, assigned to him, and this, as a general rule, 
many years before she is born. 1 

1 Primitive Ritual and Belief, pp. 51 f. 


Enough has been said to show that if the Aus- 
tralians can be taken as an example of a really 
primitive community, there is no reason to suppose 
that primeval society consisted of an undivided 
commune. The martial relations of the tribes fall 
under three headings. The first is the normal one, 
when the woman is the wife of one man ; and no 
one, without his consent, can have access to her. 
The second is the wider relation in regard to par- 
ticular men at the time of marriage. The third 
is the still wider relation which obtains on certain 
occasions, such as the holding of important corrob- 
borees. It must not be forgotten, however, that 
licentious as is the last named relationship, it is 
the exception rather than the rule. Under ordinary, 
circumstances, for a man to have intercourse with 
a woman who is not his lawful wife is a very grave 
offence, and liable to punishment by death. 
Furthermore, except in those tribes in which the 
Pirrauru relationship exists, the system of in- 
dividual wives prevails, modified as indicated 

Among all the tribes described by Messrs. Spencer 
and Gillen, there seem to be some marriage rites. 
The ceremonies usually consist of ritual defloration 
by men standing in a definite relationship to the 
girl, followed by intercourse and decoration of the 
head and body with a mixture of fat and ochre. 
This is undoubtedly the crudest form of marriage 


known, and yet it is a definite social and religious 
act constituting a valid union of man and woman. 
In the case of marriage brought about by magically 
attracting a woman from one camp to another, 
the act of union appears to effect a kind of sacra- 
mental alliance. If St. Paul considers that casual 
intercourse with a harlot produces a permanent 
union between man and woman (1 Cor. vi. 16), 
how much more should the merging of two lives 
into one by marital relations be considered a valid 
marriage effecting a permanent alliance. We 
therefore conclude, judging from the Australian 
evidence, that marriage is the socio-religious act 
by which, from the earliest times, the natural 
inclinations of man for woman and vice versa 
are satisfied in a lawful manner, and that the 
principle of monogamy has prevailed from the 

In confirmation of this view it may be pointed 
out that the ceremonies connected with marriage 
in primitive society invariably refer to the union 
of the two individuals and not to groups. There can 
be little doubt but that the joining of hands, the 
placing of feathers, the exchange of fire-sticks, etc., 
have some inherent force, and constitute a form 
of sacramental marriage between two persons. It 
would be contrary to the evolutionary principle 
by which the world is governed, to find a perfect 
monogamous system in vogue in primitive society, 


though the principle of monogamy is certainly 
discernible even in the Australian marital rela- 
tions. In the full sense of the term the wife has 
only one husband, since the first husband enjoys 
conjugal rights superior to men who are in a totemic 
sense " one flesh " with the woman. In the case 
of supplementary unions the very fact that the 
husband's consent has to be obtained proves that 
a woman only has one proper husband, and that 
individual marriage exists though slightly modi- 
fied. The greater number of polyandrous unions 
(the union of several husbands with one wife) are in 
Australia of the fraternal kind, and therefore the 
custom is softened in the direction of monogamy, 
since the wife belongs to a group of men united by 
the closest ties of blood. Again, the right of access 
to a woman exercised at the time of her marriage 
is simply a religious duty for removing the " danger" 
attached to the sacredness of sexual intercourse, 
rather than a survival of primeval promiscuity. 
As regards polygamy, it is almost unknown in the 
most primitive society, because hunting and fishing 
are the chief means of livelihood, and female labour 
has not the value that attaches to it when a man's 
wives can be employed in tending flocks, culti- 
vating the fields, and performing handicrafts. As 
wealth increases the practice becomes more general, 1 

1 Of. 1 Kings xi. 3. The threescore queens and fourscore con- 
cubines of Songs of Solomon, vi. 8 is a more probable estimate. 


till, in a higher stage of culture still, it tends to 
give way to monogamy. 

There is yet another reason for deciding against 
the theory of primitive promiscuity. It is not too 
much to say that the institution of marriage is 
founded on the requirements of man's nature. In 
all stages of culture it has been found that it is not 
good for man to be alone. As a mere individual 
he can hardly exist, and certainly cannot fulfil his 
purpose in the world. Man is, in the words of 
Aristotle, " naturally a civic animal." Some kind 
of community is necessary for him to live the 
fulness of his life, and therefore marriage is not an 
artificial regulation of civilized society, but a 
natural necessity in all ages of man's terrestrial 
history. Were the human species constituted as 
the lower animals, a merely passing union of the 
sexes would suffice ; but more than this is required. 
The offspring needs long continued care after birth. 
A parallel is, of course, to be found in some of the 
lower animals, but in a less degree. Child-bearing 
in the human organism continues for some time, 
while the elder children are growing to maturity, 
whereas in the other animals the young are usually 
independent of the mother before other offspring 
are born. The connexion of human parents is 
therefore indefinitely prolonged, extending beyond 
the age of child-bearing. As a consequence of this 
prolonged intimacy there appears the phenomenon 


of human love apart from sexual desire. In the 
same way the parental and filial affections of the 
human species pass the bounds of mere devoted 
care, as seen in the case of the lower animals, 
which terminates with the period of protection. 

Marriage, then, is the permanent connexion of 
man and woman, and as such it is natural in 
purpose, though religious and social in origin. It 
is sacred, being intended primarily to perpetuate 
life. Its secondary ends are the " mutual society, 
help and comfort that the one ought to have of the 
other both in prosperity and adversity," as well 
as a lawful remedy of concupiscence. But if 
marriage is " the permanent living together of man 
and woman" in a natural relationship 1 a state- 
ment in perfect accord with anthropological 
evidence as well as Christian tradition it therefore 
follows that it is indissoluble. A momentary 
connexion suffices for the purposes of procreation, 
but the community spirit and the instincts of 
parentage and human love are all against a passing 
union of man and woman. " For this cause shall 
a man leave his father and mother and shall be 
joined unto his wife, and they two shall be one 
flesh," is the underlying principle of marital rela- 
tions in all stages of culture. Our Lord revoked 
the dispensations granted in the Mosaic Law by 
assigning the origin of the union to the Divine 

1 Crawley, Mystic Rose, p. 319. 

J.A. I 


order of tilings and thus raised marriage to the 
dignity of a sacrament. This is again in accord 
with anthropological evidence, since marriage is 
founded on the requirements of man's nature, and, 
granting that man's nature was ordained by God, 
being natural it is Divinely ordered. 

Christ was content to describe the beginning 
of the institution in the language of the Book of 
Genesis, probably because this was the only origin 
known to the Jews to whom He was speaking. 
He asserts that the union is in one flesh. " And 
they twain shall be one flesh, so then they are no 
more twain but one flesh." (St. Mark x. 6-9, 
St. Matt. xix. 4-6.) The result of such Divine 
joining is that man may not put it asunder. The 
Christian Church has therefore at all times upheld 
the sanctity of the marriage tie against the on- 
slaught both of polygamy and divorce, maintaining 
throughout a pure monogamy, which is the only 
natural form of marriage. It is therefore the 
system which the race has approved at all stages 
of its development. 

Westermarck has admirably summed up the 
whole situation by saying : " It is not, of course, 
impossible that, among some peoples, intercourse 
between the sexes may have been almost promis- 
cuous. But there is not a shred of genuine evidence 
for the notion that promiscuity ever formed a 
general stage in the history of mankind. . . . 


Although polygamy occurs among most existing 
peoples, and polyandry among some, monogamy 
is by far the most common form of human marriage. 
It was so among the ancient peoples of whom we 
have any direct knowledge. Monogamy is the 
form which is generally recognised and permitted. 
The great majority of peoples are, as a rule, mono- 
gamous, and other forms of marriage are usually 
modified in a monogamous direction. We may 
without hesitation assert that, if mankind advances 
in the same direction as hitherto.; if, consequently, 
the causes to which monogamy in the most pro- 
gressive societies owes its origin continue to operate 
with constantly growing force ; if, especially, 
altruism increases, and the feeling of love becomes 
more refined and more exclusively directed to one 
the laws of monogamy can never be changed, 
but must be followed much more strictly than they 

are now." l 

History of Human Marriage, pp. 133, 459, 510. 



THE origin and evolution of religion runs on 
parallel lines with the origin and evolution of 
human society considered from a social and cultural 
standpoint. The precise origin of religion is a 
matter of considerable controversy. One school 
of anthropologists led by Sir James Frazer, who 
defines religion as " the propitiation of personal 
beings regarded as superior to man/' 1 maintains 
that an age of magic developed into an age of 
religion, the magician becoming the priest when 
" the fallacy of magic becomes more and more 
apparent to the acuter minds, and is slowly dis- 
placed by religion ; the magician renouncing the 
attempt to control directly the processes of nature 
for the good of man, seeking to attain the same end 
indirectly by appealing to do for him what he no 
longer imagines he can do for himself." 2 

This theory, that originally man tried to control 

1 Golden Bough, 3rd ed. pt. 1, p. 222. 

2 Early History of Kingship, p. 127. 



nature by using what he conceived to be immutable 
laws till, in process of time, the method proved a 
failure, and in consequence primeval man came to 
believe in the existence of divine powers whom he 
could not control, is simply stated, but it is by no 
means so easily shown to account for the whole 
body of primitive rites and beliefs. According to ' 
this hypothesis the Australians are still in an " age 
of magic," an assumption contradicted by the mere 
fact that they recognise a Supreme Being or All- 
Father who presides over their sacred ceremonies, 
and is such a " High " God that he has been found 
by missionaries a convenient means of presenting 
to the native mind some of the attributes of the 
Christian conception of the Deity. To justify the 
distinction between magic and religion, Frazer 
has been led to surround primitive man with all 
kinds of malignant spirits to account for the rise 
of protective magical rites in a godless era. Thus 
he has fallen into the fundamental error of assuming 
stages in the evolution of magic and religion as 
clearly defined as those exhibited by the geological 
record of the earth. 

The more primitive cult is intensively studied 
the more apparent it becomes that magic and 
religion are so intermingled that the two aspects of 
" control " are found in the same rite. Even the 
medicine man in Australia is often initiated by 
the tribal god or by spirits, and, therefore, the 


procedure is raised from the level of pure magic. 
This applies to most, if not to all, beneficent rites. 
The hypothesis that the human race has passed 
through a wholly non-religious era is therefore 
scarcely susceptible to historic proof. Dr. Marett's 
view that in the primitive conception of the super- 
natural there was the germ of both magic and 
religion which tended to become differentiated 
seems to be far more tenable, in the light of actual 
fact. 1 In the most primitive cult magic and 
religion are interfused. In process of development 
the one separated from the other, each going off 
on lines of its own. Magic, as well as religion, 
seems to be a thing of gradual growth. At first 
it gathered round ideas connected with tabu the 
Polynesian word used by anthropologists to describe 
religious or magical prohibitions. With the rise 
of animistic beliefs and practices the magician 
became associated with the spirits of the dead, of 
animals and of evil spirits, but this does not neces- 
sarily imply that the anthropomorphic deity, so 
prevalent in primitive cult to-day, was evolved 
from a primeval belief in a divine animal or 
plant. In Australia gods are neither spirits of 
the dead nor deified divine animals. They are 
simply Supreme Beings magnified non-natural 

1 Jevons' criticism of this view, in Folk-Lore (vol. xxviii. No. 3, 
Sept. 1917, pp. 259 ff.), should be considered, though the present 
writer inclines to Marett's theory. 


men, often dwelling in the sky who have never 

To obviate such difficulties as would arise from 
the adoption of the Frazerian " stratification " 
theory, we shall use in this chapter (and elsewhere) 
the expression magico-religious. This term stands 
for a working hypothesis. In Notes and Queries 
on Anthropology the locus classicus of anthropo- 
logical definitions it is stated that " the distinc- 
tion between magic and religion, about which the 
framers of general theory are in dispute, may be 
ignored for purposes of particular description/' 
the phrase magico-religious sufficing to cover all 
the facts relating to magical, religious, and quasi- 
magico-religious rites, beliefs, and customs. 1 

Another school of anthropologists follow the 
late Sir Edward Tylor in seeking the origin of 
religion in " the belief in spiritual beings/' 2 that 
is to say, of " spirits " in the wide sense that in- 
cludes souls. This theory asserts that the proto- 
type of soul and spirit is to be sought especially 
in the " dream-double " and " trance-double," 
that " vaporous materiality, " as Dr. Tylor de- 
scribes it, that is suggested by psychological 
experiences, such as dreams, trances, shadows, 
hallucinations, breath, sleep, death, etc. There 
is no doubt that the phantasm plays a considerable 
part in primitive religion. Savages have vivid 

1 p. 251. 2 Primitive Culture, i. p. 424. 


dreams, see ghosts, and are subject to hallucinations, 
and thus the phantasm is a connecting link 
between the material and the spiritual planes of 
being. But by animism Tylor means not only 
the belief in spiritual beings but also " a general 
animation of nature." Now there is no reason 
to suppose that primitive man attributes anything 
phantasmal to a running stream, a peculiar tree, 
or a heavenly body, yet he often regards such 
natural objects as sacred. 

Again, it is obvious that the Tylorian doctrine 
of animism cannot account for all religious and 
magico-religious practices among primitive people. 
The anthropomorphic deity is not included in this 
hypothesis any more than in Frazer's stratification 
theory. Primitive religion must be represented 
by something vaguer and wider, resembling more 
the conception set forth by the Melanesian word 
Mana, a generic name for the mystic influence 
which fills certain sacred things. "It is a power 
or influence," says Codrington, " not physical, 
and in a way supernatural ; but it shows itself in 
physical force, or in any kind of power or excel- 
lency which a man possesses. This mana is not 
fixed in anything, and can be conveyed in almost 
anything ; but spirits, whether disembodied souls 
or supernatural beings, have it, and can impart it, 
and it essentially belongs to personal beings to 
originate it, though it may act through the medium 


of water, or a stone or a bone." 1 This wonderful 
supernatural power gives success in war, makes 
pigs multiply, gardens become productive, nets 
catch fish, and arrows inflict mortal wounds. 2 
The ultimate source of mana is in " personal 
beings." Codrington includes living men in 
this category, but since mana is something 
supernatural, it must pre-eminently belong to 
supernatural personalities such as ghosts or 
spirits. From these it may be communicated 
to any animate or inanimate object. But 
although its ultimate source is in conceptions 
of spirit or ghost, in practice it covers all cases of 
magico-religious efficacy either automatic or pro- 
ceeding from a spiritual being. 

Any startling manifestation of nature, a curi- 
ously shaped rock, animals of uncanny appearance, 
a dead body, a mighty chief, a rushing stream, etc., 
is conceived as having mana, and in consequence 
rites and tabus grow up around it. All things 
having about them this mysterious energy are 
regarded as sacred quite apart from their being 
the abode of a spiritual being. This force may 
be called " god," as it is by the people of Mada- 
gascar. 3 So, too, the Masai and Akikuyu con- 
ception of Deity is equally vague. Anything 
that is to them incomprehensible or peculiar is 

1 Melanesians, p. 119 n. 2 Op. cit. p. 120. 

3 W. Ellis, History of Madagascar, i. pp. 391 f. 


ngai (god), 1 just as among the Algonquin it is 
manitou, or orenda to the Iroquoian. Not dis- 
similar is the conception of mulungu among the 
Yaos, east of Lake Nyassa. This term signifies 
the " Great One " and is equivalent to god, although 
to the native mind it does not convey the notion 
of personality. It denotes rather an inherent 
supernatural energy associated with such myste- 
rious objects as the rainbow, a sacred tree, etc. 
In Morocco the Arabs designate the mystic force 
connected with " holy " people and places as 
baraka. 2 The term is also used to describe 
" sacredness " in general. Thus, for instance, a bride 
or a rain-maker is said to have baraka.* 

The conception of mana is, therefore, by no 
means confined to Melanesia. It is rather a world- 
wide aspect of primitive cult. Around it gather 
all the fundamental principles of savage religion. 
It is sufficiently vague to describe those early 
religious ideas before the conception of personality 
enters into the primeval consciousness, and yet 
it is also connected with a belief in spiritual and 
anthropomorphic beings. That this attitude of 
mind, called by Dr. Marett animalism, is psycho- 
logically an earlier phase than animism, is shown by 
the case of the Trojan offerings to a sacred river, 

1 Thomson, Masailand, p. 445. 

2 Westermarck. 

3 Cf. Primitive Riiiial and Belief, pp. 225 f. 


narrated by Homer. Originally the Trojans re- 
garded the river as containing mana, and, in 
consequence, they sacrificed a bull to the stream. 
The animal was thrown into the water whole and 
entire. In later times, when they had reached an 
animistic stage, an altar was erected by the side 
of the river on which a bull was offered, the belief 
being that the spirit in the water came out and 
consumed the essence of the sacrifice. 

It must not be assumed, however, that there 
was, in primeval days, a stratigraphical evolution 
from animatism to animism. As a matter of fact 
animatism, animism, and anthropomorphism con- 
stantly exist side by side, and therefore presumably 
they may be supposed to have arisen simul- 
taneously as an explanation of many different 
phenomena. Animatism originally may have 
been applied to non-human objects, whereas ani- 
mism may have arisen by way of explanation of 
such phenomena as dreams, hallucinations, trance, 
sickness, death, reflections in water, shadows, etc. 
On the other hand, anthropomorphism did not 
evolve out of animistic conceptions. In Australia 
All-Fathers are neither animistic nor even anima- 
tistic in character. They are conceived of as 
magnified non-natural men, often dwelling in the 
sky supermen who have never died. The origin of 
these truly religious ideas may reasonably be sought 
in such awe-inspiring events as thunderstorms, 


calculated to suggest the existence of an external 
supernatural being. This threefold origin of religious 
phenomena animatism having reference to nYm- 
human objects containing mana, animism arising 
by way of explanation of the mental nature of man, 
and anthropomorphism as the result of the spiritual 
and theistic yearnings of the human soul, seeking 
a supernatural Creator of nature outside the world 
seem to us a possible and reasonable explanation of 
the magico-religious beliefs and customs, at any rate 
among modern people in a primitive state of culture. 
Before passing on to the consideration of the 
light thrown on the religion of primeval man by 
archaeological evidence, we must remind the reader 
that the primitive mind is incapable of abstraction, 
and, therefore, any search for an organized theology 
either in ancient or modern representatives of 
Palaeolithic man will be in vain. Certain things, 
animals, places, and persons are sacred because 
they are endowed with mana, and therefore they 
are hedged round with tabus, and rites have, in 
consequence, to be duly performed. The ritual 
acts in course of time become more and more 
elaborate, and mythology grows up to explain 
the ceremonies. But spiritual religion, as prac- 
tised in the higher systems, is unknown in primitive 
cult. To the savage religion is but a series of ritual 
acts, a routine of worship, except, perhaps, as 
regards certain aspects of the All-Father belief. 


Nevertheless, primitive man is a distinctly religious 
person, and his ritual is not mere ceremony, since 
it is performed for the specific purpose of bringing 
him into contact with the supernatural or sacred 
world. Thus, primitive religion may be described 
as the attitude towards, perhaps the exploitation 
of the sacred, embodied in attempts to come into 
beneficial contact with it and appropriate to 
himself as much as possible of its transferable 
force by various ritual acts, while safe-guard- 
ing himself from its dangerous and excessive 

These beliefs and practices lie at the root alike 
of religion and of magic ; they constitute the 
magico-religious attitude, out of which both magic 
and religion are to be differentiated. To define 
the special line of development which constitutes 
religion is not easy. From one point of view it 
might be said that the recognition of mana from 
without leads to religion, while the consciousness of 
mana from" within leads to magic. But there is a 
constant fusion of the two, if only because man is 
always seeking to reinforce his own mana by the 
virtue of every sacred, mysterious, and wonder- 
working object which seems to him to possess it. 

In attempting to unravel, in some measure, the 
mystery of the religion of primeval man we shall 
work on the lines adopted in the last chapter, 
endeavouring to interpret the archaeological 


evidence from the culture-remains of Pleistocene 
times, by the aid of the researches of anthropo- 
logists among the Australians and other primitive 
people living under conditions similar to those 
prevailing in Europe in the Palaeolithic epoch. 

