THE CAMBRIDGE BIBLE
FOR SCHOOLS AND COLLEGES
GENERAL EDITOR FOR THE OLD TESTAMENT
AND APOCRYPHA :
A. F. KIRKPATRICK; D.D.
DEAN OF ELY
AN INTRODUCTION
TO THE
PENTATEUCH
CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS
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5*""
AN INTRODUCTION
TO THE
PENTATEUCH
by
A. T. CHAPMAN, M.A.
Emmanuel College, Cambridge
Cambridge ."
at the University Press
1911
Cambridge :
PRINTED BY JOHN CLAY, M.A.
AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS.
PREFACE
BY THE
GENERAL EDITOR FOR THE OLD TESTAMENT
THE present General Editor for the Old Testament
in the Cambridge Bible for Schools and Colleges
desires to say that, in accordance with the policy of
his predecessor the Bishop of Worcester, he does not
hold himself responsible for the particular interpreta-
tions adopted or for the opinions expressed by the
editors of the several Books, nor has he endeavoured
to bring them into agreement with one another. It
is inevitable that there should be differences of
opinion in regard to many questions of criticism and
interpretation, and it seems best that these differences
should find free expression in different volumes. He
has endeavoured to secure, as far as possible, that
the general scope and character of the series should
be observed, and that views which have a reasonable
claim to consideration should not be ignored, but he
has felt it best that the final responsibility should, in
general, rest with the individual contributors.
A. F. KIRKPATRICK.
PREFACE
THE aim of this Introduction is to give a general
account of the critical problems which concern the
Hexateuch as a whole, with a view to a more complete
treatment than would otherwise be possible, and in order
to avoid repetitions in the Introductions to the separate
books. The special problems connected with each book
will be dealt with in the separate commentaries.
The writer desires to make his acknowledgements to
Bishop Ryle and Dr M c Neile for valuable help and
counsel ; and to Professor Driver, who has read the proof-
sheets throughout with the greatest care, and made various
suggestions upon them, which in most cases he has gladly
adopted.
A. T. C.
20 April 1911
CONTENTS
PART I
PRELIMINARY STATEMENT OF FACTS (139)
PAGES
Names and Titles i 6
Note A. The name Hexateuch .... 6
Heptateuch and Octateuch ... 7
Note B. Jewish Titles of the Books of the Law . 8, 9
Plan and Contents of the^ Hexateuch . . 1014
General Remarks on the History .... 14 17
The Origin of the Hexateuch ..... 17 24
diverging views: further enquiry necessary . 18
Criticism denned : 'Textual' and 'Higher' explained 18, 19
Applied in dealing with classical problems . . 20
Same methods necessary for determining age and
authorship of books of O.T ai
Importance of internal evidence .... 11
Objections considered 33
Sketch of Hexateuch criticism 15 39
i. Early Jewish and Christian writers ... 25
ii. The first questionings 26, 27
iii. The beginnings of criticism. Simon and
Asti~uc both pointed out marks of different
authors 27 29
iv. A century of criticism. Asiriu: to Hupfcld . 19 32
Four documents traced in the Hexateuch . 32
Chronological order of the documents . . 33
viii CONTENTS
PAGES
The literary method followed in this period, but
In recent times, the historical method . . 34 38
Twofold comparison of the codes (a) with one
another, (b) with the history.
Results stated in three propositions ... 36
Three stages in history of criticism ... 38
Three corresponding propositions to be investi-
gated in Part II 38, 39
PART II
X. THE FIRST PROPOSITION (4050)
The Hexateuch contains passages of later date than the times of
Moses and Joshrta
i. Passages quoted by earlier critics, and ... 40
ii. Other short passages ....... 41
These might be regarded as editorial additions . . 42
The following cannot be so regarded.
iii. Passages of greater length 43 45
iv. Two groups of passages :
a. Passages in which quotations are made . 45 47
b. Passages which refer to prophets . . . 47 49
v. The narratives were composed in Palestine . . 49
The evidence in iii v implies a series of writers, and
establishes a probability in favour of ... 50
a. THE SECOND PROPOSITION (50110)
The Hexateuch is a composite work, in which four documents
(at least) can be distinguished
i. Use of different Names for the Divine Being . . 51 53
a. Elohirti. b. Jehovah 51
implies more than one writer . . . . ' 52, 53
CONTENTS
PAGES
This inference confirmed by the fact that variety of
Name is accompanied by
ii. Diversity of Style and Vocabulary .... 5373
shewn by examining and comparing passages in
Gen. i. xi., and in the patriarchal history . 54 66
from the facts marked (a) (h) [p. 60 .]
are drawn the inferences (i) (6) . . 61 66
Two narratives are distinguished ; one of them
shews marked characteristics of style and
phraseology, and is denoted by P 66
P uses Elohim, the other account Jehovah . . 66
N.B. The arguments in (i) and (ii) are independent . 67
Examination of Exod. vi. 2, 3 suggests a reason
why P uses Elohim in Genesis ... 67
Elohim used designedly as far as Exod. vi. . 68
Portions belonging to P after Exod. vi. . . 68 70
The character of the document .... 71
The writer who uses Jehovah in Gen. ii. 4
Exod. vi. not the same as P . . . 72
J Deuteronomy has a style of its own, and is the
work of another writer 73
iii. Existence of Duplicate Accounts .... 73 97
Some duplicate accounts already noticed . . 73
N B. This section is independent of the preceding section;
the arguments here advanced will corroborate
those drawn from style &c. in (ii) ... 73
a. Duplicate accounts in Genesis.
Narrative of the Flood examined . . . 74 81
An example of a composite story : it imli<
diversity of source in the same manner as
sepaiate accounts 79
The narrative has been put together by one
who shews affinity with P, not with J . 79 81
b. Duplicate accounts in other books . . . 81 97
Three sets of passages considered . 81
CONTENTS
Those which refer to
(1) the Ark
(2) the Tent of meeting
(3) the mission of the spies
(1) Of the passages referring to the Ark
(a) Exod. xxxiv. and Deut. x. in their pre-
sent form are not from same writer .
(b) neither of the passages belongs to P .
(c) Deut. shews affinity with a passage which
does not belong to P
three writers at least indicated .
(2) Passages which refer to the Tent of meeting .
An account of a Tent without the camp which
differs from that of P as to the time when
&&& place where it was set up ...
These passages cannot belong to P .
(3) Passages referring to the mission of the spies .
Examination of Num. xiii., xiv. shews that two
versions of the story are here combined .
The account in Deut. i. 19 44
is parallel with the non-P section of Num. and
was written before the two sources in Num.
were combined
Josh. xiv. 6 15 corroborates this inference
iv. The sources J and E
Arguments similar to those employed in separating
P in (i) (iii) shew that the remainder after
this separation is composite ....
a. Examination of Gen. xx., xxi., and xxvi. .
shews that
a. Gen. xx. i 17 does not belong to P
/3. Gen. xx., xxi. 22 32, and xxvi. are not from
P, and not from the same writer : therefore
Two sources besides P are found in Genesis
b. Comparison of Exod. iii. with Exod. vi. shews that
another writer besides P uses Elohim in Gen.
i. Exod. iii. ,
PAGES
81-83
84
84
84
84
8486
85
86
8697
9294
90-92
94, 95
96,97
97-107
97
5100
99
100
JOO, 101
CONTENTS xi
PAGES
c. Additional evidence from Genesis that the non-P
portions are composite ..... 101 103
The composite character of JE shewn from examina-
tion of Exod. iv., vii. x., and xxiv. . . 103, 104
d. Also from examination of passages which refer to
the father in law of Moses .... 104 107
The variety of names indicates a double narrative,
by writers who lived in an age remote from
that of Moses 107
The evidence brought forward in (iv) is weighty and varied :
the sources cannot always be distinguished with
certainty ; but this does not weaken the argument that
JE is composite 107
v. Summary of the evidence in support of the second Propo-
sition, and restatement of conclusions already drawn 108 1 10
3. TIIK THIRD PROPOSITION (110172)
The laws contained in the Pentateuch consist of three separate codes
which belong to different periods in the history of Israel
i. General description of the Laws .... 110 112
a. The laws in JE no
Exod. xx. 23 xxiii. 19, xxxiv. 1127 antl xiii -
37, 1013.
- b. The laws in Deuteronomy n i
Deut. xii. xxvi.
c. The laws in the Priestly code . . . . m
Exod. xxv. Num. x., Num. xv., xviii., xix., xxvii.
xxxvi., Gen. xvii. and Exod. xii.
with a note on Lev. xvii. xxvi.. . . in, 112
ii. General comparison of the codes .... 112 122
a. Comparison of D with JE 112 117
Difference between the accounts of the covenant
at Sinai ;
the Book of the covenant the basis of the covenant
in Exod. xxiv. 3 8 (|I. i .... 113
the Decalogue only the basis of the covenant at
Horeb (1>) Ii
CONTENTS
PAGES
the author of Deut. was not acquainted with Exod.
xx. xxiv. in its present position . . . 114
probable growth of the Sinai tic narrative . . 115
the precepts in Exod. xxxiv. 10 26 are also the
basis of a covenant 115
this representation differs from that of D . . 116
various interpretations of w. 27, 28 . . . 116
but same conclusion follows . . . . 117
the two accounts of a covenant made on the basis
of words written by Moses, and different from
the words of the Decalogue, vary so much
from the account in Deut., that D and JE
cannot be from the same writer . . . 117
b. Comparison of D with P 117 122
According to P, a series of statutes are given
through Moses at Sinai, and during the
40 years : D records two covenants, one at
Horeb based on the Decalogue only, and one
in the land of Moab based on xii. xxvi. . 117,118
These representations are so divergent that they
cannot be from the same writer . . . 118 120
Silence of D with respect to matters in P not
explained by saying that Deut. is a people's
book 119, 120
Comparison of laws about the cities of refuge makes
the divergence more apparent . . . 121, 122
ni. Comparison of particular Laws ..... 123 172
a. Laws relating to slavery ..... 123 129
Examination of these laws will shew that they
must have been gradually developed ; and
that JE, D, P represent successive stages of
this development 123
a. Comparison of the laws with one another . 123 128
Tabular view of the legislation . . . 124
Exod. and Deut. very similar . 125
Variations in Deut. imply later date of D . 125, 126
Why are two laws needed before the settled
life in Palestine? . ... 126
CONTENTS
X11I
PAGES
Exod. and Deut. allow Hebrew bondservants;
Leviticus forbids Israelites to be sold as
bondservants, and must be last in historic
sequence . ... 126, 127
The laws cannot be explained on the sup-
position that JE and P were set forth at
Sinai, and D about 40 years later . . 127,128
/3. Comparison with the history . . . 128, 129
. shews that law of D was recognized in
Zedekiah's reign .... 128
Jeremiah uses language which implies the
idea expressed in the law of Leviticus 128, 129
the law of Leviticus was introduced after
the exile 129
b. Laws relating to worship 130 134
offer abundant material for twofold comparison
(p. 36) and may be considered under four
heads.
a. The place of Worship (131146)
(1) The comparison of the codes with one another shews
that 131133
(i) the laws in JE imply a plurality of altars, but 131
(ii) the laws in D introduce a limitation . . 131, 132
offerings must be brought to one place only ;
to be enforced when they dwell in safety
after the Temple is built, but . . 132, 133
(iii) the laws in P represent the principle of the
one sanctuary as established from the
beginning 133
(2) The comparison of the codes with the history shews that 133146
(i) altars were set up, and sacrifice offered in
clilTerent places by Joshua, Samuel, Saul,
and in both kingdoms .... 134
(ii) a reformation was introduced in Josiah's reign
on the authority of the law book found in
the Temple, and sacrifice at the high
places was suppressed . . . . 135
CONTENTS
reasons for considering this book to be Deut.
or a part of it (a] (d) .... 136
the reformers advocated suppression of the
high places 137
Deut. limits sacrifice to one place : both Deut.
and the reformers denounce idolatry . 137
The particular cases specified and the intensity
of feeling in Deut. indicate a present
danger and conflict .... 138
Deut. depicts a situation like that in Josiah's
reign 138
The significance of Deut. xii. . . . 139
J Passages in Deut. which imply a post- Mosaic
date 140
Modifications necessary when worship is
limited to a central sanctuary . . 140, 141
Summary of facts which support the con-
clusion that : parts at least of Deut. were
composed in or shortly before the reign of
Josiah I4 2
Note on Deuteronomy and Josiah's reform . 142 145
Deut. contains a law given to Moses at
V Horeb, and set forth by him for the
first time in Moab 143
Meaning of 'the book of the law' in i K.
xxii. 8 M4
The reformers in Josiah's reign issued a pro-
phetic version of older laws which they
regarded as Mosaic . . . 145
The use of the definite article in Hebrew . 145, 146
/3. The Times of Sacrifice (146148)
(i) Comparison of the codes with one another shews that
the three pilgrimage feasts are more fully
described in D than in JE, and most fully
in P 146, 147
P enjoins additional feasts, and a fast; the time is fixed
by the month and day .... 147
CONTENTS xv
FACES
7. The different kinds of Sacrifices and
their names (148 153)
(1) A comparison of the codes shews that :
(i) in JE, sacrifices are not specified by name, and
the material is not prescribed ... 148
(ii) a list of offerings is found in D, and the material
of the Passover sacrifice is prescribed . 148
(iii) in P, Sin Offering and Guilt Offering are added,
sacrifices for each occasion prescribed, and
the ritual of each sacrifice . . .148, 149
For fulness of detail in respect of (j3) and (7)
the codes stand in the order JE, D, P 149
(2) Names denoting sacrifice used in the history . . 149, 150
Use of minhah in P 150
Sin- and Guilt- Offerings first mentioned in Ezek. . 150
Elkanah's sacrifice illustrates early custom . . 151
The feast kept at the dedication of the Temple . 153
Comparison of the accounts in Kings and Chronicles 152, 153
The history points to a development, the stages of
which are represented by JE, D, P 153
8. The laws relating to Priests (153 172)
(i) From a comparison of the codes, it appears that for the 153 157
performance of priestly duties
(i) no provision is made in the Covenant code . 153
(ii) the tribe of Levi is set apart in the Deut.
code 153
(iii) sons of Aaron only are qualified in the Priestly
'code 154
Is the limitation of (iii) known to Deute-
ronomy? 154
Wide difference between D and P in respect of
(a) Place of abode 154
in P, the tribe of Levi dwell in their
own cities
'in D, the Levite is a sojourner in cities
of others 155
xvi
CONTENTS
PAGES
(6) Revenue
in P, all the tithe belongs to the tribe
ofLevi 155
in D, all the tithe brought before the
Lord and shared by the offerer, with
his household and the Levite 'that
is within thy gates ' ... 155
The difference not explained by
(a) the traditional interpretation of a second
tithe 155
nor (/3) by considering D's provision for the
Levite as a temporary one . . 156
This marked difference between the codes raises the
presumption that the limitation of (iii)
indicates a further difference between
D and P 157
The differences between D and P (r) (5) can be
explained only by assuming that the
codes belong to different periods in the
history of Israel 157
(2) Comparison with the history 157 172
Instances of sacrifices offered by those who were not
priests 157
(i) The history of Micah shews that: . . 158160
Levites were preferred as priests, but others
might discharge priestly functions . 158
descendants of Moses officiated at Dan while
the house of God was at Shiloh . . 159
no trace of an exclusive Aaronic priesthood 159
Levite has not the same meaning as in P . 160
Another meaning of 'Levite' . . . ib. note 3
(ii) An ancestor of Eli appointed priest in Egypt 161
the priesthood transferred from Eli's house 161
Zadok does not belong to the family of Eli's
ancestor 161
History of the priests obscure ... 162
(iii) The tribe of Levi entrusted with priestly
functions in Deuteronomy . . . 162
CONTENTS xvii
PAGES
Priests at the Temple, and priests at the
high places till Josiah's time . . . 163
(iv) Effect of Josiah's reformation .... 163
Priests of the high places removed, but . 163
not allowed to officiate at Jerusalem . 164
(v) Ezekiel's ordinance enforces the difference be-
tween priests officiating at the altar, and
those who did not, which had already
existed at Jerusalem as a result of Josiah's
reformation 165168
he occupies a position intermediate between
the legislation of D and P 169
his other ordinances are intermediate in
character 169
(vi) The condition of the people after the Return 170
No definite reference to Priestly code until . 1 70
the reading of the Law by Ezra . . 171
its acceptance by the people followed by a
ceremony enjoined in P . . . 171, 172
Resemblance to Josiah's reform . . . 171
Reforms before and after captivity
for the interval D is law for the nation . 172
4 . SUMMARY OF THE ARGUMENTS IN SUPPORT OF
THE THREE PROPOSITIONS (173)
The evidence that P is the latest element in the Hexateuch
is weighty and cumulative ... 173
corroborated by considering the relation of the prophets
to the law 174
>/ 5. THE LAW AND THE PROPHETS (174181)
Prophecy the most prominent feature in the history of the
nation 174
at first oral, afterwards written 175
Prophetical Torah and Priestly Torah developed on similar
lines 176
XV111
CONTENTS
PAGES
The earliest written prophecy in opposition to the priests 176, 177
makes no appeal to a written standard of law or
doctrine, it represents . . . . 177
Moses as prophet, rather than lawgiver . . . 177
Josiah's reformation effected with concurrence of priest and
prophet 177
Deuteronomy expounded written law in the prophetic spirit 178
Written law grew, and became more ceremonial in character 1 78
Ezekiel the exponent of this phase 178
developed in the code read by Ezra .... 178
The history sets forth prophecy in three stages of . . 178, 179
(1) independence of 178
(2) alliance with 179
(3) subordination to 179
the Priestly Torah, and corroborates the argument
deduced from examination of the laws . 179, 180
The sense in which the laws are put forth as part of the
law of Moses 180, 181
6. CONCLUDING REMARKS (181-191)
(i) Probable steps in the formation of the Pentateuch and
Book of Joshua 181186
The chronological order of the codes being JE, D, P,
the steps would be
J and E, each containing records of the early
history, were combined .... 182
D, when accepted as a law book, would be added
to JE 183
Deuteronomic recension of Joshua and the history
in Judges Kings 184
Efforts during the exile to preserve the ancient
traditions 184
embodied in the book of the Law brought by
Ezra 185
When accepted incorporated with JED . 185
Joshua probably separated I 5
CONTENTS xix
PAGES
(ii) Ancient customs preserved in D and P 186191
Both codes contain (a) ancient customs and
(<b) later developments .... 186
that (a) is found in the early history is not proof
that (3) was also then known . .187, 189
Illustrations from 'the lamp' 186
'the Nazirite' and other expressions . . . 187 189
The developed system of P not known to D . . 190
Note on I Sam. i. vii. supplies further illustrations 192 195
APPENDIX
^~ I. PASSAGES IN THE HEXATEUCH ASSIGNED TO P 197206
^^-11. CHARACTERISTICS OF THE PRIESTLY CODE . 207227
III. COMPARISON OF THE COVENANT CODE WITH
DEUTERONOMY AND LEVITICUS . . . 228231
IV. THE STYLE OF DEUTERONOMY .... 232239
V. LEVITICUS xvn. xxvi. AND THE PROPHET
EZEKIEL 240255
VI. THE MEANING OF TORAH .... 256259
VII. CHARACTERISTICS OF COMPOSITE DOCUMENTS . 260276
VIII. THE SAMARITAN PENTATEUCH .... 777299
IX. THE CHRISTOLOGICAL ARGUMENT . . . 300304
X. ARCHAEOLOGY AND CRITICISM .... 305318
MISCELLANEOUS NOTES AND REMARKS .... 319333
INDEX 3*5-339
ABBREVIATIONS
The Old Testament in the Jewish Church, by W, Robertson
Smith. Second Edition.
LOT 8 Ah Introduction to the Literature of the Old Testament, by
S. R. Driver. Eighth Edition. The pagination is the
same as in the 6th and yth edd.
EHH The early History of the Hebrews, by A. H. Sayce.
/. C. C. International Critical Commentary.
J. Th, S. Journal of Theological Studies.
Oxf.Hex. The Hexateuch, by J. E. Carpenter and G. Harford-
Battersby.
SHS Dr Briggs' General Introduction to the Study of Holy
Scripture.
DB Dictionary of the Bible, edited by Hastings. (4 vols. The
supplementary volume is referred to as vol. v.)
Enc. Bib. Encyclopaedia Biblica. Enc. Brit. Enc. Britannica.
QPB The Variorum Bible. (Eyre and Spottiswoode.)
Ges. -K. Gesenius' Hebraische Grammatik (28th ed ., by E. Kautzsch).
English translation by A. E. Cowley.
BDB. Hebrew Lexicon by Brown, Driver, and Briggs.
Other works are quoted in full when first cited, and subsequent
abbreviations will be easily understood.
EVV. t for A.V. and R.V. where both agree; cpw., compared
with; the letter *t* after a numeral, as *6t,' should be read '6
tunes.' The mark f indicates that alt the passages in the O. T. where
the word or expression occurs have been cited.
In quotations R.V. is generally given ; but sometimes another
rendering has been adopted, especially in comparing passages together,
in order to make clear the extent of the similarity in the Hebrew.
INTRODUCTION TO THE
PENTATEUCH.
PART I.
The following sections contain a statement of facts con-
cerning the Pentateuch and book of Joshua, and the criticism
which has been directed towards them, which will serve as an
introduction to the investigation which follows in Part If.
i. NAMES AND TITLES.
THE tripartite division 1 of the Jewish Canon into the Law,
the Prophets, and the Writings indicates three stages in the
1 Thi> division is as follows:
i. The Law, or Tordh, comprising Genesis Deuteronomy.
t. The Prophets, or N e bh7im\ which are divided into
(</) the Former Prophets, comprising Joshua, Judges, Samuel,
Kings,
(6) the Latter Prophets, comprising Isaiah, Jeremiah, Ezekiel,
and the Twelve Minor prophets (Hosea Malachi),
reckoned as forming one book.
3. The Writings or K*thubim (Hagiographa), comprising
(a) Psalms, Proverbs, Job.
(6) The five Rolls, or M'zilloth, viz. Song of Songs, Ruth,
Lamentations, Ecck lier.
(c) Daniel. !'./. ra, Nehemiah, Chronicles.
Though MSS. and printed books present some variation in the order
of the books in division (7) and a greater variation in division (3),
C. i'. 1
2 INTRODUCTION TO THE PENTATEUCH
history of its formation 1 . The five books which occupy the
first place in the Hebrew Bible, as well as in all versions of the
O.T., owe their position to the fact that they were the first books
read in public assemblies, and recognized as Canonical by the
Jews. In the English and some other modern versions they are
called 'Books of Moses,' but this description is not found in
the original Hebrew, nor in the Greek and Latin versions. The
title given to them by the Jews is Torah, or Law, because of
the legislation contained in them. The division into five books
is older than the LXX. 2 , and may have been made when the
yet ' the books belonging to one division are never (by the Jews)
transferred to another' (Professor Driver, Introduction to the Litera-
ture of the Old Testament, eighth edition, 1909, p. i).
A different arrangement of the books is found in our English Bibles.
After the Pentateuch, all the historical books are grouped together
(Joshua Esther), Ruth being placed after Judges. The poetical books
follow, arranged in accordance with the traditional view as to their
date, the three books ascribed to Solomon (Proverbs, Ecclesiastes,
and the Song of Solomon) being placed together. The prophets
form the last division, Lamentations being placed after Jeremiah, as
being traditionally his work, and Daniel after Ezekiel. It will be
observed that the variation of the order is caused by rearranging the
books of the second and third Jewish divisions. This order is due
to the influence of the LXX. version in which the books were re-
arranged (with the so-called apocryphal books intermixed) substantially
according to subject -matter ; first history, then poetry, lastly the
prophetical writings. This order, transmitted through the Vulgate,
is found in English and other modern versions, only with the removal
of the ' apocryphal ' books to a class by themselves.
1 The statement in the text may be verified by reference to works
on the Canon of the Old Testament (see a list in LOT 8 p. i),
especially that by the Bishop of Winchester, The Canon of the Old
Testament, second edition, 1895, who says (p. 221) 'that "the tripartite
division" gives no arbitrary grouping but is a trustworthy witness and
an invaluable memorial of the historical growth and gradual develop-
ment of the Canon.' Cf. Art. ' Canon' in DB vol. i. p. 349, and 'Old
Testament Canon' in vol. III. p. 604.
2 The LXX. translation was begun early in the 3rd century B.C.
TITLES OF THE BOOKS
Pentateuch assumed its present form. Each book was called
a homesh or 'fifth part 1 ,' and the whole Torah was called
h u mishshah hum e she thorah, 'the five fifth-parts of the law 2 .'
The Greek title, 17 irevraTcvxos (/3i'/3Xos) the five-volumed (book),
refers to the same division ; whence the Latin Pentateuchus
and the word Pentateuch in English and other modern lan-
guages.
The Hebrew, Greek, and Latin titles of the books are given
in the following table :
HEBREW
ENGLISH RENDERING
OF THE IlEBKKW
GREEK
LATIN
i. B'rcshlth
'In the beginning'
IVrr
Genesis
2. V'ellehsh'moth,
'And these are the
"E^o6os
Exodus
usually abbre-
viated to
names,' or 'Names'
Sh'moth
3. Vay-yikrd
4 And he called' A.cv(()iTiK6v
Leviticus
4. Bammidhbar
4 In the wilderness ' 'Api0/H
Numeri
5. El Uh hadd'bha.
4 These are the words,'
kfVTepovbfjiiov
Deuteronomium
rir/t, usually
or 'Words'
abbreviated to
D*bharim
The Hebrew titles consist of the opening word or words of
each book, as will be seen by comparing the English renderings
in the second column with the English versions. From the first
words of Numbers, 'And the Lord spake unto Moses in the
wilderness of Sinai,' the Hebrew word corresponding to 'in the
wilderness' has been selected as the first distinctive word, and
as descriptive of the contents of the book, but the book \v.t^
to as the second homesh in th<
Talmud, Sotah 7. 4 (21 rf, line 24 of the Kroto>chin i-dition).
- Jcrus. Talm. Smth. 10. i (28 a), KoheUth rabba on Eccl. xii. u,
in many other places, and in punted editions of the Hebrew IliMe.
I 2
4 INTRODUCTION TO THE PENTATEUCH
also sometimes called Vay*dhabber from the first word of the
book, the English of which is 'and he spake 1 .'
The Greek translators gave a name to each book, indicating
its contents, or some important event described in it. The name
generally occurs in the Greek version. Thus Genesis (lYi/trm)
refers to the creation of the world (r. *cdo-/iov in A), and the word
is found in Gen. ii. 4; Exodus ( v E|o5o?) to the departure from
Egypt, and the word is found in Ex. xix. I ; Numbers ('Apifyioi')
to the numberings of the people, and the word is found in
Num. i. 2 ; Deuteronomy (Aeurepoi>6/ztoi>) to the law contained
in the book, and the word is found in Deut. xvii. 18. The title
1 According to Jerome in his prologue. This great Biblical scholar
and critic, after some years spent in revising the Old Latin version,
began his new translation of the O.T from the Hebrew in AD. 391, and
finished it about 404. He composed by way of preface what he styled
' a Helmed Prologue' (Prologus Galeatus), in which he gave an account
of the Canonical Scriptures of the Hebrew Bible. The exact meaning
of this remarkable phrase has been variously explained; yet it seems
tolerably certain that Jerome intended to signify that this Preface was
to be his general apology for limiting his special work to the books of
the Hebrew Canon, a limitation which would expose him to the assaults
of many in the African Churches. By slow degrees his work, variously
modified, became the ' Vulgate ' the common Version of the Latin
Churches. (Abbreviated from Westcott's Bible in the Church, p. 181.)
This preface is still printed at the beginning of ordinary editions of the
Vulgate, but in some earlier editions (e.g. that of 1498) it occupies its
original place before the books of Samuel, as prafatio in libr. Samuel
et Malachim. It is given in Excursus D to Kyle's Can. of O.T. 2 p. 299.
The part referring to the Pentateuch is as follows :
Primus apud eos liber vocatur Bresith quern nos Genesim dicimus.
Secundus Ellesmoth qui Exodus appellatur. Tertius Vajecra id est
Leviticus. Quartus Vajedabber quern Numeros vocamus. Quintus
Elleaddabarim qui Deuteronomium praenotatur. Hi sunt quinque libri
Mosi quos proprie Thorath id est legem appellant.
Jerome himself describes his prologue as follows : Hie prologus
Scripturarum, quasi galealum principium omnibus libris, quos de
Hebraeo vertimus in Latiuum, convenire potest.
TITLES OF THE BOOKS 5
of the third book, Leviticus, has been chosen with a view to
describe the ordinances contained in it, but these ordinances
apply mainly to priests, and there is no mention of Levi or
Levites in the book. The name given to it by Jewish writers,
Torath Koh a nim, ' the priests' law,' is more appropriate.
The Latin names are transliterations of the Greek. The title
of the third book in Greek is a neuter adjective, and some MSS.
give the Latin name Leviticum^ but the masculine form of the
adjective (suggesting 'liber' as the unexpressed substantive) has
been generally adopted. A transliteration of the name of the
fourth book 1 occurs in Tertullian 2 , but by the time of Cyprian it
has been replaced by the translation Numeri. The fifth book
preserves in Latin the neuter form of the Greek,
The English names are identical with the Latin for the first
three books, but following the example of the Latin, Numeri is
translated ' Numbers,' and the ending of Deuteronomium is
modified 3 .
Besides the Hebrew titles given in the table, other expres-
sions are used by Jewish writers to denote certain books or
portions of books. Torath Kotfnim as a name for Leviticus has
already been mentioned. Deuteronomy is often referred to as
Mtshneh Tordh, 'repetition of the law,' and the Greek Afvrfpovo-
piov expresses the same idea 4 . According to Origen, quoted in
Eusebius, Hist. Eccl. vi. 25, the Hebrew name of Numbers was
in, which seems to represent homesh \Jiap\ftqudim b ,
1 A variation in the order of the books may be noted : Melito,
i .eontius, and the Cheltenham list reverse the common order of Leviticus
:ml NiimUT.-,. Swcte, Jntr. to O.T. in Greek, p. 326, and Sanday,
Stitdiii Biblica, III. p. 241.
2 adv. Mariioium, IV. 23, referring to the Nazirite vow (Num. vi.),
and IV 28, referring to Balaam (Num. xxii. xxiv.), as 'in Arithn
8 In German Bibles the Latin nani'.--. arc unaltered; in 1-ieneh Bibles
the Latin endings are dropped, as ' Exode,' ' Deuterunome ' ; and
'Noinbrcs' is a translation.
4 See note B at end of this section p. 8.
5 So 111 the Mishnah, Joma vii. i, whcie Num. xxix. 7 is iclcnxd
6 INTRODUCTION TO THE PENTATEUCH
i.e. 'the fifth-part [of the law] of [i.e. relating to] the numbered
ones.' This title, like the Greek, refers to the numbering of the
children of Israel.
Philo speaks repeatedly of the Pentateuch as 'the Legisla-
tion'; and in one passage 1 he quotes Josh. ii. 11 as included in
this title. He also frequently refers to the Pentateuch as 'the
Law,' and in one passage 2 as 'the Laws.'
For other titles see the lists in Prof. Swete's Introduction to
the O.T. in Greek, pp. 198216, and Bp Kyle's Philo and Holy
Scripture, p. xixff., and Can. of O.T. 2 Excursus D and E and
p. 306.
NOTE A. THE NAME HEXATEUCH.
The book of Joshua is the first in the second division of the
Hebrew Canon. But though this arrangement draws a very
definite line between the book of Joshua and those that precede
it, a close connexion both in structure and subject matter exists
between them. The first stage in the history of God's dealings
with His chosen people ends with their settlement in the
Promised Land, rather than with the death of Moses. The
promise is made to Abraham 'To thy seed will I give this land'
(Gen. xii. 7) and frequently repeated to him and his descendants
in the book of Genesis. \ The rest of the Pentateuch records the
development of the nation, and its discipline preparatory to
entering the Land. This record is incomplete without the book
of Joshua in which the fulfilment of the promises is recorded.
'People and Land are the two leading ideas which beginning
in Genesis are never lost sight of till they culminate in Joshua.
Hence instead of the Greek name Pentateuch given to the Five
Books, modern critics have adopted the name Hexateuch for the
Six Books including the book of Joshua 3 .'
to as DHIpSn &&\rh& "IW31, 'And on the tenth' (the first Heb.
word of xxix. 7) belonging to the fifth-part of the numbered ones, i.e.
of the book Numbers.
i De Migrat. Abrah. 32. 2 De Spec. Legg. i.
8 The late Bp Perowne in Camb. Comp. to the Bible, p. 93.
THE NAME HEXATEUCH
Combinations of the books of the Pentateuch with other
books of the O.T. were not unknown in the Christian Church.
The name Heptateuch was given to the first seven books of the
Bible, and these books together with the book of Ruth were
designated the Octateuch. Nestle in the Article 'Septuagint,'
DB IV. 447 note, observes : c Greek MSS. mostly count Gen.
Ruth as books i 8, as oKrartu^of ; the Latin MSS. Gen.
Judges as Heptateitchus? The eighth of the Latin lists given by
Swete, hit rod. to O. T. in Greek, p. 212, has a note after Judges
' Fiunt libri VII ver.xvTIlC 1 .' On this list see Sanday, Studia
Biblica, m. p. 222 f., and other works cited in Swete, loc. cit. and
pp. 123, 227, 346. Another list given by Turner in J. Th. S.
II. p. 239 has after Judges 'hi sunt VII libri legis quos greci
Eptatheuchos appellant...' 2 . Ambrose in his commentary on
Ps. cxviii. (cxix. Heb. and Eng.) 162, 'I rejoice at thy word, as
one that findeth great spoil,' refers to the Canonical Books as
spoil found 'sine labore meo.' 'Inveni Heptateuchum, inveni
regnorum libros....' Migne P. L. vol. XV. col. 1584.
The eighth of the Greek lists given by Swete, op. cit. p. 205,
groups together Gen. Ruth as 17 oxTUTfvxot ; and the ninth,
p. 206, from Lagarde, Septuagintastudien, II. p. 60, has in a
separate line after the Pentateuch and Joshua, Judges, Ruth,
TAof TTJS oKTaTfi/xov. Another list (/. Th. S. II. p. 238) has after
Gen. Ruth, 'hii libri vin habent versus numero XXI CCCCXIIII.'
Other versions as the Armenian and Ethiopic have traces of the
same grouping. No ancient precedent has yet been found for
the name Hexateuch, but a close relation between the Penta-
teuch and the book of Joshua is implied in the words of the
Talmud Xsdarim 22), ' If Israel had not sinned, they would
be reading only the five books of the Law and the book of
Joshua.' The ideal Israel has the Hexateuch for its Bible.
1 This note gives the number of verses in the Heptateuch. See
Swete, op. cit. p.
a On the Lyons old Latin Ilc^taUuch M:C/. ///. S. II. p. 305.
8 INTRODUCTION TO THE PENTATEUCH
NOTE B. ON JEWISH TITLES OF THE BOOKS OF THE LAW.
These titles are of two kinds ; either taken from the initial
words of a book, or descriptive like the Greek titles. Which of
these two methods of naming the books is the older ? Descrip-
tive titles seem more natural, and in accordance with the general
method of naming books. The titles of the books following the
Hexateuch (Judges, Samuel, Kings) are descriptive and in the
N.T. a portion of the Torah is referred to as ' the Bush.' The
method of initial words seems more artificial ; but as it is found
in the Mishnah, it was employed at least as early as the second
century A.D. From a comparison of Origen's list, with its
descriptive title for Numbers (see p. 5), with that of Jerome
(p. 4 note), it might be inferred that initial words gradually
supplanted descriptive titles, and that the process was not
complete in Origen's time.
According to Ben Asher in Dikduke Jiatt el ainim, p. 57 (ed.
Baer and Strack), the name Sepher y*zl'ath Mizraim, i.e. the
book of the going out from Egypt, was applied to Exodus.
Philo (de Migr. Abr. 3, I. 438, Mangey's ed., 14 Wend-
land and Cohn) states that Moses gave to Exodus the title
'E^ayojy?) (a bringing out, or going out) and commends it as
suitable. Philo did not mean that Moses gave the Greek name
to the book; but 'Egaywyrj is the Greek translation of some
Hebrew title which was of sufficiently venerable antiquity to be
regarded by him as Mosaic. He may be cited as bearing
testimony to the existence of a Hebrew descriptive title for
Exodus, which was considered very ancient in his day. Was it
the same as that given above from Ben Asher? It is not pro-
bable that the Jew borrowed his descriptive titles from the Greek,
but it may be that Greek titles are due to Jewish tradition.
There are two passages in the LXX. where the word Seure/jo-
vofttov occurs: (a) Deut. xvii. 18; mishneh haltorah hazzothis
here rendered TO dein-f povopiov TOVTO. As most commentators
have pointed out, the Hebrew words must be translated 'a
JEWISH TITLES OF THE BOOKS 9
repetition (i.e. a copy) of this law,' and by 'this law,' the law
contained in the book of Deuteronomy is implied ; (6) Josh. viii.
32 (ix. 5 in cod. B) ; mishneh torath Mosheh is here rendered TO
fieurfpovo/itoi/, vopov Motvafj. Here the Hebrew words must be
translated 'a copy of the law of Moses,' and by 'the law of
Moses ' in this passage the law in the book of Deuteronomy is
implied. The LXX. rendering of both these passages is inaccu-
rate. But it may be asked, what led the LXX. translators to
coin this compound word? If the title mishneh torah, given to
the fifth book of the law in the Talmud and elsewhere, were an
old designation, then Aevrfpovopiov, which is a good rendering
of it, may have been adopted by Greek-speaking Jews as a name
of the book, and a reason for the employment of the word in
these two passages is apparent. The juxtaposition of the two
words mishneh and torah suggested the word Aeirrepoi/o/uoi/
which] was already known to them. If the LXX. translators, by
using AevrepovofjLiov in these passages, intended to make reference
to the book known to them by that name, then their translation,
though not grammatically defensible, conveys the meaning of
the original, for in both passages the law contained in the book
of Deuteronomy is referred to.
It appears then that Jewish descriptive titles of the last four
books of the Pentateuch can be traced ; and the question may
be asked, What descriptive title (if any) was given to the book
of Genesis ?
The work of Creation is often referred to in Talmudic litera-
ture as md^seh frreshith (i.e. the work (done) in the beginning 1 ),
and more briefly as Ifreshith-. Hence the book of Genesis, as
1 See Mishnah, Chagigah, ii. i. Dr Streane in his English translation
of this treatise (Camb. Univ. Press, 1891) explains how the approximate
date of passages in the Talmud, an important element in estimating its
testimony, may be determined (see Introduction, p. vii, and Glossary ;
also Strack, Einleitun ..ilniiid, ed. 4, 1908, pp. 8 1 112, and
Mielziner, Introduftion to Ike Talmud, 1903).
..ill, j> e raihoth t ix. 2, 54 a, and 59 . These benediction:, arc
probably very old.
io INTRODUCTION TO THE PENTATEUCH
containing the account of the Creation 1 , came to be called
B e reshtth, a title which referred to a portion of its contents as
the Greek title Genesis does, but was also the opening word of
the book. It is not improbable that a precedent was thus made
for naming other books by their initial words.
2. PLAN AND CONTENTS OF THE HEXATEUCH.
The Hexateuch in its present form contains a history of the
chosen People up to the time of their settlement in the Promised
Land. The history is not continuous ; some portions are treated
fully while others are passed over with only brief comment. It
may be summarized under the following heads 2 :
(i) The ancestors of the nation.
The book of Genesis may be regarded as an introduction,
dealing with the period before the existence of the nation. A
brief sketch of primitive history (Gen. i. xi.) serves to connect
Israel with the beginning of all things, and with the surrounding
nations of the earth. It sets forth God as the Maker and Ruler
of the world and of man, blessing the race in Adam, punishing
disobedience by driving Adam and Eve from the garden, and,
when the wickedness of man was great upon the earth, bringing
the flood upon the ungodly, but saving Noah and his family and
1 The statement in Kyle's Philo and Holy Scripture from Dr Pick,
that in Sanhedrin 62 b, and the Jerus. Talmud, Megillah ch. 7, the
history of the Creation in Genesis is called Sepher Y'zirah rests on a
mistake. The Jer. Talm. of M e gillah has no seventh chapter ; and in
Sank. 65 b (not 62 b) the reference is not to Genesis, but to a book
which the context shews was of a mystical character. The error (which
is due originally to Fiirst, Kanon des A.T.^. 5) was pointed out by
Blau, Zur Einleitung in die heilige Schrift, 1894, p. 47. It is doubtful
whether the book Genesis was ever called Sepher y e zirah.
2 As the introduction to each book will contain a full analysis of its
contents, it will be sufficient to indicate here the main outlines of the
whole.
CONTENTS OF THE HEXATEUCH u
making through him a covenant with all mankind. A list of
foreign nations known to the Hebrews is given in the form of
a genealogical table of the descendants of Shem, Ham and
Japheth. Another table from Shem to Abraham connects the
ancestor of the chosen race with the family that survived the
flood, and the pedigree is further traced upwards to Adam in
the genealogy of ch. v. From Gen. xii. the history is confined
to the family from which the nation was to spring, 'when there
were yet but a few of them, and they sojourners in the land'
(Ps. cv. 12): the lives of Abraham and Isaac, the chequered
career of Jacob, the exaltation of Joseph, and the circumstances
which led to the migration of Jacob and his family to Egypt,
fill up the remainder of the book.
(2) The deliverance of the nation.
The book of Exodus begins with a list of Jacob's sons who
came down with him into Egypt, repeating part of the list
already given in Gen. xlvi., and takes up the narrative at
Joseph's death (i. 6, cf. Gen. 1.). The growth of the nation from
threescore and ten (Gen. xlvi. 27, Exod. i. 5) to a people that
filled the land is passed .over in a few words (i. 7). The nar-
rative again becomes detailed in describing the oppression of
the children of Israel under the new king (i. 8 22), and the
events leading to their deliverance; the birth of Moses and his
preservation, his commission to lead forth the people, God's
revelation of Himself as Jehovah, and the plagues which follow
upon Pharaoh's refusal to let the people go (chs. ii. xi.).
Regulations for celebrating the Passover and the Feast of
Unleavened Cakes and for the dedication of the first-born
follow, and on the death of the first-born, the children of Israel
went out of Egypt in 'that night of the Lord to be observed of
all the children of Israel throughout their generations' (xii.).
Pharaoh pursued after them, but the Egyptians were overthrown
in the midst of the sea (xiv.), and Moses and the children of
. sang unto the Lord the triumph song over Pharaoh,
his chariots and his host \^xv. I 21;.
12 INTRODUCTION TO THE PENTATEUCH
(3) The instruction of the nation.
The narrative goes on to relate how the children of Israel
after their deliverance were led to Sinai, and while they were
encamped there for nearly a year (cf. Exod. xix. i with Num.
x. u), laws for the present and future guidance of the nation
were imparted. The Decalogue (Heb. The Ten Words, Deut.
iv. 13, x. 4) was first given, followed by a collection of laws
partly religious partly civil (Exod. xx. xxiii.), and instructions
for preparing the Ark, the Tabernacle and its vessels, for
inaugurating the priesthood, and for offering sacrifices (xxv.
xxxi.). Further precepts (mostly of a ceremonial character) are
found in Leviticus and Num. i. x. 10; and after leaving Sinai
(Num. x. u, 12, 29), supplementary laws are issued at intervals
during the journey (xv., xviii., xix.). When the children of
Israel 'pitched in the plains of Moab' (xxii. i), further enact-
ments about offerings and vows (xxviii. xxx.), the cities of
refuge (xxxv.), and the inheritance of daughters (xxvii., xxxvi.)
are recorded. The book of .Deuteronomy contains another
code of laws (Deut. v. xxvi.) said to have been promulgated
(Deut. i. 3, 5) by Moses in the nth month of the 4oth year,
just before his death (Deut. xxxiv.). "
To the body of legislation contained in the Pentateuch the
Jews gave the name Tor ah, and that name was transferred to
the whole Pentateuch. The primary meaning of the word Torah
being instruction or decision imparted by prophet or priest, the
legal enactments of the Pentateuch may be designated as ' the
instruction of the nation.'
(4) The discipline of the nation.
The forty years in the wilderness are described as a period of
probation appointed * to humble thee and to prove thee, to know
what was in thine heart whether thou wouldest keep his com-
mandments, or no ' (Deut. viii. 2). The record of the journey
from the Red Sea to Sinai is found in Exod. xv. 22 xix., and of
the journey from Sinai to the steppes of Moab on the Eastern
side cf Jordan in Num. x. 29 xxii. i.
CONTENTS OF THE HEXATEUCH 13
(5) The victories of the nation.
(a) On the East of the Jordan. As soon as the children of Israel
cross the Arnon they enter on territory which is afterwards
allotted to them, and the career of conquest begins with the
victories over Sihon and Og the two kings of the Amorites.
The description of the campaign is found in Num. xxi. 21 35,
arid (in words borrowed largely from Numbers) in Deut. ii. 24
iii. ii.
() On the West of the Jordan. The campaign on the Western
side begins with the taking of Jericho and Ai. The Gibeonites
by craft succeed in making a league with the children of Israel,
and Joshua, coming to their rescue in fulfilment of the oath
sworn to them, defeats the kings of the South. A combination
of northern kings is put to flight by Joshua at the waters of
Merom. These victories are recorded in Josh. vi. xii.
(6) The settlement of the nation.
The assignment by Moses of the territory on the East of the
Jordan to the tribes of Reuben and Gad and half the tribe of
Manasseh is related in Num. xxxii. and Deut. iii. 12 17, and is
referred to in Josh. i. 12 18, xii. 6. Before the land on the
West is divided among the tribes, Joshua gives Caleb the portion
promised to him by Moses because he 'wholly followed the Lord
his God' when sent to spy out the land (Josh, xiv 6 15, which
refers to the accounts in Num. xiii., xiv. and Deut. i. 19 40).
The borders and cities of the lot assigned to Judah are then
described (xv.), and the borders of the sons of Joseph, Ephraim
and Manasseh (xvi., xvii.). Reference is again made to the
inheritance of Manasseh on the East of the Jordan, and the
commands of Moses with regard to the daughters of Zelophehad
are carried out (xvii. 3 6, with reference to Num. xxvii. i ii,
xxxvi. i 12). The remaining seven tribes receive their inherit-
ance at Shiloh, and the city of Timnath-serah is assigned to
Joshua (xviii., xix.). With the appointment of the six cities of
, and 48 cities for the Levites (xx., xxi., with reference to
14 INTRODUCTION TO THE PENTATEUCH
Num. xxxv.), the work of allotment is finished, and the two and
a half tribes, having fulfilled the conditions on which they
received their land, are sent back with a blessing to take
possession of it (xxii.). To this account of the division of
Western Palestine (chs. xvi. xxii.) is prefixed in ch. xiii. a de-
scription of the territory already assigned on the East of the
Jordan, thereby completing the survey of the whole land allotted
to the children of Israel.
The two remaining chapters of the book of Joshua (xxiii.,
xxiv.) contain Joshua's parting addresses to the people with an
account of the covenant made by him with the people, and short
notices of the death of Joshua, and of Eleazar, and of the burial
of Joseph's bones at Shechem. This last notice (xxiv. 32, with
which compare Gen. 1. 24, 25, Exod. xiii. 19) and the frequent
references, during the account of the settlement, to the injunc-
tions contained in the Pentateuch, especially those in Deutero-
nomy, illustrate the close connexion in subject matter between
the book of Joshua and the earlier books.
Some general remarks on the history may be made here :
1. It is a religious history, not a bare chronicle of events,
but the record of God's gracious purpose for Israel and of the
means whereby He brought it to pass.
2. Though the record is mainly a history of the chosen
people, a wider horizon is opened out in the introductory
chapters of Genesis (i. xi.). Here the Ruler of the world is
shewn as the same God who revealed Himself to the patriarchs
as God Almighty (El Shaddai\ and to Moses as Jehovah.
Certain methods of His dealing with Israel are foreshadowed
in this primitive history.
(a) The method of selection. The first contrast in the Bible
is between Cain and Abel. God chose the sacrifice of the one,
and rejected that of the other. He chose Noah as the righteous
man in his generation, and preserved him and his family from
destruction. The same method of working is illustrated at each
stage in the patriarchal history; Abraham from the family of
CHARACTER OF CONTENTS
Terah, Isaac the child of promise from the family of Abraham,
and Jacob from the family of Isaac, are chosen as inheritors of
the promise.
(b] The method of deliverance. Selection is with a view to
rescue from evil, or, in other words, the election is of grace. God
is set forth as the Saviour of Noah and his family from perishing
by the waters of the flood ; Jacob gratefully refers to 'the Angel
which redeemed me from all evil' (Gen. xlviii. 16) ; Joseph
points out to his brethren that their conduct towards him was
overruled by God to preserve them a posterity in the earth, and
to save them by a great deliverance (xlv. 7). The central fact of
the history is the deliverance from Egypt. And when at the
close of the journeyings Balak sent and called Balaam to curse
the people, the Lord delivered them out of his hand (Num. xxii.
xxiv., Josh. xxiv. 10). The Lord defends His people 'in all
dangers ghostly and bodily.'
(c) The method of the covenant. When Noah and his
family again tread on dry ground after being preserved in the
Ark, God makes a covenant with Noah and his seed after him.
A covenant is also established with Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob,
with the nation at Sinai, and again in the land of Moab. And
the covenant is with promise. That with Noah contained the
promise that God would no more destroy all flesh (Gen. ix. 15),
that with Abraham the promise 'To thy seed will I give this
land' (Gen. xii. 7), a promise renewed at intervals in the history
of the patriarchs and of the nation (xxviii. 13, xxxv. 12; Exod.
iii. 8, 17, vi. 8). Consequently
3. The history is one of expectation. It is always looking
forward to the fulfilment of the promise. Abraham's purchase
of the cave for a burying place (Gen. xxiii.), Jacob's enti
'bury me not in Egypt but let me lie with my fathers,' and
Joseph's commandment concerning his bones, rest on the belief
that God would bring them to the land which he promised to
Abraham to Isaac and to Jacob (cf. Gen. xlvii. 30, xlviii. 21,
1. 24, 25; licb. xi. 22).
16 INTRODUCTION TO THE PENTATEUCH
4. The history shews a unity of purpose. It sets forth God
as 'always mindful of his covenant and promise that he made to
a thousand generations' (Ps. cv. 8). He hears the cry of His
people in their affliction, and comes down to deliver them (Exod.
iii. 7, 8). He bears them as on eagles' wings (Exod. xix. 4;
Deut. xxxii. II 14) from their infancy to their full growth as
a nation, and plants them in the land that they may do Him
service. In the words of the Psalmist;
*He remembered his holy word,
And Abraham his servant.
And he brought forth his people with joy,
And his chosen with singing.
And he gave them the lands of the nations ;
And they took the labour of the peoples in possession:
That they might keep his statutes,
And observe his laws.' (Ps. cv. 42 45.)
The last verse brings into prominence the purpose of the
history. Those for whom such great things have been done
should 'keep his statutes, and observe his laws.' The purpose
of the choice and call of Abraham is set forth in Gen. xviii. 19
(R.V.) 'I have known him, to the end that he may command his
children and his household after him, that they may keep the
way of the Lord....' The picture of God entering into covenant
with the patriarchs, and mindful of His covenant delivering His
people with a mighty hand and stretched out arm, is drawn in
order to awaken trust and love in the hearts of the people.
Moses at the close of the journeyings after reminding the
Israelites how God had led them from the land of Egypt to the
banks of the Jordan, puts the question 'And now, Israel, what
doth the Lord thy God require of thee?' (Deut. x. 12), and the
answer there given may be summed up in the words fear, love,
and service. And in the last chapter of the book of Joshua, the
leader who has brought the people into the land, after reviewing
their past history from Abraham, concludes with the solemn
appeal ; ' Choose you this day whom ye will serve' (Josh. xxiv. 1 5).
The question and the challenge are addressed not only to Israel
CHARACTER OF CONTKN 17
in the plains of Moab, and at Shechem, but to every Israelite
not only to their forefathers whose eyes had seen the wonders of
the Lord, but to the children yet unborn who should arise to tell
them to their children :
'That they might set their hope in God,
And not forget the works of God,
But keep his commandments.' (Ps. Ixxviii. 6, 7.)
The Hexateuch is a sacred history, told for the instruction
in righteousness of succeeding generations. It contains the
promise of the land made to the fathers, and the history of the
people until the fulfilment of the promise, together with statutes
and judgements to guide them in the land of their inheritance.
The history is recorded to stimulate obedience to the law.
3. THE ORIGIN OF THE HEXATEUCH.
Is this unity of purpose shewn in the Hexateuch due to unity
of authorship? The answer to this question until comparatively
recent times has been generally in the affirmative. Moses, the
great leader and lawgiver, was regarded as the author of the
Pentateuch 1 . For the patriarchal and earlier period, it was said,
he had recourse to documents and tradition ; the rest is a record
of events with which he himself was closely connected of the
work which in obedience to the Divine commands he under-
took on behalf of Israel. The laws are inserted in this record
in the order in which they were communicated ; at Sinai, in
the desert, and in the plains of Moab. The last chapter of
Deuteronomy which relates the death of Moses was from the
hand of Joshua his successor, who continued the history of the
Israelites up to the time of their settlement in the land.
But for more than 150 years, and especially during th
century, the authorship of UK- Hc\.it<-wh has been one of the
foremost problems in O.T. research, and a numerous array of
workers have minutely examined (lie I'entutrurh and book of
Joshua with a view to find out what evidence the books thein-
1 Compare the beginning of the next section, p. 25.
C. P. 2
i8 INTRODUCTION TO THE PENTATEUCH
selves afford as to their origin, their literary character, and
the time when they were written. The opinion that the
narrative contained in them is composite, and that the laws
which are inserted in the narrative belong to successive stages
in the development of the Jewish nation, has been steadily
gaining ground and is now held by a large and increasing
number of scholars both in Europe and America. It has been
expressed by W. Robertson Smith (The Old Testament in the
Jewish Church, 2nd edition, 1892, p. 313) as follows: 'Mosaic
Law is not held to exclude post-Mosaic developments. That
the whole law is the Law of Moses does not necessarily imply
that every precept was developed in detail in his days, but only
that the distinctive law of Israel owes to him the origin and
principles in which all detailed precepts are implicitly contained.
The development into explicitness of what Moses gave in prin-
ciple is the work of continuous Divine teaching in connexion
with new historical situations.'
It is sufficient to indicate here in broad outline these two
diverging views. The fact of the divergence necessitates further
enquiry. In the following section a brief historical sketch of
Hexateuch criticism will be given, but a few remarks may be
made here, by way of introduction, on what is meant by
criticism.
Criticism consists in a discriminating use of facts ; it collects
and classifies them, and draws inferences from them when
classified. The range of criticism is more extended when
applied to an ancient book, written centuries before the invention
of printing and preserved in manuscript, than when applied to
a modern printed book. Questions arise as to the 'text and
authorship of ancient books which are definitely settled in
modern books by the title-page and author's preface. The
definition of criticism as 'the critical science which deals with
the text, character, composition, and origin of literary documents
especially those of the Old and New Testaments' (Murray's
New English Dictionary, s.v. criticism) recognizes this wider
field of enquiry as necessary for ancient documents.
The first care of the critic is for the text. When there is but
TEXTUAL AND HIGHER CRITICISM 19
one MS. in existence 1 , his task is limited to suggesting emenda-
tions where the text is corrupt. Most ancient works have been
preserved in more than one manuscript, and the labour of the
critic becomes more arduous, according to the number and
character of the MSS. which he has to examine. Many and
peculiar difficulties T)eset the Old Testament critic in his en-
deavour to ascertain the true text, especially of passages which
are obviously corrupt. His difficulties, and his method of pro-
cedure, cannot be here described, but the reader who desires
further information may consult Buhl, Kanon und Text des
Alten Testamentes, an English translation of which was pub-
lished in 1892 ; A short history of the Hebrew Text of the Old
Testament by T. H. Weir, 1899 ; and Prof. Burkitt's Art. on
Text and Versions in Enc. Bib. vol. IV. p. 501 1 f.
The criticism described in these books has been designated
Textual Criticism, while the investigation which concerns the
literary character, composition, and origin of the books has
been distinguished by the name of Higher Criticism. The
term was first employed with reference to the books of the Old
Testament by Eichhorn 2 . In the Preface to the second edition
of his Introduction he says :
' I have been obliged to bestow the greatest amount of labour
on a hitherto entirely unworked field, the investigation of the
inner constitution of the particular writings of the Old Testa-
ment, by the aid of the Higher Criticism (a new name to no
Humanist).'
His description of 'the higher criticism' as 'a new name
to no Humanist' shews that he was introducing no novelty, but
investigating the character and composition of the books of
the Old 1 by a method already known to cla>
1 The Annals of Tacitus ai< in one MS. Sec the account
md publication by Pope Leo X. in Jcbb, /
Addresses, \>.
a Author of Einleilung in das A.T. which was published i;
and pa>M-d through several editions, the List being dated 1823-4. He
died in is 27. References are to the third edition of 1803.
22
20 INTRODUCTION TO THE PENTATEUCH
students. At the same time he refers to himself as labouring
' in a field which has hitherto been unworked.' The method
was not new, but the application of it to the books of the Old
Testament was attempted for the first time by Eichhorn. In
another place he describes the Higher Criticism as distin-
guishing between the writers, characterizing each by his own
method and diction, favourite expressions and other peculiari-
ties (vol. II. 424, p. 330). These words shew clearly the func-
tion of the higher criticism as conceived by the first Biblical
critic who employed the phrase.
Though the term 'higher criticism' is not often used, the
method is applied in dealing with other kinds of literature.
The Dialogues of Plato, for example is it possible by internal
evidence to ascertain their historical order ? Many efforts have
been made to determine a chronological succession, and diffe-
rent theories have been propounded: the problem is one of
'higher criticism.' The Metaphysics of Aristotle suggest many
difficult questions. By whom was the book arranged in its
present form, by Aristotle or by others ? Does it form a con-
secutive and continuous treatise ? The Nicomachean Ethics
V. vil. agree verbally with three books of the Eudemian Ethics :
which was their original place, and how far are they directly the
work of Aristotle 1 ? (Ueberweg, History of Philosophy, i. 108,
146, and Grant's Ethics, vol. I. p. 57), The Constitution of
Athens recently discovered in papyri, is it the work of Aristotle
or not ?
Different answers have been given to these questions, and
the material at our disposal may not enable us to solve them ;
but they are all problems of higher criticism, and are questions
which it is legitimate to endeavour to solve. And in the field
of Biblical research similar questions arise : the Epistle to the
Hebrews, is it S. Paul's or not? (Notice the beginnings of
higher criticism in Origen's remarks (Euseb. H. E. VI. 25) :
'That this Epistle is purer Greek in the composition of its
1 A similar question arises with respect to 2 Kings xviii. 13 xx. and
Isai. xxxvi. xxxix.
HIGHER CRITICISM 21
phrases, every one will confess who is able to discern the
difference of style.') The resemblances and differences in the
accounts of the same discourses and events in the Synoptic
Gospels how are they to be accounted for? The second
Epistle of St Peter and the Epistle of Jude have remarkable
similarities: which is the borrower? Are these and questions
as to date and authorship of books of the Old Testament to be
treated differently from those problems of classical literature
which have been mentioned ? They are akin in character and
should be treated alike. Such was Eichhorn's opinion when he
applied the 'higher criticism' to all the books of the Old Testa-
ment in his Introduction.
Words and phrases often 'lose the precision of their first
employment 1 .' Their original meaning is forgotten or unheeded,
and a new and improper sense is assigned to them. So the
term 'higher criticism' has been understood not as a criticism
dealing with higher and more difficult problems, but as a higher
and intensified form of criticism with an implied sense of supe-
riority. When thus misunderstood, it has provoked hostile
comment as being arrogant and ambitious. It has been con-
fused with historical criticism, and also with speculative ques-
tions as to the origin of religious beliefs in Israel, and the
extent to which surrounding nations may have influenced their
development. Such questions lie beyond the province of 'higher
criticism' ; and many of the objections raised against the higher
criticism are due to misconceptions of its scope and purpose.
Its real function is (as has already been stated) to determine
the origin, date, and literary structure of the books of the Bible
by the same methods as those applied to any ancient document.
The problems with which it deals are literary problems ; and
the investigations are based on material found in the Bible
itself 2 .
1 Trench, English past and />rfs< //.', loth ed. p. 300.
8 The statement in the text i.j.ly that the critic is debarred
/data in ad lition to those contained in the
Dible. The allu- i. hi. 8 to No-amuu (Thcbe.->) Jixes a terminus
22 INTRODUCTION TO THE PENTATEUCH
Most books when carefully examined will furnish the enquirer
with material for determining the age in which they were written.
An enquiry of this nature is unnecessary when (as in nearly all
modern printed books) the author is clearly indicated ; but
ancient books preserved in manuscript are often without any
certificate of origin corresponding to the modern title-page and
author's preface. If an author's name appears on the manu-
script, it may have been put there by the transcriber of the
manuscript, or by some later owner or reader. The manuscript
itself will bear witness to the transcriber's qualifications as a
scribe, but further enquiry must be made in order to estimate
rightly the value of his testimony about the author. In such
cases the evidence of the book itself becomes of primary import-
ance. What modern criticism demands is that due weight
should be given to this internal evidence, to the witness which
a book bears of itself 1 .
When this claim is made with reference to the books of the
O.T., it is regarded by many with suspicion because associated
a quo for the date of the prophecy which is supplied by Assyrian annals.
The mention of Dan in Gen. xiv. 14 can be supplemented by a refe-
rence (in this case to the Bible) to Judg. xviii. 29 (see p. 41). The
expression 'the witness which a book bears of itself ' used at the end
of the following paragraph does not exclude evidence furnished by com-
parison of the book with other data. Thus in the case of the Decretals,
and the Epistles of Phalaris (referred to in the following note), the bulk
of the evidence consists in the use of historical data supplied from
other works: e.g. in the Epistles of Phalaris a city is mentioned which
was not built until after the time of Phalaris. The criticism in all these
instances is based on statements in the text of the work criticized, but
the critic uses all data at his disposal in elucidating the text, and
drawing inferences as to the date and origin of the work.
1 As illustrations of the employment of this internal evidence, the
reader may be referred to the controversy about the so-called Isidorian
Decretals, and to the famous essay of Bentley on the Epistles of Phalaris.
See the article in Smith's Diet, of Christian Antiquities on Decretals,
Prof. Bury's review of Fournier Etude sur les fausses Dtcretales, in the
Journal of Th. Stud., Oct. 1907, p. 102, and J ebb's Life of Bentley.
HIGHER CRITICISM 23
with (i) speculations relating to the origin of religious beliefs in
Israel, or (2) certain assumptions (such as the improbability of
miracles or prophecy) which prejudge the question in a sense
hostile to the generally accepted belief of Jews and Christians,
or because (3) some leaders of the modern critical school are of
opinion that the religious development of Israel was a natural
one, and may be explained without any assumption of divine
revelation. But it is sufficient to note in answer to (i) that
speculation of this sort, as has been already said, has nothing to
do with higher criticism ; in answer to (2) that the strength of
any argument can be tested, and if vitiated by an d priori
assumption, its weakness can be exposed ; and in answer to (3)
that in order to test any special exercise of criticism, one must
put the question, Is the inference sound ? does it afford a satis-
factory explanation of the facts? The further question, Is the
critic orthodox? is irrelevant. That it should be put at all is
due to confusion between testimony and argument. Testimony
is personal, argument is independent of person. It is right
to enquire about the character of a witness before accepting his
testimony ; an argument, whether advanced by friend or foe,
must be weighed and answered. The strength and value of an
argument does not depend upon the character of him who pro-
duces it 1 .
The remarks of Robertson Smith (OT/C 2 , p. 314) on the
service done by scholars indifferent to the religious value of the
Bible should be read. His conclusion may be given here: ' It
is easier to correct the errors of a rationalism with which we
have no sympathy, than to lay aside prejudices deeply interwoven
with our most cherished and truest convictions.'
Sound criticism, from whatever quarter it may proceed,
contributes towards the establishment of truth ; when applied
1 In The Problem of the O. T. \ *r < >rr agrees (p. 15) in theory with
cw here set forth, but in practice In.- it, lx>th in his
:>ter, and on other occasion* in the course of his work.
P. 1013, *7 I( / J !lulc '
24 INTRODUCTION TO THE PENTATEUCH
to the Bible, it can only bring out into stronger relief the Divine
message contained in it 1 .
1 The reader may consult the three papers on the Higher Criticism
by Dr Driver and Dr Kirkpatrick, reprinted together in 1905, for
further information on the aims and methods of the Higher Criticism.
Also an article by Dr Driver in the Contemporary Review, Feb. 1890,
reprinted as No. 21 of Essays for the Times, London, F. Griffiths, with
a useful list of books bearing on the critical study of the O. T., among
which Dr Briggs' General Introduction to the Study of Holy Scripture
may be especially mentioned.
Although the terms textual, literary, and historical indicate three
main divisions of criticism which are generally recognized, it should be
pointed out that in some cases it is difficult to draw a sharp line
between them. In textual criticism cases occur in which an appeal is
made even against the reading of all documents (Westcott and Hort,
Introduction to the New Testament 85 92 and pp. 279 282, and
note the remark 'The question which these passages raise is rather
literary than textual' p. 282). In literary criticism it is not easy to
separate the form from the matter. In investigating the authorship of
Isaiah, the theology of the different parts must be considered ; the reie-
rences to the exile and the mention of Cyrus are facts to be weighed ;
and some would hesitate before deciding whether parts 01 the investi-
gation should be assigned to the literary or historical department of
criticism. In examining the laws contained in the Pentateuch, progress
and difference of date may be inferred without bringing in any historical
reference. Is such an examination literary or historical ?
Some would understand by historical criticism an enquiry into the
credibility of the document under examination, and an estimate of its
value as a contribution to history. Others use the term in a wider
sense. The history of Hexateuch criticism traced in the following sec-
tion will shew two distinct lines of investigation one which aimed at
separating documents, another which endeavoured to arrange them in
chronological order. These two lines of investigation have been dis-
tinguished as the literary method, and the historical method, and they
are so designated in the following section. But the reader who con-
sults the works there referred to will find that sometimes the same
writer will employ arguments both of a literary and of a historical
character.
A HISTORICAL SKETCH 25
r HEXATEUCH CRITICISM.
i. Early Jewish and Christian writers. For some time
before the Christian era, the opinion that Moses was the author
of the Pentateuch was generally accepted. In the i st century A.D.
Philo, who flourished in the first half of that period, ' ascribes
to the Pentateuch the highest degree of Divine authority, and in
honour of Moses as the writer of the Sacred Books and as the
prophet-founder of the Israelite Law he lavishes every variety of
eulogy' (Ryle, Philo and Holy Scripture, p. xvii, where passages
in illustration are quoted). Josephus, whose works were com-
posed in the latter half of the century, in his account of the
books of the O.T. (Against Apion, I. 8), puts in the first place
'five books of Moses.' The writers of the N.T. refer to the 'law
of Moses,' introduce passages from the Pentateuch with the
words 'Moses wrote,' and shew by these and similar expressions
that they followed the commonly accepted opinion of their age.
Christian writers of succeeding generations followed Jewish
tradition with respect to the authorship oi different books ot the
O.T., so that the five books oi the Law were received as 'Books
of Moses' in the Christian Church.
Along with this acceptance of Mosaic authorship is found a
stream of ecclesiastical tradition which ascribes to Ezra an
important work in restoring the books of the O.T. This
tradition 1 , probably founded on the passage in 4 Esdras xiv.
39 ff. (2 Esdras in A.V. and R.V.)' J , is generally expressed in
words which imply that Ezra, by a Divine illumination 01 his
memory, re-wrote the books which had been destroyed (burnt,
:i) at the time of the captivity 3 . Some fathers (e.g.
Clement of Alexandria, Strom, i. 21, 22) attribute to Ezra
a full discussion, see Ryle, Can. o/O. 7 1 . 2 , Excursus A, pp. 750 ff.,
LOT*, pp. iv ff., and Robertson Smith, 07/C 3 , p. 151.
2 The book is generally assigned to the close of the first century A.D.
8 According to 4 Esdras xiv. he re-wrote also apocryphal books,
to which the writer attaches a higher value than to the Canonical
books!
26 INTRODUCTION TO THE PENTATEUCH
a renovation as well as a re-writing of the sacred scriptures.
To what extent the view of Mosaic authorship was modified in
certain phases of this tradition is not clear. No attempt was
made to distinguish between the work of Moses and that of
Ezra; nor did the doubts raised by a few writers 1 in early
Christian times materially affect the prevailing opinion that
Moses was the author of the five books of the Law.
ii. The first questionings. Jewish writers of the middle
ages drew attention to certain passages in the Pentateuch which
seemed to be of post- Mosaic date N In the first part of the twelfth
century, Ibn Ezra (tn67), commenting on the words 'The \
Canaanite was then in the land' (Gen. xii. 6, xiii. 7) observes,
* It appears that Canaan had already taken the land of Canaan
from others.' Apparently he is not satisfied with this explana-
tion, for he adds, * but if it is not so, I have a secret, but the
prudent man will keep quiet.' His meaning is obvious. The
words 'The Canaanite was then in the land' are those of a
.writer who lived when the Canaanite was no longer in the land*
From Josh. xvi. 10, Judg. i. 27 33, 2 Sam. xxiv. 7, I Ki. ix. 16,
it appears that the Canaanites remained in parts of the land till
the time of Solomon. Ibn Ezra suggests 4hST this comment
must be assigned to a period later than that of Solomon*. But-
he knows how dangerous it is to incur the suspicion of hetero-
doxy, and contents himself with putting forth a riddle, the
solution of which he leaves- to the reader.
His caution was justified ; for the above remark and a few
others expressed in the same cryptic manner drew from one of
his Jewish brethren the remark, 'may melted gold be poured
into his mouth 2 .' As with the synagogue so with the Church:
to impugn tradition was perilous in both, for the time of free
speech was not yet.
The intellectual movement of the I5th century, called the
Renaissance, or the Revival of Learning, did not at first concern
1 For details see Oxf. Hex., vol. I. ch. iii. p. 21, and Holzinger,
Einleitung in den Hexateuch, p. 25.
2 Holzinger, Einkiiung, p. 29.
THE PRELIMINARY STAGE 27
itself with the problem of the Pentateuch. Its chief work was
to bring within reach of the student, through the agency of the
printing press, .what had hitherto been locked up in libraries or
possessed only by men of wealth. Besides the literature of
ancient Greece and Rome, the Bible 1 in Latin, Hebrew, and
Greek was by this means rendered accessible, and also the
writings of some of the Fathers. The claim to include Hebrew
in the rapidly widening area of knowledge had hardly been
conceded, when Europe became agitated by the controversies
of the Reformation 2 . Attention was now mainly directed
towards the struggle, both doctrinal and political, between
Catholic and Protestant. Occasionally during the i6th, and
more frequently during the following century, the Pentateuch
was examined with the view of finding in it some testimony
with respect to its origin.
The criticism of this period was mainly negative. Ibn Ezra's
objections were repeated, and others of a similar character were
brought forward, but little that proved to be of permanent value
was suggested. This stage of the enquiry may be described as
preliminary ; the traditional belief had been questioned, and the
need of further investigation became evident.
iii. The beginnings of -criticism. Simon and Astnic. The
first positive contribution of criticism towards the solution of
the problem was made by Father Simon, a priest of the Oratory
Histoirc critique dtt Vienx Testament, 1678, an English trans-
lation of which was published 1682). He drew attention to the
existence of duplicate > YYWff/if cj thf, xam* i**nt in the book of
Genesis, and in illustration referred to
1 The munificence of Cardinal Ximencs, in providing the first
Polyglott Bible 1502-17, anl his efforts to secure the best Hebrew text,
deserve grateful commemoration.
3 Reuchlin, generally regarded as the founder of the modern study
of Hcbn-w, published his Rudiment^ ifl 1506, and the year
1516. when the attem; procure his condemnation
may be n. r of triumph for Hebrew scholarship.
Luthci vie publish
28 INTRODUCTION TO THE PENTATEUCH
Creation (i. ii. 4 ; ii. 4 25). He also pointed out the composite
character of chs. vi. ix., containing the account of the Flood.
' It is probable,' says he, ' that if only one author had composed
this work, he would have expressed himself in fewer words,
especially in a History.' He inferred that in these chapters
the work of two authors could be traced. His remark about
difference of style, 'Sometimes we find a very curt style, and
sometimes a copious one,' suggests a field of investigation which
has been diligently worked over by subsequent critics. He has
been called 'the founder of modern Biblical criticism,' and justly
deserves remembrance under this title; for his two literary tests,
(a) the existence of duplicate accounts, (b) diversity of style, have
since his time been applied to the whole Pentateuch and to the
book of Joshua, as well as to other books of the O.T.
Such an extended application of these tests was made neither
by Simon nor by his immediate successors ; and three quarters
of a century elapsed before another Frenchman 1 attempted the
solution of the problem by a different method.
In 1753, a Roman Catholic physician, by name Astruc, pub-
lished a work entitled ''Conjectures sur les Memoires originaux
dont il paroit que Moyse s'est servi pour composer le Livre de
1 The nationalities of the earlier critics deserve notice. England
and Germany are hardly represented ; the controversy is carried on
chiefly by natives of France and Holland. The majority of them are
Roman Catholics ; the most daring and outspoken Spinoza was a
Jew. Among Englishmen, Hobbes is the only name of note ; at the
close of the i8th century Geddes, a Scottish Roman Catholic priest,
published The Holy Bible... translated... with various readings, explan-
atory notes, and critical remarks, Vol. I. 1792 (The Pentateuch and
book of Joshua), Vol. II. 1797 (Judges Chronicles). He is generally
regarded as the father of the 'fragmentary' hypothesis, and his name
appears on the title-page of Vater's Commentary on the Pentateuch
(3 vols. Halle, 1802-5), in which the theory that the Pentateuch is
composed of fragments of varying length, put together by one or more
redactors, was introduced to Germany, with a favourable notice of
Geddes, and his work. From the time of Eichhorn onwards, the bulk
of the critical work on the O.T. was contributed by German writers.
SIMON AND ASTRUC 29
la Genese? He pointed out that in some sections of Genesis,
Elohim is used as the Divine Name, and in others Jeh
and divided the whole of Genesis and the first two chapters of
Exodus (certain portions excepted) into two 'Principal Memoirs,'
the first (A), in which the name Elohim, the second (B\ in
which the toXR&Jthovak occurs. Several shorter passages con-
taining 'facts not connected with the history of the Hebrews'
were in his opinion derived from the Midianites, or other tribes
with whom Moses came in contact. He considered Gen. xiv.
as an extract from another 'Memoir,' and also admitted that his
two sources A and B might be divided. There may be, he says,
more than one Memoir in which the authors use Elohim^ and
more than one where the authors give to God the name Jehovah.
In these remarks he anticipates much .of the criticism of the
following century.
The first of the two narratives of Creation is in Memoir A,
the second in Memoir B, and the account of the Flood is com-
posed of extracts from both/ The judgement of Simon with
respect to these chapters was thus confirmed. He inferred
diversity of authorship from the existence of duplicate accounts.
Astruc inferred the same diversity from the use of dijfcrent
ne \aine s+ The two methods lead to the same results,
and each corroborates the inference of the other. Astruc's
method separated two documents of considerable extent, to
which the tests already proposed by Simon could be applied.
iv. A century of criticism. Astruc's work did not attract
much attention in his own country, and the comments upon it
in Germany were at first unfavourable. Mote than a quarter of
a century elapsed before any further advance was made. Eich-
horn. 1 . \vi to have worked independently of Astruc
r* \ol. ii. i 4 1 6. -i, p. 276, and Westphal, Lcs >
I. 1 1 8 f.), applied the methods both of Simon and
Astruc to the book of Genesis. He not only recognized the
existence of tuo main documents, but directed attention to the
literary charactei i-t . ed how, both in thought
1 bt-c note on \,.
30 INTRODUCTION TO THE PENTATEUCH
and language, they differed one from the other 1 . At first he
considered Moses the compiler of Genesis, but afterwards ex-
pressed himself with reserve on this point, and suggested the
possibility of later interpolations (n. 398, 435, and 426, 442).
He assigned the last four books of the Pentateuch to Moses,
and explained the fragmentary character of some portions by
suggesting the idea of a Journal, in which was recorded every-
thing that happened, or was comm'anded, or done (II. 402, 435).
In 1805 De Wette published Dissertatio critica qua a priori-
bus Deuteronomzum Pentateuchi libris diversum alius cujusdam
recentioris auctoris opus esse monstratur\ and in 1806-7 two
volumes entitled Beitrdge zur Einleitung in das Alte Testament.
He maintained that the book of Deuteronomy was so distinct
in thought and expression from the first four books of th
Pentateuch, that it must be assigned to a special writer He
also pointed out that the book exhibits marks of a later age.
than that of Moses, and assigned it to the seventh century B.CV
This view has been adopted by practically all subsequent
critics 2 . These volumes written when the author was- biit
25 years of age, at once established his reputation as a critic.
His rules of criticism ^Maxinun] given at the commencement of
vol. II. of the Beitrdge) are of permanent value. His observation
(Beitrage, I. 265), It is interesting to note that in our Pentateuch
we may discover traces of gradual development (' successiver
Ausbildung') in the laws relating to worship (' Gottesdienst '),
deserves to be placed on record. It was sixty years before
these words took root and bore fruit.
K. D. Ilgen deserves notice as being the first to point out
the existence of two writers who used Elohim as the Divine
Name. Only the first volume of his work (Die Urkunden des
Jerusalemischen Tempelarchivs in ihrer Urgestalt, 1798) ap-
peared ; but the title shews the object of his investigations.
He considered that the original documents of which Genesis
was composed consisted of archives preserved in the temple at
1 Compare the remarks on p. 20.
8 The reasons for assigning this date will be given later. See p. 142.
DE WETTE AND HUPFELD 31
Jerusalem. A more thorough analysis of the book was necessary
in order to recover these archives in their primitive form. He
warns his contemporaries against guessing and theorizing on
insufficient data; he points out the necessity-far fnrthe* i -literary
analysis, in order to secure a basis for a critical study of the
history of Israel. Those who desire further information about
his book, and the extent to which he anticipated further in-
vestigators, especially Hupfeld, may be referred to Westphal,
Les Sources du Pent., vol. i. pp. 125 141 and p. 205.
The next 1 forward step was taken by Hupfeh} in his work
Die Quellen der Genesis und die Art ihrer Zusammensetzung,
Berlin, 1853, published exactly one century later than Astruc's
Conjectures. He shewed that although in the earlier portions
of Genesis those passages in which Elohim occurs (beginning
with Gen. i. ii. 4) exhibit marked characteristics of style and
vocabulary, yet from Gen. xx. onwards other passages are found
in which, although Elohim is used to denote the Divine Being,
none of these characteristics are to be observed.
Two writers were accordingly distinguished, who, though
they agreed in the use of the name Elohim, differed in other
respects very greatly from one another. These writers are now
called P and E, while Astruc's memoir B (marked by the use of
Jehovah] is called J. Hupfeld further shewed that the sources
J and E were independent documents, and maintained that
Genesis in its present form was the work of a redactor \\ ho
combined P, J, and E together.
1 It is not necessary to follow in detail the course of criticism from
Eichhorn onwards: the 'fragmentary 1 hypothesis of Geddes i
been mentioned in a note on p. 18 ; the 'supplementary' hypothesis
was supported by Bleek, Tuch, Ewald, and De Wette in the fth and
6th edition-, of his Eitihitung. Further information may he found in
WellhauM n's article on the Pentateuch in the Encyclopaedia Britannica,
vol. xvni., reproduced with revision in the Encyclopaedia Biblica, vol.
JI. pp. 2O-t; ;ial, Lts Sv.i .!atcticht, I. 17^. Hokinger,
Einleitung, 8, 9, pp. 43 61, Oxf. Hcx.> 1900, ch. vii. j, 5, and
. Nachwort in the 21; of Tuch's Comm^ntctr uUr cUe
Genesis, edited by him in 1871.
32 INTRODUCTION TO THE PENTATEUCH
There was no reason for supposing that these three sources
discovered in Genesis ceased to contribute to the history after
the death of Joseph. On the contrary, it seemed probable that
all three contained records of the chosen people at least as far
as the possession of the land of promise. An examination of
the books following Genesis confirmed this probability. P is
so strongly distinguished from both E and J by phraseology,
method, and other definite characteristics, that the difference
between this writer and the other two could be traced to the,
end of the Hexateuch. Even before the separation of P from
E, the affinity of the Elohist in Genesis 1 with the legislation of
the middle books of the Pentateuch was recognized, and there
was general agreement as to the limits of P's contribution fo
the rest of the Hexateuch.
The results of the first century's criticism may be summed
up as follows:
Four documents can be traced in the Pentateuch and book
of Joshua, two marked by the use of Elohim (those now
called P and E\ one marked by the use of Jehovah (_/),
and one Deuleronomic (D\^
Subsequent investigations have been built on these results ;
and though the general tendency of more recent criticism is
towards further subdivision of the sources, the position assumed
more than fifty years ago has been maintained in its broad
outlines. As far as the analysis of the Hexateuch is concerned,
little more has been done during the past half century than
to determine more exactly the limits of each document, especi-
ally J and E. This latter portion of the critics' work does not
affect the main argument as to the origin and development of
the Hexateuch ; for it is generally allowed that J and E were
combined together at a comparatively early period, certainly
before amalgamation with P. The investigation still supposes
(as did the earlier critics before Hupfeld) a double strand in
the first four books of the Pentateuch ; P, and a remainder, the
1 Though the Elohist at that time was regarded as including P and
E, the inclusion of E did not materially obscure that affinity.
