INTRODUCTION TO THE SCIENCE
OF LANGUAGE.
INTRODUCTION TO THE
SCIENCE OF LANGUAGE.
BY
A. H. SAYCE,
• EI'lTY PROFKSSOK OK COM I'AKATIVK I'HIl.OLOGT IN THE UNIVERSITY OF OXFOKD.
IN TWO VOLUMES.
VOL. II.
LONDON :
C. KEGAN PAUL & CO., i, PATERNOSTER SQUARE.
1880.
" Ille demum foret nobilissima grammaticae species, si quis in
linguis tarn eruditis qu?im vulgaribus eximie doctus, de variis lin-
guarum proprietatibus tractaret ; in quibus quasque excellat. in qui-
bus deficiat ostendens." — BACON (" De Aug. Scient./' vi. i).
The rights of translation and of reproduction are reserved.
TABLE OF CONTENTS.
VOL. II.
PAGE
Chapter VI. Roots i
Genealogical Classification of Languages (with
list of grammatical authorities) . . .31
„ VII. The Inflectional Families of Speech (Aryan,
Semitic, Old Egyptian, Sub-Semitic and
Ethiopian, Hottentot, Alarodian) ... 65
„ VIII. The Agglutinative, Incorporating, Polysynthetic,
and Isolating Languages . . . .188
„ IX. Comparative Mythology and the Science of
Religion 230
„ X. The Origin of Language, and the relation of the
Science )|of Language to Ethnology, Logic,
and Education 300
Selected List of Works for the Student 354
Index 365
CHAPTER VI.
ROOTS.
" Innumene linguae dissimillimas inter se, ita ut nullis machinis
ad communem originem retrahi possunt." — F. SCHLEGEL.
" Die Etymologic hat den vollen Reiz aller der Wissenschaften,
welche sich mit den Anfangen und dem Werden grosser Erzeug-
nisse der Natur oder des Geistes beschaftigen." — G. CURTIUS.
IN the Welsh book of Taliessin, a manuscript of the
fourteenth century, the bard declares that "there are
seven score Ogyrven in song,"1 and Prof. Rhys points
out 2 that these are the same as the " seven score and
seven Ogyrven," or roots, which, according to another
Welsh writer, who lived a century or two later, "are no
other than the symbols of the seven score and seven
parent-words, whence every other word." But the doc-
trine that all our words are descended from a limited
number of primaeval germs or roots is far older than the
Welsh bards. More than two thousand years ago the
grammarians of India had discovered that the manifold v
words of their language could all be traced back to
certain common phonetic forms which they termed " ele-
ments." Already the Prati'sakhya of Katyayana speaks
of the verb " by which we mark being " as a dhdtu or
1 Skene : " The Four Ancient Books of Wales" (1868), i. p. 527,
ii. p. 132.
2 " Lectures on Welsh Philology" (1877), p. 320.
II. B
THE SCIENCE OF LANGUAGE.
root, and before the Nirukta of Yaska was composed, a
fierce controversy had begun as to whether these roots
were all necessarily verbs. Yaska sums up the contro-
versy, and after stating fairly the arguments on both
sides, decides in favour of the Nairuktas or "etymolo-
gists," the followers of the philosopher 'Saka/ayana, who
held that every noun was derived from a verb. Vain
were the pleadings of Gargya and the Vaiyakara^as or
" analyzers " on the other side. They urged that if all
nouns came from verbs, a knowledge of the verb would
of itself make the noun intelligible, that whoever per-
formed the same action would be called by the same
name (all flying things, for instance, being called feathers,
from flat, "to fly"), and that everything would receive as
many names as there are qualities belonging to it, while
the derivations proposed for many words were forced and
unnatural, and as things come before being per se, that
which comes first could not be named from that which
comes afterwards. But the Nairuktas had their answers
ready. All words, they said, really were significant and
intelligible, while custom rules that agents and objects
should get their names from some single action or
quality, the "soldier" from the pay he receives, the
"stable" from its standing up. If an etymology were
forced, so much the worse for the etymologist, not for the
method he pursued ; and as for the last objection, no one
can deny that some words are derived from qualities,
even though qualities may be later than the subjects to
which they belong.1
1 Max Miiller : " History of Ancient Sanskrit Literature," 2nd
edition (1860), pp. 164-68.
ROOTS. 3
The question over which the Hindu grammarians
contended has been revived in our own day. Compara-
tive philology was the result of the study of Sanskrit,
and the Sanskrit vocabulary had been ranged under a
certain number of verbal roots. Both the term and the
conception, indeed, had already been made familiar to
the scholars of the West by their Arab and Hebrew
teachers, the only difference between the Sanskrit and
the Semitic root being that the one was a monosyllable,
the other a triliteral. European philology began to re-
cognize at last that words have a history ; that we cannot
compare Latin and Greek and English words together
before we have discovered their oldest forms, and that
the common phonetic type under which a cognate group
of words is classed must be no mere arbitrary invention
of the lexicographer, but be based on reality and fact
Roots are the barrier that divides language from the
inarticulate cries of the brute beast ; they are the last
result of linguistic analysis, the elements out of which the
material of speech is formed, like the elementary sub-
stances of the chemist. But we must be careful not to
fall into the mistake of the Indian grammarians and
their modern followers, and confound these roots with
verbs or any other of the constituents of living speech.
The roots of language are like the roots of the tree with
its stem and branches ; the one implies the other, but all
alike spring from the seed, which in language is the
undeveloped sentence of primitive man, the aboriginal
monad of speech. Roots, as Professor Max Miiller has
fitly called them, are phonetic types, the moulds into
which we pour a group of words allied in sound and
4 THE SCIENCE OF LANGUAGE.
meaning. Thus in the Semitic tongues, a root is the
union of three consonants, out of which numberless words
are created by the help of varying vowels and suffixes.
Kdtal, for instance, is " he killed," kotel, "killing," Ktol,
" to kill" and "kill," kdtul, "killed," katl, kitl or kutl, "a
killing," where the difference of signification is marked
by a difference of vowel ; and the whole series of co-
existing forms presupposes a triliteral root or phonetic
type k-t-l, to which was attached the general sense of
"killing." Such a root could not, of course, have found
any actual expression in speech ; it was an unexpressed,
unconsciously-felt type which floated before the mind of
the speaker and determined him in the choice of the
words he formed. When Van Helmont invented the
word gas, he did but embody in a new shape the root
which we have in our ghost and yeast. The primordial
types which presented themselves almost unconsciously
before the framers of language, which lay implicit in the
words they created, must be discovered and made ex-
plicit by the comparative philologist. Just as the phono-
logist breaks up words into their component sounds, so
must the philologist break up the groups of allied words
into their roots, for roots are to groups of words what
the letters and syllables are to each word by itself.
The influence of the Hindu tradition has introduced
into European philology expressions like " a language of
roots," " the root-period of language," and the like, and
has made some writers even speak as though our remote
ancestors conversed together in monosyllables which had
such general and vague meanings as "shining," "going,"
or " seeing." Prof. Whitney, the leading representative
ROOTS. 5
of the "common-sense" school of philology, has not
shrunk from stating clearly and distinctly the logical
consequences of such language. He tells us that "Indo-
European language, with all its fulness and inflective
suppleness, is descended from an original monosyllabic
tongue ; our ancestors talked with one another in single
syllables, indicative of the ideas of prime importance, but
wanting all designation of their relations."1 Such a
language, however, is a sheer impossibility — even for a
body of philosophers or comparative philologists, and it
is contradicted by all that we know of savage and bar-
barous dialects. In these, while the individual objects of
sense have a superabundance of names, general terms
are correspondingly rare. The Mohicans have words
for cutting various objects, but none to convey cutting
simply ; and the Society Islanders can talk of a dog's
tail, a sheep's tail, or a man's tail, but not of tail itself.
" The dialect of the Zulus is rich in nouns denoting dif-
ferent objects of the same genus, according to some
variety of colour, redundancy, or deficiency of members,
or some other peculiarity," such as "red cow," "white
cow," " brown cow ; " 2 and the Sechuana has no less
than ten words to denote horned cattle.3 The Cheroki
possesses thirteen different verbs to denote particular
kinds of washing, but none to denote "washing" itself;4
and, according to Milligan,5 the aborigines of Tasmania
1 " Language and the Study of Language," p. 256.
" "Journal of the American Oriental Society," i. No. 4, p. 402.
3 Casalis : " Grammar," p. 7.
4 Pickering : " Indian Languages," p. 26.
5 " Vocabulary of the Dialects of some of the Aboriginal Tribes
of Tasmania," p. 34.
THE SCIENCE OF LANGUAGE.
had " no words representing abstract ideas ; for each
variety of gum-tree and wattle-tree, &c. &c., they had
a name, but they had no equivalent for the expression
'a tree;' neither could they express abstract qualities,
such as hard, soft, warm, cold, long, short, round." The
lower races of men have excellent memories, but very
poor reasoning powers ; and the European child who
acquires a vocabulary of three or four hundred words in
a single year, but attaches all its words to individual
objects of sense, reflects their condition very exactly. We
may be sure that it was not "the ideas of prime impor-
tance" which primitive man struggled to represent, but
those individual objects of which his senses were cogni-
zant. As M. Breal observes,1 " It is not probable that
in the ante-grammatical period there were as yet no
words to denote the sun, the thunder, or the flame. But
the day when these words came into contact with pro-
nominal elements, and so became verbs, their sense also
became more fluid, and they dissolved into roots which
signified shining, thundering^ or burning. We can under-
stand how* the old words which designated the (indi-
vidual) objects, afterwards disappeared to make room
for words derived by the help of suffixes from these
newly-created roots. We can better understand, too,
the existence of numerous synonyms which signify
going, shining, resounding ; they are the abstracts or
abstracta of former appellatives. The idea of shining,
for instance, could be taken from the fire as well as from
the sun, and so a considerable number of roots, from
1 See his excellent article : " La Langue indo-europe'enne," in the
"Journal des Savants," Oct. 1876 (p. 17).
ROOTS. 7
very different starting-points, have come to be united in
a common term." An elementary work on French etymo-
logy groups words like rouler, roulement, roulage, roulier,
rouleau, roulette, roulis, round a root, roul, with the general
sense of " circular movement ; " yet in this case we know
that this imaginary root roul is nothing else than the
Latin substantive rotula. The error of the Sanskritists
is really the same, though the loss of the parent-language
prevents us from checking it with the same ease as when
we are dealing with French. " Father " and " mother "
must have had names in Aryan speech long before the
suffix tar was attached to what we call the " roots " pa
and ma, and Buschmann has shown that throughout
the world these names are almost universally pa or
ta and ma. Words like our door, the Latin fores, the
Greek S^«, the Sanskrit dwaram (dur), cannot be traced
to any root ; that is to say, a group of cognate words has
either never existed, or else been so utterly forgotten and
lost, that we can no longer tell what common type they
may have represented. "A word like [the French] car!'
remarks M. Van Eys,1 " could pass for a root if we did
not know its derivation."
Roots, then, are the phonetic and significant types dis-
covered by the analysis of the comparative philologist as
common to a group of allied words. They form, as it
were, the ultimate elements of a language, the earliest
starting-point to which we can reach, the reflections of
the manifold languages framed by the childhood of our
race. Each family of languages has its own stock of
roots, and these roots are the best representatives
1 " Dictionnaire basque-francais " (1873), p. v.
THE SCIENCE OF LANGUAGE.
we can obtain of the vocabulary of primitive man.
Like grammar and structure, roots, too, embody the
linguistic instinct and tendency of a race ; they are
the mirror whereon we can still trace the dim out-
lines of the thought and mental point of view which
has shaped each particular family of tongues. What
the language is, that also are its roots ; the roots of
Chinese or Polynesian are as distinctively and charac-
teristically Chinese or Polynesian as the roots of Aryan
are Aryan. We have to extract them from the existing
records of speech, and like the individual sounds of which
words are composed, the character they assume will be
that of the particular speech itself. " Unpronounced,"
says Prof. Pott,1 " they fluttered before the soul like small
images, continually clothed in the mouth, now with this,
now with that, form, and surrendered to the air to be
drafted off in hundredfold cases and combinations."
They are, in fact, the product of the unconscious working
of analogy, that potent instrument in the creation of lan-
guage. The name given to an individual object becomes
a type and centre of the ideas that cluster about it ; sense
and sound are mingled together in indissoluble union,
and the instinct of speech transforms the combination
into a root. Upon this root, or rather upon the analogy
of the name that is the true source of the root, is built a
new superstructure of words by the help of suffixes and
other derivative elements. But the root and all the
family of words that belong to it must remain the
shadow and reflection of the original word from which
it arose, and consequently display all the characteristics
1 As quoted by Professor Max Miiller, " Lectures," ii. p. 85.
ROOTS. 9
of the words itself, and the language of which it forms
part.
Hence it is that the roots of a family of languages
have the characteristics of the languages to which they
belong. Thus the roots of a Semitic tongue are triliteral,
consisting, that is to say, of three consonants, while the
roots of the Finno-Ugrian dialects exhibit the same vowel-
harmony as the developed dialects themselves.1 Hence,
too, it is that the roots given by lexicographers merely re-
present the oldest forms of words of which we know, and
do not exclude the possibility that these words are really
compounds, or that phonetic decay has acted upon them in
some other way long before the earliest period to which
our analysis can reach back. In certain cases, indeed,
we have good proof that such a possibility has been an
actual fact. Thus the Arabic root 'dm, "to be orphaned,"
is a decayed form of an older 'dlam? and such co-existent
Aryan roots as vridh and ridh, both signifying "growing,"
imply the loss of an initial letter, while it is only within
the last few years that the labours of Dr. Edkins and
M. de -Rosny have given us any idea of the roots of Old
Chinese. By the help of the old rhymes, of a comparison
of the living dialects and of other similar sources of
aid, Dr. Edkins has restored the pronunciation of Man-
darin Chinese such as it was 2,000 or even 4,000 years
ago.3 Thus 72, "one," was once tit; ta, "great," was dap;
1 Donner in the " Z. d. D. M. G.," xxvii. 4 (1873).
2 Ewald: " Ausfuhrliches Lehrbuch der Hebraischen Sprache"
(8th edition), p. ix.
3 See his " Introduction to the Study of the Chinese Characters"
(1876).
10
THE SCIENCE OF LANGUAGE,
ye, " to throw," was tik. There are words in which we
can trace a continuous process of change and phonetic
decay, tsie, "a, joint," for instance, being tsit in the
classical poetry, and since in Chinese k changes to ty and
not contrariwise, while there is evidence that the word
once ended in a guttural, we are carried back to a
period earlier than noo B.C. for the time when tsit was
still tsik. But even tsik is not the oldest form to which
we can trace it back. Tsik is developed out of tik, and
to tikj therefore, we must look for a representation of
the root to which it and other allied words have to be
referred.
Wherever ancient monuments, or a sufficient number
of kindred dialects are wanting, the roots we assign to
a set of languages will represent only their latest stage.
The further we can get back by the help of history and
comparison, the older the forms of the words we com-
pare, the better will be the chance we have that our
roots will reflect an epoch of speech, not so very far
removed, perhaps, from its first commencement. The
so-called " root-period " of the primitive Aryan, really
means the analysis of the most ancient Aryan vocabulary,
which a comparison of the later dialects enables us to
make. Behind that " root-period " lay another, of which
obscure glimpses are given us by the roots we can still
further decompose. A series of words, for instance, like
the Greek ucrpivy, and the Sanskrit yudkmas, presuppose
a root yudh(ci), but when we remember other sets of
words presupposing the roots yu ("joining together")
and dlia ("placing"), we are carried back to a time when
the word signifying " battle," which embodied, as it were,
ROOTS. ii
the root yndh, was itself a newly-formed compound
meaning "conflict."
The existence of such a primary " root-period " is also
made clear to us in another way. M. Breal * draws at-
tention to the number of homophonous roots in com-
parative dictionaries like those of Fick or Curtius ; thus
we have a root kar, " making " (Latin creare\ another
root ^ar, "mingling" (Greek Htpanufju), and a third root
kar, "cutting" (Latin cernere]. So, too, in Old Chinese,
as we have seen, there were homonyms like tik, "to
throw," and tik, a "joint," which may both be referred
to a root t-k. Now in the actual speech there was little
danger of any confusion arising from the homophony of
these roots. In Chinese, where phonetic decay has made
such widespread ravages, an immense number of words
has certainly come to assume the same outward ap-
pearance, but means have been found for distinguishing
between them by the invention of "tones," and by recourse
to writing. In the Aryan tongues the words embodying
such homophonous roots as those quoted just now are
conjugated differently. Nevertheless, Chinese "tones"
cannot claim a very much greater antiquity than Chinese
writing, the spread of education producing a slovenly
pronunciation, and the results of a slovenly pronunciation
being obviated by the introduction of new tones, while
we can follow the Aryan verb up to an age when it did
not yet exist, and when, consequently, there were as yet
no verbal flections. We cannot suppose, however, that
language was at all less particular at this period about
distinguishing between its words than it has been during
1 " La Langue indo-europeenne," p. 14.
12 THE SCIENCE OF LANGUAGE.
the historical epoch ; indeed, the observation of savage
idioms proves that a barbarous dialect is much more
careful to keep its words apart in pronunciation than a
cultivated and literary one. The Frenchman with his
written speech, his large vocabulary, and his practised
keenness of intelligence, can far better afford to heap
homophone upon homophone than the inhabitant of the
Admiralty Islands. The Aryan kar and the Chinese tik
alike show that the epoch of speech they represent has
another behind it, when as yet the words embodying the
ideas of " making," " mingling," and " cutting," or of
"throwing," and "joint," had not coalesced in sound.
The roots which represented this epoch are irrecoverable,
because the words which contained them are lost, but we
may feel sure that the words from which the homopho-
nous roots are extracted, are but the worn relics and
remains of those earlier ones.
Roots differ as the languages to which they belong
differ ; here they are monosyllabic, there they are poly-
syllabic. In the Polynesian family every consonant must
be accompanied by a vowel ; in Aryan two and even
three consonants may follow one another; while in
Semitic, and possibly Chinese, the root contains no
vowel at all. It is probable that the majority of roots in
most languages are of more than one syllable, and that
if we could get back to the first stage of speech, we
should find that this was universally the case. As Dr.
Bleek has pointed out, such natural sounds as sneezing,
and the like, can only be represented articulately by a
succession of syllables, and since languages change mainly
through the action of phonetic decay, we should expect
ROOTS. 13
to find the words becoming more and more polysyllabic
the further we mount back. Professor Whitney observes
with truth that " bow-wow is a type, a normal example,
of the whole genus 'root.'"1 The sentence-words of
primitive language were probably at least disyllabic, and
the monosyllabism of Chinese or of the Taic and Bush-
man tongues would merely be an illustration of their
vast antiquity and the long-continued action of phonetic
decay. The roots of the Semitic languages are di-
syllabic, or if sounded with vowels trisyllabic, like kadhala,
and the attempts that have been made to reduce them
to a single syllable have all been failures. Bohtlingk 2
notes that many Tibetan words at present monosyllabic
were formerly polysyllabic, and the polysyllabism of the
roots of the Ba-ntu family is well known. . Such is also
the case with the roots of Kanuri, Wolof, Pul, Maforian,
and Malayo-Polynesian. In some of these instances
monosyllabic roots stand by the side of polysyllabic
ones, just as in Old Egyptian, where we find keb, "to go
round," by the side of kebelih, tionen, " to be," by the side
of icon. They stand out like the stray waifs of an other-
wise extinct world, the last record of the first beginnings
of speech. Like the child of the present day, the
primaeval speaker did not confine his utterances to a
simple ah! or oh!
The Hindu grammarians reduced the roots of their
language to single syllables, and comparative philology
inherited from them the belief that the roots of the
Aryan family are necessarily monosyllabic. Such is un-
1 " Life and Growth of Language " (1875), P- 299-
2 " Ueber die Sprache der Jakuten," p. xvii. note 46.
THE SCIENCE OF LANGUAGE.
doubtedly the case with a root like i or ya, "going," but
there are good grounds for believing that is not the case
with most other roots. Thus a certain number of these
roots end with the double consonant kv or kw, like sakw,
''following" (Latin sequor\ and whatever we may imagine
to have been the pronunciation of such a sound, we can
imagine none which would allow it to be pronounced
without a vowel after it.1 If, again, we compare the
Latin vectu or vectul with the Sanskrit vodkavai, and the
Slavonic v&ti, we can discover no bond of union between
them, unless a root, vaghi-tavai, be presupposed. So,
too, compound roots, like yu-dh for yu-dha, are neces-
sarily disyllabic, and, as Fick has lately shown,2 the so-
called stems in a, ya, i, and u, are really rather roots
than stems. We cannot separate words like ayo-j and
ayo-fjw, the Sanskrit bhara-s, bhara-tlia, and bkara-ti, "he
bears," any more than we can separate po'fo-f and (psfs-rs,
or Qpi%o-g and t-Qpfa-pa. We cannot derive either the
verb from the noun or the noun from the verb ; they are
co-existent creations, belonging to the same epoch and
impulse of speech. The second vowel which characte-
rizes both alike, therefore, cannot be a classificatory
suffix ; it distinguishes neither noun nor verb, but is the
common property of both. What makes po'po-s a noun is
the pure flection — the change of vowel in the first syl-
lable. A form like bkara-, accordingly, cannot be treated
1 In fact, De Saussure has shown that the velar k implied a fol-
lowing a3 (a or a, o or <?) when represented in Sanskrit by a guttural,
a1 or a2 (e, a) when represented by a palatal (" Me"moires de la
Socidte de la Linguistique de Paris"), and consequently sakw- (the
Sanskrit sack) must have been followed by a or £
2 Bezzenberger's " Beitrage," i. pp. i, 120, 231, 312, &c.
ROOTS. 15
as a stem, because a stem is necessarily furnished with a
classificatory suffix or some other mark to determine to
what part of speech it belongs ; we have nominal stems
and verbal stems, but a stem which is at once nominal
and verbal is not a stem but a root. It is the ultimate
element, the phonetic type, contained by a group of
allied words whose grammatical relations are indicated by
varying contrivances. The so-called suffix -ya must be
banished along with the suffix -a ; "ayyehia is nothing else
than ayyetyo declined as a noun, which appears as a verb
in ayyF.xyo-fji.Ev," and /wa£oV (fMz.tyo-s) and the Latin madeo
are equally based on a "root" madya. Even the " stems
in -as " must lose their initial vowel ; the classificatory
suffix is -s, not the vowel, which is common to both
nouns and verbs ; and though there may seem to be a
grammatical difference between the final vowels of ydog
and >j3i/j, the difference vanishes when we compare the
Greek /xe^-A on the one side and the Latin argn-ere on
the other. 'H?4 would seem to stand for Sds-ft-s. As
Fick observes, even in the case of those nouns whose
"root " agreed with that of the sigmatic future, and aorist
in possessing no vocalic ending, "the Indians with
horrible consistency assumed a suffix — namely, the suffix
Zero." '
1 In the fourth volume of Bezzenberger's " Beitrage" (1878), Fick
shows that the stem of a present, like ndOu or 0£uy<w, is more original
than the stem of the aorist i-mO-ov, e-^wy-ov, the shortening of the
vowel being occasioned by the accent which in the aorist fell upon
the last syllable. Accordingly a, I, and v in the present are con-
tracted into a, i, and v in the aorist, and f disappears altogether.
Fick further remarks that the old theory would logically make <nr,
TTT, <j>v, and f TT the roots of such verbs as a-rrkaQai, TTTsaOai, irtyvt, and
(— ft-pTrtiv}, the final e being considered "thematic," and
i6
THE SCIENCE OF LANGUAGE.
There is yet another reason for thinking that the ma-
jority of Indo-European roots — that is of the types which
underlay the oldest Aryan vocabulary of which we know
— must be regarded as polysyllabic. Prof. Max Miiller l
draws attention to the fact that the existence of parallel
roots of similar meaning, but different terminations, like
mardh, marg, mark, marp, mard, smar, and mar, can be
better explained by elimination than by composition.
The so-called determinatives or final letters cannot be
classificatory, as they convey no modification of meaning,
and are to be found in words belonging to all the parts
of speech. " There is at all events no a priori argument
against treating the simplest roots as the latest, rather
than the earliest products of language." " It would be
perfectly intelligible that such roots as mark, marg,
mard, mardh, expressing different kinds of crushing, be-
came fixed side by side, that by a process of elimination
their distinguishing features were gradually removed,
and the root mar left as the simplest form expressive of
the most general meaning." In other words, the vocables
not belonging to the root. In the second part of the third volume
of the same periodical (1879), Fick points out that, "through the
influence of the accent the vowels e and o can be reduced to e and
0, mere voice-checks, for which loss of the vowel can be substi-
tuted, especially in open syllables. This original e and 0, which I
call sh'wa for the sake of brevity, generally appears in Sanskrit as
i or i (also as u or u before and after liquids), in Zend as e and /",
in Greek mostly as a, in German as o (Gothic u)." "In the aorist
the final sh'wa is retained in the a of the Greek aorist e'xevac," &c.
" Hence it is clear that stems like ed, bhid, or ruk had no existence
whatever originally, but first arose out of ede, bhide, and ruke ; the
Indian theory of roots, with all its perverse consequences (thematic
and union vowels, Guna, &c.), must be definitely set aside."
1 "Chips," iv. pp. 128, 129.
ROOTS. 17
that embodied these roots underwent the wear and tear
of phonetic decay, many of them passed out of the living
speech and were replaced by others, and there was left
at last a whole family of nouns and verbs, whose sole
common possession was the syllable mar. That alone
had resisted the attacks of time and change. We indeed
have some difficulty in realizing the variability of savage
and barbarous languages, or of the readiness with which
new words are coined and old ones forgotten. Mr. Theal,
illustrating the Kafir rule that a woman may not men-
tion the names of any of her husband's male relations in
the ascending line,1 states that " a woman who sang the
song of Tangalimlibo for me used the word angoca in-
stead of amanzi for water, because this last contained the
syllable nzi, which she would not on any account pro-
nounce. She had therefore manufactured another word,
the meaning of which had to be judged of from the con-
text, as standing alone it is meaningless." It will be
noticed that the word is trisyllabic, and not a monosyl-
lable, as the Indianist theory would require, and if other
words came to be framed after its model, it would origi-
nate a root, which would certainly be of more than one
syllable. Phonetic decay alone could reduce it to the
orthodox monosyllabic form.
The existence of compound roots has already been
alluded to, implying a division of roots into simple and
compound, the first class consisting of those which were
really simple from the first, as well as of those which our
ignorance prevents us from decomposing. Compound
roots form part of the class of " secondary " roots as dis-
1 " Cape Monthly Magazine," xiv. 36 (June, 1877), p. 349-
II. C
i8 THE SCIENCE OF LANGUAGE.
tinguished from " primary ; " yu and mar being examples
of primary roots, yudh andyug; mardh, mard, marg, mark,
and smar of secondary ones. A primary root, therefore,
is the simplest element of sound and meaning which can
be extracted from a group of words ; it constitutes their
characteristic mark and sign of relationship, and indi-
cates where the line of division must be drawn between
them and other unallied words. A secondary root deter-
mines a species within the larger genus ; words contain-
ing the root mard/i, for instance, form a specific class
within the wider class of those which contain the root
mar. The Latin ju-s, "right" or "bond/' is an example
of the genus of which jung-erey "to join," is an example
of the species ; but whereas in natural history a species
is posterior to the genus, the converse is the case with
the roots of the philologist. The reason of this is plain
enough ; the genera and species of zoology and botany
answer to actually existing forms of life, whereas the
roots of language are due to the reflective analysis of the
grammarian. At the same time, some of the secondary
roots are undoubtedly compounds, that is to say, are ex-
tracted from compound words, and wherever this is the
case, the species or secondary root will necessarily be
later than the primary or generic one.
One of the first attempts to decompose the secondary
roots was made by Professor Pott. He started the view
that a large number of them were compounded with pre-
positions ; thus pinjt "painting," is derived from api or
EOT and anj, " anointing." But such a view is no longer
tenable. The loss of the initial vowel in a word like api
is peculiar to Sanskrit, and not a characteristic of the
ROOTS. 19
parent- Aryan ; the origin of the Latin ping-ere would
therefore be inexplicable. Moreover, the preposition was
a late growth in Aryan speech, and in early times there
was no close amalgamation of it with the verb. Even in
Greek and Sanskrit the prepositions are still so indepen-
dent that the augment and reduplication are inserted be-
tween them and the verbal form, and we all remember
how loosely attached they are to the verb throughout the
larger part of Homer. Pott's theory must therefore be
given up, and another be proposed in its place. This has
been done by Professor G. Curtius, who suggests that
many of the compound roots were similar to such Latin
tenses of a later day as amav-eram (for amavi-eraui) and
amav-ero (for amavi-ero], where we have two verbal forms
agglutinated one to another. Hence in a secondary root
like yudh, we may see an amalgamation of the two
primary roots yu and dha, the first with the sense of
" mingling," and the second with that of " placing." It
is very possible that the Greek passive aorist E-T&Q-QYI-V
and optative Tipao-ivt-v may contain the roots d/ia, "plac-
ing," and ya, " going," which we find in the Latin ven-eo,
venuin-ire ; at all events, the existence of such com-
pounds in the parent-Aryan is shown to be more than a
mere conjecture by the Latin credo which appears under
the form of ' srad-dadhami in Sanskrit. Sanskrit and
Latin alike throw light on one another, and show us that
credere, "to believe," is really a compound of cor(d\ "the
heart," the Greek xaftiot, and the root dha, "to place,"
which elsewhere appears in the Latin ab-dere, con-dere,
e-derel " To believe " was therefore originally " to
1 Darmesteter : " Mdmoires de la Societd de Linguistique," iii. p. 52.
20
THE SCIENCE OF LANGUAGE.
place " or " set the heart " towards another object. How
old the compound is may be gathered from the form
it has assumed in Sanskrit. The ordinary word for
" heart " in both Sanskrit and Zend presupposes a root
ghard ; 'srad alone in this curious old compound has the
same root, kard, as the words which signify " heart " in
the European branch of the Aryan family. The parent-
Aryan had its dialects like all spoken languages, and
these dialects possessed slightly differing forms of the
same word. One form finally triumphed in Western
Aryan, another form in Eastern Aryan, but before this
happened the compound credo, 'srad-dadhdmi, was al-
ready in existence, testifying to a time when the West-
Aryan form was employed in East Aryan itself. ,
A very common secondary root is one formed by redu-
plication. Originally the whole root was probably re-
peated ; but in course of time broken reduplication be-
came prevalent, consisting in the repetition of only a part
of the whole root. Thus by the side of ^^p-og and/>/r-
fur we find me-mor and KITT^T-M, tu-tud-i and vs-run-a.
The loss of the second consonant might be compensated
for ; in the Greek *«/Aa^ and Saioateog, for instance, a
diphthong marks the existence of a former consonant.
On the other hand, the vowel of the second syllable
might be lengthened or intensified, as in the Greek ay-
uy-h and kr-rnv^o^ and when the second syllable was thus
strengthened the vowel of the first syllable was very
liable to become correspondingly weak. So in Latin we
have ci-conia and ci-catrix, and in Greek Si-dawa for 3i- &w-
0-*«, and 'iffTYifju for en-oni/xt. WThen the variation of vowel
had once been introduced, the changes that could be
ROOTS. 21
rung upon it were almost innumerable. We have seen
how they were made subservient to the needs of flection
in the Greek verb where the difference of the vowel in
di-oupi and 3*»&wa marked also a difference of tense.
But reduplication is one of those primitive contri-
vances of language which, though continually reappear-
ing in the nursery dialect or thieves' slang, does not seem
to be a favourite with a more cultivated age, There is
hardly anything which is attacked with more persistency
by phonetic decay than reduplication. Did alone bears
witness to the reduplicated perfects of our Teutonic
ancestors, and the reduplicated perfects of Latin are few
and exceptional. A reduplicated root can sometimes be
recovered only by a wide-reaching comparison of words,
and even where this is not the case the original redupli-
cation has often been so far obliterated as at first sight
to escape observation. If we take the Greek $0$, " life,"
we shall have some difficulty in detecting any reduplica-
tion at all, and it is not until we come to the Latin vivo
that the fact becomes clear to us. But vivo itself is but
a fragment of its primitive self. The perfect vixi (vic-si)
tells us that it has lost a guttural, and what this guttural
was is only to be discovered by an appeal to the English
quick and the Sanskrit /*V&*Mf, " life." Both jS/oj and vivo
are the bare and shattered relics of a word which con-
tained the reduplicated root gwi-gwi.
Roots naturally display all the variability of the words
in which they inhere. The vowel may change not only
when they are reduplicated, but in other cases as well.
By the side of ar in aro, " to plough," we have er in Ipcr/uov,
"an oar," and or in of-vy^ti, "to rise," and within the same
22
THE SCIENCE OF LANGUAGE.
Greek verb itself we find
with
for
E-JCTOV-S w a, XTEIVU
with e, and E-ttrw-a with o. As we have seen before, in
cases like po^oj by the side of <p£$u} the change of vowel
becomes a sign of flection, and we have to look to Sanskrit,
where the single vowel a answers to the three European
vowels a, e, and ot for our root. At other times instead
of a change of vowel we find a change in the position of
the consonant. Thus, if we compare the Greek to$aw and
with the Latin labor and cerno, or the Greek forms
and TatocvTov with one another, we have vocalized
consonants developing vowels in different positions.
The root is a*p- for Greek, and lab- for Latin. Again,
the consonant itself may vary in two allied dialects or
even within one and the same dialect ; in Greek, for
instance, iA-fiav and Sa/zjSo? stand by the side of %%0/xai (!f-
fftcofjuu) and £Ta$ov, and the Latin vivere corresponds with
the Greek /3/o$. Sometimes the consonant may become
a vowel or a vowel become a consonant, as in AOWEIV, " to
wash," the Latin lavere, or iljty, our water. The Latin
deus and divus, like the Greek ftbj and 3»fao$ (for SE/^OJ),
go back to a root dfo, whereas the allied words Zei/j and
Jitpiter, for AJ/E^ and Dyu-piter, answering to a Sanskrit
dyaus-pitar, presuppose a root dyu. Here we see v voca-
lized to w in the one case, and i hardened to y in the
other. The roots have no existence apart from the words
which contain them, and the phonetic variations of the
words must therefore be faithfully represented in their
corresponding roots.
Now just as words are divisible into two great classes,
presentative and representative, conceptual and symbolic,
predicative and pronominal, so too necessarily are roots.
ROOTS. 23
There are pronominal and demonstrative roots, just as
there are verbal or predicative ones, and since a root does
but reflect the common characteristic of the group of
words to which it belongs, pronominal roots, like the
pronouns themselves, are short in outward form and
symbolic in inward meaning. " Symbolic words," says
Prof. Earle,1 " are those which by themselves present no
meaning to any mind, and which depend for their intel-
ligibility on a relation to some presentive (or objective)
word or words." They are what the Chinese call
"empty" words, that is, words which have been stripped
of their original nominal or verbal signification, and ap-
plied as auxiliaries and helpmeets to express the relations
of a sentence. Ki, " place," li, " interior," or/, " to use," for
instance, have all become empty words with hardly a trace
of their primitive meaning, ki being used as a relative
pronoun, li and y as mere signs of the locative and instru-
mental. The number of symbolic words in a cultivated
and analytic language like English is very considerable ;
a or an, the, but, from, if, of, is, tJiere, tlien, and the pro-
nouns generally will occur at once to the mind of every-
one. Many of these symbolic words, like the " empty
words " of Chinese, can be traced back to a time when
they were still predicative, when they still denoted ob-
jects and attributes, and could be used as predicates of
the sentence. Others of them, however, have lost all
vestiges of any such predicative meaning, if ever they
possessed it ; even during the earliest period at which
we become acquainted with them they are already sym-
1 "Philology of the English Tongue" (2nd edition), p. 222. See
Locke's " Essay on the Understanding," iii. ch. vii. (" On Particles.")
THE SCIENCE OF LANGUAGE.
bolic, already mere marks of relation. This is especially
the case with the pronouns, and since most of the pro-
nouns can be shown to have once had a demonstrative
sense, those roots which are not verbal or predicative
have been termed sometimes pronominal, sometimes
demonstrative. Pronominal or demonstrative roots form
a smaller class by the side of the predicative ones. Con-
stant use and close amalgamation with other words tend
to attenuate symbolic words, and cause them to be espe-
cially affected by the action of phonetic decay ; hence it
is that pronominal roots consist for the most part of
open syllables like ka, na, ma, ta. We may describe
them, in fact, as consisting of only one consonant, the
initial letter of those little but important words which
they represent. It has often been proposed to identify
the classificatory suffixes of a flectional language with
these attenuated pronominal roots, and appeal has been
made to the fact that the person-endings of the verb —
ad-mi, at-si, at-ti — actually are personal pronouns. It
is difficult, however, to see what else they could be, since
the persons of the verbs necessarily imply the personal
pronouns, and the fact in question, therefore, gives no
support to a theory which assumes the existence of pro-
nouns where no pronominal meaning can be attached to
them. Decay, it is true, attacks the meaning as well as
the sounds of words, and what was once significant may
afterwards cease to be so ; but before we can admit the
hypothetical presence of pronouns or pronominal roots,
we must be assured of the appropriateness or even the
possibility of the meanings to be assigned to them. The
similarity that exists between the phonetic form of many
R007S. 25
of the suffixes and that of the pronominal roots can be
accounted for very simply by the attenuated character of
these roots. Now and then, however, a similarity has been
assumed that does not exist. Thus the guttural suffix
ka can have nothing to do with the "root" of the Latin
quis, the Greek TIJ and the Sanskrit chit, "somewhat,"
since the guttural here is velar ; and as Prof. Ludwig
has pointed out,1 the " pronominal " ta which plays so
great a part in the ordinary analysis of flectional forms
is a pure nonentity, as t is always followed by the vowel
i. In fact, the identification of suffixes and " demonstra-
tive roots " is due to a confusion of ideas ; suffixes can
have no roots ; they are only parts of words, common to
nearly all groups of words alike, and varying continually
within the same group. But groups of words alone can
be said to possess roots, and if we assign roots to sym-
bolic words, it is because they also, like the predicative
words of the sentence, fall into groups. The root is a
property of words, not of their suffixes.
It is highly probable that even those words which we
find acting as auxiliaries and pronouns as far back as our
linguistic analysis allows us to go, were themselves once
full or predicative words, and that if we could penetrate
to an earlier stage of language, we should meet with the
original forms of which they are the maimed and half-
obliterated descendants. Analogy certainly is in favour
of this view. Such symbolic words as an (one) or
will, of which we have a history, are known to have
been formerly presentative, and there is nothing to pre-
vent other symbolic words, with whose history we are
1 "Agglutination oder Adaptation" (1873), p. 18.
26
THE SCIENCE OF LANGUAGE.
unacquainted, from having been so too. The relative
pronoun in Chinese can be proved to have once been a
substantive meaning " place," and it would seem that the
Hebrew relative Dasher had the same origin, 'asm in
Assyrian, 'athar in Aramaic signifying " a place." The
Assyrian pronoun mala, " as many as," is merely a fossil-
ized substantive meaning "fulness," and the Ethiopic lall
and ciya> which, when combined with suffixes, express the
nominative or accusative of the personal pronoun, really
signified originally " separation " and "entrails." The
Malay ulun, "I," is still "a man" in Lampong, and the
Kawi ngwang, " I," cannot be separated from nwang, " a
man." In Japanese the same word may stand for all
three persons ; but this is because it was primitively a
substantive, such as "servant," "worshipper," and the
like. Even now the Chinese scholar will say, ts'ie (" the
thief") instead of "I," while tsidn ("bad") and ling
(" noble ") are used for " mine " and " thine." 2 " The in-
habitants of Ceylon," says Adelung, 3 " have seven or
eight words to denote the second personal pronoun,"
and Pott remarks4 that even German is still so much
influenced by the habits of an earlier barbarism as scru-
pulously to avoid the employment of the second personal
pronoun, recourse being had, where Er and Sie fail, to
the uncivilized method of denoting the personal pronoun
by means of a substantive. In Greek we find o'dfe b avyp
used as the equivalent of " I," and a somewhat unsatis-
1 Pratorius : " Z. d. D. M. G." xxvii. 4 (1873).
2 Endlicher: " Chines. Grammatik," pp. 258-89.
3 " Mithridates," i. 233.
4 " Die Ungleichheit menschlicher Rassen," pp. 5, 6.
ROOTS. 27
factory attempt has been made to derive this pronoun
itself, the Latin ego, the Sanskrit afiam, from the root agh,
" speaking," which we have in the Latin ad-agi-um, " a
proverb," the Greek y-(M, and the Gothic af-aik-an, "to
deny." However this may be, we must always bear in
mind the possibility of tracing symbolic words to concep-
tual ones, and of discovering that what we have imagined
to be the pronominal root is really a reduced and muti-
lated form. Above all, we must not fall into the mistake
of confounding these pronominal roots with the classifi-
catory suffixes, a mistake which has been perpetrated in
the classification of roots as material and formal. It is
perfectly true that some of the suffixes, such as -tar, or
our own -ward, or the person-endings of the Aryan verb,
can be referred to old nouns and pronouns ; but what is
true of some of them is not true of all, while even these
suffixes are not identical with pronominal roots but be-
long to groups of words containing both pronominal and
predicative roots.
And so we are brought back to our starting-
point. Roots are the phonetic and significant types
which underlie a group of words in a particular family
of speech. Each family of speech has its own stock of
roots, its own common heritage of words, which serve,
like its grammar and its structure, to mark it off from
every other family. We have seen how the various races
of man have started with different grammatical concep-
tions and modes of constructing the sentence ; they have
equally started with different lexical types. Roots are
for the dictionary what the mental ways of viewing the
relations of the sentence are for grammar. Allied Ian-
28
THE SCIENCE OF LANGUAGE.
guages must agree in their roots as well as in their
grammar.
But it is not necessary that the roots possessed by
each member of a family of speech should all be the
same. We find cases and case-endings in Latin which
do not exist in Greek, while the Greek terminations in
-Si and -Sev are equally unknown to Latin. Similarly in
the vocabulary, one dialect may retain words which have
been lost by another, or drop words which are in use in
the remaining cognate tongues. This is one of the
causes of the difficulty experienced by etymologists in
finding a derivation for every word in the lexicon, that is
to say in settling the root to which it must be referred.
Unless we have allied words in cognate dialects with
which to compare our recalcitrant word, no etymological
tact or scientific attainments will enable us to determine
its roots and connections. The logicians tell us that w.e
can draw no inference from a single instance ; it is just
as impossible to discover an etymology for an isolated
word. But there may be other reasons for this impossi-
bility besides the simple one that a word may be the last
waif and stray of an otherwise extinct group. Lan-
guages borrow words from their neighbours, and it may
very well happen that the word whose derivation we are
seeking may be a foreign importation which has slightly
changed its appearance in being naturalized. We know
from Livy (vii. 2) and Festus1 that the Latin histrio
(kister), " a play-actor," and nepos, " a spendthrift," were
borrowed from Etruscan, and the inscriptions have further
informed us that the Latin Aulus was originally the
1 Ed. Muller, p. 165.
ROOTS. 29
Etruscan Avile, "the long-lived one," but there is little
doubt that many words exist in Latin which were also
introduced from Etruria, but of whose parentage our
ignorance of the old Etruscan language forbids us to give
any account. Maize and hammock seem genuine Eng-
lish words enough, but they have come to us through the
medium of Spanish from the dialect of the natives of
Hayti.1 To search for their etymology in the Aryan
family of speech would be parallel to M. Halevy's endea-
vour to explain agglutinative Accadian from the Semitic
lexicon. But there is yet a third reason for the existence
of roots peculiar to only one out of a group of allied
languages. Even in its most advanced and cultured
state, language never wholly resigns its power of creating
new words, and with them new roots. It is- true that the
inventions of the nursery are nipped in the bud or con-
fined within the nursery walls ; it is also true that words
like the Kafir angoca, mentioned before, could never be
introduced into literary idioms like English and French ;
but it is also true that the native instinct of language
breaks out wherever it has the chance, and coins words
which can be traced back to no ancestors. The slang of
the schoolboy, the argot of the large towns, Americanisms,
and thieves' cant, all contain evidences that the creative
powers of language are even now not extinct. The
murderer Pierre Riviere invented the word ennepharer
for the torture to which, as a boy, he subjected frogs,
and the word calibene for the instrument with which he
killed birds.2 Prince " Plon-plon " can be assigned no
1 Humboldt : " Travels " (Engl. transl.), i. p. 329.
2 Charma : " Essai sur le Langage " (1846), p. 66.
THE SCIENCE OF LANGUAGE,
parentage, any more than the game of squalls with its
swoggle and absquatulate. Du Merit refers to the purely
musical names given by children to those they are fond
of, and Nodier tells a curious story to account for the
origin of a lady's falbala.1 A witty prince of the last
century, Marshal de Langlee, entered a shop with the
intention of testing the assurance of the milliner in it.
He therefore coined the word falbala on the spot, and
immediately asked for one. The milliner at once brought
him the dress called volant, which with its light floating
points reminded her of the root involved in the newly-
invented word, and perhaps called up the sound and
signification of foldtre or flatter? Even natural science
has added to the stock of Aryan roots. To pass over
Van Helmont's gas, Neckar invented sepal 'to denote each
division of the calyx,3 Reichenbach the expression " Od
force," and Guyton de Morveau the chemical terms sul-
fite and sulfate. Here, however, we have a reference to
sulphur, just as M. Braconnot's ellagic acid, the sub-
stance left in the process of making pyrogallic acid, is
merely galle read backwards.4 To find the process of
word-making in full vigour, we must look elsewhere than
to the scientific age. We have something better to do
than to spend our time in inventing new words ; that
employment must be left to the disciples of Irving and
other theological enthusiasts. The heritage we have
received is large enough for our wants ; our part is to
1 " Notions de Linguistique," p. 211.
2 Falbala has been borrowed by most of the European languages
under various forms, appearing in English as furbelow. It is first
found in De Caillieres (1690).
3 Whewell : " History of the Inductive Sciences," ii. p. 535.
4 Whewell : op. cit. ii. p. 547.
ROOTS. 31
improve and develop it. But the case is very different
with the savage tribes of the modern world or the still
more savage tribes among whom the languages of the
earth first took their start. With them language is still
a plaything ; a plaything, it may be, which has a myste-
rious influence for good or ill, but nevertheless a play-
thing which may help to while away the long hours of
the day. Hence it is that the vocabularies of the lower
races are in a perpetual state of flux and change ; the
word which is in fashion one day is dropped the next, and
its place taken by a fresh favourite. But they are words
and not roots which are thus suddenly called into exis-
tence. The Kafir woman coins a fully-formed word, not
the root which we can extract from it. Here, as else-
where in nature, the complex precedes the simple, the
embryonic jelly-fish is older than man. What is logically
first is historically last.
Roots, however, are one of the instruments with which
the comparative philologist determines and classifies his
families of speech. We have seen that languages may
be arranged morphologically as polysynthetic, incorpo-
rating, isolating, agglutinative, inflectional, and analytic ;
we have further seen that grammar forms our first
and surest ground for asserting or denying the relation-
ship of languages ; -but besides similarity of structure and
grammar we must also have a common stock of roots
before we can throw a group of languages and dialects
together, and assert their connection one with another.
The genealogical classification of languages, that which
divides them into families and sub-families, each mount-
ing up, as it were, to a single parent-speech, is based on
the evidence of grammar and roots. Unless the grammar
32 THE SCIENCE OF LANGUAGE.
agrees, no amount of similarity between the roots of two
languages could warrant us in comparing them together,
and referring them to the same stock. Accidental resem-
blances of sound and sense between words are to be found
all the world over, and the probable origin of language
in great measure from the imitation of natural sounds,
or the cries uttered during the performance of a common
action, would produce superficial likenesses between the
roots of unallied tongues. But on the other hand, where
we find dissimilar roots combined with grammatical
agreement, it is necessary to hesitate before admitting
a genetic relationship. There are instances, indeed, in
which nearly the whole of a foreign vocabulary has been
borrowed, whereas a borrowed grammar is a doubtful, if
not unknown occurrence ; but, nevertheless, such in-
stances are rare, and we must have abundant testimony
before they can be admitted. The test of linguistic kin-
ship is agreement in structure, grammar, and roots.
Judged by this test, the languages at present spoken in
the world probably fall, as Prof. Friedrich M tiller ob-
serves,1 into "about 100 different families," between
which science can discover no connection or relationship.
When we consider how many languages have perished
since man first appeared on the globe, we may gain
some idea of the numberless essays and types of speech
which have gone to form the language-world of the pre-
sent day. Language is the reflection of society, and the
primitive languages of the earth were as infinitely nu-
merous as the communities that produced them. Here
and there a stray waif has been left of an otherwise
1 " Grundriss der Sprachwissenschaft," i. i. p. 77.
ROOTS. 33
extinct family of speech. The isolated languages of.the
Caucasus, or the Basque of the Pyrenees, have remained
under the shelter of their mountain fastnesses to tell of
whole classes of speech which have been swept away. It
is but the other day that the last Tasmanian died, and
with him all trace of the four Tasmanian dialects which
our colonists found on their arrival in the island. Etrus-
can seems to be a language sui generis, the remnant
probably of a family which once spread over the present
Tyrol ; and all that we know of Etruscan is contained
in some three thousand short inscriptions, bristling with
proper names, and only half-decipherable. " Nature,"
said Aristotle, " does nothing sparingly," l and the myriad
types of life that she has lavished upon the globe are
but the analogue and symbol of the types of language
in which the newly-awakened faculty of speech found its
first utterance. So far as the available data allow, the
existing languages of the world may be classified as fol-
lows, though it must be remembered that in many cases
our information is scanty and doubtful, and languages
here grouped under a single head may hereafter turn out
to be distinct and unrelated.2
I. Bushman (agglutinative and isolating) : — Baroa :
} Khuai : &c.3
1 "Polit."i. i.
: The list of linguistic families, as well as the leading authorities
upon them, are taken from Dr. Friedrich M tiller's " Grundriss der
Sprachwissenschaft " (1876), i. I. pp. 82-98, with modifications and
additions. The obelus (f) denotes that the language mentioned is
extinct.
3 Dr. Bleek: in "The Cape and its People, and other Essays,"
edited by Prof. Noble (1869), p. 269, sq. ; Bleek: "A Brief Account
of Bushman Folklore and other Texts " (1875) ; Hahn : in "Jahres-
II. D
34 THE SCIENCE OF LANGUAGE.
II. Hottentot (semi-inflectional): — Namaqua : ! Kora :
fCape dialect: Eastern dialects.1 Perhaps a dialect
spoken near Lake Ngami is to be included.2
III. Kafir or Ba-ntu (prefix-pronominal) : —
(a). Eastern : Zulu ; Zambesi (Barotse, Bayeye,
Mashona) ; Zanzibar (Kisuahili, Kinika, Ki-
bamba, Kihiau, Kipokomo).
(/3). Central: Setshuana (Sesuto, Serolong, Sehlapi).
(7). Tekeza (Mankolosi, Matonga, Mahloenga).
(£). Western : Herero ; Bunda ; Londa ; Congo,
Mpongwe, Dikele, Isubu, FernandorPo, Du-
alla or Dewalla.3
berichte des Vereins fur Erdkunde zu Dresden," vi. and vii. (1870).
pp. 71-73; Fr. Mliller : " Grundriss d. Sprachw." i. 2, pp. 25-89;
MS. grammar by Rev. C. F. Wuras, in Sir G. Grey's Library, Cape-
town.
1 Bleek : " Comparative Grammar of South African Languages "
(1862 and 1869); Tindall : "Grammar of Namaqua Hottentot;"
Wallmann : "Die Formenlehre der Namaqua-Sprache " (1857);
Hahn : " Die Sprache der Nama" (1870); Fr. Muller : " Gr. d. W."
i. 2, p. 189 ; Grammar of the ! Kora dialect in Appleyard : " The
Kafir Language" (1850), pp. 17. sq. ; vocabularies of Cape Hotten-
tot in Witsen (1691), and "Cape Monthly Magazine," Jan. and
Feb. 1858.
2 This is Miss Lloyd's opinion, who has heard it spoken. She
thinks it resembles Namaqua.
3 Bleek : " Comp. Gram, of S. African Lang. ;" Brusciotto: "Re-
guise quaedam pro Congensium idiomatis faciliori captu " (Rome,
1659); Appleyard: "The Kafir Language" (1850); Bishop Co-
lenso : "Grammar of the Zulu Language" (1859) ; Grout : "The
Isizulu ; a Grammar of the Zulu Language" (1859) ; Steere : "A
Handbook of the Svvahili Language" (1870), and "Collections for
a Handbook of the Yao Language" (1875) ; Archbell : "A Gram-
mar of the Bechuana Language" (1837) ; Clarke : "Introduction to
the Fernandian Tongue" (1848) ; Saker : "Grammatical Elements
of the Dualla Language" (1855) ; Krapf : " Outline of the Elements
of the Kisuaheli Language, with special reference to the Kinika
ROOTS. 35
IV. Wolof1 (agglutinative): — Kayor : Walo : Dakar:
Baol : Gambia.
V. Mende (agglutinative) : — Mandingo : Bambara :
Susu : Vei : Kono : Tene : Gbandi : Landoro : Mende :
Gbese : Toma : Mano.2
VI. Felup (agglutinative) : — Felup : Filham : Bola :
Sarar: Pepel : Biafada : Pajade : Baga : Kallum : Temne:
Bullom : Sherbro : Kisi.3
VII. Central-African (isolating): — Sonrhay : Hausa :
Landoma : Limba : Bulanda : Nalu : Banyum : Bijogo.4
VIII. Bornu (agglutinative) : — Kanuri : Teda : Ka-
nem : Nguru : Murio.5
IX. Kru (agglutinative) : — Grebo : Kru."
dialect" (1850); Cannecattim : " Collec£ao de Observacoes Gram-
maticaes sobre a Lingua Bunda ou Angolense" (1805) ; Hahn :
" Grundziige einer Grammatik der Herero-Sprache " (1857); Le
Berre : " Grammaire de la Langue Pongue'e " (1873).
1 Dard : "Grammaire Woloffe" (1826); Boilat : "Grammaire
de la Langue commerciale du Sdndgal ou de la Langue woloffe "
(1858).
- Steinthal, H. : "Die Mande-Neger Sprachen " (1867); Koelle :
"Outlines of a Grammar of the Vei Languages" (1854). [For an
account of the Vei syllabary invented by Momoru Doalu Bukereor
Mohammed Doalu Gunwar, Doalu meaning " Bookman," see
Steinthal : " Mande-Neger-Sprachen," p. 257, sq., and Koelle :
" Outlines."]
3 Schlenker : "Grammar of the Temne Language" (1864);
Nylander: " Grammar and Vocabulary of the Bullom Language"
(1814).
1 Barth: "Sammlung central-afrikanischer Vocabularien" (1862-
1866); Schon: "Grammar of the Hausa Language" (1862).
5 Kolle : " Grammar of the Bornu or Kanuri Language" (1854) ;
Norris and Richardson: " Grammar of Bornu or Kanuri, with Dia-
logues, Vocabulary, &c." (1853).
6 " A Brief Grammatical Analysis of the Grebo Language "
(Cape Palmas, 1838, Svo.).
THE SCIENCE OF LANGUAGE.
X. Eve (agglutinative) : — Eve : Yoruba : Oji or Ash-
anti : Fanti or Inta : Ga or Akra.1
XL Nubian (agglutinative) : —
(a). Fulah or Poul dialects (Futatoro, Futajallo,
Bondu, Sokoto).2
(3). Nuba dialects (Tumale, Nubi, Dongolawi, Kol-
dagi, Konjara).3
(y). Wakuafi: Masai.4
XII. Ibo (agglutinative) : — Ibo : Nupe.5
XIII. Nile Group (agglutinative) : — Barea : Bari :
Dinka : Nuer : Shilluk.6
XIV. & XV. Unclassified Negro-languages : —
(a). Isolating :— Mbafu : Maba : Michi.
(0). Agglutinative : — Musgu : Batta : Logone : Ba-
ghirmi.7
1 Schlegel : " Schliissel zur Ewe-Sprache " (1857); Bowen:
"Grammar and Diet, of the Yoruba Language" (Smithsonian Inst.
1858); Crowther: "Grammar and Vocabulary of the Yoruba Lan-
guage, with Introductory Remarks by O. E. Vidal" (1852) ; Riis :
" Elemente des Akwapim-Dialektes der Odschi-Sprache" (1853):
Zimmermann : " A Grammatical Sketch of the Akra- or Ga-Lan-
guage, with an Appendix on the Adamme-dialect " (1858); Chris-
taller: " Grammar of the Asante and Fante language" (1876).
2 Macbrair: " Grammar of the Fulah Language" (1854); Faid-
herbe in the " Revue de Linguistique et de philologie comparee,"
vii. pp. i<)5iseq. (1875).
3 Tutschek in the " Gelehrte Anzeigen der k. bayer. Akademie
der Wissenschaften," xxv. p. 729, seq.
4 Krapf : " Vocabulary of the Enguduk Eloikob, spoken by the
Masai in East Africa" (1857).
5 Schon : " Oku Ibo, Grammatical Elements of the Ibo Lan-
guage" (1861).
6 Mitterutzner: "DieDinka-SpracheinCentral-Afrika"(i866);and
" Die Sprache der Bari in Central- Afrika " (1867); F. Miiller : " Die
Sprache der Bari" (1864); Reinisch: " Die Barea-Sprache " (1874).
7 See Barth : " Sammlung central-afrikanischer Vocabularien "
(1862-6).
ROOTS. 37
XVI. Hamitic (inflectional) : —
(a), f Old Egyptian :l f Coptic.'"
(|3). Sub-Semitic or Libyan : f Numidian :3 f Guan-
ches of Canaries :4 Berber, Kabyle, Tama-
shek, &c.4
(7). Ethiopian : Beja, Denkali, Somali, Galla, Agaii,
Saho.5
XVII. Semitic" (inflectional) :—
(a). Northern : f Assyro-Babylonian ; 7 f Phsenico-
1 Brugsch: " Hieroglyphische Grammatik" (1872), and "Gram-
maire demotique" (1855); LC Page Renouf : "An Elementary
Manual of the Egyptian Language" (1876).
2 Schwartze : " Koptische Grammatik" (1850); Revillout in
" Melanges d'Archdologie Egyptienne et Assyrienne," ii. 2, 3, iii. i,
'(1875-6); F.Rossi: " Grammatica Copto-Geroglifica " (1878).
3 See Pritchard : "Researches into the Physical History of
Mankind," iii. 2, 2, p. 32 ; and De Macedo in the "Journal of the
Royal Geographical Society," 1841, pp. 171-183.
4 Hanoteau: " Essai de Grammaire Kabyle" (1858) ; and "Essai
de Grammaire de la Langue Tamachek" (1860) ; Faidherbe :
" Collection complete des Inscriptions numidiques," in the " Md-
moires de la Socicte* des Sciences, etc., de Lille," viii. p. 361
(1870).
5 Isenberg: "A small Vocabulary of the Dankali Language"
(1840); Tutschek : "A Dictionary and Grammar of the Galla Lan-
guage" (1845); HaleVy : "Essai sur la Langue agaou" (1874);
Munzinger : " Ost-Afrikanische Studien " (1864); Pratorius in the
"Z. D. M. G." xxiv. (1870); Pott in the " Z. D. M. G." xxiii.
(1869).
'' Renan: " Histoire des Langues semitiques " (2nd edit. 1858);
Castell: "Lexicon Heptaglotton" (1669).
7 Oppert : "Grammaire assyrienne," 2nd edit. (1868); Sayce :
"An Assyrian Grammar for Comparative Purposes" (1872), "An
Elementary Assyrian Grammar and Reading-book," 2nd edit.
(1876), and " The Tenses of the Assyrian Verb," in the " J. R. A. S."
Jan. 1877; Schrader: "Die assyrisch-babylonischen Keilinschrif-
ten," in the " Z. D. M. G." xxvi. i, 2 (1872).
38 THE SCIENCE OF LANGUAGE.
Hebrew j1 t Punic ; Samaritan ; 2 Aramaic
(f Chaldee, f Syriac, f Mandaite, Neo-
Syriac).3
(£). Southern : f Gheez (Ethiopic) ; 4 Amharic ; 5
Tigre (Tigrina) ; 6 Harari ; 7 f Himyaritic
(Sabean);8 Mehri;9 f Ehkili ; 9 Arabic;10
fSinaitic;11 f Safa ; 12 Maltese.13
I Gesenius: "Hebrew Grammar," edit, by Rodiger (Engl. trans.
1869); Ewald : "Ausfuhrliches Lehrbuch der hebraischen Sprache
des Alten Bundes," 8th edit. 1870; Olshaus'en : "Lehrbuch der
hebraischen Sprache" (1861) ; Land: "Principles of Hebrew
Grammar" (transl. by Poole, 1876); Schroder: "Die Phonizische
Sprache" (1869); Driver: " Use of the Tenses in Hebrew" (1874).
'2 Petermann: " Brevis linguae Samaritanae grammatica " (1873);
Nichols: "Grammar of the Samaritan Language" (1859); Uhle-
mann: " Institutiones Linguae Samaritanae" (1837).
3 Merx : " Grammatica Syriaca" (1867-70); Hoffmann: "Gram-
matica Syriaca" (1827); Uhlemann : "Grammatik der syrischen
Sprache" (2nd edit. 1857); Noldeke: " Grammatik der neu-syrisch-
en Sprache am Urmia-See und Kurdistan" (1868), and " Man-
daische Grammatik" (1875).
4 Ludolf: "Grammatica yEthiopica" (1661); Dillmann: " Gram-
matik der aethiopischen Sprache" (1857); Schrader: " De lingua
^Ethiopica cum cognatis linguis comparata" (1860).
5 Isenberg : "Grammar of the Amharic Language" (1842);
Massaja: " Lectiones grammaticales pro missionariis quiaddiscere
volunt linguam Amaricam" (1867).
6 Praetorius: " Grammatik der Tigrinasprache " (1871-2).
7 Praetorius in " Z. D. M. G." xxiii. (1869).
* Prideaux: "A Sketch of Sabean Grammar" in the " Transac-
tions of the Society of Biblical Archaeology," v. i, 2 (1877).
9 Von Maltzan in "Z. D. M. G." xxvii. 3 (1873).
10 Wright : "Arabic Grammar," 2nd edit. (1874-6); De Sacy :
"Grammaire arabe," 2nd edit. (1831); Ewald: "Grammatica cri-
tica linguae Arabicae" (1832).
II Beer: " Inscriptiones veteres Litteris et Lingua hue usque in
cognitis ad montem Sinai servatae" (1840-3) ; Tuch in the "Z. D
M. G."xiv. (1849).
12 Halevy in the "Z. D. M. G." xxxii. I. (1878).
13 Schlienz: "On the Mnltese Language" (1838).
ROOTS. 39
XVIII. Aryan or Indo-European (inflectional) l : —
(a). Indian Group : f Sanskrit ; 2 f Prakrit ; 3 t Pali,
Singalese or Elu 4 (see under DRAVIDIAN) ;
modern vernaculars (Bengalese, Assamese,
Oriya, Nepaulese, Kashmirian, Scindhi, Pun-
jabi, Brahui, Gujarati, Marathi, Hindi, Hindu-
stani); 5 Siyah-posh-Kafir ; 8 Dard ; 7 Rom-
many (Gipsy), with 13 European dialects.8
1 Bopp : " Vergleichende Grammatik des Sanskrit, Zend, Griech-
ischen, Lateinischen, Lithauischen, Altslavischen, Gothischen und
Deutschen" (1833-52, 3rd edit. 1808-70; English translation by
Eastwick from the first edit. 1845); Schleicher: "Compendium der
vergleichend. Grammatik der indo-germanischen Sprachen " (1861,
3rd edit. 1871; English translation by Bendall, 1874).
3 Benfey : " Handbuch der Sanskritsprache " (1852-54); Max
Miiller : "A Sanskrit Grammar for Beginners," 2nd edit. (1870);
Monier Williams: " Practical Grammar of the Sanskrit Language,"
3rd edit. (1864); Delbriick: "Das altindische Verbum" (1874).
* Lassen: " Institutiones linguae Pracriticae" (1837).
4 Kuhn : Beitrage zur Pali-Grammatik (1875); Minayeff :
" Grammaire Palie" (1874); Carter: "Lesson-book of Singhalese,
on Ollendorf's System" (1873); Lambrick: "Sinhalese Grammar"
(i834).
5 Cust : " A Sketch of the modern Languages of the East
Indies" (1878); Beames: "A Comparative Grammar of the modern
Aryan Languages of India" (1872); Forbes: "A Grammar of the
Bengali Language" (1862); Sutton : "An Introductory Grammar
of the Oriya Language" (1831); Trumpp: " Grammar of the Sindhi
Language" (1872); "A Grammar of the Panjabi Language" (Lodi-
ana, 1851); Yates: "Introduction to the Hindustani Language"
(1845); Garcin de Tassy : "Rudiments de la Langue hindoui"
(1847); Shapurji Edalji: "A Grammar of the Gujarati Language"
(1867); "The Student's Manual of Marathi Grammar" (Bombay,
1868).
6 Trumpp in "Z. D. M. G." xx. (1866).
7 Leitner: "Results of a Tour in Dardistan" (1868).
3 Pott: " Die Zigeuner in Europa und Asien " (1844-5); Paspati:
"Etudes sur les Tchinghianes " (1870); Miklosich : " Ueber die
Mundarten und Wanderungen der Zigeuner Europa's" (1872-77);
Ascoli: "Zigeunerisches " (1865).
40 THE SCIENCE OF LANGUAGE.
(P). Iranian Group : f Old Persian (Achaemenian) ;*
f Pahlavi ; 2 Parsi ; 3 Neo-Persian ; 4 Kurd-
ish ; 5 Beluchi ; 6 f Zend (Old Baktrian) ; 7
Pukhtu (Afghan) ; 8 Ossetian.9 Armenian 10
is generally included in this group.
(y). Keltic Group: Insular (Welsh, fCornish, Breton,11
Irish, Manx, Scotch) ;f Continental (fGaulish).11
(d). Italian Group : f Umbrian ;12 f Oscan ; " f Latin;14
1 Spiegel: "Die altpersischen Keilinschriften " (1862); Kosso-
wicz: " Inscriptiones Palaeo-Persicae " (1872).
2 Spiegel: " Grammatik der Huzvaresch-Sprache" (1856); Haug:
"An old Pahlavi-Pazend Glossary" (1870).
3 Spiegel: "Grammatik der Parsi- Sprache" (1851).
4 Vullers: "Grammatica linguae Persicse" (2nd edit. 1870).
5 Friedrich Miiller : " Beitrage zur Kenntniss der neupersischen
Dialekte" in the " Sitzungberichte der k. Akademie der Wissen-
schaften zuWien," xlvi. andxlviii. (1864-65).; Garzoni: " Grammatica
e Vocabulario della lingua Kurda" (1787); Chodzko: " Etudes phi-
lologiques sur la Langue Kurde" (1857).
6 See Mockler's Grammar of the Mekrani dialect (London, 1877).
7 Justi: " Handbuch der Zendsprache" (1864); Hovelacque :
"Grammaire de la Langue zende" (1872); Haug: " Essays on the
Parsis," edit, by West, in Triibner's "Oriental Series" (1878);
Bartholomae : "Das altiranische Verbum" (1878); Hiibschmann,
in Kuhn's "Zeitschrift," xxiv. 4 (1878).
8 Trumpp: "Grammar of the Pashto, or Language of the Af-
ghans"(i873).
9 Sjogren: " Ossetische Sprachlehre" (1844).
10 Petermann: "Grammatica linguse Armeniacae" (1837); Hiibsch-
mann, in Kuhn's " Zeitschrift," xxiii. i, 3 (1877) ; Cirbied: " Gram-
maire de la Langue arme'nienne" (1823).
11 Zeuss: " Grammatica Celtica " (2nd edit. 1871); Rhys: "Lec-
tures on Welsh Philology " (2nd edit. 1879).
12 Aufrecht and Kirchhoff: " Die umbrischen Sprachdenkmaler "
(1849-51); Brdal: " Les Tables Engubines" (1875).
13 Bruppacher : " Oskische Lautlehre " (1869); Enderis: " Ver-
such einer Formenlehre der oskischen Sprache" (1871).
14 Corssen : " Ueber Ausprache, Vokalismus und Betonung der
ROOTS, 41
Neo-Latin or Romanic (Italian, Sardinian,
Gallo-italic, French, Provengal, Catalan,
Spanish, Portuguese, Rumansh, Friulian,
Rumanian) ; ] f Messapian (lapygian).2
(E). Thrako-Illyrian Group : | Thrakian ; 3 Alba-
nian.4
(£). Hellenic Group : f Phrygian ; 5 f Greek ; 6 Mo-
dern Greek.7
lateinischen Sprache" (2nd edit. 1868-70); and " Kritische Beitrage
zur lateinischen Formenlehre " (1863-66); Draeger: " Historische
Syntax der lateinischen Sprache" (1874-8); Roby: "A Grammar
of the Latin Language" (1872-4).
1 Diez : " Grammatik der romanischen Sprachen" (1836, 3rd
edit. 1870) and " Etymologisches Wb'rterbuch der romanischen
Sprachen" (1853) (4th edition with additions by Scheler, 1878);
Prince L-L. Bonaparte: "Remarques sur les Dialectes de la Corse"
(1877); Lemcke's " Jahrbuch fiir romanische und englische Litera-
tur," since 1860; Boehmer's "Romanische Studien," since 1871;
"Revue des Langues romanes," since 1870; "Romania," since
1872; " Rivista di filologia romanza," since 1872; Ascoli : " Archivio
glottologico italiano," since 1873 ; Brachet: " Grammaire historique
de la Langue franchise" (1873); Littre*: " Histoire de la Langue
frangaise" (1863).
1 Mommsen: "Die unteritalischen Dialekte" (1850).
3 'Bottcher: "Arica" (1851) [Lagarde: " Gesammelte Abhand-
lungen," 1866].
1 Von Hahn: " Albanesische Studien " (1853); Camarda: " Sag-
gio di grammatologia comparata della lingua Albanese" (1864-7) '•>
Dozon : " Manuel dela Langue Chkipe ou albanaise" (1878).
5 Fick: "Die ehemalige Spracheinheit Europa's " (1873).
s Georg Curtius: " Grundziige der griechischen Etymologic"
(1858, 4th edit. 1874, English translation by Wilkins and England),
and "Das Verbum der griechischen Sprache" (1873-6); Leo Meyer:
" Vergleichende Grammatik der griechischen und lateinischen
Sprache "(1861-5); Ku'hner: " Ausfuhrliche Grammatik der griech-
ischen Sprache" (1869-72).
7 Mullach : " Grammatik der griechischen Vulgarsprache "
(1856).
THE SCIENCE OF LANGUAGE.
(>i). Letto-Slavonic : (i) Slavic:1 t Old Slavonic
(Church Slavonic) ; 2 Bulgarian ; Russian ;
Servian ; Slovene ; Slovak ; Polish ; Polabic
(Cassubian) ; f Wend ; (2) Lettic : f Old
Prussian ; 3 Lithuanian ; 4 Lett.5
(S). Teutonic Group: (i) f Gothic;6 Low German
(Old, Middle, and New); f Anglo-Saxon ; '
English ; Frisian ; Dutch ; (2) High German
(Old, Middle, and New);8 (3) f Old Norse;9
Icelandic ; 10 Swedish ; Danish ; Norwegian.
XIX. f Etruscan (agglutinative).11
1 Miklosich : " Vergleichende Grammatik der Slavischen
Sprachen" (1852-76), and "Altslovenische Formenlehre" (1874).
2 Schleicher: "Die Formenlehre der kirchenslawischen Sprache"
(1852); Chodzko : " Grammaire paldo-slave " (1869); Leskien :
" Handbuch der altbulgarischen Sprache" (1871).
3 Pauli: " Preussische Studien," in Kuhn's " Beitrage," vi. and vii.
4 Schleicher: " Handbuch der litauischen Sprache" (1856-7).
3 Bielenstein : " Die lettische Sprache nach ihren Lauten und
Formen" (1863-4), and "Handbuch der lettischen Sprache3' (1863).
6 Leo Meyer: "Die gothische Sprache" (1869); Stamm: " Ul-
philas" (4th edit, by Heyne, 1869); Holtzmann: "Altdeutsche
Grammatik, umfassend die gotische, altnordische, altsachsische,
angelsachsische und althochdeutsche Sprachen" (1870); Helfen-
stein : "A Comparative Grammar of the Teutonic Languages"
(1870) ; " Zeitschrift fiir deutsche Philologie," since 1869 ; "Archiv fur
die Geschichte der deutschen Sprache und Dichtung," since 1873.
7 March: "A Comparative Grammar of the Anglo-Saxon Lan-
guage" (1870); Sweet: "An Anglo-Saxon Reader" (1876).
8 Schleicher: "Die deutsche Sprache" (3rd edit. 1874); Wein-
hold: "Grammatik der deutschen Mundarten" (1863-67); Scherer:
"Zur Geschichte der deutschen Sprache" (2nd edit. 1878).
' Wimmer: " Oldnordisk formlaere til Brug ved Undewisnung
og Selvstudium" (1870); (translated by Sievers : "Altnordische
Grammatik," 1871).
10 Cleaseby-Vigfusson : "An Icelandic-English Dictionary, chiefly
founded on the Collections made from prose-works of the Twelfth
to the Fourteenth Centuries" (1869-76).
11 Deecke: " Corssen und die Sprache der Etrusker'' (1875),
ROOTS. 43
.
XX. Basque (Eskuara), (incorporating).1
XXL Turanian or Ural-Altaic (Ugro-Altaic) (aggluti-
native) : 2 —
(i). f West- Asia Group : —
(a), t Accadian or Sumerian.3
(/3). t Susianian, f Kossaean : f Protomedic.4
(2). Uralic Group :s —
(a). Tchudic : — (a). Finnish or Suomi,6 Vepse or
Old Tchude,7 Vote,8 Karelian : Estho-
"Etruskische Forschungen," 3 pts. (1876-79); K. O. Miiller: " Die
Etrusker," ed. by Deecke (1875-7).
1 Prince L-L. Bonaparte : " Le Verbe basque en tableaux, ac-
compagne^ de notes grammaticales, selon les huit dialectes de 1'En-
skara" (1869); Van Eys : " Essai de Grammaire de la Langue
basque," 2nd edit. (1867), and particularly "Grammaire compare'e
des Dialectes basques" (1879); "Ribdry: "Essai sur la Langue
basque," translated with notes, &c., by Vinson (1877).
2 Max Miiller on the "Last Results of the Turanian Researches,"
in Bunsen's " Outlines of the Philosophy of Universal History,"
vol. i. pp. 263-520.
3 Sayce : in the "Journal of Philology," iii. 5 (1870), and the
"Transactions of the Philological Society," pt. i (1877) ("Accadian
Phonology"); Fr. Lenormant: " Etudes accadiennes" (1873), and
" La Langue primitive de la Chaldee" (1875).
4 Sayce: in the u Transactions of the Society of Biblical Archaeo-
logy," iii. 2 ( 1 874) (" The Languages of the Cuneiform Inscriptions
of Elam and Media").
5 Boiler: "Die finnischen Sprachen " in the " Berichte der k.
Akad. zu Wien," x. i (1853); Thomsen: " Ueber den Einfluss der
germanischen Sprachen auf die finnischen-lappischen (1870) ;
Weske : " Untersuchungen zur vergleichenden Grammatik des
finnischen Sprachstammes" (1873); De Ujfalvy, in the "Revue de
Philologie et d'Ethnographie," i. I, 2 (1874-5).
6 Euren : " Finsk Spraklara" (1869); Strahlmann : " Finnische
Sprachlehre" (1816) ; Kellgren: "Die Grundziige der finnischen
Sprachen mit Riicksicht auf die anderri altaischen Sprachen" (1847).
7 Lonnrot: "Om det nord-tschudiska Spraket" (1863).
8 Ahlqvist: "Wotisk Grammatik," in the "Transactions of the
Finnish Society," v. (1855).
44 THE SCIENCE OF LANGUAGE.
nian,1 Krevingian : Livonian,2 f Dialect of
Salis. (b). Lapp.3
(|3). Permian : — (a). Permian, Zyrianian.4 (b). Votiak."
(7). Volgaic: — (a). Tcheremiss :6 (b). Mordvin (Ersa
and Moksha).7
(o). Uigur:— (a). Magyar.8 (b). Vogul.9 (c). (Oloi)
Ostiak.10
(3). Samoied Group :" — Yurak : Tawgy : Ostiak-Sa
moied : Yenissei-Samoied : Kamassin.
1 Ahrens: " Grammatik der esthnischen Sprache revalschen Dia
lektes" (1853); Wiedemann: " Versuch ueber den werro-esthnischen
Dialekt " in the " Memoires de 1' Academic des Sciences de St. Pe-
tersbourg," vii. (1864); Hupel : " Ehsthnische Sprachlehre " (1780).
2 Sjogren: " Livische Grammatik" (1861).
3 Ganander : " Grammatica Lapponica " (1743); Friis : " Lap-
pisk Grammatik" (1856); Lonnrot: "Ueber den Enare-Lappischen
Dialekt," in the " Actes de la Societe scientifique finnoise," iv. (1854);
Budenz (Bezzenberger's " Beitrage," iv. 1878) dissociates Lapp from
Finn, and classifies the Ugrian group as follows : — (i). North-
Ugrian : Lapp, Wotiak and Zyrianian, Magyar, Wogul and Ostiak.
(2). South- Ugrian: Tcheremiss, Mordvin, Finnish.
4 Castre'n : "Elementa grammatices Syrjasnas" (1844); Wiede-
mann: "Versuch einer Grammatik der Syrjanischen Sprache"
(1847).
5 Wiedemann: " Grammatik der votjakischen Sprache " (1851).
6 Castren: "Elementa grammatices Tscheremissae " (1845);
Wiedemann : " Versuch einer Grammatik der tscheremissischen
Sprache" (1847).
7 Wiedemann: "Grammatik der Ersa-mordvinischen Sprache"
(1865); Ahlgvist: "Versuch einer Mokscha-mordvinischen Gram-
matik" (i 86 1).
8 Riedl: " Magyarische Grammatik" (1858); Fauvin: "Essaid
Grammaire hongroise" (1870).
9 Hunfaivy: " Kondai vogul nyelv " (1872).
10 Castren: "Versuch einer ostjakischen Sprachlehre" (1849
edited by Schiefner (1858).
11 Castren: Grammatik der Samojedischen Sprachen," edited b
Schiefner (1854).
ROOTS. 45
{4). Turkish-Tatar Group :' —
(a). Yakute.2
(j3). Uigur:3 Komanian : Tchagatai:4 Turkoman:
Usbek : Kazan.
(7). Nogai : Kumu'k : Bashkir : Kirgish : Tshu-
wash : 5 Karachai : Karakalpak : Mesch-
cheryak.
(5). West Turkish (of Durbend, Aderbijan, Krimea,
Anatolia and Rumelia = Osmanli).6
(5). Mongol : —
(a). East Mongol (Sharra, Khalkha, Sharaigol).7
(/3). Kalmuk (Shoshot or Kokonur, Dsungur, Tor-
god, Diirbek, Aimak).8
(7). Buriat.9
(6). Tungusian : —
(a). Tunguse (Chapogire, Orotong, Nyertchinsk).10
(£). Mantchu (and Lamute and Yakutsk).11
1 Schott: "Altajische Studien" (1867-72).
2 Bohtlingk : " Ueber die Sprache der Jakuten " (1851).
J Vambery: " Uigurische Sprachmonumente" (1870).
4 Vambery: " Chagataische Sprachstudien " (1867).
5 Schott: " De lingua Tschuwaschorum dissertatio " (Berlin).—
See Radloff: " Die Sprachen der tiirkischen stamme Siid-Siberiens :
die Dialekte der Altajer u. Teleuten, Lebed-Tataren, Schoren
und Sojonen" (1866).
8 Kasem-Beg : "Allgemeine Grammatik der Tiirkisch-tata-
rischen Sprache," translated by Zenker (1848); Barker: "Read-
ing-book of the Turkish Language, with Grammar and Vocabu-
lary" (1854); Redhouse: " Grammaire de la Langue ottomane "
(1846).
7 Schmidt: "Grammatik der mongolischen Sprache" (1831).
8 Zwick: "Grammatik der westmongolischen Sprache" (1851).
9 Castren: " Versuch einer biirjatischen Sprachlehre" (1857).
0 Castren: "Grundziige einer tungusischen Sprachlehre" (1856).
1 Adam: "Grammaire de la Langue mandchou " (1873); Von
der Gabelentz: "EleVnens de la Grammaire mandchou." (1833).
THE SCIENCE OF L.
Telugu :4
? Japanese and Loo-choo.1
XXII. Dravidian2 (agglutinative): — Tamil:
Tulu :5 Canarese:6 Malayalam:7 Toda : 8 Kudagu or
Coorg:9 Khond or Ku : Badaga : Kota : Uraon or Dhan-
gar: Rajmuhali or Maler : Gond.10
Elu (Singhalese),11 though ordinarily placed here, is
rather an Aryan language. [See under XVIII.
XXIII. Kolarian (agglutinative) :— Santhal : 12 Mun-
dari13 (Bhomij ; Ho or Kole) : Kharia: Juar\g : Korwa :
Kur and Kurku : Savara : Mehto.
1 Hoffmann: "A Japanese Grammar," 2nd edit. (1876); de
Rosny: " Premiers Elemens de la Grammaire japonaise (langue
vulgaire)" (1873); Hall: "Voyage of Discovery to West Coast of
Corea and the Great Loo-choo Island, with a Vocabulary of the
Loo-Choo Language by Clifford" (1818).
2 Caldwell : "A Comparative Grammar of the Dravidian or
South-Indian family of Languages " (2nd edit. 1876).
3 Graul: " Outlines of Tamil Grammar" (1855).
4 Brown : "A Grammar of the Telugu Language " (2nd edit. 1857).
5 Brigel: "A Grammar of the Tulu Language" (1872).
6 Hodgson: "An Elementary Grammar of the Kannada or Ca-
narese Language" (2nd edit. 1864).
7 Peet: "A Grammar of the Malayalim Language" (1841).
8 Pope: "A brief Outline of the Grammar of the Toda Language "
in Marshall's " Phrenologist among the Todas" (1873, P- 24!)-
9 Cole : "An Elementary Grammar of the Coorg Language"
(1867).
10 Driberg and Harrison: "Narrative of a Second Visit to the
Gonds of the Nerbudda Territory, with a Grammar and Vocabulary
of their Language" (1849).
11 De Alwis: "The Sidath Sangarawa, a Grammar of the Singha-
lese Language" (1852) ; Chater : " A Grammar of the Singhalese
Language" (1815).
12 Skrefsrud: "A Grammar of the Santhal Language" (1873).
13 Brandreth in the " Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society," x. I
(1877), pp. 7, 8.
ROOTS. 47
XXIV. Tibeto-Burman x (isolating):—
(i). Nepaul Group: — Sunwar : Gurung and Murmi :
Magar:2 Kusunda: Chepang : Pahri : Newar :
Bhramu : Kiranti : Vayu :3 Limbu.
(2). Sikhim : — Lepcha.1
(3). Assam Group : — Dhimal : ' Kachari or Bodo : 5
Aka : Deoria-Chutia : Dophla : Miri : Abor :
Mishmi : Singpho or Kakhyen : Naga : Mikir:
Garo:'1 Pani-Koch (?).'
(4). Munipur-Chittagong Group : — Munipuri : Liyang
or Koreng : Maring : Maram : Kapui : Tang-
khul : Luhupa : Tipura or Mrung : Kuki : Lu-
shai : Shendu : Banjogi : Sak : Kyau.
(5). Burma Group : — Burmese (Mugh or Rakheng) : T
Khyen : Kumi : Mru : Karen :8 Kui : Kho :
Mu-tse.
(6). Trans- Himalayan Group : — Gyarung : Changlo :
Thochu : Manyak : Takpa : Horpa : Kunawari :
Tibetan or Bhotiya9 (Sarpa : Llopaor Bhutani).
(7). China Group : — Lolu : Mautse : Lisavv.
1 Brandreth: I.e. pp. 9-25.
- Beames: "The Magar Language of Nepaul" (1869) ; Hodgson r
" Essays on the Languages, Literature, and Religion of Nepal and
Tibet "(1874).
3 Hodgson: " Grammar of the Vaya Language" (1857).
4 See " Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal," vol. ix.
5 Hodgson: "On the Kocch, Bodo, and Dhimal Tribes, including
Vocabulary, Grammar, &c." (1847).
6 See Robinson: "Assam" (1841).
7 Judson : "Grammar of the Burmese Language" (1866);
Chase: "Anglo-Burmese Handbook" (1852); Latter: "Burmese
Grammar" (1845).
* Wade: " Grammar of the Karen Language" (1861).
9 Csoma de Koros : " Grammar of the Tibetan Language "
(1834); Schmidt: " Grammatik der tibetischen Sprache" (1839);
48
THE SCIENCE OF LANGUAGE.
XXV. Thai or Tai1 (isolating) : — Siamese or Thai:2
Lao :3 Shan : Ahom : Khamti : Aiton : Tai-Mow or
Miau-tsi dialects (China).4
XXVI. Mon-Anam5 (isolating) : — Mon, or Talain, or
Peguan:6 Kambojan :7 Annamite or Cochin-Chinese :s
Paloung : dialects of the tribes beyond the river Mekong.
XXVII. Khasi9 (isolating) :— Khasi, Synteng, Batoa,
Amwee, Lakadong.
XXVIII. Chinese10 (isolating): — Amoy,11 Cantonese or
Kong, Foochow, Punti, Shanghai,12 Mandarin.13
. XXIX. Corean:14 (?) Gilyak.
XXX. tLycian15 (inflectional).
Jaeschke : " A short practical Grammar of the Tibetan Language "
(1865); Foucaux: " Grammaire de la Langue tibe'taine" (1859).
1 Brandreth: /. c. pp. 27, 28.
2 Pallegoix: " Grammatica linguae Thai" (1850).
3 See "Journal of the Asiatic Soc. of Bengal" (1837).
4 Edkins: " The Miau-tsi Tribes" (1870).
* Brandreth: /. c. pp. 28-30.
6 Haswell: " Peguan Grammar "( 1 876).
' Janneau : " Manuel pratique de la Langue cambodienne "
(very rare). ,
8 Aubaret: " Grammaire de la Langue annamite" (1864).
' Brandreth: /. c. pp. 25-27; Schott: "Die Cassia-Sprache," in
the "Abhandlungen der k. Akad. der Wissensch. in Berlin" (1859).
These groups from XXII. to XXVII. with their literature are
treated by Cust : " The Modern Languages of the East Indies " (1878).
10 Endlicher : " Anfangsgriinde der Chinesischen Grammatik "
(1845); Schott: "Chinesische Sprachlehre" (1857); Stanislas Julien:
*' Syntaxe nouvelle de la Langue chinoise " (1869); Edkins: "In-
troduction to the Study of the Chinese Characters " (1876).
11 Macgowan: " Manual of the Amoy Dialect" (1869).
12 Edkins: "Grammar of the Shanghai Dialect" (1868).
13 Edkins: "Grammar of the Mandarin Dialect " (2nd edit. 1864).
14 De Rosny: "Apergu de la langue core'enne " (1864).
15 Moriz Schmidt : "The Lycian Inscriptions after the accurate
copies of Aug. Schonborn" (1869).
ROOTS. 49
XXXI. Lesghic (inflectional): — Lesghian : Avar:1
Andi : Dido : Kasikumiik : Akush : (?) Kyra.
XXXII. Ude2 (agglutinative).
XXXIII. Circassian (prefix-agglutinative and incorpo-
rating) : — Abkhas or Absne : Cherkess :s Bzyb : Adige.
XXXIV. Thushian (inflectional) : — Thush :4 Chet-
chenz,4 or Kistic, or Mizhdzedzhi : Arshte or Aristoiai :
Ingush or Lamur.