Formerly it had been generally supposed that 
primeval man had no religion, because among the 
relics disinterred on the inhabited sites no materials 
were found which suggested funerary rites. But 
a fresh interpretation of the sepulchral phenomena 
associated with some of the skeletons from Palaeo- 
lithic sites leave little doubt that in those far-off 
days man realised that he was composed of two 
separate entities body and soul the latter pass- 
ing on to the world of spirits after somatic death. 
On August 3rd, 1907, a grave was discovered 
at La Chapelle aux Saints in which the skeleton 
lay on its back from east to west. Around it 
were a quantity of Mousterian flints, fragments 
of red ochre and broken bones, while over the head 
were several long bones lying flat, one of them still 
in connexion with some smaller bones of the foot 
and toes, so as to suggest that it was still clothed 
with flesh when it was placed in this position. This 
was evidently a ceremonial interment, accompanied 
by offerings of food and implements for the use 
of the deceased in the spirit world. 1 

1 U Anthropologie, 1913, xxiv. pp. 609-634. Cf. Ancient Hunters, 
pp. 180-181. 


On March 7th, 1909, another Palaeolithic in- 
terment was found in the rock-shelter of Le Mous- 
tier. The body that of a youth about sixteen 
years of age lay on its right side with the right 
arm bent so as to support the head on a pillow of 
flints, and the left arm extended. Within easy 
reach of the latter lay a magnificent oval-shaped 
implement, worked on both sides, and a little 
farther on a flint scraper. About the skull were 
disposed burnt bones and flints, suggesting the 
remains of a funeral feast. Dr. Klaatsch, the 
expert who examined the interment, came to the 
conclusion that the individual to whom the skeleton 
belonged had been ceremonially buried. The fact 
that these interments with funeral rites have been 
so circumstantially carried out, suggests that they 
were founded on an already established cult of the 
dead. Furthermore, the placing of weapons, food 
offerings, etc., in the grave can only be explained 
on the ground that they were so arranged for the 
use of the Soul in the spirit world. If it can be 
proved that the interment at Galley Hill is really 
of early Palaeolithic antiquity, it will then be shown 
that man, at the very beginning of the Pleistocene 
period practised rites which point to his having a 
somewhat definite conception of a life after death. 

The skeletons found in the Aurignacian Caves 
at Mentone supply additional evidence for the 
assumption that funeral rites were practised in the 


Palaeolithic age. Here, again, implements and 
red ochre were buried with the bodies. In some 
cases the interment was made over a hearth, in 
others in a grave or rudimentary tomb, made by 
placing flat stones on edge for the wall, and roofing 
it over with larger slabs. The skeletons, all of 
which show Cro-Magnon features, were adorned 
with a necklace made of the teeth of deer, vertebrae 
of fish and carved pendants. No doubt these 
adornments were part of the burial rites. The 
Magdalenian remains found at Laugiiae-Basse and 
the Azilian site at Ofnet show that similar customs 
were in use at the close of the Palaeolithic age. 
At Ofnet twenty-seven skulls were orientated in 
the same direction, looking towards the setting 

When these prehistoric interments are compared 
with the funeral rites of the Bushmen, the con- 
clusion that Palaeolithic man believed in a life after 
death is placed beyond doubt. Among these 
primitive people the body of the deceased is painted 
with red ochre and grease, and buried facing the 
east. His bow and arrow 5 corresponding to the 
flint implements found in Palaeolithic interments- 
is laid by his side. 

In Neolithic times the evidence for ceremonial 
interments is overwhelming. In the kitchen mid- 
dens of Mugem, in Spain, no less than a hundred 
interments were found at different levels in the 


shell mounds, although, grave-furniture does not 
appear to have been associated with them. In 
later Neolithic times the Megalithic culture grew 
up, as an outcome of simple inhumation (i.e. 
placing a body in a hole in the earth, and covering 
it over with soil). In this very early form of burial 
the spot was marked by an earth mound or by 
stones. 1 Subsequently the grave was lined with 
stones over which a large capstone was placed by 
way of protection. Thus came into being the cist, 
the most widely distributed type of early grave 
known. From this to the megalithic monument, 
with its separate chambers, entrance passage, and 
cairn, was an easy transition. But the erection 
of the elaborately constructed chambered cairn 
was not merely a matter of respect for the deceased. 
The general view of archaeologists is that the 
grave was regarded as the temporary abode of the 
soul till the body had become completely decom- 
posed, and thus it constituted an intermediate 
state between earth and the spirit- world. From 
very early times fire was looked upon as a purifying 
agent (which probably accounts for the numerous 
partially burnt bodies found in graves long before 
cremation was generally adopted), and therefore 
in due course cremation became a religious cult, 

1 Burial mounds are called " cairns " when they are made of 
small stones, and " barrows " when the material is soil. It often 
happens that a small cairn is found inside a barrow. 
J.A. K 


since the practice was thought not only to purify 
the soul but also to speedily set it free from its 
fleshy entanglement. 

The Long Barrows of the North of England show 
that an elaborate system of cremation was adopted 
in Yorkshire and Westmoreland, while in Wiltshire 
and Gloucestershire unburnt burials prevail. In 
the Bronze Age both burnt and unburnt remains 
are found in barrows that are circular and more 
or less conical ; an instance may be quoted in which 
the circumstances show that both methods were 
resorted to on occasions ; as, for example, in a 
mound excavated in 1849 on Acklam Wold, York- 
shire. In it were found a pile of burnt bones in 
close contact with the legs of a skeleton buried in 
the usual contracted position. It seems to have 
been deposited while yet hot, for the knees of the 
skeleton were completely charred. It has been 
suggested that in cases like this, or where an un- 
burnt body is surrounded by a ring of urn-burials, 
the entire skeletons may be those of chiefs or heads 
of families, and the burnt bones those of slaves, 
dependants, or even wives, sacrificed at the 
funeral. 1 

When the corpse was burnt the ashes were care- 
fully collected in an urn and buried, either in the 
earth or in a prepared grave. Sometimes the 
incinerated remains were laid in heaps in a barrow 

1 Brit. Mus. Guide to Bronze Age Antiq. p. 16. 


or other sacred place. Cremation led to a con- 
siderable reduction in the size of the grave, since 
the body was reduced to a few ashes, and thus 
megalithic chambers may have given place to 
stone-lined cists. The large chambered cairns in 
Britain were generally the burial places of the 
earlier dolichocephalic race, except in the Yorkshire 
barrows where this race was mixed with the later 

The barrows of the earlier part of the Neolithic 
period are usually known in England as " long 
barrows," to distinguish them from the " round 
barrows," which belong to a succeeding time, 
although no hard and fast rule can be laid down 
as to the chronological sequence of earth mounds. 
These elongated graves are commonest in Wiltshire, 
Dorsetshire, Somersetshire, and Gloucestershire. 
A few exist elsewhere, but they are by no means 
of such frequent occurrence in Britain as those of 
circular shape. Some contain no chamber, while 
others contain a structure of the megalithic type. 
There is, however, one common feature in all long 
barrows wherever they are found, viz., that no 
traces of metal, with possibly the exception of 
gold, have ever been discovered in them. There 
is also a similarity of burial custom, but the skulls 
clearly show that this does not prove identity of 
race, as was formerly supposed. Also in the suc- 
ceeding round barrows metal seldom occurs, and 


when it is found, the type always indicates the 
earliest phases of the Bronze Age. Moreover, the 
pottery of the barrows belong to the Neolithic 
period. It is therefore evident that the vast 
majority of the barrows must be assigned to the 
Stone Age. 

Chambered long barrows are most frequent in 
the neighbourhood of Wiltshire. The megalithic 
chambers within the mound are of three types. 
In the first there is the central gallery entering the 
mound and leading to a chamber or chambers 
formed of large slabs set on edge. The roof is 
made by laying large slabs across the tops of the 
sides. When there is no central corridor, the 
chambers are so arranged as to open outwards on 
the edge of the mound. Where the chamber is 
not connected with the outside, the barrow is 
composed of a series of cists or small dolmens 
within the mound. A megalithic monument may 
therefore be described as a building made of large 
stones, or, in some cases, a single rough stone pillar 
(called a menhir) with its base fixed into the ground. 

Megaliths for the most part belong to the Neo- 
lithic period and part of the Copper and Bronze 
Ages, although their exact age, like the precise 
purpose for which they were erected, has never 
been definitely settled. Until recently megalithic 
remains were thought to be burial places of mighty 
chiefs, or temples used by the Druids. Numerous 


legends have collected round these monuments ; 
thus, for example, the Penrith circle is known by 
the local peasants as " Meg and her daughters/' 
and a dolmen in Berkshire near the " white horse " 
is called " Wayland Smith's Cave," while the menhir 
in the Orkney Isles is termed " Odin's Stone." 
Dolmens (megaliths consisting of two or more 
upright stones standing a short distance apart, 
supporting a roofing stone, called a capstone) are 
usually regarded as houses of dwarfs, caves of 
fairies, or forges of the devil, while menhirs 
are the arrows and cromlechs (stone circles) the 
cauldrons of his satanic majesty. Megaliths are 
sometimes associated with saints in France, and 
King Arthur in England. The circle at Penrith, 
according to one legend, is the round table of the 
latter, and a dolmen in Wales is thought to be his 
quoit. The allees couvertes (or long rectangular 
gallery leading to or taking the place of a chamber) 
of Aries are called shops of the Saracens, and 
dolmens in India are often thought to be stones 
of the monkeys. Even to this day megaliths are 
looked upon by the credulous as sacred, and there- 
fore dangerous. Peasants in France will not 
shelter under them, nor go near them at night. 
A dolmen at Finistere is said to cure rheumatism 
in anyone who rubs against the loftiest of its stones, 
and another heals fever patients who sleep under 
it. Oaths sworn near a megalith in Scotland are 


supposed to have a peculiar sanctity. On the 
Berkshire Downs when a horse casts a shoe near 
' Wayland Smith's Cave " the rider must leave it 
before the dolmen, placing a coin on the capstone. 
He then withdraws. On his returning to the spot 
he finds the horse shod and the money gone ! 1 

In 1898 the British Association investigated 
" stone circles " with a view to ascertaining their 
age. Operations were begun at the cromlech at 
Arbor Low (Derbyshire) with the result that the 
erection was assigned to the Neolithic period. 
Dr. Gowland shortly afterwards carried out in- 
vestigations at Stonehenge, and, in a paper before 
the Society of Antiquaries on his recent excava- 
tions, came to the conclusion that the structure 
was a temple dedicated to the worship of the sun, 
and assigned its erection to the end of the Neolithic 
period on the ground that no traces of metal imple- 
ments were found during his explorations (Dec. 
19, 1901.) 2 It does not necessarily follow, however, 
from the fact that only flint implements were 
discovered in association with the monolith ex- 
amined that the monument was erected prior to 
the Metal Age, as Neolithic implements of the 
type found at Stonehenge (mostly axes) survived 
long into the Bronze Age. The archaeological 
evidence suggesting a late Neolithic antiquity to 

1 T. E. Peet, Rough Stone Monuments, p. 10 ff. 

2 Archaeologia, Iviii. pt. 1. 


the megalith is strengthened by the astronomical 
experiments carried out by Sir Norman Lockyer, 
which try to prove that on Midsummer Day, 1680 
B.C., the sun would rise over the summit of the 
upright stone called the " Friar's Heel." 1 This 
theory has been severely criticised by Mr. Hinks, 
who points out that the direction chosen for the 
avenue leading up to the Friar's Heel is purely 
arbitrary, since the bench-mark he fixed on Sidbury 
Hill has no connexion with Stonehenge. 2 Although 
the dating of monuments on the evidence of 
" observation lines " for determining certain move- 
ments of the sun involves much conjecture lacking 
in proof, yet, taken in conjunction with the more 
definite archaeological data, it is not to be despised, 
since there can be little doubt that the megalithic 
builders were influenced by a solar cult. What 
the nature of the worship carried on in megaliths 
was it is quite impossible to determine, but that 
they were temples dedicated to the sun or to other 
of the heavenly bodies seems to be highly probable. 
The frequency with which menhirs occur in a 
north-easterly direction suggests the watching of 
solar phenomena. 3 

We therefore conclude that Stonehenge, like 
most other megalithic monuments, was erected 

1 Nature, Nov. 21, 1901. 

2 Nineteenth Century, June 1903, pp. 1002 f. 

3 Cf. Peet, op. cit. p. 29. 


at the end of the Neolithic or possibly at the very 
beginning of the Bronze Age, and that very probably 
it was a temple dedicated to the sun. The occur- 
rence of a stain of copper oxide on a worked block 
of stone at a depth of seven feet does not necessarily 
suggest the presence of bronze, as the stain may 
have been caused by the disintegration of malachite 
and not of metallic copper. It is most unlikely 
that such quantities of flint implements and no 
bronze or copper tools should be found if the 
remains were erected in the Bronze Age. 

As England is the home of the stone circle or 
cromlech, so France is the home of the dolmen. 
Some of the latter we have seen were covered 
under a mound of earth, thus forming chambered 
barrows. Exactly how the capstone was put into 
position is not known, it being not infrequently 
of great weight. That at Ballymascanlan, County 
Louth, for instance, weighs as much as sixty tons. 
The Egyptian monuments furnish us with an 
indication of the methods adopted in moving 
large stones to the required spot. The pictures 
at the tomb of Tahutihotep at El Bershah may be 
taken as an example. A rough road of beams is 
represented as laid in the required direction, on 
which rollers are placed under the stone. Ropes 
are attached to the rollers, and oxen, with the 
assistance of men, drag the stone along. In the 
seventeenth century the castle of Osaka in Japan 


was erected on megalithic lines, by dragging huge 
stones (one of which weighed 160 tons) on rude 
wooden rollers. Another method is suggested by 
Peet. A gentle slope is erected on to which the 
stone is gradually hoisted by means of levers resting 
on beams or stones as fulchra, while other men fill 
up the space beneath it with earth and stones. This 
process is repeated till the stone is level with the 
top of the slope of hard earth covered with wet 
clay. On to this it is then slipped, and allowed 
to slide down the inclined plain. A fresh slope is 
then built, and the whole procedure repeated. 1 
The upright stones could then be placed in position 
by ropes and levers, and the capstone placed on 
top by erecting further slopes against the uprights, 
along which the slab could be moved by rollers. 
This ingenious suggestion seems to be reasonable 
and probable. 

The size of dolmens varies considerably, ranging 
from the simplest form, as represented by the well- 
known example at Kits' Coty House between 
Maidstone and Rochester in Kent, which consists 
of three upright stones supporting a capstone 
11 feet by 8 feet, to the huge structures known as 
Giant's Graves or Allee Couvertes. La Roche aux 
Fees near Esse, may be taken as an example of an 
Allee Couverte. It consists of no less than thirty 
supports, covered by eight capstones. Another 

1 Rough Stone Monuments, pp. 8 f. 


monument about the same length is the Dolmen 
of Bagneux, near the town of Saumur, which is 
constructed of huge flagstones four in number 
on each side and four capstones. 1 

No less than 4000 dolmens are to be found in 
France, of which 618 are in Brittany. They are 
fairly abundant in North Germany, Spain, and 
through Portugal to Andalusia ; in Denmark and 
in the South of Sweden. The culture appears to 
reach England by way of the Channel Islands- 
Jersey contains several examples, and Guernsey 
is even more prolific. In the British Isles dolmens 
are more common in the west country Cornwall, 
Wales, the Isle of Man, Ireland and Scotland. 
Sepulchral remains do not exist in Central Europe, 
but reappear in North Africa from Tripoli to 
Morocco, passing Eastwards through Persia, Syria 
and Palestine to India, Australia, Polynesia, Mada- 
gascar, Peru, etc. The manner of distribution of 
this type of megalithic monument has led to the 
theory of the existence of a migratory race known 
as " the People of the Dolmens," moving from 
Scandinavia in a southerly direction to Africa. 
Others would reverse the direction, while Mr. Leeds 
of Oxford finds the original home of the dolmen 
culture in France. 

For some years Professor G. Elliot Smith has 
been trying to show that the distribution of these 

1 R. Munro, Encyc. Brit., art. " Stone Monuments." 


megalithic monuments can be reduced to a single 
origin. A study of mummification in Torres Straits 
suggested a marked resemblance to the process 
employed in Egypt in the XXI Dynasty. From 
this and other indications he concludes that 
migrations which carried eastwards megaliths, 
mummification and the allied customs (circumcision, 
incision, tattooing, artificial deformation, the boom- 
erang, the couvade, the deluge myth, and serpent- 
worship, called collectively the " Heliolithic "* 
culture-complex) set out from Egypt about 800 B.C. 
in pursuit of wealth. He cites evidence from 
several writers that about this time India and 
China were in a state of development, which he 
attributes to migrations from Egypt. By the year 
900 B.C. he thinks that practically the whole com- 
plex structure had become built up and definitely 
conventionalized in the country, with numerous 
purely accidental additions from neighbouring 
lands. The * great migration of the heliolithic 
culture, according to this theory, began shortly 
before 800 B.C. and is ascribed to the Phoenicians. 
Up to 800 B.C. these interesting people had, it is 
implied, limited their wanderings to the Mediter- 
ranean, the Red Sea, the Persian Gulf, and India. 
After receiving from Egypt the art of erecting 
megaliths and some of the allied culture, they 

1 The culture is labelled " Heliolithic " because of the association 
of megalithic monuments with sun-worship. 


proceeded to East and West Africa, and along the 
coast-lands of Asia to India, China, Japan, the 
Pacific, and to America. The culture reached the 
Persian Gulf strongly tainted with the influence 
of North Syria and Asia Minor, and by the time 
it reached the West Coast of India and Ceylon 
(about the eighth century B.C.) it had taken over 
Mediterranean, Anatolian and Babylonian accre- 
tions, with East African modifications. These 
Ethiopian influences became more pronounced in 
Indonesia, because in India and the west the 
disturbances created by other cults have destroyed 
most of the evidence. From Indonesia the helio- 
lithic culture-complex passed into the Pacific and 
eventually reached the American Coast in the 
neighbourhood of Peru and Mexico. 1 

The proof of this migration, according to Professor 
Elliot Smith, lies in the mass of associated customs 
in the lands thus visited. He denies altogether 
the possibility that cultural resemblances may be 
due to the common tendencies of the human mind 
called into play by similar conditions. He is 
content to chart out on rough maps the distribution 
of ten associated customs to mark the path of the 
dolmen builders after their migration from the 
original centre. The researches of Dr. Rivers, 
Mr. Perry, and other anthropologists suggest the 
propagation of culture far out in the Pacific, and 

1 The Migrations of Early Culture,. 


perhaps across it, such as was probably associated 
with the building of megalithic monuments similar 
in type to those that are known in Europe. Prof. 
Elliot Smith has certainly made out a fairly strong 
case for a relation between the dolmens of Western 
Europe and the megalithic culture of ancient 
Egypt. He has also shown with no small measure 
of success that the practice of mummification 
accompanied the setting up of megaliths as the 
culture proceeded eastwards. The natives of 
Torres Straits, for example, mummified their dead 
by processes resembling those of the XXI Dynasty 
in Egypt. It is, perhaps, to be regretted that, in 
the present state of our knowledge, he did not stop 
at this point till such time as the unaccountable 
gaps in the allied customs can be filled up. How- 
ever, the monograph only professes to be a fore- 
word to a more elaborate treatise to be put forth 
when Professor Elliot Smith and his collaborators 
have collected further proofs of the migration of 
the culture-complex. Pending the production of 
a full statement of the evidence the hypothesis 
may be regarded as legitimate and plausible, 
though in a somewhat nebulous state at 

It seems evident that megalithic architecture 
was due to culture contact, since the monuments 
present a uniformity of structure hardly "com- 
patible with a theory of independent origin. 


Again, it is difficult to explain the fact that they 
are confined to the coast-lands, except on the 
supposition that they were erected by a migratory 
race at the end of the Neolithic period and early 
in the Bronze Age. Could it be that so widespread 
and homogeneous a system arose simultaneously 
unless it were spread by a single race from a single 
centre ? True, it is no uncommon thing to find 
customs passed on from one people to another 
as a result of culture contact, especially if some- 
thing was to be gained by the adoption of a new 
custom. Thus the use of metal, amber and 
enamel spread along definite trade routes in the 
Iron Age, and many arts and appliances have been 
distributed over widely separated areas in a similar 
manner. But primitive man, though not slow to 
adopt new practices that will make for his pecuniary 
enhancement, is by no means ready to in any 
way alter his religious rites and beliefs. It is, 
therefore, highly improbable that the introduction 
of megaliths and their associated rites were due 
to culture contact. 

Bearing these facts in mind, and remembering 
at the same time the similarity in structure and 
the date of erection, there seems good reason to 
suppose that the megalithic monuments represent 
the work of one race. The objection to this con- 
clusion raised by Dechelette that the skulls found 
in the tombs do not present a uniformity of type 


overlooks the fact that on a long migration racial 
intermixture and consequently variation in features 
is almost sure to take place. At the same time 
there is a marked similarity in physical type 
among the people of the dolmens. Nevertheless, 
to grant the probability of the megalithic culture 
representing the work of a single race in a series 
of migrations is by no means the same thing as 
setting forth a cut and dried scheme of the dis- 
tribution of a culture-complex, with unaccountable 
gaps in the allied customs, after the manner of 
Elliot Smith. The hypothesis, as far as it con- 
cerns the megalithic culture (and perhaps also 
mummification) is, we venture to think, sound as 
a general principle, but the details, as to how, 
when, and where the transmission took place 
can only be decided when sufficient data is forth- 
coming to supply the many deficiencies. 