THE XIXTII CENTURY 33
composite character of which is indicated by the symbol JE.
The only difference is that P has been more exactly defined,
and JE has taken the place of J.
With regard to the chronological order of the documents
some variety of opinion existed, but the dominant view accepted
by critics about the middle of last century may be described as
follows :
a. Following the lead of De Wette, they assigned Deutero-
nomy to the time of Josiah, and regarded it as the latest of the
documents co*Uaied-i- the Hexateuch. The Deuteronomic
revision brought the Hexateuch into its final form.
b. Recognizing that the document^P^Jurnishes the frame-
work of Genesis, they assumed it to be the oldest source
(' Grundschrift,' or fundamental document) with which JE was
afterwards combined 1 .
c. Noticing also the priestly character of the legislation
contained in P, they considered it as due to the priestly circle,
and probably issued in the reign of Solomon, though some
critics assigned an earlier date, the reign of Saul or David.
The legislation itself was regarded as being in parts of great
antiquity, and including elements of Mosaic origin.
This view of the genesis of the Hexateuch might be expressed
by P + JE + D, and the whole by the symbol PJED.
If the question is asked, On what grounds was this order of
the documents based ? it is difficult to frame a definite answer.
The earlier critics, confronted with two principal documents,
were impressed with the regular structure and full details of the
document now called P, and very naturally considered it as the
fundamental source on which the other was grafted. When
Hupfcld shewed that J and E must have existed originally as
separate and independent documents, the question of chrono-
.il order was in fact re-opened, but the full significance of
Hupfeld's argument, and its bearing upon the relative dates of
1 Before Hupfeld's separation of V., the older source or ( irmxlsdirift
1 to be P+E, with which J was afterwards combined,
c. p. 3
34 INTRODUCTION TO THE PENTATEUCH
the sources was not appreciated, and the hitherto accepted
order was for a time retained.
v. Continuation to the present time. The method pursued
until Hupfeld's time was (with a few exceptions, which did not
at the time secure acceptance) the literary method. Critics
separated the writers from each other, observed their charac-
teristics, noted remarkable expressions, favourite words and
phrases, and constructed a vocabulary for each separate source.
This method was sufficient for purposes of analysis, and shewed
the existence of the four sources PJED ; but it was not sufficient
to indicate the relative dates of the sources.
The fact that commentators on the O.T., who have proved
themselves sharp-sighted and discriminating critics, have as-
signed very different dates to the same portions not only of the
Hexateuch, but also of other books (e.g. Isaiah, Zechariah, and
the Psalms), is in itself a proof that the literary method alone is
inadequate when applied to the O.T. To determine when the
different documents contained in the Hexateuch were written is a
historical investigation rather than a literary one, and De Wette
in the passage quoted on p. 30 was one of the first to point out
the path which the historical investigation should pursue. The
laws and institutions of a people are landmarks in its develop-
ment ; and the historical student examines them in order to trace
the growth of ideas which exercise influence on the community.
A similar process is necessary in following the course of Israel's
development, both religious and political. Accordingly criticism
proceeded to enter on a wider field, and, instead of occupying
itself exclusively with words and phrases, paid attention to the
laws and institutions of the chosen people.
The laws of Israel are found almost exclusively in the
Pentateuch ; and it was observed that :
Each of the sources which had been distinguished by the help
of the literary criticism contained a collection of laws 1 .
1 These different collections of laws will be examined in a later
section. See pp. uoff.
AT THE PRESENT TIME 35
(a) J and E contain the laws comprised in Exod. xii.
21 27, xiii. 3 16, xx. 22 xxiii., xxxiv. 11 26.
(V) Deuteronomy, as its name implies, contains a code
of laws (those comprised in chs. xii. xxvi.).
(c) The main portion of P consists of directions with
reference to the Tent of meeting, or Dwelling; and
laws relating to priests, sacrifices, firstfruits and
tithes (Exod. xxv. Num. xxxvi.).
The laws of P are not gatheredtogether into a compact code %
like most of the first two groups, but legislative enactments and
narrative are combined. As regulations concerning the dress
and functions of priests form a distinguishing feature of this
legislation, it has been designated the Priestly Code.
The laws in (a) are so similar in character that they may
be considered as one group. The code of laws contained in
Lev. xvii. xxvi. may'for the present be regarded as forming
part of (c). Thus three groups of laws may be distinguished
in the Pentateuch. Each group has a distinctive character, and
each contains enactments peculiar to itself. But regulations
concerning certain subjects, such as worship, the treatment of
slaves, etc., are found in all the three groups. A comparison of
those laws which deal with the same subjects leads to the con-
clusion that they cannot be regarded as component parts of the
sui/u- legislation, or of legislation promulgated within the limits
of a single generation. The language and details, and also the
principles which underlie the details, are different in the three
codes. The differences can only be satisfactorily explained on
the supposition that the codes belong to different ages, and
were issued at different periods in the development of the nation.
The next step was to compare these codes with the history
of the nation, in order to ascertain how, and at what times, the
precepts contained in_tliem were observed, and also to note
deviations from laws prescribed in any one of them. Tim
enquiry was not to be limited to the historical books. The
message of the prophet indicates the condition of the people
32
36 INTRODUCTION TO THE PENTATEUCH
to whom he is sent ; and his writings afford valuable help in
filling up the outline furnished by the historian.
This twofold comparison of the codes (a) with one another,
(b) with the history of the nation, is equivalent to constructing a
history of Israel, civil and religious, from a critical point of
view. The scantiness of the record leaves some points un-
certain ; but the following propositions embody the results of
this historical school of criticism :
(1) The chronological sequence of the codes is that in
which they have been mentioned, viz. (a} the
Code of J E, (b} the Deuteronomic Code, and (c]
the Priestly Code.
(2) There is no evidence shewing the existence of the
Deuteronomic Code before the seventh century B.C.
(3) The worship and ceremonial enjoined in the Priestly
Code was not observed as a system before the Return
from the captivity^
The works of Graf (Die geschichtlichen Biicher des Alten
Testaments, which appeared at the end of 1865 with the date
1866) and Kayser (Das vorexilische Buch der Urgeschichte
Israels und seine Erweiterungen, 1874) gave an impulse to
this historical method of criticism, which was carried further by
Wellhausen and Kuenen. Wellhausen, after contributing articles
on the Composition of the Hexateuch to the Jahrbiicher fur
Deutsche Theologie, 1876 and I877 1 , published vol. I. of his
History of Israel in 1878. A second edition appeared in 1883
under the title Prolegomena to the History of Israel, of which
an English translation was published in 1885. For this trans-
lation a preface was written by W. Robertson Smith, who had
already in 1875 introduced the newer criticism to British readers
in the Encyclopedia Britannica (9th ed. art. Bible). In 1881
he had delivered a course of twelve Lectures on Biblical criticism
1 These important articles were afterwards reprinted in a separate
volume entitled Die Composition des ffexateuchs, &--Y., which has
appeared in several editions.
THE HISTORICAL METHOD 37
in Edinburgh and Glasgow, which were published in the same
year under the title The Old Testament in the Jewish Church.
A second edition, carefully revised, with a supplementary
Lecture (xin.), appeared in 1892. Prof. Kuenen published in
1885 the first volume of the 2nd ed. of his Historico-critical
enquiry into the Origin and Collection of the Books of the Old
Testament, an English translation of which appeared in the
following year. The English reader has in the former of these
works a full statement of the modern critical view in a popular
form, and in the latter an Introduction to the Hexateuch, in
which its contents are minutely discussed by the help of critical
methods. He will also find an analysis given in an easier form
in Driver, LOT*, pp. I 159, with detailed descriptions of the
sources.
It must not be supposed that this method of criticism was
entirely new when Graf published his book in 1865-6. Sixty
years before, De Wette had drawn attention to traces of de-
velopment in the legislation of the Pentateuch, and had pointed
out the historical method as the most effective for determining
the relative dates of the codes l . ^Professor Reuss, of Strassburg,
had in 1833 formulated certain propositions which are in effect
the same as the three enumerated above on p. 36. He com-
municated them to his pupils, but did not publish them 2 . In
1879 he published the third volume of his great work La Bible
under the sub-title of JJHistoire Sainte et la Lot. The proposi-
tions enunciated in 1833 are found in that volume 3 , and the
debt which Graf and Kayser (both pupils of the Strassburg
professor) owed to their teacher was made clear. Both had
1 Cf. p. 30.
3 They were assumed in an article Judenthum contributed by him to
Krsch and Gruber's Allgenuinc Encyclopadti,
3 On pp. 23, 24. Wellhausen, Prolegomena, Kng. trail-,, p. 4 note,
Westphal, Les Sources du Pent., vol. 1 1. p. xvi. After the <le:ith <.f
in 1891, a German edition of his work on the liible appeared,
the third \.>lmue, iNyj, bearing the -uib-title Die hcilige Geschichte und
das Cifse/t.
38 INTRODUCTION TO THE PENTATEUCH
meanwhile been removed by death ; and Reuss 'had the satis-
faction of seeing the views he had enunciated in his youth taken
up and elaborated by his distinguished pupils and commanding
ever increasing assent as he incorporated them, matured and
consolidated, into the works of his old age' (Kuenen in his
Introduction to the English translation of his volume on the
Hexateuch, p. xxxiv). In 1835, Vatke (Die Religion des A.T.
nach den kanonischen Biichern entivickelf) and George (Die
dlteren judischen Feste mit einer Kritik der Gesetzgebung des
Pentateuchs] maintained that the course of Israel's development
was gradual, and that much of the priestly legislation belonged
to a period much later than that of Moses. Before this, Gram-
berg (Kritische Geschichte der Religionsideen des A.T., 1829)
had proposed to trace the ideas of the O.T. connected with
religion according to their chronological development. His
division of the subject into I. Sacred Places, II. Sacrifices and
Offerings, III. Priesthood, IV. Festivals, V. Other Customs,
VI. Idol Worship, resembles that of Wellhausen in his Prolego-
mena. It appears then that throughout the I9th century repre-
sentatives can be found of that school of criticism which during
the last thirty years has found a wide and increasing accept-
ance.
In this historical sketch of Hexateuch criticism, three stages
of the enquiry have now been distinguished as (i) preliminary,
(2) literary, (3) historical.
Three lines of investigation are thus suggested, corresponding
to these three stages, which will be pursued in Part II.
In the first stage attention was directed to passages which
appeared to have been written after the times of Moses and
Joshua.
In \hzfirst line of investigation these passages, with others
of a like character, will be considered ; and the result of the
investigation will be embodied in
Proposition I. The Hexateuch contains passages of later
date than the times of Moses and Joshua.
THE THREE PROPOSITIONS 39
In the second stage the literary method was mainly fo'lowed.
In the second line of investigation literary arguments will be
brought forward in support of
Proposition 2. The Hexateuch is a composite work, in
which four documents (at least) can be distinguished.
In the third stage the historical method was followed.
In the third line of investigation the laws and regulations
connected with religious observances will be considered, and
arguments brought forward in support of
Proposition 3. The laws contained in the Pentateuch
consist of three separate codes, which belong to
different periods in the history of Israel.
It is important to observe that, though these three lines of in-
vestigation are placed before the reader in the order suggested
by the historical sketch, each line of investigation is separate
and independent. Hence, although the propositions are here
considered in the order in which they have been enunciated,
they may, being independent, be treated in any order. For
example, taking Proposition 3 first ; if it be established, it
follows that there are documents of different ages in the Penta-
teuch ; then the arguments adduced in support of Proposition 2,
and the inferences drawn from passages considered under
Proposition i, will supplement and corroborate the reasoning
under Proposition 3. The strength of the critical position is
mainly due to the fact that the same conclusions are reached
by independent lines of argument.
PART II.
i. THE FIRST PROPOSITION.
The Hexateuch contains passages of later date than the times
of Moses and Joshua.
i. Passages quoted by Ibn Ezra and the critics of the
1 6th and I7th centuries will first be considered :
a. ' The Canaanite was then in the land ' (Gen. xii. 6 ; xiii. 7).
See above p. 26.
b. 'Before there reigned a king over Israel' (Gen. xxxvi. 31).
The time of the kingdom is implied.
c. ' They [the children of Esau] destroyed them [the
Horites] from before them, and dwelt in their stead ; as Israel
did unto the land of his possession, which the Lord gave unto
them' (Deut. ii. 12). The writer refers to Israel as already in
possession of their land, after having destroyed their enemies
from before them.
d. 'The name of the city is Beer-sheba unto this day'
(Gen. xxvi. 33). The remark of one who knows the city as
existent in his day, addressed to a generation who knew it as
an ancient city which was there in the time of their forefathers.
e. 'And Moses wrote' (Deut. xxxi. 9). This, coming after
passages in which Moses has been almost continuously speaking
in the first person (in cc. i. xxx.), suggests a change of writers.
The middle books of the Pentateuch contain a history about
Moses, rather than one written by him. Compare them with
Deut. i. xxx.
, POST-MOSAIC ELEMENTS 41
/ 'And pursued as far as Dan' (Gen. xiv. 14). 'All the
land of Gilead unto Dan' (Deut. xxxiv. i). The name Dan was
given to the city Laish at the time of the Danite migration
northward (Josh. xix. 47 ; Judg. xviii. 29). The use of the
newer name implies a writer who lived after the name had been
changed.
ii. To the preceding passages, others may be added, which
imply that an interval of some length has elapsed between the
time of the events described, and that of the writer.
a. To, or unto this day (Gen. xxii. 14 ; xxvi. 33 1 ; xxxv. 20;
xlvii. 26; Deut ii. 22; iii. 14*; x. 8 ; xxxiv. 6 3 ; Josh. iv. 9; v. 9;
vii. 26; viii v 2l7 J 2S^ ix. 27 ; x. 27 ; xiii. 13; xiv. 14; xv. 63; xvi. 10).
With the exception of Gen. xlvii. 26, these passages refer to
places in the land of Canaan or in the land E. of the Jordan.
It may be allowed that Gen. xxii. 14; xlvii. 26; Deut. x. 8, might
have been said by Moses ; but most of the other passages could
hardly have been written till after the children of Israel had
been settled in the land for a considerable time. Let the
reader consider what is involved in attributing Gen. xxvi. 33
or xxxv. 20 to Moses. 'To this day,' in the mouth of Moses,
must refer to a time when the land of Canaan was still
inhabited by idolaters whom the Lord was about to drive out
from before Israel because of their wicked doings. Moses tells
the children of Israel that these idolaters have preserved the
memory of Abraham's Well and Rachel's Pillar. And neither
Moses nor the children of Israel had seen these memorials of
their forefathers.
b. The 'bedstead 5 of Og is referred to as an interesting
relic of the last of the giants (Deut. iii. ii). Moses, who died
a few months after Og's defeat, could not have written this
verse. It describes a historic monument of antiquity, the ex-
1 Already discussed on the preceding page, i. d.
1 See ii. c. p. 42.
8 Admitted to be post-Mosaic; cp. the remarks on xxxiv. 10 on
p. 49.
42 INTRODUCTION TO THE PENTATEUCH
istence of which became known to the children of Israel in
later times.
c. According to Judg. x. 4, Jair, who was a judge after
the time of Gideon and Abimelech, had thirty sons and thirty
cities in the land of Gilead called Havvoth-Jair (the towns of
Jair, R.V. marg.). This account was written some time after
Jair lived ; for it describes the cities as 'called Havvoth-Jair
unto this day? Num. xxxii. 41 locates Havvoth-Jair in Gilead,
but says that they were taken by Jair, the son (descendant) of
Manasseh, a contemporary of Moses, who also gave them their
name of Havvoth-Jair (Num. xxxii. 41 ; Deut. iii. 14). Here are
different traditions about the origin of the name, like those
about Beer-sheba (Gen. xxi. 31 and xxvi. 33), Bethel (Gen.
xxviii. 19 and xxxv. 15), and Hormah (Num. xxi. 3 and Judg.
i. 17). There is also another difference. Deut. iii. 14 and Josh,
xiii. 30 refer to the same 'towns 1 ', but locate them in Bashan.
The variety of geographical description is an indication that
the passages in Num. and Deut. are not by the same writer.
For fuller details the commentaries of Gray, Driver, and Moore,
on the passages in Num., Deut, and Judg., International
Critical Commentary, may be consulted. Observe how inap-
propriate 'unto this day' is in Deut. iii. 14, if the verse is ascribed
to Moses. Jair is represented as having taken the cities only
a few months before the death of Moses.
The passages that have been quoted are short, in some
cases not more than a single clause. May they not be regarded
as editorial additions, the work of some reviser or copyist, who
noted that the place about which he was writing was called by
the same name in his day, or in some other way brought the
narrative which he was transcribing into connexion with his own
time ? This is the explanation often offered of those passages
which contain definite references to a period later than that of
1 The Heb. word translated 'towns' in some of these passages is
hawoth, and occurs only in connexion with Havvoth-jair in the passages
quoted, and i Kings iv. 13; i Chr. ii. 23. It probably means 'tent-
villages.'
THE PRIESTLY CITIES 43
the conquest and settlement. In the preliminary stage (see
p. 27), these passages were discussed at great length because
they furnished the chief argument against the Mosaic author-
ship of the Pentateuch. But criticism has advanced since that
time, and occupies now so wide a field, that these passages
have been pushed aside by questions more directly dealing with
the origin and composition of the books. The reader will be
better able to judge, at the close of the whole investigation,
whether the hypothesis of glosses and marginal notes is neces-
sary or sufficient.
iii. Other passages of greater length and of a different
character will now be considered.
a. In Josh. xxi. 13 19, thirteen cities with their suburbs
are assigned to the children of Aaron the priest. Nothing
is here said about Aaron's posterity in the future becoming
sufficiently numerous to occupy these cities, but in Joshua's
time Eleazar and Ithamar, the sons of Aaron, and their families
were the only surviving descendants of Aaron (Lev. x. i 7;
Num. iii. 4). The priestly cities are all in the tribes of Judah,
Simeon, and Benjamin, in the neighbourhood of Jerusalem,
and nine of them are to the south of that city. These cities are
suitable dwelling places for priests who officiated at Jerusalem,
and were with their families sufficiently numerous to occupy
all the thirteen cities. They were not suitable for the priests in
Joshua's time, nor for their successors during a period of more
than 400 years (i Kings vi. i). During the greater part of the
period from the conquest to the building of the temple the ark
was at Shiloh(Josh. xviii i ; i Sam. i. 3 ; iv. 12 22 ; Ps. lxxviii.6o;
Jer. vii. 12). Eli and his two sons were there and many genera-
tions of priests must have dwelt there. But Shiloh is not
enumerated among the priestly cities. Ahimelech the priest was
at Nob, and there all the sons of Ahimelech except Abiathur were
slain. Nob is expressly called ' the city of the priests ' (i Sam.
xxii. 19), but it is not to be found among the thirteen of Josh. xxi.
This passage can be assigned to Joshua only on the sup-
position that he is legislating, not for the present, but for a
44 INTRODUCTION TO THE PENTATEUCH
distant future, and the narrative affords no support for such an
assumption. The arrangements are for a priesthood ministering
at Jerusalem, and the earliest period to which they are suitable
is that of Solomon.
b. Lev xviii. 24 30. In vv. 24 26, as translated in A.V.
and R.V., the casting out of the nations is described as future.
But in w, 27, 28 the expulsion is referred to as already past:
the verses seem to have been written after the children of Israel
had taken possession of the land, and are regarded by some
commentators as a gloss, due to a later editor. Many modern
critics, however, consider that the exhortations in this and the
following chapters, though written from a Mosaic standpoint,
really belong to a later period They object to the rendering of
the English versions in v. 25, where the verbs are taken as
prophetic perfects, and translate ' I have visited the iniquity
thereof upon it, and the land hath vomited out her inhabitants.'
They find in i>. 25 as well as in vv. 27, 28 evidence of post-
Mosaic date, and on other grounds (see App. V) assign the
whole passage to a late period.
c. Other indications of time are found in Lev. xxvi. 34 45.
'34 The land shall enjoy [or pay back] her sabbaths../ (i.e.
during the captivity).
S 35 As long as it lieth desolate it shall have rest (keep
sabbath), even the rest which it had not in your sabbaths when
ye dwelt upon it.'
Here is a statement that so long as the children of Israel
were dwelling in the land they did not observe the sabbath or
sabbatical year. The last clause contemplates the children of
Israel as no longer dwelling in the land, that is, they are in
captivity.
Those who assume the Mosaic authorship of this passage,
regard it as a prediction, and the past tense 'when ye dwelt
upon it ' as looking back from the future point of time assumed
by the prophet. This explanation is, however, far from natural,
and the words seem rather to be those of a prophet on the
eve of the captivity who could refer to the non-observance of
POST-MOSAIC PASSAGES 45
sabbaths as a matter already known to his hearers. Further
remarks on the chapter will be found in App. V.
Verse 44 should be translated :
'And yet for all that when they be in the land of their enemies,
1 have not rejected them neither have I abhorred them... for I
am the LORD their God, but I will for their sakes remember.'
Those in captivity are reminded that God hath not cast off
His people, but will remember them. The change from the
past to the future seems to indicate the date of the passage.
d. The description of the woes that will befall Israel as
given in Lev. xxvi. and Deut. xxviii. is so full of detail as to
suggest that some calamities of a similar kind had already
befallen a part of the nation (cf. Deut. xxviii. 53, 57, with
2 Kings vi. 28, 29).
iv. Two groups of passages which afford definite indication
of the date of their composition deserve attention :
a. Passages in which quotations are made from other writers.
(a) * Wherefore it is said in the book of the Wars of the
Lord....' Num. xxi. 14.
(/3) 'They that speak in proverbs 1 say....' Num. xxi. 27.
(y) 'Is not this written in the book of Jashar?' Josh. x. 13.
The incidents related in Num. xxi. happened in the last
seven months of Moses' life (cf. Num. xxxiii. 38, 39 and Deut.
xxxiv. 7 with Exod. vii. 7).
Would Moses in relating events in which all the children of
Israel had recently taken part, have any need to refer to a book
or a poem ? Or is it probable that the leader of the people in
'the clay when the Lord delivered up the Amorites before
children of Israel' (Josh. x. 12) would give any other account
than his own of the victory at Beth-horon ? A writer who
quotes the testimony of another acknowledges in so doing
1 This rendering, though adopted both in A.Y. and R.V., requires
emendation ; there is nothing of the nature of a ' proverb' in the snatch
of national poetry which follow-,: -wherefore the ballad-singers say'
(Perowne) Is better. See note on the passage in the commentary.
4 6 INTRODUCTION TO THE PENTATEUCH
that another stands nearer than himself to the events he is
describing.
It may, then, be inferred that a literature intervenes between
the writers of the passages in (a), (/3), (y), and the events which
they are describing.
What is the probable date of this literature ?
(1) Though Num. xxi. 14 is the only passage which has
been preserved from the ' book of the Wars of the Lord,' the
character of the work is sufficiently indicated by its title. The
Lord fought by and with the men through whose hand He saved
Israel from the day that He delivered them out of the hand of
Pharaoh (Exod. xiv. 31 ; Josh. v. 13 15 ; vi. 16, 27 ; Judg. v. 13,
23, 31; vi. 14, 36; vii. 14; xiii. 5, 25). David fought the Lord's
battles (i Sam. xviii. 17; xxv. 28, where the Hebrew words are
the same as in the title of the book). The wars of the Lord, or
the Lord's battles, were the battles fought by Israel on the way
to their inheritance, and to secure their possession of the land
(Judg. v. 23).
(2) The book of Jashar, or rather (as the Heb. word has
the article) 'of the Upright,' contained, besides the passage
quoted in Josh. x. 12, 13, the lamentation over Saul and Jonathan,
2 Sam. i. 19 27. It is almost certain that it also contained a
poem used by Solomon at the dedication of the temple 1 (i Kings
1 According to i Kings viii. 12, 13 a short passage of a poetical
character is uttered by Solomon before his long dedicatory prayer in
vv. 22 53. Verses 12, 13 are not in the LXX., but after v. 53 is
found a passage which may be rendered,
' The sun hath the Lord set in the heavens,
In darkness hath He determined to abide ;
I have built an house of habitation for thee,
A place to dwell in eternally.'
It is clear that the LXX. have translated a piece of poetry which was
in their Hebrew copy, a portion of which appears in the Masoretic text
and our English version in vv. 12, 13. The words which follow in the
Greek text may be rendered ' Is not this written in the book of song ? '
The similarity to ' Is not this written in the book of Jashar' (Josh. x. 13)
is obvious. The similarity is still more close in Hebrew. The words
QUOTATIONS 47
viii. 12, 13). This is all that is known about the book. Whether
it was exclusively poetical, or whether a poem was introduced
by a historical notice of the occasion on which it was composed;
and whether other poetical passages preserved in the Bible have
been taken from it, must be left undecided. The poetry was
both secular and religious, and the book could not have been
compiled before the age of David or Solomon. In character, it
was similar to the book of the Wars of the Lord.
Both these books contained poetical pieces, commemorating
the mighty deeds of the early heroes of Israel ; both were pro-
bably compiled in the peaceful days of the undivided kingdom,
when the Lord had given 'rest on every side' (i Kings iv. 24, 25 ;
v. 3, 4). Tradition ascribes literary activity to this period and
whether the books belong to this, or a subsequent age, the
writers who quote them must belong to a still later period. The
impression produced on reading the passages under discussion
is that they were written long after the events occurred, and
that their authors quoted documents which they considered
ancient in support of their statements.
b. Passages which refer to prophets and prophesying.
When were prophets known in Israel by this name ? Accord-
ing to i Sam. ix. 9 they were known as ' seers ' in the time of
Saul. 'Beforetime in Israel when a man went to enquire of
God thus he said, Come and let us go to the seer ; for he that is
now called a prophet was beforetime called a seer.' David
for 'song' and 'Jashar' both contain the same three consonants;
inverting the order of the first two consonants in 'Jashar' would turn
it into ' song ' pt? "W). The Syriac version of Josh. x. 13 has made
this inversion, and rendered 'Jashar' ol the Hebrew text by 'song.' It
seems almost certain that the Greek translators have done the same in
Kings, and that the Heb. text before them was the same as in Josh. x. 13.
Or if they have translated exactly, then 'song' (SH Y R) was in their
Hebrew text. In that case ' Jashar' (Y SH R) may be suggested as an
emendation. In either case the LXX. tran>lators in this passage
supply indirectly further information about the book of Jashar. They
have also preserved for us a beautiful stanza of Hebrew poetry.
48 INTRODUCTION TO THE PENTATEUCH
uses the expression in addressing Zadok, 2 Sam. xv. 27. It
would seem that in the interval between Saul's time and that of
the writer of the first book of Samuel, the word prophet had
become the usual expression to denote that class of persons
who were in earlier times called 'seers. 3
The origin of the name nabh? (prophet) is obscure. Two
women before the time of Saul bear the title 'prophetess'
Miriam (Exod. xv. 20) and Deborah (Judg. iv. 4). Both com-
memorate the deliverance of Israel with a song, and Deborah
also discharges the function of 'judge.' Their office seems
different from that of the later ' prophet.' The word ' prophet '
occurs but once in the book of Judges. A prophet was sent when
Israel cried unto the Lord because of Midian (Judg. vi. 7, 8).
This passage, whether attributed to the Deuteronomic compiler,
or to a source akin to the Hexa.teuchal E (Driver, Moore), will
not set back the use of the word * prophet ' to a date earlier than
that inferred from i Sam. ix. 9.
The passages in the Pentateuch where the word 'prophet'
occurs are :
a. Abraham is described as a prophet (Gen. xx. 7).
. Aaron is a prophet to Moses (Exod. vii. i), and his
sister Miriam is a prophetess (Exod. xv. 20).
y. When the Lord took of the spirit that was upon Moses
and put it upon the seventy elders they prophesied. Two men
who remained in the camp also prophesied, and Joshua on
hearing this asks Moses to forbid them ; Moses replies :
'Would God that all the Lord's people were prophets, that
the Lord would put his spirit upon them' (Num. xi. 16, 17,
2429).
Moses is here represented as having the spirit of prophecy,
sharing it with the elders, and desirous that all the Lord's
people should share the gift.
8. In Num. xii. 68 Moses is represented as a prophet,
but one distinguished from other prophets to whom the Lord
vouchsafes special privileges.
PROPHETS AND PROPHESYING 49
t. Deut. xiii. contains warnings against false prophets.
f. Deut. xviii. contains a promise that the Lord will raise
up prophets like unto Moses, and also a test for distinguishing
between true and false prophets (see p. 175).
TJ. Deut. xxxiv. 10 declares 'that there hath not arisen a
prophet since in Israel like unto Moses,' and assigns to him a
pre-eminence like that implied in Num. xii.
If it were conceded that the word * prophet ' was occasionally
used before the time of Samuel, passages (a) and (/3) might be
instances of such use ; but the other passages could only have
been written during the era of the prophets, and Deut. xxxiv. 10
can only be explained by supposing that the writer lived after a
long succession of prophets had arisen in Israel. The view
which assigns the closing verses of the Pentateuch to Joshua
does not do justice to the terms here used of Moses.
These two groups of texts (i.e. those which contain quota-
tions, and those referring to prophets) indicate that contributions
to the Hexateuch have been made from the close of David's reign
onwards, and up to a late date in the history of the kingdoms.
v. The narratives furnish proof that they were composed in
Palestine. The phrase 'beyond Jordan,' however it may be
employed in particular passages, owes its origin to a writer in
Western Palestine, who thus describes the land to the east of
the Jordan. Towards the west is 'seawards' ; and the south is
the ' Negeb,' the stretch of imperfectly watered country to the
south of Hebron (cf. Judg. i. 15). These indications of position
are suitably used by an inhabitant of Palestine ; but for the
children of Israel during their wanderings the Negeb would be
to their north. Yet they are employed in the directions for making
the Tent of meeting. The geographical knowledge of the writers
is exact for places in Palestine, but indistinct for places con-
nected with the wanderings. The many references to places, to
the names given them, and the notices of things and names which
have remained 4 to this day' are appropriate only in the ca
a writer living in the land and addressing his fellow-countr\ nun
who know UK-M- places and the traditions connected with them.
C.F, 4
50 INTRODUCTION TO THE PENTATEUCH
The evidence that has been collected in i. v. is sufficient
to establish the first Proposition. The time of Solomon has been
indicated as the earliest time at which some portions may have
been written, and traces of a later date have been pointed out in
other passages. Palestine has been shewn to be the home of
some of the writers ; and this, be it remembered, implies that the
whole was written there, unless a theory of composite authorship
resembling that which is to be considered under Proposition 2
be conceded. The Hexateuch shews signs of literary activity
extending to a period subsequent to that of the undivided king-
dom, at least till late in the history of Judah. Such prolonged
literary activity implies a series of writers, and a probability is
thus established in favour of
( 2.) THE SECOND PROPOSITION.
The Hexateuch is a composite work, in which four documents
(at least} can be distinguished.
i. THE USE OF DIFFERENT NAMES FOR THE
DIVINE BEING.
As this diversity of use supplied the first clue for separating
the book Genesis into its component parts, it may appropriately
be considered first. But the history of critical investigation
shews that in course of time other criteria for discriminating
between the sources have been noted and applied ; consequently,
the relative importance of the test which Astruc discovered is
less now than when he first employed it. It is necessary to bear
this in mind, because Hexateuch criticism is sometimes described
in terms which imply that the distinction between the Divine
Names Elohim and Jehovah is the foundation stone on which it
rests. It will appear clearly in the course of this investigation, that
such a representation greatly exaggerates the value of Astruc's
test. The distinction between the Divine Names is employed
to confirm results obtained by other critical methods ; or it may
be regarded as establishing a probability which is strengthened
by further investigation.
ELOH1M AND JEHOVAH 51
a. Elohim.
There are three Hebrew words rendered God, El (chiefly
in poetry: in prose only with epithets attached as 'God Al-
mighty'), Eloah (only in poetry, mostly in Job, and late prose),
and Eldhim, which is by far the most common. It is in form a
plural noun, and is used either as a plural, with plural verbs or
adjectives, or as a singular, with singular verbs or adjectives.
f a. Construed as a plural noun Elohim denotes superhuman
\beings (i Sam. xxviii. 13), heathen gods (Gen. xxxv. 2 and often),
and occasionally the true God (Gen. xx. 13 ; xxxv. 7 ; Deut. v. 26
[Heb. 23] ; Josh. xxiv. 19).
ft. Construed as a singular noun, it sometimes denotes a
heathen god as Chemosh (Judg. xi. 24) ; but far more frequently
(with or without the definite article) it denotes the Supreme
Being, probably as a 'plural of majesty 1 ' and is then rendered
'God' in the English versions.
When Elohim occurs without either verb or adjective in
agreement, the meaning is sometimes doubtful (see Gen. iii. 5).
The rendering 'judges* in some texts and margins (Exod. xxi. 6 ;
xxii. 8, 9, 28) is an interpretation : the judge is regarded as the
mouthpiece of a Divine oracle (or of God), and so his judicial
words or acts are God's. There is no real difference of meaning
in the variations between R.V. and A.V. The commentaries
on these passages may be consulted.
b. Jehovah.
There is also a sacred name the consonants of which are
YHWH (probably pronounced Yahweh). Later Jews from
feelings of reverence did not pronounce it, but substituted for
it in reading the Scriptures 'Adonai (with the final di used
exclusively as = 'the Lord'; cf. Ges.-Kautzsch'-' 8 I35q and note).
But if in the Hebrew text Adonai immediately precedes the
1 See Davidson, Heb. Syntax 16 c ; ' 1 24 g, h. The
Heb. words for ' lord,' ' master' are oftm used in the pliual even when
they refer to a single 'lord' or ' n. .1. xxi. 4, 6, 79, 34;
xxii. II [Heb. 10]; Isai. i. 3 ; xix. 4).
42
52 INTRODUCTION TO THE PENTATEUCH
sacred name Jehovah, Elohim was substituted, and the Jews
read the two together as 'Adonai Elohim. When ^Adonai is
read, the sacred name is represented (both in A.V. and R.V.)
by 'the LORD, 3 and when Adonai Elohim is read, the two are
rendered * the Lord GOD.' The reader of the English versions
may be sure that whenever * LORD ' or * GOD ' appears in small
capitals, the Hebrew text contains the sacred name, YH WH *.
The pronunciation 'Jehovah' (obtained by combining the
Hebrew consonants of the sacred name with the vowels of
'Adonai} was not introduced until early in the i6th century A.D.,
and has passed into the modern languages of Europe. Though
the pronunciation rests on a misunderstanding, it has now a
recognized position in the English language, and hallowed
memories have gathered round it in the last three centuries. It
suggests to English speaking peoples ideas about the covenant
God of Israel similar to those which the sacred name suggests
to the Jew (though he does not venture to pronounce it), and
may fittingly be retained as its English equivalent 2 . It is in both
A.V. and R.V. of Exod. vi. 3, Ps. Ixxxiii. 18, Isai. xii. 2, xxvi. 4,
and in R.V. of Exod. vi. 2 9, in w. 2, 6, 7, 8. It also occurs
as part of a compound name in Gen. xxii. 14, Exod. xvii. 15,
Judg. vi. 24, Jer. xxiii. 6, Ezek. xlviii. 35.
The manner in which these two Divine Names are employed
in the book of Genesis has already been pointed out (p. 29).
Astruc's conjecture that the passages in which Elohim- is used,
and those in which Jehovah occurs, are derived from different
sources has been accepted not only by modern critics, but also
by some upholders of the Mosaic authorship of the Pentateuch.
1 For fuller information on the use of the Divine Names, the student
may consult Driver's Genesis, pp. 403 ff. ; BDB Heb. Lexicon under the
different names, and DB ii. 198 f. v. 625, 636.
a A more exact representation of the Hebrew would be to print
YHWH wherever the sacred name occurs and leave it to the English
reader to supply as a spoken substitute either Lord or God'vn accordance
with the rule given above, or to read Jehovah, or Yahweh. But this
could not be done in a version intended for general use.
USE OF DIVINE NAMES 53
Other writers, however, maintain that the distinction in the
meaning of the Divine Names, and a natural desire for variety
of expression, sufficiently account for the phenomena presented
in the book of Genesis, and that it is not necessary to assume
the existence of separate writers, who use one name in preference
to the other. It is true that these two names of the Supreme
Being ' represent the Divine nature under different aspects, as
the God of nature and the God of revelation 1 .' Elohim is the
more general term ; Jehovah is the name by which Israel knows
its covenant God. This distinction in meaning does in some
passages determine the choice of name ; when heathens are
speaking, or spoken to, or in the dialogue between the woman
and the serpent (Gen. iii. 7), the name Elohim is clearly more
appropriate, and in some other places a reason might be
suggested why one name is used in preference to the other.
But the manner in which these names are used throughout
Genesis cannot be satisfactorily explained in the way that has
been proposed in the preceding paragraph, viz. that the same
writer used both names, either employing them with discrimina-
tion, or changing them for the sake of variety. With such a
writer, the names would alternate one with the other much more
frequently than they do in the existing text. There one name
only is used throughout whole sections. In Gen. i. ii. 4
Elohim only occurs, throughout xxiv. only Jehovah, and there
are many other passages in which one or other of the Divine
Names is used exclusively. But the presumption that the
employment of different Divine Names implies different writers
is further confirmed by the fact that variety of name is accom-
panied by diversity of style and vocabulary. This diversity will
now be considered.
ii. DIVERSITY OF STYLE AND VOCABULARY.
When the book of Genesis is closely examim-d, it will be
found that certain sections can be separated from the rest
1 Driver, LOT 9 , p. 13.
54 INTRODUCTION TO THE PENTATEUCH
of the narrative, which are distinguished by a strongly marked
phraseology and style.
a. Examination of selected sections. The first of these
sections 1 is Gen. i. ii. 4; in which the following expressions
may be noted:
'create' 'after its kind' 'bring forth abundantly,' or more
literally (R.V. marg.) 'swarm with swarms' 'creeping thing,'
'every thing that creepeth' 'likeness' 'image' 'male and
female.'
Besides these expressions (some of which occur more than
once in the section) there is a combination in Gen. i. 22 which
is repeated in i. 28. 'And God blessed them, saying, Be
fruitful and multiply and fill the waters....' Here is a command
expressed in three imperatives, 'Be fruitful multiply fill,' in-
troduced by a statement, ' God blessed.' This grouping of four
words is exactly repeated in i. 28 and ix. i ; but the rendering
'replenish' of both A.V. and R.V. obscures the identity. The
same. Hebrew verb (translated 'fill' and 'replenish') occurs in
all three passages. The phrase 'God blessed...' is found also in
ii. 3('... the seventh day') ; in ch.v. 2 in connexion with 'create/
1 It will appear presently that the sections to which attention is here
directed are part of the document described in Part I. 4, and denoted
by the symbol P. In order to avoid repetition, the list in App. II may be
consulted, where further information about the expressions here noted
will be found. According to the historical development of criticism as
traced in Part I. 4, these sections were at first separated from the rest
of Genesis by applying the test suggested by Astruc, viz. the use of
different Divine Names Elohim and Jehovah ; and then further dis-
criminating marks were observed in the two documents. But these
further discriminating marks of style and phraseology constitute a
separate and independent phenomenon, which is here considered by itself.
The argument in this section is independent of that which precedes, and
would have the same force if the varying use of Divine Names did not
exist. It may be remarked that the reference to the list in App. II is
made solely for the sake of convenience and brevity, and does not imply
any assumption as to the nature of the document under consideration.
DIVERSITY OF STYLE 55
'likeness,' 'male and female,' where the similarity to ch. i. is
very marked. Compare with these xvii. 20 : * I have blessed
him and will make \i\vn. fruitful and multiply him ' (of Ishmael).
Sarah (xvii. 16) and Isaac (xxv. n) are blessed ; also Jacob
(xxxv. 9), where ' be fruitful and multiply* are found in z/. u.
His father Isaac has already blessed him and invoked God's
blessing with the words ' bless] 'make fast fruitful and multiply
thee' (xxviii. 3) ; and Jacob records the blessing he had received,
using the same three words (xlviii. 3). In these passages words
and phrases recur in the same combination 1 . A record of blessing
is followed by words signifying to be fruitful and multiply.
It will be instructive to compare other passages which refer to
blessing (xii. 2; xxii. 17; xxiv. i; xxvi. 3, 12, 24; xxx. 27;
xxxix. 5). On reading these it will appear (i) that the words
accompanying the blessing in the first set of passages are not
found in the second set, (ii) that in this second set, the blessing
is a continued action manifested by the course of God's goodness
in the past, or promised for the future. In the first group of
passages, the blessing is recorded as a single formal act, a kind
of benediction. (Cp. Gen. xlvii. 7, 'and Jacob blessed Pharaoh.')
A distinct difference in thought and expression between these
two groups is apparent. A difference in the Hebrew text may
also be noted. The words 'I will bless thee' may either be
1 In all languages, one writer is distinguished from another not so
much by the peculiarity of the words which he employs (though of
course when such peculiarity exists, it is a distinguishing mark) as by
the manner in which he combines words common to himself and others.
If two children are sent into the fields to gather posies, one may return
with a nosegay carefully arranged in concentric circles of different
colours ; the other may adopt a less systematic arrangement. One may
have a preference for dark colours, the other for light ; but light and
dark colours will be gathered by both. So it is with language ; preference
and combination are the distinguishing marks which differentiate one
writer from another. Little stress is here laid on words by ihtni^
it is consequently no answer to the investigation in the text (which is
summed up in the final inference (6) on p. 66) to point out that a word
used in P is found occasionally in JE.
56 INTRODUCTION TO THE PENTATEUCH
rendered by a single word in Hebrew, the objective personal
pronoun being compounded with the verb, or it may remain
separate as in English. The first group of passages shews a
decided preference for the separate form, in the second group
the composite single word is used almost exclusively.
The book of Genesis contains many records of promises made
to Abraham, and renewed to his descendants. When these are
compared, it will be found that they are easily separable into two
groups, one of which exhibits marked phraseology and style.
Gen. xvii. may be selected as the representative of this
group, and with it may be compared the promise to Jacob,
xxxv. 9 13 ; the words of Isaac to Jacob on sending him away,
xxviii. 3, 4 ; and Jacob's reference to the blessing bestowed upon
him, xlviii. 3, 4. The following words and phrases may be
noted l :
I am God Almighty be thou perfect kings shall come out
of thee I will establish my covenant thee and thy seed after
thee an everlasting covenant an everlasting possession the
land of thy sojournings ; and the conclusion, 'and God went up
from Abraham.' Observe also that the promise is associated
with a change of name, Abram to Abraham, and Sarai to Sarah.
The combination of 'bless,' 'make fruitful,' and 'multiply'
occurs (xvii. 20 and compare 2, 6, 16).
In xxxv. 9 13 four of these phrases are repeated. God
'blesses' Jacob, changes his name, and bids him 'be fruitful and
multiply.' Note in xxviii. 3, 4 ' God Almighty bless thee and
make thee fruitful and multiply thee,' a reference to the blessing
of Abraham, and 'the land of sojournings.' In xlviii. 3, 4,
the reference to ch. xxxv. is obvious, some of the phrases are
repeated, and the land is described as an 'everlasting possession.'
In the covenant with Noah, ix. 9 17, the following phrases
similar to those in xvii. occur : ' I establish my covenant with
you and your seed after you' (ver. 9 and cp. -w. u, 17), 'the
everlasting covenant' (16), and 'for perpetual generations' in
ver. 12 may be compared with 'throughout their (your) genera-
1 See the table on pp. 64, 65.
CHARACTERISTIC WORDS AND PHRASES 57
tions' of xvii. 7, 9, 12. A further similarity may be noticed:
the covenants both of ch. ix. and ch. xvii. are marked by a token ;
the rainbow for Noah, and circumcision for Abraham. The
identity of ix. i with i. 28 has already been pointed out The
command is repeated in ix. 7, where 'bring forth abundantly'
and in v. 6 'in the image of God made he man' supply further
connecting links with the thought of ch. i. 'Bring forth
abundantly' is the same in Hebrew as i. 20, and might here be
noted in the margin as 'swarm.' In other parts of the Flood
narrative verses are found which closely resemble some in the
first chapter. Cp. vi. 20, 21, vii. 14, 21, viii. 17, 19, with i. 20 25.
It appears then that in the account of the Creation (Gen. i.
ii. 4), in portions of the Flood narrative, and in some accounts
of the promises made to the patriarchs, certain words and phrases
recur in the same combination, and that the vocabulary of these
passages exhibits marked characteristics. They will now be
examined more in detail.
According to the account in Gen. i., the work of Creation is
completed in six days, and that which is done on each day is
described with a recurrence of the same phrases. The following
is the frame in which each day's work is set :
'And God said, Let there be '...'and it was so.' 'And God
saw that it was good' ... 'and there was evening, and there was
morning, a ... day.' Orderly arrangement with repetition of
phrases is a characteristic of this narrative. The successive
steps are cast in the same mould.
In ch. v. the first two verses contain four expressions
which are found in ch. i., and in the genealogy which follows
an orderly arrangement with repetition of phrases is ayain
apparent. Three verses are assigned to each member of the
genealogical tree ; the first states his age at his first-born's
birth, the second the length of the remainder of his life with the
phrase 'and begat sons and daughters,' and the third the total
length of life concluding with 'and he died 1 .' An additional
1 Yer. 2(j breaks the uniformity of arrangement, and is probably
from another source.
58 INTRODUCTION TO THE PENTATEUCH
feature of the narrative may be noted. The third verse is not
necessary, as the number contained in it may be obtained from
the two preceding verses. In the genealogy from Noah to
Abraham (xi. 10 26) two verses only are given for each genera-
tion, exactly resembling in form those in ch. v. These additional
verses of ch. v. may be noted as exemplifying a redundance of
sfyle, supplying details which are implied in what has already
been stated.
Instances of precision of statement (in addition to those
already noted in chs. i., v., and xi.) are found in parts of the
Flood narrative. Noah's age when the flood came is given
(vii. 6); the time of the beginning and end of the flood is defined
exactly by the year, the month (designated by a number as the
'second,' 'seventh'), and the day of the month (vii. n, viii. 4, 5,
13, 14). The dimensions of the ark (vi. 15, 16) and the height
of the water (vii. 20) are also noted.
Other instances of redundancy of style different from that
just pointed out as existing in ch. v. are found :
Gen. i. 27 : 'God created man in his own image, in the
image of God created he him.' The second clause repeats with
slight variation in form what has already been said in the first.
This repetition is somewhat akin to the parallelism of Hebrew
poetry 1 , and imparts a stateliness of description to the account.
It may be observed in ch. v. I, 2 ; compare also ix. i with ix. 7
and ix. 12 with ix. 17. Also in ch. xvii. ; compare v. 2 with
u. 4, vv. 12, 13, 23, 27 with one another, and 2/. i with
v. 24. Gen. vi. 22 is another instance, ' Thus did Noah ;
according to all that God commanded him, so did he.' This
rather noticeable type of sentence often recurs in P : see p. 213.
The literal translation of the first clause is, And Noah did (\\).
In those chapters which have been examined the expression
* These are the generations (or, origins] of occurs at intervals
(ii. 4, vi. 9, x. i, xi. 10, 27 ; with a slight variation in v. i, ' This
1 On the parallelism of Hebrew poetry the reader may consult the
Introduction to the Psalms in this series.
DIVERSITY OF STYLE 59
is the book of the generations of ...'). It is also found xxv. 12,
19, xxxvi. i, 9, xxxvii. 2. See the list in App. II, No. 8.
The whole history is, by the recurrence of this phrase,
divided into stages. At each stage, either a step forward in the
direct line of Israel's ancestors is made, or the limits of the
history are indicated by appending a short genealogy of those
families which were not inheritors of the promise. For details,
the commentary on Genesis may be consulted ; this feature of
the narrative is here noted as an additional example of orderly
arrangement with repetition of phrases.
b. Comparison of these selected sections with other passages.
Other passages of Genesis will now be considered in order to
find out whether they exhibit any of the marked characteristics
of style and vocabulary which have been noted in the preceding
pages. The account of the Creation in Gen. i. ii. 40 ends with
the words ' These are the generations of the heaven and of the
earth when they were created.' Another narrative (ii. 4^ iii. 24)
follows commencing with the words * In the day that the LORD
God made earth and heaven 1 .' The style of this narrative is
quite different from that of the preceding one ; none of the
words and expressions noted on p. 54 are found in it. In place
of the orderly arrangement with repetition of phrases^ the stately
precision with which the successive steps of the Creator's work \
are enumerated, the story is here told in a simple and picturesque J
manner, and the words employed to describe the work vijelwah (
are borrowed from the everyday work and life of man. In the
first account God creates^ a word especially employed to denote
divine activity ; in the second the LORD God forms (the word
used of a potter moulding clay) man of the dust of the ground,
He plants a garden, He takes the man and puts him therein.
He brings beast and fowl to the man, and the rib which He took
from the man He builded into a woman (R.V. marg.). This
1 It seems certain that this verse should be divided thus, by placing
a full stop after 'created. 1 The rest of the verse must then be connected
with ver. 5. In the day that the LORD God made earth and heaven,
no plant of the field was yet...'
60 INTRODUCTION TO THE PENTATEUCH
simple record, in words of everyday life, of the mysterious power
which called forth the world and man is quite different in thought
from the picture of the God who * spake and it was made, who
commanded and it stood fast.' The difference is expressed in
technical language by saying that the representation of God in
the second narrative is more anthropomorphic than in the first ;
but the full meaning of this statement is not appreciated until
the words employed in ii. 425 have been duly weighed. To
them may be added others from the continuation in ch. iii.
The LORD God walks in His garden, and the sound of His
footsteps is heard (iii. 8, R.V. marg.) ; He makes coats of skins
for the man and his wife, and clothes them. The whole concep-
tion of God in this narrative is far removed from that which
underlies the representation of His work in the first chapter.
The interest of this second narrative centres in the making
of man and woman, and in the planting of the garden, the scene
of the momentous events recorded in ch. iii. But where it refers
to the creation of plants and living beings it implies an order
different from that of ch. i. Man is formed, then the garden
with its trees ; beasts and fowls are formed, and last of all
Eve is brought to the man. In the first chapter, an orderly
gradation is observed culminating in the creation of man, both
male and female. In the second the plants, trees and living
beings are described as made for his use and enjoyment, and
after he has been formed. Woman is formed last because there
had not yet been found an help adapted to the man. The/^/j
in the two narratives are presented differently.
In respect then of 1
(a) the style
(b} the conception of the Divine Being
(c] the representation of facts :
1 From here onwards statements have been marked with letters
(a) (^), and the inferences drawn from them by numbers (i) (6) in
order to bring out the continuity of the argument, and the connexion of
the final inference (6) on p. 66 with those preceding.
VARIETIES OF REPRESENTATION 61
the two accounts exhibit such marked divergence as to warrant
the presumption that
(i) the accounts in Gen. i. ii. 40 and in Gen. ii. \b in. 24
are not from the same narrator.
The t<wo genealogies in ch. iv. and ch. v. In iv. i/f. the
genealogy of Adam through Cain is traced to Lamech ; seven
names are given, and Lamech is in the sixth generation from
Adam. In ch. v. the genealogy of Adam through Seth is traced
to Lamech ; nine names are given, and Lamech is in the eighth
generation from Adam. These two genealogies are not by the
same writer, and they are not written in the same style. The
precision of ch. v. (already described on p. 57) is lacking in ch. iv. ;
instead of the repetition of the same phrases for each generation
there are found three varieties in iv. 17, 18 : 'she [Cain's wife]
bare Enoch' 'unto Enoch was born Irad' 'and Irad begat 1
Mehujael. 3
An inspection of the following table in which the genealogies
Adam
r
Cai
Em
Ira<
Me
Me
Lai
/. 17, 18
iv. 25, 16 ch. v.
r~
n
>ch
1
mjael
hushael
nech
Seth Seth'
Enosh Enosh
Kenan
Mahalalel
Jered
Enoch
Methuselah
Lamech
are placed side by side will shew that :
(d] the resemblances are sufficient to suggest a common
origin,
1 A further difference in the Hebrew may lie noted. Throughout
ch. v. the Hebrew for 'begat' is ho/idh, the Hiphil form of the root;
but in iv. 18 tin- ; yaladh, the < v >al form. The same dill. :
is found in cc. x., xi. ; yaladh x. 8, 13, 24 (twice), 26: but the Hij.hil
form in xi. 1027. Notice also in x. 21, 25 ' unto . .were b< i
Cf. iv. 1 8.
62 INTRODUCTION TO THE PENTATEUCH
(e) the variations are so marked that they cannot be assigned
to the same writer,
(/) the difference of style points to the same conclusion as (e).
Hence the presumption is warranted that
(2) these two genealogies are not from the same narrator.
The genealogies in chs. x., xi. The descendants of Japheth
and Ham are given in ch. x. 2 20 ; those of Shem in x. 21 31.
Another genealogy from Shem to Abraham is given in xi. 10 26.
The same differences that were noticed in chs. iv., v. (p. 61)
present themselves here, but in a more complicated form, as
ch. x. shews affinity of style both with ch. iv. and with ch. v. For
details the reader may consult the commentary on Genesis, but
he will have little difficulty in applying to these chapters the
remarks already made with reference to the genealogies in
chs. iv., v., and in the note. The conclusion drawn will be that :
(3) the genealogies in chs. x., xi. are not all from the same
narrator.
The account of the Flood in chs. m. ix. Some verses in the
Flood narrative which resemble parts of Gen. i., and others
shewing precision of statement, have been already noticed on pp.
54, 57. The whole account is analysed in a subsequent section
(pp. 74ff.). The reader can refer to that section for details, so that it
is not necessary to repeat them here ; it is sufficient to note that :
(4) chs. vi. ix. shew signs of composite authorship, and two
sources have contributed to the narrative in its present form.
If the reader considers the statements (a) (/) and the
inferences (i) (4) drawn in the preceding pages, he will see
that a very strong case has been made out in favour of the
composite character of Gen. i. xi.
One group of passages containing blessings and promises
has been examined on p. 56. In the table on pp. 64, 65 they
occupy the left hand column. The passages in the right hand
column belong to the second group of passages containing
blessings and promises, and it will be seen that :
The words and phrases noticed on p. 56 are not found in them.
SIGNS OF COMPOSITE AUTHORSHIP 63
In both columns reference is made to a numerous posterity
and the future possession of the land, but the passages of the
right hand column lack the distinctive phraseology of those on
the left hand, and exhibit greater variety of language. Abraham's
descendants are likened for multitude to the dust of the earth
(xiii. 16), the stars (xv. 5, xxii. 17, xxvi. 4), and the sand on the
sea shore (xxii. 17). The outlook is wider; 'in thee shall all
families of the earth be blessed ' (xii. 3) has reference to others
beside the seed of Abraham. The promise is repeated (xviii. 18,
xxviii. 14), and with a slight variation (xxii. 18, xxvi. 4). For
the meaning of the words see the commentary in this series.
In close connexion with some of these passages it is recorded
that an altar was reared up to commemorate the appearance of
the Lord (xii. 7, xiii. 4, xxvi. 25 and cp. ch. xxii.). No such
record is found in connexion with any of the promises in the
left hand column. A comparison of these two columns warrants
the inference that they are not from the same source. These
promises are found scattered throughout the whole patriarchal
history, and there is no reason for separating the promises from
the narratives. In most cases the promise is embedded in the
narrative ; the narrative leads up to the promise, and has been
preserved for the purpose of recording it. Hence the promises
carry with them the patriarchal history, and the further inference
may be drawn that :
(5) the patriarchal history is not all from the same narrator,
and two sources have contributed to the narrative in its present
form.
A similar inference has been drawn from considering (icn.
i. xi. The examination of chs. i. xi., and the examination of
the patriarchal history, furnish evidence in favour of composite
authorship. Each line of argument supports and increases the
probability of the other.
{Continued on page 66.]
64 INTRODUCTION TO THE PENTATEUCH
COMPARISON OF PASSAGES.
Gen. xvii.
...! am God Almighty (Heb.
El Skaddai), walk before me and
be thou perfect.
2 And I... will multiply thee ex-
ceedingly...
6 And I will make thee exceed-
ing fruitful... and kings shall come
out of thee.
7 And I will establish my cove-
nant between me and thee and
thy seed after thee throughout their
generations for an everlasting
covenant, to be a God unto thee,
and to thy seed after thee.
8 And I will give unto thee, and
to thy seed after thee, the land of
thy sojournings, all the land of
Canaan, for an everlasting posses-
sion; and I will be their God.
16 1 will bless her [Sarah] and
she shall be (a mother of) nations ;
kings of peoples shall be of her.
!!>... and I will establish my
covenant with him [Isaac] for an
everlasting covenant for his seed
after him.
20 1 have blessed him and will
make him fruitful, and will mul-
tiply him exceedingly...
21 But my covenant will I estab-
lish with Isaac...
22 ...and God went up from
Abraham.
Gen. xii. 2, 3, 7
2 ...and I will make of thee a
great nation, and I will bless thee,
and make thy name great ; and be
thou a blessing: 3... and through
thee shall all the families of the
earth be blessed.
? ...unto thy seed will I give this
land : and there builded he an
altar to the Lord...
xiii. 14 17
** ...Lift up now thine eyes and
look... north ward and southward
and eastward and westward: x sfor
all the land which thou seest, to
thee will I give it, and to thy seed
for ever. l6 . . .And I will make thy
seed as the dust of the earth:...
*7 Arise, walk through the land...
for unto thee will I give it.
xv. 5, 1 8
s Look now toward heaven, and
tell the stars, if thou be able to
tell them : and he said unto him,
So shall thy seed be.
l8 ...unto thy seed have I given
this land...
xviii. 18
...Abraham shall surely become
a great and mighty nation, and all
the nations of the earth shall be
blessed through him.
xxii. 15 18
*s And the angel of the LORD...
said...
*7 ...hi blessing I will bless thee,
and in multiplying I will multiply
COMPARISON OF PASSAGES
xxvin. 3, 4
3 And God Almighty bless thee,
and make thee fruitful and multiply
thee, that thou mayest be a com-
pany of peoples; *and give thee
the blessing of Abraham, to thee,
and to thy seed with thee; that
thou mayest inherit the land of
thy sojournings, which God gave
unto Abraham.
xxxv. 913
9 And God appeared unto Jacob
again... and blessed him... "and
said unto him, I am God Al-
mighty: be fruitful and multiply...
kings shall come out of thy loins ;
12 and the land which I gave to
Abraham and Isaac, to thee will
I give it, and to thy seed after
thee will I give the land. '3 And
God went up from him...
xlviii. 3, 4
3... God Almighty appeared unto
: ! me, <an<!
unto me, Behold I will make thee
fruitful and multiply thee, and
I will make of thee a company of
Bl ; and will give this land
t.. thy seed after thee for an
possession.
thy seed as the stars of the heaven,
and as the sand which is upon the
sea shore ; and thy seed shall
possess the gate of his enemies :
18 and by thy seed shall all nations
of the earth bless themselves ;...
xxiv. 7
The Lord... that sware unto me
saying, Unto thy seed will I give
this land ;...
xxvi. 3, 4, 24
3 Sojourn in this land, and I...
will bless thee ; for unto thee, and
unto thy seed, I will give all these
lands, and I will establish the
oath which I sware unto Abraham
thy father; <and I will multiply
thy seed as the stars of heaven,...
and by thy seed shall all the nations
of the earth bless themselves ;
2 - I am the God of Abraham
thy father :...!. ..will bless thee,
and multiply thy seed for my
servant Abraham's sake.
iii. 13, 14
'3...I am the Lord,... the land
whereon thou liest, to thee will
I give it, and to thy seed ; l and
thy seed shall be as the du>>t of
the earth, and thou shalt .-.
1 to the west and to th<
and to the north and to the south:
aii'i through thee and through thy
hall all the families of the
eaith be hi'
To the passages in the left-hand column might be added Gen. i. 12,
28, v. 2, ix. i, 8 17, which have been noticed on pp. 54 57. Kr all
'ie commentary may be consulted; ab>O the list
H churacte.ii.-tic ot 1' in Ap,>. 11.
C.P.
66 INTRODUCTION TO THE PENTATEUCH
The whole investigation may be summed up as follows :
(g) The sections Gen. i. ii. 4, ch. v., xi. 10 27, some
passages in chs. vi. ix., and the passages in the left hand
column on pp. 64, 65, contain combinations of words and phrases
of a marked character, and exhibit strong characteristics of style.
(ft) Side by side with them are found other sections (the
remainder of Gen. i. xi., and the passages in the right hand
column on pp. 64, 65) where none of these phrases, combinations,
or characteristics can be traced.
A very strong probability 1 is claimed for the inference that :
(6) the sections enumerated in (g) must be assigned to a
different hand from that which contributed the passages referred
to in (h\
Because in the sections enumerated in (g} Elohim is used as
the name of God, they were formerly called Elohistic ; but more
recently they have been denoted by the symbol P (for reasons
which have been referred to in Pt I. 4, p. 35, and others which
will be given more fully later).
The use of the Divine Names in the passages which have
been considered may now be noted :
(a) Throughout the sections referred to in (g) Elohim is
used as the name of God.
(b] In Gen. ii. 4 the expression ' the LORD God ' occurs for
the first time in the Bible, and is repeated in this and the
following chapter. The strict rendering of the original is
'Jehovah God'; the combination is uncommon, it is found in
the Hexateuch (outside chapters ii. and iii.) only in Exod. ix. 30.
It is generally allowed that this is not the original form of
writing, and that the names are intentionally combined to shew
the identity of the Elohim of ch. i. with the Jehovah of subse-
quent narratives. Klostermann (Der Pentateuch, p. 37) suggests
that it is an instruction to the reader to pronounce Elohim
1 The fact that the same events are recorded in the sections
enumerated in (g) and (h) materially strengthens this probability.
VARYING USE OF DIVINE NAMES 67
instead of the sacred name in chs. ii., iii. If this be so, the
method of indicating the pronunciation differs here from that
adopted in other parts of the Bible (described on pp. 5 1 f.).
(c) In the remaining portions of Gen. i. xi. and in the
promises in the right hand column the name Jehovah is used.
Now either : the variation in the use of Divine Names may
be regarded as furnishing further evidence in favour of the
separate origin of the two narratives ; or, the investigation into
the style and character of the two narratives may be considered
as confirming the inference which was drawn in the preceding
section from the varying use of the Divine Names. The im-
portant point to bear in mind is that the two phenomena which
have been observed are separate, and consequently that argu-
ments based upon those phenomena are independent, and when
they tend to establish the same proposition are corroborative.
An important passage will now be examined, which suggests
a reason for the varying use of the Divine Names in Genesis.
The R.V. of Exod. vi. 2, 3 is as follows :
'And God spake unto Moses, and said unto him, I am
JEHOVAH : and I appeared unto Abraham, unto Isaac, and
unto Jacob, as God Almighty (Heb. El Shaddai R.V. marg.),
but by (or, as to R.V. marg.) my name Jehovah I was not
known to them.'
The writer points out that God's revelation of Himself was
progressive; for the period from Abraham to Moses He was
known as El Shaddai, but from the time of Moses onwards He
is known by His name Jehovah. Appearances as El Shaddai
to which he refers have been recorded in Gen. xvii. and xxxv.
He uses in vi. 2 8 the expression 1 'I have established my
ant,' found also in Gen. ix. <;, n, 17; xvii. 7, 19, 21.
land promised to the patriarchs is described as 'the
land 01 their sojourning' (Exod. vi. 4), as in Gen. xvii. 8,
a complete list "1 the passages where : < occur
sec the list in App. II.
5 2
68 INTRODUCTION TO THE PENTATEUCH
xxviii. 4 1 . Can it be doubted that Exod. vi. 2 8 is from the
same hand, and that it gives the reason for this writer's use of
Elohim in preference to Jehovah"*
That Elohim is used designedly as far as Exod. vi. appears
from the fact that it is used much more frequently in those
chapters than in the rest of the Hexateuch. In Gen. i. Exod. vi.
(56 chapters) it occurs about 120 times, but in the remaining
155 chapters of the Hex. it occurs about 30 times as the name
of the Deity.
The average occurrence per chapter is 2*1 in the first section
against less than "2 in the second. There must be some reason
to account for this great difference the average in one part is
more than ten times higher 2 than in the other and Exod. vi.
supplies the reason. Before God's further revelation of Himself
under the name Jehovah, this writer prefers to use the more
general term Elohim, and on occasions El Shaddai ; afterwards,
as will be seen, he uses Jehovah freely.
From Exod. vi. onwards, the test supplied by the use of
Elohim and Jehovah is no longer applicable. But the passages
which have been already examined and denoted (p. 66) by the
symbol P exhibit a writer with marked characteristics in respect
of style and phraseology. These characteristics will prove
sufficient to determine the extent and limits of his contribution
towards the rest of the Hexateuch. (See App. I.)
In the account of God's message to Pharaoh, and of the
plagues that follow (Exod. vii. 14 xi. 10), his style may be
recognized. In the preliminary sign shewn before Pharaoh
1 The passages from Genesis have already been noted as belonging
to P.
3 If pages be taken instead of chapters which are of unequal length,
Gen. i. Ex. vi. occupies 77 pages and the rest of the Hexateuch
241 pages in the Interlinear Bible. The averages are i'5 and -12, the
first being more than twelve times the second. They would be the
same for other editions.
PASSAGES IN EXODUS 69
(vii. 8 13) Aaron cast down his rod and it became a serpent
(Heb. tannin, any large reptile R.V. m. ; the same word is
translated 'sea-monsters' [whales A.V.] in Gen. i. 21). In
Exod. iv. 3 Moses' rod becomes a serpent (Heb. nahash, the
usual word for serpent), and the sign is to be shewn before the
children of Israel to persuade them. The two accounts are
clearly from different sources ; the account in ch. vii. shews
affinity with Gen. i., that in ch. iv. with Gen. iii. Pharaoh called
for the wise men and sorcerers (vii. 11); and the magicians of
Egypt did so with their enchantments. The concluding verse
records * And Pharaoh's heart was hardened, and he hearkened
not unto them ; as the LORD had spoken.'
If now the following passages (vii. 19 2Cvz, lib 22; viii.
5 7, 16 19; ix. 8 12) be read, the similarity to vii. 813
is obvious. The accounts of the preliminary sign (vii. 813),
and the accounts of water turned into blood, frogs, lice, and
boils are all cast in the same mould. Moses and Aaron are
associated together, the rod is Aaron's, the magicians three
times imitate Aaron's work, in viii. 18 they fail, in ix. 18 they are
punished. Each section concludes 'and he hearkened not unto
them ; as the LORD had spoken.' The characteristic expressions
of P noted above as occurring in Genesis (pp. 54, 56) do not
occur here (the subject obviously does not admit them) ; yet,
many similarities of vocabulary and style (e.g. orderly arrange-
ment with repetition of phrases) link all these passages together,
and differentiate them markedly from the context : contrast, for
instance, the opening words 'Say unto Aaron...' with 'Go in
unto Pharaoh, and say unto him...'; and make strong with
make heavy (see R.V. marg. in chs. vii. xi.). In other parts
of these chapters further evidence of composite authorship may
:nd, and phenomena similar to those already observed in
:. xi , and the passages recording the promises on pp. 64,65.
;ivcr, LOT*, p. 24, and the commentary in this series.
The account of the institution of the Passover (Exod. xii.
1 13, 4349), ^h full precepts for its first and subsequent
celebrations, may be compared with the account (Gen. xvii.) of
70 INTRODUCTION TO THE PENTATEUCH
the institution of circumcision. The similarity in the phrase-
ology is evident. Note the expressions ' throughout your
generations,' 'that soul shall be cut off,' 'in the selfsame
day,' in the two chapters ; the stranger must be circumcised
before he is allowed to eat the Passover. Consult the list in
App. II.
The reader will recognize the style of P in xii. 14 20, 40 41,
50,51.
In this chapter occurs for the first time 'the congregation
of Israel' (xii. 3, 6, 19, 47). This expression is found more than
loo times in the Hexateuch, and only in passages which are
with good reason assigned to P. See App. II, No. 28.
This writer also furnishes an account of the deliverance from
Egypt, the overthrow of the Egyptians in the sea, and the march
to Sinai, which is preserved in the present text in combination
with other accounts. The exact amount of manna gathered each
day, and the enforcement of the sabbath ordinance in connexion
with it, afford illustrations of his style. The stay at Sinai is-
recorded at great length, and this writer contributes a full
account of the legislation which extends to 50 chapters (Exod.
xxv. Nu. x. 28, with the exception of Exod. xxxii. xxxiv. 28).
On the departure from Sinai, his record of the journey to the
plains of Moab is again found mixed with other accounts in
Num. x. 29 xxii. i, but he contributes also three chapters of
legislation (xv., xviii., xix.). The chapters from Num. xxv. to the
end of the book are all (except xxv. I 5, and parts of xxxii.)
from his pen.
They record the second numbering of the people, Joshua's
appointment as the successor of Moses, the vengeance taken on
Midian, an itinerary of the journeyings from Rameses to the
plains of Moab, the borders of the land to the west of the
Jordan, and the names of the men appointed to divide the land,
the assignment of Levitical cities and cities of refuge. They
are chiefly narrative, with full details of persons and places, but
ch. xxvii. and ch. xxxvi. deal with the law of inheritance, and
chs. xxviii., xxix. contain a list of sacrifices to be offered on each
CHARACTERISTICS OF P 71
day, sabbath, fast and festival. In ch. xxx. laws concerning
are found, and the conditions regulating the use of the
cities of refuge (ch. xxxv.) are legal in character.
This writer contributes but few verses to Deut. and to the
first half of Joshua, but furnishes the main part of Jos. xiii. xxi.,
which describes the allotment of the territory, the boundaries of
the tribes, with an enumeration of their cities and villages, the
setting apart six cities of refuge and 48 cities for the Levites.
The character of the document may be inferred from this
sketch of its contents. Though in form it is narrative, the 50
chapters which describe the legislation at Sinai (Exod. xxv.
Nu. x.) shew the aim of the writer. They are almost exclusively
concerned with the externals of religion ; the tabernacle and its
furniture, how and by whom they are to be packed and carried
during the journeyings, priesthood, sacrifices, feasts, the day of
Atonement, and priestly dues. An outline only of the history
is given, but full accounts are found when some important
ordinance (e.g. Passover, Exod xii., Circumcision, Gen. xvii.)
is described. Though the narrative describes the first observ-
ance of these rites, the minute details, and expressions such as
'an everlasting covenant' (Gen. xvii. 13), 'ye shall keep it a
feast by an ordinance for ever' (Exod. xii. 14), 'whosoever does
not observe either circumcision or passover,' 'that soul shall be
cut off from his people,' shew that what was commanded to
their forefathers is of perpetual obligation. In the history of the
.ire found rubrics for the present. The legislation is clothed
in a historic garb.
Because of the precise assignment of dates and the svstem-
nt of material, this document practically forms a
framework which binds together the component parts of the
;-U(h. In the earlier days of criticism it was regard.-,
the oldest writing, and called the '(JrumlM hrift' or fundamental
.dso (ailed the Klohistic n.tiiative frm its
use of the name I-.lohiin, but this title describes only the portion
before I \od. \i. and (as will be shewn subsequently is not a
sutlkiently distinctive title, liy mure recent critics it lias been
72 INTRODUCTION TO THE PENTATEUCH
called (on account of the fulness with which priestly functions,
privileges, and dues are described) the Priestly code, and
denoted by the letter P, or PC. Although the priestly legisla-
tion forms only a part of the work, it is nevertheless a consider-
able and prominent part, and much that is narrative in form is
legislative in character. It will be convenient to use the symbol
P in referring to this document.
The writer who uses the name Jehovah^ may be easily
traced by this characteristic as far as Exod. vi. The accounts
of the Creation (Gen. ii. 46 25) and the Fall (ch. Hi.), and
most of the patriarchal history are from his hand. The name
Jehovah is used of the time before Abraham (Gen. iv. 26),
and in chs. xii. xvi. it is recorded of Abraham that he called
on the name of Jehovah* (ch. xii. 8), and that the Lord said
unto him, 'I am Jehovah' 1 that brought thee out of Ur of the
Chaldees ' (ch. xv. 7). Can the writer who employs the name
Jehovah in these passages be the same as the writer of Exod. vi.
2 8 who says that God was not known to the patriarchs by His
name Jehovah, and can he have written the passages which
have been shewn to be in close connexion with those verses?
Are these two representations of the patriarchal history, one
avoiding the name Jehovah, the other using it freely, both from
the same source 3 ?
As J records the promises made to the fathers, it is reasonable
to suppose that he was not silent with reference to the course of
events that brought about their fulfilment, and that this source
can be traced in Exodus and Numbers.
The book of Deuteronomy has a style of its own, which may
be recognized even by the reader of the English versions 4 . The
1 He is generally designated as J.
2 ' The LORD ' in the English versions.
8 If the reader is in doubt how to answer this question, let him
consider the remarks on Gen. ii. 4 25 (pp. 59f.) and on the story of the
Flood (pp. 74-81).
4 Some phrases characteristic of Deut. are given in App. IV. For
further illustrations see the Introduction to Deuteronomy.
THE ELEMENTS J AND D 73
book records the promulgation of a law in the land of Moab
which the children of Israel are to observe when settled in the
Promised Land. But it is more than a mere code of laws ; the
introduction to the laws (cc. v. xi.) is a prolonged and earnest
entreaty that Israel should hear and do them. It sets forth love
towards God as the great motive to obedience, and both in its
conception of the Lord God of Israel, and of the response which
a nation chosen by such a God should make to His demands, it
embodies the highest ideal of prophetic teaching. It has been
said that Deuteronomy bears to the preceding books of the
Pentateuch a relation similar to that of St John's gospel to the
Synoptic gospels. The remark is suggestive, and deserves con-
sideration. The unity of thought which pervades the book
suggests at first a single author, and no doubt the greater part
of it is the work of one writer ; but further examination shews
that it, like other books of the Hexateuch, shews traces of
expansion and editorial redaction. Both narratives and laws
contained in the book will come under review presently. It is
sufficient here to indicate it as another element of the Hexateuch,"
and to denote it by the symbol D.
iii. EXISTENCE OF DUPLICATE ACCOUNTS.
In the preceding section, a particular document (to which
has been assigned the symbol P) has been separated out from
the rest of the Hexateuch. In the course of that investigation
attention has been directed to the existence of duplicate accounts,
e.g. those of the Creation, the Flood, the genealogies, and the
promises to the patriarchs. Though in that section stress has
been chiefly laid on the argument from phraseology and style,
it lias also been pointed out that, when variations in phraseology
and style are observed in duplicate accounts of the same events,
the argument in favour of composite authorship is the more
decisive. The duplicate accounts here considered may thus be
regarded as supplementing, and coiio the argument
advanced in seciion ii. It will be found that they throw light
74 INTRODUCTION TO THE PENTATEUCH
on the composition of the Hexateuch and on the character of
that portion of it which remains after P has been separated. The
observation made with reference to the investigations in sections
i and ii (viz. that they are independent, and when they tend to
establish the same result, corroborative] may be repeated here.
This section is independent of the preceding section, and might
have been placed before it. Then, the composite character of
the passages which will be here considered having been estab-
lished, the investigation of section ii would follow, with a strong
antecedent probability established in favour of the composite
character of the whole Hexateuch.
a. Duplicate accounts in Genesis. The first instance of
duplicate accounts is contained in Gen. i. and ii., and has been
investigated on pp. 54, 59. The narrative of the Flood (Gen. vi.
5 ix. J7) is the first instance of duplicate accounts preserved in
a different form ; here the compiler instead of keeping the two
sources separate (as in Gen. i. and ii.) has woven together his
two sources into a single narrative. It will be instructive to
examine these chapters, and note the indications of composite
authorship and the method of the compiler.
Comparing vi. 5 8 and 9 13, it will be noticed that the
same facts are recorded in both passages. There is a favourable
notice about Noah, a statement that God saw the wickedness
that was in the earth, and announced His determination to
destroy all that was therein. This repetition of facts is made in
very different language. Though in the English versions the
word destroy occurs in both passages two different Hebrew
words are used. The one in vi. 7 ; vii. 4, 23 may be rendered
literally as in R.V. marg. blot out. The other in vi. 13, 17 ; ix. 1 1,
15 is a common word for destroy.
In vv. 58 it is twice stated that the Lord repented that
He had made man ; but in vv. 913 this is not recorded.
In iiv. 5 8 Jehovah, in vv. 9 13 Elohim is the name
employed to denote the Divine Being. Verse 9 commences with
the words < These are the generations of Noah.' A reference to
p. 58 shews that this is one of P's phrases, as also are 'perfect,'
DUPLICATE ACCOUNTS IN GENESIS 75
* Noah walked with God ' (cf. Gen. v. 24 ; and xvii. i ' walk
before me and be thou perfect')- The same phenomena which
have been observed in the accounts of Creation again present
themselves in these verses which serve as an introduction to the
story of the Flood. Two versions of the same facts follow one
after the other ; the first, by using Jehovah 1 , and representing
the Lord as * repenting,' recalls the characteristics of Gen. ii.
4 25 ; the second uses God, and expressions found in ch. v.
and ch. xvii. (parts of the document which has been denoted by
the symbol P). The first has blot out, the second destroy. The
words ' from the face of the ground] following ' blot out' in vi. 7,
vii. 4 R.V., are like ii. 5, 6, 7, 9, 19 (J). P uses generally
' earth.' These two versions are clearly from different sources.
Do these two sources furnish material for the rest of the
narrative? Further examination will shew that they do, and
will also supply additional tests for distinguishing between the
two sources. It will assist the reader if the results are given in
a tabular form (see pp. 76, 77).
In the central column C a summary of the narrative is given ;
those facts and statements which are repeated are in ordinary
type, those which are recorded only once are in italics. The
columns on either side contain the Scripture references ; the
outer columns to the right and left contain selections from the
passages words and expressions which serve to distinguish
between the sources. The portions in italics are placed on
that side of C which is nearer to the column to which they are
assigned. Italics in the outer columns indicate words and ex-
pressions characteristic of J and P respectively.
A glance at column C of the table is sufficient to shew the
great preponderance of matter in ordinary type, i.e. of incidents
which are repeated in these chapters. Nearly the whole of the
narrative is duplicated. If the passages contained in each of
the columns P and J be i .nl coose mivi-ly, it will be seen that
-i>' in vi. 5 (A.V.) bhould be 'the LORD' (Jehovah]
a, in K.V.
76 INTRODUCTION TO THE PENTATEUCH
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And the Lord said, 7 //// 5/tf/ out
man... from off the face of the
ground.
[command to make an ark.]
For yet seven days and 7 7t;*Y/
cause it to rain. ..will I blot out
from off the face of the ground.
Come thou and all thy house. Of
every c&vm beast thou shall
lake to thee seven and seven...
and of beasts that are not clean
*700...each and his mate.
And Noah did according to all
that the Lord commanded him.
After the seven days. ..the waters
of the flood were upon the earth.
Of clean beasts, and of beasts that
are not clean..
...and the Lord shut him in.
NARRATIVE OF THE FLOOD
77
the end o
ened the w
ven days a
th the dov
t other sev
Noah rem
the ark an
ld, the fa
ry-
re from
will not curse tke ground
neither will 1 again smite.
78 INTRODUCTION TO THE PENTATEUCH
each of them furnishes an almost complete story. Where repeti-
tion is the rule and single record the exception (as column C
shews), it will be necessary to examine the latter more closely,
to see whether a reason can be given why only one account has
been preserved (see pp. 79 f.).
Two Hebrew words occur in the narrative, which are both
translated 'die.' In vii. 22 (J) the ordinary Heb. word is used ;
in vi. 17, vii. 21 a less common word (like ' expire'' in English),
which outside the Hexateuch is found only in poetry, and in
the Hexateuch is found only in P.
According to one account the flood is the result of prolonged
rain (vii. 4; where note 'blot out from off the face of the
ground,' R.V. vii. 12. Cf. 'the rain from heaven was restrained,'
viii. 2). According to the other account waters from beneath,
'the fountains of the great deep' ('deep' as in Gen. i. 2), join
with those from above to produce the catastrophe (vii. n;
viii. 2).
A distinction is made between clean and unclean animals in
vii. 2, 8. Seven pairs of the former but only one pair of the
latter are to be taken. No such distinction is made in vi. 19, 20,
vii. 15.
Two expressions are used to denote male and female :
(1) zakhar urfkebhah, vi. 19, vii. 16, as in Gen. i. 27 (P).
(2) 'ish ifishto (lit. 'a man and his wife 1 ,' here it might be
rendered, 'each and his mate'), vii. 2 (twice) (J).
From vii. 7 compared with vii. 10 it seems that Noah and
his family came into the ark before the flood ; in vii. 13 they
entered 'on the selfsame day' (see list of P's words and phrases
in App. II). Noah's family are described as 'all thy house' in
vii. i : but in vi. 18 ; vii. 7, 13 ; viii. 15, 18 a more detailed de-
scription, 'thou and thy sons and thy wife and thy sons' wives
with thee,' is given after the manner ot P.
The indications of time are different in the two narratives.
