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Full text of "Introduction To The History Of Science Volume II From Rabbi Ben Ezra To Roger Bacon"

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Sarton, George, 

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Introduction to the 

History of sclnce 
[C1927-48] 



CAHNKCilK INSTITITION OK \VASHL\(iT().\ 

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INTRODUCTION 

TO TIIK 

OISTORV OF SCIENCE 

VOLUME II 
FROM RABBI BKN KZRA TO ROC3TCH BACON 



BY 

GEORGE BARTON 

c in the* HiHt.ory of Science 



Kic Institution of 



IN TWO PARTS 



PX7BUBHIQD 

CAKNEGI2C INSTITUTION OF WASHINGTON 

BT 

THM Wir-wtAMS & WIUKINB COMFAKT 
BAL.TIMORB 



Copyright 1931 

by 
Carnegie Institution of Washington 



PART JI 

Tins THIRTEENTH CENTURY 
BOOK III 

The Time of Robert Grosseles to, Ibn al-Bailar ami Jacob Anatoli (First Half of 

Thirteenth Century) 

CHAPTKU XXVIII 

Survey of Science and Intellectual Progress in the First Half of the 

Thirteenth Century 485-542 

I Introduction, 485 
II. ReUtfiouH Background, 480 I Christendom, 486 2 Israel, 488 3. 

Mam, 400. 4. BuddluHm, 490. Summary, 400 
III. The Translatora, 401 1 From Arabic into Latin, 401. 2, From Arabic 

into llebiew, 402 'I From Pernian into Arabic, 493. 4 From Greek 

into Latin, 403, Summary, 404 
IV Education, 405, 1 Christendom, 405 2 Inrael, 40(5 3, China, 400. 4. 

Japan, 490 
V Philosophic and Cultural Background, 400, 1 Frederick II, 400. 2. 

KnjjUsh PhdoBopherH, 407. 3 French Philosophers and Writern, 407 4. 

Italian PhtkwophexB, 408 fi German PhiloHopherw, 400, 0. Hean<h- 

dmaviau Knowledge, 400. 7. Western Munlim, 400. 8. Kantem MUH- 

lim, 500. 0. PoiHian, 500. 10. Syriac, 501. 1L Hispano-Jewinh, 5()t 

12. Gormano-JowiHh, 503. 13. Samaritan, 503. 14 Mongol and Chinene, 

503 Summary, 503 
VI Mathematics and Astronomy, 504. 1. Latin and Vernacular, 504. 2. 

Western Muslim, 505. 3, Eastern Muslim, 500. 4, Syriac, 500. 5. 

Wontcrn Jewinh, 500, 0. Hindu, 507. 7* Chineae, 507. Summary, 507* 
VII. PhynicB and Munic, 508 1 Mechanical Rebirth in the Went, 508. 2 

Meteorology and Optic.n, 500 3. Company 509. 4 I.Iammfimat, 510. 

PhynicH in the Kantern (ialiphate, 510. 0, Miwlim MUHIC, 510, 7, 

MUHIC in WcHtorn Chriritctulom, 510. 
VIII Chemmtry, 51J. I. Wcntern Kuropo, 51L 2, Kantern Inltlm, 511. 3. 

India, 511. 4. Japan, 511. 
IX, Geography, 51L 1. KngliMh, 511, 2. Scandinavian, 512 3. Christian 

PiIgrimM, 512. 4. Chriwtian Travelern to th Mongol Empire^ 512, 5* 

Eastern Muttlim, 513. 6. Western Munhm, 514. 7. Western Jewitth, 

514. 8. Syriao, 514. 9. Chinese, 514. Summary, 514. 
X Natural Jliwtory, 515. 1. Latin, 515. 2. Vernacular, 510. 3, Falconry, 

510. 4. Eastern Muslim, 517. 5. Western Muslim, 517. 0. Hindu, 517. 

7. ChincKO, 517. Summary, 518. 
XI. Medicine, 518. 1. Translators from Arabic into Latin, 518. 2, Italian, 

518. 3. French, 51 9, 4, Hpaninh, 519. 5. English, 519. 0. Welsh, 521. 

7. Gorman, 521. 8, Scandinavian, 521. 0. Kantorn Munlim, 521. 10. 

Western Muslim, 522, 11. Western Jewiuh, 523* 12, Egyptian Jewish, 

52S. 13. Samaritan, 523. 14. Hindu, 524, 16. Chinese, 524. Sum- 
mary, 524. 
XII. Historiography, 524. L French, 524. 2, Spanish, 525, 3. Italian, 526, 

4. English, 526, 5. Scandinavian, 520. 0. German, 526. 7. Other 



Vi CONTENTS 

Latin, 526. 8. Byzantine, 526. 9. Armenian, 526. 10. Synac, 526. 11. 
Hispano-Jewish, 527 12. Western Muslim, 527 13. Eastern Muslim, 
527. 14 Persian, 527. 15. Chinese, 527 16. Japanese, 528 Sum- 
mary, 528. 

XIII. Law and Sociology, 528. 1. Italian, 528. 2. Spanish, 529 3. English, 

529. 4. German, 529 5. Icelandic, 529. 6 Hispano-Jewish, 529 7. 

Egypto-Mushm, 529. 8. Chinese, 530 9 Japanese, 530. Summary, 
530. 

XIV. Philology, 530. 1. Latin, 530. 2. French, 530. 3. Italian, 531. 4. 

Scandinavian, 531. 5 Greek, 531. 6. Armenian, 532. 7. Hebrew, 

532. 8. Arabic, 532. 9. Sanskrit, 533. 10. Chinese, 533. 11. Japanese, 

533. Summary, 533 

XV. Conclusions, 533. Outstanding Scientific Achievements, 533 Compara- 
tive Achievements of Various Groups, 534. Comparative Achievements 
of Various Groups if Only Outstanding Personalities are Considered, 541, 

CHAPTER XXIX 
Religious Background 543-560 

I. Christendom, 543. Franciscans and Dominicans, 543. The Franciscans 
(1210), 543. The Dominicans (1215), 546. Influence of Franciscans and 
Dominicans on the Progress of Civilization, 547. Carmelites, 549 
AugustinianSj 550 Mercedarians, 550. The Servites, 551. Arnaury of 
Bine and David of Dinant, 551 Organization of the Inquisition, 552. 
John of Vicenza, 553. Raymond of Pefiafort, 553. Hugh of Saint Cher, 
554. 

IL Israel, 555. Abraham ben Nathan, 555. Moses ben Jacob, 555. Abraham 
ben Azriel, 556. Isaiah ben Mali of Trani, 556, Donin, 557. 

III. Islam, 557. AbU-1-Baqa', 557. Ibn al-galah, 558. 

IV. Buddhism, 558. Hui Hung, 558. Japanese Buddhism, 558 

CHAPTER XXX 
The Translators f>61-569 

I. From Arabic into Latin, 561 Alfred of Sareshel, 561. Stephen of Sara- 
gossa, 562. Peter Gallego, 562. Salio of Padua, 562. William of Lunis, 

563. Philip of Tripoli, 563 

II. From Arabic into Hebrew, 563. Ibn gasdai, 563. Samuel ibn Tibbon, 

564. Jacob Anatoli, 565. 

III. From Persian into Arabic, 567. 

IV. From Greek into Latin, 567. John Basingetoke, 567. Aristotelian Tradi- 

tion in the First Half of the Thirteenth Century, 567. 

CHAPTER XXXI 
Education 570-574 

I. Christendom, 570, Creation of New Universities, 570. Italy, 570. 

France, 572, England, 573. Spain, 573. 
II. Israel, 573. 

III. China, 574. Yeh-lu Ch'u~ts' sai, 574. 
IV. Japan, 574. 

CHAPTEE XXXII 
Philosophic and Cultural Background 575-610 

I. Frederick II, 575. 
II. English Philosophers, 579 

Michael Scot, 579; Spanish Period, 579: Sicilian Period, 580: Spurious 
Works, 580. 



CONTENTS Vll 

John of London, 582 Alexander of Hales, 582 Adam Marsh, 583 Robert 
Grosseteste, 588 Bartholomew the Englishman, 586 

III French Philosophers and Writeia, 588 William of Auvcrgne, 588 John 

of La Rochelle, 589 Guiot of Proving, 589. The Romance of Sidrach, 
589. Walter of Metss, 591. 

IV. Italian Philosophers, 592. 

V German Philosophers, 592 Arnold the Saxon, 592. Thomas of Cantim- 

prt, 592. 

VI Scandinavian, 594 Konun#s Skug&sjfi, 594. 
VII. Western Muslim, 595, Al-Buni, 595 Ibn Tumlus, 596 Ibn 'Arab I, 596, 

Ibn Sab In, 598 
VIII. Eastern Muslim, 598 Al-ZarnujI, 598 Al-Amidl, 598, 'Abd al-Laflf, 

599. Kama! al-dln ibn Yunus, 600, Ibn al-Fand, COO. 
IX Peisian, 601. Farid al-dln 'Attar, 601, Muhammad al-'Awf J, 602. 
X. Synac, 602 Solomon of al-Ba?ra, 602. Jacob bar Shakko, 603. 
XI Ilispano-Jewish, 603 Judah ben Solomon ha-Kohen, 603. Al-IJarizi, 604. 
Judah ibn 'Abbas, 606, Axriel ben Menahem, 606. Asher ben David, 
607. Ibn Lajaf, 607. 

XII Germano-Jcwish, 607. Judah ha-TJasid, 607. Elcazar of Worms, 608. 
XIIL Samaritan, 608, 
XIV. Mongol and Chinese, 608. Chingiz Khan, 608. 

CHAPTER XXXIII 

Mathematics and Astronomy . . 611-628 

I. Latin and Vernacxilar, 611 Fibonacci, 611 Jordanus Ncmorarius, 613. 

Qcrnardus, 616. Villedicu, 616. Sacrobosco, 617. 
Anonymous Arithmetical Treatises, 619; Hanover Latin Algorism, 619; 

Salem Latin Algorism, 619; Oxford French Algorism, 619. 
William the Englishman, 620, London Tables, 620, 
II. Western Muslim, 621. Al-IJasan al-Marrllkushl, 621. Ibn Badr, 622 
III. Eastern Muslim, 622, Ai~Mu?afFar al-TtisI, 622, (Jaipur ibn AbI-1-Qilsim, 
623. Ibn al-Lubttdl, 624. 

IV Synac, 624, 

V. Western Jewish, 625. Aaron ben Meshullam, 625. 
VI. Hindu, 625. Cartgadeva, 625. 

VII Chinese, 625. Ts'aiCh'toi, 625. Ch'm Chiu-shao, 626. LxYeh, 627, 

CHAPTER XXXIV 
Physics and Music , 629-634 

I. Mechanical Robwth in the West, 629. Gerard of Brussels, 629* 
II . Meteorology and Optics, 629. 

III. Compass, 629* Further History of the Compass, 620* 

IV, Re-introduction of Hot Baths, 631 IJammSmat, 631, 

V, Physics in Eastern Caliphate, 631. Ibn al-8*vatl, 6SL Al-Jaimrl, 632. 
VI. Muslim Music, 633. Muhammad al-Shala^I, 033. 
VII. Music in Western Chriatondom, 634, Sumer is icumen in, 634. 

CHAPTER XXXV 
Chemistry , 635-636 

I. Western Europe, 635. 

II. Eastern Islam, 635 Al-Jawbarl, 635. 
IIL India, 635. 
IV. Japan, 636* Kat5 Shunkei, 636. 



Viil CONTENTS 

CHAPTER XXXVI 
Geography 637-646 

I, English, 637. Gervase of Tilbury, 637. 

II. Scandinavian, 637. Rafn Sveinbjornsson, 637. Scandinavian Expeditions 
to the White Sea, 638 

III. Christian Pilgrims, 638 Wolfger von Ellenbrechtskirchen, 638. Wil- 

brand of Oldenburg, 639 St Sabbas of Servia, 639 Other Christian 
Pilgrims to the Holy Land, 639. 

IV, Christian Travelers to the Mongol Empire, 640. Pian del Carpine, 640. 

Ascelin, 641. Andrew of Longjumeau, 642. 
V. Eastern Muslim, 642. Yaqut, 642. 
VI. Western Muslim, 643. 

VII Western Jewish, 643 Samuel ben Samson, 643 
VIIL Syriac, 644. 

IX. Chinese, 644 Chinese Geographical Documents of the First Half of the 
Thirteenth Century, 644. Ch'iu Ch'ang-ch'un, 644. Chao Ju-kua, 645. 

CHAPTER XXXVII 
Natural History 647-652 

I. Latin, 647. 

II. Vernacular, 647. Walter of Henley, 647. Walton, 647. 
Ill Falconry, 648. Treatises on Falconry, 648 Theodore of Antioch, 648. 
IV. Eastern Muslim, 649. Ibn al-gQrl, 649. Al-TifushS, 650. 
V. Western Muslim, 650 Abu-1-' Abbas al-Nabati, 650. 
VI. Hindu, 651. 
VII. Chinese, 651. Ch'6n J6n-yu, 651 Chia Ssu-tao, 651. 

CHAPTER XXXVIII 
Medicine 658-669 

I. Translators from Ariabic into Latin, 653 

II. Italian, 653. Adam of Cremona, 653 Roland of Parma, 653, Joannas 
Jamatus, 654, Hugh Borgognoni, 654. Thcodoric Borgognoni, 654. 

III. French, 656. Agilinus, 656, William of Congenis, 656. 

IV. Spanish, 657. 

V. English, 657. Richard of Wendover, 657. Gilbert the Englishman, 658* 
VI. Welsh, 659. 
VII. German, 659. 

VIIL Scandinavian, 659. Hennk Harpestraeng, 659. 
IX. Eastern Muslim, 661 Naj Ib al-dm al-Samarqandl, 661 . Ibn Tarkhan, 66 1 . 

Mesue the Third, 662 

X. Western Muslim, 663. Ibn al-Baipr, 663. 
XL Western Jewish, 665 Abraham of Aragon, 665. 

XIL Egyptian Jewish, 665. Al-As'ad al-Mahalll. 665. David ben Solomon, 
665. * 

XIII. Samaritan, 666. adaqa ben Munaja', 666 Abtt-1-Hasan ben GhazilL 066. 

XIV. Hindu, 667. garngadhara, 6'67. Narahari, 668. 

XV. Chinese, 668. Ch'^n Tzu-ming, 668, Sung Tz'tL, 668. 

CHAPTEK XXXIX 
Historiography 670-687 

I. French, 670. Villehardouin, 670. Robert de Clari, 671. James of Vitry 
671. Ernoul, 672. William of Tudela, 673. Peter of Vaux Cernay 678 
Rigord, 674 William the Breton, 674. Mousket, 675, ' 

II. Spanish, 675. Rodrigo Jimdnez de Rada. 675, 
III. Italian, 676. 



CONTENTS IX 

IV English, 676. Gervaac of Canterbury, 676 Roger of Wendovcr, 676. 
V Scandinavian, 677 Saxo Grammatical, 677. Snorn RturluHon, 677 
VI German, 679. 

VII. Other Latin, 679. Vincent of Cracow, 679. Henry of Latvia, 679. 
VIII Byxantme, 680 Nicetas Acormriatos, 680 
IX Armenian, 680 John Vana^an, 680 
X Synac, 681 
XI. Hispano- Jewish, 681. 
XII Western Muslim, 681 Ibn Hammad, 681. <Abd al-Wuhid al-Marrakushi, 

681, Ibn al-Abbfir, 681 
XIII Eastern Muslim, 682. Ibn al-Atblr, 682 Ibn abl-l-Diim, 683. 'Umar ibn 

al-'Adlm, 683 Ibn al-Qityl, 684 Ibn abi Uyaibi'a, 6S5 
XIV. Persian, 686. Al-Bundarl, 686. Al-NasawI, 686, 
XV Chinese, 686. Yeh Lunpt-h, 687. 
XVI. Japanese, 687, Karao Chomei, 687. 

CHAPTER XL 
Law and Sociology .......................................... 688-694 

I Italian, 688, Development of Canon Law, 688. Azo, 689 Hugolinus, 
689. Accorso, 689. Odofredus, 690. Peter of Vmca, 690. innocent 
IV, 690 
II. Spanish, 691. 

III. English, 691 Magna Carta, 691. William of Drofcheda, 692. 

IV. German, 692. Eike of Repgow, 692 
V, Icelandic, 693. 

VI. Hispano-Jewish, 693. 

VII, Egyplo-Mushm, 698. 

VIII. Chinese, 693. 

IX Japanese, 693. Japanese Law, 693, 

CHAPTER XLI 

Philology ............................................... ..... 695-701 

I. Latin, 695. Eberharcl of Bothunc, 695, Garland, 695, Albertano of 

Brescia, 697. Other Grammarians, 698. 
II, French, 698, 
lit Italian, 698, 

IV. Scandinavian, 698. ThoYftarson, 698. 
V. Greek, 699. 

VI. Armenian, 699. ArifltaccH the Grammarian, 699. 
VII. Hebrew, 699. Joseph ben Samson, 699. Tanlulm Yerushalmi, 700. 
VIII. Arabic, 700. Ibn ul-IJrijib, 700. Al-Sakkakl, 701, 
IX, Sanskrit, 701. 
X. Chinese, 701. 
XL Japanese, 701. 

Appendix to Book III .......................... . ................. 702-705 



Peter of Beauvuie, 702. Alimad ibn al-Khalll, 703. Inma^Jl ibn Ibrflhbn al- 
Maridlnl, 703. Ahmad ibn 'Uthman al-QaisI, 704, Al-BarqamanI, 704. 
YQsufibnQix-Ughh, 705. 

BOOK IV 

The Time of Roger Bacon, Jacob ben Mafrir ibn Tibbon, and Qutb al-dln al- 
Shlraxi. (Second Half of Thirteenth Century) 



X CONTENTS 

CHAPTER XLII 

Survey of Science and Intellectual Progress in the Second Half of the 

Thirteenth Century 709-820 

I. Introduction, 709. 

II. Religious Background, 712. 1. Christendom, 712 2. Israel, 714. 3. 
Islam, 715. 4. Hinduism, 715. 5. Buddhism, 715. Summary, 715. 

III The Translators, 716. 1. From Greek into Latin, 716. 2. From Arabic 

into Latin, 716; (a) Italians in Italy, 716; (b) Group of Montpellier, 717; 
(c) Sicilian Group, 717; (d) Spanish Group, 717. 3. From Arabic into 
Spanish and Portuguese, 718 4 From Arabic into Hebrew, 710; (a) 
Spanish Group, 719; (b) Provencal Group, 719; (c) Italian Group, 720. 
5. From Arabic into Persian\ 720 6 From Arabic into Synac, 720. 7. 
From Arabic (or Persian) into Armenian, 721. 8. From Hebrew into 
Latin and Romance languages, 721; (a) Spanish Group, 721; (b) Italian 
Group, 721; (c) Anglo-French Group, 721. 9. From Latin into Italian, 
French, and Dutch, 722 10 From Latin into Hebrew, 723. 11. From 
Latin into Greek, 723. 12. From Chinese and Tibetan into Mongolian, 
723. Summary, 724 

IV Education, 725. 1. Christendom, 725 2, Islam, 726. 3 China and 

Mongolia, 726 4 Japan, 727, 

V Philosophic and Cultural Background, 727. 1. Eastern Islam, 727, 2. 
Eastern Jews and Samaritans, 728. 3. Western Jews, 729; (a) Spanish 
Jews, 729; (b) Catalan Jews, 730; (c) Provencal Jews, 731; (d) Italian 
Jews, 732; (e) German Jews, 732. 4. Western Christendom, 733; (a) 
Spain, 734; (b) Italy, 735; (c) France, 737; (d) Central Europe, 738; (e) 
Low Countries, 739; (f) The British Isles, 740; (g) Scandinavia, 742. 
Summary of Christian work in the West, 742. 5. Eastern Christendom, 
745. (a) Greeks, 745; (b) Syrians, 746; (c) Armenians, 746. 6. China, 
747. Summary, 747. 

VI. Mathematics and Astronomy, 747 1 Western Christendom, 747; (a) 
Diffusion of Hindu numerals, 747; (b) Mathematical translators, 748; (c) 
Spam, 748; (d) Italy, 748; (e) France, 749; (f) England, 750; (g) Flan- 
ders, 751; (h) Other Countries, 751. 2. Eastern Christendom, 751; (a) 
Greeks, 751; (b) Syrians, 752; (c) Armenians, 752. 3. Israel, 752. 4. 
Western Islam, 753. 5. Eastern Islam, 753. 6. China, 755, Summary, 
756. 

VII Physics, Technology and Music, 761. 1. Optics, 761. 2. Weights and 
Measures, 763. 3 Magnetism, 763. 4. Mechanics, Technology, Engi- 
neering, 763. 5. Music, 765. Summary, 766, 

VIII. Chemistry, 766. 1. Gunpowder and Pyrotechnics, 766. 2. Glass Indus- 
try, 76*7. 3. Colors and Pigments. Limning, 767. 4. Strong and Medic- 
inal Waters, 767. 5. Alchemical Theory and Practice, 767, Summary, 
770. 

IX. Geography, 770. 1. Western Christians, 770. 2. Eastern Christians, 
774; (a) Greeks, 774; (b) Syrians, 774; (c) Armenians, 774. 3. Western 
Jews, 774. 4 Western Muslims, 775. 5. Eastern Muslims, 775, 6. 
Chinese, 776. Summary, 776. 

X. Natural History, 777. 1. Western Christendom, 777. 2. Greeks, 779* 3. 
Western Israel, 780, 4. Islam, 780. 5. China, 780. 6. Japan, 78L 
Summary, 781. 

XI. Medicine, 781. 1. Western Christians, 781; (a) Italy, 781; (b) France, 
784; (c) Spain, 785; (d) England, 786; (e) Flanders, 786; (f) Central 
Europe, 786; (g) Scandinavia, 786. 2. Eastern Christians, 786; (a) 
Greeks, 786; (b) Syrians, 787. 3. Western Jews, 787, 4. Eastern Jews 
and Samaritans, 788 5. Muslims, 788. 6. Hindus, 789. 7. Chinese, 
789 8 Japanese, 789. Summary, 790. 

XII. Historiography, 793. 1. Western Christendom, 793; (a) Italy, 793; (b) 
Spain, 794; (c) France, 794; (d) England, 794; (e) Low Countries, 794* 



CONTENTS XI 

(f) Germany, 794; (g) Hungary, 794; (h) Scandinavia, 794 2 Eastern 
Christendom, 795; (a) Byzantium, 795; (b) Armenia, 795; (c) Syria, 

795. 3 Western Israel 796 4, Western Islam, 796. 5 Eastern Islam, 

796. 6 Persia, 797 7. China, 797. 8. Japan, 798. Summary, 789 

XIII. Law and Sociology, 798. 1 Italy, 798. 2. France, 800. 3. Spain, 800. 

4. Low Countries, 801. 5. England, 801. 6. Central Europe, 801 7. 
Eastern Islam, 801. 8. India, 801 9. China, 801. Summary, 801. 

XIV. Philology, 802 1 Latin, 802 2 French, 803 3. Castilian, Portuguese, 

and Catalan, 803. 4 Icelandic, 804 5 Greek, 804. 6 Armenian, 804. 
7 Syriac,804. 8. Hebrew, 804. 9. Arabic, 805. 10. Sanskrit, 806 11. 
Chinese, 806 12. Mongolian, 807, 13. Japanese, 807. Summary, 807. 
XV. Conclusion, 808. I. Outstanding Scientific Achievements, 808 II. Com- 
parative Achievements of Various Groups, 809. III. Comparative 
Achievements of Various Groups if only the Outstanding Personalities 
are considered, 818. 

CHAPTER XLIII 
Religious Background 821-828 

I. Christendom, 821. The Eternal Evangel, 821. Flagellants, 821. Con- 
flicts Between Regulars and Seculars, 823. Christian Propaganda in 
Buddhist Asia, 823. The Great Jubilee of 1300, 823, Christian Art, 824. 
II. Israel, 825, Attempts to Convert the Jews of Spain, 825. Expulsion of the 

Jews from England, 825. 
III. Hinduism, 826. 

IV, Buddhism, 827. Introduction of Tibetan Buddhism into Mongolia, 827. 
Japanese Buddhism, 827. 

CHAPTBE XLIV 
The Translators 829-861 

I. From Greek into Latin, 829. Bartholomew of Messina, 829. William of 

Moerbeke, 829, 

II. From Arabic into Latin, 83L Bonacoea, 831. John of Brescia, 831, 
Armengaud BO& of Blaise, 831. Hermann the German, 832. Moses of 
Palermo, 833. Faraj ben Sallm, 833. 

III. From Arabic into Spanish and into Portuguese, 834. Alfonso X el Sabio, 

834, Judah ben Moses, 842. Samuel ha-Levi, 843. laaac ibn Sid, 843, 
Abraham of Toledo, 844, Dinis, 844. 

IV, From Arabic into Hebrew, 845, Solomon Ibn Ayyub, 845. Shemtob ben 

Isaac, 845. 2Jerahiah Gracian, 846, 
Moses ibn Tibbon, 847; Philosophy and theology, 847; Mathematics and 

astronomy, 849; Mechanics and Physics, 840; Medicine, 849. 
Jacob ben Maftir ibn Tibbon, 850. Jacob ibn Abbassi, 853- Nathan ha* 
Me'ati, 853* Samuel ben Jacob of Capua, 854, Atyitub ben Isaac, 865, 
V, From Arabic into Persian, 855, 
VI. From Arabic into Syriac, 855. 
VII. From Arabic (or Persian) into Armenian, 855. 
VIII. From Hebrew into Latin and Romance Languages, 855. Manfred, 855. 

John of Capua, 856* Paravicius, 856, Hagin Deulacree, 857. 
IX, From Latin into Italian, French, and Dutch, 857. 
X, From Latin into Hebrew, 857. David Caslari, 857, Solomon ben Moses of 

Melgueil, 858, 

XL From Latin into Greek, 858. Holobolos, 858, 
XIL From phinese and Tibetan into Mongolian, 859. Summary, 859* 



Xii CONTENTS 

CHAPTER XLV 



Education 



I Christendom, 862 Creation of New Universities, 862. English Colleges, 
862 Robert of Sorbon, 863. Richard de Fournival, 864. Gilbert of 
Tournay, 864. 

II. Islam, 865. Muhammad al-Riquti, 865. 
III. China and Mongolia, 865. 
IV. Japan, 865. Kanazawa-Bunko, 865. 

CHAPTER XL VI 
Philosophic and Cultural Background ............................ 867-984 

I. Eastern Islam, 867. Al-Abhari, 867. 'All ibn 'Umar al-KStibl, 868. Al- 

Qazwlnl, 868. Al-Watwafc 870. Al-Baidawi, 870 Muhammad al- 

Tabrizi, 871. Muhammad ibn Daniyal, 872 Sa'dl, 872 Jalfil al-dln- 

i-Rumi, 874. 

II. Eastern Jews and Samaritans, 875. Ibn Kammuna, 875. Aaron ben 

Joseph, 875. 

III. Western Jews, 876. Ibn Falaquera, 876 Albalag, 877. Aboab, 878. 
Moses of Leon, 878. Abraham Abulafia, 881. fodros Abulaila, 882. 
Giqajiha, 882. Moses ben Nahman, 883 Solomon ben Adret, 884. 
Aaron ha-Levi, 884. Levi ben Abraham ben Hayyim, 885, Gerahon ben 
Solomon, 886. Hillel ben Samuel, 886 Isaiah ben Elijah of Tram, 887. 
Jehiel 'Anav, 887. Meir ben Baruch, 887. Abraham ben Alexander, 888. 
Asher ben Jehiel, 888 

IV. Western Christendom, 889. Peter of Spain, 889. Raymond Martin, 892, 
St Peter Paschal, 893 

Arnold of Villanova, 893; Medical works, 894; Commentaries on ancient 
medical works, 896; Translations from Arabic into Latin, 896; Psychol- 
ogy, 896; Alchemy, 896; Astrology and magic, 897; Theological and 
apocalyptic, 897. 

Ramon Lull, 900; Libre de contemplaci6 en Deu, 901; Discovery of the Are 
magna. Logical treatises, 901; Religious discussions, 904; Christian 
apologetics, 905; Chivalry and education, 905; Blanquerna, 90G; Libre 
appellat Felix de les maravelles del mon, 906; Catalan poems, 907; Tree 
of Science, 907; Proverbs, 907; Anti-Averroism, 907; Phantasticu, 908; 
Philosophic writings not yet considered, 908; Physics, 909; Mathematics 
and astronomy, 909; Medicine, 909; Alchemy, 909; Muslim influence, 910; 
Ramon Lull, a founder of western orientalism, 911; Ramon's minaionary 
activity, 911; Dominicans vs Franciscans, 911; Ramon upholder of the 
Immaculate Conception of Our Lady, 912; History of LulhBm, 9l$> 

St. Thomas Aquinas, 914; Life and work, 914; Influence of Thomism in 
Christendom, and neo-Thomism, 916; Influence of Thomism upon Jewish 
philosophy, 918 

St. Bonaventure, 922, 

Giles of Rome, 922; Life, 922; Thomism and anti-Averroism, 923; Aristote- 
lian commentaries, 923; Classification of knowledge, 924; Other philo- 
sophical writings, 924; Theological writings, 924; De regimine principum, 
Other political writings, 925; Physics and astronomy, 925; Medicine, 926, 

Latini, 926 Ristoro D'Arezzo, 928 Vincent of Beauvais, 929. John of 
Meung, 932. Petrus de Trabibus, 934. 

Albert the Great, 934; Life and thought, 934; Dates of Albert's scientific 
activity, 936; Aristotelian commentaries, 936; Mathematics and astron- 
omy, 937; Chemistry, alchemy, 937; Meteorology and climatology, 938; 
Geology and mineralogy, 938; Botany, 938; Zoology, 938; Anatomy 
and medicine, 940; Apocryphal writings, 941. 

Ulrich of Strassburg, 944. Siger of Brabant, 945. 

Henry of Ghent, 946. Giles of Lessines, 946, 



CONTENTS X1U 

Godfrey of Fontaines, 947. Maerlant, 947. 

Peter the Irishman, 949 Robert Kilwardby, 949, 

Thomas of York, 950. William de la Mare, 950, 

William of Ware, 951 Richard of Middleton, 951. 

Hoger Bacon, 952; Life, 952; General appreciation, 953; dated writings, 954; 
The Opera of 1266-1267, 955; Questions of the Aristotelian treatises, 
955; Logic, 956; Mathematics, 956; Astronomy and astrology, 956; Calen- 
dar, 957; Mechanics, 957; Optics or "perspective," 957; Alchemy, 957; 
Natural history, 958; Geography, 958; Medicine, 959; Experimental 
science, 959; Philosophy, 960; Summa philosophiae, 960; Philology, 961; 
Biblical Studies, 961; Attitude to Israel and to Islam, 962; Baconian 
legends, 962 

Duns Scot, 967. Boetius of Dacia, 970. 

V. Eastern Christendom, 970 Theodoros II Lawaris, 970. Nicephoros 
Blemmydes, 971, Sophonias, 972. Georgios Pachymeres, 972. Maxi- 
mos Planudes, 973. Abu-1-Faraj or Barhebraeus, 975; Astronomy, 957; 
Medicine and botany, 976; History and geography, 976; Philology, 977; 
Philosophy, 977; Theology, 978, Aha, 979 'Abhd-IshcV bar B&rlkha, 979. 
VI. China, 980. Kublai Khan, 980 Ma Tuan-lin, 983. Wang Ying-lm, 983. 

CHAPTER XLVII 
Mathematics and Astronomy 985-1023 

I Western Christendom, 985. Diffusion of Hindu Numerals in Western 
Europe, 985. Campanus, 985. Gerard of Sabbionota, 987. John of 
Sicily, 987, Bartholomew of Parma, 988. Guido Bonatti, 988. Ber- 
nard of Trilia, 989 Bernard of Verdun, 990. William of Saint Cloud, 
990. The Astrologer to Baldwin II of Courtenay, 991. Anianus, 992. 
French Anonymous Algorisms, 992. Robert the Englishman, 993. 
Henry Bate, 994. Leopold of Austria, 996 Peter of Dacia, 996. 
II. Eastern Christendom, 997. John of Eranjfm, 997. 
Ill Israel, 998. 

IV. Western Islam, 998. Ibn al-Banna", 998. 
V. Eastern Islum, 1000. Muhammad ibn abl Bakr al-FarisI, 1000. 

NSyir al-dln al-fual, 1001; Life, 1001; Writings with special reference to 
the Mutawassitat, 1001; Arithmetic and Algebra, 1002; Geometry, 1002; 
Trigonometry, 1003; Observatory and Library of Marngha, 1004; Instru- 
ments used in Marilgha, 1005; Astronomical tables, 1006; Astronomical 
theories. The Tadhkira, 1007; Other astronomical treatises, 1007; 
Calendar, 1008; Other astrological treatises, 1008; Other superstitions, 
1008, Optics, 1009; Mineralogy, 1009; Music, 1009; Geography, 1009; 
Medicine, 1010; Logic and Classification of Knowledge, 1010; Philosophy, 
1010; Theology, 1011; Ethics, 1011; Poetry, 1012; Naslr al-dtn's sons, 
1012. 

Al-'UrtJI, 1013, Early Arabic Celestial Globes, 1014. 

Muhyl al-dln al-Maghribl, 1015; Geometry and trigonometry, 1015; Edi- 
tions of the Greek classics, 1016; Chronology, 1016; Astrology, 1016; 
Astrolabe, 1016. 

Qufcb al-dln al-Shlr&zl, 1017; Life, 1017; Geometry, 1017; Astronomy and 
geography, 1017; Optics, 1018; Mechanics, 1018; Medicine, 1019; Encyclo- 
paedic treatise, 1019; Philosophy, 1019; Qur'an and hadlth, 1019. 

Muhammad ibn Ashraf al-Samarqandl, 1020. 

VI. China, 1021. <IsS the Mongol, 1021, Cha-ma-li-ting, 1021. Hsu H&ng, 
1021. Kuo Shou-ching, 1022. Yang Hui, 1023, 

CHAPTER XLVIII 
Physics, Technology and Music 1024-1035 

I. Optics, 1024. The Invention of Spectacles, 1024. Witelo, 1027. John 
Peckham, 1028. 



xiv CONTENTS 

II. Weights and Measures, 1030. 

III. Magnetism, 1030. Peter the Stranger, 1030 

IV. Mechanics, Technology, Engineering, 1032, Peter Olivi, 1032. Villard do 

Honnecourt, 1033 A-lao-wa-ting, 1034. I~ssu-ma-yin, 1034. 
V Music, 1034. gaf I al-din, 1034. 

CHAPTER XLIX 
Chemistry 1036-1046 

I. Gunpowder and Pyrotechnics, 1036; The Invention of Gunpowder, 1036; 
The Chinese contribution, 1037; The Muslim contribution, 1037; The 
Latin contribution, 1037. 

Marc the Greek, 1038. Al-IIasan al-Rammah, 1039. 
II. Glass Manufacture, 1040. 

III. Colors and Pigments. Limning, 1041. Peter of Saint Omer, 1041. Abra- 

ham IbnHayyim, 1041. 

IV. Strong and Medicinal Waters, 1042. 

V. Alchemical Theory and Practice, 1042. Petros Theoctonicos, 1042. The 
Latin Treatises ascribed to Geber, 1043. Abu-1-Qasim aPIrSql, 1045. 

CHAPTEK L 
Geography 1047-1070 

I. Latin Christians, 1047. Portolani, 1047. Monastic Maps, 1050. Chris- 
tian Pilgrims, 1051. Buchard of Mount Sion, 1052 Rubruquis, 1053. 
Buscarello de' Ghizolfi, 1054. John of Montecorvino, 1054* The Polo 
Family, 1056 Marco Polo, 1057. Ricoldo di Monte Croce, 106L 
Lanzarote Malocello, 1062 The Brothers Vivaldi, 1062. Beginnings of 
the Hanseatic League, 1063. 
II. Eastern Christians, 1063. King Hayton, 1063. 

III. Western Jews, 1064 Jacob of Paris, 1064. 

IV. Western Muslims, 1065. Ibn Sa'Id al-Maghribl, 1065. Al-'Abdarl, 1065. 

Muhammad ibn Rushaid, 1066. 
V. Eastern Muslims, 1066. 

VI. Chinese, 1067. Ch'angTS, 1067. Yeh^lu Hsi-liang, 1067. ChouTa Kuan, 
1067. Bar auma, 1068. 

CHAPTER LI 
Natural History . , . 1071-1075 

I. Western Christendom, 1071. "King Dancus," 1071. 
II. Greeks, 1072. 

III. Western Israel, 1072. 

IV. Islam, 1072. Bailak al-Qabajaql, 1072. 'Abd al-mu'rain al-Diray&ti:, 

1072. Illustrations of Arabic Manuscripts, 1073. 
V. China, 1073. Ch&a Ching-i, 1073. Li K'an, 1074, Chinese Ornithology, 

1075, 
VI. Japan, 1075. Koremune Tomotoshi, 1075. 

CHAPTEB LII 
Medicine 1076-1104 

I. Western Christians, 1076. Jordan Ruffo, 1076, John of Procida, 1076. 
Bruno da Longoburgo, 1077. William of Saliceto, 1078. Note on John 
of Carbondala, 1079. Lanfranchi, 1079. Human dissections, 1081. 
John of Parma, 1083. Aldobrandin of Siena, 1083. Simon of Genoa, 
1085; Taddeo Alderotti, 1086. William Corvi, 1087. John of AquHa, 
1088. The Four Masters, 1088. John of Saint Amand, 1089. Peter of 
Capestang, 1091. Veterinary Medicine in Spain in the Thirteenth Gen- 
tury, 1091. A German Treatise on Materia Medica of the Second Half of 
the Thirteenth Century, 1092. Nicholas of Poland, 1092. 



CONTENTS XV 

II. Eastern Christians, 1093. Boniface of Gerace, 1093. Myrepsos, 1094. 

Demetrios Pepagomenos, 1095 

III Western Jews, 1096. Abraham ben Shem-Tob, 1096. Nathan ben Joel 
Falaquera, 1096. 

IV. Eastern Jews and Samaritans, 1097. Al-Kuhin al-'Att&r, 1097. Solomon 

Kohen, 1098. Ibn al-Bishr, 1098. Muwafifaq al-dm, 1098 
V. Eastern Muslims, 1098. Ibn al-Quff, 1098 Ibn al-Naffe, 1099. Khalifa 
ibn abi4~Mahasin, 1101. galah al-dm ibn Yusuf, 1102. Qala'un's 
Hospital, 1102 

VT. Hindus, 1103 Vopadeva, 1103. Tisat&carya, 1103. 
VII. Chinese, 1104 LiKao, 1104. 
VIII. Japanese, 1104. Seia, 1104. 

CHAPTEK LIII 
HISTORIOGRAPHY 1105-1125 

I. Western Christendom, 1105. Rolandino, 1105. Salimbcne, 1105. James 
of Voragine, 1106, Jaime el Conquistador, 1107. Bernat Desclot, 1108. 
William of Puylaurens, 1108, William of Nangis, 1109. Matthew Paris, 
1109. Hermann of Nieder-Altaich, 1110, Martin of Troppau, 1111. 
Simon of K6za, 1111. Sturla Th6rdarson, 1112. 

II. Eastern Christendom, 1113, Georgios Acropolites, 1113. Michael VIII 
Palaeologos, 1114. Cyriacus of Gandzak, 1114. Vardan the Great, 1115. 
Stephen Orbclian, 1116. Vahram of Edessa, 1117. Mekhitar of Airi- 
Vankh, 1117. 

III. Western Israel, 1118. Benjamin 'Anav, 1118. 

IV. Western Islam, 1118. Ibn al'IdhSrl, 1118. 

V Eastern Islam, 1119. Abu ShSma, 1119, Ibn Wasil, 1119. Ibn Khailikan, 

1120, Ibn al-R&hib al-Qibtl, 1121. Al-Makin, 1122. 
VI. Persians, 1123. MinhSj-i-Sir&j, 1123. Al-Juwainl, 1123. 
VII. China, 1124. ChuMu,1124. Hsieh Wei-Hsin, 1125. 
VIII. Japan, 1125. Azuma-Kagami, 1125, 

CHAPTEB L1V 
Law and Sociology. 1126-1134 

I. Italy, 1126. Martino da Fano, 1126. Ptolemy of Lucques, 1126. 
II. France, 1127, Peter of Auvergne, 1127, William Durand, 1127. Stephen 
Boileau, 1128. Etablissements de Saint Louis, 1128. Beaumanoir, 
1129, 

III. Spam, 1130. 

IV. Low Countries, 1130. 

V. England, 1130. Bracton, 1130. 

VI, Central Europe, 1131, Schwabenspiegel, 1131. 
VII. Eastern Islam, 1131. Al-NawawI, 1131. Ja'far al-flHl!, 1132, Al-Nasaf I, 

1133. 

VIII. India, 1133. Hema'dri, 1133. Wagaru, 1134. 
IX. China, 1134. 

CHAPTER LV 
Philology 1135-1138 

I. Latin, 1135. Balbi, 1135. 
II. French, 1135. 

III. Castilian, Portuguese, and Catalan, 1130. 

IV. Icelandic, 1136. 

V. Greek, 1136, 
VI. Armenian, 1136. 

VII. Syriac, 1136, 
VIII, Hebrew, 1136. 



CONTENTS 

IX Arabic, 1136 Ibn Man?ur, 1136. 

X. Sanskrit, 1137. 
XI Chinese, 1137. Tai T'ung, 1137. 
XII. Mongolian, 1137 Phagspa, 1137. 
XIII. Japanese, 1138. 

INDICES 

GENERAL INDEX . 1139-1248 

GREEK INDEX 1249-125 1 



PART II 
THE THIRTEENTH CENTURY 



BOOK THREE 

The time of Robert Grosseteste, 
Ibn al-Baitar, and Jacob Anatoli 

(First Half of Thirteenth Century) 



Mihi certe multum auferre temporis sole! contemplatio ipsa 
sapientiae- non aliter illam mtueor obstupefactus quain ipsum 
interim mundum, quern saepe tamquam spectator novus video. 
Veneror itaque inventa sapientiae mventoresque adire tam- 
quam multorum hereditatem mvat Mihi ista adquisita, nuhi 
laborata sunt. Sed agamus bonum patrem famihac. faciamus 
amphora quae accepimus Maior ista hereditas a me ad posteros 
transeat. Multum adhuc restat opens multumque rcstabit, nee 
ulh nato post mille saecula praecludetur occasio aliquid adhuc 
adiciendi . . Multum egerunt qui ante nos fuerunt ; sed non 
peregerunt L A. Seneca 

(Ad Lucilium opist 64) 



CHAPTER XXVIII 

SURVEY OF SCIENCE AND INTELLECTUAL PROGRESS IN THE FIRST 
HALF OF THE THIRTEENTH CENTURY 

I INTRODUCTION 

During the second half of the twelfth century the contributions of the Christians, 
Muslims, and Jews were substantially equal. By the middle of the thirteenth 
century that equality was entirely disrupted in favor of Christendom And yet 
Islam and Israel were still doing a large share of the world's intellectual work 

We may call this time, The time of Robert Grossetesfcc, Ibn aL-Baitar, and Jacob 
Anatoli. These three men represent the three main streams of culture in their 
order of importance. The three covered the period completely; all three were born 
in the twelfth century; Ibn al-Baitar died in 1248, Grossetcste m 1253, and Anatoli 
probably a few years later All three were westerners, and the center of gravity of 
the world was now undoubtedly in the West; yet Ibn al-Baitar, who spent the 
latter half of his life in the East, is a good symbol of that East and especially of 
Syria of Damascus which was then one of the main cultural centers. 

The three heroes of the preceding period were connected with Spain, but for this 
period only one is a Spaniard, Ibn al-Bait-ar. This symbolizes the relative deca- 
dence of that country. 

Grosseteste was not the greatest Christian scientist. Fibonacci and Jordanus 
Nemorarius were both greater; the former originated the new European mathe- 
matics, and the latter, the new mechanics; but they both died before the middle 
of the century, Jordanus in 1237, Fibonacci after 1240. Grosseteste'ff spirit was 
less profound than theirs, but more comprehensive. He illustrates the Knglish 
Franciscan tradition which would culminate somewhat later in the activity of his 
most famous disciple, Roger Bacon. It is no disparagement of the latter to say 
how much he owed to his master. 

Moreover, Grosseteste represents also England, which was one of the most 
productive countries of that time and probably the most original On the other 
hand, Anatoli reminds us of Southern France, and Ibn al-Baitar of Spain and Syria. 

Grosseteste and Anatoli helped to create the new intellectual milieu, the former 
by his Aristotelian studies, the latter by his popularization of Maimonides and 
Ibn Rushd. Ibn al~Bait$r, on the contrary, was a herbalist and physician, one 
primarily interested in concrete and limited problems. In this respect too these 
three men complete one another very well, and together they give us as fair an, 
image of this age as any three names could evoke. 

It is not part of my program to include any summary of political history in this 
survey, yet it is worthwhile to recall four capital events of this period: 

(1) lk04- Constantinople taken and sacked by the Crusaders. That was 
almost a death blow to Greek culture. 

(2) 1214- Battle of Bouvines (near Lille), won by Philip Augustus over the 
emperor Otto IV, supported by English and Flemish contingents. 

485 



486 INTRODUCTION TO THE HISTORY OF SCIENCE [1200-1250] 

(3) 1238-1241. Tartar invasion of Russia, Hungary, Bohemia, and Poland. 
Kiev and Cracow destroyed, Pesth besieged. The Mongol tide was stopped by 
the battle of Wahlstatt (near Liegnitz) in 1241. 

(4) 1236-1248. The Moors are slowly driven out of Spain. Cordova being 
reconquered by the Christians m 1236, Seville in 1248. By the middle of the 
century the Moors were restricted to the little Kingdom of Granada. 

I shall have various opportunities of referring to these events, but it is well to 
bear them always in mind. 

II. RELIGIOUS BACKGROUND 

1. Christendom The greatest events were undoubtedly the creation of the two 
leading orders of friars, the Seraphic Order and the Order of Preachers, the former 
in 1210 by St. Francis of Assisi, the latter by St. Dominic of Caloruega five years 
later. The importance of these events, not only from the religious point of view, 
but also with regard to the intellectual development of Christendom, will be 
sufficiently proved by the whole of my account (I have inserted on p. 548 a list^of 
the main Franciscans and Dominicans dealt with; it is very impressive). For 
example, it is impossible to explain the vicissitudes of mediaeval philosophy from 
this time on without paying attention to the complications and to the new in- 
centives and rivalries caused by the existence of these two militant organizations. 