The precise significance of the megalithic monu- 
ments is by no means easy to decipher, and various 
theories have been put forth to explain their origin 
and purpose. They have been described as Druid- 
ical and solar temples, places of sacrifice, religious 
or commemorative monuments and sepulchres. 
That most of the smaller cromlechs have been 
used as sepulchres has been proved by the finding 
of urns and burnt bones in association with human 
remains. At the same time it is difficult to believe 
that burial was the sole purpose of the large 


cromlechs such as Stonehenge, Avebury, etc. It 
seems highly probable that by the end of the 
Neolithic Age a complex cult of the dead had arisen, 
and that these large cromlechs represent religious 
monuments erected near the graves of deified 
heroes, and were used for the performance of the 
ceremonies of the cult. Exactly what were the 
rites and beliefs of Neolithic man regarding life 
after death it is impossible to say, but evidently 
they involved a quasi-materialistic conception of 
the continued existence of the soul in the spirit- 
world, and the intercourse of mankind with the 
supernatural planes of being. The grave-goods, 
consisting of weapons, ornaments, the remains 
of food, human beings (presumably the wife or 
slave of the deceased) and animals, found in 

\ Neolithic interments, show that the people of those 
times did not regard life beyond the grave as 
differing widely from that on earth. To them 
death was the gate to a more perfect state of exist- 
ence the blessed company of departed heroes 
and friends to which they looked forward with 

/ hopeful anticipation. Therefore, since the spirit- 
world was superior to this transient life, the abodes 
of the dead were considered of greater importance 
than those of the living. In the Neolithic period 
they were constructed of durable material, as we 
have seen in the case of the megaliths and pyramids 
of Egypt, and often placed on high ground so as 


to form an enduring and prominent memorial for 
many generations. 

Having briefly considered some aspects of the 
eschatology of primeval man, it remains to examine 
the evidence at our disposal of the existence of 
other rudimentary conceptions of religion amongst 
the earliest inhabitants of Europe. It is to the 
Palaeolithic caves of France and Spain that we 
again turn for traces of primeval cult. First of 
all we will wend our way towards a valley in the 
Pyrenees near Tasascon-sur-Ariege, in which is 
situated the mile-long subterranean picture gallery 
known as the cave of Niaux. Here amid stalac- 
tites and stalagmites that remind the Britisher 
of the home of Cheddar Man in the Mendips, the 
walls are found to be decorated with curious marks, 
apparently made with black oxide of manganese 
and red ochre, leading up to a projecting ridge of 
the rock, cleverly shaped into a bison in its last 
agonies. The imagery is completed by the addi- 
tion of a red dot on the flank, which indicates 
the wound that is proving fatal. The other 
marks are presumably meant to signify the throw- 
ing-club or boomerangs that are to deal the deadly 

Penetrating farther into the recesses, we come 
upon the drawing of a horse outlined in thick 
black manganese, standing out prominently despite 
the fact that other works of art surround and 



trespass upon the picture. The only satisfactory 
explanation that can be offered to account for the 
crowding and overlapping of animal designs in 
this particular corner of the cave is that given by 
Dr. Marett in his delightful article In a Prehistoric 
Sanctuary ^ that there was more mystic virtue, 
more mana, attaching to one spot than to another. 
Thus, for instance, the projecting ridge on the wall 
which was to represent a bison would at once 
suggest sacredness to the primeval mind, by reason 
of its natural similarity to the animal's body. 

Again, a little farther on to the left, sheltered 
by an overhanging ledge, two trout are traced on 
the sand, similar to those now living in Ariege ; 
and near by, likewise sheltered by a ledge, the 
imprint of the naked foot of a man perhaps left 
by the Aurignacian artist himself is plainly visible 
on the stalagmited floor. 

Now why should Palaeolithic man draw outlines 
of animals and fish in the dark recesses of a moun- 
tain if it were not that this particular cave was 
a " prehistoric sanctuary " ? Surely, if he were 
merely gratifying his aesthetic tastes he would 
have chosen a place open to the light of day, where 
he and his companions might enjoy the fruits of 
their labours. It seems much more reasonable 
to follow Dr. Marett in regarding the cave at Niaux 

1 Hibbert Journal, Jan. 1910, and The Threshold of Religion, 
pp. 203-220. 


as a sacred spot wherein primeval mysteries were 
duly celebrated, and which had to be approached 
with solemn and esoteric rites. This conclusion 
is supported by the evidence from the Aurignacian 
rock-shelter at Gargas, near Aventignon, in the 
valley of the Neste. 

Here we are amongst the pioneers of Aurignacian 
art, and therefore we must not expect to find such 
finished workmanship. A side-face outline of a 
bison, for instance, is given two horns, and horses 
are represented as devoid of legs, etc. Such 
pictures undoubtedly admirably meet the require- 
ments of magic or rudimentary religion, but they 
are hardly satisfactory from the artistic standpoint. 
A further examination of the walls of this cave 
reveal a truly shocking spectacle. In 1906 M. 
Regnault noticed designs of hands stencilled in 
red or black in dark recesses near the entrance. 
These observations were confirmed by MM. Car- 
tailhac and Breuil in the following year. About 
L50 of these designs have now been discovered, 
in some instances very well preserved owing to 
their being covered with a thin layer of stalagmite. 
In some cases all the fingers, including the thumbs, 
have lost their first two joints, in a manner that 
presents a striking similarity to ceremonial mutila- 
tions practised to-day by the Bushmen, Australians, 
and the American Indians of Arizona and Nicaragua. 
Professor Sollas has shown that the appearance 


of amputation can be obtained without proceeding 
to that extreme. 1 The coloured powder may have 
been thrown in such a manner as to stencil out 
the joints in question, in which case it must be 
assumed that the Aurignacians had already passed 
through the stage in which their cult demanded 
the sacrifice of the actual finger, and had arrived 
at the notion of symbolic representation. A more 
plausible explanation of this deformity is that 
these fingers represent hands which have been 
mutilated by cutting ofi the terminal joints, as is 
customary among such savage tribes as the Mafulu 
of New Guinea. In any case, the hands at Gargas 
show that the practice of ceremonial mutilation 
was in existence in Aurignacian times, and, judging 
from the analogy of modern primitive people, the 
custom was of magico-religious, and possibly of 
sacrificial significance. 

In concluding this brief survey of the " prehis- 
toric sanctuary " at Gargas, it may be well to call 
attention to Dr. Marett's suggestion that the 
curious interfacings and arabesques made by the 
fingers or some pointed instrument in the gluey 
clay of the walls and roof of the cave, are imita- 
tions of the scratches left by the claws of the 
cave-bear the totem of these particular Aurig- 
nacians. 2 In support of this view may be 

1 Ancient Hunters, pp. 354-358. 

2 Cf. L'Anthropologie, xxi. pp. 139, 142. 


mentioned the numerous deep striae on the walls of 
the cave of Font-de-Gaume. On the floor of this 
latter cavern a great many bones of the cave-bear 
have been found, as well as striae corresponding 
to the rows of claws on the bear's foot, and the 
red outline drawing of the animal at the end of 
the gallery. Of course this is slender evidence 
upon which to base the assumption that Palaeo- 
lithic man practised totemism, but taken in con- 
junction with the cave-paintings representing 
animals and designs similar to the totemic decora- 
tions on Churinga, etc., it seems highly probable 
that these primeval inhabitants of Europe were 
acquainted with this primitive mode of social and 
religious organization. The ornamentation of the 
so-called " Batons de Commandement " made out 
of the antlers of the reindeer or stag suggests totemic 
significance, and the painted pebbles found by 
M. Piette at Mas d'Azil bear an almost unmistak- 
able likeness to the totemic designs on the Churinga 
of the Arunta. 1 

In many parts of Australia the natives have 
engraved on rocks and painted in caves figures of 
men and animals, stencilled designs of hands in a 
white and red ground, and ornamented their 
implements and weapons with engraved and 
coloured lines bearing a striking resemblance to 

1 Cf. the author's article " Staff " in Hastings' Encydop. Religion 
and Ethics. 


those discovered in Palaeolithic caves. The un- 
suitability for habitation of the inner recesses of 
these caverns is obvious. The conclusion is there- 
fore inevitable that the paintings relegated to the 
dimmest parts of the caves, at the end of long 
corridors, were executed for religious rather than 
for artistic reasons. If the caves in question are 
not prehistoric sanctuaries, how can the fact be 
explained that in the grotto of Les Eyzies a site 
near Font-de-Gaume known to have been inhabited 
at the end of the Palaeolithic there is an entire 
absence of such designs ? The only inference that 
can be drawn from these facts is that artists lived 
at Les Eyzies, and took their implements and 
materials to Font-de-Gaume for the purpose of 
decorating the walls. Each group of animals 
when completed was apparently connected with 
some special totemic ceremonies for the perform- 
ance of which the members of the tribe resorted 
to the sanctuary. 1 

What was the nature of the rites practised by 
the cave-dwellers of the Reindeer Age ? We have 
already shown that there is reason to suppose that 
primeval man performed ceremonies corresponding 
to the Intichiuma rites of the Australians to increase 
his food supply. The same artistic concept found 
among the men of the later Palaeolithic epoch is 
set forth in the Australian caves and on rocks in 

1 Cf. E. A. Parkyn, Prehistoric Art, pp. 118 ff. 


connexion with totemic ritual. 1 In Australia, in 
a great many instances, the designs are traced on 
walls of rock in places that are tabu to women and 
the uninitiated. Likewise in the Palaeolithic caves 
the paintings are relegated to the innermost re- 
cesses presumably holy ground upon which the 
profane are forbidden to tread. There is, there- 
fore, a close analogy between these Australian 
rites and the ritual deducible from the cave paint- 
ings of the Aurignacian and Magdalenian periods. 
Consequently the cave-men, like the Arunta, used 
the designs as objects of a cult in which not only 
the food supply was increased, but also a sacra- 
mental relationship was established with the whole 
totemic species. A brief description of the Aus- 
tralian totemic rites, as noted by Messrs. Spencer 
and Gillen, may therefore be given as a probable 
account of the kind of ceremonies performed in 
prehistoric sanctuaries. Of course it is not sug- 
gested that the totemic cult of modern aborigines 
is in any way identical with that of primeval man ; 
but, judging from the numerous similarities be- 
tween the two cultures, the Arunta rites appear 
to represent the nearest approach to the totemic 
mysteries celebrated by Palaeolithic man at Gargas, 

We have already described the Intichiuma 
ceremonies held in the spring at the foot of a rock 

1 Native Tribes, pp. 614 ff. 


on which great pictures of the witchetty grub are 
painted. We will now turn to the rites performed 
after Intichiuma (i.e. at the period analogous to 
harvest time among agricultural people) when 
the totems are plentiful, and when the need for 
productive ceremonies no longer exists. Then it 
is that, in the witchetty grub totem, large supplies 
of the tabu grub are gathered and brought into 
the camp, where they are cooked and stored away 
in pitchis. In due course they are taken to the 
men's camp, where all the men assemble. The 
leader grinds up the contents of the pitchi between 
two stones. Then he and the other men of the 
totem eat a little, and distribute that which re- 
mains to those who do not belong to the totem. 
He repeats the operation with a pitchi from his 
own store. The witchetty grub totem may then 
eat sparingly of the grub. 1 

Similar ceremonies take place in other totems 
in Central Australia, as, for example, the Undiara 
Kangaroo. In this group, when an Intichiuma 
ceremony is to be performed, the men proceed to 
the foot of a hill, on the slope of which two blocks 
of stone project one above the other. One of these 
stones is supposed to represent a male kangaroo, 
the other a female kangaroo. The head man of 
the totem clan with a man who is in the relation 
of mother's uncle to him climbs up a rocky ledge, 

1 Native Tribes, p. 203. 


supposed to be haunted by the spirits of ancestral 
kangaroos, and paints it with, strips of red and white 
to indicate the red fur and white bones of the 
kangaroo. When this is done a certain number 
of the young men sit on the top of the ledge, while 
the men below sing of the increase of the kangaroos. 
Blood letting follows. " The men open veins in 
their arms and allow the blood to stream out on 
to and over the ledge of the sacred ceremonial 
stone which represents the spot where a celebrated 
kangaroo of the Alcheringa went down into the 
earth, its spirit part remaining in the stone which 
arose to mark the place." 1 According to Spencer 
and Gillen, the purpose of the ceremonies is to 
drive out in all directions the spirits of the kan- 
garoos, and so to increase the numbers of the 
animals. 2 Strehlow, however, maintains that the 
rite makes real kangaroos, with living bodies, 
appear. 3 

After the rite has been duly performed, the 
young men go and hunt the kangaroo, bringing 
their spoils back to the camp. Here the old men, 
with the alatunja in their midst, eat a little of the 
flesh of the animal and anoint the bodies of those 
who took part in the Intichiuma with its fat, 
after which the meat is divided among all the men 
assembled. The men then decorate themselves 
with totemic designs, and the night is spent in 

1 Native Tribes, p. 462. 2 Op. cit. p. 206. 3 III. p. 7. 


singing songs relating to the exploits of the Alcher- 
inga men. When this has been done, the animal 
may be eaten sparingly. 1 

When the men of the Emu totem desire to per- 
form Intichiuma ceremonies, several of the men 
open veins in their arms and allow the blood to 
stream on the ground till it is saturated. When 
the serum has coagulated they trace designs on 
it in white, red, yellow and black, representing 
the different parts of the body of an emu. Several 
men of the totem then dress themselves to re- 
semble emus, and imitate the manners and customs 
of the bird. They fasten Churinga on their heads 
to represent the neck of the emu, and chant a 
song to the emu constructed in the blood. They 
think that this act has the effect of preventing the 
totem from disappearing by quickening the embryos 
of the new generation. 2 

In the Unjiamba or Hakea flower totem an 
Intichiuma ceremony is performed at a shallow, 
oval-shaped pit, by the side of which grows an 
ancient Hakea tree. In the centre of the depres- 
sion is a small projecting and much- worn block 
of stone, which is supposed to represent a mass of 
Hakea flowers. After the pit has been swept and 
songs inviting the tree to flower much and the 
blossoms to be full of honey have been sung, a 
young man is told to open a vein in his arm and 

1 Native Tribes, p. 204. 2 Native Tribes, p. 181. 


allow the blood to sprinkle on a stone till it is 
covered. This done, the ceremony is complete. The 
stone is regarded as a Churinga, and the spot is for- 
bidden to the women, children, and the uninitiated. 1 
In other words, the ceremony has established a 
blood bond between the totem and the totemites, 
and the place of the rite is rendered sacred, and 
therefore tabu. 

Similar rites take place in other totems in Central 
Australia, differing, of course, in detail, but every- 
where made up of the same essential elements. 2 If 
the chief of the clan did not solemnly eat of the 
totem, or if too much were eaten, the Intichiuma 
would fail, and, in consequence, according to 
Australian philosophy, the food supply would be 
affected, and some harm come to the group. 

On the religious side, the chief interest of the 
rites just described lies in the fact that in them we 
find most of the essential principles of the later 
institution of sacrifice. After the totemic animal 
has been killed, the alatunja and the old men 
solemnly eat it, and thus assimilate the sacredness 
of the " theanthropic " animal. The chief differ- 
ence between this and the later forms of sacrifice 
lies in the animal, in this case, being naturally 
sacred while ordinarily it acquires this character 

1 Op. cit. pp. 184 f. 

2 Op. cit. pp. 295 ff. ; Northern Tribes, pp. 294, 296. Cf. Woods, 
p. 187. 


during the rite. But the mystic sacramental union 
between the totem and the totemite is none the 
less maintained by the ceremony that terminates 
the Intichiuma. A man of the witchetty grub or 
emu totem believes himself to be a witchetty grub 
or an emu. In order to keep this quality he 
assimilates the flesh of the creature that he may 
dwell in the grub and the grub in him. The solemn 
preparations show with what reverential awe these 
sacramental meals are regarded by the natives. 
The fasts, the Churinga, the totemic decorations, 
the sacred rocks and designs, all testify to the 
sacred atmosphere surrounding the mysteries. 1 

In the blood ceremonies we see exemplified the 
means whereby a blood covenant is made with 
the totem to prevent the totems from vanishing 
from the land. By opening a vein in his arm 
upon the kangaroo rocks, or eating the flesh of 
the sacred animal, or having its fat a substance 
which, to the Australian, ranks equally with the 
blood as regards potency rubbed on his body, 
a union of a sacramental nature is established 
with the totem. The mana concentrated in the 
victim (especially in the blood and its sacred flesh) 
goes out and gives strength to the communicant, 
neutralising his infirmities by drawing them into 
itself. In this way a sacramental union is 
established between the totem and the totemite 

1 Durkheim, Les formes dle'mentaires de la vie religieuse, p. 484. 


through the communication of the mana resident 
in the supernatural ally. Consequently, we con- 
tend that, in what Dr. Marett calls the " pre- 
animistic " type of religion, 1 the earliest attempts 
at sacrifice were means whereby the " worshippers " 
were placed in physical contact, after a sacramental 
manner, with their totem. 2 

Now, if we are correct in assuming that Intichi- 
uma ceremonies represent the most primitive and 
elementary form of sacrifice, does it not necessarily 
follow, from our previous argument, that the rite 
formed part of primeval cult ? If the Aurignacians 
and Magdalenians who "worshipped" in the prehis- 
toric sanctuaries described above performed cere- 
monies analogous to the Intichiuma rites of Australia 
they must have had an elementary conception of 
sacrifice. On this hypothesis, the arrows and the 
collection of pictographs found on the walls and floor 
at Niaux correspond to the designs and picture- 
representation of the emu in the Australian rites. 
The remarkable discovery by Count Begouen in one 
of the innermost recesses of the Aurignacian cavern 
of the Tuc d'Audoubert (Ariege) of two bisons 
modelled in clay, appears to be a further develop- 
ment of the drawings on the floor of Niaux. 3 This 

1 The Threshold of Religion, p. xxi. 

2 Cf. the author's article on " Sacrifice " in the Encyclopaedia 
of Religion and Ethics. 

3 UAnthropologie, 1912, xxiii. pp. 657-665. 


conclusion is justified by the fact that two other 
bisons are deeply incised in the layer of clay which 
covers the floor, apparently representing the first 
stages of the modelling. It would therefore seem 
that Tuc d'Audoubert was also a prehistoric sanc- 
tuary in which men renewed their mystical bond 
with the sacred animal from which they derived 
their very existence, and to which they would be 
gathered when the days of their pilgrimage were 

If Palaeolithic man did perform Intichiuma 
ceremonies and believe in a life after death, it is 
difficult to follow Frazer in his theory of a primeval 
age of magic. To describe Intichiuma rites as 
magical operations with no religious character 
at all, is clearly contrary to all the evidence from 
Australia. It is absurd to eliminate from religion 
a rite that represents the first step in the greatest 
institution in the history of religion. 

The theory of Durkheim that both the essential 
forms of sacrifice the act of oblation and the 
act of communion are found in germinal form 
in the Intichiuma rites 1 rests on the evidence of 
Strehlow, that the hymn which is sung at the 
Kangaroo rite describes the " offering " of a morsel 
of kangaroo fat to make the fat of the animals 
increase. 2 With the exception of this instance, 
and of offerings to the dead consisting of stone 

1 Op. cit. p. 484. 2 Zeitschrift f. Ethnol p. 12, verse 7. 


hatchets, clubs, and water, 1 there is no evidence of 
gift-sacrifice in Australia. The All-Fathers are 
regarded as remote anthropomorphic beings in 
need of nothing that man can give, and therefore, 
they are not the recipients of sacrificial gifts. 
Likewise in primeval cult, there is no evidence 
that the act of oblation formed part of the magico- 
religious rites performed in prehistoric sanctuaries. 
Offerings may have been made to the dead in 
Palaeolithic times, but gifts to supernatural beings 
must be regarded as of later development. 

It will be seen from the foregoing pages that 
the origin of sacrifice must be sought in a natural 
human custom, rather than in an institution of 
Divine appointment. The latter view rests on 
Genesis iv. 3-5, and Heb. xii. 4, wherein it appears 
that Divine sanction permitted Abel's offering, 
and considered it, by faith, more acceptable than 
that of Cain. That Yahweh should show prefer- 
ence for blood offerings is in accordance with 
Hebrew ritual, in which the oblation in blood is 
considered to be the more efficacious, but it is 
contrary to the generally accepted view that the 
bloodless sacrifice was the loftier conception. In 
fact the airvpa tepd " offerings without fire " 
were regarded by Greek philosophers of the fifth 
century, such as Porphyry, who had a vegetation 
theory to maintain, as the older form of sacrifice, 

1 Howitt, p. 463. 


coming down from the time of man's innocency . If, 
however, we are correct in believing that sacrifice 
originated in rites and beliefs connected with 
Intichiuma, then neither can claim precedence 
in point of time. 