1 In Hebrew, ' man ' and * woman ' are used in the sense oi ' each ' ;
of animals, and even of inanimate objects: see Gen. xv. 10; Zech. xi. 9.
THE TWO VERSIONS COMPARED 79
Seven clays and 40 days are mentioned in vii. 4, 10, 12, 17.
viii. 6, 10, 12.
A complete chronology is supplied as follows :
Year Month Day
vii. 6 6ooth of Noah
ii 217
viii. 4 7^7
5 10 i
13 6oist of Noah i i
14 2 27
According to this the complete duration was a lunar year and
10 days, i.e. a solar year, and the period of the waters prevailing
was 5 months, i.e. the 150 days of vii. 24 and viii. 3. This
dating by the year, month and day is a characteristic of P
(cf. Exod. xl. 17 ; Num. i. i ; ix. i ; x. II ; xxxiii. 3, 38). Other
indications of his style are 'in the selfsame day,' vii. 13 ; ' I will
establish my covenant,' vi. 18, ix. 9, 11; 'the token of the
covenant,' ix. 12, 17.
The words and expressions which have been noted in the
preceding paragraphs appear in the outer columns of the table
in italics. The table may serve to remind the reader of the
arguments, and help him to estimate their force. The same
series of allied phenomena present themselves which have been
noted on pp. 54 ff. with reference to the accounts of the Creation.
An account which is in form single indicates diversity of source
in the same manner as the separate accounts of the Creation in
the first two chapters of Genesis.
One more point remains to be considered : I )oes the
iiive in its present form afford any evidence of the manner
in which it hn> been put together?
1 h- table shews that the portions which arc found in J
only
(1) The Lord repented that He had made man.
(2) The distinction between clean and unclean.
8o INTRODUCTION TO THE PENTATEUCH
(3) The story of the raven and the dove.
(4) Noah's sacrifice.
The omission of (2) and (4) by P is in accord with his
treatment of the whole patriarchal history. He abstains from
recording any act of sacrifice or ceremonial distinction between
clean and unclean before the establishment of a priesthood in
the time of Moses.
The representation of God in P is less anthropomorphic
(see p. 60) than those in other writers. This explains why the
expression 'the Lord repented that He had made man' finds no
place in his narrative. It appears then that P omits designedly ;
and this accounts for his omission of (i), (2), and (4). As regards
(3), P may have mentioned the sending forth of the raven and
the dove ; a compiler would not relate an incident like this in
duplicate. The account of P supplies the framework of the
whole narrative, and has been preserved almost, if not altogether,
entire.
The portions found in P only are :
(1) The command to build the ark.
(2) The exact dates year, month and day.
(3) The departure from the ark.
(4) The blessing of Noah.
Now (2) is quite in P's style ; he alone gives the exact dates
which are found in the Pentateuch. Also (4) is very similar to
Gen. i. 28 (see the remarks on p. 54). These are probably given
by P only, but J's account is sufficiently complete and indepen-
dent to justify the conjecture that some notices corresponding
to (i) and (3) were originally contained in it. The probable
position of these presumed original contents of J are indicated
in the table in brackets.
Some parts of J have been expanded by a redactor (or editor)
who incorporated phrases from P. The evidence in favour of
this statement is most clearly furnished by vii. 7 9. Here we
should expect to find J's version of the entry into the ark, parallel
ANALYSIS OF THE NARRATIVES 81
to P's account in vii. 1316. The distinction between clean and
unclean points to J, but there is much in these verses that
resembles P, e.g. 'his sons and his wife and his sons' wives with
him' vii. 7 (cp. vi. 18 and vii. 13), P's expression for 'male and
female' (cp. p. 78), 'two and two' of all sorts, and 'God' (vii. 9).
Other probable additions to the J narrative are { whom I have
created' (vi. 7), 'male and female,' as in P (vii. 3). The preceding
remarks render the following statement probable:
The material in J has been expanded by a redactor -who has
combined the sources. He shews affinity with />, and not with J.
b. Duplicate accounts in other books. Duplicate accounts
of both kinds, separate and combined, like those in Genesis
which have already been examined, are found in other books of
the Hexateuch. The declaration of the Divine Name Jehovah
on the eve of the defiverance from Egypt is recorded in both
Exod. iii. and vi. The account in ch. vi. has been shewn to be
part of P (p. 67). In Exod. iii. Moses is bidden to declare the
name Jehovah to the children of Israel, and to demand their
release. The chapter is different in both style and language
from ch. vi., but contains similar matter. An investigation such
as that employed (p. 59) in examining Gen. i., ii. will shew that
these two chapters are from different sources. The description
of the plagues in Exod. vii. xi. contains parts which are taken
from a single document, and other parts where details from
more than one document have been combined. Many narratives
in Exodus and Numbers are composite, like the account of the
Flood in Gen. vi. ix.
Three sets of passages which, on examination, will prove
instiuctive, will here be considered: those which refer to
(1) the Ark,
(2) the Tent of meeting,
(3) the minion of tin.-
(i) Passages which refer to the A>k.
itiofl is (inc. i. .1 to the table on p 82.
UP. 6
82 INTRODUCTION TO THE PENTATEUCH
Exod. xxv.
10 And they shall make an ark
of acacia wood...
Exod. xxxiv.
r ...Hew thee two tables of stone
like unto the first :
and I will write upon the tables
the words that were on the first
tables which thou brakest.
i ...And be ready by the morning,
and come up in the morning unto
mount Sinai, and present thyself
there to me on the top of the mount.
3
4 And he hewed two tables of
stone like unto the first; and Moses
rose up early in the morning,
and went up unto mount Sinai,
as the LORD had commanded him,
and took in his hand two tables
of stone.
Deut. x.
1 ...Hew thee two tables of slone
like unto the first, and come up
unto me into the mount, and make
thee an ark of wood
2 and I will write on the tables
the words that were on the first
tables which thou brakest, and
thou shall put them in the ark.
3 And I made an ark of acacia
wood,
and I hewed two tables of stone
like unto the first,
and I went up into the mount,
having the two tables in mine
hand.
28 ...and he wrote upon the
tables the words of the covenant,
the ten commandments.
Exod. xxxvii.
And Bezalel made the ark of
acacia wood.
(Description follows w. i 9.)
Exod. xl.
17 ...in the first month in the
second year, on the first day of
the month... he took and put the
testimony into the ark,... and he
brought the ark into the taber-
nacle.
4 And he wrote on the tables
according to the first writing,
the ten commandments which the
LORD spake unto you in the mount
out of the midst of the assembly :
and the LORD gave them unto me.
5 And I turned and came doum
from the mount, and put the tables
in the ark -which I had made ; and
there they be, as the LORD com-
manded me.
EXODUS AND DEUT. COMPARED 83
He will notice that two accounts from Exod. xxxiv. and Deut. x.
are verbally identical except that (a) in Ex. (w. 4ff.) Moses is
spoken of in the third person, while in Deut. he speaks in the
first ; and that (V) the passage in Deut. contains three additional
statements (these are in italics) concerning the ark.
According to Exod. xxv. 10 22 Moses receives the command
to make the ark (with instructions about its form), the mercy seat,
and the cherubim, during his first stay in the mount ; according
to Deut., the command to make the ark is given with the
command to make two tables of stone like the first, which were
broken, i.e. after the first stay in the mount, during the interval
between coming down from that first stay and going up again.
During that interval Moses makes the ark (Deut. x. 3); he goes
up into the mount, and on his return puts the tables into the
ark; 'and there they be as the LORD commanded me' (x. 5).
According to Exod. xxxv. ff., Moses, after his return from the
second stay on the mount, gives instructions for making the ark
which were carried out by Bezalel (xxxvii. i), and after the
tabernacle was reared up, Moses puts the testimony (i.e. the two
tables) into the ark and brings the ark into the tabernacle
(Exod. xl. 20). The two accounts differ both as to the time of
the command to make the ark, and as to the time when it was
made:
The command to make the ark was given, according to
Exodus, during)
- \ the first stay in the mount.
Deuteronomy, after J
The ark was made, according to
Exodus, after 1 ,
V the second stay.
Deuteronomy, beforej
These two accounts agree in two points : (i) the ark was of
acacia (shittim A.V.) wood, and (2) Mobes put the tables into the
ark. But notwithstanding thi-> agreement, the divergence in
other details is so marked that two ditierent authors must have
.'uutcd them. Whoever wrote Kxocl. xxv., or Exod. xxxvii.,
could not h.ive written the account in Deut. x. 1 5, or that
6-2
84 INTRODUCTION TO THE PENTATEUCH
in Exod. xxxiv. I 4, which is so closely parallel to it. Some
interesting questions arise about the relations between these
two last mentioned passages, but they must be left unanswered
at present ; the following statements, however, may be regarded
as established by the preceding investigation.
(a) The two accounts in Exod. xxxiv. and Deut. x. in their
present form (one with, the other without, reference to the ark)
are not from the same writer; nor were they placed in their
present positions by the same compiler ; nor were they composed
by the author of Exod. xxv. or xxxvii.
(b) The full and exact details about the ark in Exod. xxv.
and xxxvii. belong to P. Therefore Exod. xxxiv. does not belong
to P.
(c} Deuteronomy shews affinity with that portion of Exodus
which does not belong to P.
Note that these inferences involve : (a) the existence of three
writers at least ; (/3) probably, also, one or more redactors.
(2) Passages which refer to the Tent of meeting.
Instructions are given to Moses about the Tabernacle 1 and
its vessels in Exod. xxv. xxxi., during his first stay of forty
days in the mount. In Exod. xxxv. xl. these instructions are
communicated to the people and the ark, the tabernacle, and
its vessels are made. The work occupied some time ; for the
tabernacle was not set up until the first day of the first month
of the second year (about 9 months after arriving at Sinai)
(Exod. xl. 17). But in the interval between receiving these
instructions, and carrying them out, a remarkable series of events
1 Two expressions are used in describing the ' Tent ' or ' Tabernacle '
of Exod. xxv. xxxi. and xxxv. xl. ; ' Ohel Mo'e dh, which is translated
Tent of meeting R.V., tabernacle of the congregation A.V. ; and Mishkan
(Dwelling), translated Tabernacle both in R.V. and A.V. ; but R.V.
has in the margin Heb. dwelling. The two expressions are combined
Exod. xl. 2, 6, 29. The tent of xxxiii. 7 n, and that described in
xxv. xxxi., xxxv. xl. are both called by the Hebrew name 'Ohel
MFtdh.
THE TENT OF MEETING 85
took place, which are recorded in Exod. xxxii. xxxiv. The
people worship the golden calf, and the command is issued to
depart from Mount Sinai, accompanied with a declaration that
God will not go up in the midst of them. On hearing these evil
tidings the people mourned, and put off their ornaments. Then
follows (xxxiii. 7 n) an account of a tent which Moses used to
pitch ' 'without the camp, afar 4^" from the camp,' and he called
it 'the Tent of meeting' (tabernacle of the congregation A.V.).
Every one who sought the LORD used to go out to this tent.
When Moses went out and entered into the Tent, the pillar of
cloud would descend and stand at the door of the Tent ; all
the people would see this and worship. When the LORD had
spoken unto Moses face to face, Moses would turn again into
the camp, but his minister (servant A.V.) Joshua did not depart
out of the Tent.
The tenses in the Hebrew are frequentative, implying that
what is here described was customary, and not done only on
some special occasion. A tent is here referred to as already
existing, without any previous intimation that it had been made.
Did Moses make this tent, or cause it to be made, without
having received instructions? If he did, there is a notable
divergence between the two accounts. If he received instruc-
tions, either they have been omitted, or they are those of
Exod. xxv. In either case the accounts differ as to the time
at which the Tent of meeting was set up.
Other occasions on which the Tent of meeting is described
as pitched without the camp are :
(i) When the seventy elders prophesy on a portion of the
Spirit being imparted to them (Num. xi. 16, 17, 23 30), a
distinction is drawn between the two men who remained in the
camp, and prophesied, and those who went <</// unto the Tent
(xi. 26). The words 'and Moses gat him into the camp' (xi. 30)
imply that he returned after having gone out to the Tent.
(ii) When Miriam and Aaron speak against Moses (Num.
xii.), the three are bidden to come out 'unto the tent of meeting'
86 INTRODUCTION TO THE PENTATEUCH
(xii. 4), 'and the Lord came down in a pillar of cloud and stood
at the door of the Tent' (as in Exod. xxxiii. 9).
(iii) Although Deut. xxxi. 14, 15 does not expressly mention
the Tent as outside the camp, the similarity between the passage
and the other three is so marked that it may be classed with
them. All four passages are probably by the same writer, who
is different from the writer, or writers, who describe the Tent of
meeting as in the midst of the camp.
The description in Exod. xxxiii. 7 u, which assumes that
the Tent of meeting is already made, and the record of the
subsequent construction of the Tent of meeting and its erection
on the first day of the first month of the second year (P) cannot
be both from the same author.
The suggestion has been made that the tent in Exod. xxxiii.
was a temporary one used before the permanent Tent of meeting
was completed. But (i), (ii), (iii) (see above) describe events
which took place after that Tent of meeting had been set up,
and (iii) belongs to the last year of the wanderings. A tent
which accompanied the children of Israel throughout the whole
of their journeyings is referred to in these passages, and it is
called 'the Tent of meeting' (tabernacle of the congregation A.V.),
one of the names given to the 'Tabernacle' in the rest of the
narrative (xxviii. 43 ; xxix. 4, 32, 44 ; Lev. i. I ; iv. 7, 18 ; vi. 26, 30 ;
viii. 4, 33, 35 ; ix. 23 ; Num. xiv. 10; xxxii. 54, &c.). It seems clear
that the same structure is implied throughout, and consequently
that the whole narrative in its present form exhibits traces of
'duplicate accounts' with reference both to the Ark and to the
Tent of meeting. Note that the construction of the Tabernacle
in xxxvi. 8ff. is recorded without any reference to the Tent of
meeting of ch. xxxiii., or any intimation that it was made to
replace that tent.
(3) The mission of the spies.
(a) The most complete account of the spies is found in
Num. xiii., xiv. : how they were sent, the report which they
ANALYSIS OF NUM. XII!., XIV.
brought back, the murmuring of the people, and their punish-
ment. It is not difficult to recognize that two (or more) versions
of this incident form the basis of the record in these two chapters.
As usual, the story of P may be most easily separated from the
rest. In the following table, the right hand side contains P's
account, and the remainder is placed on the left.
Num. xiii.
i And the Lord spake unto
Moses saying, 2 Send thou men
that they may spy out the land of
Canaan... of every tribe of their
fathers shalt thou send a man,
every one a prince among them.
3 And Moses sent them from the
wilderness of Paran according to
the commandment of the Lord ;
all of them men who were heads
of the children of Israel.
[The names of the spies follow,
w. 416.]
17 b ...and he said unto them,
Get you up this way by the South,
and go up into the mountains :
1 8 and see the land what it is; and
the people that dwelleth therein
whether they be strong or weak...
19 and what the land is that they
dwell in... and what cities they be
that they dwell in...
IQ and what the land is... And
be ye of good courage and bring
of the fruit of the land.
2 1 And they went up by the
Smith, and came to Hebron...
23 And they came unto the
valley of Eshcol, and cut down
from thence a branch with one
cluster of
26 1> [and they r
and brought back word unto them,
17 And Moses sent them to spy
out the land of Canaan
21 ...and they spied out the land
from the wilderness of Zin unto
Rehob, to the entering in of
Hamath.
25 And they returned from spying
out the land at the end of forty
26 And they went and came to
Moses and to Aaron, and to all
the congregation of the children
of Israel, unto the wilderness of
88 INTRODUCTION TO THE PENTATEUCH
and shewed them the fruit of the
land. 27 And they told him, and
said, We came unto the land
whither thou sentest us, and surely
it floweth with milk and honey;
and this is the/rwzVof it. 28 How-
beit the people that dwell in the
land are strong, and the cities are
fenced and very great : and more-
over we saw the children of Anak
there.
30 And Caleb stilled the people
before Moses, and said, Let us go
up at once and possess it ; for
we are well able to overcome it.
31 But the men that went up with
him said, We be not able to go
up against for they are stronger
than we.
33 And there we saw the Nephi-
lim, the sons of Anak...
32 And they brought up an evil
report of the land which they had
spied out unto the children of
Israel saying, the land through
which we have gone to spy it out
is a land that eateth up the in-
habitants thereof, and all the
people that we saw in it are men
of great stature.
xiv.
\b ...And the people wept that
night.
4 And they said one to another,
Let us make a captain and let us
return to Egypt.
r And all the congregation lifted
up, and gave forth their voice...
i And all the children of Israel
murmured against Moses and
Aaron : and the whole congrega-
tion said unto them, Would God
that we had died in the land of
Egypt...
5 Then Moses and Aaron fell on
their faces before all the assembly
of the congregation of the children
of Israel. 6 And Joshua the son
of Nun, and Caleb the son of
ANALYSIS OF NUM. XIIL, XIV.
89
{Moses (or Caleb , cf. xiii. 30) en-
courages the people to go up.
Verses 8, 9 are part of this
speech. ]
8 If the LORD delight in us then
he will bring us into... a land
flowing with milk and honey...
1 1 And the LORD said unto Moses,
How long will this people despise
me?... I will smite them with the
pestilence, and disinherit them,
and will make of thee a nation
greater and mightier than they.
[Moses intercedes for the people in
verses 13 19, and the Lord
pardons thtm, verse 20 ; but
announces their punishment.]...
73 surely they shall not see the
land which I sware unto their
fathers, neither shall any of them
that despised me see it : 74 but
my servant Caleb, because he had
another spirit with him and hath
followed me fully, him will I
bring into the land whereinto he
. and his seed shall possess
it. 25 Now the Amalekite and
iiiaainte dwelt in the valley:
tomorrow turn and take your
journey into the iritdcTOCM by the
way to the Red Sea.
Jephunneh, which were of them
that spied out the land, rent their
clothes : 7 and they spake unto all
the congregation of the children
of Israel, saying, the land which
we passed through to spy it out is
an exceeding good land.
10 But all the congregation bade
stone them with stones. And the
glory of the LORD appeared in the
tent of meeting unto all the child-
ren of Israel.
16 And the LORD spake unto
Moses and unto Aaron, saying,
37 How long shall I bear with this
evil congregation which murmur
against me? 28 Say unto them,
as I live saith the Lord, surely as
ye have spoken in mine ears, so
will I do to you: 79 your ca
shall fall in this wilderness; and
all that weie numbered of you,
according to your whole number,
from twenty years old and ujiwaid,
which have murmured against me,
90 INTRODUCTION TO THE PENTATEUCH
30 surely ye shall not come into
the land, concerning which I lifted
up mine hand that I would make
you dwell therein, save Caleb the
son of Jephunneh, and Joshua the
son of Nun.
34 After the number of the days
in which ye spied out the land,
even forty days, for every day a
year, shall ye bear your iniquities
even forty years....
36 And the men which Moses
sent to spy out the land...
37 even those men that did bring
up an evil report against the land,
died by the plague before the
LORD. 38 But Joshua the son
39 And Moses told these words of Nun, and Caleb the son of
unto all the children of Israel : Jephunneh remained alive of those
and the people mourned greatly. men that went to spy out the land.
[They go up and fight in spite of
Moses 1 remonstrance, and are
defeated, w. 40 45.]
(b] Another account is found in Deut. i. 1944, of which
the following is a summary :
Num. Dt.
xiii. 26 i. 19 On arriving at Kadesh Barnea, a proposal made by
the people to send men to search the land was approved
by Moses, who took twelve men, one man for every
17 24 tribe,... and they went up into the mountain and came
23 nnto the valley^- of Eshcol and spied (searched A.V.)
20 25 it out. And they took of the fruit of the /a;uL.and
1 A.V. of Num. xiii. 23 by translating ' brook ' may lead the reader
to suppose a difference where none exists. The Hebrew is the same
in both.
THE ACCOUNT IN DEUTERONOMY
Num. Dt.
xiii. 26 bron^it us word again and said: It is a good land
27 which the Lord our God giveth unto us. But the
people murmured in their tents and said... our brethren
xiv. 8 i. 18 have made our heart to melt (discouraged our heart A. V.)
Num. saying, the people is greater and taller than we; the
xiii. 28 cities are great and fenced (walled A.V.) up to heaven;
and moreover we have seen the sons of the Anakim there.
[Moses exhorts the people not to fear.]
34 And the Lord. ..was wroth, and swarc, saying, Surely
xiv. 23 35 there shall not one of these men of this evil generation
see the good land -which I sware to give unfo your
34 36 fathers , save Caleb the son of Jephunneh,...to him will
I give the land... and to his children ; because he hath
wholly followed the Lord . . .
From this point the two narratives are placed in
parallel columns.
Num. xiv.
25 ...turn, and take your journey
into the wilderness by the way to
the Red Sea.
[The punishment of the people is
announced: they shall wander
in the wilderness 40 years, and
shall be consumed... w. 26 39.]
40 And they rose up early in the
morning, and gat them to the top
of the mountain, saying, Lo, we
be here, and will go up unto the
place which the LORD hath pro-
: for we have sinned. 4 1 And
. Wherefore now do ye
the commandment oj
the LORD, seeing it shall not
r? 42 Co not up, for the
LORD is ;/<>/ amon^ you; that ye
be not smitten befoi e your (ncmies.
Deut. i.
40 But as for you, turn you, and
journey info the wilderness by the
way to the Red Sea.
41 Then ye answered and said
unto me, We have sinned against
the LORD, we will go up and fight,
according to all that the LORD
our God commanded us. And ye
girded on every man hi> we
<>f war, and were fi \\ar-l to go up
into the mountain. 41 And the
LORD said unto me, Say unto
thnn, Go not up, neither fight;
for I am not among you ; that ye
be not s/nittctt before your enemies.
92 INTRODUCTION TO THE PENTATEUCH
Num. xiv. Deut. i.
43 For there the Amalekite
and the Canaanite are before 43 So I spake unto you, and ye
you, and ye shall fall by the hearkened not, but ye rebelled
sword : because ye are turned against the commandment of the
back from following the LORD, LORD,
therefore the LORD will not be
with you. 44 But they presumed and were presumptuous and went
to go up to the top of the moun- up into the mountain,
tain : nevertheless the ark of the
covenant of the LORD, and Moses,
departed not out of the camp.
45 And the Amalekite and the 44 And the Amorite which dwelt
Canaanite which dwelt in that in that mountain, came out against
'mountain, came down, and smote you, and chased you, as bees do,
them, and beat them down, even and beat you down in Seir, even
unto Hormah. unto Hormah.
For the analysis of Num. xiii., xiv. on pp. 87 ff. the com-
mentary may be consulted; some of the facts on which it
rests are here pointed out.
The beginning of ch. xiii. may with confidence be assigned
to P. The expressions 'land of Canaan,' 'tribe,' 'prince,' 'at
the commandment of the Lord'; Joshua's change of name
(cp. Gen. xvii. 5, 15; xxxv. 10; and see p. 56), and the list of
names (vv. 4 16), like the list of the heads of fathers' houses in
Num. i. 5 1 6, are sufficient (with the remarks on these expres-
sions and on P's style on pp. 57 f.) to indicate the source from
which it is derived. A word for 'spy out' is found three times
(w. 2, 1 6, 17) in these introductory verses; its frequent occur-
rence throughout these chapters will help to identify other
portions belonging to P. Also the expressions 'the congregation
of the children of Israel,' 'all the congregation' (xiii. 25 ; xiv. i,
2, 5, 7, 10, 26, 36), 'the glory of the Lord' (xiv. 10), and the
general style of the passages in the right hand column, com-
pared with that of the passages in the left hand column will be
sufficient to shew the reader that there are cogent reasons for
REASONS FOR THE ANALYSIS 93
considering the narrative as duplicate, and for the partition
indicated in the two columns.
The geographical detail supplies corroborative evidence : the
camp is in the wilderness of Paran according to Num. xiii. 3;
in the Deuteronomic account it is at Kadesh Barnea (Deut. i. 19).
Now in Num. xiii. 26 'to Kadesh' is added as explanatory after
'unto the wilderness of Paran.' This implies that Kadesh was
in the wilderness of Paran; but in Num. xx. I, and still more
distinctly in Num. xxvii. 14, Deut. xxxii. 51, Kadesh is mentioned
as in the wilderness of Zin, which the people reach only after
the expedition of the spies. The same place is thus differently
described in the two sets of passages. The variation can only
be satisfactorily explained by supposing that they are due to
different writers.
The extent of the expedition is described in Num. xiii. 21
'from the wilderness of Zin unto Rehob, to the entering in of
Hamath.' The wilderness of Zin, adjoining that of Paran,
into which the children of Israel came after leaving Paran
(Num. xx. i), was in the S. boundary of Judah. The entering
in of Hamath defines the extreme N. boundary of the whole
land (Num. xxxiv. 8 ; Josh. xiii. 5). According then to this
narrative, the whole land is spied out. The valley of Eshcol
(near Hebron, S. of Jerusalem) is mentioned in Num. xiii. 23 as
the point which the spies reached. According to Deut. i. 25,
after searching out (the Heb. word is different from that in
Num. xiii., xiv.) the valley of Eshcol, they took of the fruit of
the land and brought it down (from the high ground of Hebron
to the lower level of Kadesh) to the children of Israel. The
obvious inference from the Deuteronomic account is that
Eshcol was the limit of the expedition.
In Num. xiii. 30 Caleb alone is mentioned as 'stilling the
people,' and in xiv. 24 Caleb alone is again mentioned as
allowed to enter the land; but in xiv. 6, 30, 38 (passages which
for other reasons are assigned to the 1' narrative) Joshua is
associated with Cairo in cm oura^ing the people, and i-, men-
tioned with hi;. np| hum the punishment that would fall
94 INTRODUCTION TO THE PENTATEUCH
on 'this evil congregation' (xiv. 27). In mentioning Caleb only
(xiv. 24) the narrative is closely parallel to that in Deut. i. 36.
Of course Joshua as well as Caleb entered the promised
land ; as successor to Moses he is expressly mentioned in
the Deuteronomic account (Deut. i. 38) as causing Israel to
inherit it : but the mention of Caleb alone in Num. xiv. 24 and
Deut. i. 36, as compared with Joshua and Caleb in xiv. 6, 30, 38,
may fairly be pointed out as additional evidence in favour of
composite authorship.
The punishment announced in Num. xiv. 27 35 has already
been threatened in xiv. 22 24. The two passages are dupli-
cates; and in xiv. 36, 37 an additional detail is given: the spies
that brought up the evil report 'died by the plague before the
Lord.'
The facts stated above are sufficient to justify the separation
of the sources in Num. xiii., xiv. The account in Deut, when
compared with these chapters, will be found closely parallel ; but
the portions of Num. which furnish this parallelism are in the
left hand column, i.e. the Deuteronomic narrative shews affinity
with the account which is not from P. In the summary of
the Deuteronomic account on p. 90, the expressions in italics are
verbally 1 the same as in Num. (the verses both of Num. and
of Deut. are in the columns at the side); though these coin-
cidences are numerous and important, the reader who compares
carefully the whole account both in Num. and Deut. will not
fail to observe further points of resemblance, and also that
these points of resemblance are found only in the left hand
column of pp. 87 90.
But a most noteworthy feature in the Deuteronomic account
is the close connection of Deut. i. 40 and 41, compared with the
positions of the corresponding verses in Num. xiv.
In Deut. i. 40 a command is given to turn aside from the
promised land, and journey towards the Red Sea. The people
1 There is a difference of person in the verbs and pronouns : in
Num. the third person is used throughout ; in Deut. Moses speaks of
himself in the first person, and to the children of Israel in the second.
COMPARISON OF NUM. AND DEUT. 95
in reply (i. 41) propose to attack the inhabitants of the mountain
at once, and persisting in spite of Moses' opposition suffer a
disastrous defeat. The command of Deut. i. 40 is found in
Num. xiv. 25, but the attack and its consequences (Deut. i.
41 44) are related in Num. xiv. 4045.
Thus Num. xiv. 25 = Deut. i. 40
and 40= 41.
In Num. xiv., verses 2639 are placed between two verses
which form a continuous narrative in Deut. Why does Deut
take no notice of these intervening verses? Looking at the two
parallel columns on pp. 91 f. it will be seen that each furnishes a
fairly complete version of the incident. It has also been noticed
that Deut. has throughout made no reference to the right hand
column, and here he treats Num. xiv. 26 39 as if it were not
existent. There can be but one explanation of these facts :
the narrative in the left hand column once existed apart from
that in the right hand column, and as a separate account served
as the basis of the Deuteronomic account. It is inconceivable
that, if Num. xiii., xiv. in their present form were known to the
writer of Deuteronomy, he would have selected from it only
those portions that are in the left hand column. The conclusion
to be drawn is that Deuteronomy was not acquainted with P's
version of the spies ; and that P's version was incorporated with
the other narrative after the Deuteronomic account was written.
This conclusion is much strengthened by the fact that the book
of Deuteronomy is throughout based on those parts of the
Pentateuch which are not due to P.
The inference here drawn must be of special interest to the
Biblical student. The Bible itself "is here delivering its message,
and furnishing us with an illustration how one of its sections
has assumed its present form by a process of accretion.
(c) A few remarks on Jo->h. xiv. 615 may be added :
In this pasia^c Caleb reminds Joshua of the promise made
to him by Jclioi'ali through Mo-.cs that 'the land \\hcu-on ' his
'loot hath trodden' (ver. v> c p. Dcut. i. 36) should belong to
>_
96 INTRODUCTION TO THE PENTATEUCH
him and his descendants, as a reward for his faithful conduct.
He asks Joshua to give him 'this mountain 3 [i.e. Hebron 1 ]
'whereof the LORD spake in that day' (ver. 12). His request
was granted, and ' Hebron became the inheritance of Caleb the
son of Jephunneh the Kenizzite unto this day' (ver. 14). This
assignment of territory is referred to also in Josh. xv. 13 15 2 .
This promise of the land is not found in P's account of the
spies, but in Num. xiv. 24 (in the left hand column on p. 89)
and Deut. i. 36. The words in w. 8, 9 'brethren '...'made the
heart of the people melt' (cp. Deut. i. 28) and 'the land whereon
thy foot hath trodden ' (cp. Deut. i. 36) point to the Deuteronomic
version of the story; the mention of 'Hebron' points to Num.
xiii. 22, Kadesh-Barnea to Deut. i. 19. There is no trace of P's
style or vocabulary, and no reference is made to Joshua as
associated with Caleb in the task of spying out the land (p. 90).
On the contrary, vv. 7, 8 with the personal pronouns in the
singular number, 'I' 'me' 'my' 'mine' imply that Joshua is
not here regarded as accompanying Caleb on that mission.
The words 'Moses sent me' and 'my brethren that went up
with me' are not appropriate when addressed to one who was
1 Hebron is one of the highest points of the central mountain range
stretching southward from the plain of Jezreel.
2 A comparison of these verses with the parallel account in Judg. i.
10, 1 1, 20 affords an instructive illustration of variety in different versions
of the same event. What in Jos. xv. 14 is represented as Caleb's
personal exploit becomes a tribal exploit in Judg. i. 10 ('And Judah
went. ..and they smote'). It is regarded as a national exploit in Josh.
x. 36 f. ('Joshua went up... and all Israel with him unto Hebron, and
smote it. ..and all the souls that were therein'). In xi. 21 also,
apparently on another occasion, 'he cut oft' the Anakim...from Hebron...
and utterly destroyed them.' Was Hebron taken, and all its inhabitants
destroyed, twice by Joshua, and also by Caleb, or are these different
versions by different writers of the same event ? The student who will
write out Josh. xv. 13 15 and Judg. i. 10, rr, 20 and place them side
by side in parallel columns will be rewarded for his trouble. It is done
for him by Moore in I.C.C. Jintg. p. 23.
JOSHUA AND NUMBERS COMPARED 97
a companion of the speaker in spying out the land : it follows
that the writer who represented Caleb as uttering these words
did not consider Joshua as one of the spies. Hence the words
'and concerning thee' in v. 6 are not from his pen ; the pre-
dominance of the singular personal pronouns throughout makes
it almost certain that these words are a marginal gloss due to
the influence of the account contained in P.
The facts here noted shew that the passage is closely related
to the Deuteronomic account, and also has affinity with the
account in Num. which occupies the left hand column in pp. 87 if.
All three may with confidence be referred to a common origin ;
the existence of a second passage (Josh. xiv. 6 15) in addition
to that in Deut. i. 19 44, which makes no reference to P's
account of the spies, confirms the inference drawn from con-
sidering the Deuteronomic account, viz. that the narrative
contained in the left hand column of pp. 87 ff. existed at one
time as a separate source, with which P has been combined.
iv. THE SOURCES J AND E.
The evidence furnished in the preceding sections that the
Hexateuch contains material drawn from more than one source,
is varied and decisive. A document has been separated from
the rest of the Hexateuch, to which the symbol P has been
affixed, and the limits of this document have been approximately
determined. When P has been separated from the Hexateuch,
it is found that the remainder exhibits some of the phenomena
which have been noted in sections i iii. In Genesis, the
alternation of Elohim and Jehovah may be observed ; duplicate
accounts of the same events are also found both in Genesis and
in the following books of the Hexateuch. The inference drawn is
that this remainder is also composite. The separation of P has
>lished a precedent ; and also indicated a probability that
further sub-division may be necessary ; either of P, or of the
remainder, or of both. Further consideration of P being post-
poned for the present, the character of the remainder (i.e. of the
non-P portions of the Hexateuch) will be considered in this
C. P. 7
98 INTRODUCTION TO THE PENTATEUCH
section 1 . The investigation is necessary in order to complete
the proof of the Second Proposition.
The step forward taken by Hupfeld when he demonstrated
that the Elohistic (i.e. the non-J) sections of Genesis were not
homogeneous has been pointed out in the sketch of Hexateuch
Criticism (Part I. 4, pp. 31, 33). He observed that from Gen. xx.
onward the name Elohim occurred in passages which exhibit
none of P's characteristics, and rightly concluded that more
than one writer used Elohim. Some of these passages will now
be examined.
a. Examination of Gen. xx., xxi., and xxvi.
In Gen. xx. I 17 Elohim occurs throughout; but the
passage exhibits none of P's linguistic or other characteristics,
and cannot be assigned to that writer.
In verse 12, Abraham defends himself against Abimelech's
reproof by explaining that Sarah was both sister and wife,
because she was the daughter of his father Terah. The writer
of xi. 3 1 (P) who describes Sarah simply as Terah's ' daughter
in law, his son Abram's wife' expresses himself as if he were not
1 The analysis of JE is an investigation quite distinct from that
which has been pursued in the preceding sections. The reader may
pass by this section altogether, and go on to the next. It is quite
possible that after following the analysis in sections i iii, he may feel
disinclined to consider further applications of the analytical method. It
may be a relief to consider at once the issues raised under the third
proposition, and afterwards the analysis contained in this section. Taking
note of the fact that critics are of opinion that JE is composite, he may
proceed to consider the summary in section v, and the third proposition.
The analysis of JE is not a necessary preliminary to anything that
follows ; though, in the course of the argument in support of the third
proposition, further reasons may appear for supposing JE to be com-
posite. In fact, the analysis of the Hexateuch at its present stage
affords a complete parallel to the analysis of the legislation. Each
consists of three distinct and corresponding portions. The further
analysis suggested in the concluding paragraph of this section (see p. 107)
may be deferred till the rest of the Introduction has been read.
KXAMINATION OF GEN. XX., XXL, XXVI. 99
aware of this double relationship. It appears then that xi. 3 1 and
; 2 are not from the same hand, and since xi. 31 belongs to P,
\\. 12 does not. This inference confirms the conclusion drawn
in the first instance from the style of xx. i 17 that
a. Gen. xx. I 17 does not belong to P,
Gen. xxi. contains an account of a visit paid by Alraham
and Sarah to Abimelech at Beersheba.
Gen. xxvi. contains an account of a visit paid by Isaac and
Rebekah to Abimelech at Beersheba in which the points of
resemblance to xx. i 17, xxi. 22 32 are numerous and re-
markable.
Both Abraham and Isaac
(1) dwell in Gerar : where they meet
(2) Abimelech king of Gerar (xx. 2), or of the Philistines
(xxvi. i), who dwells there.
(3) They both represent that the wife is a sister ; and
Abimelech in both cases reproves them when the truth becomes
known to him ;
(4) they both make a covenant with Abimelech and Phicol
the captain of his host 1 ,
(5) at a place which on each occasion is said to have been
named in consequence Beersheba in Abraham's time in ch.
xxi., and in Isaac's time in ch. xxvi.
The close similarity indicated in (i) (5) renders it highly
probable that the two narratives are variants of the same tradi-
tion 8 .
1 So R.V., and rightly : the Hebrew words of this expression are
the same in both narratives, though the translation in A.V. is different.
3 'In reading the narrative of Isaac's dealings with Abimelech by
:de of Abraham's dealings with the same king, it i.^ difficult to
the conclusion that we have before us two versions of the same
event. Doubtless, history repeats itself; disputes about the possession
11s in a desert -land can frequently recur, and it is possible that
two kings of the same name may have followed one another on the
72
ioo INTRODUCTION TO THE PENTATEUCH
The account in Gen. xx. 117, xxi. 22 32 uses Elohim,
that in Gen. xxvi. uses Jehovah ; hence
/3. these two accounts in their present form are not from the
same writer ; and since neither account shews any affinity with
P, (a) and (/3) combine to justify the conclusion that
Two sources besides P can be traced in Genesis.
It appears then that parts of Gen. xx. and xxi. in which
Elohim is used, are from some source other than P ; i.e. that
two Elohistic writers have contributed to the patriarchal history.
Is there any further evidence corroborating this conclusion?
b. Examination of Exod. Hi. 9 15. Exod. iii.*9 15 con-
tains an account similar in character to that in Exod. vi. 2 8.
Moses receives a commission to go to Pharaoh, and bring the
children of Israel out of Egypt. He asks, 'When I come unto
the children of Israel and say unto them, The God of your fathers
hath sent me unto you, and they shall say to me, What is his
name? what shall I say to them?' In reply God bids him say,
' The LORD (Heb. Jehovah), the God of your fathers,... hath sent
me unto you : this is my name for ever, and this is my memorial
unto all generations.' Though it is not expressly said (as in
vi. 3) that God was not known by His name Jehovah to former
generations, yet a name is here revealed to Moses, and through
him to the children of Israel, the same name Jehovah as in vi. 2.
The idea contained in iii. 9 15 is the same as that in vi. 2 8 ;
but the language in which it is expressed is different. Both
passages are records of a revelation of God as Jehovah. In
Exod. iii. no mention is made of God Almighty (El Shaddai\
but an explanation of the name Jehovah is given (iii. 14, 15).
In Exod. vi. mention is made of God Almighty, but no explana-
throne of Gerar. But what does not seem very possible is that each
of these kings should have had a "chief captain of his host " called by
the strange non-Semitic name of Phichol (Gen. xxi. 22, xjvi. 26) ; that
each of them should have taken the wife of the patriarch, believing her
to be his sister; or that Beersheba should twice have received the same
name from the oaths sworn over it ' (Sayce, EHH p. 64).
THE SOURCES J AND E IN GENESIS 101
lion of the name Jehovah is given. The phrases characteristic
of P in vi. 28 have already been pointed out (p. 67). None
of these are found in Exod. iii. 9 15. Here is an instance of
duplicate accounts of the same event, accompanied with differ-
ences of style and vocabulary. The inference 1 is that two
writers record the fact that God before delivering His people
from the bondage of Egypt, imparts to them a fuller knowledge
of Himself under His name Jeh0vaSt. It is probable, therefore,
that two writers have contributed to Gen. i. Exod. vi., both of
whom would use Elohim in preference to Jehovah in describing
pre-Mosaic times. This inference agrees with and corroborates
the inference drawn from the examination of Gen. xx., xxi., xxvi.
c. Examination of Gen. xxviii. \o>xxxv.^ and Exod. iv.,
xxiv. Additional evidence in support of this conclusion (viz.
that two sources besides P can be traced in Genesis) is derived
from an examination of Gen. xxviii. 10 xxxv. In these chapters,
the alternation between Elohim and Jehovah points to the con-
tinuance of the two sources (neither of which can be identified
with P) which have been traced in chs. xx., xxi., and xxvi.
In xxviii. 1022 there are indications that the narrative
is composite. According to one portion of it Jacob, * when he
fled from the face of Esau his brother' to his uncle Laban, lay
down in a certain place, and saw in a dream the ladder whose
top reached to heaven, and * the angels of God ascending and
descending upon it' (xxviii. 11, 12). And Jacob was afraid and
said * This is none other than the house of God,' and set up the
stone which he had put under his head for a pillar, and poured
oil on it (w. 17, 1 8). With this account (in which Elohim is
used) is combined another, in which the Lord is described as
standing beside him (the rendering of R.V. marg. in verse 13 is
better than * above it ' of both A.V. and R. V.) and confirming to
him the promise of the land. And Jacob awaked and said,
'Surely the LORD is in t his place ' (w. 13 16 in which/*A0?/<//i is
1 The same argument as that applied repeatedly in section ii to
separate P.
102 INTRODUCTION TO THE PENTATEUCH
used). Jacob called the name of this place Bethel. He refers
to the first incident, and to the place as Bethel (xxxi. 5 16), in
speaking to his wives before leaving Laban. (Note especially
the reference in verse 13 to anointing the pillar and to the vow.)
Again in xxxv. i 7 God commands Jacob to go to Bethel and
refers to the former appearance ' when he fled from the face of
Esau his brother.' In both these passages Elohim is used ; but
they show no marks of P's style. A passage which undoubtedly
belongs to P (xxxv. 9 13) records an appearance of God to
Jacob, and states that Jacob named the place where God spake
with him, Bethel. This occurs after his long sojourn with Laban.
The passage in xxviii. II, 12, 17, 18, where the name Bethel is
given to the place because of God's appearance to Jacob before
he meets Laban cannot be from the same source as xxxv. 9 13 :
nor can the passages xxxi. 5 16 and xxxv. I 7 ; for both of these
refer to that first appearance at Bethel. These three passages,
in which Elohim is used, do not belong to P.
Another account, that of Jacob's wrestling with the angel in
xxxii. 22 32, cannot be assigned to P, although Elohim occurs
in it ; both on stylistic grounds, and also because it records
Jacob's change of name as taking place at the ford Jabbok, on
the east of the Jordan, not at Bethel on the west, as in xxxv. 10 (P).
In chs. xxix. xxxi., note : (i)the alternation of Elohim and
Jehovah ; (2) the double etymologies 1 in ch. xxx. ; and (3) different
accounts of the relations between Jacob and Laban, and how
Jacob became rich (see Driver, LOT* p. 16, and the com-
mentary on Genesis).
1 In xxx. 1 6 Leah ' hires ' Jacob, in ver. 18 Leah receives her ' hire ' ;
the name Issachar is connected with the Heb. sdchar (hire), but on two
different occasions with different explanations of the 'hire.' Similarly
in ver. 20 'endow' (Heb. zdbhad) and 'dwell' (zdbhal) are both
connected with the name Zebulun. In both instances it is probable that
the two varying explanations are not from the same source ; and the
probability is confirmed in w. 23, 24. Here two etymologies are given
for the name Joseph; one from ^ asaph (take away) with Elohim (ver. 23),
and another from y asaph (add) with Jehovah.
THE SOURCES J AND E IN GENESIS 103
Sufficient evidence has been collected to show that two
sources may be traced in those portions of Genesis xxviii. xxxv.
which are not assigned to P ; and thus to support the conclusion
drawn on p. 100 from an examination of Gen. xx., xxi., and xxvi.
It is also clear (from the analysis of xxviii. 10 22 on p. 101 and
the facts marked as (i) (2) (3) on p. 102) that these two sources
have sometimes been combined together by an editor or redactor.
It may not always be possible completely to resolve the narra-
tive again into its component parts ; however clear the evidence
in favour of its composite character may be, the facts at our
disposal are often not sufficient to effect the separation with
certainty (cf. LOT 8 pp. 13, 19); but this does not weaken the
argument supplied from the facts already noted, which shew that
the narrative is not from one source.
The evidence for the composite character of JE has been so
far supplied from the book of Genesis ; the books of Exodus
and Numbers furnish equally convincing evidence. For Exod.
i. xviii., the commentary and LOT 8 pp. 22 31 may be
consulted. Exod. xix. xxiv., and xxxii. xxxiv. *, contain JE's
narrative of the events at Sinai. Parts of this narrative have
been examined, and compared with corresponding accounts in
P, and in Deuteronomy on pp. 82 85 ; and other parts will be
examined under the third proposition on pp. H3ff. Evidence in
favour of the composite character of JE is there incidentally
disclosed ; but further incontestable evidence is furnished in a
continuous reading of the whole. For a full discussion, the
commentary and LOT* pp. 32 39 may be further consulted.
Two points in the evidence furnished by these chapters of Exodus
are selected for illustration, (i) Exod. iv. contains two accounts
of a * rod' in the hand of Moses. In iru. 2 4 it is represented
as the staff which is already in Moses' hands, the shepherd's staff
with which he tends the flock of his father in law. The change
of this rod to a serpent is one of the signs which Moses is to shew
fifji-f-t- the children of Israel, as a token of the coming deliverance.
1 The exact limits ot Y (and by inference of JE) are given in App. I.
104 INTRODUCTION TO THE PENTATEUCH
In ver. 17 Moses is furnished with a wonder-working rod (called
the rod of God in iv. 20, xvii. 9), wherewith he is to do the signs.
These are not the signs of vv. 2 9 for only one of them is
connected with the ' rod,' but the wonders (portents) which God
has put in his hand to be done before Pharaoh (v. 21). It
seems clear that these two representations of the ' rod,' that in
vv. 2 4, and that in vv. 17 21, are not from the same source.
On examining the account of the plagues (vii. x.) a corre-
sponding variety of representation may be observed. Sometimes
Moses lifts up the rod, at others he is bidden to declare unto
Pharaoh, that if he will not let the people go, God will smite
him and his people. The infliction of the plague is then ascribed
to direct Divine agency in the words 'and the LORD did so'
(viii. 24), ' and the LORD did that thing on the morrow ' (ix. 6).
For details, the commentary should be consulted.
(2) The command to Moses in xxiv. 12 'Come up to me...,'
and the words with which Moses, before obeying this command,
takes leave of the children of Israel, * Behold, Aaron and Hur
are with you : whosoever hath a cause, let him come near unto
them,' imply that both Moses and Aaron are at the foot of the
mount. In vv. 9 1 1 both Moses and Aaron in company with the
' nobles of the children of Israel ' are upon the mount. Exod. xxiv.
3 8 seems to be a continuation of ch. xxiii., and xxiv. 12 14 is an
appropriate sequel to vv. 3 8 ; the two passages xxiv. I, 2 and
9 1 1 form a continuous account, but, in their present positions,
they impair the connexion 1 between ch. xxiii. and xxiv. 38,
and between vv. 3 8 and vv. 12 14 of ch. xxiv. 12 14. The
inference is that two accounts of an ascent have been combined
in ch. xxiv.
One more instance of duplicate accounts in JE may be
given, in which different names are assigned to the same person.
d. The father in law of Moses. References to Moses' father
in law are found :
1 In xxiv. i Moses is told to come up : though in fact (cp. xx. 21) he
is already in the mount ; but xxiv. 3 is the natural sequel to chap, xxiii.
DUPLICATE ACCOUNTS IN EXODUS 105
a. In Exod. ii. 1622, where he is called Reuel.
. In Exod. iii. I, iv. 18, xviii. I 12, where he is called
Jethro.
y. In Num. x. 29 'Hobab the son of Reuel 1 the Midianite,
Moses' father in law,' is invited to accompany the Israelites on
their journey. In this passage 'Moses' father in law' may refer
either to Hobab or to Reuel.
(1) If it refers to Hobab, it agrees with Judg. iv. ii (A.V.)
* Hobab the father in law of Moses.' In Judg. i. 16 ('the children
of the Kenite Moses' father in law' A.V.) the name Hobab seems
to have dropped out before ' the Kenite ' : it is found in several
MSS. of the LXX. If this be so, Hobab would be mentioned
also here as the father in law of Moses.
Three different names, Reuel, Jethro, and Hobab, are thus
given in these passages to the father in law of Moses; and
Num. x. 29 introduces a further complication by representing
Hobab as the son of Reuel.
But in Num. x. 29 ' Moses' father in law' may refer to
(2) Reuel. If Reuel be Moses' father in law, as stated in
Exod. ii. 1 8, Hobab the son of Reuel would be brother in law
of Moses. R.V. by translating 'brother in law' in Judg. i. 16,
iv. 1 1 adopts this view 2 . But the Heb. word hothen always means
elsewhere 'father in law'; and the rendering of R.V. in these
two passages is very uncertain. It seems to have been adopted
as an inference from Num. x. 29 compared with Exod. ii. 18; it
reduces complication, but does not remove the evidence for the
duplicate account. The variation between Jethro and Reuel
remains, and must either be explained, or accepted as indicating
a double narrative.
The translation of R.V. marg. and A.V., which makes Hobab
Moses' 'father in law' in Judg. i. 16, iv. n is much to be
1 The ' Raguel ' of A.V. is a variant form of the same Heb. name
as that in Kxod. ii. 18, derived from the LXX. and Vulg.
1 R.V. by its translation in Judg. i. 16 refers the passage to Hobab,
probably supposing that Hobab has dropped out.
106 INTRODUCTION TO THE PENTATEUCH
preferred ; and another suggestion for reducing complication
may be considered.
The account in Exod. ii. 16 22 begins with a reference to
the priest of Midian without mentioning his name ; so in Exod.
xviii. 13 27 no name is given to Moses' father in law. The
/name Reuel comes in rather strangely in v. 18; why should not
the name have been given at once in ii. 16, where the priest of
Midian is introduced? It has been conjectured that Reuel is a
gloss, derived from a misunderstanding of Num. x. 29 (taking
Reuel to be Moses' father in law, as in (2) above). If this
conjecture be allowed, Reuel disappears as a name of Moses'
father in law, and with it the very doubtful translation ' brother
in law' of R.V. The variation between Jethro and Hobab,
however, still remains, indicating a double narrative.
But it may be asked, Why, if a name was thought necessary
in Exod. ii. 18, was it taken from the distant passage Num. x. 29,
instead of from the adjacent Exod. iii. I ? Whether Reuel be a
gloss or no, it seems certain that it was in the text before it was
placed in such close proximity to iii. I, where Jethro is mentioned.
Many of the Sabaean kings, and some of their priests, have
/ two names ; and it has been suggested that Jethro and Reuel
I may thus be actually two names of the same person. Grant-
ing this, however, it is not probable that one and the same
writer would have used the two names, each one by itself , within
a few verses of each other. Two 1 narratives, put together by a
redactor, seem to be necessary to account satisfactorily for the
present state of the text.
Whether the hypothesis that the name Hobab has dropped
out in Judg. i. 16 be allowed or not, Judg. i. 16 and iv. ii
distinctly state that the family to which Moses became related
by marriage was Kenite. In Exod. and Num. the family is
designated as Midianite. Here are clearly two traditions found
in Judges and Numbers ; both in passages that do not belong
1 Sayce, EHH p. 163 admits two traditions. He says ' Tradition
has handed down more than one name for the high-priest of Midian.'
THE FATHER IN LAW OF MOSES 107
to P. There are also two traditions (at least) preserved in the
Hexateuch about the name of Moses' father in law, and two
sources (at least) must be assumed, in which are recorded these
diverging accounts of Moses' relations by marriage, with refer-
ence both to their names, and to their tribe.
It should also be pointed out, that the writers who record
these traditions must have lived at an age remote from that of
Moses. During the lifetime of Moses and of Joshua, there
would be no uncertainty about the ancestry and tribe of Moses*
wife. Some generations must have passed away before such
divergent traditions could have obtained currency.
The evidence brought forward in this section is weighty and
varied : it points to the conclusion that JE is composite. The
criteria for distinguishing between the sources are not so clear
and decisive as in the previous investigation (the separation of
P from JE in i iii). The strongly marked peculiarities
of style and vocabulary observed in P do not present themselves
in JE ; hence in many cases the analysis is uncertain (LOT*
pp. 1 1 6 f.). The grounds for effecting a separation do not lie on
the surface, but are found by studying closely passages of
considerable length : e.g. Gen. xx. xxxv. ; Exod. xix. xxiv. ;
xxxii. xxxiv. ; Num. xx., xxi. ; xxii. xxiv. ; Deut i. iii., and
ix. xi. in connexion with corresponding narratives in Exodus
and Numbers. Some of these passages have been considered
in the preceding pages ; other portions will come under review
in discussing the third proposition ; but these sections should be
read continuously with the help of the commentaries on the
books in which they are found. Anyone who will undertake
this study will find additional evidence that two (or more)
sources are contained in JE; he will also find additional
illustration of the difficulties that are met with in attempting' to
disentangle them. But if the reader is considering the author-
ship of the Hexateuch for the first time, he is advised to postpone
the further study of JE here indicated 1 , and go on to consider
the next section.
1 See the note at the commencement of this section.
io8 INTRODUCTION TO THE PENTATEUCH
v. SUMMARY OF THE EVIDENCE.
To sura up the evidence in support of the second Pro-
position :
a. It has been shewn that :
a. The variety in the use of the Divine Names in Gen. i.
Exod. vi. renders it probable that two sources (at
least) can be traced in the Hexateuch (i. pp. 50 f.).
/3. This probability is increased when it is shewn from a
consideration of Exod. vi. 2 8 that the avoidance
of the name Jehovah is designed (ii. p. 67).
b. In an independent investigation, it has been shewn, by
examining the style and phraseology of certain chapters in
Genesis which contain different versions of the same incidents,
that:
a. Two sources can be traced in Gen. i. xi. ; this con-
clusion is confirmed by
#. A comparison of passages containing accounts of the
promises made to the patriarchs. On the basis of
results obtained in considering (a) and (/3),
y. One source which by its very distinctly marked style
and phraseology was separated from the rest in
the book of Genesis, has been traced through the
remainder of the Hexateuch, and its limits have
been approximately indicated.
This source has been distinguished as P.
c. The remainder of the Hexateuch after P had been
separated from it was shewn to be of a composite character.
This composite character was indicated by the symbol JE.
d. It was also pointed out that the book Deuteronomy
possesses a style and character of its own, and must be assigned
to a different source from those already indicated.
THE HEXATEUCH COMPOSITE 109
The separation of P from JE is the first step in the analysis
of the Hexateuch ; and the preceding investigation has shewn
that this separation is justified.
The evidence already adduced to shew that JE is composite
is weighty, and has not been effectively challenged 1 . More
detailed study of the books with the help of the commentaries
will make this fact more clear.
The reader may think that Deuteronomy has not received
sufficient attention. As a book which, except in a few parts,
bears throughout a single stamp, it stands on a different footing
from other portions of the Hexateuch which have been examined ;
it can be more effectively treated as a whole in the commentary
upon it in this series. When considering the evidence in support
of the third proposition, it will be necessary to determine the
date of the book, and to describe its contents (see p. 142).
Further remarks on Deuteronomy, with a list of Deuteronomic
expressions, will be found in Appendix IV.
Before proceeding to discuss the third proposition, the con-
clusions already drawn may be once more stated.
(i) Traces of literary activity extending as far as the exile
are found in the Hexateuch. From this it follows that various
writers have contributed to the Hexateuch.
[The alternative, to assign all to the writer of latest date,
would be accepted by none.]
1 This statement is made deliberately, after careful perusal of much
that has been written by opponents of the criticism that would separate
J from E. Dr Orr does not succeed in shewing JE to be the work of a
single hand. For instance, his treatment of the narratives in Gei:
and xxvi. (Problem of the 0.7*., pp. 237 239) does not take into
account all the facts ; no reference is made to Gen. xxi. 11 32. The
facts to which attention has been drawn in iv. p. 99 (4) and (5), and
the quotation from I'rof. Sayce in the note, will shew that Gen. xxi.
nm,t not be omitted in estimating the evidence that JE is composite.
On other points, also, his argument* are inconclusive.
no INTRODUCTION TO THE PENTATEUCH
(2) There are at least four sources, of which three are easily
distinguished.
(3) More than one indication has been noted that
JE, D, P
is a. probable historic sequence.
(4) All sources exhibit evidence that they belong to a period
subsequent to that of Moses.
3. THE THIRD PROPOSITION.
The laws contained in the Pentateuch consist of three separate
codes which belong to different periods in the history of Israel.
i. GENERAL DESCRIPTION OF THE LAWS.
The laws in the Pentateuch may be divided into three groups :
a. The laws in JE. A collection of laws in Exod. xxi.
xxiii. is introduced by the words 'These are the judgements
which thou shalt set before them.' They are preceded by regu-
lations about worship (xx. 23 26) ; and further regulations about
worship are found in xxiii. 13 19. In xxiv. 3 8, it is recorded 1
that Moses wrote all the words of the Lord ; after sacrifice had
been offered, he read the book of the covenant to the people, and
sprinkled the blood of the sacrifice on the people with the words,
1 Behold the blood of the covenant, which the Lord hath made
with you on (the basis of) these words 2 .'
The Book of the Covenant includes the collection of laws in
xx. 23 xxiii. 19, which may be distinguished as the 'Code of
the Covenant,' or the ' Covenant Code.' It is apparently de-
signed for an agricultural community, and contains precepts of
a social, moral, religious, and ceremonial character. The smaller
collection of laws on worship in xxxiv. n 27 shews many points
of similarity with this Covenant code, repeating verbatim several
1 For a discussion of this passage see the commentary on Exodus.
2 This, or R.V. marg. upon all these conditions, is a better rendering
than 'concerning' in A.V. and R.V. These words or conditions are
contained in chs. xx. 23 xxiii.
CODES OF LAW IN THE PENTATEUCH in
of the corresponding laws of the 'Code 1 .' It is sometimes
called the 'Little Book of the Covenant' (Briggs). The laws
embodied in xiii. 3 7, 10 13 also belong to JE.
b. The laws in Deuteronomy. The Code embedded in
Deut xii. xxvi. is introduced by the words 'These are the
statutes and judgements... ' (xii. i) ; and the words ' This day the
Lord thy God hath commanded thee to do these statutes and
judgements' (xxvi. 16) form a conclusion to it. This may be
called the ' Deuteronomic Code.'
c. The laws in the Priestly Code. The remaining laws of
the Pentateuch are not gathered together into a compact code,
like the first two groups ; but legislation and narrative are
combined, and some of the legislation arises out of occurrences
related in the narrative (Num. ix. 6 14, xv. 32 2 36). Most
of these laws are found in the middle books of the Pentateuch
(Exod. xxv. Num. x.), and are represented as given at intervals
during the stay at Sinai. Three chapters of legislation are
assigned to the period of the journeyings (Num. xv., xviii., xix.),
and additional laws to the time when the children of Israel were
in the plains (or steppes) of Moab (see Num. xxvii. xxxvi.).
With these may be joined Gen. xvii. (institution of Circum-
cision), and parts 3 of Exod. xii. (institution of the Passover and
Feast of Unleavened Cakes). These laws deal mainly with the
sanctuary, priests and sacrifices, rites of purification, tithes and
offerings, and may be distinguished as the ' Priestly code.'
The section Lev. xvii. xxvi. deserves special notice. Most
of the laws contained in these chapters have sch a distinctive
character that, though they are combined now with elements
derived from P, they probably formed at one time an independent
code ; for they begin with regulations about the place of worship,
1 The details are given in the note on p. 115.
* Note the indication of time : ' while the children of Israel were in
the wilderness' (cf. Num. xxi. 13, 18). Clearly written after they had
left the wilderness.
8 For the parts see App. I.
112 INTRODUCTION TO THE PENTATEUCH
and end with a hortatory discourse like the Covenant and
Deuteronomic codes (Exod. xxiii. 2033 ; Deut. xxviii.). The
legislation of these chapters is marked by the stress laid on
the idea of holiness, ' Ye shall be holy, for I the LORD your God
am holy ' (xix. 2). Of course, the assertion of God's holiness,
and of the necessity that Israel, as the chosen people of God,
should be holy, is found elsewhere; but in these chapters the
two ideas are presented in combination with a repetition and
emphasis which impart a unique character to this section 1 of
the Priestly code. The phrase 'I am Jehovah' ('the LORD' in
A.V. and R.V.) occurs nearly fifty times in this section ; with the
additions ' which sanctify you* (xx. 8 ; xxi. 8, 15, 23 ; xxii. 9, 16,
32), and 'I the LORD am holy* (xix. 2 ; xx. 26 ; xxi. 8). The
obligation of the people to be holy, based on the holiness of its
God, is enforced in the verse already quoted (xix. 2), and in
xx. 26 ; it is implied in xx. 7, 8. To disregard this obligation is
to 'profane' sacred things, which is prohibited with equal
insistence (to profane the name of the LORD, xviii. 21, xix. 12,
xx. 3, xxi. 6, xxii. 2, 32 : a holy thing or sanctuary, xix. 8,
xxi. 12, 23, xxii. 15). See Driver, LOT* pp. 48 50. On account
of the prominence given to the command ' Ye shall be holy,' and
to the reason accompanying it, the section has been called the
'Law of Holiness,' and is frequently referred to as H.
ii. GENERAL COMPARISON OF THE CODES.
The character of the argument in support of Proposition 3
has already been indicated in Pt I. 4. Before proceeding to
apply the twofold comparison of p. 36 to particular cases,
a few general remarks may be made on the relation of the three
codes to one another, and to the narrative with which they are
incorporated.
a. Comparison of D with JE. Exod. xxiv. 3 8 contains
an account of the covenant which the Lord made with the
1 See the note on p. 55. Here is a very good illustration of the
preference and combination there referred to.
COMPARISON OF THE CODES 113
children of Israel at Sinai. The passage is the sequel 1 to
ch. xxiii. and implies that the words of the Lord which Moses
wrote in the ' Book of the covenant,' and read in the audience of
the people, are contained in Exod. xx. 22 xxiii. 33, and form
the basis of the covenant at Sinai. These words are different
from the words of the Decalogue which were given to Moses
after the sojourn in the mount for forty days and forty nights
(cp. xxiv. 18; xxxi. 18).
Deuteronomy (xxix. i) mentions two covenants: that which
was made 'with the children of Israel in the land of Moab'
(cf. vv. i, 9, 12, 21), and that 'which he made with them in
Horeb' (cf. iv. 13, 23, v. 2, 3, 22).
What was the covenant in Horeb? According to Deut. v.
the Decalogue only was spoken by the Lord in Horeb, 'and he
added no more' (y. 22). The people ask that they may not
hear the voice of the Lord any more (v. 25), but that Moses
may communicate to them any further message (v. 27). The
Lord approves their request (y. 28) ; and commands Moses to
stand by Him while He declares to him the statutes and judge-
ments which he (Moses) is to teach them, that they may do
them in the land when they have taken possession of it (v. 31).
These statutes and judgements are not made known to the
people at once. The words of v. 31, 'which thou shalt teach,'
do not require Moses to teach them at that time ; and he declares
them to the children of Israel in the land of Moab on the eve of
passing over the Jordan. These statutes and judgements are con-
tained in Dcut. xii. xxvi. ; and with the discourse of ch. xxviii.*
form the basis of the covenant made in the land of Moab. A
comparison of Deut. v. 31 with vi. J, 6, viii. i, u, xi. 8, shews
that ' the commandment 8 , and the statutes, and the judgements'
1 See the remarks on this passage on p. 104.
1 Not necessarily in its j.rcsriu I'urni. The argument is not affected
by allowing that the lxx>k of Deuteronomy may have been revised and
ragmented.
8 Not the ' command mentr ' as A.V., which suggests to the
C.P. 8
H4 INTRODUCTION TO THE PENTATEUCH
spoken to Moses at Horeb are imparted to the people on the
eve of passing over Jordan. This law, declared in the land of
Moab (i. 5), is not a repetition of laws already promulgated at
Sinai, but a series of enactments delivered to Moses at Horeb,
and now, at the close of the journeyings, for the first time made
known to Israel.
Here is a distinct difference between the two representations
of the covenant at Sinai (Horeb). According to Deuteronomy
the Decalogue only is the covenant at Horeb (iv. 13, v. 22).
Whatever had been imparted to Moses at Horeb besides that,
is communicated by him to the people in the land of Moab, and
not before. But according to Exod. xx. xxiv. the Book of the
covenant was laid before the people (xxi. i), and formed the
basis of the covenant at Sinai described in xxiv. 3 8. The
inference to be drawn from this diversity of view is that
The writer of Deut. v. xxvi.^ xxviii}- was not acquainted
with Exod. xx. 22 xxiv. in its present position.
It is however quite certain that many of the laws of the
Covenant code were known to the author of Deut. xii. xxvi. 2
It follows therefore that though the laws of Exod. xx. 22
xxiii. 1 8 (or some of them) were in existence when Deut. xii.
xxvi. and v. xi. were written, they had not yet been brought
into connexion with the Sinai narrative as they now stand in
Exod. xx. xxiv. 3 ; for no one who had read those chapters in
their present form could describe the covenant at Horeb as
reader a reference to the Decalogue, or 'Ten Words,' but the 'com-
mandment,' i.e. the Deuteronomic legislation generally.
1 The possibility of portions having been added to an earlier form of
these chapters is not lost sight of. Cp. note i on p. 113.
2 Evidence in support of this statement will be found later on p. 230.
Consult also the commentary on Deuteronomy in this series.
3 Or if Exod. xx. xxiv. was in existence as a whole, it was not
known in that shape to the author of Deuteronomy ; for he knows the
Decalogue and the Book of the Covenant (or parts of it) separately, but
not in juxtaposition.
COMPARISON OF THE CODES 115
limited to the Ten Words. The author of Deut. does so describe
the covenant at Horeb ; therefore he had not before him the
statements in Exod. xx. xxiv. as they now stand.
This conclusion throws light on the probable growth of the
Sinaitic narrative. A collection of laws which is now found
incorporated with the legislation at Sinai, was known (or partly
known) to the Deuteronomist, but not regarded by him as part
of the Sinaitic legislation. May there not be other laws which,
when they were recognized as authoritative, were by such
recognition considered as breathing the spirit of the first great
lawgiver, and embodied in the account of the Mosaic legislation ?
Another account of a 'covenant' at Sinai is contained in
Exod. xxxiv. 10 27. Like that in Exod. xxiv. 38, it states that
the words which Moses is commanded to write formed the basis
of a covenant (v. 27). * These words' in v. 27 refer to the
precepts contained in w. 10 26. They are chiefly ceremonial
regulations, which are closely parallel to those contained in
Exod. xxiii. 12 ff. 1 The similarity between the regulations of
1 The relation between the ' Little Book of the Covenant ' (see p. 1 1 1)
and the Book of the Covenant is shewn in the following table :
Exod. Exod.
xxxiv. xxiii. xxxiv. xxiii.
18 = 15 ii = 23
*oc = isc H, 15 = 32, 33
21 = 12 13 = 24
22 = l6 14 = 24
23 = I 7
25 = 18 I4 = xx. 3, 5
26 = 19 Cp. Josh. xxiv. 14, 20
xiii. I7 = xx. 23
18* = 6 a i=xx. 9
19 = 12
20 = 13
* the middle clause
The jaiallels in the first column shew verbal identity with ch. xxiii.
and cb. xiii. : those in the second column are not so close, and are from
8-a
ii6 INTRODUCTION TO THE PENTATEUCH
xxxiv. 10 26 and xxiii. 12 ff., and the fact that xxiv. 8 and
xxxiv. 27 both record a covenant based on laws written by
Moses (for it may be assumed that the Divine command in
xxxiv. 27 was obeyed) render it probable that xxiv. 3 8 and
xxxiv. 10 27 are duplicate accounts. Be that as it may, the
inference on p. 114 with reference to the covenant of xxiv. 3 8
may be applied to the covenant described in xxxiv. 10 27 : the
writer of Deut. was not acquainted with this latter passage in
its present position. The connexion between vv. 27 and 28
has been much discussed :
(a) The common interpretation of v. 2 < &b (from 'And he
wrote... 3 ) considers that it is a continuation of the account in
v. i and z/,4, recording the writing of the Decalogue by Jehovah
on the tables as promised in v. i. Cp. Deut. x. i 4 (see p. 82).
Of those who consider v. 28 as the continuation of v. 27 ;
(b} Some identify ' the words of the covenant, the ten words'
in v. 28 with ' these words ' in v. 27, and with the regulations
of vv. 12 26, which (in their view) were originally 'ten' in
number. Moses is then regarded as the subject of the verb
in v. 28$. According to this view, there were two traditions
with reference to what was written on the tables, and * the Ten
Words' denoted here the original 'ten' laws of xxxiv. 12 ff.,
and in Deut. iv. 13, x. 4 the Decalogue of Deut. v.
(c) Others are not satisfied with the attempts that have
been made to reduce the regulations of vv. 12 26 to the
number ten, and doubt whether the phrase * the Ten Words ' in
v. 28 should be taken as referring to them. They suggest that
it is a gloss of a later scribe who understood (wrongly) 'the
words of the covenant ' to mean the Decalogue. The expres-
sion 'the Ten Words' occurs elsewhere only in Deut iv. 13,
x. 4, where it undoubtedly refers to the Decalogue of Exod. xx.
the hortatory discourse at the end of the Book of the Covenant. Two
of the commands (vv. 14, 21) may be compared with the second and
fourth commandments ; but they have parallels in xx. 23 and xxiii. 24.
COMPARISON OF THE CODES 117
and Deut. v. According to this view, the account in Exod. xxxiv.,
in its original form (without the three last words of v. 28), agrees
with that in Exod. xxiv. 3 8 in describing a covenant based
on words written by Moses.
Whichever interpretation be adopted,
Either :
The covenant of Exod. xxxiv. is the same as that of
Deut. iv. 13 based on the Decalogue : then the two accounts of
the covenant at Horeb (Sinai) are so different (with, according
to one interpretation, divergent applications of the phrase { the
Ten Words ') that they must be from different authors ;
Or:
The covenant of Exod. xxxiv. is different from that of
Deuteronomy : then it is evident that the writer of Deuteronomy
was unacquainted with Exod. xxxiv. 10 27. He describes the
covenant in Horeb as founded on the Decalogue on/y, and
followed by a second covenant made in the land of Moab. How
could he have written thus, if he had known that there were two
covenants described as having been made at Sinai, one in Exod.
xxiv., and the other in Exod. xxxiv. ?
Diversity of authorship (i.e. that D and JE are not from the
same source) follows, whichever alternative be adopted.
b. Comparison of D with P. The portions of the Sinaitic
narrative in Exodus which have just been considered are assigned
by general consent to JE 1 . But the bulk of the legislation
contained in the Pentateuch belongs to P, and the question
naturally arises: What is the relation between D and P?
According to P's account, when Israel arrived at Sinai
(xix. I, 2a\ the glory of the Lord abode on mount Sinai, and the
cloud covered it six days : on the seventh day God called Moses
up into the Mount (xxiv. 16 1 8), and gave him instructions for
making the Ark, the Tabernacle with its vessels, and the priestly
garments (xxv. xxix., with xxx. xxxi. as a supplement). On
1 The comments in the preceding pages strengthen the argument in
Prop, a iv. in i.ivour of the composite character of JE.
n8 INTRODUCTION TO THE PENTATEUCH
his return Moses issues these instructions to the people, who
prepare all the material required ; the Tabernacle and its
appurtenances are constructed (xxxv. xxxix.) ; the Tabernacle
is set up (xl.)i and further instructions are given in Leviticus
and Num. i. x. 28 ; after Sinai has been left, further enact-
ments are issued during the journeyings (Num. xv., xviii., xix.),
and in the plains of Moab (Num. xxviii. xxxvi.).
The laws which are thus given by P are, as a rule, imparted
through Moses. A direct communication to Aaron is found,
Lev. x. 8; Num. xviii. I, 8, 20; in some cases Moses and Aaron
are addressed (Lev. xi. I ; xiii. I ; xv. I ; Num. ii. I ; iv. i ;
xix. i; xx. 12, 23); but as a rule the words of the Lord are
delivered to Moses, with an instruction, ' Speak unto Aaron,' or
'Speak unto Aaron and unto his sons' (Lev. vi. 9, 25; xvi. 2;
Num. vi. 23; viii. i); sometimes, 'Speak unto Eleazar the son
of Aaron ' (xvi. 37) ; or the instruction is, ' Speak unto (some-
times, 'Command') the children of Israel, and say unto them'
(Exod. xxv. 2 ; xxxi. 13 ; Lev. i. 2 ; iv. 2 ; vii. 29 ; xii. 2 ; xxvii. 2 ;
Num. v. 2, 6, 12; vi. 2; ix. 10; xv. 2, 18, 38; xvii. 2; xxviii. 2;
xxxiv. 2 ; xxxv. 2, 10).
Thus according to P, a series of statutes are given during the
stay at Sinai ; they are supplemented during the journeyings,
and a last addition is made in the plains of Moab. The instruc-
tion of Israel in the law is spread over the whole period of the
journeyings. The writer of Deuteronomy makes no reference
to this elaborate system of sacrifice, worship, and law ; and his
account of the legislation leaves no room for it. The covenant
at Horeb was the 'Ten Words'; and there is no intimation that
any further commands were issued to the people during their
stay at Sinai, or during their journeyings 1 . The instructions
1 The writer of Deut. might indeed think of Moses as issuing
instructions for the guidance of the people during their journeyings.
Such instructions, having been received from God, might be described
as statutes and judgements ; and if the instructions were of a permanent
character, they might anticipate some command or other found in
chs. xii. xxvi. Such instructions may be referred to in Deut. i. 18,
COMPARISON OF D WITH P 119
which Moses received from God at Horeb were for the guidance
of the people in the Promised Land ; they were not needed
during their progress to Canaan, and accordingly they were not
imparted till the final encampment in the field of Moab. The
representation of the lawgiving in the Priestly Code is different ;
it records a series of enactments issued by God through Moses
during the whole period of the forty years. The book of Deutero-
nomy not only ignores this continued legislative activity ; it
excludes it. When it is remembered that P's legislation in the
plains of Moab is assigned to a period immediately preceding
that in which the second Deuteronomic covenant was made in
the land of Moab, the absence in Deuteronomy of any allusion
to the concluding chapters of Numbers is very remarkable.
The silence of Deuteronomy with regard to matters contained
in P is sometimes explained by saying that Deuteronomy is
addressed to the people, and omits reference to priestly ritual.
But the legislation in P is addressed to both priests and people
(see reflf. on p. 1 18) ; even precepts referring to sacrifice and ritual
purity are delivered directly to the people (Lev. xii., Num. xxviii.,
xxix.). Though the Priestly code contains the priests' ritual,
it contains also, like the other codes, laws for the people. The
explanation offered only accounts for the silence of Deuteronomy
with regard to a part of P, viz. that part which contains regula-
tions for the priests. Reference is made in Deuteronomy to
laws already in existence ; to some of the laws in the Covenant
code 1 , and to regulations about leprosy (xxiv. 8). The book
also specifies the kinds of food that may and may not be eaten 8 .
iv. ;. But action of this kind on the part of Moses does not affect the
general view expressed in Deut. that no formal code other than the
Decalogue was issued at Sinai. The writer of Deut. would not have
expressed himself as he has done, if he had been acquainted with P.
1 Compare the remarks on p. 114, and those in the section dealing
with the laws atxjut slavery (p. 125).
a These passages are often quoted as proving that Deuteronomy is
acquainted with the legislation 01 I'. The Deuteronomic view of the
120 INTRODUCTION TO THE PENTATEUCH
Why, when specifying with some minuteness the sacrifices and
offerings that should be brought (Deut. xii. 6, n, 17), is no
reference made to precepts issued to the people a few months
before on the same subject (Num. xxviii., xxix.)? A similar
question may be asked with reference to an important ordinance
contained in P, to which Deuteronomy makes no allusion ; that
concerning the Great Day of Atonement. The observance of
that day is most strictly enjoined : whoever does not afflict his
soul in that day shall be cut off, and the Lord will destroy the
soul that doeth work on that day from among his people (Lev.
xxiii. 29, 30). A law so necessary for all must find a place in a
code which contains the statutes and judgements to be observed
in the land which the Lord God is giving to Israel. That it is
not included in the covenant made in the land of Moab admits
of but one explanation ; the author of Deuteronomy knew
nothing of such a law.
Both in Numbers and Deuteronomy, the great lawgiver,
when told he is not to enter the Promised Land, is represented
as giving final instructions before his approaching departure.
These instructions are found in Num. xxviii. xxxvi., and in
Deuteronomy. It has been pointed out (pp. u.8f.) that the
Deuteronomic view of the whole legislation as consisting of
(i) the Decalogue given at Sinai, (2) the legislation given in
the land of Moab, leaves no room for any legislation at Sinai
or in Moab, besides the laws contained in Deut. xii. xxvi.
(Cf. xxix. i, 9, 12, 21.) These laws are entirely different from
any of P's Sinaitic laws, and from those in Num. xxviii. xxxvi..
which are obviously to be assigned to P, as they exhibit un-
whole legislation, as embodied in the two covenants at Horeb and in the
land of Moab, excludes the idea of the Priestly code as part of the
Sinaitic legislation. Priestly Torah was no doubt in existence when
Deuteronomy was written, and is referred to ; but such Torah was not
then generally recognized as having been imparted at Sinai. Compare
the remarks about the Covenant code on pp.
THE CITIES OF REFUGE 121
mistakable marks of his style. The lawgiver as depicted in
Deut. could not have imparted these laws in Num. xxviii. xxxvi.
only a few months before. (Cp. the dates in Num. xxxiii. 38
and Deut. i. 3.) Among the laws contained in Num. xxviii.
xxxvi. is one (that referring to the cities of refuge) which has
its parallel in the Deuteronomic legislation. It will be instructive
to compare the two versions in Num. xxxv. 9 34, and Deut. xix.
I-I3-
The Deuteronomic account gives no name to the cities ;
that in Numbers describes them as l drey miklat (cities of recep-
tion?), a term found elsewhere only in Josh, xx., xxi., where
the carrying out of the law in Numbers is described, and in
i Chron. vi. 57, 67 in a list of the Levitical cities clearly taken
from Josh. xxi. (see Josh. xxi. 13, 21).
Three cities only are specified in Deut. xix. 2, 7 ; with a
proviso that, 'if the Lord enlarge thy border,' three more cities
should be added. Num. xxxv. 13, 14 fixes the number at six,
three on each side of the Jordan 1 . The six cities are set apart
by Joshua (Josh. xx.). The same writer would not enjoin six
cities, and within a few months speak of them as three.
In Deuteronomy, 'the elders of his city 'are to send and fetch
the murderer from the city of refuge, to deliver him to the
avenger of blood for death. Some investigation of the case is
here supposed ; and the course of fetching him from the city of
refuge for death would be adopted only if he were judged guilty.
As no mention of any other authority is made, it would seem that
the judgement was pronounced by 'the elders of his city.'
Elders are often represented as exercising judicial functions
(cf. Driver, Deut., pp. 200, 233). But in Num. xxxv. 12 the
judgement rests with the 'congregation,' an expression frequently
occurring in P, but not in D or JE. Apparently, 'the congrega-
tion ' is that of the city of refuge. It might be said that when
1 See the commentary on Deuteronomy for a discussion of Deut. iv.
41 43 in connexion with this law. The difierc-ncc in the representation
of three and six exists, whatever view be adopted with reference to that
gc.
122 INTRODUCTION TO THE PENTATEUCH
the murderer had been condemned by ' the congregation '
(Num. xxxv. 12, 24, 25), 'the elders of his city' (Deut. xix. 12)
fetched him from the city of refuge. But if this were so, it is
strange that Deuteronomy makes no reference at all to 'the
congregation.'
The version in Numbers contains many expressions character-
istic of P, e.g. the introductory formula ' Speak unto the children
of Israel and say unto them,' 'soul' (nephesh} in the sense of
person, 'throughout your generations,' 'in all your dwellings'
(v. 29). None of these are found in Deuteronomy. The time
of sojourn in the city of refuge ' till the death of the high priest,
which was anointed with the holy oil' (Num. xxxv. 25) is
expressed in terms peculiar to P. Deuteronomy does not
indicate any limit to the sojourn.
Accidental homicide is described in Num. xxxv. n, 15 as
done in ignorance (Heb. bisfcgdgah^ unwittingly R.V.), a word
regularly used in P (Lev. iv. 2, 22, 27 ; v. 15 ; xxii. 14 ; Num.
xv. 24, 26 29). Deuteronomy has bibh'll dcfath, unawares
R.V. (iv. 42 ; xix. 4 ignorantly A.V.).
The descriptions given, and especially the illustrations dis-
tinguishing accidental from intentional homicide, are entirely
different in the two passages. With the exception of the words
'manslayer,' and 'flee thither,' no similarity can be traced
between them.
Also the reasons assigned for such a law are expressed
differently. In Deuteronomy, the object stated is 'that innocent
blood be not shed in thy land' ; in Numbers, the idea that 'the
land wherein Jehovah dwells in the midst of the children of
Israel ' should not be defiled, is one which lies at the base of P's
legislation.
The reader may be left to form his own judgement whether
it is probable that these two passages were both written by the
same person. When it is remembered that Moses has already
been told that he is not to go over Jordan into the Promised
Land, the question may be asked : Is it probable that within
the few months allotted to him, he would issue two laws on the
LAWS ABOUT SLAVERY 123
same subject, with such remarkable differences between them,
both addressed to the children of Israel ?
iii. COMPARISON OF PARTICULAR LAWS.