To begin with, they took part in the immense educational expansion which was 
then taking place in western Europe. Our own age has witnessed a tremendous 
increase in the number of university students, but this change, in so far as it con~ 
perned the men, has been quantitative rather than qualitative, and even the higher 
education of women has not been a novelty. To understand properly the educa- 
tional revolution of the thirteenth century one must try to imagine the creation of 
some fifteen universities in four countries at a time when such opportunities were 
not only unknown except in a very few places but were undreamt of. The Friars 
were not slow in realizing the possibilities of the new institutions and they soon 
tried to obtain footholds in them. They generally succeeded, though not without 
struggle and bickering. The Dominicans obtained two chairs in the Faculty of 
Theology of Paris in 1229 and 1231, and soon afterwards the Franciscans obtained a 
third one. They made many other conquests, but these were the moat connpicuous 
and far-reaching, for the Parisian faculty was then the leading center of Christian 
theology in the West. Any doctrine which was taught from one of those Parisian 
chairs was widely broadcast and bound to have international repercussions if 
there was the slightest pretext for them. 

The rivalries between Franciscans and Dominicans were not restricted to those 
which will naturally occur between two strong and aggressive organisations cover- 
ing the same field. They were emphasized and duplicated by the misunderstand- 
ings caused by divergent tendencies, Of these we shall say more further on, for 
the present it may suffice to express the differences in their thought and behavior in 
terms of one of the oldest philosophical distinctions; the Franciscans were Platon- 
ists, the Dominicans, Aristotelians. 

The Franciscans, or Grey Friars, and the Dominicans, or Black Friars, arc and 
have always been the most important of the "Four mendicant orders." The two 
others originated at about the same time. The Carmelites, or White Friars, date 
back their beginnings on Mt. Carmel to the middle of the twelfth century, but 
they received their earliest constitution only c. 1210. Thus as an established 



[1200-1250] SURVEY OF SCIENCE AND INTELLECTUAL PHOGRESS 487 

order the White Friars are not older than the Grey ones. Their first leader in 
Palestine had been Berthold of Calabria, but the organisation did not prosper 
considerably until it had moved to the West. Strangely enough, the first general 
chapter occurred in England (1245) and their first great leader was the Englishman 
St. Simeon Stock. The order was especially successful in England, at least until 
the second half of the sixteenth century when it was regenerated in Spam. The 
fourth mendicant order, that of the Augustmians, dates only from the middle of 
the thirteenth century; it was the latest, it was also the least important. However, 
the historian of culture cannot forget that it was from among the Augustmians that 
there sprang forth, less than three centuries later, the foremost champion of the 
Reformation, that Thuringian prophet, Martin Luther. Such are the vagaries of 
life. Out of these four orders, three were initiated by Italians, one by a Spaniard, 
but all of them soon became truly international institutions. 

Two smaller orders belong to the same fervid age; the Order of our Lady of 
Mercy, and the Order of the Servants of Mary. Their names are characteristic 
of an increasing devotion to the Mother of God. The Mercedarians 7 main purpose 
was to ransom captives fallen into Moorish hands. The Servites had no purpose 
except to cultivate in common their asceticism and their devotion to Mary. The 
former were organized by the Languedocian, St. Peter Nolasco, at Barcelona, in 
1218; the latter, by seven merchants of Florence, in 1233. 

Thus far I have explained only the constructive work, and its abundance would 
suggest that this age was less rebellious than the previous one. It certainly was, 
but not as much as my account would make one believe. In fact, I have told thus 
far only one part of the story. The spiritual unrest which had waxed during the 
twelfth century continued. And what else would one expect? The same evils 
which inspired in certain minds the foundation of new religious orders, caused 
others to revolt against the church. That was simply a different kind of reaction 
against the same stimulus, and as long as there are different kinds of men we must 
expect different types of reaction. 

The most interesting heretics of this period were Amaury of Bne and David of 
Dinant, who carried a step further the ideas of Scot Erigena and reached pan- 
theistic conclusions. These views were deemed so obnoxious that every trace of 
them was obliterated, and we only know them through inimical accounts and the 
reports of various condemnations. In spite of persecution, the Amalricians 
continued to flourish secretly, their faith being fortified by the Joachimite ideals 
of the Eternal Evangel which were then percolating across the Alps. 

Other heresies are also known through contemporary writings dedicated to their 
destruction; for example, the Anti-haereses of Eberhard of Bethune against the 
Waldensians, and the epic poem De triumphis ecclesie in which John of Garland 
exulted over the defeat of the Albigenses* 

The Albigenses, so called after their main center, the town of Albi in Languedoc, 
were a variety of those Cathari, of whom I have already spoken. During the course 
of the twelfth century their numbers and power had increased so much in southern 
France that pope Innocent III was frightened and considered it necessary to 
fight them into submission. In 1208 he ordered a crusade against them, and 
that order was obeyed with special alacrity by Simon of Montfort and other 
captains, who were thus given a splendid opportunity of dispossessing in the 
name of religion the lawful lords of that heavenly country* This war lasted until 
1229; it destroyed the power of the southern aristocracy, but it failed to destroy 



488 INTRODUCTION TO THE HISTORY OF SCIENCE [1200-1250] 

the heresy itself. Another means was then devised, more terrible than the war 
itself, the Inquisition! It was organized c. 1231, and its realization was intrusted 
to the fanatical zeal of the Dominicans. In 1252 Innocent IV approved the use of 
torture to obtain the confessions of heretics. Thus was this sinister instrument 
perfected. On the whole, it was not used considerably in the thirteenth century; 
it was not brought fully into play until the end of the fifteenth century; but we must 
remember that the atrocities of later times were prepared by the well-meaning 
popes and Dominicans of the first half of the thirteenth century. 

To complete this account of religious life in western Christendom, we might say a 
few words of three leading Dominicans who represent three different countries and 
three different types. The Italian, John of Vicenza, was primarily a politician. 
He tried to pacify northern Italy, and his success was amazing but short lived. 
He might be considered one of the heralds of a unified Italy, or even one of the 
humble pioneers of the international peace movement. The Catalan, Raymond of 
Penafort, was more of a theologian. He it was who edited the Decretals for 
Gregory IX; he was one of the organizers of the Inquisition, and at the same time 
one of the founders of the Order of our Lady of Mercy. Mercy for good Christians; 
as to the heretics it was more merciful to confound them! Hugh of Saint Cher, 
the Dauphinois, was the type of the scholar. He was one of the greatest Biblical 
scholars of his time in Christendom. He directed a revision of the Vulgate and the 
compilation of the first concordance to it. Like Raymond, ho spent much of his 
time investigating heresies and making sure of their condemnation. 

As compared with the intensity of religious life which obtained in western 
Christendom, the activity of Greek churchmen was exceedingly poor. But we 
must bear in mind that in 1204 Constantinople had been ruined and wrested out of 
their hands by their Latin brethren in Christ. The extent and depth of that 
calamity cannot be exaggerated, and the poverty of Greek life and thought from 
this time on is a measure of it. The only important work written by a Greek 
theologian of this time of national humiliation is the Treasure of orthodoxy com- 
piled soon after the catastrophe by the historian Nicctas Acornlnatos. It contains 
valuable information on the Greek heresies. 

2. Israel Outside of the Qabbahsts, who will be dealt with in the philosophical 
section, the Jewish theologians of this time were not very important. I have 
selected four of them as the best representatives of various tendencies; two French- 
men (the one from the south, and the other from the north), a Bohemian and a 
southern Italian. The Languedocian, Abraham ben Nathan ha-Yartii, wrote in 
1204 a guide of ritual observance, Sefer ha-manhig, which offers some ethnographic 
or archaeologic interest This work was composed in Toledo, where Abraham had 
finally settled after years of wandering; this is curious, for most Jews were then 
traversing the Pyr&i6es in the opposite direction. The other Frenchman, Moses 
ben Jacob of Coucy, wrote the Sefer ha-mizwot (or "Semag'O some forty years 
later. Moses 7 work seems to have been appreciated, and a summary of it, the 
"Semaq," was published in 1277 by Isaac ben Joseph of Corbeil. In 1234 a 
Bohemian Talmudist, Abraham ben Azriel, wrote a commentary on the Mab^or, 
which is the first literary fruit of Slavonic Jewry, These three men are really of 
little importance, and I quote them partly faute de mieux; but my fourth rabbi, 
Isaiah ben Mali of Trani, was of far nobler stature. He was a typical Talmudist, 
moderate in his views, but with little originality. However his commentaries 
remained authoritative in Italy for centuries, and he was compared by hie admirers 
to Jacob ben Meir Tarn, and even God bless their loyalty to Maimonides. 



[1200-1250] SURVEY OF SCIENCE AND INTELLECTUAL TROOKESS 489 

Even as a good part of Christian endeavor consisted in the denunciation and 
punishment of heresies or other faiths, a large and increasing part of the Jewish 
energy was spent in resisting persecution and in recuperation 

I have already had occasion to explain that the anti-Jewish outbreaks of the 
eleventh and twelfth centuries were mainly caused by the Crusading fervor, and 
as it turned out that the Crusades were not a paying business neither morally nor 
financially (except for Venice!) the pei seditions of the Jews tended to become 
more vicious and more petty. A good example of the petty kind is the wearing 
of a yellow badge enforced upon the Jews by the Fourth Lateran Council in 1215, 
under Innocent III. The psychological effects of such measures, upon the oppressors 
as well as upon the victims, are easy to imagine. The segregation of the Jews 
into ghettos, voluntary at first for mutual protection, obligatory later, was almost a 
natural consequence of that branding; 1 and the ghetto unfortunately could not but 
envenom the vicious conditions from which it sprang. 

Thus was continued that evil stream of consequences: persecutions begetting 
hatred and treachery, which m their turn begat more persecutions, and so forth. 
But one cannot persecute people without reason, and new reasons were needed all 
the time. It was hoped that a critical examination of the Jewish writings, and 
especially of their beloved Talmud, would prove their radical perversity and 
justify their treatment as outcasts. Such examination could not have been accom- 
plished without the complicity of Jewish renegades, for there was not then a single 
Christian who could have wound his way unassisted through the rabbinical laby- 
rinths. One blushes to have to admit that such renegades were found, and that 
they were found repeatedly whenever the need of thorn arose. I suppose that in 
the whole history of Jewish persecution, black as it is, there is nothing more painful 
(especially to the Jews themselves) than this recurrence of traitors and blackmailers. 
Judas was always waiting behind a curtain, ready for any emergency. 

The most conspicuous of these renegades in the first half of the thirteenth century 
was the Franciscan, Nicholas Donm of La Rochelle, who denounced the Talmud to 
Gregory IX as the main source of Jewish antagonism to Christendom. The pope 
ordered the confiscation of all the Talmuds, and his order was confirmed and 
aggravated in 1240 by St. Louis In the same year a public debate on the subject 
was arranged between Donin on one side and four rabbis on the other. A great 
number of Talmuds and other Hebrew books were burned in Paris in 1242 

It is interesting to report in this connection that a few years before, in 1234, copies 
of the works of Maimonides had also been destroyed by Christian authorities, 
but at the instigation of the conservative rabbis of southern Prance. This may 
help us to remember that the love of persecutions and autos-da-f<5 is not the mo- 
nopoly of any group of men, but a very general weakness which we must always 
be prepared to repress 

Turning to the' East we find there but one Jewish scholar worth mentioning, and 
one Samaritan. Tantrum ben Joseph Yerushalrai, sometimes called the Ibn Ezra 
of the East, deserves to arrest our attention if only because he was the last great 
Jewish scholar of the Orient. He was primarily a grammarian, but he composed 
various Biblical commentaries in Arabic, Unfortunately the dates of his activity 
are very uncertain. The Samaritan, adaqa ben Munaja', was a distinguished 

1 Some ghettos may be anterior to it. It is difficult to say. It all depends upon one's 
definition of a ghetto. It is clear that Jewish streets may have existed for centuries in Chris- 
tian communities, without being ghettos in any real sense. 



490 INTRODUCTION TO THE HISTORY OF SCIENCE [1200-1250] 

court physician, but his medical activities left him time to compose a number of 
theological treatises. Some of these may be apocryphal, for he had obtained so 
much fame in Samaritan and Muslim circles that it was found expedient to attach 
his name to many writings. 

All of the western theologians wrote in Hebrew exclusively. It is probable that 
they did not even know Arabic, except perhaps the two southerners, Abraham ben 
Nathan and Isaiah ben Mali. The two easterners wrote in Arabic. The meaning 
of this was that Israel was now broken in two sections, East and West, even as 
Christendom. 

3. Islam The Egyptian, Abu-1-Baqa' composed in 1221 a refutation of Chris- 
tianity and Judaism which was sent by the Ayyubid king of Egypt to the Roman 
emperor. This defense of Islam was repubhshed in a slightly different form by 
another author more than three centuries later. 

The leading theological efforts were made in the east by two ShSfilte doctors and 
one Malikite. The Shafi'ites were 'Umar al-Suhrawardl, a Sufi of Baghdad, who 
was already dealt with in the previous chapter, but died only in 1234; and Ibn 
al-Salati, whose work on traditions was very popular. 

The Malikite, Ibn al-Hajib, was equally famous as a grammarian and as a 
theologian. He had the merit of harmonizing the teachings of Malikite theolo- 
gians of East and West, and this gave much prestige to his treatises, especially 
in the Maghrib. 

4. Buddhism The tranquil continuation of Chinese Buddhism is attested by 
Hui Hung's work of 1227, including a collection of Buddhist biographies and an 
account of the five schools, or tsung, of the Sung period. 

Japanese Buddhism was still in its creative stage. Two new schools were 
founded during the first half of the thirteenth century, and these schools have 
remained to this day by far the most popular. The first of these, the Zen-shii, 
was founded by Eisai in 1202. It was the development of a tradition going back 
to Bodhidharma, a tradition of almost seven centuries stretched from southern 
India to Japan. No sect has influenced Buddhist thought and Buddhist art more 
deeply. The second, the Shin-shu, was established by Shinran in 1224, It was a 
reform of the Pure Land sect and it carried Amidaism to the extreme. 

Thus these two great sects were almost opposites. The former was nearer to 
primitive Buddhism, even to the extent of being almost atheistical The latter 
insisted above everything upon salvation by faith in God and by His grace. The 
fact that they were both immensely successful shows that these two opposite 
tendencies were almost equally represented m the Japanese soul. In that respect 
there was a striking contrast between the Japanese on one side and the Christians 
and Muslims on the other. 

Summary 

To sum up, the main religious events were the foundation of the Franciscan 
and Dominican Orders in the West, and of the Zen-shti and Shin-shQ in the Far 
East. These European and Japanese events, however different, were comparable 
in magnitude and pregnancy. It would be equally impossible to tell the intellectual 
history of the West without reference to the disciples of St. Francis and St. Dominic, 
or that of Japan without mentioning Zen and Jsdo-shin* 

The foremost persecution was that of the Albigenses, which was exceedingly 
cruel. Incidentally it brought southern France within the sphere of the royal 



[1200-1250] SURVEY OF SCIENCE AND INTELLECTUAL PROGRESS 491 

government established In the north Its most evil by-product was the creation 
of the Inquisition ; c 1231 The same period was cursed by many other persecu- 
tions, chiefly the branding of Israel with a yellow badge, a measure which entailed 
sooner or later the creation of ghettos, and the attempts to undermine the spiritual 
resistance of the Jews by destroying the sacred depository of their traditions, the 
holy Talmud. 

As I have mentioned the ugliest Dominican undertaking, the Inquisition, I must 
also mention for the sake of fairness other and better fruits of their activity. It 
was one of them, Raymond of Pefiafort, who edited the Decretals; and another, 
Hugh of Samt Cher, who revised the Vulgate and compiled a concordance to it. 

From the theological point of view this was a poor age, but we must not forget 
that the philosophers, of whom we shall speak later on, were also, most of them, 
theologians. In some cases it is almost impossible to draw the line between 
philosophical and theological interests, and in most cases it is difficult and somewhat 
arbitrary, 

III. THE TRANSLATORS 

1. From Arabic into Latin Though this period saw no giant comparable to 
Gerard of Cremona, many distinguished scholars still devoted the whole or part 
of their activity to translating Arabic treatises into Latin. For a correct appraisal 
of their effort, one must bear in mind that by this time the main works wore already 
translated, and that, irrespective of genius or persistency, it would have been 
impossible to duplicate Gerard's amazing performance. 

It is convenient to divide these translators into four groups: English and Scotch, 
Spanish, Italian, and Syrian. 

The first of these groups was by far the most remarkable, though like the others 
it included only two men, the Englishman Alfred Sareahel, and the Scotchman 
Michael Scot. Alfred translated the De plantis ascribed to Nicolaos Damascenes, 
and the alchemical part of Ibn Sln&'s Shifa'. His own treatise De motu cordis was 
derived largely from Arabic sources. Michael's contributions were far more 
important; he translated al-Bitrujfs astronomy (1217), the zoology of Aristotle 
(before 1220), the De coelo ct mundo and other Aristotelian texts together with Ibn 
Rushd's commentaries. Finally he wrote at least one treatise derived from Arabic 
sources. In other words Michael introduced into the Latin world three novelties 
of the very first order: Aristotelian zoology, Alpetragian astronomy, Averroistic 
philosophy. At a time when many would have felt that there was nothing left to 
translate, ho managed to discover three works of a revolutionary nature. Of 
course it would have been hardly possible to translate the works of Ibn Kushd 
earlier. These were novelties in every sense, and for the first time the Latin 
world was allowed to know of a Muslim achievement while it was really fresh and 
alive. Indeed, we may say that thanks to Michael Scot, to the awakening of Latin 
intelligence, and to the increasing drowsiness of Islam, Averroism reached and 
influenced western philosophy at a time when the majority of Muslims were still 
unaware of it. 

Alfred and Michael represent distinctly a new type of translators; translation is 
no longer the whole of their activity, but only a part of it; they are less slavish, 
more interested in original research. Both were trained in Spain; Michael did his 
best work as translator in Toledo. In that sense, they continued the glory of 
Gerard's school, but with a difference a greater eagerness for knowledge itself 
irrespective of its source. 



492 INTRODUCTION TO THE HISTORY OF SCIENCE [1200~l250] 

The internationalism of the Spanish school of translators is very remarkable. 
To be sure, John of Seville, Domingo of Segovia, Hugh of Santalla, Marc of Toledo, 
were Spaniards, but all others thus far considered were foreigners, who had been 
attracted to Spain as the best center of Arabic research. I may now name two 
more Spaniards, though of secondary importance- Stephen of Saragossa, and 
Peter Gallego, a Galician. Stephen translated the Kitab i'timad, a medical treatise 
of Ibn al-Jazzar. Peter translated the Aristotelian zoology from an Arabic abridg- 
ment, taking advantage of Scot's earlier version, and a treatise on economy, 
probably the one ascribed to Galen. 

The Italians were even less important than the Spaniards. Salio of Padua 
translated astrological treatises; the Neapolitan, William of Lunis, some of Ibn 
Rushd's commentaries on the Organon and a book on algebra. 

Unlike the great medical translator, Stephen of Antioch (first half of the twelfth 
century), who was really a Pisan, Theodore of Antioch and Philip of Tripoli were 
apparently genuine Syrians Theodore was said to be a Jacobite Christian; he 
entered the service of Frederick II, and translated for him a treatise on falconry 
and medical extracts from the Sirr al-asrar. Philip translated the whole of that 
work. The transmission of the Sirr al-asrar to the Latin world is interesting, but 
far less from the scientific than from the ethnologic standpoint. 

2. From Arabic into Hebrew The Jewish translators of the second half of the 
twelfth century, Joseph Qimhi and Judah ibn Tibbon, had been interested only in 
Jewish works; but the situation was very different in the thirteenth century, which 
was the golden age of Arabic-Hebrew translations. 

The translators of the first half of the thirteenth century were all of thorn, as we 
would expect, western Jews. Two were born in Spain, Judah ben Solomon al- 
Harizi and Solomon ibn Ayyub, but the latter spent the best part of his life in 
B&ders. Al-Harizi translated Aristotle's Ethics and Politics, two Galenic (or 
pseudo-Galenic) treatises, the Sayings of the philosophers, Maimonicles* Moroh 
nebukim and his Mishnah commentary, and finally a gynaecological treatise by an 
older contemporary, Sheshet Benveniste (d c. 1209). Solomon's activity belongs 
mainly to the second half of the century, but as early as 1240 he had translated the 
Book of commandments of Maimonides. 

There was only one Catalan translator, who without being one of the greatest 
translators was certainly one of the most remarkable. Abraham ben Samuel ibn 
Hasdai, who flourished in Barcelona, translated an ethical treatise by al-Ghasmlll 
and two treatises by Maimonides, the story of Barlaam and loasaph, and two 
interesting works, both of which are lost in Arabic, the pseudo-Aristotelian Book of 
the apple (Sefer ha-tappuafr), and the treatise on the elements ascribed to M # i2q 
al-Isra'ili. 

The most important work was done in Provence and in Languedoc; for example, 
in such places as Beziers, Lunel, and Narbonne. We have already aeon that the 
Spaniard, Solomon ibn Ayyub, did most of his work in Briers. Abraham ben 
Nathan ha-Yarhi (i.e., of Lunel) translated a responsum by Saadia Gaon (or at 
any rate included such translation in his Manhig). This is not very significant, 
but we now come to two of the greatest translators of mediaeval times, Sarnuel ibn 
Tibbon and Jacob Anatoli. 

Samuel came from Lunel but he flourished also in B6ziers, in Provence, Cata- 
lonia, and Spain. His greatest translation, that of the Moreh nebukim, was 
completed at Aries in 1204. He had been able to avail himself of Maimonidcs 7 



[1200-1250] SURVEY OF SCIENCE AND INTELLECTUAL PROGRESS 493 

own advice while preparing it. It was certainly one of the most influential trans- 
lations ever made Samuel translated other treatises by Maimomdes, and by 
Ibn Rushd, Aristotle's Meteorology (1213), and 'Aliibn Ridwan's commentary on 
Galen's Tegm (1199). 

The illustrious Ibn Tibbon family increased its fame by taking into itself Jacob 
Anatoli; he married Samuel's daughter. Jacob was born probably in Marseilles, 
but he flourished in Languedoc and later at the court of Frederick II. He was 
even a greater translator than his father-in-law. Even as Samuel was the main 
introducer of the Moreh nebukim to the Hebrew-speaking world, Jacob was the 
first translator of Ibn Rushd's commentaries (1232). That is, he rendered to the 
Jews the same service as his colleague at the Neapolitan court, Michael Scot, 
rendered to the Christians. But he did not limit himself to that; he also translated 
Ptolemy's Almagest (c. 1233), Ibn Itushd's summary of it (lost in Arabic), and 
al-Farghanl's astronomy. 

The simultaneous and parallel activities of Anatoli and Scot form the best 
illustration of the double channel through which the Greco- Arabic culture pene- 
trated Western Europe. Both introduced AverroLsm at the same time, one in 
Latin, the other in Hebrew. It is certain that they knew one another, but it is 
impossible to appreciate the extent of their collaboration. There is no way of 
substantiating the story according to which they prepared together a Latin version 
of the Moreh nebukim. 

One thing is sure and it is full of significance Jacob was as familiar with the 
Latin language as with the Arabic, and his translation of al-FargluInl was made 
on the basis of both the Latin and the Arabic texts. This is symptomatic of a new 
age. Not only do the Western Jews lose their Arabic, they are beginning to know 
Latin. The consequences of this change of orientation need not be emphasized. 
It illustrates more vividly than anything else the rise of Latin prestige, 

3, From Persian into Arabic Th Persian historian, al-JJundarl, translated 
Firdawsl's ShShn&ma into Arabic c. 1222. I mention this to show the prestige 
which the Arabic language continued to enjoy in Persian lands, even in lay matters. 
I suppose a Persian was proud to be able to exhibit/ the national epic of his people 
to the "Arabs," and such a translation afforded Persian gentlemen a pleasant means 
of obtaining more familiarity with the learned language imposed upon them by their 
faith. 

4. From Greek into Latin The fine series of direct translations from Greek into 
Latin, which was one of the more distinguished achievements of western Christen- 
dom in the second half of the twelfth century, was almost completely interrupted 
for more than half a century. This is the more surprising in that the establishment 
of the Latin Empire (1204-1261) seemed to open a splendid opportunity for such 
investigations. Even as the conquest of Toledo by the Christians (1085) had made 
that city the main center of Arabic studies in the West, even BO we might have 
expected the fall of Constantinople to have initiated a revival of Greek studies. 
The fact that no such revival happened is an excellent proof of the intellectual 
baseness of that Latin interregnum* Was this due to Nemesis? For indeed no 
conquest could have been more contemptible than that of the groat Christian 
metropolis of the East by western Crusaders whose boast it was to deliver Christen- 
dom from the infidels. They had failed to redeem Jerusalem, which remained in 
Muslim hands except for two short periods (1229-1239, 1243-1244); but they 
almost succeeded in destroying the second Rome. 



494 INTRODUCTION TO THE HISTORY OF SCIENCE [1200-1250] 

About the efficacy of their destructive power there can be no doubt. Our school 
histories insist upon the terrible consequences of the capture of Constantinople 
by the Turks in 1453; but the truth is that its capture by the Crusaders in 1204 
was far more disastrous to Greek culture. Quantities of works of art and manu- 
scripts did then disappear, and most of them did not reappear in other places; 
they were lost for ever. And this was not yet the worst, for the Crusaders did not 
simply destroy the glorious remains of a culture which they could not understand, 
but the blow which they delivered to the culture which was still alive was so 
staggering that it could never recover from it. 

It is not that the Crusaders did not realize the superiority of Byzantine civiliza- 
tion; some of them did realize it, but they hated their eastern brothers the more 
because of it; the riches of Constantinople awakened no feeling in them except 
greed. How can one say that the Crusades were an undertaking of love? Hatred 
was far more conspicuous; hatred, jealousy, greed, and lust. 

The fall of Constantinople did not promote Greek studies, except indirectly. 
For example, Athens had now become a Frank seigniory, A young Englishman, 
John Basmgstoke, was able to go and study there and thua obtain a first-hand 
knowledge of Greek. He brought back Greek MSS. to England, and translated a 
grammar, the Donatus Graecorum. The only other Hellenist of the period was, 
strange to say, also an Englishman and, as we shall have occasion to ace later, 
one of the greatest Robert Grosseteste. About 1241 he produced the first com- 
plete Latin translation of the Nicomachean Ethics, together with the commen- 
taries of Eustratios of Nicaea and Michael of Ephesus; he also wrote a summary 
of it, and translated various other works (or extracts) by Aristotle, Dionylos 
Areopagita, John of Damascus and Suidas. Grosseteste and Basmgstoke were 
friends; thus we may assume that the former's Hellenism was, partly at least, a 
distant consequence of the Latin conquest of Constantinople. 

On the other hand, the Crusaders destroyed many MSS., and the remains of 
ancient Greek literature were certainly less considerable after 1204 than before.* 

Summary 

Let us now consider which Greek and Arabic works became available in the West 
during the first half of the thirteenth century. 

We shall naturally begin with Aristotle The De coelo et mimdo and probably 
the De ahima were translated into Latin by Michael Scot; the Zoology by the same 
(before 1220), and a little later by Peter Gallego; the Ethics, by Robert Grosseteste, 
c. 1241. The Ethics and Politics were translated into Hebrew by aHJarizi, and 
the Meteorology, by Samuel ibn Tibbon. All these translations were derived from 
the Arabic except Grosseteste's which was made from the original Greek. The 
Meteorology had been available before in Latin; about the middle of the thirteenth 
century it was translated from Latin into French by Matthieu le Vikin. 

The increase in Aristotelian knowledge was thus considerable as well in Israel as 
in Christendom. We have indirect proofs of it in the anti-Aristotelian reaction 
which began to manifest itself in Paris in 1210, and waxed rapidly. 

Passing to other Greek works, the De plantis of Nicholaos Damascenes was 
translated into Latin by Alfred Sareshel; a treatise on economics, by Peter Gallego; 
a Greek grammar, by John Basmgstoke. This is very little indeed. The trans- 

2 M. R. James: The wanderings and homes of manuscripts (14, London 1919). 



[1200-1250] SUKVEY OF SCIENCE AND INTELLECTUAL PROGRESS 495 

lations into Hebrew were more important. The Almagest and Ibn Rushd's 
summary of it were translated by Jacob Anatoli (c, 1283) ; pseudo-Galenic treatises 
by al-Harizi; the story of Barlaam and loasaph, by Ibn Hasdai The translation 
of the Almagest was important only from the Jewish point of view, for that great 
work had been given to the Latin world more than half a century earlier (1160, 
1175). 

Before considering the Arabic works credited to known authors, let us deal with a 
few anonymous ones. The Sirr al-asrar was translated into Latin, partly by 
Theodore of Antioch, completely by Philip of Tripoli; an Arabic algebra was 
translated by William of Lunis; a treatise on falconry, by Theodore of Antioch. 
The book of the apple has come down to us in the Hebrew version of Ibn IJasdai. 

A medical treatise of Ibn al-Jazzar was translated into Latin by Stephen of 
Saragossa, and the alchemical part of Ibn Sma's Shifa', by Alfred Sareshel. The 
Hebrew translations include al-FarghSnl's astronomy by Jacob Anatoli; 'All ibn 
Ridwan's commentary on the Tcgni, by Samuel ibn Tibbon; Ishaq al-lsnl'lll's 
treatise on the elements and an ethical treatise of al-GhaazSl! both by Ibn TIasdai. 
In this case the Hebrew translations are more valuable, and this is especially 
true because two of those texts, the Sefer ha-tappuah and Lsfyaq's treatise on the 
elements, are lost in the Arabic original. 

We are now coming to the most important texts, not even excluding the Aristote- 
lian ones with which they were intimately connected, I mean the treatises of 
al-BitrujI, Ibn Rushd, and Maimonides. It IH highly significant that all of these 
texts were new at the beginning of the thirteenth century. For the first time the 
most important texts to be translated were the latest. AHBit/rtijYs astronomy 
was published in Latin by Michael Scot in 1217. Ibn Rushd's commentaries were 
translated into Latin by Scot and by William of Lunia, and into Hebrew by Jacob 
Anatoli and Samuel ibn Tibbon, Maimonides' Moreh nebukim was translated 
mto Hebrew by Samuel ibn Tibbon (1204) and by al-IJarm; the Mislmah com- 
mentary, by aUJarizi; the Sefer ha-mi?;wot, by Solomon ibn Ayyub (1240); other 
treatises, by Samuel ibn Tibbon and Ibn I.lasdaL These Hebrew translations were 
especially important because they superseded the original Arabic texts which 
fell almost into oblivion except in the East, 

Finally I may recall for the sake of curiosity that, c. 1222, Flrdawsf s Shhn$ma 
was translated from Persian into Arabic by al-Bund&rL 

IV. EDUCATION 

1. Christendom The universities bom in the preceding century continued their 
vigorous growth, and many new ones were established. The period of unconscious 
development was now almost over, Universities had become something tangible 
and definite, of which the possibilities wore not only recognized but eagerly capital- 
ized by Church and State* Their further growth was thus conditioned not only 
by genuine educational needs but by theological and political aspirations. 

Among the new universities of the first half of the thirteenth century, the most 
important were Padua, a daughter of Bologna, born in 1222; Naples, deliberately 
established by Frederick II in 1224; the law schools of Orleans and Angers; Cam- 
bridge, issued from Oxford in 1209; and Salamanca, which survived a delicate 
infancy to become the leading intellectual center of Spain* The international 
aspect of this movement is one of its most remarkable features. Not only did new 
universities appear in four countries (Italy, France, England, Spain), but the 



4-96 INTRODUCTION TO THE HISTORY OF SCIENCE [1200-1250] 

circumstances of their birth or growth often involved the international authority 
of the Pope. Finally, students and teachers moved from one university to another 
with surprising ease. This continual va-et-vient across the frontiers will be so 
frequently illustrated in the course of my study that it is unnecessary to insist upon 
it at this moment. 

2. Israel A. valuable account of the ordinary course of studies in the Jewish 
schools of Spain has been given by Judah ibn 'Abbas m his ethical work entitled 
Shebet Yehudah. This helps us to understand the superiority of the Spanish 
Jews ' They received a very solid instruction, including scientific training; their 
moral education was attended to with special care; they were well disciplined, and 
learned many languages as a matter of course. If they were gifted with intel- 
ligence, it is clear that such rich equipment gave them a tremendous advantage 
over their Christian contemporaries. 

3. China The great organizer of Mongol education was a Tartar called Yeh-lu 
Ch'u-ts'ai, Yeh-lu was well acquainted with Chinese traditions and apparently 
also with Chinese science He served under the Mongol rulers, Chingiz Khan and 
Ogotay, and was in the same relation to them as Alcum was to Ohailemagne. 
During Chmgiz's campaign against Persia in 1219, in which he took part, whenever 
herbs, books and instruments were found in the booty they were kept for him. 
In 1233 he established literary colleges at Yen-ching, near Peking, and at Ping- 
yang, in Shansi. 

4. Japan In 1241 a school was attached to the shogunal government for the 
training of the officers' children. The education was essentially Chinese, but much 
attention was paid to physical exercises and to games. 

V. PHILOSOPHIC AND CULTURAL BACKGROUND 

1. Frederick II It is neither possible nor expedient in this survey to enlarge 
upon the political background, but the reader may be helped if I remind him that 
this was the age of John and Henry III m England; of Philip Augustus, Louis VIII, 
St. Louis, and Blanche of Castile in France, and that Innocent III, Ilonoriua III, 
Gregory IX and Innocent IV succeeded one another in St. Peter's Beat. I have 
already spoken of the situation in the eastern empire; Baldwin, count of Flanders, 
became emperor of Constantinople in 1204 and was followed within half a century 
by a whole series of other rulers and regents. 

However, there are two potentates whose, cultural influence was at once BO 
singular and so great that we must pause a little longer to consider them: Ohingiz 
Khan and Frederick II Hohenstaufen. We shall deal with the former at the 
end of this section. As to Frederick, one could not choose a better symbol of 
that new European civilization which was to be the synthesis of so many different 
streams: Greek and Latin, Jewish, Christian, and Muslim. Indeed all of these 
streams were combined in his own strange personality. Like the Spanish hero, el 
Cid el Campeador, he was half Muslim in his ways. His court became the leading 
intellectual center of Europe; thanks to the co-operation of such men as Michael 
Scot and Jacob Anatoli it superseded Toledo and was for a while the foremost 
clearing house for cultural exchanges of all kinds. In 1224 he created a new univer- 
sity at Naples to offset Bologna, that Guelph nursery. He promoted the diffusion 
of Averroism, He was not simply a patron; the genuineness of his philosophical 
and scientific curiosity is sufficiently proved by the questions he submitted to 
Michael Scot and Ibn Sab'in, by his contempt of superstition, and above all by 
his own scientific activity. 



[1200-1250] SURVEY OF SCIENCE AND INTELLECTUAL PROGRESS 497 

Frederick was one of the most romantic figures of European history. Un- 
fortunately, he was so far ahead of lus people (and not always in the right direction), 
so little in touch with the more urgent necessities of his time, so erratic, that his 
influence was considerably smaller than it might have been. To be sure, Avorroism 
developed, but that was bound to happen sooner or later even without his patron- 
age; nor were Scot's and Amvfoh's translations the only ones 

2. English Philosophers We have seen that the most distinguished group of 
Christian philosophers m the second half of the, twelfth century was the English. 
That supremacy was not only continued but much enhanced m the first half of the 
thirteenth century The two leading philosophers of Christendom were Michael 
Scot and Robert Grosseleste, and both were English, That is, from the continental 
point of view; Giossetestc came from Suffolk, and Scot was a Scotchman. 

To be sure, Scot's main activity took place in Spain and Italy, but that does not 
alter the fact of his origin* His main title to fame is that he was the father of 
Christian Averroism. 

The encyclopaedist, Alexander Neckam, dealt, with in the previous chapter, 
lived until 1217. John of London was one of the first exponents of the new Aris- 
totelian knowledge m Oxford. However, the glory of the English philosophy of 
that time was almost entirely due to the Franciscans, four of whom were men of 
great distinction: Alexander of Hales, Adam Marsh, Robert Crrossetesle 2a ? and 
Bartholomew the Englishman. They were not equally distinguished. Alexander's 
Summa was despised by Bacon, yet Alexander was the fust incumbent of the Fran- 
ciscan chair of theology in Paris, and he was one of the very first in the West to 
attempt a synthesis of the new Aristotelian, Muslim, and Jewish philosophy 
available in Latin. Adam Marsh was the real founder of the Franciscan school 
of Oxford; he was one of I/hose men whose fame is greater than their writings would 
justify, because writing is only a part, and not the host, of their activity. The 
greatest of the four was Robert Grosseteste, bishop of Lincoln, in many ways 
Bacon's forerunner, one of the most original thinkers of mediaeval times, a man 
endowed with imagination and with courage Ho insisted upon the importance of 
linguistic and mathematical studies, upon the fundamental value of experimenta- 
tion. His many works include commentaries on the Posterior Analytics and the 
Physics. 

The fourth Franciscan was of a much humbler type, yet by far the most popular. 
He composed for the plain people an encyclopaedia, Do proprietatibus reram, 
which remained one of tho favorite books of Europe for three centuries (none of 
our own "best sellers" will last as long!), Bartholomew's encyclopaedia was not 
on a very high level, nor was it generally up-to-date (much of it was distinctly 
out-of-date), but it was for a considerable time the main, source of scientific knowl- 
edge of most laymen. 

3, French Philosophers and Writers All of the English wrote m Latin, but some 
of the French had the idea of using their own language, which was then the leading 
vernacular of Europe, Thus we shall divide the latter into two groups, the Latin- 
French and the pure French; the distinction, as we shall see, is not simply linguistic; 
it goes much deeper, ; 

Two men belong to the first group, William of Auvcrgno and John of La Rocholle, 
Both of them flourished in Paris, and both were engaged in tho same undertaking 

u Grossetcste did not assume the Franciscan habit but he was intimately associated with 
the Franciscan school of Oxford; he was their firat lecturer in 1224. 



498 INTRODUCTION TO THE HISTORY OF SCIENCE [1200-1250] 

as Alexander of Hales, that is, in the assimilation of the new knowledge made 
available by the Latin translators. But they did it in very different ways. To 
put it briefly, John's point of view was Augustiman and neo-Platomc, while William 
was almost a Thomist. Even as Robert Grosseteste was a forerunner of Bacon, 
William of Auvergne anticipated to some extent St. Thomas Aquinas. Their 
different points of view are partly explained by their different circumstances. 
William was a secular priest who became bishop of Paris; John was a Franciscan 
who succeeded Alexander of Hales, c 1238, in the chair of theology. ^ While the 
English Franciscans were preparing the advent of a Roger Bacon, the French were 
gradually making possible the teachings of St. Bona venture. 

As we would expect, the purpose and the tone of the French writings were as 
different as could be from the Latin For the treatises written by William of 
Auvergne and John of La Rochelle, Latin was by far the most natural language; I 
assume that William and John would have been hardly able to discuss their own 
views in French, and Latin is not yet obsolete even to-day for similar publications. 
The writings now to be considered were popular, and it was equally natural to 
compose them in French. I imagine that a man like Bartholomew the Englishman 
would have been induced for similar reasons to write in English, if the glorious 
tradition begun by Alfred the Great had not been brutally interrupted by the 
Norman Conquest At any rate three important works of this time were written 
m French with the view of reaching a larger public than that- of the clerks. The 
earhest, the Bible of Guiot of Provms (c 1205), a satirical poem, which is a good 
mirror of contemporary life and thought. Then the Romance of Sidrach (c, 124;)?), 
a sort of encyclopaedia in the form of a catechism, which obtained considerable 
success in spite (or because) of its extreme puerility. Its origin is obscure; it is 
not even known whether the French text is original or a translation. Finally, 
Walter of Metz composed, c 1246, another popular encyclopaedia in French verse 
entitled L'image du monde Two other editions of the same work (the one in 
verse, the other in prose) appeared before tfie middle of the century. The Imago du 
monde was far superior to the Romance of Sidrach in every respect; its popularity 
was not restricted to the French laity, for it was translated into Hebrew and into 
English. 

Before proceeding to other countries it is well to point out the great, importance 
taken by the University of Pans, not only for a French audience but for an interna- 
tional one. The influence of Paris, however, was not necessarily or exclusively 
French; it was itself of an international nature, for many foreigners came there to 
teach as well as to study. 

4. Italian Philosophers There is but little to be said about Italians, though the 
energy of Frederick II had transformed his court in southern Italy into one of the 
main intellectual focuses of the time. If we spoke of the University of Paris as an 
international institution, how much more true would this not be of the imperial 
court? For after all, the internationalism of Paris (and of other universities) 
was restricted within the confines of Latin Christendom, and Christian science 
and philosophy had not yet come of age. Frederick surrounded himself not only 
with Christians, but with Jews and Muslims; he had Arabic and Greek secretaries 
as well as Latin ones, and there is TO evidence that Italians were in any way 
privileged. Scot was a Scotchman, Anatoli a Proven gal. The only Italian known 
by name was William of Lunis; it is possible but not certain that he belonged to 
Frederick's entourage This William, it will be remembered, translated Ibn 
Rushd's commentaries on the Organon. 



[1200-1250] StJKVEY OF SCIENCE AND INTELLECTUAL PROGRESS 499 

The only other Italian who belongs a little to this period is St Bonaventure, who 
was already teaching" philosophy in Pans m 1248, succeeding John of La Rochelle. 

As to St Thomas, he was only twenty-five years old in 1250. 

5. German Philoxop h <?r,s German thought is represented by two popular en- 
cyclopaedists, Arnold the Saxon, and Thomas of Oantimpr6. Arnold's ^encylo- 
paedui, DC finibus rerum naturahum, was smaller and less important Thomas 1 
work, Do natura reiuiu, was comparable to that of Bartholomew the Englishman, 
though exceedingly different. The publication of these two compilations at almost 
the same time, and independently, the one by an English Franciscan, the other by a 
German Dominican, is very interesting. It clearly proves that the time was 
calling for such compilations, but it is unfortunate that those two works which 
emerged from among many others as the nmst important and the most popular, and 
which were consulted for centuries as we ourselves consult our own encyclopaedias, 
were already hopelessly out-oMate when they appeared. They represented not 
the new knowledge which had been pouring in hi increasing quantities for more than 
a century, but the earlier mediaeval the good oldknowledge, which they helped 
to perpetuate m the face of dangerous novelties. The hold which such antiquated 
books kept on an overwhelming majority of readers helps us to understand the 
unprogrcssi von ess of mediaeval thought. There were progressive thinkers then, 
even as now, but it was infinitely more diflicuH for them to obtain a hearing, and 
their views were more completely submerged by the accepted and comfortable 
ones than can ever be the case to-day 

Another Dominican, Albert the Great, was active long before the middles of the 
century, but as his main activity occurred later, wo shall deal with him in the 
following chapter. Vet it is well to bear in mind that his immense knowledge was 
growing throughout this period. It is well to remember his presence m the back- 
ground, as of one who waits. A giant who slowly prepares himself to enter into the 
arena. 

6. Scandinavian K fwwledgc -~Thv encyclopaedic spirit waw felt even in the 
northern countries; witness the Kommgs skuggsjd, which was written in old 
Norwegian about the middle of the century. Of all the contemporary encyclo- 
paedias this is perhaps the most original; besides the information borrowed in the 
usual style from earlier works, it also contains a surprising number of facts, which 
must have been drawn from the author's own experience or from unknown Scandi- 
navian sources, for they arc certainly not derived from the literature with which we 
are familiar. Moreover, many of these facts are peculiar to the northern climates. 

It is interesting that the only vernaculars used for philosophic or encyclopaedic 
purposes were French and Norwegian. 

7. Western Muslim To appreciate the efforts made in the western part, of Islam, 
one must remember that by this time the Muslim hold on Spain had been enorm- 
ously reduced. James I of Aragon annexed the BalearcH in 1232, and Valencia in 
1238; Frederick III of Castile conquered Cordova in 1236, Murcia in 1243, Jaen in 
1246, Seville in 1248, Before the middle of the century, the Moors, who had once 
ruled over the whole peninsula except the northwestern and northeastern corners, 
were restricted to the little kingdom of Granada, To be sure, the Magrib re- 
mained in Muslim hands, but Spain had always been the fountain head of western 
IslSm. Thus it is not very surprising that the glorious days of Ibn Tudfail and 
Ibn Kushd were not repeated. 

Before speaking of the Spaniards, let us dispose rapidly of an Algerian, al-Btinl, 
who enjoyed (and continues to enjoy to this day) a great reputation as an occultist. 



500 INTRODUCTION TO THE HISTORY OF SCIENCE [1200-1250] 

His writings are one of the best sources for the study of the darker sides of Muslim 
thought 

Three distinguished men hailed from eastern Spain: Ibn TumlfLs, from Alcira; 
Ibn 'Arab! and Ibn Sab 'in, from Murcia. Ibn Tumlus wrote a logical treatise. 
Ibn "Arab! was the mam representative of the Ishraql school of philosophy, a 
mystical school which had originated in Cordova in the first half of tho tenth 
century. In addition to their value for the history of neo-Platonism and of the later 
Augustimamsm, his writings are interesting because they contain curious anticipa- 
tions of the Divma Commedia. His love poems may have inspired indirectly the 
"dolce stil nuovo" of the Convito. Ibn Sab'm was also a mystic, and a new $afl 
sect was even named after him, but he is chiefly known because of his answers to 
the so-called Sicilian questions, asked by Frederick II (c 1240). Both Ibn 'ArabI 
and Ibn Sab 'in died in the East The former's recollections would suggest that 
even in its last days Muslim Spain was intellectually superior to Syria, but we must 
make allowance for the author's nostalgia and for his deep loyalty to his old teach- 
ers. Moreover, he had been young in Spain, and in the East he was old, 

8, Eastern Muslim At any rate the state of affairs revealed by my investi- 
gations does not confirm Ibn 'Arabi's contempt of the East. But it may be 
that what shocked him was rather the luxury, laziness, and the moral laxity of 
the Syrians. Five Easterners deserve mention in this section; it is true, only 
one or two of them belonged to the Near East; the others came from the Tigris 
valley or from Transoxiana. 

Of al-Zarauji we know practically nothing, except that he was the author 
(c. 1203) of a philosophical primer which enjoyed some popularity, especially in 
Turkish lands. Al-Amidi, who died at Bukhara in 1218, wrote a treat use on the 
microcosmos and rnacrocosmos said to be an adaptation of an unidentified Sanskrit 
work He also composed a treatise on dialectics, which was used considerably. 

Two of these Easterners, the Baghdadite *Abd al-Latlf, and KamSl al-dln Ibn 
Yunus of Mu$ul, were encyclopaedists. At one time they worked together in 
Mosul. Both wrote abundantly on many subjects. 'Abd al-Latlf flourished a 
long time in Egypt, and his mam work is an account of that country containing 
many original observations. None of Kamal al-dln's writings calln for special 
mention here, but it is interesting to note that, even as his Moorish contemporary, 
Ibn Sab 'In, he was asked to answer some questions propounded by the emperor 
Frederick II. This shows that the latter was really trying to obtain information 
from independent sources. Kamal al-dm attained considerable prestige as a 
learned man and teacher, and a college was named after him in MtLpul, 

At this time the greatest ?ufl poet writing in Arabic, Ibn, al-F&rid, was flourishing 
in Cairo 

9. Persian Two of the Eastern Muslims deserve separate treatment because 
they were bold enough to write in Persian, This may be compared to the use of 
the French vernacular by a few of the Christians, instead of Latin. The purpose 
was similar in both cases. Of course every Persian having any pretension to 
learning knew Arabic, but these formed only a part of the Persian audience; it is 
possible that even then many educated Persians (not only women of course, but 
also men) were unable to read much Arabic outside of the Holy Qur'En. One can 
conceive that some Persians were tempted to write in their national language for the 
larger audience, in spite of the fact that by so doing they risked being considered a 
little vulgar. 