The story of Cain and Abel, it is argued, suggests 
a Divine origin for the rite, because faith neces- 
sarily implies that there must have been a previous 
revelation touching the ordinance. Without such 
it would be superstition rather than faith. Further- 
more, it has been pointed out by Protestant 
commentators that St. Paul condemns will- worship 
(eOeXoOprjarKa, Col. ii. 23), and therefore it would 
have been unlawful for sacrifice to be offered unless 
directly ordained by God. But as this theory 
was directed against the claim of the Catholic 
Church to decree rites and ceremonies not expressly 
ordained in Scripture, it is hardly worth considering 
as a serious argument in favour of the Divine 
institution of sacrifice. 

As a matter of actual fact the J narrative treats 
sacrifice as a natural institution ; an instinctive 
mode of worship ; while the P creation document 
ignores the existence of the rite altogether. Some 
have tried to read into the clothing of Adam and 
Eve with " coats of skins," after their banishment 
from the garden, the authorisation by Yahweh of 
sin offerings. But this reasoning is precarious. 
The circumstances of the case are all against such 


an interpretation. While Adam and Eve were 
in the garden communion with God is represented 
as uninterrupted, and therefore sacrifice would be 
unnecessary. It is far more reasonable to regard 
Genesis iii. 21 as a fanciful explanation of the 
origin of clothing than as the beginning of sacrifice. 

In conclusion, it may be said that the Divine 
origin of the institution stands or falls with the 
theory of a primitive revelation, and since there 
are few, if any, theologians who have not aban- 
doned the view that a revelation was vouchsafed 
to the Jews alone, the grounds for seeking the 
Divine origin of sacrifice are very uncertain. Now 
that a healthier and juster view is being taken of 
the revelation of God to man, the Divine origin 
of religious institutions is sought not in books but 
in the minds of men it is in the " fleshy tables of 
the heart " that the Most Highest is pleased to 
dwell, speaking in the worthier manifestations of 
the " nature " that He has made, till in the fullness 
of time, when man's mind was ready, He substi- 
tuted a final for a progressive revelation, in the 
Incarnate Logos. 

From very crude and rudimentary conceptions 
of a mysterious impersonal power (mana) attaching 
itself to objects and circumstances in any way 
inexplicable to the primeval mind, to the idea of 
a localized supernatural power, and a controller 
of the universe whose abode was in the sky, God, 

J.A. M 


in His infinite wisdom, has led the race onwards 
in a knowledge of Himself, to a doctrine that the 
Incarnate Son could claim as His own, and re- 
enforce with Divine authority. From grossly 
material conceptions of a life beyond the grave 
man has been led on till, on the first Easter Day, 
the great Christian doctrine of Resurrection and 
Life was proclaimed and set forth before the won- 
dering eyes of the original followers of the Nazarene. 
From curious totemic ceremonies performed in 
prehistoric sanctuaries, the central rite in the 
history of religion has been evolved. Through 
sacrifice in some form or other, men everywhere 
have sought to establish, renew and maintain 
communion with the sacred world. It is indeed 
a far cry from primitive Intichiuma ceremonies 
to the highest conception of sacrifice centring 
round the presentation before the great All-Father, 
at an altar on high, of a " Lamb as It had been 
slain." But when the dim and shadowy rites and 
beliefs of primeval cult are understood to be the 
first steps in the education of the world for the 
reception of a Divine revelation in Christ, they 
are raised by the reverent and intelligent en- 
quirer from the depths of magic and superstition 
to the Divine order of things. When the idea of 
Christianity as God's reply to the yearnings of 
the human heart in all ages the completion of the 
religious education of the race is grasped, it is 


realised that to see religion in its true perspective, 
it is necessary to get behind the " religion of the 
Semites " as set forth in the Old Testament. In 
the words of Robertson Smith : " To understand 
the ways of God with man, and the whole meaning 
of His plan of salvation, it is necessary to go back 
and see His work in its beginnings, examining the 
rudimentary stages of the process of revelation." 1 

1 The Old Testament in the Jewish Church, p. 192. 



IN its literal and etymological sense civilization 
(civilis, " pertaining to a citizen ") implies a 
social condition existing under the forms and 
governments of an organized State. In practice 
" civilization " is usually interpreted in a nar- 
rower sense, as applying to the more recently 
evolved system of culture of the most developed 
modern races of mankind. But the anthropologist 
cannot countenance such a restricted use of the 
term. To him " civilization " comprehends all 
the principles underlying social development in 
all stages of culture, although at the same time 
he recognises that civilization, in its more restricted 
and literal sense, is concerned mainly with man's 
relationship to the State, and the forces which 
have held together the larger associations of men 
and made social efficiency in its highest sense. 
The object of our present enquiry is to set forth 
some of the causes which tended to bring about 
the development of civilization and the evolution 



of man "the tiller of the ground," to man " the 
builder of cities." 

The investigation of the beginnings of civilization 
carries us far back into those early ages when Drift 
Man lived the life of a hunter, catching and eating 
wild animals, gathering berries and roots, having 
neither flocks nor herds, and ignorant of the sim- 
plest conceptions of agriculture. The very earliest 
inhabitants of the world were, as we have seen, 
in an extremely primitive state of culture . Towards 
the end of the Palaeolithic, and particularly in the 
Neolithic period, great advances were made which 
had far-reaching effects on the social conditions 
of the human race. Hitherto man had possessed 
no utensils that could withstand the action of 
fire. Water was boiled by dropping hot stones 
into any receptacle that could be obtained. The 
civilizing influence of the discovery of the art of 
pottery -making must have been considerable, 
since it extended the dietary of Neolithic man to 
an almost unlimited degree. Meats, vegetables, 
bones, etc., were not only rendered more palatable 
but also more nutritious, and in numerous other 
directions boundless possibilities, not only in the 
culinary art, opened before his gradually increasing 
vista. The art of spinning, basketry and weaving 
were yet other discoveries presumably made in 
Neolithic times, but of all these developments in 
civilization perhaps the greatest was the momentous 


occasions on which man learnt the secret of domesti- 
cating animals and cultivating crops. This great 
progressive movement constitutes the real transition 
of the wild hunter, fisher, and fruit-gatherer to 
that of the settled tiller of the soil. It is to this 
change of custom that the expansion of industrial 
arts and evolution of the higher social and political 
institutions are mainly due. The dog was appar- 
ently the first animal to be domesticated ; but the 
sheep, the ox, and the horse undoubtedly followed 
in rapid succession. 

It is at this point in the evolution of civilization 
that the authors of Genesis begin their narrative. 
Of the earlier hunting stage they apparently know 
nothing, since dominion over the animals is por- 
trayed as a divinely appointed privilege of human 
nature. Thus the lower creation is suffered to 
pass before man that he may learn from the Creator 
the names of the various creatures. Adam is 
evidently assumed to have a knowledge of agri- 
culture, since he is no sooner driven from Eden 
than he begins to till the soil. Of his two sons one 
is a shepherd, the other a herdsman. It is not 
till later that Nimrod the hunter is brought upon 
the scene. The compilers of the sacred narrative 
are therefore obviously ignorant of the existence 
of a Palaeolithic and Neolithic culture as described 
in the foregoing pages. They do not even hint 
at a prehistoric era in which man lived from hand 


to mouth on the wild products of nature, ignorant 
of the simplest arts, save to make a flint implement, 
till he gradually advanced in civilization, leaving 
behind first the old and then the new Stone Age, 
and passing through the various ages of metal- 
Copper, Bronze, and Iron. The Old Testament, 
therefore, begins with the time when man became 
a herdsman, no longer dependent on the chase 
for his existence. But inasmuch as later cultures 
can only be rightly understood when viewed in the 
light of that which has produced them, civilization 
being a product of evolution, the theologian as well 
as the scientist should commence his investigations 
with a survey of prehistoric man. 

To resume our main thesis, we find that when 
man became independent of the chase for the 
necessaries of life he was prone to cultivate what 
Aristotle has described as a " migratory farm." 
He and his family, consisting of wife, children and 
herds, were compelled to wander from pasture to 
pasture over wide tracts of country in the trail of 
the flocks. Such a mode of life necessitated the 
reduction of goods and chattels to a minimum. 
The tents and clothes would be of the simplest 
textiles, the weapons need not consist of more 
than a lasso and a sling, while a knife and a few 
scrapers would constitute all the tools required 
for the immediate needs of a pastoral people. In 
patriarchal society industry cannot be developed 


beyond the mere replacement of things lost or 
destroyed, and therefore little progress is manifested 
in this direction. Likewise social organization is 
confined to the " patriarchal family," consisting 
of father, mother, children and the herds, all 
working for common good of the other. A childless 
man under pastoral conditions would indeed be 
in a sad plight, since he would have no one to look 
after the flocks, consequently it not infrequently 
happens that if the offspring is not as numerous 
as necessity demands the deficit is procured from 
unwary neighbours ! 

Such, then, is the mode of life of pastoral people, 
the best example of which perhaps is the graphic 
picture displayed in the Book of Genesis. Unlike 
hunting, this highly specialized manner of main- 
taining life was not by any means universally 
adopted by primitive man. It only occurs under 
conditions which are themselves exceptional just 
because they are so exceedingly simple. In short, 
patriarchal society is merely the result of a suc- 
cessful correspondence to a peculiar environment, 
but nevertheless it plays its part in the development 
of civilization, since the patriarchal condition, in 
which the unit is the family under the despotic rule 
of its head, passes into the system in which indi- 
viduals make up a society whose government is 
centralized in a chief or king. 

Again, pastoral man traversing wide areas, 


impassable till the horse and camel had been 
domesticated, thus comes in contact with distant 
peoples. In this way commerce has come to form 
an important part in the dissemination of commodi- 
ties and ideas, and with the development of various 
trades, made possible by this interchange of 
culture, large communities have sprung up in 
process of time in certain places. 

Professor Myres, in his excellent little book, 
The Dawn of History, traces four principal phases 
through which human history and civilization has 
passed. 1 The first stage is one in which the centres 
of advancement are provided and defined, by 
great river valleys, with alluvial irrigable soil. Thus, 
for example, among the agricultural civilizations of 
the Ancient East, intercourse took place between 
the Euphrates and the Nile, along one narrow line 
of communication, half river-bank, the upper 
course of the Euphrates itself, half a narrow strip 
of hill country bordered on one side by the Medi- 
terranean Sea, and on the other by the Arabian 
desert, into which it fades gradually away. To 
and fro along this ridge went commodities and 
individuals and ideas between Babylonia and 
Egypt ; along it too went armies, when either of 
these powers was strong enough to attempt an 
advance against the other. Such, then, is the 
first stage of human history, the development, 

1 Pp. 29 ff. 


within the limits of rivers and valleys, of self- 
centred and almost self-sufficient worlds, each 
with its own special type of civilization adopted 
to local conditions. 

The second phase began when islanders com- 
menced an interchange of commodities with the 
mainland or other islands, communicating with each 
other over the " wet ways." Thus grew up the great 
civilizations in the Mediterranean lands, the 
empires of Minos, of Athens, and of Rome ; each 
successive attempts to realise a civilized Orbis 
Terr arum. 

The third phase opens when the genius of Caesar, 
after crossing the Rhone, foresaw the possi- 
bilities of a New World with the Atlantic as its 
shore. Thus came into being the great northern 
sea-powers which were destined to overrun Rome, 
Athens and Constantinople, and even to demon- 
strate that the Atlantic, like the old Aegean, is but 
an inter-continental gulf between " United States " 
and disunited. 

The fourth phase brings us to recent times, with 
the occupation of Australia and the westward 
coasts of America, and the awakening of the eastern 
lands China, Japan and India to the benefits of 
western culture. What awaits the future develop- 
ment of civilization it is impossible to say, but one 
thing is certain that the tremendous struggle in 
which the civilized world has been engaged will 


have far-reaching effects on the evolution of 

Having briefly reviewed the chief successive 
scenes in the drama of history as set forth by Prof. 
Myres, we must return to our main topic the 
beginnings of civilization. As soon as it became 
possible for large numbers of people to form local- 
ized communities the elaboration of political 
institutions took place, proceeding along lines 
suggested by the experience of earlier epochs. All 
this tended to emphasize the idea of nationality 
based primarily on blood-relationship, to which, 
in early society, a religious significance is attributed. 
As the family expanded into a larger group like 
the Latin gens, and this again into the clan, the 
family life and the tie of supposed blood-relation- 
ship continued to act as a basis of social unity. 
Thus, for example, the family relationship is 
among the most powerful features in the Chinese 
civilization of the present day. In the West, as 
civilization became more complex, the tribe in- 
cluded several groups of blood relations, although 
its organization still followed that of the family, till, 
in process of time, it became merged in the more 
highly organized condition of the political State. 
In fact the tribal constitution survived " as a bridge 
between the family and the State, and fell away 
as soon as the State was assured." 1 

1 Bluntschli, The Tliwry of the State, 2nd Ed. p. 196. 


Another result of this development was the 
conception of property. In the most primitive 
state of culture no one said that ought of the things 
which he possessed was his own, since all things 
were common. But as the theory of blood relation- 
ship developed into that of the State, the practice 
grew up of the individual ownership of valuable or 
desirable commodities which had been acquired 
by labour or heredity. The development of the 
principle of private property, and especially of 
private property in land, did much to shape the 
social order of society, constituting as it does the 
fundamental class distinction between rich and 
poor. Even the Indian caste-system comes back 
to private property, since the most honourable 
occupations coincide more or less with financial 
status. Murder became recognised as an offence 
against property, and therefore could be atoned 
for, as among such people as the Iroquois to-day, 
by certain presents to the injured kin. Theft is 
likewise considered among the Australians as a 
violation of property-rights, and is dealt with 

We have yet to mention, however, the discovery 
which, after the domestication of animals and the 
cultivation of crops, had the greatest effect on the 
development of civilization in primitive culture. 
The revolution in practical life of the human race 
that followed the transition from the use of stone 


to that of metal probably exceeded in its far-reaching 
effects the metamorphosis effected at any previous 
point in the early history of mankind ; and is 
only comparable, as a turning point in the progress 
of civilization, to the discovery of steam and 
electricity at the end of the eighteenth century. 

When and where it was discovered that by 
mixing tin with copper the harder compound 
bronze could be produced still remains a mystery. 
A knowledge of bronze implies a previous acquaint- 
ance with its component elements. The use of 
copper in Egypt and the Eastern Mediterranean 
can be traced back to the Fourth Dynasty, while in 
Europe, in North Italy, Hungary, Spain, and 
Ireland, simple forms of copper celts have been 
found, made by hammering the metal into 
shapes on the plan adopted by workers in stone. 
Similar evidence is forthcoming from North America, 
and in Babylonia copper was known as early as 
4500 B.C. The earliest evidence of working copper 
appears to come from Egypt, and so far supports 
the theory that it was the seat of the original 
discovery of the metal. It may be assumed that 
copper preceded bronze in those parts of the world 
where the ore was accidentally discovered, and 
found to be more convenient than flint for making 
implements. But at present there is not suffi- 
cient evidence to warrant the conclusion that a 
Copper Age everywhere preceded a Bronze Age. 


Bronze was probably first made accidentally. The 
prehistoric inhabitants of the Old World seem to 
have often melted their copper before they shaped 
it, since nearly all the copper implements have been 
produced by casting in open moulds, and thus, 
in districts where oxidised copper ores occur in 
admixture with tin ore (cassiterite), bronze would 
be accidentally formed in the crucible. It would 
soon be seen that this substance, unlike the pure 
metal, could be cast in enclosed moulds, and so 
more elaborate forms could be made. Here is a 
distinct advance in culture, involving new methods 
and a certain power of observation, of which the 
primitive mind is by no means incapable. Former 
designs speedily became elaborated. The ham- 
mered flanges of the early copper " age " were 
deliberately cast and much exaggerated on bronze 
instruments. In course of time these flanges 
developed into a double socket into which the handle 
of the celt was made to fit. In the same way the 
ridge across the celt that acts as a stop to the haft 
developed into a purely decorative feature. In 
the later forms of celt the double socket separated 
by a tang develops into the single large socketed 
celt by the elimination of the tang. No socketed 
celts are found in early bronze types, and therefore 
the evolution must have been from the flat to the 
socketed celt. 

Thus it seems evident that in the Bronze Age 


we are not dealing with a brand new civilization, 
but a development of the Stone Age culture. Flint 
implements and weapons were simply modelled 
in accordance with the properties of metals, and 
the commercial and social aspects of life modified 
accordingly. The social organization already 
founded by the Neolithic inhabitants of Europe 
were simply continued and carried out with greater 
efficiency in consequence of the substitution of 
bronze implements for the less effective materials 
formerly used. Again, the question of the origin 
of bronze is forced upon us. It has been alleged 
that the advent of bronze into Europe was not due 
to the peaceful advance of civilization, but rather 
to the appearance of an Aryan race from the south- 
east migrating in a north-westerly direction. In 
support of this theory it is argued that weapons, 
utensils, and implements of the Bronze Age have a 
uniformity in type, which, in the case of the arms, 
bears a certain resemblance to oriental forms. 
But, in the first place, the conclusions of certain 
philologists that the Aryan civilization originated 
in the East has been disproved by Dr. K. G. Latham, 
who has shown that the majority of the Aryan 
peoples is found in Europe and not in Asia. 
Furthermore, it has been pointed out by certain 
philologists that the philological evidence suggests 
a European origin for the Aryan language, if not 
for an Aryan race. A study of their vocabulary 


indicates a knowledge of the dog, the ox, sheep, 
goat and pig as domestic animals, and rudimentary 
methods of agriculture. The distribution of the 
name for the beech tree has been used as an argu- 
ment in favour of the home of the Aryans being 
west of a line drawn from Konigsberg to the Crimea, 
which is the habitat of the beech. But the Greek 
equivalent of the word is fayw (Lat. fagus), an 
oak, which extends the line to the Malian Gulf, 
where the oak flourishes. Although the arguments 
for any given area are not conclusive, the balance 
is on the side of an European origin for the Aryan 
language. But even if this were not the case the 
Oriental origin of bronze would not be proved, 
since the Aryan civilization belongs to the " chalco- 
lithic " period, when stone was still in use, and no 
metals except possibly copper were knoivn. In fact, 
as Dr. Schrader has pointed out, the Aryan stage 
of culture is best illustrated by the earliest remains 
found in the lake-dwellings of Switzerland. 1 

Exactly when and where the discovery of bronze 
was made cannot be ascertained in the present 
state of our knowledge. The Aryan origin is 
clearly ruled out of the question. Egypt has been 
named as a probable home of the compound, but 
tin does not exist in either Egypt or Mesopotamia, 
although, as it has been shown, the use of copper 

1 Trans, by Dr. F. B. Jevons, Prehistoric Antiquities of Aryan 


in the country can be traced to the Fourth Dynasty 
when King Senefern captured the copper and tur- 
quoise mines of the Sinaitic peninsula. The late Dr. 
Gladstone, in a paper entitled " The transition from 
pure copper to the bronze made with tin," which he 
read before the British Association, maintained that 
" attempts were made to render this copper harder 
and stronger in three ways. First, the admixture of 
a large quantity of suboxide of copper or its forma- 
tion in the process of smelting, as seen in adzes 
from Egypt and Palestine, and perhaps Naqada. 
Second, the presence of a little arsenic or antimony, 
as shown in many tools from Kahun dating from 
the Twelfth Dynasty, and from the Sinaitic mines, 
as shown in a communication to the French 
Academy by Berthelot. Third, the admixture 
of a little tin, as at Kahun, the Sinaitic mines 
and Cyprus, perhaps not exceeding one per cent. 
When, however, the superiority of tin, as the 
hardening material, came to be acknowledged it 
was added in large quantities and formed the alloy 
known as bronze." 1 In this case the tin, which 
is not native in Egypt, must have been imported 
from a foreign country whence it is impossible to 
say. In later times no doubt Spain, Britain and 
China were sources of the tin supply for Europe 
and the Mediterranean, but since bronze appears 
to have been known in Egypt in very early times, 

1 Liverpool Meeting, Brit. Ass. 1896. 
J.A. x 


the original source of tin can hardly be looked for 
in the mines of Western Europe. Neither in the 
East is there evidence of the working of the stan- 
niferous deposits in the Caucasus, Southern China 
and Khorassan. The absence of a bronze culture 
in the region of the Caucasus makes it an unlikely 
source. 1 China was probably in the Bronze Age as 
early as 3000 B.C., in fact, nine bronze caldrons from 
the country are dated about 2205 B.C. The tin of 
Khorassan was apparently worked at an early date, 
and may have found its way to the valley of the 
Euphrates in prehistoric times, and thence to the 

Wherever bronze may have originated, it is 
highly improbable that the industry was evolved in 
any one place at a given time, and spread by 
culture contact over the civilized world. At the 
same time it should be remembered that in the 
Bronze Age recognised trade routes were in existence, 
and therefore there was an ebb and flow of different 
peoples along these routes. Consequently an inter- 
change of material and ideas took place, which 
accounts for the variation and complexity of celts 
and other bronze objects. Germany was traversed 
by the two main trade routes, which owed their 
existence to the wealth of amber on the west coast 
of Denmark and the south Baltic. The first ran 
from the Adriatic, in the neighbourhood of Venice, 

1 E. Chantre, Recherches Anthrop. dans la Caucase, p. 77, 


up the valley of the Adige, through the Brenner Pass 
and down the Inn to Passau, where it joined the 
Danube. Thence it passed through the Bohemian 
Forest to the North Sea by way of the Elbe. 
The second route started from the Gulf of Trieste, 
going in a north-easterly direction to Laibach, 
thence to Gratz, and down the Leitha to the Danube 
at Pressburg. The route then crossed Moravia 
and passed through Silesia along the Oder, across 
Posen to Dantzic. In connexion with the trade 
routes it should be mentioned that, during the 
developed period of the Bronze Age, the spiral, so 
prevalent in the Aegean and Egyptian art, hardly 
occurs on the continent west of the Elbe route just 
described ; but, as is clearly seen on the carved 
stones of the New Grange barrow in County Meath, 
and on the chalk drums found in a barrow erected 
over a central cairn on Folkton Wold in the East 
Riding of Yorkshire, it probably reached the 
North- West in earlier times by a different route. 1 
Granting that the erection of the dolmens are the 
work of one race, a route from North Africa to 
Gibraltar and Spain, proceeding thence through 
Santander and Western France to Brittany, Havre, 
Dieppe, the Channel Islands and England was 
probably in existence by the beginning of the 
Bronze Age. 