XXXV. Alarodian (inflectional) : — | Vannic,5 Geor-
gian :6 Lazian :7 Mingrelian :7 Suanian.7
XXXVI. Malayo-Polynesian (agglutinative) :8 —
(i). Malayan Group : —
(a). Philippine dialects (Tagala, Zebuana, Bisaya,
Pampanga, Ilocana, Bicol) : 9 Mariana (La-
1 Schiefner : " Versuch iiber das Avarische," in the " Mdmoires
de 1' Academic des Sciences de St. Pdtersbourg," v. 8 (1862).
2 Schiefner: "Versuch iiber der Uden," in the " Me'moires de
PAcade'mie des Sciences de St. Pe"tersbourg," vi. 8 (1863); Fr. Le-
normant: " La Langue primitive de la Chalde'e," pp. 424-5.
3 Schiefner: " Bericht iiber des Generals Baron Peter von Uslar
abchasische Studien," in the " Me'moires de 1'Acaddmie de St. Pdters-
bourg," vi. 12(1863); Rosen: "Ossetische Sprachlehre nebst einer
Abhandlung iiber das Mingrelische, Suanische und Abchasische,"
in "Abhandl. Berlin. Akad. (1845).
4 Schiefner: "Versuch iiber die Thush-Sprache," in the " Mdm.
etc." vi. 9 (1856), and " Tchetschenzische Studien," in the " M6-
moires," vii. 5 (1864).
5 Schulz in the "Journal Asiatique," 3rd ser. ix. (1828); Fr. Le-
normant : " Lettres Assyriologiques," i. 2 (1871) ; Sayce, in Kuhn's
" Zeitschrift," xxiii. 4 (1877).
6 Brosset: "Elements de la Langue georgienne" (1837).
7 Rosen : " Sprache der Lazen " (1847), in the "Abhandlungen der
Berlin. Akademie." See also his " Ossetische Sprachlehre " (1845).
8 Friedrich Miiller: "Reise der oesterr. Fregatte Novaraum die
Erde: Linguistischer Theil" (1867), pp. 267, sq.
9 Totanes: "Arte de la Lengua Tagala," 3rd edit. (1850); Men-
trida: "Arte de la Lengua Bisaya Hiliguayna" (1818); Bergano:
II. E
50 THE SCIENCE OF LANGUAGE.
drone) Islands dialects : Molucca Islands :
Timur Islands (Bima, Endeh, Solor and
Allor, Sumba, Timurese, Teto, Kissa, Savoe,
Rotti) : Malagas! :l Formosa dialects.2
(/3). Malayo-Javanese (Malay,3 Achinese, Batak,
Rejang, Lampong, Javan or f Kawi,4 Sun-
da,5 Madurese,6 Balinese,7 Sassak, Bugis,
Bouton, Makassar,8 Alfurian,9 Dayak [Bor-
neo],10 Kyan).
"Arte de la Lengua Pampaga," 2nd edit. (1736); Lopez: " Com-
pendio y Methodo de la Suma de las Reglas del Arte Ydioma Ylo-
cano " (1792); "Arte de Langua Zebuana" (616 pp. undated ; very
rare); Fausto de Cuevas : "Arte nuevo de la Lengua Ybanag"
(1826); SanAugustin: "Arte de la Langua Bicol" (1795).
1 Kessler: "An Introduction to the Language and Literature of
Madagascar" (1870); Dalmond: " Vocabulaire et Grammaire pour
les Langues Malgaches, Sakalave, et Betsimitsara" (1842). See Cou-
sins, in the "Transactions of the Philological Society," pt. 2 (1878).
2 H. C. von der Gabelentz in the " Z. D. M. G." xiii. (1859) ;
Happart : " Dictionary of the Favorlang Dialect of the Formosan
Language written in 1650," translated by W. Medhurst (1840).
3 De Hollander: " Handleiding bij de beoefening der Maleische
taal-en letterkunde " (1856); Marsden: "A Grammar of the Malayan
Language" (1812). — Van der Tuuk: " Bataksch Leesboek bevattende
stukken in het Tobasch, Mandailingsch en Dairisch " (1860-2), and
" Kurzer Abriss einer Batta'schen Formenlehre in Toba-dialekte,"
translated by Schreiber (1867).
4 De Hollander: " Handleiding bij de beoefening der Javansche
taal-en letterkunde" (1848); Wilhelm von Humboldt: " Ueber die
Kawi-Sprache auf der Insel Java" (1836-9).
5 Coolsma: " Handleiding bij de beoefening der Soendaneesche
taal »(i 873).
6 Vreede: " Handleiding tot de beoefening der Madoeresche
taal "(1874).
7 Van Eck: " Beknopte Handleiding bij de beoefening van de
Balineesche taal" (1874).
8 Matthes: " Makassaarsche Sprackkunst" (1858).
9 Niemann: " Bijdragen tot de kennis der Alfoersche taal in de
Minahasa" (1866).
Hardeland : " Versuch einer Grammatik der Dajackschen
10
ROOTS. 51
(2). Polynesian Group :'— Samoan :2 Tongan : 3 Ma-
ori4 [New Zealand]: Tahitian:5 Raroton-
gan : 6 Hawaiian:7 Marquesan;8 Easter Is-
Sprache" (1858); H. C. von der Gabelentz : " Grammatik der Da-
jak-Sprache" (1852).
1 Mr. Whitmee is preparing a " Comparative Dictionary and
Grammar of the Polynesian Languages," to be published by Messrs.
Triibner and Co., of which the " Samoan Grammar" by Mr. Pratt
(2nd edit.) has already appeared. See also " United States Ex-
ploring Expedition during the years 1838-42 : Ethnography and
Philology," vol. vii. by Hor. Hale.
2 Pratt: /. c. (ist edit. 1862, 2nd edit. 1878).
3 West: "Ten years in South-Central Polynesia " (Grammar in
App.) (1865).
* Maunsell : " Grammar of the New Zealand Language," 2nd
edit. (1862); Kendall: "A Grammar and Vocabulary of the Lan-
guage of New Zealand" (1820).
5 Davies: "A Grammar of the Tahitian Dialect of the Polyne-
sian Language" (1823); Gaussin: " Du Dialecte de Tahiti, de celui
des lies marquises et en gdneralde la Langue polyne'sienne" (1853).
6 Buzacott: "Grammar of the Rarotongan Language" (1854).
7 Andrews : " Hawaiian Grammar" (1836) ; Alexander : "A short
Synopsis of the most essential points in Hawaiian Grammar" (1864).
8 Buschmann : " Apergu de la Langue des lies marquises " (1843).
Mr. Whitmee makes the Polynesian linguistic stem as follows : —
52 THE SCIENCE OF LANGUAGE.
land : Gambier Islands : Niue : Tokelau
Ellice Islands : Uvea.
XXXVII. Melanesian (agglutinative) : — Dialects of
Viti or Fiji, Annatom, Erromango, Tana, Mallicolo^
Lifu, Baladea, Bauro, Gera or Guadalcanar, Mota, Dauru,
Fate, Api, Pama, Ambryn, Vunmarama, Yehen or Yen-
gen, Ulaua, Mara Ma-siki, Anudha, Mahaga, &c. (New
Caledonia, New Hebrides, New Britain, Loyalty, Solo-
mon's, and Admiralty Islands).1
XXXVIII. Papuan (agglutinative) :-
(a). Papuan of New Guinea.2
. (|3). Negrito dialects of the Philippines and Semang.
(7). (?) Dialects of the Mincopies or Andamanners.3
XXXIX. Anio of Japan,4 and Kamchadal.
1 See H. C. von der Gabelentz: "Die melanesischen Sprachen
nach ihrem grammatischen Bau und ihrer Verwandtschaft unter
sich und mit den malaiisch-polynesischen Sprachen," in the " Ab-
handl. der k. Sachsischen Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften," vii. and
xvii. (pt. i, 1860; pt. 2, 1873); Hazlewood: "Grammar and Dic-
tionary of the Fiji Language " (Bau dialect), 2nd edit., edited by
Calvert (undated). — Codrington: "A Sketch of Mota Grammar"
(Bank's Islands) (1877); Moseley on the Admiralty Islanders in
the "Journal of the Anthropological Institute," May, 1877.
2 A. B. Meyer : " Ueber die Mafoor'sche und einige andere
Papua- Sprachen auf New-Guinea," in the " Sitzungsberichte der k.
Akademie der Wissenschaften in Wien," Ixxvii. (1874), pp. 299, sg.;
Grey and Bleek: " Handbook of African, Australian, and Polyne-
sian Philology" (1858-62), vol. ii.; Earl: "The Native Races of the
Indian Archipelago: Papuans" (1853).
3 Roepstorff : " Vocabulary of Dialects spoken in the Nicobar and
Andaman Islands" (1874).
4 See Pfitzmaier: "Ueber den Bau der Aino Sprache," in the
" Sitzungsberichte der k. Akademie d. Wissensch. in Wien," vii.
(1851), pp. 382, sg. (published 1852), and " Kritische Durchsicl
von Davidson's Wortersammlung der Ainds" (1852).
ROOTS. 53
XL. Australian (agglutinative) : — Kamilaroi,1 &c., &c.
Possibly also the f four dialects of Tasmania.2
XLI. Unclassified South American languages (poly-
synthetic) : — Peschereh or Fuegian3 (divided into Ali-
kulip and Tekeenika) : Patagonian or Tehuelhet :*
Puelche or Querandi (Argentine Republic and Pam-
pas):5 Charrua : f Chibcha (language of the Muisca or
Moska in New Granada) :6 f Yaro and Guenoa : f Bo-
1 Threlkeld : " An Australian Grammar, comprehending the prin-
ciples and natural rules of the Language, as spoken by the Abori-
gines in the vicinity of Hunter's River, Lake Macquarie, &c., New
South Wales" (1834); Ridley: "Kamilaroi and other Australian
Languages," 2nd edit. (1875); Friedrich Miiller : " Reise der
oesterr. Fregatte Novara," iii. (1867); Hale in " U. S. Exploring
Expedition, &c." pp. 479-531 : Teichelmann and Schuermann :
" Outlines of a Grammar, Vocabulary, and Phraseology of the
Aboriginal Languages of South Australia" (1840); "Australian Lan-
guages and Traditions," in the " Journal of the Anthropological
Institute," Feb. 1878.
2 Milligan: "On the Dialects and Language of the Aboriginal
Tribes of Tasmania," in the " Papers and Proceedings of the Royal
Society of Tasmania," iii. 2 (1859); see also Lhotsky in the "Journal
of the Royal Geographical Society," 1839, PP- 157-162.
3 See D'Orbigny : " L'Homme ame'ricain," i. pp. 412, sg.; Hervas:
"Catalogo delle lingue conosciute" (1784), p. 15; Laet: "Orbis
novus s. descriptionis Indiae occidentalis libri xviii." (1633), pp.
511, 516-18, 520. [The Peshereh or Pesherai Indians are also called
Yakanaku, and are divided into the three tribes Kamentes, Karai-
kas, and Kennekas.] For a list and literature of the American
languages, see the exhaustive " Literature of American Aboriginal
Languages," by H. E. Ludewig, edited by N. Triibner (1858).
4 Hale : " United States Exploring Expedition : Ethnography
and Philology," pp. 656, sg. (1846); Muster: " Patagonians" (1871).
5 Hale: pp. 653, sg. [The Puelches are divided into Chechehet,
Divihet, and Taluhet.]
3 Uricoechea : " Grammatica, vocabulario, catecismo i confesion-
ario de la Lengua Chibcha" (1871); Bern, de Lugo: " Gramaticaen
la Lengua general del nuevo reyno llamada Mosca" (1619).
54
THE SCIENCE OF LANGUAGE.
hene : f Ghana : Minuane : Kasigua : 5 1 languages of
Brazil (Adelung's " Mithridates," iii. i. pp. 461-469):
f Payagua : f Lengua : f Enimaga ; f Yakurure : Machi-
kuy : Mataguaya : Malhalae : Pitilaga : Toba : Yarura :
Ele and Betoi.1
XLII. Guaycuru-Abiponian2 (polysynthetic) : — (Guay-
curu spoken between the Paraguay and the Pilcomayo,
Abiponian in the valley of the Salado) :2 Mokobi:2
Mbaya:3 (?) Aquiteguedichaga : (?) Grato : (?) Ninaqui-
guila : (?) Guana (Adelung's " Mithridates," iii. I. pp. 473-
477)-
XLIII. fArda:4 Andoa : Shimigac (polysynthetic).4
XLIV. Araucanian or Moluch of Chili5 (polysyn-
thetic) : — Picunche : Pehuenche : Huilliche.
XLV. Peruvian6 (polysynthetic): — Quichua :7 Ay-
1 For Yarura and Betoi Grammar see Adelung: "Mithridates,"
iii. i, pp. 635-47.
a Dobrizhoffer : " Historia de Abiponibus " (1784); grammars in
Adelung: "Mithridates," iii. i, pp. 498-506.
3 Mbaya Grammar in Adelung: " Mithridates" (1812), iii. i, pp.
482-488.
4 According to Alcedo spoken on the Upper Napo. A "Doctrina
Christiana" (Madrid, 1658) and a "Paternoster" are the only
specimens left of it. For the Andoa and 17 other possibly con-
nected languages see Adelung: " Mithridates," iii. i, pp. 583-597.
5 Havestadt: " Chilidugu, sive res Chilenses" (with grammar and
dictionary), (1777); Febres: "Arte de la Lengua general del Reyno
del Child" (1765; 2nd edit. 1846); De Valdivia: "Arte Grammatica,
Vocabulario en la Lengua de Chile" (1608); Adelung: "Mithridates,"
(1812), iii. i, pp. 404-416.
6 Lopez: " Les Races Aryennes de Pdrou" (1872). [Unscien-
tific].
7 Von Tschudi : "Die Kechua-Sprache " (1853); Markham :
"Quichua Grammar" (1864) ; Domingo de S. Thomas: "Arte y
Vocabulario en la Lengua general del Peru llamada Quichua"
(1586).
ROOTS. 55
mara : l Juracares : Mayoruna : Calchaqui : Atacama :
Changes : Conibos : 2 (?) Mochika (Puquina, and Yunka ;
see Adelung's " Mithridates," iii. I. pp. 548-551).
XLVI. Andes-languages, or Maipurian (isolating) : —
(a). Moxa :3 Chiquita :3 Zamuca :3 Panos : Mai-
pur : 4 Pacaguayra.
(|3). Barre or Pareni :5 Baniwa : Tariana : Chima-
noo : Tikuna : Uainamben or Mauhe : Juri.
(7). (?) Salivi.6
XLVII. Tupi-GuaraniT (polysynthetic) : —
(i). North Guarani or Tupi : — Tupinaba : Tupinin-
quin : Tuppinamba.
(2). Chiriguano and 'Guarayi (West Guarani).
(3). South Guarani.
(4). Omagua.8
XLVIII. Carib0 (polysynthetic):— Carib: 10 Aravvak:11'
1 Bertonio: "Arte breve de la Lengua Aymara" (1603-12); Moss-
bach: " Die Inkas-Indianer und das Aymara" (1874).
2 See "Bulletin de la Socie'te' Gdographique de Paris," 1853.
3 Marban : "Arte de la Lengua Moxa" (1701) ; Chiquita and
Zamuca Grammars in Adelung: " Mithridates," iii. i. pp. 553-563.
4 For grammar see Adelung: " Mithridates," iii. i, pp. 619-23.
5 Wallace: " Travels on the Amazon " (1853).
8 For grammatical notes see Adelung : "Mithridates," iii. i, pp.
624-627.
7 Platzmann: "Grammatik der brasilianischen Sprachen" (1874);
De Montoya: "Arte y Vocabulario de la Lengua Guarani" (1640);
Adelung: "Mithridates," pp. 432-460; De Anchieta: "Arte de
Grammatica da Lingoa mais usada na costa do Brasil" (1595).
* For grammar see Adelung: "Mithridates," iii. i, pp. 606-10.
} Vocabulary in Davies : "History of the Carriby Islands"
(1666); Raymond Breton: "Grammaire de la Langue carai'be "
(1668).
0 " Dictionnaire Galibi, pre'ce'de'e d'un essai de Grammaire," par
"M. D. L. S." (1763); Grammar in Adelung: "Mithridates," iii. i,
pp. 685-696.
11 Quandt: "Arowakische Grammatik/5 in Schomburgk: "Reisen
56 THE SCIENCE OF LANGUAGE.
Chayma : Guarauna : Tamanaque:1 Cumana : Cuman-
agota.
XLIX. Lule2 (in La Plata) (pojysynthetic) :— Isiftene,
Tokistine, Oristine, Tonocote : Vilela:2 (?) Chumipy (in
Chaco).
L. Cueva (isolating) : — Guanuca or Cocamua in Po-
payan : Tule : Cunacuna : Cholo : Uraba in Darien :
Guaimie or Huaimie in Veraguas.3
LI. t Cibuney dialects of the Antilles' (isolating) : —
(?) The Mosquito languages : 5 (?) Nagranda or Oro-
tina : 6 (?) Chorotega : (?) Chontal : (?) Coribici.
LIT. Maya (polysynthetic) : — Maya :7 Huasteca :8
in Britisch-Guyana " (1840-48); Brinton : "The Arawak Language
of Guiana," in " Trans. American Phil. Society " (Philadelphia, New
Ser. xiv. pp. 427, sg.).
1 Grammar in Adelung: " Mithridates," iii. i, pp. 656-66.
2 Machoni: "Arte de la Lengua Lule" (1732); Grammar in Ade-
lung: "Mithridates," iii. i, pp. 510-516.
3 Hervas: "Catalogo delle Lingue" (pp. 69-72); Bancroft: "Na-
tive Races of the Pacific," iii. pp. 793-95 (1875).
4 See Adelung: "Mithridates," iii. 2, pp. 3,4; De Rochefort:
" Histoire naturelle et morale des lies antilles," ii. ch. 10 (1665).
5 Grammar in Bancroft: " Native Races," iii. pp. 784-790.
6 Grammar in Bancroft: " Native Races," iii. pp. 791-793.
7 Beltran: "Arte del Idioma Maya," 2nd edit. (1859); Gallatin in
the " Trans, of the American Ethnological Society," i. pp. 252, sq.;
Pimentel: " Cuadro descriptive y comparativo de las lenguas indi-
genas de Mexico" (1862), ii. i; Ruz: " Silabario de Maya" (1845);
Squier: "States of Central America" (1858); Brasseur de Bour-
bourg: " Dictionnaire, Grammaire et Chrestomathie de la Langue
Maya "(1872); De Rosny: " L'interpre'tation des anciens Textes
Maya" (1875).
8 Gallatin: /. c. pp. 276, sq.\ Pimentel: /. c. i. 3; De Olmos:
" Grammatica" (1560); De Charencey: "Le Pronom personnel dans
les Idiomes de la famille Tapochulane-Huaxteque" (1868), and
" Recherches surles Lois phonetiques dans les Idiomes dela famille
ROOTS. 57
Quiche :8 Kachiquel:1 Zutuhil :2 Poconchi, or Pokomam :3
Mame or Zaklohpakap.3
LI 1 1. Mexican (polysynthetic) : —
(i). fNahuatl:4 Aztec:5 Niquiran : Tlaskaltek.
(2). Sonorian :6 —
(«). Cahita : Cora : Tepeguana : Tarahumara.
(/3). 'Opata : Heve (or Endeve) ;7 Tubar : Yaqui :
Tejana : Ahome.
(7). Pima, or Nevome :8 Papago.
(3). Kizh :9 Netela :9 Cahuillo:10 Chemahuevi : Kechi.
Mame-Huaxteque" (1872); Bancroft: /. c. iii. pp. 779-781 ; Bras-
seur de Bourbourg: " Grammaire de la Langue Quiche'e-espagnole-
frangaise, mise en parall£le avec ses deux Dialectes Cakchiquel et
Tzutuhil" (1862), and " Popol Vuh, le livre sacrd et les mythes de
I'antiquite' americaine, avec les livres heroiques et historiques des
Quiche's " (1861).
1 Flores: "Arte de la Lengua Kakchiquel" (1753).
* Brasseur de Bourbourg: " Grammaire de la Langue Quiche'e"
(1862).
3 Larios: "Arte de la Lengua Mame" (1697); Gallatin: /. c. pp.
269, sq. ; Adelung : Poconchi Grammar in Adelung : " Mithri-
dates," iii. 2, pp. 6-13; Bancroft: /. c. iii. pp. 764-66.
4 De Olmos: "Grammaire de la langue Nahuatl" (1547), edited
with notes by Remi Simeon (1875).
5 Carochi : " Arte de la Lengua Mexicana" (1645) > De Arenas :
" Guide de la Conversation en trois Langues, frangais, espagnol et
mexicain" (1862); De Charencey: " Notice sur quelques families
de Langues du Mexique" (1878).
6 Buschmann: "Die Sonorischen Sprachen," in the " Abhand-
lungen der k. Akademie der Wissensch. in Berlin" (1863, et seq.};
Grammars in Bancroft: " Native Races," iii. ch. viii.
7 Buckingham Smith: "Grammatical Sketch of the Heve Lan-
guage" (1862); JOpata grammar in Bancroft: /. c. iii. pp. 702-4.
8 B. Smith: "Grammar of the Pima" (1862), in Shea's "Library
of American Linguistics," v.
9 Buschmann: " Die Sprachen Kizh und Netela" (1856).
10 " Pacific R. Reports," vol. ii. (1855).
58 THE SCIENCE OF LANGUAGE.
(f). Shoshone, or Snake Indian or Maradigo dia-
lects : l Bannack : Shoshokee : Comanche :
Moqui : Utah : Pah-Utah or Paduca.
LIV. Isolating languages of Mexico [belonging pro-
bably to several different families] : —
Othomi or Hia-hiu.2
Totonak.3
Tarasca.4
Matlazinca or Pirinda.5
Mixtek6 (Tepuzcolana, Yanguistlan, Cuixlahuac,
Tlaxiaco, &c.) : Chocho or Cholo.
Zapotek or Oajaca :7 f Zacapulan : f Zacatek.
Mixe.
Mazahua.
Huave.
Chiapanek.8
Pame (with 3 dialects).
1 "Trans, of American Ethnol. Soc." vol. ii.; Schoolcraft: "In-
dian Tribes," vols. ii. iv. (1851-5).
2 Naxera: " De lingua Othomitorum dissertatio " (1835); Piccolo-
mini: " Grammatica " (1841); " Elements de la Grammaire Othomi,
traduits de I'espagnol" (Paris, 1863).
* Bonilla: "Arte de la Lengua Totonaca" (1742); Pimentel: /. c.
i. pp. 221, sq.
4 Basalenque: "Arte de la Lengua Tarasca" (1714); Pimentel:
/. c. i. pp. 269, sq.\ Bancroft: /. c. iii. pp. 744-46.
5 Pinelo: "Epitome" (Madrid, 1737-8); Grammar in Bancroft:
/. c. iii. pp. 747-8.
6 De los Reyes: "Arte de la Lengua Mixteca" (1593); Bancroft:
/. c. iii. pp. 749-53-
7 Cueva: "Arte de lagrammatica de la Lengua Zapoteca " (1607);
Bancroft: /. c. iii. pp. 754-6.
8 De Cepeda: "Arte de las Lenguas Chiapa, Zoque, Celdales, y
Cinacanteca" (Mexico, 1560).
ROOTS. 59
LV. Unclassified Pueblo dialects (isolating): — Zuni :*
Queres (and Kiwomi) : Jemez : Tezuque : Tegue : Hu-
raba dialects.
LVI. Yuma (polysynthetic): — Cuchan : Mahao : Hah-
walco : Yampaio : Cocopah : Puemaja or Camoye : Mo-
jave: Diegueiio.2
LVI I. Unclassified Californian languages (polysyn-
thetic) :—
(i). Cochimi dialects.
(2). Pericu dialects.3
(3). Guaicuri dialects.4
(4). Porno dialects.5
(5). Meidu and Nesheeman.
(6). East Sacramento.
(7). West Sacramento.
(8). Runsien.6
(9). Eslene.
(10). Tatche.7
(11). San Miguel.
(12, 13, &c.). Yakon, Klamath, Euroc, &c.
LVIII. Selish (polysynthetic) :*—
(i). Kaitlen: Billikula (British Columbia).
1 Vocabulary in "Pacific R: Report," vol. ii. (1855). See Ban-
croft: " Native Races/' iii. pp. 682-3.
2 See Bancroft: /. c. iii. pp. 684-5.
8 Clavigero: " Storia della California," i. pp. no, sq. (1789).
4 Grammar in Bancroft : /. c. iii. pp. 688-90.
5 Grammar of the Gallinomero dialect in Bancroft : /. c. iii. pp.
644-6.
6 Grammar of the Mutsun dialect in Bancroft : /. c. iii. pp.
655-6.
Tatche Grammar in Bancroft: /. c. iii. pp. 656-8.
8 " Contributions to North American Ethnology, in " U. S.
6o
7 HE SCIENCE OF LANGUAGE.
(2). Nanaimuk : Kowitsin : Songhu : Soke (V
couver's Island).
(3). Kowlitz : S'klallam : Tsihalis : Kwainautl' : Kwil-
lehiut.
(4). Niskwalli:—
(a). Skwanksnamish : Kwulseet (Skokomish.)
(b). S'hotlmamish : Skwai-aitl': Sahewamish : Steh-
tsasamish : Sawamish: Nu-seht-satl'.
(c). Niskwalli proper: Segwallitsu: Stailaku-ma-
mish : Skwalliahmish.
(d.) Puyallupahmish : T'kwakwamish : S'homamish-
(e). Sukwamish : Samamish : Skopamish : St'ka-
mish: Sk'tehlmish.
(/). Snohomish.
(g). Snokwalmu : Stoluts-whamish : Sk'tahle-jum :
Skihwamish : Kwehtl'mamish.
(//). Yakama.1
(i). Skagit : Kihiallu : Towah-hah : Nu-kwat-sa-
mish : Smali-hu : Saku-mehu : Skwonamish:
Miskai-whu : Swinamish : Miseekwigweelis.
(j). Lummi : Samish : Nuk-sahk.
LIX. Chinuk or Tsinuk 2 (polysynthetic) : — Clatsop :
Clatlascon or Wasco : Wakaikam. Chinook jargon.3
Geographical and Geological Survey of the Rocky Mountain Re-
gion," i. (1877), PP- 24J5 s<?- ) Mengarini : " Grammatica linguae
Selica3"(i86i).
1 Pandosy : " Grammar and Dictionary of the Yacama Lan-
guage" (1862), in Shea's " Library," vol. vi.
2 Grammatical Notes on the Watlala Dialect in Bancroft : " Nativ
Races/' iii. pp. 628-9.
3 " Dictionary of the Chinook Jargon, to which is (sic) adde
numerous Conversations," 6th edit., published by S. J. M'Cormic
Portland, Oregon.
ROOTS. 6 1
LX. Sahaptin or Nez-percees ' (polysynthetic) : — Tai-
tinapan : ? T'likatat : ? Walla-walla.
LXI. Nutka or Yucuatl2 (polysynthetic) : — Makah :
Tlaoquatsh.
LXII. Appalachian (Florida) (polysynthetic) : — Nat-
chez :3 Muskogee or Creek Indian: Choctaw:4 Cherokee
(Cheroki) or Chilake.5
LXIII. Pawnee (Pani) or Riccaree6 (polysynthetic).
LXIV. Dakota (Dacotah), spoken by the Sioux or
Issati (polysynthetic) :7 Iowa or Sac :8 Winnebago : Osage.
LXV. Iroquois (polysynthetic) : — Onondago : 9 Sene-
ca : Oneida : Mohawk : Cayuga : Tuscarora : Nottoway.
1 "Contributions to N. A. Ethnology " (1877); Bancroft: "Na-
tive Races," iii. pp. 621-5.
2 Vocabulary in " American Ethnology," vol. ii. ; grammatical
notes in Bancroft: /. c. iii. 610-12.
3 Brinton : " On the Language of the Natchez," in the " Pro-
ceedings of the American Philosophical Society," xiii. (5th Dec.
1873).
4 Byington: " Grammar of the Choctaw Language" (1870), edited
by Brinton.
5 Jonathan Edwards : " Observations on the Language of the
Muhhekaneew Indians," edited by Pickering (1823); " Cherokee
Primer" (Park Hill, Arkansas, 2nd edit. 1846). For the native syl-
labary invented by Segwoya (George Guess) in 1820, see Faulmann:
" Das Buch der Schrift " (1878), p. 12.
6 See W. Matthews: " Ethnography and Philology of the Hidatsa
Indians" (1877). [Classed with the Caddo of Texas by Latham.]
7 Riggs: "Grammar and Dictionary of the Dacota Language"
(Smithson. Inst.) (1851); H. C. von der Gabelentz : " Grammatik
der Dakota-Sprache " (1852); Pond: "Dakota Reading-book,"
(1842).
8 Hamilton and Irwin : "An Iowa Grammar, illustrating the
principles of the language used by the Iowa, Otoe, and Missour
Indians" (1848).
9 Shea: " Dictionnaire Frangais-Onontague " (with grammar), in
Shea's " Library of Amer. Linguistics," i. (1859).
62
THE SCIENCE OF LANGUAGE.
LXVI. Algonquin * (polysynthetic) : — Cree : 2 Ottawa :
Ojibway or Chippeway 3 (4 dialects) : f Mohican, or Mo-
hegan, or Pequot : Micmac or Miramichi (including
Acadian and Gaspesian) :4 Shawnee : Blackfoot : Leni-
Lenape or Delaware : Abenaki : f Narragansets : 5 f Na-
tick or Massachusetts.6
LXVII. Athapaskan or Tinneh7 (polysynthetic) : —
(i). Athapaskan proper, or Chippewyan (dialects of
the Hare, Dogrib, Yellow-knife, and Copper-
mine Indians) : Sarsee : Tacallie.
(2). Tinneh : — Qualhioqua : Owillapsh : Tlatskanai :
Umkwa : Tututen : Hupah.
(3). Apache : 8 Navajo : Lipanes.
1 Fr. Miiller: "Der grammatische Ban der Algonkinsprachen"
(1867); Cf. Du Ponceau: " Me'moire sur le Systeme grammatical
des Langues de quelques nations indiennes de I'Amerique" (1838),
pp. 207, sq.
2 Howse : "Grammar of the Cree Language" (1805). [For
the native syllabary of the Crees andTinnehs, see Faulmann: "Das
Buch der Schrift," p. u.]
3 Schoolcraft: "Ethnological Researches concerning the Red
Man of America," iv. pp. 385-396; Edwin James: "Chippeway
First Lessons in spelling and reading " (undated) ; Baraga : " A
Theoretical and Practical Grammar of the Otchipwe Language "
(1850).
4 Maillard: " Grammar of the Micmac Language" (1864).
5 Roger Williams : "A Key to the Languages of America " (1643).
6 John Eliot : " The Indian Grammar Begun," reprinted by
Pickering, in Second Ser. of " Collections of the Mass. Hist. Soc."
(1832), ix. pp. 223-312, and i.-liv.
7 Buschmann: "Der athapaskische Sprachstamm" (1856), and
" Ueber die Verwandtschaft der Kinai-Idiome mit dem grossen
Athapaskischen Sprachstamme," in ! the " Monatsberichte d. k.
Akad. d. Wissensch. in Berlin" (1854), pp. 231, sq. [The Tinnehs
have a native syllabary.]
8 Grammar in Bancroft: /. c. iii. pp. 596-601.
ROOTS. . 63
(4). Tinneh or Atnah dialects in Alaska : — 3 Western :
7 Eastern : 10 Kutchin dialects (2 extinct).1
[Tinneh or Atnah is called Kolshina by the
Russians.]
LXVIII. Tlinket2 (polysynthetic):—
(i). Yakutat.
(2). Chilkaht-kwan : Sitka-kwan : Stakhin-kwan.
(3)- Kygahni.
(4). Nass : Chimsyan.'
(5). Kolush.4
LXIX. Aleutian or Unungun5 (polysynthetic) : —
(a). Eastern or Unalashkan.6
(&). Western or Atkan.
LXX. Eskimo (Esquimaux) or Innuit7 (polysyn-
thetic) :—
(i). Western Eskimo (N. W. America and North-
East Asia) : — (a). West Mackenzie Innuit ; (£).
Western Innuit : (<:). Fishing Innuit : (d). South
Eastern Innuit.8
1 " Contributions to North American Ethnology," vol. i. pp. 24-
40(1877).
1 " Contributions to N. A. Ethnol.," p. 40, pp. 111-114 (Grammar
by G. Gibbs), pp. 121, sg.
* " Contrib.," &c. pp. 155-6.
4 Buschmann : " Die Pima-Sprache und die Sprache der Ko-
Ioschen"(i857).
5 Wenjaminoff: " Opyt grammatiki Aleutsko-lisjevskago jazika "
(S. Petersburg, 1846); "Contributions to North Amer. Ethnol.,"
pp. 22-24.
6 Grammatical Notes in " Contributions," &c., pp. 115, 116.
7 Kleinschmidt : "Grammatik der gronlandischen Sprache" (1851).
8 " Contributions to N. A. Ethnol." pp. 9-24 ; Grammatical Notes
in Bancroft: "Native Races," Hi. pp. 576-77; Veniaminoff: "Ueber
die Sprachen der russischen Amer." in Erman's "Archiv," vii. i. pp.
126, sg.
64
THE SCIENCE OF LANGUAGE.
(2). Eastern Eskimo or Greenlandish or Karali.
(3). Arctic Highlanders.
LXXI. American Chukchi.1
LXXII. Asiatic Chukchi and Koriak (agglutinative).2
LXXIII. Yukhagir or Andondommi (agglutinative).3
LXXIV. Yenissei-Ostiak and Kott (Khotowski) or
Kanski (agglutinative).4
LXXV. Unclassified island-languages : —
(i). Mergui Archipelago languages.
(2). (?) Andaman languages. [See under XXXV
(3). Nicobar languages,5 &c. &c. &c.
LXXVI. Micronesian (agglutinative) : — Gilbert Is-
lands : 6 Ponape : T Ladrone : Yap : Marshall Islands
(Ebon) : Tobi.
;
1 " Contributions," &c., pp. 12-14.
2 Radloff in " Me'moires de 1'Acade'mie impdriale des Sciences de
St. Pdtersbourg," vii. pp. 382, sq. (1851).
3 Schiefner in the " Bulletin de 1'Acade'mie imp^riale des Sciences
de St. Pe'tersbourg" (1859).
4 Castrdn: "Versuch einer jenissei-ostjakischen und kottischen
Sprachlehre" (1858).
5 De Roepstorff gives a vocabulary of five dialects (Calcutta
1875).
6 Hale in " United States Exploring Expedition," 1838-42, vol.
vii.
7 Gulick: "Grammar and Vocabulary of the Ponape Language,"
in the "Journal of the American Oriental Society," x. (1872).
'
CHAPTER VII.
THE INFLECTIONAL FAMILIES OF SPEECH.
" Si nous connaissons la langue des Aryas telle qu'elle existait
vers le moment de leur dispersion finale, et sans doute d£jk divise'e
en dialectes, nous pourrions y retrouver avec beaucoup de suretd
Phistoire de leur deVeloppement anteVieur dans ses phases succes-
sives."— PICTET.
PROPHETS and preachers have never been weary of de-
nouncing the innate vanity and deceitfulness of the*
human heart, but their success hitherto has been but
scanty. It is difficult, if not impossible, to see ourselves
with the eyes of others, to measure truly our own impor-
tance and that of the society in which we live. It is only
the historian of a' later age that can calmly and impar-
tially trace the causes and effects of the events which
have marked a particular era ; the actors themselves, as
well as those who live near the same epoch, behold every-
thing through a blurred and distorted medium, wherein
the true proportions of things are altogether lost. The
greatest of thinkers have never been able to free them-
selves wholly from the prejudices and habits of their
time : Aristotle could not conceive of a state of society
in which slavery did not exist ; and Lord Bacon, like his
contemporary Raleigh, still retained a lingering belief in
astrology, even saying that " comets without doubt have
power over the gross and mass of things." We are apt
II. F
66
THE SCIENCE OF LANGUAGE.
to fancy that the culture and civilization of modern
Europe are superior to those of any other age or of any
other part of the world ; the Anglo-Indian calls the de-
scendants of Manu and Vikramaditya " niggers/' and a
great English poet has declared : " Better fifty years of
Europe than a cycle of Cathay." It is hard to remember
that ours is not the only civilization the world has seen ;
that in many things it falls short of that of Athens, or
even those of ancient Egypt and Babylonia, or modern
Japan ; and that we are not the best judges of our own
deservings.
The spirit of vanity has invaded the science of lan-
guage itself. We have come to think that not only is
the race to which we belong superior to all others, but
that the languages we speak are equally superior. That
inflection is the supreme effort of linguistic energy, that it
marks the highest stage in the development of speech, is
regarded as a self-evident axiom. The Greek and Latin
classics have formed the staple and foundation of our
education, and if we have advanced beyond them, it is
generally to the study of Hebrew or Sanskrit, them-
selves also inflected tongues. The inflected Aryan lan-
guages, whether living or dead, have formed our canons
of taste, and our judgment of what is right or wrong in
the matter of language. Even the grammars of our own
English speech have been forced into a classical mould,
and been adorned with tenses and cases, if not genders.
The belief that whatever is unfamiliar must be either
wrong or absurd, exercises a wider influence than is ordi-
narily imagined. Everything has tended to make the
European scholar see in an inflected language the normal
THE INFLECTIONAL FAMILIES OF SPEECH, 67
type of a perfect and cultivated tongue. The dialects he
speaks or studies are mostly inflectional ones, and even
should he be acquainted with languages like Chinese or
Basque, which belong to another class of speech, the ac-
quaintance has seldom been made in the earlier and
more impressionable years of life.
But there is a further reason for the widespread opinion
that an inflectional language must necessarily rank before
all others. The founders and cultivators of comparative
philology were Germans, who spoke therefore one of the
most highly inflected languages of modern Europe. The
vanity of race and education was thus supplemented by
the vanity of nationality and custom. The great Grimm,
it is true, recognized the superiority of grammarless Eng-
lish, and even urged his countrymen to adopt it, but it is
needless to say that he met with no support. It was just
the " poverty " and want of inflections which characterize
modern English, that seemed to indicate its degenerate
and imperfect nature. If great works had been produced
in it, this was in spite of its character, not by reason of it.
The prejudices of a classical education were still strong;
the literature of a language was confounded with the
language itself, and the fallacy maintained that because
certain writers of Greece, or Rome, or Judea were models
of style, the languages in which they wrote must be
models too. Comparative philology has had a slow and
laborious task in rooting up these false notions, and lay-
ing down that whatever may be its form, that language
is best which best expresses the thoughts of its speakers.
Language is an object of study in and for itself, not be-
cause of the books that may have been composed in it, and
68
THE SCIENCE OF LANGUAGE.
it not unfrequently happens that some of the most precious
of its secrets are to be discovered in jargons the very
names of which are almost unknown. It is not in Greek
or Latin or Sanskrit that we shall find the answers to
many of the most pressing questions of linguistic science,
but in the living dialects of the present world. The
antiquarian study of language is no doubt indispensable
to a historical science like glottology ; but this anti-
quarian study must be preceded, corrected, and verified,
by a study of the pronunciation and usages of actual
speech. Comparative philology rests upon phonology,
and in phonology we must begin with the known sounds
of living language.
Just as the type of physical beauty differs among the
various races of the earth, so, too, does the type of literary
excellence. The Chinaman finds more to admire in the
language and style of his classics than in those of Plato
or Shakspeare, and Montezuma would probably have
preferred an Aztec poem to all the works of ^Eschylus
or Goethe. If we are to decide between the rival claims
of different forms of speech to pre-eminence, it must be
upon other grounds than the excellency of the literature
belonging to them ; and we have already seen in a pre-
vious chapter how seriously it may be doubted whether,
after all, an inflectional language stands on a higher
level than an agglutinative one.
The number of known inflectional families of speech
is not large, though the literary and historical impor-
tance of two of them far exceeds that of any other group
of languages. Passing by Hottentot, the inflectional
character of which, though maintained by Bleek and
THE INFLECTIONAL FAMILIES OF SPEECH. 69
Lepsius, is denied by Friedrich Mtiller, all the inflec-
tional languages of which we know are confined to
Western Europe and the basin of the Mediterranean.
South of the Caucasus comes Georgian, the leading
representative of the so-called Alarodian family, to which
the dialect of the cuneiform inscriptions of Van may have
belonged. It is just possible that the extinct language
of the Lykian inscriptions is to be included in this
family, though Savelsberg and others would connect it
with the Indo-European group, and especially with Zend.
Neither roots nor grammatical forms, however, seem to
permit this ; and it is for the present safest to regard the
ancient Lykian as, like the Etruscan, a relic of an other-
wise extinct family of speech. South of Georgia, again,
comes the domain of the Semitic languages which once
extended from the Tigris to the Mediterranean, and
from the Tauros and Zagros ranges to the Indian Ocean
and Abyssinia. Probably the Old Egyptian of the
monuments, which goes back to between 4000 and 5000
B.C., along with its daughter, Coptic, must be considered
as remotely connected with th6 Semitic group, as well as
the so-called Sub-Semitic dialects of northern Africa,
Berber, Haussa, &c. The larger part of Europe, to-
gether with India, Persia, and Armenia, is occupied by
the Aryan family which has now scattered its colonies
over the whole world. In fact, modern emigration is
almost wholly confined to Aryans, Jews, and Chinese.
The Aryan or Indo-European family has been baptized
with a variety of names. " Indo-European " is perhaps
the one in most favour, and the chief objection to it is its
length. " Indo-Germanic," the term chosen by Bopp, has
THE SCIENCE OF LANGUAGE.
now a wide circulation among German scholars, " for no
other assignable reason," says Prof. Whitney, " than that
it contains the foreign appellation of their own particular
branch, as given by their conquerors and teachers, the
Romans." l " Sanskritic " has also been proposed, but is
now universally discarded, as giving undue prominence
to a single representative of the family. " Japhetic,"
modelled after " Semitic," is still occasionally used ; it
is, however, thoroughly objectionable, as the so-called
" ethnological table " in Genesis is really geographical,
and the descendants of Japhet do not cover the different
branches of the Aryan group. " Caucasian " is another
term, which has been immortalized by Tennyson ; but
the term originated rather with the physiologists than
the philologists, and is in no way applicable, since
none of the Caucasian tribes, with the single exception
of the little colony of the Iron or Ossetes, belong to
the Aryan race. Iron is but a form of Aryan, a name
which is due to Prof. Max Miiller. In the Rig- Veda,
"dry a occurs frequently as a national name and as a
name of honour, comprising the worshippers of the gods
of the Brahmans, as opposed to their enemies, who are
called in the Veda Dasyus"' The word is a derivative
from arya, perhaps " ploughman" or " cultivator," which
is applied in later Sanskrit to the Vaisyas or " house-
holders " of the third caste. The great recommendation
which "Aryan" possesses is its shortness, and since it has
been widely adopted it is the term which is generally
used in the present work. It must not be forgotten,
1 " Life and Growth of Language" (1875), p. 180.
2 Max Miiller : " Lectures," i. (8th edition), p. 275.
THE INFLECTIONAL FAMILIES OF SPEECH. 71
however, that the term is really of Sanskrit origin, and
therefore more applicable to the Asiatic branch of the
Indo-European family than to its European branch. It
is on this account that certain French scholars, while
adopting Chavee's "Aryaque" as a designation for the
whole family, confine "Aryan " to its eastern members,
making it include both Indie and Iranian. On the other
hand, Prof. Max Miiller may be right in seeing the word
in Aria, the old name of Thrace, as well as in the German
Arii, near the Vistula, whose name, however, Grimm
would connect with the Gothic harji, " army."
A glance at the genealogical table in the last chapter
will .show that the Aryan family must be subdivided into
East Aryan or Indo-Iranian and West Aryan or Euro-
pean, the first branch comprising Indian (Sanskrit, Pra-
krit, Hindi, &c.) and Persian (sometimes called Iranian),
the second Greek, Italic, Keltic,. Slavonic, Lithuanian,
and Keltic. Hiibschmann would place Armenian and
Ossetic between these two groups ; Friedrich Miiller,
on the contrary, makes them Persian dialects. The main
difficulty in the way of Hiibschmann's view is that the
cuneiform inscriptions of Assyria show no indications of
any Aryan settlers in Armenia or the Caucasus before
the eighth or seventh century B.C., even the Aryan
Medes, like their brethren the Persians, not advancing so
far to the west as Media Rhagiana until the ninth cen-
tury B.C. It is, of course, quite possible that the Arme-
nians may have crossed the Caucasus in the wake of the
Scythians, but Fick seems to have proved that the Scy-
thic words preserved by the classical writers belong to
the European, and not to the Iranian branch of the Aryan
72
THE SCIENCE OF LANGUAGE.
family. The scanty relics of the Aryan languages oi
Asia Minor found in inscriptions and the glosses oi
Greek grammarians belong to the Western division of the
family, and thus bear out the old traditions which made
Lydians, Carians, Mysians, and Phrygians brethren one
of the other, which derived the Mysians from Thrace,
and saw in the Phrygians the Thracian Briges. The
Halys formed the eastern boundary of Aryan domination
in Asia Minor ; the country beyond was possessed per-
haps by Alarodians, certainly by tribes not of the Aryan
stock.
At the head of the Indian group of dialects stands
Sanskrit, the classical language of Hindustan and its
sacred books, which though long since extinct, is still
spoken by the Brahmans as Latin was in the Middle
Ages. We must distinguish, however, between Vedic
Sanskrit and classical Sanskrit, the older Sanskrit of the
Veda differing in many respects from the later Sanskrit
of the Hindu epics. Thus the second and fifth lines of
the first hymn of the Rig- Veda end with the words vak-
shati and gamat, forms unknown to classical Sanskrit,
but corresponding to the Greek sigmatic and " second "
aorists conjunctive (TJA|/>I(T) and iw»f(T))i from the roots
vach, " to speak," and gam, " to go." So, too, the old
modal forms of the aorist disappear in the post- Vedic
language, with the exception of the precative or benedic-
tive,1 as well as the augmented preterite, which Delbriick
has compared with the Homeric pluperfect, while post-
1 The benedictive is really the optative of the simple aorist in
the parasmaipada or active voice, and of the sigmatic aorist in the
atmanepada or middle voice.
THE INFLECTIONAL FAMILIES OF SPEECH. 73
Vedic Sanskrit introduces a new tense in the shape of
the first future bkavitdsmi, a compound of the noun
bhavi-tar and the substantive verb asmi.
Both Vedic and post- Vedic Sanskrit were poor in
vowels, possessing only #, z, and u long and short, with
the diphthongs e, ai, o, and au, and the linguals r and /;
on the other hand, they were rich in consonants, among
which the " cerebral " or linguo-dental / and d are usually
supposed to have been borrowed from the Dravidian
tongues.1 The euphonic laws are strict and delicate, the
final sounds of a wrord being affected by the initial sounds
of the word following according to precise and well-ob-
served rules. The syntax is comparatively simple, com-
position taking its place, especially in the later period of
the language. The grammatical forms, however, are
very full and clear, and it is to them that Sanskrit mainly
owes the high position that it has occupied in the com-
parative study of Aryan speech. It has often preserved
archaic forms that have been obscured elsewhere, though
it must not be forgotten that this is by no means invari-
ably the case ; Greek and Latin, for instance, are some-
times more primitive than the old language of India.
The declension is especially complete, preserving the
dual as well as a locative and an instrumental. Other
cases, however, which must have been once possessed by
the parent-speech, have either disappeared or left faint
traces behind them ; thus we have the secondary abla-
1 Such is still Bishop Caldwell's opinion in the 2nd edition of his
"Comparative Grammar of the Dravidian Languages" (1875), but
it must be remembered that these consonants are possessed by the
Aryan Pashtu of Afghanistan, west of the Indus.
74
THE SCIENCE OF LANGUAGE.
tives mat-tas, " from me," twat-tas, " from thee," like the
Latin peni-tus and radici-tus, where Prof. Max M tiller
has shown that the forms mat and twat are merely
stems.1 The Sanskrit alphabet, known as the Devana-
gari or " divine writing," was introduced into India from
the West, and is probably based on an Aramean original ;
as the first inscriptions composed in it are not older than
the third century B.C., it is plain that the Yavandnt, or
"writing of the Yavanas,"2 of Panini must refer to a dif-
ferent and now forgotten mode of writing. The word
Sanskrita means " put together," or " perfect," as distin-
guished from Prdkrita, " derived from a model," that is
to say, "secondhand" or "vulgar," prdkrita being the
name assigned to the current language of the people at
a time when the Sanskrit was rapidly becoming extinct,
or was confined to the literary and priestly classes. The
Prakrit dialects followed upon Sanskrit just as the
Romanic dialects of Europe followed upon Latin, and
the inscriptions of the Western caves, as well as the lan-
guage of the lower orders in the plays, prove that they
had already taken the place of the classical tongue two
or three hundred years before the Christian era. One of
the Prakrit dialects, the Pali of Magadha or Behar, in
north-eastern India, was transported by Buddhist mis-
sionaries to Ceylon, and there became the sacred lan-
guage of the new faith.3 Pali, now dead like Sanskrit
1 Fleckeisen's " Jahrblicher " (1877), p. 702.
2 Max M tiller disputes the view that this means the " writing of
the Greeks," in " History of Ancient Sanskrit Literature," pp. 520,
521.
3 This is the tradition of the Southern Buddhists themselves, but
Pali differs considerably from the Magadhi of the Prakrit gram-
THE INFLECTIONAL FAMILIES OF SPEECH. 75
itself, shows in some respects a marked superiority over
the Prakrits of the plays, and has certainly been less af-
fected by phonetic decay than most of its sister idioms.
The three Sanskrit sibilants, however, have been merged
in one, the vowel ri has disappeared, being mostly
replaced by a, the long vowels have been frequently
shortened, the dual and dative are lost, and all words
must end either in a simple or in a nasalized vowel. The
modern Aryan languages of India have developed out
of the other Prakrits, and in their present form are con-
sidered not to go back further than the tenth century.
Bengali and Assamese retain many features of Sanskrit;
Sindhi and Gujarati in the north-west, Nepali and Kash-
miri in the north, Hindi in the centre, and Marathi in
the south, are all more or less changed from the primi-
tive type. Hindi is merely the modern form of Hindui,
a language which was much cultivated during the Middle
Ages of recent Hindu literature, while Hindustani or
Urdu, the language of the "camp," is Hindi mixed with
Arabic and Persian — in fact, a lingua franca which grew
up at the time of the Mahommedan invasion in the
eleventh century. The chief characteristic of these
marians. Kern (" Over de Jaartelling der zuidelijke Buddhisten,"
1873) believes it to be an artificial language based on some unde-
termined Prakrit dialect ; Pischel ("Academy," 1873, p. 397, sq.}
maintains that Pali was the popular Magadhi, the Magadhi of the
grammarians and playwriters being an artificial jargon. Wester-
gaard (" Indbydelsesskrift til Kjobnhavns Universitets Aarsfest,"
1860) has pointed out that Pali is almost identical with the lan-
guage of an inscription of A'soka, set up near Ujjayini (Girnar in
Guzerat), and he and Kuhn hold it to represent the dialect spoken
in Malava in the third century B.C., and brought to Ceylon by the
Buddhist apostle Mahendra.
76
THE SCIENCE OF LANGUAGE.
modern dialects is their analytical tendency, even the
plural being expressed by particular suffixes, while on
the phonological side they incline towards assimilation,
the change of y to i and r to d, and the substitution of
the simple aspirate h for the aspirated explosives kht ///,
and th.
Among these neo-Hindu dialects must be included the
Rommany of the Gipsies, who seem to have penetrated
into Europe in the twelfth or thirteenth century of our
era. Miklosich has endeavoured to trace their line of
march by a careful examination of their vocabulary,
and concludes that they must have passed successively
through Persia, Armenia, Greece, Rumania, Hungary,
and Bohemia, whence they scattered themselves towards
Germany, Poland, Russia and Scandinavia, Italy and
Spain, England and Scotland.1
Recent researches, and more especially the decipher-
ment of early inscriptions, have obliged us to add the
Sinhalese or Elu of Ceylon, in which the commentaries
on the Buddhist canon were first written, to the Indian
branch of the Aryan languages. According to Mr. Rhys
Davids,2 " it is based on the dialect spoken by the colony
from Sinhapura in Lala, on the west coast of India, who
drove into the remote parts of the island the former in-
habitants, borrowing very little indeed from their lan-
guage. Later on the Sinhalese derived their religion
and literature from the opposite side of India, but in
1 " Ueber die Mundarten und die Wanderungen der Zigeuner
Europas,"Th. 2 (1873).
2 " Annual Address of the President of the Philological Society "
(1875), P- 73-
THE INFLECTIONAL FAMILIES OF SPEECH. 77
dialects akin to their own." Sinhalese possesses the
linguals f and d, has lost all gender except in the pro-
nouns and names of living things, all case-endings for
adjectives, and many for nouns, as well as the person-
endings of the verb, expresses number and case by post-
fixes, different postfixes being used for the plural of
animate and inanimate beings, as in Persian, and has
borrowed a large number of Sanskrit words.
West of the Indus is the Pashtu or Pakhtu of the Af-
ghans, the descendants probably of the Paktyes of Hero-
dotus, which has long been considered to belong to the
Iranian group, but since Dr. Trumpp's labours must be
classed among the Indian dialects. It forms a stepping-
stone, as it were, between the Indian and Iranian divi-
sions, partaking to a certain extent of the features of
both, but with predominant Prakrit characteristics. Like
Sindhi, it has borrowed from its Iranian neighbours a
whole system of pronominal suffixes. The language is
also known under the names of Patan and Siyah-Push.
In a small triangle to the extreme north of Afghanis-
tan, with Badakshan on one side and Kashmir on the
other, lies Dardistan, the country of the Dards, among
whom Dr. Leitnerhas discovered a number of interesting
dialects. The principal of these seems to be the Shina,
a name sometimes applied to the whole Dardu group ;
among the others may be mentioned the Arnyia, the
Khajuna, the Ghilgiti, the Astori, and the Kalasha-
Mander. Dard probably holds much the same position
as Pashtu, being an Indian rather than an Iranian lan-
guage. The present tense of the substantive verb in
Arnyia is conjugated as Am, astis, astir, asdsi, astimi, asuni;
THE SCIENCE OF LANGUAGE.
the aspirated explosives are generally preserved instead
of being changed into h as in the Prakrits ; and the past
tense — at all events in Kalasha — preserves the initial
augment (as in Sanskrit and Greek).
We now come to the Persian or Iranian group, the
most nearly akin to Sanskrit of all the Indo-European
languages, and forming with the Indian dialects the
Eastern or Asiatic branch of the family. In some re-
spects, as in the retention of the old ablative in at or the
preservation of the diphthong au, ao, Persian is more
archaic than Vedic-Sanskrit. Its literary monuments,
however, are of more recent date ; the oldest parts of the
Zend-Avesta, the Bible of the Zoroastrian faith, being
younger than the hymns of the Rig- Veda and belonging
to an age when a portion of the Aryan community had
broken with the polytheistic religion of their brethren,
and under the conduct, it may be, of an individual pro-
phet, had turned back from the Punjab to the mountains
of the north-west. But we have one great advantage in
studying the Iranian group, and that is our opportunity
of tracing the history of the language through successive
and long-continued periods. We may divide this history
into five periods, represented by Zend, Old or Achae-
menian Persian, Huzvaresh or Pehlevi, Parsi, and Neo-
Persian.
The first knowledge Europe obtained of Zend and the
Zend-avesta was due to the enthusiasm of a Frenchman,
Anquetil Duperron, who, without means, and in the face
of great hardship, learnt the language from some Pars!
priests at Surat, and returned to France in 1762 wit
over a hundred MSS. These enabled Eugene Burnouf
THE INFLECTIONAL FAMILIES OF SPEECH. 79
to correct the attempt of Duperron to translate the Zend-
avesta from a modern Persian translation, as well as the
faulty and uncritical teaching of the language he had
received from the Parsi priests. Burnouf must be re-
garded as the true founder of Zend philology.
Now Zend was the language of the ancient Persian
Zoroastrians, or worshippers of Ormazd, in eastern Iran,
and consequently the language in which their sacred
books were composed. All that has come down to us of
the latter are the four books — the Ya'sna, the Vispered,
the Yashts, and the Vendidad — which make up the pre-
sent Bible of the Zoroastrian or Parsi community, the
last of them giving a legendary account of the early
migrations of the Iranian tribes. The modern Parsis
regard avesta as meaning the text, and zend as the Peh-
levi commentary ; but this is certainly wrong, and Prof.
Haug would explain the first by a hypothetical dvista,
"what is notified," from d-vid, the second being usually
taken as a corruption of zainti, " knowledge," the San-
sbritjdnti (ywiiirij). Dr. Oppert is probably right in think-
ing that neither zend nor avesta belonged to the dialect
of eastern Iran, but are identical with two words (zandi
and abastaya) which occur in the cuneiform inscriptions
of western Persia, and mean respectively "prayer" and
" law." At any rate, the great inscription set up at Be-
histun by Darius Hystaspis, commemorates his restora-
tion not only of the Zoroastrian faith after its overthrow
by the Turanian Magi, but also of the text and commen-
tary of the Zend-avesta itself, which had been neglected
or proscribed. In a passage, unfortunately defaced in
the Persian original, but preserved in the Protomedic
8o
THE SCIENCE OF LANGUAGE.
version, we find, according to Dr. Oppert's version : —
"And Darius the king says : I have made also elsewhere
a book in the Aryan language, that formerly did not
exist. And I have made the text of the Divine Law
(Avesta), and a commentary of the Divine Law, and the
prayer, and the translation. And it was written, and I
sealed it. And then the ancient book was restored by
me in all nations, and the nations followed it."1 In fact,
Darius describes himself as acting like another Ezra of
the Jewish tradition, and there can be little doubt
that additions were made to the book at this time. In-
deed, we can clearly distinguish fragments of varying
antiquity in the portions that have been preserved. The
Gathas, certain obscure hymns in the Ya'sna, are older
than any other part of the Zend-avesta, in spite of Prof,
de Harlez's doubts ; 2 they are quoted or referred to in
all other parts, and stand to the latter in much the same
relation as the Rig- Veda stands to the later Vedic and
Brahmanic literature. The dialect of the Gathas differs
slightly from that of the remaining Zend writings, pos-
sibly because it is earlier, possibly because it was spoken
in the highland regions. However this may be, both
dialects are included in the Zend, the oldest form of
Persian speech to which we can go back. As Zend was
the language of eastern Iran, bounded by Sogdiana on
the north, by Hyrcania on the west, and by Arachosia
on the south, it is frequently called Bactrian or Old Bac-
trian. It seems to have lingered on till the Greek period,
1 "Records of the Past" (1876), vii. p. 109. Dr. Oppert has
omitted the words " by the favour of Ormazd," which introduce the
king's assertion.
2 Avesta : " Livre sacrd des Sectateurs de Zoroastre" (1875-6).
THE INFLECTIONAL FAMILIES OF SPEECH. 81
and thus to have been a contemporary of the Old or
Achaemenian Persian which was spoken in the west.
The latter dialect has been recovered from the cunei-
form monuments of Darius Hystaspis and his successors,
the key to which was first found by the genius of Grote-
fend. In some points Old Persian is less removed from the
primitive Aryan than is Zend ; generally speaking, how-
ever, the contrary is the case. The cuneiform alphabet
of forty characters in which the inscriptions are written
was obtained in a very ingenious manner from the com-
plicated syllabary of Assyria and Babylon, apparently
under the direction of Darius himself. It fell into disuse,
however, almost before a century had passed. What
kind of writing was used by the eastern Iranians before
the time of Darius it is impossible even to conjecture.
Pehlevi or Huzvaresh is known to us by translations
of the Zend-avesta, a treatise on cosmogony called the
" Bundehesh," and the coins and inscriptions of the
Sassanian dynasty (A.D. 226-651), and seems to have
been the language of the western district of Sevad,
though subdivided into the two dialects of Chaldeo-
Pehlevi and Sassano- Pehlevi. Not only its vocabulary,
but even its grammar has been invaded in a most ex-
traordinary way by Semitic influences, and if we are to
suppose that the language we find in^books and inscrip-
tions was ever spoken beyond the limits of a Court circle,
we shall have to admit the possibility of a mixed gram-
mar. It seems most probable, however, that the mixture
was to be found rather in the writing than in the spoken
language ; at all events the Huzvaresh translation of the
Avesta was read by substituting Iranian for Aramean
II. G
82 THE SCIENCE OF LANGUAGE.
expressions, Iranian terminations being added in the
MSS. to Semitic words. While this curious idiom was
being cultivated in the west, another idiom, Parsi or
Pazend, had grown up in the east, and was perpetuated
in India by the Guebres, or fire-worshippers, who
fled from Mahommedan persecution to Guzerat. Parsi
differs but slightly from the language of Firdusi, the
great epic poet of Persia, whose "Shahnameh" or
" Book of Kings," commemorating the past glories of
Aryan Persia, was composed about 1000 A.D. With
Firdusi the history of modern Persian begins ; in his
hands it is a pure Aryan dialect, free from foreign ad-
mixture ; but by slow degrees it incorporated an increas-
ingly large Semitic element until its dictionary became
half-filled with Arabic words. Neo-Persian resembles
English in the simplicity of its grammar ; it has even
rid itself of any distinction of gender in the third per-
sonal pronoun, while the idea of the genitive is expressed
by the vowel z, a remnant of an old relative ; the lan-
guage, nevertheless, is melodious and forcible, and Per-
sian poetry takes a high rank. Of course, the literary
dialect of modern Persia is only one out of many ;
among the provincial dialects the best known is perhaps
that of Mazenderan.
But we have not yet finished our survey of the lan-
guages belonging to the Iranian section of Indo-European
speech. There still remain the Kurdic dialects, of which
the chief are the Kurmanji between Mosul and Asia
Minor and the Zaza, the Beluchi of Beluchistan, and th
dialects of the Lurs (Bashiari and Fa'ili), of the Tats in
the south-east of the Caucasus, and of the Iron or Os-
THE INFLECTIONAL FAMILIES OF SPEECH. 83
setes in the same neighbourhood. Ossetian is divided
into a great variety of patois, and is closely connected
with the Armenian, which along with it, must be ex-
cluded from the Iranian group, if Hiibschmann's opi-
nion is right. The classic period of Armenian begins
with the formation of the alphabet by Mesrop in the
fifth century of our era, and the works of Moses of
Chorene, Lazar of Pharp, Eznik of Kolb, and others.
The literary dialect declined in the eleventh century,
when the local patois began to take its place. A leading
phonetic feature of Armenian is the change of the hard
into the soft explosives, and of the soft into the hard ones,
while original/ becomes h (as in hayr—pater\ Three
new tenses — a perfect, a pluperfect, and a future — have
been created in the verb by the help of participles.
We must now pass at a leap to the westernmost of all
the Aryan languages, that still spoken by the Kelts of
Wales, Brittany, Ireland, and the Scotch highlands.
Cornish became extinct only in the last century, and
Manx may even now be occasionally heard in the Isle of
Man. The ancient Gaulish or Gallic disappeared wholly
from France before the inroads of Latin and Teutonic,
leaving behind it only some twenty or thirty half-deci-
phered inscriptions in Roman characters ; but its utter
•disappearance must have been subsequent to the time of
Sidonius Apollinarius, who congratulates Ecdicius, his
brother-in-law, on inducing the Aryernian nobility to
give up the use of the Keltic language.1 The Breton or
1 " Quod sermonis Celtic! squamam depositura nobilitas, nunc
oratorico stylo, nunc etiam camasnalibus modis imbuebatur,"
"" Epist." 3. iii.
THE SCIENCE OF LANGUAGE,
Armorican of Brittany was a subsequent importation,
derived from the Britons of Cornwall and South Wales,
who were led there by Maximus in the fifth century, or
afterwards driven out of their country by the Saxon
invaders. The Keltic tongues are generally divided into
Kymric, comprising Welsh, Cornish, Breton and Gaulish,
and Gaelic or Goidelic, which includes Irish or Erse,
Scotch Gaelic (also called Erse), and Manx. This divi-
sion, however, is founded on the supposed fact that
Kymric and Gaulish agree in changing c (qu) into /,
and since the supposed fact turns out not to be a fact
at all, Welsh preserving the original velar guttural on its
inscribed stones up to the seventh century, Prof. Rhys
has proposed a new classification of the Keltic race
into insular and continental. The Gauls of the Con-
tinent had transformed their £'s into/'s centuries before
their kinsmen in Britain did so, and if we find local
names of Keltic origin m the south of England which
contain / instead of k, this is to be accounted for by the
Gaulish conquest and occupation of this part of our
island to which Caesar is a witness.1 There was a time
when a Keltic-speaking people inhabited parts of Swit-
zerland, the Tyrol, and even the country south of the
Danube, as may be proved by the evidence of local
names, as well as those of certain plants of Dacia de-
scribed by the physician Dioskorides ; but it has left
but little trace behind, and like the rest of the Keltic
family, been pressed westward by the stronger tribe
from the east. The Kelts of Gaul, however, took
their revenge by military expeditions southward and
1 See Rhys : " Lectures on Welsh Philology" (1877), pp. 19 sg.
THE INFLECTIONAL FAMILIES OF SPEECH. 85
eastward, among which the two most celebrated are
those led by the Brennus or "king" (Welsh brennin)
when Rome was destroyed B.C. 390, and Delphi threat-
ened a hundred years later. Unsuccessful in Greece, the
Gauls settled in some places on the Thracian coast,
while a much larger colony crossed into Asia Minor, and
there occupied the district called Galatia after them. The
Galatian language survived down to the days of St. Jerome.
The Keltic dialects are distinguished by a regular
mutation of the initial consonants,' as it is termed, the
final letters of one word influencing, as in Sanskrit, those
of the following word. But their grammar also displays
certain features which seem to indicate the action of a
non-Aryan influence at a time when the Aryan Kelts
were in close contact with the earlier populations of
western Europe. Prof. Rh£s has suggested the possi-
bility of seeing Basque or "Iberian" influence in the
incorporation of the pronouns between the Irish verb
and its prefixes, a phenomenon that appears exception-
ally in Welsh, as well as in the Breton verb to have. The
differentiation of the verb and noan, again, .which had
been effected at an early time in Aryan, has been partly
effaced in Welsh, as though the latter language had come
into contact with one in which the verb and noun were
not distinguished ; while the inflection of the Welsh pre-
positions (as erof, "for me," erot, "for thee"), and of the
substantive yr eiddof, " my property," i. e. " mine," re-
minds us strongly of Magyar usage. It is remarkable
that we find a mixture of two very distinct races among
all Keltic-speaking peoples ; the first, generally called
" Iberian" by physiologists, being short and brachyce-
86
SCIENCE
•UAGE.
phalic with black eyes and hair, and the second, the
pure Keltic, being, on the contrary, tall and fair with
long skulls, light hair, and blue eyes.
Excepting glosses of the eighth century, and a few in-
scriptions of still earlier date, Welsh literature begins
with the revival in the eleventh century, when such of
the older poems as had been preserved were modernized
in language, and a large number of additions were made
to them and ascribed to the traditional names of Aneu-
rin, Taliessin, and other bards. The best part of the
literature belongs to the next two centuries, when among
other productions the Triads and a number of chronicles
were composed.
The oldest literary relic of Cornish is a glossary en-
titled " Vocabula Britannica," of the twelth or thirteenth
century.1 The only remarkable specimen of Cornish
literature, however, is a Passion-play of the fifteenth
century, which is full of English loan-words.2
In Breton we have the chartularies of the monasteries
of Rhedon and Landevin, dating from the tenth and
eleventh centuries,3 the " Buhez Santez Nonn," or " Life
of Saint Nonna,"4 of the fourteenth century, and a few
other works. The "ancient" Breton poems given by
Villeneuve in his "Barzaz Breiz" have unfortunately been
proved to be as modern as the " Bepred Breizad " or
" Toujours Breton " of M. Luzel.
1 Marked Vesp. A 14 in the Cotton Collection in the British Mu-
seum, and edited in Norris's " Cornish Drama," vol. ii.
2 Edited by Whitley Stokes in the " Transactions of the Philolo-
gical Society of London" (1862).
3 See Courson's " Histoire des Peuples Bretons" (1846).
4 Edited by Legonidec (1837).
THE INFLECTIONAL FAMILIES OF SPEECH. 87
Irish literature is perhaps the oldest and most impor-
tant of any produced by a Keltic people. Glosses of
the eighth century, ecclesiastical and poetical literature,
tales and chronicles such as the famous " Annals of the
Four Masters," are among the works that may be men-
tioned. The " Book of Kells," now preserved in the
Library of Trinity College, Dublin, and written in Latin,
is the most exquisite example in the world of that minute
and intricate style of illuminating for which the Irish
monks were especially esteemed. In the earlier part of
the Middle Ages, indeed, Ireland, "The Isle of the Saints,"
was regarded as a centre of light and intelligence, and it
was not without reason that Charlemagne made " Cle-
ment the Scot " head of the Palatine School, and estab-
lished another Irishman, John of Mailros, at Pavia.
A considerable number of early inscriptions have been
discovered in Ireland, written in the so-called Ogham
characters, which are also met with in Wales and Eng-
land. Prof. Rhys has attempted to show, with fair suc-
cess, that the Ogmic alphabet was primarily derived
by the Kymric Kelts from a Teutonic people, and after-
wards passed on to the Kelts of Ireland.1
Scotch Gaelic is the most corrupt of all the Keltic
tongues, and its pronunciation bears but a very faint
resemblance to its spelling. Its chief literary interest is
connected with the Ossianic controversy, which is still
far from being completely settled. The Dean of Lis-
more's book, however, compiled about 1530, and con-
taining popular poems relating to Fingal the Finn,
some of which are ascribed to Ossian, make it clear that
1 See his " Lectures on Welsh Philology" (1877).
88
THE SCIENCE OF LANGUAGE.
Macpherson had genuine materials before him, how-
ever much he may have improved upon his originals.
His "Ossian," indeed, would never have had the success
it obtained had it not breathed, to a certain extent, the
spirit of the eighteenth century. Various minor poets
have arisen among the Scotch Highlanders during the
past two hundred years, and specimens of their produc-
tions are given in English verse by Prof. Blackie in his
" Language and Literature of the Scottish Highlands "
(1876), where he also sums up the history and present
position of the " Ossianic question."
Wherever the Kelt has gone he has been followed by
the Teuton, and little by little has had to make way
before his stronger and more stolid supplanter. The
Teutonic group includes also the Scandinavian, and it is
not difficult to form a hypothetical grammar and dic-
tionary of the language once spoken by the common
ancestors of Germans and Norsemen. Both, in fact, are
branches of a single stem. We may divide the Teutonic
family into four groups — the Gothic, the Norse, the Low
German, and the High German, their chief features being
the adaptation of the Ablaut or change of vowel in the
verbal conjugation to express the distinction between
present, past, and participle (as in sing, sang, sung).
Gothic or Maesogothic represents the first group of which
we have literary record, and in some respects, such as the
simpler character of the vocalism, the cases of the noun,
and the dual of the verb, it shows more signs of archaism
than its sister dialects. Our knowledge of Gothic, how-
ever, is almost entirely confined to the fragments that
remain of the Gothic version of the Bible made by the
THE INFLECTIONAL FAMILIES OF SPEECH. 89
Arian bishop Wulfila or Ulphilas in Maesia (born A.D.
318, died 388). His parents had been carried captive
from Cappadocia by Gothic invaders, and after convert-
ing large numbers of the Goths to Christianity, he and
his converts had to escape into Roman territory shortly
before Constantine's death. It says much both for the
difficulties he must have encountered, and for his own
practical sense, that he refused to translate the books
of Kings on the ground that the Goths were already
too fond of war and bloodshed. The famous "Codex
argenteus," now preserved at Upsala, is the main autho-
rity for the text of his Bible, .of which all that is left are
considerable portions of the Gospels, the Epistles of St.
Paul, and fragments of a Psalm, of Ezra, and of Nehe-
miah. Excluding a mutilated calendar, and two short
documents from Naples and Arezzo, this constitutes all
the materials we have for a study of the Gothic tongue.
The language seems to have died out in the ninth cen-
tury. Its phonetic system agrees with that of the Low
German, and not of the High German group.
Norse is represented by Icelandic and Norwegian,
Danish and Swedish, the two first forming the East
Scandinavian section, the two latter the West Scandi-
navian. Icelandic, thanks to its isolation, has changed
but little since its importation into the island in the ninth
century, and is practically identical with the Old Norse,
the Dansk of the Skalds or poets, and the Court dialect
of all the Scandinavian nations as late as the eleventh
century. The East Scandinavians had advanced along
the Bothnian Gulf, driving out the Finnic population
they found there, while the western branch crossed over
THE SCIENCE OF LANGUAGE.
from the continent to the Aland Islands, and from thence
to the southern coast of the peninsula. The two Runic
alphabets of sixteen and twenty-four letters, both derived
according to the usual view from the Latin capitals,
were chiefly used by the Scandinavian tribes, though not
unknown to the other members of the Teutonic family,
and the earliest Runic inscriptions yet found cannot be
much later than 200 A.D.1 The stones of the prehistoric
tumulus of Maeshow in the Orkneys are still scored
with the runes of Norse marauders, who broke into it in
search of treasure about 1150, and they let us see how
widely spread a knowledge of this mode of writing must
have been among the people. But the old poetry of the
Skalds, including short songs (Jiliod or quidci] on the deeds
of the gods and heroes, was first collected and committed
to writing in Iceland in the twelfth century. This col-
lection of mythic poems goes' by the name of the "Edda"
or " Great-Grandmother," and is ascribed to Saemund
Sigfusson (died 1133). The younger, or prose " Edda,"
was the work of Snorri Sturluson, who died in 1241,
and consists of three parts — the mocking of Gylfi, the
speeches of Bragi, and the Skalda, a sort of Norse "Ars
Poetica." The poetical language described in the Skalda
was as artificial as that of the Arabs ; objects were to
be called by a variety of epithets, some obvious, some
far-fetched, but seldom by their proper names, and the
accumulation of synonyms accordingly became im-
1 See Wimmer : " Runeskriftens Oprindelse og Udvikling i
Norden" (1874). Mr. Isaac Taylor, however, seems to have proved
that the runes were derived from an Ionic Greek alphabet of the
sixth century, B.C. See his work on the "Alphabet" (1879).
THE INFLECTIONAL FAMILIES OF SPEECH. 91
mense. Thus an island could be called by 120 different
words, and a sword by nearly as many. This poetical
dialect made free use of foreign words, and we find
a poem called the "Alvi'ssmal " (or " Speech of the
Allwise"), preserved in the Old Edda, assigning the
Low German biorr (" beer ") to the JEsir or gods, while
the Norse ol or ale belongs to the language of men. It
is hardly necessary to refer to the curious parallel and
illustration this affords of the similar distinction drawn
in Homer between the languages of " gods " and " men."
The literary era of Iceland lasted till its conquest by
Hacon VI. of Norway, and we owe to it the larger num-
ber of the Sagas, such as the story of the "Burnt Njal," or
of " Grettir the Strong," which have recently attracted so
much attention. The oldest monuments of Danish lite-
rature mount back to the thirteenth century, and among
them we may perhaps include the Latin History of Saxo
Grammaticus, embodying a number of ancient myths ;
modern literary Danish has grown out of the Zeeland
dialect of the sixteenth century. Swedish and Lithu-
anian are the only two Aryan languages which have
retained any traces of the original musical accent, and
the number of vowels and diphthongs possessed by Old
Norse is a proof of the delicate character of its organiza-
tion.
The Low German family is especially interesting to
the Englishman, whose own language belongs to it,
Anglo-Saxon, that is, the three slightly varying Anglian,
Kentish, and Saxon dialects,1 was spoken by a mixture
" The Anglian was characterized by a special tendency to
throw off final n, and by a frequent use of the weak ending u(n}.
92 THE SCIENCE OF LANGUAGE.
of tribes from the north of Denmark and the whole coast
of the German Ocean, and in spite of successive deposits
of Danish, Norman-French, and Latin, has remained the
kernel and essence of the English language up to the
present day. The tribes who remained at home were
afterwards termed Frisians, their oldest literary remains
being some legal documents of the thirteenth century.
The Frisic subdialects are very numerous, notwithstand-
ing the smallness of the population that speaks them, but
they have suddenly sprung into notoriety of late in con-
sequence of the curious forgery known as " The Oera
Linda Book," which professes to have been composed in
the year 559 B.C. The earliest English or Anglo-Saxon
production is the epic of Beowulf, of the seventh century,
portions of which still breathe a pagan spirit ; but it
may have been composed on the continent. The literary
dialect of Anglo-Saxon was destroyed by the Norman
Conquest, and the period that followed — sometimes
termed Semi-Saxon — was characterized by a struggle
between the local dialects and Norman French. With
the middle of the thirteenth century begins a new stage
in the history of our speech, which for the sake of con-
venience may be called Early English ; then comes
Middle English, the Court dialect of Chaucer and his
followers, succeeded by the Modern English of Elizabeth
and our own day. Besides Frisic, Anglo-Saxon claims
Kentish and Saxon agreed in the absence of these features. Saxon
was distinguished both from Anglian and Kentish by its as for /.
Kentish, finally, was separated from the others by its occasional ei
for eg" Sweet : " Dialects and Prehistoric Forms of English," in
the "Transactions of the Philological Society of London," 1876
(p. 19).
THE INFLECTIONAL FAMILIES OF SPEECH. 93
close relationship with the Old Saxon of the south be-
tween the Rhine and the Elbe ; indeed, from the second
to the fifth centuries the three groups of dialects, Frisic,
Anglo-Saxon, and Old Saxon, probably formed but a
single language, which differed chiefly from the extant
Old Saxon in its preservation of the diphthong ai and
of the thematic i and u.1 The most important relic of
this Old Saxon tongue is the Christian poem of the
" Heliand," or " Saviour," preserved in two MSS. of the
ninth century.2 Its modern representatives are the Low
German proper, or " Platt Deutsch," spoken in the low-
lands of northern Germany, and the Netherlandish,
divided into its two dialects of Dutch and Flemish.
Flemish was once the Court language of Flanders and
Brabant, but has had to yield its place to the Dutch.
High German, with all its dialects, is the language of
the greater part of modern Germany. Its history falls
into three distinct periods. The Old High German
period can be traced back to Charlemagne and the oaths
of Strassburg, preserved in the "Annals" of Nithard,3and
may be divided into Prankish, Alemanno-Suabian, and
Austro-Bavarian. From the twelfth century onwards the
vowel endings tend to disappear, and the language enters
upon its second or Middle High German stage. This is
the period of the redaction of the Nibelungen Lied and
of the great Minnesingers, Walther von der Vogelweide,
Wolfram von Eschenbach, and Tanhuser. The Court
1 Sweet : loc. cit. p. 27.
2 Edited by Schmeller : " Heliand : Poema Saxonicum Saeculi
noni" (1830).
3 Edited by Pertz (1839), pp. 38, 39.
94
THE SCIENCE OF LANGUAGE.
dialect was based on that used in Suabia. Early in the
sixteenth century New High German took its rise in the
Chancelleries, and through the influence of Luther, who
had adopted it in his translation of the Bible, gradually
became the standard of educated speech.
We must now turn to the Letto-Slavic languages, which,
like the Keltic on the west, have been perpetually pushed
back by the more vigorous and encroaching Teutonic.
Old Prussian is extinct, like the Slavonic tongues of
German Austria, and it is somewhat remarkable that
both the capitals of modern Germany — Berlin and
Vienna — stand on ground that was once Slavonic. The
Lettic and Slavonic groups bear much the same relation
to one another as the Scandinavian and German, but the
first, though confined to a comparatively small district,
is decidedly the more archaic, and nearest the primitive
Aryan speech. In certain points Lithuanian grammar
is of an older type than even that of Sanskrit — essi,
" thou art," for instance — but in most respects the con-
verse is the case. So far as the conjugation is concerned,
Lithuanian is far inferior to the oldest known Slavonic.
This is Church Slavonic or Old Bulgarian, once spoken
from the Adriatic to the Danube and Black Sea, and
still the liturgical language of the orthodox Slav. Owing
to slight changes inevitably introduced into it in the
course of time, this Church Slavonic may be classified as
Old and New. It was the language into which the Bible
was translated by the brothers (Constantine) Cyrillus and
Methodius in the ninth century, the oldest copy of the
translation being the Gospel of Ostromir, 1056 A.D. The
Greek alphabet was modified by Cyrillus to suit the
THE INFLECTIONAL FAMILIES OF SPEECH. 95
peculiarities of Slavonic pronunciation, but the Slavs be-
longing to the Latin Church rejected this in favour of
another called Glagolitic. The modern dialects of the
Slavonic family are the Russian, the Ruthenian or Little
Russian, the Polish, the Czech (Chek) or Bohemian, the
Slovak, the Slovenian, the two Sorabian idioms, also
called Wendic and Lusatian, the Bulgarian, and the
Servo-Croatian. Russian (or Great Russian) is characte-
rized by the same phonetic and grammatical complexity
as the sister Slavonic tongues, and its power of forming
agglutinative compounds has often been noticed. Thus
the two words bez Boga, " without God," can be fused
into a single whole, from which, by the help of an adjec-
tival suffix, bezbozhnm, " godless," can be formed ; from
this, again, the noun bezbozknik, " an atheist," then the
denominative verb beznozJinicliat, " to be an atheist," with
a whole crop of derivatives, including the abstract
bezbozhnichestvo, "the condition of being an atheist,"
from which we finally get the barbarous compound bez-
bozhnichcstvovat" " to be in the condition of being an
atheist." Participles, too, have replaced the aorist and
imperfect, which have also been lost in Ruthenian,
though retained in Servian and Bulgarian, and in this
change we may perhaps trace the influence of those
Tatar tribes whose blood enters so largely into that of
the modern Russian community.
Ruthenian or Rusniak occupies a large part of southern
Russia, comprising Kiev, the ancient capital, and is also
spoken over a considerable portion of Galicia. Its litera-
ture is chiefly national and traditional, like that of Rus-
sian proper, which has shown signs of activity and
96
THE SCIENCE OF LANGUAGE.
originality only since the age of Lomonosov (1711-17^
Ruthenian differs from Russian in several points, among
which may be mentioned the loss of the present passive
participle and the possession of infinitives with diminu-
tive endings. A far more cultivated tongue is the Polish,
which has a literature reaching back to the end of the
tenth century. This, however, was for the most part in
Latin ; a strictly native literature cannot be said to com-
mence before the fourteenth century. Polish is divided
into a variety of dialects, which Russian and Prussian
despotism have been doing their best to stamp out, but
it may be considered as still spoken by about ten mil-
lions. Words (foreign importations excepted) are ac-
cented on the penultima, in contrast to Czech and Sora-
bian, which accent the first syllable, while in Russian,
Ruthenian, Slovenian, and Croato-Servian, the accent
may fall on any part of the word. The consonants when
in combination undergo considerable modification.
Czech and the closely allied Slovak are spread over the
whole of Bohemia, except a strip on the west and north,
the greater part of Moravia and the tract to the south. of
Poland, and are the dialects of about 6,500,000 people.
The earliest Bohemian documents go back to the eighth
century, the first records being the MSS. of Kralovdor or
Konigenhof, and Zelenohora (Griinberg) discovered in
1817, which belong to the period of the conversion of the
country to Christianity, and embody a number of inte-
resting myths. Up to the Hussite war, Bohemian litera-
ture was much in advance of that of any of its Slavonic
neighbours ; it is only since the close of the last century
that it has been again revived. The language has
THE INFLECTIONAL FAMILIES OF SPEECH. 97
changed considerably since it first comes before us in the
eighth century, the old imperfect and aorist have dis-
appeared, and phonetic decay has been somewhat active.
Among the vowels at present possessed by it may be
noticed the vocalic r and /, always short in Czech, but
often long in Slovak, which give its words, when spelt, a
strange appearance. A reform in the orthography of the
language was completed in 1830 by substituting Roman
for Gothic letters, and the Polish and German w has sub-
sequently been discarded for the Latin v.
Serbian or Sorabian is distinguished into two dialects,
High Lusatian and Wendic, or High and Low Sorabian.
The district in which it is spoken is now reduced to
•small dimensions watered by the Spree, and lying partly
in Prussia, partly in Saxony. Its literature is insignifi-
cant, in spite of a literary society founded in 1845 to re-
vive and cultivate it, and its first printed book is a work
of Catholic devotion, published in 1512. Servo-Croatian
or Illyrian, on the other hand, has of late been taking a
somewhat prominent position. The countries over which
it extends — Servia, Bosnia, Herzegovina, Montenegro,
Slavonia, Croatia, and part of southern Hungary, have
been made notorious by the events of the recent Turkish
war. Istria and Dalmatia are also included in its domain,
and though the dialects spoken over this large tract of
country are necessarily numerous they may be divided
into three main groups : — the Servian, the Dalmatian,
.and the Croato-Bosnian. The three groups are character-
ized by the different pronunciation of a vowel originally
/, which at Belgrade remains /, while at Agram it appears
as i, and in Cattaro asjy/or iyc. Servian literature was
II. H
98 THE SCIENCE OF LANGUAGE
practically founded by Vouk Stephanovitch Karajich at
the beginning of the present century, though the east
Servian dialects can boast of documents at least five
hundred years old, and the west Servian of records that
date from the twelfth century, while the admirable litera-
ture of Ragusa goes back to the sixteenth. But it is the
Pesma (Pisma) or ballad, which characterizes the native
and national literature of Servia. Many of the ballads
are quasi-historical, and of great age, and Kapper, in
1851, united a portion of them relating to the same
mythical cycle in a long Epic, and so created a Servian
Homer. A large number of Turkish and French words
have found their way into the modern dialect, but the
old aorist and imperfect have been retained (biJi = " fui,"
bijah = " eram "), while a perfect has been formed by
means of a participle, as sam bio, " I have been."
Slovenian is spread over southern Carinthia and Styria,
as well as Carniola and a part of northern Istria, and is
the native tongue of more than 1,200,000 persons. It is
very closely connected with Servo-Croatian, and may be
classed writh the latter under the general name of Illy-
rian. Its literature begins with the sixteenth century,
and it is the native dialect of the great Slavonic philo-
logist, Miklosich. Last of the living Slavonic languages
comes* Bulgarian, spoken north and south of the Balkans
by about 6,000,000 persons, a large part of whom, how-
ever, are Ugrian Huns by descent. The adoption of a
Slavonic language by a race, whose skulls still belong to
the Finnish type, according to Virchow, is an interesting
illustration of the small relation that exists between
philology and ethnology. The fact explains the attenu-
THE INFLECTIONAL FAMILIES OF SPEECH. 99
ated condition of Bulgarian grammar when compared
with that of other Slavonic tongues, as well as the post-
position of the article which it shares with Wallach and
Albanian. The vocabulary also is full of Turkish, Greek,
Albanian, and Rumanian words. Some efforts have
been made of late years to introduce schools and a taste
for literature into the country. Like Servo-Croatian,
Ruthenian, and Russian, Bulgarian has lost the dual in
the verbal conjugation possessed by Church Slavonic ;
on the other hand, in agreement with the other Slavonic
languages, it has a " compound declension " in which the
adjective is made definite by postfixing the pronoun i.
Thus in Servian rast visok means " a lofty oak," msoki
rasf, " the lofty oak." The same form of declension is
also met with in Lithuanian, and we may even compare
the difference between the terminations of the German
adjective, when standing alone or preceded by the article.
It may be added that a Servian writer, Danitchitch, has
lately proposed the following classification of the Slavonic
tongues, on purely phonetic grounds : —
Polish and Polabish
Czech and Sorabian
f Ruthenian
(Russian
Bulgarian
.Church Slavonic (Slovenian
Servo-Croatian
There are various other conflicting schemes, however,
and the " primitive Slavonic " is probably a figment of
the philological analyst, the several Slavonic languages
Primitive Slavonic*
TOO THE SCIENCE OF LANGUAGE.
being the relics of co-existing dialects which existed from
the beginning. Many of these dialects have of course
perished, among them being the Polabish or old dialects
of the Slavonians of the Elbe, whose literary remains
belong to the beginning of the last and the end of the
preceding century.