The general comparison of the codes in the preceding
section (while incidentally furnishing additional evidence that
JE is composite) has shewn that the accounts of the legislation
at Sinai are widely divergent in JE, D, and P. A detailed
examination of the laws will throw light on these divergences.
The twofold comparison already indicated (p. 36) will first be
applied to the laws about slavery.
a. Laws relating to slavery.
The laws relating to the Hebrew slave are found in :
Exod. xxi. 2 ii.
Deut. xv. 12 1 8.
Lev. xxv. 3955.
a. Comparison of the laws with one another.
An examination of these laws points distinctly to the con-
clusion that they cannot be practically contemporaneous, but
must have been gradually developed ; and that the three groups
<S in Exodus, Deuteronomy, and Leviticus represent successive
stages of this development.
The laws of Exodus, Deuteronomy, and Leviticus are given
in the following table in parallel columns ; the words that are
identical in Exod. and Deut. are in italics* ; words in Leviticus
in italics are found also in Exod. or Deut. ; if in both, then the
1 The text is that of K.V., except that 'bondman* and 'bondwoman'
are inserted from R.V. marg., in order to make it clear that the same
Hob. words are used in all three passages. The similarity is closer than
the italicised words indicate, e.g. 'he shall be thy bondman for ever'
(Deut. xv. 17) is identical in meaning with 'and he shall serve him lor
ever' (Exod. xxi. 6). 'Serve' and 'bondman* are cognate, i.e. derived
from the same root in Hebrew; just as the English 'serve 'and 'servant.'
124 INTRODUCTION TO THE PENTATEUCH
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LAWS IN EXODUS AND DEUTERONOMY 125
words are in ittilics in all three columns ; but italics in the third
column only indicate words found cither in Exod. or Deut.
The laws in the first two columns may first be compared :
It is clear that either: (a) one of these accounts is dependent
on the other; or, () both are derived from some common
source.
The variations in the Deuteronomic law deserve notice. Its
opening words, ' If thy brother,' sound a note which may be
heard throughout the whole of this legislation. The brotherhood
of all who have been redeemed from a common bondage is the
principle which should guide every Israelite in dealing with his
neighbour 1 . In xv. 13 15 the principle of the common brother-
hood is applied practically and enforced by reference to the bond-
age in Egypt These verses are peculiar to, and characteristic of
Deuteronomy, as also verse 18, which promises God's blessing
on him who treats his less fortunate brother in a generous spirit.
A difference in the treatment of female slaves is clearly
indicated. The Deuteronomic law begins with a reference to
'the Hebrew or Hebrewess,' and ends with 'and also unto thy
bondwoman thou shalt do likewise.' There is no difference in the
treatment of the sexes ; but in Exod. xxi. 7 it is expressly ordered
'she shall not go out as the bondmen do.' The difference must
be recognized, as well as that which it implies a changed social
condition of woman, and, consequently, a considerable interval
between the times at which the two laws were promulgated.
According to Exod. xxi. 4, the wife and children, if the wife
was given to the bondman during his term of service, were
treated as the master's chattels : the bondman might go ; but
only on the condition that wife and children were left. If the
argument from silence be allowed, it would appear that a more
humane treatment of the bondman was customary at the time
when Deuteronomy was written. This change of custom would
indicate that the law of Deuteronomy was later than that of
Exodus.
1 Cp. xv. 3 ii ; xix. 18, 19; xxii. 14; xxiii. ly, 20 in illustration.
126 INTRODUCTION TO THE PENTATEUCH
Another difference appears in the ceremony which inaugurates
life long service. The action of the master is described in nearly
the same words in both laws. He pierces through the ear of
the bondservant with an awl into the door. But in Exod. xxi. 6
the master is to bring his slave 'to God' R.V., or 'to the judges'
A.V. 1 Something is here prescribed as introductory to the
ceremony of boring the ear which has been omitted in Deutero-
nomy. The omission is a notable one, and intentional. Some
portion of the ceremony as described in Exodus had fallen into
disuse or discredit in the time of the Deuteronomist.
Both laws are intended for settled life in Palestine, but if
both laws were given in the wilderness, why should the earlier
law of Exodus require modification after the Israelites had spent
40 years in a nomad condition ? The differences between the
two laws may be most easily accounted for by the supposition
that the law of Deut. was introduced at a later date, and represents
such modification of the original law of Exodus as was found
necessary, after the children of Israel had been for some time in
possession of the land.
Very different both in language and thought is the law
contained in Lev. xxv. 39 46. The laws in Exodus and
Deuteronomy refer to a definite class of Hebrew bondservants :
nothing is said about these in Leviticus ; but a particular case,
that of the free Israelite who becomes a bondman, as in 2 Kings
iv. i, Neh. v. 5, is mentioned. The Israelite who on account of
poverty is reduced to the position of a bondman is not to be
treated as such by his brother Israelite but as a hired servant,
and in the year of jubile he is to return to his family. As in
that year each man returns to his own possession, he will then
be able to support himself and his family (xxv. 39 41).
A more general view of bondage follows : all Israelites are
1 A.V. is a paraphrase ; the judge is the representative of God
(Deut. i. 17); so Exod. xxii. 8, 9. The decision was probably delivered
at the sanctuary in the earliest times. Cf. Judg. iv. 4, 5, and (for a
solemn agreement) xi. n. Cp. p. 51.
LAWS IN LEVITICUS 127
the bondmen of Jehovah ; He rescued them from the bondage
of Egypt, and they shall not be sold as bondmen (xxv. 42).
But they may ' buy bondmen and bondmaids ' (the same words
as in Exod. xxi. 2, 7) of the nations that are round about, or of
the foreigners that sojourn among them (xxv. 4446). The
idea of treating any Israelite as a bondservant is repudiated on
the ground that he is a brother, and that all alike are 'servants'
(the same Heb. word as 'bondmen') of Jehovah (xxv. 42, 46).
Here is a fundamental difference of conception, which may be
accounted for on the supposition that in course of time the idea
of an Israelite occupying the position of a bondservant became
repugnant to the national feeling. The ideas of common
brotherhood and common deliverance from bondage lie at the
base of the Deuteronomic legislation. It is conceived in a
humanitarian spirit, which, however, still allows the Hebrew to
enslave his brother (Deut xv. 12 18). The Levitical legisla-
tion marks a further step in the development of these ideas,
and draws the inference that the Lord's bondmen must not
be bondmen one to another 1 . Such a view of the position of
an Israelite must belong to the last stage in the development
On the assumption that JE, D, P represent successive steps
in the treatment of an Israelite bondservant, the whole legisla-
tion with respect to slavery appears in historic sequence and
presents no difficulty ; but on the supposition that JE and P
were set forth in the same year at Sinai, and D promulgated
about 40 years later, the inconsistency of the three laws is in-
explicable. According to Lev. xxv. Moses communicates to the
people a law forbidding them to treat a Hebrew as a bondman,
1 The principle enunciated ip Lev. xxv. 43 (' they are my servants ')
is by some writers taken as applying only to the case treated in w. 39 41.
But the principle as re-stated in ver. 55 is in general terms ('the
children of Israel arc my servants'); and the close parallelism between the
of Exod. xxi. 7, 7 and Lev. xxv. 44 46 implies that the permission
to acquire a Hebrew slave contemplated in the law of Exod. is withdrawn
in Lev., and only non- Israelites are allowed as slaves.
128 INTRODUCTION TO THE PENTATEUCH
and requiring them to let such as were obliged to sell themselves
on account of poverty go out in the jubile; thereby practically
repealing the law of Exodus given only a few months before.
According to Deut. the same lawgiver less than 40 years after-
wards enacts a law which permits a Hebrew to be made a
bondman for life ; thereby re-enacting the law of Exod. xxi. 2 6,
and at the same time permitting that which had been forbidden
by the law in Leviticus.
/3. Comparison with the history.
No definite reference to any of these laws about slavery can
be traced in the historical books 1 before the time of Jeremiah.
An incident which occurred during the siege of Jerusalem illus-
trates the position of the Hebrew slave in the last days of the
Kingdom (Jer. xxxiv. 8 22). Zedekiah had made a covenant
with the people to release their bondservants, and they had let
them go ; but afterwards they brought them back into subjec-
tion. For this breach of covenant Jeremiah declares that they
shall be given into the hand of their enemies. The language is
evidently based on the law contained in Deut. xv. The mention
of Hebrew or Hebrewess (xxxiv. 9), the letting bondman and
bondmaid go free (ver. 10), at the end of six years' service
(ver. 14), shew an acquaintance with the Deuteronomic form of
the law. The law recognized by the prophet the law of the
Hebrew nation towards the end of the monarchy was that of
Deuteronomy.
There seems to be in the prophet's mind the idea contained
in Lev. xxv. 42, 46, that no Jew should be a bondservant. But
it has not yet been formulated as a law. The prophet appeals
to the Deuteronomic law 2 (xxxiv. 13, 14), and says that this law
1 The incident in 2 Kings iv. i 7 shews that children might be sold
by a creditor as payment for debt.
2 Observe that the law is referred to as given 'in the day that
I brought them forth out of the land of Egypt, out of the house of
bondage.' The words ' in the day that I brought them forth out of the
land of Egypt ' occur also in Jer. vii. 22, xi. 4, 7, xxxi. 32. The phrase
THE BONDMAN IN THE HISTORY 129
had not been observed by their fathers ; but that they had now
obeyed it by proclaiming liberty every man to his neighbour
(verses 14, 15).
The expression ' that none should serve himself of them '
(Jer. xxxiv. 9) is found also in Jer. xxii. 13 ; xxv. 14 ; xxvii. 17 ;
xxx. 8. It is employed in Lev. xxv. 46 and Exod. i. 14 (both P) ;
and also the expression 'proclaim liberty' (Jer. xxxiv. 8, 15, 17)
occurs in Lev. xxv. 10.
The development of the law seems clearly indicated in the
history. Jeremiah, in appealing to the Deuteronomic law, uses
language which implies that one Jew should not be in bondage
to another. This idea is expressed in the law of Lev. xxv. 39 46
which also employs Jeremiah's phrase 'none shall serve himself
of them ' (see above). But it is not appealed to as law by
Jeremiah ; it is still prophetical Torah in his time.
It appears to have been the same for some time after the
Return from captivity : in the time of Nehemiah the distress was
so great that many had borrowed money, and brought into bond-
age their sons and daughters (Neh. v. 4, 5). Nehemiah was very
angry and contended with the nobles and the rulers. He reasons
with them on the impropriety of exacting usury, and selling their
brethren into bondage. Would he have remonstrated on the
subject of bondage, if Lev. xxv. 39 46, expressly forbidding it,
had been then in existence as a law ? The hardships of the
returned exiles prompted their leaders to frame laws for their
relief; and the law against bondage (Lev. xxv. 42 46), which
was the logical sequence to Jeremiah's reproof and Nehemiah's
remonstrance, eventually found its place in the statute book of
Israel
' in the day ' must not be taken literally, and probably means no more
than ' at that time ' ; the reference, however, seems to be to the
beginning^ rather than to the end of the journeyings. If the prophet
knew the law as a part of the complete Book of Deut., would it not have
been represented as proclaimed in the land of Moab (Deut. xxix. i) ?
C. P.
I 3 o INTRODUCTION TO THE PENTATEUCH
b. Laws relating to worship.
A comparison of the regulations affecting worship will
confirm the inferences drawn in the preceding section. The
central idea of O.T. worship is sacrifice ; and for its regulation
four questions must be answered :
(a. Where? .the place of worship.
0. When? (the times at which men
must or may offer sacri-
To the I answer I fice Qr iftg
question , What ? will ^ differem ^^ Qf sacri _
mdlcate fice and offering.
Who? \the persons qualified to
offer sacrifice.
A further question, If certain persons are set apart to offer
sacrifice, what provision should be made for their support ? may
be considered in connexion with question (8).
If the answers to these questions supplied by the different
codes be examined, it will be found that in fulness of detail, and
extent of obligation, the code of D occupies a middle place
between the other two codes.
The historical books record many acts of sacrifice, and supply
details with respect to the manner in which worship was cele-
brated. Many references, direct and incidental, to altar and
offering, priest and sanctuary, occur throughout the books of the
O.T. The material for a twofold comparison like that which
has already been made in the case of slaves, exists, and in much
greater abundance. To treat this material at all completely would
involve writing the religious history of the nation 1 , an under-
taking of greater length and complexity than the limits of this
Introduction permit. Only a few points can here be briefly
considered ; for further information the works mentioned in
1 This has been done by Ottley in The Religion of Israel, and by
Kautzsch in his article in DB extra vol. pp. 612 734. The outline
which follows should be supplemented by reference to these writers.
LAWS ABOUT WORSHIP 131
1't I. 4, pp. 36 f., and those referred to in the note at the foot of
page 130 may be consulted.
a. THE PLACE OF WORSHIP.
(l) Comparison of the codes with one another.
(i) The laws in JE. The Covenant code allows an altar
of earth or of unhewn stone ; implying the existence of more than
one altar, and also of one different from the altar of wood overlaid
with brass (bronze) enjoined in Exod. xxvii. i 8. An altar may
be erected at any place where the Lord causes His name to be
remembered (Exod. xx. 24 26). The law of Exod. xxii. 29, 30,
which enjoins that firstlings should be given to the Lord on the
eighth day from birth, implies that an altar was near at which
they might be presented. The precepts of Exod. xxi. 6 'bring
him unto God,' xxii. 8, 9 'come before God' could not be observed
if there were but one sanctuary. These precepts assume that
the parties concerned can come before God at some place not
far distant from their place of residence. 'The first of the first-
fruits of thy ground thou shalt bring into the house of the LORD
thy God,' a precept which occurs both in Exod. xxiii. 19, and in
xxxiv. 26, may refer to the sanctuary at which the Ark was kept,
to which annual pilgrimages were made (i Sam. i. 3, 7, 21 ;
ii. 19).
(ii) The law in Deuteronomy. The injunctions of the
Deuteronomic code with respect to the place of worship are
clear and emphatic. To 'the place which the LORD your God
shall choose to cause his name to dwell there' (xii. n); to that
place, and that alone, shall sacrifice and oblation be brought
'Thou mayest not eat within thy gates (i.e. in the city where
thou dwellest) the tithe of thy corn, or of thy wine, or of thine
oil, or the firstlings of thy herd or of thy flock, nor any of thy
vows which thou vowest, nor thy freewill offerings, nor the heave
offering 1 of thine hand : but thou shalt eat them before the LORD
1 This expression refers to gifts taken from the produce of the
soil (the firstfruits and firstlings); cp. Num. xv. 19 71. The word
92
i 3 2 INTRODUCTION TO THE PENTATEUCH
thy God in the place which the LORD thy God shall choose'
(xii. 17, 1 8).
A limitation is here introduced which is not apparent in the
Covenant code. It has already been shewn, in considering the
laws about slavery (p. 125), that Deuteronomy, though shewing
acquaintance with precepts contained in Exod. xxi. 2 ff., extends
and modifies the usages there prescribed. In the opening
chapter of the Deuteronomic code, the principle of the one
sanctuary is enunciated and enforced with repeated warning and
entreaty. (In addition to the verses already quoted, note Deut.
xii. 5, 13, 14, 26.) If the regulations about the three pilgrimage
feasts in Exod. xxiii. 14 17, xxxiv. 18, 22, 23 be compared with
those in Deut. xvi., and the frequent references in w. 2, 6, 7, u,
15, 16 to 'the place which the LORD thy God shall choose' be
observed, the inference to be drawn seems clear : in the Deute-
ronomic enunciation of these laws an important additional
regulation is introduced, viz. that which determines \htplace of
worship.
The manner in which this precept is urged gives the impres-
sion that something new is demanded. No reference is made
to a previous law, but it is implied that the existing practice of
the people is unsatisfactory. 'Ye shall not do after all the things
which we do here this day, every man whatsoever is right in his
own eyes' (Deut. xii. 8). An excuse seems to be offered in the
following verse: the people are not yet settled in peaceful
possession of the land ; but when they 'dwell in safety' (v. 10),
irregular and arbitrary worship must cease, and the ordinance of
the one sanctuary must be observed (vv. 11 18).
This limitation of sacrifice and worship to one place is not
Pnimah (heave-offering) means that which is lifted up, taken off from a
gift or sacrifice, as a special oblation, and it may be applied even to
land (Ezek. xlv. i). It is extremely doubtful whether a rite of ' elevation,'
such as is implied in the English rendering 'heave-offering,' was practised
when offering these gifts; such a rite is probably a later element
in Jewish sacrificial ritual. See Dillmann on Lev. vii. 33, and the
article ' Offering ' in DB vol. ii. p. 588.
COMPARISON OF THE CODES 133
enforced until the time of peaceful settlement. From a com-
parison of Deut. xii. 10 with I Kings v. 4, it appears that 'rest'
from enemies on every side was secured in the reign of Solomon.
In this indication of date, Deuteronomy is at one with the
redactor of the books of Kings, who mentions sacrifice offered
at the high places before the building of the temple without
imputing biame, ' because there was no house built unto the
name of the LORD' (i Kings iii. 2), but regards all such
sacrifices offered after that event as irregular. According to
these writers, the building of Solomon's temple forms an epoch
in the history of worship. But P's representation of the period
before the building of the temple is different.
(iii) The Priestly code gives directions about the Tabernacle
and the altar, and has regard to the requirements of the people
during their journeyings. It assumes the existence of one
sanctuary, and one altar 'before the door of the Tent of meeting,'
to which alone sacrifices might be brought. As the principles
of this priestly legislation are valid for all time (the statutes are
in perpetuity, ordinances for ever ' throughout your generations'),
it implies that the future worship of the people will be regulated
in accordance with those principles. According to P, the ordi-
nance of the one sanctuary has been established from the
beginning ; according to D, it is introduced under the monarchy.
Moses is pleading in Deuteronomy for the principle of the one
sanctuary, as an ideal to be realized in the future ; but the
Priestly legislation sets forth the one sanctuary as already in the
midst of the children of Israel.
In proceeding to compare the codes with the history, the first
question is : What light does the history throw on the impor-
tant point of difference between the Deuteronomic code and its
predecessor the code 01 the Covenant?
(2) Tlie place of worship in the history.
(i) To the fall of the Northern Kingdom. Throughout the
books of Judges and Samuel, instances are found of altars
134 INTRODUCTION TO THE PENTATEUCH
erected, and sacrifice offered at different places in the land.
Gideon (Judg. vi. 24) and Manoah (xiii. 19) erect altars at the
places where God appears to them ; as did the patriarchs
before them (Gen. xii. 7, 8; xiii. 18; xxvi. 25; xxxiii. 20; xxxv.
7; xlvi. i). Although the Tent of meeting had been set up in
Shiloh (Josh, xviii. i), Joshua gathered the tribes together at
Shechem, where he sets up a great stone by, or, 'in' (see R.V.
marg.) 'the sanctuary of the LORD' (Josh. xxiv. i, 25, 26) 1 . The
ministrations of the Levite Jonathan at Dan (Judg. xviii. 30, 31),
carried on during the time that the ark was at Shiloh, will be
noticed later on (see p. 1 58). Samuel built an altar unto the Lord
at Ramah (i Sam. vii. 17), where Saul meets Samuel as he was
going up to the high place to bless the sacrifice (ix. 13, 14).
Samuel orders Saul to go down to Gilgal, and promises to come
and offer burnt offerings and peace offerings there (x. 8, and
cp. xi. 15, xiii. 9). Saul also built altars unto the Lord (in
xiv. 35, mention is made of 'the first altar that he built').
Sacrifice is offered at Bethlehem by Samuel, and there is also
a yearly sacrifice there (i Sam. xvi. 2, 5, and cp. xx. 6, 29).
David's sacrifices, on bringing the ark of the Lord into the city
of David (2 Sam. vi. 13), and at the threshing-floor of Araunah
the Jebusite (xxiv. 18 25), may also be mentioned. After the
disruption of the kingdom, the people assemble for worship at
Gilgal, Beersheba, and other places of both kingdoms (Amos
iv. 4; v. 5 ; Hos. iv. 15). Elijah complains that the people have
thrown down the altars of the Lord (i Kings xix. 10), and at
Carmel he repaired the altar of the Lord that was thrown down
(i Kings xviii. 30). The earlier prophets object, not to these places
of assembly as such, but to the spirit in which worship is offered
there, and to the false estimate formed by the people of its
efficacy. The Lord desires 'the knowledge of God more than
burnt offerings' (Hos. vi. 6). The existence of divers places for
assembly and sacrifice is not limited to the northern kingdom ;
from the time of Solomon onwards the historian records that
1 The LXX. read Shiloh in xxiv. i, 25 ; in ver. 25 they add ' before
the tent of the God of Israel.'
COMPARISON WITH THE HISTORY 135
the people in Judah continued to sacrifice in the high places
(i Kings iii. 2 ; xiv. 23 ; xv. 14 ; xxii. 43).
(ii) The reforms of Hezekiah and Josiah. Hezekiah is the
first king of whom it is said that 'he removed the high places...';
Rabshakeh refers to this removal in his speech at Jerusalem
(2 Kings xviii. 4, 22), and his words seem to imply that dis-
content had been aroused by the action of the king. No details
are given, so that it must remain matter of conjecture under
what impulse the king undertook this reform ; but whatever
purification of worship may have then been effected was wiped
out in blood during the reign of Manasseh.
In the eighteenth year of king Josiah 'the book of the law'
was found in the house of the Lord (2 Kings xxii. 8). The
words of this book made a deep impression on the king, and
he with the people made a covenant to observe 'the words of
this covenant that were written in this book' (2 Kings xxiii. 3).
The king commanded the destruction of vessels used in
idolatrous worship which were found in the temple, brought
out the Asherah that was in the house of the Lord, burnt it, and
scattered the ashes on the graves of the common people. There
were certain idolatrous priests called Chemarim that had been
appointed by the kings of Judah to burn incense in the high
places in the cities of Judah. These the king put down, but the
priests that had ministered at the high places, where sacrifice
had been offered in the reigns even of the best kings of Judah
(i Kings xiv. 23; xv. 14; xxii. 43; 2 Kings xii. 3; xiv. 4; xv.
4> 35)> he brought out of the cities of Judah, and suppressed the
high places where they had hitherto officiated (2 Kings xxiii.
4 8). These and other reforms were introduced on the authority
of the law book which Hilkiah had found in the house of the
Lord (xxiii. 24).
What was the book of the law, which produced such remark-
able results? Generally, when reference to the law is made in
the books of Kings, the Deuteronomic version of the law is
implied (i Kings ii. 3 ; viii. 9, 56; 2 Kings xiv. 6; xxi. 7). The
136 INTRODUCTION TO THE PENTATEUCH
probability that Deuteronomy is referred to also in 2 Kings xxii.,
xxiii. is strengthened by the following considerations :
(a) One form of idolatry, the worship of the ' host of heaven,'
is mentioned in 2 Kings xxiii. 4, 5, 12. Manasseh appears to
have introduced it into Judah, for 'he built altars for all the
host of heaven in the two courts of the house of the LORD'
(2 Kings xxi. 3, 5). It is forbidden in Deut iv. 19 and xvii. 3,
and only there in the Pentateuch.
(b] Those 'that had familiar spirits, and the wizards'
(2 Kings xxiii. 24) were put away in accordance with the de-
mands of the book. The various forms of witchcraft and magic
are enumerated in Deut. xviii. 9 14, and the words employed
there are found in 2 Kings xxi. and xxiii. Manasseh 'made his
son to pass through the fire, and practised augury, and used
enchantments, and dealt with them that had familiar spirits, and
with wizards' (2 Kings xxi. 6). These practices are forbidden
with special emphasis in Deut. xvii. 2 5 and xviii. 9 14.
(c} King Josiah was alarmed at the threatenings contained
in the book (2 Kings xxii. 13). Passages such as Lev. xxvi. or
Deut. xxviii. would produce this effect ; but the allusion to the
covenant seems to suggest the latter.
(d} The book found in the house of the Lord is called the
book of the covenant (2 Kings xxiii. I, 21) and the king makes
a covenant 'to perform the words of this covenant that were
written in this book' (xxiii. 3). The style of the whole verse is
Deuteronomic, and, as has been shewn already (see p. 113), the
legislation in Deuteronomy is described as the covenant made
in the land of Moab.
Although other parts of the Pentateuch contain warnings
against idolatry and witchcraft, which might have served as
a basis for the Josianic reform, the special forms of idolatry and
witchcraft in (a) and (b} point very distinctly to Deuteronomy.
But there is one item in the list of reforms carried out by
Josiah which does not occupy a very prominent place in the
account of 2 Kings xxii., xxiii., yet, in consequence of its effect
REFORM OF JOSIAH 137
on the subsequent development of worship, may be considered
as the most important of the steps then taken to suppress
idolatry the abolition of the worship at the high places.
The opposition to these high places had probably been
growing for some time, Amos and later prophets had denounced
the worship at popular shrines, such as Gilgal and Beersheba,
but even under the best kings before Hezekiah it had not been
put down. The invasion of Sennacherib 1 had destroyed or
rendered desolate many of these high places, and at those that
were set up again under Manasseh the worship was probably
more idolatrous than before. On the accession of Josiah those
who sorrowed for backsliding Judah hoped for better things;
but the experience of the past had convinced the advocates of
reform, that so long as sacrifice and worship were permitted at
the various high places scattered throughout the land, so long
would corruption continue, and idolatrous practices (probably
remnants of Canaanite superstition as well as newer cults) could
not be effectively restrained. The diminished area of the king-
dom, now that Israel had been carried away captive, rendered
a concentration of worship at Jerusalem possible. Accordingly
the reformers in Josiah's reign advocated the total suppression
of worship at the high places.
The manner in which this limitation of worship to the one
sanctuary is introduced deserves notice. Two injunctions are
placed in the forefront of the Deuteronomic legislation : to
uproot idolatry, and to bring sacrifice and oblation to the one
place which the Lord should choose. This combination of
1 The campaign of Sennacherib, so briefly noticed in i Kings xviii.
13 16, brought ruin to Judah. According to the monuments, 46 strong
. and innumerable small towns were taken, and more than 200,000
people carried away. The high places adjacent to these towns and
cities were, no doubt, plundered wherever there was material to tempt
the invader, but, whether destroyed or not, they were rendered destitute
of worshippers. See Schrader, Cuneiform Inscriptions and the O.T.,
p. 393, Eng. trans. Vol. I. p. 286, Sayce, Hightr Criticism ami the
Monuments, p. 431, and Driver, Isaiah, pp. 6669, 73~75-
138 INTRODUCTION TO THE PENTATEUCH
precepts exactly illustrates the aim of the reformers in Josiah's
reign. They denounced the idolatry that was prevalent, and
proposed the abolition of the high places as the most effective
means of suppressing it. The situation as depicted in 2 Kings
xxii., xxiii. seems to have coloured the account in Deuteronomy.
'The places wherein the nations... served their gods' (Deut.
xii. 2), as well as the altars, pillars, and Asherim 1 (groves A.V.)
were to be destroyed (cp. Exod. xxiii. 24; xxxiv. 13). Although
the places are not called 'high places' (Bamoth\ the description
of them as * upon the high mountains, and upon the hills, and
under every green tree' (Deut xii. 2) is that given of the idolatry
practised in the time of the monarchy (i Kings xiv. 23 ; xvi. 4 ;
xvii. 10; note especially Jer. ii. 20; iii. 6, 13; xvii. 2, 10; also
Ezek. vi. 13 ; and cp. 'even their sons and their daughters do they
burn in the fire to their gods' Deut. xii. 31, with 2 Kings xxi. 6;
xxiii. 10).
The particular cases specified in Deut. xiii. if a prophet
(xiii. I 5), or a near relation or friend (xiii. 6 1 1) entice others
to go and serve other gods, or a city (xiii. 12 i8)has fallen away
to idolatry indicate a real danger then existing. These details
are not found in the other codes ; they imply the prevalence of
idolatry, with its votaries active in drawing aside the people after
them. And in the midst of all these warnings is set (xii. 5 28) the
law of the one sanctuary, coupled with the command to destroy all
places of idolatry (xii. 4, 5).
The intensity of feeling shewn in the setting of this law, and
the earnest tone of the entreaty which accompanies its enuncia-
tion, indicate that a real conflict is pending, and that men are
then and there contending with their brethren for a purer form
of worship. The situation here depicted corresponds exactly
with that of the reformers in Josiah's reign, who attempted to
stamp out idolatry by enforcing the law of the one sanctuary.
The words of Deut. xii. 8, 'Ye shall not do after all the things
which we do here this day, every man whatsoever is right in his
1 See the commentaries on Exodus and Deuteronomy for explana-
tions of these terms.
REFORM OF JOSIAH 139
own eyes,' also point towards the same conclusion. The contrast
in Deut. xii. is between a man doing ' whatsoever is right in his
own eyes,' and observing the law of the one sanctuary. To the
careful reader of xii. 8 13 it will be clear that doing ' whatsoever
is right in his own eyes ' and offering * burnt offerings in every
place that thou seest ' are equivalents. But the people in the
land of Moab are not called upon to observe the law of the one
sanctuary ; the obligation to such observance is not laid on
them, but on their descendants when they ' dwell in safety,' i.e.
in the reign of Solomon (cf. p. 47). The contrast in Deut. xii. as
addressed to the people in the land of Moab, conveys no instruc-
tion as to their own conduct, either before or immediately after
passing over Jordan. Such instruction might naturally be
expected to follow the prohibition of Deut. xii. 8. (Cp. ' cease
to do evil : learn to do well ' in Isai. i. 16, 17.) But the contrast
in Deut. xii. acquires a real force when it is addressed to the
heirs both of Israel in Moab, and of Israel under Solomon ; the
commands laid on both generations are equally binding for those
that come after, and the choice between frequenting the one
sanctuary, and ' doing that which is ri^ht in their own eyes ' is
offered to the same persons. This twelfth chapter of Deutero-
nomy, when considered as a retrospect of the past, is in effect a
solemn appeal to those who are offering ' burnt offerings in every
[high] place' : let them cease doing 'every man whatsoever is
right in his own eyes ' and repair to 'the place which the LORD
hath chosen to put his name there.' Such an appeal was made
by the reformers in the reign of Josiah, who wished to concentrate
the worship of the people at Jerusalem.
There are, moreover, other passages in Deuteronomy which
imply a post- Mosaic date. Those which refer to prophecy have
fly been noticed on p. 49. It is there pointed out, that the
representation of prophecy as a fully developed institution is
suitable only to a late period of the history.
Anotlu-r indication of .1 similar kind is found in the reference
to the king (Deut. xvii. 16, 17). 'it is difficult not to think that
HO INTRODUCTION TO THE PENTATEUCH
there is in these words a covert reference to the policy inaugurated
by Solomon' (Driver, Deut. I.C.C. p. 211, and cp. I Kings iv. 26,
x. 26, 28, 29 with Deut. xvii. 16 ; also v. 17 with I Kings xi.
38, x. 1425, 27).
A long occupation of the land is implied in the prohibition,
' Thou shalt not remove thy neighbour's landmark, which they of
old time have set in thine inheritance 3 (Deut. xix. 14).
These passages are difficult to explain on the supposition
that Deuteronomy was written before the conquest of the land ;
but they receive at once a natural interpretation, if the book be
assigned to a much later date. They may therefore be adduced
as corroborating other evidence which associates the Deutero-
nomic legislation with the prophets and reformers of the seventh
century B.C. Their appeal to the people is based on the covenant
made with their fathers when they came out of Egypt (cf. Jer.
xi. i 10) ; they bring forward a revised form of the existing
tradition, and point to Moses as setting a precedent for their
action. They call on the people to put away their abomi-
nations, and seek the Lord their God in Jerusalem.
Some modifications of existing practice were necessary, if
worship and sacrifice were to be transferred to the central sanctu-
ary. The law of Exod. xxii. 30 requires the firstborn to be given
to the Lord on the eighth day. This rule was practicable when
offerings could be brought to some place of worship in the
neighbourhood, but became impracticable when there was only
one place where such offerings were permitted. The time pre-
scribed is therefore prolonged, and according to Deut. xv. 20
firstlings are to be sacrificed ' year by year in the place which the
LORD shall choose.' But the proviso that no work shall be done
with the bullock, and that the sheep must not be shorn shews
that, as in the former legislation, firstlings are the Lord's from
the time of their birth.
Other relaxations of existing custom when 'the place which
the LORD thy God shall choose to put his name there be too far
from thee ' (Deut. xii. 21) are allowed. The reason for the permis-
POST-MOSAIC MARKS IN DEUT. 141
sion granted in this verse to ' kill of thy herd and of thy flock,'
requires explanation. In Eastern countries flesh is not eaten so
frequently as in the West. In ancient times, as in the present day
among the nomad Arabs, the meat eaten was for the most part
that of animals taken in hunting. Domestic animals, * of the herd
and of the flock,' were only slaughtered on some special occasion
(cp. Nathan's parable in 2 Sam. xii.), and such slaughter was
in early times considered as sacrificial ; the fat and the blood
were offered on an altar (cp. I Sam. xiv. 31 34, where the great
stone serves as an altar). This custom was easy of observance
when altars were numerous, and in all parts of the land ; but
when sacrifice was limited to one sanctuary, those at a distance
from it would not be able to kill domestic [i.e. sacrificial] animals
for food. Hence slaughter for food became distinguished from
slaughter for sacrifice ; the former was permitted anywhere, the
latter restricted to the one sanctuary. When slaughtered for
food, the flesh of domestic animals was to be treated as flesh
taken in hunting, 'as the gazelle [roebuck A.V.Jand as the hart.'
For such food, there was no restriction with reierence to ritual
purity ('the clean and the unclean shall eat thereof alike'), but
only with reference to the blood ; that was to be poured out upon
the earth like water. (See Deut. xii. 15, 16, 20 24, Driver,
Deuteronomy I.C.C., p. 145, and OTJC*, p. 249.)
Another modification of the existing rule with respect to the
tithe was also necessary. There was no difficulty in presenting
tithe of every kind at a local sanctuary ; but when it could be
brought only * to the place which the LORD shall choose,' the
regulation became impracticable. Permission was therefore
granted to turn the tithe into money, which might be expended
in a sacred feast at the central sanctuary (see Deut. xiv. 22 27,
and consult the notes on this passage, and also on xii. 15, 16,
2024 m the commentary on Deuteronomy).
tacts to which attention has been drawn in the preceding
paragraphs may be summed up as follows :
Up to the time of Josiah, sacrifice was offered at places
142 INTRODUCTION TO THE PENTATEUCH
other than the central sanctuary; and Josiah abolished this
form of worship.
The Deuteronomic legislation lays stress on reforms which
Josiah carried out ; especially the overthrow of idolatry, and the
concentration of worship at Jerusalem.
Some of the corrupt usages forbidden in Deuteronomy (e.g.
the worship of the 'host of heaven') were not introduced into
Judah (so far as is known) until the seventh century B.C.
One form of idolatrous worship described in 2 Kings xxi. 5,
xxiii. 4, 5 is denounced only in Deuteronomy.
The language of Deuteronomy in referring to idolatry and
magical arts accords with that found in 2 Kings xxi. xxiii.
The similarity of style between Deuteronomy and Jeremiah
has been noted by all commentators on those books.
The Deuteronomic legislation introduces modifications of
existing usage which are necessary when sacrifice and offerings
are limited to a central sanctuary.
The inference drawn from these facts is : parts at least of the
book of Deuteronomy were composed when its precepts became
necessary; either in or shortly before the reign of Josiah.
Further evidence tending to corroborate this conclusion has
been noticed in preceding pages : e.g. the prophetic style and
character of the book (p. 73); the land described as already
occupied for a long time (p. 140) ; the conclusions drawn from
comparing the laws about slavery (pp. 125, 128); the sequence
of JE, D, P, already pointed out as probable (pp. no, 127), and
further illustrated in the following sections (p. 1 54). But for a
fuller investigation the reader must be referred to the Introduc-
tion to the book, and the notes upon particular passages in it,
in the commentary on Deuteronomy.
NOTE ON DEUTERONOMY AND THE JOSIANIC REFORM.
Reasons for assigning Deuteronomy to the seventh century
B.C., and connecting its promulgation with the reforms carried
out in the reign of Josiah have been given in the preceding
section. It has also been shewn that many of the laws in
JOSIAH'S REFORM AND DEUT. 143
Deuteronomy are similar to those in the Covenant code, and
that some of the modifications introduced in the Deuteronomic
code are such as would be necessary, if worship were restricted
to a central sanctuary. Other modifications are most easily
explained on the supposition that the laws of the Covenant code
represent an earlier stage of legislation, which in consequence
of development in social conditions, and other changes, was no
longer suitable.
If the Covenant code existed as a separate document, re-
garded as ancient, and embodying Mosaic precepts, it is not
difficult to understand how the Deuteronomic edition of this
code came to be put forward on the authority of Moses. If the
Covenant code had already been combined with the history of
the deliverance from Egypt, and the journey to Canaan, it would
probably occupy a position similar to that in which Deute-
ronomy is placed in the present Pentateuch 1 .
The writer of Deuteronomy would be only following the
tradition handed down to him, if he described his version of
that ancient code as the last bequest of the great lawgiver to
Israel.
According to the traditional view, Deuteronomy is a repeti-
tion of laws already promulgated at Sinai and elsewhere, issued
just before entering the promised land. But the statements of
the book itself do not support this view. It has been pointed
out (p. 114) that Deuteronomy refers to a covenant at Horeb
consisting of the Decalogue only, and sets forth the second
covenant in the land of Moab as based not on a repetition of
a law already given, but on a law set forth by Moses for the first
time in the land of Moab, though it had been communicated to
him at Horeb.
Much stress has been laid on the words 'the book of the
law' (2 Kings xxii. 8), and the inference has been drawn that the
1 It has already been pointed out (p. 114) that the code of the
Covenant was not in its present position when Deuteronomy was
written.
144 INTRODUCTION TO THE PENTATEUCH
book found by Hilkiah was a well known and ancient book of
law presumably Mosaic. But the use of the definite article here
cannot be adduced as proving this. In accordance with the
rules of Hebrew syntax 'a book of law' or torah (in the sense
of prophetic or priestly teaching) is a perfectly legitimate trans-
lation (see the remarks at the end of this note). Shaphan's
words to Josiah 'Hilkiah the priest hath delivered me a book'
seem to support such a translation. There is nothing in the
narrative contained in the book of Kings which in any way
implies that the book found in the house of the Lord was
attributed to Moses. Comparison with the later parallel account
in 2 Chron. xxxiv. 14, xxxv. 6, 12 is very instructive. The
view of the later writer undoubtedly is, that a book of law
ascribed to Moses was read on that occasion. But there is
nothing in the older account which definitely asserts this. It
may further be noted that the word 'book 7 conveys to most
readers the idea of a volume 1 of some size. But the Hebrew
word for book (sepher, ' document,' or ' scroll ') is applied to a ' bill,'
i.e. deed, of divorcement (Deut xxiv. i, 3), to a deed (evidence
A.V.) of conveyance (Jer. xxxii. 9 16), to Jezebel's 'letter' to the
elders of Naboth's city, and other letters (i Kings xxi. 9 ; 2 Kings
v. 5). In all these passages the Heb. word sepher denotes a
document written on a single scroll or skin. The 'book'
delivered by Hilkiah to Shaphan might have been of a similar
character ; the fact that the book was read three times at least
in one day shews that it was of moderate length.
The words of the narrative do not give exact information
about the extent or character of the document which made so
profound an impression on king and people ; and any suggestion
as to its contents must be conjectural. Some would say that
Deut. v. xxvi. and xxviii., others that Deut. xii. xxvi. and
xxviii. formed the book which was found in the temple and read
to Josiah. But possibly a still shorter selection was read before
1 A 'book ' in the modern sense of the word, composed of many
pages of paper stitched or bound together, was quite unknown in O.T.
JOSIAH'S REFORM AND DEUT. 145
the king, such as Deut. vi. 4, 5, 14, 15; xii. 27; xvi. i, 2, 16,
21, 22; xviii. 9 15, 19; xxviii. I 6, 14 2 1 1 . It would be
sufficient to move him to take in hand the work of reformation.
The fact which seems assured is that the contents of the book
found in the house of the Lord in the eighteenth year of Josiah
have been preserved in the present book of Deuteronomy.
If the demands of the reformers were made in the name of
Moses, as they at present stand in the book of Deuteronomy,
those who made this claim would feel themselves justified ; for
they were but issuing with prophetic exhortation an older law
which they regarded as in substance Mosaic, a law which per-
haps had already been ascribed to the great lawgiver. It is
however possible that the words written on 'the scroll' were
delivered in the same manner as other prophetic Torah ; * in the
name of the LORD.' If the shorter selection suggested above
was read, this seems very probable. The writer who has
preserved for us Deuteronomy in its present form may have
supplied the Mosaic environment of the book. By him, as well
as by the people in Josiah's time, its precepts were recognized as
words of the Lord to His people whom He had brought out of
Egypt, and meet to be associated with earlier words that were
attributed to Moses,
The use of the definite article in Hebrew referred to above is
explained in Davidson's Hebrew Syntax 21 <?, and in Gesenius-
Kautzsch, Heb. Gramm. 126. 4, q / p. 414, 28th ed. (pp. 227 f.
English translation).
A person or thing not previously mentioned, is in the mind
of the writer regarded as definite, being the particular person
or thing to which he refers. In such a case English (and other
: n languages) would generally use the indefinite ar:
Judg. iv. 19 and she (Jael) opened a bottle of milk. Hcb.
the bottle.
:. Cheyne in Jeremiah, his Lift an i 1 fmes, p. 50, proposes a
urn of passages almost identical with tl.
C. P. 10
146 INTRODUCTION TO THE PENTATEUCH
Judg. iv. 21 Then Jael Heber's wife took a tent-pin (nail of
the tent A.V.). Heb. the tent-pin,
vi. 38 he (Gideon)... wringed the dew out of the fleece,
a bowlful of water. Heb. the bowlful.
These are instances of two words in a genitive combination ; an
instance of a single word is
2 Sam. xvii. 17 and a maidservant (wench A.V.) used to go
and tell them. Heb. the maidservant.
other exx. : Gen. ix. 23 ; Exod. xvii. 14, xxi. 20 ; Nu. xi. 27, xxii.
27 ; Dt xv. 17, xxii. 17 ; Josh. ii. 15, viii. 29 ; Judg. iv. 18, viii. 25 ;
I Sam. ix. 9, x. 25, xxi. 10; Jer. xxxii. 10, xxxvi. 23 (two words in
a genitive combination). The common phrase Dl*n W\ (lit.
* and the day was '), used of a day not specified in what pre-
cedes, and corresponding to our expression, 'It fell on a day,'
is an additional illustration of this method of Hebrew thought.
As soon as the day is brought into the view of the narrator, it
becomes defined. This idiomatic usage is described by David-
son as 'peculiar,' by Ges.-Kautzsch as * eigentiimlich,' not with-
out reason.
0. THE TIMES OF SACRIFICE.
(i) Comparison of the codes with one another.
(i) The code of JE enjoins that all males must appear
before the Lord three times in the year (Exod. xxiii. 14 17 and
xxxiv. 1 8, 22, 23) \ The injunctions in the two chapters are
almost verbally identical.
(ii) A more detailed account of the three pilgrimage feasts,
at which all males must appear before the Lord, is found in
Deut. xvi. i 17. In addition, Deuteronomy prescribes certain
1 A comparison of these passages shews clearly the composite
character of JE. It is most unlikely that both passages were contributed
by the same writer. It seems almost certain that one belongs to the
source J, the other to E. The preservation of both versions is due to a
compiler.
TIMES OF SACRIFICE 147
ceremonies to be observed on two occasions ; an annual observ-
ance in Dcut. xxvi. I 11 ; and a triennial observance in irv.
12 15. A special formula of a liturgical character is ordered
to be said on each occasion.
(iii) The additions of P are numerous :
(a) Two ceremonies in connexion with the harvest The
l O/wr' or sheaf of firstfruits to be waved 'on the morrow after
the sabbath ' in connexion with Mazzoth (the feast of unleavened
bread or cakes) ; and the two ' wave loaves,' when the harvest
was completed, seven weeks later in connexion with the feast of
weeks (Lev. xxiii.* 9 21). These ceremonies are enjoined in the
'Holiness code' (H), which has been incorporated with P.
(V) A blowing of silver trumpets in the set feasts, and on the
first day of every month (Num. x. 10) ; on the first day of
the seventh month (New Year's Day), 'a memorial of blowing
of trumpets' of a different kind, properly 'horns' (Lev. xxiii. 24).
Special sacrifices in addition to the daily sacrifice are prescribed
for these occasions, and for the day of Atonement in Num.
XXN iii. and xxix.
(c) The day of Atonement on the loth day of the seventh
month (Lev. xxiii. 27 32, and ch. xvi.).
(d} The rulc-b for the three pilgrimage feasts of JE and D
are more elaborate ; the first day and seventh day of unleavened
appointed as 'a holy convocation,' and also the
and eighth of the feast of tabernacles. The time at which
<> be observed is fixed by the day of the month.
as the observance was local, and for the family, a
general indication of time was sufficient; when the ceremony
took place at the central sanctuary, and became national, it was
necessary to fix the day more exactly.
;ull list of feasts (among wh'u 1 v of Atone-
. is included compared with tii.. tion,
\\L-I- il lists issued within the same year 1 ? The
i he sojourn at Sinai U Icis than a
102
148 INTRODUCTION TO THE PENTATEUCH
difficulty of giving an answer is increased, when the legislation
of Deuteronomy is taken into account. If that legislation be a
recapitulation of laws already given, why are only the three
pilgrimage feasts of JE mentioned? The omission of all refer-
ence to the Day of Atonement has already been commented
upon (p. 120).
y. THE DIFFERENT KINDS OF SACRIFICES AND THEIR
NAMES.
(i) Comparison of the codes with one another.
(i) The laws of JE. Burnt offerings arid peace offerings
are enjoined in Exod. xx. 24, and mentioned in xxiv. 5 ; but the
sacrifices to be brought on the three occasions when all males
were to appear before the Lord are not specified by name
in JE, nor is the material prescribed ; firstlings of oxen and
sheep are claimed as the Lord's in Exod. xxii. 30, xxxiv. 19, 20.
Leaven must not be offered with sacrifice ; neither must the fat
be left till the morning (Exod. xxiii. 18, xxxiv. 25 where the
name Passover occurs).
(ii) The laws in Deuteronomy. A list of offerings to be
brought is found in Deut. xii. 6, n, 17, 18. The kind of sacrifice
is indicated as one of which the worshipper partakes ('thou shalt
eat it before "the LORD thy God,' Deut. xii. 18; xv. 20). Burnt
offerings and sacrifices are specified in xii. 6 ; and the Passover
sacrifice is to be brought from the flock or the herd (xvi. 2) \
(iii) The laws in the Priestly Code. A full description of the
different kinds of sacrifice, and of the ritual prescribed for each
kind, is found in Lev. i. vii. The sacrifices are divided into
1 The ceremony described in Deut. xxi. i 9 may be here noticed.
As an animal is slaughtered, the action is sacrificial in character, and the
idea of atonement by shedding of blood is prominent ; but it cannot be
classed among the known varieties ot Jewish sacrifice, and is probably
an ancient custom, the memory of which has been preserved ,only m
this passage. See the commentary on Deuteronomy, and 07/C" 2 ,
P- 373-
DIFFERENT KINDS OF SACRIFICE 149
five classes : (i) Burnt offering, (2) Meal [Meat 1 A.V.] offering,
(3) Peace offering, (4) Sin offering, (5) Guilt [Trespass A.V.]
offering.
The calendar of times and seasons to be observed throughout
the year in Lev. xxiii. (see p. 147) prescribes the material of the
sacrifice on two occasions (w. 12, 13, 18, 19); for the rest, it
ordains 'an offering made by fire unto the Lord' (vv. 8, 25, 27, 36).
Of what those offerings should consist is stated in Num. xxviii.,
xxix. Exodus xxix., in prescribing the sacrifices and ceremonies
to be observed in consecrating the priests, and Lev. viii., ix., in
recording the manner of their inauguration, supply details as to
the kind and material of sacrifice, and the manner in which they
should be brought. The law of the daily offering is given in
Exod. xxix. 38 42. Further sacrifices are prescribed for special
occasions in Leviticus and Numbers 2 , e.g. for the leper and
the Nazi rite.
The above description is sufficient to shew that the answers
to the questions 'When 'and 'What 'are mainly to be found in P,
and that as regards fulness of detail the three codes stand in
the order JK, D, P.
(2) The codes compared with the history.
In the preceding section the answers to the question 'When?'
supplied by the codes, were considered ; but the comparison of
the codes with the history was omitted. This comparison was
deferred in order to avoid repetition. The answers to the
questions 'When?' and 'What?' supplied by the history may be
Icred together.
The name most commonly employed to denote sacrifice
is zebhah ; the word used in the account of the first recorded
1 ' Mir .11 ' in old English was not (as now) restricted to animal food,
hence its use in A.V. Hut, 'in consequence of the change which has
taken place in the English language, the term "meat offering" has
lie inappropriate to describe an offering of which flesh was no part'
(from the preface of the Revisers of the O. T.).
.It these hooks, and the commentaries upon them, for further
inform
ISO INTRODUCTION TO THE PENTATEUCH
sacrifice (Gen. iv. 3 5) is minhah, which is used generally
of a present (Gen. xxxii. 14 ff., xliii. n ff.), or of the even-
ing sacrifice (i Kings xviii. 29; 2 Kings xvi. 15). The two
expressions are used together as a general description of sacri-
fices (i Sam. ii. 29; iii. 14). Sacrifices are further distinguished
as *dlah) 'Burnt offering,' in which the sacrifice was wholly
burnt ; and shtldmim, * Peace offerings,' of which a portion was
eaten by the worshipper. These three words are employed in
Lev. i. iii. : *dlah to designate the Burnt offering, the ritual of
which is prescribed in ch. i. ; minhah is applied to the Meal
[Meat A. V.] offering, the different kinds of which are described
in ch. ii. ; and the rules for Peace offerings (sh e lamim] are given
in ch. iii. Two additional offerings are specified in Lev. iv.
vi. 8 which are not found in the earlier codes; the hattath 'Sin
offering,' and the *asham, 'Guilt 'or 'Trespass offering.' The first
mention of these kinds of sacrifice outside the Priestly code 1 is
in the prophet Ezekiel (xl. 39; xlii. 13; xliv. 29; xlv. 17 &c.).
In the history, the sacrifices mentioned are for the most part
1 The word 'askdm occurs in the sense of guilt (Gen. xxvi. 10)
and the adjective 'guilty' (Gen. xlii. 21). The Philistines send an
'asham of golden mice and tumours along with the ark (i Sam.
vi. 3). In 2 Kings xii. 17 the reference is to fines which were paid in
cases of trespass or offence (trespass money and sin money A.V.). The
Levitical legislation imposed in surh cases a sacrifice in addition.
Another passage in which, according to the opinion of some, reference
is made to the Sin offering is Hos. iv. 8 'They feed on the sin of my
people, and set their heart on their iniquity.' But the parallelism
requires that 'sin ' in the first clause must convey an idea similar to that
of ' iniquity' in the second. The priests are condemned for making
profit out of the people, and compounding (in some way not specified,
probably by receiving payment in money or gifts) for their misdeeds. If
the text be taken to mean ' they eat the Sin offering of my people ' not
only is the parallelism destroyed, but the assertion is without point, for
eating the Sin offering was by the law allowed to the priests. The
passage would then affirm that the priests obeyed the law ; whereas the
context insists on their evil doings.
COMPARISON WITH THE HISTORY 151
those brought by individuals l . Details of the ritual observed are
seldom given, but on some occasions, as in the case of Saul
(i Sam. xiv. 33 35), the ceremonial seems to have been of a
simple character.
The sacrifice offered by Elkanah affords an instance of an
offering brought at a prescribed time. It was probably the feast
of ingathering, one of the three occasions on which all males were
to appear before the Lord. It appears that though the injunc-
tion applied only to men, it was customary for the wife and
household to accompany the head of the family. But the pilgrim-
age is described as a yearly one (i Sam. i. 3, 7, 21 ; ii. 19, 'the
yearly sacrifice'), and the whole account implies that Elkanah,
in thus presenting himself once a year before the Lord in
Shiloh, is fulfilling the obligation imposed upon him by the
existing law. Either the injunction of Exod. xxiii. 17 and
xxxiv. 23 was not known to him, or on the two other occasions
he appeared before the Lord at a local sanctuary 2 .
1 With the limitation of worship to the one sanctuary, the public
sacrifices on behalf of the community would become more prominent,
while those of private individuals would occupy a subordinate position.
The history as contained in Judges Kings is practically a record of
worship before this limitation, i.e. before the reign of Josiah. There
was no time for Josiah's reform to bear fruit before the exile, and the
brief records of post-exilic times do not contain much information with
reference to sacrifice. The effect of the concentration of worship at
Jerusalem is shewn in Jewish history outside the O. T. canon.
2 The injunction to appear three times a year before the Lord was
practicable, only if the journey involved was short. As long as the local
sanctuaries remained, this was the case ; and as the injunction of JE is
repeated in Deuteronomy, it would seem that the reformers in Jo
time regarded the area of Judah as sufficiently limited to allow its inhabi-
tants to visit Jerusalem three times a year 1 . There is no evidence to
shew whether the law was observed in the short interval between Josiah's
a and the fall of the Kingdom, or by the Jewish community after
1 Here is further indirect evidence as to the real date of Deuteronomy. Would
A law imposing three visits in the year to Jerusalem be practicable fur tlie children of
when they occupied their whole irrrit.iry? W.is it then enacted tyert they
entered the land, to be binding fim the time of Solomon onwards?
152 INTRODUCTION TO THE PENTATEUCH
The dedication of the Temple in Solomon's reign is described
at length in I Kings viii. Special mention is made of the
great number of sacrifices then offered ; the brazen altar was
too little to receive them (v. 64). On such an occasion the full
ritual of the law would certainly be observed. According to P,
when the service of the tabernacle was inaugurated, the first
sacrifice brought by Moses was a bullock for a Sin offering
(Lev. viii. 14). When Aaron enters upon his office, the first
offering brought was the calf of the Sin offering for himself
(ix. 8) ; and the first offering brought on behalf of the people
was the goat of the Sin offering (ix. 15). But in I Kings viii.
among the numerous sacrifices offered, the Sin offering finds no
place. If this account of the inaugural services in the Temple
is compared with the account of the inaugural services in the
Tabernacle (Lev. viii., ix.), it is evident that the ritual standards
in the two narratives are different.
The feast kept at the dedication of the Temple was the feast
of the seventh month, the Feast of Tabernacles. According to
the law in Deuteronomy the feast was to be kept for seven days
(Deut. xvi. 13). According to Lev. xxiii. 33 36 an eighth day
was to be kept, besides the seven days of the feast. No mention
is made of this eighth day in I Kings viii. ; but the parallel (and
later) account in 2 Chron. vii. 9 records that on the eighth day
was a ' solemn assembly ' held (the same word as that used in Lev.
xxiii. 36). The account in i Kings viii. states that on the eighth
day the king sent the people away; i.e. on the day when accord-
ing to 2 Chron. vii. the people were keeping a solemn assembly.
The writer of Chronicles adds : 'And on the three and twentieth
day of the seventh month he sent the people away.' Here are
the Return. The area within which they were settled was at first
probably more limited than that of the old kingdom of Judah. "Cut
when in later times Galilee was inhabited by Jews, the observance of the
three pilgrimage feasts would become impracticable for such as resided
so far north. In N. T. times a yearly attendance seems to have been
customary ; but more frequent visits were no doubt made by pious Jews
in Jerusalem and the neighbourhood.
COMPARISON WITH THE HISTORY 153
two different accounts of the manner in which the feast was
kept : (i; that in I Kings viii., where, according to the Deutero-
nomic rule, the feast was kept for seven days (from the fifteenth
to the twenty-first inclusive) and the people were dismissed on the
eighth day (the twenty-second) ; (2) that in 2 Chron. vii. 9, where,
according to the law of Leviticus, the feast was kept seven days,
with a solemn assembly on the eighth day, and the people were
dismissed on the three and twentieth day. The inference seems
warranted, that the appointment of the eighth day of tabernacles
was made after the author of Kings had composed his narrative.
The later writer assumes that the feast was kept according to the
ritual of his own day. That ritual was not the ritual of the
Temple in the time of the kingdom.
Attention has been drawn to (i) the frequency of pilgrimage,
(2) the existence of the Sin-offering, (3) the duration of the Feast
of Tabernacles: it appears that in the time of Samuel the
practice falls short of the requirements even of JE ; that in the
time of Solomon, according to the writer of Kings, the law of
Deuteronomy is recognized ; and that, according to the writer of
Chronicles, the existence of the law in P is assumed. This
points to a development of Jewish law, the stages of which are
>ented by JE, D, and P.
In order to answer the fourth question ' Who ?' (see p. 130)
it will be necessary to examine
d. THE LAWS RELATING TO PKIIMS.
The duties assigned to the whole tribe ofLevi, as well as the
provision made for their maintenance, will be considered.
(i) Comparison of the codes with one another.
(i) The Covenant code contains no regulations about priests.
The law about altars (Exod. xx. 2426) is addressed to the
children of Israel generally, and makes no mention of persons
who were specially appointed to offer sacrifice upon them.
(ii) The Deuteionomic code mentions the tribe of Levi as
154 INTRODUCTION TO THE PENTATEUCH
specially set apart for the service of the Lord, but draws no
distinction between different members of the tribe.
(iii) The Priestly code allows only those who are of the seed
of Aaron to officiate as priests. One family of the tribe of Levi
is separated from the rest. The Levites (i.e. the rest of the tribe
who do not belong to the family of Aaron 1 ) perform various
menial duties ; they carry the tabernacle and its furniture
(Num. iii., iv.), minister to the priests^ (Num. iii. 6 ; xviii. 2),
and 'stand before (i.e. wait on) the congregation' (Num. xvi. 9).
The difference between the language of Deuteronomy and
that of the Priestly code will be apparent to any careful reader.
He will ask, Is Deuteronomy acquainted with this sharp division
of the tribe into priests and ministers, although he never refers
to such a division? Is this a point on which a 'lay folks' book 5
might reasonably be silent? Before answering these questions,
it is necessary to examine other passages in which reference
is made to Levites. It will be found that in respect of the
provision made for their support, and their general condition,
the descriptions in Deuteronomy differ widely from those in the
Priestly code.
The provision made for their support consists of (a) dwelling-
place, and (b} sustenance or revenue.
(a) Their place of abode. According to P (Num. xxxv. I 8),
the tribe of Levi acquire the right to certain cities with their
suburbs, which are to be set apart for them after the conquest
(Josh. xxi.). The priests and Levites dwell in their own cities.
1 The word ' Levite ' in D and P is used in two completely different
senses. In D it denotes any member of the tribe, who, if he comes to
the central sanctuary, has a right to officiate there as priest ; in P (except
occasionally, see p. 160 note -2) it denotes the inferior members of the
tribe, who are servants to the priests and to the congregation, and perform
the menial duties specified in the text. They are sharply distinguished
from the ' priests,' and prohibited, under pain of death, from performing
priestly duties. The distinction must be carefully borne in mind in
reading the following discussion. A third sense in which ' Levite ' is used
will appear later (see p. 160 note 3).
PROVISION FOR LEVITES 155
But according to Deuteronomy, the Levite that is within thy
(your) gates is commended with the stranger, the fatherless,
and the widow to the charitable consideration of the people
(xii. 12, 18; xiv. 27, 29). He is a sojourner (xviii. 6) in cities
belonging to others, and not a resident by right in cities which
are his own possession (Lev. xxv. 33, 34).
(b) Their revenues. P assigns all the tithe in Israel to the
Levites (Num. xviii. 21, 24; where by Levite is meant those
members of the tribe of Levi who do not belong to the family of
Aaron), of which they are to give a tenth to Aaron (xviii. 26, 28).
A tithe is levied from the herd or flock (Lev. xxvii. 32). But,
according to Deuteronomy, all the tithe, and firstlings of the
herd and flock are to be eaten before the Lord by the offerer with
his household and the Levite (Deut. xiv. 22 27). Every third
year, all the tithe is laid up at home for the benefit of the Levite,
the stranger, the fatherless and the widow (xiv. 28, 29). Here
the contrast between the two codes is startling. The tithe,
which in Numbers is allotted to the Levites, is in Deuteronomy
to be eaten before the Lord by those who are not Levites
and the Levite is invited to share in the feast. Every third
year the tithe is laid up at home, and distributed to the Levite
and other needy persons. If both these laws come from the
same lawgiver, then two tithes must have been demanded from
the Israelite. This is the traditional Jewish interpretation; the
Deutcronomic tithe is a second tithe, levied in addition to the
tithe. But on what does this interpretation rest?
Clearly not on the passages in Numbers and Deuteronomy
which refer to tithe. The laws in both books refer to one tithe
only. This can be proved, in the case of Deuteronomy, from
xviii. i 4; where the dues of 'the priests the Levites, all
the tribe of Levi ' are specified. They consist of portions from
es, first fruits, and * the first of the fleece of thy sheep,'
but no mention is made of tithe.
If, when Deuteronomy was written, a law of tithe was in
< ncc, providing for ribci in
=
~r ~7,
156 INTRODUCTION TO THE PENTATEUCH
Num. xviii., it would surely be mentioned in the list of priestly
dues in Deut. xviii. 3, 4, and also in the solemn profession in
Deut. xxvi. 12 15. It is essentially a matter about which the
layman must be informed, in order that he may fulfil his obliga-
tions.
That the law in Num. xviii. refers to one tithe only seems
clear from ver. 21 ; 'unto the children of Levi, behold, I have
given all the tithe in Israel. 3 The supposition that Deuteronomy
refers to a second tithe not given to the Levites is excluded by
the word all. According to Num. xviii. 21 #//the tithe is given
to the Levites ; according to Deuteronomy all is not given to
them.
In Deuteronomy, the Levites are not represented as being in
possession of cities and fields, and receiving a regular income
from tithe, but as scattered among the people with scanty means
of subsistence, and needing the same treatment as the stranger,
the fatherless and the widow. As one explanation of this
acknowledged difference between the status of the Levites in
the two codes of D and P, it has been suggested that the exhorta-
tions of Deuteronomy to take care of the Levites are especially
appropriate to the time when they were issued, just before the
entry into the promised land. The Levites would be in special
need of assistance during the period of the conquest and early
occupation of the land, before they had obtained possession of
their cities, and so long as the tithe law was not in full operation.
But this supposition that Deuteronomy has in view the transi-
tional period before the complete acquisition of the land, is one
which finds no support in the book. The laws are not meant to
apply to this early period before the people have fully entered
on their inheritance, but to the period when ' he giveth you rest
from all your enemies round about so that ye dwell in safety'
(Deut. xii. 10; cp. xxv. 19; xxvi. i). The command to give the
priests their dues is to be observed in perpetuity. 'For the
Lord thy God hath chosen him out of all thy tribes, to stand to
minister in the name of the Lord, him and his sons for ever'
(xviii. 5). Cp. xix. i j and 'even to the tenth generation'
COMPARISON OF D WITH P 157
(xxiii. 2, 3). The law of tithe, like other laws, is obligatory
when the people are settled in the land ; it is not meant to pro-
vide for a temporary depression in the status of the Levites ;
also it is clear that, if the children of Israel are able to bring the
tithe 'to eat before the Lord'(xiv. 23), they would also be able to
give it to the tribe of Levi, if the command to do so were in
existence.
The law of Deut xiv. 22 29, and that in Num. xviii. cannot
be from the same hand : Jewish practice, in endeavouring to fulfil
these commands, shews that they cannot be observed without
levying two tithes, and the words both of Deut. and Num. (as
has been shewn above) expressly exclude such an interpretation
and practice. This marked difference between the two codes,
and other differences which have been noted in the preceding
paragraphs, raise the presumption that the silence of Deutero-
nomy about the division of the tribe into priests who offer
sacrifice, and servants (Levites) who assist at such functions,
points to a further difference between the legislation in Deutero-
nomy, and that in the Priestly code.
The differences between D and P in respect of (i) their use
of the term * Levite,' (2) the distinction between the priests the
sons of Aaron and the rest of the tribe, (3) the provision for
maintenance from the tithe, (4) the appointment of Levitical
cities, and (5) the general condition of the 'Levite' (whether
understood in the sense of Deuteronomy, or as in Num. xviii.)
can be satisfactorily explained (as other differences have been
explained p. 125), only by assuming an interval sufficient to
allow of changed social conditions between the promulgation of
the two codes.
(2) Comparison of the codes with the history.
msidering the place of worship, instances were given
tcrifices one-red in places other than the central sanctuary
A ho were not priests ofu-red them ; and the
b.um iuit in ancient Israel, sacrifice
not subject to limitation will. 10 cither person or
158 . INTRODUCTION TO THE PENTATEUCH
place. The record of sacrifices preserved in the history points
to a continuous practice from the beginning : patriarch, judge,
prophet and king, each bring their offering; according to one
account (Exod. iii. 18; v. I 3; viii. 25 28), Pharaoh is com-
manded to let the people go that they may hold a sacrifice to
the Lord. It is assumed that ancient customs prevail; the
practice seems to be simple and primitive, and the narrative
contains no reference to a special ritual introduced on the
authority of Moses.
The history of Micah is most instructive (Judg. xvii., xviii.).
He, an Ephraimite, first consecrates his own son as priest But
a wandering Levite, Jonathan by name, a grandson of Moses,
comes to the house of Micah as he journeyed, and Micah thinks
himself fortunate in securing his services as priest. An exploring
party of Danites passing by Micah's house ask counsel of God
through the Levite. When the warriors of the tribe of Dan,
600 strong, shortly after make their expedition against Laish,
they carry off Micah's ephod, teraphim, and images. The priest
agrees to go with them. The Danites, in spite of Micah's
protest, take with them the priest and the sacred images, and
set them in a sanctuary at Dan, where they remain under the
charge of the Levite Jonathan and his descendants all the time
that the house of God was in Shiloh.
According to the letter of the narrative, this guardian of the
sanctuary at Dan is a son of Gershom and a grandson of Moses.
Gershom was born before the children of Israel left Egypt ; his
son Jonathan was probably born during the journeyings. He
may have been a lad or young man at the passage of the Jordan ;
he must certainly have been a contemporary of Joshua, and
would be numbered among the elders who outlived Joshua.
He could not have known the regulations in Exod. xxviii., xxix.,
Num. xvi. 40, xviii. I 7, under which the sons of Aaron only
were permitted to officiate as priests, and the Levites were given
to Aaron and his sons to do the service of the tabernacle. If
he did know them, it would be necessary to assume a rebellion
THE HISTORY OF MICAH 159
analogous to that of Korah and his company in order to account
for his conduct ; but we are expressly told that during his
generation ' Israel served the LORD' (Josh. xxiv. 31). It seems
impossible to reconcile this story as it now stands with the
existence of an exclusive Aaronite priesthood inaugurated by
Moses 1 .
If it be assumed that some steps of Jonathan's genealogy
have been omitted, and that 'son ' may be taken as 'descendant,'
then Jonathan and the Danite raid might be assigned to a later
generation which 'knew not the LORD' (Judg. ii. 10).
But whatever view may be held as to the time of Jonathan's
ministrations, the story itself is of special interest, because it
preserves an early tradition of Levite priests who traced their
descent from Moses. While Eli and his sons were exercising
their priestly functions at Shiloh, where the ark was kept, a
descendant of Moses was priest to the tribe of the Danites, and
guardian of Micah's graven image. The historian, who lived
after the ark was removed from Shiloh, and after ' the captivity
of the land' (Judg. xviii. 30, 31), records the existence of two
sanctuaries, one at Shiloh and the other at Dan ; he also makes
mention of priests who were descendants of Moses. He draws
1 To those who regarded the Aaronic priesthood as established at
Sinai, Jonathan must have appeared as a wilful transgressor ; it is not
then surprising that later Jews wished to remove the name of this (in
their judgement) rebellious Levite from the family of the great lawgiver.
This they tried to do by inserting the letter 'N' in the name of Moses,
and reading Manasseh instead. But their reverence for that which was
written forbad them to add this letter to the traditional text ; they
wrote it above the line, thus leaving a witness to the original reading.
The R. V. rightly rejects the additional letter, and reads ' Moses ' ii.
' Manasseh' of A.V. in Judg. xviii. 30. The Ileb. text is .~L
which may be explained to English readers thus: M SI I are the
English equivalents of the Heb. text (which originally had no vo.
I are the consonants of 'Moses '(Heb. Mtshth): MNSIi
the consonants of 'Mana&seh' (Heb. Af'nashsJuh). S is pronounced
'sh,' and U doubled in the I kin
160 INTRODUCTION TO THE PENTATEUCH
attention to the fact that the worship at the sanctuary in Dan,
with its priest of Mosaic lineage, continued for a long period ;
without giving any intimation that such worship was exceptional
or blameworthy 1 . It seems evident that he knew nothing of a
law limiting the priesthood to the sons of Aaron.
These priestly descendants of Moses are Levites. This is a
further point of interest preserved for us in this narrative. The
term ' Levite ' is here used in a sense other than that in which it
is applied in the Priestly code. A { Levite ' here means one who
is specially qualified for the priestly office. In the Priestly
code, ' Levite ' is generally used as a distinctive term for those
not allowed to exercise priestly functions 2 . In this story a
* Levite' may belong to the family of Judah (Judg. xvii. 8). In
the Priestly code, a ' Levite ' is generally one of the tribe of Levi
who is not of the seed of Aaron 3 .
1 The history of Micah and his priest is sometimes put aside with
the remark that no valid inference can be drawn from events which
happened in times of lawlessness, when 'every man did that which was
right in his own eyes' Qudg. xvii. 6; xxi. 25). But although incidents
in the Danite raid, and the shocking disclosures in Judg. xix. xxi.,
shew that the times were out of joint, the facts to which attention is
directed, viz. the origin of the Danite sanctuary, and the continuance
of a Mosaic priesthood there, are not affected thereby. They are not
cited as instances of lawlessness, but by way of giving information about
a sanctuary in northern Israel. The important point to bear in mind is
this : the earliest reference to priesthood (outside the Priestly code) is in
connexion with the family of Moses.
2 P occasionally uses ' Levites ' to denote both the priestly and non-
priestly portions of the tribe (Num. xxxv. i 8).
3 In another passage (Exod. iv. 14) the term ' Levite ' cannot mean
a member of the tribe of Levi. The question ' Is there not Aaron thy
brother the Levite ? ' has no meaning when addressed to Moses, unless
it implies that 'Levite' differentiates Aaron from Moses, and attributes
to Aaron a vocation or power which Moses does not possess. The
context suggests that the power is that of facile speaking. The term
seems to have here an official sense, irrespective of membership in a
particular tribe (cf. McNeile, Exod. p. Ixvi). How the term ' Levite' came
THE HOUSE OF ELI ,6r
In the opening chapters of the books of Samuel Eli and his
sons are mentioned as ministering at the temple in Shiloh,
without any introductory notice of their ancestry. A man of
God, in announcing to Eli the coming judgement on his house,
refers the institution of the priesthood to the time when the
Israelites were in Egypt (l Sam. ii. 27, 28). The name of Eli's
ancestor is not given 1 ; but whoever he may be, the tradition is
different from that which describes Aaron and his sons as receiv-
ing their commission at Sinai (Lev. viii., ix.). The house of Eli
is here represented as the lineal descendants of a priest appointed
in Egypt, with a promise to his successors in perpetuity. That
promise is now withdrawn, because of their evildoings ; * I said
indeed that thy house, and the house of thy father, should walk
before me for ever ; but now the Lord saith, Be it far from me ;...
I will raise me up a faithful priest, and I will build him a sure
house ; and he shall walk before mine anointed for ever' (i Sam.
ii. 30 35). This seems clear, that the faithful priest does not
belong to Eli's house. The words 'and the house of thy father'
shew also that he does not belong to the family of that ancestor,
to be employed in these different meanings is one of the most obscure
points in ancient Israelite history. One thing seems certain, that the
passages Exod. iv. 14, Judg. xvii., xviii., and parts of xix. xxi. are
icmoved by a considerable interval of time from the passages both in the
Deuteronomic and Priestly codes which define the duties of Levites.
m the words of v. 38 ' Did I choose him out of all the tribes
of Israel to be my priest ? ' it might be inferred that Levi, the head of
the priestly tribe, was the ancestor referred to. ' The covenant of an
i hood' (Num. xxv. 13) was made with ' Phinehas, the
son of Eleazar, the son of Aaron the priest' (v. 11); and this line of
succession is known to the older tradition (Josh. xxiv. 33, and cp. Deut.
x ft). It should also be noted that one of Eli's sons l><>re the name of
I'hinelins. If it be assumed that Aaron is referred to in i Sam. ii. 28,
the difference of tradition noted in the text still exists, as also tin- further
difficulty that, from the whole passage ii. 3736, it would seem that
Zadok, the faithiul prie.->t, is nut . .u> belonging to the house
of A.i
CP. H
162 INTRODUCTION TO THE PENTATEUCH
who was appointed priest in Egypt. The judgement on Eli
involves the transfer of the priesthood from the house on which
that dignity was conferred. The 'faithful priest' was Zadok,
whom Solomon put in in the room of Abiathar, thereby fulfilling
' the word of the LORD, which he spake concerning the house of
Eli in Shiloh.' i Kings ii. 27, 35.
The notices in Judges and Samuel concerning the priests at
the northern sanctuaries of Dan and Shiloh contain much that
is obscure ; and a more detailed history of the period would no
doubt help to explain them. They contain no direct reference
to an Aaronite priesthood. The first book of Kings records the
appointment of Zadok in place of Abiathar, but says nothing of
his lineage. When the Temple was built, the priests who
officiated there were called 'the sons of Zadok,' as distinguished
from the priests who were connected with the 'high places'
scattered throughout the land. How these latter priests
obtained their position is nowhere explained. They may have
been ' Levites ' in the sense that Jonathan was a Levite ; and it is
probable that, as sanctuaries were multiplied, a priestly guild
was formed. The priestly office tended to become hereditary,
and the members of such a guild were regarded as a family
descended from a common ancestor.
In the blessing of Moses 1 (Deut. xxxiii.) the tribe of Levi is
entrusted with priestly functions. They are there indicated as
giving direction (ToraJi), and offering sacrifice (ver. 10). No
distinction between members of the tribe is made, nor is Aaron
mentioned by name 2 . In Deut. x. 8 the tribe is described as
separated ' to bear the ark of the covenant of the Lord, to stand
1 This poetical description of the tribes is generally considered as
earlier in date than the book of Deuteronomy, and a production of the
northern kingdom. For details, consult the commentary on Deutero-
nomy.
2 The latter half of xxxiii. i r, referring to the enemies of Levi, has
led some to infer that the claims of Levi were not allowed without
opposition. Other explanations of these words have been suggested.
See the commentary.
I'RIESTHOOD IN THE HISTORY 163
U-f<>i-e the Lord to minister unto him, and to bless in his name.'
The priests are in the book of Deuteronomy called 'the priests
the Levites,' or * the priests, the sons of Levi ' (xvii. 9 ; xviii. i ;
xxi. 5 ; xxiv. 8 ; xxvii. 9 ; xxxi. 9). They are nowhere called
- of Aaron' (as in P), nor is there any intimation that the
priesthood is limited to a single family in the tribe ; on the
contrary, the whole tribe is separated for the performance of
priestly duties.
The erection of the Temple, and the splendour of its services,
must have profoundly impressed the people of the southern
kingdom. They would flock to the central sanctuary, as in former
times men went up to Shiloh. The priests who ministered there
would overshadow in importance those who still officiated at the
high places. These local sanctuaries, however, continued till
the time of Josiah, in spite of the attempt made in Hezekiah's
reign to suppress them.
It has already been pointed out (p. 137) that the reformers
in Josiah's reign insisted on restricting the worship of Jehovah
to one place [Jerusalem], in order more effectively to uproot
idolatrous practices. This limitation of worship affected not only
the religious observances of the people (pp. Mof.), but also the
status of those who up to that period had ministered to them as
priests of the high places. As the book of Deuteronomy makes
provision for the changes necessary when worship is limited to a
central sanctuary (see pp. 140 f.), it is probable that the case of the
priests who up to the time of Josiah had ministered at the local
:ld be noticed. Now it is enjoined in Deut. xviii.
68, that if any Levite 'come from any of thy gates (i.e. towns)
in all Israel* to Jerusalem, he shall be allowed to minister there
in the same way as his brethren which serve the Temple, and
Oiall shaiv the dues of the Jerusalem priests. Such a provision
sp M ially appropriate to the conditions existing as a con-
nee of Jo in, and it seems reasonable to suppose
that tin- Levites here mentioned are the dispossessed priests of
1) places.
From 2 Ki. \.\ni. 9 it appears that, though the priests of
II 2
1 64 INTRODUCTION TO THE PENTATEUCH
the high places were called brethren, and some portion was
granted to them, they were not allowed to officiate at the altar
in Jerusalem. The family of Zadok had, from the time of
Solomon, held the chief rank at the Temple, and would not
welcome the advent of additional priests to share their position
and emoluments. The repeated injunctions in Deuteronomy
not to forget the Levite, but to allow him to share both in the
feasts at Jerusalem, and in the tithe at the end of every three
years (xiv. 27 29), shew that there was need of further provision
for his maintenance ; and the commendation of him to the good-
will of the charitable, along with the stranger, the fatherless, and
the widow, indicates his dependent position 1 . The legislation
of Deuteronomy enjoins what was not enforced till the time of
Josiah, and endeavours to provide^for a situation created by his
reform. During Josiah's reign the reformation was not carried
on without opposition. The Jerusalem priesthood resisted
successfully the attempt to incorporate the priests of the high
places with themselves ; and on the death of Josiah the disasters
which befel the nation proved an effective barrier to any further
reform. The pictures drawn by Jeremiah (ch. xliv.) and Ezekiel
(ch. viii.) shew that idolatrous rites were again introduced and
practised freely during the last years of the kingdom.
Within twelve years of the death of Josiah, all save the poorest
of the land were carried away captive. During the captivity
Ezekiel had a vision of a new Temple, and received instructions
for the future conduct of worship therein. The ordinances with
regard to those who were to minister in the restored house
deserve careful attention (xliv. 4 16). Uncircumcised foreigners
shall no longer minister as they did in the old sanctuary (vv. 7, 9) :
1 But the Levites that went far from me, when Israel went astray,
1 The law of Num. xviii., according to which all the tithe was
allotted to the tribe of Levi, was not known to the writer of Deutero-
nomy. He would hardly have directed the Israelite to spend the tithe
on whatsoever his soul desired, and invite the Levite to share it with
his household (Deut. xiv. 26, 27), if the whole tithe already belonged
by Divine enactment to the tribe of Levi (Num. xviii. 21).
PRIESTHOOD IN EZEKIEL 165
which went astray from me after their idols ; they shall bear
their iniquity. Yet they shall be ministers in my sanctuary, having
oversight at the gates of the house, and ministering in the house ;
they shall slay the burnt offering and the sacrifice for the people,
and they shall stand before (i.e. wait upon) them to minister
unto them. Because they ministered to them before their idols
...they shall not come near unto me to execute the office of
priest unto me, nor to come near to any of my holy things, unto
the things that are most holy :... Yet will I make them keepers of
the charge of the house, for all the service thereof, and for all
that shall be done herein' (w. 10 14).
* But the priests the Levites, the sons of Zadok, that kept the
charge of my sanctuary when the children of Israel went astray
from me, they shall come near to me to minister unto me ; and
they shall stand before (wait upon) me, to offer unto me the
fat and the blood, saith the L6rd GOD : they shall enter into
my sanctuary, and they shall come near to my table, to minister
unto me, and they shall keep my charge' (vu. 15, 16).
Ezekiel here makes a distinction between the Levites those
who had proved a stumbling-block to the house of Israel and
the sons of Xudok. The former were to 'bear their iniquity' (i.e.
be punished for it), and not to do the office of a priest. From
this it is clear that they had before officiated as priests ; but
henceforth they were to be degraded from that office, and, in-
stead of offering sacrifice, were to perform the subordinate offices
hitherto discharged by uncircumcised foreigners. But the sons
of Zadok, who officiated in the Temple before the exile, were to
their priestly privileges. Ezekiel makes no appeal to an
exclusive right of the sons of Aaron to 'stand before [wait upon j
the LORD,' according to the provisions of the Priestly code, but
introduces this ordinance as a new one to be obser\ed in the
;ed Temple. As a matter of fact it was not a very startling
inno. :ence between priests officiating at the
who did not had already existed at Jerusalem
M-Milt of the Josianic reform.
The hibtoi ./ekiel's new ordinance is Jeru-
i66 INTRODUCTION TO THE PENTATEUCH
salem and its priesthood after Josiah's reform. 'The Levites
that went far from me,' whose status Ezekiel proposes to change
from that of priests to that of Temple servants (xliv. 10 14), were
the priests who ministered at the high places before Josiah's
reformation 1 . It had been proposed (Deut xviii. 6 8) that these
1 This identification is generally allowed. Hoonacker, Le Sacerdoce
Levitiqiic, p. 194, admits that the prophet Ezekiel, in introducing the
regulation of xliv. 10 14, very probably has in view the priests of the
high places brought up to Jerusalem by Josiah ; also that in xlviii. n,
'the Levites,' who are there distinguished from 'the priests that are
sanctified of the sons of Zadok,' are the degraded priests of xliv. lof.