[1200-1250] SUKVEY OF SCIENCE AND INTELLECTUAL PROGRESS 501 

I spoke a moment ago of the poet, Ibn al-Furicl, who wrote in Arabic. The 
greatest siiff poets, however, wrote in Persian, A magnificent renaissance of 
Persian poetry occurred in the second half of the thirteenth century; it; was heralded 
by Fund al-dln 'At/tar, who hailed, like 'Urnar al-Khnyyiimi, from Nishapur. 
Though less famous than his successors, Jalal al-dlu Rum I and Sa\ll, Faricl al-dln 
was a poet of considerable power. His mam work, memoirs of the yiifi saints, was 
written in prose. His best known poem is the Mant/iq al-tayr (Reasoning of the 
birds), a mystical allegory. 

Another Persian wiiter, Muhammad al-'Awfl, compiled a history of the Persian 
poets (some three hundred of them being quo ted 0? and a vast collection of 
anecdotes. 

10, Syriac As I have done before, I am using here the adjective "Syriac" 
with reference to language, in opposition to "Syrian" relative to nationality or 
race Most Syrians, even those who were Christians, wrote in Arabic; but a few 
of the latter remained loyal to their old ecclesiastical language, Syriac. Small as 
it was, that Syriac community was very soon divided against Itself on theological 
grounds. There were at least three hostile groups, the Orthodox, the Ncstorians 
(vol. 1, 381), and the Monophysitcs (who claimed that there is but a single nature 
in Christ, at once human and divmo). However, after the fifth century, there 
remained only two important Syriac groups, the Nestorian and the Monophysite, 
the Orthodox being represented only by the Maromtes and Melkhitcs, who con- 
tinued to use their language for liturgical purposes, but otherwise identified them- 
selves more or less, the former with the Roman Church, the latter with the Greek 
Church. 

Thus the mediaeval Syriac literature to be considered in my survey is either 
Nestorian or Monophysite. For example, there were two outstanding writers in 
the first half of the thirteenth century, Solomon of al-Bayra and Jacob bar Shakkd. 
Solomon was a Nestorian; Jacob a Jacobite (Monophysite). The former, who 
came from Lake V&n, compiled a collection of stoxioB entitled the Book of the bee. 
The second, who was born near Mtt$ul, wrote a popular encyclopaedia called the 
Dialogues, and a theological treatise, the Book of treasures, These similar efforts 
to popularize knowledge, made simultaneously by Solomon and Jacob, did not 
duplicate each other, because they were made for two sets of readers, which however 
near, were absolutely distinct. 

To emphasize the distinctness of these two publics, I may add that it is very 
easy to distinguish Nestorian texts from the Jacobite, even at first sight, because, 
though the language is essentially the $arne, the script is different* Eemember 
what I said of the religious importance of script vs. language in volume I (152, 333). 
The oldest Syriac texts were written in the script called est/rangel (i e. ; o-rpoyytiAtj, 
roundish). About the eighth and ninth century that script was developed in- 
dependently by the Western Syrians and the Eastern ones. The Eastern or 
Nestorian script remained closer to the ancient estranged; the Western "or Jacobite 
script, called sertO, was more divergent. The differences between the vocalized 
texts were even greater, for the Nestorians developed under Arabic influence a 
system of vowel points, while the Jacobites, influenced by their Greek neighbor^ 
used little symbols derived from, the Greek vowete, 

11. Hispano-Jewish Most of the Jewish philosophers of this time came from 
Spain, Catalonia, or southern France, They were of two very different types: the 
Maimonideans or Averroista and the Qabbalists; or more simply, the rationalists 
and the mystics. 



502 INTRODUCTION TO THE HISTORY OF SCIENCE [1200-1250] 

The former group was by far the most important It included such men as 
Joseph ibn 'Aqnm, Maimomdes' favorite disciple, who went east and died in 
Aleppo as late as 1226. Or as Judah ben Solomon ha-Kohen of Toledo, who was m 
scientific correspondence with "the philosopher of Frederick II." Joseph ibn 
'Aqmn, who spent his years of maturity in Egypt and Syria, wrote naturally in 
Arabic Judah ben Solomon symbolizes the transition; he began the compilation 
of an encyclopaedic treatise in Arabic, but completed it in Hebrew or translated it 
into that language (Midrash ha-hokmah). 

All the other Jews wrote m Hebrew. There is first of all the great theologian 
and grammarian, David Qimhi; I dealt with him in the previous book but, he 
must be named again here for he died only in 1235, at Narborme Towards the 
end of his life the communities of Lunel and Narbonne sent him to Spain to explain 
the Maimonidean philosophy. Then there is the whole group of translators from 
Arabic into Hebrew, of whom we have already spoken as translators: the poet, 
al-Harizi, who composed the Tahkemoni upon the model of al-Hanrl's Maqfimat; 
Abraham ibn Hasdai, Solomon ibn Ayyub, Samuel ibn Tibbon, Jacob Anatoli. 
It is not necessary to speak again of all of their translations, except of two which 
cannot be mentioned too often, Samuel's translation of the Dalalat al-l.ia/irm 
(Aries, 1204) and Jacob's translation of Ibn Rushd 7 s commentaries (Naples, 1232). 
It is these translations more than any others which introduced Maimonidos and 
Ibn Rushd to the western Jews. Thus their dates of publication, 1204 and 1232, 
may be used to date the beginnings, respectively, of MaimonidiKin and Averroism 
in the Hebrew-speaking world. 

Before passing to the Qabbahsts, brief mention must be made of Judah ibn 
'Abbas, whose Shebet Yehudah is a valuable document for the understanding of the 
intellectual achievements of the Spanish Jews 

And now the Qabbalistsf I have already spoken of them before, and though the 
Qabbalah was not completely organized until the end of the century, one might 
easily detect such tendencies at almost any period of Jewish evolution. They 
belong to the Jewish soul, even as ufism to the Muslim. We might wunply say 
that Qabbahsm is the extreme form of Jewish mysticism. 

It is natural enough that the very progress of rationalism would ^stimulate a 
recrudescence of mysticism. The Catalan, Assnel ben Menahem, who is BomethneH 
called the founder of the Qabbalah, elaborated the theory of emanation (already 
outlined in the Yezirah and the Bahir) as a means of reconciling the Aristotelian 
notion of the eternity of the world with the Biblical dogma of creation. This 
theory of emanation was refined by other philosophers and dreamers, some ti mas to a 
fantastic extent, and became one of the central theories of the Qabbalah, I do not 
propose to describe its endless ramifications, but the student of Jewish thought 
must always bear in mind that background of Qabbalistic ideas and visions, for no 
Jewish philosopher escaped altogether their influence. Isaac the Blind, who had 
been Azriel's tutor, found another distinguished pupil in his own nephew, Aeher 
ben David. A third contemporary Qabbalist was Isaac ibn Latlf of Toledo. This 
Isaac was one of the first of a good many tortured spirits who tried to harmonize 
Qabbalistic vagaries with scientific knowledge. Indeed the belief in the Qabbalah 
originated a new kind of pseudo-problems, and a new kind of scholasticism, which 
was worse than the former, m proportion as the Qabbalah was more artificial 
than the Torah. These three Qabbalists represented respectively Catalonia, 
Languedoc, and Spain, three countries among which there was then constant 
intercourse, especially in so far as their Jewish populations were concerned. 



[1200-1250] SURVEY OF SCIENCE AND INTELLECTUAL PROGRESS 503 

12 Germano- Jewish- The best proof that m spite of its artificiality the Qabbalah 
answered a genuine need of the Jewish soul, is that it appeared also at about the 
same time m Germany. The German form of Qabbalah was very different from 
the Spanish; it was more directly connected with early Jewish (Babylonian) mysti- 
cism, and largely independent of foreign (Greek and Arabic) influences This is 
of course what we would expect, for the German Jews were as remote from these 
influences as their Spanish brethren were exposed to them The leaders of these 
German mystics were Judah ha-IJasitl of Katisbon, and his disciple, Kleazar of 
Worms Whether Judah was the author or not of the Sefer hahasidim, and 
whoever was the real author, it is a good mirror of Jewish culture. Kleazar's mam 
Qabbahstic work was his Book of the perfumer (Sefor ha-roqeah). Both Judah and 
Eleazar wore primarily interested in morality. 

13. Samaritan When one remembers that Maimonides died at Cairo in 1204, 
the almost complete interruption of Eastern Jewish philosophy is very remarkable. 
In fact the only Jewish philosopher deserving mention was Maimonidcs' pupil, 
Joseph ibn \AqnIn; but Joseph was not an Egyptian, but a Spaniard, arid has 
already boon dealt with as such. 

Besides this Joseph, I can only name the Samaritan, Sadaqa ben Munaja'. 
Saclaqa was primarily a physician, but he wrote (in Arabic of course) a number of 
philosophical and theological treatises, and many more were ascribed to him. 

14, Mongol and f%m&90~The great conqueror, Chingi$5 Khan, deserves to be 
remembered in this survey on the name grounds as many oilier rulers who were not 
simply generals and statesmen but cultural promoters of the very first order, such as 
Alexander, Justinian, T'ai Tsung, Charlemagne, Harfm al-Kashld, al-Ma'mQn, 
'Abd al-Rafyman III of Cordova. The Tatar, Chingiz, has every right to be 
included in that small company. The fact that he was the organizer of a stupen- 
dous empire ex I ending from Korea to Asia Minor (and later to Russia and Hungary) 
does not impress us, But it was largely thanks to his energy and vision that the 
conquering Mongols attempted to raise themselves to the cultural level of their 
victims We may speak of a Mongol civilization originated by Chingiai Khan, 
which was essentially a combination of elements derived from China, Central 
Asia, and Islam, and adapted to their own needs. He showed much toleration of 
foreign faiths. 

The mathematician, Wai Ch'fin, a disciple of Chu Hsi, wrote a commentary 
on the Shu Ching, which has itself become a classic. Another work of his deals 
with number mysticism, 

Summary 

As compared with the second half of the twelfth century this was a period of 

retrogression, but it is fair to remember that the extraordinary climax due to the 
genius of Ibn Ilushd and Maimonides was bound to be followed by an anti-climax. 
The leading philosophers of this period were two Christians, Eobert Grosseteste 
and Michael Scot, and strangely enough both hailed from that remote island in the 
Far West, Great Britain, No Jew could compare with them, not even Jacob 
Anatoli, who was almost exclusively a translator. The most original of the Muslims 
was perhaps 'Abd al-Latlf, but we might name also the foremost representative 
of the Ishr^qi school, Ibn 'Arab!; and the two great afi poets, Ibn al-FSrid, who 
wrote in Arabic, and Farid al-d!n 'Attffir, who wrote in Persian. 



504 INTRODUCTION TO THE HISTORY OF SCIENCE [1200-1250] 

VI. MATHEMATICS AND ASTRONOMY 

1. Latin and Vernacular From our special point of view, nothing was more 
hopeful than the presence among the philosophers of this time of such ;i man us 
Robert Grosseteste. It indicated that a radical improvement of intellectual 
method was being prepared, nay, had already begun. It meant that Western 
Christendom was finally groping its way in the right direction. 

That promise and that hope were abundantly confirmed by the activities of two 
great mathematicians: Fibonacci and Jordanus Nemorarms. Fibonacci had been 
brought up in Bugia, on the Barbary Coast, and had received some Arabic training. 
He was thus influenced by Muslim examples, but he was an original mathematician; 
his was a truly creative mind, and he took full advantage of the Greek and Mus- 
lim knowledge available to him, in an independent manner. His first arid main 
work, the Liber abaci, appeared in 1202, and that date may be considered the 
birthdate of European mathematics. The Liber abaci contains many novelties, 
e.g , the earliest example of the so-called series of Lam<5, and new theorems on 
prime numbers; also the first complete explanation in Latin of the Hindu numerals 
and their use. In 1220 he wrote a treatise on geometry, Practica geometrisic, in 
which algebra was applied to the solution of geometrical problems. Five years 
later he published two smaller works, the Flos and Liber quadratorum, wherein the 
originality of his mind was even more conspicuous. The Flos was chiefly devoted 
to Diophantine analysis, but perhaps the most striking novelty in it, humble as it 
may seem, was the interpretation of a negative solution as a debt. The Liber 
quadratorum dealt with similar problems and with the theory of numbers, 

Jordanus Nemorianus was more important as a mechanician than us a pure 
mathematician; yet his mathematical contributions were considerable, lie wrote 
two arithmetical treatises which were very different from Fibonacci's in that they 
were independent of Muslim influence and simply continued the ancient tradition of 
Nicomachos and Boetius. He used letters instead of numerals for the sake of 
generality; Fibonacci did this at least in one case, but Nemorarius did it constantly. 
He discovered some new propositions in the theory of numbers* He also tpiupOHcd 
one algebraical and two geometrical treatises. One of these, the Planlsphaerium, 
dealing with mathematical astronomy, included the first general proof of the funda- 
mental property of stereographic projection (circles remain circles). 

A contemporary arithmetical treatise, the Algorismus demonstrates, has Home- 
times been ascribed to Nemorarius; it belongs probably to his school, but we cannot 
be sure that it was composed in the first half of the thirteenth century; it may be 
somewhat later. The author was probably one Magister Gernardus about whom 
we know nothing. The Algorismus demonstrate is essentially Roetian, like 
Nemorarius' treatises; it is divided into two parts treating respectively of integers 
and fractions. It contained no important novelties but deserves mention because 
of its great popularity. 

The reality of a mathematical revival in the Christian West is proved beyond 
doubt by the contemporary activities of many smaller men. The existence of two 
mathematicians of genius, like Fibonacci and Nemorarius, is not in itself a sufficient 
proof, for genius is too accidental We feel strongly that, while mathematical 
standards can be determined by various circumstances, the occurrence of mathe- 
matical genius remains a sort of miracle. 

Among these smaller mathematicians two are exceptionally conspicuous, not 
because of any great merit of their own, but because of their immense popularity 



[1200-1250] SURVEY OF SCIENCE AND INTELLECTUAL PROGRESS 605 

which lasted centuries: Alexander of Villodicu, and John of Halifax (Sacroboseo). 
Villedieu was the author of an arithmetical poem (Carmen de algorismo), explain- 
ing the Hindu-Arabic methods, which was widely read in the original and also in 
English, French, and Icelandic versions. Sacroboseo wrote elementary treatises 
on astronomy, arithmetic, and the calendar. The first of these, his Sphaera, was 
perhaps the most popular, witness the number of manuscripts, editions, commen- 
taries, and translations into many languages, including Hebrew. The arithmetic 
was of a very practical nature, which helped its considerable success; it originated 
the common belief expressed by the phrase "Arabic numerals/ 7 as if these numerals 
were really a Muslim invention. 

Some of the other mathematicians we have already met. Robert Grosseteste 
was one of the first to discuss the need of a new calendar, and his opinion on the 
subject was repeatedly quoted by the pioneers who prepared the Gregorian reform 
(1582) William of Lunis translated an algebraical treatise from the Arabic. A 
compotus is ascribed to the English grammarian, John of Garland. Finally, some 
contemporary algorisms were composed by unidentified authors, e.g., the Ilanover 
and Salem Latin algorisms. The most- remarkable of these anonymous treatises 
is the Oxford French algorism, which is probably the earliest algorism in any 
vernacular. 

We may now consider a group of men whose interest was astronomical and 
astrological rather than mathematical. John of London lectured on astronomy 
and meteorology in Oxford. Michael Scot introduced the upsetting Alpetragian 
ideas in the Latin West (Toledo, 1217), and later (after 1227) during his slay at the 
court of Frederick II he wrote astrological treatises for his imperial patron. Wil- 
liam the Englishman (alias William of Marseilles) devoted himself chiefly to the 
interpretation of al-Zarqali, and he thus helped to transmit, the erroneous ideas 
on the trepidation of the equinoxes. He wrote a summary of the Almagest and a 
treatise on medical astrology. lie was the first Latin writer to publish the Greco- 
Arabic views on the si#e of the solar system explained by al-Fargharif. 

More astrological treatises were translated or composed by Salio of Padua, 
Leopold of Austria (though he belongs more probably to the second half of the 
thirteenth century), and Honrik Harpestraeng, It is pleasant to recall in this 
connection that the Dominican, John of Vicenm, wa bold enough to denounce tho 
practice of judicial astrology, 

It is impossible to dissociate astronomical from astrological work, for every 
astronomer was of necessity an astrologer (astrology was his means of subsistence), 
and every astrologer was of necessity an astronomer. For example, the need of 
better astronomical tables was felt equally by the genuine astronomer and by the 
maker of horoscopes, I have spoken above of Raymond of Marseilles, who, 
el 140, adapted al-Zarqfilfs Tolcdan tables to the coordinates of Marseilles. Ray* 
mond's task was continued by William the Englishman, c.1231. London tables 
were compiled, c,1232, by an anonymous astronomer* 

2. Western Muslim It is possible that Muhammad alUa$$fir with whom I 
dealt in the previous chapter, flourished in the thirteenth century, because all we 
know is that he was anterior to Ibn al-BannS\ 

Magic squares were naturally considered, as every other magic thing, by the 
Algerian occultist, al-BtoL This is simply quoted for the sake of curiosity; it 
hardly concerns the history of mathematics. 

The greatest astronomer of the time, aUJaean aJ-Marrfikushl, was then flourish- 



506 



INTRODUCTION TO THE HISTORY OF SCIENCE [1200-1250] 

ing m Morocco. His mam work, Jami< al-mabadi wal-ghayat (1229), was perhaps 
the best mediaeval treatise on practical astronomy; it explained the mathematical 
and experimental methods to be employed, giving good accounts of the instruments; 
it also was the best general treatise on gnomomcs. It contained a catalogue ot 240 
stars The mathematical part was equally important, the methods explained being 
in part trigonometrical, in part graphical. It was the most elaborate work of its 
kind in the Muslim West It included trigonometrical tables, not only of sines, 
but also of versed sines, arc sines, and arc cotangents Thus, while the ( Jhristian 
mathematicians were opening new paths, the Muslims were continuing along the 
trigonometrical road which they had made so conspicuously their own. 

Another mathematician of far less importance, Ibn Badr, was living probably 
in the thirteenth century in Seville. Pie wrote an algebraical treatise wherein the 
mam theories were illustrated by means of numerical examples, 

3. Eastern Mushm While no eastern Muslim was at all comparable to I.Iaan 
al-Marrakushi, four of them distinguished themselves in various ways, 

Al-Muzaffar al-Tusi wrote treatises on algebra and on the astrolabe, and invented 
a linear astrolabe called Tusi's staff (not to be confused with Jacob's staff). His 
pupil, the famous Kama! al-dm Ibn Yunus of Mu^ul, dealt with a number of 
mathematical subjects, and solved a mathematical problem for Frederick II. 
One of Kamal al-dto's pupils, Qaigar ibn AbI-1-Qasun, was primarily a musician 
and engineer; in 1225 he constructed a celestial globe which is extant to this day 
in the Museum of Naples. He dedicated a discussion of Euclid's postulates to 
Naisir al-dm al-Tusi (1201-1274). This reminds us that this great; mathematician, 
to be studied in our next chapter, was already famous before the middle of the 
century. Finally Ibn al-Lubudi compiled astronomical tables, and wrote various 
mathematical and astrological treatises. Nothing of all this is of great significance, 
but it shows that mathematics and astronomy were not neglected in the eastern 
caliphate, 

4. SyriacThe Nestorian, Solomon of al-Bagra, wrote a treatise on the shape 
of the heavens and earth, which is lost, and another on the calendar. 

A part of the Dialogues of the Monophysite theologian, Jacob bar ShakkO, 
deals with mathematics and music. The fourth section of his Book of treasures 
contains an account of his cosmological views. 

5. Western Jewish Very little work was done by Jews, and that little exclusively 
in the West Aaron ben Meshullam of Lunel made a comparative study of the 
Christian and Jewish calendars. An astrological treatise, Gcmatriot, iff ascribed 
to the German mystic, Judah ha-Hasid. Jacob Anatoli translated the Almagest 
(c. 1231) and Ibn Rushd's summary of it (lost in the Arabic original), also al 
Farghanfs astronomy. It is typical of the prestige of Hebrew translations that 
J. Christmann's Latin edition of al-Farghanl (1590) was derived from Anatoli's 
version, though this text had been translated twice into Latin before Anatoli, by 
John of Seville and by Gerard of Cremona. In fact, Anatoli used one of these 
Latin versions, probably Gerard's, together with the Arabic text. The most 
important Hebrew work on mathematics and astronomy was the relevant part 
of the Midrash ha-liokmah, an encyclopaedic treatise compiled by Judah ben 
Solomon ha-Kohen of Toledo. This Judah was one of the mathematical cor- 
respondents of Frederick II, whom he met in Toscana, in 1247, 

Of course AnatoL/s translations were very Important from the Jewish point of 
view; from a more general point of view they were far less important because they 



[1200-1250] SURVEY OF SCIENCE AND INTELLECTUAL PROGRESS 507 

were posterior to the Latin translations. These Hebrew translations were of great 
convenience to the Jews, but they were not- indispensable for the transmission of 
Greek and Arabic knowledge to modern astronomers. 

6 Hindu A grandson of Bhaskara, Cangadeva, founded in 1205 a school for 
the study of the SiddhantaSiromam. No mathematical or astronomical contribu- 
tion can be definitely credited to it. It is probable that the mam purpose was 
astrological. This is not surprising considering that similar conditions obtained 
in the West. However, in the West there was a surplus energy devoted to pure 
mathematics arid pure astronomy, and henceforth that energy would go on increas- 
ing throughout the ages, while by this time, the mathematical genius of India was 
apparently exhausted. 

7. Chinese Tli great educator, Yeh-lu Ch'u-ts'ai, proposed a reform of the 
calendar in 1220 This was accomplished by Chmgix Khan, IVai Chen's 
commentary on the Shu Clung contains a description of a decimal number system, 
but that was an old story in China, The same Ts'ai Chen indulged in number 
mysticism, showing that that kind of aberration was well-nigh universal and 
answered definite needs of the human soul. 

It is very curious that two of the very greatest mathematicians of this period- 
two out of five were Chinese. Indeed, Ch'in ChiiKshao and Li Yeh must be 
counted among the most original mathematicians of all times. Note that they 
had, as far as we can know, no contact, for Chin was in the service of the southern 
Sung on the Yang-t^e, while Li was flourishing under the Nil Chen Tartars in 
northern China. 

Chin Chiu-shao composed his main work, Shu-shu chiu-ehang, in 1247. It is a 
collection of problems solved by means of an exceedingly original method called 
tlen yuan shu. His way of solving numerical equations of any degree was an 
astounding anticipation of the RufFmi-Horner procedure. 

The Ts'6-yuan hai-chirig, Li Yeh's main work, appeared in the following year, 
1248, and he published a second work in 1250. As opposed to the arithmetical 
tendencies of Chin, Li Yeh was primarily an algebraist. His first work dealt with 
measurements analogous to our trigonometrical measurements. He also used the 
tlen yuan method, but somewhat differently from Chin. This is most interesting 
for it suggests that both derived the I/Men yuan shu from a common origin. For 
that origin we would have to look in Central Asia, or India,, but we do not yet know 
of any such method outside of the Far lOast. 

The great mathematical school which developed in China in the thirteenth 
century is thus very mysterious. We shall come back to it in Book IV. 

Swninary 

This period witnessed the activities of five outstanding mathematicians: Fibo- 
nacci, Nemorarius, al-IJasan al-Marrakushl, Chin Chiu-shao, and Li Yeh. These 
men represent four very different countries, Italy, Germany, al~Maghrib, and 
China; we might even say five countries, counting China as two, for Chin hailed 
from the southern part of it, and Li from the northern part, and these were indeed 
separate countries, unlike in many respects. 

The spirit bloweth where it listeth. Is it not remarkable that the progress of 
mathematics (and for that matter of any science) should be due to the efforts of 
men of genius not only independent of one another but widely separated and very 
unlike? When we think of science as a tree, we must complete this otherwise 



508 INTKODTJCTION TO THE HISTOKY OF SCIENCE [1200-1250] 

excellent comparison by postulating the existence of many roots, roots finding their 
nourishment all over the earth. To be sure, the Chinese efforts remained exotic 
and did not fulfill their promises. The astounding thing, however, is not that some 
efforts were apparently wasted, but that most of them were soon utilized and 
became an integral part of human knowledge. 
The main accomplishments of this period were- 

(1) The publication of the Liber abaci, 1202, marking the beginning of European 
mathematics 

(2) The diffusion of Hindu-Arabic methods in Europe, by Fibonacci and by 
many smaller mathematicians of whom the most popular were Villcdicu and 
Sacrobosco. 

(3) Fibonacci's interpretation of a negative solution as a debt (1225). 

(4) His problems of Diophantine analysis (1225) 

(5) General proof of the fundamental theorem of stcreographic projection, by 
Nemoranus 

(6) Contributions to the theory of numbers by Fibonacci and Ncmorariua. 

(7) Publication of astronomical tables in Marseilles and London (c. 1231-1232). 
However, we must not forget that the needs which brought these tables into being 
were astrological rather than astronomical 

(8) The Jami' of al-Hasan al-Marrakushi (1229), which was the most elaborate 
trigonometrical treatise of the western caliphate, the best mediaeval treatise on 
practical astronomy, on gnomonics, the best explanation of graphical methods. 

(9) Introduction of Alpetragian astronomy into the Latin world by Michael 
Scot (1217). 

(10) Translation of the Almagest into Hebrew by Jacob Anatoli (c. 1231), 

(11) Development of the t'ien yuan shu by Ch'ux Chiu-shao and Li Yeh (1247- 
1248). 

(12) Numerical solution of equations of any degree by Ch'in Chiu-shao (1247), 

VII. PHYSICS AND MUSIC 

1. Mechanical Rebirth in the West If the mathematical developments, with 
which we have just dealt, indicated the existence of a genuine scientific revival in 
the West, such impression is considerably strengthened by the study of contem- 
porary mechanics. In fact we witness in western Europe a real mechanical rebirth. 
With the exception of a brief interlude in the days of Philoponos and Simplicios 
(first half of the sixth century), nothing at all comparable to it had happened since 
the almost legendary age of Archimedes. It is difficult to account for these great 
events; we can only say that the progress in mathematics and philosophy made 
them easier and almost prepared them. 

The founder of that new mechanical school was Jordanus Nemorarius. His 
commentary on Aristotelian mechanics led him to formulate the notion of "gravitas 
secundum situm" (component of gravity along the trajectory) and the axiom 
"that which can lift a certain weight up to a certain height, can also lift a weight; k 
times heavier to a height k times smaller." Another mechanical treatise, De 
ratione ponderis, contains the fundamental notion of statical moment and its 
application to the study of the angular lever and the inclined plane, and we may 
find in it the germ of the principle of virtual displacements. This second treatise 
is so advanced that one hesitates to ascribe it also to Nemorarius, though one has no 
good reason for crediting it to somebody else. If it was not composed by Nemora- 



[1200-1250] SURVEY OF SCIENCE AND INTELLECTUAL PROGRESS 509 

rius himself, it was the work of a direct or indirect pupil, for it belongs certainly 
to the same school. 

The notion of impetus vaguely used by Philoponos and Simplicios, had been 
introduced with hardly more clearness by al-Bitruji, and the Latin world became 
familiar with it through Michael Scot's translation (1217). Some Alpetragian 
ideas appear already in the writings of the great English philosopher, Robert 
Grossctestc, but the latter was more interested in astronomy and m optics than in 
mechanics. 

The Fleming, Gerard of Brussels, who flourished probably in the thirteenth 
century, tried to solve the difficulties involved in the difference between linear and 
angular velocity. He failed to solve them, but it was quite an achievement to be 
aware of them. 

Thus we see that after centuries of somnolence, this school was finally laying the 
foundations of cinematics and dynamics, and beginning the immense travail which 
would culminate later in the discoveries of Galileo and Newton. 

2. Meteorology and Optics Under the influence of Greek and Arabic knowledge 
the more scientifically minded of the Latin philosophers were much interested in a 
complex collection of problems, which does not correspond to any single science 
of to-day, and was represented by the words perspective and meteorology. It 
included the whole of optics, geometrical and physiological, all the problems 
connected with light and darkness, shadows, vision, color, etc , meteorology proper, 
and finally the miscellaneous astronomical, geological, even chemical queries, 
discussed in Aristotle's Meteorological 

In fact, the contents of mediaeval "meteorology" a subject in some ways more 
comprehensive than our own, in others, less were largely determined by Aristotle's 
treatise. I may recall that the Meteorologica was available in Latin before the 
beginning of the thirteenth century; not only had it been translated from the 
Arabic (the first three books by Gerard of Cremona), but it had also been 
translated directly from the Greek. There was a Hebrew translation by Samuel ibn 
Tibbon. Finally, about the middle of the thirteenth century, Matthieu le Vilain 
had translated it into French. To the translations muat still be added the 
commentaries; for example, such a commentary by Alfred of Sareshel was used by 
Roger Bacon. In short we may assume that every scientific man was acquainted 
with the Meteorologica. The foremost contemporary student of these questions 
was Robert Grossetestc, who devoted to them a number of treatises. Grosseteste 
was well aware of the magnifying properties of lenses; in this respect, as in others, 
he was the forerunner of Roger Bacon* 

It is possible that these optical and meteorological studies were stimulated by the 
translation of the Ptolemaic optics from the Arabic into Latin by Eugene the Amir 
(about 1154), though this cannot be proved; it is certain that they were influenced 
by the translation of Ibn al-Haitham by Gerard of Cremona, 

3. Compass The use of a compass in navigation was probably a Muslim inven- 
tion derived from idle Chinese observations. At any rate mention of it appeared 
at the end of the twelfth and the beginning of the thirteenth century in the Latin 
writings of Alexander Neckam, and of James of Vitry, and in the French "Bible" of 
Guiot of Provins, It is curious that the earliest Persian and Arabic references 
to it are somewhat later than the Latin. This is explainable if one realizes that 

3 See Ms, 6, 138. 



510 INTRODUCTION TO THE HISTORY OF SCIENCE [1200-1250] 

such a discovery would not be published by the pilots who made it, nor by their 
associates, who had every reason for keeping it secret, if it were published at all, 
this would be done and only later by outsiders The mention of the compass 
which is probably the earliest of all, by Alexander Neckurn, refers to li, but not as 
to a novelty. In fact, the invention dates back at least to the end of the eleventh 
century, but it must have taken some time before it became known in the West 

4. Hammamdt A curious consequence of the Crusades was the introduction of 
public bathing places in the main cities of the West ; comparable to those existing 
in the Muslim East 

5 Physics in the Eastern Caliphate Astern Muslims were chiefly concerned 
with the invention or making of automata and contrivances such as were described 
by Heron of Alexandria and other Hellenistic mechanicians. Ibn ab-Sil'atl of 
Damascus repaired the clock which his father had constructed in the Bab JairQn, 
and in 1203 he wrote a book explaining its structure and use. Two yearn later 
al-Jazari completed at Amid, on the upper Tigris, a treati.se describing a whole 
series of apparatus, most of them hydraulic, such as clepsydras and fountains of 
various sorts. This treatise is the most elaborate of its kind and may be considered 
the climax of this line of Muslim achievement The mathematician, Qaiyar ibn 
Abi-1-Qasim, constructed (c. 1236) water-mills on the Orontos in IJamfih, a locality 
which has remained famous for them until our own days. 

It is curious that what might be considered a revival of Hellenistic invention 
should coincide with the beginning of a higher mechanical tradition in the West. 
This shows once more that the Christian West was awakening, and that if it was 
still inferior to the Muslim East in the matter of accomplishments, it was now 
decidedly on the upward path; its inferiority was no longer intrinsic, it; was but the 
inferiority of youth as compared with middle age, an inferiority which is bound to 
be transformed pretty soon into the opposite. 

6 Muslim Music A treatise on music, Kitab al-samffi 1 , was composed by 'Abd 
al-Latif. The mathematician and engineer, Qaigar ibn AbI-1-Qasim, was reputed to 
have a deep knowledge of music which he had obtained from Kanull al-dln Ibn 
Yunus in Mfigul. It is interesting to note that according to the Arabic account 4 
Qaisar began a comprehensive program of study under Kam3l al-dln with music. 
This suggests the scientific importance which Muslims attached to it. 

Passing to the West, Ibn Sab'in of Murcia, one of Frederick IPs correspondents, 
wrote a book on the musical modes Another treatise by Muhammad al-Hhalal.u 
of Seville (1221) is a good representative of a typical department of Arabic litera- 
ture. We might call it a musico-theological treatise. It is a discussion of the 
lawfulness of music. Is it a sin or not to play music or listen to it? Is every 
kind of music sinful or not, is it sinful only at certain times and in certain places, 
or is it sinful always and everywhere, etc. A good theologian with a secret love 
for music would have no difficulty in developing this theme indefinitely. 

7. Music in Western Christendom In the meanwhile Christian miwic wan well 
under way. The Compendium discantus ascribed to Franco of Cologne may be a 
production of this century. It contains a full account of mensural inuwic and of 
the so-called Franconian notation. Another treatise is credited to John of Garland. 
But the best proof of the maturity of Western music is given not by these treatises, 
but by the music itself, chiefly by that little masterpiece, Sumer is icumon in, which 
was created before 1240. 

4 Ibn Khallikan (vol 3, 471). 



[1200-1250] SURVEY OF SCIENCE AND INTELLECTUAL PROGRESS 511 

VIII CHEMISTRY 

No spectacular progress was made m the field of chemistry, unless gunpowder 
was invented ,m this period, which is possible but unproved. 1 shall discuss the 
question of gunpowder in the following hook. 

1. Western lHwropcAlir&d of Sareshel translated the alchemical part of Ibn 
Sma's Shiffi', the so-called Avicennac Mineralia; this may have been done before 
the beginning of the century, I/hough he was still living c. 1210. He wrote a 
commentary on Aristotle's Meteorologies, a work which was generally available 
to Latin scholars at the beginning of the century. Now these two books, the 
Meteoiologica and the Mineralia, were extensively used by almost every Latm 
author touching chemical or geological subjects. Alchemical treatises are ascribed 
to Michael Scot, to John of Garland, and to Richard of Wendover. Scot's trea- 
tises there are two of them, a larger and a smaller one are probably genuine. 
They contain interesting evidence of collaboration with Jewish and Muslim experi- 
menters The Compendium alchemiae bearing Garland's name is certainly a 
much later work. 

Matena meclica was another source of chemical knowledge. The moat valuable 
contributions were probably due to Hugh Borgognoni, who founded the surgical 
school of Bologna, and to his son Theodoric. It is difficult to dissociate father arid 
son, as discoveries are ascribed indifferently to each or to both. They sublimated 
arsenic, made experiments with other chemicals, chiefly mercury, and improved the 
technique of narcosis. 

2. Eastern IxlumAn amusing source of information on the shady side of 
Muslim alchemy has come down to us from this time. Thai* is a treatise written 
by the Syrian, al-Jawbarf, c. 1226, to expose the frauds and deceptions of quacks, 
alchemists, and other rascals Al-Jawbarl was not alone in this fight; the philoso- 
pher 'Abd al-Latlf did not fail to denounce alchemical superstitions. 

The historian 'Umar Ibn al-'Adlm wrote a guide for the making of perfumes, 
which may offer some chemical interest/. 

3. IndiaA Hindu physician who flourished about this time, Sarfigadhara, is 
the author of a treatise on materia medica, of which the chemical part w par- 
ticularly interesting. It, contained older traditions of which it is as yet impossible 
to trace the development. AM it is, it gives one the impression that tho iatrochemi- 
cal reforms of Europe were anticipated in India. 

4. Japan- The art of making glassed earthenware (faience) was introduced from 
China into Japan in 1223 by Katfl Shunkei, Katf> WHB thus the founder of a 
great Japanese industry which was directed for seven centuries by members of 
his own family. 

IX. GEOGRAPHY 

1. English The main Latm geographical writer of the second half of the twelfth 
century, Gerald the Welshman, came from Great Britain, In the first half of the 
thirteenth century the Latin geographical writings, as distinguished from the 
accounts of pilgrims and missionaries, wore contributed by three Englishmen and 
one Dane. 

The three Englishmen were Gervase of Canterbury, Gervase of Tilbury, and the 
friar Bartholomew. The first Gervase, a monk at Christ Church, wrote a descrip- 
tion of England, shire by shire, which he called Mappa mundi. The second Gervase 
composed for Otto IV, c. 1211, the Otia imperialia, a collection of anecdotes which 



512 INTRODUCTION TO THE HISTORY OF SCIENCE [1200-1250] 

included much geographical information, e g., on the topography of Home Two 
out of the nineteen books of Bartholomew's De propnelalibus rerum dealt with 
physical and political geography. Of course the other encyclopaedias contained 
also geographical information, but much less than Bartholomew , cvcopt the 
Konungs skuggsid (which was not written in Latin). 

2 Scandinavian The Dane was Saxo Grammaticus. This Saxo was primarily a 
historian, but his Gesta Danorum contains geographical data of unique value, 
e g observations of the glaciers of Iceland, and the earliest mention of the motion 
of glaciers. Saxo wrote at the beginning of the century, and his work, which was 
quite popular in mediaeval times, was for centuries the main source of information 
on the northern countries. More information was published some forty years 
later by the unknown author of the Konungs skuggsjd, but as it was given in 
Norwegian it remained utterly unknown outside of Scandinavia until the eighteenth 
century. This was doubly unfortunate, for this author gave not- only new descrip- 
tions of the northern countries and of their many peculiarities, but his general 
geographical conceptions were uncommonly broad; for example, he believed m the 
sphericity of the earth and conceived the possibility that the south temperate zone 
was inhabited. 

In the meanwhile, Scandinavian travelers continued their bold undertakings. 
Rafn Sveinbjornsson, an Icelandic chieftain, visited England, Franco, and Spain, 
Various expeditions were made toward the east, in the direction of the White Sea. 
Ogmund of Spnheim, who took part in one of these expeditions, traveled from the 
White Sea across Russia to the Black Sea and Palestine and then back to Norway! 
It is clear that for the^e men inured to the most severe climate, traveling abroad 
was less of a hardship, and if they directed their steps towards the southern regions 
they had the joy of discovering comforts and beauties of which they had been 
deprived in their own homeland. Indeed it is surprising that not more of them 
were tempted to migrate southwards, if only temporarily. 

3. Christian Pilgnms As I have had previous occasions of explaining the 
geographical and historical importance of mediaeval pilgrimages and other journeys 
to the Holy Land, it will now suffice to enumerate very briefly the main travelers 
of this period. Wolfger of Ellenbrechtskirchen in 1195-1198 (he is quoted in this 
chapter because of later travels); an anonymous pilgrim of Soisflons, before 1205; 
Wilbrand of Oldenburg, in 1211; one Thietmar, c. 1217; Ogmund of SpHuheim, after 
1217; St. Sabbas, c 1225; an unknown Frenchman, c. 1231. These travelers are 
distributed by nationality as follows: three Germans, two Frenchmen, one Nor- 
wegian, and one Serb. Most accounts were in Latin; one in Scandinavian, one in 
Slavonic, one in French. To this last one might be added two French descriptions 
of Jerusalem and Palestine, the one by the historian Ernoul, the other by an 
unknown author. 

4. Christian Travelers to the Mongol EmpireWe now come to the most significant 
achievements of this period, from the geographical standpoint. I am referring 
to the journeys made by the diplomats sent to the Mongols by Innocent IV and 
St Louis. Being stimulated on the one hand by the repeated failures of the 
Crusaders and by the increasing Muslim danger, on the other hand by the old 
dreams relative to Prester John, the pope decided to send missions to the Mongols 
with the hope of obtaining their adhesion to Christendom and their help against 
the Infidels. The first mission was headed by the Italian Franciscan, John of 
Pian del C&rpine. He left Lyon in 1245, went as far as Qaraqorum and was back 



[1200-1250] SURVEY OF SCIENCE AND INTELLECTUAL PROGRESS 513 

home two years later The Latin account of his travels and of the Mongols is by 
far the most important geographical work of the first half of the thirteenth century, 
and one of the most important of mediaeval times At about the time of Plan del 
C&rpme's home-coming, a second mission was sent by Innocent IV, this time a 
Dominican one, led by the Lombard, Ascclm. They do not seem to have gone 
farther than the Mongol outposts of Armenia, and they returned in 1250; the 
indirect account of their journeys is far less interesting than the Franciscan 
relation. One of Ascclin's companions, the French Dominican, Andrew of Long- 
jumeau, was sent on a similar errand by St. Louis m 1248, returning to his master 
m 1251. 

As far as their political purpose was concerned these missions were made in 
vain. But thanks to them the western Christians obtained a far better knowledge 
of Asia, in fact, a new world was revealed to them, and their general conception of 
the Ptolemaic okoi^r? was at once enlivened and deepened. It is not too much 
to say that these missions opened a new period in the history of geography More- 
over, irrespective of their results, they were heroic achievements of the fast order. 

5. Eastern Muslim Th& greatest geographer of the previous period was a 
Western Muslim, the Spaniard, al-ldrlsl; the greatest of this period was an Eastern 
one, Yaqut. Or rather, YaqUt was born a Greek but had been educated by the 
Muslims as one of them. It is rather startling to observe that by far the most 
eminent- Greek of this time had become, by the force of circumstances, a Muslim! 
Y&qut had traveled considerably in Asia from the Syrian coast to Marw, but he is 
far less known as a traveler than as a geographical encyclopaedist. 

Traveling to accomplish the Pilgi image was a duty, traveling in search of 
knowledge (f! t&l^b al-'ilm) was a secondary duty, a means of obtaining merit, 
and it became an obsession with them; the immensity and variety of the Arabic- 
speaking countries were perpetually inducing wandering students of all ages to 
move on from place to place. On the other hand, when the Muslims had conquered 
and colonized large territories they had felt the need of geographical knowledge to* 
establish their dominion. It is to such political requirements that wo owe those 
typical roadbooks (Kitab al-masSlik wal-mamalik) which appeared in the ninth and 
tenth centuries (see, e g., vol. 1, 606, 636), They were by-products of the organiza- 
tion of postal systems, taxation offices, and intelligence services by the govern- 
ments concerned. Later, as such knowledge accumulated, as the Muslim com- 
munity of each locality had more points of contact with others, near and distant; 
as more of the faithful had become fyujjsj 5 and had brought back home not only 
their own recollections but those of fellow pilgrims hailing from every dime, there 
developed naturally a need for geographical encyclopaedias. We have already 
spoken of such compilations, the two most important being the MurQj al-dhahab 
of al-Mas'ttdl and the RujSrf of aUdrlsL The Mu'jam atbuldfin of YSqttt, 
completed in 1228, was another one having the same encyclopaedic purpose, but 
arranged in alphabetic order Though very different from the works of al-JMas'fldl 
and aUdrfsl, the Mu'jam must be placed near them as one of the greatest geo- 
graphical treatises not only of Isllm but of all mediaeval civilisations. The dic- 
tionary proper is preceded by a treatise dealing with geography in general from 
every point of view. 

Another Eastern work, much more narrow in its scope, but in a way more 

jj is one who has accomplished the Pilgrimage to Mecca, 



514 INTRODUCTION TO THE HISTORY OF SCIENCE [1200-1250] 

important because more original, was l Abd al-Latif } s account of Egypt, apparently 
completed about the beginning of the century 

6. Western M uslim The geographical activities of Western Islam were relatively 
insignificant. The great astronomical treatise of al-Hasan al-Marrakuakl contains 
the latitudes and longitudes of 135 places, partly established by his own observa- 
tions. Though Ibn al-Baitar was primarily a herbalist, he traveled extensively 
from'Spain and North Africa to the east probably as far as Miisul, and we find m 
his works many traces of these wanderings. The Kitab al nhla of Abii-PAbbas 
al-Nabati, describing his journey to the east, is also primarily botanical 

7. Western Jewish Pilgrimages were not restricted to Christians and Muslims; 
some Jews were impelled by a similar anxiety to visit the Holy Land. However we 
have but very few narratives of Jewish pilgrims, and what one might call more 
generally geographical literature is much smaller in Hebrew than in Arabic or 
Latin. 

In 1210 Samuel ben Samson accompanied by three other rabbis traveled to the 
Holy Land and as far east as Musul He wrote an account of his journey, In the 
following year some three hundred English and French Jews, inspired by Samuel's 
relation, went to Palestine to settle there. 

Jacob Anatoli added to his translation of al-Farghanf s astronomy throe original 
chapters of which the last is geographical. It quotes the coordinates and lengths 
of days of a number of places, 

8. Synac The Book of treasures, a theological treatise, composed in 1231 by the 
Jacobite, Jacob bar Shakko, includes a summary of geographical knowledge. 

9. Chinese The splendid efforts of Sung geographers wore continued during the 
thirteenth century. We owe to them some of our best knowledge on ( iontral Asia. 
The information derived from Chinese sources is particularly valuable because it 
completes that given by the Muslims and Christians, and enables us to some 
.extent to check it. To begin with, we have the accounts of journeys to Central 
Asia, which were caused by Chingiz Khan's expeditions into Persia in 1219 and 
following years. One of these itineraries was written by the groat educator Yeh-lti 
Ch'u-ts'ai, another by Wu-ku-sun Chung-tuan, a third by Oh'iu Ch'ang-oh'un, 
This last one, called Hsi yu chi, is particularly valuable, 

Another work of a different kind and without equivalent in any contemporary 
literature is the Chu fan chih (Records of foreign nations) compiled, c, 1225, by 
Chao Ju-kua- This Chao was a trade inspector in the cosmopolitan harbor of 
Ch'uan-chow in Fukien; his commercial handbook gives information, largely 
derived from his own experience, on foreign countries and peoples and on the main 
articles of merchandise. 

Summary 

The outstanding geographical works of the first half of the thirteenth century 
were those of Saxo Grammaticus and of John Pian del C&rpine, in Latin; the 
Konungs skuggsj^, in Norwegian; the treatises of YSqut and *Abd al-La^If, in 
Arabic; and last but not least, those of Oh'iu Cb/ang~ch'un and Chao Ju-kua, in 
Chinese. The richness, the abundance, and the variety of these works arc equally 
remarkable. 