The prehistoric trader no doubt travelled from 

1 Guide to Antiq. of Bronze Age (Brit. Museum), pp. 95, 96. 


village to village carrying with him ornaments, 
pottery and weapons, and bought back in exchange 
for his commodities slaves, amber, jet, salt, etc. 
Thus, in countries situated in or near these main 
lines of commercial intercourse, the more complex 
forms of the metal industry with ornamentation 
of more elaborate designs were never developed, 
since, before the manufacture of bronze weapons 
and implements had time to reach the zenith of 
artistic development, they had been discarded in 
favour of iron. 

Although iron was known in Egypt about 1500 
B.C., it was not used apparently to any extent for 
industrial purposes in Europe till about the ninth 
century B.C., by which time the Greeks, Etruscans, 
Illyrians, Italians, and Phoenicians were settling 
down in the Mediterranean area. Since iron is a 
simpler substance than bronze it has been suggested 
that the Iron Age preceded the Bronze Age, but this 
conclusion is not supported by the bulk of archaeo- 
logists. True, its ores are more abundant and more 
easily reduced than any others, and, in its meteoric 
form, it requires no reduction at all a fact dis- 
covered by the Eskimos, who make iron implements 
by flaking fragments of meteorites like flint. 
Furthermore, it is argued, iron was known in 
Egypt as early as bronze ; that is to say, in the 
Fourth Dynasty. A piece of the metal was found 
in the south gallery of the Gizehjpyramid which 


possibly belongs to this period. At Abydos Prof. 
Flinders Petrie came upon a lump of iron wrapped 
up in a fabric with a mirror and tools of copper, 
belonging to the Sixth Dynasty l (3300-3100 B.C.), 
and iron beads have recently been discovered in 
pre-dynastic graves at El Gezeh. 2 But although 
it thus appears that in Egypt iron was known as 
early as bronze or copper, the absence of the metal 
from the sixth to the eighteenth Dynasties, and 
the fact that no trace of blue (the colour by which 
iron is depicted) is found on the wall paintings 
prior to the nineteenth Dynasty, shows that it was 
not in common use till about 1300 B.C. Iron ore 
is abundant in the Nile valley, and it is therefore 
difficult to believe that the ancient Egyptians 
would have continued to almost exclusively use 
bronze so long had they been acquainted with the 
harder and more serviceable metal. It is highly 
improbable that it would have fallen into disuse 
in places where its ores could be obtained, and that 
in the early Iron Age bronze would have been 
employed for ceremonial purposes. To account 
for the entire absence of iron in graves and early 
sites by the theory that they have disappeared 
through oxidation is to offer a most inadequate 
explanation of the facts, since it is incredible that 
no trace of discoloration, or of an iron tool, would 
have been preserved had the metal really existed. 

1 Abydos ii. (1903), p. 33. 2 Man (1911), p. 109. 


To this negative evidence must be added the 
positive fact that there is a definite evolution of 
type from stone to bronze implements, while the 
early iron forms show a remarkable resemblance 
to bronze instruments. Moreover, the negative 
evidence gets no support from the well-known 
early Iron Age site at Hallstatt, where, after being 
buried nearly 3000 years, the weapons, though 
oxidised, still retained their form as completely as 
those in bronze. 1 

As a matter of fact the threefold division of 
early civilization into Stone, Bronze and Iron Ages 
has no chronological value, as there has been no 
universal synchronous sequence of the three epochs 
in all parts of the world. In Africa, south of the 
Sahara, for instance, there has been no Bronze Age, 
the use of iron succeeding immediately the use of 
stone. The same applies to parts of North and 
South America, and the Pacific. In Europe the 
Iron Age occupies the closing years of the prehis- 
toric and the beginning of the historic periods. 
No iron objects occur among the relics from the 
prehistoric cities of Troy, Tiryns and Mycenae. 
Homer represents Greece as beginning her Iron Age 
12,000 B.C., but during the Homeric period iron 
was regarded in Greece as a rare substance. In 
the Iliad, for instance, weapons both of iron and 
bronze are represented as in use, but iron appears 

1 Cf. Montelius, U Anthropologie, i. 27 ; Man (1905), 7. 


to have been comparatively rare, since it is only 
mentioned 23 times, while bronze occurs 360 times. 
In the Odyssey the numbers are 25 and 90 respec- 
tively. 1 It was not until the time of Hesiod that 
iron came into anything like general use. 

Slowly the knowledge of the new metal spread 
through Etruria (1400 B.C.) and Gaul (800) B.C. to 
Ireland and Denmark (100 A.D.). In the north of 
Russia its introduction was as late as 800 A.D. Two 
localities in particular have been discovered which 
have yielded sufficient iron objects to be used as 
generic expressions for the civilizations they respec- 
tively represent, and as standards of comparison. 
These are the large cemetery at Hallstatt, in 
Upper Austria, and the Oppidum La Tene, in 
Switzerland. The cultures represented by these 
stations cover a wide area of distribution extending 
from North Italy to the British Isles, and therefore 
enable archaeologists to form a fairly accurate 
idea of the Iron Age in Europe. 

The Hallstatt Civilization, which takes its name 
from the cemetery discovered by Bergmeister G. 
Ramsauer in the Nordic Alps, about forty miles 
from Noricum, represents the earliest transitional 
stage in which the Bronze Age types, such as the 
flanged and tanged celt and leaf-shaped and sock- 
eted spear heads survive . In the Hallstatt cemetery 

1 J. D. Seymour, Life in the Homeric Age, and A. Lang, Homer 
and his Age, pp. 176-208. 


there was no less than 993 burials, revealing evidence 
of the transition from the use of bronze to that of 
iron. Three distinct phases of culture are repre- 
sented at this site. In the first period cremation 
was the mode of disposal of the bodies of the dead 
in Central Europe, the ashes being deposited in 
an oval clay saucer. The characteristic weapon 
of this period was the sword, with a notch to protect 
the hand. Later in Period I. the end of the blade 
became blunt, and, if it was made of bronze, the 
handle was composed of iron inlaid with amber. 
The bronze sword disappeared in Period II., and 
its place was taken by the iron sword of " Hallstatt " 
pattern. The purely geometrical form of orna- 
mentation of bronze vessels was replaced by an 
oriental style in which were depicted processions, 
including a stag cropping a plant, a sphinx, and 
a goat holding a branch in its mouth. The Phoe- 
nicians may have influenced the spread of oriental 
art by their commercial activity. We know, for 
instance, that Hiram, King of Tyre, supplied 
materials to Solomon for the erection of the Temple 
at Jerusalem in the middle of the tenth century 
B.C., but after the conquest by Nebuchadnezzar 
in the sixth century, the Phoenician commercial 
supremacy passed to Carthage. Furthermore, the 
Phoenicians developed no art of their own, and 
therefore it was from Egypt that the influence 
really came, the Phoenicians being merely the 


intermediaries. Period III. is represented by a 
short sword with horned handles which were often 
ornamented, and correspond to the early La Tene 
type. But these later graves, in which burials 
have largely taken the place of cremations, are not 
so rich as those of the earliest phase of Hallstatt 

This civilization spread through Austria, Illyria, 
and Syria, to the Danube, another wave passing 
northwards to Cilicia and Posen, but it did not 
penetrate to North Germany. In France it was 
confined to Burgundy and the district south of the 
Marne and the Rhine. It is probable that the 
trade followed the valley of the Po through Switzer- 
land, and thus it reached the Rhine valley. This 
explains the evidence of contact with Italy from 
objects belonging to the Hallstatt civilization, 
such as is set forth by the magnificent Etrusco- 
Greek vases surmounted with handles representing 
figures of Greek goddesses found in this area. 

The La Tene Civilization is not a continuation 
but a parallel growth of the Hallstatt culture. 
It is usually connected with the founding of Mar- 
seilles in the seventh century B.C., and is charac- 
terised by the disappearance of Bronze Age forms. 
Classical influence is still apparent in the sepulchral 
pottery, a good example of which is a remarkable 
flagon with cylindrical spout found at Waldalges- 
heim. The semi-classical era of Central Europe 


is represented by the Somme-Bionne (Marne) 
chariot-burial, which contained a body laid between 
the two wheels of a chariot (the latter standing 
in two trenches cut below the level of the grave). 
About the warrior lay bridle-bits and trappings 
of two horses, red-figured pottery, a jug with a 
lengthened spout, and a sword with the scabbard 
end simply curved. The horse trappings show 
beautiful open curvilinear bronze work exem- 
plifying the art of this period, while the dish with 
red figures on a black ground being referable to 
the fifth or fourth century B.C., afford evidence of 
the date of the burial. 1 Coral was largely used 
in this period for decorative purposes on ear-rings, 
bracelets, etc., and as amulets, though it is common 
only in certain districts (Southern Russia, Northern 
Italy, Central Europe, Gaul, and Britain). Its 
source was probably the Mediterranean region, 
whence it passed up the Rhone valley to Gaul and 
Britain. The early La Tene pottery is character- 
ised by the pedestalled urn with cordons or bands 
in relief above the shoulder and round the foot, 
which had the effect of strengthening the 

In the second La Tene period (300-125 B.C.), 
which falls between the Greek and Roman influence, 
chariots and harness disappear, swords become 
larger, burials are poorer, and even pottery and 

1 L. Morel, La Champagne Souterraine (1875). 


metal vessels are rare. Burials continue as the 
proper rite, although cremation apparently is still 
occasionally practised. The foundation of the 
Roman province of Narbonensis (B.C. 121) in 
southern Gaul, marks the beginning of a new era 
for the Celtic population. At the same time 
tribal movements in Southern Germany constituted 
a grave danger to the Republic, which was destined 
to end in the conquest of Rome by barbarians 
500 years later. The last period of La Tene culture 
corresponds to the closing century of the Roman 
Republic, and is marked by striking changes, 
archaic survivals being surpassed by complete 
innovations. These late La Tene antiquities are 
the forerunners of Roman provincial art which 
had far reaching effects on the civilization of 
northern Europe. The characteristic sword of this 
period is long and double-edged, with a rounded 
end ; spear-heads are larger than before, and 
shield-bases are more oval and less massive. Har- 
ness and chariots reappear, and spurs first make 
their appearance. Pottery, painted with red and 
yellow geometrical designs, is found in Northern 
and Central France, North Switzerland, in the 
Rhine valley, and in Bosnia. Little is known as 
to the date and origin of coins, but it is not till 
towards the end of the La Tene civilization that 
they become plentiful. Cremation reappears in 
North France and on the Rhine. This was possibly 


due to the conquest of Gaul and Italy, the invaders 
bringing the custom with them. 

The closing century of La Tene is also marked 
by the replacement of coral by enamel, coloured in 
imitation of and attached to bronze or other metal. 
The origin of the art is obscure. Virchow dis- 
covered an enamelled plate in an early Iron Age 
grave at Koban in the Caucasus, 1 and in the Greek 
and Scythian tombs on the northern shore of the 
Black Sea, belonging to the fourth and third century 
B.C., enamelled jewellery has been found. The 
industry is therefore of considerable antiquity, 
although it does not appear to have been known 
to the ancient Egyptians, or, prior to Scythian 
influence, to the Greeks. Apart from the instances 
mentioned above, the use of enamel to decorate 
metal belongs essentially to the latter part of the 
La Tene period in Central and Western Europe. 
The decay of the coral industry was apparently 
due to the cessation of trade between the Mediter- 
ranean and India owing to the conquests of Alex- 
ander the Great, and thus the process of enamelling 
arose to take its place. Since the methods adopted 
at Koban resemble those of the La Tene period, 
the ground being hollowed out to receive the 
enamel, it is possible that the process was brought 
from the Caucasus. Be this as it may, it was the 
Celts of Great Britain who were the past masters of 

1 Das Graberfeld von Koban, p. 71. 


the art. Up to a certain point enamelling seems 
to have developed on parallel lines in this country 
and on the Continent. Red was the only colour 
employed in early days, but gradually the British 
workman made great strides and succeeded in 
covering large surfaces in the most effective and 
artistic manner, thus earning a reputation as a 
craftsman of great skill. In fact some authorities 
have actually described the process as a British art. 1 
The La Tene stage of the Iron Age culture in 
Switzerland roughly corresponds to what in England 
is known as the Late Celtic Period. The Bronze 
Age inhabitants of this country appear to have 
been closely connected with the short, dark, 
brachycephalic Celts the Gallica Celtica of Caesar 
who inhabited Auvergne, Dauphiny, Savoy, the 
Grisons and the Maritime Alps. This race is 
often confused with the tall, fair, and moderately 
brachycephalic people of the Eound Barrows, 
represented in Britain by the Gaels and Brythons 
(Welsh), since they spoke the Celtic language. But 
the Celts of history and ethnology, and the Celts 
of philology are distinct races, and therefore it is a 
misnomer to apply the term Celt to the tall fair 
Scot and Irishman, and the short, dark Welshman 
(by whom Celtic is still spoken). In the early 
Iron Age the half-Teutonic Brythons probably 
the Belgae of Caesar conquered north-east France 

1 J. Anderson, Proc. Soc. Antiq. Scot. xix. p. 45. 


and south Britain. They have therefore been 
credited with introducing the civilization known 
as Late Celtic. The Iron Age antiquities may 
well be Celtic on the ground that they originated 
with a people who were a branch of the Galli or 
later Celts, although the relics at Aylesford are 
presumably of Belgic origin. " We have here," 
says Sir Arthur Evans, " for the first time a native 
example of an ' urn-field ' belonging to the period 
that preceded the Roman invasion, the immediate 
antecedents, of which are to be sought in the Belgic 
parts of Gaul, but which may be ultimately traced 
to an extensive Illyro-Italian province, and to a 
south branch of the urn-field group characterizing 
the early Iron Age of East Central Europe." 1 
No article of purely Roman origin was found at 
Aylesford, but a fibula of La Tene III. type. The 
burials suggest the beginning of the first century 
B.C. The pottery was apparently manufactured 
in Gaul, which points to a Gaulish invasion followed 
by a settlement in the south-east of Britain in the 
second century B.C. Sir A. Evans seeks the ultimate 
origin of the pottery beyond the Alps in North 
Italy or Illyria, a contention supported by the 
classical designs on the jug and wooden bucket 
discovered at Aylesford. Be this as it may, there 
can be little doubt that the interment reveals 
Gaulish influence in Britain at this time, and in 

1 Archaeologia, lii. p. 37. 


consequence of this discovery of Belgic remains 
in England, some archaeologists have been led to 
prefer the expression La Tene rather than Late 
Celtic, to avoid the confusion of the Celts and 
Belgae in describing British art. However, the 
latter term is sufficiently well established to justify 
its use here. 

In the peculiar class of antiquities represented 
by this stage in the Iron Age the British Isles 
stand unrivalled in Europe. It is possible that the 
art of Mycenae influenced to some extent the 
Late Celtic design, as, for example, the S and C 
spiral-curves occasionally found on objects belonging 
to the period. The pottery likewise shows unmis- 
takable signs of having been derived from proto- 
types of metal. 1 Nevertheless, the Late Celtic 
art shows such a remarkable advance on that of 
the Bronze Age in Britain that it is usually re- 
garded as a separate and indigenous culture. 
Artistic designs, generally consisting of scroll 
patterns skilfully executed, ornamental shields, 
swords, daggers, horse-trappings, fibulae, pottery, 
mirrors, etc. Sometimes the metal is decorated 
with enamel in a manner calculated to call forth 
the admiration of the modern artist. Coral was 
also employed for purposes of ornamentation of 
sword-sheaths, etc., 2 but amber and glass, though 

1 Iron Age Guide, Brit. Mus. p. 24 f. 

2 Proc. Soc. Antiq., 2nd Series, xx. p. 214. 


frequently found on the Continent, have rarely 
been discovered in British sites. The Late Celtic 
culture reached its zenith before the Roman con- 
quest, though many of the ornaments appear to 
belong to the Roman period. 1 

The bronze shield, elaborately decorated with 
successive circles of repousse work and bosses, 
found in the Thames near Battersea, may be 
regarded as the highest point of Late Celtic art. 
The embossed portions are enriched by symmetrical 
and linear engraving, and discs of red enamel. It 
is the raised curvilinear patterns on the circular 
plates riveted on the surface which give the shield 
its unique artistic character. This ornamentation 
shows a mastery of design, a firmness and sureness 
of execution which is unsurpassed by similar work 
in any place or age. 

Articles of foreign manufacture found among 
the remains of Late Celtic art testify to the in- 
creased commercial activity that followed the 
Belgic invasion. The Aylesford cemetery, for 
instance, has yielded a bronze-mounted bucket, 
a bronze flagon, a skillet of frying-pan shape and 
three fibulae, which afford strong evidence of 
intercourse with the Continent. The flagon is of 
Italo-Greek manufacture, and the skillet and one 
of the broaches have counterparts in the San 
Bernado cemetery near Lake Maggiore. The other 

1 Rice Holmes, Ancient Britain, p. 241. 


two broaches are of the type common in La Tene III. 
A remarkable bucket was found containing burnt 
bones near Marlborough, Wilts, which belongs to 
the same class and period as the similar specimen 
from the Aylesford urn-field. It is adorned with 
figures of sea-horses which are common on Gallic 
coins of the district about Rennes, and which 
therefore support the conclusion that it was 
imported from north-western Gaul. 1 

It therefore seems that the Late Celtic civilization 
was to some extent influenced by the contemporary 
phases of Central European civilization, although, 
at the same time, the art was sufficiently differ- 
entiated as to produce within the British Isles a 
new culture. Thus the term Late Celtic, as applied 
to some of the noblest creations of the~Iron Age, 
seems to be justified. 

The Olastonbury Lake-Village gives a vivid picture 
of British civilization before the arts of Rome 
penetrated to the west of England. In a field 
situated about a mile from Glastonbury, a number 
of mounds were ' observed by Dr. Arthur Bulleid, 
which mounds upon excavation were found to be 
the site of a prehistoric village ; each mound re- 
presenting a dwelling. The huts were circular, 
18 to 25 feet in diameter, with walls built on poles 
6 feet high, and about a foot apart, with wattle 
and daub between them. A central-post carried a 

1 Archaeologia, Hi. (1890), p. 373. 
J.A, o 


thatched roof. Oak planks were placed upon 
brushwood to raise the floor of the huts above the 
marsh. This platform was kept in position by 
being pinned by means of poles penetrating the peat 
below to a considerable depth. A circular hearth- 
stone was found, usually in or near the centre. 
The absence of bronze implements and Roman 
culture, and the presence of fibulae of La Tene 
II. and III. types, show that the settlement 
belongs to the Early Iron Age. True, numerous 
articles of bronze have been found, but these 
consist of fibulae, a mirror, and an ornamented 
bowl, and therefore they can hardly be assigned 
to other than the Iron Age. Other finds were a 
jet ring, amber and glass beads, several weaving 
and pottery-making instruments, and a number 
of querns, whetstones, crucibles, etc. It is thus 
clear that the inhabitants of the lake-village at 
Glastonbury had made considerable progress in 
the higher arts, though, judging from the absence 
of coins, Samian ware, etc., they lived in a time 
prior to the Roman settlement in England (i.e. 
300 B.C.). 