But he maintains that the distinction drawn in P between priests the
sons of Aaron and Levites was known to the prophet. Bredenkamp,
Gesctz und Propheten, 1881, p. 189, who adopted the same view, sup-
posed that the Levites, discontented with the position assigned to them
in the Priestly code, had exchanged their subordinate position in the
Temple for that of priests at the high places, and that some of the priests
had also gone astray. There is nothing in the Biblical narrative which
indicates such change, and if the Levites had deserted their posts in
the Temple, in order to officiate at the high places, Ezekiel's proposal
to put them back in their original position could hardly be regarded
as a punishment. What (it may be asked) would the Levites who
had faithfully discharged their functions say to such a reinstatement?
There would then be two classes of Levites, those who had gone astray,
and those who had remained faithful. Baudissin, who expresses him-
self in favour of ' the priority of the Priests' code [to Ezekiel], or at
least of the system represented by it, ' says : There is certainly nowhere
a clear expression that ' besides those who went astray and the Zadok-
ites there is yet another group of Levites recognized by Ezekiel,
namely those who had even at an earlier period occupied the position
now assigned to the former bdmoth priests ' [i.e. the priests of the
high places described in xliv. 10 as 'the Levites that went far from
me'] (DB, Vol. IV. pp. 78 a, 87 a).
The explanation of Ezek. xliv. 1014 offered by Moller, Are the
Critics right? pp. 125 f., is that the priests of the high places are those
described as 'the Levites that went astray from me,' and that these,
'as a punishment for their transgressions, must henceforth perform in
PRIESTHOOD IN EZEKIEL 167
priests, who were deprived of their emolument by the abolition
of the local altars, should be admitted to serve as priests in the
the sanctuary the lower service handed over in the most recent past to
the uncircumcised strangers.' The words ' in the most recent past ' do
not seem warranted, in view of the distinct statement of 2 Kings xi. 4
that Carites (captains of the guard A. V.) were employed to ' keep the
watch of the house of the LORD' (ver. 7) in the time of Jehoiada.
Both Moller and Prof. Orr agree that ' there is certainly in these
verses degradation of priests to that lower rank of service which the
Priestly code assigns to the Levites' (Orr, Problem of the O.T., p. 316).
The points of agreement between these writers and the statements
in the text are worth noting. Hoonacker's work cited above, and
his Le lieu du culte dans la legislation rituelle des Htbrenx, contain the
most clearly arranged defence of the traditional view. It is possible
that, as he contends (Le Sacerdoce Levitique, p. 195), the distinction
drawn in Ezek. xl. 45, 46 between 'the priests, the keepers of the
charge of the house ' [i.e. the Temple] and * the priests, the keepers of
the charge of the altar ' may be based on Temple usage, and that a
gradation of service was in existence in the last days of the kingdom,
but it should be noted that the distinction is between priests, not be-
tween priests and Levitts. The function assigned in xliv. 14 to 'the
Levites that went far from me ' (xliv. 10) seems to be the same as that
ned in xl. 45 to 'the priests the keepers of the charge of the house.'
See also 07/C a , pp. 359 f., and the note on p. 360.
It is sometimes said that the closing chapters of Ezekiel describe a
, and that much of the language is symbolical. The descriptions
are for the ino-t part too exact for pure symbolism. The people in
captivity were looking forward to the Return; their leaders encouraged
their expectations, and were busy in making preparation for it. Their
.ire would be for the Temple and the worship, and Ezekiel would
be active among them. There is good reason for supposing that the
details in these chapters are the outcome of careful thought and con-
sultation. The reality of the vision in which Kzekiel saw himself con-
ducted by the lu-avcnly messenger through the Temple of the futui
not affected by supposing that the measurements and much of the
description may have been coloured by his independent knowledge of
the actual Temple. The mingli; m appears
168 INTRODUCTION TO THE PENTATEUCH
Temple at Jerusalem. But the sons of Zadok would not agree
to share their position with these country priests. Though
allowed certain privileges they were not permitted to officiate
at the altar ; and so they became subordinate members of the
Jerusalem guild. They were probably men of inferior social
position, and their ritual, judged by the Zadokite standard, was
defective and irregular. A division between the Levites of the
capital and the country was thus called into existence, and
Ezekiel justifies the attitude adopted by the Jerusalem priests
towards their brethren of the high places on the ground of their
idolatrous practices 1 .
The priests of Jerusalem equally with the cities of Judah had
'provoked the LORD to anger' with their idolatrous abominations
(Jer. vii. 17 20), and the Temple itself was profaned (Ezek. viii.).
It is possible that some of these country priests would compare
favourably with their brethren at the Temple in character and
worship, but the distinction between them had already been
drawn, and Ezekiel states authoritatively that the practice of
the last days of the kingdom shall continue after the return.
on comparing cc. xl. xlvi. with the vision of the waters issuing from
the Temple in ch. xlvii., and the partition of the land in ch. xlviii.
The manifestly ideal character of these two chapters renders more
prominent the real and practical element in the preceding section (cc.
xl. xlvi.).
1 The number of priests who had officiated at the high places would
not be very great when Ezekiel proposed this ordinance, and none of
them lived to see the Return, which was more than eighty years after the
suppression of the high places. The ordinance practically affected only
the descendants of these priests, who, as they had never had any op-
portunity of exercising priestly functions, were probably contented with
the position formerly held by their fathers. But in the opinion of
some, the very small number of Levites who returned (see the lists in
Ezra ii. and Neh. vii., and cf. Ezra viii. 15), and certain incidents in
the account of Korah's rebellion afford indications that the change was
not effected without some opposition (see the remarks on Num. xvi. f.
in App. I, p. 202).
PRIESTHOOD IN EZEKIEL 169
But would Ezekiel have urged this distinction between the sons
of Zadok and other Levites, on the ground of idolatry, if he had
been acquainted with a law which forbade all but the sons of
Aaron to offer sacrifice, or even to 'come nigh the vessels of the
sanctuary and the altar' (Num. xviii. 3), on pain of death? Yet
Ezekiel by dividing the priestly tribe of Levi into two parts, one
of which shall henceforth offer sacrifice, while the other shall be
deprived of its priestly rights and minister as servants of the
house, lays the foundation of that difference between the sons of
Aaron and the rest of their brethren the sons of Levi, which is
drawn so sharply in the Priestly code.
It is also worthy of notice that Ezekiel considers his provision
for the Levites who are not sons of Zadok as a punishment and
a degradation, whereas the Priestly code describes the office of
a Levite as a privilege (Num. xvi. 9). Moreover the right to
discharge priestly functions is extended in the Priestly code:
for the sons of Aaron include others beside the family of Zadok,
and this change from Zadok to Aaron may indicate some further
modification of the priestly caste of which no definite account
has been preserved 1 .
Ezekiel in drawing his distinction between the sons of Zadok
and other Levites occupies a position intermediate between the
legislation of 1) and P. His ordinances regarding the Temple
and the ritual connected with it, when compared with the
legislation of P shew that he is proposing a less fully developed
system. If the Priestly code were already in existence it would
be known to Ezekiel, who was himself a priest. Would he
attempt to modify statutes which were given as 'an ordinance
1 ' It is conceivable that the Aaronites might include pi it--
i it her .sanctuaiies besides that of Jerusalem, and e^peci. illy from Noithcrn
I, and that these latter with the Zadokites were called " M.HS of
i" in view of the fact that the piieMliood of Northern Ixr.iel
id/etl Aaron a-, their amc.tor' (Kiu-iu-n, Hex., p. 795). II.
to O< n the Aaronites,' and dKcusscs the point further in his
. pp. 4 ssif. S.e also articles in /. /'//. .S., Jan.
1905 and July 1006 by 1W. Rennett, and Uct. 1905 l*y Di M'Neile.
170 INTRODUCTION TO THE PENTATEUCH
for ever throughout your generations'? The inference seems
warranted that Ezekiel was unacquainted with at least this part 1
of P.
There are yet some stages of development before Ezekiel's
rules given in the captivity assume their final form as preserved
in the Priestly code.
The first years after the return from exile were years of
trouble and rebuke, trouble on account of bad seasons and
failure of crops, rebuke because of slackness in building the
'house of the LORD.' With the help and encouragement of
Haggai and Zechariah the people set forward the work, and the
Temple was finished in the sixth year of Darius. The history of
the next sixty years is almost a blank. It may be supposed that
under the leadership of Joshua and Zerubbabel, and the influence
of the prophets Haggai and Zechariah, the service of the restored
temple was resumed with some of its former magnificence, and
was the means of uniting in a spiritual bond of common wor-
ship the returned exiles with the people that had remained in
the land. But when that generation had passed away, religion
declined, abuses crept in, and the prophet Malachi complains
of a corrupt priesthood, of carelessness in bringing tithes and
offerings, and of marriages with strangers. But in none of these
three post-exilic prophets is there any definite reference to the
provisions of the Priestly code as regulating the practice of the
restored community. The language of Malachi is based on
Deuteronomy 2 . He speaks of 'the priests the sons of Levi*
1 Some parts of P, or laws similar to those now codified in P, are
presupposed by Ezekiel.
2 The prophecy of Malachi belongs to the age of Ezra and Nehe-
miah ; but whether it was delivered before the coming of Ezra (B.C. 458),
or shortly before the arrival of Nehemiah in 445, or about the time of
Nehemiah's second visit (B.C. 432), cannot be determined with cer-
tainty. It would seem from Mai. iii. 10 ' Bring ye the whole tithe into
the storehouse ' that some of the demands formulated in P had already
been put forward. But the practice of giving the tithe to the sanctuary
AFTER THE RETURN 171
iii. 3) as needing purification that they may offer to the
LORD an offering in righteousness. In the name of the LORD
he exhorts the people, 'Remember ye the law of Moses my
servant which I commanded unto him in Horeb for all Israel,
even statutes and judgements' (Mai. iv. 4) : compare Deut. v. 2,
31 ; vi. 2 ; x. 8; xii. 2. The law to which Malachi appeals is
that of Deuteronomy. In his anxiety to secure a strict obser-
vance of the Temple ritual both on the part of priests and
people, he is at one with Ezra and Nehemiah, and prepares the
way for their more drastic reforms.
One event in connexion with these reforms must not be
passed over: the reading of the law by Ezra to the great
assembly at Jerusalem before the water gate on the first day of
the seventh month (Neh. viii.). The narrative bears a close
resemblance to that of the reformation instituted by Josiah.
Ezra and Nehemiah take the place of Hilkiah, Shaphan, and
Huldah. But whereas in the earlier assembly, after the law has
been read, the king proceeds to enforce its demands, in the later
congregation, the people take upon themselves the yoke of the
law, and proceed to carry out its precepts. The reformation in
Josiah's time is marked by the observance of a Passover such as
was not holden 'from the days of the judges, nor in all the days
of the kings of Israel, nor of the kings of Judah' (2 Kings
\xiii. 22). The reading of the law by Ezra is followed by the
observance of the Feast of Tabernacles : 'and all the congrega-
tion of them that were come out of the captivity made booths,
and dwelt in the booths : for since the days of Joshua tin
of Nun unto th.it day had not the children of Israel done so'
(Neh. viii. 17).
may l>c older than 444 ; fur the legislation of I' constantly attaches itself
to pre-existent usage. On the other hand, what is said in th<
hi's lU'uteiononiit language is not conclusive in favour of
an earlirr date, lor he may have used the older and more familiar
DenterODOmic . vcn though he wrote after the adoption of
the 1'iicstly code (see Century llil-Ie, MauiJti, j.j>. nj->, 312).
i;2 INTRODUCTION TO THE PENTATEUCH
On both occasions a feast is celebrated in a special manner,
and with certain accompaniments, to which no parallel can be
found in the whole history of the nation. The accompaniment
of the feast in Nehemiah's time was the dwelling in booths ; and
it is said that this had not been done since the days of Joshua.
This definite pronouncement with regard to the past history of
the people seems to imply that the ceremony of dwelling in
booths was then introduced on the authority of the law book
which was read. Dwelling in booths is enjoined in Lev. xxiii.
39 43) a P art f the Holiness code which has been incor-
porated in P. The people in Ezra's time accept the obligation ;
the rule is henceforth part of the Jewish law, and placed with
the rest of the legislation bearing the name of Moses. Another
feature of the festival is the observance of the eighth day l as a
'solemn assembly' (^azereth) (Neh. viii. 18) ; a regulation which
is found only in P.
The evidence that the Priestly code, at least in part, was at
this time set before the children of Israel is conclusive. The
reformation under Josiah is marked by the production of a-
written law, that of Deuteronomy ; the reformation carried out
by Ezra and Nehemiah is marked by the production of another
written law, that of the Priestly code. Two distinct revisions
of the constitution can be traced in the history, one in the time
of Josiah before the Captivity, the other in the time of Nehe--
miah, after the Return. For the interval between the two, the-
Deuteronomic code is the law for the nation. This appears
from Jeremiah's language about slaves during the siege of Jeru-
salem, Nehemiah's remonstrance on the subject of usury and
bondage (p. 129), and the language of the post-exilic prophets
(p. 170). From the time that Ezra promulgates the law, and
onwards, the children of Israel are ruled by the complete law,-"
both Deuteronomic and Priestly.
1 Compare what has been said about this festival and the manner of
its observance as related in Kings and Chronicles on p. 152.
STAGES IN GROWTH OF LAWS 173
4. SUMMARY.
The preceding investigations establish a reasonable pre-(
sumption that the three codes found in the Pentateuch were}
promulgated at different periods in the history of Israel The
varieties in the laws referring to slaves, worship, and priesthood,
all point to the same conclusion ; that the Priestly code is of
later date than the Deuteronomic, and that the Covenant code
is prior to both. This evidence in favour of the third Proposition
is further corroborated by examination of the narrative in
Deuteronomy. It has been shewn (p. 118) that this narrative
limits the published revelation at Horeb to the Ten Words, and
thus excludes the idea that further legislation, such as that
contained in the Priestly code, was communicated to the
children of Israel at Sinai.
In support of the second Proposition, that the Hexateuch
is a composite work in which four documents can be dis-
tinguished, certain composite narratives were examined and it
was shewn that they contained two accounts, one from P, the
other from JE (see pp. 54 66, 74 97). From the manner in
which they had been combined, the inference was drawn that P
is the later element of the combination.
In support of the first Proposition, that the Hexateuch con-
tains passages of later date than the times of Moses and Joshua,
passages which exhibited definite indications of post-Mosaic
date were considered. Among them were certain verses from
Lev. xxvi., which seemed to be most naturally explained on the
supposition that they were written shortly before, or during the
rvilc.
This evidence that P is the latest contribution to the com-
posite narrative of the Hexateuch is weighty and cumulative.
It has been gathered from single passages, and groups of
passages ; from narratives whether treated as a whole, or re-
1 into their component parts; 'from the codes of law
led rolk'c lively ; and from particular laws in the dificicnt
codes compared with one another, and with the history.
174 INTRODUCTION TO THE PENTATEUCH
The evidence has been drawn from examination of parti-
cular passages ; it may be further corroborated by a general
retrospect of the whole history. The enquiry under the third
Proposition has been directed to the laws which were delivered
for the guidance of the people ; the influence of the prophets
during the greater part of Israel's career must not be forgotten.
It is of the utmost importance to apprehend clearly the relation
in which the prophets stand to the law, and the significance of
these two factors in the development of the nation. In the
following section these points will be briefly treated, but only so
far as they bear upon the subject treated in this Introduction,
viz. the date and authorship of the documents contained in the
Hexateuch.
5. THE LAW AND THE PROPHETS.
If the question be asked, What is the most prominent
feature in Israel's history as represented in the books from
Judges to Kings ? the answer must be, Prophecy. ' The history
and development of Israel was started by a prophet, and pro-
phets conducted it all along its course 1 .' The prophets them-
selves are conscious that the nation has been under prophetic
leading since the Exodus from the land of Egypt. Amos
declares in the name of the Lord : ' I brought you up out of
the land of Egypt.. .and I raised up of your sons for prophets'
(ii. 10). Hosea describes the deliverance from Egypt as effected
through prophetic guidance : ' By a prophet the LORD brought
Israel up out of Egypt, and by a prophet was he preserved'
(xii. 13). And more expressly Jeremiah, 'Since the day that your
fathers came forth out of the land of Egypt unto this day I
have sent unto you all my servants the prophets' (vii. 25). The
teaching has been prophetic throughout; but the nation 'hath
not hearkened to the voice of the LORD' (vii. 27).
1 Davidson, Old Testament Prophecy ', p. 18. The whole chapter on
'Prophecy the dominating factor in Israel's history from the time of
Moses onwards ' should be consulted.
1'KOPHECY AND LAW 175
This prophetic teaching contains statutes and command-
ments, and includes 'the law which I commanded your fathers'
(2 Kings xvii. 13; Zech. i. 4, 6; Ezra ix. 1012). Moses is
represented as a prophet of the highest grade (Deut. xxxiv. 10;
cp. Num. xii. 6, 7), and as declaring that this gift of prophecy
will continue in Israel. The passage in Deut. xviii. 15, 'The
LORD thy God will raise up unto thee a prophet from the midst
of thee, of thy brethren, like unto me,' has been interpreted as
receiving its complete fulfilment in Christ ; but in its primary
meaning it points to a succession of prophets who would carry
on the work of Moses. The nations whom the Lord drave out
from before Israel consulted diviners, and practised augury 1 .
Not thus shall the chosen people seek to know God, but through
the prophets who shall arise in each generation, to shew Israel
the way wherein they should go (cf. Deut. xviii. 10 16 and
1820). In the place of heathen sorcerers shall arise the
prophets of the Lord.
The message of the prophets was at first conveyed orally ;t
it was simple, inculcating moral truth, and directed to the whole
nation. Not till the time of Amos was it preserved in writing.]
When the people refused to hear the voice of the prophets, andf
betook themselves to diviners, Isaiah is bidden to commit his
message to writing as a testimony against those who would not
hearken, but, instead of seeking unto their God J , sought out
those who had familiar spirits (Is. viii. i, 16, 19, 20). In like
1 Compare the passage from Isai. viii., and the remarks on it in the
next paragraph.
3 The reference of the words law and testimony in w. 16, 20 is nut,
as is often thought, to the Mosaic law, but (cf. R.V.m. teaching) to the
message and teaching of Isaiah himself, which he gives (ver. 19) as a
guide in future difficulties, in preference to iamiliar spirits and wizard
(see Skinner, Cambridge Rikle, &c., on the passage). See also on the
:ng of Torah, App. VI, p. 256. The similarity between this
passage of Isaiah and Deut. xviii. deserves notice. In both the prophet
rs in contrast with the diviner. Compare the preceding para-
graph.
176 INTRODUCTION TO THE PENTATEUCH
manner Jeremiah, after a long oral ministry, is commanded to
commit his prophecies to writing, and dictates them to Baruch,
in the hope that the house of Judah will take heed to them, and
return from their evil way. When the spoken word of the
prophet fails, the word is written in a book that others may
hearken, and the word of the Lord may not return to him void.
This development of prophetic teaching, according to which
written prophecy follows after oral prophecy, and, when the
spoken word fails, the written message remains as a witness, is
one of the most interesting facts recorded in the history of
prophecy 1 . It also marks an epoch for the historian; for the
period of written prophecy affords the first opportunity of supple-
menting the historical record by the words of those who moulded
the thought and guided the action of the people.
Along with the Torah of the prophets, there was also the
Torah of the priests, which, it may reasonably be supposed, was
developed on similar lines. At first handed down orally, the
decisions of priests would in course of time be committed to
writing, then arranged in subjects, and codified. In this way
traditions of great antiquity may have been preserved at the
local sanctuaries, as well as at Jerusalem. It is possible that
the step from oral to written Torah was taken earlier in the case
of priestly, than in the case of prophetic Torah. Details
connected with different kinds of food, compensation for injuries,
settlement of disputes, were matters about which every man
would at some time seek guidance, and obtain direction ( Torah}
from the priest. The earliest code preserved in the Pentateuch
(that in JE, see p. no) is generally assigned to a period before
the commencement of written prophecy ; and portions of it may
have existed in writing before they were codified. It deals
mainly with civil duties, and such questions as would be referred
to a priest or judge for decision.
The earliest prophets whose writings have been preserved
appear in opposition to, rather than in alliance, with, the priests.
1 See Skinner, hoi. i. xxxix., Cambridge Bible, Introduction,
p. xxxL
THE PROPHETS AND THE I..V.V 177
They blame the people for putting their trust in external obser-
es, and neglecting weightier matters, justice, truth, and the
knowledge of God (Amos iv. 4, 5 ; v. 4 15, 21 24 ; Isai. i. 10
17). From these and other passages it appears that sacrifices
were offered and festivals observed, and that rules for regulating
this worship formed an important part of the priestly Torah.
Micah accuses both priests and prophets : 'the priests teach for
hire, and the prophets divine for money' (iii. 11, where the
Hi.-b. word translated 'teat h' means 'give Torah] i.e. a decision
or instruction, cp. Hos. iv. 8 and App. VI). Hosea censures both
priests and people alike (Hos. iv. 9; v. i). It is evident that
the prophets of this period look upon the priests as failing in
their duty of teaching the people the knowledge of God.
The prophets, in denouncing both priests and people, 'make
no appeal to the sacred authority of any written standard of
law or doctrine 1 .' They do not represent Moses as the giver
o!" a law which the people have transgressed and the priests
have perverted, but exhibit a spirit of detachment from priestly
ritual which is difficult to explain on the supposition that
authoritative rules on these subjects were already in existence,
and attributed to Moses. The prophets recognize Moses as the
head of their guild ; the first in a succession of men chosen to
ic the divine word to Israel, but they do not recognize him
lawgiver prescribing rules for worship at the Tabernacle,
which have the force of 'statutes for ever throughout their
generations.' Such a conception of the office and work of Moses
t found in the prophetic literature : Malachi is the first to
mention the law of MOM-S (iv. 4), and Ezekiel is the only prophet
who pi < illation* relating to the externals of worship.
attitude of the earlier prophets towards law ami
monial worship becomes modified in the time of Josiah.
reformation carried out by thai king was effected with the
urrence both of priest and of prophet : the hook of
insinn f existing law in the prophetic
1 Kyle. ( '<;//. (>/
-33, deserve careful study.
C. P. 12
178 INTRODUCTION TO THE PENTATEUCH
spirit. This change in prophetic action is caused by the changed
circumstances of the age. Written law is there, and received as
authoritative. The prophet cannot ignore the fact ; his mission
now is to prophesy over these dry bones of legal enactment, that
they may become a living word to Israel. So the writer of
Deuteronomy conceived his call to speak to his generation ; in
his book 'laws, old and new alike, lived in the spirit of Moses,
and glowed with the vehemence of prophecy. The tone in
which the law was here expounded to the people was something
new. It marked the close of one era, it heralded the beginning
of another The book was recognized as a divine gift, and
lifted, though but for a passing moment, the conception of the
nation's religion above the routine of the priesthood's traditional
worship' (Ryle, Can. of O.T.\ p. 61).
The written law had entered, with prophetic sanction, as an
active agent in the life of the nation. It grew, and became more
detailed and ceremonial in character. During the captivity,
Ezekiel sets before the people a ritual law for the second temple.
The similarity between that law and some of the provisions of
the code read before the returned exiles by Ezra is recognized
by ah 1 writers. How the people received that code, and bound
themselves by a covenant to observe its precepts, has already
been described (see p. 171).
The history sets forth the era of the prophets first, followed
by an era of legal enactments. The course of prophecy in
/ Israel, as far as its relation to the priestly Torah is concerned,
I may be divided into three stages ; of (i) independence, (2)
' alliance, (3) subordination.
( i ) At first, the prophets are independent of the priests ; they
appear as the religious leaders of the nation, and are the direct
means of communication between God and the people. They
make no appeal to a law, issued by divine authority through
Moses. Even in the time of Josiah, when a book of law (Torah}
is found in the Temple, the king does not appeal to Hilkiah the
priest, but to Huldah the prophetess, in order to ascertain the
authority of the message contained in the book.
PROPHETS IN THE HISTORY 179
(2) In the time of Josiah a period of alliance commences.
The prophets unite with the priests in propounding a law for
the people ; but there is little trace of its influence during
the remainder of Josiah's life. With the death of the king at
Megiddo corruption again creeps in, and in the next generation
the people are swept into exile.
Another effort is made to guide the people by means of
written law : Ezekiel, the prophet-priest of the exile, has a vision
of the restored temple, and issues new regulations for priests
and service (see note on pp. i66f.).
(3) These regulations (in modified form) are set before the
people in the time of Ezra and Nehemiah (Neh. viii.). When
they are accepted the function of the prophet becomes sub-
ordinate; interest is centred in the law, and the 'scribe' ap-
pears ; his function is to preserve the written document, and to
interpret its provisions. As the written law assumes its final
shape, the utterances of the prophet become more rare, and are
little heard after the introduction of the Priestly code.
The course of prophetic activity, as shewn in the history of
the nation, and presented in the preceding summary, furnishes
strong corroboration of the argument deduced from the examina-
tion of the laux Prophecy, as a factor in Israel's development,
is not adequately explained on the supposition that a complete
ich as that contained in the Priestly code, was
in operation from the beginning. There is no proof that siu h
tern was in existence before the exile, and the historic fact,
that with the acceptance of this system after the Return, pro-
phetic activity ceased, seems to point to the conclusion that the
Junction of the prophet as a revcaler of God's will was incom-
patible with the existence of the fully develops 1 legal ^tern.
The prophet's duty is to declare the will of (,od ; it" that will is
!y manifested in a law containing in lai
ritual, the prophet must be, to a ^ re.it extent, suln > that
law. lie must inve; t disobedience to it, and illustrate
apply its i tin- earlier prophet^ is their
e of such action? They regard priestly iiie a as governed
122
i So INTRODUCTION TO THE PENTATEUCH
by custom, and as in no way within their province. Their
conduct cannot be satisfactorily explained on the supposition
that a divine law of ritual, such as that contained in the Priestly
code, is already in existence ; and, conversely, the assumption
that such a law does exist involves an estimate of the prophetic
office far below that which the history requires 1 . The more fully
the prophets are studied, the more clearly will the directness of
their mission appear. The expression 'the law and the pro-
phets' indicates the order in which these two parts of Scripture
were received into the Canon ; it dates from a period when
both written law and prophecy had become fixed in form, and
affords no evidence as to the order in which portions, either of
the law or of the prophets, were originally communicated to the
chosen people.
A few words may be added in explanation of the term
Mosaic as applied to the laws contained in Deuteronomy, and
in the Priestly code.
The prophets in their messages to the people do not repre-
sent themselves as teaching new truths to Israel about Jehovah;
they rather accuse the people of departing from the old truth
which has been revealed concerning Him. What Jehovah />,
that they declare; and they lay stress on the fact that He has
always been the same. This characteristic of the prophetical
Torah is also characteristic of the priestly Torah. But there is
a difference between prophecy and law. A unity underlies the
prophetic message, in that it reveals the One God who is the
same, however the condition of the people and state may
change. But law, being the rule for the people, may and does
vary according to the circumstances of time and place. The
lawgivers, however, seem actuated by the prophetic spirit and
desirous of exhibiting law as the same from the beginning. In
enunciating law in modern dress, they set it forth as old law, and '
whenever it is promulgated, it is described as part of the law
given by Moses the servant of God.
1 See Robertson Smith, OTJC 2 , pp. 311 314, for further illustration
of this point; also pp. 227 2.22 on the traditional view of the Pentateuch.
IN WHAT SENSE THE LAW IS MOSAIC 181
In this there is no attempt to deceive 1 . God's whole counsel
for the nation is conceived as implicitly given at Sinai, and
revealed to the people when they were fitted to receive it. The
idea is found in Deuteronomy, where Moses receives the law at
Horeb, but does not at once impart it. The law is one, as God
is one ; but unity does not exclude development, and the law
for Israel, as at present contained in the Pentateuch, exhibits
ample evidence 2 of such development. It is the work both of
prophet and of priest, each in turn setting forth that which they
believed to be the word of God to their generation, but embody-
ing principles which they regarded as communicated by God to
Moses when they were delivered from bondage, and chosen by
Him as a people, in order that 'they might keep his statutes and
observe his laws.'
6. CONCLUDING REMARKS.
(i) The redaction of the Hexateuch.
The preceding arguments tend to shew that the formation of
the Pentateuch and book of Joshua must have been gradual.
The reader will ask, How have these books been brought into
their present form ? There must be a conjectural element in
any answer to this question, as the historical data are imperfect.
With this reservation, the following sketch of the probable steps
in the formation of the Pentateuch and book of Joshua is
appended by way of conclusion, as an attempt to supply an
er in accord with the facts of the history, so far as they are
known.
:c the Deuteronomic legislation, the people possessed
historical and legal records, some of which have been pre-
1 Compare the reference by the Greeks to Z6\u 6 TO/XO^TTJS, the
ion by the K'.in.m. of l.uv to the XII t;il>lcs, and the remaiks of
Kol>ertson Snuili on 'k-jj-tl fictions' (OT/C*, pp. 384 f.).
- The i l>e reminded that only an outline i tin evidence
has U-eii laid l.ciorc him in tli ; investigation. The com-
ii'.entaiieb uu each book will supply ckt.
1 82 INTRODUCTION TO THE PENTATEUCH
served in JE. When the component parts of this document
were committed to writing cannot be determined precisely.
Indications are not wanting that the writers are separated by
some interval of time from the events which they describe, e.g.
the reference to other works, such as the Book of the Wars of the
Lord, the book of Jashar, and expressions which imply settle-
ment in the land (see pp. 45 49). After the Disruption, the
common tradition would assume different forms among the
northern and southern tribes ; and it seems probable that J and
E represent the versions of the past history current in the two
kingdoms of Judah and Israel 1 . The existence of two accounts,
covering nearly the same ground, may in this way be most
easily explained, and it is also natural to suppose that, when the
kingdom of Israel came to an end, the surviving kingdom of
Judah might incorporate portions of the northern records with
its own.
In JE narrative is most prominent. It contains almost all
the patriarchal history which charms the reader of Genesis, and
in Exodus, Numbers, and Joshua supplies most of those graphic
touches which impart life to the narrative. In respect of the
small amount of legislation which it contains, it affords a con-
trast both to D and P. In JE the law is an appendage to the
narrative. In D and P the narrative ser vestas an introduction
to the law.
The Deuteronomic code (Deut. xii. xxvi.) is in the absence
of direct testimony generally assigned to the period when its
characteristic precepts first appear to be recognized as law for
the nation to the seventh century B.C. The close connexion of
Deuteronomy with Josiah's reform is_easily recognized, and has
already been pointed out (see pp. 141 f.). The exact character of
1 It should be noted that, if it be assumed that J and E represent
Judahite and Ephraimite versions of the history, the common base of
this history is carried back to the period before the Disruption. This
common tradition of a past history was gradually shaped by prophetic-
ally minded teachers.
GROWTH OF THE HEXATEUCH 183
tha f connexion cannot be determined with certainty ; but it may
safely be asserted that the teaching which exercised such pro-
found influence on King Josiah and the nation has been recorded
in Deuteronomy and the earlier prophecies of Jeremiah.
A distinction must be drawn between the laws embedded in
Deut. xii. xxvi., and the oratorical expansion of them, which
is found in the accompanying discourse. Many, perhaps the
majority of these laws, are much older than the existing book of
Deuteronomy. Where laws of JE are repeated (generally with
modifications), this is, of course, evident ; but there is no reason
why other laws in Deuteronomy may not be based on older
sources, other than the Covenant code. Some of the ritual
Torah regulating the worship and practice both at the Temple
and at the different sanctuaries of the land was already known,
certainly by oral tradition, and probably also through written
precepts. That much of this Torah was ancient seems certain ;
and in assigning Deuteronomy, or parts of it, to the time of
Josiah, it is by no means suggested or implied, that Torah^
both civil and priestly, was not already in existence, and pos-
sibly in written form. The laws in Deuteronomy do not, in
most cases, afford definite indication of their date 1 . It is rather
the environment of the laws, the basis of the appeal to obedience,
and the prophetic character of the teaching, that stamp the book
as a product of the later prophetic period. These shew that in
Deuteronomy there is a reproduction of that which is old, com-
bined with a setting forth of that which is new.
When 1) was accepted as a law book for the community, its
amalgamation with the previously existing sources J and E
would probably soon follow. The sources J and E may have
continued in use as separate documents for some time after
they were united, and may have been used by the writer of
Tonoiny. Hut the view that the compound story (i.e. J K,
not J ami 'dy) was the written source that lay before
1 Tim assertion must be uri'Icrstood as qualifi<-<l by wh.it has altvaiy
been statc<l with : 'l its con-
; 149,
1 84 INTRODUCTION TO THE PENTATEUCH
the Deuteronomic authors is adopted by many (see OT/C 2 ,
p. 424, and the note, but cp. Kuenen, Hexateuch^ 13, p. 249,
and note 27, p. 253).
The activity of the Deuteronomic authors was not confined
to the book of Deuteronomy. Their work is clearly to be
traced in the book of Joshua. The old narrative of JE, which
carried on the history up to the time of settlement in the land,
has, to use a modern term, been 'edited' by a writer imbued
with the spirit of Deut., and using the same style. The first
chapter in the book of Joshua takes up the narrative at the
death of Moses, and is evidently intended to be read as a
continuation of the book of Deuteronomy. The style of the
Deuteronomic editor is most marked here, and in chap, xxiii. ;
other additions from his pen are indicated in LOT S , 6,
Joshua, pp. 104 fif. The history of the people in the land, as con-
tained in the books of Judges, Samuel, and Kings, has also
been edited in the same spirit 1 . 'Thus all the non-priestly parts
of the Hexateuch were united into one book, to which Judges,
Samuel, and Kings, in the Deuteronomic redaction, formed
the continuation' (OT/C 2 , p. 425). The whole formed the law
book and history of the people for the first ninety years after the
Return, and until the introduction of the Priestly code.
The captivity and destruction of the Temple put an end for a
time to the national worship, but the exiles in Babylon were
encouraged to hope that after chastisement in exile, worship
would again be celebrated in the restored Temple. A suitable,
one might almost say necessary, occupation for the Babylonian
exiles would be to put on record the practice of the priests in
the old Jerusalem Temple, to serve as a guide for worship after
the return. Ezekiel's rules for the temple and its services are
based on ritual usages ; and the collection of laws now em-
bedded in Lev. xvii. xxvi., generally known as the ' Law of
1 See for details LOT 8 on these books. The additions are most
marked in Judges and Kings.
THE POST-EXILIC STAGE 185
Holiness 1 ,' may with some confidence be regarded as the result
of an attempt to preserve pre-exilic law, adapting it to suit the
needs of the time 2 . The further labours of the children of the
captivity may be found in the book of the law which Ezra
brought with him from Babylon.
Some are of opinion that the Pentateuch nearly in its present
form was the book of the law which Ezra 'brought before the
congregation' (Neh. viii.) ; but on the whole it seems more
probable that the priestly legislation only was read. The in-
terval which elapsed between Ezra's return and the solemn
reading of the law described in Neh. viii. (about which interval
so little is recorded in the scripture narrative) may have been
spent by Ezra in commending his proposals to the community
already established in Jerusalem. The reading of the Law is
generally assigned to the year 444 r.c. When it had been
accepted by the people, steps would be taken to incorporate
it with the already existing book formed out of JE and D.
Owing to the predominance of the legal element in P, the
result of the incorporation was to produce a law book rather
than a history ; it was probably with a view to emphasize this
aspect of the combination that the book of Joshua was at this
stage separated from the preceding books 3 . A division into
parts would naturally follow : the book of Genesis at the be-
ginning, and the book of Deuteronomy at the end, are obviously
separated by their subject-matter from the middle portion ; and
this latter was further divided into books approximating in
length to the other two. Thus the Pentateuch would assume its
present form, with its division into five books. The book of the
:ibovc, p. IH.
2 The elements due to P in these chapters have been added later.
1 ' The legislation really closes with Deuteronomy and the account
^es' death, and it was legislation which K/.ra and Nehemiah
H to enforce,' DB, Art. JOSHI'A, Vol. II. p. 784. It is there
Mated as probable 'that the JK, I), and 1' portions of Joshua
combined by ni. editor than the editor who combined
.-e documents in the I'entuteuch.'
1 86 INTRODUCTION TO THE PENTATEUCH
law was appropriately closed with an account of the lawgiver's
death, to which account the three principal sources JE, D, and
P have all contributed 1 .
(ii) Ancient customs preserved in D and P.
Though these collections of laws (contained in D and P)
acquired canonical sanction at so late a period in Jewish history,
it must not be inferred that the laws themselves were all new.
Both collections (those in D and P) are, in large measure,
expansions and codifications of existing law. That this is the
case with the greater part of the Deuteronomic code is evident
on comparing it with the Covenant code (Exod. xxi. xxiii.),
and it may safely be assumed that the object of the Babylonian
exiles was to preserve the old ritual of the Temple. The codes
both of D and P contain precepts of great antiquity, handed
down by tradition, and also by means of written documents,
from the early days of the nation. Both codes contained, in
addition, developments which, it is reasonable to suppose, were
not admitted without some questionings. But the reforms both
under Josiah and under Ezra were carried in their entirety,
because they were recognized as based upon existing custom,
and presenting in written form acknowledged ritual and practice.
If this combination of ancient law with modern development
be recognized, the true explanation of certain passages in the
early history will be apparent. These passages 2 either contain
words which occur, or refer to observances concerning which
regulations are given, in the Priestly code. As an illustration
i Sam. iii. 3 may be quoted. It is clear from that verse that a
lamp burned in the temple at Shiloh. A law which enjoins the
1 A few passages in the history as contained in Judges Kings, some
of which are noted on pp. 773 ft., shew that the Deuteronomic redaction
of these books has been in parts further revised by a priestly writer.
3 These passages are often quoted as evidence that the law as
contained in D and P was in force at an early period in the history of
Israel.
ANCIENT ELEMENTS IN D AND P 187
use of lamps in the Tabernacle is found in P (Exocl. xxv. 31 f.,
xxvii. 21 ; Lev. xxiv. 3). The mention of the lamp in the history
affords no evidence that the law contained in P was in existence
in Samuel's time ; the use of a lamp was an ancient custom,
known to the writer of I Samuel, but the reference to it does not
prove that the developed ritual of P, which required seven lamps
to burn during the whole night, was in force when Samuel slept
in the temple of the Lord 1 .
The Nazirite vow affords another illustration of custom which
existed in ancient Israel being regulated by provisions in P.
Samson is a Nazirite (Judg. xiii. 5, 7; xvi. 17); Samuel has
some of the distinguishing marks of the Nazirite. Regulations
for the Nazirite vow and sacrifice are found in Num. vi. 221
(P). But Nazirites in the early history are dedicated from birth,
and yield a life-long service ; the regulations in P provide for
those who take upon themselves a vow for a definite period, and
prescribe certain ceremonies to be observed and sacrifices to be
offered at the end of that period, when the Nazirite has fulfilled
his obligation, and assumes the position of an ordinary Israelite.
The provisions of P are obviously inapplicable to the earlier
Nazirites ; Samson and the Nazirite of Num. vi. have little in
common beyond the name ; the mention of Nazirite in the early
history and in Amos ii. II f. proves nothing as to the date of P.
The presumption is, that as the Nazirite in P differs so much
in character from the early Nazirite, both he, and P's regulations
concerning him, belong to a different period, i.e. they do not
belong to the early history.
These two illustrations are sufficient to shew that words or
phrases, by themselves^ afford no proof that the ceremonial
system as existing in P was operative when the narrative
lining such words or phrases was written. The institutions
i' 1 are of great antiquity. Sacrifice and worship, distinc-
tion of meats, abstention from blood, and other observances,
formed part of their religion from the beginning: it is not
1 Further ol<.Tvntioi)s on I Sain, i. iii. will be found in li.
at the end of this section.
i88 INTRODUCTION TO THE PENTATEUCH
doubted that such observances were, from the first, regulated
by authority. The argument in the third Proposition tends to
shew that in Israel's law, as in that of other nations, a develop-
ment can be traced ; and that P represents the latest stage in
such development. Bearing in mind the fact that ancient
custom forms the basis of the developed system contained in
the Priestly code, it is reasonable to expect that the history
will shew some points of affinity with P ; and that these will
become more numerous and definite as the history progresses.
A careful study of the evidence afforded both by the historical
and prophetical books shew that this expectation is correct.
The following expressions 1 maybe noted as occurring in the
history :
i Sam. ii. 28, 'all the offerings of the children of Israel made
by fire.' The word for offerings made by fire (Heb. 'ishshe, or
'fire offerings') is frequently used in the Levitical law (Lev. i. 9;
xxiii. passim}.
I Sam. xxi. i 6. The account of the shewbread which was
given by Ahimelech to David and his young men shews clearly
that the custom of putting the shewbread 'before the LORD'
was observed by Ahimelech. The ordinance concerning the
shewbread is in Lev. xxiv. 5 9. It was to be eaten by Aaron
and his sons, i.e. by priests. The narrative in Samuel does not
furnish any proof that Ahimelech is acquainted with this ordi-
nance restricting the use of the holy bread to the priests ; his
words, as recorded in i Sam. xxi. 4, are consistent with the
supposition that in his day the shewbread might be eaten by
laymen, provided that they were ritually clean. See DB,
Vol. IV. p. 495.
The Philistines send back a 'guilt offering' ^ashdrn) with
the ark (i Sam. vi. 3, 4, 8, 17). The same Heb. word is used
for one kind of sacrifice prescribed in Lev. i. vii. (see p. 1 50).
The Philistine offering consists of golden images.
'The LORD smelled the sweet savour' (Gen. viii. 21). The
1 For a full list of such expressions see Driver, LOT 9 , pp. 142 152.
Those given in the text are selected from his list.
ANCIENT ELEMENTS IN D AND P 189
ssion 'sweet savour' or 'savour of satisfaction ' is frequently
used in sacrificial ritual (Lev. i., iii. passim}.
The passages here quoted shew that some of the ex-
pressions in P are very old, and that some of the institutions
for which P supplies regulations can be traced back to very
early times ; they do not 1 shew that the regulations in P are of
the same antiquity as the institutions themselves ; on the con-
trary, whenever a description is found in the history, there is
generally some deviation from P's special rules ; the impression
is produced that the custom or ceremony was observed more
simply than is required by the prescriptions of P. Both
'ancient' and 'modern' are found in P; the history, when
alluding to what is 'ancient,' does not prove that what is
' modern ' was also known in the time of the narrator.
In Deuteronomy the evidence of acquaintance with elements
preserved in P is more varied and decisive. This acquaintance
does not prove the dependence of D on P ; it is just what
might be expected, if the date of Deuteronomy is that assigned
to it in the preceding investigation (pp. 136 142). By the
time of Josiah, priestly Torah had developed, and parts of it
had probably assumed a written form. Deuteronomy expressly
1 The reason why these passages are not accepted as sufficient
evidence for the existence of I' when they were written is not always
appreciated. Some writers say, Why is the mere allusion not enough?
and they ask, with an air of surprise, Why should express and distinct
statements be demanded ? Are they to be expected in a history ? The
answer is, If there were no independent reasons for regarding P as late,
these allusions might be accepted as sufficient: but there are such
reasons; they have Keen laid before the reader in the preceding |
More than a mere allusion is not to be expected in a hi>t"iic.il account;
hut then these allusions are not sufficient to o\vi \\ < i^h the .strong
indfpendent grounds for referring I* to a later da:
ha- hern |..-;nJcd out in the text, some deviation In. in \'\ M ;
>r implied. The rare allusions to Leviles in the hooks ,,t
Samuel are noticed in App. \ 11, pp. 275 f.
190 INTRODUCTION TO THE PENTATEUCH
refers to the priests as authoritative guides in cases of leprosy,
and they would probably quote Torah already in existence which
concerned the laity (xxiv. 8). The distinction between clean
and unclean in food is a feature of Semitic religions ; it must
have been known in Israel from the earliest times. Allusion to
it is found in Judg. xiii. 4, 7 ; it is a subject on which decisions
would be sought, and Torah would be issued. The list of clean
and unclean in Deut. xiv. shews such close verbal coincidence
with the list in Lev. xi. as to make it clear that one of them
is dependent on the other, or that both are derived from a com-
mon original. Since the existence of Torah concerning food
may be regarded as certain, the hypothesis that both passages
are based on some earlier list seems most probable. No definite
conclusion can be drawn as to the priority of either passage :
the general question, whether the Deuteronomic or the Priestly
code is the earlier, must be determined on other grounds ; the
list in Deut. xiv. contributes nothing towards its solution.
In the provision for the cities of Refuge, two expressions are
common to Deuteronomy and the Priestly code : these have
been pointed out on p. 122.
There are also references to Burnt and Peace Offerings,
tithes, freewill offerings, the prohibition to eat blood, and the
flesh of that which dieth of itself. Wherever it is possible to
compare regulations on the same subject, the comparison shews
that D is independent of P, and exhibits the particular law or
institution in a simpler and less developed form than that found
in P.
The inference that the developed system of P is unknown to
Deuteronomy is confirmed by an examination of the books of
Kings. These books were compiled about the middle of the
sixth century B.C. The writer knows a law of Moses ; but when
he quotes particular statutes, they are those of Deuteronomy
(e.g. 2 Kings xiv. 6). He represents David as exhorting his son
Solomon (i Kings ii. I 3) to observe that which is written in
the law of Moses ; the words are closely parallel to those in
Josh. i. 6 8, part of the Deuteronomic revision of the book of
SVSTKM OF P UNKNOWN TO D iyi
Joshua 1 . Jeroboam is blamed for making priests who were not
of the sons of Levi (i Kings xii. 31). The phrase of Deuteronomy
is adopted, rather than that of P, who would have written "the
sons of Aaron.' Throughout, the writer judges individuals by
the standard of the Deuteronomic law 2 , in marked distinction
from the Chronicler of a later period, who represents the pious
kings as obeying in all its details the developed system of P.
An instance of this has already been pointed out on p. 152,
with reference to the duration of the Feast of Tabernacles;
further illustrations will be found in App. VII, pp. 268 flf. The
inference seems justified that P's regulations obtained recogni-
tion at some date after that of the books of Kings, i.e. after
the middle of the sixth century B.C. Reasons for associating
this acceptance of P with the solemn reading of the law re-
corded in Neh. viii. have already been given on p. 172.
1 This passage cannot be regarded as furnishing evidence that
Deuteronomy was known to David. Its Deuteronomic style shew.*
that the language is due to the compiler. See Introduction to A'l'ngs /,
// (1908) in this series, 3, Structure and Sources, pp. xviii xxi, and
for the date assigned, pp. xxi, xxii of the same section.
2 The phraseology of P is found in i Kings viii. i ff. The omiv>iou
of the passages in the LXX. is a strong argument for concluding that
they are a later addition. See A'in^s /, //, p. ;o and App. VII, p. 273.
192 INTRODUCTION TO THE PENTATEUCH
NOTE ON i SAMUEL I. VII.
The whole account of the temple at Shiloh, contained in i Sam.
i. iii., is of special interest, being one of the few passages in the O.T.
in which ancient ritual and custom are described. The ark was in the
temple at Shiloh; a legitimate priesthood (according to i Sam. ii. 27
chosen in Egypt) officiated there ; it was a place of assembly for all
Israel. Here sacrifice would be duly offered, and worship celebrated
according to a properly authorized standard. If the rites prescribed in
the Priestly code had been in existence from the time of Moses, surely
some evidence of their observance would be found at Shiloh where the
LORD caused His 'name to dwell at the first' (Jer. vii. 12). But,
though these opening chapters of the book of Samuel have been
carefully examined, no definite trace of P, as a system, has been found.
There are verbal resemblances between the story in Samuel and the
Priestly code ; these are fully accounted for by the explanation offered
in the text, viz. that some of the institutions in P are of great antiquity,
and have their roots in the early history; in the time of Eli and
Samuel they have not yet reached the mature stage of development
exhibited in the Priestly code.
Reference has been made on p. 187 to 'the lamp of God in the
temple of the LORD,' i Sam. iii. 3. It is there brought forward as an
illustration of that verbal resemblance which simply attests the antiquity
of a custom, but not the ritual development of that custom contained in
P. Professor Orr is of opinion that it suggests the prescriptions of the
Levitical code (Problem of the O. T., p. 171); he also alleges (p. 172)
that Elkanah's ' sacrifice for his vow is according to the law ' and refers
to Lev. vii. 16 and Num. xv. 8 10. Elkanah's action, considered with
reference to the second of these passages, is not strictly ' according to
the law.' He and his wife Hannah bring 'a bullock' (i Sam. i. 24;
the reading of LXX. and Syr. given in R.V. marg. 'a bullock of three
years old' is better than the ' three bullocks' of R.V. and A.V., because
it is in accord with ver. 25, ' And they slew the bullock,' which implies
that only one bullock was brought), 'and one ephah of meal, and a bottle
THE TEMPLE AT SHILOH 193
(or, skin, R.V. marg.) of wine.' The bullock is one of the animals
specified in Num. xv. 8 10, but it is there (ver. 9) prescribed that
' a meal offering of three tenth parts of an ephah of fine flour mingled
with half an hin of oil ' should be brought as an accompaniment of the
animal sacrifice ; this could not have been furnished out of the 'ephah
of meal* (k?mah), for the law required 'fine flour* (soleth), and no
mention is made of the oil in Samuel. The fact that Elkanah came
to the sanctuary has nothing whatever to do with P ; all three codes
enjoin this observance (see p. 151 and notes).
Now if other passages in the books of Samuel afforded clear indica-
tion that the developed system of P was known to the writer, minor
points of divergence might be disregarded. It might be urged with
reason that, in a simple, story, popular language would be employed,
and not technical ritual terms. But when such clear indications are not
to be found, but, on the contrary, the books convey the impression that
a simpler ritual was observed, it is necessary to insist that this popular
language must not be pressed beyond its precise meaning. The simi-
larity to P is only in the names ; a thorough examination of the facts
shews points of contrast with P, rather than points of resemblance.
The things which the names connote in Samuel and in P are different.
One of the chief features of the tabernacle worship is the with-
drawal of the ark into an inner shrine, entered only by the high priest
with solemn rites once a year. To take this ark into the battle is so
manifest a breach of the law as contained in P, that it is comparatively
a minor point to discuss how near Samuel was to the ark when he slept
in the temple. Yet i Sam. iii. 3 in the correct translation of R.V. docs
^t that he slept near it ; else why should the position of the ark
be specified ? And where are the Levites who according to the law
should be ministering about the Tent ? They are mentioned neither in
this narrative, nor in i Sam. vii. i, where the men of Kiriath-jearim
fetch the ark from Bethshemesh, and place it in the house of Abinadab.
And where are the priests the sons of Aaron, of P, when it is found
neces n. vii. i) to consecrate Abinadab's son Eleazar, to keep
the ark ? When the ark was restored by the Philistines, it was brought
into the fields of Bethshemesh at harvest time; the reapers rejoiced to
see the ark, broke up the cart on which it was brought, and offered the
kine which drew the cart as a sacrifice (vi. 13, 14). The statement in
vi. 15 that ' the Levites took down the ark of the LORD' is difficult to
adjust with the non-mention of any Levites in the particulars given of
C- P. 13
194 INTRODUCTION TO THE PENTATEUCH
the sacrifice in the previous verse, and probably the words ' the Levites '
are substituted for an original ' they.'
The sanctuary at Shiloh is called a htkhal (i Sam. i. 9 ; iii. 3), the
usual word for 'temple' (r Kings vi. 3 etc.); it has 'doors* (i Sam.
iii. 15), not a mere entrance (pet hah], like the Tent of both E (Exod.
xxxiii. 9, 10; Num. xii. 5 : the ' door ' in R.V. and A.V. of these passages
should be ' entrance ' as in Heb.) and P (Exod. xxvi. 36, xxix. 4 ; and
frequently) ; also a door-post (i Sam. i. 9). The description, though
only incidental, seems sufficient to shew that, by the time of Eli, the
Tabernacle had been replaced by a more solid structure of permanent
character. The whole account of David's bringing up the ark to
Mount Zion, and placing it in the Tent which he had prepared (2 Sam.
vi.), furnishes a strong presumption that the Tabernacle had disappeared.
Frequent mention is made of the ark from the time of its capture by
the Philistines to the time when it was brought by David to Mount
Zion, but without reference to the Tent, which according to the law is
regarded as its necessary shelter. If that Tent had existed in David's
time it is difficult to suggest a reason why he should have prepared
another. The historian who records that preparation would surely
explain why the ancient Tabernacle was set aside in favour of a newer
Tent. Again, this Tent of David is referred to as 'the Tent (tabernacle
A.V.) of the LORD' (i Kings ii. 29, 30), a title hardly appropriate if
the original Tabernacle was still in existence. From it Zadok took the
horn of oil to anoint Solomon (i Kings i. 39), and before it was the
altar to which Adonijah (i. 50) and Joab (ii. 29) fled for refuge. The
reasons for supposing that the Tabernacle lasted so long are (i) the
reference to 'the Tent of meeting' in i Sam. ii. 22 6, a passage which
is clearly based on Exod. xxxviii. 8. But this clause, for two good
reasons, (a) that it gives the name 'Tent of meeting' to that which
elsewhere in the same context (i Sam. i. 9, iii. 3) is called a temple,
(b) that the clause is wanting in the LXX., is in all probability not part
of the original story: (2) the statement in i Kings viii. 4, that the
Tent of meeting was put into the Temple. But reasons have been
given above for supposing that the Mosaic tent had disappeared, and
there can be little doubt that i Kings viii. i n has been interpolated
(see App. VII, p. 274). The reference here to the tent may be a
scribal addition, and is so regarded by Skinner, Century Bible, and
Barnes, Cambridge Bible (see their notes on i Kings viii. 4), and DB t
Vol. iv. p. 654 b.
RECORD OF SAMUEL'S WORK 195
It is sometimes urged that the period of Samuel's activity was one
of religious disorganization, and therefore exact conformity could not
be expected. Even if the validity of this plea be accepted, its applica-
tion in the case of Samuel may be questioned. He stands out in the
narrative as the religious reformer of his age, who calls on the people
to prepare their ' hearts unto the LORD and serve him only ' ( i Sam. vii. 3).
His efforts to recall the people to the true worship of Jehovah would
certainly be based on the precepts of the Priestly code, if they were
then known as an authorized standard of observance. In the record
there is no indication that Samuel was acquainted with P, and much
which suggests that he was not. But, apart from the question of how
much or how little of the narrative may be in conflict with the demands
of P, an important point to notice is the attitude of the historian
towards the whole narrative. He never suggests that the observances
which he mentions are not in accord with an ancient recognized
standard, but considers them as ordinary procedure, which is acceptable
to God. Now the books of Kings and of Chronicles are written by
historians who clearly shew acquaintance with a code, in the case
of Kings with the code of Deuteronomy, and in the case of Chronicles
with the Priestly code. Their records note observance and non-
observance of the law, and are ready with an apology for infringement
of it (i Kings iii. i). In this respect both writers appear in marked
contrast to the historian of Samuel. The inference seems obvious: the
writer of Samuel is not acquainted with the two codes which were the
standard authorities to the writers of Kings and Chronicles respectively.
13-3
APPENDIX I.
PASSAGES IN THE HEXATEUCH ASSIGNED TO P.
A general description of the document P has been given in
pp. 54 71. The following table indicates the limits of P
throughout the Hexateuch, and the headings in italics describe
its contents. As in the first four books (Genesis Numbers)
little is found which does not belong either to JE or P, this table
will also serve to indicate the limits of JE for these books. A
few notes have been added pointing out where passages have
been discussed, or giving short reasons for the analysis. The
notes are introductory in character, and for further information
the reader is referred to the commentaries on the separate books.
GENESIS.
The Creation
I. i II. 4<z.
Generations of the heaven
and of the earth
Generations of Adam
v. 128, 3032.
Generations of Noah
VI. 9-12.
The Flood
VI. 13-22.
VI I. 6, 7 9 (partly), u,
13 i6a, 18 21, 24.
VIII. I, 2 a,
I3a, 1419-
IX. 117, 28, 29.
See notes on this passage on pp.
54, 55, and the comparison of it
with ii. 4 a iii. 24 on pp. 59, 60 ;
also the inference (i) on p. 61.
On ch. v. see notes on pp. 57, 58.
See p. 74 for comparison of this
passage with w. 5 8.
The accounts of the Flood in cc.
vi. ix. are examined in pp. 74 81,
and the grounds of the division in-
dicated.
198
APPENDIX I
Generations of the sons of
Noah
X. i7, 20, 22, 23, 31,
32.
Generations of Shem
XL 1026.
Generations of Terah
XL 27, 31, 32.
Abraham
XII. 4* 5-
XIII. 6, ii, 12.
XVI. i a to 'children':
3. I5> 16.
The covenant with A.
XVII.
Destruction of Sodom
XIX. 29.
Birth of Isaac
XXI. i b, 2 6$.
Purchase of Machpelah
XXIII.
Death of Abraham
XXV. 7i i a.
On cc. x., xi. see the note on
p. 61, and p. 62.
Note the great similarity to xi. 31.
From 'and they separated...' (v.
n) down to '...cities of the Plain'
(v. 12).
It is clear that v. 3 repeats the
statement of the preceding verse,
with a note of time.
On this chapter, see pp. 56, 57,
62, 63, the table on pp. 64, 65, and
inference (6) on p. 66.
Note the name God after Jehovah
of preceding verses, remembered,
see p. 77, and cities of the Plain as
xiii. 12. The verse repeats in other
words the substance of the pre-
ceding narrative. LOT 8 p. 15.
On cc. xx., xxi., xxvi., see pp. 98f.
The second clause of z/. i repeats
the statement of the first clause.
Note set time in v. 2, as in xvii. 21.
In v. \\b 'and Isaac dwelt by
Beer-lahai-roi ' seems founded on
xvi. 14 and xxiv. 62.
APPENDIX I
109
Generations of hhmael
XXV. 1217.
Generations of Isaac
XXV. 19, 20, 26 b.
Esau's wives
XXVI. 34, 35-
Jacob sent away
XXVII.46 XXVIII.9,
Jacob with Laban
XXIX. 24, 29.
Jacobs return
XXXI. i8, XXXIII.
On 'These are the generations
of/ see p. 59.
The two incidents related in vv.
21 26 a, 27 34 are from JE.
For remarks on xxviii. 10 xxxv.
see pp. 101 f.
Perhaps the clauses referring to
the handmaids in xxx. 4 a, qb be-
long to P, and parts of I , 22 a.
/ Shechem
XXXI V.I, 2 , 4,6,8
10, 1318, 20-24,
part of 25, 2729.
God blesses Jacob at Bethel
XXXV. 6 a, 9-13, 15,
22 29.
Generations of Esau
XXXVI.
Generations of Jacob
XXXVII. i, 20.
in Egypt
XLI. 46.
XLVI. 6 .27
The division of the sources in
this chapter is in some places un-
certain.
On iru. 9 13, see pp. 56, 67, and
the table on pp. 65, 66.
Based on P (esp. in w. 6 8),
but containing additions from other
sources.
The commencement of the story
of Joseph and his brethren is taken
from P, but the rest is almost entirely
from JE. The age of Joseph, and
the genealogy, belong to P.
200
APPENDIX I
XLVII. 5, 6 a, 7 11,
27^,28.
XLVIII. 3 6, 7?
XLIX. i, 28^33.
L. 12, 13.
EXODUS.
The children of Israel
multiply
I. i-5, 7, I3> '4-
God hears their cry^ and
takes knowledge of
them
II. 23^25.
The Name JEHOVAH
VI. 28.
Moses sent to Pharaoh
VI. 9-VII. 7.
Aaron's rod becomes a
serpent
VII. 813.
The Plagues
VII. 19, 20 a, lib 22.
VIII. 5-7, 15^-19.
IX. 8-12, XL 9, 10.
On the variation between Heb.
and LXX. in xlvii. 5, 6, see the
commentary, and LOT* pp. n, 17.
The reference to Machpelah in
these chapters points to c. xxiii.(P).
For the connexion between irv.
i 5 and Gen. xlvi. 8 f. see the
commentary.
On ii. 15 230, see pp. 105 f.; on
the revelation of the name Jehovah
in ch. iii., see p. 100; on parts of
ch. iv., see p. 103.
On vi. 2 8, see pp. 67 f.
Note the genealogies in this sec-
tion ; that of Levi is given most
fully, because Moses and Aaron be-
long to that tribe.
Note the similarities, esp. those
of expression, between this and the
passages following.
On the composite character of
the account of the plagues, see
pp. 69, 104 and LOT 91 pp. 2428.
APPENDIX I
201
The Passover and the
Feast of Unleavened
Cakes
XII. 120,28,370,40,
41,4351.
First-born sanctified to
God
XIII. 1,2.
XIII. 20.
Passage of the Red Sea
XIV. 1-4,8,9,15-18,
2123, 26, 27 a, 28,
29, XV. 19.
Quails and Manna
XVI. 1-3, 6-24, 31-
36.
XVII. 10.
Arrival at Sinai
XIX. i, 2a.
Moses goes up into the
mount
XXIV. 15-180.
and reteives instructions
about the tabernacle &*c.
XXV. XXXI. 1 8 a.
xii. 21 27 is part of a different
account of the institution of the
Passover, which stands to xii. 3
13 in the same relation that the
regulations about Mazzoth in xiii.
3 16 stand to those in xii. 14 20.
Dillmann, in LOT* p. 29.
See p. 70. In i>. 21, from 'and
the LORD' to 'dry land 1 ' is not
from P, nor the last clause of v. 28.
This ch. should be compared
with Num. xi. From 'Rephidim'
in xvii. la, to the end of ch. xviii.
belongs to JE.
With 'and there Israel...' in v. ib
begins JE's account of the legisla-
tion at Sinai.
Continuation of xix. 2 a, in-
troducing P's account of the legis-
lation.
Instructions about the tabernacle
&c. The remainder of JE's account
of the events at Sinai, is in cc.
xxxii. xxxiv., to which xxiv. 18 b
1 Note that 'dry land' in v. 11 is different from 'dry ground' in
v. ii\ also that P seldom describes in detail the im-ih<xl of the Divine
action as in this clause. In xv. i<; both A.V. and K.V. have 'dry land,'
but it should be 'dry ground,' lr the Ileb. word is the same as in
xiv. 1 6, 22. The affinity of xv. 19 with P is then mure evident to the
English reader.
202
APPENDIX I
Moses comes down from
the mount. His face
shines
XXXIV. 29-35.
XXXV. XL.
LEVITICUS.
(after 'cloud') and xxxi. i8 (after
'testimony') are an introduction.
These cc. relate the carrying out
of the instructions in cc. xxv.
xxxi. See pp. 70, 71.
On the 'Law of Holiness' in cc.
xvii. xxvi.,seepp. iuf.,andApp.V.
NUMBERS.
The numbering of the
people^ and legisla-
tion
1. X. 28.
The mission of the spies
XIII. i 17, 21, 25,
26 , 32.
XIV. iS 2\ 5-7, 10,
26 39 1 .
Laws concerning sacrifice,
offerings, and fringes
XV.
The rebellion of Korah,
Dathan, and Abiram
XVI. I a, 2^11, 1 6
24, 27 a, 32 b, 3550.
Aaron's rod that budded
XVII.
The remainder of P's account of
the legislation at Sinai.
On these cc. see pp. 85 97,
where the grounds of the division
are indicated.
In Num. xvi., three incidents
seem to be referred to:
(1) a rising of Dathan and Abiram
against Moses related in the por-
tions not belonging to P ;
(2) a protest against the claims of
the tribe of Levi (vv. 2 b 7 a,
1824, 27*, 32^, 35, 41-50, c. xvii.),
with which is combined
1 In the main; v. 31 belongs to JE, and the source 01 vv. 32, 33 is
uncertain.
APPENDIX I
203
The dues of the priests
and Levitcs
XVIII.
The ashes of the red heifer
used for purifications
XIX.
The waters of Meribah
XX. la, 2, 3^,4,6-13.
Death of Aaron
XX. 2229.
The Journey to Canaan
XXI. 4<r, 10, ii.
XXII. i.
The zeal of Phinehas
XXV. 6- 18.
The second numbering and
the law of inheritance
XXVI. XXVII. ii.
Joshua appointed as suc-
cessor to Moses
XXVII. 1223.
Offerings for festival s and
other occasions
XXVIII., XXIX.
(3) a protest against the exclusive
claims of Aaron and his sons to the
priesthood (vv. -j b n, 16, 17, 36
40). See the commentary, and
LOT* pp. 64, 65.
On c. xviii. see pp. 155 f.
The year is not specified in v. I.
In xxxiii. 37, Zin is the station be-
fore Mt Hor, reached in the 4oth
year. On Zin = Kadesh see p. 93.
The continuation of v. 21 'Israel
turned away from him' is 'to com-
pass the land of Edom' (xxi. 4^).
Cp. Deut. i. 40, ii. I.
The VTJ. from P in xxi., xxii. are
part of P's itinerary, cf. xxxiii. 43
48. For reasons why the itinerary
in xxi. 12 20 is assigned to JE see
LOT* p. 66.
Contrast 'Moab' in v. I with
'Midian' in vv. 6 1 8.
204
APPENDIX I
Law of vows
XXX.
The war against Midian
XXXI.
Allotment of the country
E. of for dan
XXXII. 1 8, 19, 2432.
Journeys of the children
of Israel from Rame-
ses to the plains of
Moab
XXXIII.
The borders of the land,
cities for the Levites,
cities of refuge &"c.
XXXIV. XXXVI.
DEUTERONOMY.
1.3-
XXXII. 4852.
The death of Moses
xxxiv. 10, 5^,79.
JOSHUA.
IV. 13, 15-17.
The encampment at Gil-
gal
IV. 19, V. 1012.
VII. i.
Traces of P are found in w. I
4 and in other parts of the chapter.
For details see LOT 8 p. 69 and the
commentary.
Remarks on c. xxxv. will be found
on pp. 121 f. On the position of the
legislation in cc. xxvi. xxxvi., and
its relation to Deut. see p. 119.
Clearly parallel to Num. xxvii.
1214.
All the sources seem to have con-
tained accounts of Moses' death.
Seep. 186.
Only slight traces of P are found
in cc. i. xii. The narrative of JE
has been expanded in the style and
spirit of Deut. by an editor who is
designated as D 2 . See p. 184 and
LOT 9 p. 104.
Note the exact date in iv. 19.
An introduction to the story of
Achan by Rp. (Cf. p. 219, No. 31.)
APPENDIX I
205
The Gibeonites condemned
to bondage
IX. 15 , 1721.
The inheritance of the two
tribes and a half
XIII. 15-32.
The nine tribes and a half
XIV. 1-5.
The lot of J ml ah
XV. I 13, 2062.
The lot of the sons of
Joseph
XVI. 4-8.
XVII. i 4, 7, 9, iort.
The remaining seven tribes
receive their inheri-
tance
XVIII. i, 1128.
XIX. 18, 10-46, 48,
For 'princes of the congregation*
see App. 1 1, No. 28 c. In v. 27 'for
the congregation and' is perhaps
due to Rp, influenced by-z/^. 17 21.
On the 'towns of Jair' (Havvoth
Jair, v. 30) see p. 42.
The distribution of the land W. of
Jordan according to P begins here.
Some critics think that xviii. i
should stand before xiv. i 5. On
xiv. 6 15 see p. 96, and on Caleb's
exploit v. 14 see the note there.
Whether v. 13 belongs to P, or is
an introduction by Rp to w. 14
19 is doubtful. The addition of the
names of eleven 'cities with their
villages' by LXX. in v. 59 shews
that the Heb. text is not complete.
The account of JE (which de-
scribes Joseph's lot as one} is com-
bined with that of P (which assigns
a lot to Manasseh, cp. xvi. 5 8
with xvii. i). Parts of xvii. i 4,
9 ioarcfromJE,seeZ,07' 8 p. no.
In xviii. 6, the Heb. word for 'de-
scribe' is 'write.' Cp. 7 a with xiii.
14, 33, Deut. xviii. j, 2.
206
APPENDIX I
Cities of refuge appointed
XX. 13, 60, 79.
The Levitical cities
XXI. 142.
The altar erected by the
two tribes and a half
XXII. 9-34-
The non-P portions, which are
Deuteronomic in character, are due
to a late revision ; they are not in
the LXX. See LOT 8 p. 112. On
the accounts in Num. xxxv. and
Deut. xix., see pp. 121 f.
Cp. Num. xxxv. i 8. Vv. 43 45
form the close of the Deuteronomic
account of the partition.
The work of a writer who shews
marked affinities with P, but also
uses expressions not found in P.
APPENDIX II.
_
CHARACTERISTICS OF THE PRIESTLY CODE.
Attention has been directed on pp. 54 72 to the style and
phraseology of P. Further details have been given in the
analysis of the Flood narrative (pp. 74 81), and in the notices
of duplicate accounts (pp. 81 97). A list of the most character-
istic words and expressions occurring in P is given in the following
table (cp. LOT 8 pp. 131 ff.). It is not exhaustive, but sufficiently
full, it is hoped, to assist the reader in appreciating the extent
and variety of the evidence for the separation of P from the rest
of the Hexateuch. It also shews that the distinctive use of
Elohim which is sometimes spoken of as if it were the sole
basis of the separation of P is only a very small part of the
whole evidence, and adds weight to the remarks on p. 50 with
reference to this point.
One characteristic will appear on consulting this list. It
may be described as the depth of the colouring in P. On
comparing the passages in the left-hand column of pp. 64, 65
with the short list of expressions on p. 56, it will be seen that
two or more items of that list occur in each passage. Other
passages of P, when compared with this list, exhibit the same
phenomenon. To use one of P's own expressions, his text
'swarms' with characteristics, or, to go back to the first metaphor,
the colour may be easily recognized. The reader may easily
verity this statement by examining any of the passages assigned
to P in Appendix I. He will generally find in the following
list cumulative evidence io support of the assignment
208 APPENDIX II
(1) The use of the Divine Names.
(a) Elohim. In the examination of Exod. vi. i 8 on p. 67, a
reason has been suggested for the use of Elohim by P in the section
Gen. i. Exod. vi. See also pp. 29, 31, 66, 71, 75.
(6) El Shaddai, God Almighty. Gen. xvii. i; xxviii. 3; xxxv. n;
xlviii. 3; Exod. vi. 3. These passages are assigned to P, not only
because this name occurs in them, but on other grounds which are
indicated on p. 67, and also in Nos. n, 14. The name also occurs in
Gen. xliii. 14, and must be read (with LXX.) for Almighty alone in
xlix. 25 (see Driver, Genesis, ad loc.).
( f ) Jehovah. This name is not used by P in Gen. i. Exod. vi.,
but after the revelation of the name Jehovah recorded in Exod. vi. P
Vi^,^ Jehovah freely. See p. 68. The occurrence of this name in Gen.
xvii. i ; xxi. i b is due to transcriptional error. Cf. LOT 8 p. 21, where
Driver points out that these isolated occurrences of the name cannot
justly be regarded as subversive of an argument resting on an abundance
of criteria extending throughout the Pentateuch.
(2) Names of Places.
(a) Kiriath-arba (Kirjath A.V.). In Josh. xiv. i5=Judg. i. 10
(JE) it is said that the ancient name of Hebron was Kiriath-arba; in P
this name is given with the remark 'the same is Hebron'; Gen. xxiii. 2 ;
xxxv. 27; Josh. xv. 13, 54; xx. 7; xxi. n. In Gen. xxxv. 27; Josh.
xv. 13; xxi. ii A.V. has the city of Arba(h}. See also Neh. xi. 25.
(b) Machpelahi the children of Heth: Ephron the Hittite.
These three expressions occur several times in Gen. xxiii., where the
purchase of Machpelah is recorded, and in passages referring to that
transaction: xxv. 9, 10; xlix. 29 32; 1. 13!. Only in these passages
are the Hittites called 'children of Heth,' and represented as settled in
the south of Palestine.
(c) Paddan-aram'. Gen. xxv. 20; xxviii. 2, 5, 6, 7; xxxi. 18;
xxxiii. 18; xxxv. 9, 26; xlvi. 15; xlviii. 7 (Paddan only)f. Contrast
Aram-naharaim (Aram of the two rivers) in Gen. xxiv. 10 (J) ; Deut.
xxiii. 4; Judg. iii. 8 (Mesopotamia, EVV.).
(d) Wilderness of Sin (pD) : Exod. xvi. i ; xvii. i ; Num,
xxxiii. n, i if.
Wilderness of Zin (P): Num. xiii. 21; xx. i; xxvii. 14; xxxiii.
36; xxxiv. 3; Deut, xxxii. 51; Josh. xv. i.
APPENDIX II 209
Zt'n: Num. xxxiv. 4; Josh, xv. 3!.
(e) The plains (steppes) of Moab: Num. xxii. i; xxvi. 3, 63;
xxxi. 12; xxxiii. 48 50; xxxv. i; xxxvi. 13; Deut. xxxiv. 1,8; Josh,
xiii. 32 f. In Num. xxii. r and Josh. xiii. 32 the position is described
as beyond the Jordan at (Heb. of) Jericho, but in Num. xxii. i A.Y.
has on this side Jordan by Jericho ; the Heb. is the same in both. The
other places in Num. have by the Jordan at Jericho. In Josh. iv. 13,
v. 10 the corresponding position W. of the Jordan is called the plains
of Jericho.
(3) Kind(min\
Always used with prep. > and possessive pron. e.g. after its (his
or her A. V.) kind. It occurs 10 times in Gen. i. 1 1 25 ; 7 times in the
Flood narrative, vi. 20; vii. 14; 4 times in the list of unclean birds,
Lev. xi. 1319 and Deut. xiv. 1218; also Lev. xi. 22, 29. On the
relation of Deut. xiv. to Lev. xi., see p. 190. Elsewhere only Ezek.
xlvii i of.
In Gen. viii. 19 the Heb. word translated kinds A.V. is different :
lit. families (so R.V.).
(4) Swarm and swarming things.
(a) To swarm (sh&raz): Gen. i. 20, 21; vii. 21; viii. 17; Lev.
xi. 29, 41, 42, 43, 46; Ezek. xlvii. 9. Used figuratively of men,
Gen. ix. 7; Exod. i. 7. Once in JE, Exod. viii. 3 (of the frogs:
cf. P*. cv. 30) t.
(b) Swarming things (shtrez): Gen. i. 20; vii. 21; Lev. v. 2;
xi. 10, 20, 21, 23, 29, 31,41 44; xxii. 5; Deut. xiv. 19 = Lev. xi. 2of.
See No. 3.
(5) With the words in (4) may be compared: Creep and
creeping things, which are favourite expressions of P, though
found occasionally in other writers.
(a) To creep (ramas): Gen. i. 26; vii. 14; viii. 17; Ezek.
.11. 20 (with the corresponding noun); Gen. i. 21, 28, 30; vii. 8,
11 ; viii. 19 (moTflh K.V.); ix. 2 and Lev. xx. 25 (tiemcth K.V.); Lev.
xi. 44, 46 (moveth, K. V. in both w.) ; Deut. iv. 18 ; Ps. Ixix. 34 (moveth
[in the \vatcrs]j; civ. 20.
(6) Creeping things (rf'mes): reptiles, as distinguished from beasts,
fowl, and fishes: (Jen. i. 24, 25, 26; vi. 7, 20; vii. 14, 23 ; viii. 17, 19:
C. P. 14
210 APPENDIX II
also i Kings v. 13 ; Hos. ii. 20; Hab. i. 14; Ezek. viii. TO; xxxviii. 20;
Ps. cxlviii. 10; of things that move in the sea Ps. civ. 25; of all moving
animals Gen. ix. 3. The passages in Gen. all belong to P.
N.B. The distinction between 'swarming things,' creatures that
move in swarms, and 'creeping things,' creatures that creep or glide
along the ground, or through the water without feet, or with very small
feet, has not been uniformly observed in the English versions,
occasioning, especially in Lev. xi., great confusion to the English
reader. In the following passages ' creep ' and ' creeping things ' occur
where the rendering should be 'swarm' or 'swarming things': Gen.
vii. 21 ; Lev. v. 2; xi. 20, 21, 23, 29, 31, 41, 42, 43, 44, 46; xxii. 5;
Deut. xiv. 19. In Lev. xi. 10 swarm should stand for move, and
in Ezek. xlvii. 9, move A.V. should be swarm, as R.V. See Art.
'Creeping things' in DB i. 518.
(6) Fruitful and multiply, to be, or to make (rQT) m2 in
Kal and Hiphil).
Gen. i. 22, 28; viii. 17; ix. I, 7; xvii. 20 (cp. w. 2, 6); xxviii. 3 ;
xxxv. ii ; xlvii. 27; xlviii. 4; Exod. i. 7; Lev. xxvi. 9. Also Jer.
xxiii. 3 ; and in inverted order iii. 16; Ezek. xxxvi. nf. See remarks
on pp. 54 f., 62 f., the table on pp. 64, 65, and further contrasts in
Gen. xvi. 10; xxxii. 12; Exod. xxxii. 13; Josh. xxiv. 3, Also Deut.
i. 10; x. 22; xxviii. 62.
(7) Food (oklah\ in A.V. meat, which in R.V. is generally
changed to food, because ' meat ' which, when A.V. was made,
denoted food in general as it does still in 'sweetmeat' is now
restricted to flesh, and this limited meaning is not intended in
the passages here cited. Cp. p. 149, note.
With prefix s,for: Gen. i. 29, 30 (meat}', vi. 21 (food)', ix. 3
(food R.V. meat A.V.); Exod. xvi. 15 (to eat)\ Lev. xi. 39 (of which
ye may eat, lit. which is to you for food) ; xxv. 6 (food R.V. meat A.V.).
In Ezek. the expression is used of that which is cast into the fire, and
is translated in xv. 4, 6, xxi. 32 fuel 1 , in xxiii. 37 to be devoured R.V.,
to devour them A.V. ; in other places of men given as .a prey to birds
and beasts, xxix. 5; xxxiv. 5, 8, 10 (meat); xxxv. 12 to devour; xxxix.
4 to be devoured^. In Gen. xlvii. 24, where for food occurs twice, in
1 The usage in these passages is to be explained by the fact that
Heb. often uses the verb ' to eat ' of fire devouring.
APPENDIX II 211
the Heb. the infin. of the verb is used. In Jer. xii. 9 the infm. is also
used, and is translated to devour.
(8) Generations
(a) On the phrase These are ike generations of... see pp. 58 f. In
addition to the passages there cited, the phrase occurs Num. iii. i (P);
Ruth iv. 1 8 ; i Chron. i. 29 (from Gen. xxv. 12).
(b) According to their gen. (with prep. ?): Gen. x. 32 ; xxv. 13;
Exod. vi. 16, 19; i Chron. v. 7; vii. 2, 4, 9; viii. 28; ix. 9, 34;
xxvi. 31. Cf. Nos. 16, 18, 27.
(f) Exod. xxviii. 10; and of the 12 tribes in Num. i. 2042
(all P)f. For another Heb. word translated generations see No. 16.
(9) Hundred (m^dth, the constr. state, instead of m?ah> the
more usual form before substantives).
Gen. v. 3, 6, 18, 25, 28; vii. 34; viii. 3; xi. 10, 25; xxi. 5;
xxv. 7, 17; xxxv. 28; xlvii. 9, 28; Exod. vi. 16, 18, 20; xxxviii. 25,
27 (31); Num. ii. 9, 16, 24, 31; xxxiii. 39. Elsewhere only 2 Chron.
xxv. 9 (K e re) ; Est. i. 4. The readings in Eccl. viii. 12 and Neh. v. 1 1
are prob. corrupt; see BDB 548, and M c Neile, Ecclesiastes, pp. 78,
148. P uses me' ah in such cases only twice, Gen. xvii. i7;.xxiii. i.
(10) To die, expire (gave?}. Not the usual word for * die.'
Gen. vi. 17; vii. 21; xxv. 8, 17; xxxv. 29; xlix. 33; Num.
xvii. 12 ; xx. 3, 29; Josh. xxii. 20. See p. 78; the poetical passages
are Zech. xiii. 8; Ps. Ixxxviii. 15; civ. 29; Lam. i. 19, and 8 times
in Jobf-
(i i) Personal pronouns with prepositions used redundantly.
(a) With thee (him &c.) : Gen. vi. 18 (thou, and thy sons, and
thy wife, and thy sons' wives with thee} presents a type of sentence
which recurs frequently: vii. 7, 13; viii. 16, 18; ix. 8 (note the
repetition of phrases referred to on pp. 57, 6y); xxviii. 4; xlvi. 6, 7;
Exod. xxviii. i, 41; twice in xxix. 21 and the parallel passage in
,o; Lev. viii. 2; x. 9, 14, 15; xxv. 41, 54 (t: from
11 have the prep. DJJ, elsewhere it is J"lX); Num. xviii. i, 2, 7, M, nj
(twice). Similarly
(b) After thee (him &c.) following 'seed': Gen. ix. 9; xvii. 7
10, 19; \\\. .. 4; Lxuii.
142
212 APPENDIX II
(12) This selfsame day, lit. in the bone of this day.
Gen. vii. 13; xvii. 23, 26; Exod. xii. 17, 41, 51; Lev. xxiii. 14,
21, 28, 29, 30; Deut. xxxii. 48; Josh. v. n. Josh. x. 27 is prob. from
the redactor. Outside the Hex. only in Ezek. ii. 3 ; xxiv. 2 ; xl. 1 1-
(13) Everlasting, applied especially to ideas or institutions
of the theocracy (in the Heb. lit. 'a covenant, statute, &c., of
eternity"* ['<?/;//]). This usage is not peculiar to P; but its
frequency -, in the combinations quoted, is a characteristic of P.