The Lettic group comprises the two living dialects of
Lithuanian and Lettish spoken by a population of nearly
three millions on the south-east coast of the Baltic and
in Courland and Covno, and the extinct dialect of Old
Prussian once dominant between the Vistula and the
Niemen. The latter is only known to us from documents
of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, the most im-
portant being a translation of the German Catechism
printed in 1561, and a German-Prussian vocabulary of
more than 800 words compiled in the fifteenth century,
and lately edited by Nesselmann.1 Lettish may be
•described as Lithuanian in a later stage of development,
its accentuation, for instance, being invariably on the first
syllable and not movable as in Lithuanian. It is usually
divided into High and Low Lettish, the last being again
subdivided into north-west Kurish or Tahmish, and the
Middle dialect on which the common literary language
is based. Lithuanian was similarly divided by Schleicher
into High and Low, distinguished by the change of tj
and dj into cz, and dz in the former ; but this division
has been successfully attacked by Kurschat,2 who pro-
1 " Ein deutsch-preussisches Vocabularium aus dem Anfang des
15 Jahrh." (1868). See Pott in the " Beitrage zur vergl. Sprachf.,"
vi.
a « Worterbuch der Litauischen Sprache," p. viii. (1870).
THE INFLECTIONAL FAMILIES OF SPEECH. 101
poses to call the dialect of the extreme south of Prussian
Lithuania (the common literary language) High Lithu-
anian, while a somewhat widely divergent dialect spoken
in the north a few miles below Memel might be termed
Low Lithuanian. Lithuanian literature consists in large
measure of dainas, or " national songs," and prose tales,
and it also boasts of one poet, Christian Donaleitis (1714-
80), whose poem of " The Seasons " in 3,000 lines pos-
sesses considerable merit. Lithuanian phonology agrees
strikingly in some respects with that of the Indie branch,
sz ( = s/i) answering to I-E. /£, Sansk. 's, Zend $ ; k to
I-E. kiv, Sk. ch, Zend k ; z (— French j) to I-E. g, Sk./,
Zend 2 ; and^ to I-E. giu, Sk. and Zend g (j)- These
sounds have undergone further modification in Lettish,
where k and g have become c ( = ts) and dz before the
soft vowels, as in celt, " to lift," Lith. kc'lti, and sz and z
have become s and z, as sirds, " the heart," Lith. szirdls
or zeme, " the earth," Lith. seme. Lithuanian has pre-
served the dual as well as the various case-endings in the
noun and the present and future tenses in the verb. A
new perfect and imperfect, however, have come into
existence, the latter being a compound tense formed by
the help of the auxiliary to do.
We must now pass on to another and very important
branch of the Aryan family, the Greek, or Hellenic. In
no other of the allied languages has the vowel system
been developed with such perfection and adapted to the
expression of grammatical forms. In fact, the Greek of
the historic period is characterized by a sensitive euphony,
a plastic clearness, and a logical consistency. It is diffi-
cult to know how far to the north dialects belonging to
102 THE SCIENCE OF LANGUAGE.
the Hellenic stem may have extended : Thessalian was
regarded as a rude ^Eolic dialect, Macedonian was still
seems to belong to another stock. At the same time
the scanty remains that have been left of the Phrygian
language in inscriptions and glosses prove the latter to
have been Hellenic, and the Phrygians traced their
descent from the Briges or " Freemen " of Thrace. The
other Aryan languages of Asia Minor, Mysian, Lydian,
and probably Karian, must also, it would appear, be
classified as Hellenic. If any trust can be put in the
translations proposed by Gompertz for the inscriptions
in Cypriote characters on the terra-cotta whorls found
by Dr. Schliemann at Hissarlik, a language almost
purely Greek would have been spoken in the Troad at
an early period. However that may be, within Greece
itself and the islands and colonies adjacent three main
dialects were considered to exist — Doric, Ionic, and
^Eolic. Doric was spread over the Peloponnesus, Megara,
Crete, Rhodes, and the colonies of Sicily, Libya, and
Southern Italy. The Doric "accent" was especially
strong in Laconia. Ionic must be divided into Old Ionic,
O "
New Ionic, and Attic, and while Doric was pre-eminently
the dialect of landsmen and mountaineers, Ionic was the
dialect of sailors and merchants. Its centre was the
^gean, on either side of which it was spoken in Attica
and Ionia, where there were four local varieties according
to Herodotus.1 Old Ionic has been preserved in many
of the forms and phrases of the Homeric poems, and
is distinguished from New Ionic by its more archaic cha-
1 i. 142.
THE INFLECTIONAL FAMILIES OF SPEECH. 103
racter, preserving the primitive long vowels for instance,
which become short in New Ionic, as in VEOJ instead of WQ$
( = ndvas), or the old genitive termination in -ow, which
subsequently passed through -oo into the contracted -ot/.
Attic stands midway between Old and New Ionic in the
matter of conservative tendencies ; thus the loss of the
digamma in ndvas is compensated by the lengthening of
the second vowel (n«?), which is never made short. JEolic
was, perhaps, the most widely used of the Greek dia-
lects, and may be classified as JEolic proper, Bceotic, and
Thessalian. It was the . dialect of Lesbos, Cyprus,
Thessaly, Bceotia, Elis, and Arcadia, though the last two
are made Doric by Westphal.1 The form it assumed in
Cyprus has recently been disclosed to us by the de-
cipherment of the Cypriote syllabary, and is particularly
interesting, its main features being the amalgamation of
the article with the initial vowel of the next word and
the preservation of the digamma (v\ which was elsewhere
lost early, as well as of the yod (y). Besides these
dialects there was also an artificial epic dialect, based
partly on Old Ionic, partly on New Ionic, and resulting
from the recitation of half-modernized epic poems by
clans of rhapsodists who frequently used archaic words
and forms wrongly or created others by false analogy.
The epic dialect of Homer and the other fragments of
1 " Vergleichende Grammatik der indogermanischen Sprachen,"
i. p. 48. See, however, Gelbke and Schrader, in Curtius' " Studien,"
ii. i, x. (1869, 1878), who show that Arcadian occupies a middle place
between Lesbo-Cyprian and Thessalo-Boeotian. Elean must be
classed with Arcadian, though after the fifth century B.C. it is much
affected by Laconisms, and from the first had a remarkable predi-
lection for the vowel a.
104
THE SCIENCE OF LANGUAGE.
the epic cycle, together with that of such later imita-
tors as Apollonius Rhodius, is a kind of tesselated pave-
ment in which the whole history of the poems is reflected.
Thus such stray ^olisms as Trta-ufsg, <pyf, &QEO$, ai<rv(£VYim$f
atwdig, QepriTw confirm the tradition that the home of epic
verse was in yEolian Smyrna and the neighbourhood of
the Trojan plain, whence it was handed on to the Court
poets of the Ionian cities. The intermixture of Old and
New Ionic forms, the use of the same word now with the
digamma and now without, the sporadic appearance of
yod (as in SEOJ yu$), or of a long -a in the neuter plural,
the co-existence of two or three different forms charac-
teristic of successive stages in the growth of the language
(as the genitives in -wo for -o<ryo, -oo, and -ou, or the dative
plural with and without -i), are among the many indica-
tions of the length of time during which the lays were
orally handed down, and so reflected the several changes
undergone by the living speech. The false forms, such
as hio-ono from elpi with a digamma, or s*Aa&e and Imux&s
with a double consonant, the mistaken meanings at-
tached to words preserved in some ancient formula
or epithet, the extension given to an assumed " poetic
licence," all show the artificial character which the poeti-
cal language gradually assumed. The Atticisms which
occur on every page, and caused Aristarchus to consider
Homer as an Athenian, as well as words and phrases which
seem to belong to the Periklean era, are witnesses to more
than one Attic recension after the poems had been trans-
ferred to the mainland of Europe. And lastly, the few
forms which bear the impress of the Alexandrine age
testify to the harmonistic labours of the critics of Alexan-
THE INFLECTIONAL FAMILIES OF SPEECH. 105
dria, who sought to remove contradictions and incon-
sistences by expunging whole passages or introducing
trifling corrections. But the epic dialect, such as we have
it, was essentially a creation of the Ionian mind ; it grew
up among the .^Eolian and Ionic settlers in Asia Minor,
who had fled from the Dorian invaders of the Pelopon-
nesus ; it recorded their glories and their hatreds, and
with the exception of a single line in Odyssey (xix. 177),
there is as little trace of the Dorian name as there is of
the Dorian dialect.
This Dorian dialect, however, as befitted the idiom of
uncorrupted mountaineers, is the most conservative of all
the Greek dialects. Thus it preserves the digamma, as
well as the primitive dental, which had become a sibilant
in the other dialects, as in 3i'3om ( = %$u<ri), TUTTTOVTI
( = TUTTTovn), facan ( = eixoffi) ; while the accent of the
aorist ETVTTOV embodies the fact that the last syllable has
been shortened by losing a final consonant (e-n/Vovr).
Next to Doric, Old Ionic and Attic exhibit the most
archaisms. The Homeric and Hesiodic literature bear
witness to the comparatively late date at which the
digamma became extinct in the Ionic dialect, though
only one Ionic inscription with this letter has yet been
found (in Naxos), and the legends scratched on the
granite colossi of Abu-Simbel by the Ionian mercenaries
of Psammitichus (probably B.C. 650) show no sign of its
existence. Except in the matter of the digamma, which
was retained up to a comparatively late date, Lesbian
yEolic has gone furthest in the path of phonetic and
grammatical change. Even the accent has been uni-
formly thrown as far back as possible. However, the
io6
THE SCIENCE OF LANGUAGE.
verbs in -/>« were more numerous than in the sister-
idioms, QitoifM for example answering to the ordinary
pfAsa), but most of these are of late formation though
modelled after an ancient pattern.
It has been the fashion to class Greek with Latin, and
even to constitute a hypothetical Helleno-Italic or
" Pelasgic " language from which the dialects of Greece
and Italy have been supposed to have sprung. But such
a theory is but the echo of the effete prejudices and be-
liefs of pre-scientific " philology." Greek and Latin were
generally the only dead languages taught and known,
and where Hebrew did not come into competition it was
imagined that everything must be derived from Greek.
Not only were the two classical tongues thought to be
intimately bound together, but it was further laid down
that Latin was but a dialect of Greek, a sort of corrupt
^Eolic in fact. It is no longer possible to believe that
%
the relation between Greek and Latin is especially close.
Latin gravitates rather towards the Keltic languages,
where, as in Latin, we find a passive in -r, and a future
in -b, while Greek is much more nearly related to
Asiatic Zend. Alone in Greek, Zend, and Sanskrit has
the augment been preserved ; the comparative in -TE^CS,
the alpha privative, the /** (md) prohibitive, and the voice-
less aspirate, all find their analogues in Zend ; while,
as Prof. Max Muller points out, there are striking re-
semblances between the lexicons of Greek and Zend.
Thus the Greek a-rof^z, 7rtei<rTo$, ava, olo$, ytpcu;, SefMft otxavfa
answer to the Zend f taman, fraesta, ana, aeva ("one"),
garanh ("reverence"), dami ("creation"), v
1 " Chips," iv. p. 249.
THE INFLECTIONAL FAMILIES OF SPEECH. 107
On the other hand, Greek stands in marked contrast to
Latin as regards phonology. While Greek preserves the
vowels, Latin preserves the consonants, and the aspirated
tenues, %, S, <p, become in Latin the simple // and f.
Equally opposed is the verbal conjugation where Latin
has dispensed with a large number of the old tenses and
supplied their place with new compounds. By way of
compensation the Greek declension is poorer than the
Latin, in spite of its retention of the dual and use of the
archaic endings -Sc(v) and -&.
The loss of consonants, v, y, s, &c., has been the chief
cause of the phonetic changes of the Greek language.
The rule that drops s between two vowels has been espe-
cially prolific of change. So also has been the disap-
pearance of y, which, when coming after a dental, has
given rise to z. The grammatical terminations, again,
have been strangely transformed by the rule which for-
bids a word to end in any consonant save n, r, s (and in
two cases /£). The decay of the final consonants was,
however, but slow, and the late date at which the final
nasal of the accusative disappeared may be judged of
by the preservation of the vowel a, as in Qefarra, a nasal
preventing any modification of a preceding alpha. In
the declension, the locative has taken the place of the
dative, as Troipev-i, vav-o-i, nov-ei ( = nod-cri),1 and the instru-
mental ending is preserved in the Homeric vaS-$i(v). In
the verb the old middle or intransitive voice has been
retained, which has been lost in Keltic and Letto-
Slavonic, and has left but few traces in Latin. Though
1 -<ri is a compound of the two locative endings -su and -2, and
stands for sm.
zoS
THE SCIENCE OF LANGUAGE.
capable in an eminent degree of forming compounds
Greek has remained free in this respect from the extrava-
gances of Sanskrit, and its syntax has reached a high
level of development.
Political and literary reasons made Attic the standard
dialect of Greece, and in the hands of the Alexandrian
writers it became the xoivy SIOAMTOJ, or " common language,"
of the Greek world. But outside the literary coterie and
such University cities as Athens or Alexandria, this
" common language " changed considerably, and we have
only to compare the Greek of the New Testament with
that of Plato or Thucydides to see how great the change
could be. The transference of the capital of the Roman
Empire to Constantinople, and the mixture of national-
ities which took place there, gradually produced the
Byzantine Greek of the Middle Ages, out of which grew
modern Greek or Romaic, properly applied to the edu-
cated dialect of Greece at the time of the war of inde-
pendence. By the side of this stood a large number of
local varieties, amounting, it is said, to as many as
seventy,1 one especially, the Tzakonian of the Morea,
differing from the literary language in a very marked
degree.2 Some of these dialects have now disappeared,
but several still remain, especially in the islands, and
to such an extent does dialectic variation still proceed
that in Lesbos "villages distant from each other not
1 Stoddart : " Glossology," p. 33. But see above, p. 204.
2 An exhaustive grammar and vocabulary of this dialect, in three
volumes, is being prepared by Dr. Deffner. The vocabulary will
contain 6,000 words, with examples. Many of the words and
phonetic peculiarities of the dialect go back to the " Laconisms "
recorded by Hesychius and other ancient lexicographers.
THE INFLECTIONAL FAMILIES OF SPEECH. 109
more than two or three hours have frequently peculiar
words of their own and their own peculiar pronunciation." l
The educated dialect, however, was but slightly removed
from the Attic Greek of classical times, and the leaders
of Greek literary fashion have found it possible with the
aid of schools and newspapers to weed " Romaic " of
modern forms and idioms, to restore old cases, tenses
and words, and in short to revive classical Greek. This
revival is one of the most curious linguistic facts of the
present century ; even the dative has been recovered,
and the infinitive in -w is being substituted for the peri-
phrastic va, ( = Iva) with the conjunctive, which had long
taken its place. The conjugation, nevertheless, still dis-
plays an analytic tendency, the dual has disappeared,
and the pitch-accent has been changed into a stress-
accent, causing the accented syllable to be long and the
unaccented one to be short. Modern Greek pronuncia-
tion, moreover, is very far removed from that of classical
times ; iotacismus is predominant, reducing vowels and
diphthongs to the common sound of i, while the aspirated
consonants have become surds.2
One group of Aryan speech is still left for notice. The
numerous Romanic tongues which trace their descent from
the language of Rome make the Italic group one of
special importance. These tongues not only have a con-
tinuous history of their own, but we can also trace them
1 Max Mtiller : " Lectures," i. p. 52 (8th edition).
2 A Greek dialect is spoken in eight small towns in the neigh-
bourhood of Otranto and Lecce. It changes x into &> as in homa
or huma for x^jwa, reminding us of the replacement of the guttural
aspirate by the simple aspirate in Latin. See Morosi : " Studij sui
Dialetti Greci della terra a' Otranto" (1870).
i io THE SCIENCE OF LANGUAGE.
back to a well-known fountain-head. They enable us to
verify or correct our attempts to restore the parent- Aryan
by a comparison of the derived languages, as well as to
study the laws of letter-change in actual, living speech.
But Latin, the language of Rome, was but one out of
many Italic dialects. Putting aside the non-Aryan
Etruscan, we find in Italy two great stocks, the lapy-
gian and the Latino-Sabellian. The lapygian is repre-
sented by the inscriptions of the ancient Messapia in the
south, which are as yet but partially deciphered. They
suffice to show, however, how distinct their language is
from the other Aryan dialects of Italy ; the genitives
in -aiJd and -i/ii, the use of aspirated consonants, and
the avoidance of m and / at the end of words, connect it
rather with the Greek than with the true Italic stock.
The latter falls into two branches, the Latin and the
Umbro-Samnite, comprising the idioms of the Umbrians,
Sabines, Marsians, Volscians, and Samnites or Oscans.
Oscan, which is chiefly known to us from the inscriptions
on the bronze tablets of Agnone1 and Bantia,2 and the
Abella Stone,3 was spoken in Samnium and Campania,
and is, on the whole, the most conservative of the Italic
dialects; while Umbrian, on the other hand, the language
of the north, has suffered more than any other from the
action of phonetic decay. Our knowledge of Umbrian is
principally derived from the bronze tablets known as the
Eugubine Tables, discovered at Gubbio, the ancient
1 Found at Fonte di Romito in 1848.
2 Found at Oppido, on the borders of Lucania, in 1793.
J Used as a doorstep till noticed by Prof. Remondini in 1740, and
removed to the museum of Nola.
THE INFLECTIONAL FAMILIES OF SPEECH, in
Iguvium, in 1446, in a subterranean chamber. They
relate to the twelve sacrifices and liturgies to be per-
formed in honour of the twelve gods by various guilds.
Both Umbrian and Oscan differ from Latin in substitut-
ing p for qu (kw\ as in pis for quis, in replacing k before
/ by a strongly pronounced aspirate, as in Ohtavis for
OctaviuSj and in changing aspirated tenues to f in the
middle of a word where Latin has b, as in tefe (tibi), sifei
(sibi). Umbrian also developed a peculiar r out of an
original d, and invented a new character to denote it ;
thus runnm answers to the Latin donum; rere to the
Latin dedit. It tended to omit vowels altogether, and
to reduce diphthongs to simple vowels even more than
Latin, while the terminations fell into the utmost dis-
order. Oscan, on the contrary, preserves the diphthongs
and retains the organic a where Latin has z, as in
anter by the side of the Latin inter ; it avoids the change
of s to r between vowels, as well as the assimilation of
sounds ; kenstur, for instance, corresponds with the Latin
censor for cens-tor. Both in Oscan and Umbrian the
genitive of nouns in -a is -as, that of nouns in -us, -eis
and -es, while the locative is retained, and the dative
plural in -bus discarded. Much use, too, is made of the
old infinitive in -urn, and whereas the Latin future has
had recourse to the auxiliary/}^, the Oscan Jier-est, "he
will take," preserves the old sigmatic form. As Momm-
sen observes, the relation between Latin and Osco-Um-
brian may be compared to that between Ionic and Doric,
Oscan and Umbrian differing from one another much as
the Doric of Sicily differed from the Doric of Sparta.
But whether Latin, Oscan, or Umbrian, all the Italic
H2 THE SCIENCE OF LANGUAGE.
languages agreed in throwing back the accent as far as
possible, and thus losing all trace of the primitive Aryan
accentuation.
The history of Latin itself may be grouped into
three periods, — that of Old Latin, down to the Second
Punic war ; that of classical Latin, which gradually be-
came the artificial dialect of a select literary coterie ; and
that of Neo-Latin, the language of the people under the
Empire, out of which sprang the Romanic idioms of
mediaeval and modern Europe. Classical Latin broke
down the diphthongs into simple vowels (jus for jous,
itnus for oinus, plures for ploicres, civis for ceivis), reduced
short u to i (optimus for optuinus, rcgimus for rcgumus],
changed o to e (verto for vorto] and e to i (iiavem for
navim\ and extended the transformation of s into r
(arbor for arbos), and of initial f into // (hordeum for
fordcum). D occasionally appears as /, as in lacrima for
dacruma, odor for olor (olere), and initial dv becomes
simply b (bonus, bis for duonus, dvis). The old ablative
in -d, which long kept its place in official documents, lost
its characteristic consonant, and sententiad or oquoltod\\'&&
to become sententia and occulto, the locatives in -i (humi,
Romai) were confounded with the ablative or the geni-
tive, and the old dative in e (-1) as in populoi, Romai, or
ceivei, was worn away to populo, Romae, civi. The only
traces of the dual are to be found in duo, octo, and ambo,
and of the first person-ending of the present active in
sum (possum] and inquam. The verb, in fact, was
thoroughly disorganized, new analytic tenses were intro-
duced, formed by the help of auxiliaries, the middle voice
almost wholly disappeared, and a great extension of use
THE INFLECTIONAL FAMILIES OF SPEECH. 113
was given to the supines and gerunds. Here and there,
it is true, a reduplicated perfect was left ; but its place was
more usually taken by a new compound of the stem with
the substantive verbs sum and fuo, as in scrip-si and
ama-vi (ama-fui), and this compound was again com-
bined with a compound tense of the substantive verb — as
scrip sis sem (= scrip-si-es-sem) or amav-issem — to form
fresh tenses. Other tenses — the imperfect and future
—were created by means of the auxiliary fuo, just as in
Keltic, where the Old Irish carub answers to amabit, and
confutes the view first started by Scherer,1 that the for-
mative of Latin tenses was the stem dha (as in the Teu-
tonic lov-(d}ed), since a Keltic b cannot come from an
earlier dh. Like Keltic, too, Latin developed a curious
passive in r, which was long considered as a reflective
voice formed by the pronoun se, just as in Letto-Slavic,
where the Lithuanian dyvy-ju-s, the Church Slavonic
divlja-se answers to the Latin " miror," or in Old Norse
where the middle is formed by the suffix -sk, that is, the
reflective pronoun sik, "self." But though we might
bring the Latin amor from amo-se through an interme-
diate amo-re, it is impossible to do so in Old Irish or
Welsh, where s does not change to r, and for the present,
therefore, the origin of the characteristic of the Latin
passive must remain unexplained.2 Several tenses of the
i * " Geschichte der deutschen Sprache," p. 202.
: The Latin passive r appears also in Vedic forms, like the 3rd
pi. imper. active 'se-r-atani, from 'si, and Fick and Bezzenberger
suggest that it is further found in the Greek civ-p-o, a 2nd sing,
imperative, as compared with the plural fovre (Bezzenberger's " Bei-
trage/' ii. 3, p. 270). In amaris, for ama-r-is, it is suffixed to the
verbal stem, and not to the person-endings, as in the Sanskrit and
II. I
114 THE SCIENCE OF LANGUAGE.
passive, however, were formed upon the analytic principle,
the substantive verb being used with the participle active,
while in both active and passive the optative and con-
junctive and even future were confounded together.
The analytic tendency displayed in the Latin verb has
been carried out in the Neo-Latin or Romance languages.
The " vulgar" Latin of the people necessarily differed
slightly in the different parts of the Empire ; the further
removed a province was from the capital, the greater
was the chance of change in the dialect spoken in it, and
the greater also the influence likely to be exercised upon
it by neighbouring languages.1 Out of these varieties
of provincial Latin have grown the modern Romance
idioms — Italian, Spanish, Provencal, French, Portuguese,
Rumansch and Wallachian or Rumanian. They all
agree in one point, that of retaining the accented syl-
lable of the Latin word,4but while Italian and Spanish,
geographically the nearest to the old language of Rome,
have made but few changes in the form of the vocabulary,
French has distinguished itself by the desire it has shown
of throwing away as many unaccented syllables as pos-
sible, and of thus suppressing vowels and consonants
alike. No doubt the process was aided by the Frankish
conquest ; numberless Teutonic words have made their
way into the French dictionary, and French idiom has
been largely affected by that of Germany. Thus the
French avenir, that is, ad venire, has been formed after
Greek words just mentioned, and it is possible that the attachment
of it to the full forms of the indicative, in order to denote the
passive, was due to the false analogy of the imperative ama-re.
1 See Schuchardt : " Der Vokalismus der Vulgarlateins " (1866-8).
THE INFLECTIONAL FAMILIES OF SPEECH. 115
the analogy of the German zukunft, literally " to come ; "
contrte, that is (terra) contrata, is the result of the asso-
ciation of the German Gegend, " country," and gegen,
" against," and avaler, from ad vallem, is a slavish trans-
lation of zu Thai But there is another respect in which
French and Provengal separate themselves from Italian
and Spanish. The declension in the two latter tongues
has altogether disappeared in the earliest monuments to
which we have access, whereas in French and Provencal
the relics of the old declension were preserved up to the
thirteenth century, resulting, as M. Littre has remarked,1
in a semi-synthetic syntax. Old French distinguished
between the nominative and the accusative, which were
li chevals and le cheval in the singular, and li cheval and
les chevals in the plural, where the final -s preserves the
-us and -os of the Latin noun. French and Provencal,
however, are not the children of a common Neo-Latin
language. They are independent dialects which have
grown up on Gallic soil out of the provincial Latin once
spoken there, and modified by the influence of foreign
tongues. Both dialects, it is true, supplanted an earlier
Keltic idiom, but the number of Keltic words that have
crept into their vocabularies is singularly small.
Latin, as spoken in Gaul, had a strong affection for
diminutives, a characteristic which may have been of
Keltic origin. At all events, Irish shows this tendency in
a marked way, as in sanctan, " saint-ikin," corrupted into
" St. Anne," or squireen, from the borrowed squire. The
same tendency, however, is found in a good number of
languages in which the Court dialect has become that of
1 " Dictionnaire de la Langue franchise," i. p. xlvii. (1863).
n6 THE SCIENCE OF LANGUAGE.
the people, and we have the German Swiss turning every-
thing into a diminutive, down to Kaisar Karli, and the
Italian using sorella as a substitute for soror. Indeed, we
have only to look at Diez's Dictionary to see how fond
the provincials must have been of diminutives throughout
the Roman world. We also find them making great use
of neuter adjectives, like viaticum (voyage), or cetaticum
(age), instead of the simple substantives, and employing
words different from those in ordinary use in the classical
speech. Thus villa (ville] took the place of urbs, bucca
(bonche) that of as, basiare (baiser) that of oscular i, cambiare
(changer] that of mutare, andare (alter] that of ire. Had
it not been for a few lines of Horace and Juvenal we
should never have known of the existence of caballus
in literary Latin of the golden age, and yet caballus
(chevat) has entirely ousted equiis from the languages
which boast of their descent from it In the eighth century
French was still the lingua romana rustica in which
the clergy preached, and the glosses found by Holtz-
mann (in 1863) at Reichenau in a MS. of the year 768,
present us with words like cab anna, linciolo, manatees as the
equivalents of the Latin tuguriumt sindones, minas. The
oaths of Strassburg (A.D. 842) preserved by Nithard1 are
the next oldest specimens of French, the langucdo'il as it
came to be called. With the Cantilene de Sainte Eulalie
begins the golden age of the Old French tongue, and of
the epic poetry, the best example of which is the Chanson
de Roland. It was with snatches from this poem that
the trouvere Taillefer encouraged the Norman soldiers at
the battle of Hastings. With the Sire de Joinville the
1 " Historiarum," iii. 5 (edit. Pertz, 1839).
THE INFLECTIONAL FAMILIES OF SPEECH. 117
language entered upon a new stage of development.
The langue d'o'il had four principal dialects, corresponding
with the principal political centres, and still preserved in
the modern patois. These four dialects were the Bur-
gundian, the Norman, the Picard, and the French of the
Isle of France, the present representative of which differs
scarcely at all from the Burgundian. The three first-
named dialects differ chiefly in the vowels, as the following
table will show : —
Norman. Picard. Burgundian.
e oi, ai, ie oi, ai, ei, ie
ei • oi, ai oi, ei, ai
u o, ou, eu o
ui i, oi, oui ui, oi, eui, oui.1
All three dialects have contributed towards the forma-
tion of modern French,/^ (poids) and attacker for instance
coming from Burgundy, peser and attaquer from Nor-
mandy and Picardy. The Norman preference for u has
been perpetuated in the sound indicated by the spelling
of such English words as colour or courage.
Provencal or the langue d'Oc, the language of the
troubadours, is the language of southern France, and
includes not only the dialect of Provence proper, but
the dialect also of Languedoc, Limousin, Auvergne,
Gascony, and part of Dauphiny, to which it is advisable
to add further the Catalonian now spoken in Catalonia,
Valencia, and the Balearic Islands, and once used through-
out the territory of Aragon. Its westernmost sub-dialect,
the Gascoun of Bayonne, may still be heard in the village
of Anglet.2 In some respects Provengal throws light on
1 Burgundian also changes the nasal into^, as mjuig; forjuin.
2 For a specimen of this dialect, see " Podsies en Gascoun," by
ii8 THE SCIENCE
the grammatical forms of its northern neighbour ; thus
the origin of the French dirai, from dicer e kabeo, is fully
shown by the Provencal future dir vos ai, " je vous dirai,"
which also suggests an explanation of the incorporation
of the French pronouns. The earliest Provencal poemr
the Song of Boethius, is not older than the tenth century,
but the best literature of mediaeval Europe grew up with
the brilliant but shortlived civilization of Provence, which
the Church stamped out by fire and sword. The Albi-
gensian Crusades prevented the Provengal from obtaining
the place afterwards held by the more fortunate Italian
and French.
The oldest written monuments of Italian do not reach
back beyond the twelfth century. In fact, literary Italian
was the creation of Dante, who adopted it from the
splendid Court of Frederick II., that precursor of the
Renaissance, in whom the Papacy instinctively felt that it
had a deadly foe. Already Frederick himself and his
Chancellor, Pietro della Vigna, had composed their poems
in it, and from the mouth of Dante it passed to his
Florentine countrymen and became the native tongue of
Tuscany. In his treatise " De Vulgari Eloquentia,"
Dante reviews all the dialects of his country, reckoning
fourteen in all, and dividing them into Eastern and
Western. The more scientific division of modern days
arranges them in three groups — northern, central, and
southern, the first comprising Genoese, Piedmontese, Vene-
tian, ^Emilian and Lombard ; the second Tuscan, Roman,
and Corsican ; and the third, Neapolitan, Calabrian,
P. Th. Lagravere (Bayonne, 1865), and " Podsies Gasconnes," by
J. Larrebat (Bayonne, 1868).
THE INFLECTIONAL FAMILIES OF SPEECH. 119
Sicilian, and Sardinian. Most of these dialects differ very
widely from the classical Italian ; Sicilian, for instance,
reads like a new language, and in the CJiiaja of Naples
there are few travellers who would recognize the Piana
of Tuscan speech.
Spanish departs more widely from Latin in both
phonology and vocabulary than any other of the Romanic
languages, but its grammatical forms are regular, and
when once the phonetic rules of the language are known,
its similarity to the parent-tongue will strike the most
careless student. It is probable that the changes in the
phonology may have been due to Arabic influence, as
the changes in the vocabulary certainly have been.
Spanish has driven Catalonian from Aragon, and is even
now making way against Basque in the north ; it is pecu-
liarly the dialect of Castile, and the Andalusian of the
south differs from it in many respects. The oldest relics
of Spanish are scattered through the pages of St. Isidore
of Seville, in the seventh century ; its earliest text, how-
ever, belongs to the middle of the twelfth.
Portuguese, together with Gallician, approaches French
in several particulars more nearly than it does Spanish,
though on the whole it must be classed with the latter.
It has lost the initial / of the article, and, in addition to
the Arabic words it contains in common with Spanish, it
possesses also a number of French words, which it is
supposed were introduced under Henry of Burgundy at
the close of the eleventh century.
In the isolated valleys oftheRhaetianAlpsistobefound
another Romanic language, the Rhaetian, or language of
the Orisons, with its two dialects, the Romansch or Ru-
120 THE SCIENCE OF LANGUAGE.
monsh spoken by the Protestants of the Engadine, and the
Ladin (Latin) spoken by the Roman Catholics of the Ober-
land. A religious literature of the sixteenth century exists
in Rumonsh, but otherwise the literary productions of the
language amount almost to nothing. Ascoli has lately
shown1 that this Rhsetian idiom is allied to two others
which have been erroneously classed with Italian — the
dialect of Friuli used by more than 400,000 persons in
Italy on the banks of the Tagliamento, and in Austria as
far as Goritz, and the dialect of the Adige in the Austrian
Tyrol spoken by about 90,000 people. A few short in-
scriptions of the twelfth century belong to the dialect of
Friuli.
The last remaining of the Neo-Latin tongues is the
Wallach or Rumanian of the far east. .The Romani, as
they call themselves, derive it from the Latin introduced
by the Roman legionaries into Dacia, when the country
was made a province by Trajan in A.D. 107. It is spoken
in Rumania and Moldavia, as well as in parts of Hungary,
Servia, Transylvania, Bessarabia, and even as far south as
Thessaly. The Danube divides it into two branches, the
northern or Daco-Rumanic, and the southern or Macedo-
Rumanic, the latter of which abounds with Albanian and
Greek words. Both dialects, however, have borrowed
largely from the Slavonic, and it is possible that they
may also contain some fragments of the old Dacian
vocabulary, of which our only information is derived from
the botanical names given by Dioskorides. Mussafia
has shown2 that the Latin vowels have undergone two
1 " Archivio Glossologies Italiano," i. (1873).
2 "Zur romanischen Vocalisation" (1868).
THE INFLECTIONAL FAMILIES OF SPEECH. 121
main modifications, tonic e and o, on the one side, be-
coming the diphthongs ea and oa ; other vowels, on the
other side, acquiring a semi-nasal sound. We have
already alluded to the postposition of the definite article,
as in omul (homo ille], " the man," which Rumanian shares
with the neighbouring Albanian and Bulgarian. The
term Wallach, it may be observed, is the German Walsch
( Wels/i) or " foreign," a name given to them by their
Teutonic neighbours.
One more language of the Aryan family now remains for
review. This is the Skipetar (" Highlander") or Albanian,
the linguistic position of which is still unsettled. There is
little doubt, however, that it belongs to the Indo-European
stock, and the opinion has often been hazarded that it re-
presents the ancient Illyrian or Thrako-Illyrian whose
territory it occupies. A recent writer 1 has even connected
it with the ancient Pelasgic — that delight of ethnological
paradoxers — and sought to explain the early proper
names of Greece by means of it ; but his attempt cannot
be pronounced successful. The vocabulary contains a
large number of borrowed words, especially Greek, and
certain phenomena seem to indicate that it bears a closer
relation to Greek than to any other member of the Aryan
family.
This Aryan family of speech was of Asiatic origin.
Dr. Latham,2 indeed, would make it European, and
Poesche has lately advocated the same view with great
ability ; 3 but there are few scholars who have followed
1 Benlow : " La Grece avant les Grecs" (1877).
2 In his edition of the " Germania " of Tacitus, p. cxxxvii.
3 "Die Arier" (1878).
122 THE SCIENCE OF LANGUAGE.
them. Their theory rests upon a confusion of language
and race. Poesche assumes that the Aryan languages
were the product of the white race, whose colour was due
to the albinoism caused by a long residence in the marshy
country between the Niemen and the Dnieper. But this
is begging the whole question. For anything we know,
the parent- Aryan may have been the language of a race
essentially different from that to which we belong ; indeed,
it is highly probable that it was spoken by more than one
race. We may appeal by way of illustration to the Latin
of the fifth century, used as it was by varying nation-
alities and different races. But comparative philology
itself supplies us with a proof of the Asiatic cradle of the
Aryan tongue. Linguistic change greatly depends upon
geography ; the nearer a dialect is to its primary centre,
the less alteration we are likely to find in it. Now, of all
the Aryan dialects Sanskrit and Zend may, on the whole,
be considered to have changed least ; while, on the other
hand, Keltic in the extreme west has changed most.
Hence Pictet made the Aryan mother-country a point
within an ellipse, close to Indie and Iranian on the one
side, and at varying distances from the languages of
Europe on the other.1 Hovelacque, however, suggests
that the point might have been eastward even of the Indie
and Iranian groups, and towards the Chinese frontier.2
This, too, is virtually the view of Johann Schmidt, who
derives the several Aryan languages from dialects of the
1 As in this diaram : l&Uic
Italic Jfdimic
2 " La Linguistique," p. 344.
THE INFLECTIONAL FAMILIES OF SPEECH. 123
parent speech, each of which lay further to the westward
of the hypothetical centre the more it had departed from
the character of the primitive tongue.1 Mr. Douse, on
the other hand, in tracing the phenomena of Grimm's law
back to the original dialects of the parent-speech, would
rather make Low German, High German, Letto-Slavic
and Classical, the latter including Sanskrit, Zend, Greek,
and Latin, merely neighbouring dialects grouped round
a single centre, from which we may imagine them to have
radiated.2 In default of other evidence, it is best to abide
by the current opinion, which places the primaeval Aryan
community in Bactriana on the western slopes of Belurtag
and Mustag, and near the sources of the Oxus and
Jaxartes. Here, at all events, is the Airyanem vaejo,
" the Aryan seed," of the first chapter of the Vendidad,
where Ahuramazda tells Zarathusta was his first creation,
and whence the Aryans advanced towards the south-west
through fifteen successive "creations" or countries. It is
true that this legend is at most a late tradition, and applies
only to the Zoroastrian Persians ; the geography, how-
ever, is a real and not a mythical one, and the position
assigned to the first creation agrees with the little that
comparative philology has to teach us about the early
Aryan home. Thus we know that it was a comparatively
cold region, since the only two trees whose names agree
in Eastern and Western Aryan are the birch3 and the
pine,4 while winter was familiar with its snow and ice.
1 "Die Venvandschaftverhaltnisse der I-E. Sprachen" 1872).
- " Grimm's Law ; a Study," p. 96 (1876).
3 Skt. bhurjja, Old H. G. birca.
4 Skt. pitu-darus, Greek TTITVS, Lat. pinus.
124 THE SCIENCE OF LANGUAGE.
It was a region, moreover, in which gold, silver, and
bronze were procurable, and Gerland1 has pointed out
that the universal Aryan myth embodied in the wander-
ings of Odysseus presupposes the existence of a large
lake or sea near the first dwelling-place of the Indo-
European family. But a comparative study of the lexicon
proves that though the primitive Aryans were acquainted
with salt, crabs and mussels, and boats with rudders,
these latter were of a very rude description and only fitted
for lakes and rivers, while the absence of a common
name for the " oyster " or " the sea " in Eastern and Wes-
tern Aryan is a fact of some significance. Humboldt
believed that the sea of Aral is the remains of a great
inland lake which once included the Caspian and the
Euxine, and this belief has been confirmed by recent
researches.2 We may therefore picture the tribes which
used the parent- Aryan speech as living on the slopes of
the Hindu-Kush, in the high central tableland of Asia, and
watching the sun as it set evening after evening behind
the waters of a great inland sea. It was this inland sea
with the desert that lay to the south of it which cut the
Aryans off from communication with the civilized races
of Elam and Babylonia, and forced the first emigrants to
the west to push their way through the steppes of Tatary
and the pass of the Ural range. As has been already
noticed, the parent-speech was no undivided, uniform
tongue ; like the provincial Latin that developed into the
Romanic languages of modern Europe, it was split up
1 " Altgriechische Marchen in der Odyssee " (1869).
2 See Sporer, in Petermann's " Mittheilungen " (1868-72), and
" Nature," May 20th, 1875.
THE INFLECTIONAL FAMILIES OF SPEECH. 125
into dialects, each with its own peculiarities, which have
been perpetuated in the derived idioms, or even associated
in the same idiom, like the peculiarities of the Old
French dialects in the Parisian French of to-day. Thus
M. Breal1 observes that while the words which signify
"heart" presuppose a stemghard in the languages of Asia,
they presuppose a stem kard in the languages of Europe,
though the compound 'srad-dha, whence the verb 'srad-
dadhami, the Latin cre-do, shows that the stem kard itself
is not a stranger to the Asiatic idioms. The variant
forms, again, of Sfyot and dvdr, or the coexistent demon-
stratives sa(s), ta(s) testify to the same fact Artificial
language alone is free from dialectical variety, and the
older and more barbarous a community the greater will
be the number of the dialects it speaks.
No written record has come down to us of this primi-
tive Aryan settlement, where the languages of Europe
first began to be formed, it may be, some five or six
thousand years ago. But a fuller and truer history of its
life and thought than could be given in any written record
may be read in the archives of speech. By comparing
the dialects of Europe and Asia, we can learn what words
were already formed and used before the period of Aryan
migration set in. Where we find the same fully-formed
word with the same meaning in both Greek and Sanskrit,
or German and Zend, we are justified in believing that it
existed before the separation of the Aryan family, and
that the object or idea it denoted was already familiar
to our linguistic forefathers. In this way we can restore
1 " La Langue indo-europeenne," in the " Journal des Savans,"
Oct. 1876. See above, p. 20. (Vol. II.).
126 THE SCIENCE OF LANGUAGE.
the civilization and history of the parent community, can
discover its mode of living, can reproduce its experiences,
can trace its habits and beliefs. But we cannot prove a
negative : we cannot, that is, infer from the absence of
the same word in the same sense in both Eastern and
Western Aryan that the idea or object signified was un-
known before the period of migration ; it might have
been known, yet lost or forgotten, during the long years
of wandering. Greek and Sanskrit both possess the same
term for "razor," ksliuras, fyw ; nevertheless Varro as-
serts that shaving was not practised at Rome before the
third century, B.C.,1 and the assertion is confirmed not
only by the peculiar Latin name of the razor (novacula),
but also by the fact that the small crescent-shaped razors
so plentifully met with in the islands of the Greek archi-
pelago, in Attica, Boeotia, in many parts of Etruria, and
€ven north of the Alps, have never been found in the
cemetery of Alba Longa, or in any other of the oldest
Italic tombs. Nor, again, must we forget the possibility
that words which look of native growth may really have
been borrowed, or that borrowed words may exterminate
native ones. In Gaelic, pascJia &s\& purpura have become
caisg and corcur, through the analogy of the general law
that represents the Kymric p by the older c (kw) ; and
few of those who speak of pansy or dandelion, remember
that they are the borrowed French pensee and dent de
lion. On the other hand, the Basque terms for " knife "
are all loan-words — ganibeta from the French canif, and
nabala from the Spanish nabaja (novacula) ; yet we can-
not suppose the Basques to have been ignorant of any
1 "DeRe Rustica," ii. 11.
THE INFLECTIONAL FAMILIES OF SPEECH. 127
cutting instruments whatever, and Prince L-L. Bona-
parte has discovered the native word haistoa in an obscure
village. How important these cautions are is evidenced
by the fact that Fick, to whom we owe above all others
the restoration of the primitive Aryan dictionary and
civilization,1 has from time to time argued as if the
absence of a common term in east and west Aryan
necessarily implied that a particular object was unknown
to the parent-speech, or has accepted words as native
because they conform to the phonetic peculiarities of the
language, and have undergone the regular action of
Grimm's law. Bearing in mind, therefore, that our pic-
ture of the primitive Aryan community can never be
complete, that we can never know how many further de-
tails, have still to be filled in, let us see how it comes
before us in the pages of Pick's " Comparative Dic-
tionary."
Like the language, the civilization of the community
was highly advanced. Man was manus, " the thinker,"
and the society in which he lived was strictly monoga-
mous. The family relations, indeed, were defined with
the severest precision, and there were separate words for
a wife's sister (sydlt), and the wife of a brother (ydtaras,
wafr^t^janitrices). The father, at the head of the family,
exercised the same patria potestas as we find existing at
a later day among the Romans ; he was \hepatis, wong, or
"lord " of the household, just as the wife was the patni,
ia, or " mistress." The community itself was but a
1 In his " Vergleichendes Worterbuch der indogermanischen
Sprachen" (3rd edit. 1875-6), and "Die ehemalige Spracheinheit
der Indogermanen Europa's" (1873).
128
THE SCIENCE OF LANGUAGE.
large family, governed on the same principle as
family, by the vi'spati, or " head of the clan." The vi'spati,
again, seems to have been under the ragan, or " king,"
who was assisted by a body of councillors consisting of
the pataras, or " fathers " of families. The community,
however, resembled the Slavonic mir, or the village com-
munities of India, whose constitution has been explained
to us by Sir Henry Maine. Like the Keltic clan, it was
a yevos or ve'sas (olxoi), holding in common the pasturage
and other lands, which were redistributed among its
members from time to time. These members, neverthe-
less, had separate possessions of their own (ap-nas, a<pvo<;,
res), consisting of the house with its court, its goods, and
its cattle. The king or chief, too, had a special residence
(rigid) and domain (TE/XEVOJ), "cut off" from the property
of his neighbours. The house (damas) was no mere tent
or cave ; it was built of wood, with a thatched roof, and
was entered by a door, not by the half-underground
passage of the Siberians. But the community itself was
but part of a larger whole — the vastu (acnu),1 puris* (TTQ^),
or " township ;" and these townships were connected with
one another by roads (panti\ along which pedlars tra-
velled with the wares of trade. Naturally such an
organized community had its settled customs or laws
(dhdma?i,^^oi}y like the Homeric SE^O-TEJ, or "dooms," laid
down (dJia) by qualified judges, and accepted as prece-
dents for the future. "Justice" was aiva, "the path" of
right, from z, " to go ;" right itself was yaus (jus), that,
which a man is "bound" to, from yu(g\ "to join;'
punishment (kai-na) was inflicted only after inqui
1 Root vas, "to dwell." 2 Root far (ple-o), " to fill."
THE INFLECTIONAL FAMILIES OF SPEECH. 129
) and the accused was called upon to provide
sureties, those who " knew " him (gnd-tar). The com-
munity contained free men only ; slavery as yet did not
exist, and free labourers worked for hire (inisdha, purQag).
Aryan religion was simple, but, like the community,
already organized. It consisted in a worship of natural
objects and phenomena, more especially of the sun and
dawn, and other bright powers of day. But it must
be called henotheistic, rather than polytheistic ; out of
the many gods he believed in, the worshipper prayed to
one only at a time — he had not yet room in his thoughts
for two co-existing deities. The gods ruled and guided
the universe; they were immortal, all-powerful, and holy,
dwelling like a human family on an Olympus of their
own with the dyauspitar (Diespater) or " father of heaven "
at their head. Of this father, who was himself but the
" bright " sky, the stars and moon were conceived as the
sons and daughters j1 it was not until the old theology
had begun to yield to the nature-myths of a later age
that they became the myriad eyes of Argos, the " bril-
liant " one. Of this later mythology, the hymns already
addressed to the gods were a fruitful seedplot ; they
were, too, the basis of a liturgy, fragments of which were
carried away by the various bodies of emigrants. In
these liturgical forms the gods were praised as "givers of
good things " (ddtaras vasudm), were prayed " to show
kindness " (vdram bhar, fya QefM), and asked to bestow
"good courage" or "sense" (^vog w, Zend vohu mananh)
and "undying renown" (sravasakshitam,K*kosa(phTov). In
1 Compare the Vedic duhitar divas used of the Dawn and other
goddesses with the Homeric Svydrrjp Aids and jcovpai At6f
II. K
130
THE SCIENCE OF LANGUAGE.
addressing them, the worshipper had to face the rising
sun, with his right hand to the south ; hence the Skt.
dakshina (dakshina, the Deccari), the Welsh dehau, and
Old Irish dess, all mean at once "right hand" and
" south ;" it is only in the Ghilghiti of Dardistan that the
right hand is synonymous with the " north."
But besides these bright and favourable gods, there
were the evil spirits of night and darkness, whose symbol,
the snake, lurked during the day in the coverts of the
woods. Night itself was the demon Aj-dahaka (Astyages,
Zohak), " the biting snake," ever contending with day-
light for the possession of the world, but ever worsted in
the struggle. It was during his hour of apparent victory
that ghosts and vampires prowled about, and witchcraft
could work its evil will. At such a time, the Aryan felt
a consciousness of sin, which he expressed in words like
the Sanskrit agasy " transgression," Greek aycj, " guilt ;"
and sought for forgiveness in penance and self-mortifica-
tion (compare the Skt. 'sramana, " an ascetic," and Irish
crdibdech, "pious," craibhdhigk, "people who mortify the
flesh").1
Cattle formed the basis of material existence. In the
possession of herds and flocks (pasu, peciis) lay the chief
wealth of the Aryan community, which had " sheep-
walks" and pasture grounds (agra, ager\ stables and
sheep-cotes, fields and pigsties. The horse was domesti-
cated ; indeed, it is probable that the horse, which the
Accadians of Chaldea called " the animal of the East,
was first tamed by the primitive Aryans. It was not
however, used for riding, but only, like the ox, for draw
1 Rhys : " Lectures on Welsh Philology," p. 13 (1877).
THE INFLECTIONAL FAMILIES OF SPEECH. 131
ing carts. The other domesticated animals were oxen,
sheep, goats, swine, and dogs ; geese and bees were also
kept, though beehives were not yet invented, and the
honey was made into mead (Skt. madJni). But milk
from the cow, sheep, and goat was the chief drink ; and
flesh was eaten when baked or roasted. To eat raw flesh
was the sign and characteristic of the barbarians (dmddas,
qdofpyot). Apples also were eaten, and black broth or
hodgepodge (Skt. ytis/ia, Lat. jus, Greek Cw/xof, Old Slav.
jucha, Welsh uwdy fromyu "to mix") formed a principal
staple of food. Leather was tanned, and wool shorn and
woven, for though linen was also known it is probable
that dresses were mostly made of these materials. The
hunter had the bear, wolf, wild duck, hare, otter, and
beaver to pursue or trap ; crabs and mussels were col-
lected for food, and mice and vermin were already a
household plague. Quails and ducks were further eaten,
and the future was divined from the flight of birds, espe-
cially the falcon.
The Aryans, however, were mainly a pastoral people.
Agriculture was still backward, though two cereals at
least were grown — one represented by the Skt. sasya,
Zend hahya, " corn," and Welsh haidd, "barley;"1 and
the other by the Skk.yavast Lithuanian javai, Greek £««,
" spelt " (Old Irish eorna, " barley "). We may infer that
the latter grain was the one most cultivated from the old
Homeric epithet of the earth, ft/Say^, "spelt-giving." A
kind of rude plough was in use ; hay was cut with the
1 Rhys : " Lectures on Welsh Philology," p. 9 (1877). Dr. Whit-
ley Stokes refers to Pliny N. H. xviii. 40 : " Secale Taurini sub
Alpibus (s)asiam vocant."
132 THE SCIENCE OF LANGUAGE.
sickle (rava), and the grain was ground in the mill, an<
baked into bread. Straw was collected for winter em-
ployment, or for roofing the house ; and a few garden
herbs were grown. Salt, too, was used as an article of
food ; and the year was divided into the three seasons of
spring, summer, and winter, while the moon received the
title of " measurer," from the lunar month, by means of
which time was reckoned. The dress of the Aryans shows
that their country was far from being a warm one. It
consisted of tunic, coat, collar, and sandals, made of sewn
and woven wool or leather.
Gold, silver, and bronze were the three metals known,
though implements of stone still continued in use ; and
even after their arrival in Europe, we find the Teutonic
Aryans naming the " dagger " sea/is, from the " stone "
(Lat. saxuiit) of which it was made. Smelting and forging
were carried on by a special class of smiths (takshanas),
who occupied a high position, as in most primitive com-
munities, and were even sometimes supposed to possess
supernatural powers. The axe seems to have been the
chief weapon, but the sword (Skt. asi, Lat. ensis] and
bow were also employed ; and wars appear to have been
frequent.
Surgery and medicine were in their infancy,1 charms
being mainly relied upon as a means of cure ; and two
diseases at least had received names — the tetter (dardni)
and consumption (skaya, skiti). Boats fitted for lakes
and rivers had been invented ; and the numerals on the
decimal system were known, and named, at all events, up
to one hundred. Baked, and not merely sun-dried, pot-
1 Compare Latin medeor and Zend, madhaya.
THE INFLECTIONAL FAMILIES OF SPEECH. 133
tery was in daily use, consisting of vases, jars, pots, and
cups, some of which had a pointed end to drive into the
ground. Since several words exist denoting painting and
motley colours, we may infer that this pottery was some-
times ornamented. Painting, however, was not the only
art the germs of which had already shown themselves.
Music, too, was already developed ; and the Sanskrit
tanti, " a chord," and tata, "a stringed instrument," answer
to the Greek TWOS, " a chord," and the Welsh tatit, " a
musical string," plural tannau, " a harp."
Even the names by which these old Aryans called one
another were organized into a system. Fick has shown1
that every proper name was a compound of two words,
neither more nor less. Thus we might have Deva-sruta,
" heard by God," in Sanskrit, 9co-&>fo$ in Greek, Hari-
berht in Old German, Mils-drag in Servian, Cyn-fael in
modern Welsh. The number of names, however, by
which a child might be christened was limited ; and many
of them could be doubled by putting the first element
last — Deva-sruta for instance, being changed into 'Sruta-
deva, ©£o-3<apoj into Aap6-6eos. The second part of the name
might be contracted so as to be hardly recognizable; thus
in Greek 'Ami-yaws becomes Am'-ycw, KteG-TrccTVf Kaunas, and
Baunack has proved that the Kretan ©fe stands for ©w-
&OV*QS* After the separation of the Aryan family, a good
many shorter names were formed out of the old ones by
omitting one of their two elements, and using the remain-
ing element by itself, with or without a special termina-
1 1C
2
Die griechischen Personennamen " (1874).
Curtius' " Studien zur griechischen imd lateinischen Gram-
matik," x. i (1877), pp. 83-88.
134 THE SCIENCE OF LANGUAGE.
tion, as in the Sanskrit Datta from Deva-datta, or the
Greek N«/a£, N/XOJV from Nuw-/utf%Df, N«a-fftpaT0f, or the like.
The Latin proper names fall outside the Aryan system,
and are based on an entirely different method, which is
probably due to Etruscan influence.1
Such, then, was in brief outline the civilization of the
early Aryan community, and it will be seen that it was
no mean one. Still following Pick, we may trace the
Western Aryans after their departure from their old
home, making their way along the northern shores of
the Caspian and the inhospitable plains of Russia 2 to a
region between the Baltic and the Black Sea, but west-
ward of a line drawn from Konigsberg to the Crimea, as
is shown by the common possession of a name for the
beech by the European dialects. Here, it would seem,
they settled for a while, before again breaking up and
turning now to the west to become Kelts or Teutons,
now to the south to become Italians and Greeks. The
European dialects have certain marked features in com-
mon ; such as the possession of e and /, where the Asiatic
dialects have a and r, and a present-stem formed by the
suffix -ta. If we compare their vocabularies together we
shall gather some idea of the progress that had been
made since their separation from their eastern kindred.
Family relationships have become more closely defined ;
there are names now for the grandfather, the sister-in-
1 At any rate the Latin name-system is the same as the Etruscan,
and we now know that certain proper names are of Etruscan origin,
Aulus, Aulius, or Avilius, for example, being the Etruscan Avile or
A vie, from avil, "life."
2 See Sayce : " Principles of Comparative Philology " (2nd edi-
tion), pp. 387-94.
THE INFLECTIONAL FAMILIES OF SPEECH. 135
law, and the sister's son, and terms of affection for old
people, such as and (anus), and amd (amita), "grand-
mother," but not, it would appear, for father and mother.
An advance may be noted, too, in civil relations ; the
community now called taut a (Goth, thiudd) has become
more compact, and a conception has been formed of the
citizen or " civis," as opposed to the " stranger " or hostis.
The members of the same community are necessarily
friends, but it requires a special act to enter into friendly
relations with the member of another community, and be
to him a " host " (/wspes, Old Slav, gos-podt). We find a
new term for "law," lex, A-S. lagu, "what is laid down,"
and there are further words for " pound " and " steal."
If the Greek had nothing corresponding to lex, hospes,
hostis, civis, it is not that he lacked the ideas denoted by
these words, or had separated earlier than the rest of his
European brethren from the old stock, but because his
intercourse with the east and his maritime pursuits kept
the relations of civil life in a constant state of mobility,
and displaced old terms by new ones, such as fiaaiteug,
favaZ, $EO$, kpEi/f. But it was their introduction to the sea
that brought the European Aryans their largest increase
of knowledge and experience. Not only were better
boats built, and the sea itself named from its "barren"
nature (man), but sea animals — such as the lobster, the
oyster, and the seal — were caught and named. New plants
on the land, too, became known — the elm, the alder, the
hazel, the oak, the Scotch fir, the Vine, the willow, the
beech, and the nettle, as well as new animals — the stag,
the lynx, the hedgehog, and the tortoise, and new birds
— the thrush and the crane. The duck, perhaps, was
136 THE SCIENCE OF LANGUAGE.
added to the list of domesticated animals, and a great
improvement took place in agriculture, the old pastoral
life passing into an agricultural one. We now have cul-
tivated fields, with millet (/KEA/WI), barley (upM, hordeum),
oats (avena), and rye (Old Slav, pyro) ; forks, seed-sow-
ing, harvesting, and harrowing. Peas, beans, poppies,
rape, onions, and possibly hemp were also grown, and, as
Fick acutely remarks, bread of an inferior sort was
baked, which afterwards gave way to better sorts, and so
occasioned the loss of its common European name.
Yeast, too, made its appearance, together with glue and
pitch ; leather work was improved ; hurdles and wicker-
work began to be made, and the stock of tools and
weapons was enlarged by the addition of hammers and
knives, shields, spears, and lances.
It was left to each branch of the European family to
improve upon the heritage it had received. The dictio-
nary of every separate language is filled with words of
peculiar form and meaning, bearing witness to the ex-
tent to which this improvement was carried out. In
Greek, for instance, we find new terms in abundance.
Even the deity has received a fresh name, since in
spite of every effort that has been made to connect the
Greek SEO'J with the common Aryan term that we meet
with in the Latin deus, it still stands obstinately alone,
and favours the view of Herodotus and Rodiger x that
the Greek looked upon his gods as " the placers " or
" creators " of that divinely arranged universe to which
he afterwards gave the name of *o<r/noj or " order." With
the Greek, too, individualism reached its highest point ;
1 Kuhn's " Zeitschrift," xvi. pp. 158, sg.
THE INFLECTIONAL FAMILIES OF SPEECH. 137
oriental monarchy and Hellenic despotism were not far
removed from one another, and consequently we need
not be surprised at finding such peculiar Greek words as
|3acri*£i/j, f aval, and rvfawof, or that -r^awog was of Asiatic
origin, and f aval the title of the Phrygian kings. Strength
and holiness, again, seemed to the Greek closely allied,
and isp6$ (Skt. is/iiras), which still retains its old meaning
of " strong " in such Homeric formulae as Is^ov psvog,
came to signify "sacred," and so gave a name to the
sacrificing priest. The Athenian 3>v*o$ goes back to the
root dd, " to divide," and bears witness to a time when
there was still a communal division of land among the
lonians, while the ayopa. and fauna (a**a) were the invention
of a race which laid special emphasis on the gift of
eloquence. No/no?, " law," may indeed be older than the
Hellenic age, but in its extension to denote the common
thought of men (vo/u/£«) or the currency ordained by cus-
tom (VOIUO-IM), it is certainly altogether Greek. Nor did
the Greek pantheon and mythology escape the influence
of the Semitic stranger. Aphrodite is as much Phcenician
as Indo-European in her attributes, and the myth of
Adonis has now been tracked back to the epics of
primaeval Babylonia.
It is obvious, however, that we cannot be too careful
in determining the relative amount of civilization pos-
sessed by the fragments of the Aryan family as they suc-
cessively broke off from the larger community. We
may find a particular word, for instance, common to all
the European dialects, and not occurring in the Asiatic
ones ; and yet this need not prove that it was unknown
before the westward emigration, since the Eastern Aryans
138 THE SCIENCE OF LANGUAGE.
may have once had it, but displaced it subsequently by
another word. On the other hand, as Ascoli has ob-
served,1 a derivative of the same form and meaning may
develop independently in two distinct languages. Are
we to suppose that the Sanskrit ad-ana-m and Greek
id-avo-v go back to the period of Indo-European unity or
sprang up independently in the two idioms, or that the
Sanskrit a-swapna-s, the Greek a-vTrvo-s, and the Latin in-
somnis could not have been formed independently in all
three tongues ? We may easily go too far in our attempt
to restore the past history and civilization of a group of
languages, and forget the possibilities of which the strict
method of science bids us take account.
The reconstruction of the history of Aryan grammar
is a safer task than the reconstruction of the history of
its civilization. The same root may yield a derivative
of the same form and meaning in two languages inde-
pendently ; but we are justified in holding that this could
never be the case with grammatical forms. If we find
asmi in Sanskrit and esmi in Lithuanian serving to ex-
press the first person singular of the present tense of the
substantive verb, the reason must be that they are both
relics of a time when the ancestors of the Hindus and the
Lithuanians lived together, and spoke a common tongue.
Now, just as a comparison of words has enabled us to
sketch the history of Aryan civilization, so, too, a com-
parison of grammatical forms will enable us to sketch the
history of Aryan grammar.
It has been pointed out in a former chapter that Aryan
accent originally fell mostly on the last syllable, or rather
1 " Studij critici," ii. p. 10.
THE INFLECTIONAL FAMILIES OF SPEECH. 139
on the element which denoted the place occupied by a
word in a sentence. As in course of time the accent was
thrown back, these final syllables, the symbols of flection,
became affected by phonetic decay, and tended to dis-
appear. The more modern an Aryan language is, the
less traces does it exhibit of flection ; what was once
synthetic becomes analytic. The parent-Aryan was a
highly inflected tongue ; its later history and modifica-
tions are a record of a perpetual loss of flection and the
growth of other modes of grammatical expression. The
primitive noun possessed a number of different cases and
case-terminations, which came, however, to be limited
now to one, now to another case. The same case could
be denoted by different terminations ; the genitive, for
instance, was represented by at least three forms, -sya
(as in the Sanskrit siva-sya, Homeric 8*1916(0)10), -as, -is,
-os (as in ^oua-ag, generis} and -i (as in domini). A large
number of Sanskrit nouns have eight cases with different
terminations in the singular, three in the dual, and six in
the plural ; of these Latin preserves only six (and with
the locative seven), while Greek reduces them to five,
though the latter language makes occasional use of other
old cases in -§sv and -3e, which must have existed in the
parent-speech, though scanty traces of them are left in
the sister-dialects. The six Latin cases were still further
diminished in course of time in some of the declensions ;
owing to the loss of the final dental of the ablative, the
dative and ablative singular came to coincide in the
second declension, while a similar confusion was occa-
sioned between the genitive and dative in the first
declension. So, too, in certain Sanskrit nouns the geni-
140
THE SCIENCE OF LANGUAGE.
tive and ablative singular assumed the same form, while,
as we have seen, only two out of the six Latin cases sur-
vived in Old French, and even these have disappeared
in the modern language. In Sanskrit, again, the mean-
ings of the cases interchange to a large extent, and
Prof. Ludwig has sought to trace the origin of this con-
fusion, or rather indefiniteness, of sense to the Rig- Veda.
Price or value is denoted by the instrumental in Sanskrit,
by the locative and ablative in Latin, and by the genitive
in Greek and Lithuanian ; the moment of time at which
an event happens by the instrumental or locative in
Sanskrit, by the dative in Greek, by the ablative in Latin,
and by the locative in Lithuanian ; while the absolute
construction is expressed in Latin by the ablative ; in
Sanskrit by the locative, genitive, and ablative ; in Greek
by the genitive ; in Lithuanian and Old English by the
dative, and in modern English by the nominative. The
same grammatical relation may be regarded from different
points of view according to its position in the sentence ;
and hence the fluidity of signification which we seem to
find in the cases of the primitive Aryan speech, as well
as the number of terminations or flections by which they
were symbolized.
Modern research has confirmed the reality of the
distinction drawn by the Sanskrit grammarians between
the strong and the weak cases, the strong cases being
the nominative, accusative, and vocative. The nomina-
tive, symbolized by the suffix, represented the subject
whether active or passive, no distinction being made
between the two cases as in some languages, the Eski-
maux for example. Here a noun receives a "subjective
THE INFLECTIONAL FAMILIES OF SPEECH. 141
affix " if it denotes the possessor and the agent, a neutral
affix if it is followed by an intransitive verb. Thus
tekhiania-p takuva is " the fox saw him," tckJdania-q
takuva, " the fox was seen by him." The suffix -s, how-
ever, was mostly confined to masculine nouns ; feminines
were provided with other suffixes, and neuters were really
objective cases without any proper nominative. The
accusative, marked by -m (and -as), expressed the object
towards which the action of the verb travels, and wherein
it finds rest ; and since there might sometimes be a
double resting-point, that is to say a double object, we
find verbs used with two accusatives. Thus the Greek
might say dtdxtncu T>JV (J.QWMV ere, which we can translate,
without change of syntax, " I teach you music." Hence
the use of the so-called accusative of limitation, as in
fetefjisvos rou; voda;, " os humerosque deo similis," so ab-
surdly explained by classical " philologists " as depen-
dent on Kara or sccundum " understood," the true expla-
nation being that the accusative is here the final object
by which the movement of the thought is limited.
Hence, too, the " accusative of motion," the end or place
towards which the action is Directed being naturally ex-
pressed by the objective case. Both nominative and
accusative were primarily abstracts, masculines in -s alone
excepted, and their formatives continued to mark ab-
stracts to the last.1 The vocative was the mere stem, or
more properly the noun deprived of the -s of the nomina-
tive, and with its accent withdrawn from its final syllable.2
1 See above, p. 413.
5 This frequently resulted in shortening the termination, e.g.
£e<77rora, or in thinning the vowel, e. g. 'iinre from ITTTTO-. Cases
H2 THE SCIENCE OF LANGUAGE.
The reason of this was twofold ; in raising the voice
call another, the accent falls rather on the beginning than
on the end of a word, and where there was no suffix
there was no necessity for accentuating the last syllable.
It was only the confused linguistic instinct of later days
that employed the nominative for the vocative as in pifoal,
but how easy the transition was may be seen from such
passages as : " Equitem, Messapus, in armis Et cum
fratre Coras, latis diffundite campis," * or " Semper cele-
brabere donis, Corniger Hesperidum fluvius regnator
«) 9
aquarum.
Among the weak cases the genitive is the most im-
portant. We saw, when we were dealing with the mor-
phology of speech, how it has grown out of an adjective
used adverbially, that is to say, as a crystallized case,
though it is true that it is difficult to explain the geni-
tives in -as and -i. According to Prof. Friedrich Mu'ller,3
the genitive is symbolized by the vowel, not by the
sibilant, vdk-a-sa (vocis) being the original genitive
in contradistinction to the nominative vak-sa (vox).
Certainly the suffix of the genitive plural -dm
(=a + am) shows no sign of the sibilant, which only
appears (in -sdm) where the genitive singular ends in
-sya ; but it must be remembered that we have no
proof that either the genitive -as or the nominative -s
was ever followed by a vowel. In the partitive use of
the genitive, as it is termed, the genitive merely expresses
like dva for avaicr, TTOI for TraW, are due to the Greek rule of not
ending a word with any consonants except semi-vowels.
1 Verg. JEn. xi. 464.
2 Verg. ./En. viii. 77.
3 " Grundriss d. Sprachwissenschaft," i. p. 119 (1876).
THE INFLECTIONAL FAMILIES OF SPEECH. 143
the relation between the whole and the part ; what that
relation is, is left to be supplied by the mind. The geni-
tive is really an attributive case, being to the substantive
what the object is to the verb, defining its meaning and
limiting its application. Hence its employment in Greek
with verbs of feeling, hearing, and the like, where it de-
notes the part of which there is perception.
The dative seems to imply primarily a reference of one
object to another, just as the ablative implies the remo-
val of one object from another; the locative its indwelling
in another, and the instrumental its employment through
another. All these cases, therefore, would have origi-
nally been local in their application ; their temporal and
modal uses being derivative and later.1 The dative ex-
presses the second or further object towards which the
body inclines ; hence we find it denoting the " remoter
object," as well as the person interested in the fact stated.
The " ethical dative," in short, over which grammarians
have expended so much needless admiration, merely
represents another person viewed as a second object.
If the Roman said noces tibiy irascor tibi, it was only
because the person addressed was the further object of
thought to whom the first object, "hurt" or "anger," was
extended. The dative is thus an attribute of an attri-
bute, standing in the same relation to the object that
the object does to the verb, or the genitive to the sub-
stantive. In Greek it has become confounded with
other cases, the locative and the instrumental, but in
Latin it has fairly maintained its separate individuality,
though the progress of decay has caused it to amalga-
1 See Hiibschmann : "Zur Casuslehre" (1875), pp. 131, sq.
144 THE SCIENCE OF LANGUAGE.
mate with the genitive singular and ablative plural of
the first declension, and with the ablative singular and
plural of the second and third. In this respect Latin
resembles Vedic Sanskrit in contrast with the classical
Sanskrit of a later period, both Latin and Vedic Sanskrit
using the dative to express the purpose of an action, that
towards which we look when doing it. We may say
" exitio est mare nautis," since nautis is the " ethical "
dative dependent on exitio, and exitio is the final result of
the sea so far as sailors are concerned. It is noticeable
that none of the other Aryan languages employ the dative
in this way. In the infinitive, again, we have a crystallized
dative, not a locative, as has been sometimes asserted.
The Vedic ddvdne, " for giving," " to give," answers to
the Greek dowou (dbfevau), jeshey " to conquer," to *£<rai,
vayodhai, " to live," for vdyas-dhai, to •j,£uk<r-6cu, just as
jtv-dse does to the Latin amare (ama-se), where the final
vowel was once long, as in fieri (fiesei)^ Our own analy-
tic infinitive "to give," is but a translation of the Anglo-
Saxon dative gifanne (" dare "), whence the Old English
form is -en or -an, which came to be spelt -ing or -inge
in the fifteenth century, and so to be confounded with
the present participle in -ing for an earlier -ende, as well
as with nouns in -ungt which afterwards became
-ing. Modern English also lets us see how readily a
case can lose all its real relation to the rest of the sen-
tence and be crystallized into an " absolute " form. We
say "to err is human," with as little compunction or
recollection of the original meaning of the preposition as
the old Roman had of the primitive force of " errar^ est
1 Max Muller : " Chips," iv. pp. 49-63.
THE INFLECTIONAL FAMILIES OF SPEECH. 145
humanum." In Greek the infinitive can even be declined
with the article through all the cases of the noun. The
dative, however, was by no means the only case which
was hardened and stereotyped into an infinitive or
verbal noun. Thus we have the accusative, as in the
Sanskrit datum, " to give," Vedic ydmam, " to get," iden-
tical with the Latin supine, the instrumental, as in the
Vedic vidmdnd, " by knowledge," the genitive, ablative,
and locative, as in the Vedic vilikkast "to draw," dtridas,
" to strike," drisi, " to shine," and even the bare stem
formed by the suffixes -man or -van. The latter is the
source of the common Greek infinitive of the present
active, <pep£iv, when compared with the ^Eolic pl^w, and
Doric <pe?w, pointing to an original $tp-(f)ev.1 Hence the
nineteen Homeric aorist infinitives in -EE<V, like vrtsetv,
eio-deeiv, are formed by false analogy from contracted verbs
in -E«, and indicate a late and artificial stage of language.
From the suffix -man come the Homeric infinitives in
-/AEV, found only, however, after a short vowel with the
single exception of ZeuyvSpsv, as well as the ten aorist in-
finitives which terminate in -E//EV.
The locative was distinguished from the dative by a
lighter ending, otxoi in Greek instead of oucw, rurt, Romd-l
in Latin instead of patrei, Roma-l. So in Sanskrit we
find navi, "in a ship," instead of nave, "to a ship," ysive
(siva + i) instead of 'sivdya, though feminine bases in
-a have another locative ending in -dm, which Dr. F.
Miiller would derive from an earlier -ans (as in the pro-
noun ta-sm-is for ta-sm-ins), and that again from -ant.
The loss of the locative or its confusion with other cases
1 Curtius : " Das Verbum," ii. p. no.
II. L
146
THE SCIENCE OF LANGUAGE.
in so many Aryan dialects, is but an illustration of the
progress language is ever making from the material to
the more abstract ; the idea of space tends continually
to be supplanted by those of time and manner.
The ablative is found with more than one termination,
-as, -dhas (as in the Greek cy{><acyo-3f[v]), -tas (Latin cccli-
tus), and ~ad or -d, the last being the most common. The
dental was long in disappearing from Latin ; gnaivod
occurs on the tombs of the Scipios, and legal docu-
ments embodying old formulae, and the adverb antidhac
(ante hac) bore witness to its former existence. A con-
siderable number of the adverbs and adverbial preposi-
tions, indeed, were merely old ablatives ; facillnmed is
found in the senatorial decree concerning the Bacchana-
lian orgies, and the Greek rax^s or u$ stand for T«%EWT and
yat (or kwdt). The so-called accusatives of the personal
pronouns, med, ted, sed, which are met with in Old Latin,
have been shown by Prof. Max Miiller to be really bases,
which reappear in the Sanskrit mat-tas, twat-tas.1 The
ablative disappeared at an early period from the Teu-
tonic idioms as in Greek ; in Latin it took the place of
the instrumental, and denoted the instrument or agent,
though ab was generally employed where living persons
were referred to. This instrumental use was easily
derived from its employment to express origin, a se-
condary sense which grew out of its first signification of
removal from a place or object, but which caused it to
be supplanted in Greek by the genitive. From its in-
strumental use came its employment to represent the
1 Fleckeisen's "Jahrbiicher" (1876), pt. 10.
777,5: INFLECTIONAL FAMILIES OF SPEECH. 147
manner of an action, while its employment to denote
comparison most probably comes immediately from its
radical meaning1, mclior vied being literally " better away
from me," that is to say, " when I am removed," or dis-
counted. Similarly, in Hebrew, comparison may be
indicated by the preposition mint "away from." That
the " comparative " use of the ablative was known to the
undivided Aryans seems clear from the fact that it is
common to Sanskrit and Latin as well as Old Greek
{e.g. xfEi<Tcuv i/tufa).
The instrumental, like the ablative, was symbolized by
several different terminations, relics of which have sur-
vived here and there. The most usual is -d (at least in
Sanskrit), but we also find -bhi (as in the Latin mihi,
tibi, sibi, ibi {qu)ubi, and old Greek (SinQi), -sma or -smi
and -ina. The first termination may be detected not
only in the Greek a^a., T&x,a, «v«, Trapa, avra, Travry, but
also in the Early English fortht and forhwf, where //// and
/nut are instrumental of the and who. Mr. Peile notes
that fortuity, " because," occurs in the old version of the
xooth Psalm, in which the line " Forwhy the Lord our
God is good " is often erroneously printed as a question.1
The suffix -bhi is found in combination with a second
suffix in the dual nau-bhy-dm, and the plural nau-bhi-s
and nau-bhy-as (navi-bus), as well as in the singular
dative tu-bhy-am (" tibi "), and we may see how little a
priori reason there can have been for setting it apart to
denote a special case from its appearance as a mere deri-
vative suffix in words like the Sanskrit garda-bha-s, " an
1 u
Philology Primer" (1877), p. 109.
148 THE SCIENCE OF LANGUAGE.
ass," vrisha-bha-s, " a bull," or the Greek £*a-<po-$,
Kpora-Qo-s, or xoputpri.1 The same suffix marks the dative
and locative in Old Slavonic. Misled by the preposition
abhi or dbhi, our of, the Latin ab, the Sanskrit gram-
marians separated the plural -bids from its stem in the
Pada-text of the Rig- Veda; but this error was more
venial than the attempt of Ennius to harmonize matter
and metre in his famous line " cere-comminuit-brum."J
The use of the instrumental has been widely extended
in Sanskrit, as also in Lithuanian, which has so many
affinities with Eastern Aryan. Lithuanian, indeed, em-
ploys it to denote an idea cognate to that of the verb,
like the cognate accusative in Greek or Latin, as well as
predicatively after a verb of being where in Latin we
have a dative. The Latin ablative of description (as in
" vir animo magno ") is also replaced in Lithuanian by
the instrumental ; but in this case Lithuanian seems to
have preserved the primitive Aryan usage, as it has cer-
tainly done in its employment of the instrumental in a
sociative sense. It is possible that the instrumental and
sociative were once distinct cases as they still are in Fin-
nic or Ugrian, but it is more probable that the sociative
meaning only gradually developed out of the instrumental
one. " To strike with a sword," or " to go with a ship,"
may be equally regarded as instrumental or sociative.
We have seen in a former chapter that the dual is
1 Bergaigne : " Memoires de la Socie'te' de Linguistique de
Paris," ii. 5 ; Curtius : "Zur Chronologic der indogermanischen
Sprachforschung," p. 79 ; Jahn's " Jahrbiicher," 60, p. 95.
2 Such freaks do not even imply that the termination was felt to
be separable from the stem, since in cerebrum the stem is ceres
(Sansk. 'siras), sr becoming br in Latin.
THE INFLECTIONAL FAMILIES OF SPEECH. 149
older than the plural, and that the survival of the dual
into the undivided Aryan epoch, and even into the clas-
sical age of Hindustan and Greece, shows how hard it is
for linguistic forms to die in a settled language even when
there is no longer any need or meaning for them. Its
various cases, however, were less and less used, and
hence many of them came to be lost or confounded to-
gether. In Sanskrit three distinct forms only were pre-
served, in Greek only two, while the scanty relics of the
dual in Latin present us with but a single case.
We need not dwell upon those crystallized cases, the
adverbs, and the prepositions which have grown out of
them. The genitive vrapos, the locative Trapau, the instru-
mental Trapa, or the ablative apud, all tell their own tale.
Even in Homer, as in our own modern English, we may
watch the passage of the adverb into a preposition.
There is but a short step between using «V as an adverb,
the object being governed by the verb as in OUTOV$ J* eiffyyov
SEIOV SO/MOV (Od. iv. 43), and turning it into a veritable pre-
position,1 or between saying in English " what he told us
of" and " of what he told us." 2
We can trace the history of the verb with far greater
completeness and certainty than we can the history of
the noun. The history of the noun is one of continuous
decay. We may catch glimpses, indeed, of a time when
the cases were not as yet sharply defined, when the stem
could be furnished with a number of unmeaning suffixes,
1 See Hoffmann : " Die Tmesis in der Ilias" (1857-60).
2 Penka, in his " Nominalflexion der indogermanischen Sprachen "
(1878), gives a useful review and criticism of the different theories
that have been held as to the origin and meaning of the Indo-Euro-
pean cases, but his own views on the subject are retrograde.
ISO
THE SCIENCE OF LANGUAGE.
and when these suffixes could be used indifferently to
express the various relations of the sentence. But long
before the age of Aryan separation, the several relations
in which a word might stand within a sentence had been
clearly evolved, and certain terminations had been adapted
and set apart to denote these relations. The creative
epoch had passed and the cases and numbers of the noun
had entered on their period of decay. But with the verb
it was quite otherwise. Here we can ascend to a time
when as yet an Aryan verb did not exist, when, in fact,
the primitive Aryan conception of the sentence was
much the same as that of the modern Dayak. Most
verbs presuppose a noun, that is to say, their stems are
identical with those of nouns. The Greek ^Wwu for
/*E*<ZV-J/U presupposes the nominal fjte^av jusjt as much as
the Latin amo for ama-yo presupposes ama.
So, again, the Latin parturio comes from the suffix -tor,
-tar, which plays so large a part in Aryan inflection.
Perhaps the truest account that can be given of the
relation between verb and noun is that both go back to
the same stems, but that the verb is of later origin than
the noun. Indeed, the verb has no special classificatory
suffixes of its own ; those which it possesses are all bor-
rowed from the noun. The so-called root-verbs, like the
Sanskrit ad-mi, which affix the personal ending to the
bare root, are more probably decayed relics of older and
longer forms than primitive verbs. What characterizes
the verb are its inflections, and these inflections may for
the most part be resolved into affixed personal pronouns'.
In Old Egyptian meh-a is "I fi\\" pcr-a, "my house,"
where no formal distinction can be drawn between the
THE INFLECTIONAL FAMILIES OF SPEECH. 151
verb with its pronominal affix and the noun with its pos-
sessive ; in Magyar vdr-om is " I await him," nap-om,
" my day ; " and so, too, the .ancient Aryan bJiara-mi
probably served equally well for "I bear," and "my
bearing." But there was this important difference be-
tween the Aryan and the Magyar or Old Egyptian
forms : in Aryan the pronoun was attached to a stem,
and this stem might embody more than one suffix.
The precise way in which the personal pronouns came
to be affixed to these stems we do not know. Judging
from the analogy of other languages we should expect to
find them affixed rather to a participle or a noun than to
a stem, and this participle or noun moreover constituting
of itself the third person singular and plural. But the
Aryan dialects have always shown a strong tendency to
compound words by dropping the flection of the first
and leaving only the stem ; possibly this was due to
the loss of the accent on the flection-ending, which
was primitively accented. Up to the last a new com-
pound demanded but a single flection or relational
affix ; the Greek had to pronounce potioticucrvtoi, the Ro-
man calc-fio, just as we ourselves instinctively say mouse-
trap and not mice's trap. When the Latin language
began to form fresh compound tenses by the help of 'the
substantive verbs, it reduced the principal verb to its
mere stem -or even root, creating forms like amavi (ama-
fid), ainabo (ama-fuc), rexi (reg-(e)si). Hence we may
perhaps infer that when the parent-speech had come to
weld noun and pronoun so closely together as to form
but a single idea, the distinctive termination of the noun
disappeared, and the stem alone remained with the pro-
152 THE SCIENCE OF LANGUAGE.
noun affixed to it. However that may be, bhard-mit
tifa-iM, originally signified nothing more than " bearing
of me," " placing of me," the length of the thematic a
in bhard-mi showing that it represents the European o,
the cc of Brugman and De Saussure. The weakening of
ma to mi may be due to the same striving after differen-
tiation that makes the Hungarian write nap-om, "my
day," but var-ok, " I wait ; " at all events it is hard to ad-
mit the theory which derives the personal pronouns from
the verbal terminations. It is interesting to observe that
the objective form of the first personal pronoun is used ;
the speaker had not yet come to regard himself as a sub-
ject, and the nominative agJiam (ego) was not yet in
existence.
From the first the Aryan verb seems to have denoted
time as well as mood and relation. Its first two tenses
represented the one a momentary action, the other a con-
tinuous or completed action. The meaning expressed by
each was fitly symbolized by the bare stem or root and
reduplication. Out of the first tense grew what is termed
the second aorist in Greek, of which E-^TTO-V is a type ;
out of the second the perfect. But the perfect soon as-
sumed a variety of forms and covered a variety of signi-
fications. The full reduplication of the root might be
contracted into a broken one by phonetic decay ; tud-
tud, for instance, might become tutud. Or it might be
replaced by a lengthened vowel, just asfeci in Latin stands
for an earlier fcfcci; and thus/§>-/^, perhaps, passed into
teiTT-. The ideas, again, which could be represented by
reduplication were numerous. Not only might it mark
past time or continuous action, it could equally express
THE INFLECTIONAL FAMILIES OF SPEECH. 153
completion, intensity, desire, or causality. Thus the
Scotch gang, Gothic gagga, is almost the sole remnant of
a reduplicated perfect left in the Teutonic languages ;
reduplication characterizes intensives and desideratives
in Sanskrit ; and the Greek @i-@xu or Latin sldo for se-
scdo have a causal force. The idea of continuous action
moreover involves not only that of completion, but what
seems quite opposed to it, that of present action as well.
The present is divided from the perfect by a narrow and
shifting line ; to /w^been doing a thing does not exclude
the possibility of still doing it. In Greek wa> is a perfect
and o?3a a present ; and the Latin use of c&pi or memini
need not be referred to. The present, accordingly, was
developed side by side with the perfect, and like the
latter required reduplication to show that the idea was
to be dwelt upon. Greek presents like dSbpi are among
the oldest relics of the grammar, though the reduplicated
vowel has been changed to distinguish the present and
perfect tenses.
With the creation of a present tense, a new verbal
stem was called into existence. While the simple stem
or root was left to the aorist and the reduplicated perfect,
a stem with lengthened vowel seemed requisite to denote
present time. Hence the number of reduplicated presents
tended constantly to decrease, while those with augmented
vowels tended to increase. Simultaneously new stems
were taken up from among the nouns, and the person-
endings were attached to roots furnished with the clas-
sificatory suffixes nu, na, ta, and ya. Sometimes two or
more suffixes were combined together, and a time came
when almost any noun-stem might be turned into a verb
154 THE SCIENCE OF LANGUAGE.
by affixing ya — itself a nominal suffix — and the person-
endings.1
Meanwhile the aorist had undergone a change. A
short vowel, the so-called temporal augment, was pre-
fixed to it, the origin and explanation of which have been
a sore puzzle. Buttmann and Pott suggested that it
was a case of broken reduplication ; Hoefer identified it
with the Teutonic ga-t ge- ; Benfey made it the instru-
mental of a pronominal stem a-, used like sma in later
Sanskrit to denote past time. Then Bopp made a second
guess, and supposed it might be the same as the privative
a, or rather ana, " he does it not (now) " being equivalent
to " he did it." After Scherer's attempt to explain it from
a, " in the neighbourhood of," Bopp's third suggestion
that it might be the pronoun a in the sense of" that" or
" there " was adopted by Schleicher and Curtius, but this
suggestion too was far from satisfactory. Whatever may
have been its origin, the use of the temporal augment
was soon extended and a new tense, the imperfect, formed
from the present-stem on the model of the aorist. One
result which the augment had was to modify the person-
endings. The increased weight of the word at the be-
ginning was compensated by lightening it at the end, and
the final vowels of the suffixed pronouns, and sometimes
even the pronouns themselves, altogether disappeared.
In this way a secondary set of person-endings was created
1 This is the usual theory. But Fick has gone far to show that
the long stem of the present is the primitive one, out of which the
shortened aorist-stem has grown through a shifting of the accent
from the stem-syllable to the final syllables of the tense (Bezzenber-
ger's " Beitra'ge," iv. 1878). Benfey was the first to notice that the
aorist is an old imperfect.
THE INFLECTIONAL FAMILIES OF SPEECH. 155;
which characterized the past tenses quite as much as the
augment. While the primary endings remained mi, si,
ti ; vas, thas, tas ; mas, ta, nti, the secondary endings
were m (n, -), s, t (-) ; va, tarn (TGV), tdm (TW) ; ma (mas)r
ta (te), n, (us).1
But new ideas presented themselves, and new forms
were needed to express them. Composition has always
been a favourite process to the Aryan mind, and nothing
is easier than to put two verbs together when we want to
denote a compound verbal idea. This is what the Se-
mites did ; and this, too, is what the modern Greeks did
when they said SEAO/UEV V avax^o-o/msv, for " I will go ;" and
what the Romanic peoples did when they made amare
Jiabco (aimerai) serve for a future. We must not be sur-
prised, therefore, at finding that the Aryans, even before
their separation, possessed compound tenses. First of all
there was the sigmatic aorist, Sanskrit adiksham, Greek
f ocila^), formed after the analogy of eWov with the aorist
of the substantive verb (ds-a). Then there was the future
(bliavishydmi, hwu for hvvyu), in which we may perhaps
trace the substantive verb (as), and the verb of " going "
{yd}. The same verb of " going " has also been detected
in the optative (bhaveyam, siem, fepotpt), but we are more
probably dealing here with the suffix ya, which occurs so
plentifully both in nouns and in the present stem. If
Curtius is right, the termination of the optative which
we have in the Greek fspoifju is a relic of that early period
when the person-endings were still primary. In Latin
the suffix ya became 2 and e,siem passing into sim on the
one side, and into sem, as in es-sem or fo-rem (fu-sem), on
1 Or rather ur, the final s being due to false analogy.
i56
THE SCIENCE OF LANGUAGE.
the other. In amem, however, the vowel is due to the
conjunction of i, from ya> with the final a of the stem
(amd). The optative introduces us to a mood as distin-
guished from a tense, since it expresses the remote con-
tingency, the possibility, in short, of an event. The use
of the optative belongs to a time when the distinction
between fact and fancy was clearly felt : the speaker
knows that he is a thinker, a man, and as such can dis-
cuss his own thoughts. In Latin the optative is fre-
quently employed to denote the future regarded as a
possibility, as in reges, reget, audiemns. But just as a
fact may be momentary or continuous, past or present,
so, too, contingency may be near or remote. By the side
of the optative went the conjunctive, denoting probability,
and symbolized by the suffix a, which coalesces with the
final vowel of the stem into a. In classical Sanskrit the
conjunctive has disappeared ; in the Rig- Veda, however,
we find forms like asani (asami), asasi, asati, or vahdni,
vaMsi, vahati, answering to the Greek topsv with a short
vowel, and £%£, E;C^, 1;$, the Latin veham, vehas, veliat,
with a long vowel. In the Homeric poems the conjunc-
tive often takes the place of the future, and the same is
the case with the first person of the so-called third and
fourth conjugations in Latin.