Here, then, is a picture of the progress of civil- 
ization in Britain at the end of the prehistoric 
period. The animal remains found at Glastonbury 
show that sheep, horse, pig, goat and bos longifrons 
were the domesticated companions of man before 
the Roman invasion, while the seeds of the oak, 


alder, and birch, together with barley, suggest 
the vegetation of the period. The implements 
and querns show that these lake -dwellers not 
only cultivated the land but also ground their 
corn. It is evident, judging from the bones, 
shuttles and combs, that they wove their own 
clothing. They made pottery both by wheel and 
by hand, and decorated it with the characteristic 
Late Celtic curvilinear designs. They were ex- 
perienced carpenters and wood carvers, as is shown 
by the work and tools which have been unearthed. 
The absence of coins (with a single exception) is 
easily explained by the presence of iron " currency- 
bars " of specific weights, used for purposes of 
trade during the Late Celtic period. 1 Another 
lake-village has been discovered by Dr. Bulleid 
three miles from Glastonbury at Meare. This 
also belongs to the Late Celtic, and reveals many 
objects similar to those found at Glastonbury. 

When once man had conceived the idea of smelt- 
ing iron he became capable of developing all the 
latent powers within him. Wood and stone could 
now be fashioned as never before. Houses could 
be erected and cities walled with ease and efficiency, 
and instruments constructed. Many new arts 
and industries hitherto undreamt of now came 
within the reach of developing races. In the 
social sphere a complex political organization had 

1 Glastonbury Lake-Village, A. Bulleid and H. St. G. Gray (1911). 


been evolved based on a sound social basis. The 
last barrier to unmitigated progress was broken 
down when man devised a method of recording 
by graphic signs his past achievements. Thus a 
system of writing was developed (about 600 B.C. 
in Europe) which made the keeping of a permanent 
historical record possible, and ushered in that which 
is usually known as the Historic Period the final 
stage of civilization proper. 



HAVING briefly traced the early history of mankind 
through the various stages of hunting and fishing, 
pastoral life, agriculture, stone, and metal industry, 
and having glanced at the accompanying social, 
economic and religious organization, we now turn 
to an ethnological investigation of the distribution 
over the earth of the races formed by man's develop- 
ment through the family and tribal stages into 
national life. 

The tenth chapter of Genesis has been called the 
oldest ethnological record extant. But the state- 
ment is not strictly accurate, since, on the one hand, 
the evidence of archaeological inscriptions shows 
older classifications of races ; and, on the other 
hand, Genesis x., as Pr.ofessor Sayce points out, 1 
is ethnographical rather than ethnological. It 
merely describes from the geographical standpoint 
such races as came within the horizon of the writer. 
Thus, the Egyptian and Canaanite are classed 

1 Races of the Old Testament, chap. iii. 


together, while the Semitic Assyrian and non- 
Semitic Elamite are both represented as the 
children of jShem. In fact the narrative does not 
profess to throw any light upon modern ethno- 
logical investigation any more than Chapters i.-ix. 
are of anthropological value. Therefore little help 
can be derived from this source in our present 

Ethnology (e'Ovos, race ; and Ao'yo?, science) 
is usually regarded as that section of anthropo- 
logy which deals systematically with the various 
branches of mankind in detail. The questions, 
therefore, upon which it is called to throw some 
light are those of the origin, primeval home, early 
migrations, and racial classification of mankind, 
and the effects of contact of the different members 
of the human family. 

In considering the origin and antiquity of man 
we came to the conclusion that man evolved 
from a common precursor early in the Pliocene 
epoch contemporary with pre-Chellean implements. 
From this common ancestor two stocks were pro- 
duced in Europe the Neanderthal and the Eoan- 
thropus-Galley Hill- Cro-Magnon species of the 
human organism. Towards the end of the Glacial 
period the Neanderthal type became extinct, while 
the Piltdown- Galley Hill race survived as Aurig- 
nacian and Cro-Magnon man. On this hypothesis, 
the remains found at Grimaldi may represent a 


fusion between the types in Europe at the latter 
part of the Pleistocene epoch. 

This theory may seem to conflict with the 
generally accepted view among anthropologists 
that Pleistocene man was specifically one. Thus 
Broca argues that the complete and permanent 
fertility of unions between all races inter se proves 
their common descent from one stock. If distinct 
human species originated in Pliocene or early 
Pleistocene times kakogenesis (racial unfertility) 
rather than eugenesis would result. Again, Tylor 
has maintained that " all tribes of men, from 
the blackest to the whitest, the most savage to the 
most cultured, have such general likeness, in the 
structure of their bodies and the working of their 
minds, as is easiest and best accounted for by their 
being descended from a common ancestor, however 
distant." 1 On the other hand, Abel Hovelacque 
says that languages differ to such an extent that 
this fact alone is " sufficient proof of the original 
plurality of the races that have been developed 
with them." This latter argument is open to the 
objection that race and speech are not convertible 
terms, that there is no arguing from one to the 
other, therefore the theory is based on a fallacy. 

But, it has been shown, the " osseous remains " of 
Palaeolithic man show a divergence of type that 
makes the hitherto simple theory of a gradual 

1 Anthropology, p. 5. 


continuous development upwards from Pithecan- 
thropus and Homo Heidelbergensis to Homo 
Recens untenable. Had Tylor been acquainted 
with the Piltdown and Galley Hill remains he 
would probably have modified his remarks. The 
discovery of a human form, wherein the features 
of modern man are represented, at the close of the 
Pliocene or the beginning of the Pleistocene is an 
almost insurmountable difficulty to any theory 
of a continuous evolution from a single stock. If 
the Piltdown-Galley Hill-Cro-Magnon type really 
goes back to the early Drift period, then we 
must believe that from the earliest times there 
co-existed in Europe at least two stocks, and these 
so distinct that they point to the existence of a man 
sufficiently high to serve as a common ancestor of 
both. Pithecanthropus does not, in our opinion, 
represent either a precursor or an early phase of 
Neanderthal man, but a development on lines of its 

Now at some particular moment the two dis- 
tinctively human powers tool-making and the 
erect attitude must have reached the required 
point of development to bring into being Homo 
primigenius, with the potentiality of a complete 
human being, composed of body, mind and spirit. 
Did this momentous event take place in several 
places more or less about the same time ? It is 
improbable that all the necessary conditions would 


be fulfilled at a given moment in more than one 
spot, since a steady growth and specialization of 
brain development is implied in the evolution of 
the human organism, which could hardly have 
coincided simultaneously in several ancestors. In 
this sense, therefore, the human race appears to 
be derived from a single ancestor. But as soon 
as the first step had been taken, man would become 
fruitful and multiply and replenish the earth, so 
that by the beginning of the Pleistocene at least 
two forms of man were in existence in Europe, 
specifically one, perhaps, but nevertheless differing 
widely in physical features and mental development. 
On this hypothesis the specific unity of mankind 
is sufficiently maintained to avoid kakogenesis 
resulting from the union of the races evolved from 
the two stocks. We, therefore, are ready to admit 
that " God has made of one blood all the nations 
of the earth," but at the same time maintaining 
that the " osseous remains " of Palaeolithic man 
suggests the co-existence in Europe of at least 
two stocks from the earliest times, of which one 
(the Neanderthal race) became extinct, the other 
surviving as Aurignacian and Cro-Magnon man. 

The second problem that faces us is the racial 
affinities of Neolithic man. Some anthropologists 
have tried to prove that the Neanderthal-Spy 
race survived the Palaeolithic Age as th,e dolicho- 
cephalic Europeans, while Professor Keith makes 


the inhabitants of Europe the descendants of the 
Galley Hill-Combe Capelle type. That there was 
no hiatus between the Palaeolithic and Neolithic 
periods is proved by the discoveries at the cavern 
of Mas-d'Azil, which represent an intermediate 
stage between the old and new Stone Age. Here 
there is evidence of Palaeolithic hunters living side 
by side with existing types of animals, but un- 
acquainted with the use of pottery, though possibly 
they were in the earliest stages of agriculture. We 
have, therefore, no reason for supposing that the 
transition from the Palaeolithic to the Neolithic 
period was marked by the appearance of a new 
and higher type of man, although some archaeo- 
logists have suggested that the changes in the mode 
of life during Neolithic times can only be accounted 
for by assuming the immigration of the new races 
into Europe at the close of the Pleistocene epoch. 
This assumption is not supported by an examina- 
tion of the physical type of Neolithic man. Prof. 
Keith has shown that the Neolithic men of Britain 
were of short stature, with rather large heads in 
which the width was about seventy-five per cent, 
of the length. It was, in fact, characteristic of 
the " river bed type." 1 Furthermore, he shows 
that the same long-headed form is not confined to 
Neolithic England. Similar types have been found 
in Malta and Egypt ; and therefore he concludes 

1 Antiquity of Man, pp. 1-45. 


that " Sergi's Mediterranean race had heads which 
in size and form were of the c river bed ' type. 5 ' 1 
De Quatrefages identifies the Cro-Magnon with 
the tall, dolichocephalic, fair-skinned and blue-eyed 
Berbers (Hamites) who still survive in various parts 
of Mauretania. To these Neolithic Afro-Euro- 
peans are also credited the erection of the mega- 
lithic monuments, barrows, etc., strewn over 
Europe and North Africa. 

Although there is such a variation in type in 
Palaeolithic man, yet one feature remains almost 
constant throughout the Pleistocene period. The 
human skull, whether it be of Eoanthropus or a 
Neanderthaler, or of one of the skeletons in Grottes- 
des-enfants, is always dolichocephalic. The only 
exception to this universal rule is in the case of the 
brachycephalic skulls of Furfooz, Grenelle and La 
Trouchere. It is, of course, possible that a round- 
headed race existed in Europe in the Solutrean 
epoch, but until more convincing evidence is pro- 
duced in favour of this view these three finds must 
be regarded as the exceptions that prove the rule. 
The evolution of the forms of the head seems to have 
proceeded on definite lines from the long, wide, flat 
anthropoid skull, through the long, moderately 
wide and flattened form in early Pleistocene times, 
and the long, narrow, and high skull of later 
primeval man, to the short, wide, and high form 

1 Op. cit. p. 15. 


which characterises the higher races of mankind. 
Therefore, as far as physical features are concerned, 
the long-headed type is more primeval and anthro- 
poid than the round form of head. Bearing this 
fact in mind, we can proceed to investigate the 
Neolithic people of Europe from the standpoint of 
physical anthropology. 

A number of skulls found in Neolithic barrows, 
megaliths, etc., exhibit an intermixture of brachy- 
cephals and dolichocephals. On the hypothesis 
that the long type of head is the older form, we 
should separate the dolichocephals as the ancestors 
of the primitive inhabitants of Europe. But 
who are the brachycephals who appear to have 
intermingled with the dolichocephals in the plains 
of the north-east and in the Alpine region, and 
thus modified the primitive type ? The labours of 
Sergi, Ripley, Deniker and others have shed con- 
siderable light on the complex problem of the 
origin and distribution of races in Europe, and the 
reader who wishes to investigate the evidence is 
advised to consult the works of these authorities. 
We cannot here attempt to give more than the 
briefest outline of the results of their researches as 
generally accepted by ethnologists to-day. 

Before the close of the Neolithic age numerous 
round-headed people, known as the Mediterraneans, 
came into the continent from the south and domi- 
nated the Mediterranean region. These intermingled 


with the earlier long-headed type, becoming 
more and more numerous, till at last they became 
the predominant type on the southern coast. In 
the Bronze Age another stream of brunette brachy- 
cephals poured into Europe from the East along 
the mountainous area. 1 These were the Alpines 
who settled on the high lands in the centre and in 
a northerly direction. The Mediterraneans appear 
to have penetrated the west coast of Europe as far 
as Britain in Neolithic times, and eastwards to the 
Ehine and Upper Danube. The Pygmy dolicho- 
cephals, whose remains have been found in Neo- 
lithic sites in Switzerland, may possibly be repre- 
sentatives of a race that has disappeared. During 
the Neolithic period the forerunners of the Alpine 
race extended westwards along the central moun- 
tainous forest-region and up the valley of the 
Danube, settling in Central France. The Northern 
or Nordic race of blond dolichocephalic giants, 
whose place of origin and purest survivals still are 
around the shores of the Baltic and in Southern 
Scandinavia, did not penetrate the mountain barrier 
till later. These people represent the forefathers 
of the fair-haired Anglo-Saxons, Scandinavians, 
and Teutons Homo Europaeus of Linnaeus, the 
" greasy seven-foot giants " of Eoman times. It 
has been suggested by Schliz that the skulls of 

1 It is possible that these people were descendants of the Palaeo- 
lithic brachycephals. Cf. p. 48. 


Alamanni and Frisians bear a striking resemblance 
to that of Brunn, 1 while the Swedish head-form is 
not unlike that of Cro-Magnon man. This similarity 
has led some anthropologists to suppose that the 
Nordics were the direct descendants of the Cro- 
Magnons and Azilians who survived in Northern 
and Western Europe chiefly in the forest country, 
by the rivers and on the sea shore, till their territory 
was encroached upon by invading brachycephals. 2 
Be this as it may, it is certain that in late Neo- 
lithic and Bronze Age times waves of Brachy- 
cephalous Asiatics spread across Western Germany 
to Denmark and the south-west of Norway, where 
they came into contact with the tall, fair, dolicho- 
cephals of the Nordic race. Thus in north-central 
Europe a tall, brachycephalic people arose who, 
though acquainted with the use of bronze, still 
practised a Neolithic manner of life. These people 
are usually supposed to be responsible for the 
introduction of round barrows into Britain. In 
this way arose Dr. Thurnam's aphorism, " long 
barrows, long skulls ; round barrows, short skulls." 
This statement is not strictly accurate, 3 although 
it undoubtedly conveys an important ethnological 
fact, which is thus stated by Prof. Holiest on : 
" In no skull from any long barrow, that is to say, 
in no skull undoubtedly of the Stone Age examined 

*Arch. f. Anthrop. 1908-09. 2 Scott Elliot, Prehistoric Man, p. 230. 
3 An interesting though not altogether convincing criticism of 
his statement appears in Man, xix. 8, Aug. 1919. 


by us has the breadth been found to bear so high 
a relation as that of 80 : 100 of the length." 1 

The earlier Neolithic inhabitants of Britain, like 
those of the rest of Europe, were characterised by 
uniformly long narrow skulls, such as are repre- 
sented by the human remains found at Tilbury, 
Dartford, and Walton-on-the-Naze. 2 These " river 
bed " people, according to Keith, were the de- 
scendants of the Palaeolithic races who continued 
to inhabit Britain after it became separated from 
Europe till the Neolithic immigrants poured into 
the country from the continent. First came the 
dolichocephals, who, being in a Neolithic stage of 
culture, brought with them the knowledge of the 
art of pottery-making, agriculture, and the domes- 
tication of animals. They disposed of their dead 
in megalithic tombs or long barrows, and thus 
apparently migrated westwards from Kent through 
Wiltshire, Gloucestershire, and Somersetshire, pro- 
ceeding to the North of Britain and to Ireland by 
way of the west coast. 

In the Bronze Age a tall, brachycephalic people, 
compared by Prof. Rolleston to the modern Dane, 
appeared on the scene, from North- Central Europe, 
and brought the fashion of erecting circular and 
more or less conical barrows into Britain. Accord- 
ing to Rice Holmes bronze was introduced into the 

1 W. Greenwell, British Barrows, p. 637. 

2 Ancient Types of Man, pp. 1-27. 


country by more typical members of the Alpine 
race, somewhere about 1800 B.C. 1 The Hon. 
John Abercromby thinks these brachycephalic 
invaders came from the Rhine district and intro- 
duced the type of sepulchral ceramic known as the 
Beaker, which is frequently found beside the corpse 
in Bronze Age burials. 2 About 800 B.C. the inva- 
sions of the Celtic-speaking peoples probably began, 
introducing the Late Celtic civilization. The last 
of the racial elements which entered into the ethnic 
composition of the inhabitants of Britain were the 
tall, blond, dolichocephals of the Nordic race. 

Meanwhile in Europe the lake-dwellers descended 
on the Danube side of the Alps and formed a civil- 
ization, influenced slightly by Minoan culture, 3 
that developed to such an extent in the Bronze 
Age that it was able to give a lead to the settlers 
in the Po valley. During the Neolithic period 
Alpine tribes had occupied the lake-dwellings of 
Switzerland, and were, according to M. Hamy, 
the first Gauls. They were replaced in their 
original home by a dolichocephalic people of 
Northern type till, in the process of time, a brachy- 
cephalic race again inhabited the region, and still 

1 Ancient Britain, i. pp. 424-454. 

2 A Study of Bronze Age Pottery, vol. ii. pp. 98 ff. 

3 The civilization which began in Crete in the fourth millennium 
B.C. and eventually dominated the Aegean and a large part of the 
Mediterranean basin, has been termed " Minoan " by Sir A. Evans 
from the legendary king and law-giver of Crete. 


survives in the population of to-day. The Umbrians 
passed south into Italy during the Bronze 
Age, but were checked and driven up into the 
Apennines by the rise of the Etruscan power. 
The Achaeans a mixed people of Nordic and 
Alpine descent overcame the bronze-using in- 
habitants of Greece about 1450 B.C. Later the 
Cimmerians wandered into Thrace and crossed 
over Asia Minor, while others, when hard pressed 
by the Scythians, passed round the east side of the 
Black Sea to Asia Minor. Celtic-speaking peoples 
began to cross the Rhine into France, where they 
were firmly established by the seventh century 
B.C. Then apparently they proceeded to Spain 
and Italy, and finally broke up the Etruscan 
empire and took Rome (390 B.C.). 1 At a later 
period the half-Teutonic Brythons, or Belgae of 
Caesar, conquered North-East France and Southern 
Britain. Thenceforward the complicated move- 
ments in historic Europe were chiefly concerned 
with Teutonic races, and, therefore, hardly come 
within the scope of this chapter. 

The researches of anthropologists and archae- 
ologists in North Africa and Mesopotamia have now 
established the fact that man of " European 
features " is distributed over a wide area, and not 
confined to this continent. In Egypt Prof. Petrie 
discovered in 1897 the portrait statue of Prince 

1 Of. A. C. Haddon, The Wanderings of Peoples, pp. 41 ff. 
J.A. p 


Nenkhetftha of the Fifth Dynasty (3700 B.C.), 
whose features were those of the highest human 
type. This evidence is supported by the older 
portrait of Enshagsagna, who reigned over the 
Babylonian Akkad about 4500 B.C., whose features 
recall those of a Semite or a European. This 
wide distribution of the white division of man 
Europaeus albus led Blumenbach to suggest the 
generic name of Caucasic for all peoples having 
these common features. Huxley further split up 
the division into (a) Xanthochroi or " fair whites," 
and (b) Melanochroi or " dark whites." 1 The 
first represented the tall, fair-skinned, blue-eyed, 
yellow-haired inhabitants of Northern Europe, 
North Africa, and parts of India. On the south 
and west it mixes with that of the Melanochroi, 
and on the north and east with that of the Mongo- 
loids. The " dark whites " differ from the " fair 
whites " in the darkening of the complexion to 
an olive shade and of the eyes and hair to black. 
The former are also shorter and of lighter build 
than the latter. Many of the Celt-speaking peoples, 
Mediterraneans, Arabs, and a part of the population 
of India, belong to the Melanochroids. But inas- 
much as the Caucasic division of mankind includes 
the brown Polynesian races of the Eastern Pacific, 
Hawaiians, Maoris, Samoans, etc., the proto- 
Malays or Indonesians, the Todas and the Ainus, 

1 Man's Place in Nature, pp. 230-232. 


for purposes of ethnological research this division 
is too wide to be of much practical value, 
although it has been adopted by so eminent an 
ethnologist as Dr. A. H. Keane. 

In Palaeolithic or in early Neolithic times Africa 
was connected with Europe by several land- bridges, 
the Mediterranean Sea being an inland lake. 
Primeval man could, therefore, easily wander 
from one continent to the other, which doubtless 
explains the presence of man of " European fea- 
tures " in North Africa in prehistoric ages. There 
is good reason to suppose that the human race 
did not originate in Africa, but that the main 
types in that continent reached their destination 
from Europe or Southern Asia. In the north of 
the continent and in Palestine implements have 
been found which cannot be distinguished in 
workmanship from, those of the Chellean and 
Acheulean phases of the Palaeolithic culture in 
Europe. The quartz implements of Nubia and 
Rhodesia may be cited as examples. Similar forms 
have been discovered in Somaliland and South 
Africa and the researches of Mr. Henry Balfour 
in the Zambesi valley have brought to light arte- 
facts showing a correspondence in type to those 
of the European river drift. 1 Since the geological 

1 Implements of the Northfleet type (mid Palaeolithic) have 
recently been found in the neighbourhood of Victoria West (Cape 
of Good Hope) and Somaliland, and Solutrean blades in the Siwa 
oasis (Sahara) ; cf. Man, July, 1919, pp. 104 f. 


conditions are not as conclusive as in Europe and 
Madras, the African implements cannot definitely 
be said to be of the same age as their European 
counterparts, though their form and patination 
suggest an absolutely identical antiquity. It is, 
therefore, probable that they belong to an early 
Pleistocene culture. The distribution of these 
implements suggests that early man passed south- 
wards, having come from the north and north-east, 
although the finds are too far removed from one 
another to enable us to be certain that they belong 
to one and the same primeval industry over the 
whole continent. 