(a) covenant: Gen. ix. 16; xvii. 7, 13, 19; Exod. xxxi. 16;
Lev. xxiv. 8; Num. xviii. 19.
(/>) ordinance, statitte, due: Exod. xii. 14, 17; xxvii. 21 ; xxviii.
43; xxix. 9, 28; xxx. 21 ; Lev. iii. 17; vi. 18, 22; vii. 34, 36; x. 9,
15; xvi. 29, 31, 34; xvii. 7; xxiii. 14, 21, 31, 41; xxiv. 3, 9; Num.
x. 8; xv. 15; xviii. 8, n, 19, 23; xix. 10, 21. Throughout your
generations is added in many of these passages.
(c) possession: Gen. xvii. 8; xlviii. 4; Lev. xxv. 34.
(d) priesthood: Exod. xl. 15; Num. xxv. 13.
(e) generations, once in Gen. ix. 12 'for perpetual generations.'
(14) The verb to sojourn, and its cognates :
(a) Sojourning*, land of thy (their) : applied to the land of
Canaan as ' sojourned* in before it was possessed; A.V. translates, tht
land -wherein thou art a (they were) stranger(s) Gen. xvii. 8 ; xxviii. 4 ;
xxxvi. 7 ; xxxvii. i ; Exod. vi. 4; Ezek. xx. 38 (but not with reference
to the early sojournings). Cp. Gen. xlvii. 9 days of my (their) pilgrimage
(R. V. marg. sojournings) ; Ps. cxix. 54 house of my pilgrimage (Heb.
sojournings). In Ps. Iv. 15, in their dwellings), Job xviii. 19, where
he sojourned (in his dwellings, A.V.) the word sojournings occurs, but
without land, and without reference to the early history!- The word is
derived from the Heb. verb to sojourn', and the corresponding noun
(ger % Heb.) denotes a foreigner resident in Israel under protection.
Much confusion is caused to the English reader by the translation of
this word as * stranger' in both A.V. and R.V. See DB, Art. Stranger,
vol. iv. p. 623. The ger is often mentioned in JE and D, but the
following expressions are found only in P and Ezek. ('sojourner' is
used instead of the 'stranger' of A.V. and R.V.).
(b) The sojourner that sojourneth (hagger haggar, Heb.) among you
(them), generally associated with 'ezrah (homeborn, born in the land} :
APPENDIX II 213
Exod. xii. 49; Lev. xvi. 29; xvii. 15; xviii. 26; xix. 34 (with you);
Num. xv. 15, 16 (with slight difference), 29. The comparison is
sometimes with the house (children) of Israel, Lev. xvii. 8, ro, 12, 13;
xx. ; Num. xv. 26, 29; xix. 10; xxxv. 15; Josh. xx. 9. Cp. Ezek.
xiv. 7; xlvii. 22, 23. Also Exod. xii. 1948; Lev. xix. 33 ; Num.
ix. 14; xv. 14. The passages cited above, which enjoin equality
of privilege and obligation, both for the homeborn (the native Israelite)
and the stranger (the foreigner resident under his protection), are
peculiar to P and Ezek.
(c) Sojourner or settler. Another Heb. word (tdskdb) is trans-
lated 'sojourner': Gen. xxiii. 4; Exod. xii. 45; Lev. xxii. 10; xxv.
6 47 ; Num. xxxv. i5f. In i Kings xvii. i for 'sojourners (inhabitants
A.V.) of Gilead,' read, in accordance with LXX., Tishbeh of Gikad,
and see Burney, Notes on i, 2 Kings> on the passage, p. 216.
The words of Gen. xxiii. 4 seem to have been in the mind of the
Psalmist in Ps. xxxix. 12 (referred to in i Chron.xxix. 15) and Ps. cxix.
54. The idea is more fully expressed in the N.T. Heb. xi. 9, 10,
13 16 ; and referred to in Eph. ii. 19, r Pet. i. i ; ii. i i.
The phrase 'land of sojournings' seems based on a knowledge of the
position held by the 'ger" 1 or 'sojourner' among the children of Israel.
It illustrates the past history from the present, and is an instance of that
didactic treatment of the patriarchal narrative which marks a writer far
removed in time from the events which he describes. See remarks on
P's style at the end of this list, p. 224. The similarity in thought and
expression between P and Ezek., of which instances are noted here,
points to the same conclusion.
( 1 5) And [Noah} did (it) ; according to &c.
See p. 58 : this type of sentence recurs Exod. vii. 6; xii. 28, 50;
xxxix. 32; xl. 16; Num. i. 54; ii. 34; viii. 20; xvii. ii: expanded in
Exod. xxxix. 43; Num. v. 4; ix. 5. The characteristic form of the
Heb. is disguised in EVV.
(16) Throughout your (their) generations with Heb. prep. ?
(A.V. has generally, in, often, throughout, and sometimes, for,
unto, among).
Gen. xvii. 7, <,, 12; Mxod. xii. 14', 17; xvi. .;:, ; 3 for EVV.
xxvii. 21 (unto A.V.); xxix. 42; xxx. 8, 10, 21, 31; xxxi. 13, 16;
xl. 15 (in these four chapters throughout in both versions); Lev. iii. 17
214 APPENDIX II
(for A.V.); vi. 18; vii. 36'; x. 9'; xvii. 7'; xxi. 17; xxii. 3 (among
A.V.); xxiii. 14*, 21', 31', 41 (m E.V.); xxv. 30' (7/zV); Num. ix. 10
(of KN.> posterity A.V.); x. 8'; xv. 14, 15, 21, 23 (aw^w^ A.V.) 38';
xviii. 23*; xxxv. 29* f-
The verses marked with (/) have throughout in A.V. as well as
R.V. The comparison of A.V. with R.V. shews that though R.V.
is not always uniform in its renderings, it is more exact than A.V.
Contrast Gen. vi. 9 (P) in his generations with the sing, in vii. i
in this generation (J).
(17) Dwellings or habitations, in all your.
Exod. xii. 20; xxxv. 3; Lev. iii. 17; vii. 26; xxiii. 3, 14*, 21*,
31*; Num. xxxv. 29*; Ezek. vi. 6, 14. When, as in the verses marked
with an asterisk*, this expression is combined with that in No. 16
throughout your generations in all your dwellings, illustration is afforded
of that fulness of expression, after the manner of a legal document,
which is a characteristic of P.
(18) Families^ after your (their).
Gen. viii. 19; x. 5, 20, 31; xxxvi. 40; Exod. vi. 17, 25; Num.
i. (13 times); ii. 34; iii. and iv. (15!); xxvi. (i6t); xxxiii. 54; Josh,
xiii. (41); xv. i, 12, 20; xvi. 5, 8; xvii. 2; xviii. n, 20, 28; xix.
(i2t); xxi. 7, 33, 40.
This word illustrates the remarks in the note on p. 55. The
word for 'family' (mishpdhah) occurs in all the sources (Gen. x. 18;
xxiv. 38, 40; Deut. xxix. 18; Josh. vii. 14, 17). It is also found in com-
bination with the prep. 7 in Exod. xii. 21; Num. xi. 10 (both JE). 'It
is the frequency of the^'combination which causes it to be characteristic
of a particular author.' LOT 6 p. 132 note.
(19) Exceedingly (bfmfddh m*odh\
An unusual expression, used with a verb, Gen. xvii. 2, 6, 20;
Exod. i. 7; Ezek. xvi. 13; with an adj. Ezek. ix. 9f.
M^odh is duplicated without the prep. 1 in Gen. vii. 19; Num.
xiv. 7 (both P) ; Gen. xxx. 43 (J) ; i Kings vii. 47 ; 2 Kings x. 4 ;
Ezek. xxxvii. iof. In these passages it is simply a duplicated adverb,
but in this expression it is used first with the prep. 1 as a noun and then
as an adj. It may be rendered in English by ' in very veriness,' which
partly illustrates the peculiarity of the expression. But cf. Ges. -K. 1 33 k.
APPENDIX II 215
(20) Substance (r*kush).
Gen. xii. 5; xiii. 6; xxxi. 18; xxxvi. 7; xlvi. 6; Num. xvi. 32;
xxxv. 3.
It also occurs in Gen. xiv. n 21 (5 times); xv. 14; and in
Chron. Ezr. Dan. (15 times) f.
The cognate verb to get is found only in Gen. xii. 5; xxxi. 18;
xxxvi. 6; xlvi. 6f.
(21) All of, as regards (W>).
Gen. ix. 10; xxiii. 10; Exod. xiv. 28; xxvii. 3, 19; xxviii. 38;
xxxvi. i; Lev. v. 3; xi. 26, 42; xvi. 16, 21; xxii. 18; Num. iv. 27,31,
32; v. 9; xviii. 4, 8, 9; Ezek. xliv. 9. 'Probably a juristic use.
Occasionally elsewhere, esp. in Chron.' LOT* p. 132.
(22) Soul (ntphesh}, in the sense of person.
Gen. xii. 5; xxxvi. 6 (persons A.V.); in the list of Jacob's des-
cendants in xlvi. 627 (6 times) and Exod. i. 5; xii. 4, 15, 16 (ntan
EVV.), 19; xvi. 16 (persons EVV.); Lev. ii. i (any A.V., anyone
R.V.); iv. 2 (any one R.V.); 27 (any one EVV.); v. i, 2 (any one
R.V.); and nearly 100 times in the rest of Hex. Cp. Deut. x. 22;
Gen. xiv. 21 (persons in EVV. of both). Of a dead body: Lev. xix.
28; xxi. i, ii ; xxii. 4; Num. v. 2; vi. 6; ix. 6, 10.
(23) Between the two evenings.
Exod. xii. 6; xvi. 12; xxix. 39, 41; xxx. 8; Lev. xxiii. 5; Num.
ix- 3, 5. ii ' xxviii. 4, 8t- A technical expression, translated at even;
but the exact rendering is found in the marg. of R.V. and A.V.
Contrast Deut. xvi. 5; Josh. v. 10.
(24) Judgements (sh'philtim, the more common word is
mishpatini).
Exod. vi. 6; vii. 4; xii. 12; Num. xxxiii. 4; Ezek. v. 10, 15;
xi. 9; xiv. 21 ; xxv. n; xxviii. 22, 26; xxx. 14, 19 (all of God's judge-
ments); xvi. 14 (of men); i Chron. xxiv. 24 (of the Syrians); I'r-iv.
xix. 29 (alternative renderings in BDB 1048 a)f.
(25) Peoples 1 ('(immim} plural in the sense of kinsfolk.
j>crly, as Arabic shews, fitthfrs X-///r//. ver on Gen.
14, pp. i.S;, iSS. Tli; : he /////-.// in Hcb. In A.V. and
K.V. the word is confused with the ordinary Hcb. word for 'people,'
but though we may speak of a man's 'people,' we cannot speak of Ins
216 APPENDIX II
(a) That soul (man) shall be cut off from his people'. Gen. xvii. 14;
xxx - 33> 3 8 ; xxxi - J 4J Lev - vn - 20 > 2t > 2 5> 2 7; xv - 9; xix - 8;
xxiii. 29; Num. ix. 13. The noun is singular in Lev. xvii. 4, 10;
xviii. 29; xx. 3, 5, 6, 18; xxiii. 30; Num. xv. 30; here (as the text
stands) the rendering 'people' is right; the verb is active (I will cut
him off...} in Lev. xvii. 10; xx. 3, 5, 6 ; Ezek. xiv 8 ; xxiii. 30 (destroy)*?.
Observe that xxiii. 29 differs in both respects from the following verse,
and that the verbs also are different in the two verses.
(b) Gathered unto his people: Gen. xxv. 8, 17; xxxv. 29; xhx. 29
(people in sing.} 33 ; Num. xx. 24, 26 (unto his people not in Heb. text),
xxvii. 13; xxxi. 2; Deut. xxxii. 5of.
(c) Lev. xix. 16; xxi. i, 4, 14, 15, Ezek. xviii. 18: perhaps
Judg. v. 14; Hos. x. i4f.
(26) Hosts (armies A.V.).
Exod. vi. 26; vii. 4; xii. 17, 41, 51; Num. i. 3, 52; xxxiii. i.
In Num. ii. and x. the disposition of the tribes on the march is
described ; the four camps are arranged according to their hosts (armies
A.V., except in x. 25, for the camp of Dan), and for each tribe of a
camp, the name of the prince (captain A.V.) 'over his host' is mentioned.
The word for ' host" 1 occurs 24 times in the sing., and n times in the
plural (the word seems to have fallen out from ii. 31). The reader
of A.V., in consequence of the rendering 'armies,' would not notice
that the same Heb. word occurs throughout these chapters. In Num.
xxxi 4 6, 32, 36 the sing, 'host* is translated (in both R.V. and A.V.)
*war? in xxxi. 27, 28 battle, and in xxxii. 27 armed for war. Cp.
Deut. xxiv. 5. Captains of hosts (armies A.V.) are also mentioned in
Deut. xx. 9 ; but the writer is there referring to the future organization
of the army in war ; and the expression does not imply acquaintance on
his part with the detailed arrangements of Num. ii. and x. In Exod.
xii. 41, Num. i. 52 A.V. translates 'hosts.'
(27) Head (gulgoleth, a skull) used with the Heb. prep. 7
to denote persons.
In Exod. xvi. 16 and xxxviii. 26 translated a head R.V., for every
man A.V. In other places both versions render by their polls, by the
rples.' Where the plural occurs in Heb., father's kin, or kinsmen
Id be read for 'people.'
APPENDIX II 217
poll. Num. i. 2, 18, 20, 22; iii. 47 and in i Chron. xxiii. 3, 24. All
places where the word is so applied are given here. It occurs elsewhere,
e.g. Judg. ix. 53 in its ordinary sense, skull.
(28) Congregation ( l eddh\ a word used about 120 times in
Exod. xii. 3 Josh. xxii. 30 to denote the children of Israel.
They are called the * Congregation of the LORD* in Num. xxvii. 17;
xxxi. 16; Josh. xxii. 16, 17. The word occurs in the following
phrases :
(a) [All] the [whole} C. of Israel : Exod. xii. 3 + 3 1 ; Lev. iv. 1 3 ;
Num. xvi. 9; xxxii. 4; Josh. xxii. 18, 20.
(6) [All} the [whole} C. of the children (Heb. sons) of Israel-.
Exod. xvi. i, 2, 9, 10; xvii. i ; xxxv. i, 4, 20; Lev. xvi. 5; xix. 2; Num.
i. 2, 53; viii. 9, 20; xiii. 26; xiv. 5, 7; xv. 25, 26; xvi. 41; xix. 9;
xxvi. 2; xxvii. 20 (cf. ver. 21); xxxi. 12; Josh, xviii. i; xxii. 12.
(f) [All} the [rulers} [princes} of (or in) the C., Exod. xvi. 22 ;
xxxiv. 31; Num. iv. 34; xvi. a; xxxi. 13; xxxii. 2; Josh. ix. 15, 18;
xxii. 30. The princes and all the C. y Num. xxvii. i.
Otherwise in: Exod. xxxviii. 25; Lev. iv. 15; viii. 35; ix. 5;
x. , 3, 16, 17; xxiv. 14, 16; Num. xiv. 1+51; xvi. 3 + 91; xx. i+6t;
xxv. 6, 7; xxvii. 2 + 5t; xxxi. 26, 27, 43; xxxv. 12, 24, 25; Josh. ix.
19, 21, 27; xx. 6, 9.
The word is used of the people who joined themselves to Korah
(Num. xvi. 5,6, n, 16, 40; xxvi. 9, 10; xxvii. 3); in these verses both
versions render company, except in xvi. 16, congregation R.V. It is
not found in JE or D; in Judg. xiv. 8 it is used of a swarm of bees;
of the children of Israel in xx. i, xxi. 10, 13, 16; also in i Kings viii. 5
( || 2 Chron. v. 6), xii. 20, Hos. vii. 12. (On i Kings viii. 5 see p. 274.)
The non-occurrence of this word in JE and Sam., and its extreme
rarity in Judg. and Kings (in Judg. and i Ki. viii. 5 it occurs in passages
which there are the strongest reasons for believing to be later additions
to the original narrative: see LOT* pp. 169 f. ; Thatcher, Century
fiible, p. 17) are extremely remarkable, and a strong corroboration
of the critical conclusion that P belongs to an entiiely different stratum
of narrative from JE, Sam., Deut., and the earlier narratives of Judg.
and K
The Revisers have distinguished between this and another Heb.
word dfah&l) by using assembly, assemble for this latter word and its
2i8 APPENDIX II
cognate verb, and reserving congregation as the rendering of the other
(see Preface to R.V.). The A.V. renderings of these words are not
uniform. In Lev. viii. 4; Num. viii. 9; x. 2, 3; xvi. 2 ; xx. 8 (cf. v. 6)
for assembly A.V. read congregation as R.V., and in Lev. iv. 14, 21;
xvl 17, 23; Num. x. 7; xv. 15; xvi. 3, 33, 47; xix. 20; xx. 4, ro, 12;
Deut. xxiii. i 8; xxxi. 30; Josh. viii. 35 for congregation A.V. read
assembly as R.V. The A.V. renderings of the passages in Deut. do not
make clear to the English reader that 'eddh does not occur in that book.
(29) Prince, or ruler (nasV}.
Besides the passages given in No. 28 (<:), the same officials are
mentioned in Exod. 1 xxxv. 27; Lev. iv. 22; Num. i. 16, 44; iv. 46
(chief A.V.); x. 4; xiii. 2 (ruler A.V.); xvii. 2, 6; xxv. 14. A list of
the heads of tribes is given in Num. i. It is repeated in c. ii. and c. vii.
In A.V. they are called captains in ch. ii., and princes in c. vii., but the
Heb. word is the same in both chapters. In ch. xxxiv. a prince is
taken from each of the nine tribes who inherited W. of the Jordan, and
in Josh. xxii. 14, ten princes are taken from the same tribes. The heads
of the three divisions of the tribe of Levi are also called 'princes' but
A.V. translates chief .(Num. iii. 24, 30, 32, 35).
Applied to Abraham Gen. xxiii. 6 ; to rulers of other tribes or
nations xvii. 20; xxv. 16 (Ishmael); xxxiv. 2; Num. xxv. 18; Josh,
xiii. 21 (all P).
Used once in JE Exod. xxii. 27; not in Deut., Judg., Sam.; in
i Kings viii. i (see p. 274); xi. 34.
In Ezek.: of the king, vii. 27; xii. 10, 12; xix. i (the sing, is here
read by some commentators); xxi. 30; of a future ideal king, xxxiv. 24;
xxxvii. 25; of the civil head of the restored community, xliv. 3 and in
cc. xlv., xlvi., xlviii. (cf. Ezr. i. 8); of rulers, xxi. 17; xxii. 6; xlv. 8,
9; and of foreign princes, xxvi. 16; xxvii. 21; xxx. 13; xxxii. 29;
xxxviii. 2, 3; xxxix. r, 18.
(30) Possession, Heb. words signifying.
(a) Possession ( a htczzah): everlasting p. , Gen. xvii. 8; xlviii. 4;
Lev. xxv. 34; land of your (their, his...) p., Gen. xxxvi. 43; Lev.
xxv. 24; Num. xxxv. 28; p. of a burying place, Gen. xxiii. 4, 9, 20;
xlix. 30; 1. 13; Gen. xlvii. u; Lev. xiv. 34; xxv. 10 46; xxvii.
16 28; Num. xxvii. 4, 7; xxxii. 5, 22, 29, 32; xxxv. 2, 8, 28;
Deut. xxxii. 49; Josh. xxi. ia, 41; xxii. 4, 9, 19. Elsewhere only in
APPENDIX II 219
Ezek. xliv. 28; xlv. 5 8; xlvi. 16, 18; xlviii. 10 22; and in Ps. ii. 8;
i Chron. vii. 28; ix. 2 ( = Neh. xi. 3); Chron. xi. 34; xxxi. it. The
cognate verb (ahaz) is found in Niph. to get possession, Gen. xxxiv. 10;
xlvii. 27; Num. xxxii. 30; Josh. xxii. 9, ipt. Cp. the legal phrase to
be seize J of. * All those his lands which he stood seized of (Shakespeare).
Two other words for 'possession,' derived from the Heb. root
kanah, to get or purchase, belong to the vocabulary of P.
(b) A getting, kinyan\ Gen. xxxi. 18, cattle of his getting;
xxxiv. 23 their cattle and their substance; xxxvi. 6 his possessions
(substance A.V.); Lev. xxii. u the purchase of (with A.V.) his money
(like miknath keseph in (c) following) ; Josh. xiv. 4 for their cattle and
for their substance; Ezek. xxxviii. 12, 13 cattle vrA goods. In all these
passages (except Lev. xxii. n) note that 'cattle' (mikne'h) accompanies
the word. Also in Ps. civ. 24 riches; cv. 21 substance; Prov. iv. 7
with (or at the price of) all than hast gotten (thy getting A.V.).
(c) Possession, acquired by purchase (miknah): Gen. xxiii. 18;
Lev. xxv. 1 6, 51 ; xxvii. 22; bought with money (miknath keseph), Gen.
xvii. 12, 13, 23, 27; Exod. xii. 44. 'Prob. a legal term,' LO T* p. 133.
Elsewhere only in Jer. xxxii. u, 12, 14, 16, *deed (evidence A.V.)
of purchase,' cf. p. 144!.
(31) To trespass (ma'dl) and the corresponding noun,
generally translated commit a trespass.
Lev. v. 15; vi. 2; xxvi. 40; Num. v. 6, 12, 27; xxxi. 16 (on the
reading, and suggested emendation see BDB s.v.); Deut. xxxii. 51 (cf.
Num. xxvii. 14); Josh. vii. i; xxii. 16, 20, 22, 31. A priestly word,
chiefly late, BDB s.v., found in Ezek. xiv. 13; xv. 8; xvii. 20; xviii.
24; xx. 27; xxxix. 23, 26, in Chron. about lot, in Ezr., Neh., and once
Prov. xvi. lot. From this list, it seems probable that Josh. vii. i is an
introduction to the account of Achan, either written or expanded by Rp.
(32) The glory of the LORD.
An expression used by P to describe the Lord's appearance on
several occasions (e.g. when the children of Israel murmured, on the
completion of the tabernacle, &c.), Exod. xvi. 7 (?with reference to
the gift of manna), 10; xxiv. 16, 17; xl. 34, 35; Lev. ix. 6, 23; Num.
xiv. 10 ; xvi. 19, 42 ; xx. 6. The expression is found often in Ezekiel;
i. 28; iii. 12,23; x. 4, 18; xi. 23; xliii. 4, 5; xliv. 4; and the glory of
the God of Israel in viii. 4; ix. 3; x. 19; xi. 22; xliii. a. Other refer-
220 APPENDIX II
ences to the glory of the Lord are found in Exod. xxxiii. 18, 22 ; Num.
xiv. 2i ; Deut. v. 24; but the terms in which it is mentioned are unlike
those of P, and it is not in any way associated with the tabernacle.
Cp. also Exod. xxix. 43; i Kings viii. n [|| 2 Chron. v. 14], and
2 Chron. vii. i 3 [not in the parallel account of i Kings viii. Cp.
w. 62 f.].
The preceding list will illustrate and confirm the statement
on p. 68 that P exhibits 'marked characteristics in respect of
style and phraseology'; it will also supply reasons for the
partition indicated in App. I. Some further remarks, supple-
menting the general description of P on pp. 68 71, may here
be added.
(a) The chapters from Exod. xix. to Num. x. contain the
accounts of the sojourn at Sinai, and form the central section of
the Pentateuch. This Sinaitic section is approximately equal to
the sections preceding (Gen. i. Exod. xviii.) and following
(Num. x. 29 Deut. xxxiv.). But in character it is different. Of
the 59 chapters in this section all but nine belong to P, while P
contributes far less than JE to the first, and less than JE and
D together in the last section. The distinctive character of P
appears on examining this central section. The nine chapters
of JE exhibit a narrative in which laws are inserted (Exod. xx.
xxiii., xxxiv. 1027), but the 50 chapters of P do not contain
narratives with laws inserted, but laws with brief historical
notices of the arrival at, and departure from, Sinai attached.
The inauguration of the priesthood is recorded at length in
Lev. viii. x. ; but the exact description of the ritual observed is
evidently intended as a guide for future generations. The
narrative contains legislation (cp. p. 71).
This distinctive character of P is equally marked in the
remainder of the book Numbers. The portions which are
assigned to P contain much more legislation than narrative;
and the narrative which there is records events relating to
the priesthood and ritual observance (cp. Num. xvi. xviii.,
xx. 2229).
APPENDIX II 221
Moreover, the legislation of P is different in character from
that which is contained in the other sources. It refers almost
exclusively to matters of worship and ceremonial observance.
The civil element which is prominent in Exod. xxi. xxiii. is not
found in P ; P's regulations are intended for * the congregation/
or for the individual who brings his offering to the priest.
In its representation of the events occurring at Sinai, P
differs from the other accounts. In Exod. xxiv. and xxxiv.
reference is made to a * covenant' concluded at Sinai. In Deut.
three covenants are distinguished : that with the fathers, that
made at Horeb based on the Decalogue, and that made by
Moses with the children of Israel in the land of Moab. In P,
no mention is made of a covenant entered into at Sinai. There
is reference to a covenant with Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob in
Exod. vi. 2 8 ; but the laws which occupy so prominent a place
in this source are not put forward as terms of a covenant.
According to P, there are two covenants: one with Noah,
who represents all the families of the earth; the other with
Abraham, who represents the chosen race. This latter covenant
is to be an 'everlasting' one; all God's dealings with Israel are
its fulfilment. Because He remembered His servant Abraham
He brought forth His chosen with joy, and His people with
gladness. Their inheritance was the covenant promise 1 .
Hence certain differences of expression :
The tables on which the Ten Words were written are called
'tables of the covenant' (Deut. ix. 9, II, 15); but in P they are
called
The testimony ('//)*: Exod. xvi. 34, xxv. 16, 21, xxvii. 21,
1 It may be noticed that although P does not use the word
'covenant' with reference to the Sinai legislation, a Sign' is given.
'Ye shall keep my sabbaths' (Exod. xxxi. 12, 17). In this respect the
manifestation at Sinai corresponds to the covenants with Noah ami
with Abraham (cp. Gen. ix. 12, xvii. 1 1).
* The being so termed as a 'testimony' or witness of
God's will for man.
222 APPENDIX II
xxx. 6, 36, xxxi. 7 (lit. in Heb. the ark for the testimony}, xl. 20 ;
Lev. xvi. 13; Num. xvii. 4, 10; and
The tables of the testimony: Exod. xxxi. 18, xxxiv. 29 (com-
pare with v. 28).
The ark is frequently called 'the ark of the covenant' in JE
and D (Num. x. 33, xiv. 44 ; Deut. x. 8, xxxi. 9, 25 ; Josh. iii.
3 + 7 times, iv. 7, 18, vi. 8, viii. 33); but in P
The ark of the testimony : Exod. xxv. 22, xxvi. 33, xxx. 6, 26,
xxxix. 35, xl. 3, 5, 21 ; Num. iv. 5, vii. 89 ; Josh. iv. 16.
The following combinations also occur 1 :
The tent of the testimony: Num. ix. 15, xvii. 7, 8, xviii. 2;
A.V. has the tabernacle of witness except in the first passage.
The tabernacle of the testimony (mishkan h&eduth) : Exod.
xxxviii. 21 ; Num. i. 50, 53, x. II.
The veil (vail A.V.) of the testimony: Lev. xxiv. 3.
The difference between P and the other sources in respect
of subject-matter, representation of events, and consequent
variety of expression, which can be traced in the Sinaitic section,
is equally marked in the later legislation, assigned to the field
or steppes of Moab. In P, additional laws are given through
Moses to the children of Israel in Num. xxvii. xxxvi. According
to D, Moses declares laws which he had already received at
Horeb, with earnest exhortations to observe them diligently.
And although the Deuteronomic legislation treats at some
length of worship at 'the place which the Lord thy God shall
choose,' yet the contrast between D and P in their treatment
of kindred subjects is evident on comparison. These points
have already been discussed on pp. 117122, 132 f., 154157.
(b} The character of P's contribution towards the first
section (Gen. i. Exod. xviii.) appears on examining the
^passages in Appendix I. Beyond genealogies, and a chronicle
of birth, marriage, and death, this document contains little more
1 This persistent use of 'testimony' and avoidance of 'covenant' by
P makes it almost certain that the occurrence of ' tables of the testimony '
in Exod. xxxii. 15 (JE) is due to the redactor (Rp).
APPENDIX II 223
than two chapters (Gen. xvii. and xxiii.) for the period from
Abraham to Moses. Gen. xvii. insists on the observance of
circumcision. It is a * token' (VM) of the covenant which is of
perpetual obligation (an everlasting covenant, see No. 13).
Gen. xxiii. records the purchase by Abraham of a field for the
burial of his wife Sarah, where afterwards (xxv. 9) he himself was
buried (see No. 2 ). On the eve of the departure from Egypt,
full instructions are given for the celebration of the Passover
(Exod. xii.). The legal and ritual elements, which are prominent
in the Sinaitic section and in the remainder of the book Numbers,
are also prominent in this brief treatment of the early period.
Existing institutions are traced back to their origins; to the
body of legislation in Exod. xxv. Num. xxxvi. the historical
abstract, legal in character, forms an appropriate introduction.
In P's brief survey of pre-Mosaic times, there is no room
for delineation of character. God appears to the patriarchs as
El Shaddai\ they receive His commands and obey them. The
pictures of home life, the motives, sometimes unworthy, which
prompted action, are passed over in P. Isaac's words to Jacob
on sending him away to Laban (Gen. xxviii. I 5), compared
with the words of Rebekah (xxvii. 43 45), illustrate P's treat-
ment of the history. Different motives are assigned for Jacob's
journey: in JE Rebekah urges Jacob to flee, in order that he
may escape Esau's vengeance ; in P Isaac sends him on a visit
to Laban, in order that he may take a wife of his own kindred.
Again, JE traces at length the rivalry between Jacob and Esau,
and their subsequent meeting and reconciliation. But P only
records their birth, Esau's migration to Edom, and their presence
together at the burial of their father Isaac, with names of wives
and children. The migration of Jacob and his sons to Egypt
is an essential part of the story, and P relates this, and the
death of Jacob, but in few words, compared with the narrative
in other sources.
This brevity of the patriarchal, in strong contrast with the
fulness of the Sinaitic record, is part of l"s ideal treatment of
the history. His object is to trace the Divine action in bringing
224 APPENDIX II
the nation to maturity. The patriarchs are regarded as ancestors
of the nation, through whom God's purpose was fulfilling itself.
Incidents in their family life are of subordinate interest. For
this writer the fulness of time is at Sinai, and he hastens to
record at length the instruction which was there imparted to
the children of Israel.
When this document is considered as a whole, it will \>tfelt
that it is written with a purpose. The hand of the teacher may
be recognized ; and the inference seems warranted, that historical
records lie at the base of P's didactic treatment. If that
document for the period before Moses is in the main a list
of names and genealogies, with occasional reference to selected
events, some outline of the history, familiar both to the writer
and his readers, seems implied. At many points of P's brief
retrospect some acquaintance with facts, other than that which
P supplies, is assumed. And a compendium follows after, it
does not precede, the more complete account : a writer who
arranges his material in a systematic manner, and uses it for
the purpose of religious education, is separated by an interval
from the events which he describes, and is dependent upon his
predecessors. Alike in his brevity and his fulness, P bears
witness that he has entered into other men's labours.
Another characteristic of P may be noted which points in
the same direction : his representation of the Divine Being.
(a) The exclusive use of Elohim for the period before
Moses has been described on pp. 66 68. Here it maybe noted
that the orderly revelation of the Divine names, El Shaddai
and Jehovah, and the division of the history into stages marked
by the recurrence of the phrase 'These are the generations of...'
(see p. 58) are instances of that 'arrangement of the material
in a systematic manner' to which attention has been directed,
from which an inference has been drawn in favour of a late
date for P.
(b) The use of anthropomorphisms. It has already been
pointed out that the representation of God in Gen. i. ii. 4
is less anthropomorphic than that in Gen. ii. 4 iii. (see
APPENDIX II 225
pp. 59 f). Similar differences may be noted in the patriarchal
narratives, and in the account of the deliverance at the Red
Sea. In recording the manifestation at Sinai P makes use of a
characteristic phrase ''the glory of Jehovah! His description in
Exod. xxiv. 15^ i8rt (from 'and the cloud covered...' to '...went
up into the mount,' the continuation of xix. I, 20} shews
restraint when compared with the account in ch. xix. The
phrase is repeated on other occasions during the wanderings
(see No. 32). In other sources reference is made to God's
glory, partly revealed to Moses (Exod. xxxiii. 18 23), and to the
children of Israel at Horeb (Deut. v. 24), and filling the whole
earth (Num. xiv. 21) ; but in P the phrase seems used in order
to avoid direct mention of the Divine Name. May the beginning
of that reverential feeling be here traced, which led to the use
of Memra ( = 'word') in the Targums, where Jehovah in the
Hebrew text is generally rendered by 'the Word of Jehovah* 1
Another instance of this reverential feeling may be noted :
In describing the Divine action towards man, expressions
indicating relationship between man and his fellow are avoided;
thus P uses the phrase
establish a covenant (hlkim Writ/i) instead of cut a covenant
(karath b'rzth\ the phrase ordinarily used of human covenants,
which is found in the other sources.
In Part II of the Introduction selected portions of P have
been examined, and it has been pointed out that whether con-
tributing to a composite story, or enunciating laws affecting
social order, or assigning duties to the threefold order of high
priest, priest, and Levite, this document exhibits a later stage
of development than that which marks the other sources. The
remarks which have been here made on the document considered
as a whole tend to confirm the inferences which have there
drawn from considering portions of it, and comparing them
with parts of JE and D.
Some remarks on the so-called 'archaisms' of the Pentateuch
may be made here.
C. P. IS
226 APPENDIX II
(#) It is well known that in the Pentateuch the pronoun for
the third person singular is generally written Kin both for the
masculine and feminine. This usage has been considered as
evidence of antiquity. It is said that in the earlier stages of the
Hebrew language one sound only was used to denote both 'he'
and 'she,' that the existence of the one form Nin is evidence of
this ancient usage, and that the Massoretic pointing Kin (to be
read fcOH) for the feminine indicates a later differentiation between
the pronunciation of the Hebrew pronouns of the 3 s.m. and 3 s.f.
But the distinction of sound between these two pronouns exists
in Arabic, Aramaic, and Ethiopic, and this fact shews that the
distinction is part of the common stock of the Semitic languages.
It is highly improbable that the Hebrew language, which dis-
tinguishes, in common with its sister languages, between the
genders of the second person, should have dropped this equally
necessary distinction in the third person, and resumed it again
at a later period. In old inscriptions Phoenician, Moabite, and
Aramaic, the pronoun is written Kn for both genders, and it
seems probable that the same letters were used in Hebrew,
though they were pronounced hu\ or hi ', according as these two
letters (NH) referred to a male or female, or to a noun of
masculine or feminine gender. The 1 and * were added after-
wards, as they were in other cases, to guide the reader ; but they
did not form part of the earliest written representation of the
personal pronouns. (See Ges.-K. 32 /.)
(b) A similar use of the same form to express both masculine
and feminine has been preserved in the word "W3, which in the
Pentateuch is used both for a young man and young woman,
the context of course deciding which is intended. The three
letters are used to denote a damsel in Gen. xxiv. (51), xxxiv.
and Deut. xxii. (14 1). In this last chapter the full form
nd^rah occurs in ver. 19 as in other parts of the O.T.
(c] ?xn occurs eight times in the Pentateuch (once in
I Chron.) instead of the more usual form n?Nn. In the cognate
languages the corresponding word ends with a vowel sound.
APPENDIX II 227
This is, like (b\ an instance of the final H being occasionally
omitted ; and there can be no doubt that the word should be
pronounced ha'ellSh, just as if written in the fuller, and more
usual form.
The preceding variations illustrate the use of the letters H, \
and ' to indicate vowel sounds. It is impossible to fix a date
when these letters were first employed for this purpose. The
development of a more complete orthography was gradual ; it
seems probable that it was designed to preserve a correct
pronunciation, when Hebrew ceased to be the common language
of the people. This change of dialect is of later date than that
assigned by critics to P, and consequently these variations in
orthography do not raise any presumption in favour of an
extreme antiquity for that document.
With reference to (a) it may be noted that the usage of the
Pentateuch is not absolutely uniform ; N'n occurs eleven times.
The peculiarity is also found in the MS. of the later prophets
dated 916 A.D. This MS. is at St Petersburg, and has been
published in facsimile by Strack.
With reference to (c] it should be noted that besides the eight
exceptional cases of *?Xn, the demonstrative is found in the
Pentateuch more than 250 times in the usual form, as in other
parts of the Hebrew Bible. Also that the form t>N occurs once
in i Chron. xx. 8.
These peculiar forms do not occur in the Samaritan Penta-
teuch. If they were in existence at the time that copy
made, they were not regarded as the best readings. If they are
of later date than the Samaritan copy, they of course furnish no
evidence for the antiquity of the Pentateuch.
The reader who wishes further information may consult
Driver, LOT* pp. 125 f., Deuteronomy, Intr. pp. Ixxxvii f.,
255, and Kuenen, Hf.vntfUth, pp. 318 f., 321 f., 342, where he
will find these and other alleged * archaisms' discussed. He
issued that, t; of tin- Pentateuch does
not furnish any argu t affect the conclusions generally
accepted by critics with reference to the date of its composition.
15-2
APPENDIX III.
COMPARISON OF THE COVENANT CODE WITH
DEUTERONOMY AND LEVITICUS.
Slaves
Murder
and Asylum
Offences against
parents
Man-stealing
Compensations 1
for damage
Retaliation
Seduction
Sorcery and
Divination
Other gods xxii. 20
Stranger (i.e. resident xxii. 21
foreigner ; see App. Repeated
II, No. 14) in xxiii. 9
Widow and orphan xxii. 11 24
Interest xxii. 25
Pledges xxii. 26, 27
Reverence xxii. 28
Exodus
Deuteronomy
Leviticus
xxi. 2 n
XV. 12 1 8
xxv. 3946
xxi. 12
xxiv. 17, 21
xxi. 13, 14
xix. 113
(Num. xxxv.)
xxi. 15, 17
xxvii. 1 6
xxi. 1 8 21
xxi. 16
xxiv. 7
xxi. 1 8 xxii.
15
xxi. 2325
XIX. 21
xxiv. 19, 20
xxii. 16, 17
xxii. 28, 29
xxii. 1 8
xviii. 9 14
xix. 7,66, 31, xx.
6,^7
xxii. 19
xxvii. 21
xviii. 22, xx. 15
xvn. 2 7-
xxiv. 17
XXIV. 19 22
xxiii. 19, 20
xxiv. 10 13
not in Deut.
xix. 33
xix. 9f., xxiii. 23
xxv. 3537
1 Neither in Deut., nor in Lev., except the law of retaliation (as
given two lines below).
2 The character of alien worship is more specific in Deut. On the
expression 'the host of heaven' see remarks on p. 136.
APPENDIX III
229
Exodus
Deuteronomy
Leviticus
Firstfruits
xxii. 29
xv. 1923
and firstlings
xxii. 30
xxvi. i 1 1,
xii. 6
Unclean food
xxii. 31
xiv. 21
xvii. rs
False witness
xxiii. I
xix. 16 21
xix. 15
Just judgement
xxiii. 2, 3
xix. 15, 16
xxiii. 6, 7
xvi. 1820
Bribes
xxiii. 8
xvi. 19
Animals astray
xxiii. 4
xxii. i 3
or fallen
xxiii. 5
xxii. 4
Seventh year
xxiii. 10, ii
XV. I 11
xxv. i 7
Sabbath
xxiii. 12
xix. 3, xxvi. i
Other gods (cp.
xxii. 20)
xxiii. 13
vi. 14, xi. 16
Pilgrimage feasts
xxiii. 14 17
xvi. i 17
xxiii. (Num.
xxviii., xxix.)
Leaven 1
xxiii. 18
ii. ii
Fat not to be left
till the morning
xxiii. 1 8
vii. 1518
xix. 68
Firstfruits
xxiii. 19
ii. 1416
Kid not to be boiled
xxiii. 19
xiv. ii
in mother's milk
Concluding
xxiii. 20 33
xxviii.
xxvi. 3-45
exhortation
The following conclusions may be drawn from an examina-
tion of this table :
A comparison of the passages in Exod. and Deut. shews that :
( i ) The whole legislation in the Book of the Covenant [Exod.
xxi. 1 8 xxii. 15 excepted] is repeated (sometimes witli material
modifications) in Deuteronomy (see p. 125).
1 The prohibition of leaven with a sacrifice is general in Exod. xxiii.
18; in Lev. ii. n the prohibition is in the case of the meal offering: in
vii. 1518 a distinction is made between different offerings; the flesh
of a thanksgiving offering must not be left till the illuming, but other
sacrifices may be eateu uu the following day.
230 APPENDIX III
(2) The similarity of expression between the laws as
enunciated in Exod. and Deut. shews that the laws of the
Covenant code were known to the writer of Deuteronomy.
Also the fact that the Deuteronomic legislation practically
includes that of the Covenant code renders it probable that
the laws of Exod. xxi. xxiii. were known to the compiler of
the Deuteronomic code, not only separately, but in their com-
bination.
It must not, however, be supposed that Deut. is simply a
reproduction of the Covenant code. Much of the legislation in
Deut. lies outside the area of that code, and is probably taken
from some other source which has not been preserved elsewhere
in the Pentateuch.
It also appears that :
(3) The passages in Lev. are nearly all from the 'Holiness'
code of Lev. xvii. xxvi. (see p. 112).
A comparison of the passages in Leviticus with those in
Exod. and Deut. shews that :
(4) The relation between the passages in Exod. and Deut.
and those in Lev. is different in character from that between
Exod. and Deut. which has been pointed out in (i) and (2).
The technical terms are sometimes, but not always, the
same, but the close similarity, both in words and phrases,
between Exod. and Deut. is not found in Leviticus. This will
appear on consulting the parallel passages relating to slavery in
the table on p. 124. The same ideas are expressed in nearly the
same words in Exod. and Deut., but the passages from Leviticus
in the third column have but few words in common with those
in the first and second columns, and the general purport of the
Levitical law is different from that of the corresponding laws in
Exod. and Deut. There are also sometimes very material
differences between the regulations in Lev. and those in Exod.
and Deut. on the same subject The reader may verify these
statements for other laws besides those about slavery by
comparing the passages in the first and second columns with
APPENDIX III 231
those in the third column : especially noticeable is the different
application of the sabbatical year in each of the codes. The
law about Asylum in the third column is in Num. xxxv. (P) : for
a comparison of this law with that in Deut see pp. 121 f.
The dependence of the Deuteronomic code on the Covenant
code may be maintained with confidence; the laws in Deut. and
H may in some cases have a common source, but they have
acquired their present forms through independent development.
APPENDIX IV.
THE STYLE OF DEUTERONOMY.
a. The distinctive character of Deuteronomy is shewn
rather in the grouping together of ordinary words in phrases,
than in the employment of unusual expressions. A few examples
are here appended by way of supplement to the remarks on
pp. 73, 109. For further details the commentary in this series
should be consulted, and Driver, Dcut. Introduction, pp. Ixxviii ff.,
xciii, and the notes on particular passages in the commentary,
especially pp. 67, 90, 100, 140, &c.
(i) References to the 'land' (viii. 7 10; xi. 10 12) as a
good land (iii. 25 ; iv. 21, 22 ; vi. 18; ix. 6 ; xi. 17),
(a) given by God, "which Jehovah thy 1 God is giving thee, iii. 20;
iv. i, 40; xi. 17, 31; xii. 9; xv. 7; xvi. 5, 18, 20; xvii. 2, 14; xviii. 9;
xxv. 15; xxvii. 2, 3; xxviii. 8, 52 [in some of these passages gates
or cities are found instead of land] ;
(b) as an inheritance, iv. 21; xix. 10; xx. 16; xxi. 23; xxiv. 4;
xxvi. i ;
Or, to possess it, v. 31; xix. 2, 14; xxi. i : both phrases combined
in xv. 4; xxv. 19. Cp. xix. 3; xxvi. i;
(c) whither ye go over to possess it, iv. 5, 14, 22, 26; vi. i; xi. 8,
n ; xxx. 18 ;
(d) go in to (or and) possess it, i. 8, 39; iv. i, 5; vi. 18; vii. i ;
viii. i (cp. ix. i, 5); xi. 10, 31;
(e) which He sware unto thy fathers, i. 35; vi. 10; viii. i; x. u;
xi. 9, 21.
1 The personal pronoun varies both in this and many of the follow-
ing expressions, instead of 'thy' will be found 'your,' ' our.'
APPENDIX IV 233
(2 ) To prolong days.
iv. 26, 40; v. 33; xi. 9; xvii. 20; xxii. 7; xxx. 18; xxxii. 47 ;
that thy days may be long (same word in Heb.), v. 16 (Exod. xx. 12);
vi. 2; xxv. 15. Generally with the addition of upon the land, with
one of the phrases in (i), (a) (e). Also i Kings iii. 14; Josh. xxiv.
31 (=Judg. ii. 7) ; Isai. liii. 10; Prov. xxviii. 16; Eccl. viii. ist.
Sometimes combined with that it may be -well with thee, iv. 40;
v. 16, 29, 33; vi. 3, 18; xii. 25, 28; xxii. 7. Cp. vi. 24; x. 13; xix. 13.
(3) Which 1 am commanding thee this day.
iv. 40; vi. 6; vii. u; viii. i, n ; x. 13 ; xi. 8 ; xiii. 18; xv. 5;
xix. 9; xxvii. 10; xxviii. i, 13, 15; xxx. 2, 8, n, 16. With reference
to the legislation contained in the book, and as distinguished from the
Ten Words imparted at Horeb. Occasionally without this day vi. 2 ;
xii. 14, 28. The legislation is described as
(4) Statutes and judgements.
iv. i, 5, 8, 14; v. i; xi. 32; xii. i ; xxvi. 16;
the commandment [in the sing. ; see p. 113, note 3] viii. r,
and the statutes and the judgements, \. 31; vi. i; vii. ir;
the (this) commandment, vi. 25; xv. 5; xvii. 20; xix. 9; (thy
commandment), xxvi. 13;
statutes commandments [and Judgements], iv. 40; vi. 2; viii. u;
xi. i (in different order) ; xxvi. 17;
commandments testimonies and statutes, vi. 17, 20 (different
order).
The Deuteronomic passages in Kings contain the same expressions:
i Kings viii. 58, 61; ix. 4 ; xi. 3338; Kings xvii. 34, 37. The
expression all the (I his) commandment is found Deut. v. 31; vi. 25;
viii. i ; xi. 8; xv. 5; xix. 9; xxvii. i ; xxxi. 5 and not elsewhere.
(5) 754* place which Jehovah {your God} shall choose to
cause His name to dwell there.
xii. n; xiv. 23; xvL 2, 6, 1 1 ; xxvi. 2. Cp. Jcr. vii. 12 ; Nch.
i. 9. The first part only of the phrase (as far as 'choose') occurs xii. 14,
18, 26; xiv. 25; xv. 20: xv i. 8, 10; xviii. 6 ; xxxi. n.
With this may i 1 the name MiJikdn, Dwelling^ frequently
234 APPENDIX IV
given in P to the Tent of meeting 1 . Another expression, to put His
name there, occurs xii. 5, 21 ; xiv. 24.
(6) So shalt thou put away (consume utterly as by fire) the
evil from the midst of thee, or from Israel.
xiii. 5; xvii. 7, 12; xix. 19; xxi. 21; xxii. 21, 22, 24; xxiv. 7.
Peculiar to Deut. ; the same verb (Piel of "1JJ3) is used in xix. 13 ; xxi. 9
(the innocent blood) ; xxvi. 13 (hallowed things), 14 ; also 2 Sam. iv. 1 1 ;
i Kings xxii. 46; 2 Kings xxiii. 24 (of Josiah); 2 Chron. xix. 3; and
with '"inX i Kings xiv. 10; xvi. 3; xxi. 21, in the sense of cutting off
posterity.
(7) The expression Jehovah thy God [see No. i (a)] occurs
very frequently in Deut.
It is found elsewhere, especially in H, in the expression, * I am
Jehovah thy God' (see p. 112), and occasionally in P, but the fact that
it occurs more than 300 times in Deut. marks it as a characteristic of
this book.
(8) Other gods, generally in warnings against going after
or serving them.
vi. 14; vii. 4; xiii. 2, 6, 13; xvii. 3; not confined to Deut., but
used frequently in that book, in Jeremiah, and in those portions of
Judges and Kings which are generally assigned to the compilers. Also
Exod. xx. 3 ( = Deut. v. 7), xxiii. 13, and xxxiv. 14 (in the sing.).
(9) That Jehovah may bless thee xiv. 29 ; xxiii. 20 ; xxiv. 19 ;
xxx. 16; or Jehovah will bless thee vii. 13; xii. 7; xiv. 24;
xv. 4, 6, 10, 14, 18; xvi. 10, 15 ; xxviii. 8, 12; or because Jehovah
hath blessed thee ii. 7. Cp. x. 15, 21, and the prayer for a
blessing in xxvi. 15.
God's guidance and blessing in the past, as shewn in the wilderness,
is urged as a reason for obedience ; the prospect of further blessing is
set forth as an encouragement to observe His statutes and judgements.
Sometimes in connexion with the expressions in No. 2.
1 A.V. uses 'tabernacle' both for mishkdn and for 'ohel, ' tent'' ; in
R.V. mishkdn is rendered tabernacle,' thus preserving the distinction
between the two Heb. terms.
APPENDIX IV 235
(10) Thou canst not, he cannot, in prohibitions (rendered
may not}.
In vii. 22; xii. 17; xvi. 5; xvii. 15; xxi. 16; xxii. 3, 19, 29;
xxiv. 4. This use of the Heb. word 7^ in the sense of moral inability
is rare. Cp. Gen. xliii. 32; Judg. xxi. 18.
(11) Jehovah loveth you.
vii. 7, 8, 13; xxiii. 5. His love to the fathers is the reason for
choosing their seed, and bringing them out of Egypt, iv. 37; x. 15 (the
verb here and in vii. 7 is different). Not elsewhere in Hex. A prominent
thought in Hosea (see cc. i. iii., xi. i 4).
(12) An abomination to the LORD thy God.
vii. 25; xii. 31; xvii. i; xviii. 12; xxii. 5; xxiii. 18; xxv. 16;
xxvii. 15. Of certain deeds, or of the doer of them. The word
abomination occurs by itself vii. 26 (of the silver or gold on idols);
xiii. 14, xvii. 4 (of idolatry); xiv. 3 (of forbidden food); in the plural,
xviii. 9, xx. 1 8 (of heathen practices), and in the Song (xxxii. 16) in
parallelism with 'strange gods.'
The preceding examples illustrate the character of the dis-
course in Deuteronomy ; but in order to form any adequate idea
of the rhythm, pathos, and earnestness exhibited in this book,
whole chapters must be studied. A continuous reading of
cc. v. xi., whether in English or in Hebrew, will furnish the best
proof that Deut. has a style of its own, and shew that 'the book
is written in a very different manner from the preceding ones 1 .'
The frequent recurrence of the characteristic phrases enumerated
above (with others which the observant reader may note) will
confirm this judgement.
b. The resemblances, both in style and expression, between
the prophet Jeremiah and Deuteronomy are recognized by all
commentators (p. 142).
Some illustrations of these resemblances which 'are neither
few nor insignificant 8 ' are appended:
1 Spcakt^s Commentary, Introd. to Dcut. p. 793.
ii.
236 APPENDIX IV
(i) The land given as an inheritance [see above, No. i (a),
()] is often described as one which God causes Israel to inherit.
Deut. i. 38; iii. 28; xii. 10; xix. 3; xxxi. 7 and Josh. i. 6 (thou
[addressed to Joshua] shalt cause this people to inherit the land).
Cp. Jer. iii. 18 the land which I caused your fathers to inherit.
xii. 14 the inheritance which I caused my people Israel to inherit.
(ii) A strong hand and stretched out arm.
Deut. iv. 34; v. 15; vii. 19; xi. 2; xxvi. 2. Cp. Jer. xxi. 5 a
stretched out hand and a strong arm.
thy great power and thy stretched out arm. Deut. ix. 29 identical
with Jer. xxxii. 17 and (with the pronoun 'my') xxvii. 5.
(iii) To fear Jehovah our God for our good all the days.
Deut. vi. 24.
Two Deuteronomic expressions 'for our good ' and 'all the days,'
and a Heb. form of the verb 'to fear' frequently used in Deut. are all
found in Jer. xxxii. 29 that they may fear me all the days for their good.
Cp. Deut. iv. 10 ; v. 29; vi. 2; xiv. 23; xxxi. 13.
(iv) Going after other gods to serve them^ and worship
them. (Cp. No. 8 above.)
Deut. via. 19; xi. 16; xiii. 2, 6, 13; xvii. 3; xxviii. 14; xxix. 18
26; xxx. 17; also Josh, xxiii. 16. Cp. Jer. xi. 10; xiii. 10; xvi. n;
xxii. 9; xxv. 6; xxxv. 15 where the same expressions are found.
(v) A metaphorical application of circumcision to the heart.
Deut. x. 16; xxx. 6.
Cp. Jer. iv. 4 ; ix. 26.
(vi) The prophet that shall speak a word in my name that
I have not commanded him.
Deut. xviii. 20. Cp. Jer. xxix. 23 also with Deut. xviii. 22. Cp.
Jer. xxviii. 9; xiv. 15.
(vii) The iron furnace applied to Egypt.
Deut. iv. 20; Jer. xi. 4 and i Kings viii. 51 (a chapter containing,
especially in vv. 14 61, many Deuteronomic expressions).
APPENDIX IV 237
(viii) Thou shalt be a consternation (unusual word) unto all
the kingdoms of the earth.
Deut. xxviii. 35. The same clause, with two unusual expressions,
is found in Jer. xv. 4; xxiv. 9; xxix. 18 and xxxiv. 17.
(ix) Thy carcase shall be food unto all the fowls of the air,
and unto the beasts of the earth, and there shall be none to fray
(i.e. frighten) them away.
Deut. xxviii. 26; so Jer. vii. 33 the carcases of this people shall be...
The sentence occurs without the last clause in Jer. xvi. 4 ; xix. 7. This
last clause is found only in Deut. xxviii. 16 and Jer. vii. 33 ; the same
Heb. words occur in Lev. xxvi. 6, Jer. xxx. io = xlvi. 27, and in other
places, but with a different application, and no one shall make him (you)
afraid.
(x) The LORD shall bring thee. ..unto a nation which thou
hast not known, thou nor thy fathers; and there shalt thou serve
other gods, wood and stone.
Deut. xxviii. 36, and with this cp. xxviii. 64 The LORD shall
scatter thee...and there thou shalt serve other gods, which thou hast not
known, thou nor thy fathers, even wood and stone. Cp. Jer. xvi. 13 I
will cast you forth out of this land into the land that ye have not know*,
ye nor your fathers, and there shall ye serve other gods day and night,
and Jer. ix. 16 I will scatter them also among the nations whom they have
not known, they nor their fathers.
(xi) The LORD shall bring a nation against thee from far...
a nation whose tongue thou shalt not understand... and he shall
eat the fruit of thy cattle, and the fruit of thy ground... [and"} not
leave thee corn, wine or oil.... And he shall besiege thee in all
thy gates, until thy high and fortified walls come down.... And
thou shalt eat the fruit of thine own body, the flesh of thy sons
and of thy daughters, which the LORD thy God hath given thee
in the siege and in the slrailness wherewith thine enemies shall
straiten thee.
Deut xxviii. 4953, with which cp. Jer. v. 15 / will bring a
nation against you from far,. ..a nation whose tongue thou knowest not
23 8 APPENDIX IV
neither under standest what they say...///<y/ shall eat thine harvest and
thy bread... they shall eat thy flocks and thy herds, they shall eat thy vines
and thy fig trees: they shall beat down thy fortified cities...
and Jer. xix. 9 and I will cause them to eat the flesh of their sons, and
the flesh of their daughters, and they shall eat every one the flesh of his
friend, in the siege and in the straitness wherewith their enemies and
they that seek their life shall straiten them.
(xii) All the nations shall say Wherefore hath the LORD done
thus unto this land. ..? And men shall say Because they forsook
the covenant of the LORD God of their fathers... and went and
served other gods, and worshipped them.
Deut. xxix. 24, 25. The question and answer are found in
almost identical terms in Jer. xxii. 8, 9 Wherefore hath the LORD done
thus unto this great city? And they shall say Because they forsook the
covenant of the LORD their God, and worshipped other gods and served
them.
The following inferences may be drawn from a consideration
of the preceding lists :
The marked difference between Deuteronomy and the rest
of the Pentateuch points to diversity of authorship. In various
sections of the Introduction many points of divergence between
D and JE, and also between D and P, have been indicated (see
pp. 117 122, 132 f., 154 157). Cumulative evidence has thus
been offered that D differs in origin from the rest of the Penta-
teuch. The literary argument as outlined in (a) supports
and corroborates this evidence.
The marked similarity between Deuteronomy and Jeremiah
points to some affinity of origin. The same line of thought, the
same choice of expressions, are usually found in writers which
are not far removed in point of time, one from the other. When
they have common aims and ideals, their community of purpose
is exhibited in community of language. The age of Jeremiah is
known, and the literary evidence collected in () tends to shew
that Deuteronomy also is a product of the same period. A
APPENDIX IV 239
study of Josiah's reform (see pp. 135 ff.) points to the same con-
clusion. Thus the literary and historical evidence agree together.
Dillmann's remark (Num. Deut. und Jos. p. 611), quoted by
Driver, LOT 6 p. 88, that 'the style of Deut. implies a long
development of the art of public oratory, and is not of a
character to belong to the first age of Israelitish literature,' may
be admitted as a just judgement, and as further corroborating
the combined literary and historical evidence already adduced.
APPENDIX V.
LEVITICUS xvn. xxvi. AND THE PROPHET EZEKIEL.
These chapters of Leviticus attracted attention in the
early days of criticism ; and since Graf, in his book published
in 1866 (see p. 36), put forward the view that the greater part
of Lev. xvii. xxvi. in its present form is the work of the
prophet Ezekiel, these chapters have been carefully analysed
and compared with the prophet's writings.
It is generally agreed that:
(1) These ten chapters of Leviticus have no marked con-
nexion with the preceding legislation, or with the last chapter
of Leviticus which follows.
The exhortation in c. xxvi. with its promises and warnings is
evidently intended as a conclusion to the preceding legislation.
The last verse of the chapter points through that exhortation to
the laws in cc. xvii. xxv., which are described as 'statutes and
judgements and laws.' Its position indicates that the discourse in
c. xxvi. is regarded as an integral part of the collection, and the
verse separates what precedes from the chapter following.
(2) The style and phraseology of P is clearly marked in
portions of these chapters, especially in certain parts of c. xxiii.
and in xxiv. I 9.
With the help of the list in Appendix II the student will be
able to verify this statement for the passages specified, and to
recognize other portions as belonging to P. But the exact limits
of P cannot always be determined in this section. For details,
Kuenen Hex. pp. -275 f., LOT*, pp. 51 57, and the commentary
on Leviticus may be consulted.
APPENDIX V 24!
(3) When the portions belonging to P have been set aside,
there remains
(a) a code of laws containing prescriptions of varied
character which do not exhibit affinity with P, with which are
combined
(b) hortatory passages, and certain characteristic ex-
pressions which have already been noticed on p. 112.
The editor of this code, who has added the matter described in
(b) t seems to have collected existing laws from different sources,
instead of drawing up a code himself. It will be sufficient to give
here a few illustrations in support of this statement, and to refer to
the commentary for further details.
The command ' my sabbaths shall ye keep ' is found both in
xix. 3 and xix. 30. In v. 3 it is preceded by the injunction 'ye
shall fear every man his mother and his father'; in v. 30 it is
followed by 'and my sanctuary ye shall reverence.' In both
verses, the double precept concludes with the words 'I am the
LORD' ['your God' added in v. 3], and both pairs of precepts are
followed by a negative 'Turn ye not to' in v. 4 'idols,' in v. 31
'them that have familiar spirits.' In xxvi. 2, v. 30 is repeated, and
a precept similar to that in xix. 4 is found in xxvi. i. These
repetitions of the same command with different accompaniments
are most reasonably explained on the supposition that the com-
binations in v. 3 and v. 30 were both in existence as compound
precepts, and have been preserved in both forms by the compiler of
the code.
An examination of cc. xviii. xx. leads to a similar conclusion.
Two lists, in which marriage within certain degrees and other
unlawful actions are prohibited, are found in c. xviii. and c. xx.
The list in c. xx. assigns punishments for some of the offences
enumerated in c. xviii., and may be considered as supplementary to
the list in the earlier chapter. Between these two lists c. xix. is
inserted. It contains laws both civil and religious, to many of
which parallels may be found in the Decalogue, in Exod. xx. xxiii.,
and in Deuteronomy. The author of a code, who intended to
prohibit the offences mentioned in c. xviii., and to mete out
punishment to the offenders, would not have written cc. xviii. xx.
c. P. 16
242 APPENDIX V
in their present form. It does not seem probable that he would
have separated c. xviii. from c. xx. by inserting the laws of c. xix.,
laws of miscellaneous character which have no definite connexion
with the subject matter of the chapters preceding and following.
The sequence has probably been determined by the sources of
which the section is composed. It seems necessary to assume that
documents or traditionally preserved enactments had already
assumed a fixed form, and that a compiler has placed them
together without material alteration.
Two inferences may be drawn from the preceding state-
ments :
(i) That a collection of laws, mainly based on existing
enactments, has been made by an editor, who has combined
with the legislation exhortations to its observance, and im-
pressed on the whole that character which has been described
on p. 112. .
(ii) That this collection has been revised, probably when it
was incorporated with the Priestly code, by a writer acquainted
with that document, and working in the spirit of it
Two stages can thus be traced in the formation of these
chapters. The enforcement of 'holiness' (see p. 112) has been
generally recognized as the distinguishing mark of the first
redactor; he may be designated by Rh; for the second, as a
priestly writer, the symbol Rp is appropriate.
The Holiness code (i.e. the work of Rh) is therefore of an
earlier date than the Priestly code, and the further question
arises, To what period should it be assigned?
For an answer to this question, the code itself must be
examined. And here a distinction must be drawn between the
laws, and their parenetic setting. Some of the laws may be,
and in fact are, older than the date of their collection ; their
parenetic setting is due to the compiler.
The date of the laws can only be determined by comparing
them with corresponding laws in other codes ; the date of their
compilation may be inferred from a comparison of the parenetic
setting with other parts of the O.T.
APPENDIX V 243
The first comparison (that of the laws in H with those in
other codes) does not yield assured results. Some critics
consider that there are no laws in H which may not be
accounted for on the supposition that Rh has borrowed from
the same sources as JE and D, and added some regulations
derived from existing use or from priestly circles. Others find
in H so much akin to P, that they are disposed to look on it as
the first step towards the more fully developed system of the
Priestly code. And as the dividing line between what belongs
to H and what is due to the recension of Rp cannot always
be traced with precision, there is danger of reasoning in a circle
when discussing some of the details.
Similarity between H and JE. The subjects which are com-
mon to JE, D, and H are shewn in the table in Appendix III.
Further coincidences may be traced in Lev. xix. 4, which is similar
to Exod. xx. 23, and in verbal agreement with xxxiy. 17 ; in Lev.
xix. 15 compared with Exod. xxiii. 3; and in Lev. xix. 33,34 com-
pared with Exod. xxii. i, xxiii. 9. The parallelism in these
passages is not only in the idea but also in the form of its expression.
Many precepts in Lev. xix. are similar to those in the Decalogue,
but they are expressed in different language. The idea of holiness,
so prominent in H, is also expressed in Exod. xix. 6 (JE) and
xxii. 30 (the Covenant code); and 'I am the LORD your God'
(Lev. xviii. I, 30; xix. 1 + 6 times), one of the expansions by H of
his characteristic phrase 'I am the LORD/ is also in the Decalogue
(Exod. xx. a; Deut. v. 6), but with the singular 'thy God,' as in
other parts of Deut., and with another form of the personal pronoun 1 .
But against these similarities may be set instances of divergence
in expression. The mention of 'mother* before 'father* in Ley.
xix. 3 and xxi. can hardly be an accidental transposition; it
seems to indicate the existence of a different form of the precept,
1 The longer form of the first personal pronoun CD3N) occurs in the
Decalogue, not the shorter (*3N), as always in II. This difference, in
such a woni, is icmarkuhle ; but it agrees witli the i.icl that the longer
I'M m is preferred by J and E, and is nearly il ' in 1), while the
shorter fun:. i , H, E/ek., and other late
(LO1* p. 135).
1 6 2
244
APPENDIX V
in a source other than the Decalogue. Compare also the first and
third columns of the table in App. III.
Similarity between H and D. Besides the laws already
tabulated in Appendix III, there are many laws common to D
and H which are not in JE.
Leviticus.
Deuteronomy.
Place of sacrifice.
xvii. i 9
xii.
Eating blood.
xvii. 10 14; xix. 25
xii. 16, 23 25
Unlawful marriages
xviii. i 18
xxii. 30, xxiii. i,
and other
XX. IO 21
xxvii. 20, 22 and
unlawful acts.
cp. xxv. 5 10
Molech worship.
xviii. 21 ; xx. 2 5)
Magical arts.
xix. 26, 31 ; xx. 6, 27)
xviii. 10 14
Gleanings to be left.
xix. 9, 10 and
xxiv. 19 22
xxiii. 22
Payment of wages.
xix. 13
xxiv 14, 15
Misleading the blind.
14
xxvii. 1 8
Respect of persons
15
xvi. 19; xxvii. 19
in judgement.
Unlawful mixtures.
Disfigurement in
mourning.
Immorality.
Just weights and
measures.
Sacrifices must be
without blemish.
Peace offerings to be
eaten on the same
or second day.
Rejoicing 2 before
the LORD.
19
28
29; xxi. 9
35,36
xxii. 2124
xxu. 9 ii
xiv. i, a
xxiii. 17
xxv 1316
xix. 58
xxii. 29, 30
xxiii. 40
xvi. 4 1
cp. Lev vii. 15 18
xii. 7, 12, 18
xvi. n, 14, 15
Cp. Exod. xxiii. 18 (E) and
' 2 5 (J).
- Rejoicing is enjoined in Deut. on many occasions, e.g. on bringing
tithes and other offerings ; in Lev. on the feast of Tabernacles (Booths).
1 With reference to the Passover.
xxxiv. 25 (J).
APPENDIX V 245
Various inferences as to the relative age of D and H have been
drawn from a comparison of these passages. In the judgement of
those critics who assign the Holiness code to the time of the exile,
H is in many respects a development of D ; but those who would
place this code in an earlier period question the cogency of the
arguments founded on examination of particular laws.
For example, (i) the injunctions in Lev. xvii. 2 9, which appear
to restrict sacrifice to the central sanctuary, are held to be later than
those in Deut. which plead for, as well as enjoin, the limitation. But
it is not disputed that the present text is the result of revision.
The extent of that revision, and consequently the original form of
the injunctions, is uncertain ; the facts whereon a definite conclusion
might be based do not seem to be sufficiently assured (see Driver
LOT* p. 51 for different interpretations of this passage).
(2) The lists in Lev. xviii. and xx. deal more fully with
matters to which Deut. makes only occasional reference (see the
passages noted in the table). Here again no definite inference can
be drawn as to the relative dates of the two codes. It is not
certain that the compiler of Deuteronomy would incorporate all the
existing laws in his collection, or that he must have taken notice of
them.
(3) Marriage with a deceased brother's wife is forbidden in
Lev. xviii. 16, xx. 71, while a particular case (the levirate marriage)
is enjoined in Deut. xxiv. 510. This is regarded by some (e.g.
Ilorst, Lev. xvii.xxvi. und Ezechiel, p. 61, Kuenen, Hex. p. 268,
Baentsch, Hciligkcits-Gesdz, p. 80) as evidence that the law in
Leviticus is directed against the custom enjoined in Deut., and is
therefore a later ordinance. But Dillmann, Levilicus t p. 546, con-
siders that the usage of Deut. may have existed as an exception to
the general law, and that no evidence of relative priority can be
based on this variation between the codes. The argument of Horst
and others is not regarded as conclusive by Moore (Enc. Bibl. Art.
Leviticus vol. iii. 2790). The reference in the Gospels to the
;c shews that the custom rn joined in Deut. was
observed in Nc it times, and was not considered as an
infringement of the law in Levr
But if the laws do not furnish conclusive evidence as to
dependence or priority, more definite results are obtained from
246
APPENDIX V
a comparison of the Holiness code, and especially of its
parenetic settings, with the prophecies of Ezekiel. The resem-
blance between Lev. xvii. xxvi. and parts of Ezekiel is so
remarkably close, that a few critics have followed Graf in
regarding the prophet as the compiler of this code.
This similarity is exhibited in the following table. The first
column contains extracts from Lev. xxvi. 3 45, and the second
passages from Ezekiel where the same expressions occur. The
words in italics in the second column are verbally identical
with words in the first column ; the other passages contain the
same expressions as those cited in the first passage, and those
to which 'Cp.' is prefixed are either partly the same, or very
similar. References to other books are added, especially to
Deuteronomy and Jeremiah. A few comparisons between the
earlier chapters of the code and Ezekiel are added.
Lev. xxvi.
Ezekiel.
3. -walk in my statutes.
In xviii. 3, xx. 23 (customs R.V.
manners A.V.) with neg., forbid-
ding to walk in the statutes of
other nations. Cp. 2 Kings xvii.
10, 19; Ezek. xx. 18.
Jer. xliv. 10, 23 in my (his) law,
nor in my (his) statutes [ l nor in
his testimonies' added in v. 23].
4. Then will I give your rains
(ge"shent) in their season,
This is the only place in the
Pent, where the plural rains is
found.
Deut. xi. 14, xxviii. 10 (but with
malar instead tfglshem). Jer. v.
24 that giveth rain (geshem), both
the former and the latter, in its
season.
v. 6, 7; xi. 12, 20; xviii. 9, 17;
xx. 13, 16, 19, 21 ; xxxvi. 27.
Cp. xxxiii. 15; generally with an
additional clause, as keep my com-
mandments, or my judgements,
both in Ezek. and Lev. xxvi. 3.
xxxiv. 26. I "will cause the
rain (gtshem} to come down in its
season \ there shall be rains of
blessing.
APPENDIX V
247
Lev. xxvi.
and the land shall yield her in-
crease, and the trees of the field
shall yield their fruit.
With a neg. v. 20, Deut. xi. 17,
that the land yield not her increase.
Cp. xxxii. 11.
5. and ye shall eat your bread
to the full y and dwell in your land
safely.
So in xxv. 19. And ye shall eat
to the full y and dwell therein safely.
Cp. v. 18.
6. And I will give peace in the
land, and ye shall lie down, and
none shall make you afraid: and I
will cause evil beasts to cease out of
the land, neither shall the sword go
through your land.
Cp. Exod. xxiii. iq.
7. 8. And ye shall chase your
enemies. Contrast 1 w. 36, 37.
9. And I will have respect unit
you, and make you fruitful, and
multiply you ; and will establish
my covenant with you.
Two expressions of P are here
combined (see App. II, No. 6, and
p.
Ezekiel.
xxxiv. 17. And the tree of the
field shall yield its fruit, and the
land shall yield her increase.
The order of the clauses is in-
verted.
xxxix. 19.
thefull.
ye shall eat fat to
xxviii. 16. and they shall dwell
safely therein.
also xxxiv. 25, 28 ; cf. xxxix. 26;
xxxviii. 8, n, 14.
xxxiv. 25. And I will make with
them a covenant of peace, and will
cause evil beasts to cease out of the
land. Cp. v. 17.
xxxiv. 28. TTtey shall dwell
safely, and none shall make them
afraid. Cp. xxxix. 26; xiv. 15,
1 7 (sword, go through the land), 11.
xxxvi. 9 ii. For, behold, I
am for you, and I will have
respect unto you... and I will
multiply upon you man and beast ;
and they shall multiply and be
fruitful*.
xvi. 62. And I will establish
my covenant with thee.
1 The contrast between patting their enemies to flight, and being
put to flight before them, occurs also Dent, xxviii. 7, 25. Cp. xxxii. 30.
3 The same Heb. roots as 'make you fruitful and multiply you' in
Lev. xxvi. 9.
248
APPENDIX V
Lev. xxvi.
11. and I will set my taber-
nacle (dwelling, see App. IV,
No. 5) among you.
12. I will be your God, and ye
shall be my people.
1 3. and I have broken the bars
of your yoke.
The two words bars and yoke
are combined only in these two
passages.
15. If ye shall reject my statutes
and if your soul abhor my judge-
ments.
Cf. v. 43, where statutes and
judgements are interchanged, as in
Ezek. v. 6; xx. 13, 16.
break my covenant 1 .
and in v. 44.
1 6. I will appoint terror^ over
you, even consumption and fever,
that shall cause the eyes to fail, and
make the soul to pine away*: and
ye shall sow your seed in vain, for
your enemies shall eat it.
Ezekiel
xxxvii. 26, 27. / will set my
sanctuary in the midst of them...
my tabernacle (dwelling) also shall
be with them. Cp. xxv. 4.
xxxvi. 28. ye shall be my people,
and I will be your God.
Also xxxvii. 23.
xxxiv. 27. when I have broken
the bars of their yoke.
Cp. Ezek. xxx. 18.
xx. 24. they had rejected my
statutes.
v. 6. rejected my judgements,
and so xx. 13, 16; with the words,
and walked not in my statutes, as
in Lev. xxvi. 43.
xvi. 59. in breaking the cove-
nant. Cp. xvii. 15, 18; xliv. 7.
1 This expression is not confined to any group of writers : it occurs
Judg. ii. i, i Kings xv. 19, Isai. xxxiii. 8; but is more frequently found
in later prophetic literature (Isai. xxiv. 5 [probably post-exilic];
Jer. xi. 10; xiv. 21; xxxi. 32; xxxiii. 20; Ezek. as cited above). In P
it occurs only Gen. xvii. 14, but the verb is found in Num. xv. 31 ; xxx.
8, 12, 15 with other nouns as objectives. In the passage of uncertain
origin, Deut. xxxi. 16 22 (see Driver, Dent. pp. Ixxvi, 338, 347, and
the commentary) it occurs twice (w. 16, 20).
2 terror (behalah) only here in Pent. ; also Jer. xv. 8 ; Isai. Ixv. 23;
Ps. Ixxviii. 33 f: the two words following, consumption and fever (the
burning agtie A.V.), only here and Deut. xxviii. 22.
3 ^.failing of eyes, and pining of soul Deut. xxviii. 65.
APPENDIX V
249
17-
Lev. xxvi.
/ will set my face against
you (...against that soul, or that
man, xvii. 10; xx. 3, 5, 6),
and ye shall be smitten before
your enemies.
Cp. Deut. i. 47; xxviii. 75.
19. / -will break the pride of
your power ;
and I will make your heaven as
iron, and your earth as brass.
so in Deut. xxviii. 73 with brass
and iron interchanged.
70. the negation of v. 4.
11. I will send the beast of the
field among you,which shall bereave
you ofyoitr children,
and destroy your cattle ,
and make you few in number;
and your ways shall become
desolate.
Cf. Jer xii. n.
75. / will bring a sword upon
you, that shall avenge the vengeance
of the covenant i
I will send pestilence among you.
Ezekicl
xi v. 8 . I will set my face against
that man,
also xv. 7.
vii. 74. I will make the pride
of the powerful to cease.
xxx. 6. the fride of her power
shall come down,
shall cease v. 18 ; xxxiii. 78.
the pride of your power xxiv. 7 1.
v. 17* I will send upon you...
evil beasts, and they shall bereave
thee.
Cp. xiv. 15.
xiv. 71. to destroy from it man
and beast (same Heb. word as
cattle], also w. 13, 17, 19; xxv. 13;
xxix. 8; xxxii. 13.
xxix. 15. make them few in
number [of Egypt].
vi. 4. your altars shall be
desolate.
Cp. xxxiii. 78, 79.
v. 17. / will bring a sword
upon thee, also vi. 3; xi. 8; xiv.
1 7 : xxxiii. 7.
xxiv. 8. avenge the vengeance,
and xxv. 17, 15.
xiv. 19. I send pestilence into
that land. Cf. v. 17; xiv. i ;
xxviii. 73 (of Zidon).
250
APPENDIX V
Lev. xx vi.
26. When I break your staff" of
bread 1 ...
they shall deliver your bread
again by -weight.
29. Cf. Deut. xxviii. 5357;
Jer. xix. 9.
30. / will destroy your high
places, and cut d<rwn your sun-
Ezekiel.
xiv. 13. I will break the staff
of the bread thereof.
also iv. 1 6, v. 1 6.
iv. 1 6. they shall eat bread by
weight.
vi. 3, 4. / will destroy your
high places. . .and your sun-images
shall be broken ;
sun-images also in v. 6.
vi. 5. cast the carcases of the
children of Israel before their idols.
v. 14. I will makefiles a waste,
applied to other countries, xxv. 13;
xxix. 10 ; xxx. 17 ; xxxv. 4.
xxx. 12. and I will bring the
land into desolation (of Egypt), and
v. 14 (of Pathros). Cp. xx. 26.
xxvi. 16. and shall be aston-
ished at thee (of Tyre).
v. 1 2. a third part will I scatter,
and vv. 2, 10; cp. vi. 8, xii. 15,
xxxvi. 19.
v. 2. and I will draw out a
sword after them. Also v. 12,
xii. 14; cp. xxviii. 7, xxx. n.
iv. 17. ...and moulder away in
their iniquity.
so also xxiv. 23 ; cf. xxxiii. 10,
xxxix. 27, lands of their enemies.
1 Besides the passages quoted above staff of bread occurs only in
Ps. cv. 1 6.
2 Only in the passages quoted above, and Isai. xvii. 8 ; xxvii. 9 ;
2 Chron. xiv. 5 ; xxxiv. 4, 7.
8 Heb. gillulim, a scornful term of reproach used for idols, found
only once besides in Pent. (Deut. xxix. 17), but more than 50 times in
Ezek., and a few times in Kings. Clearly a word of the later monarchy.
4 A different Heb. word from fine in v. 16.
and cast your carcases upon the
carcases of your idols 3 .
31. / will make your cities a
waste.
32. And I will bring the land
into desolation:
and your enemies which dwell
therein shall be astonished at it.
33. And you will I scatter
among the nations,
and will draw out a sword after
you.
39. they that are left of you shall
moulder* away in their iniquity
in the lands of your enemies.
APPENDIX V
251
Lev. xxvi.
40. their trespass which they
trespassed against me.
See App. II, No. 31.
4 1 . if their uncircumcised heart
be humbled.
Cp. Deut. x. 16, xxx. 6, Jer. iv.
4, ix. 35 and see App. IV, b. (v).
43. because ', even because they
rejected my judgements, and their
soul abhorred my statutes.
45. whom I brought forth out
of the land of Egypt in the sight of
the nations.
Ezekiel.
xvii. 20. his trespass that he
trespassed against me.
xviii. 24, xxxix. 16.
Cp. xiv. 13, xv. 8, xx. 77.
xliv. 7, 9, refers to aliens as
uncircumcised in heart.
xiii. 10. because, even because
occurs only here and in Lev. xxvi.
44. Cp. Ezek. xxxvi. 3. v. 6,
rejected my statutes ; cp. xx. 13, 16.
xx. 9. the nations. ..in whose
sight I made myself known unto
them, in bringing them forth out
of the land of Egypt.
w. 14, 11. the nations in whose
sight I brought them forth.
v. 8. in the sight of the nations.
Parallels from other chapters are added :
xvii. 8- Whatsoever man there
be of the house of Israel, or of the
sojourners that sojourn among
them. Cp. w. 3, 10, 13.
xviii. 5. ye shall keep my statutes
and my judgements ', which if a man
do, he shall live in them.
xviii. 7. The nakedness of thy
father ...thou shall not uncover.
To uncover nakedness frequently
in this ch. and in ch. xx. It is
cdas wickedness 1 (enormity
R.V.m.) in xviii. 17, xx. 14; cp.
xix. 29.
1 The san
xiv. 7. Whatsoever man there
be of the house of Israel, or of the
sojourners that sojourn among
them. Cp. v. 4.
xx. n, 13, ii. ...my statutes
and... my judgements, which if a
man do, he shall live in them.
xxii. 9, 10. ...in the midst of
thce they have committed lewd-
ness*. In thee have they un-
covered their fathers' nakedness:
cp. xvi. 37, xxiii. 10, 18, 29.
word ;nnmah.
252 APPENDIX V
Leviticus. Ezekiel.
xix. 16. Thou shalt not go up xxii. 9. Slanderous* men (men
and down as a talebearer^ among that carry tales 1 A.V.) have been
thy people: neither shalt thou stand in thee to shed blood,
against the blood of thy neighbour.
xix. 35, 36. Ye shall do no un- iv. n. Thou shalt drink water
righteousness... in measure*. Just by measure^, and in v. 16.
balances. ..a just ephah... shall ye xlv. 10. Just balances and a
have. just ephah... shall ye have.
xix. 8. ...every one that eateth xiv. 10. ...they shall bear their
it shall bear his iniquity, because iniquity; also xviii. 20, xliv. 10,
he hath profaned the holy thing of 12. xxii. 26. Her priests
the LORD. have... profaned mine holy things.
xx. 25. Ye shall therefore they have not separated between the
separate between the clean beast holy and the common (profane
and the unclean. A.V.) neither have they caused
men to discern between the clean
and the unclean.