Apart from the imperative, whose second person sin-
gular sometimes ended in -dhi (-&), sometimes in -si (5bV,
Vedic md-si), sometimes had no termination at all, the
verb of the undivided Aryan community possessed no
other tenses or moods. It was left to the separate
branches of the family each to work out its verbal sys-
tem in its new home, and in its own way, adding new
THE INFLECTIONAL FAMILIES OF SPEECH. 157
forms, forgetting others, now amalgamating and now
dissociating. In classical Sanskrit, owing, in large mea-
sure, to the excessive growth of composition, several of
the tenses of the Vedic verb were lost, such as modal
forms of the simple aorist, while new tenses came into
use. Among these may be noted a future formed by
adding the present of the auxiliary as to a derivative
noun of agency in tar (bkavitdsmi), and a periphrastic
perfect like bJuivaydm ckakdra, " he caused to be " (lite-
rally, "he made a causing-to-be "). In Greek we meet
with many additions to the primitive system of the verb.
A pluperfect was formed from the perfect, after the ex-
ample of the imperfect from the present, by the help of
the auxiliary as ; but the Homeric «rwg&(<r)a passed by
false analogy into mrtmifan, and was finally replaced by a
periphrasis. A new perfect in -*a made its appearance,
as well as a few aorists created by the aid of the same
suffix; while in other cases the tendency to aspiration
which made the Athenians speak of IWoj (aswas, equus)
or ifSwf (iidas, udus) affected the second consonant of the
root so that the old reruna, became Tsrutpa.1 Like the weak
passive future and optative future, this aspirated perfect
is not to be found in Homer. In Homer, too, we find
only one instance (II. x. 365) of the strong future pas-
1 The perfects in K are peculiarly Attic. There are twenty
instances in Homer, but only from stems which end in a vowel.
This is also the rule with the instances found in Herodotus (except-
ing /cfKo/u/cwe, ix. 115), ^schylus, Sophokles, and Thukydides. The
perfects in K are further met with in ^Eolic and Doric. No as-
pirated perfect occurs in Homer, except in the middle voice (e.g.
cft^xa7"ai)j nor in Herodotus (except eTrtTro/i^ff, i. 85), nor in the
Tragedians (except TirpoQa in Sophokles), nor in Thukydides (except
158 THE SCIENCE OF LANGUAGE.
sive, and only two of the late Attic desiderative (II. xii.
265, xiv. 37). The paulo-post future, the two passive
futures, and the two passive aorists are all again products
of Greek soil, the latter being formed by the aid of the
suffixes ya and dha (Ss), which may very possibly be the
verbal roots we have in i-re and r/-^-^. The primitive
Aryan verb possessed no passive voice ; in fact, the pas-
sive, like the neuter verb, is a comparatively late creation.
To the early intelligence every action seems to require an
object, and to turn an object into a subject needs con-
siderable powers of abstraction. Hence the parent-speech
knew only of the transitive or active voice ; tilt par asmai-
fada, or " words for another," as the Sanskrit gram-
marians called it, and the middle or deponent voice, the
Atmanepada, or "words for self." "I am loved" means
the same as " one loves me," " I am fed " as " I feed my-
self " (vescor) ; and we can, therefore, easily understand
not only that it was long before language needed a pas-
sive, but also that when the need was at length felt, it
was readily supplied by the middle forms. In Greek,
.accordingly, no distinction is made between middle and
passive, except in the two aorist tenses, and in Latin
" deponents " have the same forms as passive verbs,
while the second person plural, amamini (estis), is but
the middle participle, which we elsewhere find in anc-
tumnus, vertumnus, or 9vpy«fxsvof. It is very possible that
the terminations of the old middle voice may be ex-
'
plained by the amalgamation of two personal pronouns.
In Sanskrit the primary person-endings of the singular
are -i, -se, -te, in Greek -i*ai, -crai, -rat, while the secondary
endings are -i, -t/ids, -tay Greek -pw, -o-o, -TO ; and we may,
THE INFLECTIONAL FAMILIES OF SPEECH. 159
perhaps, resolve these into ma + mi, " me-me," twa + twi
" thee-thee," and ta + ti, " he-he ;" certainly the secondary
termination of the first person in Greek gives consider-
able probability to this analysis. In Letto-Slavonic the
middle is formed by the reflective pronoun of the third
person, as Old Slavonic divlja se, divise se, " I admire my-
self," " thou admirest thyself," or Lithuanian dyvyju-s, " I
admire myself," just as in German dialects we meet with
wir bedanken sicJi, instead of uns, or in the dialect of
Mentone the reflective se takes the place of no (nous),
when the first person plural is both subject and object
(e.g. nautre se flatema, " nous nous flattens").1 In Old
Prussian mien and tien have taken the place of the third
personal pronoun in the first and second persons, through
German influence. In the Old Norse reflectives and
middle voice -mk for mik, " me," and -sk for sik, " self,"
mark the first and third persons ; "I come," for instance,
being (ek) komu-mk, " they love one another," thau elska-
sk. The third person pronoun, however, forced its way
in time into the first and second persons also, berju-mk,
for example, becoming ber-sk, while on other occasions it
coalesced with the pronoun of the first person, producing
the abnormal komumsk? Bua in Icelandic signified " to
build," " make ready," bua-sk, " to make oneself ready ;"
and from this comes the Old English busk, just as bask is
1 See Brugman : " Ein problem der homerischen Textcritik "
(1876), p. 38.
2 Wimmer-Sievers: "Altnordische Grammatik" (1871), pp. 135, sg.
In a Sleswig Easter-play of the fourteenth century we find wir
woln sich wern (Kehrein, iii. § 101), and many instances of the
same use of the third person reflective pronoun for the first or
second person in Grimmelshausen's " Simplicissimus " (ed. Keller).
160 THE SCIENCE OF LANGUAGE.
either "to bathe oneself" or "to bake oneself." Naturally
enough, the different Aryan languages did not always
agree as to the idea to which they assigned a reflective
or middle sense ; the idea of " taking," for instance, im-
plies the further object "self," for whose sake a thing is
taken ; and in Sanskrit, accordingly, labh is only conju-
gated in the middle voice, though active in sense. The
corresponding Greek taquj&xiw, however, is as frequent in
the active as in the middle.
We have already alluded to the revolution undergone
by the Latin verb. The old reduplicated perfect was
almost extirpated by the new formatives in -si (from as)
and -vit -id (from bhii) ; new pluperfects and futures were
created by attaching eram (esam), essem, and ero to the
perfect ; a new optative was made by the help of sem
(stem}, and a new imperfect and future in -bam and -bo
were derived from the auxiliary fuam, fuo. Scherer,
indeed, has suggested that the auxiliary verb in the two
latter instances was dha, " placing," on the ground that
this was the source of the new Teutonic perfect (lag-i-day
lai-d] ; but the suggestion is untenable, not so much be-
cause the root dha appears as do in condo, abdo, as because
we find an Old Irish future in b (^carn-b—ama-bo\ and
though a Latin b may come from dh, a Keltic b cannot.
We have here an illustration of the importance of extend-
ing our field of observation as widely as possible before
laying down philological dogmas, or propounding philo-
logical theories. One of the most frequent fallacies
committed in linguistic science is that of insufficient
induction, a few leading languages, such as Sanskrit or
Greek, being assumed as standards by which all conclu-
THE INFLECTIONAL FAMILIES OF SPEECH. 161
sions must be tested and arrived at. A study of Keltic
grammar has enabled us to correct another error in
regard to the Latin verb, which has been long and widely
believed, and is at first sight extremely plausible. It
will be noticed that almost the whole of the middle or
passive voice in Latin has undergone a transformation,
which makes it exceedingly unlike the middle voice of
the undivided speech. The characteristic of the Latin
passive is the letter r, which Bopp thought might be ex-
plained from the reflective pronoun se, s between two
vowels changing into r in Latin. In this case amor would
stand for amo-se, amari or amarier for amasi-se, and the
formation would be in strict harmony with that of Old
Norse or Letto-Slavic. But unfortunately it turns out
that the characteristic of the Old Irish passive was also r,
and a Keltic r cannot be derived from an earlier s. At
present, therefore, we must remain without an explana-
tion of the Latin and Keltic passive, content only to
discover how close a connection exists between the
grammatical forms of the two groups of tongues.1 The
terminations of the Latin perfect present another pro-
blem which still awaits a satisfactory solution. Prof.
Harkness2 has ingeniously suggested that we should
compare it with the Sanskrit dsa for asasma. In this
case the Old Latin esi, " I was," would stand for eslmi,
and that for esismi, esit and esimus would be similarly
for esist (esisti), and esismtis, while esisti, esistis, and
esisunt (compare dederunt, dedisoni) would need no ex-
1 But see above, p. 113, note 2.
2 " Transactions of the American Philological Association "
<I875).
II. M
162 THE SCIENCE OF LANGUAGE.
planation. But the first link in the chain of reasoning is
not a strong one.
This sketch of Aryan grammar must have made it
clear that the principle of flection is not carried out
purely and persistently in our family of speech. Flec-
tion primarily consists in internal vowel-change, or some
corresponding mode of symbolizing the relation that
words bear to one another in a sentence. In the Aryan
family this symbolization seems to have been effected as
often by vowels or syllables following the "root" as by
a change in the vowels within the root itself. If we ask
why the suffix ya should have been chosen to mark the
feminine gender, we can only reply that this was the
grammatical conception of which it was made the sym-
bol. M. Hovelacque believes that the suffix ta denotes
the passive, the suffix ti the active, and that the latter
suffix has produced a large number of active nouns as
opposed to the passive and older forms in ta. In this
case the difference of meaning will be indicated by the
final vowel. We have more than once had occasion to
notice the variation of signification assigned by the Greek
language to the variation of vowel in the nominative
oWj and accusative oVaj, where Sanskrit would have in-
differently vacJtas and Latin voces, though the preserva-
tion of the alpha in the accusative was originally due
to the presence of a nasal (oVavj), as well as the way in
which the language seized upon the difference of vowel
that had grown up between oW? and ETTO?, making the
first a plural and the second an abstract singular. But
it is in the verb that the principle of symbolism comes
1 " La Linguistique," p. 200.
THE INFLECTIONAL FAMILIES OF SPEECH. 163
most into play. A slight change of vowel in the redu-
plicated syllable distinguishes the present tii&yu from the
perfect d&uxa, and the conjunctive was denoted from time
immemorial by an inserted a. No doubt these variations
of pronunciation were at the outset purely phonetic, and
frequently caused by the accent ; but as new grammatical
ideas and relationships came to be conceived, they were
turned into flections by being used as marks and sym-
bols of the newly realized relations of the sentence
Examples of the process may be found in the distinction
of gender that gradually grew up between major and
majus or in the Greek employment of verbs in -6u as
transitives and verbs in -su as intransitives, though both
terminations alike answer to the Sanskrit -aydmi.
The pattern set by vowels or consonants within a
word was soon followed by the hitherto meaningless
terminations, or suffixes, as we term them, found at the
end of words. These, too, came to be used as flections,
though it not unfrequently happens that the " flection-
suffix" betrays its origin by its identity with a mere
classificatory suffix, or a suffix in which we can trace no
signification or symbolization at all. Thus the same
syllable which in nod-Eg denotes the nominative plural is
in Trodwv, that is, grodw-wp, at most but classificatory. We
must rid ourselves of the notion that "suffixes" were
ever independent words like our " if" or " in ;" so far back
as our knowledge of Aryan speech extends, they pos-
sessed no existence apart from the words to which they
belonged, and which, again, only existed as words in so
far as they possessed these suffixes. Suffixes became
flections through the help of analogy.
1 64 THE SCIENCE OF LANGUAGE.
In course of time, but still long before the separation
of the family, Aryan speech entered upon its agglutina-
tive stage. A number of definitely fixed flections were
in existence, and the isolated word had been clearly dis-
tinguished from the sentence of which it was a member.
The need of a verb began, accordingly, to be felt, while
old words from constant use had become attenuated both
in form and meaning, and tended to attach themselves,
like enclitics, to other better preserved words. These
attenuated enclitics, or " empty words," to adopt the ex-
pressive Chinese name, soon came to be undistinguish-
able from other suffixes whose ancestry had been entirely
different, and along with the latter were liable to be
turned into flections. Such flections, however, were by
nature imperfect ; their agglutinative origin never alto-
gether passed out of the consciousness of language, and
a certain dualism was admitted into Aryan speech.
When the synthetic period of its life was over, there was
everything to favour the introduction of that analytic
spirit so congenial to the Aryan genius.
It is not to the Aryan languages, then, that we have
to look for the principle of flection in its purest form.
This must rather be sought in the Semitic idioms.
Here the fundamental distinctions of grammar are
wholly expressed by symbols. The verb is a late growth ;
indeed, the Semitic languages cannot be said ever to
have acquired a verb properly so-called, the tenses con-
tinuing to denote not time but mere relation. It is onl
under exceptional circumstances, and through the in
fluence of another language, that such Semitic idioms a
Assyrian or Ethiopic came to possess real tenses. Th
THE INFLECTIONAL FAMILIES OF SPEECH. 165
Semitic verb remained a noun, and whatever tenses and
moods it has were of late origin. The first tense was the
imperfect (or future) formed by the attachment of the first
and second personal pronouns to an abstract noun, the
singular of which was used without any suffix for the
third person singular, and the plural for the third person
plural. The perfect grew up similarly by the agglutina-
tion of the first and second personal pronouns to par-
ticiples and other nouns at a period only just preced-
ing the separation of the Semitic languages, and Assy-
rian, which was crystallized into a literary language as
early as B.C. 2000, allows us to trace its genesis and his-
tory. Even in the case of these two tenses, however,
the principle of symbolization had full play. The pro-
noun was prefixed in the imperfect, affixed in the per-
fect, and so in accordance with the Semitic law which
places the defined word before the defining, the perfect
brings the verbal stem into prominence and expresses a
fact, while the imperfect lays chief stress on the pronoun
and expresses the activity underlying a fact. In dealing
with Semitic flection, therefore, we must direct our atten-
tion to the noun out of which the verb, such as it is, has
grown. Now the primitive Semitic noun possessed three
cases, nominative, genitive, and accusative, characterized
by the symbolical terminations 2im (un, u), im (ifi, i\ and
am (an, a). The genitive termination seems a weakened
form of the accusative, the latter expressing the object
towards which thought is directed. There were three
numbers, singular, dual, and plural, the dual being older
than the plural (which originally ended in -dmum, ilmum)
and symbolically represented by a lengthened vowel
166 THE SCIENCE OF LANGUAGE.
(-a'amum). The feminine gender was distinguished from
the masculine by the symbol t, which (along with tan}
played a large part in the classification of nouns. But
most of the leading distinctions of sense were marked by
internal vowel-change ; thus kadJiala is "he killed," ku-
dhila, "he was killed," kadhl, "murderer," kidhl, "enemy,"
kudhl, "a killing," kodhcl, "killing;" while the govern-
ment of one noun by another was indicated by the two
being pronounced in one breath, which led to a shortened
pronunciation of the first and the eventual loss of the
case-endings. A time came, however, when the Semitic
languages entered upon their analytic stage ; the old
genitive relation was replaced by the insertion of the
relative pronoun (itself originally demonstrative) between
two nouns, and substantives that had stiffened into prepo-
sitions narrowed the use of the ancient cases. To the last,
nevertheless, the Semitic tongues have remained faithful
to their characteristic feature of triliteralism ; that is,
every root consists of three consonants or semi-consonants,
which form the skeleton, as it were, to which the vowels
give life and significancy. Phonetic decay has, of course,
attacked these roots and reduced many of them to single
or double consonants, while others have been enlarged
by additional letters ; but in the main every Semitic
language is still characterized by its triliteral radicals.
Many of them differ but slightly in both sound and
meaning, and we must regard them as so many phonetic
types that floated unconsciously before the mind of the
primitive Semite, whose sole requirement was that they
should be capable of being uttered in three syllables
Why three syllables should have seemed the precis
THE INFLECTIONAL FAMILIES OF SPEECH. 167
phonetic equivalent of a thought we cannot tell ; we
must be content with the fact that it was so. Naturally
the extent to which flection was carried in Semitic
speech restricted the employment of composition, and
compounds, accordingly, have always been rare in the
Semitic languages. Where an Aryan would use a word
like ire, " to go," with a preposition ex to signify " to
go out," the Semite coined a new root. The memory
was developed at the expense of the reasoning and
analytic faculties.
The Semitic family may be divided into northern and
southern. To the northern division belong the sister-
dialects of Assyria and Babylonia, the sister-dialects
known as Hebrew and Phoenician, and the Aramaic of
Syria. Aramaic, however, differs very widely both in
phonology and in grammar from the other members of
the northern division, and must have branched off from
them at an early period. It comprises Biblical Chaldee,
the dialect of the Targums, the Syriac of Christian
writers, and the Nabathean and Mendaite or Sabean
(Zabian). To the southern group belong Arabic, that is,
the vernacular of northern and central Arabia, and the
idioms of southern Arabia and Abyssinia. Under the
latter are included the extinct Himyaritic (Sabaean),
Minnean, and Ghe'ez or Ethiopic, and the modern
Ehkili, Tigre and Tigrina, Amharic, and Harrari. The
Semitic dialects form a compact group whose original
home was Arabia, and resemble the Romance languages,
except that their mother-language is unknown. The
•close similarity that consequently exists among them,
together with the loss of their parent-speech, has thrown
168 THE SCIENCE OF LANGUAGE.
great obstacles in the way of their comparative treat-
ment. The Semite has been a trader and intermediary
from the beginning ; though wanting in originality and
scientific analysis, he has always been ready to borrow
from others and improve his new possession. A large
part of his earliest culture and civilization came from
the Turanian Accadians of Babylonia, from whom he -
derived not only the germs of settled city life, but the
elements of mathematics, astronomy, religion and my-
thology, literature and writing. The cuneiform syllabary
of Assyria had been the invention of the primitive Chal-
deans, and the Canaanite tribes, when they migrated
from the Persian Gulf, do not seem to have been ac-
quainted with it. The so-called Phoenician alphabet, the
source of most of the alphabets of the world, was adopted
from Egypt, and was probably first used by the Phoe-
nician settlers in the Delta. De Rouge and others have
successfully traced it back to the hieratic alphabet of
the Egyptians of the Middle Empire. The Aramaean
traders of the Gulf of Antioch, who appear to have
preceded the Phoenicians proper of Tyre and Sidon,
may have employed the hieroglyphic syllabary of the
Hittites before the Phoenician alphabet became known
to them.
The language of Assyria and Babylonia has been re-
covered from the inscribed bricks and monuments of
Nineveh, Babylon, and other cities, only within the last
thirty years. The two countries spoke the same tongue
with but slight differences, and as this tongue had been
stereotyped for literary purposes at an early period, it
presents us, on the whole, with an archaic form of Semitic
THE INFLECTIONAL FAMILIES OF SPEECH. 169
speech. In fact, Assyrian may justly be described as
the Sanskrit of the Semitic idioms ; and its student has
the double advantage of dealing with contemporaneous
documents, and with a mode of writing in which the
vowels as well as the consonants are marked. Assyrian
literature, though consisting mostly of translations from
older Accadian works, is very extensive, and only a tithe
of it has as yet been examined. Every great city had
at least one library, and most of these are still lying
under the soil, awaiting the spade of the explorer. The
literature was partly on papyrus, partly on clay ; and
though the papyrus has perished, the clay tablets, the
laterculcz coctiles as Pliny calls them, with their minute
writing, have remained in a more or less perfect condi-
tion. It is with their help that we must reconstruct not
only the ancient language of Assyria and Babylonia, but
also the religion and history, the culture and the civili-
zation of oriental antiquity. Like one of the Himyaritic
dialects, Assyrian preserves the initial sibilant which has
become h in the other Semitic tongues (as in su\ " he,"
si\ "she," and a shaphel for the //^////conjugation), but
stands alone in changing s to / before a following
dental.
Hebrew is but a local dialect of the Canaanite group
to which belong Phoenician, Moabite, and other neigh-
bouring idioms, from which it differs no more than
Assyrian from Babylonian, or Somersetshire from Dorset-
shire English. The fragments of its ancient literature
preserved in the Old Testament are the only sources of
our knowledge of it, and the language of most of these
has been reduced to the same uniform level shortly after
i;o THE SCIENCE OF LANGUAGE.
the Babylonish captivity. Hebrew was gradually sup-
planted by Aramaic as a spoken language, and though it
continued to be used as a literary dialect was more and
more coloured by the encroaching idiom of Syria. After
the Maccabean epoch Hebrew became extinct even as a
literary dialect, though it was still employed for theo-
logical and kindred purposes much as Latin was in the
Middle Ages. Modern Hebrew may be divided into two
periods, the first extending to the twelfth century, with
the Mishna as its principal monument, and the second
taking its start with the revival of Jewish literature in the
south of France. Aramaic, Greek, and Latin words
characterize the Hebrew of the first period, the words
and phrases of the modern European languages, the
Hebrew of the second. The square characters of modern
Hebrew are descended from the Aramaic branch of the
Phoenician alphabet, and supplanted in the first century
before our era the old Phoenician letters, such as we see
them on the Moabite Stone. The old letters are still re-
tained in a modified form by the Samaritans, whose
dialect, though mixed with Aramaisms, belongs to the
Canaanite group. The vowel punctuation of the Old
Testament was the invention of the Massoretes of the
sixth century A.D., the text up to that time containing
consonants only. It embodies the traditional pronuncia-
tion employed in Palestine when intoning the Scriptures,
and can bear, therefore, but a remote resemblance to the
original pronunciation of the language while it was still
living. The number and nature of the vowel-sounds
must have been much increased and changed, and the
accentuation is due to the necessities of monotone.
THE INFLECTIONAL FAMILIES OF SPEECH. 171
Phoenician, like Assyrian, is known only from coins and
inscriptions, a passage in the " Pcenulus " of Plautus being
the sole exception. The " Periplus of Hanno " and the
" History of Sanchuniathon " have come down to us only
in fragmentary Greek translations. Of the inscriptions,
that on the sarcophagus of King Eshmunazar of Sidon
(sixth century B.C.) is perhaps the most important. The
Punic of the Tyrian colony, Carthage, however, has left
us a good many monuments, and though the older Punic
is identical with the Phoenician of Palestine, the Neo-
Punic, whose chief remains have been found in Tunis and
eastern Algeria inscribed in an alphabet of its own, differs
from it considerably.
Distinct from Assyrian and Hebrew in phonology,
grammar, and vocabulary, though belonging also to the
northern division of Semitic, is Aramaic, now represented
by a few Neo-Syriac dialects in the neighbourhood of
Lake Urumiyah. Aramaic was the dialect of the Semitic
highlands, and was once widely diffused over Syria and
Mesopotamia. The mercantile position of Carchemish
(now Jerablus) on the Euphrates caused it to become the
lingua franca of trade and diplomacy from the eighth
century B.C. downwards, and in the course of time it
succeeded in extirpating Assyro-Babylonian, Phoenician,
and Hebrew, just as it was itself afterwards extirpated
by Arabic. Syriac, or Christian Aramaic, has no monu-
ments older than the first century of our era, to which
some of the Palmyrene inscriptions go back, but the
Peshito or Syriac translation of the Bible (made about
the beginning of the third century) laid the foundation
of an extensive and important literature, mostly, how-
172 THE SCIENCE OF LANGUAGE.
ever, of an ecclesiastical character. The Syriac writers
were the first, it would seem, to elaborate a system of vowel
notation and stops, and they served to introduce Greek
science to the Arabs. In fact, most of the early Arabic
translations from Greek were made by Syriac writers and
based on Syriac versions. A considerable literature also
appears to have flourished among the Mendaites of the
fourth and fifth century, partly in the Nabathean, partly
in the Sabean dialects. All we know of Nabathean
literature, however, is derived from the Arabic translations
of Ibn Wahshiya (A.D. 904), the most notable work being
Kuthami's " Nabathean Agriculture," and the medical
fantasies of Tenkelusha or Teukros. The "Book of
Adam " is the chief product of the Sabean dialect. The
Mendaite idioms are remarkable for the extent to which
the confusion and decay of the gutturals have proceeded
as well as the numerous contractions undergone bywords.
The Aramaic group is distinguished by its tendency to
change the sibilants into dentals, by the so-called " em-
phatic aleph," which is really a post-fixed article, and by
its formation of passive conjugations with the help of the
prefix eth.
The Arabic of Central Arabia, more especially of
Mohammed's tribe, the Koreish of Mecca, may be classi-
fied under two periods, though to this day the Bedouins
of the interior still speak a language which is not only
as pure and unaltered as that of the Koran, but even in
some respects more archaic than the Assyrian of Nineveh.
The first period is that of the pre-Islamitic poems, of the
Moallakat, the Hamasa, the Kitab el Agani, the Divan of
the Hodheilites, and culminates in the Koran as revised by
THE INFLECTIONAL FAMILIES OF SPEECH. 173
the Khalif Othman (A.D. 644-656). In the modern period
the language has undergone phonetic decay to a certain
extent, the case-endings have been lost, and foreign words
introduced. The four Arabic dialects of Barbary, Arabia,
Syria, and Egypt vary but very slightly from one another,
the dialect of Barbary alone presenting some grammatical
differences. Arabic, or Ishmaelite, as it is better called,
has, like Assyrian, retained many of the features of primi-
tive Semitic grammar ; its phonology, however, in com-
mon with that of the other south Semitic dialects, departs
widely from that of the north Semitic group, and has
developed certain new sounds (d, tz, zh, hti). The original
termination of the case-endings in -m has become -n, the
demonstrative has passed into an article, as in Hebrew,
and the old plural has been almost entirely replaced by
collectives or " broken plurals," which characterize the
whole of the south Semitic branch. Of the nineteen
primitive conjugations or forms of the verb Arabic pre-
serves nine, and its vocabulary is singularly large and
abounds in delicate distinctions of meaning. Arabic
literature is enormous and very varied ; but we may
notice its contributions to science in the Middle Ages
and its lyrical poetry, for which it is still famous. The
" mixed " jargons of Maltese and Mosarabic may be de-
scribed as corrupt Arabic dialects ; the latter was spoken
in the south of Spain, and did not become quite ex-
tinct till the last century. The language of the Sinaitic
inscriptions, which are written in a Nabathean alphabet
of the third and fourth centuries, is also Ishmaelite,
though influenced by Aramaic.
The " Joktanite" dialects of southern Arabia and Abys-
174 THE SCIENCE OF LANGUAGE.
sinia present several peculiar features. The earliest we
know are the two dialects of Saba and Minna (Ma'n), con-
tained in the Himyaritic inscriptions, many of which are
earlier than the Christian era. They have preserved the
primitive mimmation (or case-ending in -m) of the Semitic
languages, as well as the three cases themselves, and
they have the peculiarity of forming a subjunctive from
the imperfect by affixing n to the third person singular,
and doubling it in the plural. The Minnean or Minsean
dialect agrees with the Assyrian in retaining the older
Shaphel conjugation instead of the Hiphil of Sabaean
and Hebrew, and the older forms of the third personal
pronoun (sa, stt, sumu), with s instead of //. The Ehkili
dialect of Mahrah is the modern representative of the
extinct Himyaritic. From the south of Arabia the
Joktanite Semites crossed over into Abyssinia under the
name of Ghe'ez or " Free Emigrants," carrying with them
their language and alphabet. The language became
known as the Ethiopic, and the alphabet was changed
into a syllabary, written like the Assyrian cuneiform from
left to right. Two inscriptions in Ethiopic of the fifth or
sixth century exist at Axum, and after the conversion
of the country to Christianity in the fourth century,
Ethiopic was much cultivated as a literary language,
and many theological works as well as the Bible were
translated into it. It is to these translations that we owe
the Book of Enoch, the Apocalypse of Isaiah, and the
Book of Jubilees in a complete form. Ethiopic is now a
dead language, only used for liturgical purposes, its place
having been taken by the Amharic in the south-west,
the Tigre in the north, and the Tigrina in the centre.
THE INFLECTIONAL FAMILIES OF SPEECH. 175
The latter dialects have borrowed a good number of
words from the surrounding African tongues.1
Attempts have been made from time to time to con-
nect these Semitic languages with the Aryan family,
and as a necessary commencement of such an undertaking
to reduce their tri literal roots to monosyllables. But all
such attempts have ended in failure. Roots like k-dh-l,
" to kill," obstinately refuse analysis, and the investigators
cannot agree as to whether the refractory letter is to be
sliced off at the end, at the beginning, or in the middle,
or even in any place that seems most convenient. But
words are changed rather by the action of phonetic decay
than by the addition of new letters, and the resemblances
that have been pointed out between Aryan and Semitic
roots are in almost all cases easily accounted for by the
imitation of natural sounds. The number of parallel
roots that exist in Semitic of similar sound and meaning,
such as katsats, krfsas, gazaz, gazah, gazam, gaza\ gazal,
gazar, khadad^gadad, kadad,gadah>guz, khatsats, khatsah,
katsa\ katsar, ccisakh, ca'sam, kkatsah, all containing the
idea of " cutting," can only be explained, not by a theory
%of addition and subtraction, but by looking on particular
sounds as so many phonetic types which presented them-
selves before the unconscious mind as symbols of. the
conceptions attached to them. In fact, the Semitic root
can have no possible existence outside the dictionary and
1 The recent decipherment of the inscriptions of Safa, east of
Damascus, by M. HaleVy, shows that a South-Arabian population
had been settled in this country from time immemorial, distinct
from the new settlers from the Hidjaz, whose presence is recorded
by the Grseco-Arabic inscription of Harran in Ledja (A.D. 568),
"Z. D, M. G."xxxii. i (1878).
176 THE SCIENCE OF LANGUAGE.
grammar. Before a combination of three consonants can
be pronounced vowels must be supplied, and the root
consequently changed into a word whose meaning varies
according to the vowels with which it is sounded. But
whether the Semitic root was originally "biliteral" or
not, the endeavour to derive the Semitic and Aryan
families from a common ancestor violates all the axioms
of linguistic science. The two families are each inflec-
tional, it is true, though in a varying degree ; but here
the likeness between them ends. In phonology, in
structure, in grammar, and in vocabulary no two groups
of speech can be more dissimilar. Grill contrasts the
"formal" consonantalism of the Semitic root with the
" materialistic " vocalism of the Aryan, but the reason of
this contrast lies deeper than he seems to suppose.
Vowels cannot form the skeleton, as it were, of Semitic
speech, since they constitute its flesh and blood, the
symbols of those relations of grammar which are denoted
in the Aryan languages by suffixes. Speaking generally,
we may say that the part played by suffixes in Aryan is
played by the vowels in Semitic. Hence it is that while
composition is the very life and essence of Aryan speech,
it is thoroughly repugnant to Semitic modes of thought.
With the Semite the universe is an undivided whole, not
a compound resolvable into its parts. If we turn to
phonology, here, too, we are met by the same contrast.
The Aryan velar gutturals (kw, qiit gw) are as foreign to
the Semitic tongues as the Semitic 'ain and dJteth are to
the Aryan. The power of augmenting its vowels by pre-
fixing a to ay i and u (guna and vriddhi) possessed by
the Aryan dialects is unknown to the Semitic. So,
THE INFLECTIONAL FAMILIES OF SPEECH. 177
again, in the grammar it is difficult to conceive of two
more opposed points of view than those embodied in
Aryan and Semitic. The Semite has never developed a
true verb ; such verbs as he has presuppose a noun just
as much as the Aryan noun, on the contrary, presupposes
the verb. Relation, not time, is expressed by the Semitic
sentence. As in Turkish, therefore, the third person
remains a pure noun, undistinguished by any pronominal
suffix, and like the noun admits of a distinction of gender.
It is needless to refer to other points of contrast, the
three cases of the Semitic noun, for instance, as opposed
to the numerous cases of the Aryan substantive, or the
insertion of a letter (/) with modifying force within the
body of a word ; it is enough to draw attention to the
fundamentally different conceptions upon which the
whole syntax of the two classes of speech is built. In
Aryan the predicate and governed word were originally
placed before the subject and governing word ; the con-
verse was the case in Semitic. The entire point of view
from which the grammar started was thus reversed in the
two families of language. It is true that with the lapse
of centuries the Aryan sentence became complex and
confused, and though Teutonic English still says " good
man," and " man's good," the Frenchman speaks of
rhomme b^nevole and la beneficence de rhomme ; it is true,
also, that Assyrian acquired the habit of making the ob-
ject precede the verb, possibly in consequence of Accadian
influence ; nevertheless if we look at the two families of
speech as wholes, we shall see that the syntax of each
has remained faithful to its primitive starting-point. It
is difficult, however, to compare the rich development of
II. N
7 HE SCIENCE OF LANGUAGE.
the Aryan sentence, with its numberless conjunctions an<
verbal forms, with the bald simplicity of Semitic expres-
sion. The Aryan sentence is as well fitted to be the in-
strument of the measured periods of reasoned rhetoric as
the Semitic sentence is of the broken utterances of lyrical
emotion.
The attempts, then, that have been made to derive
the Aryan and Semitic families from a common source
must be pronounced scientifically worthless. Mere mor-
phological agreement hardly raises even a presumption
in favour of genealogical relationship. It is quite other-
wise, however, with the endeavours to prove a connection
between the Old Egyptian of the monuments, along with
Coptic and Libyan, and the Semitic group. A relation-
ship of some kind certainly exists between them, since
the grammatical agreement is most striking, though the
disagreement in both structure and vocabulary is equally
striking. We have already had occasion to refer to this
puzzle of comparative philology, and to suggest that at a
certain period of growth a language may possibly borrow
from the grammar of another. However this may be,
the Old Egyptian which can be traced back upon con-
temporaneous monuments to an antiquity of about six
thousand years is an inflectional language, like the Coptic,
which has sprung from it, though the flection is simple
and imperfect. As in Semitic, the feminine is denoted
by an affixed t, which may also precede the noun, there
is a construct genitive, and the personal pronouns bear a
remarkable resemblance to the Semitic ones. A dual (in
-ui) exists as well as a plural (in -«), but no signs of
case-endings have been detected. The verbal forms are
THE INFLECTIONAL FAMILIES OF SPEECH. 179
simple enough ; much use is made of auxiliary verbs,
and the persons are expressed by suffixing the personal
pronouns. Indeed, the pronoun suffixes have the same
form whether they are attached to a noun used as such
or as a verb, pcr-a, for instance, being " my house," meh-a,
" I fill." There are several conjugations, four formed by
partial or complete reduplication (as kebkeb, kekeb, kebeb,
and kebek from keb\ one by the insertion of t within the
root (keteb), as in Semitic, one by the insertion of n and
sometimes r (kcneb\ one, again, by prefixing a (akeb), and
another by prefixing se (sekeb). It is remarkable that
the last conjugation is causative like the Semitic shaphel.
A passive may be formed by the postfix tu, ta, or /. The
subject is occasionally placed before the verb, but the
usual order is verb, subject, direct object, indirect object,
and adverb. Egyptian literature was at once ancient
and extensive, though fragments only have escaped
destruction. Perhaps its most important document was
the " Ritual of the Dead," a chapter of which is quoted
on the coffin of Men-ke-ra or Mykerinus of the fourth
dynasty (B.C. 4100), though additions and glosses con-
tinued to be made to it up to the Ptolemaic period.
During the long course of centuries along which we can
trace its history, the Egyptian language necessarily
underwent considerable change, tss for instance, becoming
first d and then t, until it finally passed into Coptic. The
Coptic is divided into three dialects, the Bashmuric in
the north ; theTheban in the south ; and the Memphitic,
which had the aspirated kky Ih, and ///. Coptic is a pre-
fix language, the affixes of the Old Egyptian having
been exchanged for prefixes, as in the neighbouring
THE SCIENCE OF LANGUAGE.
African idioms. In the verb, however, the suffixes may
be affixed as well as prefixed. Coptic literature is
Christian, and flourished from the second to the seventh
centuries. It is written in a modification of the Greek
alphabet, the old mode of writing, whether pictorial,
hieratic, or demotic, having been thought to savour of
heathenism.
Connected with Old Egyptian is the Libyan or Berber
group of tongues, extending from Marocco to the south
of Tripoli, and split up into several dialects, among which
the Kabyle, the Towareg, and the Ta-mashek may be
mentioned. More than 200 inscriptions, some of them
bilingual, have been found, which present us with an old
form of Berber speech.1 As in Egyptian and Semitic t
is the sign of the feminine : it may be prefixed or affixed
or even prefixed and affixed at the same time. The
personal pronouns are affixed, though they may also be
prefixed in the case of verbs, and there are different
forms for the dative and accusative. Two real tenses
have been developed, one aoristic, as isker, " he made,"
the other present, as isdker, " he makes." The two forms
correspond most remarkably with the Assyrian iscun,
" he made," isacin, " he makes," 'and seem to bear out the
view that the Assyrian distinction of tense was imported
from abroad. The causative conjugation is formed by
the prefix is-, the passive and frequentative by the prefix
it-. The language of the Guanches or aboriginal inhabi-
tants of the Canary Isles belonged to the Berber family.
1 See Faidherbe's " Collection complete des Inscriptions numi-
diques," in the " Mdmoires de la Socie'te' des Sciences etc. de
Lille," 3rd ser. viii. p. 361 (1870).
THE INFLECTIONAL FAMILIES OF SPEECH. 181
To the south and west of Abyssinia lie a number of
dialects — Somali, Galla, Saho, Denkali, and Agau,1 which
are classed together as Ethiopian or Khamitic, and show
striking marks of agreement with the Coptic and Berber.
Thus t, whether prefixed or affixed, is a sign of the femi-
fine, s ores the characteristic of the causative conjugation,
while there are two " tenses," with much the same mean-
ing as those of the Semitic verb, and similarly distin-
guished by prefixing and affixing the personal pronouns.
These Ethiopian dialects lead on to the Haussa of the
Soudan between the Niger and Lake Chad, which, though
spoken by a purely negro population, resembles the
Libyan family in many of its grammatical and lexical
details. Thus the plural may be denoted by the termi-
nation -una, -anu, -due, shortened to -fi, like the Egyptian
-u and the Semitic -dnu, -unu, the feminine by the
termination -nia or -ia, abstracts by the suffix -ta, and
local and instrumental nouns by the prefix ma. A cau-
sative is formed by the suffix -skie, a passive by the
vowels -u and -0, while the personal pronouns bear a re-
markable resemblance both to the Egyptian and to the
Semitic.2 The pronominal suffixes are also used in the
same way as in the Egyptian and Semitic -languages.
Barth believes that the Haussa represent the Atarantes
of Herodotus (iv. 184), whose name he would explain as
a-tara, " the collected." At any rate, it seems clear that
the Haussa once occupied a position much further to the
1 The Beja dialect, spoken by the Haderidoas and some of the
Beni-Amer, north of Abyssinia, also belongs to the same group.
2 Ara, nl, " I," mil, " we," ka, kai (masc.), ke, kl (fern.), " thou,"
ku, " you," ska, shi,ya, " he," ta, " she," sft, "they."
THE SCIENCE OF LANGUAGE.
north-east than that in which they are at present found,
and it is possible that while thus bordering on the Libyan
tribes they .may have borrowed those portions of their
grammatical machinery which have so Semitic an ap-
pearance.
But whatever may be the opinion formed on this head,
if we turn our eyes to the extreme south of Africa, 'we
shall find a family of dialects which Bleek has claimed
for the inflectional class of tongues. These dialects are
the three Hottentot idioms, known as the Nama or
Namaqua on the west, the Khora or Khorana on the
east, and the almost extinct Cape Hottentot in the south.
Hottentot possesses twenty simple vowels, and about
twelve diphthongs ; its consonants, however, are deficient,
and consist largely of gutturals. These are eked out by
four clicks, dental, palatal, cerebral, and lateral, relics, it
may be, of those animal cries out of which language arose.
There are also three tones by which homonyms are dis-
tinguished, as in Chinese ; the accent usually falls on
the stem-syllable. Suffixes play a large part in the
formation of words, roots being thus marked off from
stems as in the Aryan languages, and the verbal stem is
generally kept distinct from the nominal stem, though
the distinction is not carried far, since the verb may drop
its person-ending when the subject is a substantive. The
noun has three genders — masculine, feminine, and neuter ;
three numbers — singular, dual, and plural ; and two cases
— nominative and accusative : all marked by different pro-
nominal affixes, which also denote the persons. Thus
for the second person singular the suffixes are in the
nominative -ts(i) masculine, -s feminine, and -ts neuter,
THE INFLECTIONAL FAMILIES OF SPEECH. 183
in the accusative -tsa, -sa, and -tsa, but different suffixes
would have to be used for the first or third persons.
These suffixes may be attached one to another just as in
our own family of speech, and they differ from those of
the agglutinative languages in frequently being merely
classificatory or even meaningless. At the same time it
must be allowed that the flectional instinct cannot be
strong, since there is no concord between the adjective
and the substantive. As in so many other tongues, the
dative and accusative are not distinguished from one
another, but the genitive may be denoted by the demon-
strative di. Present, aorist, future, and perfect tenses
are formed by the help of suffixes, as are also passives,
causals, reciprocals, and similar conjugations, and a large
number of postpositions are in use. We see from this
short sketch of Hottentot grammar that it resembles our
own Aryan grammar in two important respects, the power
of composition and the conception of three genders.
Perhaps Bleek is right in thinking that the fondness of
the Hottentots, or Khoi'khoin, as they call themselves,
for sidereal worship and beast fables is largely due to the
character of their speech, in which everything must be
personified by receiving the suffixes of gender. On the
other hand, the natural home of the beast fable seems to
have been among the Bushmen, from whom the Hotten-
tots and other African peoples derived it. The beast fable
we must remember flourished among the ancient Egyp-
tians,1 and there are many indications to show that the
1 See Mahaffy : " Prolegomena to Ancient History" (1871), pp.
389-92, who thinks that the beast-fable made its first appearance in
Egypt, having been derived from "the primitive Africans, who may
1 84
THE SCIENCE OF LANGUAGE.
Hottentots have moved from the north, where they may
once have been in near contact with the inhabitants of
the Nile.
One more inflectional group of tongues remains to be
noticed, the Alarodian of the Caucasus, of which Georgian
is the chief living representative. Unlike Hottentot or
Haussa, the inflectional character of Georgian is beyond
dispute : indeed, morphologically, it is difficult to distin-
guish it from Aryan, although, genealogically, the two
families of speech have nothing in common. It is pro-
bable that the cuneiform inscriptions of Van and its
neighbourhood will turn out to be written in an extinct
form of Alarodian speech, as spoken in Armenia before
the arrival of the Aryan immigrants. Georgian boasts of
no less than eight cases, including an instrumental and a
demonstrative, and the personal pronouns have further a
copulative case. A locative is formed by the post-position
cki. The sign of the plural, bi or nit is inserted between
the stem and the case-endings, tJiavi-sa, the genitive of
thavi, " head," for instance, being thave-bi-sa in the geni-
tive plural. The ordinal numbers are formed from the
cardinals by the help of the prefix me, like substantives
which denote an office or profession. With the exception
of words formed by the preposition sa, " for," however,
most of the Georgian derivatives are created by the help
of suffixes, -eli, -ulit and -uri denoting gentilic nouns, -oba
or -eba abstracts, -iani adjectives, and -k'i diminutives.
have felt that the wisdom of the lower animals was equal to their
own, and who had not acquired exalted notions of the inherent
superiority of the human race." He notices that the first essays in
composition made by the Vei Negroes after the invention of writing
among them were fables.
THE INFLECTIONAL FAMILIES OF SPEECH. 185
The verbal conjugation is extremely complicated ; there
are several different forms, and a large number of tenses.
Many of these incorporate the objective pronouns, and
are able to lengthen themselves by the addition of what
are now, at all events, unmeaning suffixes. The native
grammarians are not far wrong in considering their lan-
guage as sui generis? Georgian literature is in large part
ecclesiastical, but it comprises also several chronicles,
romances, and poems, such as the " Story of Tariel," in
8,000 lines, besides a dictionary compiled by Prince Sul-
khan Orbelian in the seventeenth century.
We have no reason for thinking that the inflectional
groups of speech which are still spoken are the only
specimens of this class of languages that have existed in
the world. On the contrary, it is probable that there
have been others which have disappeared, leaving no
traces of themselves behind. The language of the Lykian
inscriptions is as inflectional as Greek, but all attempts
to connect it with the Aryan family have hitherto failed,
and it is safest to look upon it as a waif and stray of an
otherwise extinct family of speech. A fortunate accident
has preserved for us a few old monuments in which we
can study it ; a still more fortunate accident has made
some of these monuments bilingual. If Lykian continues
resolutely to resist being forced into the Indo-European
group, it will have to be classed with the mysterious Etrus-
can, as a relic of a lost system of speech whose kindred
have all perished without memorial. Etruscan itself, in
spite of its agglutinative character, wears so frequently
an inflectional appearance that scholars of repute have
1 De Brosset : " Elements de la Langue gdorgienne" (1837), p. v.
1 86
THE SCIENCE OF LANGUAGE.
tried to compare it now with Semitic and now with
Aryan. In this respect it resembles the Finnic idioms,
where agglutination has so disguised itself under the
mask of inflection as to tempt a scholar like Weske to
suggest their inclusion within the Indo-European family.
In fact, any distinction that can be drawn between the
Finnic and the Aryan verb is a purely artificial one ; the
forms in both have originated in agglutination, and be-
come what they are through the influence of phonetic
decay. So far as form is concerned, there is little diffe-
rence between the Ostiak madddin, maddn, madd; madau,
maddr, maddda, and the Sanskrit bhavdmi, bhavasi, bha-
vati ; abhavam, abhavas, abJiavat. In the declension, too,
the postpositions have in many instances ceased to be in-
dependent or even semi-independent words ; indeed, the
marks of certain of the cases (the genitive -n(a], the
abessive -ta, the adessive -/, &c.) are throughout the
Turanian or Ural-Altaic world mere symbols, whose
origin has been long forgotten. But for all that the
Finnic idioms remain agglutinative, the Aryan languages
inflectional. The Aryan languages started with flection,
and made their agglutinated compounds conform to the
prevailing analogy ; the Finnic idioms owe the appear-
ance of flection which they possess to the wear and tear
of time. In the one case analogy, in the other case pho-
netic decay has worked the change. The two groups of
tongues have met, as it were, in the same spot, after
starting from opposite quarters ; and the fact need not
surprise us any more than the common resemblance in
many points presented by English and Chinese. After
all, languages, however unallied, have all originated under
THE INFLECTIONAL FAMILIES OF SPEECH. 187
similar circumstances from men of similar mould ; they
are but varying species of one and the same genus.
Hence that gradual passage from one form of speech to
another, described in a former chapter, and that sporadic
participation of one form of speech in the characteristics
of another. We may discover the principle of flection in
the agglutinative Dravidian of western India, where the
Tulu dialect forms the frequentative mdlpeve, and the
causative mdlp&vJfrom the active malpuve, " I do," or in
the Ba-ntu of southern Africa, where the final vowel of
the noun has a passive meaning if it is -<?, an active or
causative one if -z, a neutral one if -a,1 while in Mpongwe
mi kdmba is " I speak," mi kamba, " I do not speak." In
the Finnic languages we can actually trace a change of
signification in a root accompanying a change of vowel,
and so be reminded of our own distinction between in-
cense and incense, torment and torment. Thus karyan is "to
ring " and " to lighten ;" kar-yun and kir-yun, "to cry," but
kir-oiij "to curse;" kah-isen, koh-isen, kuh-isen, "to hit" or
" stamp ;" kah-isen, koh-isen, " to roar ;" keh-isen, kih-isen,
" to boil." : What is this but the Semitic mode of indi-
cating a change of signification by a change of vowel ?
The difference between the two is that the one utilizes
the variation of vowel for lexical, the other for gram-
matical, purposes ; it is the only difference, but, for deter-
mining the morphological position of a language, it is a
most important one.
1 Bleek : " Comparative Grammar of the South African Lan-
guages/'p. 138.
2 Donner in the " Z. D. M. G.," xxvii. 4 (1873).
CHAPTER VIII.
THE AGGLUTINATIVE, INCORPORATING, POLYSYNTHE-
TIC, AND ISOLATING LANGUAGES.
" L'idde de 1'infe'riorite' des nations touraniennes, de leur inapti-
tude a Tart et a la civilisation, est un vieux prej'ug^ qui a fait son
temps, et qui ne doit gueres son origine qu'aux affirmations vani-
teuses, et surtout intdressees des nations germaniques." - - FR.
LENORMANT.
PUTTING aside the polysynthetic dialects of America, the
majority of the languages of the world belong to the ag-
glutinative class. But just as the inflectional families of
speech differ one from another, so also do the agglutina-
tive ; indeed, there is a greater difference between the
rude and unformed Bushman and the polished Finnic,
with its semblance of flection, or the Dravidian of Western
India, with its power of modifying the sense by internal
vowel-change, than there is between any two groups of
inflectional speech. Agglutination, too, may be of more
than one kind. The agglutinated adjuncts may be either
prefixed, as in Kafir, or affixed, as in Ural-Altaic ; or,
again, they may be almost wholly dispensed with, as in
Malayo-Polynesian. The root may be modified in sound
during the process of agglutination, or may remain fixed
and unchangeable, whatever incrustations may attach
themselves to it. A verbal stem may exist apart from a
AGGLUTINATIVE AND OTHER LANGUAGES. 189
nominal stem, or, as in Polynesian, a verb may not have
emerged into existence at all. The root may influence
the suffixes, producing that law of vowel harmony which
assimilates the vowel of the suffix to the vowel of the
root, or suffix and root may resemble two atoms in
close contact which each keep their own unalterable
character.
The important part played in history and civilization
by the races who speak the various dialects of the Ural-
Altaic or Turanian family makes a brief review of the
leading languages of this family as necessary as a review
of the Aryan or Semitic families of speech. From the
eastern shores of Siberia to Scandinavia and western
Russia extends a group of tongues which can all be
traced back to a common mother speech. The Finns
and Lapps of the North, the Esths and Ugric tribes of
Russia, the Magyars of Hungary, the Osmanlis of Turkey,
the Tatars, the Samoieds, the Mongols, the Mantchus,
and the Tunguses all share the fragments of a common
patrimony. Possibly Japanese may have hereafter to be
added to the list ; for the present, however, it must re-
main isolated and unclassified. The oldest monuments
of Turanian speech have been of late revealed to us by
the cuneiform monuments of Babylonia ; the wild hill-
tribes of Media and Susiania, the citizens of the ancient
empire of Elam, and the primitive population of Chaldea
itself all spoke cognate languages, which, it would seem,
must be assigned to the Ural-Altaic group. Already the Jh^-jfiw
same intellectual power which to-day distinguishes the
VpV Oi r& Ojtf^n.
Finn or the Magyar had begun to show itself; and the
Accadians of primaeval Babylonia were the inventors of
THE SCIENCE OF LANGUAGE.
the cuneiform system of writing, the builders of the
great cities of the country, the first students of mathe-
matics and astronomy, and, in short, the originators of
the culture and civilization which was handed on to the
Semites, by whom they were afterwards conquered and
dispossessed. Contemporaneous records prove that
Western Asia possessed its China in Turanian Accad at
least five thousand years ago ; and that the " wisdom of
the Chaldeans," stored up in their imperishable libraries
of clay, was no imaginary dream ,of a later age, but a
startling and solid fact.
Of course it does not follow that the communities
which now speak the allied dialects of the Turanian
family all belong to the same race. The Lapps, in fact,
though now using a Finnic idiom, are not related to the
Finns in blood, and it is more than doubtful whether we
can class the Mongols physiologically with the Turkish-
Tatars or the Ugro-Finns. It is even possible that the
Mongolian dialects themselves were originally distinct
from those of.the Turanian group, and owe their present
inclusion in the group to their common agglutinative
character, and to a long and close contact with the
Turkish-Tatar languages, which have made them ap-
proximate so nearly to the latter as to compel us to
classify them together. However this may be, the whole
Turanian family is bound together by its structure, its
grammar, its stock of roots, and its law of vocalic har-
mony. It may be divided into five branches, the Finn
Ugric, the Turko-Tatar, the Samoyedic, the Mongolia
and the Tungusian, the first two representing the culti
AGGLUTINATIVE AND OTHER LANGUAGES. 191
vated members of the family. The Accadians of Baby-
lonia looked upon " the Mountain of the East," the pre-
sent Mount Elwend, as the spot whereon the ark of the
Chaldean Noah had rested, and as the cradle of their
race ; but it is very possible that this was but the first
centre and starting-point of the extinct Chaldeo-Elamite
branch, the original home of the whole family really lying
far to the north-west among the slopes of the Altai
range.
The Finno-Ugric or Uralic dialects are divided by
Prince L-L. Bonaparte into four sub-families, the Chudic,
the Permian, the Volgic, and the Uigur. The Chudic
sub-family is again divided into two branches, one branch
being the Finnic, comprising Finnish, Vepse, Vote and
Karelian, Esthonian and Krevingian, and Livonian with
the extinct dialect of Salis and the dialects of Kolken
and Pisen, while the other branch is the Laponic, in which
Lappic holds a solitary place. The Permian is spoken
in the north-east of Russia, and includes Permian proper,
Zyrianian, and Votiak. Volgic branches off into Chere-
missian and Mordvinian (with its two dialects) on the
Volga, and Uigur into Ostiak, Vogul and Magyar or
Hungarian, once spoken on the banks of the Obi. The
researches carried on of late years into the Uralic lan-
guages have not only demonstrated their close affinity
and common origin, but also a system of equivalence of
sounds similar to that known as Grimm's law. Thus
Riedl has established the following table of consonantal
permutations for the Magyar : —
k = kh = Aj h —j; g — gj; g-=.d; n=.n—g — k; j — gj; j —
THE SCIENCE OF LANGUAGE.
nj; j — vj I —j — gj; l — n — r; t — d — l — t;
M ~"~ <T7* ' -777 """~ *f) • /77/ ~~ n * P*]} ~"" /> • 77/ ^^ 7/ ^
/£• _-« ^ / . //( —— Is • It- </ --'^ I/ j C, t/ — ^ •' J *- C/ ii • ii Pf«
— ^y / n jy
The same method of comparison which has been so
successfully applied in the case of the Aryan tongues has
also revealed to us the civilization and migrations of the
primitive Uralic tribes, as well as their indebtedness to
their Aryan neighbours. There was a time when the Finns
had not yet penetrated to the snows of the far north, when
they still bordered on Slavonic, Scandinavian, and Ger-
man populations to whom they lent some words and from
whom they borrowed more. Thus Thomsen has shown
us that the Finnic raippa, " rope," is the Old Norse reip,
the Swedish rep; the Finnic laukka, " a leek," the Old
Norse laukr ; the Finnic penkki, "a bench," the Swedish
bank; the Finnic nuotta, " a net," the Old Norse not; the
Finnic paita, "a shirt," the Gothic paidha ; the Finnic
patja, " a mattress," the Gothic badi?
Ahlqvist has followed in the same track and sketched
the condition of the Finnic tribes when they first settled
in Europe and learned the arts of agriculture and cattle-
breeding from their neighbours, the Teutons and the
•
1 So, according to Erman, in Kazan Tatar g becomes / in Yakute.
j'M
55
/ and s
z
J?
b
sh
55
s
ju
5)
bjii
a
55
iu, oe
e
55
ui
ui
5>
je
aimen
55
ubiun.
See above, pp. 325-6.
a " Ueber den Einfluss der germanischen Sprachen auf di(
finmsch-lappischen " (transl. by Sievers, 1870).
AGGLUTINATIVE AND OTHER LANGUAGES. 193
Slavs. Before their contact with the latter, they were
turf-cutters rather than agriculturists, numerous words
existing in the various dialects which signify turf-cutting,
but none of native origin which signify " a field." The
plough (aura for aatra) was borrowed, it would seem,
from 'the Goths, and the only cereals which have native
names are the barley (phra, otra] and the turnip (negris) .
So, too, the words for "cattle" and "swine," nauta and
sika, come from the Norsk naut and sugge, while the
name of the "horse," hepo or hevonen, is the Swedish
kappa, the Danish hoppe; and that of the " sheep," lam-
mas, the German lamm, our lamb. The names of the
stallion, the mare, the cow, and the bull, on the other
hand, are all of native derivation, and prove that these
animals must have been known to the Finns before
their contact with the Aryans. Like the other members
of the Ural-Altaic family, the Finns were acquainted
with metallurgy from an early period ; indeed they seem
to have used iron long before any of the Aryan tribes.
Meteoric iron was probably the first worked, and it is
curious that the Accadian of Babylon prefixes the deter-
minative of divinity to the name of the metal as if to
point out its heavenly descent. The smiths of the ancient
legends are all divine beings, and the adventures of the
Finnish Wainamoinen, the old limping smith of heaven
and earth, and his friend Ilmarinnen, "the divine
blacksmith," ] or the fall of the Greek Hephaestus from
the sky, appear to symbolize the origin of the first
1 M. Fr. Lenormant has very happily compared Wainamoinen
with the Accadian Ea. See "La Magie chez les Chalde'ens,"
PP- 219-37.
II. O
194 THE SCIENCE OF LANGUAGE.
specimens of the metal. The Finnic word for " copper,"
vaski, is identical with the Magyar vas, and shows that
this metal must have been known to the ancestors of the
Finns and Hungarians before their separation. The
terms that denote " silver," too, are native, though differ-
ing in the various dialects, but gold has received a Ger-
man name in Finnic and a Persian name in Magyar.
Since it seems to have been a possession of the undivided
Ural-Altaic community, we may argue that a knowledge
of it was lost by the Finns and Hungarians during their
wanderings to the north and the west.
Much advance was made in civilization even after the
Finns had parted from their Esthonian kindred. The
Esthonians before their arrival in the region of the Baltic
were but hunters and fishers, making neither butter nor
cheese, though in possession of dogs, horses, and oxen.
They first became acquainted with the sheep, goat, and pig
when in the neighbourhood of the sea-coast. Here, too,
wheat, rye, oats, pease, beans, and lentils were first grown.
In an earlier age only barley and turnips had been sown on
the clearing made by cutting down the trees and under-
growth for firewood. The huts of the people were built of
branches laid against a tree or rock and covered with
skins, with two openings, one for a door and the other to
let out the smoke ; their steam-baths (sauii) were con-
structed simply of holes in the earth, and their clothes
were made of skins, the hair being turned inside for the
sake of warmth. The skins were stitched together by
the mistress of the house with bone needles, the threads
being formed from the fibres of a kind of nettle, and
dyes were used to colour them. The husband employed
AGGLUTINATIVE AND OTHER LANGUAGES. 195
his time at home in making fish-hooks, hunting-gear,
and the like ; the instruments being generally of stone,
though copper and silver were likewise used. The iron
axe was first known on the shores of the Baltic, where,
too, the river-boats without sails were exchanged for
stronger and more capacious ones. The reindeer, how-
ever, was still the chief means of locomotion, as it had been
before the period of separation. From the first, too, the
tribes had lived in communities, each under a war-leader
(ivanem], who was elected from time to time. Individual
freedom was, however, highly prized, and the community
accordingly did not exercise the despotic power it
enjoyed among the primitive Aryans. There were
neither judges nor laws, but family life was complete
and well organized, slavery was unknown, and skins
(especially those of the squirrel) formed the medium of
exchange.1 Turning to the south, we find a similar state
of society among the ancestors of the Magyars, before
they had yet left their kinsmen in the Ural mountains.
They possessed houses and villages, but mainly lived by
hunting and fishing. They had the dog and the horse,
but apparently no cattle. They could braid, weave, and
knit, and were acquainted with gold, silver, lead, zinc,
and iron. Indeed, their goldsmiths and silversmiths
were already of repute. Cobblers, furriers, turners,
tailors, wheelwrights, harness and rope makers, with
their tools and trades, all have Magyar names, and beer
was drunk on holidays. Like the Turks, their numerals
were based on a septimal system, and thirteen months,
1 Ahlqvist and Blumberg (" Sitzungsberichte der gelehrten est-
nischen Gesellschaft zu Dorpat," 1876, p. 149).
196
THE SCIENCE OF LANGUAGE.
of twenty-eight days each, made up the year, at the end
of which came an intercalary day. As among the Ac-
cadians, the months were divided into weeks of seven
days. It was from the Turks, however, that these primi-
tive Ugrians learnt a large part of the elements of civi-
lized life. The names of the ox, the calf, the sheep, the
pig, and the hen, are of Turkish origin, as is also all that
has to do with agriculture — harvest, stubble, sickle,
wheat, barley, apples, sowing, reaping, and grinding in
the mill. From Turkish, too, are borrowed the names
for axe, door, mirror, thimble, ring and pearl, as well as
words for demon, witness, wine, and writing. Even the
Magyar name of the sea, tenger, comes from a Turkish
source, from which, perhaps, we may infer that the fore-
fathers of the Hungarians lived in the most southerly
part of the district occupied by the Ugrian tribes, the
rest of whom have a common term for the sea of home
growth. The same fact is further indicated by the
Turkish derivation of the words used by the Magyars
for such southern animals as the lion, camel, badger, and
bustard. The Turkish dialect laid under contribution,
however, was not the Osmanli, but the Shuvash, which
makes it clear that the advance in civilization had been
made by the Magyars before they had settled in Hun-
gary, and probably while they still occupied their original
seats.1
We have yet to learn what was the civilization of the
primitive Turkish-Tatar horde, or of that people of the re-
mote past, who spoke the parent-language of Ural-Altaic
1 Hunfalvy : " Magyarorzszdg ethnographiaja," in the Transac-
tions of the Hungarian Academy, 1876, pp. 221-75.
AGGLUTINATIVE AND OTHER LANGUAGES. 197
speech, it may be, before the Accadians had descended
southwards and under the favouring influences of a
southern sun developed the civilizations of Elam and
Chaldea. Already, however, it would seem, the religious
and poetical tendencies of the race had begun to display
themselves. Ural-Altaic religion is essentially Shaman-
istic ; every object and force of nature is believed to be
inspired by a spirit, sometimes beneficent, sometimes
malevolent, but the spirit can be approached only by the
qualified sorcerer or shaman. A belief in magic and
witchcraft lies at its very roots. It is strange that by the
side of such a religion there has existed a rich mytho-
logy, mostly solar, and the creator of numberless lays
and epics. The Finnic Kalevala is an epic worthy of
comparison with Homer or the Nibelungen Lied. Its
22,000 verses, it is true, were redacted into a whole by
Lonnrot and Castren only within the present century,
but the popular lays which compose it, though of varying
age, all refer to the same cycle of mythology, to the same
heroes, and the same legendary facts. The adventures
of the three divine smiths — Wainanoinen, Ilmarinnen,
and Lemmakainen or Ahti, their travels in the under-
ground world of Pohiola, their final struggle with Luhi,
" the hostess of Pohiola," and their search for the myste-
rious Sampi are equal in interest and imagination to the
best products of national genius found elsewhere.1 Similar
1 The Kalevala has been edited with introduction and glossary
by F. W. Rothsen (1870). A. Schiefner has published a German
translation (1852), Le"ouzon-le-Duc a French translation (1868; see
also his "La Finlande," 1845). Latham has given an abstract of it
in his " Nationalities of Europe," vol. i. pp. 182-209 (I863). Cas-
tren's " Vorlesungen ueber die Finnische Mythologie," translated
198
THE SCIENCE OF LANGUAGE.
to the Kalevala is the Kalevipoeg of the Esthonians, which,
however, still wants its Lonnrot to make it thoroughly
complete. The groundwork of the poems which make
up the Esthonian epic is identical with that of the
Kalevala, and show that the Finns and Esths started
with a common stock of ancestral myths. The half-
savage Ugric Voguls of the Ural, too, have their epic,
consisting of long poems on the Creation, the Deluge,
and the giants of the ancient world, which have recently
been made known to us (in 1864) by Hunfalvy.1 It is
very remarkable to find these myths of a wild secluded
tribe on the barren slopes of the Ural strikingly resem-
bling those of the cultivated Accadians of primaeval Baby-
lonia. The legends of the Creation and the Flood, which
were translated by the Semitic Babylonians into their
own language after forming part of a great national epic,
have been recovered from the buried library of Nineveh,
and show to what a vast antiquity these old Altaic myths
must go back. Even the Lapps have their mythical
epic,2 in which they relate how Pawin parne (" the Son of
the Sun"), "the offspring of Kalla " ( ? Kaleva), along
with his brother giants used the Great Bear as his bow,
and hunted and tamed the heavenly stags — Jupiter "the
bright stag," and Venus, " the colour-changing hind " —
in the constellation Cassiopeia ; how Paiven neita (" the
Sun's Daughter ") bestows her reindeer and all her goods
into German and annotated by Schiefner (1853), should also be
studied.
1 See the summary of this "Vogul Genesis," given by M. Adam
in the " Revue de Philologie et d'Ethnologie," i. i (1874), PP- 9-14-
2 See Donner : " Lieder der Lappen."
AGGLUTINATIVE AND OTHER LANGUAGES. 199
on him who can catch her unawares ; and how a hero,
born after his father's murder, asks his mother for his
father's name, and slays the murderer in single combat.
The myths and tales of the Tatars are equally numerous,
and those who care to read Castren's collection of them
may discover a reflection of the Sun-god in most of their
heroes whose names are compounded with the term for
gold. In short, throughout the Ural-Altaic family we
find a rich outgrowth of myth and legend, and the
agglutinative character of the language, and the conse-
quent transparency of the proper names, make it easy
to trace their original meaning. Ural-Altaic poetry
is, like Assyrian and Hebrew, parallelistic, and mostly
in the metre made familiar to us by Longfellow's
" Hiawatha."
The Turkish-Tatar languages may be classed as
Yakute, Kirghiz, Uigur, Nogair, and Osmanli. The
Yakutes live in the midst of the Tungusian tribes of
North-eastern Siberia ; the Kirghiz, divided into the Black
Kirghiz or Burut and the Kazak Kirghiz, in Chinese
Turkestan and the neighbourhood of the Aral ; the
Nogairs or Russian Cossacks, in the Crimea and the
district of Astrakhan ; while the Uigur, with its sister-
dialects of Yagatai and Turkoman, had an alphabet of
its own as early as the fifth century, and once produced
a considerable literature. Osmanli, with the outlying
Shuvak south-west of Kazan, is the tongue of the domi-
nant race of Turkey, and though the literary dialect has
borrowed a large part of its vocabulary from Persian
and Arabic, the country dialects are comparatively pure.
The Turkish verb, like the Finnic, is exceedingly rich in
200
"HE SCIENCE OF LANGUAGE.
forms ; suffix may be piled upon suffix so as to represent
the most minute and varied differences of meaning.
Both root and suffix, however, always remain clear and
marked ; hence the transparency which characterizes the
conjugation and makes it so perfect an instrument of
logical thought. A periphrastic conjugation is also in
use in which various participles are combined with the
auxiliary to be, and the number of verbal forms is thereby
greatly increased. Turkish literature is copious ; but
perhaps the best known work is the " History of Nasr-il-
Din Khoja," a sort of Turkish Eulenspiegel.
Midway between the Finnic and Turkic idioms may
be grouped the Samoied dialects, our knowledge of which
is in large measure due to the self-denying devotion of
Castren. They stretch along the shores of the White Sea
and North-west Siberia, and comprise five main dialects,
which are, however, split up into an infinity of smaller
ones. Yarak is spoken in European Russia and as far as
the river Yenisei, Yenisei Samoied on the banks of the
Lower Yenisei, Tagwi further to the east, Ostiak Samoied
on the Obi, and Kamassic in Southern Siberia. Ostiak
Samoied and Yenisei Samoied must be carefully dis-
tinguished from Ugrian Ostiak and Yenissei Ostiak,
which is allied to -the Kot (or Kotte), and with it forms
a stray fragment of what is apparently an otherwise ex-
tinct family of speech. The Samoieds are perhaps the
most degraded of all the members of the Ural-Altaic
family, more so, certainly, than the Mongols. The latter
speak three principal dialects — the Eastern or Sharra,
spoken in Mongolia proper, the Western or Kalmuk,
stretching westward into Russia between the Kirghiz
AGGLUTINATIVE AND OTHER LANGUAGES. 201
and Nogair Turks, and the Northern or Buriat in the
neighbourhood of Lake Baikal. The latter is the most
barbarous of the Mongol idioms, the others being more
or less cultivated. The pronouns in Mongol have not
amalgamated with the verb, as they have in Finnic or
Turkic ; thus in Buriat bi bis is " I am ;" ski bis, " thou
art ; " ogon bis, " he is ; " bi yaba, " I was ; " shi yaba,
" thou wast ; " ogon yaba, " he was ; " bi bilei, " I have
been ; " shi bilei, " thou hast been ; " ogon bilei, " he has
been."
Closely allied to Mongol is Tunguse, in the centre and
extreme east of Siberia, divided into the three branches
of Mantchu, Lamutic, and Tungusian. Of these Mant-
chu has become the best known in consequence of the
Mantchu conquest of China. The Mantchus, however,
have long possessed a literature, their alphabet of twenty-
nine characters having been originally introduced by
Nestorian Christians. Contact with Chinese, and per-
haps also literary cultivation, have had the same effect
upon Mantchu that similar influences have had upon
English ; the sign of number has been lost, like the pos-
sessive pronoun affixes, and to find them we must look
to the ruder Lamutic and Tungusian. The harmony of
the vowels, too, that distinguishing feature of Ural-Altaic
speech, is reduced to small dimensions in the Mantchu
dialect, and the possessive pronouns are not affixed.
The adjective simply consists of a noun placed before
another to qualify it, like our wine merchant, and properly
speaking there is no verb signifying " to have."
The chief distinguishing feature of the Ural-Altaic
family is the so-called law of vocalic harmony. The
2O2
THE SCIENCE OF LANGUAGE.
vowels are divided into strong and weak, certain dialects
also possessing neutral ones, the general rule being that
all the syllables of a word must have vowels of the same
class, that is, either strong or weak. This rule, however,
is not carried out strictly in all the members of the
family ; sometimes only the affixes are affected by it ;
sometimes all the elements of a compound word must
come under its operation. In some dialects, the Vepse,
the Esthonian, and the Votiak, for example, the law is
neglected altogether ; but this must be regarded as the
result of phonetic decay, and not as a survival of a more
primitive condition of speech, in which the vocalic har-
mony did not exist, since, as Donner has pointed out,
roots of allied meaning in the Finnic group are frequently
distinguished from one another simply by a difference
of vowel, thus kah-isen, koh-isen, kuh-isen, with strong
vowels, mean " to hit " or " stamp ; " but kdk-isen, koh-
isen, with weak vowels, " to roar." The classification of
vowels into strong and weak must, therefore, have been
adapted to the differentiation of meaning at an early
period. No doubt, however, when once the distinction
had been set up it tended to spread and develop ;
Riedl and Adam have shown, for instance, that in the
oldest Magyar texts anti-harmonic forms are common,
as haldl-nek, "at death," tiszta-seg, "purity," and that
before the twelfth century compounds were but little
subjected to the law. At the present time, in Magyar,
as in Turkish, Finnish, Mantchu, and Mongol, the vowels
of the whole word must be brought into harmony,
whereas in Mordvin or Siryanian it is only those of the
last syllable. The following is a classification of the
AGGLUTINATIVE AND OTHER LANGUAGES. 203
vowels in the principal languages of the Ural-Altaic
family:1 —
The origin of this division of the vowels is to be sought
in the phonetic tendency to anticipate a following vowel
in a word by assimilating an earlier one to it, as in the
German umlaut, or, conversely, to harmonize the vowel
of the next syllable with one that has just been uttered.
The latter assimilation would naturally be adopted by
speakers who accented their words at the beginning in-
stead of the end, as did the Aryans. As Sievers suggests,
"it is a question whether a connection does not exist
between the different forms assumed by assimilation and
the accentuation of words. At all events, the accentua-
tion of the first syllable of the word in the Ural-Altaic
languages would agree with such a view." :
Affixes, and not prefixes, characterize Ural-Altaic
agglutination. The noun has some eight cases, the
principal among them being marked by the termina-
tions, -;/ or -na, -/ or -la, -s or -sa, the origin of
which is rendered obscure by their antiquity. The
other relations of the noun are expressed by simple or
1 Adam : " De 1'Harmonie des Voyelles dans les Langues uralo-
altaiques" (1874).
Strong. Weak. Neutral.
Finnish . . . . u, o, a it, 0, a e, i
Magyar . . . . u, o, a it, o e, i
Mordvin . . . .11,0, a a, i
Siryanian or Zyrianian . o, a a, i, e
Turkish it, o, a, e it, o, e, i
Mongol . . . . u, o, a ii, o, a i
Buriat . . . . u, o, a ii, <?, a e, i
Mantchu . . . . 6, o, a e u,i
* " Grundziige der Lautphysiologie," p. 137.
204
THE SCIENCE OF LANGUAGE.
compound words, agglutinated at the end ; and these,
though amalgamated with the noun into a single whole,
by the action of vocalic harmony, nevertheless, in the
majority of instances, maintain their original and inde-
pendent signification. They are, in fact, other nouns
attached to the first, in order to limit its meaning and
reference. In the Finnic idioms, the amalgamation has
become so complete that it is difficult to trace either the
original meaning or the original form of the agglutinated
nouns ; and, except for their number and uses, forms
such as the Votiak murtly, " to a man," or the Magyar
atyd-nak, " to a father," might easily be taken for the
cases of the Aryan declension. In the verb, too, the
same amalgamation has taken place, and it is difficult at
first sight to distinguish the Ostiak forms quoted above T
from the persons of the Sanskrit verb. A closer investi-
gation of the language, however, reveals the fact that the
Ugro-Finnic verb, like the Ugro-Finnic noun, is virtually
based on the same principles as the verb of Osmanli
Turkish. This displays the analytic genius of Ural-
Altaic speech at its best. The forms of the Turkish verb
are at once clear, simple, and minute. Sevmek, " to love,"
where mek is the sign of the infinitive, becomes reflective
by the addition of in (sev-in-mek) , reciprocal by the
addition of ish (sev-ish-mek\ causative by the addition of
dir (sev-dir-mek], passive by the addition of il (sev-il-
mek\ and negative by the addition of me (sev-me-mek) ,
and all these forms can be united together, so that, for
instance, sev-ish-dir-il-mek, an amalgamation of the re-
ciprocal, the causative, and the passive, means " to be
1 Page 1 86.
AGGLUTINATIVE AND OTHER LANGUAGES. 205
brought to love one another," sev-in-dir-il-me-mek, " not
to be made to love oneself." But the mechanism of the
Turkish verb is almost equalled by that of the ancient
Accadian ; thus gar-mu is " I made," gar-dan-mu, " I
caused to make," gar-dan-ra-mu, " I caused one another
to mzke" gar-dan-mt-mu, " I did not cause to make." In
fact, from the very first, the Turanian or Ural-Altaic
languages have been characterized by a perspicacity and
logical vigour, which enable us to understand how their
speakers could have been the originators of the culture
and civilization of Western Asia. In disregarding the
distinctions of gender, in analyzing the forms of speech,
in making each word tell its own tale, and in assigning
one definite signification to each element of their gram-
matical machinery, the Turanian languages resemble
English, and like the latter mark a high level of intelli-
gence and power.
More involved and delicate is the mechanism of another
family of agglutinative speech — the Dravidian of India.
It would seem that the Dravidians entered India before
the Aryans, but by the same road from the north-west,
and, like the Aryans, successfully established themselves
among the Kolarian and other aboriginal races. The
Dravidian dialects are twelve in number, six (Tamil, .
Malayalam, Telugu, Kanarese, Tulu, and Kudagu) being
cultivated, and six (Toda, Kota, Khond or Ku, Gond,
Oraon, and Rajmuhali) being spoken by barbarous tribes.
Tamil literature is especially abundant, though a good
deal of it is borrowed or adopted from Sanskrit sources.
It is mostly in verse, moral poems and didactic saws
constituting its most ancient portions, the lyrics, epics,
206 THE SCIENCE OF LANGUAGE.
and dramas being of later date. Unlike Telugu, Kana-
rese, and Malayalam poetry, Tamil poetry is in large
measure free from foreign words. Dravidian phonology
is chiefly distinguished by the occurrence of cerebral
letters, which Bishop Caldwell believes to have been
handed on to the Aryans ; every r, again, must be pre-
ceded by a vowel, while a soft explosive cannot begin a
word, nor a hard explosive stand as a single consonant
in the middle of a word. Modifications of sense are pro-
duced by suffixing the vowels a, e, i, otherwise the rela-
tions of grammar are almost entirely expressed by affixes.
The power of agglomerating these suffixes one after the
other into a single word far exceeds that possessed by
the Turanian tongues, and reminds us of our own English
conglomerates, such as " Employers' Liability for Injury
Bill." Thus in ancient Tamil poetry, sarndaykku means
" to thee that hast approached," composed of sdr, " to
approach," d, sign of the past, dyt the verbal suffix of the
second personal pronoun, and ku> the postposition " to."
There is no verb " to be " or " to have," but any noun can
easily be turned into a verb by means of the suffixed
pronoun ; the Tamil tevarir, for instance, is " you are
God," tevair being the honorific plural, and ir the termi-
nation of the second person of the verb. The verb has
only three tenses — present, past, and indefinite future,—
and the indicative is its sole mood. A masculine and
feminine gender, however, are distinguished in nouns
which denote adults, and the accusative is marked by the
termination -ai or -eit the genitive by the termination -/;/.
As in Aryan and Semitic languages, a difference of sig-
nification may be symbolized by internal vowel-change ;
AGGLUTINATIVE AND OTHER LANGUAGES. 207
thus in Tulu, malpuve is " I do," but mdlpeve (frequenta-
tive), " I often do," mdlpdve (causative), " I cause to do,"
mdltruv/ denoting the intensive, and mdlpdvuyi the nega-
tive.
In the Malayo-Polynesian group, the agglutinative
elements may be placed after the root, or even inserted
in the body of it, but they are more commonly prefixed.
Prepositions accordingly take the place of postpositions,
and a prefixed article occupies a prominent position.
Reduplication, also, is largely employed ; thus, in Malay,
it serves to mark the plural, as in Bushman, and through-
out the Polynesian dialects the verb makes considerable
use of it. The verb, however, properly speaking, has
hardly come into existence; "his house has many rooms,"
for instance, would be in Dayak huma-e bakaron am,
literally "his-house with-rooms many ;" "thy boat is very
beautiful," kotok ka-halap-e arut-m, literally " very its-
beauty thy-boat." Phonetic decay has played great
ravages in the whole of this family of speech. The
alphabet is reduced to the simplest elements, and every
consonant must be accompanied by a vowel. The
general resemblance pervading the scattered dialects of
Polynesia proves that this decay must have set in before
the brown race settled in the Polynesian islands. The
language spoken at the time, however, was not Malay,
as has sometimes been supposed, but an offshoot of the
same parent speech as that from which both Malay and
the idioms of the Indian Archipelago are descended.
The Polynesians present us with the spectacle of a race
which has declined in civilization, of which their nume-
rous songs and legends are a last relic. The Malays, on
208
THE SCIENCE OF LANGUAGE.
the other hand, have enjoyed a considerable culture for
generations. Their poetry, which comprises epics and
dramas, is indigenous, as are also their romances, though
their philosophic writings are due to contact with Hindus
and Arabs. Javanese literature is similarly indebted to
Sanskrit, but its poetry, fables, and traditions are of home
growth.
The Ba-ntu family of languages in Southern Africa
marks the relations of grammar by prefixes only. These
were originally nouns, which in course of time became
pronouns, and then mere classificatory prefixes, and their
number, as well as the regular but delicate phonetic
changes which they undergo, render the Ba-ntu declen-
sion and conjugation at once rich and complicated. The
noun is divided by means of them into a great variety of
classes, called genders by Dr. Bleek, the same noun
having a different prefix for the singular and the plural,
and both the adjective and verb with which it is construed
being furnished with the same prefix, and so placed in
the same class. Thus in Zulu Kafir we should have in
the singular u-WU-ntu Vf-efu o-W\3-khle M-ya-bonakala si-
W-tanda, " man ours handsome appears, we-him-love," in
the plural a-^^-ntu ¥>-etu a-^K-khle ^^-ya-bonakala JZ-BA-
tanda. Zulu has fifteen of these classificatory prefixes,
while Otyiherero has as 'many as eighteen. As might
have been expected in a group of tongues which displays
so acute a perception of phonetic differences, a passive,
active, or neutral signification is frequently given to nouns
by their terminating respectively in the vowels o, z, and a*
1 Bleek : " Comparative Grammar of the S. African Languages,"
p. 138 (note].
AGGLUTINATIVE AND OTHER LANGUAGES. 209
and in Mpongwe while tdnda means " to love," tdnda is
"not to love." The signs of case are of course prefixed,
like the signs of tense and voice ; in Zulu, for example,
ng-omuntu is " with the man," ng-abantu, " with the
men."
Many of the agglutinative languages are more or less
incorporating ; thus we have just seen that the objective
pronoun in the Zulu si-m-tanda comes between the sub-
ject and the root, and several of the Turanian languages
have an "objective conjugation," in which the objective
pronoun is intercalated between the verb and its subject
pronoun. In Magyar, for instance, besides hallok, " I
hear," hallasz, " thou nearest," hall, " he hears," we have
vdr-om, "I expect him," vdr-od, " thou expectest him,"
vdr-ya, "he expects him," where the objective pronoun
may be either singular or plural. In Mordvin and Vogul,
however, a difference is made between the forms sodasa
and kietilem with the singular pronoun, and sodasa'ina
and kietidnem with the plural. Mordvin and Vogul also
have special forms for the second personal pronoun when
used as an object, sodatd and kietilem being " I eat thee,"
sodatdddz and kietanem, " I eat you." J Mordvin is able
to go even yet further in the creation of objective forms,
sodasa-m-ak being " thou eatest me," and sodatamdst,
" thou eatest us." But these forms can easily be decom-
posed into an amalgamation of the verb with two per-
sonal pronouns, one employed as object, the other as
subject, and so scarcely differ from the French je vous
donne, which, though written as three separate words, is
1 Magyar can also incorporate the objective second person when
the subject is the first person, as vdr-l-ak, " I await thee."
II. P
2IO
THE SCIENCE OF LANGUAGE.
pronounced as though it were one. Still more analogous
are such Italian expressions as portandovelo, " carrying it
to you." There is nothing in all this which reminds us
of the intercalation of a word or syllable into the middle
of a root, such as meets us in the Malay k-um-akan from
kakan, "to eat," or the Sanskrit yu-na-j-mi, " I join."
It merely indicates a peculiar syntactical habit, that
is all.
But the case is altered when we find this principle of
incorporation characterizing not only two or three isolated
verbal forms, but all the forms of the verb, and admitting
also the intercalation of a syllable denoting plurality.
The Basque or Escuara dialects are the sole living re-
presentatives of a consistently incorporating language.
Four of these dialects — the Labourdin, the Souletin, the
eastern Bas-Navarrais, and the western Bas-Navarrais—
are spoken in France ; four others — the Guipuzcoan, the
Biscayan, the northern Haut-Navarrais, and the southern
Haut-Navarrais — in Spain ; and Prince L-L. Bonaparte
further subdivides them into twenty-five sub-dialects,
among which may be specially mentioned those of
Roncal and Irun.2 The Souletin has borrowed the
French « ; elsewhere the vowels are those of Italian.
R is not allowed to begin a word, and Prince L-L.
Bonaparte has discovered what may be termed a
law of vocalic harmony. A hard final consonant is
dropped before an initial soft one, which then becomes
1 It is true that ve (in] is really the adverb ibi, but since it is
used here pronominally it may be regarded, so far as sense goes, as
genuine a pronoun as are the dative pronouns in the Basque verbal
forms to be noticed presently.
2 " Le Verbe Basque," p. 4.
AGGLUTINATIVE AND OTHER LANGUAGES. 211
hard ; double consonants are unknown ; gy d, b, n, and
soft r disappear between two vowels, and k, /, and p
before a nasal. The cases are formed by postpositions
which may be added one to the other, and in the modern
dialects 1 the singular is distinguished from the plural
only in the definite declension, where the postfixed article
is a in the singular and -ak in the plural. This article is
still used as a demonstrative in Biscayan. The singular,
when used as a subject, also takes a final -k, but the s'm-
gular jaundfc, "the master," is distinguished from the
plural/rt7/;/tf£, "the masters," by the position of the accent.
The verb constitutes the great difficulty of Basque, and
made Larramendi entitle his Grammar " El Imposible
Vencido," " the Impossible overcome ;" and this difficulty
is occasioned by the incorporation of the pronouns which
have been fused with the verb-stem into a compact whole
by the action of phonetic decay. Although there are
practically but two verbs — " to be " and " to have " — all
other verbs being generally used as participles, the
number of forms possessed by these is almost endless.
Not only is there a different form for each of the per-
sonal pronouns, whether in the objective or the dative
case, but there are also different forms for addressing a
woman, an equal, a superior, or an inferior.2 Thus, in the
1 The analysis of the verb shows that one way of forming the
plural was once by the help of the postfix t(e]. See Vinson's " Essai
sur la Langue basque par M. Ribdry," p. 109. M. Van Eys by his
discovery of the change of k into t has been enabled to show that
this postfix t(e) is identical with the old symbol of the plural -k
("Grammaire compared des Dialectes basques," pp. 15, 16).
8 The form which denotes respect incorporates the plural second
personal pronoun zu, and except in the second person is found only
212
THE SCIENCE OF LANGUAGE.
indefinite conjugation, that, namely, used when an equal
is addressed, we have det, " I have it," ditut, " I have
them," nuen, " I had it," nituen, " I had them," izango
nuke, " I should have it," izango nukean, " I should have
had it," izan dezadan, " I may have it," izan nezan, " I
might have it," izan dezaket, " I can have it," izan neza-
kean, " I could have it," izan nezake, " I could have had
it," aut, " I have thee," zaitut, zaituztet, " I have you,"
zinduztedan, " I had you," dizut, " I have it for thee,"
dizkizut, " I have them for thee," dizutet, " I have it for
you," dizkizutet, " I have them for you," diot, " I have it
for him," dizkiot, " I have them for him," diet, " I have it
for them," diozkatet, " I have them for them," nazu, "thou
hast me," gaituzu, " thou hast us," didazu, " thou hast it
for me," dizkidazu, "thou hast them for me," diguzu,
"thou hast it for us," dizkiguzu, "thou hast them for us."
When we examine the few verbs, other than the two
auxiliaries, which are still conjugated, the analysis of
these multitudinous forms becomes plain. Thus, if we
take ekarri or ekarten, "to carry," we shall find d-akar-t
signifying " I carry it," d-akar-zu, " thou earnest it,"
where it is clear that the initial dental is a relic of the
objective pronoun, t and zu being the affixed subject-
pronouns. So, again, d-akar-zki-t is " I carry them,"
d-akar-zki-zu, " thou carriest them ;" where zki is the
sign of plurality. Zki appears as zka, tza, and tzi in
other dialects ; thus, in Labourdin, d-aki-zka-t is " I know
them," in Guipuzcoan d-aki-tzi-t, while Biscayan presents
in the Souletin and eastern Bas-Navarrais, which often substitutes
it for the form used when addressing an equal (Vinson's " Ribdry,"
p. 1 06).
AGGLUTINATIVE AND OTHER LANGUAGES. 213
us with the form d-aki-da-z, in which the plural suffix (z)
occupies a different place.1
The incorporation of the pronouns characterizes a
language in which the intelligence of the speakers is still
sluggish. A mere hint is not sufficient to convey the
meaning ; the object as well as the subject must be
emphasized in order to be clearly indicated. The em-
phasis is obtained by adding the pronoun after the noun
to which it refers : it is not sufficient to say "John killed
the snake ;" the needful definiteness is secured by saying
"John the snake he-killed-it." The same usage charac-
terized the Old Accadian of Chaldea ; here, too, as in
Hungary and Northern Russia, the pronouns could be
incorporated, and by the side of gar-tmt, " I made," we
find the more common gar-nin-mu, " I made it." Even
Semitic was no stranger to the practice of pleonastically
repeating the pronoun ; thus in Assyrian it is by no
means unusual for a noun in the objective case to be
followed by a verb with the pronominal suffix -su, " it "
or " him." After all, the incorporation of the objective
pronoun is only one step further than the incorporation
of the subject pronoun which meets us in the much-vaunted
classical languages of our own family of speech, if the
theory is right which refers the termination of the third
person of the verb to a demonstrative pronoun. It seems
more probable, however, that the third person of the
Aryan verb is but an abstract noun, like the third person
in Tatar-Turkish, where dogur, " he strikes," is really the
1 Vinson's " Ribdry," &c., p. 109. For the analysis of the verbal
forms and the origin of the verbal roots see W. Van Eys : " Gram-
maire compare'e des Dialectes basques" (1879).