It has been suggested by a certain school of 
anthropologists that the pygmies represent the 
original human race, and that Africa is their 
cradle-land. Some even go so far as to believe 
that a dwarf negroid race at one time inhabited 
Northern Europe, and gave rise to the folk tales 
of elves, gnomes, fairies and. goblins, but the 
evidence in support of this hypothesis is still to be 
produced. Those who regard the Indo- African 
continent, submerged by the Indian Ocean in 
comparatively recent geological times, as the 
original home of man, incline to the supposition 
that the pygmy races represent the most primitive 
type of modern man, and account for the present 
distribution of this people as due to migrations 
westward into the centre of Africa, and eastward 


to the Malay Peninsula by way of the Eastern 
Archipelago, consequent upon the submergence 
of the Indo-African Continent. Dr. Keane, who 
considers the extinct Kalang pygmies as the 
aborigines of Java, makes this island the first 
region reached by primeval man and his Miocene 
precursor during the eastward migration from the 
subsiding Indo-African continent. In support of 
this theory he puts forth the case of Pithecan- 
thropus as evidence of the actual existence of a 
Javanese prototype of the human race ; but, as 
has been shown elsewhere, the Trinil remains have 
yet to be proved to be those of a human precursor. 
Although the evidence in favour of the theory 
that pygmies constitute the most primitive type 
of modern man is insufficient, yet it must be 
admitted that the pigmy, both in physique and in 
habitat, does resemble primeval man in many 
particulars. The African group have dolicho- 
cephalic skulls, small brains, broad cheek-bones 
and noses, prognathic jaws, retreating chins, the 
curvature of the spine but slightly developed, and 
feet adapted to climbing. The Asiatic pygmies 
differ from those of Africa, by being brachycephalic, 
and, in one instance (the Veddah-pygmies), having 
wavy instead of woolly or '' peppercorn " hair. 
The way of life of these latter people is very 
primitive, consisting merely of a simple hunting 
existence in the jungle, although they are apparently 


acquainted with rudimentary musical instruments, 
such as the flute, and with the use of the bow 
and arrow, the latter being often poisoned. 

In the present state of our knowledge all that 
can be said with any degree of certainty regarding 
the primeval inhabitants of Africa is that the 
primitive substratum of the population is formed 
of tall and black negroes in the north ; of very 
short, brown skinned Negrilloes in the centre ; and 
of the short, yellow, steatopygous Bushmen in the 
south. The Bushmen and Negrilloes are probably 
specialized varieties of the more primitive pygmy 
people, while the tall negro may represent another 
variety of one ancient Negroid stock. 

The origin of the negro is an exceeding difficult 
matter to discover. Was the Chellean, who left 
his implements lying about all over the continent, 
the first negro, or was he simply undifferentiated 
Homo primigenius ? We cannot say, but it seems 
that the basis of the native population in Africa 
is negro, though the present-day representatives 
show divergent characteristics as the result of a 
different manner of life. This, however, does 
not imply any difference in race or descent. 

The cradle of the negro seems to have been the 
Sudan, or somewhere in the neighbourhood of the 
great lakes, whence he passed in a southerly 
direction, mixing with Negrilloes in the forest 
area, and the more northerly representatives of 


the Bushmen in the high lands to the east. Here 
also he came into contact with the Hamitic people 
of European or Asiatic origin, migrating from 
Arabia, and thus a new type of negro was brought 
into being the Bantu. The Hamites forced the 
negro stock into the marshes of the Nile Valley, 
and to the country north of the forest to the west 
coast where the primitive type of negro still survives. 
A new wave of migration followed that of the 
Hamites. These were the southern Semites or 
Hamarites, who crossed from the other side of the 
Red Sea. Probably as far back as the Neolithic 
period in Egypt they modified the Berbers, Ethi- 
opians, and Negroes of the north-east of Africa, 
and some ethnologists think that the pre-Dynastic 
Egyptians belonged to the parent stock of both 
Hamite and Semite. The blond, tall, dolichoce- 
phalic Berbers who have inhabited North Africa 
from very early times may be descendants either of 
invaders belonging to the Nordic race, having come 
thither via France and Spain, and the Straits of 
Gibraltar or via Asia Minor or Greece. On the 
other hand, they may be descended from the 
Vandals who left Spain for Africa in A.D. 429. 1 
A third theory regards them as remnants of an 
ancient race allied to the Aurignacians, a product 
of the Atlas Mountains. 2 

The original Egyptians appear to us to have been 

1 Mehlis, Arch. f. Anthrop. 1908. Sergi, IS Uomo. 


a peaceful Libyan race, resembling the modern 
Algerian in manners and customs. 1 The Dynastic 
Egyptians are the result of an invading race 
probably the Amorites fusing with the Libyans 
already in the country. In process of time a section 
of this new race proceeded along the coast west- 
wards. Does this represent the migration that 
was responsible for the erection of the dolmens 
and stone monuments so prolific in this part of 
the continent ? An Hamitic wave passed in a 
south-easterly direction and mingled with the 
Bushmen, and to a small degree with negroes, 
forming the Hottentots. Gradually the Bushmen 
were driven into the desert by the expanding 
Bantu tribes. By a similar process of tribal 
pressure the forest area was in due course peopled, 
from the north and north-east, and the Zambesi 

Dr. Haddon thinks that man evolved somewhere 
in Southern Asia during the Pliocene or Miocene, 
possessed of a tendency to variability. The advent 
of the Glacial period started migrations which were 

1 J.A.I, xxxi. pp. 252 f. (Petrie). The aboriginal population 
of Egypt apparently is represented by the steatopygous figures 
found in the earliest graves (cf. Petrie, Arts and Crafts of Ancient 
Egypt, p. 29. Naqada, vi.). In all probability these ancient 
people originated in Europe in Aurignacian times (cf. steato- 
pygous designs in Aurignacian caves), and gradually penetrated 
southwards, traversing the whole length of Africa before arriving 
at the Cape, where they still survive in the Bushmen. 


ultimately relaxed and accentuated during the 
genial episodes, and the return of the ice. 1 Just 
as there was more than one race in Europe in 
Palaeolithic times, so there were probably several 
varieties of man in Asia, which by Neolithic times 
may have become differentiated into distinct races. 
A mixture of dolichocephals and brachycephals 
would account for the rise of those obscure West 
Asiatic peoples whose affinities it is so difficult to 
explain. Thus he describes the tall, fair, dolicho- 
cephals of North Europe, and the dark, brachy- 
cephalic Mediterraneans as varieties of a common 
stock, the former (proto-Nordics) having their 
area of characterisation in the Steppes and migrating 
eastwards and westwards after the last glacial 
phase. Another branch of this stock passed into 
Southern Siberia and Russia as the Chudes, who 
erected the Kurgans or tumuli. The Mongol 
type was developed on the central plateaus and 
streamed into the surrounding lowlands in times 
of stress, while the western plateaus produced the 
Alpine race which migrated westwards on the 
highlands from the Hindu Kush to Brittany. The 
brachycephalic Turki and Ugrians are either de- 
scendants of a cross between the proto-Nordics 
and Alpines or of an intermediate variety. South 
of the plateaus brunette dolichocephals wandered 
to south-east China, India, and the adjacent 

1 The Wanderings of Peoples, pp. 15 ff. 


islands, producing, at least in part, the Man-tse, 
Dravidians, Veddas, Sakai, Andamanese, and 

The pre-Dravidians, survivors of whom may be 
found among these jungle tribes the Veddas and 
Sakai apparently occupied Ceylon, Malacca, the 
Philippines, the Celebes, and other islands before 
they had been separated from the Asiatic mainland. 
They may, therefore, be regarded as representing 
a lower race of great antiquity. 

In Neolithic times successive waves of migration 
passed over Eastern Asia, the immigrants, for the 
most part, belonging to a stock bearing certain 
similarities to Homo Europaeus wavy hair, white 
skin, hair on the face, etc. of whom the Ghonds 
in India and the Ainus of Japan may be cited as 
examples. These were probably succeeded by the 
" Dolmen Race," a people allied in physical type to 
the Mediterraneans. Megalithic monuments are 
common in parts of India, China, Japan, and the 
Pacific, and, as we have hitherto suggested, 1 it 
seems highly probable that they are the work of a 
single race in a series of migrations. 

The wanderings of peoples in " Oceania " a 
comprehensive term for all the insular lands dotted 
about the Pacific and Indian Oceans have been 
the subject of much discussion by ethnologists 
in recent years. The ethnic affinities of the 

iSee. 115. 


Australians, for instance, are by no means clearly 
defined. Numerous theories have from time to 
time been put forth to explain their origin. Thus, 
Fr. Schmidt thinks that the myths associated with 
some of the evil spirits in the south-eastern tribes 
are the result of racial conflicts. Where the Crow 
race was victorious, Bunjil (Eaglehawk) was de- 
feated ; elsewhere Mudgegong (Eaglehawk) was also 
defeated, but not by Crow. 1 He assumes the 
existence of a primary dark race (speaking a hypo- 
thetical " Austronesian " language) represented 
by the Crow, from which the Eaglehawk and Emu 
have sprung. Daramulun and Baiame, he thinks, 
were originally tribal heroes of the invaders from 
Indonesia. But the general theory is that they 
are a low branch of the Dravidians of India, a con- 
clusion supported by their physical features which 
suggest a racial connexion with the Dravidians 
of the Deccan, and such technological evidence 
as the similarity of the canoes and the boomerangs 
among the two peoples. In the north-east the 
presence of the outrigger shows that the culture has 
been affected by influence from New Guinea and 
the Torres Straits. It seems therefore highly 
probable that at some remote period a Dravidian 
or, more likely, a pre-Dravidian migration into the 
continent took place and exterminated or amalga- 
mated with the earlier negroid stock, intermediate 

1 Anthropos, iii. 


between the Papuans and Negritoes. When Bass' 
Strait was formed those who were thus separated 
from the mainland may have become the ancestors 
of the now extinct Tasmanians, who, owing to their 
isolated habitat, never advanced beyond an early 
Palaeolithic phase of culture. The Tasmanians 
however, resemble the Melanesians in culture and 
physical features rather than the Australian ; but 
differs from them by possessing, like the Australian, 
an agglutinative language. Sergi's view that man 
originated in South America and migrated into 
Australia and Tasmania does not appear to be 
very probable. 1 

The rest of the inhabitants of Oceania may be 
divided into two main groups : (1) Papuasians, 
which include the tall, very dark, frizzy-haired 
Papuans, and the shorter and less negroid Melan- 
esians ; and (2) Polynesians, who are easily dis- 
tinguished by their wavy or straight hair, fair 
complexion, straight nose and projecting cheek- 
bones. The Micronesians are a subdivision of the 
Polynesians who exhibit traces of a Mongolian 
element. The Papuans occupy New Guinea and 
the islands of the Torres Straits. The Melanesians 
are found in the south-east of New Guinea and the 
neighbouring islands, including the archipelago 
from the Admiralties to Fiji and New Caledonia. 
The Polynesians inhabit the islands from Tonga to 

1 Of. Arch.f. Anthrop. xi. 1912. 


Easter Island and the Hawaiian group to New 
Zealand. The Micronesians occupy the islands 
to the north-west of Polynesia. 

Dr. Rivers has recently put forth a theory of the 
culture migrations in Polynesia and Melanesia, 
based on a comparison of sociological with linguistic 
facts, and developed by a study of secret societies 
and modes of disposal of the dead. 1 He assumes 
the existence of an aboriginal element, which he 
terms pre-dual. Of this culture we hear little. 
The racial type he supposes to be negroid or pygmy. 
This black, woolly-haired race was subsequently 
modified by three streams of cultural influence 
coming in successively from Indonesia (Malay 
Archipelago). The first immigration combined 
with the aboriginal element to form a dual organ- 
ization of society with matrilineal descent. These 
he calls the " Dual People." Other characteristics 
of this second stratum are the introduction of such 
practices as interment in a sitting posture, circum- 
cision, communism, and gerontocracy (government 
by the old men). These immigrants, he believes, 
constituted the second stratum in Melanesia, and 
passed on to Polynesia, becoming the first stratum 

In process of time a second wave of culture passed 
over the area. This Dr. Rivers describes by the 
expression " Kava People," whom he identifies 

1 The History of Melanesian Society, vol. ii. pp. 573 ff. 


with, the introduction of secret societies, individual 
marriage, patrilineal descent, the men's house, a 
more developed form of chieftainship, totemism, 
megaliths, money, the bow, the dog and the fowl. 
These form the third stratum in Melanesia, and the 
second and completing stratum in Polynesia. This 
very important immigration occupies Rivers' chief 
attention. It turns out to be very complex, in- 
cluding several subordinate waves which, for 
example, introduced several varieties of totemism, 
and the two successive types of megalithic culture. 

A fourth and last immigration was that of the 
" Betel People " an influence that stopped short 
at North Melanesia (south of Santa Cruz, and north 
of the New Hebrides). This migration is supposed 
to have introduced head hunting, skull shrines, 
and pile dwellings. 

This theory of culture migrations roughly corre- 
sponds to Grevner's " Bogen-kultur," except 
that Rivers makes the bow the characteristic 
weapon of the Kava people. That Oceania was 
inhabited by migrations on the lines suggested by 
Dr. Rivers is supported by the distribution of the 
fishing kite, the shark rattle, the float and gorge, 
the fish trap, and the process of fire-making with 
a flexible cane. Unfortunately, however, he takes 
no account of influence from three important 
regions : (1) New Guinea, (2) Micronesia, (3) 


According to Dr. Haddon, the ethnology of the 
East Indian Archipelago appears, to be as follows : x 
The original inhabitants were a negroid race, of 
which aboriginal substratum the Andamanese 
(pygmies), the Aeta of the Philippines, the Semang 
of the Malay Peninsula, the pygmies of New Guinea, 
the Tasmanians, the Papuans, and the proto-Melan- 
esian stock show traces. The second migration 
was that of a pre-Dravidian stock, to which the 
Sakai of the Malay Peninsula and the Australians 
belong. After a considerable time an Indonesian 
wave of migration, coming from the Ganges Valley, 
brought a dolichocephalic population into the area, 
which was followed by a stream of Mongoloid 
brachycephals termed Proto-Malays, who overran 
the islands and dominated and intermixed with 
the Indonesians. This intermixture, called Proto- 
Polynesians, drifted into the West Pacific and gave 
to the black, woolly-haired natives their language 
and some elements of higher culture, the resultant 
mixed peoples being the Melanesians. 

In the present state of our knowledge it is im- 
possible to speak with any degree of definiteness 
on this complex problem. It seems reasonable 
to suppose that the aboriginal element was negroid, 
and that the Polynesians were originally an island 
people living in the neighbourhood of the Ganges 
Valley, whence they migrated by way of Java to 

1 The Wanderings of Peoples, pp. 33 ff. 


Fiji, Tonga, and Samoa. This appears to have 
been the centre from which the Eastern Pacific 
was peopled. Frequent intercourse seems to have 
taken place between the islands, and from time to 
time no doubt the coast of America was visited 
for purposes of barter. The Micronesians seem 
to be derived from a branch of the Polynesians, 
who separated from the rest and peopled Micro- 
nesia from west to east. 

A further study of the migrations of early culture 
on the lines adopted by Dr. Rivers, Prof. Elliot 
Smith and others may throw light on the former 
existence of a widely spread Neolithic people in 
Eastern Asia and the Pacific allied to the Medi- 
terranean race. There is a continuous chain of 
megalithic monuments from India to Japan, ex- 
tending even to Easter Island, the most remote 
spot in Eastern Polynesia. Moreover, in this 
connexion, it is not without significance that the 
Polynesian presents certain resemblances in his 
physical features to Homo Europaeus, and that 
the Neolithic pottery of New Guinea and Japan 
is closely allied in design and workmanship. 1 We 
must, however, await further developments before 
pronouncing judgment on this attempt to unravel 
the complex problem of culture migrations in the 

To being a possible cradle-land of the human race 

1 Joyce, J.A.I. Dec. 1912, pp. 545 f. 


America can put forth no claim, since there is no 
evidence of anthropoids or a common precursor 
ever having existed in the New World, therefore 
Homo Americanus must have reached his present 
home by immigration. Whence and when did he 
come ? These are questions which have exercised 
the minds of anthropologists for some considerable 
time, and still the last word has not been uttered. 
Towards the end of the Tertiary period there was 
a land-bridge connecting North- West Europe with 
Greenland, which some geologists think lasted until 
post-glacial times, but this is improbable. Over 
this tricklings of men are supposed by Dr. Brinton 
to have passed into the Continent from Europe in 
the Pleistocene Age. Another theory is that man 
entered America (Alaska) from Siberia, the Aleutian 
Islands forming a bridge across the Pacific. But 
as these islands are 235 miles apart they can hardly 
be considered " stepping stones." Furthermore, 
it has been asserted that " the far North- West did 
not rise from the waves of the Pacific Ocean until 
after the Glacial period, and therefore the first 
inhabitants of America certainly did not get there 
in this way." But there is no evidence of pre- 
glacial man in the continent. The skull found by 
Whitney at Calaveras (California) which was said 
to belong to the Pliocene, is now regarded by all 
the most competent archaeologists to be of recent 
date. All things considered, there is little ground 



for believing that the American aborigines (some- 
times called Amerinds) were, in the Pliocene epoch, 
" cut off on this hemisphere from intercourse with 
the remainder of the world, and held in isolation 
by a change in land and distribution and by the 
continued glaciation of the northern portion of the 
continent," and thus " welded into an ethnic unity, 
which was unimpressed by outside influences until 
modern times." l 

There is no doubt that at one time the northern 
part of the continent was covered by a sheet of ice, 
which extended to the Ohio river, and therefore 
rendered immigrations into the country a difficult 
matter, except possibly from North East Asia along 
the southern part of the Pacific bridge. As there 
is no reason to suppose that a primordial species, 
Homo Americanus, arose like a deus ex machina on 
the spot, the primeval people who made the Palaeo- 
lithic implements of the Chellean and Mousterian 
type found in Mexico, in the graves of the Delaware, 
near Trenton (New Jersey), and elsewhere in the 
United States, must have reached the New World 
by way of land-bridges from Asia or Europe far 
back in the Pleistocene period. Since the Poly- 
nesians did not reach their present habitat till recent 
times the theory of cultural affinities with Polynesia 
cannot solve the problem of Drift Man in America. 

The actual remains of the primeval race are 

1 F. S. Dellenbaugh, N. Americans of Yesterday, p. 458, 


lamentably few, and those that exist are of very 
doubtful authenticity. It has already been remarked 
that the Calaveras skull is of little anthropological 
value, since the deposit has apparently been dis- 
turbed and the skull much damaged. What re- 
mains of the bones bears so striking a resemblance to 
modern skulls, that the two might easily belong 
to the same tribe. There is, therefore, no proof 
that the deposit and its contents are primitive. 
The skeleton found by Roth at Pontinel also 
inspires little confidence in many authorities. It 
is, however, on the remains of Lagoa Santa that 
De Quatrefages based his theory of a special 
American race. 1 In these Brazilian caves the 
skulls found in association with a number of animals, 
both extinct and living, are dolichocephalic, pheno- 
zygous, with prominent brow ridges, strong, slightly 
prognathous jaws, and, in one instance, there is 
the presence of a third trochanter. Although 
there is no geological evidence that the skulls are 
Palaeolithic, yet they are at least very ancient in 
type, and set forth a definite race. This Lagoa - 
Santa type undoubtedly represents the primeval 
element of the population, at least in South America, 
since descendants of the race are to be found in 
Eastern Brazil, in the south of Patagonia, Tierra 
del Fuego in Chile, and in California. 2 In Nebraska 

1 Izviestia Soc. of Friends of Nat. Sci. xxxv. 1879. 

2 Cf. Hrdlicka, Bur. Amer. Ethn. 33, 1907, and 52, 1912. 


skulls have been discovered in what is thought to 
be loess, which are not of Indian type. Some of 
these are decidedly Neanderthaloid, although much 
more brachycephalic than the European examples 
of this race. It is, therefore, possible to say they 
may be the remains of a primeval race modified 
by later brachycephalic migrations. Again, in 
the kitchen middens near San Francisco skulls of 
early type have been discovered, having prominent 
brow ridges, and fairly long heads. 