This table 3 contains a very remarkable list of words and
expressions common to Leviticus and Ezekiel. In App. IV,
where the style of Deuteronomy was examined and compared
with that of Jeremiah, it was said that the words employed were
generally familiar, and that their combinations, and the grouping
together of phrases, supplied the distinctive element in the dis-
course. But this list contains words of less frequent occurrence,
and their combinations produce phrases which are unusual, and
sometimes startling. Again, Deuteronomy and Jeremiah sup-
plied nearly an equal amount for comparison 4 , but here the
1 The same Heb. word rakhil\ also in Jer. ix. 3; Prov. xi. 13;
xx. 19.
2 This word occurs only in these passages and in i Chron. xxiii. 29.
8 To this table might be added Exod. xxxi. 13, 14 a, which belongs
to H, and exhibits close parallels with Ezek. xx. 12, 13, 20, 21, 24;
xxii. 8; xxiii. 38. Note the expressions, keep my sabbaths, a sign
between me and you (them), that ye may (they might) know that I a/ti
the LORD which sanctify you (them), profane my sabbaths.
4 Nearly all the references to Jer. are to the first 35 chapters.
APPENDIX V 253
main comparison is between a single chapter (Lev. xxvi.) and
the book of Ezekiel. Of the 43 verses (Lev. xxvi. 345) which
form the concluding exhortation, 25 shew either verbal identity,
or close affinity with verses in Ezekiel, and supply nearly 50
expressions common to this chapter and the writings of the
prophet, some of which occur only in Leviticus and Ezekiel.
Moreover, the similarity is not confined to single verses, but
is spread through passages of considerable length. If Ezek. vi.
3 7, xiv. 4 21, xx. 5 44, xxxiv. 25 31 be read continuously
with reference to Lev. xxvi., it will be seen that the passages in
Ezek. not only contain words and phrases found in Lev. xxvi.,
but that there is also a resemblance in the grouping together of
ideas and expressions. This list of identities and resemblances
is without a parallel in the rest of the Old Testament.
It is not surprising that this remarkable similarity led those
who first observed it to consider Lev. xxvi. as the work of
Ezekiel himself, and to identify the prophet of the captivity with
the compiler of the Holiness code. This view has not been
accepted by more recent investigators, who point out instances
of variation which in their opinion are sufficient to establish
diversity of authorship (Oxf. Hex. vol. i. p. 151, Driver, LOT*
pp. 148, 150 note t).
If diversity of authorship be assumed, the further question
arises, To which must priority be assigned? Is EzekiePs diction
coloured by a remembrance of Lev. xxvi., or is the author of that
chapter borrowing the phrases of the prophet? It is difficult
to settle a question of literary precedence 1 ; but whichever
alternative be adopted, the exceptionally close relation between
Lev. xxvi. and the prophecies of Ezekiel points to an exception-
ally close connexion between their respective authors. The
two writers cannot be far removed from one another in point
of time, or in respect of place. According as priority is
claimed for Leviticus or Ezekiel, the code of Lev. xvii. \\vi.
with its parenetic betting will be a^i^ned to the last days of the
Kingdom, or to the exile. In either case, it appears that not
1 See the di>cus>ion oi tin* ^notion in the commentary on Leviticus.
254
APPENDIX V
long after the reform under Josiah, a further attempt at codifying
the existing law of Israel was made, and put before the people
under prophetic sanction.
The whole investigation raises further difficulties in the way
of accepting the traditional view of Pentateuch authorship.
According to that view, or any modified form of it such as that
suggested by Dr Orr (Prob. of O.T. pp. 369376), Ezekiel's
copy of the Pentateuch was substantially the same as that
possessed by the English reader of the present day. Now if
Ezekiel were familiar with the whole Pentateuch, and regarded
it as a venerable document of great antiquity, it is difficult to
explain why he should have selected one portion, and especially
one chapter, as a model for his discourses. The remarkable
coincidences between Ezekiel and Lev. xxvi. are not adequately
explained by saying that Ezekiel, being a priest, was thoroughly
familiar with priestly regulations. It is not with the laws of
the Priestly code that Ezekiel displays such familiarity 1 , but with
a particular code (H), which, though now incorporated with P,
represents an earlier stage of legislation. He is notorious as
the prophet whose writings perplexed the Jewish rabbis,
because of the differences between them and the Priestly code.
Though his language has affinities with P, he makes no
direct reference to the laws of P, even where such reference
would be most opportune. He propounds a scheme for 'the
house. ..and all the ordinances thereof (Ezek. xliii. n), also
for its ministers (xliv. 10 14), and specifies the sacrifices
which should be offered on particular occasions (xlv. 9 xlvi. 15).
Though in so doing he treats of matters for which precise regu-
1 He shews, however, familiarity with some parts of P outside
Lev. xvii. xxvi., as Lev. xi. 44 (Ezek. iv. 14 a), Exod. vi. 3, 4, 6, 8
(Ezek. xx. 5, 38), Exod. xxxi. 13 (Ezek. xx. 12, 20), Lev. x. 9, 10
(Ezek. xliv. 21, 23), Num. xviii. 20 (Ezek. xliv. 28 a), Num. xviii. 14,
xv. 21 (Ezek. xliv. 29 b t 30 b) ; and also with P's technical phraseology.
See Driver LOT 8 pp. 146 f., and the passages from Ezek. noted in
App. II. The Priestly terminology was certainly older than Ezekiel,
and P is clearly not the work of one hand. Cp. the remarks on p. 188.
APPENDIX V 255
lations are laid down in the Priestly code, he nowhere refers to
such regulations, nor does he imply that they have already been
issued on the authority of Moses. He often lays down regu-
lations different from those in P. His ordinance (xliv. 10 14),
limiting the priesthood to the sons of Zadok, has been discussed
on pp. 164 ff. The inference there drawn is that the distinction
between the sons of Aaron and the rest of the Levites, as set
forth in the Priestly code, was not known to him, and that
Ezekiel occupies a position intermediate between the Deutero-
nomic and the Priestly codes. Exactly the same inference may
be drawn from the ordinances concerning sacrifice, and from the
duties assigned to 'the prince' in connexion with the service of
' the house.' It is difficult to suppose that Ezekiel would have
issued these instructions, if the Priestly code was at that time in
force. The instructions are intelligible when regarded as pre-
paring the way for the demands of the Priestly code, but
perplexing when viewed as supplementing them.
The investigation in App. IV has established a probability
that the book of Deuteronomy belongs to an age not far
removed from that of Jeremiah (see also pp. 136 ff.). Both
that and the foregoing investigation tend to establish the same
conclusion; namely, that important legislative developments
must be assigned to a late period in the history of Israel. The
two investigations, being independent, are corroborative : they
furnish instances of 'the work of continuous Divine teaching in
connexion with new historical situations 1 (see the quotation from
OTJC* on p. 18).
APPENDIX VI.
THE MEANING OF TO RAH.
The word Torah> which is generally translated by 'law' in
the O.T., is derived from a root yarah, which means to cast (a lot
Josh, xviii. 6), to shoot (an arrow i Sam. xx. 36). In the
Hiphil form it means to point out (with the finger Prov. vi. 13),
to teach by giving directions as to conduct (' teach us what we
shall do...' Judg. xiii. 8). Torah, a noun allied with this form
of the verb, means direction or instruction given by one in
authority.
The word is used to denote :
(i) Decisions, chiefly on matters of religious observance,
given by the priests.
The opponents of Jeremiah declare that law (Torah, direc-
tion) shall not perish from the priest, nor counsel from the
wise, nor a word from the prophet (Jer. xviii. 18). When the
prophet announces impending calamity (vv. 13 17) they will
not give heed to his words, but maintain that the existing order
will not be overthrown : the prophet will continue to declare
the word of the Lord, the wise man will still offer counsel, and
the priest will not cease from giving direction (cp. Jer. ii. 8,
Ezek. vii. 26). Haggai bids the people 'ask the priests for a
direction* ; and two questions on the difference between clean and
unclean follow (Hagg. ii. n 13). Malachi declares that 'the
priest's lips should keep knowledge, and the people should seek
direction from his mouth.' In these passages the Heb. word
Torah does not refer to a written law . the law when written
APPENDIX VI 257
would be in the hands of both priests 1 and people; of such a
written law it could be said that it would perish or be changed,
but not that it would perish from the priest. The rendering
'the law' in A.V. and R.V. is misleading so far as it suggests
reference to a written law; the reference in these passages is
to verbal decisions given by the priests. Such decisions were
regarded as Divine Torah, or 'the law of the LORD' communi-
cated to the people through the priest's mouth. The cognate
verb * teach' (see the first paragraph in this App.) is used in
Deut. xxxiii. 10; Ezek. xliv. 23; Mic. iii. u. These passages
further illustrate the meaning of Torah.
(2) Prophetic teaching.
The prophets in declaring the word of the Lord enunciated
general rules of conduct, which were recognized as embodying
Divine guidance, or in other words as being 'the law of the
LORD.' Isaiah puts 'the word of the LORD' in parallelism with
'the law (teaching R.V. marg.) of our God' (Isai. i. 10). This
Divine direction is contained in the verses which follow (i. 11
17), where the moral demands of a righteous God are set above
burnt offerings and trampling (i. 12 R.V.) the temple courts.
Hosea has in view something more than ritual precepts when
he declares that the people are destroyed for lack of knowledge,
and that the priests have forgotten the Divine direction ('the
law of thy God,' Hos. iv. 6) 2 . In the vision of 'the latter days 1
(Is. ii. = Mic. iv.) it is promised that 'Torah will proceed from
Zion, and the word of the LORD from Jerusalem.' Here it is
clear that by ' Torah ' is not meant a completed system of law
written in a book. The prophets claimed to be the interpreters
of God's will: His guidance is made known to His people
through the living voice; and the same guidance will be
1 Regulations for worship may have been preserved in writing, as
well as transmitted orally, in priestly circles. The written law, such
as that read before the king and to the people in Josiah's reign, was
more general in character.
a In Hos. viii. i a it is implied that some of the Divine direction
(Torah) was written.
17
258 APPENDIX VI
vouchsafed in the future to all nations who shall flow to Mount
Zion for instruction. Then shall all be taught of God, and great
shall be the peace of His children ; for 'nation shall not lift up
sword against nation, neither shall they learn war any more '
(Is. ii. 2 4=Mic. iv. i 3).
(3) There are other passages in which the word Torah is
used with reference to a written code.
(a) In the book of Deuteronomy mention is made of 'this
law' (i. 5; xxix. 29), written in a book, which is to be kept by
the side of the Ark, and read to the people in the feast of
tabernacles (xxx. 10; xxxi. 9 11, 24 26). The king is to have
a copy, and 'read therein all the days of his life' (xvii. 18 20).
This law is set before Israel just before passing over Jordan
(iv. 8, 44; ix. i), and forms the basis of the covenant made 'in
the land of Moab, besides the covenant made in Horeb' (v. 2 ;
xxix. i). There can be no doubt that in all these passages
reference is made to the Deuteronomic code contained in Deut.
xii. xxvi.
In this book, which recognizes a written law, provision is
made for an extension of Torah. In any case of controversy
(xvii. 8 13), appeal shall be made to 'the priests the Levites,
and unto the judge that shall be in those days,' and the people
shall do 'according to the tenor of the law (Torah} which they
shall teach 9 (cf. xxiv. 8). It should be noted that the last official
proclamation of law in the Pentateuch is not represented as final ;
additional Torah will be issued in the future when necessary.
In the Deuteronomic portions of other books, Torah is used
to designate the law contained in Deuteronomy. In Josh. i. 7,
8, although the phrases ' all the law which Moses my servant
commanded thee' and 'this book of the law' may appear
general in their reference, the Deuteronomic character of the
section requires that they should be interpreted in the same way
as corresponding phrases in the book of Deuteronomy. The
same remark may be made in respect of Josh, xxiii., where 'all
that is written in the book of the law of Moses' occurs in V. 6;
and also in respect of 'that which is written in the law of
APPENDIX VI 259
Moses' in I Kings ii. 3. In 2 Kings xiv. 6 the reference in the
words 'that which is written in the book of the law of Moses' is
made clear by the quotation from Deut. xxiv. 16 which follows.
(b) In the time of Ezra and Nehemiah, 'the book of the
law of Moses' (Neh. viii. i) is the law which Ezra brought
before the congregation and read to the people (viii. 2, 5, 8). It
has been shewn on pp. 171 f. that this law included regulations
for observing the feast of tabernacles given in Lev. xxiii. 39 43 ;
and in Neh. x. 29 'God's law which was given by Moses the
servant of God' includes precepts (referred to in vv. 32 39),
some of which are found only in P. When the books of
Chronicles were written (in the third century B.C.), the Penta-
teuch had been accepted practically in its present form. In
them, as well as in Ezra and Nehemiah, 'the law of Moses'
generally refers to the Priestly code; but in places where the
narrative is dependent on an older source, as in 2 Chron. xxv. 4
(taken from 2 Kings xiv. 6), the reference is to the law contained
in Deuteronomy.
(4) Torah is also used to denote instructions given for the
performance of religious duties, such as sacrifice (Lev. vi. 8, 14,
24; vii. i, ii; 37), choice of food (Lev. xi. 46, the word is not
used in the parallel passage, Deut. xiv.), purification (Lev. xii. 7),
and other observances (Lev. xiii. 59; xiv. 2, 32, 54, 57; xv. 32;
Num. v. 29, 30; vi. 13, 21; xv. 16, 20; xix. 2, 14). It is
uniformly translated //, 'This is the law of 'the burnt
oftering,' 'the Nazirite,' &c.
It appears then that Torah is a word of very wide applica-
tion, and that the expressions 'the law (Torah} of God,' 'the
law (Torah) of Moses' are not always used in the same sense.
In assigning a meaning to these expressions, the age and
outlook of the writer must be taken into account. The com-
pilers of Kings and Chronicles both refer to a written law of
Moses, but when they specify its contents, it is clear that they
refer to different codes [see above under (3 a and )]. And 'the
law of our God,' when used by Amos, Hosea, or Isaiah, m
something different from either of these written codes.
17-2
APPENDIX VII.
CHARACTERISTICS OF COMPOSITE DOCUMENTS.
The reader's attention is here directed to certain documents
which are admitted to be composite. After noting the manner
in which they have been compiled, he will be better able to
estimate the force of the evidence for the composite character
of the Hexateuch.
(i) Mediaeval chroniclers.
Mediaeval or monastic chronicles are for the most part the
result of a long process continued in many places and ages.
The prefaces to the numerous volumes of the Rolls Series,
and especially Sir Thomas Hardy's Descriptive Catalogue of
Materials, will supply abundant illustration of this statement.
It will be sufficient to quote from the volume which contains the
'Historia Anglicana' of Bartholomew de Cotton 1 .
In a preface by the Rev. H. R. Luard, the method followed
by the chronicler is carefully investigated.
Cotton's history is based on Roger of Wendover 2 and
Matthew Paris 2 , and as the chronicles of R.W. and M.P. are
1 His history stops at the year 1298, and is one of the most important
sources for the reign of Edward I.
2 These writers will be designated for brevity by R.W. and M.P.
The ' Historia Major' of M.P. is, down to the year 1235, a modified
transcription of an earlier work, entitled ' Flores Historiarum,' begun
by John de Cella and completed by R.W. Cotton, with both R.W.
and M.P. before him, apparently takes R.W. as his basis, sometimes
adopting, and sometimes disregarding, the changes made by M.P.
APPENDIX VII 261
both in existence as separate documents, it is easy to resolve
the compilation into its component sources.
Luard thinks it capable of proof that Cotton ' had the MSS.
of both these chroniclers [RAV. and M.P.] before him while
composing his own work, using now one and now the other'
(p. xxxvii). Cotton also uses other chroniclers and 'changes
are frequently made from one chronicler to another, and then
back again, two or three times in the same sentence ' (footnote
on p. xxxvii). Instances of using more than one chronicler in
the same sentence are given on p. xliii ; of repetition of the
same facts from different chronicles on p. xliv. The similarity
between these methods of procedure, and those which, in the
judgement of critics, have been pursued in combining the com-
ponent sources of the Hexateuch is obvious (see, for examples,
the analysis on pp. 75 81 and pp. 87 95).
On p. xlv an illustration is given of Bartholomew's use of
his materials. The chronicles of R.W., M.P., and Cotton are
given in parallel columns. The result of comparison is shewn
in the passage from Cotton which is here appended : where the
words are the same in both R.W. and M.P. ordinary type is
used, words from R.W. are in italics, from M.P., in thick
type.
Anno gratia 1193 rex Richardus remansit in custodia ducis
Austriae donee ipsum vendidit imperatori Romanorum Henrico
pro sexaginta milibus libramm argenti et tune feria tertia
post Ramos Palmarum ipsum adducens, diligentissime custo-
diri fecit
The introductory sentence is from R.W., but * Romanorum,'
* Henrico,' and 'librarum' shew that here M.P. has been followed.
At 'et tune' the writer uses R.W., while 'diligentissime' shews
that he is again indebted to M.P. The dots represent the
words 'ad pondus Coloniensium,' which though found both in
R.W. and M.P. have been omitted by Cotton. The whole
passage is not longer than some verses of the Bible, and equi-
valent to two verses of average length. The resemblance of
these combinations, proved by reference to the original sources,
262 APPENDIX VII
to those proposed in the analysis of any composite narrative in
the Bible, e.g. that of the Flood, is evident.
Many other illustrations of this kind may be found in the
pages of monastic chroniclers. The Venerable Bede takes
freely from preceding writers whatever he thinks useful for his
purpose, but 'is anxious lest it should be thought that he has
stolen the sayings of the elders, and given them out as his own.'
He therefore begs the copyists of his works to preserve the
indications which he has given in the margin of the sources
from which he has borrowed ; a request which they have totally
ignored (Plummer, Baedae opera historica, torn. I. p. xxiii, where
he adds in a footnote, 'A really critical edition of Bede which
should show exactly how much he borrowed, and how much
is original, is a great desideratum'). Here work is suggested
similar to that of the critics who have endeavoured to resolve
the Hexateuch into its original parts ; and Plummets notes
(p. cxxxv and elsewhere) furnish instances of that criticism
which he desiderates 1 .
References have been made to Western chroniclers ; another
illustration may be supplied from an Eastern source.
(2) The Diatessaron.
The Diatessaron of Tatian was an attempt to supply the
Christian Church with a life of Christ compiled (as its title
implies) from the four separate Canonical Gospels. This com-
posite Gospel was extensively used in the East, and at one time
had practically superseded the Canonical Gospels over a large
area 2 . It is now accessible to the English reader in a translation
1 For further illustrations see Oxf. Hex., vol. I. ch. I. 2 a, /3,
pp. 4 f.
2 Details with reference to the discovery of this interesting document
will be found in the works quoted in the text, and in Prof. Burkitt's
Evangelion da-Mepharreshe [Gospel of the separated (books)], vol. II.
pp. i f., and ch. IV. pp. 173 ff. See also the Art. Diatessaron in DB t
extra vol. p. 451.
APPENDIX VII
263
published by the Rev. J. Hamlyn Hill (T. and T. Clark, 1894),
and in a supplementary volume to Clark's Ante-Nicene Library
(1896-1903).
The following passage (containing the account of St Peter's
denials) will give the reader an example of the manner in which
all four Gospels have been combined. The vertical lines in the
text indicate where the source is changed.
Jo. xviii. 15 And Simon Cephas and one of the other dis-
ciples followed Jesus. And the high priest knew
that disciple, and he entered with Jesus into the
Jo. xviii. 16 court ; but Simon was standing at the door without.
So the other disciple, whom the high priest knew,
went out and spake unto her that kept the door,
and she brought in Simon. And the maid that
Jo. xviii. 17 a kept the door saw Simon, and she looked stead-
Lk. xxii. 56 fastly at him and said unto him, | Art not thou also
one of the disciples of this man, I mean Jesus the
Mk. xiv. 67 Nazarene? | But he denied and said, Woman, I
Lk. xxii. 57 know him not, | neither know I even what thou
Mk. xiv. 68 t. | And the servants and the soldiers rose, |
Jo. xviii. 18 and made a fire in the middle of the court that
Lk. xxii. 55 a they might warm themselves ; | for it was cold. |
And when the fire burned up, they sat down
Jo. xviii. i8c around it. And Simon also came and sat down
Mk. xiv. 54 with them to warm himself, | that he might see the
Mt. xxvi. 58 end of what should happen.
ii. 19 24 And the high priest asked Jesus of his disciples
and of his doctrine And Annas sent
Jesus bound unto Caiaphas the high priest.
Jo. xviii. 1$ a And Jesus went out, and Simon Cephas was
standing in the outer court warming himself. | And
Mk. xiv. 69 a that maid saw him again and began to say to those
Mt. xxvi. 71 b :<)od by, | This man also was there with Jesus
the Nazarene. And those that stood by came
Mt. xxvi. 73 forward and said to Cephas, Truly thou art one of
-. -ij.lcs. | And he denied again with an o.nh,
Ml. x\ I know not the man. | And after a little while one
264 APPENDIX VII
Lk. xxii. 58 a of the servants of the high priest, a kinsman of
Jo. xviii. 26 a him whose ear Simon cut off saw him, | and he
disputed and said, Truly this man was with him :
Lk. xxii. 5pb andhealsoisaGalilsean; | and his speech resembles.
Mt. xxvi. 73 c | And he said unto Simon, Did not I see thee with
Jo. xviii. 26 b him in the garden ? | Then Simon began to curse
Mk. xiv. 71 and to swear, I know not this man whom ye
Lk. xxii. 60 b have mentioned. | And immediately, while he was
speaking, the cock crew twice. And in that hour
Lk. xxii. 6 1 Jesus turned, he being without, and looked upon
Mk. xiv. 30, 72 Cephas. | And Simon remembered the word of
our Lord which he said unto him, Before the cock
Mt. xxvi. 75) crow twice thou shalt deny me thrice. And Simon
Lk. xxii. 62 j went forth without and wept bitterly.
It will be noted that six consecutive verses (Jo. xviii. 19 24)
are found in this passage. Longer extracts also occur; thus
Section I., after a short introduction from Jo. i I 5, contains
the first chapter of St Luke (without the first four verses).
Section II. contains Mt. i. 18 25 and Lk. ii. i 39. Sections
xxxv. xxxviii. contain almost continuously Jo. vii. xi.
This selection of extracts from one Gospel alternating with
passages in which all the Gospels have been combined, has its
parallel in the Hexateuch. Separate narratives assigned to JE
and P alternate with composite narratives in which both sources
are combined. The History of Cotton and the Diatessaron differ
widely in respect of date and place of origin. The passages
selected from them shew that both the western chronicler and
the eastern compiler have used the materials at their disposal
in a manner almost identical with that followed, according to
the critical view, by the redactors of the Hexateuch. Let the
reader consider the manner in which these two passages must
be cut up in order to resolve them into their component
elements. The proposals of critics with respect to the most
complex section of the Hexateuch will seem moderate in com-
parison.
APPENDIX VII 265
(3) Arabic historians.
Prof. Bevan, in the first of the Cambridge Biblical Essays,
1909, entitled Historical Methods in the Old Testament, has
described the methods of Arabic historians, and pointed out
that the phenomena which occur in the historical books of the
O.T. are frequently found in Arabic literature 1 . He gives an
example (pp. 14 17) of a history compiled from two earlier
sources, where the compiler bases his narrative on one source,
and incorporates passages from the other. The Arabic historian
uses his sources in a manner similar to that in which Cotton
uses R.W. and M.P. The concluding paragraph (p. 19) is here
given ; but the whole Essay should be consulted.
'Thus it will be seen that a comparison of the historical
methods employed by the Israelites on the one hand and by
the Arabs on the other, while it reveals certain characteristic
divergences in matters of detail, tends on the whole to demon-
strate a striking similarity. And when we consider that our
information respecting the literary history of the Arabs is vastly
superior, both in abundance and in accuracy, to the information
which we possess concerning the literary history of the ancient
Hebrews, it will appear evident that for the elucidation of the
historical portions of the Old Testament the comparative study
of the two literatures is of inestimable value. But apart from
this positive gain the comparison is especially to be recom-
mended as serving to put us on our guard against the popular
fallacy which consists in judging the writers of the Old Testament
by modern European standards, in assuming, for instance, that
a narrative which seems, at first sight, to be continuous must
necessarily emanate from one author and be of uniform authority
throughout. Such delusions are not dispelled by abs:
reasoning ; they can be dispelled only by the patient investiga-
tion of facts.'
p. 328.
266 APPENDIX VII
(4) The Gospels, and the Old Testament.
The Synoptic Gospels afford conclusive evidence quite
apart from theories about their order that, while each Gospel
contains matter peculiar to itself, many passages have been
taken by one evangelist from another, or from a common
source; and that these passages have been taken, sometimes
with, and sometimes without alteration, and sometimes have
been introduced in a different connexion.
The Old Testament itself affords evidence equally conclusive
that the writers of the books combined the work of others with
their own. Some incidents are recorded in more than one
place: e.g. parts of Josh. xv. xvii. are found 1 in Judg. i. ; the
account of Sennacherib's invasion in the reign of Hezekiah is
given in 2 Kings xviii., xix., and in Isai. xxxvi., xxxvii. ; other
incidents in Hezekiah's life in 2 Kings xx., and in Isai. xxxviii.,
xxxix. A full account of the siege of Jerusalem is given in
2 Kings xxiv. 18 ff., and in Jer. lii., and a shorter account in
Jer. xxxix. i 10. 2 Sam. xxii. is found with a few verbal
differences in Ps. xviii. In all these instances where the same
account is found in two writers, either one has taken it from the
other, or both have taken it from a third source. The books in
which such borrowed accounts are found are composite.
The historians of the O.T. must have derived their informa-
tion about events which happened some centuries before their
time from oral tradition, or from official or private records.
They have arranged the materials which they collected, and
edited them with comments. Especially is this to be noted in
the book of Judges, where the old memoirs are set in a frame-
work of instructive description, which can easily be separated
from the history. For details consult Driver, LOT*, on Judges,
and the commentaries.
1 Judg. i. 1015, 20= Josh. xv. 13 19; Judg. i. 21= Josh. xv. 63;
Judg. i. 27, 28= Josh. xvii. n 13; Judg. i. 29= Josh. xvi. 10.
APPENDIX VII 267
(5) Comparison of Chronicles with parallel accounts
in Samuel and Kings.
This composite character of the historical books can be
clearly traced in the books of Chronicles, when compared with
those of Samuel and Kings 1 . These books contain two accounts
of the period from the death of Saul to the captivity of Judah ;
one in I Sam. xxxi., 7. Sam., and the books of Kings; the other
in i Chron. x. 2 Chron. xxxvi. A comparison of these accounts
not only shews the parts which are due to the compilers, but
affords valuable evidence bearing on the composition of the
Hexateuch.
In some parts, the two accounts are almost identical; e.g.
the death of Saul as related in I Sam. xxxi. and I Chron. x.
(but note the two additional verses in I Chron. x. 13, 14) ; the
numbering of the people and the punishment following [but
contrast 'the anger of the Lord was kindled against Israel...'
(2 Sam. xxiv. i) with 'Satan stood up against Israel...' (i Chron.
xxi. i)]. I Chron. xxii. xxix. has no parallel in the books of
Samuel or Kings ; to David is here assigned the division of
the sons of Aaron and of the Levites into courses ; the ap-
pointment of musicians and singers, doorkeepers, captains, and
judges. In other chapters, the variations, though in some
verses small, are significant, as will appear from the examina-
tion of the following passages 2 :
1 'When we compare the Arabic historians with one another, we
find that they differ precisely as the book of Chronicles differs from
Samuel and Kings. Sometimes the same passage, extending over
several pages, appears in two or more authors, but in such cases we
almost invariably find a certain number of variants. At other times,
particularly in the later Arabic historians, we cume upon what may be
called patch- work narrati. ng of short passages borrowed
(with or without modification) from older works and fitted together by
the compiler, who, of course, usually intersperses remarks oi his own.'
Hevan, p. 13 of the Essay i >n p. 365.
1 The important variatioi. .ire either enclosed in
268 APPENDIX VII
(a) The removal of the ark to Mount Zion.
The account in 2 Sam. vi. contains 23 verses, of which only
19 and a short clause are found in Chronicles, but, with the
additions there incorporated, it is expanded to four chapters
(i Chron. xiii. xvi.).
Notice in I Chron. xiii. 2 the reference to 'the priests and
Levites,' and the 'suburbs' of the priestly cities (a technical
term used in Num. xxxv. 2 7).
i Sam. vi. I Chron. xiii.
I And David again gathered x And David consulted with
together all the chosen men of the captains of thousands and of
Israel, thirty thousand. hundreds, even with every leader.
2 And David said.... Let us
send abroad everywhere unto our
brethren... with whom the priests
and Levites are in their cities
which have suburbs, ... 3 and
let us bring again the ark of our
God unto us : for we sought not
unto it in the days of Saul.
4 s So David
assembled all Israel together
8 And David arose.... 6 And David went up....
[The two accounts are almost in the same words as far as the end
of i Sam. vi. 11 = 1 Chron. xiii. 14.]
II ...and the LORD blessed M ...and the LORD blessed the
Obed-edom and all his house. house of Obed-edom and all that
he had.
[2 Sam. v. ii 25=1 Chron. xiv 1 .]
brackets, or printed in italics. The reader's attention is especially
directed to the words in italics in the following parallel accounts.
1 With many verbal differences, some of which (as God tor Jehovah)
shew the Chronicler's hand.
APPENDIX VII
269
[i Chron. xv. i 14 contains the names of the Levitts who bare the ark t
and of the singers and players who escorted the ark.]
s And David [and the elders
of Israel and the captains over
thousands] were going to bring up
the ark of [the covenant of] the
LORD from the house of Obed-
edom with joy:
96 and it was so that when
God helped the Levites that bare
the ark of [the covenant of] the
LORD, they sacrificed seven bul-
locks and seven rams.
*i And David was clothed with
a robe of fine linen, and all the
Levites that bare the ark, and the
singers, and Chenaniah the master
of the song with the singers ; and
David had upon him a linen ephod.
8 Thus all Israel brought up the
ark of [the covenant of] the LORD
with shouting, and with sound of
[the cornet, and with] trumpets
[and with cymbals, sounding aloud
with psalteries and harps].
*9 And it came to pass as the
ark of [the covenant of] the LORD
came to the city of David, that
Michal the daughter of Saul looked
out at the window and saw king
David dancing 1 and playing; and
she despised him in her heart.
la And David went and brought
up the ark of God from the house
of Obed-edom into the city of
David with joy.
*3 And it was so that when
they that bare the ark of the LORD
had gone six paces, he sacrificed
an ox and a fat ling.
* And David danced before
the LORD with all his might; and
David was girded with a linen
ephod.
*s So David and all the house
of Israel brought up the ark of the
LORD with shouting and with the
sound of the trumpet
16 And it was so, as the ark
of the Lord came into the city of
David, that Michal the daughter
of Saul looked out at the window
and saw king David leaping and
dancing 1 before the LORD ; and she
despised him in her heart.
1 The Heb. words in Sam. and Chron. are different : that in Chron.
is ' skipping,' as P. cxiv. 6.
270
APPENDIX VII
[2 Sam. vi. 17 19=1 Chron. xvi. i 3 -with slight verbal differences
as far as the middle of a Sam. vi. 19=1 Chron. xvi. 3.]
X 9 ...a portion of flesh, and a
cake of raisins (flagon of wine,
A.V.).
3 ...a portion of flesh, and a
cake of raisins (flagon of wine,
A.V.).
4 And he appointed certain of
the Levites to minister before the
ark....
[Then follow :]
A psalm (w. 8 36) *; and
further arrangements for singing
and offering sacrifice (w. 37 42).
43 And all the people departed
every man to his house : and David
turned back to bless his house.
J 9 And all the people departed
every man to his house. 20 And
David returned to bless his house.
=0-23 [The rest of 2 Sam. vi.,
containing MichaFs remonstrance
with David and his answer,
is omitted in Chroniclesl\
The two accounts of Joash being hidden for six years in
the house of the Lord, and in the seventh year anointed
king.
1 Kings xi. i 3 = 2 Chron. xxii. 10 12.
[ffoiv Joash was hidden for six years^\
4 And in the seventh year
Jehoiada sent and fetched the
captains over hundreds, of the
Carites, and of the guard, and
brought them to him into the
house of the LORD, and he made
a covenant with them,
xxiii. i. And in the seventh
year Jehoiada strengthened him-
self, and took the captains of
hundreds, Azariah the son of
Jeroham,...
and Elishaphat the son
of Zichri) into covenant with him.
"And they went about in Judah
and gathered the Levites out of all
the cities of Judah, and the heads of
1 This psalm is composed of Pss. cv. i 15, xcvi. i 13, and cvi.
47, 48, with slight verbal differences.
APPENDIX VII
271
and took
an oath of them in the house
of the LORD, and shewed them
the king's son.
s And he commanded them,
saying, This is the thing that ye
shall do: a third part of you, that
come in on the sabbath, shall be
keepers of the watch of the king's
house; 6 and a third part shall be
at the gate Sur 1 ; and a third part
at the gate behind the guard : so
shall ye keep the watch of the
house, and be a barrier.
J And
the two companies of you, even
all that go forth on the sabbath,
shall keep the watch of the house
of the LORD about the king.
8 And ye shall compass t lic-
king round about, every man with
his weapons in his hand ; and who-
soever cometh within the ranks, let
him be slain: and be ye with the
king when he goeth out, and when
he cometh in.
9 And the captains over hun-
dreds did according to all that
fathers' houses of Israel, and tlu-y
came to Jerusalem. 3 And all the
congregation made a covenant with
the king in the house of God.
And he said unto them, Behold,
the king's son shall reign, as the
LORD hath spoken concerning the
sons of David.
* This is the thing that ye shall
do : a third part of you, that come
in on the sabbath, of the priests
and of the Levites, shall be porters
of the doors; Sand a third part
shall be at the king's house ; and
a third part at the gate of the
foundation 1 : and all the people
shall be in the courts of the house
of the LORD. 6 But let none come
into the house of the LORD, save
the priests, and they that minister
of the Levites ; they shall come in,
for they are holy: but all the
people shall keep the watch of
the LORD.
7 And the Levites shall compass
the king round about, every man
with his weapons in his hand ;
and whosoever cometh into the
house, let him be slain: and be ye
with the king when he cometh in,
and when he goeth out.
8 And the Levites and all Jud.ih
did according to all that Jehoiada
1 The Heb. words for 'Sur' and 'foundation* are much alike;
and the Heb. word for 'horse' is like both. It has been conjectured
that ' the horse gate ' is the right reading here. Cp. a Kings xi. 16
and i Chron. xxiii. 15.
272
APPENDIX VII
Jehoiada the priest commanded :
and they took every man his men,
those that were to come in on the
sabbath, with those that were to
go out on the sabbath, and came
to Jehoiada the priest.
the priest commanded : and they
took every man his men, those
that were to come in on the sab-
bath, with those that were to go
out on the sabbath ; for Jehoiada
the priest dismissed not the courses.
i Kings xi. 10 20 = 2 Chron. xxiii. 9 21.
\The coronation of Joash, and death of Athaliah.]
The last clause of v. 18.
And the priest appointed
officers [Heb. offices] over the
house of the LORD.
*9 And he took the captains of
hundreds, and the Carites, and
the guard,
and all the people of the land....
18 And Jehoiada appointed the
offices of the house of the LORD
under the hand of the priests
the Levites, -whom David had
distributed in the house of the
LORD, to offer the burnt offerings
of the LORD, as it is "written in the
law of Moses, with rejoicing and
with singing, according to the
ordtr of David.
J 9 And he set the porters at the
gates of the house of the LORD,
that none which was unclean in
anything should enter in.
20 And he took the captains of
hundreds, and the nobles, and
the governors of the people, and
all the people of the land....
A comparison of the accounts in the two columns shews
clearly (i) that the Chronicler was acquainted with the books of
Kings and used them as one of his sources, (2) that the additional
matter in Chronicles refers to the action of priests and Levites,
and the arrangement of services, and shews acquaintance with the
enactments of the Priestly code. The absence of these passages
from the parallel account in Kings is very remarkable ; especially
when it is remembered that the compiler of Kings is interested
APPENDIX Vlt 273
in the conduct of Divine worship, and describes the dedication
of the Temple, and the Passover in Josiah's reign. There is no
reason for supposing that he would have left out the details
supplied by the Chronicler, if they had been known to him.
The inference which has already been drawn on p. 153 seems
warranted ; viz. that the additional matter in Chronicles,
implying acquaintance with the Priestly code, was not known
to the compiler of Kings; the comparisons here set forth
materially strengthen that inference 1 .
(6) A comparison between the Hebrew and LXX.
But, it may be said, there is at least one passage in Kings
which evinces a clear acquaintance with the language of the
Priestly code I Kings viii. I 5, which speaks of priests and
Levites, and uses other phrases characteristic of P. This is
true, as far as the present text is concerned. But it is almost
certain that these phrases are no part of the original account.
The LXX., our oldest authority for the text of the O.T., does not
contain the phrases in question. The passage is here given as
in R.V., which is an exact translation of the present Hebrew
text; the portions which are not in brackets give the LXX.
version. They form a connected narrative, which, in com-
parison with the Hebrew, is brief, and contains none of the
expressions characteristic of P. In the bracketed portions, the
phrases which indicate acquaintance with P are in italics.
The reader may notice the style of P in a certain fulness of
expression, especially in the last clause of r>. 4.
1 The whole of the parts common t> Kin^-. ami Chronicles will be
iuuml arranged in parallel columns in The parallel history of the Jewish
Monarchy^ by R. Somervel. The reader is recommended to make the
comparison with the help of this work, or ii he prefers, to find out the
variations for hin
C.P. 18
274 APPENDIX VII
1 Then Solomon assembled the elders of Israel, [and all the heads
of the tribes, the princes of the fathers' houses of the children of Israel,
unto king Solomon in Jerusalem,] to bring up the ark of the covenant
of the LORD out of the city of David, which is Zion. 2 [And all the
men of Israel assembled themselves unto king Solomon at the feast,] in
the month Ethanim, [which is the seventh month.] 3 [And all the
elders of Israel came,] and the priests took up the ark. *[And they
brought up the ark of the LORD,] and the tent of meeting, and [all] the
holy vessels that were in the Tent; [even these did the priests and the
Levites bring up.] $ And (the) king [Solomon] and all \the congregation
of] Israel, [that were assembled unto him,] were [with him] before the
ark, sacrificing sheep and oxen, that could not be [told nor] numbered
[for multitude].
These two versions of the dedication of the Temple bear a
striking resemblance to the duplicate accounts in Kings and
Chronicles which have already been examined ; those of the
removal of the ark to Mt Zion, and the coronation of king
Joash. All the three narratives have been preserved in two
forms : (i) a comparatively brief account, in which no trace of
P can be observed ; (2) a more detailed account, which shews
acquaintance with the ideas and phraseology of the Priestly
code. Is not the inference amply justified, that in I Kings viii.
I 5, the same revision in a priestly spirit 1 of an already existing
narrative may be traced, which has already been illustrated
from the books of Chronicles ?
The account in 2 Chron. v. 26, parallel to that in I Kings
viii. 15, is almost identical. There was no need for the
Chronicler to amend the narrative ; that had already been done.
In one particular, however, he found an opportunity. He
substitutes in v. 3 [=i Ki. viii. 3] the Levites for the priests^ in
accordance with the provisions of the Priestly code.
The four verses following 2 Chron. v. 7 10 are the same as
i Kings viii. 6 9, but the variation in the following verses
should be noticed :
1 This revision, however, had not been introduced into the MSS.
which the LXX. translators used.
APPENDIX VII
275
I Kings viii. 10, n.
10 And it came to pass, when
the priests were come out of the
holy place,
that the cloud filled
the house of the LORD,
11 so that the priests could not
stand to minister by reason of the
cloud : for the glory of the LORD
filled the house of the LORD.
a Chron. v. n 14.
11 And it came to pass, when
the priests were come out of the
holy place, (for all the priests that
were present had sanctified them-
selves... "also the Levites... and
with them an hundred and twenty
priests sounding with trumpets:)
3it came even to pass, ...when
they lifted up their voice... and
praised the LORD, saying, For he
is good; for his mercy endureth
for ever: that the house was
filled with a cloud, even the house
of the LORD,
x < so that the priests could not
stand to minister by reason of the
cloud : for the glory of the LORD
filled the house of the LORD.
The whole comparison (of the Hebrew and LXX. in i Kings 1
viii. 15, and of Kings and Chronicles in I Kings viii. 10, 1 1,
and 2 Chron. v. 1114) shews that two revisions of an original
text have been made.
(7) Passages in the books of Samuel
The comparison of the LXX. and M.T. in I Kings viii. has
shewn that, in the process of the transmission of the text, addi-
tion* were made to its original form. The fact that these
additions refer to the action of the Levites, and contain phrases
characteristic of the Priestly code is sufficient warrant for
enquiring whet; cs elsewhere may not prove
to be supplementary revision of an earlier text.
1 'I lii. is the only passage in Kings which contains a reference to
the Levites.
1 8 2
276 APPENDIX VII
Levites are mentioned only in two places in the books of
Samuel (i Sam. vi. 15, 2 Sam. xv. 24). As regards the first
passage, it has already been pointed out (p. 193) that i>. 15
does not appear to be an appropriate sequel to what precedes.
It also repeats the statement in the previous verse, that the
men of Bethshemesh offered a burnt offering. Its similarity to
some of those verses which are clearly additions made by the
Chronicler strengthen the probability that it is not part of the
original text. The view of Baudissin, DB, vol. IV. p. 74 #, that
the verse is * manifestly interpolated,' is now generally adopted.
There remains 2 Sam. xv. 24. The commentaries of Driver,
Books of Samuel^ p. 244, H. P. Smith, I.C.C. Samuel, p. 344,
and the notes in QPB shew that the text of vv. 23, 24 is
corrupt, and cannot be translated without some emendations ;
and vv. 27, 29 afford some ground for supposing that Zadok
and Abiathar may have been closer together in the original text
of v. 24. It is extremely doubtful whether this verse can be
accepted as evidence that the writer of Samuel described the
Levites as accompanying Zadok on this occasion.
The reader who has followed the argument in this section
may now be disposed to assign greater weight to the objections
raised against i Sam. ii. 22 on p. 194.
It appears, then, that there is no undisputed reference to the
Priestly code, either in the books of Samuel, or in the books of
Kings.
APPENDIX VIII.
THE SAMARITAN PENTATEUCH.
Reference has sometimes been made to the history of the
Samaritan Pentateuch, as furnishing a strong and convincing
argument against the conclusions of modern criticism. It has
been alleged :
(1) That the old script in which the Samaritan Pentateuch
is written was changed by Ezra for the square character now
in use.
(2) That the Samaritan Pentateuch must have existed
before the time of Ezra.
(3) That the feud between the Jews and the Samaritans,
dating from the rebuilding of the Temple, must have prevented
the Samaritans from accepting any additions to their copies in
the time of Ezra.
In order to test the accuracy of these allegations, it will be
necessary to lay before the reader certain facts with reference
to (i) the Samaritan Pentateuch, (2) the change of script,
(3) the relations between the Samaritans and the Jews before
the establishment of the rival temple on Mount Gerizim.
The copies of the Pentateuch preserved in the Samaritan
community at Shechem (Nablus, Neapolis) are written in a
script of the same type as the old Hebrew characters, which are
very different from those now used in printed Hebrew Hibles.
I his earlier script is generally known as Phoenician; the oldest
form of it known to us is on the Moabite stone (c. 850 n.c.). A
Hebrew modification of this alphabet is preserved in the Siloain
278 APPENDIX VIII
inscription, discovered in 1880, and assigned to the reign of
Hezekiah (c. 700 B.C.). Many Phoenician inscriptions, of dates
varying from the sixth century B.C. to the second century A.D.,
have been discovered ; the alphabet is also found on old seals
and- gems, both Phoenician and Jewish ; and on Jewish coins
from the time of Simon the Maccabee (141 135 B.C.) to that
of Simon bar-Kokba (132 135 A.D.).
This early Heb. script was afterwards supplanted by a script
known as the 'square' character, a description which any one
who examines the letters in Heb. MSS., or in printed Hebrew
Bibles, will recognize as exact. But it must not be assumed that
this script sprang suddenly into existence, and took the place
of the old Hebrew letters. The forms of the letters now in use
are Aramaic in origin, and are the result of a long development
reaching back as far as the eighth century B.C. The earliest
forms are similar to the Phoenician ; and those who are interested
in tracing the gradual change of form in the letters of this
alphabet may consult Euting's table of Semitic characters in
Bickell's Outlines of Hebrew Grammar, or Lidzbarski's table in
Ges.-Kautzsch, Heb. Grammar (1910).
From these tables it will be seen that forms of this script
which approximate to the Hebrew square character were used
in Egypt on the S.W., and Palmyra on the N.E. of Palestine.
It seems probable that at first the new characters were employed
by the Jews in intercourse with their neighbours, and gradually
became current in Judaea for ordinary purposes. The two styles
existed at first side by side, and the new script slowly displaced
the more antique form.
The inscription 1 at Arak-el-Amir (E. of the Jordan near
Heshbon), though containing only five letters, affords an
excellent illustration of the co-existence of the two styles. The
1 For details about this inscription see Driver, Notes on the Heb.
text of Sam., p. xxii, and about Hyrcanus, the passage in Josephus
(Ant. xii. 4, n) there referred to ; or Lidzbarski, Handb. der Nordsem.
Epigraphik, p. 484, and Table XLIII. i. The inscription is not earlier
than 176 B.C.
APPENDIX VIII 279
first letter is an Ay in of the Phoenician type ; the other letters
exhibit an early stage of the transition towards the square
character. This short inscription is an epitome of a long
process; each letter seems to have contended with its newer
rival, but the simplicity of the Phoenician Ayin secured for it a
longer pre-eminence.
The inscription 1 over the entrance to the so-called Tomb of
St James on the Mount of Olives, shews a distinct advance
towards the final form of the square character. The upper
lines of the letters Beth and Resh still retain traces of the
curvature which is found in the older forms, and Palmyrcne
influence may perhaps be detected in the ligatures which are
occasionally introduced. Though the * square ' character of the
letters is not so decidedly apparent as in the modern form, yet
the transition from the old to the new script is accomplished.
The inscription belongs to the first century B.C.
The first of these inscriptions belongs to an early, the second
to a late stage in the development of the square character. The
palaeographical evidence points to the second century B.C. as
the period during which the new script obtained supremacy.
The square character was established at the Christian era, and
probably some time before ; for the words of the Gospel ('one
jot or one tittle shall in no wise pass from the law,' Matt v. 18)
imply that when these words were spoken, the law was written
in characters of which the letter 3-Wwas the smallest. In the
Egyptian papyri and Palmyrene inscriptions the Yod is small,
as in the modern character ; but in the old Hebrew script the
Yod is as large as any other letter in the alphabet
But according to Jewish tradition, the square character was
introduced at a much earlier date than the second century B.C.
In the Jerusalem and Babylonian recensions of the Talmud,
and in other Jewish writings, it is asserted that Ezra, when he
1 A full description with facsimile will be found in Driver, pp. xxiii,
xxiv : \. Cooke, North-Sent. Inscr., pp. 341 L ; Lidzbarski,
p. 485, and Table XLIII. 3.
2 8o APPENDIX VIII
came up from Babylon, changed the old style of writing, and
devised the letters now in use. The Christian fathers, Origen,
Eusebius, Jerome, and Epiphanius, make similar statements;
and it is mainly on their testimony that Ezra has been regarded
by Christians as the authority responsible for the introduction of
the newer script. But as these fathers only reproduce the
Jewish tradition, it is unnecessary to quote them here 1 . It will
be sufficient to examine the sources of this Jewish tradition in
order to ascertain whether it has any historical value. In so
doing, it is essential to arrange the evidence as far as possible
in chronological order.
The following passage in Talm. Bab., Zebachim 62 a, is
given on the authority of R. Eliezer 2 ben Jacob (ist cent. A.D.):
Three prophets went up from the captivity with them [the
people who returned] ; one who testified concerning the altar
and the place of the altar; another who testified that they might
bring offerings although there was no house [i.e. although the
temple had been destroyed] ; and a third who testified concerning
the Torah that it should be written in the Assyrian [i.e. square]
character.
The three prophets are contemporary; and the time when
they testified is fixed by the words 'although there was no
house.' The Temple had not yet been rebuilt ; so their testi-
mony was delivered before 516 B.C., about 60 years before the
coming of Ezra. It is quite clear that if this form of the
tradition be accepted, Ezra had nothing to do with the intro-
duction of the square character.
It may also be inferred that the change of script had been
effected long before the time of R. Eliezer. About the middle
of the first century A.D. the square character had been already
in use for so long a time, that the manner of its introduction
1 The passages are given in Ryle, Can. of O.T. 2 , pp. 96 f.
8 R. Eliezer survived the destruction of Jerusalem, and gives
particulars about the sacrifices and the Temple. His statements are
described by Jewish writers as 'brief and trustworthy.'
APPENDIX VIII 281
had been forgotten. The reference to a nameless prophet in
Rabbinic literature may generally be interpreted as a confession
of ignorance. All that can safely be asserted is that R. Eliezer
believed that the new characters were introduced at the Return,
and that they must, of course, have been introduced by some
one in authority. He would not have omitted his name, if it
had been known to him.
Another form of the tradition is found, with variations, in
Sanhedrin 21 /', Jer. Megilla 71 b y and Tosephta Sanhedrin
(Zuckermandd p. 421, line 23).
Mar Zutra, or if you prefer to say so, Mar Ukba 1 said : At first
the Law (Torah) was given to Israel in Hebrew writing 2 , and in
the holy tongue 8 . It was again given to them in the days of Ezra
in the Assyrian 4 writing and in the Aramaic tongue. Israel chose
for themselves the Assyrian writing and the holy tongue, and left
to the common people 5 the Hebrew writing and the Aramaic
tongue. Who are the common people? Ral> Hisdah said, The
Cuthaeans 8 . What is the Hebrew writing? Rab Hisdah said,
Libonaah 7 . It is a teaching 8 ; R. Jose 9 said : Ezra was worthy
that the Law should have been given by his hand to Israel, if
Moses had not come before him.
1 A phrase used in introducing a passage of uncertain authorship.
/utra belongs to the 5th, Mar Ukba to the 3rd century A.D. The
r who refers to them must of course be later than Mar Zutra.
Rab Hisdah died c. 309 A.D.
a The old script. * Hebrew. * The square character.
8 The Greek word ISiur-rjt was adopted by the Jews to denote the
'unlearned* (i Cor. xiv. 16, 23, 24). Here it is applied to the
Samaritans.
The men of Cuth (a Kings xvii. 30), the name generally given by
the Jews to the Samaritans.
7 The meaning of this word is very obscure, and need not be
discussed here.
8 With this formula a Baraitha, i.e. a teaching not included in the
i<duced (see Bachcr, Tctminolo^ie dcr Jiid.
Trad.- lit f rat ur, p. 338).
9 R. Jose ben Halaphta belongs to the second century A.D.
2 8 2 APPENDIX VIII
R. Jose goes on to compare Moses and Ezra: in the two
texts, 'And Moses went up unto God' (Exod. xix. 3), and ' Ezra
went up from Babylon' (Ezra vii. 6), a 'going up' is recorded,
and in each case the going up was for the purpose of teaching
Israel the Law. Deut. iv. 14, 'to teach you statutes,' and Ezra
vii. 10, 'to teach in Israel statutes,' are quoted to shew this.
Then follows :
And although the Law was not given by his (Ezra's) hand, the
writing was changed (nishtannah] by his hand, as it is said (Ezra
iv. 7) : 'And the writing of the letter (nishtewari) was written in
the Syrian character, and set forth in the Syrian tongue' ['Aramaic'
R.V. marg, for ' Syrian ' in both places].
Two more passages are quoted: 'They could not read
the writing, nor make known to the king the interpretation'
(Dan. v. 8), and 'He shall write him a copy 1 of this law,' i.e.
as the term used is explained in the note, a writing destined to
be 'changed' (Deut. xvii. 18). A reason is given why the script
was called Assyrian, it was so called ' because it came up with
them [the exiles] from Assyria.' Then follows another Baraitha
in the name of R. Jehuda han-Nasi', to whom the compilation
of the Mishnah is ascribed (c. 200 A.D.) :
1 Heb. mishneh, here interpreted as though it meant, or implied,
something to be changed. The Heb. root shdndh means to change, as
well as to repeat, or double (hence duplicate, or copy). Here, and in
the passage from Zech. quoted by R. Jehuda, the word mishneh, which
is rightly translated 'copy' in Deut., and 'double* in Zech., is explained
in Rabbinic fashion as though it meant, or implied, some kind of change.
The same thought of change explains the quotation from Daniel which
precedes; they could not read the writing, because it (i.e. the characters)
had been changed. But a few lines further on (just after the passage
quoted in the text) another Rabbi gives an entirely different explanation
of their inability to read the writing; he supposes an interchange of
letters (called ' Gematria,' see Rabb. Lex. s.v.), and not a change from
one script to another.
APPENDIX VIII 283
Rabbi 1 says: The Law was given in the Assyrian script; when
they sinned it was changed to .AVaz', and when they changed
their ways in the days of Ezra it was changed* [back again] to the
Assyrian script. As it is said : ' Turn you to the stronghold
ye prisoners of hope: even to day do I declare that I will
render double (see note on p. 282) unto thee' (Zech. ix. 11).
Why is it called Assyrian (ashshurith}1 Because it is straight
(m^ushshar) in writing 4 . R. Simeon ben Eleazar says in the name
of R. Eleazar ben Parta, who says in the name of Eleazar of
Modin 5 : This writing has not been changed at all, for it is said:
'The hooks 6 of the pillars' (Exod. xxvii. 10); as the pillars have
not been changed, neither have the hooks been changed. And
[the scripture] says: 'And to the Jews according to their writing,
and according to their language' (Esther viii. 9); as their language
has not changed, neither has their writing been changed.
Three different opinions are recorded in these extracts with
reference to the change of script :
(1) That there was no change.
(Eleazar of Modin, c. 130 A.D.)
(2) That there was one change from the old Hebrew to the
square, or Assyrian.
(Mar Uki>a of the third, or
Mar Zutra of the fifth, century A.D.)
1 R. Jehuda is generally so called, without mention of name, in the
Talmud.
* For the meaning of this word, the exact vocalization of which is
uncertain, the Rabbinic Lexicons must be consulted. The word is
sometimes read Da'a*. It is a name for the old Hebrew character.
1 A play on another word meaning to turn or change.
4 A fanciful etymology for ' Assyrian,' deriving it from "IC'K to make
fit.
1 In the fir>t part of the and century A.D.
The Heb. word for ' hooks * is the same as for the letter '
and the passage is interpreted as meaning that the letter ' Wau ' in the
Heb. script had not been changed.
284 APPENDIX VIII
(3) That there were two changes, from the square to the
old Hebrew, and back again to the square.
(R. Jehuda, at the end of the second century A.D.)
Two teachers agree in assigning a change to the time of
Ezra ; but in the first extract (above p. 280) R. Eliezer (first
century A.D.) attributes the change to a prophet who came back
before the Temple was rebuilt.
From the variety of opinion here expressed by teachers from
the first to the fifth century A.D., it seems clear that they
possessed no trustworthy historical tradition about the change of
script, and that the tradition assigning it to Ezra is later than
the first century A.D. The same inference may be drawn from
the manner in which these Rabbis support their statements.
They appeal to Scripture. In one case, that of R. Simeon,
reference is made to the teaching of a former generation. His
words are based on those of Eleazar of Modin, an authority in
the early part of the second century. In the other passages no
such claim is made. Now when a Rabbinic teacher advances
an opinion, and bases it upon Scriptural references, he is not
recording a tradition, but expressing an opinion, and the value of
his opinion is exactly equal to the value of the argument founded
on the passages of Scripture which are quoted. The arguments
based on the quotations in the second extract (there are no
quotations in the first extract) are ingenious, but of no value.
They are interesting as specimens of that haggadic treatment of
Scripture which is characteristic of Rabbinical exegesis; but
they prove nothing. The first four passages cited by R. Jose
(Exod. xix. 3; Ezr. vii. 6, 10; Deut. iv. 14) shew a verbal
similarity between Ezra's work and that of Moses, and may be
taken as confirming the estimate of Ezra expressed in the para-
graph immediately preceding them. But they say absolutely
nothing about Ezra having altered the character in which the
law was written. The next three passages (Ezra iv. 7, Dan.
v. 8, Deut. xvii. 18) have no connexion with Ezra at all ; and
can only be supposed to refer to a change of script, either
APPENDIX VIII 285
arbitrarily, (Dan. v. 8) or (Ezra iv. 7, Deut. xvii. 18) by a most
fanciful play upon words (see note I on p. 282, and the remarks
in the following paragraphs). The same may be said of the
remaining two quotations (Zech. ix. 12; Exod. xxvii. 10).
The reader may have already noticed that the Scripture
quotations when rendered literally 1 have no direct bearing on
the point under discussion. But in each passage there are some
words which, by being derived from a different Heb. root, may
be understood to express the idea of change. When the reader
understands this, he will realize why the passages have been
quoted.
In Ezra iv. 7 the word for * letter' nishttwan, which is really
a Persian word, suggested the Heb. word nishtannah ' was
changed'; and hence the passage was supposed (quite wrongly)
to refer to a change of script ! After this, it is hardly worth
pointing out that the verse occurs in the account of an incident
with which Ezra had no connexion.
The Heb. word mishneh, which occurs in Deut. xvii. 18 and
Zech. ix. 12, has, by a similar play upon words, been explained
as conveying the idea of * change.' An ancient Rabbinic com-
mentary on Num. and Deut. called Sifre says on Deut. xvii. 18 :
* Why is the expression " mishneh of the law " used ? Because
it was destined to be changed (Jiishtannoth)? There was a
tradition that the expression *a copy (mishneh) of this law'
contained a hint that the script of the law would be changed,
and this is the reason why the passages from Drut. and Zech.
are cited here.
None of these proposals can be accepted even as possible
till less can they be preferred to the literal
renderings of the English versions. They were prompted by
an exuberant fancy which regarded Scripture as a mirror in
which all possible forms of thought were reflected ; reverence
for their Bible led the J< to find in it reasons for
1 The R.V. renderings of these passages have lx.cn given ; and thcie
can be no doubt that they are accurate ti
286 APPENDIX VIII
all their beliefs; but their quotations of Scripture must be
regarded as reminders of accepted facts or proposed opinions,
rather than proofs. They have no argumentative value, and
cannot be accepted as establishing a conclusion.
This discussion on the change of script has been put before
the reader in full, as it occurs in the Talmud, in order that he
may form his own estimate of its value. Extracts from this
discussion are often given in text-books and introductions, and
especially the portion which refers to Ezra. When that portion
is read apart from its context, an impression may be produced
that there is some basis for the statement ; but when the whole
discussion has been considered, its unhistoric character plainly
appears. More than six centuries after the Return, a statement
is made concerning Ezra, which is based only on haggadic
treatment of Scripture ; and in the century before that statement
is made, a Rabbinic teacher of high repute gives a different
version of the story, which practically contradicts it The
inference is obvious : in the first century A.D. the Ezra legend
had not come to the birth.
On general grounds the story is in the highest degree
improbable. The modern student who can now trace the
development of different alphabets through the centuries knows
that a change of script is not the work of one man. A short
study of the tables referred to on p. 278 is sufficient to establish
the fact that the change in Semitic writing was gradual. An
alphabet is not like a dynasty, it cannot be overthrown in a
single battle.
The story of Ezra and the change of script cannot then be
accepted as historical because :
(1) the patristic testimony is entirely dependent on Jewish
sources ;
(2) the earliest mention of Ezra in connexion with this
change is 600 years after his time ;
(3) in the earliest form of the tradition, the change is not
ascribed to Ezra, and the different versions of the story do not
agree together ;
APPENDIX VIII 287
(4) it is in the highest degree improbable that a change of
script was imposed by authority, and at a specific time. Nothing
short of the clearest historical evidence could make such a
statement credible ;
(5) the arguments adduced in support of the change are
verbal, and of no value *.
The Jews after the Return probably continued to use the
script which they took with them into captivity. An Aramaic
atmosphere surrounded them from the time they set foot again
in their native land ; under its influence they were led gradually
to adopt the language of their neighbours, as well as their mode
of writing*.
The bearing of this discussion on Pentateuch criticism will
appear from what follows.
When, in the early part of the seventeenth century, copies
of the Samaritan Pentateuch written in the old Hebrew
characters were first brought to Europe, attention was again
drawn to the fact that the Jews had, at some time in the past,
changed their style of writing. In reliance on the patristic
testimony referred to on p. 280 it was assumed that this change
had been introduced by Ezra; and that from and after the
Return, the text of the Pentateuch had been continuously
written in the square character. This reading of past history
influenced the judgement passed on the newly discovered MSS.
As they were written in the old script, it was assumed that
they were based on copies made before the script was altered.
Such copies would have been preserved, not by the Jewish
1 They have been laid before the reader in the preceding pages.
* 'Do not for a moment suppose that the Jews lost the use of
Hebrew in the li.il,} Ionian captivity, and brought back with them into
ine this so-called Chaldee. The Aramcan dialect, which
gradually got the upper hand since the fourth or fifth century B.C.,
did not come that long journey across the Syrian divert ; it was there,
on the spot; and it ended by taking possession of the field* (Wright,
Compar. Grammar of the Semitic Languages^ p. 1 6). May this caution
be applied to the script as well a.s to the language?
288 APPENDIX VIII
community, but by the Samaritans. Hence the conclusion was
drawn, that in the Samaritan Pentateuch a new and independent
witness to the state of the text before the exile had been found.
At that time the difference between pre-exilic and post-exilic
evidence for the text had no special significance : the existence
of the Pentateuch in its present form before the captivity, and
even earlier, in the days of the northern kingdom, had not been
seriously questioned. When Pentateuch criticism reached the
'historical 1 ' stage of its development, and the Priestly code in
its present form was assigned to a period after the Return,
it became of primary importance to bring forward, if possible,
some witness to the existence of that code before the exile. It
was maintained with confidence, that the Samaritan Pentateuch
was the witness required, and that it afforded a convincing proof
that a post-exilic date for the Priestly code was impossible.
Now it must be noted that it was not the Samaritan Penta-
teuch itself, but that estimate of the Samaritan Pentateuch
which had been founded on the story that Ezra had changed the
script, which afforded this so-called proof. That story has
been examined by the rigorous methods of modern historical
research, and shewn to be in the highest degree improbable,
and to rest on no solid foundation. The Samaritan Pentateuch
thus offers no contradiction to the assured results of criticism.
The contradiction arises when legend is accepted as history ;
and the idea that a pre-exilic text of the Pentateuch lies at the
base of the Samaritan copies is due to a simple misapprehen-
sion of the facts.
But some are of opinion that, if the Ezra legend be given up
as unhistorical, the enmity between the Jews and Samaritans
would have prevented the latter from accepting additions to the
Pentateuch introduced by Jewish scribes. This argument is
like the previous one : it does not rest on the Samaritan Penta-
teuch itself, but on a particular view of the post-exilic history.
The first argument assumed too early a date for the change of
1 See pp. 34, 39.
APPENDIX VIII 289
script ; this argument assumes too early a date for the com-
mencement of the Samaritan schism, and treats it as operative
from and after the Return.
The schism which is commonly called Samaritan, was in
reality not Samaritan, but Jewish. It was not a separation
between Jews and Samaritans, but between certain seceding
Jews and the rest of their brethren in Judah. For these
seceding Jews the Samaritan governor built a temple on
Mt Gerizim, which became a centre for the descendants of
these Jews, and for those inhabitants of Samaria who joined
with them in worship. Nehemiah (432 B.C., or somewhat later)
refers to the incident which caused the schism in these words :
And one of the sons of Joiada, the son of Eliashib the high
priest, was son in law to Sanballat the Horonite: therefore I
chased him from me (Neh. xiii. 28).
A grandson of the high priest had married the daughter of
the Samaritan governor. Though mixed marriages had been
forbidden both by Ezra and Nehemiah, many of the Jews had
taken wives from among their neighbours. But the contracting
parties in this marriage were of such high rank, that some
official protest was necessary. Ezekiel's regulations required
all priests to take wives from the seed of Israel (Ezek. xliv. 22);
and this grandson of the high priest, a possible successor in the
high priestly office, was bound to 'take a virgin of his own
people to wife' (Lev. xxi. 14). Such was the law which had
recently been accepted by the Jewish community (see p. 172).
Nehemiah's words ' I chased him from me' probably mean that
the offending priest had been forbidden to serve at the altar,
and 'separated from the congregation' (Ezr. x. 8).
The Biblical account stops here, but the sequel may be
inferred from the narrative in Josephus, the substance of which
is as follows :
Sanballat gave his daughter, whose name was Niraso, in
marriage to Manasseh [the brother of JacMua (Nth. xii. n, 11)
a contemporary of Alexander the Great, 333 B.C.]. The Jews com-
C.P. I 9
290 APPENDIX VIII
manded Manasseh to divorce his wife, or not to approach the altar.
Manasseh consulted his father in law Sanballat, who promised
to build him a temple, to procure for him the dignity of a high
priest, and to make him governor of all the places he [Sanballat]
ruled, if he would keep his daughter for his wife. But there was
now a great disturbance among the people of Jerusalem, because
many of the priests and Levites were entangled in such matches ;
for they all revolted to Manasseh, and Sanballat gave them money,
and land for tillage, and habitations. Sanballat afterwards obtained
leave from Alexander to build a temple, and died shortly after its
completion. (Jos. Ant. xi. 7. 2; 8. 2).
Josephus also says (xi. 8. 7) :
If any one were accused by those of Jerusalem of having eaten
things common, or of having broken the Sabbath, or of any other
crime of the like nature, he fled away to the Shechemites, and said
that he was accused unjustly.
It is generally admitted that the story in Josephus has a
basis of fact, and that it is a probable continuation of the brief
account in Neh. xiii. 28. But its chronology is confused: in
making the schismatical priest a brother of Jaddua, and a con-
temporary of Alexander, it overlooks the fact that a century
intervened between Sanballat and the commencement of the
Greek Supremacy. Josephus here follows the Jewish tradition,
which looks on the period from Nehemiah to Alexander as much
shorter than it really was, and takes no notice of the Persian
kings immediately before the last Darius, who was conquered
by Alexander the Great 1 .
1 According to Josephus, the priest's name was Manasseh; according
to Neh. xiii. 28 he was a grandson of Eliashib (a contemporary of
Nehemiah (Neh. iii. i), 444 B.C.). Tradition may have preserved his
name correctly; but it is also possible that Jewish enmity may have
assigned to this setter up of a schismatical worship the name of the
infamous king of Judah, who brought destruction on Jerusalem by
making Judah to sin with his idols (2 Kings xxi. 10 16). The change
of Moses to Manasseh in Judg. xviii. 30 may have been prompted by
the same feeling (see p. 159, note).
APPENDIX VIII 291
The mention of Sanballat by Josephus connects part of his
account with the time of Nehemiah's second visit, which was in
432 B.c. Nothing is said about the duration of this visit: it
may have lasted some time, and the events of Neh. xiii. 1031
may have been spread over several years. The Elephantine
papyri shew that in 407 B.C. Nehemiah was either dead or had
been recalled; for a Persian, Bagohi by name (Bagoses in
Josephus), was then governor. The expulsion of Manasseh had
by that time been effected ; but Sanballat was still alive, though
probably of great age, and the temple on Mt Gerizim may
have been built about this time 1 . Some are of opinion that
Josephus, in stating that the temple was built in Alexander's
time, is following a trustworthy tradition, but that he confuses
this event with others that occurred at an earlier date. But
whether the temple was built c. 407 B.c, or c. 332 B.C, the
schism was consummated after the law was accepted by the
congregation in Jerusalem. Whether this acceptance was in
444 B.C., the date usually given, or, as some critics prefer, at the
time of Nehemiah's second visit in 432 B.C., the secession of
discontented Jews took place after the events recorded in Neh.
viii. x.
The account in Josephus confirms what seems in itself highly
probable, and may be inferred from the narrative in Ezra and
Nehemiah, viz. that the enforcement of stringent rules against
mixed marriages, and the policy of isolating the Jews from the
surrounding peoples, met with determined opposition from an
influential section of the community in Jerusalem.
The account in Ezra ix. I, 2, shews that the priests and
Levitcs had taken foreign wives, and that the 'hand of the
princes and rulers ' had * been chief in this trespass' ; from x. 18
it appears that four of the high-priestly family, and from iru. 6 8
that others who had returned from captivity, were implicated.
1 The statement of Josephus that Sanballat died shortly after the
temple on Mt Gerizim was completed may be taken as supporting this
view.
19-2
292 APPENDIX VIII
It is certain that this interference with the domestic life of all
classes must have caused much ill feeling. The abrupt ending
of the book of Ezra seems to shew that the whole story has not
been told. Possibly the opposition to Ezra's proposals was so
strong that he was obliged to forego further action, and trust
that his remonstrance might prevent such marriages in the
future. It has also been inferred from the terms of the covenant
in Neh. x. 30, where a solemn oath was taken not to give in
marriage their sons and daughters to the peoples of the land,
that even then it was not considered prudent to enforce in all
cases the putting away of foreign wives. But, besides these
possibilities, there is clear evidence that the attempt to prevent
mixed marriages was not altogether successful ; for on his
second visit in 432 B.C. Nehemiah found Jews who had married
foreign wives, and their children ' could not speak in the Jews'
language' (Neh. xiii. 24).
It also appears from Neh. vi. 17 19 that the nobles of
Judah were secret, if not open, opponents of Nehemiah. ' They
sent many letters unto Tobiah, and the letters of Tobiah came
unto them' (v. 17). The full significance of this fact is not
generally appreciated. One of Nehemiah's chief opponents,
an Ammonite, was allied to Eliashib the high priest, who provided
him with a great chamber in the courts of the house of God
(Neh. xiii. 5, 7). This man of alien race had married a daughter
of Shecaniah, and his son had taken the daughter of Meshullam
to wife (v. 1 8). He was thus doubly connected by marriage with
the community in Jerusalem, was on terms of intimacy with
many of them, and apparently aided them in their opposition to
Nehemiah. The Biblical account confirms the statement of
Josephus, * There was now a great disturbance among the
people of Jerusalem ' (Ant. xi. 7. 2 quoted above).
The nobles and many of the priests were at variance with
Nehemiah, but chiefly on social grounds. They wished to
remain in friendly relations with their neighbours ; Nehemiah
aimed at isolating them from the surrounding nations, in order
that they might develope as a religious community on the lines
APPENDIX VIII 293
that had been elaborated by Ezekiel and the men of his school
during the captivity. A rupture seemed imminent, and the
expulsion of Eliashib's grandson gave the malcontents their
opportunity. Under a direct descendant 1 of the high priest,
they secured a priesthood, the validity of which none could
impugn, and a sanctuary was provided by Sanballat's munifi-
cence. The seceding Jews would not wish to magnify the
points of difference between themselves and their brethren that
remained at Jerusalem; they would justify their action by
representing that Nehemiah was insisting on matters which
seemed to them of minor importance. They would take with
them copies of the Pentateuch, as it had already been received
by them when Ezra * brought the law before the congregation'
(Neh. viii. 2).
The question here under discussion is whether the history
of the Samaritan Pentateuch affords any evidence that the
Torah existed in its present form (or approximately so) before
the time of Nehemiah. The account of the Samaritan schism
given above shews that it does not. What the exact date of
the text may be, to which the Samaritan Pentateuch bears
witness, is a question of textual criticism which need not be
discussed here. Two facts, however, may be noted, which,
taken together, seem to furnish positive evidence that the copies
of the Samaritan Pentateuch represent a text of later date than
that of Nehemiah, or of the present Massoretic text.
(1) The characters in which the Samaritan Pentateuch is
written are a late modification of the old Hebrew writing
(Stade, Hcbraische Grammatik, p. 26, Ryle, Can. of O.T.*,
pp. 101 f., Wright, Comparative Grammar of the Semitic
uages, p. 39). An inspection of the tables mentioned on
p. 278 will shew this. Hence the Samaritan MSS. may be derived
from copies which were made much later than Nehemiah's time.
(2) Many of the variations between the Samaritan and
1 If he was the eldest son of JuiuJu, his title to the hi-h priesthood
would have beea unimpeachable.
294 APPENDIX VIII
Hebrew texts establish conclusively the priority of the Masso-
retic recension. The Samaritan text is intelligible as a correction
of the Hebrew ; very few, if any, instances of the reverse process
can be found. Unusual forms and words in the Hebrew text
are replaced by more common expressions ; the use of Nin for
both genders of the pronoun (see p. 226) has been corrected in
the Samaritan text; in Gen. xxxi. 28, Exod. xviii. 18, ii. 4,
Gen. xlvi. 3 the abnormal infinitives of the Hebrew text have
been replaced by the commoner forms in the Samaritan. For
further examples see Art. Samaritan Pentateuch in Smith's
Diet of the Bible, Hastings' DB, extra vol., pp. 68 f., Gesenius,
de Pentateuchi Samar. origine...i%is, S. Kohn, de Pent. Samar.
1865, Barges, Notice sur deux fragments d'un Pentateuque
Htbreu-Samaritain, 1865.
It may be added that in recent times the existence of the
Samaritan Pentateuch has seldom been brought forward as
an argument against critical methods and their results. See
DB, extra vol., p. 69 a.
Most readers of the Bible understand the term 'Samaritans'
in its N.T. sense, as the name of a religious sect, at variance
with the Jews, who maintained that Mt Gerizim was the place
where men ought to worship (John iv. 20). In the books of
Ezra and Nehemiah frequent reference is made to the adver-
saries of the Jews, who hindered them in the rebuilding of the
Temple, and of the walls. These adversaries are often referred
to in commentaries and other works as 'Samaritans.' If the
student of this period takes this term in its N.T. sense, he will
form a false estimate of the relations between the Jews and
their neighbours after the Return. Some, perhaps many, of the
inhabitants of Samaria were jealous of the southern community,
and hindered them 'by force and power' from strengthening
their position. But their opposition was secular and political,
rather than religious : as a religious sect the ' Samaritans '
were not yet in existence. It is probable that a considerable
number of northern Israelites sympathized with the Jews in the
APPENDIX VIII 295
work of rebuilding their Temple, and maintained their ground
against the semi-heathen cults of their neighbours through
friendly spiritual intercourse with their brethren in Judah. The
grounds for this opinion are set forth in the following note.
NOTE ON THE SITUATION IN PALESTINE DURING
AND AFTER THE EXILE.
The principal passage in the Old Testament which refers to the
inhabitants of the northern kingdom after the fall of Samaria, and the
only one where the Samaritans are mentioned by name, is 2 Kings xvii.
20 41.
Though it is said in v. 23, ' Israel was carried away out of their own
land to Assyria,' it must not be inferred that the deportation of the
northern tribes was compute. When Nebuchadnezzar carried away the
people of Judah, it is expressly said that some remained in the land
(2 Kings xxv. 12, 22). This is not said of Israel in 2 Kings xvii. ; but
there can be no doubt that, in the north as well as in the south, a
remnant was left behind 1 . The monumental evidence is decisive*; it
states the number of the captives as 27,290. The population of
Samaria and the neighbourhood far exceeded this number*, so that in
fact the greater part of the inhabitants were left behind.
1 See 2 Kings xxiii. 1520, and 2 Chron. xxx. Although the
historical value of these passages has been questioned, they may be
referred to as embodying a tradition that Israelites remained in the
northern kingdom after its fall, and that, of this remnant, some were
responsive to the zeal of southern reformers.
* The inscriptions are given with a translation in Schradcr,
(form Inscriptions and the O.T.* (Eng. trans.), vol. I. pp. 264,
266. In Enc. Bibl.) Art Samaritans, and other places the number in
the text is given. Schroder 1
* The male pop N.iblus aod the neighbourhood in 1874
exceeded 55,000. Baedeker, Falaestina und Syrien, 1875, p. 89. It
pmbable that the country was at least as thickly populated when
.i was taken, as it is now under Turkish rule.
296 APPENDIX VIII
In the same passage it is said (v. 24) that men were sent from
different places to the cities of Samaria to take the place of the Israelite
captives. This furnishes indirect evidence of that partial depopulation
indicated in the inscriptions. The children of Israel were carried away
from the cities', the villages and the country were left alone. In the
cities the new occupants practised the semi-heathen cults which are
described (v. 33) in the words 'They feared the LORD, and served
their own gods.' This impure worship would spread in the neighbour-
hood of these cities, and intermarriage with these heathen immigrants
would cause some of the Israelite population to adopt it. But it may
be assumed that among those left in the land, a remnant remained
faithful to the LORD God of Israel. The teaching of the northern
prophets was not wholly forgotten, and, as in the days of Ahab and
Jezebel, so then there were those who refused to bow the knee to the
foreign gods that were worshipped in their midst. Josiah's reform
probably elevated the standard of their religious life, and they may
have felt the influence of the prophetic teaching in Judah.
The fall of Jerusalem and the destruction of the Temple would to a
great extent remove the jealousy between north and south: a like
visitation had befallen both ; as brethren in misfortune, they were
inclined to become brethren in worship. That some of the northern
nation felt the attraction of Jerusalem as a centre of worship is clear
from Jer. xli. 5 : fourscore men came from Shechem, Shiloh, and
Samaria to bring oblations to the house of the LORD. It may be
assumed with some confidence that this one recorded visit was followed
by others paid by the men of the northern kingdom to Jerusalem in the
days of her humiliation. The site of the ruined Temple was an
occasional meeting- place for Israel and Judah during the exile; the
remnant in both countries would feel a common danger from the
idolatry which surrounded them. Thus during the captivity, the ties
between those who feared God in north and south would become
strengthened. When the Jews came back from Babylon, they found a
religious community established in Jerusalem, and, as joint worshippers
with them, that portion of the northern kingdom which had held aloof
from the semi-heathen cults described in i Kings xvii.
To speak of these Israelites as Samaritans is misleading: in a
geographical sense only can they be so named, because they inhabited
the district of Samaria. In religion they were in agreement with the
remnant of Judah. To what extent they shared a common worship
APPENDIX VIII 297
must be matter of conjecture, but those who had gathered with Judah
on the site of the ruined Temple would be willing to help when the time
came for the LORD'S house to be built. The Babylonian Jews wished
to exclude these Israelites from joining in the work: the 'children of
the captivity* (Ezr. iv. i), with their strict views of preserving the holy
seed and a pure worship, regarded these Israelites as defiled by contact
with their heathen neighbours, and refused their proffered help. Some
such refusal seems to be recorded in Ezr. iv. i 4; the account, how-
ever, is due to the Chronicler, who wrote some time after the event,
when the Samaritan schism had been consummated, and reflects the
opinion of his own time concerning those who had separated themselves
from the worship at Jerusalem. It has already been shewn that the
inhabitants of the north were a mixed race, varying from pure Israelite
to pure heathen, with many intermediate grades. Is it at all likely
(i) that those among them who would describe themselves as of heathen
descent would wish to assist in building the Temple, or (i) that those
who had Israelite blood in their veins would represent themselves as
the offspring of the heathen immigrants 1 ? The words of the request in
Ezr. iv. i are those of a writer in whose eyes the northern people were
semi-heathen, as they are regarded in i Kings xvii. Such a view seems
to be that of a later age, when the alienation between Jew and
Samaritan was complete. The opposition described in Ezra iv. 4 f. is
attributed to ' the people of the land ' : this expression should not be
taken as including those who were willing to assist in rebuilding the
Temple. The seeds of dissent may have been sown by the refusal of
the Jewish leaders to allow any but themselves to take part in the
work; but it is not necessary to assume that any definite rupture
between the northern and southern followers of Jehovah took place
before the final s
L the view of the situation here indicated be considered
probable 1 , there was little if any antagonism of a religious
1 See K/ra iv. a, where ' brought us up hither ' means, coloni/cd us
in Sam
1 The alternatives seem to be (i) a pessimistic view of the spiritual
condition of the northern kingdom which would regard the people as
t entirely given up to semi-heathen forms of religion, or (i) the
view adopted bjr some recent critic* who question tl. iy of
298 APPENDIX VIII
character between Judah and the faithful remnant in the
northern kingdom. When the law which was brought before
the congregation by Ezra (Neh. viii.) was received in Judah, it
would also be accepted by their like-minded brethren in Samaria.
One element of the critical position is that additional legislation
was introduced after the Return; and there is nothing in the
history of the northern kingdom during this period which
weakens the arguments which have already been advanced
under Proposition 3.
One more point may be noted :
Josephus (Ant. xi. 8. 7, quoted p. 290) says that the centre of
worship established at Gerizim became a refuge for Jews who
found the standard of the community in Judah too severe. It
does not seem improbable that, in order to attract such waverers,
the authorities at Shechem might, for a time, keep their copy of
the Law identical with that at Jerusalem. Some of the portions
of the Priestly code which critics consider as secondary strata
affect the position of the priests and their dues, and, as the
copies of the Law were at first kept by the priests, they would
not be averse to accepting such additions. The variations
between the LXX. and Massoretic text in Exod. xxxv. xl. make
it probable that these chapters had not assumed their final form
when the LXX. translation was made 1 . The Samaritan version
of these chapters agrees in the main with the Hebrew. This
seems to indicate that the Samaritan text was influenced by the
Hebrew as late as the third century B.C. If so, the supposed
much that is recorded in Ezra Nehemiah. With the first alternative,
the preservation of trustworthy pre-exilic records seems doubtful;
the second alternative leaves little room for more than conjecture.