214
SCIENCE OF
iGUAGE.
participle " striking," and dogd, " he struck," the abstract
" a striking," or like the third person of the Semitic verb,
which similarly is a participle in the perfect and an ab-
stract in the imperfect.1 But even so, in the first and
second persons the Greek was obliged to repeat the per-
sonal pronouns if he would express the subjects ly« and
<7v
<ru
The Basque vocabulary confirms the inference drawn
from the structure of the language. Here, too, there is a
poverty of imagination, a backwardness of intelligence.
It is hardly an exaggeration to say that two-thirds of the
lexicon are borrowed from French and Spanish, or from
the earlier Latin and Keltic. Abstracts of native growth
are rare in the extreme, and though there are names for
various kinds of trees and animals, there is no simple
Basque word for tree and animal themselves. This is the
more noticeable when we remember that Basque shows a
great facility for composition, and in some cases its com-
pounds are welded together, as in the polysynthetic
languages of America, by dropping parts of the com-
ponent elements. Thus illabete, " month," seems to be a
compound of illargi-bete, " full moon," illargi, " moon,"
itself being composed of il or hil, " death," and argi,
" light," and orzanz, " thunder," is similarly derived from
orz, " cloud," and azanz, " noise." It is unfortunate that
our knowledge of Basque is so recent. The native songs
and " pastorals " are of late date, and the oldest printed
book, the poems of Dechepare,2 was only published in
1 Sayce : " The Tenses of the Assyrian Verb," in the " Journal of
the Royal Asiatic Society," Jan. 1877.
2 See the "Edition Cazals," Bayonn.e (1874).
AGGLUTINATIVE AND OTHER LANGUAGES. 215
1545. The French Basques appear to have crossed the
Pyrenees since the Christian era, and though Wilhelm
von Humboldt endeavoured to find traces of the Basque
language in the local names of ancient Spain, Southern
Gaul, the Balearic Islands, and even Italy, his facts and
conclusions have been strenuously controverted by
MM. Van Eys and Vinson.1 It is certain that the trans-
formations undergone by local names make it very un-
safe to argue from them, and an inscription in an unknown
language found at Castellon de la Plana, and written in
a form of the Keltiberian alphabet shows no resemblance
to Basque. But it must be remembered that the modern
dialects necessarily wear a very different appearance
from their ancestors of two thousand years ago, and that
the name of the colony established by Gracchus in
Northern Spain — Graccurris, " the town of Gracchus " a —
implies that a language was even then spoken in the
neighbourhood of the Pyrenees, which contained a word
for "city" resembling the modern Basque iri or hiri.
The ethnologists have unfortunately brought the term
Iberian into disrepute by extending it to that unknown
race which occupied Western Europe before the arrival of
the Kelts ; it can never be too often repeated that
language and race are not convertible, and since " Iberian"
has now acquired an ethnological sense it should be care-
fully shunned by the philologist. The Iberians of ancient
Spain probably spoke languages allied to the dialects of
1 " La Langue iberienne et la Langue basque," by W. Van Eys,
in the "Revue de Linguistique," vii. i (1874); "La Question
iberienne," by J. Vinson, in the " Mdmoires du Congres scien-
tifique de France," ii. p. 357 (1874).
2 The earlier name of the city, Ilurcis, has a very Basque ring.
2l6
THE SCIENCE OF LANGUAGE.
the Eskuara, but we have little proof of it, and still less
proof that all the tribes called Iberian by classical writers
shared the heritage of a common speech.
The analogy of some of the Basque compounds t
those of the polysynthetic languages of America has
just been alluded to ; but whereas the principle upon
which these compounds are formed appears only casually
in Basque, it is the distinguishing feature of the American
tongues. Polysynthesism or incapsulation may be defined
as the fusion of the several parts of a sentence into a
single word, the single words composing it being reduced
to their simplest elements. It is, in fact, the undeveloped
sentence of primitive speech, out of which the various
forms of grammar and the manifold words of the lexicon
were ultimately to arise, and it bears record to the earliest
strivings of language which have been forgotten elsewhere.
The polysynthetic languages of America, in short, pre-
serve the beginnings of grammar, just as the Bushman
dialects have preserved the beginnings of phonetic utter-
ance.
We will follow Steinthal x in selecting the barbarous
Eskimaux of Greenland and the cultivated Aztec of
Mexico as the two extreme types of American polysyn-
thetic speech. The differences between them are as great
as the differences between Turkish and Kafir ; their sole
resemblance to one another lies in their common structure.
The Eskimaux, like the natives of America generally,
knows little of abstracts, but he has an infinity of termi-
nations for expressing all the details of an action and the
1 " Charakteristik der hauptsachlichsten Typen des Sprachbaues,"
pp. 202, sqq. (1860).
AGGLUTINATIVE AND OTHER LANGUAGES. 217
individual objects that meet his gaze. Thus the affix
-fia denotes the "place" or "time" of doing a thing,
-khshuaq," largeness," -nguaq, "smallness,"-zVztf^, "merely,"
-tsiakt "somewhat," -liak, "made," -siak, "possessed,"
-paitt " several," and there are other terminations to ex-
press what is hateful, suffering, useless, poor, beautiful,
pleasant, monstrous, numerous, new, old, divided, near,
single. So, too, there are verbal forms signifying to
intend, to obtain, gradually, futurity, present, past, no
more, to have given up, to seek, to go or come for, to
hurry, to wish, to be willing, to be able, to be capable, to
assist, to be easily able, to be better able, to be always
able, to be no more able, further, much, actively, badly,
well, better, merely, thoroughly, fully, too much, singly,
continually, repeatedly, nearly, quite, conjecturally,
probably, expressly, &c. But practically there is no dif-
ference between the noun and the verb ; both form but
parts of a sentence which is here the word, and hence
the same word contains at once subject, verb, and object-
Thus sialuk is " rain," but sialugsiokhpok, "he is outside
in the rain," Kakortok is the name of a place, but Kakor-
tuliakhpok, " he goes to Kakortok." Objects are regarded
as either the possession of another or as suffering some-
thing Trom another, or, again, as active and as possessors.
If the object is possessed it requires the possessive affix,
if a patient the objective affix. The agent and the pos-
sessor take the subjective affix. The possessive affixes
are themselves of a twofold kind, since though the object
possessed must always be the same as regards its pos-
sessor, it may be either active or passive as regards
another object or another action. Thus in the sentence :
218
THE SCIENCE OF LANGUAGE.
"the whale's tail touched the boat's stern," " tail " and
" stern " are equally possessed, but whereas " tail " is
active as regards " stern," <( stern " is passive. Hence
the Greenlander would say : akhfekhup sarpiata umiap
siiyiia agtorpd, where the final -/ denotes that akhfekhup,
" the whale," is a subject, -ata that his " tail " is also a
subject like umia-p, " the boat," while the a of suyua,
" stern," is a neutral possessive, and the a of agtorpa the
objective suffix. Similarly the Latin distinction between
efus and situs is observed in Greenlandish. Naturally,
conjunctions and subordinate sentences are unknown ;
instead of saying : " I saw that a boat came to you," the
Greenlander would say : Kayak ishigakha ornik-atit, " a
boat see-I-it coming-it-to-thee." As Steinthal remarks,
it seems a waste of time to the Greenlander to distinguish
the tenses of the verb. In the rudimentary sentence the
element of time is unknown.
It will be noticed, however, that the Greenlander has
learnt to break up many at least of his sentences into
words. If we go further south, among the North American
Indians, we shall find a closer adherence to the original
form of speech. In Cheroki, for instance, nad-hol-i-nin
means "bring us the boat," from naten, "to bring,"
amokhol, " boat," andnm, "us ;" in Algonkin amanganakh-
kiminkhi is " broad-leaved oaks," from amangi, "great,"
nakhk, " the hand," kim affix denoting shell-fruit, and
akhpansi, " trunk," though even these compounds are sur-
passed by the Greenlandish aulisariartorasuarpoky "he
hastened to go fishing," from aulisar, "to fish." pear tor,
"to be engaged in something," and pinnesuarpok, "he
hastens."
AGGLUTINATIVE AND OTHER LANGUAGES. 219
In Eskimaux and North American Indian, the pro-
nouns are affixed, kipivuttainu-akuin-ayu in Cree, for
example, signifying " he is smothered in the snow,"
where ayil is the pronoun, akum the noun. The contrary
is the case in Mexican. Here the pronouns are all pre-
fixed. Thus ne-o-ni-k-tsluh is " I have done it " (literally
" I-have-I-it-done "), ni-sotsi-tcmoa, "I look for flowers,"
ni-mits-tsikawakd-tlasbtla, " I-thee-much-love." But like
Greenlandish, Mexican has broken through the rigid rules
of polysynthetic structure. While in the sentence ni-
sotsi-temoa it " incapsulates " the noun sotsi, it can also
substitute the objective pronoun for it, and use the
noun as an independent word. Thus ni-k-miktia se-
totolin, " I-it-kill a hen," differs but little from a Basque
sentence, except that the Mexican attaches the noun
somewhat awkwardly at the end as a kind of after-
thought, conscious of its departure from the normal
form of speech. But it has gone even further than this.
It can individualize a substantive, treat it, that is to say,
as an independent and separate word, by affixing the
termination -//. Thus " I roast the flesh on the fire "
would be ni-k-tle-ivatsa in nakatl ( " I-it-fire-roast the
flesh "), " the songs are sought like' flowers," sotsi-temo-
lo in twlkatl, where lo is the passive suffix. Reduplication
and vowel-change play a considerable part in Aztec
grammar, and in the adaptation of vowel-change to ex-
press a meaning which lies at the root of all inflectional
languages we may see how the different classes of speech
tend to overlap one another. Ni-tla-saka, for instance,
signifies " I bring something along," ni-tla-sdsaka, " I
bring something along vehemently," ni-tla-sasaka, " I
220
THE SCIENCE OF LANGUAGE.
bring something along vehemently from many quarters
so, again, kotonais "to cut," kokotona, " to cut into many
pieces," kbkotona, " to cut many things." Reduplication
is largely used in forming the plural, though the affixes
-me and -tin are now commonly employed for the purpose.
In fact, modern Aztec has changed a good deal during
the last three centuries in consequence of the degradation
of its speakers and their mixture with the whites. We
must not forget that it was once a literary language, and
that the Aztec civilization which was destroyed by the
Spaniards and Christianity was, in spite of its unlikeness
to the civilizations of Europe, of no mean order. The
Mexicans, indeed, had not attained the developed system
of writing of their Maya neighbours in the South, who
used characters that were partly hieroglyphic, partly
syllabic, and partly alphabetic ; but the numerous MSS.
written in Aztec hieroglyphics that existed at the
time of the Spanish conquest prove that the traditions of
native literary culture v/ere not without foundation. Few
of these escaped the ravages of Spanish bigotry, and
none of those we possess seem to contain any specimens
of the poetry for which the ancient Aztecs were famous.1
Of the Old Maya literature only three works remain, the
" Second Mexican Manuscript " in the National Library
at Paris, the "Dresden Codex," and the "Manuscript
Troans."
Chinese is naturally the first example of an isolating
language that occurs to the mind. Chinese civilization and
literature reached back beyond B.C. 2000, how much be-
yond we shall probably never know. It arose in the
1 See Bancroft : " Native Races of the Pacific," ii. ch. xvii.
AGGLUTINATIVE AND OTHER LANGUAGES. 221
alluvial plain of the Hoang-ho or Yellow River, perhaps
at the same time that an independent civilization was
arising in the alluvial plain of the Tigris and Euphrates.
Since those early days the language has changed greatly ;
phonetic decay has been busy with the dictionary, tones
have been introduced to express relations of grammar,
position and syntax have been replaced by " empty
words," which have come to be mere grammatical sym-
bols like our to or of, and the whole speech has grown
old and weather-beaten. It is the Mandarin dialect
which chiefly shows these marks of ruin ; here the initial
and final consonants have been dropped one by one until
every word save one1 ends with the same monotonous
nasal. Elsewhere, however, the dialects have displayed
a more strenuous resistance. In the north, indeed, the
primitive seat of Chinese power, no less than three
final consonants have been lost, but along the southern
bank of the Yang-tsUkiang, and through Chekiang to
Fuh-kien, Dr. Edkins tells us, the old initials are still
preserved. As has been noticed in a former chapter, it
is partly by means of these dialects, partly by the help
of the ancient rhymed poetry, partly by a thorough
investigation of the written characters that Dr. Edkins
and Prof, de Rosny have been enabled to restore the
original pronunciation of Chinese words, and to trace the
gradual decay of this pronunciation first in the long ages
that preceded Confucius (B.C. 551-477), and then in the
centuries that have followed. As sounds disappeared,
and words formerly distinct came to assume the same
form, a new device was needed for marking the difference'
1 Eul, "two "and "ear."
222
THE SCIENCE OF LANGUAGE.
between them. This was found in the multiplication ol
the tones, which now number eight, though only four are
in common use, the tones playing a similar constructive
part in Chinese to that played by analogy in our own
family of speech. It takes about 1200 years, says Dr.
Edkins, to produce a new tone. But from the first the
words of Chinese are monosyllabic ; there may have
been, and probably was, a time when polysyllables ex-
isted, as they still do in Tibetan,1 but all record of it has
perished. In spite, therefore, of the tones, the same
word has often a great variety of meanings, as in Old
Egyptian; thus yu is "me;" "agree," "rejoice," "mea-
sure," "stupid," "black ox," and///, "turn aside," "forge,"
•"vehicle," "precious stone," "dew," "way."
" In Chinese," says Prof. Steinthal,2 " the smallest real
whole is a sentence, or at least a sentence-relation, or
perhaps a group of roots, which, even if it is not yet a
sentence, or a sentence-relation, is still something more
or other than a word. Thus while other languages can
form words and sentences, Chinese can form only sen-
tences, and its grammar really resolves itself into syn-
tax." In fact, when once we know the prescribed order
of words in a Chinese sentence, we are virtually masters
-of its grammar. The subject always comes first, the
direct object follows the word expressing action, and the
genitive, like the attribute, precedes the noun that governs
it. The defining word, in short, stands before the word
1 See Bohtlingk : " Sprache der Jakuten," p. xvii. note 46, who
observes that several Tibetan roots that are now monosyllabic can
be proved to have once been polysyllabic.
* " Charakteristik," p. 113.
AGGLUTINATIVE AND OTHER LANGUAGES. 223
it defines, the completing word after the word it com-
pletes. Nowhere is the order of the Chinese sentence
better illustrated than in the ideographic use of the
Chinese characters in Japanese, which are read as though
they were Japanese. Thus, in order to express the
words, " but I shall not see him to-day," in this mode of
writing, the characters would follow one another in the
order required in Chinese, " but not shall I see to-day
him," but they would be read by the Japanese in exactly
the reverse order, "him shall I see to-day not but."1 It
must not be assumed, however, that the order of the sen-
tence follows one hard and fast rule. We have just seen
that while the genitive and attribute precede the noun,
the object follows the verb, to which it might be supposed
to stand in much the same relation as the attribute to the
noun. Sentences which express the purpose, again, fol-
low the principal clause, as do also " objective substantival
sentences " in most cases, although adjectival, temporal,
causal, and conditional ones precede it. Though each
word has its own fixed place, that place depends upon
logic and rhythm, and not upon a general law which
forces every part of the sentence into the same mould.
Literary development has doubtless had much to do with
this result, and inversions of the established order which
were first introduced by the requirements of rhetoric
have now made their way into the current speech. In
sharp contrast to this comparative flexibility of Chinese
stands the stereotyped arrangement of the Burmese or
[ The Chinese ideographs are called koye or won (Chinese yiri),
the Japanese reading of them, yomi or kun or toku. See Hoffmann :
"Japanese Grammar," ist edition, pp. 32, 46.
224
THE SCIENCE OF LANGUAGE.
the Siamese sentence. Here no distinction is made be-
tween the different grammatical relations of a sentence
or the different kinds of sentences ; in Siamese or T'hai
every word which defines another must follow it, in Bur-
man it must equally precede. No account is taken of
the fact that the nature of the definition cannot always
be alike. Hence the inability of these languages to de-
note the various turns of expression, the various forms
of sentence and syntax, that we find in Chinese : hence,
too, the greater need of auxiliary or " empty" words to
avoid the uncertainty occasioned by the constant appli-
cation of one unbending law of position.
Not that Chinese, especially modern Chinese, dispenses
with those symbolic auxiliaries which Prof. Earle has
christened "presentives ;" just as the Old English flec-
tional genitive in -s is making way for the analytical
genitive with "of," so the Old Chinese genitive of position
may now be replaced by the periphrastic genitive with
ti or "of." TV, originally meaning " place," has now come
to be merely a relative pronoun, marking the genitive,
the adjective and participle, the possessive pronoun, and
even the adverb as well. So, too, the plural, the dative,
the instrumental, the locative, and the like, may all be
denoted by particles instead of by position only. These
particles are merely worn-out substantives, twi, for in-
stance, the symbol of the dative, having once meant
"opposition," tsung, the symbol of the locative, "the
middle." Similarly person and time may be expressed by
pronouns, adverbs, and auxiliary verbs, not by syntax
merely. In fact, the same tendency towards increasing
clearness of expression which has shown itself in the
AGGLUTINATIVE AND OTHER LANGUAGES. 225
modern languages of Europe, has also shown itself in
Chinese. Less has been left to suggestion ; thought has
been able to find a fuller and distincter clothing for itself,
and requires less to be understood by another. Science
needs to be precise, and it is in the direction of science,
that is to say, of accurate and formulated knowledge, that
all civilization must tend. Language is ever becoming a
more and more perfect instrument of thought; the vague-
ness and imperfection that characterized the first attempts
at speech, the first hints of the meaning to be conveyed,
have gradually been replaced by clearness and analysis.
It is true that language must always remain more or less
symbolic and suggestive ; it can neither represent things
as they are, nor embody exactly the thought that con-
ceives them ; to the last we must understand in speech
more than we actually hear. As Chaignet has said,1
" Les rapports necessaires ne s'expriment presque jamais ;
les plus grossiers d'entre les hommes sont encore des
sages ; ils s'entendent a demi-mot ; ils parlent par sous-
entendus;" and Prof. Breal has emphasized the fact
under the name of " the latent ideas of language,"
calling attention to the manifold relations and senses in
which a single word like company is understood according
to the connection in which it is found.
Words, and the ideas which lie behind them, define
and explain each other. It is by comparison and limita-
tion that science marches forward : it is by the same
means that the dictionary is enlarged and made clear.
Nowhere is this fact better known than in the isolating
1 " La Philosophic de la Science du Langage etudie'e dans la
Formation des Mots " (1875), P- 83.
II. Q
226 THE SCIENCE OF LANGUAGE.
languages of the far East, where each word taken by
itself may belong to any one of the parts of speech.
Thus in Siamese Ink mei, "son + tree," is " fruit," ma
nd, "mother + water," is "stream," chai plaw, "heart -f
empty," is " extravagance," while in Burman kay khyan,
" rescue + thing," is " deliverance," lu gale, " horse +
young," is "boy," ran prft, "strife + make," is "to con-
tend." But it is in Chinese that the principle has been
carried out to its fullest extent. Out of the 44,500
words in the imperial dictionary of Kang-hi, 1097 begin
with (or are formed upon) sin, " the heart." So, too,
thyan, " the sky," in the general sense of " time," serves
to define a whole class of words. Chun thy an is "spring,"
tiya thyan, " summer," chyeu thyan, "autumn," tung thyan,
" winter ;" tso thyan is yesterday, kin thyan, " to-day. Tsi
by itself is at once " finger" and " pointing," but the
combination with it of than, "the head," renders its
meaning at once unquestionable. No doubt can arise as
to the signification of tau and lu, which both mean
" road" when they are joined together, any more than in
the case of such combinations or compounds as khing
sung, "light-heavy," i.e. "weight," or fu-mu, "father-
mother," i.e. " parents." Sometimes not only two, but
six or seven words may be united, and the whole com-
bination used as one word with a single meaning of
its own ; thus in Kiang-nan a man may say : phyau-tu-
chi-chwen, " pleasure + play + eating + drinking," with
1 So in Malagassy reni-landy, " mother + silk," means the silk-
worm," reni-tantely, " mother + honey," " the bee." Van der
Tuuk : " Outlines of a Grammar of the Malagassy Language,"
p. 7-
AGGLUTINATIVE AND OTHER LANGUAGES. 227
the common signification of the pleasures of life.1 Usage,
however, determines the order and employment of these
compound expressions ; thus the phrase just quoted
would run in the northern provinces chi-Ko-phyau-tu, and
it would often be incorrect to use the determinative of a
certain class of words with a word which might seem
naturally to belong to the same class. But it must be
remembered that it is as impossible for an isolating lan-
guage to think of the single word apart from the sentence
or context as it is for polysynthetic language to do so,
and Steinthal2 remarks with justice that "the Chinaman
never uses the root [or rather word] sa alone, but always
in conjunction with an object."
Accentual rhythm is further employed to help out the
meaning of a sentence. Where one word is defined by
another, or accompanied by an "empty" word, the accent
rests upon it ; where the two words are synonyms or
mutually defining, the accent rests upon the second,
though in some dialects on the first. Where four or five
words are joined together, a secondary accent springs up
by the side of the principal one, resting on the second
word should the principal accent fall on the fourth or fifth.
Chinese literature is at once extensive and ancient, in
spite of the destruction of it ascribed to the Emperor
Chi-whang-ti (B.C. 221), a destruction, however, that could
in no case have been complete, and is very possibly as
legendary as Omar's destruction of the Alexandrine
Library.3 At all events, in the Shu-king, the classical his-
1 Edkins : " Grammar of the Mandarin Dialect," p. in.
2 " Charakteristik,'' p. 122.
3 Only works on medicine, divination, and agriculture are said to
228 THE SCIENCE OF LANGUAGE.
tory of China, we have a work of Confucius himself, and
the nine other Chinese classics, consisting of the five clas-
sics and four books, claim an equal or greater antiquity.1
In the Shi-king upwards of 300 odes have been preserved,
many of them in rhyme, a Chinese invention which was
rediscovered in Europe at a far later date, according to
Nigra, by the Kelts. Besides the religious, or rather
moral works, of Confucius, Mencius, and Lao-tse, Chinese
literature comprised books upon almost every conceivable
subject, including the famous " Tai-tsing-ye-tung-tse," an
encyclopaedia of the arts and sciences in 200 volumes. It
was published at the instance of the Emperor Kien-lung
(A.D. 1735-95), and is but one example out of many of
the encyclopaedic labours of the Chinese savans. China
has long since entered upon the period of its decrepitude ;
the perfection to which the examination-system has been
carried has fossilized its civilization and dried up the
springs of the national life ; and if the Chinese people
are ever to expand and progress again, it will rather be in
the new worlds of America and Australia than in the
effete Celestial Empire itself. But we must not forget
that the beginnings of Chinese civilization are lost in a
fabulous antiquity ; when our own forefathers were sunk
in abject barbarism or struggling through the gloom of
the Dark Ages, China was building up the fabric of an
isolated culture, and inventing writing and printing, silk
have been exempted from the edict of destruction. A copy of the
Shu-king, or " Book of History," was, however, discovered sub-
sequently in pulling down an old house.
1 The earliest of these is the " Book of Changes," a sort of
mystical geometry, compiled in prison by Wan-Whang about
1150 B.C.
AGGLUTINATIVE AND OTHER LANGUAGES. 229
paper and the compass. In China we see a time-worn
and decaying people, and since -the language of a people
is but the outward expression of its spirit, we must equally
see in the Chinese language a time-worn and decaying
form of speech.
CHAPTER IX.
COMPARATIVE MYTHOLOGY AND THE SCIENCE OF
RELIGION.
" For no thought of man made Gods to love or honour
Ere the song within the silent soul began,
Nor might earth in dream or deed take heaven upon her
Till the word was clothed with speech by lips of man."
SWINBURNE.
" Every legend fair
Which the supreme Caucasian mind
Carved out of Nature for itself."
TENNYSON.
PLATO, in his " Phaedrus," tells us how Sokrates, as he
walked along the banks of the Ilisus, was questioned
by Phaedrus regarding the local legend of Boreas and
Orithyia. And the answer which he puts into the mouth
of his master is one full of interest and suggestion. " The
wise are doubtful," says Sokrates, " and if, like them, I
also doubted, there would be nothing very strange in
that. I might have a rational explanation that Orithyia
was playing with Pharmacia, when a northern gust car-
ried her over the neighbouring rocks ; and this being the
manner of her death, she was said to have been carried
away by Boreas. There is a discrepancy, however, about
the locality, as according to another version of the story
she was taken from the Areopagus, and not from this
COMPARATIVE MYTHOLOGY. 231
place. Now I quite acknowledge that these explanations
are very nice, but he is not to be envied who has to give
them; much labour and ingenuity will be required of
him ; and when he has once begun, he must go on and
rehabilitate centaurs and chimaeras dire. Gorgons and
winged steeds flow in apace, and numberless other incon-
ceivable and impossible monstrosities and marvels of
nature. And if he is sceptical about them, and would
fain reduce them all to the rules of probability, this sort
of crude philosophy will take up all his time." 1 The
fantastic world of mythology confronted the cultivated
Greek of the age of Sokrates and Plato in a way which
it is hard for us to realize, and there were few equally
bold enough to confess their inability to explain it. For
it much needed explanation ; the popular mythology
shocked the morality of the Greeks of the Sophistic and
philosophic age, as much as it offended their reason and
experience. And yet this mythology formed the back-
ground of their art and their religion ; it had been made
familiar to them in their childhood, and every spot their
eyes rested on recalled some ancient myth. It was not
so very long before the time of Sokrates that the old
mythology had exercised a potent influence upon the
politics of the day ; the five Spartan arbitrators had ad-
judged Salamis to Athens, when Solon had wrested it
from the hands of the Megarians, on the ground that it
was to Athens that the sons of Ajax had once migrated.
Unless the Greek was prepared, like Xenophanes, to de-
nounce Homer and Hesiod as the inventors of his mytho-
logy and the " lies " it told about God, or to banish the
1 " Phaedrus," p. 229. Jowett's translation.
232 THE SCIENCE OF LANGUAGE.
poets from the ideal state, like Plato in his Republic,
and forbid them to repeat their legends in the hearing of
the young, he was sorely tried to harmonize the belief of
his manhood with the myths that had been bequeathed
to him by the childhood of his race.
Theagenes of Rhegium (B.C. 520) is said to have
first attacked the problem, and like the Jewish and
Christian commentators of a later time to have found
the key in allegory. The tales of Homer were but
veiled forms beneath which the truth lay hidden to
be revealed by the qualified interpreter. The myths
had ceased to be fairy-tales belonging to another world
than this, and constituting no rule of action ; their abso-
lute incompatibility, when literally understood, with the
morality and science of a newer age, was brought out
in full relief, and the doctrine laid down that " the letter
killeth, but the spirit giveth life." What, however, this
spirit was, what the allegory was intended to convey,
admitted of dispute, and led to the formation of different
schools of interpretation. There were those who saw in
them symbols of scientific phenomena, and regarded
the old poets as wonderful physicists acquainted with
all the facts and phenomena of nature which a later
age had to rediscover. Thus we find Metrodorus re-
solving Agamemnon and the other heroes of the Trojan
Epic into the elements and physical agencies, the gods
themselves not escaping the process of transmutation.
There were others, again, like the Neo-Platonists, for
whom the myths were moral symbols, and with them
Helen became the soul of man, around which must fight
the powers of light and darkness, the reason and the
COMPARATIVE MYTHOLOGY. 233
passions, the strivings after good, and the temptation to
evil. Plato, we have seen, hesitated in his opinion on
the matter. At one time he looks upon the myths as
the mischievous products of the poets, between whom
and the philosophers there must be perpetual war ; at
another time he shrinks from pronouncing sentence
against them, and confesses that they embody feeling
and religion. The more practical mind of Aristotle ac-
cepted the facts, and made no attempt to explain them
away. Secure in his own conception of the impersonal
reason, of thought thinking upon itself, he was content
to leave to the multitude their myths partly as yielding
an easy and popular explanation of the difficulties of life,
partly as serving to satisfy their spiritual needs and pre-
vent them from becoming dangerous to the State. The
myths themselves, he holds, are the " waifs and strays 'r
which have come down to us from those earlier cycles of
existence through which the universe has been eternally
passing ; though how they survived the cataclysms with
which each cycle ended we are not told.
Aristotle was the last of the philosophers who saw in
the old myths something more than the deliberate fabri-
cations of an interested class of persons. Such belief
as still remained in the traditional mythology was rapidly
passing away : the educated classes had found a religious
resting-place in the atheism of Epikurus, while the masses
were eagerly accepting the strange and wonder-working
superstitions which were pouring in from the East. On
all sides it was agreed that, if the gods of Hellas existed
at all, they took no part in the affairs of this world.
Their holy serenity could never be ruffled by the passions
234 THE SCIENCE OF LANGUAGE.
and the miseries of human life. With them, therefore,
the myths could have nothing to do, and the contrary
belief was but one of those worn-out superstitions which
could not survive the extinction of Greek freedom. To
Euhemerus was due the great discovery that the gods
and demi-gods of the ancient mythology were but deified
men ; men, too, more immoral and dissolute than even
the polished coteries of Alexandria or Pergamus. Euhe-
merus, it would seem, threw the statement of his doctrine
into the form of a romance. In the words of Diodorus, it
began by asserting that " the ancients have delivered to
their posterity two different notions of the gods ; one of
those that were eternal and immortal, as the sun, moon,
stars, and other parts of the universe ; while others were
terrestrial gods that were so made because they were
benefactors to mankind, as Herakles, Dionysius, and
others." Euhemerus professed to have derived his infor-
mation from inscriptions in Egyptian hieroglyphics on a
golden pillar in an ancient temple of Zeus at Panara, a
town in the island of Pankhaea, off the coast of Arabia
Felix. Above Panara rose a mountain where Uranus
had once dwelt, and the inhabitants were named Triphyl-
lians, being three Kretan tribes who had settled in the
country in the time of Zeus, but were afterwards expelled
by Ammon. The inscriptions were written by Hermes
or Thoth, and recorded the lives and adventures of
*
Uranus, Zeus, Artemis, and Apollo.
Such was the framework into which the rationalistic
explanation of mythology, since known as Euhemerism,
was fitted by its author. It suited the spirit of the time,
and was transplanted to Rome by Ennius, the apostle of
COMPARATIVE MYTHOLOGY. 235
Epicurean scepticism, where it found a ready welcome
among an unimaginative and rationalizing people. His-
tories were now written in which the old myths, stripped
of all that was marvellous in them, and therefore of their
real life and essence, figured side by side with the facts
of contemporaneous history. The primitive condition of
the human mind, the character of the age in which the
myths arose, was grotesquely misconceived, and in de-
stroying the halo of divinity which encircled its ancient
myths, paganism destroyed itself. The work begun by
Euhemerus was completed by the irreverent satire of
Lucian, the Voltaire of the Roman Empire.
But a new power was growing up in their midst,
of which the wits and sceptics knew and thought
but little. Christianity was slowly attracting to itself
all those who still felt that they needed a religious
creed. And Christianity, not yet freed from the
influences of its Jewish birthplace, was prone to
identify the deities of heathenism with the demons of
Pharisaic philosophy and to turn the mythology of
ancient Greece into a record of demoniac activity. The
Christian \vas quite ready to accept the element of the
miraculous contained in a myth, but he referred it to the
agency of Satan. In the hands of the Christian writers,
therefore, Greek mythology lost all its beauty and attrac-
tiveness ; reminiscences of it still survived to mingle
with the legends — Jewish, Norse, or Arabic — which satis-
fied the literary cravings of the Middle Ages, but other-
wise it was lost and forgotten, or else looked upon with
dread and abhorrence. It remained for the Renaissance,
for the new birth of Europe from the slumber of the
236 THE SCIENCE OF LANGUAGE.
Dark Ages, to revivify the old myths of Greece and with
them the paganism of which they had once formed part.
But like most revivals, the neo-paganism of the Italian
Renaissance was forced and artificial. The spell exer-
cised by the Greek myths was due to their connection
with Greek literature and art ; it was not founded on
belief and education. Between the society of Athens in
the days of Sokrates and the society of Italy in the age of
Leo X., there was a great gulf fixed, and the scholars and
humanists who believed they had crossed it merely de-
ceived themselves. The old Greek, even though he were
a follower of Epikurus, started with the assumption of the
truth of his mythology ; the traditions of childhood, the
social atmosphere around him, made this a necessity.
The humanist, on the other hand, had to start with the
assumption of its falsity ; and the same impulse, the
same contempt for the opinions of the uninstructed, which
had made Euhemerus a rationalist, made the humanist
persuade himself that he was a believing pagan. His
attempt to revive a dead creed was necessarily a failure ;
all that he could do was to restore to Greek mythology
its beauty and grace, to excite once more the old ques-
tions as to its origin and its nature.
The theories of modern thinkers, however much they
may agree with those of the ancient Greeks in method
or conclusions, differ from them wholly in one essential
point. The modern European knows nothing of that
feeling of reverence with which the myths were once
approached ; they are for him unconnected with the
affairs of everyday life. The investigation of their origin
and significance is a purely literary or scientific question ;
COMPARATIVE MYTHOLOGY. 237
it has no practical bearing or importance whatsoever. It
was entered upon, too, when Europe was still under the
dominion of two ruling ideas. One was the lingering
belief that the gods of the heathen were devils in whose
honour and interests the myths had been composed ; the
other was the new idea so fittingly expressed by the
Baconian term " invention," which regarded the whole
universe as a piece of clockwork whose secrets were to
be solved by discovering how it had been artificially put
together. On no side was there any doubt that the old
Greek myths were cunningly devised fables ; the only
dispute was as to the purpose for which they had been
devised, and who had devised them. The believers in
the current theology, the students of the classical litera-
ture, the disciples of the rising school of inductive science,
all alike saw in them artificial products and deliberate
inventions. The philosophers resorted to the old alle-
gorical method of interpretation, the theologians pre-
ferred the method of Euhemerus, or else convinced them-
selves that the mythology of the ancient world was but
an echo and distorted form of Hebrew tradition.
The allegorical school of interpreters is best illustrated
by Lord Bacon in his treatise " De Sapientia Veterum."
Its popularity is evidenced by the editions it rapidly
went through, and by its translation into English and
Italian. It was imagined to have solved the problem of
mythology, to have penetrated into the inmost meaning
of the myths. They were the allegories of the priests of
early time who veiled their deep knowledge of the mys-
teries of nature in parables and similitudes which the
uninitiated multitude interpreted as literal facts. Para-
238 THE SCIENCE OF LANGUAGE.
bles were employed " as a method of teaching, whereby
inventions that are new and abstruse and remote from
vulgar opinions may find an easier passage to the under-
standing." "For," continues Bacon, "as hieroglyphics
came before letters, so parables came before arguments."
The Egyptian priesthood was credited with the pro-
foundest wisdom, and in the Egyptian hieroglyphics was
found a clear proof of the doctrine of the allegorizers.
As the figure of a vulture signified " maternity,"1 so
Bacon makes Cassandra a symbol of plainness of speech,
and converts the Cyclopes into " ministers of terror." In
Pan he sees nature itself, the shaggy hairs of the god
being " the rays which all bodies emit," his biform body
denoting uthe bodies of the upper and the lower world,"
his goat's feet, " the motion upwards of terrestrial bodies
towards the regions of air and sky," his pipe of seven
reeds, " that harmony and concent of things, that con-
cord mixed with discord, which results from the motions
of the seven planets." Cupid, again, is the primaeval
atom, " the appetite or instinct of primal matter ; or to
speak more plainly, the natural motion of the atom."
His "attribute of archery" indicates "the action of the
virtue of the atom at a distance," while his everlasting
youth means that " the primary seeds of things or atoms
are minute and remain in perpetual infancy." Bacon, in
his Essay, unites the two schools of allegorizers, both
those who held that the myths had a moral meaning,
and those who interpreted them of the phenomena of
nature. It seems strange that so keen an intellect shoul
never have asked itself how it could support and verify
1 Horapollo, i. 20.
COMPARATIVE MYTHOLOGY. 239
the interpretation it put forward. Upon Bacon's principles,
the same myth could be explained in a hundred different
ways according to the fancy of the hierophant, and his
famous treatise remains a monument not of ingenuity
merely, but also of the ease with which a great thinker
will overlook the most obvious arguments against the
prevalent ideas of his own time.
The Baconian school of allegorizers was followed by a
revival of Euhemerism. The rationalistic explanation of
mythology was peculiarly acceptable to an age which
had not as yet formulated the canons of documentary
criticism, but was deeply corroded by a prosaic scepticism.
The mechanical theory of the universe was in high favour,
the conception of development was still to be struck out,
and the past ages of the world were judged of by the
standard of the present. Once more, therefore, an at-
tempt was made to extract a pseudo-history from the
Greek myths by stripping them of the supernatural and
ascribing it to the inventiveness of an interested priest-
hood. The pages of Lempriere's " Classical Dictionary 'r
give a good idea of the success achieved by the school.
Here we may read how Circe was "a daughter of Sol and
Perseis, celebrated for her knowledge of magic and
venomous herbs," how Inachus was " a son of Oceanus
and Tethys, father of lo, and also of Phoroneus and
^Egialeus," who "founded the kingdom of Argos and
was succeeded by Phoroneus B.C. 1807, and gave his
name to a river of Argos, of which he became the tute-
lar deity after reigning sixty years," and how Erichtho-
nius, " the fourth king of Argos, sprung from the seed of
Vulcan," after being placed in a basket by Minerva,
240 THE SCIENCE OF LANGUAGE.
"reigned fifty years, and died B.C. 1437." The Abbe
Banier, the leading authority in France on the subject of
ancient mythology during the earlier part of the last
century, went even further. Thus he tells us that he will
" make it appear that Minotaur with Pasiphae, and the
rest of that fable, contain nothing but an intrigue of the
Queen of Crete with a captain named Taurus ;" and stuff
of this kind was translated into English and served up
before the English public in six large volumes, under
the title of " The Mythology and Fables of the Ancients,
explained from History," in 1737.
The myths, however, fared no better at the hands of
the theologians. Bochart saw in Saturn the Biblical
Noah, and in his three sons Jupiter, Neptune, and Pluto,
the three sons of Noah — Ham, Japhet, and Shem.1 G.
J. Voss, on the other hand, identified Saturn with Adam,
with an equal show of reason, while Prometheus became
Noah, and Typhon, Og, King of Bashan.c Towards the
end of the last century Bryant's learned book, entitled
" A New System, or an Analysis of Ancient Mythology "
(1774-6), made a considerable stir in this country, his
object being to show that the myths of antiquity were
but distorted echoes of " the primitive tradition " re-
corded in the Old Testament, and that idolatry was but
a perversion of the original revelation vouchsafed to
Adam and his descendants. This theological explana-
tion of mythology is even now not quite extinct. Apart
from second-rate theological literature, we find Mr. Glad-
1 " Geographia Sacra," i. (1646).
2 " De Theologia gentili et Physiologia Christiana, sive de Ori-
_gine et Progressu Idolatriae," pp. 71, 73, 97 (1668).
COMPARATIVE MYTHOLOGY. 241
stone, in his " Studies on Homer," endorsing the same
views, and resolving Zeus, Apollo, and Athena into the
three Persons of the Trinity. Even the arbitrary expla-
nations of the allegorizing school have more plausibility
than those of the theological interpreters ; at any rate
they need fewer assumptions, and do not come into con-
flict with the ascertained facts of history. The assump-
tion of a primaeval revelation, and of the preservation of
its shattered relics in the religious and mythological
beliefs of the heathen world, is a pure creation of the
fancy ; while the mixture of Aryan and Semitic involved
in the theological theory is contrary to all that has been
taught us by modern science and research.
It was Grote who made the great step forward in the
explanation of Greek mythology. He first pointed out
clearly the essential character of a myth, and the distance
which separates it from history. To mix the two to-
gether is to destroy both. The attempt to find history
and philosophy in mythology is to rob mythology of its
innermost spirit and kernel ; the attempt to link history
with myth is to turn it into fable. Myth and history be-
long to two different phases of the human mind ; what
history is to the grown man and a cultivated age, that
myth is to the child and the childlike society of the early
world. There is a gulf between the two which cannot be
bridged over ; deal with a myth as we may, it still re-
mains a myth, it can never become history. And a myth
must be dealt with as a whole ; we must not take a part
of it only, and according to our own arbitrary judgment
determine what we shall accept and what we shall reject.
Those who would strip the myth of the marvellous and
IT. R
242
THE SCIENCE OF LANGUAGE.
supernatural, take from it, not merely its beauty and its
poetry, but its very life and essence as well. The my-
thical age and the historical age stand widely apart ;
they demand a different mode of treatment, a different
standard of criticism, a different attitude of mind.
'
Here Grote was content to leave the problem, with-
out making an attempt to discover how the mythology
grew up, or what was the origin of the mythical age.
Some myths, like the story of Phcebus or Hyperion, were
plainly symbolic, scarcely concealing beneath their lan-
guage of metaphor the phenomena of nature they were
intended to express ; other myths, Grote allowed, might
be based on historical tradition, though without the
ordinary aids of the historian it was impossible to prove
this ; but speaking generally, the origin of mythology
must be left unexplained, the key to its interpretation
had been lost, and the endeavours made to find it had
all ended in disappointment and delusion.
At the very moment, however, that Grote was thus
writing, the lost key was being found, the solution o
the problem of which he despaired was being discovered.
The same scientific method of comparison to which the
secrets of nature have been made to yield, has been suc-
cessfully applied to the old riddle of mythology. The
world of mythology is the creation of language — of
language that has ceased to be real and living, and has
become dead and forgotten. A myth, as a general rule,
is but a "faded metaphor" and misinterpreted expres-
sion. The living signification it once possessed has
perished out of it, and a new and false signification ha
been put into it. Language can at best express but im
COMPARATIVE MYTHOLOGY. 243
perfectly the ideas we wish to convey. It is by sugges-
tion and simile, rather than by clear and definite state-
ment, that we understand one another's meaning. Ana-
logy is the chief instrument by means of which the
vocabulary is extended ; spiritual, moral, philosophical
ideas must all be represented by words denoting the
objects of sense. At first but little distinction is drawn
between the primary sensuous signification of the word
and its metaphorical application ; but gradually the
original sense fades out of view, the meaning of the
word becomes more scientifically precise, and it passes
from the realm of poetry to that of sober prose. The
younger a language, the more primitive a society, the
more numerous will necessarily be its metaphors and
metaphorical expressions, the less scientific its phraseo-
logy. And these metaphors are the seeds out of which
mythology has grown. When Tennyson writes : —
" Sad Hesper o'er the buried sun,
And ready, thou, to die with him," 1
there is no danger of our understanding the words
otherwise than as a poetical metaphor, but in the early
days of humanity, before the birth of science or the
growth of a scientific language, there was not only a
danger but an inevitable necessity of such a misunder-
standing taking place. The sensuous imagery in which
a childlike society had endeavoured to shadow forth its
ideas and its knowledge became a snare and a false clue
to the generations that followed. The ideas and know-
ledge of mankind change with the centuries, and little
1 " In Memoriam," cxx.
244
THE SCIENCE OF LANGUAGE.
by little the true meaning of the old words and p]
is forgotten, new senses are put into them, new concep-
tions attached, and false interpretations imagined. We
are all convinced that whatever exists must have a reason
for its existence. Words without significance are but
the echoes of a gibberish that fall upon the inattentive
ear, and as quickly disappear. Such empty sounds can-
not fasten themselves upon the memory, and there is no
reason why they should. We assign to them a meaning
which they seem to us most plausibly to bear, slightly
changing their pronunciation if need be to suit the sense
required. A housekeeper in one of the large mansions
of the north used to point out a Canaletto to visitors
with the remark that it was " a candle-light picture, so
called because it could not be seen to best advantage
during the day;" and what this good housekeeper did on
a small scale, mankind has always been doing on a large
scale. The heritage of names and phrases which has de-
scended to us invested with all the reverence of antiquity
must, we feel, be preserved ; yet all natural sense and
meaning has vanished but of them, and the only sense
we can attach to them is one utterly strange and unreal,
which needs a commentator to account for it. One part
only of the language we receive from our fathers ex-
presses, however imperfectly, our present knowledge of
the world about us ; the other part is the enshrinement
of dead and forgotten knowledge, a phantom-speech
which corresponds with no reality of things. Gorgeous
as may be the colours of this fairyland of mythology, the
spirit that we breathe into them is the spirit of our
dreams. It is true that with the increase of our know-
COMPARATIVE MYTHOLOGY. 245
ledge, the limits of this fairyland grow more and more
contracted, and to find it in its full extent we must go to
the barbarians of the Pacific, or the children and the
uneducated of our own country. Nevertheless, so long
as language remains strewn with metaphor and poetry,
so long as it is not reduced into a jargon of scientific
exactness, so long is a certain amount of mythology in-
evitable even for the most sceptical and prosaic among
us. We still personify " nature " in ordinary speech, we
still speak of the sun as "rising" and "setting," of the
world as " growing old," of " the spirit of an age." Lan-
guage is the outward expression and embodiment of
thought; but once formed it reacts upon that thought
and moulds it to what shape it wills.
A myth, then, cannot arise unless the true meaning of
a word or phrase has been forgotten and a false meaning
or explanation been fastened upon it. Sometimes the
false meaning has been the result of a simple blunder ;
as, for instance, when the official recognition of the Sep-
tuagint translation of the Pentateuch, by the seventy
members of the Alexandrian Sanhedrim, caused the un-
known author of the Epistle of Aristeas to imagine that
the translation itself was made by seventy persons.1
Sometimes, again, it has originated in taking literally
what was intended metaphorically, as when the Talmudic
writers found in two verses in the Psalms (xxii. 21,
cxxxii. i, &c.)2 a basis for their curious legend which
1 Hitzig : " Geschichte des Volkes Israel," p. 341.
- " Save me from the lion's mouth : for thou hast heard me from
the horns of the unicorns " [wild bulls] ; " Lord, remember David,
and all his afflictions : how he sware unto the LORD, and vowed
unto the mighty One of Jacob," £c.
246
THE SCIENCE OF LANGUAGE.
told how David was once when keeping his sheep carried
up to the sky on the back of a monstrous rhinoceros, and,
in return for the deliverance vouchsafed him by God
through the help of a lion, promised to build a temple
whose dimensions should be those of the animal's horn.1
Sometimes it has resulted from the change of signification
undergone by words in the course of centuries. Thus,
the " silly sheep " of which Spenser speaks are objects
not of compassion but of envy, silly being, like its German
cousin selig, " blessed " or " happy." Sometimes a myth
has sprung from the attempt to assign a meaning to an
unintelligible word by deriving it from words of similar
sound. Such myths are created by those popular etymo-
logies— that Volksetymologie as the Germans call it—
which play so large a part in local names. A gardener
has been known to speak of ashes-spilt, by which he meant
asphalt, a word utterly unintelligible to him. Familiar
instances of such myths are the legends of the deer
killed by Little John, or of the suicide of Pontius Pilate,
which have grown up from the attempts to explain the
names of Shotover Hill, really a corruption of Chateau
Vert, " The Green House," and of the Swiss mountain
Pilatus, originally Pileatus, so called from the " cap " of
cloud that often rests upon it. The latter .legend is a
good illustration of the way in which a myth, when once
1 " Midrash Tillim," fol. 21, col. 2. A similar example may be
met with in " Pirke R. Eliezer," c. 45, where we are told that Moses
dug a deep pit in the land of Gad, and confined in it the evil angel
Karun, who was allowed to creep out of it and plague the Israelites
only when they sinned. The real source of the story is the fact
that Kan'in, "anger," is the Arabic form of the Hebrew name
Korah.
COMPARATIVE MYTHOLOGY. 247
current, will be believed in against all evidence to the
contrary. The small snow lake near the top of the
mountain was transformed into a spot worthy of the
remorseful death of the Roman proconsul, and natives
and visitors, in spite of the testimony of their senses, in-
sisted upon investing it with a fictitious horror. Thus
Merian in 1642 describes it as "situated in a secluded
spot, deep and fearful, surrounded by dark woods, and
enclosed to prevent the approach of man ; its colour
is black, it is always calm, and its surface is undisturbed
by the wind." It is remarkable that a French range of
hills in the neighbourhood of Vienne bears. the same name
as the Swiss mountain, and from the same cause. Vienne,
however, was actually the place to which Pilate was
banished ; and the accidental coincidence is a striking
example of the impossibility of our discovering historic
truth in a myth, although we may know from other
sources that it has accidentally attached itself to a real
event. Close to Vienne is a ruin called the " Tour de
Mauconseil," from which, it is said, Pilate threw himself
in his despair. But the value of the legend may be easily
estimated when we learn that the tower is really a tete-
du-pont built by Philippe de Valois. The eponymous
heroes from whom tribes and nations have been supposed
to derive their names, owe their existence to the same
popular etymologizing, and are as little serviceable to
the historian or the ethnologist as the legends of Pilate's
death. Thus Rome had to be supplied with a founder of
the same name; and since the legends hesitated between
two pronunciations of the word, Remus with an <?, and the
diminutive Romulus with an o, the conclusion was near
248
THE SCIENCE OF LANGUAGE.
at hand that Romulus and Remus were twin-brothers, to
both of whom was due the foundation of the city.
But these four sources of misunderstanding would not
by themselves account for all the myths with which the
early literature of our race is filled. They must be
combined with the inability of language to express the
spiritual and the abstract without the help of sensuous
imagery. The rich mythology of Greece and Rome, of
Scandinavia and Germany, has, in large measure, grown
out of the misunderstO9d words and phrases whereby
our primitive forefathers tried to shadow forth their
knowledge of nature and themselves. Like the child and
the barbarian of to-day, they had not yet awakened to
the distinction between object and subject, between the
thinker and that whereof he thinks. The nominative of
the first personal pronoun is later than the accusative ;
it was not ego, aJiam, that was attached to the first person
of the verbal form, but ma, mi. Hence it was that human
action and human passion were ascribed to the forces and
phenomena of nature, and conversely the attributes of
inanimate objects to animate beings. And so men spoke
of the sun coming out of his chamber like a bridegroom,
and rejoicing as a giant to run his course ; of the dawn
mounting up from the sea with rosy fingers, and fleeing
from the sun as he pursued her with his burning rays ;
or of the fire devouring its victim and purifying the
hearth of its suppliant. Partly because of this childish
confusion between nature and self, partly because all
abstract ideas must be expressed in the language of
metaphor, the seeds of an abundant mythology were sown
for future generations to nourish and mature. The sun
COMPARATIVE MYTHOLOGY. 249
became a giant, whose chariot rolled daily out of his
palace in the east ; the dawn was changed into Daphne,
and her pursuer into Apollo ; and the fire was exalted
into a mighty god whose adventures were strange and
manifold. Expressions which had fully represented the
knowledge and conceptions of an earlier period were no
longer adequate or applicable ; their true meaning, con-
sequently, had come to be forgotten, and a wrong meaning
to be read into them ; and all that remained was to in-
terpret the new meaning in accordance with the beliefs
and prejudices of a later day. Myths, for the most part,
embody the fossilized knowledge and ideas of a previous
era forgotten and misinterpreted by those that have in-
herited them.
Just as there is a historic age, so also is there a mytho-
poeic age. When society becomes more organized, when
the family passes into the tribe or clan, the fact is reflected
in the language of the community and the ideas which
shape and control it. The mere animal wonder of the
savage makes way for inquiry : " La maraviglia Dell'
ignoranza e la figlia e del sapere La madre." And along
with this awakened curiosity to understand and interpret
the outward world, goes the first striving of the intel-
lectual instinct which takes the form of tales and legends,
of hymns to the gods and songs of victory. Language
is needed for something better than the mere acquisition
of the necessaries of life ; the society it has knit together
and created works out upon it the fancies of its growing
thought, and finds leisure in which to gratify its spiritual
and intellectual wants, and to fill its vocabulary with new
words and meanings. Language enters upon its epithetic
250
THE SCIENCE OF LANGUAGE.
stage, upon the period when the newly wakened mind
and eye seize eagerly upon the analogies and resem-
blances between things, and when, accordingly, the same
attribute is applied to innumerable objects which agree
together only in possessing it. The same imitative ten-
dency that furnished language with its first raw material
is now busy in developing it, in making it express the
changeful ideas and feelings of the human mind. What-
ever could be called by a familiar name seemed thereby
to be brought within the bounds of comprehension. We
know things only by their attributes, and to call a metal
rajatam, argentum, " the bright," was to assimilate it to
the sky and other equally well-known " bright " things.
Now, it is just this epithetic stage of language, this
period when man was beginning to question nature, and
embody his answers in speech, that is the most fruitful
seed plot of mythology. An epithet tends to become a
name ; there were many more bright things besides
rajatam, " silver," but the term came in time to be
restricted to silver alone. In other cases, however, it
might happen that the same epithet was stereotyped into
a name for two or more objects which the progress of
knowledge showed to have nothing in common except
their first superficial appearance. Or, again, the same
object or the same class of objects might acquire two or
more different names derived from different attributes.
Thus the " sky " might be called not only the " bright "
spot, dyaus, Z«/j, but also the " azure," ccelum ; or, again,
heaven, that which is " heaved " up above the earth.
Here, then, was every opportunity for future confusion ;
and it was not long before the confusion took place.
COMPARATIVE MYTHOLOGY. 251
Synonyms were separated from one another and resolved
into different beings, while homonyms that really referred
to widely different objects were amalgamated into a single
whole. Thus the dawn might be called Ushas, w;, " the
burning-red," l or Da/iand, Daphne, " the flaming one," z
and the two synonyms after losing their attributive
meaning and stiffening into proper names became two
independent personages, one the goddess of the morning,
the other the timid maiden whom the sun-god pursues.
But the dawn was not the only object that could be called
" the flaming one ; " the same name was given by the
early Greek to the laurel also, whose leaves blaze and
crackle in the fire, and when the older application of the
attributivehadcometo be forgotten, the name Daphne was
confounded with its homonym, $a(p\m, " the laurel," into
which the poets dreamed their Daphne had been changed.3
So, too, Prometheus was at bottom the pramanthas or
" fire-machine " of India, the two sticks which are rubbed
against one another to produce fire ; but transplanted to
Greek soil the word lost its original significance, and
became a mythological name for which a new etymology
had to be sought. And the new etymology was readily
found. Though pramanthas in the sense of a fire-machine
did not exist in Greek, the same root had given rise in
that language to the verbs ^v9xvu and ^do^ai with a mental
and not a material signification, and in place of the
Indian compound, the Greek spoke of Trfoprifaia, "fore-
thought," and Trpo.uv^j, " provident." And so Prometheus,
1 Root ush, " to burn."
'2 Sanskrit root dah (— dabK), " to burn."
3 Max Miiller : " Lectures," ii. pp. 548-9.
252
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the fire-bringer, was transformed into the wise repi
tative of forethought, who stole the fire of heaven for
suffering1 but finally victorious humanity, and had as his
brother Epimetheus, "Afterthought." Myths are the
creation of language, and whenever in the history of
language expression outstrips thought, we shall have a
mythopceic age.
The character of a myth, consequently, cannot be
uniform, any more than the language from which it is
born. Language embodies the ideas and beliefs, the
emotions and knowledge of the community that speaks
it, and will therefore be as many-sided as the ideas and
emotions themselves. Hence there will be a mythical
geography and a mythical philosophy as well as a mythical
theology, or, if the phrase may be allowed, a mythical
history. Man has to struggle through myth to science
and history, to be the victim of his own speech be-
fore he recognizes that he is its master. Just as tribal
life precedes the recognition of the individual, so must
language, as the product and mirror of the community,
dominate over the individual until he has come to know
his own freedom and his own worth. To the child and
the savage words are real and mysterious powers ; it
needs a long training before they can become " the wise
man's counters." And so philosophy begins with its
Eris and its Eros, its Nestis and its Ai'doneus, as in the
Epic of Empedokles,1 while the Odyssey is the first text-
book of European geography. The religious halo which
surrounds the larger number of myths is mainly due t
1 See Plutarch : " De Plac. Phil." i. 30.
COMPARATIVE MYTHOLOGY. 253
the prominent place occupied by religion in fostering the
earliest intellectual efforts of the race. Religious myths
differ from others only in being more hallowed and
venerable, and, therefore, in being more permanent Had
it not been for the religious sanction with which they
were handed down, there are numberless religious myths
that would have quickly perished as soon as their incom-
patibility with the axioms of existing knowledge became
manifest. It was only because of the religious truth they
were supposed to veil and inculcate, and the sacred asso-
ciations that had gathered around them, that they were
remembered and handed on, that violent attempts were
made to reconcile them with the beliefs and science of a
new generation, and that no process of interpretation was
considered unnatural which proved them to be in har-
mony with the spirit of a later age.
But every myth, whether religious or otherwise, must
have a setting in place and time. The fairy-world to
which it belongs is yet a world, with a history and a
geography of its own. Hence old myths come to be
fastened on persons or localities that strike the popular
imagination, and are made the centres of tradition.
Around the founder of a faith like 'Sakya Muni Buddha
or a king and conqueror like Charlemagne, there gather
the tales that have descended from the past, and form a
mythical Buddha and a mythical Charlemagne by the
side of the historical ones. The immemorial story of the
storming of the bright battlements of the sky by the
powers of darkness, and the death of the sun at the
western gate of heaven in all the glow of his youth and
strength, was transferred first to the struggles of Boeotians
254
THE SCIENCE OF LANGUAGE.
and Phoenicians round the citadel of Thebes, and then to
the long contests waged on the coasts of Asia Minor by
the Greek colonists and the defenders of " windy Troy."
To look for grains of history or ethnology in such tales
as these is like the search for gold in the rays of the sun.
The facts of history must be collected from ordinary
historical sources, from monuments and inscriptions and
contemporaneous literature ; the myth may contain a his-
torical kernel, may be based on a historical tradition, but
we cannot know this from the myth itself, nor can we
separate from one another the elements of myth and
history. The one is a reflection of objective facts, the
other of words and thoughts. Mythology will enable us
to trace the growth of the human mind ; its outward
development in the world of action and history must be
recovered by other means. It is not from the Homeric
poems but from the discoveries of Dr. Schliemann at
Mykense, that we are assured of the existence of a powerful
dynasty, and of a rich and civilized state in the old
Achaean Peloponnesus ; and it is the same monumental
evidence, combined with similar evidence from elsewhere,
that verifies the legend which brought Pelops from Lydia
with the wealth of the Paktolus, or ascribes the prehistoric
culture of Hellas to strangers from the East. The memory
of the past perishes quickly from the minds of the
untrained and the uneducated ; the battle of Minden in
1759, little more than a hundred years ago, is utterly
forgotten by the peasantry of the neighbourhood, and all
that Skanderbeg's countrymen remember of him is a
miraculous escape that never took place, while the oldest
Albanian genealogy cannot mount beyond eleven ances-
COMPARATIVE MYTHOLOGY. 255
tors.1 Sir G. C. Lewis reminds us of the game in which
a story is whispered from ear to ear through a circle of
players, and the first and last versions, when compared
together, are invariably so unlike as to seem to have
nothing in common. What the uninstructed man re-
members is the tale told again and again round the fire
in winter, full of marvels and prodigies, but reflecting in
every detail the experiences of his own every day life.
This is what the grandam and bard will hand down
from generation to generation, especially if adorned with
verse or rhythm. From time to time a new incident or
a new name taken from current events will be woven
into it, to mislead the would-be historian of a later day,
and confound once more the distinction between history
and myth. But for the most part the incidents and names
belong alike to cloudland. It is not the unmeaning
names of living personages, but the significant epithets
of venerable legend that imprint themselves upon the
popular memory. The name of Cyrus, it is true, is a
historical one, but not so that of his opponent Astyages,
the Persian Aj-dahak or Zohak, " the biting snake " of
night and darkness, and the story which Herodotus has
selected as the most credible of the various ones related
concerning the birth and bringing up of Cyrus, is but the
old Aryan myth which is told of every solar hero. The
William Tell of our childhood, who splits the apple with
his arrow without hurting the boy on whose head it was
placed, and successfully arouses " the three cantons " of
Uri, Schwytz, and Unterwalden, to alliance and resistance
against the German Empire, is but a double of the Palna-
1 Von Hahn : " Sagwissenschaftliche Studien," i. pp. 62, 63.
256 THE SCIENCE OF LANGUAGE.
Toki of Norway, and the William Cloudeslee of English
folklore. William and Tell are equally unknown names
in the Oberland of the fourteenth century, no Gesle'r can
be found among the bailiffs of Zurich ; and when the
Emperor Albert visited the Swiss he met with nothing
but loyal hospitality. The confederation of the three
Cantons was solely for defence and internal organization ;
they were the steadfast upholders of the German Empire
in the person of Louis of Bavaria, and the battle of Mor-
garten in 1315 was fought in defence of the latter against
the pretensions of Frederick and the Hapsburg House.1
Equally instructive is the curious legend of Pope Joan,
which has been minutely examined by Dollinger and
illustrates the readiness with which a myth will spring up
among an ignorant and uneducated multitude even in the
midst of contemporary literature. But perhaps the most
remarkable example is afforded by the Nibelungen Lied,
the great Epic of the Germanic nations, since here history
and myth seem at first sight to have coalesced, and legend
to have occupied itself with the names and fortunes of his-
torical characters. The story of the Nibelungs or Cloud-
children, as we find it in the German Epic of the twelfth
century, can be traced back to the story of Sigurd in the
Scandinavian Edda, and the old Saxon legend of Dietrich
of Bern. Sigurd is the Siegfried of the Teutonic version,
1 See Rilliet : " Les Origines de la Confederation Suisse," 2nd
edition (1869) ; Hungerbiihler : " Etude critique sur les traditions
relatives aux Origines de la Confederation Suisse" (1869); K.
Meyer : " Die Tellsage " (in Bartsch : " Germanische Studien," i.
pp. 159-70), 1872; Vischer : "Die Sage von der Befreiung der
Waldstatte" (1867) ; Liebenau : "Die Tellsage zu dem Jahre 1230
historisch nach neuesten Quellen untersucht" (1864).
COMPARATIVE MYTHOLOGY. 257
who gains possession of the golden sunbeams, the bright
treasure of the Niflungs, by slaying Fafnir, the serpent of
winter, and after delivering Brynhild from her magic
sleep is made by Gunnar to forget his betrothed and
marry her daughter Gudrun or Grimhild. But his un-
faithfulness is speedily avenged. Sigurd is murdered by
Gudrun's brothers, and Brynhild burns herself on the
funeral-pyre of Sigurd, like Herakles, the Greek sun-god,
on the peak of (Eta. Not yet, however, has the fatal
treasure wrought its full measure of mischief. Atli, the
brother of Brynhild, takes vengeance on the murderers,
and Swanhild, Sigurd's posthumous son, is slain by
Jormunrek. In the Saxon story Atli is replaced by
Etzel, the younger son of Osid, the Frisian king who
conquers Saxony from King Melias, and lives in Susat,
now Soest in Westphalia, while the Nibelungs or Cloud-
children dwell at Worms, and Dietrich rules in Bonn, the
earlier name of which was Bern. In the redacted Epic
of the twelfth century the legend has entered upon a yet
newer phase. Bern has become Verona, Dietrich Theo-
doric, the famous Gothic conqueror of Italy, and Etzel
Attila the Hun. The Jormunrek of the Icelandic myth
is transformed into Hermanric, the Gothic king at Rome,
Siegfried himself is identified with Siegbert of Austrasia,
who reigned from 561 to 575, married Brunehault, defeated
the Huns, and was murdered by his brother's mistress
Fredegond ; while Gunther, the Gunnar of the Edda,
assumes tjie character of the Burgundian Gundicar, the
victim of Attila. The coincidences between the myth
and actual history seem too numerous and striking to be
the mere result of accident. And yet such is the case.
II. S
258 THE SCIENCE OF LANGUAGE.
The Attila of history died in 453, two years before the
birth of the historical Theodoric, and Jornandes who
wrote at least twenty years before the death of the
Austrasian Siegbert, was already acquainted with the
name and story of Swanhild, the child born after Sigurd's
death. If more were needed, the Icelandic and Saxon
versions of the legend would prove its mythic antiquity.
The historical colouring thrown over it by the version
of a literary age is but deceptive ; the old Teutonic
story of the waxing and waning of the summer-sun was
told and sung long before the time of Gundicar and At-
tila, long, in fact, before the beginning of the Christian era.
Just as the untaught peasant will invent an etymology
for a word or name he does not understand, and connect
it with what is familiar to him, so the literary artist will
find a place in history for the personages of mythology,
and identify their names with those of which they remind
him. No doubt, as we have already seen, a popular myth
will sometimes absorb the name and deeds of a historical
character ; no doubt, too, a real person may sometimes
bear a name famous in legend, and essay to emulate the
actions of his mythical namesake, thereby becoming him-
self in time a figure of myth ; but such cases lie outside
the sphere of the historian ; without other evidence he
cannot separate the true from the false, the facts of his-
tory from the creations of fancy.
The puzzle over which the philosophers of Greece
laboured in vain has thus been solved. Myths originate
in the inability of language fully to represent our
thoughts, in changes of signification undergone by words
as they pass through the mouths of successive gene-
COMPARATIVE MYTHOLOGY. 259
rations, and in the consequent misinterpretation of their
meaning and the growth of a dreamland whose sole
foundation are the heirlooms of bygone speech. Lan-
guage, therefore, can alone explain mythology, and in
the science of language we must look for the key which
will unlock its secrets. It is by tracing back a word to
its source, by watching the various phases of form and
sense through which it has passed, that we can alone
discover the origin and development of a myth. The
work, in fact, consists in tracking out the true etymologies
of words, as opposed to those false etymologies which are
of themselves the fruitful causes of mythology and effec-
tually prevented the scholars of the past from probing
its mystery. The discovery of true etymologies has been
made possible by comparative philology, and compara-
tive philology, accordingly, is the clue by the help of
which we can safely find our way through the labyrinth
of ancient myth. Without its aid, it is unsafe to attempt
the explanation of even the simplest myth, and where its
aid fails us, the solution of a myth is out of the question.
It is only where the proper names are capable of interpre-
tation that the source — the etymology, as we may call it
—of a myth can be discovered. Where they still resist
analysis the myth must remain like the words of which
the lexicographer can give no derivation.
Like the lexicographer, too, the mythologist must group
and compare his myths together. Just as a multitude
of words can be followed back to a single root, so a
multitude of myths, differing in form in their historical
and geographical setting, may all be followed back to a
single germ. An attempt has been made to reduce the
260 THE SCIENCE OF LANGUAGE.
manifold myths and folk-tales of the Aryan nations to
about fifty originals, and whatever may be the value of
the attempt, it is certain that the kaleidoscope patterns
which the imagination of man has woven out of a few
primaeval household tales are almost infinite.
But care must be taken to compare together only those
myths which belong to the languages shown by compa-
rative philology to be children of a common mother.
Where language demonstrates identity of origin, there
will be identity of myths ; but not otherwise. To lump
together the legends of Greeks and Romans, of Fins, of
Kafirs, and of Australians, will lead only to error and
confusion. It is but to repeat the old mistake of the
" philologists " of the last century, who heaped together
words from the most diverse languages of the globe
because they happened to be alike in sound and sense.
The mind of primitive man is similar wherever he may
chance to live, and the circumstances that surround him
are much the same ; his ideas, therefore, and his ex-
pression of them, will present what may seem to many a
startling resemblance ; the same problems will present
themselves to him, and his answers will be of the same
kind. The likeness in form and sentiment between the
hymns of the Rig- Veda and the hymns of the early
Accadians of Babylonia is frequently surprising ; never-
theless we know that there could have been no con-
tact between the Rishis of India and the poets of
Chaldea. The hare is accounted unclean by the Kafirs
just as it was by the Jews and the Britons ; but for all
that the belief must have fixed itself independently
among each of the three peoples. It is not more strange
COMPARATIVE MYTHOLOGY. 261
to find a general likeness between the adventures of solar
heroes, whether among Indo-Europeans, Fins and Ta-
tars, or South Sea Islanders, than it is to find the primi-
tive races of the world explaining the phsenomena of
sunrise, and sunset in the same way. Weeds will grow
up everywhere, should soil and climate suit, but we are
not obliged to assume that they all belong to one genus
or one species, or have all come from one primaeval
home. It is enough for us to compare the myths of a
single family of speech ; to group together those of them
that are alike, noting the points in which they differ, the
transformations they have undergone, and the several
modes in which they have been fashioned and adapted.
The story of Baldyr is but the story of Akhilles in a new
form ; the siege of Troy is but a repetition of its earlier
siege by Herakles, or of the two sieges of Thebes by
the seven heroes and their descendants ; the legend of
Cyrus and Astyages is the legend of Romulus and
Amulius, of Perseus and Akrisius, of Theseus and
/Egeus.
Now and then, it is true, the resemblances between
two myths belonging to unallied families of speech ex-
tend to details which may seem to us of the most trivial
character. But it does not follow that they were so in the
eyes of the men of the mythopceic age. The same train
of reasoning from the same set of supposed facts will end
in the same conclusions, and a myth, it must be remem-
bered, embodies the first childlike knowledge of the
world about him possessed by primitive man, and the
conclusions which he drew from it. Coincidences have
been pointed out between the story of Jack the Giant-
262
THE SCIENCE OF LANGUAGE.
Killer and the Kafir story of Uhlakanyana, who tricks
the cannibal and his mother, to whom he had been
delivered to be boiled,1 but coincidences do not of them-
selves point to a common origin. And the comparative
mythologist, like the comparative philologist, must al-
ways be on his guard against cases of borrowing.
Myths and legends can be borrowed as readily as
words, and, indeed, even more readily. A large part of
the mythology of ancient Greece, we now know, was
derived from Babylonia, partly through the fostering
hands of the Phoenicians, partly along the great highway
that led across Asia Minor. The Babylonian original of
the myth of Aphrodite and Adonis has been recovered
from the clay library of Nineveh, and the story of
Herakles and his twelve labours may now be read in
the fragments of the great Chaldean epic, which was
redacted into a single whole about two thousand years
before the birth of Christ. It would be worse than a
mistake to treat as a pure and native myth the hybrid
conception which resulted from the amalgamation of
Herculus, the old Italian god of enclosures, with the
Greek Sun-god Herakles, or of Saturnus, the patron of
"sowing" and agriculture, with Kronos, who owed his
existence to his son Kronion (or Khronion), "the ancient
of days." Nor is it so easy as it would appear at first
sight to distinguish between what is native and what is
borrowed. When once a myth has been adopted from
abroad it is taken up into the popular mythology ; its
foreign features are gradually lost ; the proper names
1 See Bishop Callaway : " Nursery Tales, Traditions, and His-
tories of the Zulus," i. I (1866).
COMPARATIVE MYTHOLOGY. 263
about which it clusters are changed or modified in form.
It is not often that we have to deal with so plain a case
as the story of Melikertes, whose name has remained the
same as that of the Tyrian Melkarth, "the city's king,"
or that of Aphrodite and Adonis where Adonis is still
the Semitic 'adonai, the " lord " of heaven. Other tests
are more often needed for determining the home-born
origin of a myth. Does it harmonize with the general
character of the mythology ? is a similar tale or group
of tales found among an alien race, with whose mytho-
logy it is in better accord ? can we trace its passage from
one part of the world to another ? These are the ques-
tions which we have to ask ourselves. The story of the
Kyklops in the Odyssey, adapted as it has been in both
form and proper names to the genius of Greek speech,
yet stands isolated in Aryan mythology. We seem to
hear in it an undertone which harmonizes but ill with
the familiar cadence of Aryan myth. And it is just this
story of the Kyklops which finds its analogues in the
folklore of non- Aryan tribes.1 The one-eyed giant who
lives on human flesh, and is finally blinded by a hero
whom he entraps into his cave, but who escapes under
the belly of a sheep or ram, and then taunts the mon-
ster, reappears among the Turkish Oghuzians, where he
is called Depe Ghoz or " Eye-in-the-Crown," the hero
himself being named Bissat.2 In the Finnish version of
1 See W. Grimm, in the " Abhandlungen der Akademie der Wis-
senschaften zu Berlin" (1857); Rohde : "Der griech. Roman,"
p. 173, note 2; and Sayce : " Principles of Comparative Philology,"
2nd edition, pp. 321-23.
2 Diez : " Der neuentdeckte oghuzische Cyclop verglichen mit d.
homerischen" (1815).
264
THE SCIENCE OF LANGUAGE.
the tale as given by Bertram, the hero's part is played
by Gylpho, a poor groom, the Kammo or Kyklops having
a horn in addition to the one eye in the forehead, and
being not only blinded but also put to death, as in the
Oghuzian tale ; but no mention is made of the hero's
escape by the help of the sheep. In the Karelian legend
reported by Castren,1 the Kyklops is made human by
having two eyes assigned to him, while the Esths have
Christianized the myth, telling how a thresher once
blinded the eyes of the devil under the pretext of curing
them, and, as in the Odyssey, lost him the sympathy of
his friends by giving his own name as Issi or " Self." In
the Oghuzian version the story is amplified by a magic
ring which the Kyklops presents to the hero, and which
in other versions clings to the latter's finger, or compels
him to shout out, "I am here;" and this addition has
apparently been rationalized in the Odyssey. If so,
there can be little doubt as to where we must look for
the most primitive form of the story, and when we
remember that the Turkish tale is also found among the
Finnic members of the Ugro-Altaic family, while it
stands isolated in Greece, notwithstanding the three
Graiai of ^Eschylus with their one eye between them, it
would seem that the Greek myth was a borrowed one,
and that its origin must be sought among the tribes of
Turan. And yet a doubt is cast upon this conclusion
by our finding that among the fastnesses of the Pyre-
nees, the Basques, too, have preserved a legend of the
Tartaro or One-eyed Kyklops, which seems almost the
sole fragment of their existing folklore that has not been
1 " Reseminnen fran aren" (1833-44), p. 87.
COMPARATIVE MYTHOLOGY. 26$
borrowed from abroad.1 Among the forms assumed by
the legend is one that describes how the man-eater lived
in a cave, where he is challenged by one of three brothers.
The latter lops off one of the arms of the Tartaro and
renewing the challenge next day lops off his head, then
kills several more Tartaros, fights a body without a soul,
and delivers the three daughters of a king. It is cer-
tainly more probable that the traveller's tale recorded by
the poet of the Odyssey was received from races in the
Western Mediterranean, of whom the Basques may be the
last surviving relics, than that it came from the interior of
Asia, from barren lands where the Ural-Altaic hordes
were settled. But what is most probable is not therefore
always the most true. M. Antoine d'Abbadie has met
with a story similar to that of the Kyklops and the
escape of Odysseus under the belly of a ram among the
tribes of Abyssinia, and the story can be traced back to
the far east of Asia long before the days in which the
Odyssey took its present shape. Herodotus tells us 2
how Aristeas of Prokonnesus, in his poem of the Arimas-
pea, described the Arimaspi or " One-eyed men," who
lived beyond the Issedones and the Scythians in the
extreme north-east, where they bordered on the gry-
phons, whose task it was to guard the hidden treasures
of gold. Now the Arimaspi of Aristeas must be iden-
tical with the one-eyed men of the Chinese " Shan Hoi
King," an old book of Monsters, which claims to have
been written in the twelfth century B.C, and the illus-
trations of which, at all events, go back to the time of
1 Webster and Vinson : " Basque Legends" (1877).
2 iv. 13, 27.
266
THE SCIENCE OF LANGUAGE.
the Han dynasty. These one-eyed men are described as
living beyond the western desert of Gobi, and the portrait
of one of them which is given exactly represents the
Polyphemus of Greek legend, with a single eye in the
centre of the forehead, and a general appearance of wild
barbarism. Along with this account of the Kyklops, the
Chinese writer gives a further account of certain small men
covered with hair inhabiting some islands to the east, as
well as of diminutive pygmies who come from the same
neighbourhood as the Kyklops, and have to walk arm in
arm for fear of being picked up and eaten by the birds.
The hairy men from the islands in the east are plainly
the Ainos of Japan, not yet it would appear colonized by
Japanese when the " Shan Hoi King " was composed,
while in the pygmies we recognize at once the pygmies
of the Iliad 1 and of Aristotle,2 to whom, on the shores of
the circumambient Ocean, the cranes "carry slaughter
and death." The primaeval source of the two old Greek
stories thus becomes manifest : it was from the frontiers
of China, through the medium of the Scythian caravan-
trade, that the tales of the Arimaspi and the pygmies
were brought to Greece, and just as the tale of the pyg-
mies has been incorporated into the Iliad, so the tale of
the Kyklops, in much the same form as that in which
it has survived among Turks and Fins, has been incorpo-
rated into the Odyssey. The tale is indeed a borrowed
one, but it was borrowed from the east and not from the
west. The Basque Tartaro, like the Kyklops of Abys-
sinia, would have come in all probability from Asia, pos-
sibly through the hands of the Greeks themselves, pos-
iii. 6.
H. A. viii. 12, 3.
COMPARATIVE MYTHOLOGY. 267
sibly in some other way. The strange idea of a body
without a soul which has been embodied in the Basque
myth, is certainly of foreign origin. Miss Frere, in her
" Old Dekkan Days," tells us that she has heard the
story in Southern India, and far away in the north the
Samoyeds have a legend of seven robbers who hung up
their hearts on a peg and were destroyed by a hero,
whose mother they had captured, with the help of a
Swan-maiden, whose feather-dress he had stolen. A
similar legend was met with by Castren among the
Fins, of a giant who kept his soul in a snake which he
carried in a box with him on horseback, and the Norse
story of the giant without a heart in his body, given by
Dr. Dasent,1 seems to have been derived by the Scandi-
navians from their Finnic neighbours. Before we can
use a myth to establish the common origin of those
among whom it is found, we must be quite sure that it is
not borrowed. Language is no test of race, merely of
social contact, and so, too, the possession of a common
stock of myths proves nothing more than neighbourly
intercourse.
We need not linger long over the objections that have
been raised to the method and the results of comparative
mythology. All new things are sure to be objected to
by those who have to unlearn the old. It is hard for
scholars who have spent their lives in extracting profound
lessons of philosophy or science out of the symbolic
myths wherein they had been wrapped by our highly
gifted grandsires, harder still for those who would dis-
cover in these ancient legends facts of history or echoes
1 " Norse Tales," pp. 64, sq.
268
THE SCIENCE OF LANGUAGE.
of revealed truth, to admit that their search and labour
have been all in vain. It has been urged on the one
hand that the comparative mythologist would assign too
high an imagination to primitive man, whom he transforms
into a poet ever busied in contemplating the ceaseless
changes of nature and life ; on the other hand, that he
makes the mythopceic age one of dull stupidity and feeble
imagination, in which the phaenomena of the atmosphere
engrossed the whole attention of men who were yet too
witless to understand the language in which they were
described. But such mutually destructive objections are
readily answered. The men who described the toils of
the sun and the fading of the dawn in language that soon
passed into myth were endowed neither with too high nor
with too feeble a phantasy. The gods they worshipped were
the gods that brought them food and warmth, and these
gods were the bright day and the burning sun. Eagerly
did they watch for the rising of the dawn and the scatter-
ing of the black clouds of night and storm, because " man
goeth forth unto his work and his labour until the even-
ing," and the needs of life have to be satisfied ere then.
It was not stupidity, but the necessities of his daily exis-
tence, the conditions in which his lot was cast, that made
man confine his thought and care to the powers which
gave him the good gifts he desired. Winter, according to
the disciples of Zoroaster, was the creation of the evil one,
and among the first thanksgivings lisped by our race is
praise of the gods as "givers of good things." As Von
Hahn has pointed out1 the small part played by the moon
in mythology is due to the little share it has in providing
1 " Sagwissenschaftliche Studien," p. 92. ,.
COMPARATIVE MYTHOLOGY. 269
for human wants. It is only among the Accadians of
Chaldea, that nation of astronomers and astrologers, that
the moon takes the place denied to it elsewhere. Though
Accadian mythology, like all other mythologies, is largely
solar, it is also largely lunar. The Moon-god stands
above the Sun-god, whose father he is held to be ; it was
from him that the royal race traced its descent, and to
him were erected the lofty towers which served at once
as temples and observatories. What clearer proof can
we have that the character of a mythology is determined
by the material needs and circumstances of those that
formed it, or that the mythopceic age is one in which
those needs are still keenly felt ?
The men of the mythopceic age, however, were not
savages, nor were those who interpreted to them the
mysteries of the world mere stolid boors blind to the
beauties of nature. The powers that seemed to give
them the blessings they asked for were invested with
human action and human feeling. But it was because
they could not do otherwise. The language in which
they spoke of their gods may appear to us imaginative
and poetical ; but it was the only language they could
use. Man attributed his own passions, his own move-
ments, to the forces of nature, not because he was a poet,
but because he had not yet learned to distinguish between
the lifeless and the living. He clothed the deep things
of the spirit in sensuous metaphor and imagery ; but it
was because he had not yet realized that aught existed
which his senses could not perceive. The objects of his
thought and its expression were limited, because the
objects of his worship were limited ; but few as they were,
270
THE SCIENCE OF LANGUAGE.
they were more than enough for the rich outgrowth which
reached its noblest perfection in the gorgeous mythology
of Greece. The hymns of the Rig-Veda, the oldest
monument of our Aryan race, which have founded the
science of language, have founded also its younger
sister, the science of mythology. Here, at any rate,
we have the touchstone by which we can test the
soundness of our theory ; here we may see the names
and phrases, not yet emptied of their earliest meta-
phorical meaning, beginning to pass into the myths
of a later day. As words and grammatical forms
which had lost almost all trace of their original sense
in the idioms of Europe suddenly received new life and
significancy when compared with the language of the
Rig- Veda, so the myths and folklore of Greece and
Rome, of Germany and Gaul and Slavonia, yielded up
their secrets and revealed their primitive meaning when
read in the light of the epithets and utterances which the
old Hindu bards addressed to the Sun-god or the Dawn.
Why must every myth, it has been asked, be resolved
into a solar hero or a dawn-maiden ? Why this weari-
some monotony of subject, this vague and indefinite
sameness of adventures ? The answer is an easy one.
Apart from the fact that there are many myths which
have been shown by a scientific analysis to have nothing
to do with either the sun or the dawn, and many more
which as yet defy our efforts to analyze them, primitive
man cared to coin epithets for none but those bright
powers of nature from whom he believed his benefits to
come, and the Rig- Veda, accordingly, demonstrates be-
yond dispute that the greater part of the myths of our
COMPARATIVE MYTHOLOGY. 271
Aryan race are derived from the faded metaphors applied
to the sun and the dawn, and from no others. And not
the Rig- Veda only, but the mythologies of other nations
when closely questioned testify to the same fact. Whether
we turn to the myths of Polynesia,1 of Fins and Tatars,
or of ancient Chaldea, we find them centering round the
same or similar phenomena of nature, and taking upon
them similar forms. And thanks to the agglutinative
character of the languages, the proper names in these
cases have generally remained clear and transparent,
preventing all mistakes as to the first origin and meaning
of the myths.
But there is always a danger that a hobby may be
ridden too hard. The solar explanation of myths has
been extended by some writers far beyond its legitimate
limits. We may admit that a large part of the myths
we can analyze have a solar origin, and yet hold that
there are many to which such an explanation does not
apply. If mythology is the misunderstood summary of
the beliefs and knowledge of primitive man, it will include
much more than his conceptions of solar and atmospheric
phenomena ; we shall find it a record of all his ideas
regarding the world around him. As a matter of fact,
there are numberless myths, both Aryan and non-Aryan,
which can be proved to have another origin than a solar
one. There are myths relating to the storm-clouds, to
the stars, to eclipses of the moon, even to the creation of
the earth and sea and living beings, from which the solar
1 See the New Zealand stories of Maui, the Sun-god, in Tylor's
" Primitive Culture," pp. 302, 309, arid. Gill : " Myths and Songs
from the South Pacific" (1876).
2/2 THE SCIENCE OF LANGUAGE.
element is altogether absent To confound the so-called
" Solar Theory " with comparative mythology, is to show
an entire ignorance of the method and results of the
latter. Nor must it be forgotten that there are many
myths of which we shall never know the true source and
derivation. We may guess at it in some cases, but like
doubtful etymologies, our guesses can never become
certainties. And where comparative philology sheds no
light on the meaning of the proper names, even a guess
is inadmissible.
Two more objections still remain to be dealt with.
On the principles followed by comparative mythologists,
it is said, any story of life and death and marriage, any
tale in which the hero migrates from east to west, or dies
in the prime of his career, ought to be received into the
circle of solar myths. So vague and general are the
features attributed to the myth, so elastic the limits by
which it is confined, that it is possible to transmute
almost any individual into an image of the sun. But
here, again, the objection lies not against comparative
mythology, but against a misuse of it. Comparative
mythology is but a branch of comparative philology, and
must be content to follow, not to lead. Only where a
scientific analysis of the proper names reveals their original
character may we compare two or more myths togethei
within the same group of languages, and determine theii
primary form and significance. Herakles is a solar hero,
not only because his life and labours are those of other
solar heroes, but because his own name discloses his
derivation from szuara, " the splendour of heaven," like
that of the goddess Here, while the names of those with
COMPARATIVE MYTHOLOGY. 273
whom he comes into contact, Augeias, Deianeira, lole,
have equally to do with celestial phenomena.
The other objection is based on the fact that a myth
is frequently peculiar to a single locality, or met with only
in writers of late date. But from its very nature a myth
will clothe itself with an infinity of different forms, adapt-
ing itself to the conditions of place and time, and taking
the colour of each country and age. Just as some old
word or old form of the highest value to the etymologist
may linger on in some sequestered corner, so an early
form of a myth may survive in the mouths of a few
illiterate peasants to be discovered by the antiquarian or
book-maker of a late date. The Greek legend of Kephalos
and Prokris is not found in literature before the time of
Apollodorus and Ovid, and yet the scientific analysis of
it shows that its roots must go back to a hoar antiquity.
Prof. Max Miiller has explained Prokris by the help of
7r?a|, " a dewdrop," and the Sanskrit roots prish andflnts/t,
"to sprinkle," and when we know that Kephalos, the son
of Herse, " the dew," is but an epithet of the sun, as is
" the head " of the horse in the Veda, the signification of
the whole story becomes clear. Prokris is slain uninten-
tionally by Kephalos while jealously watching him
through fear of her rival Eos, just as the dew in the early-
morning is parched up by the first rays of the rising sun.1
In modern Greek folklore we seem to find fragments of
tales which the Greeks brought with them to Hellas, and
which yet were never noticed by those of their writers
whose works have come down to us, tales like the (H/6oi,
which Amphitryon advises to be told to the children in
1 Max Miiller : " Chips from a German Workshop," ii. 87-91.
II. T
274
THE SCIENCE OF LANGUAGE.
the " Hercules Furens" of Euripides,1 or of which Arist
phanes once quotes the opening formula.2 In this modern
folklore Kharon is the god of death, not the grim ferry-
man of the Styx, and when we remember that he performs
the same functions in the paintings of the Etruscan
tombs, it becomes probable that side by side with the
literary representation of him went another, possibly
more popular, possibly provincial, in which he took the
place of Aides.
If the mythopoeic age is one through which all races
of men must pass who have lifted themselves above the
lowest savagery, it is evident that it cannot be confined
to those languages in which gender and sex are denoted,
as Dr. Bleek maintained.3 The indication of gender is
an accident of language, the creation of myths a necessity.
No doubt the process is largely aided by the existence of
gender : personification becomes much easier, the tran-
sition of an epithet into a proper name much simpler. In-
deed, to indicate sex is of itself to mythologize ; the sailor
who speaks of his ship as " she," is using the language of
myth. The very fact that Prokris was feminine caused
the word to be regarded as a woman's name when its
original meaning was lost ; and Bleek may be right in
holding that the beast fables of the Hottentots have some
connection with the sex-denoting character of their
dialects. But the connection cannot be a necessary one,
1 11.98-101. See also Plutarch: " Thes." 23; Plato: " Gorg."
p. 5-27 A.
a "Wasps," 1182. Cf. Schmidt : " Griechische Marchen, Sagen
und Volkslieder " (1877), Introd., especially pp. 11-13.