It is curious to compare these seven outstanding personalities with the seven 
outstanding personalities of the previous period. In each case there were two 
Chinese, but the five other geographers were very different, four Spaniards and one 



[1200-1250] SURVEY OF SCIENCE AND INTELLECTUAL PROGRESS 515 

Welshman, or three Muslims, one Jew, and one Christian in one case, against two 
Scandinavians, two Muslims, and one Italian in the other. The most striking 
facts are the eclipse of Spam and the reappearance of Scandinavia. The lonely 
Italian did represent more than his own undaunted spirit; he was the standard 
bearer of the great religious orders to which we owe many geographic discoveries 
and the memory of so much heroism and charity. 

The mam additions to geography were the exploration of the region south of the 
White Sea, a better understanding of arctic conditions, a deeper knowledge of 
Central Asia That knowledge was due to the convergent efforts of Christian, 
Muslim, and Chinese geographers, 

X NATURAL HISTORY 

1. Latin Among Latin contributions we must count first of all the Greek texts 
which then became available through translations from the Arabic. The De plantis 
ascribed to Nicholas of Damascus was translated by Alfred Sareshel; and the same 
author wrote a commentary on the Parva naturalia. The throe zoological treatises 
of Aristotle were translated by Michael Scot-, at Toledo, probably before 1220. 
Some twelve years later Michael dedicated to Frederick II a translation of Ibn 
Sma's summary of Aristotelian zoology Another Arabic abridgment of it was 
translated a little later by the Oahciau, Peter Gallego, Thus by the middle of the 
century Aristotle's zoology must have, been known, at least/ in it outline, to any 
Latin scholar who was sufficiently curious. 

Michael Scot's own writings contain valuable information, not found in other 
contemporary ones, on the hot sulphur springs of Italy and the volcanic phenomena 
of the Lipari islands 

The translation of the alchemical part of the Shift!', Aviccimac Mincralia, which 
Alfred of Saroshol completed, c, 1200, was an important* source*, of geological 
knowledge. Alfred had derived from the Arabic literature some clear ideas on the 
formation of mountains. 

The Do propriotatibus return of Bartholomew the Englishman was one of the 
most popular books on natural history of mediaeval times. Out of its nineteen 
parts, at least/ five dealt with the three kingdoms of nature. Bartholomew's 
natural history was more advanced than his astronomy; it is full of descriptions 
wherein fact arid fancy are delightfully blent. Its popularity was largely due to 
that blending which satisfied the mediaeval imagination, Of course the^ other 
encyclopaedic publications of the period contained their share of natural history. 
It is not necessary to name them again, except two; the Do finibuB rerum naturalium 
of Arnold of Saxony, of which the mineral part or lapidary was especially popular; 
and the Do natura'rorum of Thomas of (Janlimprfi, which contained not less than 
six zoological, throe botanical, and two mineralogical books; to which might still 
be added one anthropological book; that is, twelve books on natural history out of 
nineteen, constituting the main bulk of the whole work. It is impossible to go 
into the details of such comprehensive surveys, but two outstanding peculiarities 
of Thomas' encyclopaedia may be mentioned; his description of herring fisheries, 
and the anthropological section, the first of its scope in Latin. Unfortunately 
Thomas' accounts were even less critical than those of Bartholomew, and a great 
part of MB work was distinctly folkloric Instead of scientific, even if one makes full 
allowance for the limitations of his time and environment. 

For Latin treatises on falconry, see below, under Falconry. 



516 INTRODUCTION TO THE HISTOKY OF SCIENCE [1200-1250] 

2. Vernacular "Besides these Latin works, western Christians derived scientific 
intelligence from a few books written in vernaculars. However, only two kinds 
of vernaculars were thus employed: Scandinavian and French. 

The Scandinavian writings were the most important. The Danish physician, 
Henrik Harpestraeng, wrote a herbal, and perhaps a lapidary. He had been 
^educated in France and perhaps also in Italy, and of course could write in Latin as 
well as in his own language. It is almost impossible to say in which language each 
opus ascribed to him. was originally written, for we have manuscripts of them in 
Icelandic, Swedish, Norwegian, Danish, and Latin. 

The Norwegian encyclopaedia Konungs skuggsj was one of the most precious 
contributions to natural history; it included descriptions of the walrus and of 
various kinds of whales and seals, and of life in arctic regions. It was much nearer 
to nature than any of the Latin treatises. 

French literature was represented by the Hosebondric, a treatise on husbandry 
composed about the middle of the century by an English bailiff, Walter of Henley. 
This was soon translated into Latin and English and remained the standard book 
on the subject in England for three centuries. However, it did not begin to 
compare with the Kitab al-falaha, which Ibn al-'Awwam had published in Spain 
toward the end of the previous century. The Hosebondrie referred to the 
practice of marling 

3. Falconry By far the greatest contribution to zoology was due, mirabile 
dictu, to the emperor Frederick II. His treatise on falconry, Do arte venaadi cum 
avibus, was completed by 1248; later his son Manfred prepared a revision of it. 
It is an astounding work, taking into account the Greek and Arabic literature on 
the subject, but essentially based upon the author's own observations and experi- 
ments, and upon the information elicited by himself from his Muslim advisors. 
It set forth a number of new anatomical facts e.g., the pneumaticity of the bones 
of birds and discussed bird migrations and the mechanical conditions of flight. 
Frederick even instituted experiments to determine how vultures were attracted to 
their prey. His interest in zoology, though centered on falconry, was not by any 
means restricted to it. He kept menageries in South Italy, and traveled across the 
Alps with some of his animal treasures. The first giraffe to appear in Europe did 
so under his patronage! We might say that the first animal circus to travel along 
the roads of Italy and Germany was organized by the emperor himself, Stupor 
mundi. 

I said that Frederick's knowledge was partly derived from Muslim writings. 
Indeed an Arabic treatise was translated for him by his astrologer and secretary, 
Theodore of Antioch, and another in Persian was also known to him* Later both 
treatises were retranslated from Latin into French by Daniel of Cremona for 
Frederick's son Enzio. Frederick's own work was translated into French before 
the end of the century. 

As the noblemen who hunted with birds could not be expected to be scholars, 
it is not surprising that treatises on falconry were written in vernaculars or trans- 
lated into them. Besides the French versions already mentioned, we have con- 
temporary treatises in Provenal and in Catalan. 

This polyglot literature testifies to the international interest in that noble sport. 
As falcons and other hunting birds were valuable, difficult to breed, to train, and 
to keep in good health, it is natural enough that some men, hunters or gamekeepers, 
began to study them more closely. Thus is zoology indebted to sport, "La science 



[1200-1250] SURVEY OF SCIENCE AND INTELLECTUAL PROGKESS 517 

pour la science 7 ' was an impossible ideal m the Middle Ages; to study anything 
there must needs be some good reason, theological or practical, knowledge of it 
must be found to be indispensable for this life or the next In this case the require- 
ments of falconers were reasons good enough, and it thus happened that ornithology 
was the most progressive branch of zoology in the thirteenth century. 

4. Eastern Muslim 'Abd al-LatJf's account of Egypt contains information on 
plants and animals; the botanical part is particularly important The Syrian 
physician, Ibn al-QrI, was also a great botanist, who herborized considerably in 
the country around Damascus and the Lebanon. He was accompanied by an 
artist who made colored pictures of the plants at different stages of their growth. 

The Egyptian, al-Tlfashi, was the author of an elaborate lapidary. 

To these three men must be added two more who wrote in Persian. First the 
ufi poet, Farid al-din 'Attar, whose poem on birds, Mantiq al-tayr, is one of the 
classics of Persian literature. Of course the zoological interest of such a poem is 
but very small Second, Muhammad al-'Awff, whose Jawami' al-frikayat, a 
collection of stories, includes a number of zoological items. 

5. Western Muslim Even as the greatest naturalist of the East was a botanist, 
even so Western Islam was then represented by two botanists, who upheld the 
glorious tradition consecrated by al-Ghafiql and Ibn al-'AwwSm. Abu4- 'Abbas al- 
Nabltl of Seville and Ibn al-Bait8r of Malaga were two very distinguished botanists 
indeed, and both traveled considerably to find plants in their own habitat and be 
able to examine them with their own eyes at various seasons. Both traveled east, 
but Abu-1- 'Abbas returned finally to Spain; Ibn al-Baitar died in Damascus. As 
much of their experience was obtained in the East, it would have been proper to 
consider them together with 'Abd al-Lattf and Ibn al-QrL And what a fine 
group of men! 

Ibn al-Baitar was primarily a medical man, but Abu-1- 'Abbas seems to have been 
interested in plants for their own sake, though naturally enough he was also a 
pharmacist. A pure botanist would have been inconceivable in those days. He 
described some new plants; e.g., those growing along the shores of the Red Sea. 
Ibn al-Baitar's Jami' refers to some two hundred plants which had not been dealt 
with before, except perhaps by al-OhafiqL 

6. Hindu SarAgadhara's medical treatise dealt with a number of herbs (e.g., 
bertram root), though it was perhaps more remarkable because of its insistence 
upon mercurial and other metallic preparations. 

7. Chinese We generally expect the Chinese contributions to be out of the 
ordinary, and we shall certainly not be disappointed this time. To begin with, we 
have that commercial treatise composed, c. 1225, by the trade inspector, Chao 
Ju-kua. This provides information on a number of articles, such as camphor, 
frankincense, myrrh, dragon's blood, etc. 

Two other works are more directly devoted to natural history, Ch'to Jaa~yii 
published in 1245 a treatise on the culture of mushrooms, eleven kinds being dealt 
with. General Chia Ssti-Tao wrote a treatise on crickets! While western people, 
including the Muslims, were more interested in larger animals and in those of 
which they had special need, such as horses, dogs, and falcons, the Chinese paid 
special attention to insects. It is thus natural enough that it was they, and not 
westerners, who discovered the wonderful industry of the silkworm and learned to 
take advantage of it. At an early time they were aware of the mysterious met- 
empsychosis of the cicada, and used it as an emblem of resurrection. Their 



518 INTRODUCTION TO THE HISTORY OF SCIENCE [1200-1250] 

familiarity with various insects is fully revealed by their language which contains a 
number of special terms without equivalents in Arabic or Latin or in the European 
vernaculars. The most conspicuous aspect of their interest in insects, outside of 
sericulture, was their extraordinary fancy for crickets. They soon distinguished 
various kinds of chirping, and learned to breed and nurse the best musicians. They 
also originated the sport of cricket-fights, which increased fantastically the value 
of their pets. Thus there developed a cricket literature of which Chia's treatise, 
the Ts'u chih ching, was the earliest. 

Summary 

In this summary we shall leave out of account the encyclopaedic works and those 
which were purely literary. It is well to remember that they are there in the 
background but we need not drag them all the time behind us 

Let us consider the three kingdoms of nature in succession. Sonic geological 
progress was due to Michael Scot, to Alfred SareshePs translation of Ilm Sina, and 
to the Konungs skuggsj&. The lapidaries of Harpestraeng and al-Tlffishi were of 
little importance. 

With regard to botany and husbandry, the Hosebondrie of Waller of Henley 
was a very influential work, and we were pleased to come across Unit, ireutuse on 
mushrooms by Ch'n J6n-yu, yet by far the main contributions wore due to 
Muslims. Not less than four great Muslim botanists flourished at HUH limo: 'Abd 
al-Latif, Ibn al-Suri, Abti-1- 'Abbas, and Ibn al-Baitar. 

As to zoology, the outstanding work was undoubtedly Frederick's treatise on 
falconry. Not only the best zoological treatise of that tune, but one of l,ho host of 
the Middle Ages Frederick's traveling menagerie must have been a very unusual 
object lesson to all the people who were privileged to ga#e on it. Of hardly less 
importance to the West was the transmission of Aristotelian zoology, chiefly 
through Michael Scot's translation (before 1220). First-hand zoological informa- 
tion was given in the Konungs skuggsjd., unfortunately thai* work remained un- 
known outside of Scandinavia. Finally we have the astounding cricket lore 
explained by Chia Ssu-tao. 

The outstanding naturalists were ten in number: three westerners, Frederick II, 
Michael Scot, and Walter of Henley; one Scandinavian, the author of the Konungs 
skuggsj^; in all, four Christians; then four Muslims, all of them botanists, "Abd 
aKLatif, Ibn al-Suri, Abu-1- 'Abbas, Ibn al-Baitar; finally two Chineae, Ch'fin 
J&n-yii and Chia Ssu-tao, mushrooms and crickets. 

A new husbandry was written in French by an Englishman; botany wa fostered 
by Muslims; ornithology by an Italian; entomology by a Chinese, 

XL MEDICINE 

1. Translators from Arabic into Latin Before dealing with the more original 
productions of Western Christendom, it is well to consider the translations, These 
were relatively insignificant. The Sirr al-asr5r was translated by Theodore of 
Antioch and Philip of Tripoli; the Kitab Ttimad of Ibn al-Jaaa&r, by Stephen of 
Saragossa. That is all. As we shall see later, the medical translations into Hebrew 
were hardly more important. The age of translations was passing and pretty soon 
the tide would begin to move the other way. Many of the Latin treatises of this 
period were eventually translated into Hebrew. 

2. Italian The balneological poem ascribed to Alcadino of Girgenti and to 



[1200-1250] SURVEY OF SCIENCE AND INTELLECTUAL PROGRESS 519 

others may be a production of the first half of the thirteenth century. Same remark 
with respect to Magister Maurus and Joannes Ferranus already dealt with in the 
previous book. It is difficult to apportion their activities among the two cen- 
turies; Maurus died in 1214, and one Ferranus died only m 1232. 

Adam of Cremona composed for Frederick II a treatise on the hygiene of an 
army or of a large body of pilgrims. The lessons of the Crusades were beginning 

to tell. 

Another result of the Crusades was the stimulation of surgical efforts War is 
the mother of surgery. The surgical renaissance initiated by Jloger of Salerno was 
brilliantly continued by other Italians; Roland of Parma, author of the Chirurgia 
rolandma, and the four anonymous doctors who discussed his work. As compared 
with Roger, their surgery is more Arabic; the Arabic lessons obtained in the West 
and perhaps also in the Near East have had more time to sink down. Another 
commentator on Roger's Practica was the South Italian, Jamatus. 

Our knowledge of the Salermtan school is completed by the study of the regula- 
tions of medical teaching and practice promulgated by Frederick II in 1240. These 
regulations were the very first of their kind, and they were remarkably comprehen- 
sive. Unfortunately they came too late, to begin with, the school was no longer 
in the thirteenth century what it had been before 1193; Frederick's very measures 
to enhance the medical prestige of Salerno do but confirm our impression that its 
prestige had suffered, that something had to be done to revive it; finally the school 
did not survive the Hohenstaufon rule which came to an end less than thirty years 
later, 

Roland of Parma had transmitted the Salernitan tradition to Bologna boon 
afterward a new surgical tradition was established in that learned city by a veteran 
Crusader, Hugh Borgognoni, and his son Theodoric. It would seem that trans- 
plantation affects ideas as it often does plants; it excites them and gives them a new 
scope. The result may be good or evil, but nothing can be worse than stagnation, 
and by this time the school of Salerno had already passed its climax. The Bolog- 
nese surgeons showed at once more initiative; they introduced new methods in the 
treatment of luxations, fractures, and wounds, in the use of anaesthetics and other 
drugs Other physicians of Europe and India had used mercury salts before him, 
but Theocloric was apparently the first to observe the resultant salivation, As 
Bologna was one of the main intellectual centers of Christendom, these new medical 
ideas had a good chance of being propagated. Theodoric's Cyrurgia was soon 
translated into Catalan, 

3. French The Introducer of Salernitan medicine into Paris, Giles of Oorboil, 
died only c. 1222, His influence may be detected in the abundant writings of 
Walter Agilinus, who was probably a Frenchman, The teachings of the Italian 
school of surgery were transmitted beyond the Alps by William of Congenis, a 
master of Montpellier, and probably by other doctors, for it would seem that the 
Glossulae quatuor magistrorum wore also composed in Prance. 

4. Spanish Though Christian Spain had grown considerably, Spanish medicine 
was still very rudimentary. The only physician I came across was Stephen of 
Saragossa, who translated Ibn aWazzSr's treatise on simples, 

5. English The English school, on the contrary, was quite remarkable. In 
fact, If we make a distinction between general medicine and surgery (and such 
distinction was as legitimate then as it is now), we may eay that the Italian school 
was the leading surgical school of Europe, while the English was the leading 
medical one. 



520 INTRODUCTION TO THE HISTOKY OF SCIENCE [1200-1250] 

Alfred of Sareshel wrote an original treatise, Demotu cordis (c, 1210), derived from 
Greek and Arabic sources. He was deeply steeped in Aristotle, and unfortunately 
defended some erroneous views of the master concerning the supremacy of the 
heart over the brains. In spite of that reactionary tendency, Alfred was really 
scientifically minded; that is, he was bent on finding scientific rather than theologi- 
cal explanations. 

The unavoidable mixture of truth and error is well illustrated by Michael Scot's 
Physionomia, the most popular of his works. The gynaecological introduction 
to it was probably the origin of the fantastic division of the womb in seven cham- 
bers, which recurred in many later writings. 

Astrology was then inseparable from medicine; every physician needed some 
astrological knowledge in the same way as they now need physical and chemical 
training. No treatment could be prescribed without astrological considerations, 
A contemporary treatise on medical astrology was the work of the mathematician, 
William the Englishman, who was established in Marseilles 

Thus far I have spoken only of secondary matters; the two outstanding figures 
of medical England were Richard of Wendover and Gilbert the Englishman. The 
former wrote a medical summary entitled Micrologus A contemporary anatomy, 
the Anatomia Ricardi anglici (alias, De anatomia vivorum), was probably also his 
work. Gilbert was the author of many medical writings, by far the most important 
being the Compendium (or Lilmm) medicinae. It is a very comprehensive outline 
including good pathological descriptions and two chapters on the hygiene of travel. 

Comparing the teachings of these two men we find that Richard was well 
acquainted with the Greek and Arabic literature available in Latin; in his anatomy 
he curiously upheld Aristotelian views against the sounder Galenic; this was 
probably done under the influence of Alfred of Sareshel. On the other hand, 
Gilbert was more up-to-date, more familiar with Salernitan medicmo. The 
introducer of that medicine in England was Robert Grosseteste; we would place 
Gilbert a little later than Richard and Robert because of his superior Salernitan 
knowledge, but not much later because his surgery was derived from lioger, not 
from Roland. It must be added that the Lilium contained more magic than 
would be allowable even in those days, but this must be ascribed to Gilbert's own 
perversity; one can date nothing with magic. 

It is interesting to note that with the exception of Grosseteste, who spent most 
of his life in his own country, these Englishmen spent much time abroad: Alfred of 
Sareshel in Spain, Michael Scot in Spain and Italy, Richard in Rome and Paris, 
Gilbert in Montpellier, William in Marseilles. Ib is typical enough that three of 
them, Richard, Gilbert, and William, were called Anglicus, the Englishman. This 
underlines the insularity of England. Many Englishmen distinguished themselves, 
and some of them became the leaders of their time; yet in most cases this implied 
living abroad for a long period, and on the continent they remained somewhat 
Distant and outlandish and were soon singled out a little like the Americans or 
Australians of to-day. 

I have had many occasions to observe that in science as in other fields it takes 
some time to establish a reputation; it often takes so much time that a reputation 
is only obtained when it has ceased to be completely deserved. For example, 
Salernitan medicine was not fully appreciated abroad until its climax had been 
passed. The earlier Latin publications were too near to Arabic and other sources 
to be taken very seriously, but this situation changed gradually, and by the begin- 



[1200-1250] SURVEY OF SCIENCE AND INTELLECTUAL PROGRESS 521 

ning of the thirteenth century, the cumulative effect of many valuable publications 
was already sufficient to increase considerably the prestige of each. The best 
proof of this is afforded by a series of Hebrew translations, including the Rolandina, 
and other writings by Theoclonc Borgognom, Walter Agilinus, William of Congenis, 
and Gilbert the Englishman. Most of these translations are undated, and pre- 
sumably rather late; two dated ones are from the end of the thirteenth century 
and from the year 1362 Of course, their coming into being was due partly to the 
fact that Jewish physicians knew less and less Arabic and more and more Latin; 
yet these translations would not have been made if there had been no demand 
for them. 

6. Welsh After this survey of the main sources of the new European medicine in 
Italy, France, and England, we may consider medical activities in other countries, 
i.e., in Wales, Germany, and Scandinavia. It is possible that further investigations 
would make it possible to extend these notes to still other countries, but this would 
hardly affect our conclusions. 

The case of Wales is especially interesting, though perhaps more so from the 
folklonstic than from the purely medical standpoint. Welsh medicine is repre- 
sented by a series of Celtic texts entitled Mcddygon Myddvai (the physicians of 
Myddvai), The earliest is traditionally ascribed to the physician, Rhiwallon, who 
flourished about the middle of this century. 

7. German For the understanding of German medical thought we have only a 
few collections of recipes. 

8. Scandinavian We are ranch better informed with regard to Scandinavia. I 
have already spoken of that Icelandic chieftain, Itafn Svembjornsson, who traveled 
not only to Norway but to southern countries as far as Spain, and finally returned to 
Iceland. He is said to have performed the stone operation according to the 
Celsus method. 

Salernitan knowledge was introduced into northern Europe by the famous 
Danish physician, Henrik Harpcstraeng (d.1244). He explained it in various 
treatises dealing with medicine, astrology, and related subjects. However, the 
knowledge which he imported was a little less recent than that which Gilbert the 
Englishman and William of Gongenifc were transmitting at about the same time to 
Western Europe. His writings were derived from the earlier Salernitan literature, 
anterior to the second half of the twelfth century, while those of Gilbert and William 
represented the following stage, that of Roger of Salerno, 

9. 1H astern Muslim There were quite a number of distinguished physicians in 
the Egyptian and the Eastern Caliphate, though none very groat. 6 Most of them 
have already been mentioned in this survey, as philosophers, or mathematicians, 
or in some other capacity, for the practice of medicine was but one of their accom- 
plishments the paying one, 

Ibn al-SS'ffitl, mechanician of Damascus, wrote a commentary on the QSntin 
and a supplement to Ibn Sink's treatise on gripes, Najfb al-dln al-Samarqandl 
was the author of many medical treatises, one of which enjoyed some popularity, 
and was the object of Arabic and Persian commentaries. *Abd alLat/tf , who is best 
known for his account of Egypt, was also a physician and even an anatomist of 
astounding originality; he was able to examine a quantity of human remains with 
his own eyes, not with Galen's, and he noticed that the lower maxillary and the 

However, Atymad ibn 'Uthman al-QaisI, who flourished in Cairo in th fifth decade, was an 
outstanding eye-doctor. I had forgotten him, but repaired the omission in an appendix, 



522 INTRODUCTION TO THE HISTORY OF SCIENCE [1200-1250] 

sacrum are single bones. The great botanist, Ibn al-Suri, wrote a treatise on 
simples. Ibn al-Lubudi's writings include various medical ones A more ambitious 
work was the Tadhkirat al-hadiya, a medical encyclopaedia compiled by Ibn 
Tarkhan out of many hundreds of Arabic authors. Ibn Tarkhan's Tadhkirat was 
twice abbreviated in the sixteenth century. 

We now come to a very enigmatic personality, the author of a treatise on surgery, 
presumably composed in Arabic, but known only through Latin arid Hebrew 
translations. This treatise was obviously derived from Arabic sources, but was it 
really written in Arabic? Or was the Arabic label simply a publicity trick? The 
treatise was ascribed to one Mesue, whom we shall call Mcsue the Third, to dis- 
tinguish him from two other famous physicians, Arabic-writing Christians, bearing 
the good name of Masawaih. We can conceive many possibilities. For example, 
the author may have been of Arabic origin, and may have belonged to the Masawaih 
family, and yet have called himself Mesue and written in Latin. That would not 
be an unusual case; how many Arabic- writing Yusufs did not become Latin- writing 
Josephs? The Crusades had put a premium on surgeons, and the superior ability 
of some Arabic surgeons must have been recognized in many instances. When the 
Cross was fighting the Crescent would it be an unnatural thing for an Arabic- 
speaking Christian to engage in the service of western Christians, to assimilate 
himself to them, and finally to write in Latin and to Latinize his name? It would 
be idle to enlarge on this. The important point is that this treatise, whatever its 
original language, still represents Arabic knowledge as contrasted with the newer 
surgery of Salerno, Bologna, and Montpellier. 

Two other physicians were primarily historians, Ibn al-Qii't/I and Ibn abl Uaibi*a. 
The former composed a collection of biographies of ancient and Muslim physicians, 
men of science, etc., which is one of our main sources for the history of Muslim 
science and helps 113 to realize to what extent Greek achievements were underHtood 
and valued by the Muslims. Ibn abl Usaibi'a wrote a similar work, but restricted 
to physicians, and of such importance that without it our knowledge of Muslim 
medicine would be considerably more imperfect than it is His work in especially 
valuable because he was himself a medical man and had known personally many of 
the leading physicians of his times. 

With the exception of Najib al-dln, who flourished in Samarqand and Khurasan 
(he was killed by the Tartars in Herat, 1222), all of these physicians flourished in 
Syria and Egypt. The city most often quoted in their biographies is I )umaseus, 
which was then, in spite of much turbulence, one of the leading metropoleis of the 
East. 

10. Western Muslim As compared with that fine array of Syrians, there is but 
one Spaniard to name, Ibn al-Baitar of Malaga, and he became half Syrian himself. 
He had left his country, c. 1219, never to return; he died in Damascus in 1248. 

However, this single gift of Spain was a great one, Ibn al~Baitr was unquostioiv 
ably the greatest herbalist or apothecary among the Muslims, nay, the greatest of 
the Middle Ages, for no one surpassed him outside of Islfim. From the time of 
Dioscorides and Galen down to the sixteenth century no contributions equalled 
his in bulk and quality. 68 - Unfortunately they came too late, when Arabic influence 

6a Since writing this, Meyerhofs studies on al-ldrlsl and al-Ghafiql seem to prove that 
Ibn al-BaifcaVs borrowings from them were so extensive that they might more properly be 
called plagiarisms. If this is confirmed Ibn al-Baipr's merit and fame will wane consider- 
ably. 



[1200-1250] SURVEY OF SCIENCE AND INTELLECTUAL PROGRESS 523 

was already on the decline, and thus they failed to be integrated in the main stream 
of western knowledge and to affect materially its progress. 

11. Western Jewish The Jewish physicians of Spain and Languedoc produced a 
few Hebrew translations of no great importance. The Spaniard, al-Harizi, trans- 
lated two Galenic or pseudo-Galenic books, and what is more interesting, the 
gynaecological treatise written in Arabic by his older contemporary, the Catalan, 
Sheshet Benvcmste. This is typical of the linguistic change which was then taking 
place; even Spanish Jews were losing their hold on Arabic, 'All ibn Ridwftn's 
commentary on Galen's Tegni was translated by Samuel ibn Tibbon, at B6zicrs in 
1199, this being Samuel's earliest dated work. 

An interesting sidelight on the practice of medicine by Jews is the case of the 
eye-doctor Abraham of Aragon, The crusade against the Albigenscs had been 
also to a smaller extent a crusade against the Jews of southern Franco. The 
council held at B6ziers in 1246 forbade thorn to practice medicine among Christians. 
In spite of this prohibition, Alphoriwe, count of Poitou, obliged Abraham to treat 
him. 

12. Egyptian Jewish In my paragraph on Eastern JVhislim medicine I re- 
marked that most of these Eastern physicians flourished m Syria and Egypt which 
formed then one single dominion ruled by the Ayyubid dynasty. Of course most 
of them would visit Egypt and spent there more or less time, yet Syria, und chiefly 
Damascus, seemed to be their main center of attraction. Even an Egyptian born, 
like Ibn al-Qif(.I, would establish himself finally m Syria. This may he explained 
by the fact that Egyptian medicine was largely dominated by Jewish physicians 
who continued the glorious tradition begun by Maimonides. In the chapter on the 
second half of the twelfth century, I had to deal with no less than six Egyptian 
Jewish physicians. On the other hand, we do no t hear of eminent Jewish physicians 
established in Damascus. It would thus seem that a separation had gradually 
taken place, consciously or not, the Jews remaining masters of Cairo, the Muslims 
and a few Samaritans gathering in Damascus. 

However, the Jewish physicians of Egypt formed a far less conspicuous group 
in the first half of the thirteenth century than in the previous period. To begin 
with, Maimonides died in 1204, and there was nobody to replace him. His son-in- 
law, Abii-l-Ma'all, lived probably a little longer, but then he died altogether as 
far as Israel was concerned, for his children became Muslims* And yet it was 
probably one of these, Yusuf ibn 'Abdallffih, who had edited in 1204 the lust chapter 
of Maimonidos' Fu^Gl fl4~tibb. 

There were only two who belonged entirely to this period, al-As'ad al-Ma^allT and 
David ben Solomon, and the latter was a Qaraite. Both were distinguished 
physicians highly praised by Ibn abi Ui&aibi'a. Al-As'ad wrote various medical 
works, one of them being a collection of questions submitted to his Samaritan 
colleague, adaqa ben Munaja'. David ben Solomon, the Qaraite, was the author 
of a famous antidotary, Al-dastur al-mSristSnS, and of a commentary on Galon's 
treatise on causes and symptoms. 

I forgot to say, though it goes almost without saying, that all of these writings 
were in Arabic, 

13. Samaritan- The little Samaritan colony established in Damascus produced 
two physicians, adaqa ben Munaja 1 and AbtH-fJasaix ben Ghaml. Both of them 
wrote in Arabic, as by this time the Samaritans had almost forgotten their own 
language, a kind of Aramaic, and used it only for religious purposes. adaqa was 



524 INTEODUCTION TO THE HISTORY OF SCIENCE [1200-1250] 

the author of a number of treatises, medical and others; one was composed m answer 
to the Jew, al-As'ad al-Mahalli. Abu-1-Hasan, who eventually embraced Islam 
and became a wazir, was a great collector of books, and it was to him that the 
l Uyun al-anba 5 of Ibn abl U^aibi'a was dedicated. 

14. Hindu Sarngadhara wrote a medical treatise wherein great importance 
was paid to mercurial and other metallic preparations. It contains among other 
things an elaborate analysis of the pulse. The popularity of this work is proved 
by many manuscripts, editions, and translations in various Hindu vernaculars. 

The Kashmirian physician, Narahari, composed a dictionary of materia medica. 

15. Chinese Ch'en Tzti-ming wrote a treatise on external troubles, and c. 1237, 
one on women's diseases. The treatise on mushrooms written by Ch'6n Jen-yxi 
m 1245 contains an antidote at the end. 

The most important Chinese publication of this time was the medico-legal treatise 
entitled Instructions to coroners, composed about the middle of the century (c. 
1247) by Sung Tz'ii. This treatise has exerted a tremendous influence, for revised 
editions have been used to our own days. In this the Chinese were again pioneers, 
for nothing at all comparable to it appeared in Europe until almost three centuries 
later. 

Summary 

The main achievements were the following: 

(1) Surgical novelties introduced by Hugh and Theodoric Borgognoni. 

(2) Medical regulations promulgated by Frederick II. 

(3) Further transmission of Salernitan medicine: to Montpellier, by William of 
Congenis and the Four Masters; to England, by Robert Grosseteste and Gilbert 
the Englishman; to Scandinavia, by Henrik Harpestraeng, 

(4) New descriptions of human bones (lower maxillary and sacrum) by 'Abd 
al-Latlf. 

(5) Hygienic rules for armies and crusaders, by Adam of Cremona, and for 
travelers, by Gilbert the Englishman. 

(6) Instructions for coroners, by Sung Tz'tL 

(7) Last but not least, a new synthesis of materia medica, by Ibn al~Barkar. 

The leading personalities were Roland of Parma, Hugh and Theodoric Borgo- 
gnoni, Richard of Wendover, Gilbert the Englishman, Henrik Harpestracng, "Abd 
al-Latlf , Ibn al-Baitair, and Sung Tz'u. Six Christians, two Muslims, one Chinese. 
Or otherwise, three Italians, two Englishmen, one Dane, one Spaniard, one Iraqian 
flourishing in Egypt, and one Chinese. The most important languages, as far as 
the transmission of new medical ideas was concerned, were Latin and Arabic. 

The main centers were: in Christendom Salerno, Bologna, and Montpellier, 
but Salerno was dying and its prestige was rather of the past than of the present; 
in Islam Cairo and Damascus, Cairo's medical fame being due to Jewish efforts, 
while Damascene medicine was Muslim or Samaritan, In short, the main Christian 
centers were Bologna and Montpelher, the mam Muslim center, Damascus; the 
mam Jewish center, Cairo, 

XII HISTORIOGRAPHY 

, 1. French While the finest group of historians of the second half of the twelfth 
century was the English, the leading historians of Christendom in the first half 
of the thirteenth century were French, and next to them came the Scandinavians. 



[1200-1250] SURVEY OF SCIENCE AND INTELLECTUAL PROGRESS 525 

"A tout seigneur, tout honneur " Let us begin with Villehardoum, who was not 
simply the greatest French historian, but one of the very greatest historians of that 
time He was one of the organizers of the Fourth Crusade, that wretched under- 
taking which ended in the fighting of other Christians instead of Infidels, and in 
the taking of Constantinople instead of Jerusalem. His account of it was written 
in French, after 1207, and is one of the masterpieces of early French literature and 
of mediaeval historiography. It was continued by Henry of Valenciennes. Other 
French narratives of the same Crusade were given by Robert of Clari and by 
Ernoul, and we have a Latin one m the Historia onentahs of James of Vitry This 
shows that the Crusades continued to be a French specialty (see my remarks on 
p. 138). Though other nationalities were associated with them, the French were the 
mam leaders, even as the Venetians were the main profiters. 

Another crusade, even more tragic and more cruel, was then taking place on 
French soil against the Albigenses. We have various accounts of it, notably a 
chronicle in French verse by William of Tudela, another by an unknown author, 
and a Latin one by Peter of Vaux Cernay. Needless to say, in the case of crusades 
directed against a minority of heretics, the point of view of the orthodox persecutors 
is generally far better known than that of their victims. For that reason the 
anonymous narrative is especially precious, for it acquaints us with the views of 
the oppressed people of southern France. 

Three more historians must still be quoted. Rigorcl and William the Breton 
indited chronicles of the reign of Philip II, whom they called Philip Augustus. 
These works have the usual merits and faults of official chronicles; the authors were 
witnesses of many of the events they described, or they could obtain first-hand 
information from such witnesses; authentic documents were available to them; 
on the other hand, they could not be expected to be impartial. Finally the Tour- 
naisien, Philip Mousket, devoted an immense French poem to the history of France 
from the Trojan war to his own days. The final part of it contains valuable 
information. 

It is striking that among these ten chroniclers, not less than six wrote in French 
(two of them, it is true, in langue d'oc). 

2, SpamshOne of these chroniclers, William of Tudela, hailed from Spanish 
Navarra, south of the Pyr<$n6es, I dealt with him in section 1, because it was 
natural to speak of him together with the other chroniclers of the Crusade against 
the Albigenses. This may help us to remember that the Pyr^n^es were then far 
less of a separation than they became later* To begin with, two distinct races, the 
Basques in the West and the Catalans in the East, always lived astride of the 
mountains. These were no more of an obstacle to them than a hill is to the castel- 
lan who lives at the top of it and holds the passes. Thanks t^o those people and 
also to some restless Jews, there was far more communication between, say, Langue- 
doc and Aragon, than between Languedoc and northern France. This situation 
was somewhat modified when the southern provinces were subordinated to the 
French crown, but this was a much slower process than is generally realised. To 
speak only of the southernmost provinces, Languedoc was annexed to the crown 
under Philip III (1270-1285), Provence under Louis XI (1461-1483), Gascony, 
B4arn, and Foix under Henry IV (1589-1610), while Roussilkm was not finally 
integrated until 1659 (Paix des Pyr6a6es). The complete amalgamation of the 
provinces, and the diffusion of the northern manners and language, took more than 
four centuries. 



526 INTRODUCTION TO THE HISTORY OF SCIENCE [1200-1250] 

To return to Christian Spain, besides William of Tudela, there was but one 
historian, Rodrigo Jimenez de Rada, who wrote histories of Spam and of the Moors. 
Being archbishop of Toledo he was well placed to obtain information from Arabic 
as well as from Latin or Spanish sources. 

3 Italian The only Italian historian was the Franciscan, Giovanni Pian del 
C&rpine, whose history of the Mongols has already been praised in our geographical 
section 

4. English Layamon's semi-Saxon paraphrase of the Roman de Brut, composed 
at the beginning of this century, marked an English revival. However, as con- 
trasted with the French historians, the majority of whom used their own language, 
all the historical works written by Englishmen of this period were in Latin. This is 
not surprising, if one considers that since the Norman Conquest, English had fallen 
into disfavor. 

Gerald the Welshman lived until c. 1223, and his historical works were revised 
by himself within the new century. The Otia impenaha were put together by 
Gerva'se of Tilbury, c. 1211, for the emperor Otto IV. Chronicles of England, and 
of Canterbury were composed by Gervase of Canterbury A little later a general 
chronicle was compiled by Roger of Wendover, who worked m St. Albans. Roger 
was not a great chronicler, but he prepared the achievements of his successor, 
Matthew Paris 

5. Scandinavian Two of the greatest historians lived in northern Europe; 
Saxo Grammaticus in Denmark, and Snorri Sturluson in Iceland. Saxo's work, 
being written in Latin, was available to the scholars of other parts of Europe and 
was in fact quite popular among them. It is of unique value for the study of 
Danish origins, and contains many items which appear here for the first time; 
e.g., a reference to prehistoric graves. 

Snorri's writings, being in Icelandic, remained unknown outside of Scandinavia 
for more than four centuries. Their mediaeval influence was thus strictly Scandi- 
navian. Yet their intrinsic importance is considerable. Snorri continued in an 
admirable manner the work begun by Ari Fr6tSi JJorgilsson, and may be called one 
of the founders of the Icelandic literature and civilization. 

6. German Arnold of Lubeck continued Helmold's chronicle, dealing with the 
progress of German colonization in Slavonic countries. 

The Sachsische Weltchronik is a universal chronicle in Low Gorman extending 
to the year 1225 and following. It was formerly ascribed to Eike of llepgow. It 
is the earliest historical work of its scope in German prose. 

7. Other Latin One of the earliest chronicles of Poland was composed by 
Vincent of Cracow. A history of Livonia was written by Henry the Lett, who was a 
witness of many events, or could obtain direct information about them, 

8. Byzantine While so many historical works were being published in Latin, 
only one Greek chronicle deserves to be mentioned. This was written by Nicetas 
Acommatos. It contains an account of the conquest of Constantinople, which is 
of considerable value for comparison with the Latin relations. 

9. Armenian John Vanagan had been enslaved by the Mongols, but later 
manumitted. He founded the monastery of Khoranashat and spent there the 
rest of his life. He wrote a chronicle containing an account of the Mongol invasion ; 
unfortunately most of it is lost. 

10. Syriac The Nestorian metropolitan, Solomon of al-Ba^ra, compiled a 
collection of historical and theological anecdotes, entitled Book of the bee, 



[1200-1250] SUKVEY OF SCIENCE AND INTELLECTUAL PROGRESS 527 

11. Ilispano-JewishThe Sha'ar ha~shamayim composed by Ibn Lattf , c. 1244, 
includes a brief history of Jewish science down to Maimonidoa. 

12. Western Muslim Out of four historians, two were Africans, the two others 

Spaniards 

Ibn Hammad wrote chronicles of the Fatimid rule in Africa, and of the Algerian 
town of Bougie, which was then far more important than it is now and had known 
many vicissitudes, 'Abel al-Waind al-Marrakushi wrote a chronicle of the 
Almohades. . 

The works of the Spaniards were of the biographical type, so popular m Islam. 
The famous mystic, Ibn 'Arab! of Murcia, who spent the second half of his life in 
the East, was full of nostalgia when he thought of his old teachers in Spain. His 
Al-durrat al-fakhira contains biographies of them and of other Western scholars and 
saints who had inspired him. The Valencian, Ibn nl-Abbar, continued Ibn Baskhu- 
wal's TCitab al-yila and composed another work of the same kind. After the 
conquest of Valencia (1238) he had emigrated to Tunis, where he died. Ibn 
'Arab! died in Damascus. Thus were the Spanish seeds scattered abroad; it wa,$ 
other countries 7 gain, but Spain's irreparable loss. 

13. Eastern Muslim Under the AyyQbid rule of Egypt, Damascus, IJalab, 
Hamah ? JFIirns, Arabia, and Mesopotamia, a number of historians found opportu- 
nities of distinguishing themselves. 

We may first recall one of the previous period, Yusuf ibn Rafi* of Mfisul, who 
wrote histories of Salah al-dln and of I.Ialab, for he lived until 1234. The immense 
geographical work of Yaqut is full of historical and ethnographical information, 
He also composed a dictionary of learned men. 'Abd al-Lattfw account of Egypt 
is as valuable for the historian as for the geographer. 

By fur the greatest- Arabic historian of the period was Ibn al-Athlr. Indeed 
Ibn al-A(.hIr was one of the best historians of mediaeval times; ho was far above all 
of the Christians of this period, except perhaps Viilehardouin, whose distinction 
was of an entirely different kind. Ibn al-Athlr composed a universal chronicle 
down to 1231, a history of the AtSbog rulers of Miisul, and biographical and 
genealogical works. His chronicles arc of considerable value to the student of the 
Crusades, as they enable him to give sufficient weight to the Muslim point of view, 

I must; speak more briefly of the others, Ibn abi-1-Darn of Ilamah wrote histories 
of Islam, 'Umar Ibn al-'Adlm devoted all of his energy to compile the annals of 
his native city, IJalab. Finally we have two historians of unusual interest to us, 
the Egyptian, Ibn al-Qiftl, and the Damascene, Ibn abl-Utfaibi'a, who published 
biographies of men of science, Greek and Muslim. We might call them historians 
of science, and to bo sure, without their help our knowledge of Muslim science 
would be much smaller. I have already explained their f undamental importance 
in the medical section. 

14. Persian Al-Bundffirl of Ispahan, better known as the translator of the 
Shahn&ma into Arabic, abridged the history of Saljuq rule written by 'Imad al-dln 
aU^fahanl. Al-NasawI wrote an excellent biography of JalSl al-dln KhwSr 
rimishsh. Muhammad al-'Awf I compiled an enormous collection of anecdotes of 
all kinds. 

The first two wrote in Arabic, the third in Persian. 

15. Chinese Ts'ai Ch/6n wrote a commentary on the Shu Ching, which has 
become itself a secondary classic* Yeh-lti Ch'u4s ? ai> whom we might call "primus 
Mongolorum praeceptor," wrote an account of Chingiz KMn's campaign against 



528 INTRODUCTION TO THE HISTORY OF SCIENCE [1200-1250] 

Persia. Yeh Lung-li was the author of a history of the Kitan Tartars, and perhaps 
also of a history of the Chin Tartars. 

16. Japanese The Hojo-ki of Kamo Chomei, a classic of Japanese literature, 
contains valuable historical information. 

Summary 

Among the many historians of this period I have dealt with almost half a 
hundred it will suffice to recall those who were of outstanding importance. I 
believe almost every scholar would agree upon the following choice : Villchardouin, 
Pian del Carpine, Saxo Grammaticus, Snorri Sturluson, Ibn al-Athlr, 'Abel al- 
Latif, Yaq<ut, Ibn al-Qifti, Ibn abi U$aibi'a. Out of these nine, five were Muslims, 
four Christians. Five wrote in Arabic, two in Latin, one m French, one in Ice- 
landic. They came from nine different cbuntries; one was a Greek slave brought 
up as a Muslim, the eight others hailed from France, Italy, Denmark, Iceland, 
Syria, Egypt, 'Iraq, Jazirah. 

XIII. LAW AND SOCIOLOGY 

1. Italian The legal revival begun in the first half of the twelfth century had 
slackened a little in the second half of that century, but in the thirteenth century a 
new and greater activity set in The second part of the Canon Law, the Decretals, 
was published by Gregory IX in 1234. It was more independent of Roman law 
than the Decretum. Indeed the opposition of the Curia to the legists increased 
continually. 

Yet this was a golden age in the history of Roman law. The school of Bologna, 
which was already famous at the beginning of the century, was now illustrated 
by the labor and prestige of many professors, such as Azo, Hugolinus, Francesco 
Accorso, Odofredus. The master of all was Accorso whose Glossa ordinaria 
became a sort of legal Bible, and remained the supreme authority for almost two 
centuries. 

The teachings of Bologna were diffused all over Europe not only by the students 
who flocked there from every Christian country, but also by some of the professors. 
Remember Vacarius. Another missionary of Roman law in England was the 
eldest of Accorso's sons, Francesco II. Odofredus taught in Franco. Some 
Bolognese legists were even attracted to the papal court, e g., Aceorso's third son, 
Gughelmo; and Francesco II was there for a time as the representative of Edward I, 

It is hardly necessary to say that without a full appreciation of this legal develop- 
ment one cannot understand the political events of the age, and chiefly the struggle 
between the popes and emperors, the growing organization of governments, the 
crystallization of thousands of institutions and offices. But I must once more 
insist that the growth of law influenced also, and very deeply, the growth of science. 
To begin with, the legists helped to dethrone the theologians; in many cases it 
appeared that the former were far more important than the latter; in the second 
place, they helped to clarify thoughts and methods. If the legal arguments were 
often artificial, they were much less so than the theological; legal realities were 
much closer to nature after all; this was a step forward. 

What we said above of the conflict between Roman and Canon law must not be 
misunderstood. This conflict was but the age-old one between the sacred and 
profane conceptions of knowledge and of duty. But for all that, Bologna was a 
hotbed of Guelf politics, and the lawyers were naturally inclined to take the pope's 



[1200-1250] SURVEY OF SCIENCE AND INTELLECTUAL PROGRESS 529 

side against the emperor; it was partly on that account that Frederick II founded 
the University of Naples. But just because the civilians were not in any sense 
antipapal, it was easier for them to disentangle law from theology and to establish 
it so to say on its own legs. 

At the same time one cannot emphasize too much that this was a parting of the 
ways between East and West. In Islam the distinction between theological and 
legal thought was hardly made until almost our own days, in Christendom it was 
made with increasing vigor from the twelfth century on, and this was but the 
opening wedge which prepared many other differentiations and unlimited ramifica- 
tions. In Islam, intellectual progress was completely inhibited by the theological 
supremacy; it is as if a spell had been thrown upon all but the freest minds; in 
Christendom, legal endeavor opened an avenue of deliverance. But I must not 
anticipate, for even m the West the fight, between theology and lay knowledge 
was a protracted one and the human spirit was not entirely freed until the end of 
the seventeenth century. 

To return to Italian law, a few words must still be said of the protagonists in 
the supreme legal contest of that time, Frederick II Ilohenslaufen and Innocent IV. 
Frederick II gave in 1231 to the Sicilies a remarkable code of laws; the wise regula- 
tions which he devised for the safeguarding of the Salernitan school have already 
been praised. His main legal adviser was Peter of Vinea. Innocent IV, who 
caused Frederick to be excommunicated, and began a life and death struggle with 
him, was himself a jurist* He is said to have been the first to speak of a corporation 
as a persona ficta. 