1 See Kuenen, Hex., p. 73 and 6. 15, M c Neile, Exodus, pp. 224
226, and Swete, Introd. to O.T. in Greek, pp. 235 f. It is, however,
possible that the LXX. translation was made from copies of the
Pentateuch which had been for some time in Egypt. Such copies
would represent an earlier stage of the text, before the final additions
to the Palestinian Pentateuch had been made.
APPENDIX VIII 299
testimony of the Samaritan Pentateuch against critical views
vanishes altogether 1 .
1 Besides the works already referred to in the text, the reader may
consult Enc. Bibl., Art. Samaritans, IV. pp. 4256 ff., Montgomery, The
Samaritans, which contains a very full bibliography of the subject,
Prof. Kennett, Cambridge Biblical Essays, No. 4, History of the Jewish
Church from Nebuchadnezzar to Alexander the Great, Bertholet, Esra
und Nehemia, and Die Stellung dcr hraelitett und der Judtn zu den
Frftnden, and Meyer, Die Entstehung des Judenthums. As repre-
tenting the recent severe criticism referred to, F.nc. Bibl , Art. Ezra
Nehemiah, II. pp. 147 8 ft*., and Toriey, z;a S/ua'its (iyio), may be
consulted.
APPENDIX IX.
THE CHRISTOLOGICAL ARGUMENT.
It is well known that at the time of the Christian era, the
five books of the Law were regarded as the work of Moses.
The Gospels contain passages in which our Lord is represented
as adopting the current view, and quoting parts of the Penta-
teuch as written by Moses. It is held by many that His words
must be regarded as an authoritative decision on the author-
ship of the Pentateuch.
Now before considering this claim, it should be noted that
it is not put forward as an answer to the critical argument.
In effect, it asserts that, whatever arguments are brought
forward, however numerous and cogent they may be, it is
unnecessary to enter into discussion ; argument is superfluous,
because the point at issue has been decided by authority. A
preliminary objection to the exercise of criticism is made : it is
therefore necessary to enquire whether the appeal to authority
is justified, and the objection can be maintained.
The date and authorship of the Pentateuch can be investi-
gated by the same historical and critical methods as those which
have been applied to other books of the Bible, and to various
ancient writings. The question whether Moses wrote the
Pentateuch or not is surely one of historical fact ; it is difficult
to see wherein it differs from other literary questions such as
those referred to in Part I. 3, pp. 20, 21. Facts, and inferences
APPENDIX IX 301
drawn from them, are the determining elements in all suth
investigations, and the appeal is to the reasoning faculty.
Where such an appeal can be made, it does not seem necessary
or probable that authority should intervene, and limit the
exercise of man's reasoning power.
A similar claim has more than once been made, with a view
to set aside the results of scientific investigation. A few cen-
turies ago the authority of Scripture was invoked against the
theory that the earth moves round the sun ; and during the past
century, the first chapter of Genesis was often quoted as a
conclusive answer to the theories of geologists as to the anti-
quity of the earth. It is now generally allowed that such
appeals to authority rest upon a mistaken view as to the purpose
and limits of revealed truth. Where, from the nature of the
case, it is possible to proceed by observation and argument,
there is no ground for supposing that authority will intervene
with a revelation. A virtual assertion which could not be
challenged, relating to the authorship of the Pentateuch,
would be in effect a revelation. If such intervention is not
to be expected in the case of an astronomical or geological
problem, why should it be expected in the case of a literary
problem ?
On general grounds, and on the experience gained from the
abandonment of previous appeals to Scripture as an authority,
it does not seem reasonable to appeal to the New Testament
for the solution of literary problems connected with the Old
Testament
The question to be considered may be stated as follows :
Does our Lord^ in referring to the Pentateuch^ intend to
speak with authority in respect of its authorship f
Are His words, recorded in the Gospels, to be interpreted as
:.ing to teach His own and succeeding generations that
ies wrote the books of the Law ? It has already been shewn
that there is an antecedent improbability that our Lord would
intervene with a revelation about authorship; and an examina-
3 o2 APPENDIX IX
tion of the discourses recorded in the Gospels tends to increase
this improbability. These discourses seem to shew a reserve
in communicating general knowledge. Weather forecasts are
referred to with 'ye say, it will be fair weather' (Matt. xvi. 2).
The knowledge already possessed by the people is made the
vehicle of instruction ; facts are not supplied, but inferences
are suggested from those already known. The description of
the grain of mustard seed as the least of all seeds (Matt. xiii.
32) is popular, rather than scientific, but it is applied in a
parable to convey spiritual truth.
In matters of general knowledge our Lord spoke so as not
to come in conflict with the view prevalent among those of His
own generation, and it is difficult to see what other course was
open to Him. Take for example the particular case under
consideration. The Mosaic authorship of the Law was uni-
versally and without questioning accepted at the time of our
Lord's ministry. The idea of critically examining either docu-
ments or history was foreign to the minds of that generation.
The time was not yet come for such enquiries. Before audiences
such as those described in the Gospels, whether composed of
the common people or of the educated class, would it have been
in accordance with wisdom, either human or Divine, to say any
word with reference to the Scriptures which would impair His
influence over His own followers, and give occasion to His
adversaries for triumph?
Christ came with the message of Life eternal given Him by
the Father (Joh. xii. 49 f.) ; there was enough in His teaching to
arouse opposition, without introducing questions of authorship
and criticism. His words were as a winnowing fan which
separated the good seed from the husk. But both husk and
good seed were from the nation of the Jews : they regarded
every jot and tittle of the Law as given through Moses ; if He
had assigned Deuteronomy to another source, or called in
question the Davidic origin of a Psalm, is it not true that even
His own disciples would have gone back, and walked no more
with Him?
APPENDIX IX 303
It appears, then, that there are two good reasons for not
expecting to find in the N.T. any authoritative pronouncement
on literary problems connected with the O.T. :
(1) It is not in accordance with the principles (so far as we
are able to test them) of Divine action to disclose truths which
are discoverable by the human intellect ;
(2) Our Lord exercises reserve in communicating general
knowledge.
When the whole situation, as depicted in the Gospels, is
carefully considered, there is nothing in the record of our Lord's
words which may not be explained on the supposition that, in
matters not immediately connected with the message which He
received of the Father, His words were chosen, with true
wisdom, so as not to put a stumbling-block in the way of the
weak.
It is not necessary to discuss here the theological question
as to the limits (if any) of Christ's knowledge as Man. If the
principles of Divine action have been fairly stated here, then
anticipations of critical results are not to be expected in our
Lord's words, even though it be held that the whole course of
thought and speculation throughout the ages was present to His
Omniscient gaze. But it should be remembered that He Him-
self spoke of the limitation of His knowledge, and that in regard
to a matter intimately connected with His own work (Matt,
xxiv. 2f, Mk. xiii. 32) ; so that it cannot be irreverent to speak
of His knowledge as in some sense limited during His life on
earth.
i, who wish to pursue this subject further,
may consult Bp Gore's Bampton Lectures^ especially Lect. VI.,
on Man revealed in Christ. The bishop is of opinion 1 that the
truth of Christ's manhood, maintained with emphasis in early
1 See also Lect. IV., pp. 107 f. Similar opinions arc expressed in
some of Bp Kaye's notes on the four Orations of Athanasius a
the Arians, in his Account of the Council of Nicaa (1853), especially
those in which he refers to the annotations in the Oxford edition of
these orations (Library oftht Fathers, voL vxil. 1842-4).
304 APPENDIX IX
Christian controversies, has been obscured by the scholastic
and later dogmatic theologians. Another book which deserves
careful study is An inquiry into the Nature of Our Lords
Knowledge as Man, by the Rev. W. S. Swayne. The fact that
the Bishop of Salisbury assisted in its publication and intro-
duced it by a Preface, is a guarantee of thoroughness and
moderation. It has been noticed favourably in the Church
Quarterly Review, Oct. 1891, by a writer who contributes a
carefully reasoned statement of the question. More recently,
Dr M c Neile, Exodus, Introduction, pp. ix xi, and in his essay
on our Lord's use of the O.T. in Cambridge Biblical Essays^
pp. 249 f., offers some thoughtful remarks on the same subject.
These writers, though expressing themselves in different terms,
are in substantial agreement. In some manner, the Divine
Omniscience was held in abeyance, and not translated into the
sphere of human action.
APPENDIX X.
ARCHAEOLOGY AND CRITICISM.
Men of science may justly claim that in the nineteenth
century the bounds of knowledge were pushed forward, and
discoveries made of importance equal to those of any pre-
ceding era. But in literature the advance has been no less
marked. The patience and skill which have furnished the key
to the cuneiform inscriptions of Assyria and Babylon, and
deciphered the various scripts of ancient Egypt, are worthy of
comparison with the most brilliant scientific discoveries. Two
at least of the long lost languages of past civilization have been
recovered. They have been welcomed with an enthusiasm
such as that which stirred the students of the Renaissance
when the Greek exiles brought the knowledge of their language
to Western Europe. In both periods the enthusiasm was due
to religious feeling. The scripts which have been deciphered
are the work of nations that came in contact with the chosen
people. Little more than sixty years ago, the knowledge of
Assyria and Babylon was almost limited to that which could be
gathered from the Old Testament records. Now Tiglath-
pileser and Sennacherib tell their own story of conquest and
oppression ; Sargon, mentioned but once in the O.T., is known
lie spoiler of Samaria, and the king who carried Israel
away i aptive out of their land. Their inscriptions have been
read with interest, because fresh light has been thrown by
them on the pages of the Old nt ; just as in the days of
the Rena ;c revived study of Greek was welcomed as
a help to the better understanding of the New.
c. P. 20
306 APPENDIX X
The inscriptions at first deciphered were those of the kings
just mentioned ; they referred to events recorded in the books
of Kings, and supplied additional facts which threw much
light on the relations between Israel and Judah and the sur-
rounding nations. They also shewed that the chronology of
the period as given in the biblical record needed emendation
in some particulars 1 . Critics had pointed out that the chrono-
logical system was due to a compiler who edited the historical
documents, and that it formed no part of the original narrative;
and the inscriptions confirmed their conclusions. Archaeology
confirms the truth of the biblical statements respecting Tiglath
pileser, Sargon, and Sennacherib which no critic had chal-
lenged : it also confirms the critical view which distinguished
between the chronological and historical portions of the books.
The monumental evidence which illustrates either the
narrative or the codes of law contained in the Pentateuch
differs from that already mentioned in one most important
point. The inscriptions of Sargon and Sennacherib refer to
particular events in the history of Israel and Judah ; the
same persons are mentioned, the same events are recorded,
both on the monuments and in the Old Testament. Here two
independent witnesses agree together; and the monumental
evidence has contributed valuable material corroborating and
supplementing the biblical accounts. But the inscriptions, so
far as they have at present been deciphered, do not supply this
confirmatory kind of evidence for the earlier period. The Tel
el-Amarna tablets, and excavations in Palestine at Tel el-Hesy,
Gezer, and other places 2 illustrate the condition of Canaan
before the Hebrew occupation. No reference has, however,
been found to persons or events 3 mentioned in the Pentateuch.
1 See Driver, Isaiah, his Life and Times, pp. 35 f., and Enc. Brit.
(nth ed.), Art. BIBLE (O.T. Chronology).
2 For details see Driver, Auth. and ArchaeoL pp. 74, 75, and The
Schweich Lectures on Modern Research as illustrating the Bible (1908).
3 The Creation and Flood stories may be passed over for the
present; they will be noticed in a subsequent paragraph.
APPENDIX X 307
Abraham, Jacob, Joseph, and Moses are all closely connected
with Egypt in the biblical account ; but nothing has been found
on Egyptian monuments that directly concerns any of these
persons. One reference to Israel occurs on a monument 1
recounting the victories of Merenptah, 'Israel is desolated, its
seed (or fruit, i.e. its crops) is not.' But, as Dr Orr says (Prob.
of O.T. t p. 421), 'the inscription created more difficulties
than it removed.' The reader may consult Driver, Auth. and
Archaeol.j pp. 62 ff., for various suggested explanations 2 .
It appears then, that the monuments do not supply the same
kind of information with reference to the patriarchal times and
the Exodus, as that which they supply with reference to the
period of the kingdoms. They furnish interesting illustrations
of t'ie manners and customs of the times to which the events
recorded in the Pentateuch are assigned 3 : they do not lift the
events themselves to the level of history by witnessing to their
occurrence.
The explorer, whether on the banks of the Euphrates or the
Nile, in excavating the remains of one period, has found traces
of a still earlier civilization. Both in Assyria 4 and Egypt 6 , monu-
ments and tombs of a greater antiquity than the 5th millennium
B.C. have been found, and these monuments afford evidence that
the world was not young when they were raised. Archaeology
calls in question the chronology of the Pentateuch, as well as
that of the books of Kings ; and criticism again shews that the
1 Discovered by Flinders Petrie in 1896.
a Whether the Aperu of certain Egyptian inscriptions are the
is still an unsettled point. The opinion that they arc, which
hud fallen into disfavour, has recently been revived : see Diiver,
Exodus, pp. xli f.
' Life in the East changes very slowly : it must be remembered that
inodirn travellers also furnish interest ing illustrations of ancient customs.
4 Hilprecht, Explorations in BibU Lands during the iqth Century,
utions at Nuffar, pp. 289 568.
6 Ibid., pp. 676681.
202
3o8 APPENDIX X
source which contains this chronology is later than that from
which the main portion of the narrative is drawn.
The question of interest to the Biblical .student is :
Do these archaeological discoveries of the i()th century -, and
especially of the last thirty years ; affect the conclusions of criticism
with reference to the date and atithorship of the Pentateuch 1 ?
The answer to this question is in the negative. It has often
been said that archaeological discoveries have proved the con-
clusions reached by critics to be untenable, but when the evidence
brought forward in support of this general statement is examined
in detail, it is found to be either irrelevant, or insufficient.
Archaeologists often misapprehend the arguments used by
critics : they consequently refute arguments which critics do
not use, leaving untouched the much stronger arguments which
they do use. Examples of this will appear in the sequel. It
must also be remembered that when an inscription has been
deciphered, other persons may be quite as well able as archaeo-
logists to form an opinion respecting the historical inferences
which may be legitimately drawn from it. For examples of
inferences that are not legitimate see G. B. Gray, Expositor,
May, 1898, pp. 340 ff.
Comparison is drawn between the objective facts recorded
on the monuments, and the subjective theories of literary
analysis. The suggested inference is obvious ; but it will be
seen on examination that questionable and even illogical
inferences may be drawn from monumental facts, and that the
so-called critical fancies rest on a solid basis of objective facts.
A few remarks on some recent archaeological discoveries are
added by way of illustrating the foregoing statements.
1 The question may be stated so as to include criticism of the O.T.
generally; here it must be limited, as in the text, to the Pentateuch.
APPENDIX X 309
The Tel el-Amarna Tablets.
These tablets were discovered in 1887 on the eastern bank
of the Nile, about 170 miles S. of Cairo 1 . The letters and
documents on these tablets are written in the cuneiform cha-
racter; and they shew that, before the children of Israel settled
in Canaan, the cuneiform script of Babylonia and its language
were used in Palestine, and also by the Egyptians in their
correspondence with their Asiatic dependencies. This discovery,
it was asserted, overthrew the conclusions of criticism, which
were based on an assumption that the art of writing was of
later date than the time of Moses. Modern critics do not rest
their arguments on any assumption about the qualifications of
Moses as a scribe. They are aware that at the time of Moses'
birth writing was freely practised in Egypt, and that the country
to which he led the Israelites held communication with its
neighbours in the Babylonian script. Moses could\\&\z written
a book as long as or longer than the Pentateuch. The question
of modern criticism is whether the internal evidence supplied
by the existing Pentateuch justifies the assumption that he did
write it. On this point archaeology has nothing to contribute
by way of either support or denial.
The Creation and Deluge Tablets.
The stories of the Creation and Deluge discovered by
George Smith and translated by him in 1876 in his Chalii
Genesis have perhaps attracted the attention of Bible readers
more than any other archaeological discovery. Interesting as
they are, they do not bear directly on the issues raised by I 1 .
teuch criticism. The enormous difference between the gross
polytheism of the Babylonian and the pure monotheism of the
Biblical story is evident, even on the most cursory inspection of
further information, reference may be made to Petrie, Egypt
and Syria from the Tel ('. 'utters (1898), Driver, Sfhweiih
Lectures, pp. 3* f., and C. J. Ball, Light from the East, pp. 86 f.
3io APPENDIX X
both accounts, and suggests a considerable interval of time
between them. The composite character of the Flood narrative
has been shewn on pp. 75 81 ; and an examination of the
Deluge tablets shews that both sources (J and P) exhibit
parallels with the Babylonian account. This seems to be
natural ; for, as the Tel el-Amarna tablets shew, Babylonian
influence in Palestine may be traced back to a period before
the Israelites took possession of the land. Dr Orr, Prob. of
the O.T., p. 405, is inclined to attach importance to this fact;
he says :
The parallel with the Babylonian story requires for its com-
pleteness both the Elohistic and the Jehovistic narratives in Genesis
a fact with important bearings on the critical analysis.
These important bearings are not specified ; he refers to
p. 348 where the same fact has been stated with illustrations :
Since the discovery of the Babylonian account of the deluge,
it is recognized that both writers drew from very old sources, and,
moreover, that it needs both J and P to yield the complete parallel
to the old Chaldean version. P, e.g., in Genesis gives the measure-
ments of the ark, but lacks the sending out of the birds an
essential feature in the Babylonian story. J has the birds, and
also the sacrifice of Noah, which P, again, wants.
All the incidents recorded only by J and only by P are
given in the examination of the Flood narrative already referred
to (see pp. 79, 80). There are four of each ; comparing them
with the passage just quoted, it will be seen that Dr Orr has
there produced all the evidence in favour of his statement
'that it needs both J and P to yield the complete parallel to the
old Chaldean version.' That evidence consists of three facts,
(1) P gives the measurements of the ark (not in J),
(2) J records the sending out of the birds (not in P),
(3) J records the sacrifice of Noah (not in P).
With respect to these facts it may be noted :
(i) P's measurements of the ark are entirely different from
APPENDIX X 311
those in the Babylonian account ; it is extremely doubtful
whether he is here influenced by that account. It has been
noticed as one of P's characteristics, that arithmetical details
are often supplied by him : he has done so on more than one
occasion in the course of this narrative (see Gen. vii. 20, and
the reff. on p. 79).
(2) J's account of the birds, though evidently derived (but
indirectly) from a Babylonian source, is very different from
\vhat is found there. Three birds are mentioned on the Deluge
tablets ; the dove, the swallow, and the raven. One of these is
omitted, and the order in which the other two are sent out is
changed. The argument amounts to nothing : it does not shew
that P, when complete, did not contain this incident : if it did,
is it likely that the compiler would have given an incident of
this kind in duplicate?
(3) A sufficient reason is given (p. 80) for the omission of
Noah's sacrifice by P.
With these explanations, it is difficult to see how the facts
to which Dr Orr directs attention have any bearing on the
literary criticism which endeavours to separate the accounts of
J and P. And he has not indicated the important bearings
which, in his opinion, these facts have on the critical analysis.
The third fact may be put aside ; it is satisfactorily accounted
for ; the others are so slight and uncertain that no inference
of any value can be based on them. Both J and P have pre-
served elements of the Babylonian legend : that two incidents
are not found in both is not surprising, seeing that both omit
much of the Babylonian version.
The argument which Prof. Sayce has drawn from a com-
parison of the Biblical and Babylonian accounts (EHH p. 120,
and elsewhere) must be stated in his own words. He observes
that the Babylonian poet agrees 'not with the Elohist or with
the Jahvist alone, but with the supposed combination of their
two documents as we now find it in the book of Genesis 1 . 1 Me
1 It may be noted that the Professor's observation resembles that
made by Dr Orr, which has ,a the text.
312 APPENDIX X
proceeds to argue : ' If the documentary hypothesis were right,
there would be only two ways of accounting for this fact.
Either the Babylonian poet had before him the present "re-
dacted "text of Genesis, or else the Elohist and Jahvist must
have copied the Babylonian story upon the mutual understanding
that the one should insert what the other omitted. There is no
third alternative.'
Now of the two alternatives here proposed, the first obviously
cannot be accepted. The Babylonian story is by common
consent older than the sources J and P, which have been com-
bined in the Biblical account. The second alternative may also
be dismissed. The two sources J and P are sufficiently remote
in origin to exclude the idea of any 'mutual understanding':
the elements of the Babylonian story, so far as they have been
preserved in the Biblical narrative, have reached their present
form after so long a period of naturalization in Palestine, that
the one cannot be regarded as a 'copy' of the other. Indeed,
it is difficult to see how this alternative can follow the assump-
tion (though made only for the purpose of the argument) ' If the
documentary hypothesis were right.'
Is there, then, nothing else in place of these two impossible
alternatives ? The reader has the facts before him in the text ;
he may put the simple explanation of them there suggested as a
third, and it may be maintained that it is a reasonable alterna-
tive. The Babylonian story was slowly transformed in the land
of Canaan : that it did not come within the knowledge of J
and P in exactly the same form is (assuming that there were
two such writers) certain ; and such an assumption sufficiently
explains the resemblances to the Babylonian record which can
be traced in both elements of the Flood narrative in the book of
Genesis.
The literary criticism of the Biblical account is not affected
by the evidence of the monuments ; Sayce's attempt to use that
evidence for the purpose of discrediting it has been fully
examined by Gray, Expositor p , May 1898, pp 347 f. ; Bennett,
Contemporary Review^ April 1906, pp. 526 f. : cf. Driver, A ddcnda,
Genesis, p. xxv.
APPENDIX X 313
The code of Hammurabi.
This code of laws was discovered at Susa (Shushan the palace,
Neh. i. I, Esth. i. 5, Dan. viii. 2) in 1901-2 by J. de Morgan.
The whole inscription consisted of 49 columns, five of which
have been erased. Fragments of these five columns have been
preserved in copies made by Assyrian scribes. The 49 columns
contain 282 sections, some of which are closely parallel with
enactments in the Biblical codes. The contrasts are, however,
equally marked. The date of the code is probably c. 2100 B.C.,
so that it was nearly a thousand years old when the Israelites
took possession of Canaan.
The interesting question for Biblical students is how far
Babylonian influence can be traced in the codes of the Penta-
teuch. This question cannot be answered in a few words, or
even in a few pages : the code of Hammurabi may be based on
older laws common to many Semitic peoples, and parallels even
of a striking character must not be taken as necessarily indi-
cating Babylonian influence on the laws of Israel. And further,
the question of Babylonian influence has little to do with
determining the dates of the Pentateuch codes. Copies of
Hammurabi's code, either complete or partial, were made for
a long time after it was first cut on the stone which was dis-
covered at Susa. One made 1500 years later, which has been
deciphered, shews but slight variations from the original.
The Israelites may, through these copies, have obtained in-
formation about old Babylonian law at any period of their
career. The existence of this ancient inscription confirms
what the Tel el-Amarna tablets proved, that the cuneiform
script was used in very early times, and therefore that Moses
could have written the Pentatcuchul codes ; but it leaves the
question whether he did write them where it was before. If
any critic has denied that a legal code was possible before the
.1 of the Jewish kings, his criticism would, of course, be
'shattered' by de Morgan's discovery. But modern critics do
314 APPENDIX X
not make any such denial 1 ; they maintain that the dates of the
Pentateuch codes must be determined by the evidence derived
from a study of the codes, and from a comparison of the codes
with the history. Hebrew laws could have been borrowed from
Hammurabi's code at any period, not only in the time of Moses :
the chief parallels are with the Book of the Covenant, which is
not put by critics after the prophets ; with the ceremonial law
of P, which is put by them later, there are no parallels. The
code of Hammurabi contributes nothing towards fixing the dates
of the Pentateuch codes, and does not contradict modern critical
conclusions as to the chronological sequence of those codes.
The expedition recorded in Gen. xiv.
The testimony of the monuments to the events recorded in
this remarkable chapter has been very differently estimated by
archaeologists. A brief statement of the facts will help the
reader to understand why this variety of opinion exists.
The first part of the chapter (vv. i 11) contains an account
of a campaign of four kings against five in the vale of Siddim
(a name peculiar to this narrative, and of uncertain meaning,
but here identified with the Dead Sea). Of the names men-
tioned in v. i :
(1) Amraphel is generally accepted as a variant, or cor-
rupted form, of Hammurabi, the name of the sixth king of the
first Babylonian dynasty, and author of the code already
referred to. The identification is questioned, and even rejected
by some Assyriologists ; and it is difficult to account for the /
at the end of the word.
(2) Arioch z y king of Ellasar. Probably the same as
1 The idea that they do so is one of the misapprehensions referred
to on p. 308 : the idea that the code of Hammurabi contradicts modern
critical conclusions is another.
2 On these names, see Enc. Brit, (nth ed.) Art. ABRAHAM, i. 71 b %
and the note of W. H. Bennett, Century Bible, Genesis, p. 186.
APPENDIX X 315
Eriagu, the Sumerian equivalent of Arad-Sin, a king of
Larsa, whose name occurs on several inscriptions.
(3) Chedorlaomer, king of Elam. Chedorlaomer is un-
doubtedly a genuine Elamite name, and probably means
'servant of Lagomer' a known Elamite deity. Some archaeo-
logists are of opinion that this name has been found on the
tablets referred to below, but the identification is questioned.
(4) Titfal, king of Goiim (nations^ A.V.). Tudchula, son
of Gaz (the inscription is illegible here), is found on one of the
three inscriptions deciphered by Mr Pinches, referred to in the
next paragraph.
In 1892 three tablets were brought to light on which the
names Kudur-Lagamar or Chedorlaomer, Eriaku or Arioch,
and Tudkhal or Tidal, were deciphered by Mr Pinches. The
tablets are mutilated, and the context of the passages so broken
that it is difficult to extract from them any definite statement.
They are of late date, not earlier than the fourth century B.C.
In 1896, a letter of Hammurabi to Sin-idinam was published
by Father Scheil in which, according to his decipherment, 'the
day (of the defeat) of Kudurlagamar' occurs. If all these
decipherments are correct, there is undoubtedly strong evidence
to shew that the names in Gen. xiv. i rest on a solid basis of
historical fact. But everyone of them has been challenged.
King's examination of Schcil's version is conclusive 1 . 'The day
(of the defeat) of Kudurlagamar' is shewn by him to rest
upon faulty decipherment : the cuneiform characters should be
read 'the troops under the command of Inuhsamar,' an oftlrial
whose name is found on another tablet. He also discusses the
symbols which have been read as Chedorlaomer on the three
tablets mentioned above. His argument on this point will help
the reader to judge for himself, and will also illustrate the
difficulties arising from the well established fact, that the
cuneiform symbols are 'polyphonous,' e.g. one symbol may be
1 L. \V. King, Letters and Inscriptions of tfammurabit pp. xxix
XLIX. His translation of the letter is on p. xxxvi.
316 APPENDIX X
read as //, pah, or nar^ and many others may represent two
or more different sounds.
The names on the tablets may be transliterated thus :
(1) KU-KU-KU-MAL
(2) KU-KU-KU-KU-MAL
(3) KU-KU-KU-KU (&*&)
On these names Mr King remarks 1 : 'Assuming that (3) is to
be restored from (2), which is by no means certain, we get two
forms of the name, one beginning with KU written three times,
the other with it written four times. As the symbol rendered
KU has also the value dur, and Kudur is a well known
component of Elamite names, the second symbol in each name
is probably to be transliterated dur^ so that we can reduce the
names to Ku-dur-ku-mal and Ku-dur-ku-ku-maL In order to
get the names more like that of Chedorlaomer, it was suggested
by Mr Pinches that the third symbol had the value lag and the
names were transliterated by him as Ku-dur-lag-mal and Ku-
dur-lag-gu-mal, the former being described as "defectively
written." There is little justification for assigning the new value
lag to the symbol transliterated as ku ; and though Ku-dur-ku-
ku-mal is styled a king of Elam [probably to be restored on
one of the tablets where some of the symbols for Elam are
obliterated], there is no reason for supposing he was a
contemporary of Hammurabi. He might have occupied the
throne at any period before the fourth century B.C. Although
Chedorlaomer's name has not yet been identified in any Baby-
lonian inscription, there is no reason at all why it should not be
found in one.'
Mr King also questions the identity of Eri-aku and Ttidkhal
with the Arioch and Tidal of -v. I ; he points out that there is
no indication on the tablets that either of these names is that
of a kingly person 2 .
1 Op. cit. p. LIV.
2 The name Arioch is also found in Dan. ii. 14, and in the apocryphal
book of Judith (i. 6).
APPENDIX X 317
The archaeological evidence bearing on this chapter is not
so conclusive as it has been represented. In spite of uncer-
tainties, the historical character of the names of the four kings
from the East need not be doubted: it is quite possible that
they may one day be satisfactorily identified on some inscription
not at present known as those of kings reigning over the
countries 1 mentioned in v. I. What is known about the rela-
tions between these countries about the end of the third mil-
lennium B.C. (approximately the time of Abraham) shews indeed
that an expedition such as that described in iru. \ u is
historically possible ; but that is all.
For, in the opinion of critics, the narrative contains so many
improbable incidents that, as it is told in Genesis, it cannot be
regarded as resting on a solid foundation of historical fact. The
grounds of this opinion cannot be discussed here : Prof. Noldeke
stated them very forcibly in Untersuchungen zur Krilik des
alien Testaments, 1869, pp. 156 172; they are given in Driver's
Genesis, pp. 171 f. (cf. Addenda pp. xxxiv f., XLVIII f.), in
Skinner, Genesis, I. C. C., pp. 273 f., and in the commentary in
this series. Prof. Sayce (Monument facts and higher critical
fancies, p. 54) describes Prof. Noldeke's criticism inaccurately :
he attributes to Noldeke arguments which he did not use, and
omits the chief arguments which Noldeke actually did use (see
Driver's Addenda, as quoted above, and Skinner, op. cit., p. 276
note*: see also the article by G. B. Gray in the Exp^
May 1898, pp. 342 6 ; S. A. Cook, Expos., June 1906, p. 538 :
these writers shew conclusively that archaeology has not c
lished the historical character of the expedition narrated in
Gen. xiv.). Dr Orr is more exact ; he states that the account
in Gen. xiv. 'has now, as respects its histori \vork, been
ilarly confirmed* (Prob. of O.T., p. 411)- 'Hi-'
rework* is rather a vague expression; if it be taken in a
1 It does not, however, follow that, because a given person is
rical, therefore a particular action or exploit attributed to 1
historical likewise. I us point <: : criticism i>, in
many cases, not at all realised. in note i on p. 314.
318 APPENDIX X
limited sense his statement has been allowed on p. 317; but if
it be understood to include Abraham's pursuit and rescue of
Lot, and the details of the campaign in general, then it must
be acknowledged that archaeology has not confirmed these
elements of the narrative, as, indeed, Dr Orr admits (p. 412).
That a Babylonian expedition could at this time have been led
to Palestine is quite possible : this was not denied by Noldeke,
and is shewn by the inscriptions to have been possible ; but
that this particular expedition as described in Genesis was led to
Palestine has not been shewn by archaeology, and is doubted by
many critics on account of the improbability of many of the
details ; this improbability archaeology has done nothing to
remove.
The foregoing instances of archaeological research sufficiently
illustrate the statements made on p. 308. The supposed an-
tagonism between literary criticism and archaeology does not
exist; it is due to a misapprehension of facts: archaeology
has proved no more than critics themselves accept ; it has not
overthrown any of the main critical positions, such as the
existence of different sources in the Pentateuch, and the chrono-
logical sequence of the three codes of law. It is not denied
that Moses could have written a document containing both laws
and narrative : what is denied is that he wrote the laws and
narrative which are now found in the Pentateuch; and this, not
because of any a priori dogma that writing was unknown
to him, or that laws could not have been drawn up by him, but
because of the evidence afforded by the Pentateuch itself that
it is the work of many men and many limes.
MISCELLANEOUS NOTES AND REMARKS.
Note on the use of the cuneiform script.
In the /. Th. S., July 1910, pp. 542 f., Dr Cowley puts
forward the theory that all Hebrew literature before the date
of the Moabite stone was written in the cuneiform character,
and that this script continued to be employed by the Israelites
in making copies of their Law until the exile. He also remarks
that if the tradition assigning the change of script to Ezra be
accepted as resting on a basis of historical fact, the alphabetical
writing introduced by him would be like the Assyrian Aramaic
found on the tablets recently discovered by the American ex-
ploring expedition, andjdescribed by Prof. Clay in Old Testament
and Semitic Studies in memory of W. R. Harper, i. 287 ff.
Similar characters are found on the Egyptian papyri edited by
Sayce and Cowley, Aramaic papyri discovered at Assouan,
1906 ; and by Sachau, Drei Aramdische Papyrusurkunden aus
Elephantine, 1907. From these characters the modern Hebrew
square character now in use has been derived.
if a development on these lines be assumed, it follows
that the Israelites at no time possessed copies of the Law in the
Phoenician script, but transliterated them in Ezra's time (458
B.C.) from cuneiform into an Aramaic script, the parent of the
present square character. Not only is this a mere hypothesis,
with no tangible evidence to support it, but, if it be adopted, it
becomes difficult to account for the existence of the Samaritan
Pentateuch as it is represented in the MSS. The characters
there found, and those copied from them in modern printed
books, are a later form ol the Phoenician script. Tl.c use of
320 MISCELLANEOUS NOTES AND REMARKS
these characters can be explained on the supposition that an
alphabet of the Phoenician type was employed by the Israelites
for transcribing their sacred books at the time of the Samaritan
schism. The existence of such an alphabet in Palestine is
established by the Moabite stone (c. 850 B.C.), and the Siloam
inscription assigned to the time of Hezekiah (c. 700 B.C.) 1 .
Cowley suggests that the Israelites may have regarded this
script with suspicion, as coming from a heathen source, and
may have continued to use cuneiform for transcribing their
Scriptures. But then it does not seem probable that the Samari-
tans, on separating from the Jews, would have changed the
script which up to that time had been used for copying the Law;
and it is still less probable that they would have adopted an
alphabet which had been regarded as unfit for sacred purposes.
Prof. Naville is of opinion that the Babylonian language, as
well as the cuneiform script, was employed by the Israelites in
early times for their ' written language, that of official corre-
spondence, legislature, and literature' (p. 41). In a memoir
presented to the French Academy 2 , he has interpreted the
Biblical account of the discovery of the Law in king Josiah's
time by reference to the Egyptian custom of placing documents
under the feet of statues, and in the foundation walls of temples.
He supposes that 'the book of the Law' found by Hilkiah was
a document 'immured in a foundation wall ; the depositing of
the book must therefore go back to the building of the Temple,
that is to say, to the time of Solomon.' In his opinion, Hilkiah
was unable to read the book, because it was in a script no
longer in use in the time of Josiah, but Shaphan the scribe
knew cuneiform writing, and read the book to the king. From
this interpretation of the account in 2 Kings xxii., he infers that
1 Also by the Heb. inscriptions found at Samaria dating from
c. 850 B.C. (See Quarterly Statement of the Palestine Exploration
Fund, April 1911.)
2 This memoir has been translated into English and published by
the Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge under the title The
discovery of the Book of the Law under King Josiah, 1911.
MISCELLANEOUS NOTES AND REMARKS 321
1 the ancient books of the Hebrews, and particularly ihe Penta-
teuch, must to a great extent have been drawn up in Baby-
lonian or Assyrian, and written in cuneiform characters.'
The Professor is further of opinion that the Phoenician
character began to supplant the cuneiform in the reign of
Solomon, when Hiram king of Tyre supplied materials and
workmen for building the Temple. The relations between the
Phoenicians and the Hebrews were at that time very close, and
Prof. Naville supposes that Phoenician then became the national
script.
But these opinions are of a most hypothetical character.
There is nothing in 2 Kings xxii. to shew that Hilkiah could not
read the script, or to imply or suggest that the document found
was 'immured in a foundation wall.' The Tel el-Amarna
tablets shew that the cuneiform script was known in Palestine
before the Israelites entered into possession. It was used in
official correspondence; but there is no evidence that the
Canaanites habitually employed it, or that the Israelites bor-
rowed it from them 1 . As regards monumental evidence the
period from the Tel el-Amarna tablets, or from those discovered
at Taanach* in 1903-4 (before the Israelite immigration, though
perhaps of slightly later date than those at Tel el-Amarna) to
the Moabite stone (c. 850 B.C.) is a blank. The absence of any
written Hebrew before the time of Mesha proves nothing, for
there is also an absence of any cuneiform in Israel before that
time. The use of the Phoenician script among the Hebrews is
established by the Siloam inscription, assigned to the time of
Hezekiah (c. 700 B.C. 8 ). The script on the Moabite stone, and
its language, are sufficiently marked in character to suggest
that both must have had a previous history, and that earlier
1 On the contrary, the ' Canaanite glosses ' attached to many of the
Babylonian words on the Tel el-Amarna tablets shew that the language
of the people was Canaanite, and closely allied to Phoenician and
Hebrew.
: details, see Driver, Tk< Stkwcich Ltctur<s t iyoS, \> t >. 10, bi.
31 Seep. 320, with n. i.
CP. 21
322 MISCELLANEOUS NOTES AND REMARKS
specimens may await discovery. The Song of Deborah may
with probability be assigned to the period of the deliverance
which it commemorates. Although the text is in some places
corrupt, its remarkably fine style shews that the Hebrew lan-
guage had already attained to a high stage of development,
which again suggests a previous history. These facts must be
taken into account, when the beginnings of the Hebrew language
are under discussion.
Until further excavations throw more light on the ancient
history of Israel, the use of the cuneiform script by the Israelites
must be regarded as ' not proven.' But even if it were true that
there is an original in the language and script of Babylonia
behind part of the Hebrew Scriptures, the labour of the critic
would still be necessary to determine the extent and character
of that original. If Naville's opinion about the use of cuneiform
were established, his conclusions would not necessarily follow.
He refers to Jeremias, Das Alte Testament im Lichte des alien
Orients, p. 263, as holding an opinion similar to his own with
respect to the use of the cuneiform script. But Jeremias,
with others who lay emphasis on Babylonian influence in
Palestine, adheres to the critical view of the Pentateuch
associated with Wellhausen's name. The hypothesis that por-
tions of the Hebrew Scriptures were originally written in Baby-
lonian cuneiform, even if further discoveries shew that it is
probable, will not, as some who introduce this hypothesis to
the notice of English readers seem to imagine, overthrow the
literary and historical conclusions of modern criticism. The
different styles in the Pentateuch P and D, each so different
from JE would still have to be accounted for. The duplicate
narratives, and other indications of diversity of authorship,
would still remain ; and the evidence that the codes of law in
the Pentateuch date from different periods of the history would
still retain its cogency. Other critical arguments for assigning
D to a late period of the monarchy and considering P as post-
exilic would remain as weighty as before.
MISCELLANEOUS NOTES AND REMARKS 323
Note to p. 30, line 8.
Some of the passages from Eichhorn referred to here and on
p. 19 are translated into English in Briggs, SHS^ pp. 280, 281.
Adiiition to the note on pp. 46, 47.
The reader may refer to two interesting articles on the LXX.
of I Kings viii. 53 b\ one by Prof. Burkitt in /. Th. S., April
1909, pp. 439 ff., and the other by H. St J. Thackeray in the
same Journal, July 1910, pp. 518 ff. He will find in both sug-
gestions for an amended translation, and will also be able to
estimate the difficulty of attempting to restore the original Heb.
which underlies the LXX. version.
Note to p. 86, line 8.
Deut. xxxi. 14 23 has been long recognized as not forming
part of D. For reference to the critics who have discussed the
passage, and for the grounds on which it is held not to be the
work of the Deuteronomic author of the context in which it is
now embedded, see Driver, Deut. I. C. ., pp. 337 f.
Note to p. 157.
The reader who has followed the argument on pp. 154 157
will understand why the passage in Deut xviii. 2, 'And they
shall have no inheritance among their brethren : the LORD is
their inheritance, as he hath spoken unto them,' cannot be
regarded as referring to Num. xviii. 20. The reference in Ucut.
is to the whole tribe ; the reference in Num. xviii. 20 is to the
priests only. The >/0-priestly members of the tribe (the
tes' in P's sense) are provided for in Num. xviii. 2124
by having the tithe assigned to them an arrangement of which
the writer of Deut. knows nothing. Cf. Driver, Deul.^ p. 124.
212
INDEX
Aaron, 48, 104, 118
Aaron, sons of, 169, 267
Aaronites, 169
Abiathar, 43, 162
Abimelech, 98, 99
Abinadab, 193
Abraham, 98, 99, 11 r, 223
Accounts, duplicate, 73 ff.
Adonai, 51
Ahimelech, 43, 188
Alexander the Great, 290
Altars at many places, 134
Ambrose on Ps. cxix., 126, 127
'A(jLfj.(ff<t>K(i}5flfa 5
Amos, 175
Amraphel, 314
Angel, Jacob's wrestling with the,
102
Anth ropomorphisms, 2 24
Arabic historians, 265
Arak-el-Amir, inscription at, 278
Archaeology, A pp. X
'Archaisms' of the Tent., 226 f.
Arioch king of Ellasar, 314, 316
Ark, passages ref. to the, 81 84 ;
at Shiloh, 192 f.; capture by
Philistines, 194 ; brought to
Mt Zion, 194; David prepares
tent for, 194
Assembly, assemble, 217 f.
Assyria, 305 f.
' . *9. 5*
Athaliah, death of, 272
Atonement, day of, 120, 147
Authority, appeal to, 291
Babylonian accounts of Creation
anl the Flood, 309 f.
Babylonian language and writing,
3*0
Baedeker's Palestine quoted,
295 n.
Bagohi (Bagoses), 291
Baraitha, 281
Baudissin, 166, 276
Bede, the venerable, 161
Beersheba, 99
Bethel, 102
Bethshemesh, 193
Bevan, 265, 267
' Beyond Jordan,' 49
Bickell, 278
Blessings, records of, 55
Blessings and promises, two groups
of, 62 66
Blowing of trumpets (horns), 147
Bondage, see Slavery, 127, 129
Book of the Covenant, no, 229,
Book of the Covenant, the little,
i ii
Book of the Law found in the
Temple, 144 f., 178, 320 f.
Booths, dwelling in, 172
Boring the ear, 126
Bredenkamp, 166
Briggs, 24, in, 323
Brotherhood, 125
Burkitt, 19, 323
Burnt offerings, 148150
Caleb's portion and exploit, 13,
9597
Cambridge Biblical Essays, No. I,
265; No. IV, 299; No. VIII.
34
Carnb. Comp. to the Hib'c, 6
Canon, division of Jrwish, i
Change of script, 277 287,
326
INDEX
Chedorlaomer, 315 f.
Cbeyne, 145
Chroniclers, medieval or monastic,
260
Chronicles, additional matter in,
267, 272
Chronicles, Bks of, cpw. Bks of
Samuel and Kings, 267 ff.
Chronological order of the docu-
ments, 33, 36, 81, no, 127, 173
Circumcision, 70, 71, in
Cities for the priests, 43, 154 f.
Cities of refuge, 13 f., 121 f.
Codes, the three, 35, irof. ;
comparison of the, 36, 112
122, 125127, 131133, 146
*49> I 53 157
Combination of words and phrases,
55. 57
Commandment, the, 113 n.
Composite books, examples of, 266
Composite character of JE, 97
107, 146 n.
'Congregation' (of Israel), 70,
121 f., 217
Conquest of the land, 13
Consecration of priests, 149
Convocation, a holy, 147
Cook, S. A., 317
Coronation of Joash, 272
Corroborative arguments, 67, 74
Cotton, Bartholomew de, 260 f.
Covenant, method of the, 15;
wiih promise, 15 ; at Sinai
(Horeb), 112 117; in Moab,
113, 117, 258; Book of the,
no, 113; Little Book of the,
in, 115 n. ; different repre-
sentations of the, 221
Covenant code known to D, 114,
230
Cowley, 319 f.
Creation, Babylonian accounts of,
309
Creep, creeping things, 209
Criticism, def. of, 18; different
kinds of, 19; 'higher,' 19 ar
Cuneiform, 309
D, the symbol, 73
D and P compared, 117 120,
133; difference between, 154
157, 222 _
D's legislation, character of, 125
Dan, 41, 158
David, 1 88; brings up ark to
Zion, 194, 268 f.
'Day, unto this,' 41, 42
Deborah, 48 ; Song of, 322
Dedication of the Temple, 152
Definite article in Heb., use of,
H5
Deluge, see Flood
Aei/re/)OJ>6 / tuo;', 9
Deuteronomy, the book of, 3, 5,
12, 30, 72, 109, 177 f. ; post-
Mosaic passages in, 49, 139;
'this law' in, 258; style of,
App. IV; resemblance between
Jeremiah and, 235 f.
Deut. not acquainted with P, 95,
119 f., 157
De Wette, 30, 31 ., 37
Diatessaron, passage from, 263 f.
Dillmann, 132 n., 239, 245
Divergent accounts, 102 104,
106 ; inference drawn from, 107
Divine Names, variation in use
of, 50 53, 66, 68, TOO 102 ;
pointed out by Astruc, 29, 52,
54 ; the variation designed,
100 f.; see Elohim
Duplicate accounts, 27, 73 97,
101, 116
Egypt, 16, 70, 140, 161, 278
Eichhorn, 19, 29
Eighth day, first-born to be given
to God on the, 140
Elders, 121
Eleazar, 118, 193
Eleazar of Modin, 283
Elephantine papyri, 291
Eli, 161 f.
Eliashib, 289 f.
Eliashib's grandson, 290, 293
Eliezer ben Jacob, 280
INDEX
327
Elkanah, 151; his offering, 192 f.
Elohim, 51, 74; used designedly,
68; see Divine Names
Elohistic writers, two, 100
El Shaddai, 67, 100, 223
English Bible, order of books
in, 2
Ephod, 158
Esau, 101, 102, 223
Etymologies, double, 101
Eusebius, 5, 20
Eating, 278
'Etayuyj, 8
Exile, relations between north and
south during the, 295 f.
K/ekiel's vision, 164 169
Ezra, law read by, 171, 185;
change of script ascribed to,
280, 286
Fat not to be eaten, 148, 229
Feast of Tabernacles, 152, 171
Feasts, pilgrimage, 146 f.
Firstlings, 148
Flood, narrative of the, 62, 74
8 1 ; narrative in tabular form,
76, 77, 310 f.
Forty years' wandering, 12
Fragmentary hypothesis, 28
Geddes, 28 .
Generations of, these are the, 58
Genesis, the book of, 3, 10 f. ;
selected sections examined,
54 f., 56 f. ; comparison of
passages in, 64, 65 ; inference
drawn, 66
George, 37
Gerar
im, temple on Mt, 277, 291
iom, 158
(ii.lcon, 134
I '>rd, 219, 225
God, see Divine Names
3<5, 240
Gramberg, 38
Gray, G B., 3 , 9| 3,7
Grundschrift, 71
Haggadic treatment of Scripture,
28 4 f.
Hammurabi, code of, 313 f.
Hardy, Sir Thos., 260
Havvoth Jair, 42
' Heave offering,' 131 n.
Hebrew words :
'ddonai, 51
'asaph, 1 02 n.
'asham, 150, 188
W/&, 223
'ishshe, 188
b'reshith, 3, 9
htkhal, 194
holidh, 6 1 .
zeb/mh, 149
hattath , 1 50
hawoth) 42 .
homes A, 3, 5
hothen, 105
ydladh, 61 .
yasaph> 102 n.
k?thubim y i n.
mazzoth, 147
minhah, 150
mishneh, 82, 285
mishneh torah, 5, 9
nab hi, 48
n'bhi'im, i n.
'iduth, 221
I 6lah, 150
ptthah, 194
sakar, 102 .
stpher, 144
sh e lamim. 150
Prurnah, 131 n.
tSrath kSh a nim t 5
Hebron assigned to Caleb, 96;
different accounts of the capture
of, 96 n .
Heptateuch, 7
278
Hi K h places, 135, 137
Hilkiah, 144, 178
Hivlah. R., 28l
J/isforia Anglicana (Cotton), 260
Historical method, the, 24, 34 ;
result of the, 36
INDEX
Historical stage, the, 38
History, remarks on the, 14 17
Hobab, 105 f.
Holiness code (H), 112, 147, 185,
230, and App. V; date of, 243;
similarity between H and JE,
243 ; between H and D, 244
Holzinger, 26, 31
Hoonacker, 166 n
Horeb, 113, 119, 222, see Cove-
nant
Horse gate, the, 271
'Host of heaven,' the, 136
Huldah, 178
Hupfeld, 31, 98
Hur, 104
Ibn Ezra, 26
/5tWT7?S, 28l
Ilgen, 30
Independent arguments corrobo-
rative, 39, 67, 74
Isaac, 99, 223
Isaiah bidden to write, 175
Israelites not to be bondmen, 127
the symbol, 72
fabbok, 1 02
Facob, 223
Jacob's dream, 101
Jacob's wrestling with the angel,
IO2
Jair, 'towns' of, 42
Jashar, book of, 46 f.
JE, the symbol, 33 ; composite
character of, 97 107, 109, 146
Jehovah, 51 f., 72, 74; the Name
revealed, 67, 81, 100
Jehuda han-Nasi', 282 f.
Jeremiah dictates his prophecies
to Baruch, 176
Jeroboam, 191
Jerome's Prologus Gahatus, 4
Jerusalem, siege of, 266
Jethro, 105 f.
Joash, hidden six years, 270;
coronation of, 272
Jonathan, the priest, 158 fc
Jose ben Halaphta, 281 f.
Josephus, 25, 289 f., 292, 298
Joshua, book of, 6, 13 f., 184,
185 ; in the Tent, 85
Josiah's Passover, 171
Josiah's reform, 137, 163; effect
of, 165
'Judges ' (Exod. xxi. 6), 51, 126
Kayser, 36
Kenites, Moses related to the,
1 06
Kennett, 169 ., 299
King, 315 f.
Kinsfolk, 215
Kiriath-jeariin, 193
Koheleth rabba, 3
Kuenen, 169;?., 227,240,245, 298
Laban, 101, 102, 223
Lagarde, 7
Laish, 158
Lamp in the Temple, 186
' Law and the prophets, the,' 180
Law of Holiness, 112, 147, 185
Law read by Ezra, 171
Laws of Israel, 34 f. , see Contents ;
twofold comparison of the, 36;
general description of the, nof.
Laws relating to slavery, 123
129; worship, 130153; priests,
153172
Leaven, 148, 229
Legislation at Sinai (Horeb) ac-
cording to JE, 113 117; ac-
cording to D, 113 f., 117 120;
according to P, 70, 71, 117
120
Legislation in the Pent., 12, no
Leper, 149
Leprosy, 119, 190
Levi, tribe of, 153, 162
Levite, different meanings of, 154,
1 60
Levites, 193 ; and sons of Zadok,
distinction between, 165 169 ;
duties of, 1 54 ; provision made
for, 154157 J references to, in
INDEX
329
Samuel and Kings, 773 276;
in Chron., :; :
Literary method, 24, 34, 39
Literary stage, the, 38
Lord, see Divine Names
Luard, H. R. f 260
Malachi, 170, 171, 177
Manasseh, 159 //.
Mar Zutra, Mar Ukba, 281
Matthew Paris, 260
M c Neile, 169, 298, 304
A/eat, old meaning of, 149"., 210
Medieval chroniclers, methods of,
260 f.
Memra in Targum, 225
Merx, 31 .
Micah, history of, 158
Midian, 48, 70
Midianites, Moses related to, 106
Mielziner, 9
Miriam, 48
Mi-hnah, the, 8; B e rachoth t 9 . ;
Chagigah, 9 n.
Moabite stone, the, 277, 320 f.
M oiler, 1 66 n.
Monastic chroniclers, methods of,
260 f.
'Morrow after the sabbath,' 147
c in which law is, 180 i
Moses, ii, 13, 17, 41, 48 f., 83,
85 ff., 100, 103, 104, 117 ff.,
122, 162, 173, 175; in prophetic
writings, 177; priestly descen-
dants of, 159, 160 (note i) ;
iges of later date than, 26,
4049, 107, 139 f.; 'rod' in
the hand of, 103 f. ; the law of,
'5
father-in-law, 104107;
grandson,
I Palestine,
49
Naville, 320 f.
Naziritc, 149, 187
Nebuchadnezzar, 295
Negeb, the, 49
Nehemiah, 171
Nestle, 7
Noah, 56, 74 ff., 221
Nob, 43
Noldeke, 317
Northern tribes not entirely re-
moved, 295 f.
Octateuch, 7
Offerings, different kinds of, 149;
names of, 149 f.
Og, bedstead of, 41
Omer to be waved, 147
Oral before written 7*orah t 176
Order of books in Jewish Canon,
i ; in English Bibles, ?
Origen, 5, 20
Orr, 23, 109, 166, 192, 254, 3rof.,
3'7
P, explanation of the symbol, 31,
54, 72, 108; sections in Genesis
belonging to, 54 66 ; brevity
of record in these sections, 223 ;
legal and ritual elements pro-
minent in, 223; sections from
Exod. vi. belonging to, 68 7 1 ;
character of, 35, 71, 80 and
App. I, II ; character of, in
Gen. i. Exod. xviii., 222 f. ;
didactic character of, 224; legis-
lation in, 35, 221 ; diffeience
between, and other sources,
222; the covenant in, 221;
representation of the Divine
Being in, 224
Palmyra, 278
Palmyrene inscriptions, 279
Parallel accounts, 267272
c. 09. 71, iti, 148;
in J.jsiah's leign, 171
Peace offerings, 148, 150
Pentateuch, derivation of, 3
ue, 6, 45
263
Pharaoh, 100
Phicol, 99
Philistines, 99, 188, 193
330
INDEX
Philo, 6, 8, 25
Phinehas, 161 .
Pilgrimage feasts, 146 f., 151 .;
frequency of, 153
Phoenician inscriptions, 278
Plagues of Egypt, the, 68 f., 81,
104
Plummer's edition of Bede, 262
'Plural of majesty,' 51
Post-Mosaic passages in Hex.,
26, 40 49, 107, i3Qf.
Precision of statement in P,
58
Preliminary stage, the, 27, 43
Priestly cities, 43, 268
Priestly code, laws in, 35, in,
221, 272
Priestly descendants of Moses,
159, 160 n.
Priests, consecration of, 149 ; laws
relating to, i53ff-; and Levites,
272
Prophecy in Israel, course of,
Prophecy, relation of, to law,
174 f., 178 f.
Prophecy, written, follows oral,
176
Prophetess, 48
Prophetic teaching, development
of, 176
Prophets, references to in Pent.,
4749 ,
:rbs, 45 n.
Provei
Quotations, passages containing,
4547
Rebekah, 223
Redundancy of style, 58
Red Sea, deliverance at, 225
Remarks on the history, 14 17
'Rest on every side,' 47, 139
Retaliation, law of, 228
Reuel, 105 f.
Reuss, 37
Rh and Rp, 242
Roger of \Vendover, 260
Rolls series, 260
Kyle, 4, 6, 10, 25, 177, 178, 280,
2 93
Sabsean kings and priests have
two names, 106
Sabbatical year, the, 231
Sacrifice, a yearly, 134, 1.51 . ;
different kinds of, 148 ; names
to denote, 149 f.
Samaria, 295 f., 320; partial de-
population of, 295
Samaritan Pentateuch, App. VIII
Samaritans and Jews, relations
between, 296 f.
Samson, 187
Samuel, books of, cpw. books of
Kings and Chronicles, 195
Samuel in the Temple, 193
Sanballat, 289 291
Sanctuary at Shiloh, 194
Sanday, 7
Sarah, 98, 223
Sargon, 305 f.
Sayce, 99 ., io6w., 137, 311 f.
Scheil, Father, 315
Schrader, 137
Scribe, the, 179
'Seer,' 47
Sennacherib, 137, 266, 305 f.
Septuagint and M.T., variations
between, 273 f.
Shaphan, 144
Shechem, 277, 296
Shechemites, 290
Shewbread, 188
Shiloh, 43, 151, 158, 162 f., 194,
296
Siege of Jerusalem, 1 28
Siloam inscription, 278, 320 f.
Simon, 27, 29
Simon bar-Kokba, 278
Simon the Maccabee, 278
Sinai, 70 f., 103, 224, see Cove-
nant
Sinaitic narrative, probable growth
of, 115
Sinaitic section, 220
INDEX
331
Situation in Palestine during and
after the Exile, 295
Slavery, laws relating to, 123
o ?' 9
Sojourn, sojourmngs, 212
Spies, mission of the, 87 97
Stranger, 212, 228
'Suburbs' of priestly cities, 268
Supplementary hypothesis, 31
Susa, 313
Swarm, swarming things, 209
'Sweet savour,' 188
Swete, 5, 298
Tabernacles, feast of, 152, 171;
duration of, 153
Talmud, passages from the Baby-
lonian, Berachoth, 9; Chagigah,
y; Jo ma, 5; Nedarim, 7; San-
htJrin, 10 ., 281 ; Zebachim,
280
Talmud, passages from the Jeru-
salem, Megitlah, 10 ., 281;
Sanhedrin, 3 .; Sotah, 3 n.
Tatian's Diaiessaron, 262 f.
Tel el-Amarna, 309
Tel el-Hesy, excavation at, 306
Temple, dedication of the, 15:;
book of law found in, 144 f., 178,
320 f.
Ten Words,' the, u6f.
Tent of meeting, 84 86
Terah, 88
Teraphim, 158
Tertullian, 5
Testimony and argument, 23
;uony, the,
Thackeray, 323
Tidal, 315
Tiglath-pileser, 305 f.
Tithe, :\ second, 155, 157; differ-
ence in laws about, 155 f.
Title* of the bonks, 3-6, 810
Tobiah, 202
Tomb of St James, inscription
over, 279
Torah, the, i n., 2, 3, 8, o, i : ;
Torah of the priests, 176,
190; of the prophets, 176;
extension of, 258; meaning of,
App. VI
Tosephta Sanhedrin, 281
'Towns' of Jair, 42 .
Trumpets, blowing of, 147
Tuch's Genesis, 31 n.
Unity does not exclude develop-
ment, i8r
Unity of purpose shewn in the
history, 16
Usury, 129
Vater, 28 n.
Vatke, 37
Vision of 'the latter days,'
Wars of the Lord, book of the,
45 ^
Wave loaves, 147
Wellhausen, 31, 36
Westcott, 4
Westcott and Hort, 24 .
Westphal, 29, 31
Worship at high places suppressed,
!.37
Wnghfc, Comp. Gr., quoted, 287,
*93
Written follows oral Torah, 176
Xiinenes, Cardinal, 27
Xadok, 48, 161 ., 194; sons of,
162, 164, 169
Zedekiah, 128
Zin, 93, 209
Tfu table of Contents may be consulted as a supplement (o
this Index*
332
INDEX
Passages of Scripture referred to :
PAGE
PAGE
Gen. i. ii. 4
3i> 53
Gen. xxi. 31; xxvi. 33
... 4 2
i- 27
58
xxii. 14
... S^
" 4
... 4, 58
xxii. 17
... 55
ii. 4, 5
-. 59
xxiii
i5> "3
ii. 425, iii.
... 72
xxiv
53
i. xi. 10, 14
, 5466
xxiv. i
... 55
" 5 6, 7, 9, 19; vi
75
xxv. 9
... 223
vii. 4
... 75
XXV. II
... 55
iii- 5
51
xxvi. 3, 12, 24
... 55
in- 7
-. 53
xxvi. 10
150 n.
iv. 35
... 150
xxvi. 25
... 134
iv. 26
7 2
xxvi. 33
40, 41
V. 2 ...
54
xxviii. 3
55
v. 24 ; xvii. i
... 75
xxviii. 4
... 68
vi. 5
... 75
xxviii. 13
15, 65
vi. 9, 22
... 58
xxviii. 19; xxxv.
15 42
viii. 21
... 1 88
xxix. xxxi. ...
... IO2
ix. i
... 54
XXX. 20
... 102
ix. 6, 7
57
xxx. 27
-. 55
ix. 9, ii, 17 ...
... 67
xxxii. 14
... 150
ix. 15
15
xxxii. 22 32
... 102
xi. 10 26
... 58
xxxiii. 20
... 134
xii. 2
... 55
xxxv. 9, ii ...
... 55
xii. 6 ; xiii. 7
26, 40
XXXV. 12
15
xii. 7
... 6, 15
xxxv. 20
... 41
xii. 7, 8
... i34
xxxv. 7 ; xlvi. i
... 134
xii. 8; xv. 7 ...
... 72
xxxvi. 31
40
xiii. 1 8
... i34
xxxix. 5
55
xiv. 14
41
xiii. 21
150 //.
xvii. 58, 69, 71,
in, 223
xliii. ii
... 150
xvii. 7, 8, 19, 21
... 67
xlv. 7
... 15
xvii. 1 6, 20 ...
... 55
xlvii. 7
. 55
xvii. 13; Exod. xii.
14 7i
xlvii. 20
15
xvii. 12, 13, 23, 27
... *8
xlvii. 26
... 41
xviii. 19 R.V.
... 16
xlviii. 3
... 55
xx. 7
... 4 8
xlviii. 1 6
... 15
xx. 13; xxxv. 7
... 51
xlviii. 21
... 15
XX. XXXV. ...
... 107
1. 24, *5
14. 15
Passages cited in lists and tables (mostly in App. I V) are not
given in this libt.
INDEX
PAGE
Exod. i. xv. ... ... ii
ii. 16 22 ... 105, 10*5
iii. i ... 105
iii. 7, 8 16
iii. 18 158
iv. 14 160
iv. 18 105
v. 13 158
vi. 28 ... 52, 67, roo
vii. i 48
vii. 8 xi. 10 69, 104
viii. 25 28 ... ... 158
xii.
xii. 21 27 ...
xiii. 316 ...
xiii. 19
xiv. 31
XV. I 21 ...
XV. 2O
XV. 22 Xl'x.
xvii. 15
xviii. i 12 ...
xviii. 1327
xix. xxiv. ...
xix.-^Num. x.
xix. i, a
xix. 3
xix. 4
xx. xxiii. n, 35, 113,
114, l86, 220, 221
xx. 2426 131, 148, 153
xxi. 4, 6, 29, 34;
xxii. ii 51 n.
xxi. 6; xxii. 8, 9, 28,
29,30 5M3'
xxii. 30 =xxxiv. 19,
20 148
xxiii. i7 J = xxxiv. 23 151
xxiii. i8' = xxxiv. 15 148
xxiii. 19' = xxxiv. 26 131
xxiii. 2033 "*
xxiv. 104
xxiv. 3 8 112
xxiv. 38, 16 18 117
xxiv. 5 ... 148
xxiv. 1 8 ... . ijj
1 See also p. 115 i.
... 69, 70, in, 223
- 35
- 35
... 14
... 4 6
Ji
... 48
12
... 5*
... 105
... 106
... 107
... 220
... 117
2S2, 284
10
PAGE
Exod. xxv. 31 , M ... 187
xxvii. r8 131
xxvii. 21 187
xxviii., xxix. ... 158
xxix. 3842 ... 149
xxv. Num. x. 28 70, 71,
i ii
xxv. xxxi.; xxxv.
xl 118
xxv. Num. xxxvi. 35,233
xxvi. 36 194
xxvii. 10 283
xxix. ; Lev. viii., ix. 149
xxix. 4 194
xxxi. 18 1 13
xxxii. xxxiv. ... 107
xxxiii. 9, 10 ... 194
xxxiv. 1126 ... 35
xxxv. xl. ... ... 298
xxxviii. 8 194
Lev. i. iii. ... 150, 189
i. vii. ... 148, 188
i. 9 188
iv. 2, 22, 27; V. 15;
xxii. 14 122
vi. 8, 14, 24 ; vii. i,
".37 259
vn. 33 ... 132 n.
viii., ix., x. ... 161, 220
viii. 14; ix. S, 15 ... 152
*: '7 43
XL 46 259
xii ... 119
xi>- 7 59
xiii. ... 59, 259
xvi., xxiii. 2732 ... 147
xvii. xxvi." in f., 184
xviii. 24 30;
34-45 44
xxi. 14 289
xxii. 14 ... ... 122
149, 1 88
xxiii. 921, 24, 17
3* 147
xxiii. 29, 30 ... 120
xxiii. 3336 ... 153
> See Law of Holiaeu and App. V.
334
INDEX
PAGE
PAGE
Lev. xxiii. 39 43 172,259
Num. xxviii., xxix. 119 f., 147
xxiv. 3 187
xxix. 7 5 n.
xxiv. 5 9 188
xxxii. 13
xxv. 33, 34 155
xxxii. 41 42
xxv. 32 55 123, 126, 129
xxvi. 1 ... 45, 246 ff.
xxxiv. 8 ... ... 93
xxxv. i 8 ... 154, 268
xxvii. 32 155
XXXV. 934 ... 121
Num. i. x. 28 118
Dent. i. iii. ... ... 107
"i-, iv 154
i. 5 258
iii- 4 43
i. 18; iv. 5 ... 119 n.
v. 29, 30 259
i. 1944 9 f -
Vi. 2 21 187
ii. 12 40
vi., xxii. xxiv. ... 5 n.
ii. 24 iii. n ... 13
ix. 6 14 in
iii. ii 41
* 10 147
iii. 12 17 13
x. 29 xxii. i 12, 70
iii. 14 ... ... 42
xi. 16, 17, 24 29 ... 48
iv. 8, 44 258
xii. 5 194
iv. 13 ... 113, 117
xii. 68 ... 48, 175
iv. 14 ... 282, 284
xiii., xiv. ... 13, 8797
iv. 19; xvii. 3 ... 136
xv.. xviii., xix. 70, in,
iv. 42 122
118
v. 2 ; xxix. i ... 258
xv. 8io 192
V. 2, 31 ... ... 171
xv. 1921 ... 131 n.
v. 2231 113
xv. 32 36 in
v. 26 51
xvi. xviii 220
v. xi. ... 73, 114
xvi. 9 ... 154, 169
vi. 2; x. 8; xii. 2 ... 171
xvi. 40; xviii. i 7 158
viii. 2 ... ... 12
xviii. 2 154
xviii. 3 169
ix. XL 107
ix. i 258
xviii. 21 ... 156, 164 n.
x. 4 "7
xx. i; xxvii. 14 ... 93
x. 6 161 n.
xx., xxi 107
x. 8 162, 171
XX. 22 29 ... ... 220
x. 12 16
xxi. 3; Judg. i. 17 ... 42
xii. xxvi. 35, in, 113,
xxi. 13, 18 ... in n.
114, 182 f.
xxi. 14, 27 45
xii. 6, ii, 17, 18 120, 148
xxi. 21 35 13
xii. 813 139
xxi. 27 45 n.
xii. 10 156
xxii. xxiv. 15, 107
xii. ii, 17, 18 131 f.
xxv. 15 70
xii. 5, 13, 14, 26 ... 132
xxv. n, 13 ... 161 m
xii. 8, 10, n 18 ... 132
xxv. xxxvi. ... 70
xii. 12, 18; xiv. 27, 29 155
xxvii. i n ... 13
xiii 49
xxvii. xxxvi. in, 118,
xiv. 26, 27 ... 164 n.
120
xiv. 27 29 ... 155, 164
See App. V.
xv. i a 17 ... ... 124
INDEX
335
PAGI
PAGE
Deut. xv. 1315 125
Josh. x. 12, 13 ...
45. 46
xv. 20 ... ... 148
xii. 6 ...
13
xvi. 1 17 132, 146, 148
xiii. 5
... 93
xvi. 13 152
xiii. 30
42
xvii. 2 5; xviii. 9
xiv. 6 15 ...
13,96
14 136
xv. xxiv. ...
... 13 f.
xvii. 9 163
xv. 13-15 ...
... 96
xvii. 8 13 258
xv:. 10
... 26
xvii. 1 8 8, 282, 284 f.
xviii. i ...
43, 134
xviii. 49
xix. 47
41
xviii. i 163
xx., xxi.
... 121
xviii. 2, 3 157
xxi
... 154
xviii. 9 14 136
xxi. 1319
43
xviii. 15, 10 16,
xxiii.
... 184
1820 175
xxiii. 6
... 258
xix. i 156
xxiv. i, 5, 26
... 134
xix. 18, 19 125
xxiv. 10
15
xxi. 5 163
xxiv. 15
... 16
xxi. 19 ... 148 .
xxiv. 16
... 258
xxii. i 4; xxiii. 19,
xxiv. 19
... 51
20 125
xxiv. 31
... 159
xxiv. 510 245
xxiv. 33
101 n.
xxiv. 8 119, 163, 190, 258
xxv. 19; xxvi. i ... 156
Judg. i. 15
i. 16
... 49
105, TOO
xxvi. i n, 1215 147
i- 17
... 42
xxvi. 16 in
i- *7 33 ..
... 26
xxvii. 9 163
ii. 10
... 159
xxviii. ... 45, 112
iv. 4, 5
48, 126
xxviii. 53, 57 ... 45
iv. n
... 105
xxix. 113
iv. 19, 21 ...
145 ^
xxix. 29 258
v. 13, 3 3'
... 46
xxx. 10 258
xxxi. 9 ... 4<> 163
vi. 24
vi. 7, 8
4><
xxxi. y n, 2426 258
vi. 14, 36 ...
xxxii. 51 ... ... 93
vi. 38
".' 146
xxxiii. 10 257
vii. 14
46
xxxiii. 10, II 162 n.
* 4
42
. i 41
XI. II '...
... 126
xxxiv. 10 ... 49, 175
xi. 24
... 51
i. ... 184
xiii. 4, 7
... 190
s 190
xiii. 5, 25 ...
... 4 6
i. 7.8 *58
xiii. 5,7
... 1*7
s '3
xiii. 19
ii. ii ... 6
v. 13 '55 vi - l6 *7 4^
17
xvii. 6, 8
::: !s~
... 160
vi xii 13
xvii., xviii. ...
... 153
ji 9
xviii. 29 ...
41
336
INDEX
PAGE
Judg. xviii. 30, 31 134, 1=9
xxi. 25 160
iSam.i. 3, 7, 21; ii. 19 131, 151
i. 3 43
i- 9 ; 194
i. vii. ... 192 195
ii. 27, 28, 30 36 161 n.
ii. 28 188
ii. 29 150
iii. 3 R.V. ... 1 86, 193
iii. 14 150
iii- 15 J 94
iv. 12 22 43
vi. 3 150 n.
vi. 317 188
vi. 1315; vii. i 193,276
vii. 3 '94
vii. 17; ix. 13, 14;
x.8;xi. 15; xiii.9;
xiv. 35; xvi. 2, 5;
xx. 6, 29 134
ix. 9 47
xiv. 3335 151
xviii. 17; xxv. 28 ... 46
xxii. 19 43
xxiv. i 267
xxviii. 13 51
xxxi. 267
2Sam.i. 19 27 46
vi 268 270
vi. 13 134
xv. 24 276
xv. 27 48
xvii. 17 146
xxiv. 18 25 ... 134
xxiv. 7 26
i Kings i. 39, 50 194
ii. 3; viii. 9, 56 ... 135
ii. i 3 190
11.27, 35 ... ... 161
n. 3; viii. 9, 56 ... 135
ii. 29, 30 194
iii. 2 133,135
iv. 13 42 n.
iv. 24, 25; v. 3, 4 ... 47
vl i 43
viii. x ... 191 .
PAGE
i Kings viii. 12, 13 (LXX.) 46 n.
ix. 16 26
xii. 31 191
xiv. 23; xv. 14;
xxii. 43 135
xviii. 29 ... ... 150
xviii. 30 134
i Kings iv. i ... ... 126
xi. 4, 7 ... 167 n.
x". 3 135
xii. 1 6 ... 150 n.
xiv. 4 135
xiv. 6 135, 190, 259
xv. 4 , 35 135
xvi. 15 150
xvii. 13 175
xviii. 4, 22 135
xviii. 1316 ... 137
xxi. 3, 5, 6 136
xxi. 7 135
xxi. 10 16; xxii. ... 290
xxii. 8 ... 135, 321
xxii. 13 136
xxiii. 3, 48, 24 ... 135
xxiii. i, 3, 4, 5, 12,
21, 24 136
xxiii. 9 163
xxiii. 1520 ... 295
xxiii. 22 171
XXV. 12, 22 295
1 Chron. ii. 23 42 n.
vi. 57, 67 121
xxii. xxix 267
2 Chron. xxx. 295
Ezra ii.; viii. 15 ; Neh. vii. 168 n.
iv. 7; vii. 6, 10 282, 284 f.
ix. i, i 291
ix. 10 12 175
x. 8 289
Neh. iii. i 290
v. 5 126, 129
vi. 17, 18 292
viii. 171,179,185,259,291
viii. 2 293
viii. 18 172
x. 29 259
xiL ii, 22 289
INDEX
337
PACJB
PAGE
Neh.
xiii. 5. 7 -.
... 2 9 2
Ezek.
xliv. 11
... 289
xiii. 10 31 ...
... 291
xliv. 23
xiii. 24
... 293
xliv. 29; xlv. 17
... IS
xiii. 38
... 280
xlv. i
132 n.
Esth.
viii. p
... 283
xlvii., xlviii.
1 68 n.
Ps.
Ixxviii. 6, 7 ...
17
xlviii. ii
166*.
Ixxviii. 60 ...
... 43
xlviii. 35
... 5*
Ixxxiii. 1 8 ...
... 52
Dan.
v. 8
282, 284
xcvi. 113 ...
... 270
Amos
ii. 10
... 174
cv. i 15 ...
... 270
ii. 18
... 187
cv. 8, 4* 45
... 16
iv. 4, 5
... 177
CV. 12
ii
iv. 4 ; v. 5 ...
... '34
cvi. 47, 4 8 ...
cxiv. 6
... 270
... 269
Hos.
v. 4 15, 2i 24
iv. 6
... 177
... 257
cxix. 162
7
iv. 8
150 .
Isai.
i. 3; xix. 4 ...
... 51 .
iv. 8, 9 ; v. i
... 177
i. 10 17
177. ^57
iv. 15
... 134
ii. 2-4 ...
vi. 6
... 134
viii. ...
... 175
xii. 13
... 174
xii. 2; xxvi. 4
... 52
Mic.
iii. ii
177, 257
Jer.
ii. 8
... 256
iv. i 3
... 257
vii. 13
43
Nah.
iii. 8
... 21 .
vii. 17 20 ...
... 168
Hagg.
ii. n 13 ...
... 2 5 6
vii. 25, 27 ...
xviii. 18
... 174
... 256
Zech.
i. 4, 6
ix. 13
... 175
283, 285
xxiii. 6 ...
52
Mai.
iii. 3
... 171
xii. 5
... 296
iii. 10
170 .
xliv
... 164
iv. 4
171, 177
Ezek.
vii. 26
... 256
Matt.
v. 18
... 279
viii. ...
164, 1 68
xiii. 33; xvi. 2
xl. 39; xiii. 13
... 150
Job.
iv. 30
... 294
xl. 45, 46 ...
167 n.
xii. 49
... 303
xliv. 4 1 6 164 f.
, 166 .,
i Cor.
xiv. 1 6
... 381
167 n.
Passages
examined or
ex pi aim- it:
Gen.
i. xi.
54-66
Exod.
iii. 915 ...
Si, 100
i. ii. 4
... 54 f-
iv.
... 103 f.
ii. 4 iii.
vi. 38
... 67
vi 5 ix. 17
7481
vii. x.
... 104
xx. 117
.. 98 f.
xxi. xxiii. ...
... 110
xxviii. 10 xxxv. 101 103
... 104
XXVIII. 1033
IOI
xxiv. 3 8
1 1 *
xxix.
IO2
XXxiv. 11 27 Iiof., 11 = f.
Exod.
ii. 16 -23 ...
... 105 f.
xxxiv. 37, 38
... 116
338
INDEX
PAGE
PAGE
Lev.
xvii. 2 9 245
xvii. xxvi. inf., App. V
iSam.ii. 27, 28 161
vi. 15 ... 193, 276
xviii. xx 241
xxi. i6 188
xviii. 2430 ... 44
2Sam.vi 268fi.
xxvi. 3445 ... 44
xv. 24 276
Num.
x. 29 105
I Kings viii. i 5 ... 273 f.
xi., xii. 68 . 48
viii. i ii ... 194, 275
Deut.
v 113
viii. 4 ... ... 194
x. i5 82
2 Kings xvii. 20 41 ... 295 f.
xii. 813 ... 132 f., 139
xvii. 18 ; Josh. viii. 32 9
xxii., xxiii. 135145
xxiii. 9 .... ... 163 i.
xviii. 68 ... 163, 166
Ezr. iv. i 4 ... ., 297
Josh.
xiv. 615 ... 9597
Neh. vi. 17 19 ... _ 292
Judg.
xxi. 13-19 43
xvii., xviii. ... 158 160
Jer. xviii. 13 18 ... 256
xxxiv. 8 22 128, 125-
xviii. 30 i59.
Ezek. xliv. 4 16 ... 164 169
) Sam.
,ii. 22 ... 194, 276
Hos. iv. 8 150^.
Passages
compared :
Gen.
i. ii. 4 a cpw ii. 4 b
Gen. xxx. 16, 23 cpw. xxx.
iii. 24 ... ... 59 f.
l8, 24 IO2W.
i. 2025 cpw. vi. 20,
Exod. ii. 16 22 and Num.
21, vii. 14, 21, viii.
x. 29 cpw. Judg. i.
17, 19 .~ ... 57
16, iv. n 105 f.
iv. cpw. v. ... ... 61
iii. 9 15 cpw. vi. 2
v. cpw. xi 57 f.
8 ... 81, 100
vi-5 8cpw.vi-9 13 74
xxi. 2 n cpw. Deut.
vi. 7, vii. 4, 23 cpw.
xv. 12 1 8, Lev.
vi. 13, 17, ix. 11,15 74
ix. i, 12 cpw. ix. 7, 17 58
xxv. 3955, and
Jer. xxxiv. 8 22 123
xi. 31 cpw. xx. 12 ... 98
128
xvii. cpw. ix. 9 17,
xxiii. 12 ff. cpw.
xxviii. 3, 4, xxxv.
xxxiv. 10 26 no, 115 n.
9 13, xlviii. 3, 4 56 f.
xxiii. 14 17 and
xvii. cpw. Exod. xii. 69
xxxiv. 18, 22, 23
xvii. i, 2 cpw. xvii.
cpw. Deut. xvi. 132, 146,
24, 4 58
151
xx. i 17 and xxi.
xxiv. 3 8 cpw. xxxiv.
22 23 cpw. xxvi. 99 f.
10 27 nsff.
xxvii. 43 45 cpw.
xxv. xxxi. and xxxv.
xxviii. i 5 ... 223
xl. cpw. Exod.
xxviii. 1022, xxxi.
xxxiii. 7 1 1 , Num.
5 1 6 and xxxv.
xi., xii. and Deut.
r 7 cpw. xxxv.
xxxi. 14, 15 ... 85 f.
913 io
xxv. 10, xxxiv. I 4,
INDEX
339
78, xxxvii. and xl.
17 20 cpw. Deut.
x. i 5 ... ... Si f.
Exod. xxxvi. 8 ff. cpw.
xxx. u
86
Lev.
xx. 3, 4 cpw. xx. 30,
xxvi. i, 2 ...... 241
xxvii. 32 and Num.
xviii. 11 28 cpw.
Deut. xiv. 11 ig
and xviii. i 4 ... 155 f.
xxv. 33, 34, Num.
xxxv. i 8, and
Josh. xxi. cpw.
Deut. xii. 12, 18,
xiv. 27, 19, and
xviii. 6 ...... 154 f.
Num. xiii., xiv. cpw. Deut.
i. 19 44 ...... 87-92
and Josh. xiv. 6
15 ...... 95~97
xiv. 25, 40 cpw. Deut.
i. 4. 4* ......
xviii. cpw. Deut. xviii.
3, 4 and xxvi. 12
15
95
156
xviii. cpw. Deut. xiv.
1229 ... 157, 164 n.
PAGI
Num. xxxv. cpw. Deut. xix.
1 13 ... ... 121 f.
Deut. v. 31 cpw. vi. i, 6,
viii. i, u, ix. i ... 113 f.
xii. 10 cpw. i Kings
v. 4 ......
xxviii. 53, 57 cpw.
2 Kings vi. 28,
29 .........
Josh. xv. xvii.cpw.Judg.i.
i Sam. xxxi. cpw. i Chron.
x ..........
aSam.vi. cpw. ; Chron. xiii.
xvi ....... 168 ff.
xxii. cpw. Ps. xviii. 266
xxiv. i cpw. i Chron.
xxi. I ......
i Kings viii. cpw. i Chron.
vii. 9 ff. and Lev.
viii., ix, ...... 157
* Kings xi. i 20 cpw.
7 Chron. xxii.,
xxiii ....... 27<>ff.
xviii. xx. cpw. Isai.
xxxvi. xxxix. ... 266
xxiv. 18 f. cpw.
Jer. lii., xxxix. i
10 ......... 266
133
45
766
267
267
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