3 See "A Comparative Grammar of South African Languages,"
i. (1862), pp. ix.-xi., and " Report."
COMPARATIVE MYTHOLOGY. 275
since the Bushmen, who above all the races of Southern
Africa are distinguished by their love of the beast fable,
know nothing of the distinction of gender, while the
genderless Accadian possessed a richer and more developed
mythology than the Semite, who divided his nouns into
masculine and feminine. In fact, we now know that
much of the Semitic mythology was simply borrowed
from the older mythology of Accad. Go where we will,
all over the world we find mythology ; it is inseparable
from the growth of language, whose offspring it is. The
grammar of a language can do no more than determine
the proportions the mythology will attain and the exact
forms it will assume.
Myth, folklore, fable, allegory — all these are related
terms, but terms to be kept carefully apart. A myth is
the misinterpreted answer given by the young mind of
man to the questions the world about him seemed to
put. It is the speculation of a child which the grown
man has treated as though it were the utterance of his
own mature thought. The term folklore is of vaguer
meaning. It embraces all those popular stories of which
the fairy tales of our nursery are a good illustration, but
from which the religious element of mythology is absent
Their proper names, too, are for the most part incapable
of analysis ; the distance that separates them from their
original source and centre is too great to be spanned even
by the comparative philologist. Popular etymologies
doubtless abound in them, but such etymologies remain
comparatively unfruitful, changing or modifying only an
unessential portion of the story, and not its whole cha-
racter. The attempt to explain nature which lies at the
276
THE SCIENCE OF LANGUAGE.
if
bottom of a myth is altogether wanting, or it it were
present has been so obscured and effaced as to be utterly
unrecognizable. Though the figures of mythology may
move in the folklore of a people they have changed their
form and fashion ; the divinity that once clothed them
is departed ; they are become vulgar flesh and blood.
It is true that it is often difficult to draw the line between
folklore and mythology, to define exactly where the one
ends and the other begins, and there are many instances in
which the two terms overlap one another ; but this is the
case in all departments of research, and the broad outlines
of the two types of popular legend stand clearly distinct.
It is a mere misuse of the term to include myths, as is
sometimes done, under the general head of " folklore." 1
The precise relation of mythology and folklore is still
a disputed question. There is much folklore which can
be traced back with certainty to faded myths. The tale
of the sleeping beauty, for example, is but a far-off echo
of the old myth which described the sudden awakening
of nature at the approach of the spring sun, and the
myth of the Kyklops can only be excluded from the
category of folklore by seeing in the name of the mon-
ster a living reminiscence of the sun, "the round eye" of
heaven. A tale collected by Schmidt in Zante,2 recounts
how an armed maiden sprang with lance and helmet
1 The two Grimms, in their Preface to the " Deutsche Sagen "
(1816), p. v., state that the peculiarity ^of a myth consists "in its
referring to something known and consciously conceived, to some
place or some name which is verified by history ; " but this defini-
tion does not hold good in all cases (see Bechstein : " Deutsches
Marchenbuch," ist edition, 1847, p. iii.).
2 " Griechische Marchen," &c., p. 77.
COMPARATIVE MYTHOLOGY. 277
from the swollen calf of an unmarried king, and in this
we cannot refuse to see a survival of the story which
made Athena, the dawn-goddess, spring from the head of
Zeus. But there are many other nursery tales which can
be forced into a connection with known myths only by
arbitrary and unscientific theorizing. And among these
nursery tales we find the same resemblance, the same
apparent bond of union, as among the myths by which
they are accompanied. Not only can the same kind of
likeness be pointed out in the folklore of allied languages
and dialects, but also in that of unallied families of
speech. The fact which the comparative method has
shown to hold good of mythology, holds good of folklore
also. And the fact has to be explained in the same way
as in the case of mythology. When, for instance, we
find Kafir legends of Uhlakanyana which present nume-
rous points of analogy with the story of Jack-the-Giant-
killer, or when we come across tales among Eskimos,
Mongols, and the Karens of Further India which re-
semble what the Greeks told of the Symplegades, or of
Kharybdis and Skylla, we must remember how much
alike are the minds of half-civilized men, and the cir-
cumstances amid which they live. When, again, we find
a compact body of folklore existing among the scattered
members of the Aryan family, and by its close agreement
pointing to a common origin, we are justified in holding
that it must have grown up before the division of the
Aryans, and been carried by them far and wide into their
new settlements.1 But as in mythology, so in folklore,
1 For arguments in favour of the priority of nursery tales to
myths, see A. Lang in the " Fortnightly Review," May, 1873.
278
THE SCIENCE OF LANGUAGE.
we must be on our guard against assuming that to b<
native and original which is really borrowed. Benfey,
indeed, has gone too far in affirming that almost all the
folklore of modern Europe has migrated from India since
the beginning of the Christian era, and the existence in
the eighth century of the romance of SS. Barlaam and
Josaphat, the latter of whom is but Buddha in Western
disguise, has obliged him to modify his first theory, which
placed the introduction of it as late as the tenth century
and the closer contact of the Mahommedans with India.1
Some portion at all events of the tale of Love and
Psyche in Apuleius, which Friedlander has successfully
compared with modern German and Hindu tales of the
same kind,2 must go back beyond the time when there
was any intercourse between India and the Mediter-
ranean. Nevertheless, there can be little doubt that
folklore travels more easily than mythology, and that the
literature of the nursery, and we may also add of the
monasteries, was largely enriched by the Crusades. The
" Gesta Romanorum " or the " Romance of Dolopathos,"
translated from a Latin work of John the Monk into
Latin verse about 1225 A.D., will illustrate the extent to
which the borrowing went on, and the " Decamerone " of
Boccaccio, like the Fables of La Fontaine, bear on almost
every page the stamp of their eastern origin.3 The fables
1 See his Preface to the translation of the " Panchatantra" (1859),
pp. xxii. sq.
2 " Dissertatio qua fabula Apuleiana de Psyche et Cupidine cui
fabulis cognatis comparatur," in two University Theses (Konigsberg,
1860).
3 See Max Muller : " On the Migration of Fables," in " Chip;
from a German Workshop," iv. pp. 145-209.
COMPARATIVE MYTHOLOGY. 279
of the Hindu Panchatantra or " Pentateuch," a collection
which owed its existence in the first instance to the
Buddhist teachers, and is at least as old as the third
century of our era, have been carried not only into
Europe, but also into Tibet and Mongolia, among Tatars
and Ugric tribes. The " Basque Legends," published by
Webster and Vinson, are equally for the most part im-
portations from abroad. There are few among them
which we cannot recognize in a more primitive form
among the inhabitants of Southern France, the Slavs of
Eastern Europe, or even the Keltic population of the
Western Highlands. The readiness with which a folk-
lore passes from country to country, is a fresh proof of
the avidity with which the mind of the uninstructed man
seizes upon such intellectual food, and the fidelity with
which it remains stored up in his memory. What " a
good story" is to the lounger in the clubs, a nursery
tale is to the untaught peasant. Like " good stones,"
nursery tales, of course, are modified by those who
borrow and repeat them. They have to adapt them-
selves to their new abode, to catch the colour of the
scenery and the life in the midst of which they find
themselves. The elephant of the Indian tale becomes a
horse, the founder of Buddhism a Christian saint.
The fables of the Panchatantra have been necessarily
included under the head of folklore. But there are many
fables which could not be so included, and in any case fables
constitute a class of popular tales apart by themselves.
It is only when the fable is, so to speak, unconscious,
when it has not been composed with the deliberate pur-
pose of conveying a lesson, that it ought strictly to be
2 SO
THE SCIENCE OF LANGUAGE.
regarded as a part of folklore. The consciously devised
fable is a curious product, which stands on the very
threshold of the literary age, or else is the form of
political satire most conveniently resorted to under a
despotic government. But the consciously-devised fable
is an aftergrowth, an imitation ; it is but the later adap-
tation of an aboriginal species of popular tale. The fable,
in fact, differs from other popular legends at the outset
in nothing save its introduction of brute beasts as speak-
ing and acting like men. It is only by degrees that its
didactic usefulness becomes manifest, and it is made " to
point a moral or adorn a tale." The most primitive
beast-fables, such as those of the Bushmen and the Hot-
tentots, rarely have any more didactic purpose than an
ordinary myth. Human attributes are assigned to the
brute creation for the same reason and in the same way
that they are to the objects of inanimate nature ; indeed,
no distinction is drawn in the South African fables be-
tween the animals and the celestial bodies ; the same
peculiar pronunciation is ascribed alike to the moon, the
anteater, and the hare. Elsewhere, as among the Poly-
nesians1 and the Australians,2 the heavenly bodies are
turned into beasts, and the word Zodiac, " the circle of
animals," perpetuates the same confusion of ideas even
among ourselves. But the cause of the confusion is the
cause which underlies all mythology. The only way in
which primitive man could account for the motions of
the sun and moon and stars, was by endowing them with
1 Gill : " Myths and Songs from the South Pacific," pp. 40-51.
2 Ridley : " Kdmilaroi and other Australian Languages " (2nd
edition, 1875), PP- J4i> J42.
COMPARATIVE MYTHOLOGY. 281
his own life and powers. As yet no distinction was
drawn between the object and the subject ; nor could it
be until the mythopceic age had passed away. Hence it
was that the brute animals were made to talk and behave
like man himself, and the same tendency which gave to
the myths of one race a physical character, threw the
myths of another race into the form of beast-fables. It
is not a little curious that the chief home of the beast-
fable should be Africa, and especially those backward
tribes of Southern Africa whose languages contain in
their clicks the bridge that marks the passage of inarticu-
late cries into articulate speech. It seems as if the same
conservatism which has preserved the animal sounds out
of which language was developed, has preserved also a
sympathy with the animal world, a memory of the close
ties which unite us with it. Professor Mahaffy has sug-
gested that Africa, pre-eminently the land of animal-
worship, was the first birthplace of the fable, and he
reminds us that the first literary essays made by the Vei-
negroes after Doalu's invention of a syllabary, were fables
about beasts.1 But the Vei-negroes are not alone in their
employment of them. Go where we will among the
native races of Africa we shall find the beast-fable occu-
pying a peculiar and almost isolated place. Such litera-
ture as they possess consists almost wholly of beast-
fables. Beast-fables were known among the Egyptians
at least as early as the reign of Ramses III., and used by
them to satirize the government and caricature the kings.
But it is possible that, like the clicks, the beast-fable
also radiated from one source — the race now known as
1 "Prolegomena to Ancient History," p. 391.
282
THE SCIENCE OF LANGUAGE.
Bushmen. It is among them that it exists in its fullest
and most original form, and it is among them, too, that
the art of drawing animals with considerable skill has been
cultivated from time immemorial, as is evidenced by the
rock paintings of Southern Africa. Even with the im-
perfect materials we possess at present, it is possible to
trace the diffusion of certain fables from a primitive
Bushman source. Thus the hare plays much the same
part in these African fables that the fox does in our
European ones, and fables that illustrate the superior
cunning of the hare can be traced from the Bari of Cen-
tral Africa l through Malagasy, Swahili, Kafir, and Hot-
tentot back to the Bushmen, where he is associated with
what Dr. Bleek calls " a most unpronounceable click,"
not otherwise found in the language. But though we
may regard the Bushmen as disseminators of the beast-
fable through the continent of Africa, it is impossible to
doubt that it has grown up independently elsewhere also.
Thus among the remains of the library of Nineveh are
fragments of fables, one of which represents the conver-
sation of a horse and an eagle ; and these fragments
mount back to the Accadian epoch. The Hindu fables,
again, cannot be connected with Africa, and when we
compare the collection of the Panchatantra with the
fables of ^Esop, it becomes probable that the Aryans
were acquainted with this class of fictitious composition
before the age of their separation. All over the world
indeed, we find animals endowed with the language and
1 See the specimen given by Mitterrutzner : " Die Sprache der
Bari in Central- Afrika," p. 10.
2 " Second Report concerning Bushman Researches" (1875), p. 6.
COMPARATIVE MYTHOLOGY. 283
powers of men. Thus among the Polynesian myths col-
lected by Mr. Gill, we are told of a shark that speaks
and acts like a human being,1 and an Australian legend
reported by Mr. Ridley ascribes human speech and
action to the pelican and the musk-duck.2 The fable is
an integral part of mythology ; it is not until we reach
the literary age that it ceases to be the spontaneous
utterance of a childlike people and becomes the vehicle
of a moral or a satire. As we shall see, there is
no necessary connection between totemism and the
fable.
Allegory and parable are the products of an era of
cultivation. We have left the childhood of mankind
behind us ; we have passed to the time of conscious reflec-
tion and religious or moral propagandism. Artificiality is
the essential characteristic of both. The parable is the
germ of the romance. It draws an analogy between some
truth the speaker would press home and a story framed
from the occurrences of simple everyday life. The allegory
is more elaborate. Its language is consciously ambiguous ;
its form is longer than that of the parable ; it describes,
not some simple event of ordinary life, but a strange and
often bizarre history, filled it may be with the marvellous
and the supernatural. Quite different is the deliberate
fiction, such as the monk of the Middle Ages palmed off
as bygone history. In the silence of his cell he could not
distinguish between the real and the imaginable, and
tissues of fiction like the history of the Trojan kings of
Britain or the Iberian monarchs of Spain deceived their
1 " Myths and Songs from the South Pacific," p. 92.
* " Kamilaroi," &c., pp. 143, 144.
284
THE SCIENCE OF LANGUAGE.
inventor as much as they deceived his readers.1 But
though we may acquit the monkish chroniclers of moral
guilt in thus forging fictitious history, it is of the utmost
importance not to confound such curious specimens of
morbid imagination with the early myths of young and
healthy humanity.
Mythology is so closely bound up with religion that
the comparative philologist cannot escape from the study
of those religions and religious systems which have their
root in the mythopceic age. Side by side with the science
of mythology, stands the new science of religion or Dog-
matology. Like the science of mythology, the science
of religion is comparative, comparing the history and
dogmas of the various religions of the world ; and like the
science of mythology, too, it has to turn for help at almost
every step to comparative philology. Roughly speaking
the religions of man may be divided into two broad classes ;
those that have been organized into a system, and those
that have not. Those of the second class rest upon
mythology, and the same key that has to be applied to
mythology has also to be applied to them ; those of the
first class are supported upon sacred books, written in
sacred and extinct languages, the meaning of which has
to be recovered by comparative philology, though they,
too, have for the most part a background of myth. Com-
parative mythology and the science of religion, therefore,
are the twin offspring of the science of language. Lan-
guage is a record of the past thoughts and yearnings of
society, and the strongest of these yearnings, the deepest
1 An account of many of these will be found in Buckle
•of Civilization," i. ch. vi.
History
COMPARATIVE MYTHOLOGY. 285.
of these thoughts, are those which have to do with reli-
gion. As we restore the old sense and life of a myth by
discovering the first meaning and import of its key words,
so we can trace step by step the phases through which a
creed has passed, and determine the germs out of which
its dogmas have developed, by ascertaining the exact sig-
nificance of the language wherein they were expressed.
The application of the scientific method has shown that
the Rig- Veda knows nothing of a priestly hierarchy, of a
system of caste, of the burning of widows, and that the
introduction of all these things was the slow work of later
centuries. We have only to examine the language in
which a dogma of the Christian Church has been embodied
at different periods, and ascertain its exact meaning to
those who employed it, to see how strangely it has
changed and shifted, how continuous has been that
"Development of Christian Doctrine," which Dr. Newman
has described. What misery and hatred would have been
avoided had men known how vague and shifting were the
words and phrases over which they fought, how coloured
by the ages through which they passed and the know-
ledge of the men who used them ! It is with this outward
shell, this external form of religion that its scientific
student is concerned ; with " the letter that killeth," not
with " the spirit that giveth life." Questions of orthodoxy
and heresy, of the truth or falsity of particular religions,
must be handed over to the theologian. That intuition
of the Divine, whether we call it the religious instinct,
the sense of the Infinite, or the grace of God, which is the
soul, the life and the preserver of all real religion, nay,
of all real mythology also, lies outside the sphere of the
THE SCIENCE OF LANGUAGE.
science of religion. The object of the latter is to compare
and classify the faiths of the human race, to trace their
growth collectively and severally, to analyse the changes
they have undergone and the shapes they have assumed,
and to restore the first sense and meaning to their sacred
books. The work is a vast one, and it will need the
labour of many minds and many years before it can be
completed. But already something has been done. We
are even now beginning to see that there is no faith,
however degraded, which does not contain some ray of
light and truth ; no creed, however pure and exalted, which
has not passed through many phases of existence, and
gathered to itself additions of which it may well be rid.
A religion, even if revealed, must be communicated to
man, and handed down through human channels ; its
outward form, therefore, will be shaped and moulded by
the changing years, and be subject to all the conditions
of growth and decay. It will be conformed not only t©
the necessities of time and place, but also to the character
and instincts of the races by whom it is professed. The
Christianity of the Negro is not, and cannot be, the
same as the Christianity of the Englishman, so far as its
outward form and fashion is concerned, and the various
shapes assumed by Christianity in different ages and in
different countries, are not more remarkable, more seem-
ingly incongruous, than the various shapes similarly
assumed by Buddhism. All organized religions have a
history, and that history is written in the languages they
have used.
But an organized religion, like an organized State, is a
late product, an outward sign and symbol of advanced
COMPARATIVE MYTHOLOGY. 287
civilization and literary culture. It presupposes long ages
of previous preparation, beliefs and prejudices, ideas and
imaginings, which are worked upon by the founder or the
founders of the new creed. Buddhism was but a reaction
against the tyranny of the Brahmanic priesthood, whose
first principles and philosophy it accepted, and the dualism
of the Zend Avesta can be traced back to the concep-
tions which lie latent in the Rig-Veda of India. What
Buddhism is to Brahmanism, Christianity may in one
sense be said to be to Judaism, and just as the tenets of
early Christianity have been ascribed to Essenes, so Mr.
Thomas would now ascribe the tenets of early Buddhism
to Jains. Nor does the parallel end here : Buddhism
started with being an Aryan religion, and has ended with
being extirpated from its birthplace and becoming the
faith of non- Aryan races, just as Jewish Christianity was
merged in Gentile Christianity and driven from its first
home in Palestine. The great council which settled the
creed of Buddhism was convened by A'soka, the first
royal convert, about three centuries after the Buddha's
death, as the Council of Nikaea, which drew up the
Nicene Creed, was summoned by Constantine in
A.D. 325. The sublime morality and simple life and
teaching of the first Buddhist missionaries are not more
widely separated from the elaborate ritual, the worship of
saints and relics, the praying-machines and rosaries, the
priestly hierarchy, and the Lama-Pope of the modern
faith, than are the precepts and history of the New Testa-
ment from the constitution and practices of the Latin
Church. And as Zoroastrianism was a protest against
the Polytheism of the Veda, so did Mahommedanism pro-
288
THE SCIENCE OF LANGUAGE.
fess to be a protest against the Christian idolatry of the
sixth century. Indeed, there is much in common between
these two great Puritan religions of the Aryan and
Semitic world.
The variety and many-sidedness of the religions which
are not yet organized might seem to defy classification
and record. Even here, however, it is possible to bring
order and arrangement into the apparent chaos, and to
sketch in broad outline the development of religion and
the religious consciousness. Man shares with the animals
the instinct of imitation and conservatism ; and in the
most developed forms of faith we may often detect sur-
vivals which go back to a remote past. Some phase of
religious thought through which a people may have
passed millenniums ago, may be fossilized in words and
phrases, the key to the original meaning of which is fur-
nished by comparative philology. Few of us when we
speak of Deity think that the word bears witness to a
time when our forefathers looked up to the "bright
heaven " as the source and giver of all good things, and
the Welsh crefydd, " religion," the Irish craibhdhigh,
"people who mortify the flesh," when compared with
'sram, "to chastise oneself," and 'srdnta, "asceticism,"
point to the practice of self-inflicted penance.1
The existence in any religion of beliefs, practices, or
customs which are no longer in harmony with the religion
itself is as clear a proof of their having preceded that
religion as are the names we give to the days of the week
of the gods worshipped by our heathen ancestors. If we
find ancestor-worship or fetishism prevailing among a
1 Rhys : " Lectures on Welsh Philology," pp. 14, 15 (ist edition).
COMPARATIVE MYTHOLOGY. 289
people, we may assume that ancestor-worship or fetishism
are stages of religious thought in the past history of the
people. Now, a comparison of the various religious
beliefs and customs of mankind shows that there are no
less than six forms in which the religious consciousness
of man has endeavoured to embody itself before the rise
of organized religions, or the conception of the Unity of
God. These are ancestor-worship, fetishism, totemism,
shamanism, henotheism, and polytheism. If these six
forms can be proved to have been successive stages of
growth, or if a relation can be pointed out between them,
we shall have gone far towards sketching the history and
development of unrevealed religion. But as yet our
materials are too scanty and imperfect for such a work,
and though attempts have been made from time to time
to accomplish it, they are all more or less open to criti-
cism. The theory that fetishism is the first in the chain
of development started by De Brosses in the last century
has been rudely shaken by Prof. Max Miiller,1 and can
never again be maintained in its old form. The fetish, so
called from the Portuguese feitiqo, "an amulet," the Latin
factitius, implies a belief in the divine or the superhuman,
and hence to regard fetishism as the starting-point of
religion is like making the husk of a seed, and not the
kernel within, the primal germ of a tree. Nevertheless
the nature of fetishism, coupled with the fact that its pre-
sence always marks a degraded condition of mind and
religion, tends to show that it belongs to the childhood of
religious thought. The Christianity of modern Spain may
be disfigured by fetish-worship, but that is because the
1 " Hibbert Lectures," ii. (1878).
II. U
290
THE SCIENCE OF LANGUAGE.
religious and mental state of the fetish-worshippers n
presents that of the first men.
Ancestor-worship would seem to be the first form in
which the religious instinct struggled to clothe itself. The
State came before the individual, the tribe before the
State, and the family before the tribe. The individual
had no existence as such apart from the family or clan
to which he belonged. His religion in its outward form
was made up of rites and ceremonies which could only be
performed collectively, and it is a curious proof of the
deep-rootedness and antiquity of this belief that it lingered
on into the historic age of Greece and Rome. Each
member of a family, like the bee in a hive, was but part of
a single whole, and in its relations to every one and every-
thing outside the family, that whole alone could originate
and act. But the family consisted of the dead as well as
of the living. The savage could, and can, draw no clear
distinction between his waking realities and the images
of his dreams. Like children, the first men wondered
whether they slept or wakened, and the unpractised
memory could give them no reply. The figures of dream-
land were to it as real and vivid as the events of the day
before. And in his dreams the dead appeared to the
sleeper once more living and clothed in corporeal form.
There was but one explanation of the fact which could
suggest itself to him. Man had two lives, one hi the
world of lights and shadows, the other in a world which
we should name the spiritual.
The conception of this reflected life once obtained, it
was not difficult to find traces of it even in the world of
objects itself. The voluntary or involuntary fasts of the
COMPARATIVE MYTHOLOGY. 291
savage produced visions indistinguishable from the dreams
of night, while the shadows thrown by the things about
him were so many immaterial second " selfs." The con-
ception of a continued, superhuman life enjoyed by dead
ancestors combined with these to create the conception
of spirits or ghosts ; and with this new conception
the religious instinct took a new departure. The dream
or waking vision had portrayed the disembodied ances-
tor sometimes as a friend, sometimes as an enemy,
sometimes bringing benefit and blessing, sometimes
disease and pain ; and the human passions thus reflected
in him were now transferred to the new conception of
ghost or spirit. But just as every object has its shadow,
so, too, the spirit may take up its abode in animals and
material things. The Hurons of North America believe
that the souls of the departed turn into turtle-doves ; the
Zulus see the spirits of their ancestors in certain green
and brown harmless snakes, and accordingly offer them
sacrifices. The worship of ancestors passes by insensible
degrees into the worship of animals and trees. And pre-
eminently among animals, the serpent, the most subtle
of all the beasts of the field, attracted the fear and the
adoration of man. The crawling serpent, the solitary
occupant of tombs and empty houses, seemed the natural
habitation the dead had chosen for himself, and the Py-
thagorean saying that the human marrow after death is
changed into a snake, is but a later form of the old idea.
The terror inspired by this venomous foe of man was
another potent cause that brought about the wide pre-
valence of serpent-worship.
For necessity is the mother not of invention merely,
292
THE SCIENCE OF LANGUAGE.
but also of religious ceremonies. We have already seen
how the character of a mythology is the work of the
daily needs of man ; and it was the same daily needs that
were the source of his earliest adoration and prayer. It
was for the sake of earthly good and success, or to avert
a threatened evil, that his offerings were spread to the
manes of the dead and the spirits that moved about him.
The angry ghost he had seen in his dreams, or whose
gnawings he felt in his aching tooth, had to be propitiated
and appeased. " The Redskin," says Carver,1 "lives in
continual apprehension of the unkind attacks of spirits,
and to avert them has recourse to charms, to the fantastic
ceremonies of his priest, or the powerful influence of his
manitous. Fear has of course a greater share in his
devotions than gratitude, and he pays more attention to
deprecating the wrath of the evil, than securing the favour
of the good beings." Fear of pain and the desire of food
were the two main motives that drove men to the practice
of religion, and the sense of their dependence on a power
beyond themselves.
Out of ancestor- worship would grow fetishism as soon,
as the conception of an indwelling spirit in material
objects had been formed and the idea of worship been
associated with the desire of satisfying man's daily wants,
or warding off sickness and other ills. Fetishism is a
worship of stocks and stones ; the inanimate objects
which minister to human needs are invested with a tran-
si-ent divinity, and adoration is paid to them so long as
they excite terror or satisfy desire. The spiritual is
localized in the bow, the spear, or the fruit-tree ; but it is
1 " Travels," p. 388.
COMPARATIVE MYTHOLOGY. 293
localized only so long as these objects are of use to the
worshipper. An amulet loses all its virtue as soon as
the owner believes that it will no longer shield him from
harm ; the Indians of Columbia beat their idols when
any one is ill, " and the first which loses a tooth or claw
is supposed to be the culprit."1 Like the Palladium of
Troy, the Bam/W or Beth-els of the Semite, or the Ephe-
sian " stone which fell down from heaven," the wand of
Hermes, the arrows of Apollo, and the other symbols of
the Greek divinities are but the survivals of a primitive
fetishism.
In Shamanism, so called from the Shaman or Siberian
sorcerer, who is himself but a transformed 'srdmana, or
Buddhist missionary priest, we rise to a higher concep-
tion of religion. All the objects and forces of nature have
alike their indwelling spirit, who is no longer the tran-
sient creation of self-interested superstition, but represents
the permanent substance, "the thing-in-itself " of German
philosophers, believed to reside in things and produce their
phenomena. It is no longer in the power of man to make
and destroy his deity ; the innumerable spirits by whom
he is surrounded have a world of their own, and can only
be approached by a special class of persons who stand
between them and the rest of mankind. But these spirits
are, after all, the mere reflections of the objects and forces
to which they belong, and like the objects and forces of
nature are either beneficial or harmful to man. The
work, therefore, of the Shaman, or Angekok, as he is
termed in Greenland, is to neutralize the action of the
1 Dunn : " Oregon," p. 125, quoted by Lubbock : " On the Origin
of Civilization" (ist edition), p. 246.
294
THE SCIENCE OF LANGUAGE.
evil spirits and to compel the action of the good spirits by
various incantations and magic ceremonies. Of course
the same spirit may be at different times mischievous and
beneficial, like the object or phenomenon it represents,
and the Shaman can not only avert evil from one man,
but bring it down upon the head of another. Shamanism
is the form specially assumed by the religious instinct
among the tribes of the Ural-Altaic family, and even the
cultivated Accadian of ancient Chaldea continued to be
under its influence long after the development of a con-
siderable civilization.
Quite distinct from shamanism is totemism, which
bears the same relation to the Indians of North America
that shamanism does to the nations of the Ural-Altaic
stock. The totem, which is generally an animal, is the
symbol or badge of a tribe, and, consequently, the object
of worship to every member of that tribe. Totemism is
therefore tribal ; it is defined by Sir John Lubbock as
" the deification of classes," which correspond to the tribes
they symbolize and protect. The same sort of rational-
istic explanation has been given of totemism as was
given of mythology in the last century. It has been
said that the totem was originally the name of some
animal applied to an individual from his supposed resem-
blance to it ; the name then became the surname of his
descendants, while the animal it denoted was invested
with a sacred character. But such an explanation forgets
that the individual does not precede but follow the family
and the tribe ; it is only at a later time that the indivi-
dual founds a family and hands on his name to those that
come after him. The eponymous heroes of antiquity are
COMPARATIVE MYTHOLOGY. 295
the creations of a systematizing mythology. It is simpler
to trace totemism to that embodiment of the dead ances-
tor's spirit in some living animal of which we spoke
above. Here, perhaps, we may see the germ out of
which it grew. There is, however, a close connection
between totemism and mythology. The tribal age is
also the epithetic age of language, the age when epithets
are coined and handed down to future generations. It
was only needful for the objects of tribal worship to be
compared to animals for the animals first to be substi-
tuted for them, and then to be worshipped in their stead.
Dr. Brinton1 tells us of Michabo, "the Great Hare," from
whom the various branches of the Algonkin family, from
Virginia and Delaware to the Ottawas of the North, traced
their descent. But Michabo was really a solar hero, like
Quetzalcoatl of Mexico or Huayna Capac of Peru. His
home was on the marge of the east, whence he sent forth
the lights of heaven on their daily journey, and his iden-
tification with the hare was simply due to the ambiguity
of the word ivabos, which enters into the composition of
his name, and properly means " white," and thence on
the one side " morning," " east," " day " and " light," and
on the other side " the hare." But the adoration which
was intended for " the great light " of sun and day would
never have been extended to " the Great Hare," had not
the way been prepared by an earlier cult of animals and
the old belief in their embodying the souls of the dead.
It is, however, with polytheism, and what Professor
Max Miiller has christened henotheism, that mythology
stands in the most intimate relation. Polytheism
1 " Myths of the New World," pp. 161, sq.
296
THE SCIENCE OF LANGUAGE,
and henotheism are but two phases of the same
form of religious faith, the two sides, as it were,
of the same prism. It matters little whether a mul-
titude of gods are worshipped together, or whether
the worshipper addresses but one of them at the time,
making him for the moment the supreme and single ob-
ject of his religious reverence. In either case we have a
plurality of deities, confessed explicitly in polytheism,
implied in henotheism. And these deities are necessarily
suggested by nature : the variety of nature overpowers
in an infantile state of society the unity for which the
mind of man is ever yearning. Gradually, however, the
attributes applied to the objects and powers of nature
take the place of the latter ; the sun becomes Apollo,
the storm Ares. Deities are multiplied with the multi-
plication of the epithets which the mythopceic age
changes into divinities and demi-gods, and side by side
with a developed mythology goes a developed pantheon.
The polytheism which the infinite variety of nature made
inevitable continues long after the nature-worship that
underlay it has grown faint and forgotten. A time at
last comes when even abstract names have to submit to
the common process ; temples are raised to Terror and
Fear, to Love and Reverence ; and the doom of the old
polytheism of nature is at hand. When once the spirit
of divinity has been breathed into abstractions of the
human mind, it cannot be long before their essential
unity is recognized, and they are all summed up under
the one higher abstraction of monotheism.
But the gods have first been clothed with human form.
The worship of man, with all his crimes and meanness,
COMPARATIVE MYTHOLOGY. 297
by his brother-man, is impossible so long as the element
of divinity is not abstracted from the original object of
worship. But as soon as polytheism makes it possible
to dissociate the god from the image and symbol that
enshrine or represent him, there arises the cult of man
himself, the apex and crown of created nature. The
human attributes with which the gods have been en-
dowed assume concrete shape ; Vishnu is provided with
arms and legs, Merodach with the form of an armed
warrior. At first idealized humanity is supra-human
humanity as displayed in Titanic strength or superna-
tural wisdom ; it is only in the hands of the Greek artist
that it becomes idealized human beauty. As the doctrine
of force is older than the doctrine of art, the ascription of
the attributes of strength, of swiftness or of wisdom to
the divine is older than the ascription of beauty. Philip
of Krotona was deified by the Greeks of Egesta because
of his beauty;1 elsewhere it has been other qualities
that have gained for men apotheosis or saintship.
In bringing the gods down to earth in the likeness of
men it was inevitable that the men should in turn be
raised up to heaven in the likeness of gods. Anthropo-
morphic polytheism is almost invariably accompanied by
the deification of men. The relics of ancestor-worship
that still survived would at first cause the deification to
take place after death, and it is curious to find in the
practice of the Roman Church the same echo of the
influence once exercised by the worship of the Manes as
in the superstition that forbids us to " speak evil of the
dead." But in course of time the apotheosis took place
1 Ht. v. 47.
298
THE SCIENCE OF LANGUAGE.
during a man's life. As might have been expected, this
first occurs in the case of the Chaldean and Egyptian
monarchs who lived apart from the mass of their sub-
jects, and were to them like invisible and beneficent
gods. The apotheosis of the Roman Emperors was due
to a variety of mixed causes, and rested primarily on the
fact that each was supposed to represent the unity and
omnipotence of the State. As Mr. Lyall has pointed out
in an interesting article, we can still watch the process of
deification among certain of our Indian fellow-subjects.1
Not long ago, for instance, the Bunjaras turned General
Nicholson into a new god, to be added to the many-
existing soldier-divinities at whose tombs sacrifices and
worship were regularly offered. It is clear that deifica-
tion cannot be without influence upon the mythology in
the midst of which it is found. Deified heroes and their
deeds will become blended with the heroes and deeds of
myth ; and the natural course of a myth may thus be
interrupted and turned aside. The same disturbing con-
sequences that accompany the localization of an ancient
myth, and its attachment to a figure of history, will ac-
company its intermixture with the name and adventures
of a deified English general or a canonized Christian
saint.
Like the Zeus of its poets, polytheism gives birth t
its own destroyer. The further it is removed from its
original basis in outward nature, the more spiritualized
and reflective it becomes, the more does it tend to pan-
theism on the one side and monotheism on the other.
1 " Religion of an Indian Province," in the " Fortnightly Review,"
xi. pp. 121-40 (1872).
COMPARATIVE MYTHOLOGY. 299
Its deities cease to be more than mere abstractions, and
these abstractions are soon resolved into a higher unity.
Already in the days of the Accadian monarchy the
religious hymns of Chaldea speak of " the One God," :
and even before them the Egyptian priests had been
busy in proving that the manifold gods of the people
were but manifestations of one and the same Divine
Essence. Xenophanes asserts that " God is one, greatest
among gods and men, in no wise like unto men in form
or thought," and the language of ^Eschylus is full of the
same faith.2 With Aristotle the Divine becomes vow$
voYi<reu;, thought thinking upon itself, that Impersonal
Reason which Averrhoes essayed to harmonize with the
clearly-cut, sharply-defined God of Mahommed. As the
generations pass, our conception of the Godhead becomes
more abstract, more worthy'; and though we may not
acquiesce in the definition of the modern writer who
declares it to be " that stream of destiny whereby things
fulfil the law of their being," we may yet learn from the
science of religion and the study of comparative philology
what strangely different meanings men have read into
the terms they use to express the centre of their highest
hope and faith, and how, stage by stage, their thoughts
" have widened with the process of the suns."
1 W. A. I. iv. 1 6, i, 7, 8.
2 Compare "Prom. Vinct." 49, 50; "Ag." 160-78; " Suppl."
574-
CHAPTER X.
THE ORIGIN OF LANGUAGE, AND THE RELATION OF
THE SCIENCE OF LANGUAGE TO ETHNOLOGY,
LOGIC, AND EDUCATION.
" Der Mensch ist nur Mensch durch Sprache ; urn aber die
Sprache zu erfinden, miisste er schon Mensch sein." — W. von
Humboldt.
" One might be tempted to call language a kind of Picture of the
Universe, where the words are as the figures and images of all par-
ticulars."— Harris ("Hermes," p. 330).
" Es ist ein Factum der Monumente, dass die Sprachen im unge-
bildeten Zustande der Volker, die sie gesprochen, hochst ausgebildet
geworden sind, dass der Verstand sich sinnvoll entwickelnd aus-
fiihrlich in diesen theoretischen Boden geworfen hatte." — Hegel.
" Das Leben eines Volks bringt eine Frucht zur Reife ; denn
seine Thatigkeit geht dahin, sein Princip zu vollfiihren." — Hegel.
To understand a thing aright we must know its origin and
its history. Thanks to the comparative method of science,
we can now trace with tolerable fulness the history and
life of language ; will the same method enable us to dis-
cover its origin also ? Can we follow language up to its
first source, and set before us the processes whereby man
acquired the power of articulate speech ? No single
science, indeed, can reveal the origin of the facts and
phaenomena upon which it is based ; these it has to take
for granted and content itself with discovering the rela-
tions they bear one to another, the laws which govern
THE ORIGIN OF LANGUAGE. 301
them, the transformations which they undergo. But the
single sciences are subordinated one to the other, and it is
the province of one to explain the origin of the facts from
which another has to start. Comparative philology may
be powerless of itself to dispel the mystery which
envelops the first beginnings of articulate speech ; with
the aid of the master-science of anthropology, however,
the mystery ceases to be insoluble, and the origin and-
exercise of the faculty of speech become as little mys-
terious as the origin and exercise of the other facul-
ties of civilized man.
We have already reviewed in the first chapter the
various attempts that have been made in ancient and
modern times to solve the riddle of language, and have
seen how each fresh attempt has advanced the solution
in a greater or less degree. False explanations have been
gradually eliminated, approximately true ones have been
corrected and defined. Here, as elsewhere, no single
key will suffice to turn the lock ; language is the product
not of one cause, but of a combination of several. Gram-
mar has grown out of gesture and gesticulation, words
out of the imitation of natural sounds and the inarticulate
cries uttered by men engaged in a common work, or
else moved by common emotions of pleasure and pain.
Language, in fact, is a social creation ; we may term it
if we like, a human invention, but we must remember that
it is no deliberate invention of an individual genius, but
the unconscious invention of a whole community. It is,
as Professor Whitney has observed, as much an institu-
tion as is a body of unwritten laws ; and like these it has
been called forth by the needs of developing society.
302
THE SCIENCE OF LANGUAGE.
Nowhere has the old proverb that " Necessity is th
mother of invention " received a better illustration than in
the history of speech ; it was to satisfy the wants of daily
life that the faculty of speech was first exercised, and the
cries which were as natural to man as songs to birds,
first adapted to the expression of articulate language.
The clicks of the Bushman still survive to show us how
the utterances of speechless man could be made to embody
and convey thought. And the same process that slowly
transformed the beast-like cries of our earliest ancestors
into articulate sounds, slowly transformed the vague and
embryonic thought enshrined in them into grammatical
sentences. Like the beehive community to which modern
research refers the first beginnings of society, the first
essays at language were undifferentiated units, out of
which the various parts of the sentence were eventually
to come. The whole precedes its parts historically, if not
logically, and it was only by setting sentence-word against
sentence-word that the relations of grammar were deter-
mined, and means found in the existing material of speech
for expressing them.
But in speaking of the origin of language we must be
careful to distinguish between the origin of the faculty of
speech and the origin of the exercise of it. So far as the
origin of the exercise of it is concerned, it is not more
difficult to explain than the origin of the exercise of our
faculty of locomotion. We walk because we have the
muscular power to do so, and this power must be exer-
cised if we would satisfy our healthy desire to move the
limbs and would supply the needs of our daily existence.
The question as to origin of the faculty of speech falls
THE ORIGIN OF LANGUAGE. 303
under the province of biology, and M. Broca speaking in
the name of biology has endeavoured to answer it.1
Whether the endeavour has been successful must be
decided by future observation and experiment.
According to his researches the faculty of speech is
localized in " a very circumscribed portion of the [two]
cerebral hemispheres, and more especially of the left."
These hemispheres, into which the brain or cerebrum is
divided, are distinguished on their under side into three
lobes — the posterior, overlapping the cerebellum, on which
the cerebrum partly rests, the middle, and the anterior,
the two latter being separated from one another by the
Sylvian fissure. Below this fissure is a triangular pro-
tuberance called the island of Reil, marked by small, short
convolutions or gyri operti, which are among the first to
be developed, and are surrounded by a large convolution
forming the lips of the Sylvian fissure. It is on the
upper edge of the Sylvian fissure, and opposite the
island of Reil, that M. Broca places the seat of the faculty
of speech in the posterior half of the third frontal con-
volutions of the right or left hemispheres. Aphasia, he
finds, is invariably accompanied by lesion or disease of
this portion of the brain. The lesion occurs in .the left
hemisphere in about nineteen out of twenty cases, and
though the faculty of speech is sometimes not affected
even by a serious lesion of the right hemisphere, it " has
1 See the " Bulletins de la Socie'te' anatomique," 1861, 63 ; " Bul-
letins de la Socie'te' de Chirurgie," 1864; "Bulletins de la Socie"t£
d'Anthropologie de Paris," 1861, 63, 65, 66 ; Proust : "Alterations
de la Parole," in the " Bulletins de la Socie'td d'Anthropologie de
Paris," 1873 ; and " De 1'Aphasie," in the "Archives ge'ne'rales de
Medecine," 1872.
304
THE SCIENCE OF LANGUAGE.
never been known to survive in the case of those whose
autopsy has disclosed a deep lesion of the two convolu-
tions " of the right and left hemispheres.
The greater importance of an injury to the left hemi-
sphere seems due to the fact that the convolutions of this
hemisphere develop at an earlier period than those of
the right. To the same fact may also be ascribed the
tendency of most persons from childhood to use the
right rather than the left hand, the movements of the
right-hand members of the body depending on the left
hemisphere. Left-handedness is the exception, like the
*
early development of the convolutions of the right hemi-
sphere of the brain. So, too, the localization of the
faculty of speech in the right hemisphere is equally the
exception, language which is learnt in infancy naturally
calling into exercise the most developed of the two por-
tions of the brain. But like the left hand, the right
hemisphere may in time acquire a certain control over
language, and in most cases, accordingly, lesion of the
' left hemisphere produces merely aphasia, that is, inability
to use words rightly, not inability to understand what is
said by another. It is possible that the fluency and
readiness of expression which distinguish certain speakers
result from a simultaneous development of the frontal
convolutions in both hemispheres of the brain.
The faculty of speech, whether exercised or unexer-
cised, is the one mark of distinction between man and the
brute. All other supposed marks of difference — physio-
logical, intellectual, and moral — have successively disap-
peared under the microscope of modern science. But
the prerogative of language still remains, and with it the
THE ORIGIN OF LANGUAGE. 305
possession of conceptual thought and continuous reason-
ing. Though numberless instances may be brought
forward which prove the possession of rudimentary reason
and intelligence by the brute beasts, though instinct itself
is but a kind of hereditary reason, thought in the true
sense of the word is impossible without language of some
kind. The power of forming concepts, of summing up
generalizations under single heads which form the start-
ing points of fresh generalizations, depends upon our
power of expressing them in short-hand notes or symbols
like the words of articulate speech or the conventional
signs of the mathematician. Language, it is true, is the
embodiment of thought, but it is equally true that without
language there can be no thought. The Tasmanian, with
his poorly organized language, had no general terms ; the
New Caledonian is unable to understand such primary
ideas as "to-morrow" and "yesterday," and the speech-
less child has not yet reached the level of intelligence
displayed by the dog or the elephant.
But the child is capable of acquiring language, which
the dog and the elephant are not, and this capability is
sufficient to mark him off as a member of the human
family. The faculty of speech may lie dormant and un-
exercised, but wherever it exists we have man. The
deaf-mute, whose deafness has prevented him from learn-
ing to speak, or the mute whose diseased vocal organs
refuse to utter the sounds he desires to form, are alike
men, able to share in the possession of language as soon
as the physical difficulties which stand in their way are
removed. Even the idiot or the patient suffering from
aphasia cannot be compared with the parrot and other
II. X
3o6 THE SCIENCE OF LANGUAGE.
talking birds, since his misuse of thought and speech can
be traced back to a diseased condition of the brain, while
the chattering of the parrot remains a mere mimicry to
which neither' sense nor meaning is attached.
We must further remember that language does not
necessarily depend on the production of vocal sounds.
We can converse by means of signs and gestures as well
as of modulations of the voice. Wherever and in what-
ever way a meaning may be conveyed to another, we
have language. What the precise symbols are whereby
the meaning is conveyed is a secondary matter ; the im-
portant fact is whether the meaning is so conveyed at all.
Vocal language is more perfect than any other kind of
language ; the sounds we utter are more infinitely various
than the signs we could make with our hands, and there-
fore better adapted to symbolize the manifold ideas of
the growing intelligence ; but the experience of travel-
lers shows that we could get on well enough, so far as
the necessaries of life are concerned, with a language of
signs. Such a language would sufficiently express the
needs and thoughts of a savage or barbarous community,
however inadequate it might be to express those of a
civilized one. The language of signs used by the North
American traders in their intercourse with the natives
quite sufficed for all the purposes for which it was de-
vised. Thus James1 gives a list of 104 signs employed
by the Indians in the place of words, and adds another
list published by Dunbar, which differs from his own in
several respects. Darkness, for instance, was indicated
1 Long's " Expedition to the Rocky Mountains," vol. i. Appendix
B, pp. 271-88 (1823).
THE ORIGIN OF LANGUAGE. 307
by extending the hands horizontally forwards and back
upwards, and passing one over the other so as to touch
it once or twice ; a man by a finger held up vertically ;
truth by pointing with the forefinger from the mouth in
a line curving a little upward, the other fingers being
carefully closed ; good by holding the' hand horizontally
and describing a horizontal curve outwards with the
arm ; running by first doubling the arm upon itself, and
then throwing the elbow backwards and forwards ; no
and not by waving the hand outwards with the thumb
pointed upward. In Dunbar's list, on the contrary, the
indication of the negative consists in holding the hand
before the face, with the palm outward, and vibrating it
to and fro ; while man is denoted in a somewhat com-
plicated way by extending the forefinger, the rest of the
hand being shut, and drawing a line with it from the pit
of the stomach down as far as can be conveniently
reached.
A similar language of signs was employed in the
monasteries where the rule of silence was strictly en-
joined. Thus giving was denoted by opening the hand,
taking by shutting it. One forefinger laid across the
other represented a brother ; blindness was indicated by
placing the hands over the eyes, shame by placing them
over the eyes obliquely, day and daylight by forming a
ring with the thumb and finger and holding them before
the face.1 Similarly the North American Indians repre-
1 Leibnitz: "Collectanea Etymologica," ch. 9 (1717). Compare
Tylor : "Early History of Mankind and the Development of Civili-
zation," ch. iii. iv. v., and Kleinpaul : " Zur Theorie der Geberden-
sprache," in SteinthaPs " Volkerpsychologie," &c., vi. pp. 352-75.
308 THE SCIENCE OF LANGUAGE.
sented the sun by forming a circle with the thumb an<
finger and holding them up towards the sun's track, the
time of day being marked by extending the hand in an
eastward direction and then raising it gradually. Had
the hands not been wanted for other purposes, it is pos-
sible that the mouth might never have been used to
communicate ideas.
The possibility of a language of signs suggests the
question whether the possession of speech is so distin-
guishing a characteristic of man as has just been laid down.
That animals can communicate with one another by
means of signs and gestures admits of no doubt, how-
ever limited and imperfect such communication may be.
Nay more, in many cases they can communicate with
one another by the help of cries, and the six sounds
uttered by the cebus azarcs of Paraguay excite definitely-
corresponding emotions in other members of the same
species. The barking of the dog and the mewing of
the cat are said to be attempts to imitate the human
voice, and it is often not difficult to guess the feeling or
the desire implied by either. When we remember the
inarticulate clicks which still form part of the Bushman's
language, it would seem as if no line of division could
be drawn between man and beast even when language
itself is made the test.
But the difficulty is only the old one that meets us
wherever we try to draw a hard and fast line of division
between two groups which yet belong to very definite
and distinct types. Such germs of language as the
beasts possess remain but rudimentary ; man alone has
developed them into the wonderful outgrowth of speech.
THE ORIGIN OF LANGUAGE. 309
Were the beast to do the same, he would become man.
The difference between the beginnings of language which
we detect in animals and the first attempts at speech of
early man is but a difference of degree ; but differences
of degree become in time differences of kind. The
speechless child cannot be distinguished from the un-
conscious younglings of the herd ; but whereas the
youngling of the herd can become at best the owner
of a faint intelligence, the child may develop into a
Caesar or a Newton.
Accordingly the followers of Darwin and Haeckel,
with whom accumulated differences of degree, aided by
natural and sexual selection, become eventually diffe-
rences of kind, hold that language presents no greater
obstacle to their theory than do the details of the physical
structure. Just as the rudiments of conscience and will
exist in animals, so also do the rudiments of speech.
Physiologically there is a greater chasm between the
monkey and the chimpanzee than there is between the
chimpanzee and man, and the moral and intellectual
interval that divides " the supreme Caucasian mind "
from the Tasmanian or the smileless Veddah, seems at
least as great as that which divides the latter from the
anthropoid apes. Only the fact remains that no anthro-
poid ape has ever raised himself to the level of articulate-
speaking man.
Between the ape and man, therefore, the evolutionist
has inserted his homo alalus, " speechless man," whose
relics may yet be discovered in Central Africa, or in the
submerged continent of the Indian Ocean.1 Wherever
1 See Haeckel : " History of Creation," Engl. tr. by Ray Lan-
310 THE SCIENCE OF LANGUAGE.
the conditions were favourable, homo alalus develope<
into homo prinrigenius, whose first records are the
unworked flints of countless ages ago. Where the
conditions were unfavourable, there was retrogression
instead of progress, and homo alalus became the pro-
genitor of the gorilla, the chimpanzee, the gibbon, and
the orang-otang. Such is the theory which post-tertiary
geology can alone verify or confute.
Its adherents, however, can appeal with considerable
justice to the experiences of childhood. The race, we
may presume, must have passed through the same stages
of mental and moral growth as the individual now com-
presses into a few years. The unconsciousness of the
child reflects the early unconsciousness of mankind. The
same labour the child has now to undergo in learning its
mother-tongue mankind had once to undergo in learning
speech. With this difference, however, that primitive
man was a grown child who painfully elaborated a lan-
guage for himself, whereas the individual child has but
to acquire a language already formed, and with it the
accumulated experiences and ideas of former generations.
What the European, with hereditary instincts and apti-
tudes, now learns in two or three years, is the slow and
laborious creation of many minds and many centuries.
The child's memory is exercised rather than his reason
or his imagination.
Nevertheless, we may gain many important hints and
kester, vol. ii. pp. 293-333 (1876). Haeckel makes homo primigenius
precede homo alalus or pithecanthropus, who originates the still
speechless woolly-haired and straight-haired men, and is himself
derived from the catarrhine or flat-nosed quadrumana.
THE ORIGIN OF LANGUAGE. 311
suggestions as regards the origin of language by watch-
ing the first attempts made by the child to speak. Like
primitive man, he is moved partly by the innate love of
imitation, partly by the necessity of making his wants
known, partly, too, by the healthy desire to exercise his
lungs. As long ago as the reign of Psammitichus, an
endeavour was made to discover the origin of speech by
observing the earliest utterances of children ; and the
Egyptian king believed that he had found in Phrygian
the oldest language of the world, since the first utter-
ance of the two infants he had brought up in speechless
solitude was bekos, the Phrygian term for " bread." 1 But
the number of scientifically trained observers who have
carefully noted the development of a child's conscious-
ness and power of speech is extremely small, and we are
consequently much in want of accurate phonological and
psychological facts bearing upon the subject. M. Taine
gives the following account of the observations he made
in the case of one of his own children.2 This was a little
girl, of whom he notes that " the progress of the vocal
organ goes on just like that of the limbs; the child learns
to emit such or such a sound as it learns to turn its head
or its eyes — that is to say, by gropings and repeated at-
tempts." "At about three and a half months, in the
country, she was placed on a carpet in the garden ; lying
there on her back or stomach for hours together, she kept
moving about her four limbs, and uttering a number of
1 Hdt. ii. 2. Bekos has the same root as our bake, the Greek
0wyw, 0o£6c, the Sanskrit bhaj. If the story has a basis of fact, the
sound uttered by the unfortunate children may be considered an
attempt to imitate the cry of goats.
2 " Revue Philosophique," i. (January 3, 1876).
312 THE SCIENCE OF LANGUAGE.
cries and different exclamations, but vowels only, no con-
sonants ; this continued for several months. By degrees
the consonants were added to the vowels, and the excla-
mations became more and more articulate. It all ended
in a sort of very distinct twittering, which would last a
quarter of an hour at a time, and be repeated ten times a
day." She took delight in this twitter " like a bird," but
the sounds, whether vowels or consonants, were at first
very vague, and difficult to catch. Her first clearly
articulated sound was mn, made spontaneously by blow-
ing through the lips. The discovery amused her greatly,
and the sound was accordingly repeated over and over
again. The next sound she formed was kraaau, a deep
guttural made in the throat, like the gutturals so charac-
teristic of Eskimaux ; then came papapapa. These sounds,
which were at the outset her own inventions, were fixed
in her memory by being repeated by others, and then
imitated many times by herself. As yet, however, she
attached no meaning to any of the words she uttered,
though, like the dog or the horse, she already understood
two or three of the words she heard from the lips of those
about her. Thus from the eleventh month onward she
turned to her mother at the words " where is mamma ? "
which, be it observed, is a polysyllabic sentence. But a
month later the great step was made which divides articu-
late-speaking man from the brutes. The word bebe had
now come to signify for her a picture, or rather " some-
thing variegated in a shining frame." During the next
six weeks her progress was rapid, and she made use of
nine words, each with a distinct though wide and general
meaning. These were papa, mama, tet^ "nurse;" oua-oua
THE ORIGIN OF LANGUAGE. 313
" dog ;" koko, "chicken;" dada, "horse" or "carriage;" mia,
" puss;" kaka, and tern. Besides these bebe also continued
to be employed, though its meaning was enlarged so as
to signify " whatever wets." It will be noticed that most
of these words are reduplications, that only one of them
is monosyllabic, and that three at least are imitations of
natural sounds. They were used, too, as general terms,
not in the sense of a single individual only, but of all other
individuals which seemed to the child to resemble one
another. M. Taine observed that the guttural cry of the
chicken, koko, was imitated with greater exactness than
was possible for grown-up persons. The word tern was
probably a natural vocal gesture, though it might have
been a rude representation of tiens. In any case it was
used in the general sense of "give," "take," "look;" in
fact, it signified a desire to attract attention. It had been
first used for a fortnight as a mere vocal toy, without any
meaning being attached to it, and after a time was left
off, no other word taking its place. Meanwhile, by the
seventeenth month, several new words had been learned,
including Jiamm, which the child employed to signify
" eat " or " I want to eat." This word was her own in-
vention, the merely natural vocal gesture of a person
snapping at something. But the guttural and labial
force with which it was pronounced gradually disap-
peared and the word was finally reduced to the nasalized
am.
Equally interesting observations were made by Mr.
Charles Darwin on a little boy,1 whose first utterance, da,
1 "Mind," 7 (July, 1877) ; also in private communications to the
author.
3 H THE SCIENCE OF LANGUAGE.
was heard at the age of five and a half months. No
sense, however, was attached to it. " When a little over
a year old he used gestures to explain his wishes," and at
the age of twelve months had already invented the word
mum (or mm) to signify " food " or " I want to eat." The
imitative origin of this word is as clear as that of hamm,
used in a similar way by M. Taine's little girl. The boy
soon came to attach it to all articles of food, sugar, for
instance, being called shu-mum. When asking for food,
the word was uttered in a highly interrogatory tone, and
five months before its invention the child understood its
nurse's name. Greater difficulty was experienced in pro-
nouncing the consonants than in pronouncing the vowels,
a fact which agrees with that observed by M. Taine, who
found that his little girl's first cries consisted of vowels
only. According to Mr. Pratt, in his " Samoan Gram-
mar," the Polynesians distinguish words almost entirely
by their vocalic elements ; at all events, consonants may
be changed and transposed at will among them, without
preventing a word from being understood, whereas a
change in the vowels at once makes it unintelligible.
Children, too, seem to recognize words by the vowels
they contain, rather than by their consonants. Prof.
Holden,1 however, states that ease of pronunciation far
more than the complexity of the ideas expressed, appears
to determine their adoption of a word. In one case,
where a child of two years of age had acquired the large
vocabulary of 483 words, there were 53 words beginning
with b, but only 16 beginning with /. In another case,
1 " On the Vocabularies of Children under two years of age," in
the " Proceedings of the American Philological Association," 1877.
THE ORIGIN OF LANGUAGE. 315,
399 words had been acquired at the same age, while in a
third the vocabulary amounted to no more than 172. In
fact, children vary a good deal as to their quickness of
perception and skill in reproducing sounds. While one
child begins to speak at the age of twelve months, or
learns to pronounce words with ready accuracy, another
seems to be dumb up to the age of two or even three
years, or acquires a correct pronunciation with the
greatest possible difficulty and slowness. Indeed, in-
some cases, a correct pronunciation is never acquired
throughout life, not from any defect in the vocal organs,
but from mental or cerebral imperfection. It seldom
happens, however, that the child fails to understand the
meaning of what is said to him, even though unable to
reproduce it in turn. Like the dog or horse, which under-
stands the words and tones of its master, or the cat
which comes when called by name, he soon learns to asso-
ciate sounds and ideas, and instinctively catches the sense
of an order or a prohibition. No doubt inherited apti-
tudes have much to do with the facility with which the
sense is thus instinctively caught.
The relation of linguistic science to ethnology has
already been touched upon in an earlier chapter. Lan-
guage belongs to the community, not to the race; it canr
therefore, testify only to social contact, never to racial
kinsmanship. Tribes and races lose their own tongues,
and adopt those of others ; and while the Jews of Austria
and Turkey regard the Spanish of the fifteenth century
as their sacred language, the Spaniards themselves have
forgotten that any other language, whether Iberian, Kel-
tic, or Teutonic, ever existed in Castile besides Latin.
3i6 THE SCIENCE OF LANGUAGE.
The Kelts of Cornwall speak English ; the non-Aryan
population of Wales and Ireland either Keltic or
"Saxon." The Jews have adopted the manifold lan-
guages of the countries they inhabit, like the provincials
of the Roman Empire, who borrowed the speech of their
conquerors, or the natives of northern Africa and western
Asia, among whom Arabic has become a mother tongue.
The modern theory of nationalities, so far, at least, as it
is based on the existence of a common language, is but
the cry of political intriguers : race in physiology and
race in philology are two totally different things. Races
physiologically as distinct as Mongols and Turks maybe
found speaking allied tongues ; while races physiologi-
cally related, like the Jews of Europe and the Bedouins
of Arabia, may be found speaking unallied ones. It is
questionable, indeed, whether any race in this age of the
world can even physiologically be called pure and un-
mixed ; but it is at any rate quite certain that language
can throw no light on the matter. Language is a social
product, not a racial one ; it grew up to allow the mem-
bers of a community to communicate one with another,
not to bind together the members of a race. The mem-
bers of a community may have belonged to different
tribes and races ; nay, in early times, when women were
taken from abroad, and captives were used as slaves, they
must have done so, but the language in which they ad-
dressed each other was the same. Here and there there
might have been a woman's language, or a language of
the nursery, testifying, in some instances, to the foreign
origin of the wife, and separate from the language of the
THE ORIGIN OF LANGUAGE. 317
men ; but even in these cases one or other language came
in time to prevail. Philology and ethnology are not con-
vertible terms.1
Identity or relationship of language, therefore, can
prove nothing more than social contact. The fact that
the Kelts of Cornwall now speak English shows plainly
under what social influence they have been brought. The
Jews of Austria would never have put Spanish in the
place of Hebrew had they not once have lived in close
contact with the natives of Castile. Language is an aid
to the historian, not to the ethnologist. So far as ethno-
logy is concerned, identity or relationship of language can
do no more than raise a presumption in favour of a
common racial origin. Where all else — physical charac-
teristics, habits and customs, religious beliefs and prac-
tices— indicate that two populations belong to the same
race, similarity of language will furnish additional and
subsidiary evidence, but not otherwise. If ethnology de-
monstrates kinship of race, kinship of speech may be used
to support the argument; but we cannot reverse the pro-
cess, and argue from language to race. To do so, is to
repeat the error of third-hand writers on language, who
claim the black-skinned Hindu as a brother, on the
ground of linguistic relationship, or identify the white
race with the speakers of the Aryan tongues. All man-
kind may be descended from a single pair of ancestors,,
and yet the languages they speak be derived from diffe-
rent centres ; while, on the other hand, we may trace the
1 See Sayce on "Language and Race," in the "Journal of the
Anthropological Institute," 1875.
3i8 THE SCIENCE OF LANGUAGE.
languages of the globe back to a common source, and yet
believe that the several races of the world have had a
diversity of origin.
Language, in fact, is not one of the characteristics of
race, not one of those fixed and permanent features which
distinguish the different ethnological types of man. It did
not grow up until man had become a " social animal," and
had passed from the merely gregarious stage of existence
into that of settled communities. While the characteris-
tics of race remain definite and unalterable, language is
ever shifting and changing, ever in the condition of the
Herakleitean flux. A Chinaman may exchange his own
language for an Aryan one, but he cannot at the same
time strip off the characteristics of race. The Ethiopian
cannot change his skin, however easily he may change the
tongue he speaks. Language, in short, was not created
until the several types of race had been fully fixed and
determined. The xanthocroid and the melanocroid, the
white albino and the American copperskin existed with
their features already fixed and enduring, before the first
community evolved the infantile language of mankind.
Does the science of language, we may ask, throw any
light upon the age to which we may assign this event ?
Does it help us to answer the question of the antiquity of
man ? The answer must be both yes and no. On the
one side it declares as plainly as geology or prehistoric
archaeology that the age of the human race far exceeds
the limit of six thousand years, to which the monuments
of Egypt allow us to trace back the history of civilized
man ; on the other side it can tell us nothing of the long
periods of time that elapsed before the formation of
THE ORIGIN OF LANGUAGE. 319
articulate speech, or even of the number of centuries
which saw the first essays at language gradually de-
veloping into the myriad tongues of the ancient and
modern world. All it can do is to prove that the
antiquity of man, as a speaker, is vast and indefinite.
When we consider that the grammar of the Assyrian
language, as found in inscriptions earlier than B.C. 2000,
is in many respects less archaic and conservative than
that of the language spoken to-day by the tribes of
central Arabia ; when we consider further that the
parent-language which gave birth to Assyrian, Arabic,
and the other Semitic dialects must have passed through
long periods of growth and decay, and that in all proba-
bility it was a sister of the parent-tongues of Old
Egyptian and Libyan, springing in their turn from a
common mother-speech, we may gain some idea of the
extreme antiquity to which we must refer the earliest
form we can discover of a single family of speech. And
behind this form must have lain unnumbered ages of
progress and development, during which the half-articu-
late cries of the first speakers were being slowly matured
into articulate and grammatical language. The length of
time required by the process will be most easily con-
ceived if we remember how stationary the Arabic of
illiterate nomads has been during the last four thousand
years, and that the language revealed by the oldest
monuments of Egypt is already decrepit and outworn,
already past the bloom of creative youth.
An examination of the Aryan languages will tell the
same tale, although the process of change and decay has
been immeasurably more rapid in these than in the
320 THE SCIENCE OF LANGUAGE.
Semitic idioms. But even among the Aryan languages
the grammatical forms of Lithuanian are still, in many
cases, but little altered from those used by our remote
forefathers in their Asiatic home, and in one or two
instances are more primitive and archaic than those of
Sanskrit itself. Whatever may have been the rate of
change, however, it is impossible to bring down the
epoch at which the Aryan tribes still lived in the same
locality, and spoke practically the same language, to a
date much later than the third millennium before the
Christian era. A long interval of previous development:
divides the language of the Rig- Veda, the earliest hymns
of which mount back, at the latest, to the I4th century
B.C., and that of the oldest portions of the Homeric
poems, and yet there was a time when the dialect that
matured into Vedic Sanskrit, and the dialect which
matured into Homeric Greek were one and the same.
Whether or not Herr Poesche is right in believing that
Aryan dialects were spoken by the cave-men whose
skulls have been found at Cannstadt, Neanderthal, Cro-
magnon, and Gibraltar, and who have left behind them
memorials of their skill in the shape of carved bones and
horns,1 at all events the age of the first Aryan settle-
ments in Europe must be tolerably remote. And it
must be remembered that the parent- Aryan itself was
as developed and highly inflectional a language as
Sanskrit or Greek ; its first stage of growth had been
left far behind, much more that primaeval era when it was
first being elaborated out of the rude cries and grammar-
less utterances of a barbarous community. It must also
1 "Die Arier," pp. 54, 55 (1878).
THE ORIGIN OF LANGUAGE. 321
be remembered that this parent-Aryan was but one out
of many allied dialects or languages which have else-
where perished, and, could we follow its history far
enough back, may possibly claim relationship with some
other family of speech, such as the Alarodian, be-
tween which and it there now remains not a trace or
link of connection and kinship. Phonetic decay had
already stamped its grammar and vocabulary ; words like
dwaram, "door," survive as the last relics of otherwise
extinct groups, and the primarily sensuous meaning
has faded out of terms which express moral or spiritual
or abstract ideas. Even the ease and rapidity with
which our children acquire their mother-tongue, point to
long ages during which this hereditary aptitude was
being formed and accumulated. If it has taken two
thousand and more years to elaborate those mathe-
matical conceptions which a school-boy now learns in a
few months we must measure the period by aeons which
has witnessed the growth of our European idioms with
all the complexity and wealth of words which a help-
less infant learns in an even shorter time.
The Ural-Altaic family of languages bears similar
testimony. To find a common origin for Uralic, Turkish,,
and Mongol, we must go back to an indefinitely great
antiquity. The Accadian of Chaldea is an old and
decaying speech when we first discover it in inscriptions
of 3000 B.C., a speech, in fact, which implies a previous
development at least as long as that of the Aryan
tongues ; and if we would include Accadian, or rather
the Protomedic group of languages to which Accadian
belongs, in the Ural-Altaic family, we shall have to
II. Y
322 THE SCIENCE OF LANGUAGE.
measure the age of the parent-speech by thousands of
years. The Mongols, moreover, are physiologically dif-
ferent in race from the Ugro-Tatars, and it is difficult
to estimate the length of time required for the complete
displacement of the original dialects of Mongols, Mant-
chus, and Tunguses, by those of a foreign stock. But it
was at any rate considerable.
Comparative philology thus agrees with geology, pre-
historic archaeology and ethnology in showing that man
as a speaker has existed for an enormous period, and
this enormous period is of itself sufficient to explain the
mixture and interchanges- that have taken place in
languages, as well as the disappearance of numberless
groups of speech throughout the globe. The languages
of the present world are but the selected residuum,
the miserable relics, of the infinite variety of tongues
that have grown up and decayed among the races
of mankind. Since language is a social creation, the
first languages will have been as numerous as the
first communities. Wherever there was a community,
there also was necessarily a language. Language is
the creator as well as the creation of society, and
though it is true that it is made and moulded by society,
it is equally true that without language society cannot
exist. The various species of languages that have sprung
up since human thought was first clothed in speech
must have been as numberless as the species of plants
and animals that have flourished on the earth, and just
as whole genera and species of plants and animals have
become extinct, so also has it fared with the genera and
species of language. In some cases the languages of
THE ORIGIN OF LANGUAGE. 323
two or more communities formed independently under
similar conditions, climatic and otherwise, may -have
coalesced into a single group ; more often the single
group has split itself into numerous dialects which in
time become distinct languages.
But the attempt made in the infancy of linguistic
science to reduce these groups to a mystical triad has
long since been abandoned by the scientific student. To
lump the manifold languages of the world, agglutinative,
incorporating, isolating, and polysynthetic under a com-
mon heading of "Turanian " or " Allophylian " is as un-
scientific as to refer Aryan and Semitic to one ancestor.
It has been shown in a former chapter that the number
of separate families of speech now existing in the world
which cannot be connected with one another is at least
seventy-five ; and the number will doubtless be increased
when we have grammars and dictionaries of the numerous
languages and dialects which are still unknown, and better
information as regards those with which we are partially
acquainted. If we add to these the innumerable groups of
speech which have passed away without leaving behind
even such waifs as the Basque of the Pyrenees, or the
Etruscan of ancient Italy, some idea will be formed of
the infinite number of primaeval centres or communities
in which language took its rise. The idioms of mankind
have had many independent starting-points, and like the
Golden Age, which science has shifted from the past to
the future, the dream of a universal language must be
realized, if at all, not in the Paradise of Genesis, but in
the unifying tendencies of civilization and trade.
While linguistic science thus shows that the com-
324 THE SCIENCE OF LANGUAGE.
munities in which man, in the true sense of the won
first existed were numerous and isolated, it is quite evi-
dent that it can throw no light on the ethnological
problem of the original unity or diversity of the human
race. The characteristics of race were fixed before the
invention of speech, and to determine whether or not we
are of the same blood as the negro and the Mexican,
whether the Darwinian is justified in tracing Jiomo alalus
to a single pair of apes or to several different species
is the task of the ethnologist, not of the student of
language.
It is, therefore, with man as he appears in history and
not as he appears in nature that comparative philology
has to do. It is, as we have seen, essentially a historical
science, dealing with the historical growth and evolution
of consciousness as preserved in the records of speech. Its
laws, indeed, must be noted and verified by physiology on
the one hand and by psychology on the other, but its
results and conclusions have to be brought before the
bar of history. The research which finds a Norman-
French element in the English language is confirmed by
the recorded facts of history, and the existence of the
Romanic tongues is explained by the long domination
of the Roman Empire. The non-Aryan forms and
words which show themselves in the Keltic grammar and
vocabulary are in accord with the testimony of history
and archaeology to the presence of a prae-Keltic and prae-
Aryan population in western Europe. And just as the
conclusions of comparative philology can be verified or
refuted by the historian, so conversely the historian can
fill up the breaks in his record by the help of comparative
THE ORIGIN OF LANGUAGE. 325
philology. The contact of tribes in prae-historic times
can be proved by the similarity of their dialects, and
the foreign names given to objects enable us to determine
the source from which they were derived, and the rela-
tions that existed between the lender and the borrower.
Similarity of language has shown that the Hungarians
were once the neighbours of the savage Voguls of the
Ural, and the Semitic origin of such Greek words as
alpha and beta, &ATOJ " a writing tablet," and <pvxo$ " dye,"
indicates that writing and the purple trade came to
Greece from Phoenicia.1 Where contemporaneous litera-
ture fails us we can fall back upon the surer and more
enduring evidence of language. The history and migra-
tions of the Gipsies have been traced step by step by
means of an examination of their lexicon. The wild
speculations of older writers who saw in them wandering
Egyptians or Tatars, or even the ancestors of the com-
panions of Romulus, have had to make way for exact
and minute history. The grammar and dictionary of the
Romany prove that they started from their kindred, the
Jats, on the north-western coast of India, near the mouths
of the Indus, not earlier than the tenth century of the
Christian era ; that they slowly made their way through
Persia, Armenia, and Greece, until after a sojourn in
Hungary they finally spread themselves through western
Europe, penetrating into Spain on the one side and into
England on the other. Though the determination of
the ethnic features and relationships of the Gipsies must
be left to the physiologist, comparative philology has
1 See A. Miiller : " Semitische Lehnworte im alteren Griechisch.,"
in " Bezzenberger's Beitrage," i. pp. 273-301 (1877}.
326 THE SCIENCE OF LANGUAGE.
shown itself quite competent to determine their historical
origin and fortunes.
Perhaps the chief triumph of comparative philology
in the field of historical reconstruction has been the
recovery of the history of the Aryan nations in ages
about which history and legend are alike silent. Who
could have suspected a few years back that we should
ever be able to describe the external and internal history
of our remote ancestors, their migrations and beliefs, their
culture and civilization, with greater certainty and minute-
ness than is possible in the case of the Saxons of the Hep-
tarchy or even the Hebrews of the Davidic era ? Where
other records fail, the record of language remains fresh
and unimpaired. The ideas and beliefs, the struggles
and aims of a community are enshrined in the language
it speaks, and if we can once more make this language a
living one, can discover the meaning assigned to its
words at the time they were first coined and used, the
facts and thoughts that it enshrines will lie revealed
before us. While the other sources of historical truth, —
architectural monuments and inscriptions, skulls and
artistic remains, objects of household use, and even
contemporaneous annals, — can tell us only of the out-
ward fortunes and history of a people, language, when
rightly questioned, can tell us of the far more precious
history of mind and thought. As the fossils of the rocks
disclose to the palaeontologist the various forms of life
that have successively appeared upon the globe, so, too,
the fossils of speech disclose to the scientific philologist
the various stages that have been reached in the growth
of human consciousness. In the pages of Pick's Die-
THE ORIGIN OF LANGUAGE. 327
tionary of the parent-Aryan we may read the religion,
the morality, the culture and the civilization of rude
tribes who lived and died long before the first hymn of
the Rig- Veda was composed, long before the first
Hellene had reached the shores of Greece, or the first
Indo-European word had been written down. Armed
with the comparative method, we can revivify the older
strata of speech, and thereby also the older phases of a
community's life. History, in fact, is living language,
just as myth is dead language ; it describes the past
actions and ideas of a society in words which represent
them as they actually were.
History is not the only department of study which has
derived unexpected help from comparative philology.
Logic, too, deals with language, and its disciples will
never escape the dangers of confusion and logomachy
until they recognize that formal logic is based on lan-
guage and must therefore be secured against a false
analysis and interpretation of that language. As yet,
however, the recognition has not been made. The
philosophy of speech, in the hands of the Greeks, suf-
fered from the introduction of logic into grammar, and
revenge was taken by grounding logic upon the defi-
nitions of an imperfect grammar. The Greek gram-
marians with all their acuteness were unable to avoid
the mistakes inevitable in those who know but a single
language, and Aristotelian logic, which has continued
practically unchanged up to the present day, starts with
the rules and deductions of the Greek grammarians.
The latest attempt to improve upon it by establishing
a distinction between " connotative " and "denotative"
328 THE SCIENCE OF LANGUAGE.
terms has been shown by Mr. Sweet to rest upon a mere
accident of Indo-European grammar, proper names which
are said to be purely denotative really connoting at
least two attributes " human " and " male," and " con-
notative " words like " white " being as much abstract
names as " whiteness," and like it signifying attributes
without any reference to the things that possess the
attributes.1 It is difficult to eradicate the belief that the
forms in which we think are identical with the thoueht
o
itself, and it is only linguistic science that enables us to
see that many of the forms of grammar which we
imagine necessary and universal are after all but acci
dental and restricted in use. The cases of Latin and
Greek do not exist in the majority of languages ; the
Polynesian dialects have no true verbs ; and the Eski-
maux gets on well enough without " the parts of speech "
that figure so largely in our own grammars. The dis-
tinction made by writers on logic between such words as
redness and red is a distinction that would have been
unintelligible to the Tasmanian ; " red," in fact, has no
sense unless we supply "colour," and "red colour" is
really the same as " redness."
Formal logic is founded on Aristotle's analysis of the
proposition and the syllogism. Hegel long ago pointed
out that the analysis was an empirical one dependent on
the observation of the individual thinker, and the criticism
of Hegel is supplemented by the teaching of compara-
tive philology.2 The division of the sentence into two
1 " Words, Logic, and Grammar," in the " Transactions of the
Philological Society," 1876, pp. 18, 19.
2 See Hermann : " Die Sprachwissenschaft nach ihrem Zusam-
THE ORIGIN OF LANGUAGE. 329
parts, the subject and the predicate, is a mere accident ;
it is not known to the polysynthetic languages of
America, which herein reflect the condition of primaeval
speech. Even in Greek and Latin we meet with com-
plete sentences like rfarei and amat where the subject is
not expressed, and may therefore be either "he," "she,"
or " it ; " and the Aryan verb was originally compounded
with the objective and not the subjective pronoun, bha-
vdmi being " existence of me " and not " I exist." As
Mr. Sweet observes,1 "the mental proposition is not
formed by thinking first of the subject, then of the
copula, and then of the predicate : it is formed by
thinking of the two simultaneously." Consequently "the
conversion of propositions, the figures, and with them
the whole fabric of Formal Logic fall to the ground."
So far as the act of thought is concerned, subject and
predicate are one and the same, and there are many lan-
guages in which they are so treated. Had Aristotle
been a Mexican, his system of logic would have assumed
a wholly different form. Even the logical analysis of
the negative proposition is incorrect. The negation is
not part of the act of comparison between subject and
predicate, that is, is not included in the copula, but
belongs to the predicate, or rather attribute, itself.
" Man is not immortal," is precisely the same as " man
is mortal," " mortal " and " not immortal " being equiva-
lent terms, and had Aristotle's successors spoken lan-
menhange mit Logik, menschlicher Geistesbildung und Philo-
sophic" (1875). He notices that logical fallacies arise not from
ignorance of the syllogistic form, but from ambiguities of the
thoughts as conveyed in words and sentences.
1 Z. c. pp. 20, 21.
330 THE SCIENCE OF LANGUAGE.
guages, which, like those of the Ural-Altaic family,
possess a negative conjugation, they would not have
overlooked the fact.
The progress even of the science of language itself
has been checked by the evil influence of formal logic.
The compilers of the " Universal Grammars " or " Gram-
maires raisonnees " of the last century exercised an
unconscious influence upon- the founders of comparative
philology. It was tacitly assumed that the analyses of
logic were embodied in language, and that if we could
penetrate far enough back into the history of speech we
should find it a simple representation of the logician's
analysis of thought. That which is logically prior must, it
was supposed, be historically so too. Hence came the
false theories that have been put forward in regard to
the origin of language, the nature of roots, and the
priority of the word to the sentence. It was the old
error of confounding that which seems simplest and
most natural to us, with that which seems simplest and
most natural to savage and primitive man.
A right conception of logic, however, is of less prac-
tical importance than a right conception of grammar,
since for one who is instructed in the principles of formal
logic there are twenty who are instructed in the principles
of grammar. And the grammar that is taught, as well
as the method of teaching it, is essentially unsound.
Whatever may be the revolution effected by comparative
philology in the study of logic, the revolution it has
already effected in the study of grammar is immeasur-
ably greater. The grammars we have inherited from
Greece and Rome are largely founded on false theories,
THE ORIGIN OF LANGUAGE. 331
and filled with imaginary facts and false rules. We can-
not know the true nature of things except by contrast and
comparison, and opportunity to contrast and compare was
wanting to the authors of our school-grammars. " The
definition of the noun," says Mr. Sweet, " applies strictly
only to the nominative case. The oblique cases are
really attribute -words, and inflexion is practically
nothing but a device for turning a noun into an
adjective or adverb." This fact comes clearly into
view when we trace the Aryan case-endings to their
origin,2 or consider that " man's life " and " human life "
mean one and the same thing. In " flet noctem," "he
weeps all night," noctem and " night " are simply adverbs
of time. The accusative is but the attribute of the
predicate, " he drinks wine " being equivalent both to
" he is drinking wine" and to "he is a drinker of wine "
or " a wine-drinker," where the qualificatory character of
" wine" becomes at once manifest. Mr. Sweet remarks
with justice that " as far as the form goes, ' king ' in ' he
became king,' ' he is king,' may be in the accusative."
In Danish det er mig is the sole representative of " it is
me," the French c'est moi. As for the cases with which
English grammars were once adorned, they were but
part of the attempt to force all grammars alike into the
traditional form of Latin grammar, without regard for
the real and living facts of language. It was difficult
for those who had been taught to look upon Latin as
the model of all speech, and Latin grammar as the
normal type to which every other grammar must con-
1 " Words, Logic, and Grammar," p. 24.
'2 See above, ch. v.
332 THE SCIENCE OF LANGUAGE.
form, to conceive of languages like the American or the
Chinese, or even, we may add, the English, which did
not possess any cases at all.
Adjectives, again, embrace a good many words which
the grammarians ordinarily class as substantives and
pronouns. In "cannon ball" "cannon" is as much an
adjective as "black," and such pronouns as " some,"
" this," " that," " one," and the derived articles " the " and
" a " ought really to be classed as adjectives. Pronouns in
the true sense of the word are always relative, that is
they always relate to some one or something that has
gone before. " He," for instance, is at bottom identical
with " who," and where we should say " this is the man
who loves," the Polynesian would say " this is the man :
he loves." As has been pointed out previously, the so-
called relative pronoun was originally a demonstrative.
Even the distinction of gender in the pronouns is a mere
accident of speech. The same word serves the agglu-
tinative tongues for " he," " she," and " it," and the little
need that really exists for the distinction may be seen
from the obliteration of it in the polished and cultivated
Persian, as well as in the dialect of the Austrian Tyrol.
When a preposition is added to a pronoun or a noun we
have a compound attribute, the preposition itself being
modified attributively by the noun, and the two together
constitute an attribute of some other word.1
Such are some of the grammatical facts that we can
observe as soon as the influence of those Latin and
Greek and English grammars which are still taught in
hundreds of schools has been shaken off. We have not
1 Sweet : /. c. p. 30.
THE ORIGIN OF LANGUAGE. 333
to go far to discover how full such " text-books " are of
statements which comparative philology has shown to
be either false or inadequate. The very idea of a verb
" governing" a case is an absurdity, and the phrase can
only be maintained on the same principle as that on
which we still speak of the sun "rising" and "setting."
The locative case is ignored both in Latin and Greek,
and a rule of syntax lays down that " every verb admits
a genitive case of the name of a city provided it be of
the first or second declension, and of the singular num-
ber ; but if the name be of the plural number only, or
of the third declension, it is put in the ablative." The
matter is no better when we turn to the verb. Here
the conjunctive regain or audiavi is confounded with the
optative ameni and sim, while the optative reget, audiet
is called a future ; the accusative amatum and dative
amatu(i) are termed supines ; and a verb in -a is made
the normal type of the Greek conjugation. It is needless
to refer to the many impossible or non-existent forms a
boy is forced to learn by heart, or to the doctrine ground
into him that a word is inadmissible in Latin and Greek
which does not occur in the extant fragments of a few
literary men.
In fact, the current system of teaching grammar is
destructive of all true conception and appreciation of
what language really is. Language is no artificial pro-
duct, contained in books and dictionaries and governed
by the strict rules of impersonal grammarians. It is the
living expression of the mind and spirit of a people, ever
changing and shifting, whose sole standard of correctness
is custom and the common usage of the community.
334
THE SCIENCE OF LANGUAGE.
What is grammatically correct is what is accepted by
the great body of those who speak a language, not what
is laid down by the grammarian. To extract certain
rigid rules from the works of a selected number of
writers, and treat everything which does not conform to
these rules as an exception or a mistake, is to train up
the young to a radically wrong notion of speech. The
first lesson to be learnt is that there is no intrinsic right
or wrong in the use of language, no fixed rules such as
are the delight of the teacher of Latin prose. What is
right now will be wrong hereafter, what language rejected
yesterday she accepts to-day. The exception is often a
survival of what was once the prevailing usage, the cur-
rent form may be the creation of a false analogy. There
are no golden and silver ages in grammar, whatever may
be the case in literature, and to confound the analysis
of an arbitrarily limited literature with the knowledge of
a language is to put the shadow for the substance, the
frigid maxims of the schoolmen for the pure spring of
living speech.
A literature guides us to the knowledge of a dead
tongue, but it cannot do more. To know what that
tongue actually was when spoken and not merely written
down, what were the changes it underwent, what par-
ticular period or periods in its history its literature repre-
sents, and how fully it does so, we must turn to historical
philology. In no other way can we learn its true nature
and development, can understand its grammar and
observe the stages of growth or decay through which it
has passed. It is not the least practical benefit conferred
by comparative philology that it has dissipated the old
THE ORIGIN OF LANGUAGE. 335
idea of a fixed and stationary standard in language, and
shown that the forms of grammar in which thought
expresses itself are but variable accidents dependent
on the conditions which surround a people or an age.
But while thus sweeping away the rules and maxims
elaborated by the ancient grammarians, comparative
philology has substituted for them the scientific concep-
tion of law. Language, like nature, is ever changing,
but its changes take place in accordance with fixed, in-
violable law. There is nothing arbitrary and capricious
about them. They are the result of certain uniform
sequences which we generalize and sum up under the
name of scientific laws. It is well to impress this fact
deeply upon our minds. We are ready enough to admit
the action of law in the realm of material nature ; it is
otherwise, however, wherever the element of volition
comes into play. Language, standing as it does upon
the confines of both the material and the mental worlds,
touching physiology on the one side and psychology on
the other, might seem at all events partially removed
from the influence of scientific laws. It is, therefore, of
the highest moment that it should be studied in such a
way as to show that this is not the case. It is becoming
recognized that the minds of the young should be accus-
tomed from the first to the conception of the universal
prevalence of law, and efforts are being made to replace
the study of language by that of physical science upon
this very ground. But it is only the study of language
as carried on according to exploded and antiquated
methods, that is open to the charge of misleading and
perverting the growing intelligence ; carried on accord-
336 THE SCIENCE OF LANGUAGE.
ing to the principles of scientific philology it becomes
the surest means of impressing on the mind the great
fact of the universality of law amid all the change and
development of nature.
What is wanted, then, is that grammars should be
written in accordance with the method and results of
comparative philology, and when written should be
taught and studied. Much has already been accom-
plished in this direction. The Greek Grammar of G.
Curtius, the Latin grammars of Schweitzer- Sidler,
Schmitt-Blanck, Miiller- Lattmann, and Roby, the
Sprachwissenschaftliche Einleitung in das Griechische
and Lateinisclie of Ferdinand Bauer ; the German
grammars of Scherer, Vilmar, and Heyse; the French
grammars of Brachet, Meissner, and Ayer ; and the
English grammar of Morris, in spite of their inevitable
imperfections, have placed the study of the languages
with which they deal on a wholly new footing. It is
time, therefore, that they should supersede the grammars
now in use in the majority of schools, though the
teachers in most instances will probably have first to
be themselves taught. As Breymann observes : * " Edu-
cation according to the new method implies three ele-
ments— memory, reason and insight ; whereas education
according to the old method was almost wholly confined
to that of memory," and as it is more desirable to de-
velop three sides of a man than one side only, there can
be little hesitation as to which mode of education is the
best. No doubt the memory is chiefly exercised in
young children, but the mere fact that a child can learn
1 " Sprachwissenschaft und neuere Sprachen," p. 23 (1876).
THE ORIGIN OF LANGUAGE. 337
to speak its mother-tongue, and sometimes other tongues
as well, proves that it also possesses reason and insight,
which may be drawn out by judicious instruction. It
must do a child intellectual good to understand what
it learns, besides assisting the process of learning ; and
to understand was the last thing that the old school-
grammars enabled the learner to do. In teaching Latin
and Greek, it is true, there will still be much which must
be learnt by heart as now ; but a boy will gain much if
he is made to see that Latin and Greek are not mere
collections of arbitrary symbols or Chinese puzzles, but
languages like his own, undergoing similar transforma-
tions, and subject to similar laws. It is said that we
never really know a language until we think in it, and it
is impossible to think in a language which we have learnt
after the fashion of a parrot.
But the question arises : Can we ever learn to think in
a dead tongue ? can we ever clothe the dry bones with
flesh and make Latin and Greek become to us as German
or French ? Here, again, comparative philology helps us
to a practical answer. The method alike of science and
of nature is to proceed from the known to the unknown ;
and if we are to study language to any purpose we must
follow the same method. The traditional system of edu-
cation in our boys' schools is the haphazard growth of a
time whose needs and opportunities were essentially dif-
ferent from those of our own. Latin was taught because
it was the common language of the church and the law,
and for an ambitious youth it was as necessary to know
Latin as it was to know his own language. The Re-
naissance placed Greek on an equal footing with Latin.
II. z
338
THE SCIENCE OF LANGUAGE.
Modern Europe had as yet but little literature ; and that
little reflected the .beliefs of a discredited Church. For the
new ideas which were to mould the Europe of the future,
for the masterpieces of human thought and eloquence,
the scholars of the Renaissance had to turn to the writers
of ancient Rome and, more especially, of ancient Greece.