2 Spanish Peter Gallego translated the treatise on economy ascribed to 
Galen. 

3. English Before speaking of individual activities, let us recall that it was 
during this period, in 1215, that the Magna Carta was granted by king John to 
his barons. This great charter is one of the most important monuments in the 
constitutional history of the British Empire. 

Gerald the Welshman wrote a treatise on the education of princes and a similar 
work, the Oculus pastoralis, was composed, c. 1222, probably by the Florentine, 
Boncompagni. William of Drogheda, who was teaching in Oxford, wrote, c, 1239 ? 
a treatise on canon law, which was very popular, not only in England but abroad, 
even in Bologna. This illustrates the speed of diffusion of legal studies in Europe. 

4. Oerman The most important code of mediaeval Germany was put together 
by Eike of Repgow; he wroi;e it first in Latin but translated it into Low German 
before 1235, It was best known under its German name, SachsenspiegeL It was 
very popular and exerted a deep influence upon a number of other codes published 
in High German, Dutch, and even Polish, but chiefly upon the Deutschenspiegel 
and the Schwabenspiegel (c. 1259). One result of this strong autochthonous 
development was the relative unpopularity of Roman law in German lands. 

5. Icelandic The dialogue entitled The king's mirror, of which we have already 
spoken e,g,, apropos of its geographical items contains an account of royal 
duties and customs It is curious that one of the earliest European treatises on the 
theory of the state should have been written, in Icelandic. 

6. Hispano-Jemsh Al-Harizi translated Aristotle's Ethics and Politics from 
Arabic into Hebrew. 

7. Egypto-Muslim The grammarian Ibn al-IJijib wrote treatises on MSlikI law 
wherein he harmonized the teachings of Egypt with those of the Maghrib- MSlikI 



530 INTRODUCTION TO THE HISTORY OF SCIENCE [1200-1250] 

law was essentially the law of the western caliphate, and it has remained so until 

this day 

8. Chinese The great Mongol organizer, Chingiz Khan, gave his peoples a new 

code of laws. 

Sung TVu's Instructions to coroners have already been discussed in the medical 
section. This has remained a standard work in Chinese criminal procedure until 
our own days. 

9. Japanese A. new code, the Joei-shikimoku, was promulgated in 1232, It was 
meant to consecrate the novel feudal conditions obtaining in Japan, and to complete 
from that special point of view, rather than supersede, previous codifications, 

Summary 

Of course every code and every legal effort is of paramount importance to the 
countries wherein they were made. But if we consider only the efforts which were 
truly of international scope, we find that by far the greatest achievements of this 
period were the Magna Carta, a sacred covenant for the English peoples but an 
inspiration to the whole world, and the growth of Roman law in Bologna. 

XIV. PHILOLOGY 

1. Latin The two grammarians, Hugutio of Pisa and Alexander Ncckam, 
continued their task in this century, for Hugutio died only in 1212, and Alexander 
in 1217. 

Two grammatical poems, Graecismus and Labyrinthus, were composed by the 
Fleming, Eberhard of Bethune. The former was used by Erasmus as a primer. 
John of Garland's Dictionarms was a list of words similar to the De utcnsilibus of 
Alexander Neckam, but more elaborate. Incidentally this title represents the 
first use of the word dictionary. John was one of the first speculative grammarians 
or "modistae," whose efforts tended to lift grammar up to a higher philosophical 
level. Down to this time, Donatus and Priscian had been the main authorities; 
if one keeps in mind the almost infantile character of their grammars, one is better 
able to appreciate the renaissance initiated by John of Garland. In the meanwhile, 
the old grammar held its own and held it for centuries for one of the most 
popular books of the Middle Ages, Villedieu's poem, Doctrinale puerorum, was 
largely derived from Donatus and Priscian. 

The didactic treatises composed by Albertano of Brescia exerted a deep influence 
on many Christian generations. This was especially true of his Are loquendi et 
tacendi (1245) which was translated into many vernaculars, including Icelandic. 

2. French Though no grammarian was as yet ready to fossilise the French 
language, that language deserves special consideration, for it is clear that it was 
coming of age and that its international importance was already considerable. 

One pregnant result of the crusade against the Albigenses was to carry the 
northern French language, the langue d'oil, down to the foot of the Pyr6ri<5es and 
to the Mediterranean shores At the same time the crushing defeat suffered by 
the heretics thwarted the growth and the crystallization of their own language, 
the beautiful langue d'oc, and the future of the most promising literature of southern 
Europe was thus irremediably jeopardized. 

A curious monument of the linguistic situation of that time in southern France 
is the chronicle composed by William of Tudela. Remember that William hailed 
from Spanish Navarra. He was more familiar with the southern idiom, but tried to 



[1200-1250] SURVEY OF SCIENCE AND INTELLECTUAL PROGRESS 531 

write in French. His verse is a mixture of langue d'oc and langue d'oil. The 
growing relations between the north and south are also illustrated by Guiot of 
Provms, who lived not only in Mayence, Clairvaux, and Cluny, but also in Aries. 

The English Dominican, Walter of Henley, wrote his husbandry in French. 
This is not very remarkable; but what is more so, the Icelandic Konungs skuggsjd 
recommended the study of Latin and French "for those idioms are most widely 
used. 77 French was thus placed by this impartial and wise observer upon the 
same level as Latin! This was going perhaps a little too far, but future events 
would almost justify the prophecy. 

Some valuable information on the contemporary French pronunciation may be 
derived from Hebrew-French glossaries containing vocalized transliterations of 
French words m Hebrew script. 

3. Italian Provencal literature found a strong echo at the Sicilian court, that 
strange assemblage kept together by Frederick's genius. We hear so much of 
the Greeks, Jews, and Muslims, who were attracted there, that we might overlook 
the obvious fact that after all the majority of the Sicilians were Italian-speaking 
people. Under the stimulation of these polyglot influences the Italians became 
conscious of their own language, and thus it is not surprising that its final emancipa- 
tion from the Latin took place in South Italy. However, the Sicilian court was 
too artificial a "milieu" to insure a healthy development, even if it had survived 
Frederick's death long enough. From the Provengal and Muslim seeds which had 
been sown upon the receptive Italian soil, little plants had grown, as frail as they 
were precious If they had remained there, they would certainly have died,? but 
happily they were transplanted to Tuscany, and it was there that their development 
was to be completed in the following century. The Italian literary language was 
born in Naples, but it reached its maturity in Florence. 

4. Scandinavian By this time the Icelandic language was fully developed; 
witness not only the chronicles already dealt with, but also conscious grammatical 
efforts. The Kdda edited by Snorri Sturluson contains a prosody composed by 
himself, and four grammatical treatises by other authors. Two of them date from 
the twelfth century; one was written by Snorri's nephew, Clafr Th6r?Sarson, and 
another is later still. 

The old Norwegian language had also reached its maturity, as is proved by the 
encyclopaedic treatise Konungs skuggsjci, written about the middle of the century 
(probably before)* 

Though the Swedish and Danish languages were somewhat younger, their 
earliest monuments date also from this century. 

5. Greek- The presence of an abundant Greek population in South Italy is 
sufficiently established by the fact that Frederick's code of law, originally published 
in Latin, had soon to be translated into Greek. When we think of the transmission 
of Greek knowledge to the West, we must ever keep that population in mind. 
Indeed the surprising thing is not that some Greek knowledge filtered through 
Italy, but that BO little of it reached western Europe by that way. This failure 
can bo explained only by the backwardness and illiteracy of that population. 

The Latins themselves became better acquainted with the Greek language, 
though the progress was slow and in the hands of so few people that it was ex- 
ceedingly precarious. The best Hellenists of these days were two Englishmen, John 
Basingstoke and Robert Grosseteste. John had obtained part of his education in 
Athens, and thus we may assume that his knowledge of Greek was genuine. He 



532 INTRODUCTION TO THE HISTORY OF SCIENCE [1200-1250] 

translated a Greek grammar, the Donatus Graecorum. We have already spoken 
of Robert's translations; he added a number of grammatical notes to the Nico- 
machean Ethics; his extracts from Suidas are other evidences of his philological 
curiosity. 

6. Armenian An Armenian dictionary and a treatise on the art of writing were 
composed by Aristaces, disciple of Gregory of Sgevrha. 

7. Hebrew I have sufficiently insisted upon the significance of the Hebrew 
translations from the Arabic, and of the linguistic reconstruction which was implied, 
to make further commentaries unnecessary. The work begun by Judah ibn Tibbon 
was worthily continued by such men as Samuel ibn Tibbon and Jacob Anatoli 
The more specifically grammatical activity of David Qimhi must be recalled, 
because David died only in 1235. 

The 'Arugat ha-bosem of Abraham ben Azriel was the earliest literary fruit of 
Slavonic Jewry; it contains many Bohemian glosses. Another commentary 
ascribed to this same Abraham, contains French glosses, but we are not sure of its 
authenticity. 

The connections between Hebrew and European vernaculars, chiefly French, 
are revealed by a number of glossaries. The most extensive of the early Hebrew- 
French glossaries is the one composed by Joseph ben Samson in 1240. Jews had 
good reasons for studying French (or eventually other vernaculars), practical 
reasons to begin with; moreover there was not the same religious objection to the 
neutral vernaculars as there could be to the ecclesiastical language of western 
Christendom. 

So much for Western Jewry. The only grammarian of the East was Tanl,ium 
Yerushalmi, and we are not sure that he flourished exactly at this time. He com- 
piled a Hebrew-Arabic dictionary to Maimonides' Mishneh Torah, and other 
writings of his (in Arabic) show that he was deeply concerned with Hebrew 
grammar. 

Hebrew scholarship in Christendom was still at a very low ebb. Just as we have 
Hebrew-French glossaries written in Hebrew script by Jews, we have others 
written in Roman script by Christians. These documents have but little philologi- 
cal value, but they prove that a few Christians were trying to read God's own words. 
Grosseteste, whom we have met everywhere among the pioneers, was one of those 
Christians. 

8. Arabic Yaqut's Mu'jam al-buldan, though primarily geographical, contains 
abundant items of philological interest. For example, YSqfit took pains to 
vocalize proper names, and he often discussed points of grammar. Those gram- 
matical tendencies, which would never be dormant in an Arabic mind, appear 
even more clearly in other works of his. 

I have already had many occasions of underlining the lexicographical aspect of 
treatises on materia medica or herbals. It was natural enough to quote the names 
of herbs in various languages, and their synonyms, inasmuch as this was an in- 
evitable by-product of the author's work. Ibn al-Baitar not only gave the Arabic 
synonyms, but also their equivalents in Greek, ia the Latin and Arabic dialects of 
Spain, in Persian and Berber. 

To pass to works specifically devoted to grammar, two were composed by the 
Egyptian, Ibn al-Hajib; and a more elaborate one, dealing also with rhetoric, by 
al-Sakkaki of Khwarizm. These books were very popular, Al-Sakkikf s author- 
ity was also felt indirectly through later commentaries and elaborations; his 
influence upon Arabic letters may be compared to Quintilian's upon the Latin. 



[1200-1250] SUEVEY OF SCIENCE AND INTELLECTUAL PROGRESS 533 

It will not surprise the readers who have followed us thus far, that these gram- 
matical efforts were made by people who were not by any means pure Arabs. 
Ibn al-Hajib was of Kurdish, and al-Sakkakl of Turkish origin. Of course they 
felt the need of rules and guides more strongly than those who were to the manner 
born. (See my remarks in vol. I, 179, 502 ; etc.) 

9. Sanskrit The Ivashminan physician, Narahari, compiled a dictionary of 
materia medica. 

10. Chinese Ghingis; Khan introduced the use of the Uighur alphabet, and 
later of the Chinese script to write Mongolian. He carried out a number of 
educational reforms, and deserved to be called the first instructor of his people. 

11. Japanese The gradual emancipation of the Japanese language and script is 
shown by the fact that the new samurai code of 1232, Joei-shikimoku, was written, 
not in Chinese characters, but in the Japanese syllabary. 

Summary 

The main facts considered in this section are the following: 

(1) The birth of a new grammatical movement under the influence of John of 
Garland. 

(2) The priority of the French vernacular among others* 

(3) The beginning of Italian literature in Sicily. 

(4) The continuation of the golden age of Icelandic and (Old) Norwegian 
literature. 

XV. CONCLUSIONS 

OUTSTANDING SCIENTIFIC ACHIEVEMENTS 

In this summary I shall speak only of scientific achievements proper, though of 
the less relevant facts three are of such pregnancy that they must be mentioned 
once more: the foundation of the Franciscan and Dominican orders, the pro- 
mulgation of the Magna Carta, and the development of Roman Law in Bologna, 

(1) Material increase of Aristotelian knowledge through Latin and Hebrew 
versions (zoology, do coelo et mundo, ethics, politics). 

(2) Translations of al-Bitrilji into Latin; of Ibn Rushd into Latin and Hebrew; 
of Maimonides into Hebrew* 

(3) Fibonacci's Liber abaci, 1202; beginning of European mathematics, derived 
from the Arabic, yet original 

(4) Treatise on trigonometry, gnomonics, graphical methods, and astronomical 
instruments by al-IJasan al-MarrSkushL 

(5) Development of fieri yiian shu by Ch'in Chiu-shao and Li Yeh. 

(6) Mechanical renaissance initiated by Jordanes Nemorarius, 

(7) Descriptions of Asia by Plan del C&rpine, Ch'iu Ch'ang-ch'un, and Chao 
Ju-kua; of Egypt, by *Abd al-Lattf; of northern regions, by Saxo Grammaticua 
and the Konungs skuggsjd, 

(8) Y&qtit's geographical dictionary, 

(9) Popular encyclopaedias of natural history, etc*, by Bartholomew the English- 
man, and Thomas of Cantraiprf, 

(10) Walter de Henley's Hosebondrie, 

(11) Ibn al-Bait&r's botanical and medical synthesis. 

(12) Frederick's treatise on falconry, including new anatomical observations. 

(13) Development of surgery, chiefly in Bologna and Montpellier. 



534 INTKODUCTION TO THE HISTORY OF SCIENCE [1200-1250] 

COMPARATIVE ACHIEVEMENTS OF VARIOUS GROUPS 

For the sake of easy comparison, we shall follow the same plan as before, begin- 
ning with Japan and traveling westwards. The outstanding names are italicized 
throughout. 

Japanese (4) 

Religious founders (2) : Shinran-Shorin and Dogen. 
Historian: Kamo Chomei. 
Technician: Kato Shunkei. 

Chinese (14) 

Educators (2): Chingiz Khan, Yeh-lti Ch'u t'sai. 

Mathematicians (3): Ts'ai Ch ; n, CVm Chiu-shao, Li Yeh. 

Geographers (3) : Ch'iu Ch'ang-ch'un, Wu-ku-sun, Chao Ju-kua. 

Naturalists (2): Chia Ssti-tao, Ch'enJ&n-yu. 

Physicians (2): Ch'fin Tzu-mmg, Sung Tz'ti. 

Historians (2) : Hui Hung, Yeh Lung-li. 

The Chinese contributions were still very superior to the Japanese. 

Hindu (3) 

Mathematician: Cangadeva 

Physicians (2) : Sarngadhara and Narahan. The latter was a Kashmirian. 

A contemporary Arabic treatise by al-Amidi on the microcosm and macrocosm 
was said to be translated from the Sanskrit, but the Sanskrit original (if any) is 
unknown. 

Muslim (42) 
Eastern Muslim? (30) 

Theologians (2): Ibn al-Salah, Abu-1-Baqa'. 

Philosophers (7): al-Zarnuji, Muhammad al-'Awfi**, al-lmidl, Farid al-dln 
'Attar**, *Abd al-Latlf, Ibn al-Farid, Kamal al-dm Ibn Yunus. 

Mathematicians (3) : al-Muzaffar al-Tusi, Qaisar ibn abl-1-QSsim, Ibn al-LubudL 

Physicists (2) : al-Jazarl, Ibn al-Sa'ati. 

Geographer: Ydqut (of Greek origin) . 

Naturalists (2) : Ibn al-$urt, al-TifashL 

Physicians (3): Najlb al-din al-Samarqandi, Ibn Tarkhan, Mesu6 the third (?). 

Historians (8): al-JawbarI ? Ibn dLAthlr, al-Bundarl, Ibn abl-l-Dam, al-Nasawl, 
Ibn al-Qifti, Ibn al-'Adlm, Ibn abi Uaibi*a. 

Philologists (2): al-Sakkaki, Ibn al-Hajib. 

It is clear that the more literary kind of scholars were more abundant than the 
others, though my enumeration is a little deceptive. As each man is named but 
once, the group of "philosophers" includes distinguished specialists, such as *Abd 
al-Latlf and Kamal al-din Ibn Yunus. Of these thirty men only two wrote in 
Persian; all of the others, many of whom were Persians, wrote in Arabic. One, 
al-Sakkaki, is said to have used also the Turkish language. 

Distribution of the Eastern Muslims: How were these men geograpically 
distributed? We may try to classify them according to their native countries, 

7 In this section two asterisks following a name mean "wrote exclusively in Persian " one 
means "wrote in Persian and Arabic." 



[1200-1250] SUBVEY OF SCIENCE AND INTELLECTUAL PEOGRESS 535 

bearing in mind that such classification, though perhaps the most natural, is still 
very artificial. 

Transoxiana (2): al-Amidl, Najib al-dm al-Samarqandi. 

Khurasan (4): Muhammad al-'Awfl**, al-Muzaflfar al-Tusi, Fand al-din 
'Atta***; al-Nasawi. 

Khwanzm (1) : al-SakkakL 

Jibal (1) : al-Bundari. 

Kurdistan (1): Ibn al~alah. 

'Iraq and Jazirah (4): Al-Ja^arl, "Abd al-Laffif, Ibn al-Athlr, Kamal al-din 
Ibn Yunus. 

Syria (9) : Al-Jawbari, Ibn al-S&'atl, Ibn aZ-$wn, Ibn abi-l-Dam, Ibn al-'Adim, 
Ibn al-Lubudl, Ibn abl U$aibi*a, Ibn Tarkhan. I am adding to this group Yaqwt, 
who was of Greek origin. 

Egypt (6): Abu4~Baqa', Qaisar ibn abi-1-Qasirn, Ibn al-Farid, Ibnal-Qifti, 
Ibn al-Hajib, al-TlfashL 

Unknown origin (2): Mesue the Third, al-ZarnujL 

The most remarkable fact was the superiority of Egypt and above all of Syria. 
After these two, the main nurseries of men were Mesopotamia and Khurasan; the 
latter sent her sons not only westward but also eastward Muhammad al-*Awfi 
flourished in India. The superiority of Egypt and Syria would be greater still if 
we had considered them as one single group, for these two countries were closely 
united under the Ayyubids. Then we would see that half of the Eastern Muslims 
and two-thirds of the leading ones belonged to that single group. 
A simpler classification of these 28 men would be the following: 

Mesopotamian (that is, Iraq and Jaiz?irah) 4. 

Easterners ("Persians") 9. 

Westerners (Syro-Egyptians) 15. 
The conclusion of this classficatkm would be the same. 

Western Muslim (12) 

Philosophers (4): Ibn Tto, al-BQnl, Ibn "Arabl } Ibn Sab'in. 
Mathematicians (2) : al-$asan al-Marrakmhi, Ibn Badr. 
Musician (1) : Muhammad al-Shalal>L 

Botanists and Physicians (2); Abu~l~ Abbas al-Nabat r i, Ibn al-Baiffir. 
Historians (3): *Abd al- Wahid al-Marrakushi ? Ibn Hammad, Ibn al-Abbar. 
This group is much smaller than the Eastern one, which is not surprising consider- 
ing that Isl&m was being slowly driven out of Spain. Yet Spain was still the main 
nursery in the West, as will be seen presently. 

Distribution of Western Muslims: These twelve men may be distributed 
according to their native countries as follows : 

Seville (3) : Muhammad al-Shalfflbtf, Abu~l^Abbs aWVa&a% Ibn Badr. 
Malaga (1) : Ibn aWJa^ar*. 
Murcia (2): Ibn *Arabl*, Ibn Sab'fa*, 
Valencia (2) : Ibn Tumlus, Ibn al-Abbr. 

Morocco (3): *Abd al-W&foid al-Marr^kushi* ; Ibn flainmad, al-ffasan al-* 
MarrdkusM. 

Algeria (1) : al-Bunl, 

Those whose names are followed |y an asterisk died in the East: four out of 
twelve, three Spaniards out of eight. Moreover the Valencia*),, Ibn al-AbbSr, 
died in Tunis. Thus was the Spanish decadence slowly prepared. 



536 INTEODUCTION TO THE HISTORY OF SCIENCE [1200-1250] 

Samaritan (2) 

Physicians (2): Sadaqa ben MunajV and Abu-1-Hasan ben Ghaaal, both of 
whom flourished in Damascus. 

Jewish (23) 
Eastern Jewish (3) 

Philosopher (1): Tanhum YerushalmL 

Physicians (2) : al-As'ad al-Mahalli, Devid ben Solomon, both of Cairo. 

These three wrote in Arabic. 

Western Jewish (20) 

Theologians (5): Abraham ben Nathan ha-Yarhi, Abraham ben Azricl, Moses 
ben Jacob of Coucy, Isaiah ben Mali of Trani, and the renegade, Nicholas Donin. 

Translators (3) : Samuel ibn Tibbon, Ibn Hasdai, Jacob Anatoli. 

Philosophers (8): Judah ha-Hasid, al-Harizi, Azriel ben Menahom, Asher ben 
David, Eleazar of Worms, Judah ben Solomon ha-Kohen, Ibn Latlf, Judah ibn 
'Abbas. 

Mathematician (1) : Aaron ben Meshullam. 

Traveler (1) : Samuel ben Samson. 

Physician (1) : Abraham of Aragon. 

Philologist (1) : Joseph ben Samson. 

All of these men wrote in Hebrew, but Judah ben Solomon wrote also in Arabic, 
and Joseph ben Samson in French. 

Distribution of Western Jews: Geographically these Jews can be classified as 
follows: 

Spain (5): al-Harizi, Judah ben Solomon ha-Kohen, Abraham of Aragon, 
Ibn Latlf, Judah ibn 'Abbas. 

Catalonia (2) : Azriel ben Menahem, Ibn Hasdai. 

Languedoc (5): Abraham ben Nathan ha-Yarld, Aaron ben Meshullam, 
Samuel ben Samson (?; at any rate his traveling companion to the East was a 
Languedocian), Samuel ibn Tibbon, Asher ben David* 

Provence (1): Jacob Anatoli. 

Other parts of France (3) : Moses ben Jacob of Coucy, Joseph ben Samson, 
Nicholas Donin. 

South Italy (1) : Isaiah ben Mali. 

Germany (2) : Judah ha-Hasid, Eleazar of Worms* 

Bohemia (1) : Abraham ben Azriel, 

Egypt (2) : al-As'ad al-Ma^alh, David ben Solomon, 

Palestine (1) : Tanhum Yerushalml 

As contrasted with Muslim conditions, Israel was much stronger in the West 
than in the East. However, the Jewish group was far inferior in its totality to the 
Muslim one. There were only two Jews of outstanding importance and both 
were primarily translators; that is, transmitters rather than creators. 



[1200-1250] SURVEY OF SCIENCE AND INTELLECTUAL PKOGKESS 537 

Christian (96) 
Eastern Christian (6) 

The Eastern group may be divided into four sub-groups: Greek, Slavonic, 
Syriac, and Armenian. 

Greek (1) 

Historian: Nicetas Acominatos. 

To this might be added Ydqut, who was of Greek race, but was captured by 
Muslims and educated by them. Compare the similar case of al-Khazinl (first 
half of the twelfth century) . However we feel that it would be a little deceptive 
to put Yaqut to the Greek credit. The decadence of the Greek-speaking world 
was terrible. 

Slavonic (1) 
St. Sabbas of Servia. 

Syriac (2) 

Nestorian (1): Solomon of al-Basra. 
Jacobite (1) : Jacob bar Shakko. 

Armenian (2) 

Historian (1): JohnVanagan. 
Philologist (1) : Aristaces. 
The total activity of Eastern Christendom was very small, 

Western Christian (90) 

All wrote in Latin except the few whose names are followed by an asterisk; 
these few did not write, or they used a vernacular, as indicated between pa- 
rentheses. 

I have divided the Western Christians into a number of groups forming con- 
venient geographical units, as follows: Italy; France; the Hispanic peninsula; 
Great Britain and Ireland; Low Countries; Germany, Poland and Latvia; Scandi- 
navia; Syria, Two Syrian authors writing in Latin are quoted here because they 
really were representatives of Western, not of Eastern, Christendom. 
Italy (22) 

Religious leaders (4): Francis of Assisi, Clara of Assisi*, John of Vicenza*, 
Filippo Benmi*. 

Translators (3): Salio of Padua, William of Lunis, Daniel of Cremona* (Fr.). 

Mathematician (1) : Fibonacci, 

Travelers (2) : Pian del Carpine, Ascelin. 

Naturalist (1) : Frederick II Hohenstaufen. 

Physicians (5): Roland of Parma, John Jamatus, Adam of Cremona, Hugh 
Borgognoni, Thedoric Borgognoni. 

Jurists (5): Azo, Hugolinus, Peter Vinea, Accono, Odofredus. 

Educator (1) : Albertano of Brescia. 
France (20) 

Religious leaders (3): Amaury of B$ne*, Peter Nolasco, Hugh of St. Cher. 

Philosophers and polygraphs (5): Guiot of Proving* (Fr.), John of La Rochelle, 
Walter of Metz, William of Auvergne, John Peter of Lyon* (Prov. ?) . 

Mathematician (1) : Alexander of Villedieu, 

Physicist (1): Matthieu le Vikin* (Fr.). 

Traveler (1) : Andrew of Longjumeau, 



538 



INTRODUCTION TO THE HISTORY OF SCIENCE [120(HL25Q] 



Physicians (2): William of Congenis (?), Walter Agilinus (?). 

Historians (7): Villehardouin* (Fr.), Robert of Clari* (Fr.), Rigord, William 
the Breton, Peter of Vaux-Cernay, Ernoul* (Fr.), James of Vitry. 
Hispanic Peninsula (6) 

Religious leaders (2) : St Dominic, Raymond of Peiiafort. 

Translators (2) : Stephen of Saragossa, Peter Gallego. 

Historians (2): William of Tudela* (Fr.), Rodrigo Jimenez de Rada. 

Raymond of Pefiafort was a Catalan, the others hailed from other parts of Spain. 
Great Britain and Ireland (20) 

Religious leader (1): Simeon Stock. 

Translators (2): Alfred of Sareshel, John Basingstoke. 

Philosophers (6): John of London, Bartholomew the Englishman, Michael Scot, 
Adam Marsh, Robert Grosseteste, Alexander of Hales. 

Mathematicians (2) : William the Englishman, Sacrobosco. 

Geographer (1) : Gervase of Tilbury. 

Agriculturist (1): Walter de Henley* (Fr.). 

Physicians (2): Richard of Wendover, Gilbert the Englishman. 

Historians (2) : Gervase of Canterbury, Roger of Wendover. 

Jurist (1) : William of Drogheda. 

Philologist (1) : John of Garland. 

All of these were Englishmen, except Michael Scot who was a Scotchman, and 
William of Drogheda who was an Irishman. To these might be added the Welsh 
author (or authors) of the Meddygon Myddvai* (Celtic). 
Low Countries (5) 

Religious leaders. David of Dinant* (Fr.). 

Philosopher: Thomas of Cantimprb. 

Mechanician : Gerard of Brussels. 

Historian: Philip Mousket* (Fr.). 

Philologist: Eberhard of Bethune. 
Germany, Poland, and Latvia (8) 

Philosopher: Arnold the Saxon. 

Mathematician, mechanician: Jordanus Nemorarius. 

Travelers (3) : Wolger of Ellenbrechtskirchen, Wilbrand of Oldenburg, Benedict 
the Pole. 

Historians (2) : Vincent of Cracow, Henry of Latvia. 

Jurist: Eike of Repgow* (Ge.). 

All of these were Germans, except Benedict the Polo and Vincent of Cracow, 
who were Poles, and Henry of Latvia. 
Scandinavia (7) 

Philosophy: Author of the Konungs skuggsja* (Norw.). 

Travelers (2) : Rafn Sveinbjornson*, Ogmund of Sp&nheim*. 

Physician: Harpestraeng*. 

Historians (2): Saxo Grammaticus, Snorri Sturluson* (Icelandic). 

Philologist: Olafr ThortSarson. 
Syria (2). 

Translator: Philip of Tripoli. 

Naturalist: Theodore of Antioch. 

To these might possibly be added the historian, Ernoul, who flourished in Syria, 
though the chances are that he was French born. 



[1200-1250] SURVEY OF SCIENCE AND INTELLECTUAL PBOGBESS 539 

Summary** 

Far East 18 ( 7) : Japanese 4 

Chinese 14 ( 7) 

Hindus 3(1) 3(1) 

Muslims 42 (10) : Eastern Muslims 30 ( 6) 

Western Muslims 12 ( 4) 

Samaritans 2 2 

Jews 23 ( 2) : Eastern Jews 3 

Western Jews 20 ( 2) 

Christians 96 (25) : Eastern Christians 6 

Western Christians 90 (25) 

Total 184 (45) Total 184 (45) 

The two Christian groups may be subdivided as follows : 

Eastern Western 

Syriac 2 Italy 22 ( 7) 

Armenian 2 Great Britain 20 ( 8) 

Greek I France 20 ( 2) 

Slavonic 1 Central Europe 8(2) 

Scandinavia 7(4) 
Total 6 Spain 6 

Low Countries 5(2} 
Syria 2 

Total 90 (25) 

The Christian group was now not only the most important, but it was even more 
important than all the others put together (96 against 88). This was entirely due 
to Western Christendom, for Eastern Christendom was on a very low level 

The two following tables afford other comparisons between the main groups. 
In each case the groups are put in the order of numerical importance. 

Main Groups Smaller Groups 

Christians 96 (25) W. Christians 90 (25) 

Muslims 42 (10) E. Muslims 30 ( 6) 

Jews, Sam., 25 ( 2) W, Jews 20 ( 2) 

Chin., Jap., 18 ( 7) Chinese 14 ( 7) 

Hindus 3(1) W. Muslims 12 ( 4) 

E. Christians 6 
Total 184(45) Japanese 4 

Hindus 3 ( 1) 

E. Jews 3 

Samaritans 2 

Total 184 (45) 

8 The figures between parentheses indicate the number of outstanding personalities. See 
next eection. 



540 INTRODUCTION TO THE HISTORY OF SCIENCE [1200-1250] 

Among the Christians, the main groups were the Italian, English, and French 
(see table, Western Christians). Then came Central Europe, Scandinavia, Spain, 
etc. But for a proper appreciation of the work done, not by special races, but 
within certain countries, we have to combine the data in other ways. 

The following tables explain themselves. 

France Italy 

Christians 20 (2) Christians 22 (7) 

Jews 9 (2) Jews 1 

Total 29 (4) Total 23 (7) 

Spain Syria 

Muslims 8 (3) Muslims 9 (3) 

Jews 7 Syriac 2 

Christians 6 Latin 2 

Samaritan 2 

Total 21 (3) Jews 1 

Total 16 (3) 

Egypt Central Europe 

Muslims 6 (1) Christians 8 (2) 

Jews 2 Jews 3 

Total 8 (1) Total 11 (2) 

Taking all these figures into account, the various nations may be arranged as 
follows: 

Order of Nations 

France 29 (4) 

Italy 23 (7) 

Spain 21 (3) 

Great Britain 20 (8) 

Syria 16 (3) 

China 14 (7) 

Central Europe 11 (2) 

Egypt 8 fl) 

Scandinavia 7 (4) 

Low Countries 5 (2) 

Japan 4 

India 3 (1) 

This table is very interesting indeed, but needless to say one should not attach 
too much importance to it, and one should bear in mind the many qualifications 
without which it could be grossly misunderstood. To begin with, it does not refer 
to units of comparable size and population. Then some groups were far more 
homogeneous than others. 



[1200-1250] SURVEY OF SCIENCE AND INTELLECTUAL PEOGEESS 541 

However, we can safely deduce from it that the five leading countries were 
France, Italy, Spain, England, and Syria. Spain was still one of the leading 
countries, though no longer the leading one. She was now the third or fourth in 
importance. The place taken by Syria is very remarkable, and if we had put 
Syria and Egypt together they would have reached the second rank. 

The superiority of France is still clearer if we consider the language. French 
was thus by far the most important vernacular, the only one which could at all 
compete with Latin, though it stood a long way behind it. It was truly inter- 
national, for it was used by Italians like Daniel of Cremona, by Spaniards like 
William of Tudela, by Englishmen like Walter of Henley, by Jews like Joseph ben 
Samson, and it was not unknown in Scandinavia. 

COMPARATIVE ACHIEVEMENTS OF VARIOUS GROUPS IF ONLY THE OUTSTANDING 

PERSONALITIES ARE CONSIDERED 

Some idea of this question has already been given in the preceding tables, wherein 
the figures between brackets are the numbers of outstanding personalities. Out of 
184 personalities I have selected 45, which may be distributed as follows: 

Translators (3) : Alfred Sareshel, Samuel ibn Tibbon, Jacob Anatoli. 

Philosophers and Encyclopaedists (7): Michael Scot, Robert Grosseteste, Bar- 
tholomew the Englishman, Thomas of Cantimpr, author of Konungs skuggsj^,, 
'Abd al-Latlf , Ibn 'Arabl. 

Mathematicians, Astronomers, Mechanicians (6): Fibonacci, Jordanus Nemo- 
rarius, Gerard of Brussels, al-Hasan al-Marr&kushl, Ch'in Chiu-shao, Li Yeh. 

Travelers and Geographers (4): Pian del C&rpine, Yaqut, Ch'iu Ch'ang-ch'un, 
Chao Ju-kua. 

Naturalists (6): Frederick II, Walter of Henley, Abu-l~'AbMs al-NabStl, 
Ibn al-yflrf, Ch'fin J6n-yu, Chia Ssti-tao, 

Physicians (10): Roland of Parma, Hugh and Theodoric Borgognoni, William 
of Congenis, Gilbert the Englishman, Richard of Wendover, Harpestraeng, Ibn 
al-Baitar, SarAgadhara, Sung Tz'ti, 

Historians (6) : Villehardouin, Snorri Sturluson, Saxo Grammaticus, Ibn al-Athir, 
Ibn al-Qift!, Ibn abJ XJaibi'a. 

Jurists (2) : Accorso, Eike of Repgow. 

Philologist (I): John of Garland, 

It will be noticed that every group is international. Perhaps the most char- 
acteristic fact is the preponderance of Englishmen in the philosophical group. 
If we consider the geographical distribution of these leaders (see table, Order of 
Nations), we are also struck by the superiority of the English. Though France 
and Spam produced each of them more scholars than England, England gave 
birth to more leaders than these two great nations combined. The most original 
of the nations was thus England, Italy following close behind. This cannot be 
accounted for by insularity, for many of the English scientists flourished abroad. 

The leadership of China is less surprising, for as its development was almost 
entirely independent of ours, it was of necessity original Yet China showed 
considerably more originality and creative power than Japan, 

The originality of Scandinavia is also partly explained by aloofness, but only 
partly the main explanation is genius. Compare the publications of these 
northern peoples in their own, vernaculars, with, say, the publications of all the 



542 INTRODUCTION TO THE HISTORY OF SCIENCE [1200-1250] 

Eastern Christians combined. What a difference! The explanation is, no doubt, 
that the Scandinavians were quick, while the Greeks and others were asleep. 

If I were pressed to name the ten most important men from our point of view, I 
would name with some hesitation (for such questions are a little foolish) Ville- 
hardouin, Yaqut, Michael Scot, Jordanus Nemorarius, Fibonacci, Ibn al-Baitar, 
Frederick II, Pian del Carpine, Robert Grosseteste, Jacob Anatoli (they ai e named 
in the order of death years). This selection, arbitrary as it is, is a good representa- 
tion of the age: one Jew, two Muslims, seven Christians; or otherwise, three 
Italians, two Englishmen, two Frenchmen, one German, one Spaniard, and then 
Yaqut, the Muslim Greek ! 



CHAPTER XXIX 

RELIGIOUS BACKGROUND 

(First Half of Thirteenth Century) 
I. CHRISTENDOM 

FRANCISCANS AND DOMINICANS 

The two greatest orders of friars (Christian mendicant monks) were founded in 
the first quarter of the thirteenth century, and they played so prominent a part 
in the history of civilization, so many of their members contributed to the develop- 
ment of science and philosophy, that it is impossible to understand the thought of 
their time and of many subsequent centuries without paying considerable attention 
to them. The Franciscan Order was founded in 1210, and the Order of Preachers 
in 1215. Before speaking of each of them in particular, their common char- 
acteristics may be noticed. While the majority of Christian monks ran away 
from the people, and tried to spend their lives in secluded monasteries, as far away 
from the world as possible, the Friars went to the people; they established them- 
selves, not in solitary places deep in the country, but in the growing towns where 
they could preach to multitudes. They were not attached to monasteries, but 
simply to their Order, being like independent soldiers of Christ fighting each in 
his own way for the redemption of the people. They soon realized that it would be 
impossible to redeem the masses without controlling the education of the leaders, 
and thus they tried to obtain chairs in the universities, notably in Paris, and this 
was to be the cause of abundant trouble between them and the other professors 
of theology. 

THE FRANCISCANS (1210) 

The earliest of these orders was that of the Franciscans, also called Grey Friars, 
Friars Minor, or Minorites (The Seraphic Order), founded by St. Francis. 

Saint Francis of Assisi, one of the most lovable of men who ever lived, was 
born in 1181 or 1182 at Assisi, Umbria. Soon after 1202 he experienced a profound 
spiritual crisis. He began to preach to the poor at Assisi in 1209. As soon as he 
had gathered eleven disciples they went to Home and obtained the pope's (Innocent 
III) Sanction. On their return to Assisi they obtained from the Benedictine 
Abbey on Mount Subasio the use of the chapel of St. Mary of the Angels (Portiun- 
cula) in the plain below Assisi, The order was there inaugurated in 1209 or more 
probably in 1210 This was the "First Order of St. Francis," restricted to men 
having vowed to imitate the life of Christ, especially his poverty. 

A similar order for women was founded in 1212 when Saint Clara was professed 
by St. Francis at the Portiuncula. This is the "Second Order of St. Francis" 
(Poor Clares, Clarisses). St. Clara, born at Assisi in 1194, was the true spiritual 
sister of St, Francis, and probably of all his disciples the one who understood him 
best. She was abbess of the convent of St. Damian's, near Assisi the earliest 
house of Poor Clares and died there August 11, 1253. 

543 



544 INTRODUCTION TO THE HISTOKY OF SCIENCE [1 200-1250] 

A third organization, a sort of extension of the Franciscan movement into the 
lay world, was initiated by St. Francis about 1221. This is the "Third Order of 
St Francis m The Third Order was exceedingly successful all over Western 
Europe and it became the model of similar extensions of the other mendicant orders, 
the Tertianes being in every case controlled by the First and Second Orders. 2 
Some of the Tertianes live together in a community (Regular Tertianes), others 
remain in the world, pursuing their ordinary vocations and living with their family 
(Secular Tertiaries). The Franciscan Tertiaries are submitted to a Rule of Life 
which dates back essentially to St. Francis' original rule of 1221 

The order was sanctioned by the Fourth Lateran Council in 1215. By 1219 it 
had already grown so much that it was necessary to divide it into Provinces, and 
that its government far exceeded St. Francis' administrative ability. In 1220 a 
bull was granted by Pope Hononus III sanctioning anew the organization of the 
order and appointing Cardinal Hugolino of Ostia (afterwards Gregory IX) its 
official protector. Soon after (September 1220) St. Francis abdicated as minister- 
general. He died at the Portiuncula October 3, 1226. 

The history of the order after Francis ; death is extremely complicated, and 
cannot be told here. The rule was too severe for many, especially with regard to 
poverty, both individual and corporate. Thus in the course of time the Franciscan 
movement branched off in various directions, according to the interpretation of 
the original rule: Conventuals, whose application of the rule was less severe; 
Observants, 1370, whose application was more severe; Capuchins (so-called from 
their hood, capuchon) , founded in 1520-1529, more severe still 

The Franciscans are by far the most numerous of all the Christian orders. The 
Capuchins form the chief branch of Franciscanism; they possess the Portiuncula, 
and most of the Franciscans of to-day are either Capuchins or Capuchincs (the 
latter organization was founded at Naples in 1538; they are also called Sisters of 
Suffering). 

The Franciscans have devoted themselves mainly to missionary enterprises in 
distant countries, and among the poor who live near us yet away from us. Their 
contributions to knowledge and progress have been considerable, as will be shown 
in the course of my work. 

They established themselves in Paris in 1219, and obtained a chair of theology 
in the University about 1232, the first incumbent being Alexander of Hales. 
They organized studia particularia in each province, and studia generalia in the 
main centers e.g., Paris, Oxford, Toulouse. These studia generalia were intrinsic 
parts of the university organization in these places. They arrived in England in 
1224 (four years later than the Dominicans) and soon obtained there considerable 
influence. 

Bibliography Andrew George Little: A guide to Franciscan studies (64 p., 
London 1920), 

Luke Wadding (1588-1657) : Annales Minorum seu trium ordinum a S, Francisco 
institutorum (Rome 1625-1654). Editio 2, locupletior et accuratior opera et 
studio Josephi Mariae Fonseca ab Ebora (25 vols., Rome 1731-1886). 

1( rhe Tertiaries, Brothers and Sisters of the Order of Penance. A similar organisation, 
that of the Humiliati, was earliercertainly earlier than 1178 but ended in failure (see second 
half of twelfth century). 

2 Thus there are Dominican, Carmelite, Augustinian, Servite, Premonstratensian . . . . 
Tertiaries. 



[1200-1250] KELIGIOUS BACKGROUND 545 

Luke Wadding: Scriptorcs ordmis Mmorum. Qmbus acccssit syllabus eorum, 
nui ex eodem ordme pro fide Chnsti fortiter occubuerunt: Pnores alramento, 
posteriores sanguine christianam rcligionem asscrverunt (Rome 1650) New 
edition (243 p., Rome 1906) Supplement by Giovanni Giacinto Sbaragha (Rome 
1908 sq.) Girolamo Gobulovich: Bibhoicca biobibhografica della Terra Santa e 
deirOriente francescano (Firenze 1906, etc ; new series, 1921, etc.). 

St Francis' Writings Opera omnia socundum editionem fr. Lucae Waddingi 
edidit vitam a Sancto Bonaventura concmnatam textu recognito adjecit Job. Jos. 
von der Burg (442 p , Cologne 1849). Scntti, edited by Vittorino Facchmetti 
(Milano 1921). Franziskus und Dommikus, Lcbon und Schnften (125 p., Breslau 

1926). 

Paschal Robinson: The writings of St Francis (240 p., Philadelphia 1906). 

A few Biographies, ancient and modern Lc Speculum perfections ou M^moires 
de frere L<on sur la seconde partic de la vie de St. Frangois. Latin text edited by 
Paul Sabatier (382 p., Manchester 1928, Isis, 13, 159). Thomas de Celano (fl. 
1257): The lives of St Francis, translated by A. G. Ferrers Howell (384 p., London 
1908). St. Bonaventura (1221-1274): Vita di S. Francesco a cura di G, Battelli 
(Sancaseiano 1926). English translation of St. Bonaventure's life by Emma 
Gurncy-Saltcr (Temple Classics, 1904). Ferdinand M. Delorme: La Legenda 
antiqua S. Francisci (92 p,, Pans 1926). Text of MS. 1046 of Perugia edited 

Paul Sabatier: Vie de St. Frangois (Pans 1894, often reprinted). Englished by 
Louise S Houghton (New York 1894) Walter Goctz: Die Quellen zur Geschichte 
des hi. Franz (269 p., Gotha 1904). Father Cuthbert: Life of St. Francis (462 p., 
London 1912). Vittorino Facchine.tti: San Francesco (Milano 1921). Luigi 
Salvatorelli: Vita di San Francesco (Ban 1926). Emma Gurney Salter: Sources 
for the biography of St. Francis (Speculum, vol. 5, 388-410, 1930). 

Franciscan studies Friedrich Glaser: Die franaskanische Bewegung, em 
Beitrag wr Geschichte sozialer Reformideen im Miltelalter (176 p., Stuttgart 
1903), Heribert Holzapfel: Handbuch zur Geschichte des Franziskanerordens 
(752 p., Freiburg i.B., 1909). Karl Balthasar: Geschichte des Armutsstreites im 
Franziskanerorden bis zum Konzil von Vienne (Munster i.W., 1911). David 
Saville Muzzey: The spiritual Franciscans (Columbia thesis, 76 p., New York 
1907; reprinted, 107 p., Washington 1914). Vlastimil Kybal: Die Ordensregeln 
des hi. Franz und die ursprungliche Verfassung des Mmoritenordens (176 p., 
Leipzig 1915). Ellen Scott Davison: Forerunners of St. Francis (Boston 1927; 
Isis, 11, 145-147). 

Henry Thode; Franz von Assisi und die Anfange der Kunst der Renaissance m 
Italian (Berlin 1885; 2d od., 670 p., Berlin 1904). French version by Gaston 
Lefftvre (2 vok, 64 pi., Paris o. 1910). ^ ff 

A. G. Little: Studies m English Franciscan history (258 p., Manchester 1917; 
Isis, 3, 280-282). Emma Gurney-Salter: The coming of the Friars Minor to 
England and to Germany, being the Chronicles of Brother Thomas of Eccleston 
and Brother Jordan of Giano. Translated from the critical edition by A. G 
Little and H. Boehmer (234 p., ill., London 1926), Edward Hutton: The Fran- 
ciscans in England, 1224-1538 (London 1926; Speculum, 216-222, 1927). 

Hilarin Feldcr (<X M. Cap.): Geschichte der wissenschaftlichen Studien im 
Franziskanerorden bis zum die Mitte des 13, Jahrhunderts (568 p., Freiburg IB,, 
1904). French version by Father Eus&be of Bar4e-Duc (582 p., Pari$ 1908), 
Hilarin Felder: The ideals of St, Francis. Translated by Berchmans Bittle (534 
p., New York 1925), 

Main Periodicals $tvdB franciscaines (Paris 1899, sq,). Archiyum francisca- 
num historicum (Ad Claras Aquas prope Florentiam, 1908 sq.). British Society of 
Franciscan studies (Manchester 1908, sq.). La France franciscaine (Lille 1912, 
sq ). Franziskanische Studien (Miinster L W., 1914 sqO- Revne d'Mstoire fran- 
ciscaine (Paris 1924, sq.). 



546 INTRODUCTION TO THE HISTORY OF SCIENCE [1200-1250] 

THE DOMINICANS (1215) 

The Dominicans, Friar Preachers, or Black Friars, were founded by St. Dominic. 