There is, therefore, evidence of at least two racial 
elements in America : dolichocephals, allied to 
glacial man in the Old World, overlaid by a brach- 
cephalic migration. 1 Keane thinks that the dolicho- 
cephals, like the Eskimos, are descendants of the 
long-headed Palaeolithic races of Europe, while 
the brachycephals of Mexico are the result of a 
later Asiatic migration. The Europeans, he sup- 
poses, reached the continent by the Faroe-Iceland- 
Greenland route available in the Pleistocene age, 
and settled in the eastern side of the country, 
from the Eskimo domain to the extreme south, 
where they are still represented by the Botocudos 
and Fuegians. Mortillet adopts much the same 
view by imagining that Palaeolithic man followed 
the reindeer from Gaul northwards, and thus 
passed into America as the ancestor of the Eskimos, 
while Topinard, on anatomical grounds, anticipated 

1 A. H. Keane, Man Past and Present, p. 353. 


this conclusion. On this hypothesis the Asiatic 
brachycephals and the European dolichocephals 
mingled in the south in the Palaeolithic Age, the 
Asiatics entering the continent by the Bering route. 
Though they represent a later migration they be- 
came the predominant type, which, as we shall see, 
was further modified by influence from Asia in later 

The primeval inhabitants of the continent 
selected the best hunting-grounds, and probably 
first occupied the region between Mexico and Peru, 
leaving behind, perhaps, traces of their existence in 
the caves at Lagoa-Santa. 1 In process of time the 
ancestors of the American Indian arrived. That 
this was an Asiatic migration is suggested by the 
Mongoloid appearance so plainly visible in the 
modern American race. Since these new arrivals 
were but in the hunting stage of culture the work 
of " colonization " could hardly have begun with 
them. It is quite impossible to suppose that the 
great civilizations of Mexico, Bolivia, and Peru are 
the direct outcome of the work of the aborigines. 
It seems to us that the only reasonable explanation 
of the similarity of these cultures with those of 
ancient Asia is to regard them as the result of 
another Asiatic migration, that of the " Dolmen 

1 It is probable that the actual Lagoa-Santa remains are those 
of the aboriginal inhabitants slightly crossed with the later Red 


People " of Eastern Asia. That a people allied to 
the Mediterranean race in manners, customs, 
and perhaps in features, reached the coasts of South 
America by way of Easter Island, bringing with 
them a higher and specialized culture, which gradu- 
ally spread and developed from Peru to Mexico 
and elsewhere, is the only supposition that ade- 
quately accounts for the marked similarity of the 
civilizations of the Old and New Worlds. There 
is, in fact, a legend that tells of a fleet of boats from 
the north landing at Lambayeque, near Tumbez, 
on the Peruvian coast, 1 which, taken in conjunction 
with the similarity in culture and religion in the 
two areas, suggests the probability of this later 
Asiatic migration, bringing with it a knowledge of 
the domestication of animals, agriculture, the 
erection of megalithic monuments and, perhaps, 
a rudimentary conception of the manufacture and 
use of bronze. 

No attempt has been made in this chapter to 
enter into a detailed classification of races, the 
object in view being merely to outline the manner 
in which the peopling of the earth was brought 
about by migration. We have been careful to 
refrain from describing the situation of the original 
cradle-land whence our Pleistocene ancestors set 
forth on their wanderings, since, in the present 
state of our knowledge, it is impossible to correctly 

1 Joyce, Man, 44, 1912. 


estimate the actual spot. We incline to the view 
that " God has made of one blood all the nations 
of the earth," but that each division of mankind 
has had its Palaeolithic ancestors, who became 
differentiated into ethnic groups and races by the 
influence of their respective environments, etc. 
The movements of peoples have been due to many 
and various causes, amongst which the climatic 
changes that took place in the Palaeolithic age are 
by no means the least important. 

Primeval man in the early Stone Age had prob- 
ably not acquired any more definite knowledge of 
the art of navigation than that understood by the 
now extinct Tasmanians. But such knowledge 
was not needed to pass from one country to another 
as long as land-bridges existed. The most serious 
obstacle with which he would have to contend would 
be inland seas and broad estuaries, and these would 
not necessarily impede his movements if he possessed 
the rude rafts such as those used until recently 
by the aborigines in Tasmania. At the time of 
the first migrations the Indo-African continent, the 
existence of which has been established by the 
Indian Geological Survey, still presented almost 
continuous land between the Deccan, Madagascar, 
and South Africa. The inland seas (now nowhere 
exceeding fifty fathoms) had not yet separated 
Borneo, Java, and Sumatra from the mainland. 
Australia was connected with New Guinea by a 


land-bridge at Torres Strait, Africa was joined to 
Europe in at leasl three places (Gibraltar, Tunis- 
Malta-Sicily-Italy, across the Aegean waters). 
Britain was part of the mainland, and continuous 
land existed in a north-westerly direction through 
the Faroe Islands, Iceland, Greenland, and North 
America. The New World was also connected 
with the Asiatic mainland by the " Miocene Bridge." 
This system of land communication made it possible 
for primeval man to move in all directions according 
to the exigencies of climatic and other conditions 
of his immediate environment. The food quest, 
the craving for riches, freedom from social, political 
or religious bondages act as the driving force to 
the movements of peoples, while geographical 
conditions, such as rivers, mountains, deserts, tend 
to control the migrations. Thus man, unlike any 
other animal, spread to every corner of the habitable 
globe, replenishing the earth and subduing it, 
having dominion over the fish of the sea, and over 
the fowl of the air, and over every living thing 
that moveth upon the earth. 

Before concluding our investigation of the early 
history of mankind a word should be said on the 
origin of languages, a subject intimately associated 
with ethnological problems regarding the origin 
and distribution of races. 

Since man from the beginning was a social being 


living in family groups, it is inconceivable that 
even in his most undeveloped state he was without 
the means of communicating with those about him. 
It is difficult to believe that there ever was a time 
when speaking was an art not yet acquired by the 
human organism unless the existence of a primeval 
solitary man is presupposed, since language orig- 
inates in the impulse to communicate with one 
another. At the same time it must be remembered 
that man does not merely speak because he thinks, 
but because his mouth and larynx act in conjunction 
with a certain convolution of the brain. That <f man 
tried to make a speech as soon as he had learned 
to stand up on his hind legs " is a conclusion sup- 
ported by evidence from the remains of Palaeo- 
lithic man. In order to secure easy, articulate 
speech it is a great advantage to have the floor of 
the mouth opened out. In anthropoids the lower 
border of the mandible encroaches on, and dimin- 
ishes the area of, the floor of the mouth. In the 
most highly developed types of mankind the lower 
border of the mandible is widened, while in Neander- 
thal man the expansion of the mandible is less 
complete, yet sufficiently wide to allow of the 
possibility of speech. Therefore, Prof. Keith 
seems justified in concluding that " we cannot 
withhold such a faculty from Neanderthal man, 
such as the one found at La Chapelle-aux-Saints, 
who had a brain above that possessed by the 


modern man. ... If we allow full speech to the 
Mousterian man, we must, at least, assume the 
beginnings of such a faculty for Heidelberg man." 1 
Prof. Elliot Smith 2 thinks that speech was in full 
process of evolution before the mandible, tongue 
and other parts connected with human utterance 
had become finally and fully adapted to their new 
functions. In support of this suggestion it may 
be said that the large teeth and jaw of the Heidel- 
berg and Piltdown mandibles have a counterpart 
in the features of Neanderthal man, but associated 
with a brain capable of subserving the faculty of 
speech. We therefore incline to the view that 
when Homo sapiens, already a rational animal, 
defied glacial conditions by the use of fire, and the 
cave-bear with flint implements, he had language 
of an articulate kind by means of which he com- 
municated with his fellow-men, and expressed in 
crude form the inmost feelings of his primeval 

But what of Homo primigenius ? How far had 
he acquired the power of making his wants known 
to his fellow-men at the end of the Pliocene and 
the beginning of the Pleistocene ? Elaboration of 
language depends on the mental state of those 
using it. Few wants and few ideas imply few 
words and little speech. Since the lower animals 

1 Antiquity of Man, p. 244. 

2 Report Brit. Ass. (Section H.), Dundee, 1912. 


birds, monkeys, apes. etc. are not without 
the means of communication to the other members 
of their order, it is impossible to deny the same 
power to man in his earliest stages of evolution. 
His wants may have been few and primitive, yet, 
as we have shown, his mind and mouth were 
sufficiently developed to enable him to make those 
desires known, not by mere chatter or gesture but 
by articulate sounds. It, therefore, seems almost 
certain that Homo primigenius possessed at least 
the beginnings of the faculty of articulate speech, 
even in the earliest stages of his evolution. 

Formerly it was supposed by philologists that 
language originated in imitative sounds representing 
the cries of animals, and the noises of inanimate 
objects, gestures playing the chief part in the most 
elementary forms of oral expression. But the 
modern anthropologist has not been able to discover 
sufficient evidence from people now living in a 
Palaeolithic stage of culture to justify this assump- 
tion. The Tasmanians, for example, who were 
almost an eolithic race in many respects, spoke a 
fairly developed language, just as to-day the 
Australians speak a tongue containing a compli- 
cated system of parts of speech, three numbers 
(a dual as well as a plural), but no genders. True, 
their vocabulary is deficient in abstract expres- 
sions, and in certain general terms. Species 
of fish, for instance, have individual names, but 


taken collectively they are known as " food-in- 
water." There was, however, the promise of 
a healthy development in the primitive agglu- 
tinative languages spoken by the natives of 
Australia, had the race been better preserved, 
and freed from the evil influences of the white 

The other philological speculation of the last 
century that has been abandoned by anthropo- 
logists as futile, was the attempt to solve the 
problem of the distribution of races by constructing 
several main types of speech and tracing them 
back to a linguistic parting of the ways. In the 
first place, the farther languages are followed to 
their original source the more complicated they 
become, showing a regular " confusion of tongues " 
instead of the hoped-for primordial types. In 
Australia there are many languages, differing 
widely from one another both in structure and 
vocabulary, while among the Eskimos, although 
possessed of a remarkable uniformity in physical 
characters, mode of life, implements, etc., nearly 
fifty dialects have been distinguished in their 
language, the latter being absolutely unlike any 
other known tongue. In North America alone 
some fifty races have to be distinguished if diversity 
of speech be taken to indicate racial differences. 
Therefore, as Prof. Sayce rightly remarks, " phil- 
ology and ethnology are not convertible terms." 


" Identity of relationship of language can prove 
nothing more than social contact. The fact that 
the Kelts of Cornwall now speak English shows 
plainly under what social influence they have been 
brought. The Jews of Austria would never have 
put Spanish in the place of Hebrew had they not 
once have lived in close contact with the natives 
of Castile. Language is an aid to the historian, 
not to the ethnologist. So far as ethnology is 
concerned, identity or relationship of language 
can do no more than raise a presumption in favour 
of a common racial origin. When all else physical 
characteristics, habits and customs, religious beliefs 
and practices indicate that two populations belong 
to the same race, similarity of language will furnish 
additional and subsidiary evidence, but not other- 
wise. If ethnology demonstrates kinship of race, 
kinship of speech may be used to support the 
argument ; but we cannot reverse the process, 
and argue from language to race. To do so is to 
repeat the error of the third-hand writers on 
language, who claim the black-skinned Hindu as 
a brother, on the ground of linguistic relationship, 
or identify the white race with the speakers of the 
Aryan tongues. All mankind may be descended 
from a single pair of ancestors, and yet the language 
they speak be derived from different centres ; 
while, on the other hand, we may trace the lan- 
guages of the globe back to a common source, and 


yet believe that the several races of the world have 
had a diversity of origin." 1 

We are in absolute agreement with this view 
that language is not one of the characteristics of 
race, not one of those fixed and permanent features 
which distinguish the different ethnological types 
of man, although, on grounds hitherto explained, 
we take exception to the further statement that 
" language was not created until the several types 
of race had been fully fixed and determined. The 
Xanthocroid and the Melanocroid, the white Albino 
and the American copperskin existed with their 
features already fixed and enduring before the 
first community evolved the infantile language of 
mankind." 2 It is contrary to reason as well as to 
anatomical fact to suppose that groups of speechless 
Hominidae could have fashioned the " laurel-leaf" 
flint blades of the Solutre'an period, designed the 
wall-paintings in the Magdalenian caves or erected 
the megalithic monuments in the Neolithic age, 
leave alone become highly specialized ethnic 

Language is a function of the social life, and 
since man was a " social animal " from the begin- 
ning, he therefore from the first spoke a language 
of an articulate kind. But it by no means follows 
that speech and race are convertible terms. It is 
quite possible there has been a time when " the 

1 Science of Language, ii. pp. 317 f. 2 Op. cit. p. 318. 


whole earth was of one language and of one speech," 
not that this common tongue was Hebrew or any 
of the existing Semitic languages, but a simple 
undeveloped form of speech suitable to the mental 
capacity and needs of primeval man. In process 
of time this language would become enriched and 
specialized as man's outline enlarged, and his 
manner of life assumed definite and distinct lines 
of development. The speech of the agriculturalist, 
for instance, would naturally differ from that of 
the ancient hunter, or dweller in cities. But 
beyond this it is impossible to indicate lines of 
linguistic evolution, as all traces of the development 
are lost in the diversity of tongues among modern 
primitive people. Therefore the philologist is not 
calculated to be able to throw much light on the 
complex ethnological problems briefly discussed 
in this chapter. His province, if he is to help the 
anthropologist, is to confine his attention to an 
analytic survey of existing primitive languages, 
and strive to find the historical setting for each 
group he thus studies. 


Acheulean, 72. 
Agriculture, 83, 182. 
Alcheringa, 111. 
Alices couvertes, 149, 153. 
Alpines, 64, 221, 233. 
Altamira, 79. 
Amber, 196, 207. 
America, early man in, 241. 
American aborigines, 242 f. 

Indians, 245 f . 
Animalism, 138 f. 
Animism, 135 ff. 
Anthropology, Definition of, 1, 
25 f. 

History of, 5 ff. 
Antiquity of man, 23 ff., 214 f. 
Aristotle, 4. 
Aryan culture, 191 f. 
Aurignacian race, 50. 

period, 74. 

Australians, 103 ff., 235, 251 f. 
Aylesford bucket, 206, 208. 
Azilian period, 80. 

Balfour, Henry, 101, 227. 
Bantu, 231 f. 
Barrows, 145 f., 222. 
Berbers, 231. 
Blood rites, 169 ff., 175 f. 
Bone industry, 76. 
Boucher de Perthes, 13. 
Breuil, L'Abbe, 50, 64, 163. 

Bronze Age, 146, 148, 189 ff., 

199, 223. 
Bushmen, 230 f., 232. 

interments, 144. 

paintings, 163. 

Cairns, 145. 

Celts, 205. 

Cephalic index, 50. 

Ceremonial license, 121. 

Chariot-burials, 202. 

Chellean, 72. 

Churinga, 165, 170, 172. 

Cissbury, 8?. 

Civilization, beginning of, 180 ff. 

evolution of, 185 f. 
Classificatory system, 119. 
Clothing, 98. 
Coins, 203. 
Combe capelle, 51. 
Copper Age, 189. 
Coral, 202. 

Creator, 18 f., 19 f., 22, 182. 
Cremation, 1451, 200, 203. 
Cro-Magnon, 50 f., 217. 
Cuvier, p. 10. 

Darwin, 3, 16 f., 19. 
Dolmen race, 154 ff., 234, 245. 
Dolmens, 149, 152. 
Domestication of animals, 83, 




Dual organization, 116, 237. 
Dubois, Prof., 17. 

Egypt, 193 f., 196 f., 200. 
Egyptians, 231 f. 
Embryology, 10, 11 f. 
Enamel, 204. 
Engravings, 77 f. 
Eoanthropus, 38 ff., 55 f., 59. 
Eoliths, 39, 68 f., 101. 
Eskimos, 244, 252. 
Ethnology, 214. 
Evans, Sir A., 206. 
Evolution, 3 ff. 
Exogamy, 206. 

Fire, 98 f., 145. 

Flint industry, 67 f., 75, 84. 

Font de Gauine, 165. 

Frazer, Sir J., 119,132. 

Frere, J., 84. 

Funeral rites, 142 ff. 

Galley Hill remains, 52, 59. 
Gargas, 113, 163. 
Gibraltar skull, 47 f. 
Glacial period, 17 f., 32. 
Glastonbury Lake- village, 209 f. 
Grimaldi remains, 55. 
Grimes Graves, 85. 
Grottes des Enfants, 54. 

Haddon, Dr. A. C., 232, 239. 
Hallstatt cemetery, 199 ff. 
Hamites, 231. 
Hands, designs of, 163. 
High Gods, 133, 134. 
Homo Heidelbergensis, 43. 

Neanderthalensis, 49, 54, 60. 

Primigenius, 55, 58 ff. 

Recens, 56, 58 ff. 

Hotting breccia, 30. 
Hunting in Australia, 105 f. 

magic, 108 f. 
Huxley, 226. 

Inapertwa creatures, 112 f. 

Interments, 142 ff. 

Intichiuma ceremonies, llOf., 

166 ff. 

Ipswich skeleton, 54. 
Iron Age, 196 ff. 

Keane, Dr. A. H., 227, 229, 244. 
Keith, Prof. A., 37, 52, 57, 218 f., 


Kent's cavern, 15. 
Kitchen middens, 89, 144. 
Klaatsch, Dr. H.> 20, 52, 56, 

Krapina, 63 f. 

La Chapelle aux Saints, 142. 
La Tene civilization, 201 ff. 
Lamarck, 9. 
Land-bridges, 242. 
Language, origin of, 248 ff. 
Late Celtic civilization, 205 ff. 
Le Moustier, 143* 
Life after death, 160 f. 
Linnaeus, 8. 
Lyell, Chas., 11, 17. 

Magdalenian period, 76 f. 

man, 63. 

Magic, age of, 132 f. 
Magician, 134. 
Mafflian period, 52. 
Malinowski, Dr. B., 122 f. 
Man, origin and antiquity of, 

55 ff. 
Mana, 136 ff., 177. 



Marett, Dr. R. R., 113, 115, 134, 

138, 162, 164, 173. 
Marlborough bucket, 209. 
Marriage, definition of, 122, 126. 
in primitive society, 119ff., 


Matrimonial classes, 114. 
Mediterranean race, 220 f., 233. 
Megalithic culture, 145, 147 ff. 
Melanesians, 236 f. 
Menhirs, 148. 
Mentone, 143 f. 
Metal Age, >1 89 ff. 
Moir, J. Reid, 54, 40. 
Mongols, 233. 
Monogamy, 126 f. 
Mother-right, 116. 
Mousterian period, 73. 

Naulette mandible, 47. 

Neanderthal man, 45 f., 217. 

Negrilloes, 230. 

Negroes, 230. 

Neolithic man, 62, 217 f., 220 ff. 

period, 66, 82 f. 
Niaux, 79, 161, 173. 
Nordic race, 221, 233. 

Ofnet, 144. 

Paintings in caves, 78 ff., 108, 

161 ff. 

Palaeolithic period, 28. 
Palaeopithecus, 60. 
Papuans, 236. 
Pastoral civilization, 183. 
Pebbles, painted, 81, 113. 
Petrie, Prof. F., 197, 225 f. 
Phratries, 114, 116f. 
Pile dwellings, 90 ff. 
Piltdown race, 59 ff., 217. 

Piltdown skeleton, 38. 
(See Eoanthropus.) 
Pirrauru relationship, 120. 
Pit dwellings, 90 ff. 
Pithecanthropus, 17, 55, 59, 229. 
Platycephalism, 58. 
Pleistocene period, 17, 27, 28. 
Pliocene period, 27. 
Polygamy, 127. 
Polynesians, 236 f. 
Pottery- making, 83, 88, 181. 
Private property, 188. 
Promiscuity, 118 f., 128. 
Propliopithecus, 60. 
Pygmies, 228 f . 
Pygmy flints, 81. 

Races, distribution of, 220 ff. 
Religion, origin of, 132. 
Revelation, 21. 
Ritual, 140. 

defloration, 121. 
River-bed race, 218 ff. 
Rivers, Dr. W. H. R., 237. 
Rostro-carinates, 70. 
Rutot, 52. 

Sacramental union, 172, 178. 
Sacrifice, 171 ff., 178. 
Semites, 231. 
Sera, Dr., 57 f. . 
Smith, Prof. G. Elliot, 154 ff., 

Reginald, 86 ff. 

Worthington, 93 f., 96. 
Social organization, 99 ff., 112 ff. 
Socketed celt, evolution of, 190. 
Sollas, Prof., 27 f., 30, 65, 101, 

163 f. 
Solutrean age, 75. 

man, 64. 

INDEX 259 

Special creation, 8 f., 18. Tualcha-Mura, 124. 

Speech, origin of, 249 8. Tuc d'Audoubert, 173 f. 

Spencer and Gillen, 167 ff. Tylor, 137, 215. 
Stonehenge, 150 ff. 

Strepyan period, 71. Unity of mankind, 215 ff., 247. 

Supplementary unions, 120. Urn burials, 146. 

Tabu, 134. Von Baer, 10. 

Tasmanians, 101, 236, 251. 

Tippa malku relationship, 120. Wallace, A. R., 96 f. 

Totemism, 113 f., 164 f. Weismann, 18. 

Trade routes, 196 f., 201. Woodward, Dr. Smith, 42 f. 


JAMES, E.G. '3N 


An infcr eduction to J3