Latin and Greek naturally took their places as the indis-
pensable foundation of a gentleman's education.
All this is now changed. Modern literature is larger
than the ancient classics, and at least as valuable, while
science with its myriad paths of inquiry has made it im-
possible for a single man to master the whole circle of
knowledge. Here, as elsewhere, a division of labour is
demanded ; if we are to follow up one line of research with
success, most other lines must be forsaken. But before thus
setting out on the chosen path of life, l< a general educa-
tion" is required. And the object of this general educa-
tion is twofold. Our mental faculties have to be shar-
pened and expanded, and a stock of knowledge to be
acquired which will serve us in our dealings with the
world or in the department of study we pursue. In order
that these two objects may be attained with the greatest
possible thoroughness during the short years of our
general education, we must be careful that the subjects
of study chosen for the sake of the one should be suit-
able for the other also. To teach a boy useless or
spurious knowledge for the sake of sharpening his intel-
lect is a crime. We of the nineteenth century, " when
every hour must sweat her sixty minutes to the death,"
cannot afford to be crammed with what we have here-
after to forget or unlearn, while there is so much that we
THE ORIGIN OF LANGUAGE. 339
must know if we are not to be handicapped in the race
of life. If we can arrive at the same end by two ways,
one short and the other long, the teacher ought not to
hesitate as to which he should prefer.
Instead of beginning with the extinct languages, which
we can know only indirectly, education should begin with
those living idioms from which alone we can learn the
true nature of actual speech. Language does not con-
sist of letters, but of sounds ; and until this fact has
been brought home to us, our study of it will be little
better than an exercise of memory. We must start with
the sentence, the real unit of speech, and not with the
isolated word ; we must, in short, adopt the same method
in learning another tongue that we adopted in infancy in
learning our own.1 There is consequently but one way
of acquiring a true knowledge of a foreign speech and
of coming to understand what language actually is. This
is by first learning to speak the language in question, and
afterwards translating its living sounds into the arbitrary
symbols of written letters. When once we have been
taught to think in two or more different languages, and
have thus discovered the independence of ideas and their
expression, it will be comparatively easy to pass to the
acquisition of other, and it may be, extinct tongues. To
have realized that all languages, whether living or dead,
are at bottom the same, governed by the same general
laws, and designed for the same general purposes, is to
have penetrated into the secret of speech, and made the
study of language take its rightful place as a valuable
1 See L. J. V. GeVard : " On the Comparative Method of learning
Foreign Languages," (Leicester) 1876.
340
THE SCIENCE OF LANGUAGE.
instrument for training the mind. In the passage from
the modern to the ancient languages, comparative philo-
logy will lead the way. It will show us how the
forms of modern French presuppose those of ancient
Latin, how German or English grammar does but repeat
under new forms the principles and conceptions of Greek
grammar, and how the changes undergone by letters in
the classical tongues are explained by the changes that
are being undergone by sounds under our own eyes.
With a system of education like this, following as it does
the method of nature and science, time, brains and energy
will be saved, and a truer and deeper knowledge of Latin
and Greek will be gained than was ever possible upon
the old plan. At the same time the study of languages
will cease to be a mere mental gymnastic, or the gratifi-
cation of an idle curiosity, to be laid aside and forgotten
at the first convenient opportunity ; the boy will have
obtained an art of the utmost value to him in after life, the
art, namely, of speaking and writing modern languages,
while the insight he has gained into the nature of speech,
and the training he has had in catching and reproducing
unfamiliar sounds, will enable him to acquire other lan-
guages and detect differences in pronunciation with an
ease and readiness which would else have been impos-
sible. The current system of education, like the old-
fashioned " scholarship " on which it rests, is a thing of
the past, the product of chance and not of science ; and
it justly deserves Montaigne's reproach: "C'est un bel
et grand adgencement sans doubte que le grec et le
latin, mais on 1'achete trop cher . . . . et cette longueur
1 "Essais,"i. 25.
THE ORIGIN OF LANGUAGE. 341
que nous mettons a apprendre ces langues est la seule
cause pourquoi nous ne pouvons arriver a la grandeur
d'ame et de cognoissance des anciens Grecs et Romains."
Friedlander,1 Bratuscheck,2 Ostendorf and Breymann,
all agree, from the point of view of scientific philology,
in urging that the study of the classical tongues should
be preceded by that of the modern ones. As Ostendorf
remarks,3 " a satisfactory organization of a higher system
of education in schools is inconceivable so long as in-
struction in foreign languages in gymnasia and poly-
technic schools of the first rank has to begin with Latin."
The whole question was fully discussed at a conference
held under the presidency of Councillor Wiese at Dres-
den in the autumn of 1873, and answered on the side of
science and reason.
The teaching of Latin and Greek must itself be re-
formed, not only in the matter of grammar, but still more
in the matter of pronunciation. Our insular pronuncia-
tion of Latin is at once incorrect, inconsistent, and per-
plexing. By the help of comparison and induction, the
pronunciation of Latin, as observed by the upper classes
of Rome under the Emperors, has been recovered, and
Corssen's great work on the "Aussprache, Vokalismus
und Betonung der lateinischen Sprache," contains a full
account both of it and of the mode in which it has been
restored. The pronunciation of ancient Greek is a matter
of greater difficulty, and we know that it changed very
1 " Ueber die Reformbestrebungen auf dem Gebiete des hoheren
Schulwesens fur die mannliche Jugend in Deutschland" (1874).
2 " Ueber den Unterricht in der franzosischen Grammatik."
3 " Mit welcher Sprache beginnt zweckmassiger Weise der fremd-
sprachliche Unterricht" (1873).
342 THE SCIENCE OF LANGUAGE.
considerably between the age of Plato and that
Dionysius Thrax. In the time of the latter, for instance,
9, £ and % had become single sounds, whereas their
compounded character appears plainly in the works of
the tragedians where T and K before an aspirated vowel
become S (that is, t + k) and x, (k + /i). During the cen-
turies of political decay and disruption that followed,
changes in pronunciation went on rapidly, and there can
be little doubt that in some respects even our English
way of pronouncing Greek is more correct than that of
the modern Greeks, who confound most of the vowels
and diphthongs together under the same monotonous
sound of e (z). Nevertheless, since Greek is still a spoken
language, and the classical revival at Athens has made it
possible for an English scholar to converse freely with a
Greek when once the obstacle of a divergent pronuncia-
tion is overcome, it is desirable that we should forego our
own prejudices and adopt that pronunciation which would
allow us to turn to practical use the long hours and
labours we have spent at school over the Greek tongue.
The same difficulty does not meet us in the case of Latin.
Here there is nothing to prevent us from employing the
pronunciation which is approximately the right one, and
it is much to be hoped that the movement in favour of
a reformed pronunciation will speedily spread and pre-
vail. At present, it is impossible for the comparative
philologist in England to lecture upon Latin without the
help of a black board and chalk. When he speaks of i
in Sanskrit or other tongues, the ordinary student thinks
of e (as in English); when he refers to e and ai the
audience writes down a and i ; and so long as agis and
THE ORIGIN OF LANGUAGE. 343
cecidi are pronounced ejis and sesldai, it is impossible to
show that they have any connection with ago and
cadere.
But the reform of Latin and Greek pronunciation,
which is one of the practical results of a more extended
acquaintance with comparative philology, would be in-
complete without the more crying reform of our own
English mode of spelling. It is needless to enlarge here
upon the practical evils of this curious system of symbolic
expression, which obliges a child to learn by heart the
spelling of almost every separate word in the dictionary,
the consequence being that at least forty per cent, of the
children educated in our board-schools leave school
unable to spell, and so, little by little, neglect to read or
write at all, and fall back into the condition of their
illiterate forefathers. Dr. Gladstone calculates that the
money cost of teaching this modicum of learning in the
elementary schools " considerably exceeds ;£ 1,000,000
per annum," and that in Italy, where the spelling is
phonetic, a " child of about nine years of age will read
and spell at least as correctly as most English children
when they leave school at thirteen, though the Italian
child was two years later in beginning his lessons." l Nor
need we do more than allude to the vicious moral train-
ing afforded by a system that makes irrational authority
the rule of correctness, and a letter represent every other
sound than that which it professes, or to the difficulty
thrown in the way of learning to speak a foreign lan-
guage by the dissociation between sound and symbol to
1 See his excellent little book on " Spelling Reform from an
educational point of view'' (1878), pp. 14, 20.
THE SCIENCE OF LANGUAGE.
^^^•^M
which the child has been accustomed from his earliest
years. The language of the ear has to be translated into
the language of the eye before it is understood, and this
it is which makes the English and the French notoriously
the worst linguists in Europe. The inadequacy of Eng-
lish spelling is exceeded only by that of Gaelic, and in the
comparative condition of the Irish and Scotch Gaels on
the one side and the Welsh Cymry on the other, we may
read a lesson of the practical effects of disregarding the
warnings of science. Welsh is phonetically spelt, the
result being that the Welsh, as a rule, are well educated
and industrious, and that their language is maintained in
full vigour, so that a Welsh child has his wits sharpened
and his mind opened by being able to speak two lan-
guages, English and Welsh. In Ireland and Scotland,
on the contrary, the old language is fast perishing ; and
the people can neither read nor write, unless it be in
English.1
1 The following books and papers may be consulted on the sub-
ject of the reform of English spelling : — A. J. Ellis : " Three Lec-
tures on Glossic ; " " Pronunciation for Singers ; " " Orthography
in relation to Etymology and Literature ; " " Early English Pro-
nunciation ; " Bikkers : " The Question of Spelling Reform ; " J. H.
Gladstone : " The Spelling Reform ; " " Spelling Reform from an
educational point of view;" Hadley : "Is a Reform desirable in
the Method of Writing," in " Philological and Critical Essays ; "
Haldeman : " Analytic Orthography ; " E. Jones : " Spelling and
School-boards ;" "The Revision of English Spelling a National
Necessity ; " " The Pronouncing Reader on the Anglo-American
System ; " Latham : " A Defence of English Spelling ; " Fleay :
" English Sounds and English Spelling ; " March : " Orthography,"
in the " Cyclopaedia of Education and Yearbook of Education,
1877;" "Opening Address before the International Convention
for the Reform of English Orthography;" Max Miiller : "Spell-
THE ORIGIN OF LANGUAGE. 345
But the practical evils of our present spelling must be
left to others to deal with. To the scientific philologist
it is at once an eyesore and an incumbrance. What he
wants to know is, not how words are spelt, but how they
are pronounced. His object is to trace the gradual
changes that sounds undergo, and so determine the laws
which they obey. A corrupt or antiquated spelling only
misleads and confuses. The whole fabric of comparative
and historical philology is based on the assumption that
Hindus, Greeks, Romans, Goths, and others, spelt their
words pretty much as they pronounced them. The ob-
jection that a reformed spelling would destroy the con-
tinuity of a language or conceal the etymology of its
words, is raised only by ignorance and superficiality.
ing" (reprinted from the " Fortnightly Review," April, 1876) ; Pit-
man : "A Plea for Spelling Reform" (a series of tracts compiled
from periodicals, &c., recommending an enlarged alphabet and a
reformed spelling of the English Language) ; Sweet : " A Hand-
book of Phonetics ; " Whitney : " How shall we Spell," and " The
Elements of English Pronunciation," in " Oriental and Linguistic
Studies," 2nd series ; Withers : " The Spelling hindrance in Ele-
mentary Education ; " " Alphabetic and Spelling Reform an Edu-
cational Necessity ; " " The English Language Spelled as pro-
nounced ; " " On Teaching to Read ; " the " Proceedings of
the American Philological Association," 1874-8 (containing Ad-
dresses by March, Trumbull, and Haldeman) ; Burns's " Spelling
Reformer ; " Pitman's " Phonetic Journal ; " " The Bulletin of the
Spelling Reform Association" (1877-9); Ellis, Sweet, and Sped-
ding in the "Academy," Feb. 24, March 3, March 10, March 17,
June 2, June 9, June 16, June 23, and July 9, 1877 ; Skeat in the
"Athenaeum," April 29 and May 27, 1876 ; Spedding in the " Nine-
teenth Century," June, 1877 ; "Report of the Conference held in
London, May 29, 1877." For Spelling Reform in Germany see
" Reform," published monthly at Bremen (1877-9), an<^ the "Ver-
handlungen der Konferenz zur Herstellung grosserer Einigung in
derdeutschen Rechtschreibung," Jan. 1876.
346 THE SCIENCE OF LANGUAGE.
The continuity of a language consists in its sounds, not
in its letters ; in the history of the modifications of pro-
nunciation through which it has passed, not in a fossilized
and deceitful spelling. As for (etymology, our present
spelling, the invention of printers and prae-scientific
pedants, is as often false as right. Could, for instance,
the past tense of can, has an / inserted in it, because
should, the past tense of shall, has one ; rime is spelt
rhyme as though derived from the Greek pu9/M$ ; and it is
not so long since lantern was written lanthorn, as sweetard
is still written sweetheart. But in a very large proportion
of words the spelling no longer suggests even a false
etymology ; while to make the spelling of every word
declare its own origin is to attempt a sheer impossibility.
A different spelling of words which are pronounced in
the same way is no assistance to the reader, but a mere
burden upon the memory ; apart from the fact that no
difficulty is experienced in distinguishing the sense of
different words written in the same way, such as box or
scale, or" that words of identical origin and sound, like
queen and quean, are sometimes written differently, we
never find ourselves at a loss to understand homophonous
words when we hear them spoken, although in conversa-
tion we have not the same leisure and power of knowing
the end of a sentence that we have in reading. As a
matter of fact, however, etymology is the province of the
professed philologist, not of the amateur, and the absurd
paradoxes and lucubrations upon language that even
now teem from the press are the result of a belief that
anyone who has a smattering of Latin and Greek is
qualified to pronounce upon the nature and origin of
THE ORIGIN OF LANGUAGE. 347
words. In astronomy or any other of the physical
sciences such a presumption is now almost inconceivable ;
that it should still be possible in linguistic science shows
what need there is of impressing its facts and method
upon the minds of the young. One who has been,
properly trained in the principles of comparative philo-
logy will at least have learnt that the etymology even
of English words is not to be taken up hastily and with-
out preparation, but that it is a difficult and delicate task,
which demands all the resources of the practised student
of phonology and the philosophy of speech.
To speak of spelling reform, however, is really to speak
inaccurately. What is wanted is not a reformed spelling,
which though it may approximately represent our
present pronunciation, would become an antiquated
abuse in the course of a generation or two, but a
reformed alphabet. For practical use, an alphabet of
forty characters would sufficiently represent the principal
varieties of sound heard in educated speech, each cha-
racter, of course, denoting a distinct sound, and one dis-
tinct sound only. The scientific philologist would have
his own alphabet, whether Prince L-L. Bonaparte's, Mr.
Melville Bell's, Mr. A. J. Ellis's, or Mr. Sweet's, for
marking the minute shades of difference in English
sounds, as well as those sounds which do not occur in
the " Queen's English," or in any form of English at all.
But the practical phonetic alphabet, of which Mr. Pit-
man's, notwithstanding certain imperfections, may well
serve as a model, would prove an inestimable benefit
both to the educator and to the philologist. The child,
on the one hand, would have to commit to memory
348
THE SCIENCE OF LANGUAGE.
only forty symbols and their values in order to know how
to read and write, while the philologist would be able to
discover the peculiarities of individual and dialectal pro-
nunciation, as well as the changes undergone by sounds
in a given number of years. With a practical alphabet
of this kind, too, it would be found that the pronuncia-
tion, and consequently the spelling, of the educated
classes throughout the country did not differ much more
than the spelling of certain words by different printing-
presses at the present time. Adults accustomed to the
current alphabet would have no greater difficulty in
learning the additional characters than they have in
learning the Greek or German letters ; and they would
at any rate have the satisfaction of feeling that they
were approximating towards the civilized condition of
the ancient Hindu, who had an alphabet of forty-nine
characters, each standing for a single distinct sound, and
were correspondingly receding from the condition of
such semi-barbarous populations as the Tibetans, the
Burmese, or the Gaelic, among whom spelling and pro-
nunciation agree as little as in English itself.
No doubt the printers would suffer at first by a change
in our spelling, and the change, therefore, would have to
be introduced gradually, perhaps by means of transitional
modes of spelling. But a time would come when the whole
current English literature would be published in the new
type, our present books presenting no greater difficulties
to the ordinary reader than the poems of Spenser do
now. Indeed, the difficulties would be far less, since they
would contain no obsolete and unknown words, such as
THE ORIGIN OF LANGUAGE. 349
make the task of studying the works of Spenser or
Chaucer doubly hard. A page of Pitman's " Phonetic
Journal " is not hard to decipher, even without a know-
ledge of the alphabet in which it is written.
But in order that a reformed alphabet may have the
support of the scientific philologist it is necessary that it
should be international, that is to say should assign to the
symbols of the vowels (and wherever possible of the con-
sonants also) the phonetic powers they possess in the
ancient Latin alphabet, and, generally speaking, in the
modern continental alphabets as well. The comparative
philologist will gain but little, if any, help from an
alphabet in which a, for instance, continues to have the
value given to it in mane, or i the value given to it in /.
The reformed alphabet must be based on a scientific one.
Then, and then only, too, will there be a chance of our
realizing the dream of linguistic science, — a Universal
language. It is towards this end that the comparative
philologist works, this is the practical object to which
his eyes are turned. And when once the needless
stumbling-block of a corrupt spelling is removed, every-
thing seems to point to English as destined to be the
common tongue of a future world. Not, perhaps, Eng-
lish as it is now spoken, with a few relics .of primitive
inflection still clinging to it, but such an English as the
Pigeon-English of China which Mr. Simpson has pro-
phesied will become the language of mankind.1 English
may be heard all over the world from the lips of a larger
1 " China's Place in Philology," in " Macmillan's Magazine,"
Nov. 1873.
350
THE SCIENCE OF LANGUAGE.
number of persons than any other form of speech ; it
rapidly becoming the language of trade and commerce,
the unifying elements of our modern life. Science, too,
is beginning to claim it for her own, and it is not long
ago that a Swedish and a Danish writer on scientific sub-
jects each chose to speak in English rather than in their
own idioms for the sake of gaining a wider audience.
Little by little the old dialects and languages of the
earth are disappearing with increased means of com-
munication, the growth of missionary efforts, and let us
add also, the spread of the English race, and that lan-
guage has most chance of superseding them which, like
our own, has discarded the cumbrous machinery of
inflectional grammar. The great Grimm once advised
his countrymen to give up their own tongue in favour
of English, and a time may yet come when they will
follow the advice of the founder of scientific German
philology. That a universal language is no empty
dream of "an idle day" is proved by the fact that the
civilized western world once possessed one. Under the
Roman empire the greater part of Europe was bound
together by a common government, a common law, a
common literature, and, as a necessary consequence, a
common speech. When the darkness of barbarism again
swept over it, and the single language of civilized Rome
was succeeded by linguistic anarchy and barbarism, the
Church and the Law, the sole refuges of culture, still
preserved the tradition of a universal tongue. It was
not until the Reformation shattered Europe into an
assemblage of hostile nationalities that language, as th
THE ORIGIN OF LANGUAGE. 351
expression of the highest spiritual wants and feelings of
man, became finally disunited and disuniting. Diplo-
macy, indeed, the one attempt to harmonize the rival
members of "the European family," had its common
speech ; but diplomacy was powerless against the
stronger passions which were shaping the Europe of a
later day. Now, however, there are signs that religion
is at last ceasing to be an element of disunion, and
becoming instead a bond of sympathy and common
action among all educated men. The mischievous cry
of nationalities, which found support in the crude and
misunderstood theories of immature philology, is dying
away ; we are coming to perceive that language and
race are not synonymous terms, and that language is
but the expression of social life. Whatever makes for
the unity and solidarity of society makes equally for the
unity and solidarity of language. The decaying dialects
of the world may be fostered and wakened into artificial
life for a time ; but the stimulus soon disappears, and the
natural laws of profit and loss regain their sway. By
clearing away old prejudices and misconceptions, by
explaining the life of language and the laws which direct
its growth and decay, the science of speech is silently
preparing the ground for the unhindered operation of
those tendencies and movements which are even now
changing the Babel of the primaeval world into the
" Saturnia regna " of the future, when there will be a
universal language and a universal law. Genius is pre-
dictive, and the outlines of a philosophical language
which Leibnitz designed, and the universal language
352
THE SCIENCE OF LANGUAGE.
which Bishop Wilkins actually composed,1 may after all
be something more than the ideal of a literary enthusiast
or the dream of an unpractical philosopher.
1 " Essay towards a Real Character and a Philosophical Lan-
guage" (1668). See Max M tiller's analysis in "Lectures on the
Science of Language," ii. pp. 50-65.
SELECTED LIST OF WORKS FOR THE
STUDENT.
The Science of Language.
K. W. Heyse : System der Sprachwissenschaft. Berlin, 1856.
E. Renan : De 1'Origine du Langage. Paris, 1858.
F. Max Miiller : Lectures on the Science of Language. London,
1861-4 (8th edition 1875).
R. Latham : Elements of Comparative Philology. London, 1862.
W. D. Whitney : Language and the Study of Language. London,
1867 (Enlarged German translation by Jolly, Munich, 1874).
Life and Growth of Language. London, 1875.
G. Curtius : Sprache, Sprachen und Volker. Leipzig, 1868.
Aug. Boltz : Die Sprache und ihr Leben. Offenbach am Main,
1868.
H. Steinthal : Der Ursprung der Sprache. Berlin, 1858.
Charakteristik der hauptsachlichsten Typen des Sprachbaues.
Berlin, 1860.
Abriss der Sprachwissenschaft I. Berlin, 1871.
L. Benlcew: Apercu ge'ne'ral dela Science comparative des Langues.
Paris, 1872.
J. Braun : Die Ergebnisse der Sprachwissenschaft in popularer
Darstellung. Cassel, 1872.
D. Pezzi : Introduction a 1'Etude de la Science du Langage
(French translation by V. Nourrisson). Paris, 1875. An excel-
lent abstract of the subject.
A. Hovelacque : La Linguistique. Paris, 1876. (Translated into
English under the title of " Science of Language," by A. H.
Keane. London. 1877.
J. Peile : Philology. London, 1877.
Fr. Miiller : Grundriss der Sprachwissenschaft. Vienna, 1876-9.
A. F. Pott : W, von Humboldt ueber die Verschiedenheiten des
II. A A
354 THE SCIENCE OF LANGUAGE.
menschlichen Sprachbaues. With an introduction. Berlin,
1876.
See also the introductions to Pott : Etymologische Forschungen
auf dem Gebiete der indo-germanischen Sprachen. Lemgo-
Detmold, 1833-36 (2nd edition, 1859-73).
Critical.
A. H. Sayce : Principles of Comparative Philology. London, 1874
(2nd edition, 1875).
Comparative Aryan Philology.
F. Bopp: VergleichendeGrammatik des Sanskrit, Zend, Griechischen,
Lateinischen, Litauischen, Gothischen und Deutschen. Berlin,
1833-52 ; 2nd and enlarged edition, 1857-61 (translated into
French with valuable introductions by Breal, Paris, 1866-72).
A. Schleicher : Compendium der vergleichenden Grammatik der
indo-germanischen Sprachen. Weimar, 1 861-60 (3rd edition,
1870. Translated into English by H . Bendall. London, 1874).
4th edition, 1876.
W. Scherer : Zur Geschichte derdeutschen Sprache. Berlin, 1868,
2nd edition, 1878.
F. G. Eichhoff : Grammaire ge'nerale indo-europe'enne. Paris,
1867.
G. I. Ascoli : Corsi di glottologia. Vol. i. Turin and Florence,
1870.
G. Curtius : Zur Chronologic der indo-germanischen Sprachfor-
schurig. Leipzig, 1867 (2nd edition, 1873) (translated into
French by Bergaigne. Paris, 1869).
A. Fick : Vergleichendes Worterbuch der indogermanischen
Sprachen. Gottingen, 1874 (3rd edition, 1876).
Die ehemalige Spracheinheit der Indogermanen Europas.
Gottingen, 1873.
Die griechischen Personennamen. Gottingen, 1874.
R. Westphal : Vergleichende Grammatik der indogermanischen
Sprachen. Jena, 1873.
J. Schmidt : Zur Geschichte des indogermanischen Vocalismus.
Weimar, 1871-75.
F. de Saussure : Mdmoire sur le Systeme primitif des Voyelles dans
les Langues indo-europe'ennes. (Leipzig, 1878. Saussure repre-
sents Brugman's a3 by A which generally appears as a in Greek
and Latin, as in cado and \a9elv, but in Slavonic and German
LIST OF WORKS. 355
becomes «2 (Greek and Latins). Long a is analyzed into al (e)
+ A (a) or 0,1 (o) + A ; /3a/*a : /3a>/n6g rz Ksp/ia : /cop/«6g. Every
root contains «, which may be changed into a^ ; and every
weakening of a syllable implies the dropping of at. The a
sound, which does not essentially differ from A, and appears in
Sanskrit as z or f, under certain circumstances combines with a
preceding z, u, or vocalized r, n, and m to lengthen these latter
sounds.)
[See also H. Osthoff in Kuhn's " Zeitschrift," 24. 4 (1878), pp.
417-426. Osthoff denies that either £ or o has been developed in
Greek out of the sonant nasal or vocalized «, and endeavours to
explain away contrary instances. Nevertheless, it would seem that
f really does sometimes take the place of a in such cases. Osthoff
shows that while an original unaccented sonant nasal is represented
in Greek by a (dv) and in Gothic by un, an accented one is repre-
sented by a (dv) in Greek and in (as in the German sincf] in Teu-
tonic. The two forms of the sonant nasal are not distinguished in
the other European Aryan languages.]
A. Ludwig : Agglutination oder Adaptation? Prague, 1873.
B. P. Hasdeu : Principie de Filologia comparative. Ario-Europea.
Vol. i. (Istoria Filologiei comparative). Bucarest, 1875.
See Kuhn's Zeitschrift fur vergleichende Sprachforschung. Berlin,
from 1851.
Kuhn's Beitrage zur vergleichenden Sprachforschung. Berlin,
from 1858.
Bezzenberger's Beitrage zur Kunde der indogermanischen
Sprachen. Gottingen, from 1877.
Hovelacque's Revue de Linguistique et de Philologie com-
paree. Paris, from 1868.
Me'moires de la Socie'te' de Linguistique de Paris. Paris,
from 1868.
The Proceedings and Transactions of the Philological
Society. London, from 1842.
Benfe/s Orient und Occident. Gottingen, from 1862.
The Transactions of the American Philological Association,
from 1868.
Sematology.
A. Chaignet : La Philosophic de la Science du Langage e'tudie'e
dans la Formation des Mots. Paris, 1875. (To be read with
caution.)
356
THE SCIENCE OF LANGUAGE.
H. Chave'e : Ideologic lexiologique des Langues indo-europe'ennes.
Paris, 1878. (To be read with caution.)
M. Brdal : Les Ide*es latentes du Langage in Melanges de Philologie
et de Linguistique. Paris, 1878.
Heerdegen : Untersuchungen zur lateinischen Semasiologie. E
langen, 1875-78.
F. Brinkmann : Die Metaphern. Bonn, 1878.
F. Bechtel : Ueber die Bezeichnungen der sinnlichen wahrnehmun-
gen in der indogermanischen Sprachen. Weimar, 1879.
Origin of Language.
H. Steinthal : Der Ursprung der Sprache in Zusammenhange mit
den letzten Fragen alles Wissens. Berlin, 1851 (3rd enlarged
edition, 1877).
W. H. J. Bleek : On the Origin of Language. Translated by T.
Davidson. New York, 1869.
A. Geiger : Ursprung und Entwickelung der menschlichen Sprache
und Vernunft. Stuttgart, 1869.
L. Noire* : Der Ursprung der Sprache. Mainz (and London),
1877-
P. Schwartzkopff : Der Ursprung der Sprache aus dem poetischen
Triebe. Halle, 1875.
W. Wackernagel : Ueber den Ursprung und die Entwickelung der
Sprache (2nd edition). Basel, 1876.
History of Scientific Philology.
.
L. Lersch : Die Sprachphilosophie der Alten. Bonn, 1838-41.
Aug. Grafenhan : Geschichte der klassischen Philologie im Alter-
thum. Bonn, 1843.
N. M. S. Se"guier : La Philosophic du Langage exposee d'apres
Aristote. Paris, 1838.
Deutschle : Die Platonische Sprachphilosophie. Marburg, 1852.
Th. Benfey : Ueber die Aufgabe des platonischen Dialogs Kratylos.
Gottingen, 1866.
H. Steinthal : Geschichte der Sprachwissenschaft bei den Griechen
und Romern mit besonderer Rticksicht auf die Logik. Berlin,
1863.
G. F. Schomann : Die Lehre von den Redetheilen nach den Alten
dargestellt. Berlin, 1862.
LIST OF WORKS. 357
K. E. A. Schmidt : Beitrage zur Geschichte der Grammatik des
Griechischen und des Lateinischen. Halle, 1859.
G. I. Ascoli : Studij oriental! e linguistic!. Milan, 1854.
Th. Benfey : Geschichte der Sprachwissenschaft und orientalischen
Philologie in Deutschland. Munich, 1869.
R. von Raumer : Geschichte der germanischen Philologie. Munich,
1870.
D. Pezzi : Glottologia aria recentissima. Turin, 1877. (Translated
into English by E. S. Roberts under the title of "Aryan Philology
according to the most recent researches," 1879.) An excellent
supplement to Benfey's great work.
Phonetics. .
A. Melville Bell : The Principles of Speech and Vocal Physiology.
Revised edition. London, 1863.
R. Lepsius : Standard Alphabet for reducing unwritten Languages
and foreign graphic systems to a uniform orthography in Euro-
pean letters, 2nd edition. London, 1863.
M. Miiller : Lectures on the Science of Language, 8th edition.
London, 1875.
C. L. Merkel : Physiologic der menschlichen Sprache. Leipzig,
1866.
A. J. Ellis : On Early English Pronunciation. London, 1869-1875.
(Parts v. and vi. in preparation.)
Practical Hints on the Quantitative Pronunciation of Latin.
London, 1874.
On the English, Dionysian, and Hellenic Pronunciation of
Greek. London, 1877.
Pronunciation for Singers. London, 1877.
J. N. Czermak: Populare physiologische Vortrage. Vienna, 1869.
See also papers by the same in the Vienna " Sitzungsberichte,"
xxiv. 4-9 (1857), xxviii. 575~578 (1858), xxix. 173-176, 557-584 (1858),
lii. 2, 623-641 (1866).
E. Briicke : Diephysiologischen Grundlagen der neuhochdeutschen
Verskunst. Vienna, 1871.
See also papers by the same in the Vienna " Sitzungsberichte,"
ii. 182-208 (1849), xxviii. 63-92 (1858), xxxiv. 307-356 (1860), and the
Zeitschrift fur die osterr. Gymn. viii. 749-768 (1857), ix. 689-701
(1858).
F. C. Bonders : De physiologic der Spraakklanken^ in het bijzonder
van die der nederlandsche taal. Utrecht, 1870.
358 THE SCIENCE OF LANGUAGE.
H. Helmholtz : Die Lehre von den Tonempfindtmgen (3rd edition).
Brunswick, 1870. (Translated into English by A. J. Ellis, under
the title of " Sensations of Tone as a physiological Basis for the
Theory of Music," 1875.)
O. Wolf: Sprache und Ohr. Brunswick, 1871.
G. I. Ascoli : Vorlesungen liber die vergleichende Lautlehre des
Sanskrit, des Griechischen und des Lateinischen, I. Halle,
1872.
H. M oiler : Die Palatalreihe der indogermanischen Grundsprache
im Germanischen. Leipzig, 1875.
W. D. Whitney : Oriental and Linguistic Studies, II. New York,
1874.
J. Winteler : Die Kerenzer Mundart in ihren Grundziigen darge-
stellt. Leipzig, 1876.
H. Sweet : History of English Sounds. London, 1876.
Handbook of Phonetics. Oxford, 1877.
E. Sievers : Grundztige der Lautphysiologie. Leipzig, 1876.
Comparative Mythology.
Max Miiller : Chips from a German Workshop, 4 vols. London.,
1868-75.
A. Kuhn : Die Herabkunft des Feuers und des Gottertranks.
Berlin, 1859.
Ueber die Entwickelungsstufen der Mythenbildung. Berlin,
1860.
M. Bre*al : Melanges de Mythologie et de Linguistique. Paris,
1878.
F. L. W. Schwartz : Der Ursprung der Mythologie. Berlin, 1860.
J. Fiske : Myths and Myth-makers. London, 1873.
G. W. Cox : The Mythology of the Aryan Nations. London, 1870.
(To be read with caution.)
A. de Gubernatis : Zoological Mythology. London, 1872.
Mythologie des Plantes. Paris, 1878.
Letture sulla mitologia vedica. Florence, 1874.
I. Goldziher : Mythology among the Hebrews, Engl. translation by
R. Martineau. London, 1877.
J. Grimm : Deutsche Mythologie. 2nd edition, 1844.
G. W. Dasent : Popular Tales from the Norse. Edinburgh, 1859.
J. F. Campbell : Popular Tales of the West Highlands. Edinburgh,
1860-62.
LIST OF WORKS. 359
R. Hunt : Popular Romances of the West of England. London,
1865.
W. ,R. S. Ralston : The Songs of the Russian People. London,
1872.
Russian Folklore. London, 1873.
R. H. Busk : Folklore of Rome. London, 1874.
B. Schmidt : Griechische Marchen, Sagen, und Volkslieder.
Leipzig, 1877.
J. G. Von Hahn : Griechische und albanesische Marchen. Leipzig,
1864.
Sag.wissenschaftliche Studien. Jena, 1871-6.
Th. Benfey : Pantschatantra. Leipzig, 1859.
W. Webster and J. Vinson : Basque Legends. London, 1877
(2nd edition, 1879).
Bp. Callaway : Nursery Tales, Traditions, and Histories of the
Zulus. Natal and London, 1866-68.
The Religious System of theAmazulu (Tradition of Creation,
Ancestor- Worship, Divination). Natal, Capetown, and London,
1868-70.
W. H. I. Bleek : A brief Account of Bushman Folklore. Capetown,
London, and Leipzig, 1875.
A. B. Mitford : Tales of Old Japan. London, 1871.
W. W. Gill : Myths and Songs from the South Pacific. London,
1*76.
D. G. Brinton : Myths of the New World, 2nd edition. New York,
1876.
M. A. Castre"n : Ethnologische Vorlesungen iiber die altaischen
Volker nebst samojedischen Marchen und tatarischen Helden-
sagen, edited by Schiefner. St. Petersburg, 1857.
Vorlesungen iiber die fmnische Mythologie. Edited by
Schiefner. St. Petersburg, 1853.
See the " Folklore Record," vol. i. London, 1879.
" The Folklore Journal," edited by the working Committee
of the South African Folklore Society. Capetown, from 1879.
T. F. Crane in "The International Review/' vi. 4 (April, 1879).
The Science of Religion.
E. B. Tylor : Primitive Culture. London, 1871.
E. Burnouf : La Science des Religions. Paris, 1872. (To be read
with caution.)
360
THE SCIENCE OF LANGUAGE.
F. Max Miiller : Introduction to the Science of Religion. London,
1873-
Lectures on the Origin and Growth of Religion as illustrated
by the Religions of India. London, 1878.
S. Johnson : Oriental Religions and their relation to Universal
Religion. Vol. i. India. Boston, 1873. Vol. ii. China. Boston,
1878.
T. W. Rhys Davids : Buddhism. Published by the Society for Pro-
moting Christian Knowledge, 1877.
A. Kuenen : The Religion of Israel. Translated into English by
A. H. May. London, 1874-5.
Denis : Histoire des theories et des ide*es morales dans Tantiquite".
Paris, 1856.
L. F. A. Maury : Histoire des religions de la Grece antique. Paris,
1857-59.
E. Renan : Etudes d'histoire religieuse. Paris, 1857.
Language and Ethnology.
Wedewer : Ueber die Wichtigkeit und Bedeutung der Sprache fiir
die tiefere Verstandniss des Volkscharakters. Frankfurt, 1859.
A. F. Pott : Die Ungleichheit menschlicher Rassen. Lemgo-
Detmold, 1856.
Anti-Kaulen, oder mythische Vorstellungen vom Ursprunge
der Vb'lker und Sprachen. Lemgo-Detmold, 1863.
A. Pictet : Les Origines' indo-europeennes ou les Aryas primitifs.
Paris, 1859 ; 2nd edition, 1878.
A. Hovelacque : Langues, races, nationality. 2nd edition. Paris.
1875.
Th. Waitz : Anthropologie der Naturvolker. Leipzig, 1860-72.
2nd edition, by G. Gerland. Leipzig, 1877.
Th. Poesche : Die Arier. Jena, 1878.
See Lazarus and SteinthaPs Zeitschrift fiir Volkerpsychologie
und Sprachwissenschaft. Berlin, from 1859.
Anthropological Review, and Journal of the Anthropological
Institute. London, from 1863.
Comparative Philology in Classical Education.
G. Curtius : Die Sprachvergleichung in ihrem Verhaltniss zur
classischen Philologie. Berlin, 1845. (Translated into English
by F. H. Trithen, under the title of " The Results of Compara-
LIST OF WORKS. 361
tive Philology in reference to Classical Scholarship." Oxford,
1851.)
Schenkl : Werth der Sprachvergleichung fur die classische Philo-
logie. Gratz, 1864.
M. Breal : Quelle place doit tenir la grammaire compare'e dans
1'enseignement classique ? Paris, 1873.
J. Lattmann : Die durch die neuere Sprachwissenschaft herbeige-
fiihrte Reform des Elementarimterrichts in den alten Sprachen.
Gottingen, 1873.
J. Jolly : Schulgrammatik und Sprachwissenschaft. Munich, 1874.
Perthes : Zur Reform des lateinischen Unterrichts auf Gymnasien
und Realschulen. Berlin, 1873-4.
Comparative Syntax.
B. Delbriick : Ablativ Localis Instrumentalis in Altindischen,
Lateinischen, Griechischen und Deutschen. Berlin, 1864.
G. Autenrieth : Terminus in quern. Erlangen, 1868.
B. Delbriick & E. Windisch : Syntaktische Forschungen. I. Der
Gebrauch des conjunctivs und optativs im Sanskrit und
Griechischen. Halle, 1871. II. Altindische Tempuslehre.
Halle, 1876.
J. Jolly : Ein Kapitel vergleichender Syntax : der conjunctiv und
optativ und die Nebensatze im Zend und Altpersischen in ver-
gleich mit dem Sanskrit und Griechischen. Munich, 1872.
Geschichte des Infinitivs im indogermanischen. Munich,
1873.
H. Hiibschmann : Zur casuslehre. Munich, 1875.
Fr. Holzweissig : Wahrheit und Irrthum der localistischen Casus-
theorie. Leipzig, 1877.
A. Drager : Historische Syntax der lateinischen Sprache. Leipzig,
1874-76.
Tobler : Ueber die Wortzusammensetzung nebst einem Anhange
iiber die starkenden Zusammensetzungen. Berlin, 1868.
Meunier : Les composes syntactiques en grec, en latin, en frangais
et subsidiairement en zend et en indien. Paris, 1872.
R. Schroder : Ueber die formelle Unterscheidung der Redetheile im
griechischen und lateinischen mit Beriicksichtigung der Nominal-
composita. Leipzig, 1874.
A. Rohr : Einige Bemerkungen iiber Wesen, Aufgabe und Ziele
einer vergleichenden Syntax. Bern, 1876.
362 THE SCIENCE OF LANGUAGE.
Latin and Greek.
C. Hirzel : Grundziige zu einer Geschichte der classischen Philo-
logie. Tiibingen, 1873.
F. Baur : Sprachwissenschaftliche Einleitung in das griechische und
das lateinische fur obere Gymnasial- Classen. Tubingen, 1874.
(Translated into English by C. Kegan Paul and E. D. Stone,
under the title of " Philological Introduction to Greek and
Latin." London, 1876, 2nd edition, 1879.)
E. Herzog : Untersuchungen iiber die Bildungsgeschichte der
griechischen und lateinischen Sprache. Leipzig, 1871.
Leo Meyer : Vergleichende Grammatik der griechischen und latein-
ischen Sprachen. Berlin, 1861-5.
G. Curtius : Griechische Schulgrammatik, loth edition. Prague,
1873; and Erlauterungen. Prague, 1863. (Translated into Eng-
lish by E. Abbot, under the title of " Elucidations of the
Student's Greek Grammar," by Prof. Curtius. London, 1870.)
Das Verbum der griechischen Sprache. Leipzig, 1873-6.
R. Westphal : Methodische Grammatik der griechischen Sprache.
A. Bailly : Manuel pour TEtude des Racines grecques et latines.
Paris, 1869.
G. Curtius : Grundziige der griechischen Etymologie (1858, 4th
edit. 1874.) (Translated into English by A. S. Wilkins and
E. R. England, under the title of " Principles of Greek Ety-
mology." London, 1876.)
H. L. Ahrens : De Graecae linguae Dialectis. Gottingen, 1839. (A
new edition may be shortly expected.)
J. Peile : Introduction to Greek and Latin Etymology. London,
1869. 2nd edition, 1876.
W. Pape : Worterbuch der griechischen Eigennamen, 3rd edition,
edited by G. E. Benseler. Brunswick, 1863-70.
H. Ebeling : Lexicon Homericum. Leipzig, 1873-78.
A. Vanicek : Griechisch-lateinisches etymologisches Worterbuch.
Leipzig, 1877.
Seb. Zehetmayr : Analogisch-vergleichendes Worterbuch iiber das
Gesammtgebiet der indogermanischen Sprachen. Leipzig, 1879.
S. Th. Aufrecht & A. Kirchhoff: Die umbrischen Sprachdenkmaler.
Berlin, 1849-51.
P. E. Huschke : Die iguvischen Tafeln. Leipzig, 1859.
LIST OF WORKS. 363
H. Bruppacher : Versuch einer Lautlehre der oskischen Sprache.
Zurich, 1869.
E. Enderis : Versuch einer Formenlehre der oskischen Sprache.
Zurich, 1871.
M. Bre"al : Les Tables eugubines. Paris, 1875.
Th. Mommsen : Die unteritalischen Dialekte. Leipzig, 1850.
A. Fabretti : Corpus inscriptionum italicarum. Turin, 1867. Three
supplements, 1872, 1874, 1878.
W. Corssen : Ueber Aussprache, Vokalismus und Betonung der
lateinischen Sprache. Leipzig, 1868-70.
Beitrage zur italischen Sprachkunde. Leipzig, 1876.
H. J. Roby : A Grammar of the Latin Language. London, 1872-4.
F. Neue : Formenlehre der lateinischen Sprache. Mitau- Stuttgart,
1866-77.
H. Schuchardt : Der Vokalismus des Vulgarlateins. Leipzig, 1 866-8.
Merguet : Die Entwickelung der lateinischen Formenbildung.
Berlin, 1870.
R. Westphal : Die Verbalflexion der lateinischen Sprache. Jena,
1873-
W. Brambach : Die Neugestaltung der lateinischen Orthographic.
Leipzig, 1868.
J. Wordsworth : Fragments and Specimens of Early Latin. Oxford,
1876.
D. Pezzi : Grammatica storica comparativa della lingua latina.
Turin- Florence, 1872.
W. Studemund : Studien auf dem Gebiete des archaischen Lateins.
Berlin, 1873.
See Curtius' Studien zur griechischen und lateinischen Grammatik.
Leipzig, from 1868 to 1878.
Rheinisches Museum fur Philologie, from 1827.
Neue Jahrbiicher fur Philologie und Padagogik. Leipzig,
from 1831.
Fleckeisen's Jahrbiicher fur classische Philologie. Leipzig,
from 1855.
Neue Jahrbiicher, &c., from 1875.
Hermes, from 1868.
The American Philological Association Proceedings from
1869.
INDEX.
ABSTRACT and spiritual ideas, as
spirit, virtue, intellect, of sen-
suous origin ; at the outset
only, words for the visible and
sensuous, till the mind em-
ployed metaphor to express the
higher imaginations of the
soul ; metaphors still neces-
sary in dealing with abstract
subjects and in philosophic
reasoning ; add a charm to
poetry ; the creations of mytho-
logy mainly the work of meta-
phor ; modern science accepts
a " nature " which clothes it-
self with the attributes of hu-
manity and sex ; the power in
language of rising from the
concrete to the abstract made
Hieroglyphic writing possible,
and enables the Chinaman to
adapt his system to new ideas,
i. 103-4.
Abstracts a good gauge of the
development of language ; le-
gend of Pythagoras summing
up Eastern and Greek thought
on law and order observed in
the world, and naming it kos-
mos j indebted to Anaxagoras,
Herakleitus, and Xenophanes
for our ideas of mind, motion,
and existence ; but the idea of
natural selection belongs to the
present generation, and is a
higher glory than the conquests
of a Caesar, i. 102-3.
Accadian language ceased to be
spoken before seventeenth cen-
tury B.C., i. 3-4.
Accent in Aryan chiefly on the
last syllable ; for centuries
thrust back in Latin and the
ALolic dialects of Greece, and
is still proceeding in modern
European tongues ; Polish ac-
cents the penultima and Bohe-
mian the first syllable ; in Se-
mitic the penultima primarily
received the accent, and the
Arabic which agrees with the
English is a later innovation,
i. 176-7 ; accent alone able to
resist phonetic decay ; its
shifting a yielding to decay,
ib. 202.
Accidental coincidences in the
likeness of words in different
languages, i. 148-9.
Achaemenian, or Old Persian,
dialect recovered from the
cuneiform inscriptions of Da-
rius Hystaspis and his succes-
sors, ii. 81.
366
INDEX.
Advancing civilization, signs of;
division of labour differen-
tiated organization, analysis of
thought and its expression, i.
377-
Affected English plurals termini
and fungi, and the genitive
arid dative Christian^. Christo;
introduction of Chinese cha-
racters' into Japan by the
learned class, i. 174.
Age of a language marked by
phonetic decay as in the Old
Egyptian and Accadian; some
languages more affected than
others ; examples of words
from the Basque, Yakute
Turkish and Chinese, i. 197-8.
Agglutinativelanguagesand near
approach of many to the in-
flectional ; our own both ag-
glutinative and isolating ; the
French je voiis donne an in-
stance of incorporation ; Chi-
nese agglutinative, with much
that resembles inflection, while
the polysynthetic languages of
North America retain their
primaeval character, i. 1 30 ;
no sharply defined line of
division of the various families
of speech ; but species and
classes really exist, each with
its own type and characteris-
tics based upon its own con-
ception of the sentence and its
parts ; the sentence the start-
ing-point of philology and key
to classification, ib. 131 ; their
differences reviewed ; impor-
tant part played in history and
civilization by the races who
spoke the various dialects of
the Ural-Altaic ; the oldest
monuments of Babylonia, the
cuneiform inscriptions have
shown that the wild hill tribes
of Media and Susiania, the
Elamites and Chaldeans all
spoke cognate languages, ii.
188-190 ; communities now
speaking allied dialects of the
Turanian appear to belong to
different races, ii. 190-191 ;
many agglutinative languages
are now more or less incorpo-
rating^ Zulu, Magyar, Mord-
vin, and Vogul ; these forms
easily decomposed into an
amalgamation of the verb with
two personal pronouns, and
are almost analogous to the
French je vous donne and the
Italian portandvelo, ib. 209-
210; further incorporation af-
fecting all the forms of the
verb, and the intercalation of
a syllable in the Basque or Es-
cuara dialects, ib. 210-213 ; the
incorporation of the pronouns
found in Old Accadian, as in
Hungary and Northern Rus-
sia ; the pronoun repeated
pleonastically in Semitic and
Greek, ib. 213-4.
Agreement of numerals and
words in common use a pre-
sumption that languages are
related, i. 1 53 ; pronouns a less
reliable criterion, ib. 153-4.
Alarodian an inflectional group,
difficult to distinguish mor-
phologically from Aryan, hav-
ing nothing genealogically in
INDEX.
367
common ; Georgian the chief
living representative of the
family, and its literature largely
ecclesiastical, with some chro-
nicles, romances, and poems,
ii. 184-5.
Alexandria the birthplace of
classical philology, i. 14.
Alphabets, scientific ; " Stan-
dard " and " Missionary " of
Lepsiusand Max Miiller; pro-
posed alphabets of Ellis, Prince
L-L. Bonaparte and Sweet, i.
. 333-
Analogists and Anomalists, two
contending Alexandrine fac-
tions, i. 15 ; ib, 23.
Analogy, influence of; changed
the current forms of English,
Latin, Greek, and Sanskrit, i.
178-9 ; sometimes alters the
whole structural complexion of
a language, as in the Coptic,
ib. 1 80 ; influence on English
flection ; power of changing
and extending meaning of
words ; new object or idea
named from something fami-
liar ; Kuriak, Russian, and
English examples, ib. 181 ;
sometimes wrong, as the term
whale-fishery and the name
guinea-pig; fair and legiti-
mate when applied to a new
object in relation to something
familiar, as the French canard,
Low-Latin canardus, German
kahn, a small " boat,'' then a
duck, which was frequently
used to decoy other birds,
ended in signifying a mere
empty cry to deceive, ib. 182.
Ancestor-worship seems to have
been first developed ; lingered
on into the historic age of
Greece and Rome ; the family
consisted of the dead and the
living ; savages unable to dis-
tinguish between waking reali-
ties and dreams ; led to infer
that man had two lives ; visions
produced by voluntary or in-
voluntary fasts with the con-
ception of the continued exis-
tence of dead ancestors led to
the belief in spirits or ghosts ;
the souls of ancestors some-
times regarded as friendly and
at others unfriendly, and sup-
posed to reside in animals and
material things as among the
Hurons and Zulus ; the latter
see their ancestors in green
and brown snakes and offer
sacrifices to them ; ancestral
worship passes insensibly into
the worship of animals and
trees ; specially through fear
into the wide-spread adoration
of the serpent, ii. 290-291 ;
offerings spread to the manes
of the dead to avert evil ; man's
daily needs the source of his
earliest adoration and prayer;
dread of evil spirits and use
of charms among the Red
Indians, ib. ii. 292.
Anticipations of a universal Ian- .
guage ; signs of religion be-
coming a common bond of
sympathy and action among
all educated men ; the mis-
chievous cry of nationalities
dying out ; the perception of
368
INDEX.
language as the expression of
social life ; clearing away old
prejudices and misconcep-
tions ; tendency and move-
ments in progress for turning
the Babel of the primaeval
world into the " Saturnia
regna " of the future, and the
realization of the views of
Leibnitz and Bishop Wilkins,
ii. 351-2.
Antiquity of man proved by the
science of language ; age of
Egyptian and Assyrian civili-
zation ; far earlier date of the
parent-language of the As-
syrian, Arabic, and other Se-
mitic dialects ; time required
shown by the slight changes
in Arabic during the last four
thousand years, whilst the lan-
guage on the oldest Egyptian
monument is decayed and out-
worn, ii. 318-19 ; changes and
decay more rapid in Aryan
than in the Semitic idioms ;
grammatical forms of Lithu-
anian in one or two instances
more primitive and archaic
than Sanskrit ; language of the
Rig- Veda and Homeric poems
originally the same ; Aryan
dialects believed by Herr
Poesche to have been spoken
by the cave men at Cannstadt,
Neanderthal, Cromagnon, and
Gibraltar; vast period required
for the development and growth
of the parent Aryan from the
rude cries of barbarians ; pho-
netic decay and word survivals,
ib. 319-321; Ural-Altaic family
bears a similar testimony to
an indefinitely high antiquity;
Accadian a decaying speech
three thousand years B.C.,
and implies a long period of
previous development ; the
Mongols and Ugro-Tatars ;
agreement of comparative phi-
lology, geology, pre-historic
archaeology, and ethnology, in
proclaiming the enormously
long period of man's existence
on the earth ; necessary to
explain the phaenomena of
language, ib. 322-3 ; further
corroborated by the number
already ascertained of existing
separate families, and others
like the Basque and Etruscan,
of which scarcely a vestige
remains, ib. 323.
Apollonius Dyskolus and his son
Herodian, two famous Alex-
andrine grammarians; part of
the former's " Syntax " still
extant ; their labours ended
the controversy between the
Analogists and Anpmalists ;
Greek and Latin school gram-
mars inherited from this old
dispute, confound thinking and
speaking, and introduce formal
logic ; result of comparison
with other languages, i. 23, 24.
Apothegm modern on Speech
and Silence, only a partial
truth ; the prophet the har-
binger of a higher cult and
civilization than the seer ;
estimate of the poet of the
Rig- Veda ; haphazard etymo-
logy abandoned, but the pic-
INDEX.
369
ture retained of x " winged j
words " inspired by Hermes
and the Muses ; language the
bond of society, and the boun-
dary between man and the
brute, i. 1-2.
Apotheosis and its causes ; first
due to worship of ancestors
after death, as in the Manes
of the Roman Church, but in
Chaldea and Egypt, kings
were deified while living, and
also the Roman Emperors for
State reasons ; deification of
heroes still common among
the Bunjaras, who recently
made General Nicholson into
a new god ; natural course of
a myth affected in this way
and also by the canonization
of Christian saints, ii. 297-8.
Arabic language, dialects, and
literature, ii. 173-178.
Aramaic a Semitic dialect, dis-
tinct from Assyrian and He-
brew in phonology and gram-
mar ; once widely diffused
over Syria and Mesopotamia ;
became the lingua franca of
trade from the eighth century
downwards, in time extirpating
Assyrio - Babylonian, Pheni-
cian, and Hebrew, just as it
was itself by Arabic afterwards,
ii. 171-2.
Arbitrary element small in ges-
ture-language compared with
spoken, consisting of a few
interjections and onomato-
poeic sounds, i. 95-6; the same
sounds used for different ideas;
no necessary connection be-
ll. B B
tween an idea and the word
that represents it ; natural
sounds differently understood,
as in the attempts to imitate
the note of the nightingale in
various languages ; first words
of children according to Psam-
mitikhus and the Papyrus
Ebers, i. 95-6 ; no reason in
the nature of things why the
word book should be applied
to the present volume in pre-
ference to koob, biblion, or
liber, id. 97 ; essential that
language be an instrument for
the communication of our
thoughts to others ; Aristotle
on thought and communica-
tion ; the voiceless Yogi of
India, and the Bernardine
nuns of southern France, re-
semble the untrained deaf-
mute, id. 97 ; the name Slav
assumed by our Aryan kins-
folk signifies " the speaker," in
opposition to the dumb and
unintelligible German — just as
the Assyrians are called a
people " of a stammering
tongue ; " Man from the root
man, " to think ; " derivatives
explained, id. 97-8 ; language
the prerogative of man and the
bond of society ; a social pro-
duct ; springing up with the
first community, developing
with the increasing needs of
culture and civilization, id. 98;
reason for calling the present
volume a book; new words come
into use for new objects and
ideas; unintentional changes;
INDEX.
new words and derivatives
must be accepted by society
before they form a part of
living speech; fate of proposed
new words, ib. 99-100.
Aristarchus the Homeric critic,
a strict Analogist, endeavoured
to remove all exceptions, and
to determine the genitive and
dative of Zeus, i. 15.
Aristophanes ridiculed the pe-
dantry of artificial rules, i. 10.
Aristotle on digestion, i. 8 ; op-
posed the theory of the natural
origin of speech ; held that
words had no meaning in
themselves, and made no clear
distinction between words and
language ; his ten categories
a mixture of grammar and
logic ; his logical system em-
pirical and based solely on
Greek ; only capable of cor-
rection by comparative philo-
logy ; injury to logic by his
method compensated by the
additions to Greek grammar,
ib. 11-12; on the logos ^ ib.
122.
Armenia regarded by the Acca-
dians as the cradle of their
race ; afterwards the home of
the Aryan Medes, i. 307.
Armenian literature ; classic
period begins with the forma-
tion of the alphabet by Mesrop
in the fifth century of our era ;
and the works of Moses of
Chorene, Lazar of Pharp,
Eznib of Kolb, and others ;
leading phonetic feature of the
language the interchange of
hard and soft explosives, while
original/ becomes h, ii. 83.
Article definite, postfixed by the
Albanians, Bulgarians, Scan-
dinavians and Aramaeans, i.
1 24 ; wanting in the majority of
languages and wherever found
can be traced back to the de-
monstrative pronoun and is
identical with it in German ; has
the same function as the adjec-
tive or genitive, but not the
same position in the sentence ;
it precedes the noun in English,
German, Hebrew, Arabic, and
Old Egyptian where the adjec-
tivefollowsit; in Scandinavian,
Wallach, Bulgarian, and Al-
banian placed after its noun ;
reason of this irregularity ; not
found in Ethiopic or Assyrian,
except in the latest period of
the latter ; among the Aryan
dialects ; Russian and other
Slavonic idioms (Bulgarian
excepted) have no article, the
Greek being very inadequately
represented by the relative
pronoun in the old Slavonic ;
Sanskrit without, though the
demonstrative sa sometimes
takes its place as sa purusha,
like tile vir in Latin ; neither
Finnic nor the Turkish-Tatar
have an article ; Osmanli Tur-
kish occasionally follows the
Persian and expresses it by a
kezra (z) or hemza (') ; Hun-
garian through German in-
fluence has turned the demon-
strative az into a genuine
article ; the objective case,
INDEX.
37i
called by Bohtlingk "casus-
definitus " formed by an affix
in Turkish-Tatar, Mongol,
and Tibetan, often answers
exactly to the use of a de-
finite article with a noun, i.
423 ; nearly similar use of an
affix in Ostiak, Hindustani,
Persian, and Chinese ; while
the Algonkins and Othomis
prefix the article, ib. i. 423-4 ;
reason of this opposite usage ;
opinions of Max Miiller and
M. Benlow, ib. i. 424-5 ; posi-
tion of the qualifying word in
the primitive Aryan sentence,
according to M. Bergaigne
before the subject and govern-
ing word ; place of the article
in Semitic, German, Wallach,
Bulgarian, Scandinavian, and
Icelandic ; Aramaic alone as-
signs it a natural position ;
late appearance in Hebrew
and Arabic and different con-
structions, ib. i. 426-7 ; agree-
ment of the Old Egyptian in
placing the determining word
and prefixing the article, ib.
i. 427-8.
Articulate sounds fully inves-
tigated by Ellis, Bell, Sweet,
Helmoz, and Prince Lucien
Bonaparte ; the physical laws
of utterance have been deter-
mined and etymology become
to a large extent a physical
science ; difference between
phonology and language ; their
mutual relation ; confusion and
dispute about change of pro-
nunciation and meaning ; in-
flection been attributed to
phonetic decay ; the Schlegels
on the growth, divisions, and
development of languages, i.
59-61.
Articulate utterances of speech
classed with musical notes, i.
237.
Aryan or Indo-European results
of inquiry, the starting-point
for the investigation of other
families of speech ; the com-
parative method applicable to
all ; the study of Semitic by
Gesenius, Ewald, and Renan
soon proved that the laws
derived from Aryan were not
universal ; that each group and
language possesses its own
linguistic laws and peculiari-
ties ; Aryan language the
parent speech of a highly
civilized race, and highly in-
flectional ; its exceptional cha-
racter, i. 55-6.
Aryan or Indo-European family
of languages variously named
by scholars ; Indo-European,
perhaps, the most favoured ;
Indo-Germanic chosen by
Bopp, widely known among
Germans ; Sanskritic now dis-
carded, and Japhetic objec-
tionable, as the ethnological
table in Genesis is really geo-
graphical ; Caucasian inappli-
cable, as only the little colony
of the Iron or Ossetes belong
to the Aryan, ii. 69-70 ; Arya
occurs frequently in the Rig-
Veda as a national name, and
a name of honour ; derived
372
INDEX.
from arya, perhaps " plough-
man " or " cultivator ; " the
great recommendation of Ar-
yan, its shortness and general
adoption ; being Sanskrit the
word requires some limitation,
ib. 70-1 ; subdivisions and dis-
persion of the family, ib.ji-2 ;
Vedic and Post-Vedic poor in
vowels, but rich in consonants ;
euphonic laws strict and deli-
cate ; syntax comparatively
simple, but grammatical forms
full and clear ; often preserved
archaic forms obscured else-
where ; Latin and Greek some-
times more primitive ; rise and
spread of the dialects, ib. 73-5 ;
the modern Aryan of India
including the Rommany of the
Gipseys, ib. 75-6.
Aryan Dictionary and civiliza-
tion restored by Fick, who has
argued from time to time as if
the absence of a common term
in East and West necessarily
implied that the object was
unknown, ii. 127 ; advanced
civilization and the state of
society apparent from the
terms denoting family relation-
ship, dwellings, rule, and
settled customs, ib. 127-9 '•>
religion simple, the worship of
natural objects and pheno-
mena, especially the sun and
dawn, and other bright powers
of the day ; worshipper only
prayed to one god at a time ;
attributes of the gods ; nature-
myths of a later age, and hymns
to the gods a fruitful source of
mythology, and the basis of a
liturgy of which fragments
were carried away by the
various bodies of emigrants ;
belief in evil spirits of night
and darkness, ib. 129-130.
Aryan distinctions of the vowels d,
e, o, lost by the Asiatic branch
of the family; changes of roots
in Finnic, i. 189-190, note.
Aryan mother-country; views of
Latham and Poesche untena-
ble ; objections to Poesche's
theory ; comparative philo-
logy affords proof of the Asia-
tic cradle of the race ; depen-
dence of linguistic change on
geography ; position accord-
ing to Pictet, Hovelacque,
andjohann Schmidt; Douse's
theory, ii. 122-3 5 current opi-
nion places it in Bactriana on
the western slopes of Belurtag
and Mustag, ii. 123; here is
the airyanem vaejo of the
Vendidad ; the legend only
a late tradition, and applies
to the Zoroastrian Persians,
but the geography is real and
agrees with comparative phi-
lology about the early Aryan
home ; further evinced by
climate, natural history, and
productions, ib. 123-4; Hum-
boldt's view that the Sea of
Aral, the Caspian, and Eux-
ine formed at one time a
great inland lake, confirmed
by recent researches ; this
inland sea, with the desert to
the south, cut the Aryans off
from the civilized races of Elam
INDEX.
373
and Babylonia, and forced the
first emigrants to the west to
push their way through the
steppes of Tatary and the
pass of the Ural range ; the
parent speech no uniform
tongue, was split up into dia-
lects and perpetuated, ib. 124-5.
Aryan words in use before the
separation of the family into
Eastern and Western, how
ascertained, ii. 125-6.
Aryan grammar reconstructed ;
mode of accentuation ; the pa-
rent language highly inflected,
afterwards modified, ii. 138-9.
Aryan myths and folk-tales sup-
posed to have been derived
from about fifty originals, ii.
259-260.
Aryan proper names shown by
Fick to be compounded of
two words and analogous
names in Greek, Old German,
Servian,and Welsh; the second
part liable to contraction as in
Greek and Kretan ; after the
separation of the family many
shorter names formed by leav-
ing out one of the elements ;
later names based on an en-
tirely different method, proba-
bly due to Etruscan influence,
ii- 133-4-
Aryan route westward, settle-
ments and breaking up again
to people other countries,where
their knowledge of natural pro-
ductions would be largely in-
creased,animals domesticated,
and agriculture improved, ii.
134-6.
Aryans a pastoral and agricultu-
ral people, acquainted with
gold, silver, and bronze ; had
some knowledge of medicine,
surgery, arithmetic, music,
pottery, and other useful arts,
ii. 130-3.
Assamese, an apparently Aryan
language, inserts the plural
affix (bilak} between the noun
and the case ending, i. 173-4.
Assur-bani-pal's Library, con-
tents of; Assyrian dictionaries,
grammars, reading - books ;
translations interlinear and
parallel from the old Accadian,
i- 3-4-
Assyrian account of Chaos, i.
103.
Assyrians and Babylonians, the
first grammarians, i. 4 ; lan-
guage nearly the same ; re-
covered within the last thirty
years from the inscribed
bricks and monuments of Ni-
neveh, Babylon, and other
cities, ii. 168 ; familiarized
with the distinction between
present and past through their
knowledge of Accadian, ib.
175-
Attempts to connect the Semitic
languages with the Aryan fa-
mily, or derive them from a
common source, scientifically
worthless, ii. 175 ; their rela-
tionship, ib. 178-182.
Attempts to divide languages
morphologically by Schlegel,
Pott, Bopp, Schleicher, and
Max M tiller, i. 368 ; all so far
as founded in fact based on
374
INDEX.
the conception of the sentence
by various races ; views of
Bopp, Schlegel, and Pott self-
contradictory ; Steinthal first
pointed out that the sentence
rather than the word was the
basis of morphological ar-
rangement, and in dealing
with grammar and structure
two related words are neces-
sary ; his division of languages,
ib. 369-70.
Bacon (Roger) on Greek, He-
brew, and Latin as separate
and independent languages ;
noticed the existence of French
dialects, i. 25 and note; amus-
ing etymologies by scholars
of his day ; Jacobus de'Vora-
gine and the Vulgate, ib. 26-7.
Ba-ntu languages of South
Africa prefix the same noun
to each of the related words in
a sentence, i. 129; mark the
relations of grammar by pre-
fixes only ; delicate phonetic
changes render the declensions
and conjugations rich and com-
plicated, ii. 208 ; compared
with Zulu Kafir, ib. 208-9.
Barbarism and its effects on the
civilized language of Rome in
producing linguistic anarchy
over the greater part of Eu-
rope ; conservative influence
of the Church and Law, till
the Reformation roused Eu-
rope into hostile nationalities
with their different tongues, ii.
35°-
Basque said to have only two
verbs, " to be " and " to have/
whilst many languages want-
ing these, i. 129; vocabulary
mostly borrowed from the
French and Spanish, or earlier
Latin and Keltic ; abstracts of
native growth rare ; names for
various kinds of trees and
animals, but no simple word
for tree or animal; shows a
facility for composition ; our
knowledge of the language
of recent date ; Humboldt's
views on Basque ancient local
names, controverted by MM.
Eys and Vinson, i. 214-5 ;
analogy of Basque compounds
to the polysynthetic languages
of America only casual, id..
216.
Beast-fables common among the
Hottentots, Bushmen, and Vei-
negroes, ii. 280-1; used by the
ancient Egyptians during the
reign of Ramses III. for satire
and caricature; in greatest per-
fection among the Bushmen,
and widely disseminated by
them ; fragments of Accadian
fables found among the re-
mains of the Library at Nine-
veh ; used by the Hindus, and
probably known to the Aryans
before their separation; found
also among the Polynesians
and Australians, ib. 282-3.
Bedouin of Central Arabia,
through want of intercourse
with their neighbours, said to-
speak a more archaic language
than those of Nineveh and Je-
rusalem 3,oooyears ago, i. 201.
INDEX.
375
Benfey on the physical accesso-
ries of speech in putting sense
and significancy into sounds
expressive of the emotions, i.
8 1 -2 ; objection to Geiger's
theory, ib. 82 ; note on com-
munication between men and
animals, ib. 82 ; carried on
the labours of Bopp and Pott
with some modification, but
failed to reduce Aryan and
Semitic to one stem ; lan-
guages require to be studied
minutely ; Grimm followed by
Rask, Burnouf, Lassen, Haug,
Spiegel, Juste, and others, ib.
52-3.
Bergaigne on the old adjectival
suffix bha (bhf) in our own
family of speech, i. 119.
Bleek derived speech from the
cries of the anthropoid apes ;
on articulate and inarticulate
language ; imitation of in-
stinctive sounds by man and
its results in connecting with
the outward utterance an in-
ward signification ; language
considered interjectional in
its origin, aided by instinct
which in development created
and moulded thought, i. 77.
Bopp (Francis), the true founder
of comparative philology, ac-
quired Sanskrit while on a
visit to England ; his nume-
rous works between 1816 and
1854; attempted to include
the Polynesian dialects and
the Georgian in the Indo-
European family, i. 49-50 ;
confined his work to the scien-
tific and inductive side of the
science ; while the metaphy-
sical was ably expounded by
Alexander von Humboldt, who
sketched the outlines of a true
philosophy of speech, and
threw out suggestions of great
value to later scholars, ib. 50 ;
Bopp's division of languages
into three groups ; his mis-
takes ; assumption that the
laws of Aryan philology held
good of all human speech,
and that Aryan was the primi-
tive language; treated ag-
glutination as an earlier stage
of inflection, and confounded
roots with words, ib. 62-3 ; his
views of Chinese, Polynesian,
and Caucasian ; regarded lan-
guage as an organism passing
through a series of necessary
changes ; this view assailed
by Pott, who maintained there
was no necessity in language
to develop as an organism
like the seed into the tree, or
the chrysalis into the butter-
fly, than in thought itself, ib.
63 ; his analysis of Aryan
grammar and analysis of
flection rejected by Scherer,
Westphal, and Ludwig, ib. 83 ;
protest against his analysis in-
discriminating, ib. 84.
Borrowed languages and words ;
English a superstructure of
Norman, French, and Latin
on an Anglo-Saxon founda-
tion, and nine-tenths of the
Hindi is Sanskrit ; influence
of neighbours in the inter-
376
INDEX.
change of words, as meet-
ing, comfortable, naive, eclat j
words show geographical and
social relationships as Boome-
rang, the Dutch pude, puye,
Latin podiitm; while words
like maize, hammock, -canoe,
and tobacco from the Haytian
through the Spanish show that
the Spaniards were the dis-
coverers of America ; and
that the Teutons inhabited the
Baltic provinces when the
Romans received amber from
them under the name of glee-
sum; Professor Thomsen has
proved that the Finns, Scan-
dinavians, and Teutons were
neighbours two thousand years
ago from the number of bor-
rowed words in the Finnish
language, i. 170-1.
Borrowed sounds, idioms, suf-
fixes, and grammatical forms,
i. 172-3.
Borrowed or loan words in
various languages, ii. 126.
Boult's derivation of city, count,
and custom, i. 21-2, note,
Brasenose College, Oxford, ori-
gin and corruption of name, i.
343-4-
Breal's qualified approval of the
essential part of Schleicher's
theories, i. 76 ; on primitive
man and the formation of new
words, ii. 6.
Briicke on the utterance of high-
pitched vowels, i. 261.
Brugman and his critics on the
three primitive vowels, a, e, o,
309-310, note.
Buschmann on pa or ta, and ma,
the roots of " father " ancl
" mother," ii. 7.
Bushman and Hottentot clicks
mere inarticulate sounds or
noises, i. 242 ; folk-lore and
speeches of animals, 242-3,
note j the most unpronounce-
able click, not found in any of
the dialects, put into the mouth
of animals in Bushman, but
wanting in the Hottentot
language, i. 283-4 ; ii. 282.
" Cabalistic Grammar," pub-
lished at Brussels, and " Au-
dacious Grammar " at Frank-
furt, a monument of " caba-
listic " dreams and "auda-
cious" folly, i. 100.
Caramuel, a Spanish bishop of
the seventeenth century, au-
thor of 262 works, containing
a vast amount of jargon, un-
able to bequeath one of his
coinages to posterity, i. 100.
Carib women of the Antilles
used a different language from
their husbands ; while the
Eskimaux women of Green-
land turn k into ng, and / into
n; custom of tapu among the
South Sea Islands respecting
the use of a syllable or word
occurring in the reigning
sovereign's name, i. 205 ; simi-
lar custom among the Chinese,
and nearly the same among
the Kafirs and Abipones ; old
European superstition seen in
the Greek calling his left hand
the better one, and the Roman
INDEX.
377
change of the name Maleven-
tum into Beneventum ; be-
lief in the power of words, ib.
206-7.
Carlyle on worn-out and forgot-
ten metaphors, i. 103.
Cat introduced into Egypt from
Nubia during the eleventh or
twelfth dynasty, and called
Miau, the name still common
in China ; the French and
German equivalents, and the
unmelodious ending of kats
borrowed by the latter, i. 107.
Ceremonial dialects and lan-
guages common in Java, the
larger Polynesian islands,
Japan, China ; among the
Latins, Hungarians, Germans,
French, and Basques, i. 207-8.
Changes in the quantity of Latin
and Greek words and termi-
nations, i. 1 77 ; cause of change,
the desire of clearness and
emphasis ; French cutting off
its final consonants, English
. softening the hard letters, and
Classical Italian with its pe-
dantic pronunciation inca-
pable of being spoken rapidly ;
omission of the negative by
Frenchmen when using pas,
point, janiais, while English-
men strengthen the negative
by repeating it, like most early
languages, i. 185-6.
Changes in language through
least effort, or Phonetic Decay
conspicuous in almost every j
word spoken, but will not
account for the development
of fresh mental views; reasons
and illustrations in the mean-
ings of words from the Latin
and German, i. 193-6.
Changes in Anglo-Saxon ; the
inflections almost lost, i. 196 ;
phonetic decay as in Latin
and French words ; words of
different origin assume the
same form, while others of
the same origin appear dif-
ferent ; unwarranted attempt
to reduce triliteral Semitic
roots to biliterals, ib. 201-2.
Changes of language among wan-
dering savages ; the Indians
of Central America ; the Os-
tiaks and Hurons ; the Ger-
man colony of Pennsylvania
when cut off from frequent
communication with Europe,
i. 208-210.
Changes of pronunciation in dif-
ferent branches of the same
family generally slow and
gradual ; remarkable instance
of rapid change amongst the
Samoans, i. 308-9.
Changes in allied languages not
so marked, e. g. the Indo-
European, the Romance, and
Semitic compared ; reasons
of slight changes in Semitic
phonology ; difference in Ma-
layo-Polynesian, and laws of
equivalence; extensive changes'
in Ugro-Finnic and the whole
Turanian family so far as in-
vestigated by M. de Ujfalvy ;
laws of sound-change dis-
covered by Bleek in the Ba-
ntu or Kafir family, i. 325-7 ;
advantage over its Aryan
378
INDEX.
analogue in dealing with ac-
tually existing sounds, whilst
the pronunciation of Greek,
Latin, and Gothic has to be
assumed ; comparative philo-
logy began with the allied
forms of the languages of
India and Europe ; the as-
sumption easily seen by the
Italian and German, appears
unnatural to the Englishman
from the spelling, ib. 327-8 ;
the spelling of English ably
discussed by Ellis, Pitman,
and others ; the sounds ana-
lyzed by A. J. Ellis ; systems
of Sweet, Jones, the American
Philological Association, and
works of their predecessors,
ib. 330-2 ; changes in Dutch
spelling, Spanish, and Ger-
man ; great improvements in
the last by Schleicher, Frikke,
and others, ib. 332-3.
Charm of the English Version
of the Bible due to the use of
equivalents to Greek and
Hebrew words from Romanic
and Teutonic sources,!. 187-8.
Cheroki language contains thir-
teen verbs with many forms
to denote particular kinds of
" washing,'3 but no single word
for " washing " in general, i.
120 ; ii. 5.
Chief agents in the manufacture
of speech, the breath, respira-
tory organs, throat, and mouth,
i. 247.
Children's speech a type of
man's early acquisition of
language, i. 104 ; difficul-
ties in learning a foreign
language ; use of gestures ;
travellers' mode of drawing
up vocabularies and phrase-
books of unknown idioms ;
gestures bridge over the gulf
between inarticulate and arti-
culate speech, and are the
means of communication for
deaf-mutes, ib. 105.
Childlike inability to distinguish
sounds, due to two different
causes ; example of a child
substituting n for /, i. 31 1, and
note.
Chinese and Burman compared;
all the isolating possibilities
of Chinese worked out ; its
pronunciation more than 2,000
years ago restored by Dr.
Edkins ; changes in the out-
ward form of the cultivated
language and introduction of
tones ; probable cause of pho-
netic decay ; its ideographic
system nearly similar to the
ancient Accadian, i. 373-4.
Chinese vocabulary multiliteral ;
detected by Dr. Edkins and
M. de Rosny ; the same word
used as a noun, verb, adverb,
or the sign of a case ; illus-
trates the early days of speech;
effect of contact and contrast,
i. 119-120.
Chinese words "to be hurt" and
"autumn" explained, i. 119 ;
smallest real whole, a sen-
tence, or a sentence relation ;
the same true of other lan-
guages ; words only signifi-
cant when they stand in rela-
INDEX.
379
tion to each other, ib. 122 ;
pronunciation of Mandarin
Chinese ascertained as it was
4,000 years ago, ii. 9-10.
Chinese, rise of civilization on
the Hoang-Ho, about the
same period as that on the Ti-
gris and Euphrates ; changes
of the language, and multi-
plication of the tones ; modes
of expression compared with
Japanese ; contrasted with
Burmese and Siamese, ii. 222-
4 ; tendency to clearness, ib.
224-5 » words and the ideas
behind them similar to Sia-
mese and Burmese, ib. 225-7 ;
accentual rhythm and its use ;
literature extensive and an-
cient ; the destruction ascribed
to the Emperor Chi-wang-
ti, possibly as legendary as
Omar's of the Alexandrian
Library ; extent of literature
preserved, ib. 227-9.
Civilization of Athens, Egypt,
Babylonia, and modern Japan
superior in many things to our
own, ii. 66.
Civilization of China, Babylonia,
and Egypt now generally be-
lieved to have been indepen-
dent and self-evolved ; appa-
rent from their mode of writ-
ing ; Egypt 6000 years ago at
the height of her culture whilst
surrounded on all sides by
barbarous tribes ; the civiliza-
tion on the Euphrates and
Hoang-Ho were also similarly
situated ; geographical bar-
riers cut off tribes, races, and
languages from each other,
and thus preserve racial and
linguistic types ; the grammar
of the Eskimaux a relic of a
bygone era of speech, i. 381-2.
Civilization • and culture render
language uniform and station-
ary, i. 204 ; counteract the
tendency to multiply dialects,
and create a common medium
of intercourse ; the Macedo-
nian Empire made Greek the
language of the East, and the
Roman made Latin that of
the West ; steps in linguistic
unity ; languages of trading
nations must finally prevail ;
extinction of the weaker lan-
guages only requires time ;
reason of Bishop Wilkins'
failure to invent a universal
language, ib. 211-12 ; why the
same Arabic dialect prevails
in the East ; history of a lan-
guage traced by a comparison
of its dialects ; progress of
civilization and the diminution
of languages and dialects ;
the Basque, those of the Cau-
casus, the Etruscan, and Ly-
kian waifs of extinct families,
ib. 214-15.
Classification of existing lan-
guages, ii. 33-64.
Classical philology reared by the
Alexandrines on the ruins of
Hellenic culture and origina-
lity; the decay of Greek men-
tal activity caused the dialect
of the Attic tragedians, histo-
rians, and Homeric poems to
become obscure, i. 14.
38o
INDEX.
Claudius the Roman Emperor
endeavoured to reform the
alphabet, and introduced three
new letters, i. 23.
Clement V. exhorted the great
Universities of Europe to es-
tablish two Chairs of Hebrew,
Arabic, and Chaldee, i. 25.
Clicks in South African lan-
guages ; three of the easiest
borrowed by the Kafirs from
the Hottentots, and these in
turn from the primitive Bush-
men ; the labial and compound
dental wanting in the Hotten-
tot, and the "unpronounceable
click " found in the Bushman
fables of hare, ant-eater, and
the moon, i. 283-4 and notes.
Coincidences of sound in the
Ouicha words inti, munay, and
the Sanskrit indra^
Avipula j theMand-
shu shun and sengi, and the
Latin sanguis j the North-
American Indian£><9/<9';;/<2r, and
the Greek potomos, i. 148-9.
Comparative method of investi-
gation explained ; reason of
the failure of the old method
when applied to Latin, Greek,
and Hebrew, i. 133.
Comparative philology furnished
materials for investigating the
origin of language, nature of
roots, and flection ; compara-
tive and historical grammar
in their various relations ; old
sense of philology and the
modern use, i. 135 ; method
of Harris and Stoddart ; the
science, variously named, deals
with real words and sentences
either in living speech or
written record, or such as
are capable of restoration by
sound comparison with exist-
ing words, i. 135-6 ; divisible
into phonology, sematology,
and morphology ; each de-
scribed, ib. 141.
Comparison of languages as the
instruments of thought ; ideal
of perfection, like that of
beauty, very different amongst
different peoples ; as amongst
the Eskimaux, Greeks, Ro-
mans, and English, i. 374-5 ;
grammatical relation, flec-
tion, and polysynthetism, ib.
375-7-
Comparison the life of inductive
science, i. 132.
Comparison of words and sen-
tences ; the subject defined,
i. 141 ; roots and not deriva-
tives, as a rule, must be com-
pared ; changes in the form of
words, ib. 152 ; captive, caitiff,
and sound explained ; the
American potomac a com-
pound, the Greek pdtomos
from po found in pino and
potos, in the Sanskrit pdnam,
and English potion ; monkey
from the Italian monichio, a
derivative of monna, and that
a contraction of madonna, mea
domince; the Gothic fimf, Latin
quinque, Lithuanian penki be-
long to the period when the
Aryans of Europe and Asia
were still undivided ; formed
by reduplication, but no con-
INDEX.
nection with the Semitic kha-
mesh, ib. 152-3.
Composition, a species of declen-
sion and conjugation ; Latin
and Greek words of the same
meaning ; difference between
" good-for-nothing? and " he
is good for nothing? i. 390;
power of composition in some
languages greater than in
others ; polysynthetic sen-
tences present the appearance
of gigantic compounds ; com-
position as rare in Semitic as
it is common in Aryan, ib.
391-2 ; a fruitful source of
grammatical flection and
" word-building ; " person-
endings of Aryan verbs pro-
bably personal pronouns as
in Aramaic ; Latin, Gothic,
French, Italian, also com-
pounds, ib. 392-3 ; many suf-
fixes not inflections ; idea of
past time denoted by redupli-
cation, which served other
purposes in the history of
Aryan speech ; many suffixes
coeval with Aryan speech, ib.
395 ; some never applied to a
purely flectional purpose as in
knowledge and wedlock ; the
same also found in other lan-
guages ; classificatory or for-
mative suffixes may be due to
composition, but many cannot
be traced back to independent
words ; changes through false
analogy and phonetic decay in
Sanskrit, Latin, and Greek, ib.
395-401 ; epithetic stage of
language, far advanced, and
implies poetic imagination,
culture, civilization, and the
germs of a mythology ; newly
coined words follow the old
rule ; classificatory suffixes
due to composition, and imply
those of an earlier kind of
origin, ib. 402 ; secondary
suffixes explained ; combina-
tion of two in English song-
stress / secondary suffixes in
Aryan, their use and influence,
ib. 402-4 ; suffix ya in Greek
words a mark of the feminine;
gender unknown in agglutina-
tive and isolating languages ;
the Eskimo, Chocktaw, Mush-
tagee, and Caddo, divide1 ob-
jects into animate and inani-
mate ; the Ba-ntu nouns sepa-
rated into classes by prefixes ;
agreement of the pronoun,
adjective, and verb shown by
the use of the same prefix ;
examples from the Kafir, ib.
405; many indications that the
parent Aryan or its ancestor
had no sign of gender ; Latin
and Greek also the same at
onetime; influence of analogy;
the idea of gender suggested
by the difference between man
and woman, by the meanings
of the words ; e.g., the Hidacho
use different words for the
masculine and feminine either
alone or added ; the Sonorian
add words signifying man or
woman ; the primitive Aryan
transferred to himself the
actions and attributes of inani-
mate objects, and his own to
382
INDEX.
them, endowing them with a
life similar to his own ; growth
of mythology and distinction
of gender coeval ; awoke to a
higher consciousness, saw the
essential difference between
himself and the objects around;
formation of the nominative
for the first personal pronoun,
andthe conception of abstracts,
ib. 406-8 ; origin of gender
only learnt by careful com-
parison of dialects and families
of speech, ib. 409-410 ; the
conception of number very
limited in uncivilized language ;
form of Hidatsa nouns alike
in singular and plural ; in
Sonorian the simple word
stands for both ; distinguished
by the Othomi by prefixing
the article na and ya, and the
Amara of Africa can only say
fiirusn ayuhu, ib. 410-11 ; the
Tumuli denote the plural by
postfixing da / reduplication
serves as a plural with many
savages ; ideas of number
among the aborigines of Vic-
toria, the puris of South
America, and the New Hol-
landers ; Aryan /;•/, three, and
the Sankskrit tar-6-mi ; the
dual regarded by Mr. Tylor as
a survival, or a relic of a by-
gone speech ; many languages
possess a trinal number ; one
of the Melanesian idioms and
the F"ijian a quadruple num-
ber, $.412- 1 3 ; different modes
of forming the plural, ib.
4I3-I4.
Conquest and mixture powerful
aids in dialect-making, i.
205.
Consonants the skeleton of arti-
culate utterance ; wanting in
many Polynesian words ; dif-
ferences between words often
marked by children by the
vowels ; preponderance of
vowels a sign of phonetic de-
cay ; consonants apt to be
dropped, as in the Greek mer-
meros and the Latin memor
from the Sanskrit smar "to re-
member;" the sounds of a lan-
guage simplified by use ; the
primitive Aryan alphabet must
have once resembled those of
barbarous or semi-barbarous
tribes, and included a large
variety of consonants, i. 269-
270 ; division of consonants
into hard and soft, or surd and
sonant ; further into liquids,
gutturals, dentals, palatals,
labio-dentals ; labials and
Sanskrit linguals or cacumi-
nals, ib. 270-1 ; the liquids, ib.
271-4 ; the nasals, ib. 274-5 ;
the labials, ib. 275-6 ; the den-
tals and palatals, ib. 276-8 ;
the gutturals and sibilants, ib.
278-282.
Constant state of changes in lan-
guage ; three great causes of,
imitation, emphasis, and lazi-
ness, i. 166; marvellous facility
of imitation among savages
possessing only a scanty vo-
cabulary ; morbid mania
among the Maniagri, the Rus-
sians, and Yakutes of Siberia;
INDEX.
383
also in the Philippine Islands
and Java, ib. i. 67-8.
" Construct state " in Semitic,
really an instance of composi-
tion, i. 390-1.
Controversy on roots begun
before the Nirukta of. Yaska
was composed ; arguments
on both sides summarized,
ii. 2 ; how revived in our o\vn
day ; the term and its con-
ception familiar to the scho-
lars of the West from their
Arab and Hebrew teachers ;
difference between the Sans-
krit and the Semitic root ;
perceived that roots had his-
tory, and that Latin, Greek,
and English could not be com-
pared before their oldest forms
had been discovered ; roots,
the elements out of which the
material of speech was formed,
must not be confounded with
verbs or any other constituent
of living speech ; roots of lan-
guage compared to the roots
of a tree; called by Max M tiller
phonetic types, the moulds
into which we pour a group of
words allied in sound and
meaning, ib. 3-4 ; nature of
Semitic roots and mode of
forming words, ib. 4.
Coptic once a postfix language,
now a prefix one, i. 372.
Cost of spelling in elementary
schools according to Dr. Glad-
stone, ii. 343.
Creation of dialects, causes of ;
dialectic differences in Eng-
land and America, i. 202-3 ;
growth of dialects in savage
and barbarous communities ;
Malayan andPolynesian trace-
able to a common source; Mi-
lanesian almost innumerable ;
the Manipureans of forty fa-
milies unintelligible to their
nearest neighbours ; great va-
riety in South America, An-
cient Greece, and the Basques,
ib. 203-4.
Credo, its history and relation
to Sanskrit and Greek, ii. 19-
20.
Cult of man, how it became pos-
sible ; idealized humanity at
first represented strength or
wisdom, but became beauty
with the Greek artists ; Philip
of Krotona deified at Egesta
on account of his beauty, ii.
296-7.
Czermak's experiments on the
velum petidulum changes for
the pronunciation of a, e, o, u,
and z, i. 261.
Dante, after comparing the dia-
lects of Italy, selected the " Il-
lustrious, Cardinal, and Court-
ly " of Sicily for the language
of his " Divina Commedia," i.
25.
Dardistan, a small country north
of Afghanistan, the language
Indian rather than Iranian,
contains a number of interest-
ing dialects discovered by Dr.
Leitner, ii. 77-8.
Danvin's "Expression of the
Emotions in Men and Ani-
mals/' i. 81.
INDEX.
Democracy of Buddhism broke
down caste, raised inferior dia-
lects to a level with Sanskrit,
and conduced largely to the
success of the Hindu gramma-
rians, i. 38.
De Sacy's "Axioms of Uni-
versal Philology," and views
of comparative grammar, i.