Saint Dominic (Domingo de Guzman) was born in 1170 at Calerucga in the 
province of Burgos. He studied at Palencia, then became an Augusliman canon 
of the cathedral of Osma. From 1205 to 1215 he was charged by Pope Innocent III 
to carry on missionary work among the Albigenses of Languedoc This gave 
him, in 1214 or before, the idea of creating a religious order the mam purpose of 
which would be to preach and teach the Christian Gospel among infidels and 
heretics. The organisation was approved by Innocent III in 1215, with reserva- 
tions, then more fully the next year, and finally sanctioned by an encyclical bull in 
1218. The success of the order was immediate and enormous and by the time of 
Dominic's death at Bologna, August 6, 1221, its influence was already felt all over 
Western Europe. 

The Dominican ideal was easier to realize than the Franciscan, and thus the 
history of the Dominicans was less troubled than that of the Franciscans, though 
it was by no means free of vicissitudes. The rock upon which the Franciscan 
communion risked many tunes being wrecked was the question of poverty, not 
simply individual but also corporate, upon which St Francis insisted. This 
question was far less essential from the Dominican point of view. In 1425 some 
Dominican houses were already allowed to hold property, and by 1475 this privilege 
was extended to the whole order which thus ceased to be mendicant. Considering 
their aim, it is natural that the Dominicans played a very important role in the 
development of mediaeval universities and the syslemalization of Christian 
philosophy It will suffice to recall the names of the two greatest Dominicans of 
the thirteenth century: Albert the Great and St. Thomas Aquinas. The organiza- 
tion of the Inquisition was also essentially the work of Dominicans. (ITcncc the 
nickname, Domini canes ) 

The First Order of St. Dominic was founded in 1215 (or 1218). The Second 
Order was an earlier creation, however, the first nunnery being founded by St, 
Dominic as early as 1206 near Toulouse. The Third Order dates only from the 
fifteenth century. 

The most important early Dominican communities were those of Paris and 
Bologna. The Paris Dominicans were familiarly called Brothers of St. James, and 
those of Bologna, Brothers of St. Nicholas. The Dominicans wore established in 
Paris as early as 1217, and they soon began to make efforts to obtain a chair of 
theology in the 'University. They did not succeed until 1229, when a strike of the 
secular teachers gave them their first opportunity; they obtained a second chair in 
1231. The earliest incumbents were Roland of Cremona and John of St, Giles. 
As I have already observed, trouble arose between the regulars and the seculars, 
but this did not become serious until the second half of the century (see next 
book). The Dominicans arrived in England in 1220. 

Bibliography The Dominican literature, though smaller than the Franciscan, is 
nevertheless very considerable. I can but quote a few titles, 

Jacques Qutif (1618-1698) and Jacques Echard: Scriptores Ordmis Praedica- 
torum recensiti (2 vols., Paris 1719-1721). Second edition, corrected and brought 
up-to-date by Remi Coulon (Paris 1910, sq.). Antoine Touron: Histoire des 
hommes illustres de FOrdre de Saint Dominique (6 vols., Paris 1743-1749)* Pierre 
Mandonnet: Les Dominicains et la d^couverte de PAm&rique (Paris 1893). 



[1200-1250] RELIGIOUS BACKGROUND 547 

Andreas Fruhwirth (and others): Analecta sacra Ordinis Fratrum Praedicatorum 
(Rome 1893, sq.)- D. A Mortier* Histoire des maitres gne*raux de Pordre 
(8 vols , Paris 1903-1920) Pierre F Mandonnet : Order of Preachers (Catholic 
Encyclopaedia, vol. 12, 354-370, 1911) Ernest Barker: The Dominican Order 
and convocation, a study of the growth of representation in the church during the 
thirteenth century (83 p., Oxford 1913). Beithold Altaner: Die Dominikaner- 
missionen des 13 Jahrhundeits Forschungen zur Geschichte der kirchlichen 
Unionen und der Mohammedaner- und Heidenmission des Mittelalters (Habel- 
schwerdt, Schlcsien, 1924) Mis Georgina llosahe (Cole-Baker) Galbraith: 
The constitution of the Dominican order from 1216 to 1360 (Publications of the 
University of Manchester, histor. series, 44; 302 p , 1925). 

On Roland of Cremona, see Alexandre Birkenrnajcr : Le r61e jou< par les m<5decins 
et les naturalistes dans la reception d'Aristote (La Pologne au VI Congres inter- 
national des sciences mstoriques, Oslo, 1928; 15 p , Warsaw 1930; Isis. 15, 272). 

INFLUENCE OF FRANCISCANS AND DOMINICANS ON THE PROGRESS OF CIVILIZATION 

The spiritual attitude of the Franciscans and that of the Dominicans were very 
different, if not antagonistic. To put it as simply as possible (too simply), the 
former spoke to the heart, the latter to the head, the former continued the Platonic 
tendencies of early Christendom, the latter made it tlieir special task to develop 
Aristotelian philosophy and to adapt it to Christian theology. The former had 
perhaps less intellectual curiosity but more intellectual freedom. It is not a mere 
matter of chance that Roger Bacon was a Grey Friar, and St Thomas Aquinas a 
Black Friar. 

Both orders aided the progress of thought to the same extent that all religious 
fraternities have, in creating a more disinterested attitude of the mind with regard 
to the material world, also in providing retreats where the more studious and 
wistful could be piotected from that world when it became too oppressive and too 
ugly. .Before the creation of Universities and these remained for centuries 
restricted to a relatively small number of localities the religious orders provided 
the mam asylums for those who wanted solitxide and peace to think out their prob- 
lems, the main centers of research and teaching, the main focuses of human devo- 
tion and charity. 

While writing this I keep in mind that their intellectual influence was sometimes a 
very evil one; witness the Dominican Inquisition,. Thus, of all human affairs. 
Institutions specifically devised to foster freedom may become instruments of 
servitude. Our modern universities reveal sometimes obscurantist tendencies, 
and our democracies are not always all that they pretend to be We must consider 
the main drift of events. 

To complete this attempt to explain our debt to the Friars Grey and Black, it 
will suffice to name here all of those whose work and activity have been dealt with 
in my survey. They are arranged in the order of their death years, 

The double list is sufficiently impressive and makes further comment unnecessary. 



548 



INTRODUCTION TO THE HISTORY OF SCIENCE 



[1200-1250] 



Dominicans 2 ' 9 ' 
St. Dominic (d. 1221) 

Jordanus Nemorarius (d. 1237) 



Andrew of Longjumeau (fl.c. 1250) 
Ascelm (or Anselm) (fl.c. 1250) 
Walter de Henley (fl.m. XIII) 



John of Vicenza (d. before 1260) 
Hugh of St. Cher (d. 1263) 
Vincent of Beauvais (d, 1264) 

St. Thomas Aquinas (d. 1274) 
Raymond of Penafort (d. 1275) 
Thomas of CantimprS (d.c. 1271-1280) 
Burchard of Mount Sion (fl.c. 1276) 
Ulrich of Strassburg (d. 1277) 
Martin of Troppau (d. 1278) 
Robert Kilwardby (d. 1279) 
Albert the Great (d. 1280) 
William of Moerbeke (d.c. 1286) 
Raymond Martin (d. before 1286) 
Nicholas of Poland (fl. 1279-1288) 



Bernard of Trilia (d. 1292) 
Theodoric Borgognoni (d. 1298) 
Peter of Dacia (fl. end XIII) 
Giles of Lessines (d.c. 1304) 

Ricoldo di Monte Croce (d. 1320) 



Franciscans 

Giles of Corbeil (d. 1222) 
St. Francis of Assisi (d. 1226) 

Bartholomew the Englishman (fl.c. 

1240) 

Alexander de Villedieu (d.c. 1240) 
Nicholas Donin of La Rochelle (fl.c, 

1240) 

Alexander of Hales (d. 1245) 
John of La Rochelle (d. 1245) 
John of Parma (?) (fl.c. 1250) 



Giov. Pian del Carpine (d. 1252) 
St. Clara of Assisi (d 1253) 
William of Rubruquis (fl.c. 1255) 
Adam Marsh (d. 1257) 
Guibert of Tournay (fl.c. 1259) 
Thomas of York (d. 1260) 



Peter Gallego (d. 1267) 
St. Bonaventure (d. 1274) 



Richard Middleton (fl.c. 1284-1288) 

Salimbene (d. before 1288) 

William of Ware (fl. last quarter of 

thirteenth century) 
Roger Bacon (d. 1292) 
John Peckham (d. 1292) 
William de la Mare (d. 1298) 
Peter Olivi (d. 1298) 
Peter of Trabibus (fl. end XIII) 
Bernard of Verdun (fl. end XIII) 

Duns Scot (d. 1308) 
Ramon Lull (Tert) (d, 1315) 



2a This double list was compiled by Miss M. C, Welborn. 



[1200-1250] RELIGIOUS BACKGROUND 549 

CARMELITES 

The order of Carmelites (or White Friars) was founded probably about the middle 
of the twelfth century by a Calabrian crusader named Berthold, and ten companions 
of his, near the cave of Elias on Mount Carmel. A Greek pilgrim, Phocas (second 
half of twelfth century), visiting Mount Carmel in 1185, gave some account of 
them. However, their earliest constitution was not given to them until c. 1210, 
by Albert, Latin patriarch of Jerusalem. This date, c. 1210, may be considered the 
date of formal foundation of the order; the early rule was strictly eremetical; it was 
sanctioned by the pope in 1226. The unsafe conditions obtaining in Palestine 
obliged the friars to move away about 1240, first to Cyprus, then to Sicily, France 
and England. The first general chapter of the order was held in the last named 
country, at Aylesford, on the Medway (Kent), in 1245, and the Englishman, St. 
Simeon Stock, 3 was elected general Under his direction the rule was mitigated 
(1248) and transformed into a coenobitical rule of the mendicant type. The Carmel- 
ites thus became one of the four great orders of mendicant friars. 

The vicissitudes of the order need not be related here It will suffice to remark 
that it was subject to the same ordeal as the Franciscan order, a continuous internal 
strife between radicals and moderates. 

The order seems to have been especially successful in England For a long time 
it was restricted to men; and no Carmelite nunnery existed before the middle of 
the fifteenth century. Yet it is from one of these early nunneries that a new 
movement for reform was started, which was to lead in the course of time to the 
creation of an independent community. 

Teresa de Ccpeda (St. Theresa of Jesus, born in Avila, 1515; died in Alva, 1582), 
after having spent thirty years in a Carmelite convent at Avila, Old Castile, was 
"converted" in 1554, and gradually led to establish at Avila in 1562 a rule of 
greater austerity, reproducing as much as possible primitive Carmelite life The 
same reform was carried through in the monasteries with the help of Juan de 
Yepez y Alvarez (Juan de la Cruz, born at Ontiveros, Old Castile, 1542; died at 
Ubed&, 1591), After considerable struggle, the new order obtained semi-inde- 
pendence in 1580 and complete independence in 1593. As these Carmelites wore 
sandals in place of shoes and stockings, they were called Descalzos (D6chauss6s, 
Barefoots, Discalced). At the present time the Discalced Carmelites are far more 
numerous than the Calced ones; their intense missionary activity has carried 
them all over the world. St. Theresa and St. John of the Cross composed a number 
of mystical writings in Spanish; both were ultimately canonized, she in 1622, he 
in 1726. 

Text Antiquas ordinls constitutions, acta capitulorum generalium, tractatus 
de prioribus generalibus, de magistris parisiensibus necnon epistolas diversas edidit 
Benedicts Zimmerman (Monumenta historica carmehtana, 1, Liriniae, ex typis 
abbatiae, 1907). Acta capitulorum generalium ordinis fratrum B, V. Mariae de 
Monte Carmelo. VoL 1 ab anno 1318 usque ad annum 1593, Cum iiotis B. 
Zimmerman, auctoritate P. M. Mayer, edidit Gabriel Wessels (Home 1912; no 
more published). 

Criticism San Juan de la Cruz; revista carmelitano-teresiana dirigada por los 
PP. Carmelitas Descalzos (Segovia 1890, etc.). Etudes carm<litaines; historiques 
et critiques sur les traditions, les privileges et la mystique de Fordre par les p$res 

* St. Simeon Stock, born c. 1165, studied in Oxford, died in Bordeaux, 1265. Propagator of 
the "scapular." 



550 INTRODUCTION TO THE HISTORY OF SCIENCE [1200-1250] 

Cannes d<chauss6s de la province de France (Paris 1911, etc.). Table g&i<rale 
analytique, 1911-1922. 

Excellent introductory article by Edward Cuthbert Butler, O. S. B., in En- 
cyclopaedia Britannica (llth ed., vol. 5, 358, 1911). P. R. McCaffrey: The 
White Friars. An outline of Carmelite history with special reference to the 
English-speaking provinces (Dublin 1926; illustr ). 

See biographies of St. Theresa of Jesus, and of St. John of the Cross. 

AUGUSTINIANS 

The fourth of the mendicant orders, 4 the Augustinians, was founded under papal 
direction about the middle of the century. The Augustinians or August mian 
Hermits, are also called, improperly, Black Friars. They ought not to be confused 
with the Augustinian Canons (second half of eleventh century) . The August mian 
Order was largely the result of the organization of sundry small groups of Italian 
hermits. They followed the so-called Rule of St. Augustine and were organized on 
the model of the Franciscan and Dominican communities The new order spread 
rapidly over Western Europe, producing a great many variations which remained 
loosely united under the same general. A later variation occurred in Germany, 
c. 1500, and separated itself entirely from the main body; it will be remembered 
that Luther was one of those German separatists whose congregation was dissolved 
in 1526. There are still a small number of convents of Augustinian Hermits 
(Hermitesses) to-day, and also organizations of Augustinian Tcrtiaries. 

Davide Aurelio Permi: Augustimani scnptores (Rome 1911, sq ). Grcgorio dc 
Santiago Vela: Ensayo de una biblioteca ibero-americana de la Ordon dc San 
Augustin (Madrid 1913-22). 

MERCEDARIANS 

The Order of Our Lady of Mercy (Orden de Nuestra Seilora de la Merced) is a 
congregation of men founded in 1218 by St. Peter Nolasco Its purpose was similar 
to that of the Trinitarians (second 1 ' half of twelfth century), namely, to ransom 
captives, especially those fallen into Muslim hands, It was thus an additional 
illustration of the struggle between Christendom and Islam, It included both 
religious members or monks, and lay ones or knights. 

Peter Nolasco was born in 1189 (or 1182) at Mas-des-Saintos-Puellcs, near Castel- 
naudary (Languedoc) ; he was a soldier in Simon dc Montfort's army fighting the 
Albigenses; later he was appointed tutor to the young king, James of Aragon, in 
Barcelona. He founded the new order in that city, with the advice and help of 
Raymond of Penafort. The latter is sometimes called the founder. Raymond 
drew the first rule, but Peter was the first superior or Commander General, and the 
first Ransomer (i e , the monk who was sent to the Moors to negotiate a ransom) ; 
Peter resigned in 1249, and died at Barcelona in 1256. 

The Order was approved by Honorius III, and by Gregory IX, who granted a 
bull of confirmation in 1230 and prescribed the Rule of St. Augustine. It developed 
rapidly in France, England, Germany, Portugal, and Spain. Its great success 
caused various vicissitudes which do not concern us. Some Mercedarians ac- 
companied Columbus to the New World, where they made a great many prose- 
lytes; the order has remained to this day far more important in Latin America 
than in Europe. 

4 The first three being the Franciscans, Dominicans, and Carmelites. 



[1200-1250] HELIGIOUS BACKGROUND 551 

Gan y Smmell: Bibliotheca mcrcedaria (Barcelona 1875). Revista Mercedaria, 
published by the monastery of Cordova. J. M Basse: Catholic Encyclopaedia 
(vol 10, 197, 1911) Faustino D. Gazulla: Refutacion de un libro titulado S. 
Raimundo de Peilafort, Fundator de la Orden de la Merced (Barcelona 1920). 

THE SERVITES 

The order of the Servites, or Servants of Mary, was founded in 1233 by seven 
merchants of Florence near that city. The very austere rule, promulgated in 1240, 
is essentially the Augustinian with some modifications inspired by the Dominican 
example. The order received the papal sanction in 1255. The chief organizer 
was the fifth general, Filippo Benizzi, who was born in Florence in 1233, studied 
philosophy and medicine in Paris, practiced medicine in Florence and Padua, and 
finally joined the order; he died in 1285, and was canonized in 1671. There is a 
corresponding order for women, and there are also Servite Tertiaries. 

Arcangelo Giani: Annalmm sacri ordinis fratrum Servorum B. Mariae Virginisa 
suae institutionis exordio centunae quatuor (3 vols, folio, Lucae, 1719-1725). 

AMAXTKY OF B^NE AND DAVID OF DINANT 

Amaury or Amalric of Bne, or Bennes, near Chartres. Taught at the University 
of Paris, Died in 1206. Influenced by Scot Erigena (second half of ninth cen- 
tury), and by the School of Chartres; he developed a pantheistic theology (Omnia 
unum, quia quidquid est est Deus. Nemo potest esse salvus, nisi credat se esse 
membrum Christi). 

Similar views were defended by another theologian, David of Dinant, 5 of whom 
nothing is known except that he had an interview with Pope Innocent III in 1212. 
Amaury left no writings; and David's works, which were especially obnoxious 
because they were written in the French vernacular, were burned; we know their 
views only indirectly from those who opposed them. 

Amaury's philosophy was censored by the University of Paris in 1204, and 
condemned by Pope Innocent III in 1207. Yet he found many followers, the 
Amauricians or Amalncians, who combined the original pantheism with other 
mystical and apocalyptic ideas; twelve of them were condemned to death in 1210 
by a Parisian synod, which ordered at the same time that Amaury's body be 
exhumed from consecrated ground. That this heresy continued is proved by the 
fact that Innocent III found it necessary to condemn it again at the Fourth 
Lateran Council (Rome, 1215), 

It is interesting to compare this pantheistic propaganda with the mystical views 
which arrived at about the same time from South Italy. The writings of the 
Calabrian mystic, Joachim of Floris (second half of the twelfth century) became 
especially popular in the first half of the thirteenth century, especially among 
the most rigorous Franciscans, and they spread rapidly beyond the Alps The 
Joachimite views were not formally condemned until 1255; they inspired directly 
or indirectly an enormous literature. 

Text Clemens Baeumker: Contra Amaurianos. Ein anonymer, wahrscheinlich 
dem Garnerius von Rochefort Mgehoriger Traktat aus dem Anfang des XIII. 
Jahrhunderts, Mit Nachrichten iiber die iibrigen unedierten Werke des Garnerius 

8 Dinant on the Meuse in Belgium, not Dinan in Brittany. 



552 INTRODUCTION TO THE HISTORY OF SCIENCE [1200-1250] 

(Beitrage zur Geschichte der Philosophic des Mittelalters Bd. 24, Heft 6-6, 110 
D Munster 1926). This Garnenus of Eochefort was a Cistercian who became 
bishop of Langres in 1192, and died at Clairvaux after 1215; Mandonnet would 
ascribe the same text to Rudolph of Namur. 

Cn^m-P. Alphand^ry: Les id^es morales chez les h^rodoxes latins au 
d^but de XIII' silcle (Paris 1903) P. Duhem: SystSme du monde (vol. 5, 
244-249, 1917). Gustave Thery: David de Dinant f^^*^ 1 ^' 
150 p Kain, 1925). M. de Wulf: Mediaeval philosophy (vol 1, 191-19f> 1926). 

Auguste Jundt: L'apocalypse mystique du moyen age et la Matol^ de Dante 
(Lecon d'ouverture; Stance de l'Universit de Pans, 17-71 1886) Johaiui 
Chrysostomus Huck: Ubertin von Casale und dessen Ideenkreis (114 p , Freiburg 
1903). 

For Everard of Bethune and John of Garland, see philological chapter, below. 

ORGANIZATION OF THE INQUISITION 

Man is naturally intolerant with regard to the religious beliefs and spiritual 
attitude of his neighbors. Such intolerance is but one aspect of human gregarious- 
ness which was, and still is, an important factor of the stability of civilization, and 
thus a condition of progress. The primeval human herd cannot stand many 
leaders; it tends to exterminate all of them but the very few which it immediately 
needs This is still true, though to an increasingly smaller extent, of civilized 
societies. Thus we must expect many forms of inquisition of "heretics," and of 
their persecution, private and public, to occur throughout the course of human 
history The things to be explained are not the inquisitions, but the rare moments 
of complete toleration. 

However, it is remarkable that in the early Middle Ages the persecution of 
heretics took but rarely (as, for example, in the case of the Manichaeans) a violent 
form. One can even say that religious persecution entailing the penalty of death 
was not generally introduced into Christian Europe until the end of the twelfth 
century. The one individual who must bear the heaviest responsibility with 
regard to that criminal introduction was Innocent III, pope from 1198 to 1216. 
Innocent's motives were the highest, and he showed for a time unusual forbearance, 6 
yet he considered the Albigensian heresy to be so subversive of Christian civilization 
that it could not possibly be endured and he resolved to stamp it out (1198, 1207). 
This work of Innocent III was completed by others, chiefly by the Emperor 
Frederick II, and Gregory IX (pope from 1227 to 1241), The latter realized the 
use that could be made of the great number of friars already spread all over Western 
Europe, and may be said to have created the monastic inquisition (in 1231 or soon 
before).' In 1233 he decided to entrust this sacred task, the discovery and repres- 
sion of heresy, to the Dominicans. Later, the organization of the inquisition in 
various parts of the world remained entirely in the hands of friars, in most cases 
Dominicans. In 1252, by the bull Ad extirpanda, Innocent IV approved the use 
of torture to obtain confessions, The number of victims of that early inquisition 
remained relatively small; it did not begin to take larger proportions until the 
fifteenth century and later. In the meanwhile the Issues of heresy and witchcraft 
had become more and more confused. (See my note on Witchcraft, second half 
of the fifteenth century). 

With regard to the extirpation of the Albigensian heresy from southern France, 

6 See Isis, 11, 146. 



[1200-1250] BELIGIOtJS BACKGROUND 553 

it is well to bear m mind that this was not merely a religious question. It was 
almost from the beginning, and became more and more, a political war, a war of 
conquest against the counts of Toulouse and other feudal lords of the south, the 
religious issue being used as a pretext, and a fuel One result of these persecutions 
and wars was a greater unification of France After the middle of the thirteenth 
century southern France developed to a larger extent within the orbit of royal 
France 

Literature Henry Charles Lea: History of the Inquisition of the Middle Ages 
(3 vols , New York 1887, this is still the best general account). J J. I. von Dol- 
Imger: Beitrage zur Sektengcschichte des Mittelalters (2 vols., Munchea 1890). 
Joseph Hansen: Zauberwahn, Inquisition und Hexenprozess im Mittelalter 
(554 p, Munchen 1900); Qucllen und Untersuchungen zur Geschichte des 
Hexenwahns (715 p., Bonn 1901). C<lestm Douais: L'inquisition, ses engines, sa 
procedure (378 p , Paris 1906), Elph&ge Vacandard: The Inquisition. Transl. 
from the 2d. ed. (302 p., New York 1908, 1921; fair-minded account by a Catholic 
priest). Henri Maillet: L'figlise et la repression sanglante de l'h&6sie (120 p, 
Lige 1909). Hermann Theloc: Die Ketzerverfolgungen im 11. und 12 Jahr- 
hundert (179 p., Berlin 1913). Charles Turner Gorham; The medieval inquisition 
(126 p., London 1908) Arthur Stanley Tuberville: Medieval heresy and the 
Inquisition (London 1920), Hoffmann Nickerson: The Inquisition, a political 
and military study of its establishment. Preface by Hilaire Belloc (Boston 1923). 

Special studies devoted to the French inquisition C61estin Douaia: Documents 
pour servir & Thistoire de Hnquisition dans le Languedoc (2 vols., Paris 1900). 
Charles H. Haskins: Robert le Bottgre and the beginnings of the inquisition in 
northern France (American historical review, vol. 7, 437-457, 631-652, 1902; 
revised in Studies in mediaeval culture (193-244, Oxford 1929; Isis, 14, 433-436). 
Th. de Cauzons; Histoire de requisition en France (Pans 1909, sqO- See my 
note on the Cathari (first half of twelfth century). 

JOHN Or VICENZA 

Giovanni da Vicenza. Italian Dominican, born towards the end of the twelfth 
century, died after 1260. In 1233 he began to preach mutual toleration and 
forgiveness to the people of Bologna, m order to put an end to their factions^ He 
delivered the same message with considerable success to many other cities of 
northern Italy, and finally organized an immense peace meeting on the plain of 
Paquara, near Verona, on August 28, 1233. A peace treaty was then concluded 
proclaiming reciprocal forgiveness and peace for the whole of ^ northern Italy. 
Giovanni denounced the practice of judicial astrology, thus incurring the hatred of 
Guido Bonatti (second half of the thirteenth century) . Unfortunately the immense 
prestige which he had won for himself was soon ruined by his inordinate ambition. 
He tried to rule ViceDuaa aad Verona, misused his power to obtain death sentences 
against sixty heretics, and was promptly obliged, to retire into seclusion. In 1247 
he began a new campaign against the heretics of Lombardy. 

Nouvelle biographie g&riralo (vol. 26, 565-566, 1858). John AddmgtoaSy- 
monds: Renaissance in Italy (vol. 1, 3d ed., 474-475, 1897). 

EAYMONB OF PffiSfAFOBT 

Raimundus de PennafortL San Ram6n (Raimundo) de Peflafort (Penyafort, 
Peniafort). Catalan theologian. Born in the castle of Pefiafort, near Villafranca 
del Panad&s (Barcelona), c. 1175; flourished in Barcelona, and died there in 1275. 



554 INTEODUCTION TO THE HISTOBY OF SCIENCE [1200-1250] 

Canonized in 1601. He studied in Bologna in 1210, etc.; assumed the Dominican 
habit in 1222, and was general of the order (the third one) in 1238-1240. Gregory 
IX (pope from 1227 to 1241) entrusted to him the compilation of the Decretales, 
1228-1234 (about which, s\ee my note on Gratian, first half of the twelfth century). 
He was one of the organizers of the Inquisition in Aragon and South France, and 
one of the founders of the religious order called la Merced (1218). It was he who 
organized the public disputation between Moses ibn Nahinan (q.v.) and Pablo 
Christian! in 1263. In 1264 he was commissioned, together with Raymond Martin 
(q.v.) and others, to examine and censor the Talmud. 

Text Summula sacramentorum (Cologne 1500, 1502). Summa pasloralis, in 
Catalogue general des manuscnts de France (vol. 1, 592-649, 1849). 

Criticism Potthast (1542, 1896) Nicolas Eymench: Vita antiqua Sancti 
Raymundi (Raymundiana, part 1, 1898). 

Ludwig von Rockmger: Berthold von Regensburg und Raimund von Pemafort 
im sogenannten Schwabenspiegel (Abhd. der bayer Akad. ; 89 p,, 1877). Buena- 
ventura Ribas y Quintana: Estudios historicos y bibliogrttficos sobre san Ramon 
de Penyafort (Mem Acad de Buenas Letras, Barcelona 1890) Francis Balme 
and Ceslaus Paban: Raymundiana, seu documenta quae pertinent ad S. Raymundi 
de Pennaforti vitam et scnpta (Monumenta ordmis f rat rum pracdicatorum 
historica, 6; parts 1-2, Rome 1898-1901; no more published) Faustino D. 
Gazulla: Refutaci6n de un hbro titulado San Raimundo de Poilafort, Fundador cle 
la Orden de la Merced (by Enrique Vacas Galindo) (Barcelona 1920). Elaborate 
article with abundant bibliography, unsigned, in the Knciclopedia universal 
ilustrada (vol. 49, 405-409, 1923). E. Allison Peers: Ramon Lull (London 1929; 
Isis, 13, 368) 

HUGH OF SAINT CHER 

Hugo de Sancto Caro (Charo). Hugues de Saint Cher Born at Saint Cher, 
near Vienne, Dauphin<; assumed the Dominican habit in Paris, 1225; provincial of 
France in 1227, and again in 1236, in the meanwhile prior of the monastery of St. 
James, Paris; vicar general of his order in 1240, and confidential adviser to Gregory 
IX, Innocent IV and Alexander IV (popes from 1227 to 1264) ; created cardinal 
priest by the second of these in 1244; apostolic legate to Germany after the death 
of Frederick II; died at Orvieto in 1263. 

French theologian and scholar, the greatest Biblical scholar of his time in 
Christendom. His main title to remembrance is the first revision of the Vulgate 
begun in 1236 by the Dominican Order under his direction, and the edition of the 
first Latin concordance to the Bible, compiled by many of his brethren. 

It would seem that Hugh's revision of the Vulgate was made with reference to 
the Hebrew and Greek texts; but this was done awkwardly in an unscientific 
way (it was more like a big commercial rather than a scholarly undertaking) and 
was rightly criticized by Bacon. 

Hugh wrote abundant commentaries on the Bible, and on the Sentences of 
Peter the Lombard, and sermons. 

He was instrumental in the condemnation of the Introductorius in cvangelium 
aeternum by Gherardo del Borgo San Donnino (1254), and of the Do periculis 
novissimorum temporum (1255) by William of Saint Amour (d. 1272). 

The concordance to the Vulgate has also been ascribed to the Italian Franciscan, 
Arloto of Prato, in Tuscany, who died in Paris, 1286. 



[1200-1250] RELIGIOUS BACKGROUND 555 

Text The Correctorium of the Vulgate was revised in 1248, 1256, and became 
the Correctorium Bibliae Sorbonicum. 

The Concordantiae sacrorum bibhorum (or Concordantiae S. Jacobi ? or Con- 
cordiantiae bibliorum utnusque Testamenti) was often printed: Nurnberg 1485, 
etc. Convenient edition in 2 vols. (Avignon 1786) 

Postilliae in sacram scripturam juxta quadruplicem sensum, htteralem, alle- 
goricum, anagogicum et moralem. Many fifteenth and sixteenth century editions. 
Collected edition in 8 vols. (Venice 1754). 

Criticism P. C. F Daunou: Histoire Iitt6raire de la France (vol. 19, 38-49, 
1838). Heinrich Dcnifle: Die Handschnften der Bibel-Correctorien des 13. 
Jahrhunderts (Archiv fur Litteratur und Kirchengeschichte, vol. 4, 1888). Samuel 
Berger: Quam notitiam linguae hebralcae habuerint christiani medii aevi tempori- 
bus in Gallia (72 p., Nancy 1893); Histoire de la Vulgate pendant les premiers 
stecles du Moyen dge (468 p , Paris 1893). 

NICETAS ACOMINATOS 

See historical chapter, below. 

II. ISRAEL 
ABRAHAM BEN NATHAN 

Abraham ben Nathan ha-Yarhd. Called Rabn for short, from the initials of 
his name. French Talmudist, who was born in Lunel, Languedoc (hence the name 
Yarhi; yareah means lune, rnoon). He was educated in Lunel, and later in Dam~ 
pierre, Champagne. He traveled extensively in western Europe, and finally settled in 
Toledo. It was in that city that he began, in 1204, his main work, Sefer ha-manhig 
(The guide) or Manhig 'olam (Guide of the world). The dates of his birth and 
death are unknown. The Manhig is a guide of ritual observances, which is his- 
torically valuable because it explains the customs of many countries (western 
Germany, northern France, Burgundy, Champagne, England) and illustrates 
their great diversity. It is divided into two parts, the first of which is a collection 
of his own responsa, the second a collection of extracts from the two Talmuds, the 
Midrashim, and many other works. It contains, among other things, the Hebrew 
translation of a responsum by Saadia Gaon; this would suggest (but does not prove) 
that Abraham had learned Arabic. 

Text First edition of the Manhig, Constantinople, 1519. Second edition with 
index and notes by N. A, Goldberg (Berlin 1855). The order of chapters is different 
in the second edition. Responsa edited in Solomon Aaron Wertheimer: Ginze 
Yerushalayim (Jerusalem 1896). 

Criticism E. Renan: Rabbins frangais (521, 747, 1877). Louis Ginzberg: 
Jewish Encyclopaedia (vol. 1, 116-117, 1901). Siegfried Bernfeld: Encyclopaedia 
Judaica (vol. 1, 524-528, 1928). 

MOSES BEN JACOB 

Moses ben Jacob of Couey. Moses of Coucy. French Talmudist. Studied in 
Paris; he had a good knowledge of French, Spanish, and Arabic; in 1235-1236, he 
lectured in various French and Spanish synagogues; in Paris, 1240, he was one 
of the rabbis designated to answer Donin's denunciations. A few years later he 
completed his main work, the Sefer ha-mizwot. This is an attempt to codify 
Mosaic law under 613 headings; namely, 365 prohibitions and 248 positive com- 



556 INTRODUCTION TO THE HISTORY OF SCIENCE [1200-1250] 

mandments. 7 Judging by the number of MSS., editions, and commentaries, this 
work was immensely popular. The Mizwot is often called Sefer mizwot ha-gadol 
(Semag, for short; a name also given to the author), to distinguish it from an 
epitome compiled in 1277 by Isaac ben Joseph of Corbeil, which is called Sefer 
mizwot ha-qaton (Semaq, for short). 

Text First edition of the Mizwot printed at Rome (?) before 1480. Second 
edition, Soncino 1488. Many later editions with various commentaries. 

Edition by Sebastian Minister entitled Mizwot lo ta'aseh u-mizwot 'aseh, with 
Latin translation, Praecepta Mosaica sexcenta atque tredecim cum succincta 
Rabbmorum expositione (Basel 1533). 

The Semaq, or abbreviated edition by Isaac ben Joseph of Corbeil, was first 
printed in Constantinople (1510?), with notes by Pharez ben Elijah, and a preface 
by Mordecai ben Nathan. Many later editions. 

Cnticism Max Schloessinger: Jewish Encyclopedia (vol. 9, 68-70, 1905; with 
facsimile of a page of the first edition of the Mizwot). For Isaac of Corbeil see 
S. Kahn (ibidem, vol. 6, 623, 1904). 

ABRAHAM BEN AZRIEL 

Bohemian Talmudist, who flourished in the first half of the thirteenth century in 
Bohemia. He composed, c. 1234, a commentary on the Mafc^or (collection of 
prayers and piyyutim, varying according to place and time), entitled "Arugat ha 
bosem (Bed of spices), which is culturally interesting as the earliest important 
literary effort of the Slavonic Jewry. It contains many Bohemian glosses. A com- 
mentary on the Selihot (penitential prayers), also ascribed to him, contains fewer 
Bohemian phrases than French ones. If this ascription is correct, it would prove 
that Abraham had been partly educated in France, or by French rabbis. He was 
also acquainted with the works of the Jewish grammarians of Spain, and with 
those of the German Qabbalists, Judah ha-Hasid and Eleazar of Worms. 

Louis Ginzberg: Jewish Encyclopaedia (vol. 1, 98, 1901), S. H. 1/ieben- 
Encyclopaedia Judaica (vol. 1, 418, 1928) 

ISAIAH BEN MALI OF TRANI 

"Rid." Often called Isaiah of Trani, the Elder, to distinguish him from his 
daughter's son, Isaiah (ben Elijah) of Trani, the Younger (second half of the thir- 
teenth century). Italian Talmudist. Born c. 1180, founded a Jewish school in 
Trani (on the Adriatic, north of Bari delle Puglie, Apulia), and lived probably in 
Venice; he" died c 1250. He was one of the foremost Italian Talmudists and 
remained for centuries one of their main authorities, his prestige as an exponent of 
the law being comparable to that which Jacob ben Meir Tarn enjoyed ia France, 
and Maunonides in tihe East. 

His main works are: (1) a commentary on the Pentateuch, Nimmuqim (or 
Nimmuqe Homesh), which is largely a collection of glosses on Rashi; (2) com- 
mentaries on the Talmud, in the form of tosafot, or novellae (foiddushim), or 
decisions (pesaqim); (3) a collection of ninety-two halakic discussions, Sefer 
ha-makri'a. He was very clear, and showed much moderation; for example, in 
the conflicts between the theological and philosophical points of view. 

7 These numbers were not introduced by Moses ben Jacob. The tradition that there are 613 
positive and negative commandments in the Torah may be traced back at least to the ninth 
century and is found in various Jewish and Samaritan works. For the Samaritan tradition, 
see my note on Abu-1-Ishaq Ibrahim (second half of the twelfth century). 



[1200-1250] RELIGIOUS BACKGROUND 557 

Text Nimmuqinij printed in appendix to Hayim Joseph David Azulai: Pene 
David (Leghorn 1792). 

There are many partial editions of his Talmudic commentaries. 
The Makri'a was first printed in Leghorn, 1779 
Criticism Max Schloessinger: Jewish Encyclopaedia (vol. 6, 644, 1904). 

DONIN 

Nicholas Donin of La Rochelle. Jewish renegade, who was largely responsible 
for the Christian efforts to suppress the Talmud. Having been excommunicated 
by the synagogue in Pa,ns, 1225, he assumed the Franciscan habit, c 1235. He is 
said to have been the main artisan of the Jewish persecutions which were then 
committed by Crusaders in Brittany, Poitou, and Anjou (some 3000 Jews being 
killed, 500 baptized). In 1238 he went to Rome and denounced the Talmud to 
Gregory IX (pope from 1227 to 1241), charging that it contained blasphemies 
against God and Christianity, and was the main cause of Jewish resistance to 
conversion. The pope ordered that all copies of the Talmud be confiscated, and 
that its contents be investigated. Saint Louis (king of France from 1226 to 1270) 
followed up this ma'tter vigorously, the Jews of France being compelled in 1240 to 
surrender their Talmuds or forfeit their lives* Moreover, he ordered a public 
disputation between Donin and four rabbis, Jehiel of Paris, Moses of Coucy, David 
of Melun, and Samuel ben Solomon of Chateau-Thierry. The debate was opened 
on June 12, 1240 It is interesting to note that William of Auvergne and Albert 
the Great attended it. The Talmud was finally condemned, and a great many 
copies of it and of other Hebrew books were burned in Paris in 1242 (or 1244), 
In 1247 Pope Innocent IV (1243-1254) was willing to reopen the case, but his 
legate condemned the Talmud a second time in 1248. This was a terrible blow to 
Talmudic studies in France. On the other hand, the persecutions, originated by 
Donin, and which were continued spasmodically for centuries, may be said to have 
stimulated Hebrew studies among a certain number of Gentiles. 

Meir of Rothenburg (second half of the thirteenth century), who had witnessed 
the public burning of the Talmud, celebrated the event in an elegy which is chanted 
to this day in the synagogues on the ninth of Ab. 

Criticism I. Ziegler: Religiose Disputationen im Mittelalter (Francfort 1894). 
I. Broyd6: Jewish Encyclopaedia (vol. 4, 638, 1903). Max L. Margolis and 
Alexander Marx: History of the Jewish people (378, 1927). 

For the Qabbalists, see the philosophical section; for Tanfcum Yerushalmi, see 
the philological chapter. 
For the Samaritan, adaqa ben Munaja', see the medical chapter. 

III. ISLAM 

ABtr-L-BAQA* 

Abfl-l-Baqa' Slib ibn al-Husain al-Ja'farL In 1221-1222 he wrote a refutation 
of Christianity and Judaism (KitSb al-baySn al-wdifr al-mashhud min fadS'ifr 
al-Na^ara wal-Yahud) in answer to a letter ^ant by the Roman emperor to the 
Ayyttbid king of Egypt, al-K&mil Muhammad (ruled from 1218 to 1238). It is 
also called Takhjil man frarrafa al-tauriya wal-injll. 

A later publication by one Abtt4-Fadl al-Mslikl al-Su'udl (1536) is essentially 
an extract from the TakhjlL 



558 INTRODUCTION TO THE HISTORY OF SCIENCE [1200-1250] 

Text Abu-1-Baqa's treatise was edited by F. Triebs: Liber decem quaestionum 
contra Christianos (Diss., Bonn 1897). 

Al-Su'fidi's, by T. JL van den Hamm: Disputatio pro rehgione Muhammedano- 
rum adversus Christianos (Leiden, 1877-1890). 

Cnfocwm Haji Khalifa (Flugel's ed , vol. 2, 249) C. Brockelmann: Arabische 
Litteratur (vol. 1, 430, 1898, vol. 2, 329, 1902). C van Arendonck: Encyclopaedia 
of Islam (vol 4, 572, 1928). 

IBN AL-SALAH 

Abu 'Amr 'Uthman Ibn Salah al-dm Ibn al-Salafr al-Shahrazuri, Taqi al-din. 
Born in 1181-1182, near Shahrazur, Kurdistan; studied in Muyul; taught in 
Jerusalem a;nd in Damascus, where he died in 1245 Shafi'itc doctor and tradi- 
tionalist ; one of the most learned men of his time His work on traditions (hadith) , 
entitled Kitab aqa' 1-amal wal-shauq fi 'ulum hadith al-rasul (The liveliest hope 
and desire in the knowledge of traditions of the Prophet), was exceedingly popular 
Among his other works I quote only a treatise on the rites of the Pilgrimage (Kitab 
silat al-nasik fl sifat al-manasik). 

Ibn Khallikan: de Stone's translation (vol. 2, 188-191, 1843) Ibn Khaldun: 
Prolgomenes (vol. 2, 468, 1865). F. Wustenfeld: Geschichtschreiber (121, 1881). 
C. Brockelmann: Arabische Litteratur (vol 1, 358, 1898), 

IBN AL-HAJIB 

See philological chapter, below. 

IV. BUDDHISM 

By the thirteenth century Buddhism was already extinct in India proper, 
surviving only in Ceylon, Nepal, and Burma. Chinese Buddhism continued, but 
without originality, being carried ahead by its own immense inertia, 

HTJI HUNG 

Hui 4 Hung 2 (5199, 5252). Flourished, c. 1227, Chinese Buddhist. Ho wrote, 
c. 1227, the Ch'anMm 2 seng^pao 3 ch'uan 2 (348, 7157, 9617, 8720, 2740), in 30 
books, containing the biographies of 81 Buddhist priests and detailed information 
on the Five (Buddhist) Schools of the Sung period. 

Hui Hung ; s work should not be confused with the collections of Buddhist 
biographies called Kao s6ng ch'uan (vol. 1, 491, 673; Isis, 13, 513). 

A. Wylie: Chinese literature (210, 1902). 

JAPANESE BUDDHISM 

The earliest original Japanese sects of Buddhism appeared in the twelfth century; 
four more Buddhist sects were established during the thirteenth century. These 
were the latest Japanese sects, which does not mean that Buddhism ceased to 
develop in Japan after the thirteenth century, but simply that ulterior develop- 
ments, of which there were many, occurred within these sects. The history of the 
great Buddhist schools is similar m that respect to that of the great Christian 
orders. However, the vicissitudes of each school do not concern us, and it will 
suffice to refer to them in a general way, and to indicate when each school began. 

Out of these four thirteenth-century schools or sects, two the Zen and J5do- 
shin belong to the first half of the century. These two are by far the most popular 
sects of Japan even to this day. 



[1200-1250] RELIGIOUS BACKGROUND 559 

Zen-shu (1202) 

The Zen-shu has already been mentioned in my note on Eisai (second half of the 
twelfth century). It is the Japanese development of the Chinese Ch'an 2 tsung 1 
(348, 11976), founded by Bodhidharma, c. 520 (vol. 1, 420). Eisai returned from 
China for the second time in 1191, and the date 1191-1192 is sometimes con- 
sidered the birthdate of Zen Buddhism. However the date more generally ac- 
cepted is 1202, when the shogun invited Eisai to settle at the Kennm-ji in Kyoto. 
Later Eisai was established at another monastery in Kamakura, the military 
capital. 

In the course of time the Zen-shu was divided into four main branches. The one 
which continued the mother stem is called Rinxai-shu. The earliest of the three 
others is the Sodo-shu (or Solo) introduced from China by the bonze Dogen in 1228. 
This Dogen, son of the Naidaijin Kuga Michichika, was born in 1200, educated 
at the Hiei-zan, traveled in China from 1223 to 1228, died in 1253. He began to 
preach the Sodo reform at the Kennin-ji in 1228, and in 1244 founded the Eihei-ji 
(province of Echizen) which became the main temple of the sect. He is best known 
under his posthumous title, Shoyo-daisbi, (1880). The Sodo-shu attaches more 
importance to book learning than the other branches; it is now by far the most 
popular. 

The Zen shu is perhaps nearer to the ideal of early Buddhism than any other 
Japanese sect. Of course its historical connection with Hindu Buddhism, through 
Bodhidharma, is as direct as any such connection could be. Its strong emphasis 
on self-discipline and its relative atheism show that it has preserved some of the 
fundamental teachings of the Buddha. Moreover, it has successfully assimilated 
Confucian ethics. This explains its great popularity with military men. 

It also attaches due importance to gymnastics, and to those respiratory exercises, 
probably of Hindu origin, which had been developed by Chinese Taoists and 
Buddhists, but were practised with especial fervor by their Japanese devotees. 
These exercises provide an extraordinary means of controlling one's body and 
one's soul. 

On the other hand, its emphasis on contemplation, and its mystical tendencies, 
have influenced the development of art to a very deep extent. No Buddhist sect 
has affected far-eastern thought (that is, the thought of leading men) more pro- 
foundly. 

The two main branches of Zen Buddhism Rmzai and Sodo were represented 
in Japan, c. 1917, respectively by 6,142 and 14,211 temples. A third branch, 
Obaku, introduced from China by Ingen only about the middle of the seventeenth 
century (1655), counted 519 temples. Thus these three Zen sects had 20,872 
temples out of a grand total of 72,191; i.e., almost one-third. 

Shin-shu (1%4) 

The Shin-shu, or Jodo-shin-shu, meaning the New J5do sect; also called Ikko-shu, 
or Monto-shH. It was founded m 1224 by Shinran, being a reform of the Jodo or 
Pure Land sect (second half of the twelfth century). 

Shinran-Sh5nin, born at Kyoto in 1174 of the noble Hino family; disciple of 
Genku; he rejected celibacy and took a wife unto himself; he died m 1268. He has 
received the posthumous title of Kenshm-daishi. 

Amidaism salvation by faith in Amida and His grace only was carried by 



560 INTRODUCTION TO THE HISTORY OF SCIENCE [1200-1250] 

Shinran to the extreme. Much emphasis was laid by him also on everyday duties, 
and on the harmonization of life and religion 

The Shm-shu was gradually divided into ten branches (Jodo-shmshu jti-ha) 
counting the mother stem, Kongwanji-ha, as one of them. Of the 'nine other 
branches, three were founded in the thirteenth century, five in the fourteenth, and 
one at the beginning of the seventeenth century. Taken as a whole, the Shm-shu 
was almost as successful as the Zen-shu, these two sects being far ahead of all the 
others It was represented, c. 1917, by 19,447 temples out of 72,191. The Zen 
and Shin together counted 40,369 temples; that is, more than half of all of the 
temples of Japan. 

E. Papmot: Historical and geographical dictionary of Japan (Tokyo, c 1909). 
August Karl Reischauer: Studies in Japanese Buddhism (New York 1917) 

Schuej Ohasama: Zen, der lebendige Buddhismus in Japan. Ausgcwahlte 
Stiicke des Zen-Textes libersetzt und eingeleitet (215 p , Gotha 1925). Daisetz 
Teitaro Suzuki: Essays in Zen Buddhism (424 p , London 1927). 

On the respiratory exercises, see Vasant G. Kelc: The mysterious Kundalini 
(112 p , 4pL, Bombay 1927, 2d ed. 3 Bombay 1929, Isis, 11, 224; 13, 510). Franz 
Hubotter: Die chinesische Medizin (315, Leipzig 1929, Isis, 14, 255-263). 



CHAPTER XXX 

THE TRANSLATORS 

(First Half of Thirteenth Century) 

I FROM ARABIC INTO LATIN 

ALFRED OF SARESHEL 

English philosopher and scientist, translator from Arabic into Latin. He 
flourished at the end of the twelfth century and the beginning of the thirteenth, 
part of the time in Spain. Bates of birth and death unknown. His name is 
spelled in many ways" Walafred, Alvred, Alphiatus; Sarewcl, Sarchel, Serechel. 
He is also called Alfredus Philosophus and Anglicus This last epithet proves 
that he resided abroad; Bacon's testimony and Castilianisms in his own writings 
prove his Spanish residence He translated the following: 

(1) The Aristotelian treatise De vegctabilibus or De plantis, ascribed to Nicolaos 
Damascenos (second half of the first century B C ) This work had been translated 
into Arabic by Lshaq ibn ITunain (second half of the ninth century), and by Ibn 
al-T&iyib (first half of the eleventh century). Alfred's translation and commentary 
were dedicated to Roger of Hereford (second half of the twelfth century) . 

(2) The alchemical part of Ibn Sma's Shifa", the so-called Avicennae Mineralia 
(alias Liber do congelatis) ; this translation was completed, c 1200, if not before; it is 
very imperfect. 

Later (c 1210) he wrote a treatise De motu cordis, dedicated to Alexander 
Neckam (d. 3217). It is based on Greek, Muslim, and Salernitan knowledge, and 
pre-Averroistic philosophy (Platonic, Aristotelian, and also neo-Platomc, through 
the Liber de causis). Considering his time, his knowledge of Aristotle was un- 
usually large. He composed commentaries on the Meteorology (used by R. Bacon) 
t and on the Parva naturalia. In the De vegetabilibus he quoted the De anima 
and the DC genoratione et corruptione; in the De motu cordis, the Physics, 
Metaphysics, and Nicomachean Ethics 

His scientific (vs theologic) point of view was remarkable. He had some clear 
ideas, derive/1 from the Arabic writings, on orogeny. For him, the heart was the 
seat of the vital spirit and of the soul (Cor domicilium est vitae .... cor igitur 
animae domicilium est). 

Text B. H. P. Meyer: Nicolai Damasceni de plantis libri duo Aristoteli vulgo 
adscript! (Leipzig 1841). 

Carl Sigmund Barach: Excerpta e libro Alfredi Anglici de motu cordis Item 
Costa ben Lucae de differentia animae et spiritus liber translatus a Johanne 
Hispalensi (Bibliotheca philosophorum mediae aetatis, 2, Innsbruck 1878). First 
complete edition of the De motu cordis, with commentary, by Clemens Baeumker 
(Beitr. zur Gesch. der Philosophic des Mittelalters, 23, 132 p., Minister 1923). 

E. J Holmyard and D. C. Mandeville: Avicennae de congelatione et conglutina- 
tione lapidum (95 p., Paris 1927; Isis, 11, 134-135). 

Criticism R. Adamson: Dictionary of national biography (voL 1, 285, 1885). 

561 



562 INTRODUCTION TO THE HISTORY OF SCIENCE [1200-1250] 

M. Steinschneider: Europaische Ubersetzungen (4, 1904), Clemens Baeumker: 
Die Stellung des Alfred von Sareshel und seiner Schrift De motu cordis in der 
Wissenschaft des beginnenden XIII. Jahrhunderts (Sitzungsber. der bayer. Ak. 
der Wiss., phil. KL, 64 p., 1913). Auguste Pelzer: Une source mconnue de R. 
Bacon (Archivum franciscanum historicum, 44-67, 1919). C. EL Haskins: Studies 
in mediaeval science (128-129, 1924). M. de Wulf: Mediaeval philosophy 
(vol. 1, 330-332, 1926). Martin Grabmann: Mittelalterliche latemische Aris- 
totelesiibersetzungen und Aristoteleskommentare in Handschriften spanischer 
Bibhotheken (46-51, Miinchen 1928; Handschrifthche Hinweise auf den Meteor- 
ologicakommentar des Alfred von Sareshel. Aristoteleskommentare des Adam von 
Bocfeld und Adam de Bouchermefort; Isis, 13, 205). 

MICHAEL SCOT 

See philosophical chapter, below. 

STEPHEN" OF SAEAGOSSA 

Stephamis Caesaraugustanus, civis Ilerdensis. Stephen of Saragossa and 
Lerida. In 1233 he translated Ibn al-Jazzar's Reliable treatise on simple drugs 
(Kitab i'timad fi-1-adwiya al-mufrada) from Arabic into Latin, under the title 
Liber fiduciae de simplicibus medicmis. The treatise De gradibus, ascribed to 
Constantine the African and printed in the Omnia opera Ysaac (Lyon 1515), is a 
free and abbreviated translation of the same Arabic work. 

M. Steinschneider: Constantinus De gradibus und Ibn al-Gezzars Adminiculum 
(Deutsches Archiv fur Geschichte der Medizm, vol. 2, 1879); Hcbraeische tlber- 
setzungen (703, 1893); Europaeische Ubersetzungen (78, 1904). 

PETER GALLEGO 

Spanish Franciscan of the noble family of the Fajardos of Galicia, Translator 
from Arabic into Latin. In 1236 he was provincial of Castile (?). Confessor to 
Alfonso el Sabio, before the latter's accession to the throne. When Alfonso 
reconquered Murcia in 1241-1242, he placed Peter at the head of the church of 
Cartagena. Peter was the first bishop of Cartagena, from 1250 to his death in 
1267. He translated the following : 

(1) Aristotle's treatise on animals, from an Arabic abridgment. For this 
translation he certainly made use of the commentary by Ibn Rushd, and of Michael 
Scot's previous version. 

(2) A treatise on economy, probably that of the pseudo-Galen. For this treatise, 
see my note on Armengaud son of Blaise, who also translated it. Both translations 
were soon superseded by contemporary versions of the Economy of the pseudo- 
Aristotle. 

Auguste Pelzer: Un traducteur inconnu. Pierre Gallego (Miscellanea Ehrle 
vol. 1, 407-456, 1923; Isis, 8, 743). 

SALIO OF PADUA 

Canon in Padua. Translator from Arabic into Latin. In 1244, 1248, or 1218 
he translated, with the assistance of one David, an astrological treatise of Abu 
Bakr, Liber de nativitatibus; he also translated another treatise of the same kind, 
De stellis fixis, ascribed to Hermes Trismegistos. 



[1200-1250] THE TRANSLATORS 563 

Text First edition of the De nativitatibus 7 Venice 1492 or before, 1501, etc. 
The second text may be the one printed at the end of the edition of Ptolemy's 
Quadripartitum, 1493: De judicus et significatione stellarum. 
.Criticism M. Stemschneider: Europaische tJbersetxungen (75, 1904). 

WILLIAM OF LUNIS 

Wilhelmus de Lunis apud Neapolim Italian translator from Arabic into 
Latin, who flourished in the thirteenth century. He translated some of Ibn 
Rushd's commentaries on Aristotelian logic, and on Porphyry's interpretation of 
it He also translated a book on algebra (not al-Khwarizmi's) ; it would seem that 
there was also an Italian version of the same text. 

G. Libri: Histoire des sciences math&natiques en Italic (vol. 2, 45, 1838). M. 
Cantor. Geschichte der Mathematik (vol. 2, 100, 1899). M Steinschneider: 
Europaische Ubersetzungen (80, 1904; 82, 1905) 

THEODORE OF ANTIOCH 

See chapter on natural history, below. 

PHILIP OF TRIPOLI 

Phihpus Tripoli tanus. A member of the clergy of Tripolis (or Tripoli, in Syria), 
who flourished during the second quarter of the thirteenth century. Being in 
Antioch with his bishop, Guido de Valentia, 1 they found a manuscript of the Sirr 
al-asrar, i e., the pseudo- Aristotelian Secret of Secrets. (For the earlier history 
of this interesting text, see my vol. 1 556-557). Philip translated it from Arabic 
into Latin at some time during the second quarter of the thirteenth century (c. 
1243?). This Latin translation was only one of the channels through which the 
miscellaneous folklore of the Sirr al-asrar reached Christian Europe, but it was the 
most important; it was the source of the printed editions. 

Text First edition. De Secretis score torum (Cologne 1480). Many other 
early editions in Latin, French, etc. 

CntiasmL. Leclerc: M6decine arabe (vol. 2, 446-448, 1876) M. Stein- 
schneider: Hebraischc Ubersetzungen (249, 1893); Europaische Ubersetzungen 
(60, 1904). 

II FROM ARABIC INTO HEBREW 

For al-ljarizi, see philosophical chapter below. Solomon ibn Ayyub will be 
dealt with in the next book. 

IBN EASDAI 

Abraham ben Samuel ibn Hasdai ha-Levi. Flourished in Barcelona , died in 1240. 
Translator from Arabic into Hebrew. Ardent defender of Mairnonides, His most 
important translations are the following: Sefer ha~tappua,fy, a pseudo- Aristotelian 
philosophical dialogue, of which the Arabic text, Kit&b al-tufljjsfc&h (Book of the 
apple), is lost; Sefer ha-yosodot, translation of the treatise on the elements (Kitab 
al-istaqisSt) by Isfefiq al-Isrfi'fl! (lost in Arabic) ; Mozene zedeq, translation of an 
ethical treatise by al-Ghazzali, Miz&n al-'amal (all quotations from Muslim 
scriptures being replaced by equivalent ones taken from the Jewish ones); two 

1 This bishop is not mentioned in P.D Gams: Series episcoporum (1873-1886). 



564 INTRODUCTION TO THE HISTORY OF SCIENCE [1200-1250] 

treatises by Maimonides (Sefer ha-mizwot, and Iggeret teman); the story of 
Barlaam and loasaph (see vol. I, 507). The Sefer ha-tappuah was translated into 
Latin under the direction (and perhaps with the assistance) of Manfred, regent 
and king of Sicily from 1250 to 1266. 

Text Sefer ha-tappuah (Venice 1519; Riva di Trento 1562; Francfort , o. 0., 
1693? 1800, etc ). Hebrew text with Latin translation, by Joh. Just. Losius: 
Biga dissertationum quarum prima exhibet Sefer ha-tappuah sive hbrum de porno 
Aristotelis quod monbundus in manu gestaverit (Giessen 1706) German trans- 
lation by J Musen (Lemberg 1873). English translation by Hermann Gollancz 
(London 1908). 

Sefer ha-yesodot. Hebrew text with German translation by Salomon Fried 
(Frankfort 1900). There is a Latin translation of the same Arabic work by 
Gerard of Cremona. . 

Mozene zedeq. First edition by Jacob Goldenthal, with a Hebrew introduction 

Hebrew version of the story of Barlaam and loasaph, Constantinople 1518, 
Mantua 1557, Wandsbeck 1727, Francfort o. Oder 1766. Hebrew-Yiddish edition, 
Zolkiew 1771. Hebrew-German edition, Furth 1783; etc Nathan Woisslovils: 
Prinz und Derwisch, ein indischer Roman enthaltend die Jugendgeschichte Buddhas 
in hebraischer Darstellung aus deni Mittelalter, nebst emer Vergleichung der 
arabischen und gnechischen Paralleltexte; mit emem Anhang von Fritz Hommel 
(178 p., Miinchen 1890). 

Cn&asm N Weisslowits: Abraham ben Samuel sein Lebenund seme Schriften 
(Diss., Munich 1889). Max Schloessinger: Jewish encyclopaedia (vol 6, 247, 
1904). J. Heller: Encyclopaedia judiaca (vol. 5, 352-554, 1930). 

ABRAHAM BEN NATHAN" 

See religious chapter above. 

SAMUEIi IBN TIBBON 

Samuel ben Judah ibn Tibbon Son of the Andalusian scholar, Judah ibn 
Tibbon (second half of the twelfth century) . Samuel was born at Lund, Languedoc, 
c. 1150; he flourished in Beziers (1199), Aries (1204), Barcelona, Toledo, Alexandria, 
finally in Marseilles, where he died, c. 1232. JucJeo-Pro venial theologian, phil- 
osopher, and translator from Arabic into Hebrew. Admirably trained by his 
father, he became one of the greatest translators of his time. He translated the 
following works: 

(1) Aristotle: Meteorology. The Arabic version of Yahya ibn Batrlq was 
translated by Samuel at sea during his voyage from Alexandria in 1213, under the 
title Otot ha-shamayim (or 'elyonot). Extracts edited by Filipowski (c. 1860). 

(2) 'AH ibn Ridwan (first half of the eleventh century) : Commentary on Galen's 
Tegni. Hebrew version, Melaka qetana, completed at Bfeiers in 1199, this being 
Samuel's earliest dated work. 

(3) Ibn Rushd: Three small treatises translated under the title Sheloshah 
ma'amarim. Edited by J. Hercz: Drei Abhandlungen uber die Conjunction des 
separaten Intellects mit dem Menschen (Berlin 1869, with German translation). 

(4) Maimonides: Dalalat al-ha/irin. Translated by Samuel under the title 
Moreh nebukim, Guide of the perplexed (Enemies of Maimonides affected to call it 
Nebukat ha^morim, Perplexity of the guides!). This translation, completed at 
Aries in 1204, is Samuel's mam title to fame. He obtained Maimonides' own 



[1200-1250] THE TRANSLATORS 565 

advice to solve certain difficult ies. Another Hebrew translation of the same work, 
published by al-Harm a few years later, was inferior and much criticized, and 
yet not unsuccessful. 

(5) Maimonides: Treatise on resurrection, under the title Iggeret, or Ma'amar 
tehiyyat ha-metim. Printed in Constantinople, 1569, etc. 

(6) Maimonides: Mishna commentary on Pirqe abot, with psychological 
introduction called Shemonah peraqim. Printed in Soncmo, 1484, etc. 

(7) Maimonides: "Thirteen articles/' under the title Shelosh 'esreh 'iqqarim, 
or Yesodot, 

(8) Maimonides: Letter to his disciple, Joseph ibn 'Aqmn. 

Besides these translations, which were his most valuable contributions, Samuel 
wrote Biblical commentaries, e g , the treatise on the phrase ' 'yiqqawu ha-mayim' ; 
(Genesis, 1, 9). In 1213 he composed at sea, on his way back from Alexandria, a 
glossary of the many new terms he had been obliged to introduce in his translation 
of Maimonides 7 Dalalat. This glossary, entitled Bi'ur millot ha-zarot, included 
Arabic words m Hebraic form, but also Hebrew words to which he had given 
new meanings by analogy with the Arabic. 

Samuel was largely responsible for the diffusion of Maimonidean philosophy in 
the West, and also for the development of the Hebrew philosophical language. 

Text The Moreh nebukim and the Bi'ur millot ha-zarot were printed at Venice 
1551, and many times afterwards. 

Ma'amar yiqqawu ha-mayim, edited by Mordecai Loeb Bisliches (Pressburg 
1837) 

Some of the letters exchanged by Maimonides, Samuel ibn Tibbon, and Joseph 
ibn 'Aqnm will be found in the Qobez teshubot haRambam (vol. 2). 

Cnt'i&m, M. Steinschneider: Bodleian catalogue (2481-2493, 1860), Hebra- 
eische Ubcrsetzungen (1893). E Kenan- Rabbins frangais (573-575, 1877); 
Ecrivains juifs (1893). Max Schloessmger: Jewish Encyclopaedia (vol. 6, 548-550, 
1904) 

JACOB ANATOLI 

Jacob ben Abba Mari ben Simson (or Simeon) ben Anatoli (An^oli, Analolio). 
Provencal Talmudist, astronomer, philosopher. Translator from Arabic (and 
Latin) into Hebrew, and possibly also from Hebrew into Latin. He was born in 
southern France, probably at Marseilles; flourished in Narbonne and Bfeiers, 
and later (c. 1231, etc.) in Naples m the service of Frederick II. His dates 
of birth and death are unknown (c 1194, c. 1256?). He was a disciple and son- 
in-law of Samuel ibn Tibbon; a fervent Maimonidean, and strongly opposed to 
qabbalistic tendencies. His two mam titles to fame are that he was the first 
translator of Ibrx Rushd ; s commentaries into Hebrew, and the first popularizer 
(or one of the first) of the Maimonidean points of view. Both titles are very 
significant. He and Michael Scot (and later Moses ibn Tibbon) were the main 
transmitters of the vast Aristotelian knowledge elaborated by Ibn Rushd. 

At the age of fifty-five he composed a collection of sermons entitled Malmad 
ha-talmidim (Teaching of the students, or Goad to the students), wherein he 
showed much knowledge not only of Greek and Averroistic philosophy, but also of 
Christian institutions. He quotes Frederick II, and one Christian, Michael 
(probably Michael Scot). Of far greater importance were his translations, as 
follows : 



566 INTBODUCTION TO THE HISTORY OF SCIENCE [1200-1250] 

(1-5) Ibn Rushd's intermediate commentaries on Porphyry's Isagoge, and on 
Aristotle's Categories, Interpretation, Prior and Posterior Analytics This work 
was probably begun in Provence; it was completed at Naples in 1232. The first 
three books were translated from the Hebrew into Latin by Jacob Mantino (first 
half of the sixteenth century) and published in the editions of 1550 to 1553. Ana- 
toli planned to translate other parts of Ibn Rushd's commentaries, but failed 
to do so. 

(6) Ptolemy's Almagest from the Arabic, entitled in Hebrew, Hibbur ha-gadol 
ha-niqra al-magesti (the great composition called Almagest), c. 1231-1235. 

(7) Ibn Rushd's Summary of the Almagest. Translated in 1231 (or 1235) 
under the title Qizzur almagesti. This text is known only in Hebrew. 

(8) Al-Farghanl (first half of the ninth century) : Kitab f i-harakat al-samawlya. 
The Hebrew translation, also called Qizzur almagesti, was apparently made (c 
1231-1235) on the basis of a Latin Version but with reference to the Arabic text. 
There were two Latin versions, by John of Seville, and by Gerard of Cremona, and 
Anatoli probably used the latter. The printed Latin translation of Jacob Christ- 
mania (1554-1613) : Muhammedis Alfragani chronologica et astronomica elementa 
(Francfort 1590), was made from Anatoh's Hebrew version The Hebrew title, 
Yesodot ha-tekunah, is a later one probably inspired by the Latin one, Elementa 
astronomica. Anatoli's translation contains three additional chapters (as com- 
pared with the Arabic text). One of these, the last (or 33rd) is geographical and 
gives the position of a number of places, and lengths of days. 

The translations of al-Farabl's logical treatises aiscribed to Anatoli, because they 
are found in the MSS. together with his translations of Ibn Rushd, may belong to 
other translators, e.g , Moses ibn Tibbon. 

It has been suggested that Jacob Anatoli and Michael Scot together prepared a 
Latin translation of Maimonides'Dalalat al-ha'irin,from the second Hebrew version 
by al-Harizi. It has also been suggested that Jacob (or his son, Antonio) composed 
the anonymous commentary on the Dalalat called Ruah hen (spirit of grace). 
These suggestions are plausible but unproved. 

Anatoh's activity is a good illustration of the growing complexity of Latin- 
Hebrew exchanges. Consider, for example, his translation of al-FarganTs work 
made from a Latin version (and later retranslated into Latin!). Western Jews 
knew less and less Arabic, and more and more Latin. 

Text The Sefer malmad ha-talmidrm was published, incompletely, by the 
Meqize nirdamin society (Lyck 1866). 

The Hebrew translation of the summary of Ibn Rushd's logic printed at Riva di 
Trento in 1560, was not made by Jacob Anatoli, but by Jacob ben Mahir. 

The Ruah hen was printed in Venice, 1544, 1549; Cremona 1566, Prague 1593, 
Lublin 1620, Jessnitz 1744 ; Brunn 1796; etc. Hebrew-Latin edition, Cologne 
1555. 

Criticism E. Renan: Rabbins frangais (580-589, 1877); Ecrivains juifs (by 
index, 1893). M. Steinschneider: Hebraeische Ubersetzungen (990, 1893; 47, 
51, 58 for Ibn Rushd; 523 for the Almagest; 547 for Ibn Rushd's summary of it; 
555 for al-Farghani). EL G. Enelow; Jewish encyclopaedia (vol 1, 562-564, 
1901). Romeo Campani: II Kitab al-farghani nel testo arabo e nolle versioni 
(Rivista degli studi oriental*, vol. 3, 205-252, 1910), Important study containing 
samples of Anatoli's translation. U. Cassuto: Encyclopaedia judaica (vol 2. 
772-774, 1928). 



[1200-1250] THE TRANSLATORS 567 

III FROM PERSIAN INTO ARABIC 

AL-BUNBARI 

See historical chapter, below. 

IV. FROM GREEK INTO LATIN 
JOHN BASINGSTOKE 

John Basing, or Basyngstoke Probably named after the town of Basingstoke 
in Hampshire. English humanist; who died in 1252. Archdeacon of Leicester 
(in or before 1235). He studied in Oxford, Pans, and Athens!, and was one of 
the earliest Englishmen having a real knowledge of Greek. He was a friend of 
Grosseteste and Matthew Pans, He brought back Greek MSS. to England, and 
translated into Latin a Greek grammar, which he called Donatus Graecorum. 

He tried to introduce a system of numeration in which the numbers were differ- 
entiated by the position and inclination of a hook at the top of an upright line. 
According to Matthew Pans, he had brought back the Greek numerals to England. 
One wonders whether the Greek numerals and the strange numerals abovemen- 
tioned were not confused. 

T. A. Archer: Dictionary of national biography (vol. 3, 354-356, 1885). H. 
Suter: Die Mathematii: auf den Universitaten des Mittelalters (Zurich 1887). M. 
Cantor: Geschichte der Mathematik (vol. 2, 100, 1899). Ernest A. Savage: 
Old English libraries (219, 267, 1911) Sandys: History of classical scholarship 
(vol. I, 3 423, 576, 1921). Florence A. Yeldham: The story of reckoning in the 
Middle Ages (94, London 1926; Isis, 10, 259). 

ROBERT GROSSETESTE 

See philosophical chapter, below. 

ARISTOTELIAN TRADITION IN THE FIRST HALF OF THE THIRTEENTH CENTURY 

To the many translations dating from the twelfth century, quite a few important 
ones were added in the first half of the thirteenth century, as has been shown 
above. The zoological books, the De coelo et mundo, and the De anima, were 
translated from Arabic into Latin, together with Ibn Rushd's commentaries, by 
Michael Scot. Another Latin translation of the zoology was made somewhat later 
by Peter Gallego. The pseudo-Aristotelian treatise De plantis was translated 
from Arabic into Latin by Alfred Sareshel. The Organon, as elaborated by Ibn 
IJushd, was translated from Arabic into Latin by William of Lunis, and from Arabic 
into Hebrew by Jacob Anatoli. The Ethics was translated from Arabic into 
Hebrew by al-Harizi, and from Greek into Latin by Grosseteste. 

The case of the Meteorology is especially interesting. We have seen that it was 
translated from Arabic into Hebrew by Samuel ibn Tibbon. But Latin translations 
were available before this time, one made from the Arabic (the first three books by 
Gerard of Cremona) ; one made partly from the Arabic and partly (book 4) from the 
Greek; one made entirely from the Greek, Moreover, about the middle of the 
century, the first three books of the last mentioned Latin version (entirely from the 
Greek) were translated into French by one Matthieu le Vilain of Neuf cbltel, in the 
diocese of Rouen. This is noteworthy, because it was long believed that the earliest 
French versions of Aristotle dated only from the rule of Charles V the Wise 
(1364-1380). 



568 INTRODUCTION TO THE HISTORY OF SCIENCE [1 200-1250] 

For this French version and what little is known of the author, see Leopold 
Delisle: Comptes rendus de I'Acad&nie des Inscriptions (vol 9, 11, 1881); Notice 
sur deux livres ayant appartenu a Charles V (Notices et extraits, vol 31 (1), 1-16). 

A summary of the situation obtaining in the Latin world was given by Haskms 
as follows: "The Physics, Metaphysics and briefer works on natural history 
reached Western Europe about 1200; the Politics, Ethics, Rhetoric, and Economics 
only in the course of the next two generations. In nearly every instance trans- 
lations are found both from the Greek and from the Arabic and nearly all are 
undated. At present about all that can be said is that by the turn of the century 
traces are found of versions from the Greek in the case of the Physics, de Coelo, 
de Anima, and the Parva Naturalia. The Metaphysics seems to have come from 
Constantinople shortly after 1204." 

C. H. Haskins: The Greek element in the Renaissance of the twelfth century 
(American historical review, 25, 612, 1920). 

Another aspect of the question is offered by the attitude of the ecclesiastical 
authorities with regard to the teaching of Aristotelian doctrines. It should be 
remembered that Ibn Rushd reached western Europe close on the heels of Aristotle. 
The most obnoxious Aristotelian doctrine to Christians as well as to Jews 
was that of the eternity of the world, conflicting with the dogma of creation; and 
this very doctrine was lengthily discussed by Ibn Rushd. One can readily imagine 
the anxiety which the spread of such subversive ideas must have caused to the 
responsible leaders, and it is not at all surprising that their first reaction was 
antagonistic. We shall see in the following book that their attitude changed 
when the contents of Aristotelian knowledge were better known and its dangers 
circumscribed. 

A provincial council held in Paris in 1210 forbade the public or private teaching 
of Aristotelian natural philosophy (i.e., Aristotelian physics and metaphysics), 
and its commentaries (of course there was no objection to the Organon). The 
pantheistic views of Amaury of B&ne and David of Dinant were condemned by 
the same council. The prohibition was renewed in 1215 with special reference to 
the University of Paris, by the cardinal, Robert de Courgon (d. 1219). Robert 
allowed the teaching of the old and new logic, and the ethics, but expressly forbade 
the physics and metaphysics, and the heretical views of Amaury, David, and 
Maurice of Spain (i.e., probably the Moor of Spain, Ibn Rushd. That pro- 
hibition was confirmed by the Fourth Lateran Council (1215) under Innocent III 
and by other popes in 1231, 8 1245, etc. Yet these later interdictions were already 
less absolute. For example, in 1231 Gregory IX (1227-1241) ordered three 
theologians, William of Auxerre, Simon of Authie, and Stephen of Provins, to 
censor the forbidden books "ne utile per inutile vitietur;" this implied a partial 
readmission. Further interdictions were more and more restricted to Averroistic 
exaggerations. One thing is clear: the prohibitions of 1210, 1215 and later years 
prove indirectly the spread of Anstotelianism. 

Amable Jourdain: Recherches critiques sur P&ge et Porigine des traductions 
latines d'Aristote, etc. (488 p., Paris 1843; still fundamental). Georges Henri 
Luquet; Aristote et TuniversitS de Paris pendant le XIII e si^cle (Bibl, de TEcole 
des hautes Etudes, sci. relig., vol. 16, 2., 34 p., Paris 1904), Georg Kriesten; Uber 
eine deutsche tfbersetzung des pseudo-aristotelischen Secretum secretorum aus dem 



[1200-1250] THE TBANSLATOBS 569 

XIII. Jahrh. (Diss., Berlin 1907). Martin Grabmann: Forschungen uber die 
latemischen Aristoteles-Ubersetzungen des XIII Jahrh. (Beitr zur Gesch. der 
Philos des Mittelalters, 17, 5, 297 p ; Munster 1916; important, completing 
Jourdain) Lynn Thorndike: The Latin pseudo-Aristotle and medieval occult 
science (Journal of English and Germanic philology, 21, 229-258, 1922; Isis, 5, 
214), Martin Grabmann* Mittelalterhche latemische Anstotelesubersetzungen 
und Aristoteleskornmentare in Handschrif ten spanischer Bibhotheken (Sitzungsber. 
der bayer Akad., 120 p , Munchen 1928; Isis, 13, 205) Alexandre Birkenmajer: 
Le role joue* par les m^decms et les naturalistes dans la reception d'Aristote aux 
XII et XIII e sicles (La Pologne au VI Congres international des sciences 
historiques, Oslo 1928; 15 p., Warsaw 1930, Isis, 15, 272). 

F. Picavet: La science experimental au XIII sidcle (Le Moyen Age, 241-248, 
1894; a propos of Berthelot's work). Ludwig Keller : Die Anfange der Renaissance 
und die Kulturgesellschaften des Humanismus im 13. und 14. Jahrhundert (Come- 
nius Gesellschaft, vol. 11, 2, 30 p., Berlin 1903) George von Hertling: Wissen- 
schaftliche Richtungen und philosophische Probleme des 13. Jahrhunderts (Fest- 
rede, Akad der Wissensch , 37 p , Munchen 1910). 



CHAPTER XXXI 
EDUCATION 

(First Half of Thirteenth Century) 
I CHRISTENDOM 

CREATION OF NEW UNIVERSITIES 

We have explained in the previous chapter that the earliest universities were not 
founded but simply grew. By the beginning of the thirteenth century that growth 
was already sufficient to show what a University was and what it could do for good 
or evil. The authorities; lay and ecclesiastical, became aware of the importance, 
actual or potential, of these new institutions and vied with one another to obtain 
control of them. Royal and papal recognition of universities became a matter of 
policy. Kings and popes granted charters to the universities which already existed 
or which they now created for the very purpose of extending and strengthening 
their influence. Each charter conceded sundry privileges and protection for the 
sake of submission to the authority which promulgated it. 

For example , in Paris the university was controlled by the chancellor of the 
cathedral who alone conferred the licentia docendi, the right to teach. I have 
explained above that some chairs of the Faculty of theology of Paris were 
acquired by the Dominican Order in 1229 and 1231, and by the Franciscan, c. 1232. 
In this struggle against the rest of the university the Friars were naturally seconded 
by the popes, as the presence of Franciscans and Dominicans in the Faculty of 
theology was the best guarantee of orthodoxy 

The detailed history of each university does not interest us. The history of 
education and the history of science are two different subjects. But it is well to 
know when each university began, because each of them was (or might be) a new 
focus of scientific research. 

The best general account is still that of Hastings Rashdall: The universities of 
Europe in the Middle Ages (2 vols. in three, Oxford 1895); a new edition is being 
prepared by H. H. E. Craster and F. M. Powicke. See also Hemrich Demfle: 
Die Universitaten des Mittelalters bis 1400 (Berlin 1885). C. H. Haskins: The 
rise of universities (143 p., New York 1923; a delightful summary; Isis, 6, 203). 

I shall now indicate briefly the main facts. 

Italy 

Migrations from Bologna created new studia generaha in other Italian cities, 
e.g., in Modena before 1182, and in Reggio in Emilia in 1188. 

Vicenza (1204) The university of Vicenza owed its origin, in 1204, also to a 
migration of scholars, probably from Bologna. Its existence was exceedingly 
short, only a few years. 

Reggio This was clearly recognized as a studium generale in 1210, but it did 
not last more than a century. 

570 



[1200-1250] EDUCATION 571 

Arezzo (? 1215} A law school was established in Arezzo in 1215 by Roffredus de 
Benevento, a seceder from Bologna. By the middle of the thirteenth century 
(1255) it was already a studmm generale. It received an imperial charter from 
Charles IV in 1355. 

Padua (1222) Padua was also a daughter of Bologna and by far the greatest. 
Its history as a studmm generale begins in 1222. The seventh centenary of its 
birth was celebrated in 1922 (see e g., Nature, vol. 109, 752, 1922). A considerable 
body of students moved to Vercelh in 1228. During the tyranny of the Ezzelino 
family, 1237-1260, the university of Padua was reduced to a very low ebb. In 
1260 a new start was made Papal bulls were obtained in 1264 from Urban IV, in 
1346 from Clement VI, and in 1363 from Urban V. The earliest Paduan college, 
the Collegium tornacense, dates only from 1363. The university reached its 
zenith under Venetian tutelage in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. It was 
the university town, the "quartier latin/' of Venice. 

Naples (1224) With one partial exception (Palencia, 1212-1214; see below), 
Naples was the first university which was deliberately founded by an outside 
power, and thus it was also the first of which the date of foundation is absolutely 
definite It was created in 1224 by the emperor Frederick II through his chancellor, 
Peter of Vinea, to offset the university of Bologna (a Guelf city). The charter of 
foundation (1224) forbade Neapolitan and Sicilian subjects to attend other schools. 
This antipapal institution did not last very long, but it had the paradoxical glory of 
counting St. Thomas Aquinas among its alumni. 

Roman Curia (1244-1&48) A university attached to the papal court was founded 
by Innocent IV (1243-1254) in 1244 or 1245. Its seat was the same as that of the 
court, Rome or any other Italian residence, later for a time, Avignon. The studies 
were largely restricted to civil and canon law, and to theology. The theological 
teaching was controlled to a large extent by Dominicans. Civil law was taught, 
which shows that the popes were not systematically hostile to that study, though 
Honorms III (1216-1227) had prohibited it. Indeed some knowledge of civil law 
was essential to canonists. The Council of Vienne m Dauphind (1311-1312) 
ordered that professors of Greek, Arabic, Chaldee, and Hebrew be maintained in 
five universities, of which that of the Roman Curia was one, the four others being 
Paris, Bologna, Oxford, and Salamanca, 

Siena (1246^ 1357) Taking advantage of Bologna's troubles with Frederick II, 
Siena started a regular teaching of civil law in 1246. A bull was granted by 
Innocent IV in 1252, and by that time it is probable that Siena was already a 
studmm generale in fact. At any rate, an official document of the city of Siena, 
dated 1275, proclaims the existence of a studium generale within its walls. The 
university was considerably reinforced in 1321 and 1338 by Bolognese immigrants. 
After having failed to obtain a charter from the popes (who no doubt did not want 
to do anything which might hurt Bologna), they obtained a new charter of founda- 
tion from the emperor Charles IV in 1357. More privileges were granted to them 
in 1408 by Gregory XII. 

Thus the university of Siena received its first recognition from the pope (1252), 
the second from the city itself (1275), the third from the emperor (1357), the fourth 
from the pope (1408) : a curious example of the conflicting tendencies in the midst 
of which the early universities were developing, and of which they took advantage. 

Piacenza (1248) This university was a town school (as there were many others 
in Italy) which obtained a bull of foundation from Innocent IV in 1248. However, 



572 INTRODUCTION TO THE HISTORY OF SCIENCE [1200-1250J 

it remained insignificant till 1398, when Gian Galeazzo Visconti granted a new 
charter, and suppressed the university of Pavia (founded in 1361) in its favor. 
This new foundation failed as completely as the first, and Pavia was reestablished 
in 1412 as the Milanese university. 

France 

p ar j s gee preceding book. The University of Paris received its first charter 
only in 1200, from King Philip Augustus, and this date is claimed by itself as the 
true date of foundation. The earliest statutes date from 1208-1209. Papal 
privileges were granted in 1215 and 1231. 

Ernest Wickersheimer: Les origines de la faculty de m^decine de Paris (Bull, 
de la Soc. hist, med., vol. 13, 249-260, 1914; earliest date, 1213; Isis, 4, 405). 

Montpellier See preceding book. The medical school is first mentioned in a 
document of 1137; the earliest statutes date from 1220. The law school began c. 
1160; its importance increased considerably c. 1230, this increase was probably due 
to the political troubles from which Bologna was then suffering; the earliest statutes 
date from 1339; these were legatine statutes. The faculty of arts existed already 
in 1242. The earliest college, Valmagne, dates from 1262. Montpellier was one 
of the most famous universities of Europe until the middle of the fourteenth 
century, after which time it declined rapidly. It again enjoyed some prestige in 
the seventeenth century and after. 

Orleans The law school of Orleans is very ancient. The Brachylogus, composed 
at the beginning of the twelfth century, was possibly one of its productions. How- 
ever, in the twelfth century this school seems to have been far less concerned with 
law than with grammar, classical literature and dictamen (the art of letter writing) ; 
the secretaries of popes Alexander III (1159-1181) and Lucius III (1181-1185) 
were educated there. The school of grammar of Orleans remained important until 
the second half of the thirteenth century. The prohibition of teaching civil law 
in Paris, by Honorius III in 1219, and subsequent events helped to revive the law 
school of Orleans. It should be noted that that prohibition jeopardized also the 
teaching of canon law. The earliest document concerning the law school of 
Orleans dates only from 1235, but that school assumed very quickly a definite 
preponderance; it remained the mam legal school of France throughout the Middle 
Ages. Its organization was sanctioned by a bull granted by Clement V in 1306. 

Angers This was an ancient cathedral school which was fortified by a Parisian 
immigration in 1229. Its institutional development was very similar to that of 
Orleans. It was reorganized in 1398 on the model of the latter. It was first of 
all a school of law, chiefly civil law. Less important than Orleans in mediaeval 
times, its fame increased gradually, and in the sixteenth century it was the center 
of a great juridical revival and then eclipsed its rival. Until 1432 there was 
apparently no faculty but the legal one; in that year faculties of theology, medicine, 
and arts were established by a bull of Eugenius IV (1431-1447). 

Toulouse (1230, l@33)The university of Toulouse was deliberately founded in 
1230 by a bull of Gregory IX (1227-1241); this being an incident in the struggle 
against heresy in Languedoc and Provence. The final treaty between Louis IX 
and the defeated count, Raymond of Toulouse, signed in Paris in 1230, obliged the 
latter to pay the salaries of fourteen professors. An additional bull of 1233 granted 
the jus ubique docendi to graduates; finally, in 1245, Innocent IV issued a charter 



[1200-1250] EDUCATION 573 

of privilege conferring upon Toulouse all the liberties and privileges bestowed upon 
Paris But in spite of all, the university decayed rapidly John of Garland, who 
was one of the earliest teachers, wrote a poem in which he described the establish- 
ment of the university and its failure. Later it revived and assumed much im- 
portance as a law school, especially after the decline of the law school of Montpelher 
in the middle of the thirteenth century, and became the legal center of the south of 
France, even as Orleans was the legal center of the north. 

England 

Oxford See preceding book. The history of Oxford university began, c. 1167. 
The earliest charter is a legatme ordinance of 1214. The organization of the 
university was at first modeled upon that of Paris The first Oxford statute 
dates from 1252, and this was sanctioned by Innocent IV in 1254 The * Domini- 
cans appeared in Oxford in 1221, and the Franciscans in 1224, and they worked in 
harmony with the seculars and laymen until the beginning of the fourteenth century, 
when various conflicts arose between them 

None of the Oxford colleges dates from the first half of the thirteenth century, 
but University College, which began, c 1280, owed its foundation partly to a 
bequest made in 1249 by William of Durham, archbishop-elect of Rouen. 

Cambridge (1209) The birth of the University of Cambridge was due to a 
"suspendium clericorum" which occurred at Oxford in 1209, and led to the emigra- 
tion of a large body of students But many of these students returned to Oxford 
in 1214, and the new university remained insignificant for many years. In 1229 
Henry III assigned it for residence to many of the dispersed students of Paris. 
Its existence was consecrated in 1318 by a bull of John XXII (1316-1334). 

The Franciscans reached Cambridge in 1224 or 1225, the Dominicans in 1274. 
The earliest Cambridge college, Peterhouse, dates only from 1284. 

Spa^n 

Falencia (1212-1214) The cathedral school of Palencia, in Old Castile, which 
counted St Dominic among its pupils (c 1184), was transformed into a university 
in 1212-1214 by Alfonso VIII, king of Castile This was a deliberate foundation, 
but without charter of any kind. After the founder's death in 1214, the little 
university was suspended; m 1220 it was reestablished but its existence remained 
precarious; it still existed in 1243; by 1263 it had disappeared. 

Salamanca (Before 1230) Salamanca was founded at an unknown date by Alfonso 
IX of Leon, who died in 1230. This failed, and a new foundation occurred in 
1242, when Ferdinand III of Castile issued a charter of privilege. However, 
Salamanca did not attain any importance till 1254 when Alfonso X the Wise 
granted a new charter; this charter was confirmed by a bull of Alexander IV in 
1255. The university was controlled by the cathedral By the end of the thir- 
teenth century it was recognized by Boniface VIII as one of the leading universities 
of Europe. 

For Seville and Valladolid, see Book IV. 

II. ISRAEL 
JUDAH BEN 'ABBAS 

See philosophical chapter, below. 



574 INTKODTJCTION TO THE HISTORY OF SCIENCE! [1200-1250] 

III. CHINA 
YEHXLTJ CH'TJ-TS'SAI 

Yeh'-lu 4 * Ch ; u 3 -ts'ai 2 (12974, 7548, 2662, 11496) Posthumously ennobled and 
canonized. Born in 1190 of a princely family of the Liao 2 (7058) or Ch'i-tan, 
Eastern Tartars. He was governor of Peking in 1214, when the city was taken by 
Chingiz Khan. Flourished at the Mongol court under Chingiz and Ogotay, died in 
1244 Mongol astronomer, educator, and statesman I say Mongol, both because 
of his origin (witness his Ch'i-tan name) and his function; but his education and 
traditions were Chinese. He took part in Chmgiz's successful campaign against 
Persia in 1219, and wrote an account of it entitled Account of a journey to the 
West, Hsi 1 yu 2 lu 4 * (4031, 13423 7 7386). During this campaign the Mongols 
collected books, herbs, and scientific instruments for him out of their abundant 
spoil On one occasion he cured an epidemic which was menacing the horde, by 
means of rhubarb. In 1220 he proposed a reform of the calendar, characteristi- 
cally called the Western expedition chronography of the Kng wu epoch, Hsi 1 cheng 1 
k&ig 1 wu 3 yuan 2 li 4 * (4031, 689, 6001, 12769, 13744, 6923). In 1227, when Ogotay 
succeeded his father, Yeh-lu became the main administrator of the empire In 
1233, he established an institution for literary composition at Yen^chmg 1 (13048, 
2140) near Peking, and a college for classical studies at P'mg 2 yang 2 (9310, 12883) 
in Shansi This college is supposed to mark the beginning of educational organi- 
zation under the Mongols In 1236 he prevailed on Ogotay strictly to limit an 
issue of paper-money. Unfortunately (for the Mongols) his power came to an end 
when Ogotay died in 1241. 

Text The Library of Congress has the Hsi yu lu in vol 28 of the Lina 2 chien 1 
ko 2 * ts'ung 1 shu 1 (7222, 1637, 6037, 12039, 10024). The Library also has the 
collected writings of Yeh-lu Ch'u-ts'ai under his style name, Chan 4 ian 2 chii 1 shih 4 
wn 2 chi 2 * (313, 5551, 2987, 9992, 12633, 906) m vbls 1371-4 of the Ssu 4 pu 4 ts'uns; 1 
k'an 1 (10291, 9484, 12039, 5861) 

Extracts from the Hsi yu lu have been published by E. Bretschneidcr: Mediaeval 
researches (vol. 1, 9-24, 1888). 

Criticism Abel Hemusat Yehu-Thsou-Thsai, mimstre tartare (Nou veaux 
melanges asiatiques, vol. 2, 64-88, 1829). Alexander Wyhe: Chinese researches 
(part 3, 15, 1897). Giles: Biographical dictionary (929, 1898). Harold Lamb- 
Genghis Khan (228-230, New York 1927). 

IV JAPAN 

The military affairs of the shogunal government were administered by the ko- 
saburai-dokoro, an office established at Kamakura in 1219, and of which the 
superintendent (betto) was always taken from among the Hojo family. In 1241 a 
school was annexed to it, to educate the children of the officers. The education 
included Chinese writing and music, horsemanship, sports and games, etc. 

E. Papinot: Historical dictionary (310, 1909). 



CHAPTER XXXII 

PHILOSOPHIC AND CULTURAL BACKGROUND 

(First Half of Thirteenth Century) 

I. FREDERICK II 

Frederick II of Hohenstaufen. Born In lesi, near Ancona, 1194; died in Fioren- 
tino, South Italy, 1250; buried in Palermo. King of Sicily since 1198 (of age in 
1208), head of the Holy Roman Empire since 1220, king of Jerusalem since 1229. 
Frederick was the most accomplished example of the mixture of Muslim and Chris- 
tian civilizations which was then taking place in southern Europe, chiefly in Sicily 
and Spain As Emperor, he was the highest civil authority in Christendom; yet 
his life and court were similar to those of a Muslim sultan. 

He had established a Muslim colony at Lucera or Nocera (in Campania), from 
which he could draw a praetorian guard to execute his orders This had far- 
reaching consequences. For in so doing, Frederick inaugurated a practice followed 
by many Italian despots of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. The native 
subjects were relieved from conscription and continued their own activities; of 
course, they had to pay taxes, but the fighting was done by mercenaries under the 
tyrant's immediate control. This meant relative peace and prosperity to the 
burghers and absolute power to the tyrant. On the other hand, the Muslim 
soldiery must have contributed to the diffusion of Muslim customs throughout the 
peninsula. One thing is certain; under Frederick's rule Muslim arts and lore 
were transmitted from Sicily to Lombardy. 

He was a philosopher, a man of science and a patron of learning, and surrounded 
himself in Sicily with learned men, some of them Christian, such as Michael Scot 
and Fibonacci, but most of them Jews or Muslims. He corresponded with scholars 
throughout Islam. During his travels in Italy, Germany, or the Holy Land he 
was accompanied by learned men, chiefly Muslims. 

In 1224 he founded the University of Naples, this being the first University of 
Europe which was founded at a definite time by a definite charter. He formed at 
that university a large collection of Arabic manuscripts. In 1220 (or 1232) he 
caused the works of Aristotle and Ibn Rushd to be translated, and sent copies of 
the translations to Pans and Bologna. 

He devoted the leisure time of his busy life to the preparation of a treatise on 
falconry, De arte venandi cum avibus, which is one of the most elaborate treatises 
of its kind and one of the most important zoological works of the Middle Ages. 
The text as compiled by himself seems to have been already completed by 1248, 
when it was lost in a defeat which he suffered before Parma. A revision of the 
first two books, prepared by his son Manfred (born c. 1232; king of Sicily from 
1258 to 1266), is the basis of the printed editions. It was translated into French 
before the end of the century. The complete treatise is very large (58J9 pages in 
the Mazarine MS.). It is based on Aristotle, but also to a large extent on Muslim 

575 



576 INTRODUCTION TO THE HISTORY OF SCIENCE [1200-1250] 

examples, 1 and on direct observations and experiments. It is very methodical 
and technical, the work of a man of science and cf a sportsman. It is divided into 
six books, as follows: (I) Praise of falconry. Zoological introduction, anatomy 
and habits of birds, and especially of birds of prey. (II) Rearing, feeding, and 
seeling of falcons; necessary implements, including hoods. (Ill) Various kinds of 
lures and their use; training of dogs for hunting with falcons. (IV) Hunting of 
cranes with gerfalcons. Habits of cranes and gerfalcons, comparison of gerfalcons 
with other falcons. (V) Hunting of herons with the sacred falcon. Their habits. 
(VI) Hunting of water birds with the peregrine falcon. Their habits. For con- 
temporary treatises on falconry, see the chapter below devoted to natural history. 