33-
Devanagari alphabet, a splendid
monument of phonological ac-
curacy, i. 38.
Dialectic regeneration best seen
in a period of social revolution
like the Norman Conquest,
when the literary language
loses the support of the edu-
cated classes ; the unwritten
languages of savages and bar-
barians in a constant state of
change ; old words and ex-
pressions have to make way
for new ones; the slang of
schoolboys, the cant of thieves
and costermongers exemplify
the same fact, i. 191.
Diez created Romance philology
by the publication of his "Com-
parative Grammar," and" Dic-
tionary ,"i. 53.
Difference between true and fal-
setto notes explained, i. 247,
and notes.
Difference in English and French
modes of speaking, and the
reason ; ludicrous mistake in
feu andfou in the story of an
English gentleman, i. 200.
Difference in the isolating dia-
lects of China and Further
India explained, i. 129.
Different conception of the sen-
tence in the main and sub-
classes of speech; the psycho-
logical peculiarity which ori-
ginated each form became
continually more definite and
unalterable, i. 129-30.
Diokles,the manumitted slave of
Cicero's wife, author of a trea-
tise " On the Derivation of the
Latin Language from Greek/'
i. 24.
Diphthongs and their formation;
ai and ait when sung to a long
note give a distinct i and u at
the end of each ; Sanskrit
grammarians discovered^ and
6 were combinations of a + /
and a + u, i. 266.
Diplomacy powerless against the
passions that shattered "the
"European Family "with its
common speech, and shaped
modern Europe, ii. 351.
Distinction of strong and weak
cases by the Sanskrit gram-
marians confirmed by modern
research, ii. 140-8.
Distinction of vowels and conso-
nants rests on a difference of
function, i. 246.
Division of words in a sentence
unnecessary in writing or
speaking ; the French je le
vois as much a single group of
sounds as the Basque dakust
or the Latin amatur ; the sen-
tence in the polysynthetic lan-
guages of America as inca-
pable of being split up into its
elements as an ordinary com-
, pound in Greek or German ;
INDEX.
385
mode of treating the several
words of a sentence by the
ancient Hindu grammarians
illustrated,!. 113; law of ac-
cent, ib. 113-14; division of
speech into formal and mate-
rial, both defective and mis-
leading; articulate sounds may
be called the matter, but only
become words when thought
and significancy have been
breathed into them ; signifi-
cancy relative and of two kinds;
belongs to sematology and
grammar ; in going back to
the sentence word the distinc-
tion must be observed between
the material sounds, the mean-
ing and form when used, ib.
114.
Donatus the grammarian, in the
fourth century, adopted the
views of Herodian, i. 24.
Dravidians entered India before
the Aryans and settled among
the aboriginal races ; speech
agglutinative, and consists of
twelve dialects — six cultivated,
and the rest spoken by bar-
barous tribes ; Uravidian pho-
nology ; vowels a, e, i placed
at the end to modify the sense ;
and other relations of gram-
mar by affixes ; the verb only
one mood and three tenses, ii.
205-7.
Dual number older than the
plural ; in Sanskrit three dis-
tinct forms preserved, two in
Greek, and a single case in
Latin, ii. 148-9.
Dyskolos, "the difficult," a name
II. C
given to the Alexandrine gram-
marian Apollonius from his
special devotion to Syntax, i.
23-
Edkins, Dr., on Mandarin
Chinese as a decayed speech,
and the time required to create
a new tone, i. 293.
Eg°i egon, the Sanskrit aham, a
far later creation than the ob-
jective me or md, marks the
epoch when the "me " became
an"I,"i. 407-8.
Ellis on English pronunciation
since Shakespeare's time, i.
199.
Emphasis, use of ; acts upon the
outward sound of words, and
tends to build up new forms ;
the varying quality of vowel,
an apparent exception to
Grimm's laws, explainable on
the principle of emphasis by
Greek Sanskrit and Old High
German words ; enriches the
vocabulary by introducing
synonyms to give clearness
and intelligibility to thought,
i. 186-7.
English contractions 7Y/, 7W,
won't and cant scarcely dis-
tinguishable from Basque
forms, i. 200.
English fitted to become a uni-
versal language, i. 377.
English forcing back of the ac-
cent illustrated by the word
balcony and line from Milton,
i. 176.
English etymologists neglected
the labours of continental
386
INDEX.
scholars on the philosophy of
grammar, i. 37 ; Dr. Murray
held that all the languages of
the world were derived from
one, consisting of a few mono-
syllables ; pointed out the re-
lationship of Sanskrit and
Persian to the Aryan dialects
of Europe, and affinities of
Scythian words ; Whiter in his
" Etymologicum Magnum" ex-
ceeded Murray, mixed up im-
partially English, Greek, Latin,
French, Irish, Welsh, Scla-
vonic, Hebrew, Arabic, Gipsey,
and Coptic, &c. ; examples of
his derivations, ib. 37-8.
English spelling ; its practical
evils and defects ; compared
with Italian ; inadequacy of
English spelling only exceeded
by the Gaelic, ii. 343-4; the
condition of the Irish and
Scotch Gaels compared with
the Welsh Cymry, ib. 343-4 ;
list of works and papers on
the Reform of English Spell-
ing, ib. 344-5 and notes ; want
of the scientific philologist
and object in tracing changes
of sound ; objections to spell-
ing reform answered; ety-
mology, changes in spelling,
and homophonous words ; a
reformed alphabet needed, one
of 40 characters sufficient for
practical purposes ; its ad-
vantages and easy acquire-
ment; approach to the civi-
lized condition of the ancient
Hindu, who had an alphabet
of 49 characters, ib. 347-8.
Epicureans in their inquiries on
language explained everything
in accordance with the theory
of atoms ; held that language
was natural to man, and the
different sounds in different
languages for the same object
were due to circumstances,
climate, social condition, con-
stitution and physique, as the
cries of animals, i. 13.
Epithetic stage of language the
most fruitful source of mytho-
logy ; tendency of epithets to
become names, and several
applied to the same object
from different attributes, as in
the words for "silver," "sky,"
"azure," and "heaven," ii.
250 ; synonyms were resolved
into different beings, and
homonyms amalgamated ; the
dawn called Ushas, Eos, or
Dahand, Daphne, became two
separate deities ; Daphne, Pro-
metheus, and Epimetheus, ib.
251-2.
Eponymous heroes and popular
etymologizing ; Remus and
Romulus, ii. 247-8.
Eskimaux, the supposed de-
scendants of the cave-dwellers
in Southern France, have pre-
served their old habits of
thought, and yet our class of
speech differs less from theirs
and the Algonquin than the
dialects of China and the jar-
gon of the Mongols and Turks,
i. 126.
Etruscan from its agglutinative
character and appearances of
'INDEX.
387
flection has led scholars to
compare it with Aryan and
Semitic, ii. 185-6.
Etymologists must know not only
the laws of phonology and
sematology, and be able to
trace words back to their early
forms, but also to construct
many in the same way a palae-
ontologist reconstructs a fossil
animal, i. 345-6 ; difficulties
and mode of meeting them,
ib. 346 ; Max Miiller's four
facts in etymology summarized
and explained, ib. 347-50.
Faculty of speech, its origin and
exercise ; where located, ac-
cording to M. Broca, ii. 302-
3 ; the grand distinction be-
tween man and the brute, ib.
304.
Faidherbe endeavoured to bridge
over the gulf between man
and the ape by pointing to the
clicks of the Bushman, and
the cries of the cebus azarce
of Paraguay, when excited, i.
76-7.
Falsetto notes, how produced, i.
247, and notes.
Families of speech peculiar ;
three oases in Asia and Europe
where before the beginning of
history language became per-
manent and traditional ; fami-
lies made up of dialects with
a common grammar and stock
of roots; hypothetical "parent
speech ;" Fick's Dictionary
andSchleicher's "restoration"
of the Parent Aryan forms ;
allied dialects ; Dr. Murray's
nine primaeval roots,!. 215-17 ;
advance of culture tends to
ideal unity ; anticipation of a
time when hope and faith will
find utterance in one language,
ib. 219.
Fetishism, origin of; the worship
of stocks and stones, or ob-
jects which satisfied man's
daily wants, or warded off
evils, — investing them with
divinity whilst useful ; custom
of the Indians of Columbia ;
the Palladium of Troy, the
Bethels of the Semite, the
Ephesian "stone," wand of
Hermes, arrows of Apollo, and
other symbols of Greek divini-
ties, only the survivals of a
primitive fetishism, ii. 292-3.
Fick on the derivation of Wes-
tern and Eastern Aryan from
two parent stems ; these again
from a primitive speech ; proof
of their original unity ; dialects
of Asia Minor and Armenia ;
his conclusion confirmed by
the cuneiform inscriptions, i.
306-7.
Fifth declension in Latin the
result of unconscious blunders,
i. 179.
Finnic idioms nearly inflectional
have suggested their relation-
ship to Aryan, but have never
cleared the border between
flection and agglutination, i.
131-
Finnic Kalevala, an epic worthy
of comparison with Homer, or
the Nibelungen Lied ; adven-
388
INDEX.
tures, travels, final struggle
with Luhi, and search for the
mysterious Sampi ; similarity
of the Esthonian Kalevipoeg ;
the ground of the poems shows
that Esths and Finns started
with a common stock of an-
cestral myths ; the Ugric
Voguls have their epic on the
Creation and Deluge, and the
giants of the ancient world,
strikingly similar to the le-
gends of the Accadians, and
show the high antiquity of
these old Altaic myths, ii.
197-8 ; the Lapps have their
mythical epic, and the myths
and tales of the Tatars are
equally numerous ; the agglu-
tinative character of the lan-
guage, and transparency of the
proper names, make it easy to
trace their original meaning,
ii. 197-9.
Finno-Ugric dialects divided by
Prince L-L. Bonaparte into
four sub-families ; their settle-
ments, arts, and modes of life,
ii. 191-6.
First utterances of mankind were
probably polysyllabic, i. 118.
Flection found in its purest form
in Semitic, i. 127-8 ; how As-
syrian or Ethiopic came to
possess real tenses ; the former
crystallized into a literary lan-
guage, B.C. 2000 ; in Semitic
the verb formed out of the
noun ; the three cases of the
noun and their relations, ii.
164-6.
Foreign speech maybe forced on
a people by a paternal govern-
ment, but must be borrowed ;
French compulsorily used at
Oxford in the time of the
Plantagenets and Latin during
the Commonwealth ended in
failure, i. 100.
Fox maintained that Bordeaux
should be pronounced Bordox,
i. 178.
French Encyclopaedia devoted
six volumes to Grammar and
Literature ; divided grammar
into general and particular ;
the principles enunciated
largely worked out by Gott-
fried Hermann and G. M.
Roth ; families of speech and
morphology of language then
unknown ; the school gram-
mars of Greece and Rome,
with the categories of modern
philosophical systems, defec-
tive ; truer conception by F.
Bernhardi of the nature and
relationship of speech; defined
language as an allegory of the
understanding ; sought a con-
nection between the sound and
the object ; and discussed the
relation of language to poetry
and science, i. 35-6.
French in the eighth century
still the lingiia roniana rustica
in which the clergy preached ;
its equivalents of Latin words,
ii. 1 1 6 ; oath of Strassburg pre-
served by Nithard ; the golden
age of epic poetry and the
Chanson de Roland ; new
stage of development began
with Sire de Joinville ; four
INDEX.
389
principal dialects, differing
chiefly in the vowels, con-
tributed to the formation of
Modern French, ib. 116-17.
Fluency and readiness of expres-
sion of some speakers, probable
cause of, ii. 304.
Galton's whistle as a test of the
number of vibrations in audible
sound, i. 231, note.
Geiger on the origin of roots or
words ; each the symbol of an
action ; all roots traced back
by him to verbs, i. Si.
Genitive case still wanting in
groups of languages like the
Taic or Malay ; the Latin ob-
jective genitive and subjective
genitive ; place of the genitive
in Aryan and Semitic different,
i. 414-15 ; apposition used in-
stead ; F. Miiller's view ; place
of the defining noun in Hot-
tentot, Chinese, Malay, and
Semitic ; the predicative and
genitival relation ; office of the
adjective and genitive the
same, ib. 416-7 ; formation of
adjectives in Tibetan ; genitive
in Hindustani ; Greek adjec-
tives and the Sanskrit genitive,
ib. 418 ; the close connection
of the adjective and genitive
in the Ba-ntu languages ; Zulu
sentence ; Semitic distinctions
with Assyrian and Hebrew ex-
amples, ib. 419-20 ; the oldest
Accadian inscriptions contain
a genitive by position ; a post-
position found throughout the
Ural-Altaic family ; peculia-
rities of the Accadians, Finns,
and Semites ; use of preposi-
tions like de, of, or von in
modern analytic languages ;
varying aspect worn by the
genitive in the different families
of speech, ib. 420-1.
Germans eagerly pursued the
study of Sanskrit soon after
its discovery ; Schlegel the
poet first laid down the great
fact that the languages of
India, Persia, Greece, Italy,
Germany, and Slavonia formed
but one family ; his work the
foundation on which Bopp
reared the science of language,
i. 48-9.
Gestures and the instinctive play
of the features denoting plea-
sure or pain, and their dif-
ference ; the latter common to
man and the brutes, whilst
gestures implying a rational
element are peculiar to man, i.
106 ; often a poor resource and
fail to express the meaning in-
tended by children and travel-
lers, ib. 106-7.
Giovanni de Balbis, author of a
Latin Dictionary, i. 25.
Gipsies penetrated Europe in
the twelfth or thirteenth cen-
tury ; Miklosich endeavoured
to trace their line of march
and the countries passed
through by a careful examina-
tion of their vocabulary, ii. 76.
Glottology includes a knowledge
of the general laws and con-
ditions of language, i. 134-5.
Gods human in form and attri-
390
INDEX.
butes ; Vishnu with arms and
legs, Merodach as an armed
warrior, ii. 297.
Grammar and the method of
studying it essentially un-
sound ; the grammars of
Greece and Rome largely
founded on false theories,
imaginary facts, and false
rules, ii. 330-1 ; the noun and
oblique cases ; Aryan case-
endings ; the Danish det er
mig and French c'est mot;
cases in English derived from
the Latin ; nature and func-
tions of adjectives, pronouns,
and verbs ; rules, exceptions,
and survivals, ib. 331-4; pro-
vince of literature and histori-
cal philology ; forms of gram-
mar variable and the causes ;
recent improvements in the
method of Greek, Latin, Ger-
man, French, and English
grammars, ib. 334-7 ; reasons
formerly prevalent for teach-
ing Latin and Greek, ib. 337-8.
Grammar studied practically by
the Romans ; Julius Caesar
composed a work entitled
" De Analogia," and invented
the term ablative j Cato learnt
Greek in his old age in order
to teach his son ; the study of
the problems of grammar
made Latin the vehicle of
law and oratory, i. 18-19.
Grammar the guide to the rela-
tionship of languages ; with
structure the clue to direct
comparative philological re-
search; existence of the Aryan
family of speech proved
their grammatical forms ; Sir
W. Jones, Adelung, and Va-
ter's lists of words mere
curiosities, i. 150-1 ; oldest
forms must be noted from
books and monuments or ex-
isting dialects, ib. 151.
Grammarians of India next to
those of Assyria and Baby-
lonia in order of time ; the
rise of Buddhism and the
elevation of popular dialects
to the rank of literary lan-
guages, caused the language
of the Veda to become anti-
quated, and compelled the
educated Hindu to study and
compare its earlier and later
forms, i. 4-5.
Greek contact with Persia sti-
mulated Themistokles to ac-
quire a fluent knowledge of
Persian ; overthrow of the
empire of Cyrus and Darius,
impressed the Greeks with
contempt for the Asiatic, and
infused a belief in the innate
superiority of their own lan-
guage and literature, which
proved the bane of classical
philology till recent times, 1.8-9..
Greek contempt for the "bar-
barian" led them to neglect
the investigation of the dia-
lects of Asia Minor ; Plato
noticed the resemblance only
to draw a wrong conclusion ;
and maintained many Greek
words had been borrowed by
the Phrygians, i. 8.
Greek grammar, technical terms:
INDEX.
391
of, misunderstood, mistrans-
lated, and confounded by the
Romans, i. 22.
Greek, or Hellenic, the most im-
portant branch of the Aryan
family in its vowel system and
the perfection of grammatical
forms, ii. 101-9.
Greek researches into language
divided into three periods, viz.
before Sokrates, the Sophists,
and Alexandrine gramma-
rians ; labours of the Sophists
Herakleitus and Demokritus ;
rise of the so-called science of
Etymology ; derivation of lu-
cus a non lucendo ; follies of
the pretended science en-
shrined in the " Etymologi-
cum Magnum," and the "Ono-
mastikon " of Pollux ; two of
its rules illustrated, i. 7-8.
Greek school grammar by Dio-
nysius Thrax, published at
Rome in the time of Pompey,
still extant ; divided into six
parts ; spread and added to
the absurd etymologizing of
the Greeks ; Lucius yElius
gave lectures on Latin litera-
ture and rhetoric about 100
B.C., and Marcus Terentius
Varro wrote five books, " De
Lingua Latina," which served
as the basis of the "science"
of Latin Etymology ; Roman
vagaries only excelled by
Junius and the author of
" Ereuna," i. 20-1, and notes.
Greek, Roman, and North-
American-Indian mode of
forming compounds ; the last
exhibits the primitive condi-
tion of speech ; the Cheroki,
out of six or eight thousand
verbal forms, has no single
word for the verb separately ;
examples of the forms, i. 120.
Greek word demos from da, " to
divide," shows private property
in Attica originated in the
allotment of land as amongst
the Slavs at present, i. 161.
Grimm adopted Bopp's method,
but devoted himself to the
minute and scientific study of
one branch of languages ; his
Deutsche Grammatik ushered
in a new epoch in comparative
philology, i. 51 ; studied the
ancient through modern and
living languages ; his method
ably applied by Curtius to
Greek, who availed himself of
the labours of Lobeck,, Gott-
fried Hermann, Passow, D6-
derlein, and Philipp Buttmann,
• while nearly a similar advance
had been made in Latin by
Corssen's predecessors, ib.
54 ; compared the science of
language with that of natural
history, and, like Goethe,
thought mankind had sprung
from several separate pairs, ib.
70 ; his view of the develop-
ment of language, and the
origin of the first words from
Aryan roots, giving a particu-
lar meaning to each separate
vowel and consonant, unveri-
fied assumptions, ib. 70-1 ; his
failure prepared the way for
Schleicher, ib. 71-2.
392
INDEX.
Grimm's laws of the interchanges
of sound in Aryan speech, the
result of wide observation and
comparison ; English th and
its relation to t in Latin and
Greek words, i. 154; his laws
affected by others, as noted by
Verner in Teutonic ; every
change in strict accordance
with phonetic law and capable
of explanation ; diversification
of Teutonic, Latin, Romanic,
and modern English, ib. 313 ;
causes of change, ib. 314;
transition of g, d, b, into £, /,
and b in German, and growth
of an aspirate ; action of one
sound upon another, and assi-
milation explained, ib. 315-16 ;
metathesis, and the insertion
and omission of vowels; Swara-
bhakti incompatible with the
acute accent, ib. 317; pros-
thesis, or prothesis, and epen-
thesis illustrated by words from
various languages, ib. 318-20;
different languages have diffe-
rent phonetic tendencies, but
Grimm's law never " sus-
pended," or allows exceptions,
unless interfered with by others
which happen invariably under
certain conditions ; borrowed
words necessarily undergo the
same changes ; words some-
times altered in form so as to
disguise the etymology, as
Shotover from Chateau vert j
generalizations and uniformity
of Grimm's law, ib. 322-3.
Growth and development of lan-
guage through civilization ;
the language of Chaucer com-
pared with that at the disposal
of a modern writer, i. 100-1 ;
dialects of savages a type of
what all languages were origi-
nally; the condition of theTas-
manians, New Caledonians,
Veddahs of Ceylon, and the
Dammaras of South Africa,
ib. 10 1 -2.
Harar language, apparently Se-
mitic, uses postpositions, and
reverses the Semitic order of
the words in the genitive, i.
174.
Harris stimulated inquiry and
attention to the framework
of school grammars by his
" Hermes ; " and was followed
by Home Tooke's " Diversions
of Purley," which revived the
old mistake of the Greek Ana-
logists, i. 34-5.
Hebrew, a local dialect of the
Canaanite group, together with
the Phoenician, Moabite, and
neighbouring idioms, ii. 169-
70.
Helmholtz detected the exact
form of many compound tones
by applying the microscope to
the vibrations of different musi-
cal instruments ; confirmed his
own and Bonders' discovery
that the sounds articulated by
the human voice have their
own special shape, i. 234.
Helve'tius followed Anaxagoras
and asserted that we became
men through the possession of
hands, i. 95.
INDEX.
393
Henotheism and Polytheism but
two phases of the same form
of religious faith ; plurality of
deities suggested by the variety
of nature overpowers man's
yearning for unity ; gradually
attributes applied to the objects
and powers of nature take the
place of the latter ; the Sun
becomes Apollo, and the Storm
Ares ; deities are multiplied
in the mythopceic age when
epithets are changed into divi-
nities and demi-gods with a
developed mythology ; ab-
stract names follow the com-
mon process, and temples
reared to Terror and Fear, to
Love and Reverence ; and
these are ultimately followed
by the higher abstraction of
Monotheism, ii. 295-6.
Herakleitus advocated the doc-
trine of the innate and neces-
sary connection between words
and objects, i. 6.
Herder substituted the idea of
development for that of uni-
form sequence ; his " Treatise
on the Origin of Speech " dis-
sipated the theory that lan-
guage was a miraculous gift,
i. 48.
Herder and Lessing the leaders
of a new era of thought and
philosophy ; the " Ideal of
Speech" followed by Jenisch's
Berlin Academy prize essay,
the " Ideal of a perfect Lan-
guage ; " his four marks of
superiority ; Herder had pre-
viously laid down in his
" Ideen " that in each lan-
guage the understanding and
character of its speakers re-
flects itself, i. 32.
Herodian's views taken up by
yElius, Donatus, and Priscian ;
their grammatical labours, i.
24.
Heyse, a follower of Humboldt
from Hegel's point of view,
professed to base his theory
on the results of comparative
philology ; held that language
was spiritualized sound, i. 66 ;
his ideas of internal develop-
ment mystical and contrary to
fact ; his assertions respec-
ting the soul sheer mythology;
evolution of the various forms
of speech not necessary ; lan-
guage originated from the
need of intercommunication,
and, as Heyse emphasizes it,
was the work of reasonable,
thinking beings, ib. 67-8.
High and Low German, their
formation exactly in accor-
dance with Grimm's law ; and
the rise of a new language in
historical times, i. 307-8.
Hindu grammarians first inves-
tigated the language of the
Rig- Veda, i. 38-9 ; laid the
foundation of modern scientific
philology; their mode of treat-
ing words, i. 113 ; long before
the Greeks in their phonolo-
gical labour, and far more
scientific ; some of their trea-
tises will compare favourably
with those of the present day ;
their names of the various
394
INDEX.
sounds and groups of letters
from their formation, i. 244-6.
Historians of a later age only able
to trace the causes of events
of a particular era, ii. 65 ; the
greatest thinkers not free from
the prejudices and habits of
their times, as Aristotle on
Slavery, Bacon and Raleigh
on Astrology ; apt to over-
estimate the culture and civili-
zation of modern Europe ;
Anglo-Indian contempt of the
descendants of Manu and
Vikramaditya, ib. 66.
Historical growth and evolution
of consciousness ; the exis-
tence of Non-Aryan and pre-
Keltic populations in western
Europe ; contact of tribes in
prehistoric times ; Hungarians
and Voguls once neighbours ;
Greek words borrowed from
Phoenicia ; original home and
migrations of the Gipsies, ii.
324-6.
History culled from monumental
evidence, from the discoveries
of Schliemann and others, not
from the Homeric Poems ;
Mykenae, Pelops, and the cul-
ture of Hellas, ii. 254.
History of the Aryan nations
recovered ; their migrations
and beliefs, culture and civili-
zation better known than the
history of the Saxons of the
Heptarchy, or the Hebrews of
the Davidic era ; how pre-
served and traced by Fick
before the first Hymn of the
Rig- Veda was composed, the
Hellenes reached Greece, or
the first Indo-European word
had been written down, ii.
326-7.
Holden, Professor, on ease of
pronunciation in the adoption
of words ; and numbers of
words acquired by children
two years of age in particular
instances, ii. 314-15.
Homeric Poems, estimation of
by the Greeks ; numerous dis-
cordant copies gave rise to
literary criticism amongst the
Alexandrines ; a minute inves-
tigation and comparison of
the older and later forms of
the language followed, over-
shadowed by metaphysics, i.
14-15 ; the old dispute about
the origin of words assumed a
new form, ib. 15.
Horace's lines on the primitive
condition of man and the evo-
lution of speech, i. 13.
Hovelacque on the organ of lan-
guage and its position ; his
work on the origin of language
exhibits the defects of Schlei-
cher's theory, and contains
little more than a catalogue of
the various families of speech
with their characteristics, i.
76.
Humanists the older, bowed
before classical antiquity, and
only aimed at writing and
speaking Latin correctly ;
Switheim on government ; " to
govern" a legacy by the school-
men, unknown to Priscian, but
found in Consentius ; outdone
INDEX.
395
by the orthodox in the " errors"
of the Vulgate, i. 26-7.
Human speech ; the problem of
its reproduction more success-
fully approached from the
physical and acoustic side than
the physiological ; instruments
most exactly constructed to
represent the vocal organs
failed to produce anything like
human speech ; the mind the
creator of speech by giving sig-
nification to articulate sounds,
i- 335-6.
Human throat a marvellous in-
strument for the production of
manifold sounds ; its structure;
the most perfect wind instru-
ment of infinite pliability and
power of change, and in con-
stant sympathy with the other
harmonies of the other organs
of speech, i. 236.
Humboldt's (Wilhelm von)
great work on the Kawi lan-
guage published after his
death ; followed by Steinthal's
journal, conducted with the
help of Lazarus, has proved a
treasury of suggestive thought
to linguistic scholars, i. 50-1 ;
ib. 64 ; confounded the two
senses of the word language ;
his theory reflects Kant's dual-
ism ; erred in following the a
priori method rather than the
a posteriori; but his work of
great value to scholars, ib. 66 ;
classed Chinese with the in-
flectional languages of Europe;
assumed that all language
follows a regular course of
development from the isolat-
ing stage to the inflectional, ib.
370-1.
Idea of a universal grammar due
to logic and the unmethodical
comparison of ancientand mo-
dern languages, and a revival
of old Greek theories, i. 33-4.
Identity of language the result
of contact, or social influence ;
a presumption in favour of a
common racial origin of popu-
lations ; kinship of race and
language; descent of mankind
and origin of languages, ii.
317-18.
Imitation in childhood and
amongst a community ; love
of imitation sometimes causes
a community to adopt the lan-
guage of its neighbours, as the
Kelts of Cornwall, Wends of
Prussia, Huns of Bulgaria, Ne-
groes of Hayti, Lapps, and the
aborigines of America, i. 168 ;
difficulties and limit of the
power of imitation amongst the
South American Indians and
Negroes ; disparity of culture
a barrier ; Chinese attempts to
imitate English, ib. 169-70 ;
changes form and meaning, ib.
175 ; false analogy and ten-
dency to exclude the irregu-
lar ; uniformity in modern
Greek declension, ib. 176.
Imperfections of speech, lisping
and stammering, mainly due
to nervous disease, and too
high a palate another cause of
irregular utterance, i. 252.
396
INDEX.
Importance of the mouth, or
chamber of resonance, in the
creation of articulate speech ;
many sounds owe their origin
to it ; others formed in the
throat are modified in their
passage through, the vowels
first, then the gutturals and
dentals, and lastly the labials
undergo change, i. 253.
Inability to distinguish sounds
due to two very different causes,
i. 311, and note.
Inflectional families of speech
not numerous, but the literary
and historical importance of
two exceeds that of any other
group ; inflectional character
of Hottentot, maintained by
Bleek, is denied by Friedrich
Miiller, ii. 68-9.
Inspiration of the Vulgate ac-
cording to Gallandia and
Smaragdus, i. 27.
Intensity of sound,how produced;
whispering by less intensity
but quite as distinct as loud
voice ; three kinds of the latter,
and action of the organs, also
in sighing and groaning, i.
248-9.
Interjectional cries, like the play
of the features, common to all
men; express emotions, not
ideas ; some like Agh (acti) in
Aryan seem to have become
roots ; many modern interjec-
tions had once a full concep-
tual meaning ; instinctive cries
of men engaged in a common
work may be considered inter-
jections ; sense of life and
power that makes the child
shout, the bird sing, and is the
ultimate motive of human
speech, causes us to beat time
by the help of rhythmical
utterances, becomes a symbol
of the action to all who have
taken part in it and passes into
a word, i. 109-10.
Inward sense, the essence of lan-
guage, how ascertained, i.
164-5.
Iron another form of Aryan, a
name due to Max Miiller. ii. 70.
Isolating dialects of China and
Further India differ from each
other, i. 129.
Italian oldest written monuments
do not go back beyond the
1 2th century ; literary Italian
created by Dante; his fourteen
dialects ; now more scientifi-
cally reduced to three groups,
Northern, Central, and Middle;
wide differences between them,
ii. 118-19.
Kafir woman's reason for coining
the word angoca for water in
the song of Tangalimlibo, ii.
17-
Katal, a Semitic root, explained,
and its derivatives, ii. 4.
Kautsa and the early Hindu
grammarians ; origin and ex-
tent of their labours ; the lan-
guage of the Rig- Veda had
become so obsolete in the fifth
or sixth century B.C., as to
be understood with difficulty ;
the Prati'sakhyas, the oldest
production of the grammatical
INDEX.
397
school, far superior to the most
advanced labours of the Greeks
in the same direction ; the
Nighantavas contain a list of
rare Vedic words, and perhaps
started the controversy on the
origin of nouns between Saka-
/ayana and Gargya and their
followers ; a Sanskrit Dic-
tionary formed and the doc-
trine of roots clearly enuncia-
ted, i. 41-2 ; labours of Yaska
and Panini ; the Nirukta, or
Etymology of the former, a
model of method and con-
ciseness, and the grammar of
the latter, the crowning work
of Hindu scholarship in the
fourth century, ib. 42-3.
Keltic language the westernmost
of all the Aryan, still spoken
in Wales, Brittany, Ireland,
and the Scottish Highlands ;
peculiarities and changes of
letters, ii. 83-4 ; Welsh, Cor-
nish, Breton, and Irish lite-
rature ; Scotch Gaelic the
most corrupt of all the Keltic
tongues, ib. 87-8.
Keltic philology placed on a
scientific footing by Pritchard,
Zeuss, and Stokes, i. 53.
Kephalos and Prokris, Greek
legend of, traceable to a high
antiquity ; explained by Max
Miiller, ii. 273.
Knowledge defined ; the result of
comparison, i. 132-3.
Krates of Mallos regarded "ano-
maly" as the leading principle
of language ; defended the
right of usage ; author of the
first Greek grammar ; tried to
reform orthography ; Appius
Claudius Csecus had written
on grammar and Spurius Car-
vilius had substituted g for
z, so that Krates found a ready
audience for his "lectures"
upon the study of Greek, B.C.
156; almost all Roman culture
borrowed from the Greeks,
boys learnt Greek before Latin,
and it was generally under-
stood ; the first Roman history
written in Greek by Fabius
Pictor, B.C. 200 ; speech of
Tiberius Gracchus at Rhodes;
a native literature sprang up
under the influence of Greek
teachers, and Latin was trained
as the instrument of communi-
cation between the polished
nations of antiquity and their
Roman masters, i. 15-8.
Language a social product, the
creation and creator of society;
independent of individual ca-
price and control ; changes
assumed referable to general
laws, i. 133-4.
Language ever shifting, and not
a characteristic of race ; may
be exchanged ; when created,
ii. 318.
Language of man like the song
of birds, instinctive and neces-
sary, i. 83 ; significant sound,
the outward embodiment and
expression of thought, ib. 132.
Language of the mythopceic age
only apparently imaginative
and poetical, ii. 269.
398
INDEX.
Language, origin of, cannot be
revealed by any single science,
but by the sciences subordi-
nated to each other ; failures
of the early attempts to solve
the mystery, ii. 300-1 ; the pro-
duct of a combination of causes ;
a social creation by a whole
community, ib. 301 ; faculty of
speech natural to man ; nature
of his first utterances and how
moulded into articulate sounds
to convey embryonic thought,
2^.302; where localized accord-
ing to M. Broca, and the re-
sults of full and defective
development, ib. 303-4 ; the
one mark of distinction be-
tween man and the brute ;
the possession of conceptual
thought and continuous reason-
ing contrasted with the rudi-
mentary reason and intelli-
gence of animals, ib. 304-6 ;
language not necessarily de-
pendent on vocal sounds ; use
of signs and gestures by travel-
lers and savages ; James and
Dunbar's account of the signs
used by the North American
Indians, ib. 306-7 ; signs used
in monasteries where silence
was strictly enjoined ; North
American Indian signs for
the sun's path and the time of
day, ib. 307-8 ; the cries of
animals expressing feeling or
desire always remain rudimen-
tary, and never develop into
speech, ib. 309 ; views of Dar-
win, Haeckel, and their fol-
lowers ; no anthropoid ape
ever raised to the level of ar-
ticulate speaking man; theory
of the evolutionist on his homo
alalus and homo primigenius
left to post-tertiary geology to
verify or confute, ib. 310 ; un-
consciousness of childhood
and the early condition of man-
kind compared ; experiments
of Psammitichus on two infants
brought up in solitude, -ib.
310-1 1 and note; result of Mr.
Taine's observations on one
of his own children described,
ib. 311-13 ; Darwin's observa-
tions on a little boy's first
utterances ; Mr. Pratt on Poly-
nesian distinctions by vocalic
elements ; Professor Holden
on ease of pronunciation in
the adoption of words, ib.
313-15 ; age at which children
generally begin to speak ;
defects in pronunciation and
their causes, ib. 315.
Language, science of, created a
science of comparative mytho-
logy, and a science of religion;
the subject defined ; each
necessary to understand the
others, i. 57-8 ; familiar forms
of Greek myths traced back to
the Vedic hymns ; value of
Max Miiller's labours in these
new sciences, ib. 58.
Language, science of, related to
ethnology ; language belongs
to the community, not to the
race ; its changes amongst
tribes and races enumerated ;
foreign influence through wives
and captives, i. 316-17.
INDEX.
399
Language, the bond of society,
includes every means of com-
municating the thoughts and
feelings to others ; the deaf
mutes gifted with speech ;
savages still use gestures
largely, and the Grebos indi-
cate persons and tenses of
verbs in this way, i. 2 ; one of
the earliest subjects of reflec-
tion ; inquiry into the nature
of language seems to have
originated in Babylonia on
account of its mixed races and
languages ; the Tower of Ba-
bel believed to be the cause
of the diversity by the Confu-
sion of Tongues ; fragments of
the native legend found in As-
sur-bani-pal's library, closely
resemble the account in Gene-
sis, ib. 3 ; the Greek logos an
expression of the close relation-
ship between thought and
words ; the question attempted
to be solved, and at the bottom
of all linguistic science ; con-
troversy on free-will and neces-
sity ; its importance to lan-
guage and grammar ; the
Greek perceived that language
was the outward embodiment
of thought, but failed to dis-
cover its nature and laws, ib.
4-6.
Languages, four of the most im-
portant groups examined ;
Malay- Polynesian by W. von
Humboldt, Buschmann, Von
de Gabelentz, and F. Miiller ;
the Ba-ntu by Bleek ; the
Athapasian and Sonorian by
Buschmann; the Ural-Altaic,
also called Ugro-Altaic or
Turanian; the philology of the
Finnic group almost as ad-
vanced as Aryan ; limits of the
Ural-Altaic not quite settled,
nor the Chinese and Mongol,
i- 55-7-
Latin language, three periods of
Old Latin down to the Second
Punic War ; Classical Latin ;
and Neo-Latin, the language
of the people under the Em-
pire, out of which sprang the
Romanic idioms of Mediaeval
and modern Europe ; their
relative use and differences, ii.
112-14.
Latin spoken in Gaul had a strong
affection for diminutives ; the
same tendency in Irish, Ger-
man, Swiss, and Italian; also
among the provincials of the
Roman world, ii. 115-16.
Law, universal prevalence of, in
language ; nothing arbitrary or
capricious amid all the changes
or development, ii. 335.
Laws of consonantal change laid
down for Latin and Greek, for
Sanskrit and Zend, for Keltic
and Old High German, verified
and explained by the modern
Romance dialects ; whilst the
study of savage idioms has
yielded invaluable facts for
linguistic science ; difficulties
of treating an extinct literary
language scientifically, i. 1 57.
Laws of speech, primary or em-
pirical ; their nature and rela-
tions ; applicable to words and
400
INDEX.
sentences of any period ; Eng-
lish, Sanskrit, and Latin, equi-
valent letters ; our linguistic
ancestors able to count one
hundred before their separa-
tion into two branches, one to
conquer India and the other to
occupy Europe,!. 138-9; words,
like fossils, enabled us to trace
the past history of our race ;
laws require to be verified by
experiment and observation ;
the phonautograph and pho-
nograph show the waves of
air set in motion by each sound
we utter ; psychology confirms
the conclusion of glottology
that the concrete precedes the
abstract ; words common in
Spanish and Arabic due to
contact, id. 140-1.
Laziness an active cause in
changing the harder sounds
into weaker ; Mr. Douse's at-
tempt to explain the pheno-
mena of Grimm's Law by
Reflex Dissimilation, i. 196-7.
Leblanc, a young man whose
larynx was completely closed,
was only able to utter a and <?,
i. 261.
Legend of Boreas and Orythia
explained by Sokrates to his
disciple Phaedrus, ii. 230-1.
Leibnitz overthrew the belief that
Hebrew was the primaeval lan-
guage ; set Missionaries to
compile vocabularies, gram-
mar and phrase-books ; im-
plored Witsen to procure spe-
cimens of the Scythian lan-
guages, Samoyedes, Siberians,
Bashkirs, Kalmucks, Tungu-
sians and others ; his Disser-
tation on the Origin of Nations,
and method of inquiry ; found
an illustrious convert in Ca-
therine of Russia ; works of
the Jesuit Don Lorenzo Her-
vas, the Mithridates of Ade-
lung and Vater due to his
influence ; his efforts seconded
in another direction by Herder,
i. 47-8.
Lengthening of vowels by way of
compensation in Greek and
Latin for loss of a consonant,
i. 320-21.
Letto-Slavic languages, their
variety and grammatical com-
plexity, i. 94-100 ; the Lettic
group comprises Lithuanian
and Lettish; Lithuanian litera-
ture, chiefly " national songs "
and prose tales ; its phonology
strikingly agrees in some re-
spects with the Indie, but Let-
tish has undergone further
modification, ib. 100-1.
Literary dialects and languages
less subject to decay than un-
written, as seen in the Tuscan
of Dante and the dialect of
Bologna or Naples ; the Latin
of Cicero declined with the
Empire, and the Anglo-Saxon
with the Norman Conquest ;
whilst the language of the
Assyrian inscriptions remained
almost unaltered 2,000 years ;
the character of Hebrew and
how influenced by its sister
tongues, i. 198-9.
Lithuanian language spoken by
INDEX.
401
the least progressive member
of European Aryans, subject
to Phonetic Decay from want
of intercourse with its neigh-
bours, i. 200 ; compared with
the Bedouin of Central Arabia,
ib. 201.
Livius Andronicus translated the
"Odyssey" into Latin, i. 17.
Logic, formal, based on lan-
guage ; introduced into gram-
mar by the Greeks ; Aristote-
lian logic and the latest at-
tempt to improve it shown by
Mr. Sweet to rest upon the
mere accidents of Indo-Euro-
pean grammar, ii. 327-8 ;
cases of the Latin and Greek
wanting in the majority of
languages ; no true verbs in
the Polynesian dialects, and
the Eskimaux lack some of
" the parts of speech ; " Aris-
totle's analysis of the proposi-
tion and the syllogism ex-
amined by Hegel and Sweet,
ib. 328-9 ; progress of the
science of language retarded
by the evil influence of formal
logic and of " Universal Gram-
mars " or Grammaires Raison-
nees ; right conception of logic
less important than that of
grammar, ib. 330.
Luthvig's views of flection adop-
ted by some French philolo-
gists; supported by Bergaigne's
researches on the case-suf-
fixes, i. 84-5 ; his theory
fails when applied to the
verb ; the advocates of agglu-
tination meet the same diffi-
II. D
culty in the stem-suffixes, ib.
85.
Lykian inscriptions, some bi-
lingual, but cannot yet be de-
ciphered, or connected with
the Aryan family, ii. 185.
Mahn's three periods of speech
and their characteristics, i.
32-3-
Malayan and Polynesian dia-
lects, their resemblances and
differences, i. 137.
Malayo-Polynesian group ; va-
ried position of the agglutina-
tive elements ; place the pre-
position and article at the
end ; ravages of phonetic de-
cay ; inference from the gene-
ral resemblance of the Poly-
nesian dialects ; race declined
in civilization apparent from
their numerous songs and le-
gends : Malays have long en-
joyed culture, possess epics,
dramas, and romances; their
philosophic writings due to
contact with the Hindus and
Arabs, ii. 207-8.
Manchus, conquerors of China
indebted to the Nestorian
Christians for their alphabet
of 29 characters : effect of
contact with the Chinese and
literary culture; the possessive
pronouns not affixed ; the ad-
jective merely a noun placed
before another to qualify it,
ii. 201.
Man's intellectual creations pro-
gressive, not like the unvary-
ing processes of nature always
D
402
INDEX.
the same; development of
thought conditioned and vary-
ing, i. 163-4.
Mechanism of speech settled
by the labours of Ellis, Mel-
ville Bell, Helmholtz, Czermak,
Briicke, Sweet, and others ;
the main facts ascertained
and explained ; the real na-
ture and causes of the phonetic
elements of speech under-
stood, i. 246.
Membranous tongues like our
own chorda vocales, act as
tense cords, i. 233.
Memory of past events soon lost
by uneducated persons ; the
battle of Linden utterly for-
gotten by the peasantry of the
neighbourhood, and Albanian
genealogies cannot be traced
beyond eleven ancestors, ii.
254-5-
Metaphorical expressions the
work of analogy; three-fourths
of our own language said to
be worn-out metaphors ; the
source of terms for the spiri-
tual and abstract growth of
knowledge ; the only abstract
notion attained by the Tas-
manians was that of resem-
blance, i. 181-2.
Miklosich and Schleicher ex-
plained Slavonic philology ;
and the latter gave a descrip-
tion of the whole Indo-Euro-
pean family of languages, and
included the science of lan-
guage among the physical
sciences, i. 53.
Mixed languages, specimens of,
Maltese, i. 219-20; Creolese
(or broken Danish) ; Surinam
Negro-English (or rather Ne-
gro-English Dutch), ib. 221-2.;
Negro Spanish of Curagoa,
ib. 222-3; Indo-Portuguese% ib.
223-4 ; Negro-Portuguese and
Negro-French, ib. 224-5.
Monboddo,Lord, a sounder critic
than Dugald Stewart, con-
vinced by Wilkins " that San-
skrit was a richer and in every
respect a finer language than
even the Greek of Homer ; "
his theory of the descent of
mankind from two tailless
apes, and all languages from
the Osirian of Egypt ; ad-
duced numerals and gram-
matical forms to prove the
relationship of the classical
languages of Europe and
India ; not far in 1795 from
discovering the Indo-Euro-
pean family of speech, the
foundation of the science of
language, i. 46-7.
Mongol dialects ; that spoken
near Lake Baikal the most
barbarous, ii. 200-1.
Moreover, the modern word, ap-
pears as overmore in the Pas-
ton letters, and is an instance
of the variation of words from
age to age, i. 371-2.
Morphology treats of the various
forms under which thought
expresses itself ; different
modes of thought and ex-
pression in Chinese and Eng-
lish ; peculiar characteristics
and temperament form race ;
INDEX.
403
how peculiarities become per-
manent features, i. 364-5 ;
languages classed morpholo-
gically, ib. 365 ; meaning of
race ; the European Jew
adopts the language of the
country in which he is settled;
modern mixed languages ;
types of languages strongly
marked, but the dividing lines
almost imperceptible ; pecu-
liarities of Finnic, English,
and French, ib. 366 ; results
of contact ; the minds of most
men cast in the same mould,
and tendency to produce com-
mon forms ; approach of dif-
ferent types to each other,
and the consequences, ib. 367;
relation of the parts of the
sentence to one another,
grammatical forms and struc-
ture, ib. 382-4 ; 390.
Miiller's (Max) theory of lan-
guage ; position respecting
dialects ; account of the ori-
gin of the myths of Greece
and Rome ; his views midway
between Schleicherand Stein-
thai, i. 77-9 ; on etymology
and sound, ib. 149; cites au-
thorities to prove that k and t
are not distinguished amongst
the Sandwich I slanders, 2^.310;
on the Latin accusative and
infinitive, z#. 429-31 ; on roots,
ii. 3-4.
Murray's (Dr.) nine primaeval
roots and their meanings, i.
217 and Notes.
Mythology largely based on
metaphors employed in ex-
plaining the phenomena of
nature, which were afterwards
understood literally as apply-
ing to beings of a superhuman
world ; myths of Eos and of
Phcebus Apollo ; mythology a
misunderstanding of the me-
taphors and a misconception
of the analogical reasoning of
our early ancestors, i. 182-3.
Mythology of the Greeks in the
time of Sokrates and Plato
inexplicable and wanting in
morality ; connected with their
art and religion ; familiar to
them from childhood, every
spot associated with some
ancient myth ; influence on
politics ; difficulty of belief
among the educated ; myths
resolved into allegory by
Theagenes ; others like Me-
trodorus saw in Agamemnon
and the Trojan heroes and the
gods, the elements and physi-
cal agencies ; the Neo-Plato-
nists regarded them as moral
symbols ; conduct of Plato
and Aristotle ; the educated
accepted the atheism of Epi-
kurus, whilst the masses
eagerly embraced the wild
superstitions of the East, ii.
231-3 ; common opinion that
the gods took no notice of
human affairs ; views of Eu-
hemerus readily received at
Rome ; irreverent satire of
Lucian, ib. 234-5 ; spread
and influence of Christianity ;
proneness of the Christians to
refer everything marvellous to
404
INDEX.
the agency of Satan, ib. 235 ;
Neo-Paganism short-lived ;
difference between modern
thinkers and the ancient
Greeks ; Bacon on Mytho-
logy ; revival of Euhemerism,
and attempt to extract history
from Greek Myths; Lempriere
and the Abbe" Banier, ib. 236-
40 ; opinions of Bochart,
Bryant, and Gladstone, ib.
240-41 ; Crete's views on the
essential character of myths
and history, and different
mode of treating them; the key
found for solving the problem;
formation of myths ; preser-
vation of names when the
natural sense has vanished ;
false interpretations ; mytho-
logy rife in the islands of the
Pacific ; personification and
metaphors in common use ;
myths traced to false mean-
ings and mistakes ; ignorant
attempts to explain them, ib.
241-6 ; chief causes of the
rich mythology of Greece and
Rome, Scandinavia, and Ger-
many, ib. 248-9.
Mythopceic age; awakened curi-
osity to understand and inter-
pret the outward world ; the
first strivings of the intellect
manifested in the form of tales
and legends, hymns to the
gods, and songs of victory
epithets a fruitful source of
mythology, and several applied
to the same object from dif-
ferent attributes, ii. 249-50.
Myths different in form, histori-
cal and geographical setting
may be traced back to a single
germ, like many words to a
single root, ii. 259 ; those of
the same family of languages
to be compared ; resemblances
in allied and unallied families,
ib. 260- 1 ; borrowed and va-
riously modified, ib. 262-7.
Myths from attempts to explain
names as Chateau Vert and
Pileatus, ii. 246 ; Eponymous
heroes owe their existence to
the same popular etymolo-
gizing which ascribed the
foundation of Rome to the
twin brothers Remus and
Romulus, ib. 247-8 ; myths
vary in character according to
the language from which they
are derived ; many-sided ; re-
ligious more hallowed and per-
manent; old myths fastened on
persons and places made the
centres of tradition ; 'Sakhya
Muni Buddha, Charlemagne ;
storming the battlements of the
sky transferred to the sieges
of Thebes and Troy, ib. 252-4 ;
Cyrus and Astyages, ib. 255.
Nasal vowels how produced ; no
French nasalized i or u, and
the cause of this deficiency ; a
nasal i occurs in Portuguese
and probably in the Sanskrit
simha, "lion," i. 261-2,
Natural selection at work in the
use of English, French, and
Latin words, i. 345.
Nature and laws of pronuncia-
tion only discoverable in
INDEX.
405
modern languages ; must work
back in the study of an extinct
speech ; success of Ellis and
Sweet in early English due to
the abundance of data ; great
difficulty in restoring the pro-
nunciation of Latin and Greek,
i. 155-6.
Nature and objects of linguistic
science ; language provision-
ally defined; sounds and mean-
ing ; thoughts indirectly re-
presented by writing, which
directly symbolizes sound ; de-
fects of hieroglyphics in clear-
ness and certainty of expres-
sion, i. 90-1 ; picture-writing
intelligible everywhere ; ges-
tures sufficient for indicat-
ing ordinary wants, but not
those of a civilized community,
id. 92 ; many gestures stand
for the same ideas everywhere;
Burton on their use among the
Arapahos, Fisher on the Co-
manches, and James on the
Kiawa-Kashia Indians, ib. 93;
instinctive, and may be prior
to the acquisition of language;
how excited speakers are
readily understood ; different
styles of address suited to dif-
ferent classes ; Abyssinian
Galla mode of punctuation of
his speech; motions of the lips
used among the deaf and
dumb, imply a previous spoken
language, ib. 94.
Necessity of studying the idioms
of modern and actual speech
before the dead languages ;
how to acquire a foreign lan-
guage, ii. 339 ; utility of com-
parative philology in showing
that all languages are governed
by the same general laws ;
how modern French presup-
poses Latin, and how Ger-
man and English repeat under
new forms the principles and
conceptions of Greek grammar,
with analogous letter-changes;
agreement of continental scho-
lars, and conference at Dres-
den in 1873, "• 34°- 1-
Need of reform in our pronuncia-
tion of Latin and Greek ; by
comparison and induction Cor-
sen has restored the pronun-
ciation of Latin as observed
by the upper classes under
the Emperors ; changes in
Greek, and reasons for accept-
ing the modern pronunciation,
". 341-3-
Neo-Hebrew under the Kimchi;
the Christian scholars of the
Reformation devoted them-
selves to Semitic with the same
energy and success as the
Stephenses and Scaligers to
classical philology ; Hebrew
grammar cast in a classical
mould, Latin and Greek words
derived from Hebrew roots,
and a new etymological sys-
tem sprang up quite as gro-
tesque as its predecessors of
Greece and Rome, i. 30-1.
New words and derivations ;
gas and bias by van Helmont;
od, Baron von Richenbach ;
liberalize, the Marquis of
/, Isaac
406
INDEX.
Disraeli ; incuriosity Mon-
taigne ; urbanite and seriositi,
Balzac; bienfaisance, the Abb£
de Saint Pierre ; devouloir,
Malherbe ; and Burke, Lite-
rator, i. 99-100 ; Gas, ghost,
and yeast, ii. 4.
Nibelungen Lied, the great Epic
of the German nations, seems,
at first, a fusion of history and
myths ; the story can be traced
back and its variations at dif-
ferent periods, and the chief
actors; its Icelandic and Saxon
versions prove its mythic an-
tiquity, ii. 256-8.
Noire" regarded the cries of men
engaged in a common work as
intelligible symbols of that
work to them, and forming the
roots, or the germs out of
which all future language
sprang ; his explanation of
Aryan frequently contravenes
scientific etymology ; but his
theory explains much in lan-
guage, does not exclude Ono-
matopoeia, and clears up the
origin of that part of speech
hitherto considered the most
difficult, i. 82-3.
Nominative case of the first per-
sonal pronoun later than the
accusative ; human action and
passions ascribed to the forces
and phenomena of nature, and
the attributes of inanimate ob-
jects to animate beings, formed
the groundwork of mytho-
logy for future generations, ii.
248-9.
Number of forms assumed by
waves of sound limited in kind ;
nature of peculiar tone illus-
trated by comparison with
spectrum analysis ; sympa-
thetic vibrations by the violin,
piano, and wind instruments,
i. 235-6.
Nursery names for the cat, cow,
the name given to the dog by
the natives of the north-east
coast of Papua, i. 107.
Object and scope of the science
of language defined; the
science has to do with all the
forms of significant utterance,
but cannot pass the barrier of
roots ; other sciences neces-
sary to explain what lies be-
yond and gave rise to articu-
late speech, i. 160.
Object of general education un-
folded ; the need of right me-
thod and choice of subjects,
ii. 338-9.
Object of the science of language
threefold; divisions of thesub-
ject and summary, i. 137-141.
Objection to Dr. Bleek's view of
confining the mythopoeic age
to those languages in which
gender and sex are denoted,
ii. 274-5.
Objections to the results of com-
parative mythology stated an<
answered, ii. 267-74.
Ogyrven or roots, according t(
Welsh writers, " the sever
score and seven parent- words'
from which all other words ai
derived ; the Hindoos nearl}
2,000 years ago held similar
INDEX.
407
views, and traced the manifold
words of their language to cer-
tain phonetic forms termed
" elements," ii. I ; the Prati
'sakhya of Katyayana calls the
verb a dhdtu or root, ib. 1-2.
Onomatopoeia and its impor-
tance in the formation of lan-
guage ; roots formed by its
help ; use among the Papuans;
natural sounds very differently
represented by different per-
sons as shown in the words
given as the equivalent of the
note of the nightingale, i. 107-8;
works on Onomatopoeia, ib.
109 note.
Order of words in a sentence
constantly liable to change ;
the definite article postfixed in
some and prefixed in others
of the Aryan family, i. 371-2.
Origin and development of myths
among the different races, ii.
258-267.
Origin and nature of mythology,
and the history of religion as-
certained by the comparative
method of investigation ap-
plied to language, i. 161.
Origin of language to be sought
in gestures, onomatopoeia, and
interjectional cries; the first
rude modes of communication;
formation of sentences by ono-
matopoeic words and gesticu-
lation ; the whole sentence,
the only possible unit of
thought ; work of the lexico-
grapher ; use of accent ; the
Greek logos, the complete act
of reasoning, i. 111-12 ; rela-
tion of the word to the sen-
tence, and how words may be
divided ; sounds must have
a meaning, and represent
thought, before they constitute
language, ib. 112-13.
Osmanli, the tongue of the do-
minant race in Turkey ; the
literary dialect ; a large part
of the vocabulary borrowed
from Persian and Arabic, while
the country dialects are com-
paratively pure, ii. 199.
Palatals described; interchanges
and equivalents in various
languages, i. 277-8.
Palatals and gutturals closely
connected with the sibilants
in German, Icelandic, modern
Greek, and Swiss dialects, i.
282-3.
Pashtu,or Pakhtu of the Afghans
considered an Indian dialect,
and forms a sort of stepping-
stone between the Indian and
Iranian divisions, ii. 77; has
borrowed its whole system of
pronominal suffixes; and is
also called Patan and Siyah-
Push, ib. 77.
Pehlevi language, a curious mix-
ture of Aryan and Semitic
formed in the courts of the
Sassanian princes of Persia
and confined to the literary
class, i. 174 ; known from
translations of the Zend-avesta,
the " Bundehesh," coins, and
inscriptions, ii. 81-2.
Persian, or Iranian nearly akin
to Sanskrit ; more archaic
INDEX.
than the Vedic-Sanskrit; Zend-
avesta, the Bible of the Zoroas-
trian faith, of recent date ; his-
tory of the Iranian group may
be traced through successive
and long-continued periods re-
presented by Zend, Old, or Ac-
haemenian Persian, Huzvaresh
or Pehlevi, Parsi, and Neo-
Persian, ii. 78.
Personal and possessive pro-
nouns affixed to nouns in the
Zaza dialect ; the Hoopah
and Navaho; the vocabularies
from river Uapes, and amongst
the English Gipsies, i. 121.
Philology, a new science and
still divided on certain points;
has made greatest progress on
the phonological side ; review
of its various phases, and vast
importance in the history of
the human mind, and the
riddle of mythology ; it en-
ables the student to read the
thoughts and beliefs of the
earliest ages with greater cer-
tainty and minuteness than if
they had been recorded by
the historian, i. 87-9; the com-
parative philologist able to
test and rectify such deriva-
tions as some of Butmann and
K. O. Miiller's from the Greek;
dependence on specialists and
the reason, ib. 158-9 ; Bopp
the father of the science of
comparative philology, not a
specialist in any of the Aryan
languages; his errors correc-
ted by special students in va-
rious languages, ib. 159-60.
Phoenician, like Assyrian, only
known from coins, inscriptions,
and a passage of the " Pcenu-
lus " of Plautus, with fragmen-
tary Greek translations from
Hanno and Sanchuniathon, ii.
171.
Phonautographs constructed by
Scott and Konig delineate the
forms of the waves of sound,
on a plate of sand, in the
flickering of a gas-flame, or in
the movements of a writing-
pencil, and the microscope
shows the impressions of ar-
ticulate sounds in the tinfoil
of the phonograph, i. 234-5;
instruments described ; the
phonograph unable at present
to reproduce the sibilants ;
proves that all sounds may be
reproduced backwards by be-
ginning with the last forms
indented on the tinfoil; socia-
bility becoming ytilibaishos ;
diphthongs and double conso-
nants reversed with equal
clearness ; and also shows
that ch of cheqiie is really a
double letter, i. 335.
Phonetic expression of the verbal
copula long left to be supplied
by the mind ; and still want-
ing in many Polynesian lan-
guages; illustrations from the
Dyak, i. 117-8.
Phonetic law of the English th
representing / in Sanskrit,
Latin, and Greek, i. 137.
Phonetic utterances, nature of;
phonology and sematology ex-
plained in their relation to*
INDEX.
409
each other; priority of sounds,
words, and dialects, and their
dependence on the structure
of the organs of speech ; hard
and soft sounds ; laws of equi-
valence and interchange in a
group, i. 226-7 5 intimately con-
nected with physics and his-
tory, ib. 228-29.
Phonology, and its importance
in tracing the nature and
working of the laws of speech;
relation of the English h and
d to Sanskrit k (}s) and /, and
the Aryan conception of one
hundred; relative position of
phonology and sematology;
thought conditioned ; sounds
and ideas ; structure only one
element in classification; pho-
nology the key of modern lin-
guistic science, i. 142-4; pho-
nological laws of Aryan and
permissible variations; Prince
Lucien Bonaparte's enumera-
tion of the number of sounds
in modern European lan-
guage ; formation of the vocal
organs due to various causes
and inherited aptitudes, ib.
145; Polynesian pronunciation
of David, Samuel, London,
and Frederick; Chinese repre-
sentative of Christ; Japanese,
Bengalese, and English mis-
pronunciations ; variations of
sounds in different languages;
the palatals in Aryan origi-
nally gutturals ; in Malayan,
dentals, ib. 145-8.
Phonology and glottology, their
functions and relationship ;
the connection between sense
and sound, i. 165.
Plato and Aristotle the connect-
ing link between the Sophistic
and Alexandrine periods ; re-
new' the old contest between
the followers of Herakleitus
and Demokritus ; their theo-
ries of little scientific value, i.
10.
Plato's derivation of Theoi,
" gods ; " problem of the
" Kratylus " and the con-
clusion, i. 7-10.
Plural everywhere preceded by
the dual ; formed by redupli-
cation in many tongues ; some
have only yet reached the idea
of duality, as the Puris dialect
of South America ; time when
only one and two were known
in the Aryan, i. 137-8.
Polysynthetic languages of North
America an interesting sur-
vival of primitive forms of
speech which have elsewhere
perished, i. 125; the two ex-
treme types the Eskimaux and
Aztec ; contrast and gram-
matical peculiarities ; Aztec
civilization destroyed by the
Spaniards ; Mexican system
of writing inferior to the
Maya ; no specimen of an-
cient Aztec poetry left, ii. 219-
20.
Polytheism and its tendencies
when spiritualized to panthe-
ism and monotheism ; its
deities cease to be mere ab-
stractions, and are resolved
into a higher unity ; the Chal-
4io
INDEX.
dean Hymns speak of " the
One God," and the Egyptian
priests taught that the nume-
rous deities were but mani-
festations of the same divine
Essence ; opinions of Xeno-
phanes, ^Eschylus, Aristotle,
and Mohammed; growth of
more worthy conceptions of
deity, ii. 298-9.
Popular etymologies sometimes
attempted in ignorance and
mistakes ; many instances in
proper names and legends, as
Burgh de Walter, Widder
Fjord, Madrid, Lepontii, Kir-
gisez, Athens, Krisa ; epony-
mous heroes, false analogy,
and in the Homeric Poems, i.
183-4.
Portuguese and Gallician closely
approach French in some par-
ticulars ; lost the initial / of
article, but acquired a num-
ber of Arabic and French
words, ii. 119.
Pott probably unequalled for his
knowledge and insight among
students of language ; great
value of his works in checking
unifying haste, i. 51 ; assailed
Bopp's view, advocated origi-
nal diversity, and endeavoured
to found a science of Semato-
logy, ib. 63-4; applied Grimm's
method to the whole Indo-
European languages, ib. 64.
Priscian compared Latin with
Greek, especially the ^Eolic
dialect ; followed Tyrannic or
Diokles, i. 24.
Pronunciation affected by ana-
logy ; the Frenchman " gal-
licizes," just as the English-
man " anglicizes," borrowed
words, i. 178 ; basis of the
pronunciation of English,
Holstein, Lower Hesse, and
Saxon dialects, ib. 268.
Provencal the language of the
troubadour sjpw$QX\y of South-
ern France, Catalonia, Valen-
cia, the Balearic Islands and
Arragon ; throws light upon
the grammatical forms of its
northern neighbours ; earliest
poems ; short-lived civiliza-
tion of Provence arrested by
the Church, ii. 117-8.
Reason of man in the mytho-
pceic age attributing his own
passions and movements to
the forces of nature, ii. 269-70.
Reduplicated words, Sir John
Lubbock's calculation of the
proportion in English, French,
German, Greek, and some of
the barbarous languages of
Africa, America, and the
Pacific, i. 388.
Reduplication one of the oldest
contrivances of speech ; and
most important for denoting
the relations of grammar and
expression of the inward emo-
tions, i. 388-9.
Reformed Alphabet and its re-
quisites ; Prince L-L. Bona-
parte's by A. J. Ellis, and
H. Sweet's narrow Romic al-
phabet and list of symbols,
i. 353-361 ; chance of a uni-
versal language, probably the
INDEX.
411
kind of English prophesied by
Mr. Simpson ; prevalence of
English all over the world ;
lately used by a Danish writer
on science to gain a wider
audience ; Grimm's advice to
his countrymen to give up
their own tongue in favour of
English ; anticipations of the
prevalence of a universal me-
dium of intercourse among
mankind, ii. 349-52.
Related terms — myths, folklore,
fable, and allegory, and their
several meanings, ii. 275-
284.
Relations of grammar denoted
by prefixes, affixes, infixes, and
change of vowel ; examples
from Sanskrit, Greek, and
other languages ; numerals si-
milarly distinguished in some;
the Grebo pronouns " I " and
"thou," "we" and "you,"
solely by intonation ; internal
change of consonants in Bur-
man, position in Chinese and
Taic ; reduplication common
to all languages, expresses
very different ideas ; illustra-
tions from various sources,
i. 384-8.
Religion and religious systems
of the mythopceic age divi-
sible broadly into two great
classes, and how characte-
rized ; the phases of their
growth traceable in the Rig-
Veda, and the dogmas of the
Christian Church, ii. 284-5 5
nature of the science of re-
ligion, ib. 285-6 ; some ray
of light and truth in the most
degraded faith, and defects in
the purest ; religion moulded
in transmission, by time, place,
and in the instincts of its pro-
fessors, as Christianityamongst
Englishmen and Negroes, and
the variations of Buddhism, ib.
286 ; organized religion a late
product, due to civilization
and culture ; parallels ; creed
of Buddhism settled by Asoka,
and the Nicene by Constan-
tine ; the earlier and later
forms of each contrasted ;
Zoroastrianism, a protest
against the Polytheism of the
Veda, and Mohammedanism
against the Christian idolatry
of the sixth century, ib. 287-8;
unorganized religions classi-
fied and described ; compari-
son of various religious be-
liefs and customs shows the
forms religious consciousness
assumed before the rise of
organized systems, ib. 288-9.
(See ancestor worship, fetish-
ism, totemism, shamanism,
henotheism aud polytheism.)
Rhaetian, with its two dialects,
one spoken by Protestants and
the other by Roman Catholics,
has been shown by Ascoli to
be allied to two others which
have been erroneously classed
with Italian, ii. 119-20.
Rhetoric and its use among the
Sophists, i. 9.
Rig-Veda, collection of hymns
and poems, some of very
ancient date ; the whole
412
INDEX.
ascribed to the fourteenth
or fifteenth century, B.C. ;
rigid theory of its inspira-
tion ; growth, divisions, and
uses ; ritual assigned to dif-
ferent classes ; number of
hymns, verses, and syllables,
according to 'Saunaka, the
same as in the present texts ;
the Pada text formed and be-
came the basis of a scientific
phonology, i. 39-41 ; language
nearly obsolete in the time of
Kautsa, although the exact
recital of the hymns was con-
sidered indispensable in the
performance of religious ser-
vice, ib. 41.
Roman interest in grammar and
etymology confined to Greek
and their own language ; their
boasted descent from ./Eneas
and the Trojans, led them to
neglect the dialects of Asia
and the Etruscan language ;
even Caesar failed to compare
the language of Gaul with the
Latin, i. 23.
Romanic tongues traced to a
well-known fountain - head ;
enable us to verify and correct
our attempts to restore the
parent Aryan, by a compari-
son of the derived languages,
as well as to study the laws of
letter-change in actual, living
speech ; their various forms
explained, ii. 109-12.
Roots, fierce controversy on,
before the Nirukta of Yaska
was composed, ii. 1-2 ; their
nature and how discovered ;
distinctive character of each
particular family, according
to Pott, the unconscious
working of analogy, ib. 7-8 ;
Semitic roots, and Finno-
Ugrian dialects ; roots given
by lexicographers merely re-
present the oldest known forms
of words ; Old Chinese re-
cently traced by Dr. Edkins
and M. de Rosny, ib. 9-10 ;
existence of a primitive " root-
period " pointed out by Bre'al
in the Dictionaries of Fick
and Curtius, ib. 11-12; roots
differ as the language to which
they belong in being mono-
- syllabic or polysyllabic ; dif-
ference in Polynesian, Aryan,
Semitic, and Chinese ; the
sentence words of the primi-
tive Aryan, Chinese, Taic, and
Bushman ; all attempts to re-
duce Semitic roots to single
syllables have failed ; Boht-
lingk on Tibetan words now
monosyllabic ; the Ba-ntu
family and others ; in some
languages both monosyllabic
and polysyllabic roots are
found, as Old Egyptian ; the
Hindus reduced their roots
to single syllables, ib. 12-13 >
at one time the roots of Aryan
were necessarily the same ;
Latin, Greek, and Sanskrit
words compared ; the noun
and verb co-existent ; nominal
and verbal stems, ib. 14-15 ;
parallel roots ; new words
coined by savages, ib. 16-17;
simple and compound roots, ib.
INDEX.
413
17-18; views of Pott and Curtius
on secondary roots ; amalga-
mation and reduplication, ib.
19-21 ; Latin deus and divus
referred to div ; Zeus and
Jupiter to dyn ; roots divi-
sible into classes ; their cha-
racteristics, ib. 22-7; agree-
ment of allied languages in
their roots and grammar ;
borrowed words changed in
being naturalized, as the Latin
histriOy nepos, and Aldus,
from the Etruscan ; maize
and hammock from Hayti ;
creative powers of language
seen in Pierre Riviere's enna-
pharer and calibene, ib. 28 ;
the name Plon Plon given to
Prince Napoleon, and curious
origin Qifalbala; additions by
natural science as gas, sepal,
sulfite, sulfate, and ellagic
acid ; word-making among
theological enthusiasts, ib. 29-
30 ; vocabularies of savages
constantly changing, and
words coined by them not
roots, as the Kafir woman's
angoca, ib. 31 ; basis of genea-
logical classification ; test of
linguistic kinship, and pro-
bable number of families ac-
cording to F. Miiller ; great
number of extinct languages ;
cause of the preservation of
those of the Caucasus and the
Basque of the Pyrenees ; re-
cent extinction of four Tasma-
nian dialects ; and Etruscan
only known from about 3,000
short inscriptions, ib. 32-5.
Samoied dialects, midway be-
tween Turkic and Finnic,
consist of five main and an
infinity of smaller ones ; the
people, perhaps, the most de-
graded branch of the Ural-
Altaic family, ii. 200.
Sanskrit, discoveryof by Western
scholars, ended the play with
words, and created the science
of language, i. 38 ; numerals
and other words compared
with Italian by Philippe Sas-
seti ; the missionary Roberto
de Nobili transformed himself
into a Brahman, learnt Tamil,
Telugu, and Sanskrit, adopted
the cord, marks, garb, diet,
and submitted to caste, ib.
43-44 ; one of his converts
thought to have composed
the Ezur, a pretended fourth
Veda ; fifty years later, Hein-
rich Roth disputed with the
Brahmansin Sanskrit; in 1740,
Pere Pons, a Frenchman, sent
home a report on Sanskrit lite-
rature ; first Sanskrit gram-
mar published in Europe by
two German friars at Rome ;
some years before Coeurdoux
and Barthelemy had written
to the French Academy on
the relationship of Sanskrit,
Greek, and Latin, but their
letter was not printed till
1808 ; their opinion fully con-
firmed by English and German
scholars ; formation of the
Asiatic Society at Calcutta,
the labours of Halhed and
Sir William Jones gave an
414
INDEX.
impetus to the study of San-
skrit and its related idioms,
ib. 44-5-
Schlegel (Friedrich), the poet,
first laid down the fact that
the languages of India, Persia,
Greece, Italy, Germany, and
Slavonia formed one family ;
his work, the foundation on
which Bopp reared the science
of language, i. 48-9.
Schleicher and Hovelacque re-
garded the science of lan-
guage as belonging to the
physical sciences ; compared
it with natural history, i. 70 ;
summary of Schleicher's theo-
ries and false assumptions, ib.
72-4 ; defects of Hovelacque's
work, ib. 76.
Schott on the affix of the Persian
dative and accusative, i. 174.
Sematology laws far less dis-
tinct and invariable, and can-
not be reduced to fixed rules
like those of Phonetic change;
the phenomena complicated
and dependent on psycholo-
gical conditions ; social in-
fluence and education give the
same general idea to words,
i. 336-37 ; French juste and
English just; their general
correspondence and different
associations ; " genealogies of
words," growth and decay of
ideas ; analogy and njetaphor
impart new senses to words,
as in the Latin animus, " the
mind," or " soul," which origi-
nally denoted the " wind " or
" breath ; " proper significa-
tion of " impertinent " lost,
*& 338-9 ; Whitney and Pott •
on significant change ; how
words are more accurately
defined shown by Latin, Greek,
and German examples ; in-
fluence of metaphor ; Tas-
manians who had no general
terms perceived the resem-
blance of things ; sensuous
origin of Divus, deus, and
soul; the various meanings
of post, the work of analogy
and metaphor, ib. 339-40 ;
causes of the variations of
meaning ; introduction of
new words ; old meanings
forgotten, and new ones
evolved ; the cause of many
myths and mythological be-
ings as Prometheus and Epi-
me'theus ; legends connected
the distorted names of locali-
ties, ib. 341-3; rise of several
from one original with different
meanings ; " natural selec-
tion " in language, ib. 344-5.
Semite, from the earliest times
a trader, borrowed his culture
and civilization largely from
the Turanian Accadians of
Babylonia, with the germs of
settled city life, the elements
of mathematics, astronomy,
religion, mythology, literature,
and writing, ii. 168.
Semites of Assyria and Baby-
lonia the first grammarians,
i. 27 ; but the Jewish schools
produced nothing worthy of
the name till the sixth century;
Syriac grammar compiled by
INDEX.
415
Jacob of Edessa became the
model of all succeeding works;
followed by those of Ella's of
Nisibis and John Barzugbi ;
Arabic grammar composed by
Abul-Aswed about the end of
the seventh century, almost
perfected by Sibawaih, who
speaks of 2,500 famous gram-
marians; labours of the Sabo-
reans and Masoretes for the
Old Testament the same as
the Alexandrine Greeks for
Homer, the Arabs for the
Koran, and the Hindus for
the Veda; the Jews formed
the first comparative gram-
mar; chief authors, ib. 28-30.
Semitic languages, original
home, leading characteristics,
grammatical peculiarities, and
sub-divisions, ii. 164-77.
Sentence the unit of significant
speech ; words conceptual or
presentative, and pronominal
or representative ; meanings
of the words and, because, me-
morandum, explained ; judg-
ments implie'd in the words
humanity and gravitation;
the terms of a proposition,
i. 114-15 ; formation of words,
Taic or Siamese examples ;
sentence words in different
relations ; Semitic kdtal and
its meanings ; the exact mean-
ing of the Grebo sounds
ni ne, derived from the con-
text and gestures, ib. 116-
17 ; the Greek termination
ize or ise in English words, ib.
117; the sentence the only
sound basis for classifying
speech, ib. 122 ; forms of sen-
tences in various languages ;
Chinese, Burmese, and Turk-
ish examples, ib. 123-4 ;
foreign influence in Hunga-
rian ; position of the objective
pronoun in French, Basque,
and Accadian ; polysynthetic
fusion of a sentence into a
single word, as the Algonkin
wilt- ap -pe- sit - ink - qifs- sun-
noo- weht-unfi-quoh, ib. 1 24-25 ;
the sentence made up of two
factors, external sound and
internal thought, ib. 1 32 ; sen-
tence first conceived as a
whole; application of gestures;
grammatical relations evolved
by comparison ; sentence
word varied by the Chinaman,
Mongol, and Hindu, ib. 378 ;
American tongues alone pre-
served the primitive type of
all speech ; Eskimaux and
Mexican ; savages unable to
distinguish the particular from
the universal ; curious fact re-
vealed by a morphological re-
view of languages; local types,
ib. 379-81.
Serpents, why capable of pro-
ducing only hissing sounds,
i. 237, note.
Shamanism, the religion of
the Ural-Altaic or Turanian
family ; every object and force
in nature believed to be in-
spired by a spirit good, or bad,
that could only be approached
by a sorcerer, ii. 197 ; a higher
conception of religion than
INDEX.
fetishism ; work of the Sha-
man to neutralize the action
of evil spirits, and influence
the good by incantations and
magic ceremonies ; belief in
Shamanism retained by the
cultivated Accadians after the
development of a considerable
civilization, ib. 293-4.
Sinhalese religion and literature
derived from India, ii. 76-7.
Skipetar (" Highlander"), or Al-
banian, a member of the
Aryan family ; large number
of Greek words in the vocabu-
lary ; theory of Latham and
Poesche respecting its origin,
ii. 12.1-2.
Sokrates, the greatest of the
Sophists, gave an impetus to
Greek thought, and was em-
ployed by Plato to support his
conclusion in the " Kratylus,"
i. 10.
Solar explanation, inapplicable
to many myths ; some relate
to the storm clouds, stars,
eclipses, creation of the earth,
sea, and living beings ; the
" Solar Theory" not to be con-
founded with comparative phi-
lology, ii. 271-2.
Sonants and non-sonants, and
their modifications, i. 265.
Sound and sense ; their intimate
connection in etymological re-
search, i. 154-5.
Sound defined ; difference be-
tween sound and musical
tones ; length of the funda-
mental note, with its octave,
fifth and fourth, known to the
Pythagoreans, i. 229-30 ; Max
Miiller on the highest and
lowest tones, ib. 231 ; pitch,
vibration, length, and depen-
dence on the thickness and
tension of the cords or rods ;
sound of a stringed instrument
and trombone each peculiar to
itself, ib. 232-3.
Sounds formed by inspiration
used in Swiss dialects, and in
South African clicks, i. 283.,
and note.
Sounds represented by the same
letter of the alphabet not really
identical ; Sanskrit cha com-
pared with English ch, in
church ; European scale of
three short vowels, a, e, <?, and
the Indie single a, in which
three distinct vowel-sounds
have coalesced ; changes of
Greek in passing into Latin,
i. 309.
Sounds roughly and imperfectly
distinguished by the Greeks,
i. 244-5.
South African dialects said by
Bleek to be inflectional ; use
of suffixes in the formation of
words, as in Aryan, ii. 182-4.
Spanish widely different from
Latin in phonology and vo-
cabulary ; regular in its gram-
matical forms ; probable cause
of its changes in phonology,
ii. 119.
Spiegel on the influence of Se-
mitic grammar in Zend, i.175.
Steinthal on Humboldt's incon-
sistencies and dualism ; his
account of the origin of Ian-
INDEX.
417
guage; need of a psychological
ethnology to penetrate "the
inner forms of language," or
" apperception," described by
Lazarus as a " condensation
of thought ;" his writings sug-
gestive, but deficient in clear-
ness ; his confused views and
ambiguous use of terms ;
questionable metaphor; mis-
led by a false conception of
language, i. 69-70.
Stoics perfected Aristotle's gram-
matical system ; their labours
and those of the Epicureans ;
line of Horace on the primi-
tive condition of man, and the
evolution of language; speech
created instinctively, i. 12-13.
Stewart's (Dugald) absurd at-
tempt to prove that the Sanskrit
language and literature were
the work of the Brahmans,
formed on Greek and Latin
models to deceive European
scholars, i. 45-6.
Syllable, its nature and forma-
tion ; open syllables and words
pronounced either backwards
or forwards by the phono-
graph ; views of Ellis, Sweet,
and Kudelka, on stress and
glides, i. 286-9 5 difference of
syllables in pitch or tone, stress
and quantity ', ib. 289-301 ; in-
fluence of climate in causing
phonetic variety ; effect of
savage customs ; correspond-
ing sounds of the same words
in allied dialects, ib. 301-3 ;
Grimm's great law amended
and amplified, ib. 304 ; table
II. E
of equivalent Aryan sounds ;
early date of some of the
changes ; theories of Fick and
Schmidt ; second home of the
Aryan race, ib. 305-6.
Synonyms and homonyms con-
founded, and the former re-
solved into the names of dif-
ferent beings in the epithetic
stage of language, as in Ushas,
Eos, Dahand, and Daphne j
Pramanthas, transplanted to
Greece, became Prometheus,
and had for his brother Epi-
metheus, ii. 251-2.
Syntax, or the arrangement of
words in a sentence, according
to Professor Erie ; study of
comparative accidence in ad-
vance of comparative syntax ;
labours of Jolly, Bergaigne,
and others, i. 428-9 ; position
of words and varied develop-
ment of the germs of syntax of
each family ; growth of Aryan ;
Latin, Greek, and Sanskrit
forms and usages, ib. 429-32 ;
agreement, and want of agree-
ment, in families ; pele-mele
order of Latin words in a sen-
tence ; place of the verb ; Ber-
gaigne on the position of the
Aryan ; apparent violations of
the rule ; Greek and Latin, ib.
433-4 ; false analogy ; proper
names Damasippas and Hip-
podamas; Agathos and Dai-
mon; curious use of the article
in Greek ; proper names com-
pounded with Forum and
Portus, ib. 435 '•> order of words
in the primitive sentence illus-
4i8
INDEX.
trate the Latin credo and San-
skrit 'sraddadhdmi; reason for
placing the verb at the end ;
changed in English, Scandi-
navian, and the Romanic dia-
lects ; the infinitive, its depen-
dence, place, and government ;
preposition ; simple and com-
pound sentences ; connection
and fusion in Aryan opposed
to Semitic ; defects of both ;
contrast of Greek with its
manifold particles, subtle ana-
lysis of thought, and delicacy
of expression during the po-
lished period of their mental
activity, ib. 439.
Tell (William), the Swiss hero,
a double of the Palna-Toki of
Norway, and the English Wil-
liam Cloudeslee, ii. 255-6.
Teutonic group of languages, the
Gothic, Norse, Low and High
German ; their range and re-
lation to each other, ii. 88-94.
Three main conditions for the
production of every vowel
sound ; differences of action
in quick and lively utterances,
and weak exspiration ; the
spiritus lenis and asper ex-
plained, i. 262-3.
Totemism distinct from Sha-
manism; bears the same re-
lation to the Indians of North
America as Shamanism to
the Ural-Altaic stock ; the
totem, generally an animal, is
the symbol and object of wor-
ship to every member of a
tribe ; rationalistic explana-
tion defective, ii. 294 ; epony-
mous heroes, and the close
connection between totemism
and mythology ; Michabo"\h&
great hare," from whom the
Algonkin family claim their
descent, really a solar hero,
like Quetzalcoatl of Mexico, or
Huayna Capac of Peru, proved
by his epithets and attributes,
ib. 295.
Transitional modes of spelling,
and the use of new type, ii.
348-9.
Tri nairgunatwamapannai r b a d -
hyante, analysis of, i. 113.
Tripthongs, existence of, dis-
puted, i. 267.
Tunguse closely allied to Mon-
gol, is divided into three
branches, ii. 201.
Turkish-Tatar languages, and
where spoken, ii. 193.
Turkish verb, like the Finnic,
rich in forms ; by means of
suffixes represents the most
minute and varied differences
of meaning ; Turkish litera-
ture copious, ii. 199-200.
Tylor on survivals in language,
i. 118.
Type of literary excellence varies
with race ; the Chinaman pre-
fers his own language and
style to that of Plato or Shake-
speare; and Montezuma would
probably have preferred an
Aztec poem to the works of
^Eschylus and Goethe, ii. 68.
Uigur language in the fifth cen-
tury had an alphabet, and pro-
INDEX.
419
duced a considerable litera-
ture, ii. 199.
Ural-Altaic family of languages ;
their chief distinguishing fea-
ture, the law of vocalic har-
mony ; division of the vowels
into strong, weak, and neutral ;
the rule not common to all the
members ; neglected by some ;
and in the oldest Magyar texts
anti-harmonic forms are com-
mon; origin of this division
of the vowels, ii. 202-3 ; their
classification in the principal
languages, note, 203; use of
affixes ; other relations of noun
and verb denoted by amalga-
mation, 204; languages from
the first characterized by per-
spicacity and logical vigour,
fitted the speakers to" become
the originators of the culture
and civilization of Western
Asia ; compared with the
English, ib. 205.
Value of Pitman's phonetic al-
phabet, ii. 347.
Vanity of race and language,
the consequences of; inflection
regarded as the highest stage
in the development of speech ;
reasons for the wide-spread
opinion, ii. 66-7 ; work of
comparative philology in cor-
recting false notions, ib. 67-8.
Variations in the first and last
versions of a whispered story
when compared have little in
common, ii. 255.
Varying forms of the same words
when slightly changed, sepa-
rate and acquire totally diffe-
rent meanings ; Latin, Greek,
Sanskrit, Umbrian, Oscan,
and Gothic examples, i. 188-
9 ; vocalic difference utilized
by the Greeks for grammatical
purposes ; uses of reduplicated
syllables; Greek and Sanskrit
verbal forms compared ; Se-
mitic case endings ; Negro
Dinkamode of forming certain
plurals, and the Chinese tones,
alike due to emphasis, ib.
188-91.
Vater on the nature and origin
of speech ; assumed that the
first men spoke logically, i. 33.
Veddahs of Ceylon unable to re-
member the names of their
wives unless present, i. 101 ;
never seen to laugh, ib. 106.
Verb, history of, traced back
with greater certainty than the
noun; continuous decay of the
latter ; both apparently refer-
able to the same stems, ii.
149-50; inflection the charac-
teristic of the verbs mostly by
affixed pronouns ; Old Egyp-
tian noun and verb compared,
ib. 150-1 ; way in which pro-
nouns came to be affixed to
stems not known, ib. 151; the
Aryan verb from the first
seems to have denoted time
and mood, ib. 152-3; other
relations indicated by flection,
ib. 153-63-
Vicious pronunciation, English,,
French, Setshuana, North
German, and Armenian, 1.310-
ii.
420
INDEX.
Vocabularies of children widely
different, ii. 314-15.
Vocal organs of animals ; the
human organism compared
with that of the lower animals;
the quadrumana, birds, ser-
pents, insects, and fish, i.
350-3-
Voice of two kinds, true and fal-
setto ; how produced, and
causes of their difference, i.
247 and note; numberless
varieties and peculiarities of
voice enable the blind to dis-
tinguish males from females
and recognize their friends;
extreme range, from the deep-
est male to the highest female
voice nearly 5^- octaves ; the
different notes produced by the
differences of tension in the
vocal chords ; Madam Mara's
2,000 changes, ib. 249-50;
chief varieties of voice ; diffe-
rences in the organs ; nature
of ventriloquism not quite un-
derstood ; character of the
voice, and how modified, ib.
251-2.
Voice, organs of ; their structure
and functions ; inarticulate
sounds the stepping-stones to
real language, i. 237-41 ; na-
tural cries of man and animals;
children's attempts to speak,
and their resemblance toman's
first efforts to create a language
for himself, ib. 242-3 ; hard
and soft breathings of the
Greeks and Danish glottal
catch; why the rough breath-
ing cannot be sung, ib. 243-4.
Voltaire's pun on etymology,!. 60.
Vowel sounds, how produced ;
the quality of the voice neces-
sarily the same, as the throat is
a musical instrument with its
own peculiar tone, i. 253; par-
tial tones and their influence ;
Donders and Helmholtz on
characteristic pitch of vowels ;
number of possible vowel
sounds almost infinite from
the variable forms of the vocal
organs ; Prince L-L. Bona-
parte's alphabet contains 75
vowels ; Italian pronunciation
of vowels adopted in phono-
logy, ib. 253-5 ; fundamental
vowel sounds a, /, and u; rela-
tive effort required for their ar-
ticulation, and the organs em-
ployed,/^. 255-7; endless modi;
fication of the primary vowels
by slight changes in the posi-
tion of the organs ; places of
e and o and their variations;
other vowel sounds ; increase
of neutrals in English pronun-
ciation, ib. 257-9; capability
of modification of vowel
sounds, ib. 260.
Waitz contends that the sen-
tence is the unit of language,
not the word ; and that the
incorporating languages of
America are a survival of its
primitive condition every-
where, i. 85-6 ; on agglutina-
tion and flection ; his idea of
the Chinese harmonizes with
its antiquity; Friedrich Miiller
agrees with him that the sen-
INDEX.
421
tence " is the shortest expres-
sion of thought ; " musas and
amas explained, ib. 87.
Wallach or Rumanian a Neo-
Latin tongue introduced into
Dacia by the Roman legion-
aries ; divided into two
branches, the northern and
southern ; the latter abounds
with Albanian and Greek
words; the Latin vowels modi-
fied and the definite article
postfixed, ii. 120-1.
Weber on the Latin et, Greek
eti, Zend aiti^ and Sanskrit
ati, i. 114, note.
Westphal's views fail to explain
the phenomena of language ;
on the evolution of the verb
and curious return to the
kinesis of Aristotle, i. 84.
Whistling, how and where pro-
duced, i. 252.
Whitney's theory of the speech
of primitive man summarized,
i. 79-80; his views require too
many assumptions and are
beset with difficulties and in-
superable objections, ib. 81-2;
ii. 4-5.
Words like English door, Latin
fores, &c., not traceable to any
root, ii. 7.
Words, peculiar, found in the
dictionary of every separate
language ; common to Euro-
pean and Asiatic dialects, ii.
136-8.
Zend and Zend-avesta, first Eu-
ropean knowledge of, obtained
by Duperron from some Parsi
priests at Surat, who returned
to France in 1762 with over a
hundred MSS., which enabled
Burnouf (Eugene) to correct
his translation of the Zend-
avesta and the uncritical
teaching he had received in
the East ; the Zend-avesta de-
scribed, and the relative age
of its parts, ii. 78-80.
CHISWICK PRESS I— C. WHITTINGHAM, TOOKS COURT, CHANCERY LANE.
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