Book I contains a number of facts on the anatomy of birds which had not yet been 
recorded anywhere else; e.g., pneumaticity of the bones, form of the sternum, 
structure of the lungs, rump glands Remarks on the mechanical conditions of 
flight and on bird migrations. Frederick observed, imitated, and improved the 
Arab practice of equipping hunting birds with hoods (book II, chapter 77). He 
made experiments on the artificial incubation of eggs, and to determine whether 
vultures find their food by sight or by smell. Much of this reveals a scientific 
spirit cf the first order. His interest in animals was further evidenced by the 
menageries which he had established in Palermo and Lucera dei Pagani^and the 
one which followed him in Italy and even across the Alps into Germany; it included 
elephants, dromedaries, camels, panthers, lions, leopards, gerfalcons, white falcons, 
bearded owls, monkeys, and even a giraffe, the first to appear in Europe. 

Frederick's genuine love of science is further revealed by the questions which he 
submitted to his scientific advisers; for example, to Michael Scot and Ibn Sab 'In. 
He also loved to explode superstitions by means of experiments or simple common 
sense; e.g., with regard to the generation of barnacle geese. 

He tried to put a stop to the madness of the Crusades, and to reconcile Christen- 
dom and Islam. 

He gave to the Sicilies in 1231 a very remarkable code of laws. The official 
text of these Constitutiones was in Latin, but a Greek translation was also pub- 
lished. In 1240 he promulgated a regulation of the practice of medicine, the first 
elaborate regulation of its kind, though some efforts in that direction had already 
been made a century before by his predecessor, Roger II. Frederick granted to 
Salerno the exclusive right to confer the license to practice medicine in the whole 
kingdom. The length of medical studies was determined: five years, plus one 
year of practical work under the guidance of an experienced physician, and one 
more year for the surgeons. The preparation of drugs, and the relations between 
doctors and apothecaries were also regulated. Unfortunately this was like the 
siren-song of the old school which ended together with the Hohenstaufen rule in 
1268, and was replaced by Naples. In Petrarca's time Salerno was already 
legendary. 

It has been said that one Martianu, protomedicus of Sicily, prevailed upon the 
emperor to order in 1238 that a human body be dissected publicly at Salerno every 
five years. This story and others of the same kind have not been proved. The 
history of human dissection does not begin before the second half of the thirteenth 
century, as far as tangible facts are concerned. 

It is interesting to note that Frederick's code contains the earliest example of 

1 Observed by himself in the East, derived from Arabic books (see, e g., my note on Theodore 
of Antioch) , or obtained from the Muslim falconers whom he took with him to Italy. 



[1200-1250] PHILOSOPHIC AND CULTURAL BACKGROUND 577 

death by burning as a penalty for the crime of heresy. This shows once more that 
free thought is often combined with intolerance (see my note on al-Ma'mun, vol. 1, 
557) Frederick was excommunicated at least five times during his Me, and once 
more after his death. 

It is difficult to say exactly when the Italian literary language was born Various 
documents (e.g., legal documents) of the first half of the thirteenth century illustrate 
the pressure of the vulgar speech upon the Latin jargon of the learned Italian 
poetry, and we might say Italian literature, began to blossom at Frederick's court 
under the combined influence of Provengal trovaton and Muslim singers. This 
again had very far-reaching consequences, but only after a certain transformation 
had taken place Frederick's court was too artificial and too exotic a center for 
the creation of a national language, but it gave the initial stimulation; one which 
hardly survived the emperor. After his death the literary center was transferred 
to Tuscany, and the earlier poems were promptly "Tuscanised." For example, 
it would seem that Dante knew most of them only in the Tuscanised form. It is 
this process of toscaneggiamento translation from the Sicilian into the Tuscan 
dialect which completed the emancipation of the Italian language. The point to 
remember now is that Provengal and Muslim poetry and music influenced Italian 
music and letters through the Sicilian court; there may have been other infiltrations 
but this was the mam channel. 

Text Of the six books of the De arte venandi cum avibus, only the first two have 
been edited. Reliqua librorum Frederici II imperatons De arte venandi cum 
avibus cum Manfredi regis additionibus Ex membranis vetustis nunc primum 
edita. Albcrtus Magnus de falconibus asturibus et accipitnbus (414 p., Augsburg 
1596; Frederick's treatise covers p. 1-358). The editor was Marcus Velser. 
This was reprinted with a zoological commentary by Jo Gottl. Schneider (2 vols. ? 
Leipzig 1788-1789). 

Hartmg quotes two earlier editions, together with a Latin version of Guillaume 
Tardif s French treatise on falconry (Geneva 1560, Basle 1578). 

German translation of Vclser's text by J, Erh. Pacms: Fnedrich II tibrige 
Stucke des Buches von der Kunst zu Baitzen, nebst den Zusatzen des Konigs. 
Manfredus und Alberti Magm Unterricht von den Falken und Habichten (Ansbach. 
1756). H. Schopffer: Des Friederichs II Bucher von der Natur der Vogel und 
der Falknerei mit den Zusatzen des Komgs Manfred. tJbersetzt und versehen 
mit Origmalzeichnungen, sowie einem Worterbuch der Falknereisprache (238 p., 
8 pi , 40 ill., Berlin 1896), A new edition is being prepared by J. Strohl of Zurich. 

One of the MSS. of this work, a Vatican codex of the thirteenth century, contains 
more than 900 figures of individual birds admirably done from life, See D'Agin- 
court: Histoire de Tart par les monuments depuis sa d6cadence au IV e si&cle 
jusqu'& son renouvellement au XVI e (4 vols., Paris 1823; vol. 3, p. 78, pi. 73). 

Gustav Wolff: Vier griechlsche Brief e Kaiser Friedrichs II (60 p,, Berlin 1855). 
Staatsbriefe Friedrichs II (104 p., Breslau 1923). 

Liber novem judicum in judiciis astrorum. Astrological compilation arranged 
in topical order and supposed to have been made by order of Frederick II (1st ed, 
Venice 1509; later edition, Basle 1571). It contains the writings of the following 
nine authors quoted in the order of the princeps: Mesehella (Mashallah, second 
half of eighth century), Aomar (possibly 'Umar ibn al-Farrukhan or his son, first 
half of ninth century), al-Kind! (first half of ninth century), Zael (probably Sahl ibn 
Bishr, first half of ninth century), Albenait (Abu. 'All al~Khaiyat), Dorotheus 
(Sidonius?), Jergis (one Jirjis or George), Aristotle, Ptolemy. See M. Steiu- 
schneider: Europ&ische tJbersetzungen (Wien, 61, 1905). Gustav Hellmann: 



578 INTRODUCTION TO THE HISTORY OF SCIENCE [1200-1250] 

Die Wettervorhersage irn ausgehenden Mittelalter (Beitrage zur Gesctdchte der 
Meteorologie,vol.2 ? 201,1917;Isis,4,185). , ,, /101 , ^ TT 

Biography and general criticism 3. L. A. Juillard-Breholles (1817-1871): His- 
toria diplomatica Friderici Secundi (6 vols., Paris 1852-1861) Ed. Wmkelmann 
(1838-1896): Kaiser Fnedrich II (2 voLs , Leipzig 1889-1897; left incomplete; 
first ed. 1863-1865). Georges Blondel: La poktique de Frederic en Allemagne 
(486 p., Pans 1892). H. Chone: Die Handelsbeziehungen Kaiser Fnedenchs II 
in den Seestadten Venedig, Pisa, Genua (134 p., Berlin 1902). Franz Guntram 
Schultheiss: Die deutsche Volkssage vom Fortleben und der Wiederkchr Friedrichs 
II (Berlin 1911). Lionel Allshorn; Stupor mundi; life and times of Frederick II 
(318 p ill London 1912). Hans Niese: Zur Geschichte des geistigen Lebens am 
Hofe Kaiser Friedrichs II (Histonsche Z, vol 108, 473-540, Munchen 1912). 
Ernst Kantorowitz: Kaiser Friedrich II (651 p,, Berlin 1927; important). 

Special criticism (except zoology} -A. Del Vecchio: La legislazione de Federico II 
(Torino 1874). H Rashdall: Universities of Europe in the Middle Ages (vol. 2, 
22, 1895). Potthast: Bibhotheca medn aevi (470, 1896). Arthur Haseloff: Die 
Kaisermnengraber in Andria Em Beitrag zur apulischen Kunstgeschichte unter 
Friedrich II (69 p , ill., Bibl. des preuss hist. Instituts, Rom 1905). Hcinrich 
Geymiiller: Friedrich II und die Anfange der Architektur der Renaissance (30 p., 
Munchen 1908). Alfred Baumer: Die Gesetzgebung Friedrichs II und ihre 
geschichthche Grundlagen (Diss., 42 p , 1911). E Wiedemamr Fragen aus dem 
Gebiet der Naturwissenschaften gestellt von Friedrich II (Archiv fur Kultur- 
geschichte, vol. 11, 483-485, 1914). Charles H. Haskins: Michael Scot and 
Frederick II (Ms, 4, 250-275, 1922; 5, 216); Science at the court of Frederick II 
(American Historical Review, vol 27 7 669-694, 1922) H. Suter: Beitrage m 
den Beziehungen Friedrichs II zu zeitgenossischen Gelehrten des Ostens und 
Westens (Abhdl. zur Gesch. der Naturwissensch., Heft 4, 1-8, 1922; Isis, 5, 501), 
Gustave Schlumberger: Voyage dans les Abruzzes et les Pouilles (Revue des 
DeuxMondes, f^vrier, 1916; new edition more than three times longer in Byzanee 
et Croisades, 149-206, Paris 1927; Isis, 11, 500; contains information on Fred- 
erick's castles and menageries in Lucera dei Pagani, Firenzuola, Castel del Monte). 
Karl Hampe: Friedrich II als Fragensteller (Kultur- und Universalgeschichtc, 
Festschrift fur W. Goetz, 53-66, 1927). C. H. Haskins: Latin literature under 
Frederick II (Speculum, 3, 129-151, 1928). 

Zoology Baron Jerome Pichon: Du trarW de fauconncrie compost par Fr6d6nc 
II (Bulletin du bibliophile, Paris 1864) James Edmund Harting: Bibliotheca 
accipitrana (159-160, 167-172, London 1891) L4on Moul6: La m<Sdecme 
y6t<rinaire en Europe au Moyen Age (61-63, Paris 1900). C. B. Klunzinger: 
Tiber die Hohenstaufenkaisers Friedrich II Werk uber die Vogel und die Jagd mit 
Falken (Journal fur Ormthologie, vol. 51, 539-542, 1904). A. Haubcr: Friedrich 
II und der langlebige Fisch (Archiv fiir Geschichte der Naturwissenschaften, 
vol. 3, 315-329, 1911) apropos of a fish supposed to have been thrown into the 
sea by Frederick in 1230 and fished out again in 1497! Gustave Loiscl: Histoire 
des menageries (vol. 1, 145-147, 1912). Charles H Haskins: The De arte venandi 
of Frederick II (English historical review, 334-355, July 1921; elaborate study, 
Isis, 4, 403); Some early treatises on falconry (Romanic review, vol. 13, 18-27, 1922; 
Isis, 5, 213) ; Revised editions of these papers and also of those quoted above in 
his Studies in mediaeval science (Cambridge, Mass., 1924; Isis, 7, 121-124; see also 
second edition, p. xiv, 1927). Maurice Boubier: L'6volution de I'ormthologie 
(7, 231, Paris 1925; Isis, 8, 515). C. H. Haskins: The Latin literature of sport 
(Speculum, 2, 235-252, 1927) 

Medicine Of course the papers dealing with Frederick's legislation will probably 
include a discussion of the medical regulations or references to them. Robert 
von Toply: Studien zur Geschichte der Anatomie im Mittelalter (Leipzig 1898). 



[1200-1250] PHILOSOPHIC AND CULTURAL BACKGROUND 579 

James J Walsh: The popes and science (1908; Knights of Columbus edition, 
419-423, 1913) K. Sudhoff: Der gnechische Text der Medizmalverordnungen 
Fnedrichs II (Mit. zur Geschichte der Medizin, vol. 13, 180-182, 1914); Em 
diatetischer Brief an Friedrich II von semem Hofphilosophen Magister Theodoras 
(Archiv fur Geschichte der Medizin, vol. 9, 1-9, 1915); Geschichte der Medizin 
im Uberlick (with Th. Meyer-Steineg, 3d ed. 7 Jena 1928). 

The Mushm colony of Lucera di Pugha The only Arabic document relative to 
the Muslim colony which Frederick II had moved from Girgenti to Lucera di 
Pugha (Lucera dei Pagam) is dated 1284. It was published in facsimile by G. H. 
Pertz (Archiv der Gesellschaft fur altere deutsche Geschichtskunde, vol 5, pi 3, 
1824). P. Egidr La coloma saracena di Lucera e la sua distruzione (Archivio 
storico per le province napoletane, vols, 36 to 39; reprinted, Naples 1912). G. Levi 
Delia Vida: La sottoscnzione araba di Riccardo di Lucera (Ri vista degli studi 
oriental!, vol. 10, 284-292, 1924). 

The Muslim colony of Lucera was destroyed in August 1300 by Charles II of 
Anjou. See my note on Peter the Pilgrim (second half of thirteenth century). 

II. ENGLISH PHILOSOPHERS 
MICHAEL SCOT 

Scot or Scott. Scotch philosopher, alchemist, astrologer, translator from Arabic 
into Latin One of the founders of Latin Averroism. Born m Scotland in the 
last quarter of the twelfth century; educated we don't know where; we find him m 
Toledo m 1217, at Bologna m 1220; he was in touch with the Roman curia from 
1224 to 1227; after that time he was probably at the court of Frederick II. He died 
at an unknown time, probably, c. 1235. He was for a long time in the service of 
Frederick II, as astrologer and translator; his later works were dedicated to him, 
and one of them (the Abbreviatio Avicenne) was in the imperial library in 1232. 
His writings arc mainly philosophical and astrological, but they show glimpses of a 
genuine experimental point of view. 

His writings are undated (except one, of 1217), but they can be divided into two 
groups according to the two main periods of Michael's life, the Spanish and the 
Sicilian. 

Spanish Period 

1. Al-Bitruji (second half of twelfth century); Translation of his astronomical 
treatise Liber astronomiae (or De venficatione motuum coelestium), completed 
at Toledo in 1217. This text was soon translated into Hebrew (1259), and the 
Hebrew text was translated into Latin by Qalonymos ben David, junior, in 1528 
(printed in Venice in 1531). Michael's version introduced Alpetragian astronomy, 
and incidentally the theory of the impetus, into the Latin world. 

2. First Latin translation of Aristotle's Histona ammalium, made in Toledo, 
probably before 1220. This consists of nineteen books including the De animalibus 
historia (with spurious book 10), De partibus animalium, De generatione amma- 
lium. This translation remained m use until the fifteenth century. 

3. Translation of Aristotle's De coelo et mundo, with Ibn Rushd's commentary. 
Dedicated to Stephen of Proving* 

4. Probably, translation of Aristotle's De anima, with Ibn Rushd's commentary. 
Other Aristotelian texts, with Ibn Rushd's commentaries, almost always follow 
these in the Latin MSS., and their translation may be tentatively ascribed to 
Michael: De generatione et corruption^ Meteora (book 4 of the middle com- 



580 INTRODUCTION TO THE HISTORY OF SCIENCE [1200-1250] 

mentary), Parva naturaha, De substantia orbis. But these ascriptions are un- 
proved. The same may be said of the translations of the Physics, Metaphysics, 
and Ethics, together with Ibn Rushd's commentaries Michael may be the 
translator, but we don't know. 

5 Divisio philosophica, an original treatise discussing the classification of 
science, based on al-Farabi, as adapted by Domingo Gundisalvo. This is known 
only through fragments preserved by Vincent of Beauvais. 

6 Quaestiones Nicolai peripatetic*, an Averroistic compendium ascribed to 
Scot by Albert the Great. (It is not, and could not be, the translation of a treatise 
by Nicholas of Damascus.) 

Sicilian Period 

7. Abbreviatio Avicenne de animalibus. Translation dedicated to Frederick 
II. Anterior to 1232, probably not much (the date 1210 is wrong). 

8-10. Three popular treatises on astrology and general science. Posterior to 
1228; also dedicated to the emperor. 

8. Liber introductorius Scot ; s most ambitious work. It is a general intro- 
duction to astrology, divided into four parts. It includes a history of the subject. 

9. Liber particularis Also a popular introduction to astrology, but much 
briefer than the preceding. The last quarter of it contains a series of questions 
on scientific subjects asked by Frederick II, together with Michael's answers. 
For example, it includes a description of the hot sulphur springs of Italy, and of 
the volcanic phenomena of the Lipari islands. 

10. Physionoinia, also called Liber physiognomiae or De secretis natuns. This 
was the most popular of his works. It is preceded by a treatise on generation. 
This is possibly the origin of a fantastic division of the uterus into seven cells, which 
recurs in many later texts (e g., Mondino). The physionomia includes a treatise 
De urinis; the only medical treatise which can be definitely ascribed to Scot. 

11-12. Michael Scot was probably the author of two treatises on alchemy: 
Magistermm (de arte alchimie), Minus magisterium, which afford interesting evi- 
dence of collaboration with Jewish and Muslim experimenters. 

Spurious Works 

1. Latin translation of Maimomdes' Guide of the perplexed. This translation 
was made from the Hebrew version in South Italy before the middle of the thir- 
teenth century. It was suggested that Scot made it with the help of Jacob Anatoli ; 
this is unproved. 

2. Latin translation of Maimonides' Kitab al-fara'id, probably also from the 
Hebrew Very doubtful. 

3. Commentary on Sacrobosco's Sphaera, ascribed to Scot m the printed edition 
(Bologna 1495). Doubtful, if only because Sacrobosco probably outlived Scot, 

4. Liber geomantiae. Very doubtful 

5. Mensa philosophica. This is certainly apocryphal. The author may 
possibly be Theobald Anguilbert, an Irish physician, under whose name it was 
published in Paris in 1500. 

To conclude, Michael's main achievements were his translations of Aristotle, 
Ibn Rushd, and al-Bitruji, from the Arabic. His most important translation of 
the Aristotelian corpus was that of the zoology; moreover he was the introducer of 



[1200-1250] PHILOSOPHIC AND CULTURAL BACKGROUND 581 

Alpetragian astronomy, of Ibn Rushd's commentaries, and of Averroism in general. 
It should be noted, however, that in the Liber introductorius, he denied the doctrine 
of the eternity of the universe 

Michael had no knowledge of Greek, but he knew Hebrew; however there is no 
evidence that his translations were made from the Hebrew. He was helped to a 
very considerable extent, said Bacon by a Jewish dragoman named Abuteus or 
Andrew. This was probably the Andrew, canon of Palencia, whom Honorius III 
praised in 1225 for his knowledge of oriental languages; or he might be identical 
with Anatoli, with whom Michael was certainly m touch at Frederick's court. 

Though his main titles to our gratitude are his activities as translator and experi- 
mental philosopher, he was especially famous in his and the following generations 
as an astrologer and magician. Many legends crystallized around his memory 
and he thus became in the popular mind one of the foremost wizards of the Middle 
Ages. Dante put him in Hell (XX, 116). 

"Michele Scotto fu, che veramente 
"Delle magiche frode seppe il gioco." 

Text Liber physiognomiae. First edition, Venice 1477. (78 leaves quarto) 
Later editions: Basle c. 1480; Venice 1482, 1490, etc. There were at least eighteen 
printed editions, in Latin, German, and Italian between 1477 and 1660. Edited 
with the De secretis muherum and other treatises ascribed to Albert the Great 
(Amsterdam 1740). 

The De animahbus is included in the Latin Aristotle published at Venice, 1496. 
It seems to have been printed before, separately, in 1493. 

Expositio super auctorem Sphaerae cum quaestionibus (Bologna 1495, 1518, 
etc.)- 

Quaestio curiosa de natura solis et lunae (Theatrum chemicum, vol 5, Strassburg 
1622). Apocryphal For this, see Ferguson (vol. 2, 355, 436). 

Mensa philosophica. Many early editions. Cologne (1480?, 1485?, 1500?, 
1508), Louvam (1481?, 1485?), Heidelberg, 1489, etc. Mensa philosophica, sen 
Enchiridion in quo de quaestionibus memorabilibus et vanis ac jucundis hommum 
congressibus agitur (Francfort 1602; Leipzig 1603). English translation, The 
philosopher's banquet, 1614. Apocryphal. 

General criticism Arturo Graf: Miti, leggende e superstizioni del medio evo 
(2 vols., Torino 1892-1893; one essay is devoted to Scot). J. Wood Brown: An 
enquiry into the life and legend of Michael Scot (297 p., Edinburgh Ig97; elaborate 
but a little adventurous; chronology incorrect). Sheriff Mackay: Dictionary of 
national biography (vol 51, 59-62, 1897; repeating many of Brown's unwarranted 
statements), Charles Homer Haskms: Michael Scot and Frederick II (Isis, 4, 
250-275, 1922; 5, 216; contains the text of a new series of Sicilian questions); 
reprinted in Studies in mediaeval science (272-298, 1924; again 1927, see p. XV 
of new edition) . Lynn Thorndike : History of magic (vol 2, 307-337, 1923) . C. H. 
Haskms: Michael Scot m Spam (Homenaje a Adolfo Bonilla y San Martfn, vol. 2, 
129-134, Madrid 1930; Isis, 15, 406). 

Translations and Averroism Lucien Leclerc: Histoire de la m6decine arabe 
(vol 2, 451-459, 1876). F. Wustenfeld: tJbersetzungen arabischer Werke (99-107, 
1877). E. Renan: Ayerrote et 1'AverroIsme (3d and later editions, 205-210, 
1869) ; Rabbins frangais (583, 1877; apropos of the Jew Andrew). M. Steinschnei- 
der: Hebraeische "Ubersetzungen (477-483; 1893); Europaeische Ubersetzungen 
(55-58, 1904). Martin Grabmann: Mittelalterliche lateinische Aristotelesiiber- 
setzungen und Aristoteleskommentare in Handschriften spanischer Bibliotheken 
(37-40, Munchen 1928; Isis, 13, 205). 



582 INTRODUCTION TO THE HISTOKY OF SCIENCE [1200-1250] 

Scientific criticism J "ohn Ferguson: Bibliotheca chemica (vol. 2, 355-360, 
1906; long bibliography). P. Duhem: Etudes sur Leonard de Vinci (vol 2, 72, 
1909; on the plurality of worlds and the omnipotence of God); Syst&ne du monde 
(vol. 3, 241-248, 1915; on astronomy). Charles Singer: Evolution of anatomy 
(81, 83, 1926). C. H. Haskins: The alchemy ascribed to Michael Scot (Isis, 10, 
350-359; contains long extracts). Dorothea W Singer: Michael Scot (Isis, 
13, 5-15, 1929), completing Haskms's study with reference to other MSS. 

Physiognomy Richard Foerster: De translation latma physiognomomcorum 
quae feruntur Aristotehs (progr., 27 p., Kiel, 1884); De Aristotelis quae feruntur 
Secretis secretorum (41 p , Kiel 1888); Scriptores physiognomonici (Leipzig 1893). 
Arthur Hemrich Querfeld: M. Scottus und seme Schnft de secretis naturae (Diss. 
64 p., Leipzig 1919, long extracts; Isis, 4, 585). 

JOHN OF LONDON 

Lectured in Oxford, c. 1210-1213; still teaching in Oxford in 1252. He lectured 
on astronomy and meteorology. Teacher of John of Garland, who speaks of him 
very enthusiastically. He is highly praised also by Roger Bacon. He was one of 
the most fervent expounders of the new Aristotle 

Heinrich Demfle: Die Entstehung der Universitaten (246, Berlin 1885). Font6s: 
Deux mathematicians peu connus du XIII 6 si&cle (M&noires de TAcademie de 
Toulouse, vol. 9, 384-386, 1897). According to Fontds, John was sent by Bacon 
to carry books and instruments to Innocent IV (pope from 1243 to 1254) who kept 
him in his service. John compiled a list of stars in 1246, partly from his own 
observations. M. Cantor: Vorlesungen (vol 2 2 , 98, 1899) FontSs and Cantor 
mistook another John of London for this one; there were at least two Johns of 
London in this period. Montague Rhodes James : The ancient libraries of Canter- 
bury and Dover (Cambridge 1903) . Louis John Paetow : Morale scolarium of John 
of Garland (Memoirs of the University of California, 4, no. 2, Berkeley, 1927; 
Isis, 10, 126). 

ALEXANDER OF HALES 

Alexander de Ales, Halensis. Called Doctor irrefragabilis, Doctor doctorum, 
Theologorum monarcha. English Franciscan philosopher. Born in Hales, 
Gloucestershire; assumed the Franciscan habit in 1222; studied and taught in 
Paris; died there in 1245. He was the first magister regens to hold the chair of 
theology which was conceded to the Franciscans by the University of Paris, c. 1232 ; 
he resigned that chair, c. 1238 and was succeeded by his pupil, John of La Rochelle. 
He wrote, presumably in connection with his teaching, a Summa theologica, which 
was not entirely completed at the time of his death This first philosophical 
contribution of the Franciscans was rather mediocre. Bacon spoke contemptu- 
ously of it, and furthermore maintained that Alexander had not written it ! It was 
based on the Latin translations of Aristotle, of Muslim commentaries, chiefly Ibn 
Slna's, and of Jewish writings, chiefly those of Ibn Gabirol and Maimonides, In 
great contrast with the majority of his Christian contemporaries, Alexander 
professed considerable toleration and charity for the Jews. 

Text Expositio super tres libros Aristotelis de anima (240 leaves, Oxford 1481). 

Summa, Pars 3 super tertium sententiarum (380 leaves, Venice 1475), Summa, 
four parts (Niirnberg 1481-1482; in four parts dated respectively 1482, 1481, 
1482, 1482). New edition of the four parts (Pa via, 1489). See Gesamtkatalog 



[1200-1250] PHILOSOPHIC AND CULTTJKAL BACKGROUND 583 

der Wiegendrucke (vol. 1, 433-439, 1925). Among the later editions we may still 
quote the following: one in 4 vols , Venice 1576; another in 4 vols., Cologne 1611; 
and a critical one in the course of preparation by the Franciscans of Quaracchi, 

near Florence -, rt op-\ 

Criticism Prof. Adamson: Dictionary of national biography (vol. 1, 271, 1885). 
J Endres- Des Alexander von Hales Leben und psychologische Lehre (Philos. 
Jahrbuch, 1, 24-55, 203-296, 1888). F. Picavet: Aboard et Alexandre de Hales, 
createurs de la m^thode scolastique (Biblioth. de Tecole des hautes Etudes, sci. 
religieuses, vol 7, 1, 1896) J. Guttmann: Jewish Encyclopaedia (vol 1,350, 
1901). P. Duhem: SystSme du monde (vol. 3, 399-407, 1915, astronomy; vol. 5, 
316-340, 1917, philosophy). M. De Wulf : Mediaeval philosophy (vol. 1, 345-349, 
1926). H. Rudy: Encyclopaedia judaica (vol. 2, 206-208, 1928). 

ADAM MARSH 

Adam de Marisco Doctor illustris. English Franciscan. Born in Somerset; 
studied in Vercelli, Piedmont; entered the Franciscan order in Worcester, c. 1237; 
died in 1257 or 1258. He is not mentioned because of his writings which are lost 
and of no special interest to us, but rather because he was the real founder of the 
great Franciscan school of Oxford, the friend and counsellor of such men as Gros- 
seteste, with whom he attended the Council of Lyon in 1245. He exerted a 
moderating influence on Simon de Montfort, Earl of Leicester, the main leader of 
the crusade against the Albigenses, and upon various statesmen and churchmen. 
His fame was considerable. 



reort Epistolae m J. S. Brewer: Monumenta franciscana (vol. 1, 77-489, 1858), 
Criticism J. S. Brewer: Monumenta franciscana (vol. 1, p. Ixxvi-ci, 1858). 
Creighton: Dictionary of national biography (vol 1, 79, 1885), A. G. Little: 
Grey friars m Oxford (Oxford 1892). Potthast (10, 1895). Ernest A. Savage: 
Old English libraries (57, 86, London 1911). A. G. Little: Studies in English 
Franciscan history (Manchester 1917; Isis, 3, 280-282). 



KOBBRT GROSSETESTE 



Robert Grosthead or Greathead. Robert of Lincoln. Robertus Grosse capitis 
Lincolniensis. Born of humble parentage at Stradbrook, Suffolk, c. 1175; educated 
in Oxford and Paris (?) ; first chancellor of the University of Oxford; first lecturer 
to the Oxford Franciscans, 1224; bishop of Lincoln from 1235 to his death in 1253. 
English mathematician, astronomer, physicist; philosopher, translator from the 
Greek into Latin. He was the main organizer of philosophical studies at Oxford, 
and his influence was strongly felt iji England for at least a couple of centuries. 
Nor was it limited to England. His insistence on the necessity of studying Greek 
and of basing natural philosophy upon mathematics and experiment was extremely 
beneficial and far-reaching; in this he was clearly the forerunner of his most famous 
pupil, Roger Bacon. We may say that he influenced the whole western world, 
partly through his own writings, and partly through these new tendencies em- 
phasized by Bacon and others. 

A large number of writings are ascribed to him; allowing for the fact that some 
are probably apocryphal, his literary activity must have been tremendous. He 
wrote commentaries on the Posterior Analytics, and on the Physics of Aristotle. 
His treatise on the compotus (c. 1232) includes a discussion of the reform of 
the calendar, which was repeatedly quoted by subsequent writers from Bacon to 



584 INTEODTJCTION TO THE HISTORY OF SCIENCE [1200-1250] 

Peter of Ailly He insisted upon that need (calendncal reform) also in another 
treatise of his, the Compendium sphaerae. This Compendium was derived from 
Sacrobosco, but contained original additions, notably the first mention of the 
trepidation of the equinoxes in a non-Muslim work. (This erroneous notion had 
been introduced mainly by Thabit ibn Qurra, second half of the ninth century). 
His astronomical ideas were partly Ptolemaic, and partly Alpetragian. Besides 
the Sphaera already mentioned he wrote various other astronomical and astro- 
logical treatises; e.g., De generatione stellarum and De cometis. The majority of 
his scientific treatises deal with physical and meteorological questions A few 
titles to illustrate: De luce seu de inchoatione formarum, De iride ; De colore, De 
impressiombus aeris (de prognostication), De lineis angulis et figuns seu de frac- 
tiombus et reflexionibus radiorum, De impressiombus elementorum, De generatione 
sonorum, De calore solis, etc He was much concerned with that complex subject 
called " perspective" and with optical questions in general. He was well aware 
of the magnifying properties of lenses, a knowledge which he probably transmitted 
to Bacon. (Which suggests that other items of Bacon's encyclopaedic knowledge 
were probably obtained from Grosseteste). Many of these physical writings were 
ascribed by Bacon collectively to Grosseteste and to Adam Marsh. Grosseteste 
was one of the earliest English authors to be acquainted with the writings of the 
Salernitan school; (that is, it is probable that Gilbert the Englishman became 
acquainted with them only a little later; but on the other hand Alfred of Saroshel 
preceded hirn^. He showed interest in astrology and alchemy, but was remarkably 
free from magical fancies. 

He had a very good knowledge of Greek. About 1240-1243, he made the first 
complete translation into Latin of the Nicomachean Ethics, together with the com- 
mentaries of Eustratios, metropolitan of Nicaea (c. 1050-c. 1120), of Michael of 
Ephesus, Psellos's pupil (second half of eleventh century), and of others, and he 
added to it many notes on Greek lexicography and syntax. (This very important 
translation was at first wrongly ascribed to William of Moerbeke). He also wrote a 
summary of the Nicomachean Ethics. He translated from Greek into Latin 
various other works by Aristotle, Dionysios Areopagita, John of Damascus, and 
extracts from Suidas. Through these translations he exerted a deep influence upon 
St. Thomas and Albert the Great. 

Some Greeks came to England about 1202, and some Armenians, among them a 
bishop, visited St. Albans. Grosseteste seems to have been helped in his studies 
by one Nicholas the Greek, clerk to the abbot of that monastery. This Nicholas 
translated from Greek into Latin the apocryphal Testaments of the twelve 
patriarchs. 

Grosseteste had some knowledge of Hebrew, and owned a copy of a literal Latin 
translation of the Old Testament with the Hebrew text. His main reason for 
advocating the study of Hebrew was to promote the conversion of the Jews. He 
was not hostile to the latter, and saved many of them from being massacred. 

A translation from the French into English of Walter de Henley's husbandry was 
wrongly ascribed to him. A very remarkable encyclopaedia, the Summa philo- 
sophica, has also been attributed to him; it is certainly a later work, probably by a 
pupil of Bacon's (q.v.). 

Robert was not simply a great scholar, but a courageous man. He did not fear 
to repress the evil tendencies of his flock, nor to reprove those of the Roman curia. 

He did not assume the Franciscan habit but was the first reader to the Oxford 



[1200-1250] PHILOSOPHIC AND CULTURAL BACKGROUND 585 

Franciscans and he was an intrinsic member and the chief mspirer of the Franciscan 
school of Oxford. The following lecturers, one Peter (Peter of Ramsey?), Roger of 
Wesham, Thomas of Wales were also seculars, not friars, but Adam Marsh was a 
friar. 

Text The main source for Grosseteste's scientific writings is Ludwig Baur: Die 
philosophischen Werke des Robert Grosseteste (976 p., Beitrage zur Geschichte 
der Philosophie des Mittelalters, vol. 9, Munster L W., 1912) This critical edition 
includes 29 works, authentic and apocryphal, some very short, less than a page, 
others very long, like the apocryphal Summa philosophiae, and an elaborate 
introduction (181 p ). 

Compendium sphaerae, included in the astronomical collections published in 
Venice, 1508, 1513 or 1514, 1518, 1531. Also m Baur (10-32). 

Libellus de phisicis lineis angulis et figuris per quas omnes acciones naturales 
complentur (Nurnberg 1503). See Gustav Hellmann: Bibliotheca mathematica 
(vol 2, 443, 1901) New edition by Maximilian Curtze: De fractionibus et re- 
flexiombus radiorum (Bibliotheca mathematica, vol, 1, 55-59, 1900). Also in 
Baur (59-65). 

Commentarius in Analytica posteriora. 1475?, Venice 1494, 1497, 1499, 1504, 
1537. 

Super libros Physicorum. Venice 1506, etc.; the printed text was translated 
into Hebrew by Ehas ben Joseph of Nola in 1537. 

Comm. in mysticam theologiam Dionysii Aeropagitae, Strassburg 1502 or 1503. 

Opuscula quaedam philosophica. Venice 1514. 

Some Dicta and Sermones were edited by Edward Brown, in appendix to Fascicu- 
lus rerum expetendarum et fugiendarum (250-414, London 1690). 

Epistolae edited by Henry Richard Luard (Rolls series, London 1861). 

Rotuh Roberti Grosseteste 1235-1253, episcopi Lmcolniensis necnon Rotulus 
Henrici de Lexington. Edited by F. N. Davis (570 p., Publication of the Lincoln 
record society, vol 11, Horacastle 1914). 

Carmina anglo-normannica CMteau d'amour, etc., with an English version. 
Edited by M. Cooke (Caxton Society, 15, London 1852) J. Murray: Le cMteau 
d'amour (182 p., th&se, Paris 1918; including text, p 89-138). 

Compotus factus ad correctionem communis kalendani nostri. Edited by 
Robert Steele; Opera hactenus inedita Rogeri Bacom (fasc. 6, 212-267, Oxford, 
1926). Mary Catherine Welborn has prepared a new edition of the Compotus 
and an English translation of it to be published by the Columbia University Press. 

General criticism Samuel Pegge: The life of Robert Grosseteste, with an account 
of the Bishop's works (390 p , London 1793) Gotthard Victor Lechler: Robert 
Grosseteste (Progr., 29 p., Leipzig 1867). Joseph Felten: Grosseteste. Ein 
Beitrag zur Kirchen- und Culturgeschichte des 13. Jahrh. (120 p., Freiburg i B., 
1887), H. R. Luard: Dictionary of national biography (vol. 23, 275-278, 1890). 
Francis Seymour Stevenson: Grosseteste (364 p., London 1899). A. G. Little: 
Studies in English Franciscan history (Manchester 1917; the sixth lecture deals 
with Grosseteste and Bacon; Isis, 3, 280-282). 

Scientific and Philosophic criticism M. Stemschneider: Hebraeische tJber- 
setzungen (476, 1893). Norman Moore; The schola salernitana. Its history and 
the date of its introduction into the British Isles (Glasgow medical journal, 241-268, 
April 1908), Ernest A. Savage: Old English libraries (219, London 1911). J. de 
Ghellinck: L ; entr6e de Jean de Damas dans le monde litt^raire occidental (Byzan- 
tinische Z., vol. 21, 448-457, 19112; apropos of Grosseteste's translation of the De 
fide orthodoxa), P. Duhem: Syst&me du monde (vol. 3, 277-287, 460-^71, 1915, 
the second part devoted to the apocryphal writing Summa philosophiae; vol. 5, 
341-358, 1917, philosophy). Arvid Lindhagen: Die Neumondtafel des Robertas 



586 INTRODUCTION TO THE HISTORY OF SCIENCE [1200~1250] 

(Arkiv for Matematik, Astronomi och Fysik, vol. 11, 41 p., Stockholm 1916). 
Ludwig Baur: Die Philosophic des Grosseteste (Beitr. zur Gesch. der Philosophie 
des Mittelalters, vol. 18, 314 p , Munster i. W., 1917). Capital study, a good half 
of which is devoted to scientific questions: cosmography and astronomy; "light 
metaphysics" and cosmogony; mathematics; with bibliography. Ernest Wicker- 
sheimer: Robert Grosseteste et la medecme (Communication faite au 3 Congr&s 
de Part de guerir, 4 p., Londres 1922, Anvers 1923). Lynn Thorndike: History 
of magic (vol. 2, 436-453, 1923). M. de Wulf. Mediaeval philosophy (vol. 1, 
241-242, 352-362, 1926). F. M. Powicke: Grosseteste and the Nicomachean 
ethics (Proc., British Academy, vol 16, 22 p., 1930). 

BARTHOLOMEW THE ENGLISHMAN 

Bartholomaeus Anglicus, Magister de proprietatibus rerum. The name Bar- 
tholomew de Glanville, which is uncertain and probably wrong, should be avoided; 
it was first used perhaps because of a confusion with another English Franciscan 
bearing that name, who died in 1360. 

Bartholomew was born in England; he flourished in Oxford, Paris (c. 1220), 
Magdeburg (after 1230) ; he was a Franciscan of the French province; he must have 
lived until about the middle of the century, for he quotes Michael Scot and Gros- 
seteste; he is quoted by Bacon. He was perhaps a pupil of Grosseteste. He 
wrote, c. 1230-1240, for the plain people (simplices et rudes) an encyclopaedia 
entitled De proprietatibus rerum, which was immensely popular for about three 
centuries, though it was already behind the times in many respects when it was 
composed. Its popularity is witnessed by the number of manuscripts, translations, 
and editions. It was one of the books which the Pans students could hire for a 
definite price. The aim was primarily theological and philosophical, but Bar- 
tholomew had a genuine taste for natural history His work is divided into 
nineteen books of which the contents can be roughly indicated as follows: (1) God; 
(2) angels and demons; (3) psychology; (4-5) physiology; (6) family life, domestic 
economy; (7) medicine (largely derived from Constantme the African) ; (8) cosmol- 
ogy, astrology; (9) time divisions; (10) form and matter, elements; (11) air, meteor- 
ology; (12) flying creatures; (13) waters and fishes, dolphins, whales; (14) physical 
geography; (15) political geography, (in 175 chapters; this contains a number of 
interesting remarks, notes on economic geography, etc.); (16) gems, minerals, 
metals; (17) trees and herbs; (18) animals; (19) color, odor, savor; food and drink; 
eggs; weights and measures; musical instruments. 

It is clear that Bartholomew's encyclopaedia was remarkably comprehensive and 
methodical. But on the whole it represented a state of knowledge which was 
already superseded. For example, his astronomy represented the early mediaeval 
tradition, that of Macrobius (first half of fifth century) and of Marlianus Capella 
(second half of fifth century), and hence it included allusions to the geo-helio centri- 
cal system of Heraclides of Pontos. His geography and natural history were more 
advanced, and his descriptions of plants and animals contain original touches which 
are exceedingly delightful. His herbal was by far the most notable work of its 
kind written by an Englishman in the Middle Ages. The political geography of 
Europe contains a quantity of information which had not been put together before. 

His account of the divisions of time is curious : the day is divided into twenty- 
four hours, the hour into four points or forty moments, the moment into twelve 
ounces, the ounce into forty-seven atoms (thus there are 22560 atoms in one hour, 



[1200-1250] PHILOSOPHIC AND CULTURAL BACKGROUND 587 

as compared with our 3600 seconds). An earlier encyclopaedia, the Imago mundi, 2 
which shared the popularity of Bartholomew's work, explained the same division 
of the hour (but its hour was double, one twelfth part of the day), but also others 
into ten minutes, fifteen parts, sixty ostenta. 

The De propnetatibus rerum was translated into Italian by Vivaldo Belcalzer of 
Mantova in 1309; into French, by Jean Corbechon for Charles V in 1372; into 
Provengal before 1391; into English by John of Trevisa in 1397 or 1398; into 
Spanish by Vicente (Vincent) of Burgos some time in the fifteenth century. This 
last named translation is a classic of the Spanish language; it is registered in the 
Cat^logo de autondades de la lengua. 

Text The information on incunabula editions is primarily derived from the 
Gesamtkatalog der Wiegendrucke (vol. 3, 411-427, 1928). 

Princeps, Basel c. 1470 (220 leaves). Other early Latin editions: Cologne 
c. 1472; Lyon 1480; Cologne 1481; Lyon 1482 (two); Cologne 1483; Nurnberg 
1483; Strassburg 1485; Heidelberg 1488; Strassburg 1491; Nurnberg 1492. Other 
Latin editions: Strassburg 1505; Nurnberg 1519; Venice 1571; Paris 1574; Strass- 
burg 1575; Francfort 1601, 1609. 

French translation by Jean Corbechon, edited by Pierre Farget: Lyon 1482 
(330 leaves, 20 woodcuts), 1485, I486, 1487, 1491; Paris c. 1493; Lyon c 1500 
Many later editions m Pans, 1510, 1518, 1525, 1528, c. 1530, 1539, 1556 (four); 
Rouen 1512. 

Dutch translation: Haarlem 1485 (466 leaves, 11 woodcuts). 

Spanish translation by Vincent of Burgos: complete edition (320 leaves, 18 
woodcuts, 6 schematic woodcuts, Toulouse 1494). Partial edition, Tractado de 
los metales y piedras preciosas (Zaragoza 1495). Later edition: Toledo 1529. 

English version by John of Trevisa. First printed by Wynkyn de Worde, 
Westminister c. 1495 (202 loaves, 10 woodcuts). Among the curious illustrations 
is a good drawing of a dissection scene, the earliest of its kind in a book printed in 
England or in an English book. Second edition printed by Berthelet, London 
1535 A third edition, Batman uppon Bartholome his booke . . newly cor- 
rected and amended, etc. (London 1582), was an arrangement by Stephen Batman 
(d. 1584), differing considerably from the original. 

Robert Stcele: Mediaeval lore, an epitome of the science, geography, animal and 
plant folk-lore and myth of the middle age, being classified gleanings from the 
encyclopaedia of Bartholomaeus Anglicus on properties of things. With a preface 
by William Morris (164 p., London 1893; reprinted in the King's Classics, London 
1907). Derived from the second English edition, 1535). 

Criticism Ernst H. F. Meyer: Geschichte der Botanik (vol. 4, 84-91, 1857), 
Valentin Rose: Aristoteles de lapidibus und Arnoldus Saxo (Z. fur deutsches 
Alterthum, vol. 18, 321-455, 1875). Miss L. Toulmin Smith: Dictionary of 
national geography (vol. 21, 409-411, 1890). L6on MouM: La medecme v6t- 
rinaire en Europe au Moyen &gc (Paris, 59-60, 1900). Vittorio Cian: Vivaldo 
Belcalzer e 1'enciclopedismo italiano delle origini (Giornale storico della letteratura 
ital., suppl. no. 5, 192 p., 1902; including copious extracts and glossary). Edmund 
Voigt: Bartholomaeus. Literarhistonsches und Bibliographisch.es (Englische 
Studien, vol. 41, 338-359, 1910). Ch. V. Langlois: La connaissance de la nature 
et du monde au moyen &ge (114-179, 1911; containing an analysis based on Corbe- 
chon's text). Arthur Schneider: Metaphysische Begriffe des Bartholomaeus 
(Clemens Baeumker Festgabe, 139-179, Minister 1913). P Duhem: Systmedu 
Monde (vol. 3, 127-130, 1915). Duhem would place the composition of Barth- 

2 Probably compiled by Honorius Inclusus (second half of eleventh century. See vol. 1, 
749). 



588 INTRODUCTION TO THE HISTORY OF SCIENCE [1200-1250] 

olomaeus' book a little later than I do, between 1250 and 1275. G. E. Se Boyar: 
Bartholomaeus and his Encyclopaedia (Journal of English and Germanic philology, 
19, 168-189, 1920). Gerhard Ritter: Zahnarztliches aus den encyclopadischen 
Werken Isidors von Sevilla und Bartholomaus (Diss., 25 p , Leipzig 1922) E. S. 
Eohde: Old English herbals, London 1922 (chapter 2 contains an enthusiastic 
account of Bartholomaeus plant-lore; Isis, 5, 457-461). Lynn Thorndike : History 
of magic (vol. 2, 401-435, 1923) M de Wulf: Mediaeval philosophy (vol 1, 
333, 1926). F. S. Bodenheimer: Matenalien zur Geschichte der Entomologie 
(vol. 1, 181, 1928). 

III. FRENCH PHILOSOPHERS AND WRITERS 
WILLIAM OF AITVERGNE 

Guilelmus Alvernus (or Arvenus). Born c. 1180, at Aunllac, Auvergne (Cantal) ; 
bishop of Paris from 1228 to his death in 1249, hence he is sometimes called William 
of Paris. French philosopher, "the first great scholastic/' i.e., the first great fore- 
runner of St. Thomas. His main work, written between 1223 and 1240, is the 
Magisterium divinale, including many treatises of theology, metaphysics and 
psychology. The most interesting of these treatises is the De universo creatu- 
rarum, composed c. 1231-1236. He made use of the newly acquired works of 
Aristotle and was influenced also by Muslim and Jewish philosophers and above 
all by Ibn Gabirol, whom he believed to be a Christian (of course he knew these 
works only through their Latin versions). He made an effort to syncretize those 
philosophies and to harmonize them with the Christian dogmas. The De universo 
is an intermediate between the early mediaeval writings on cosmology (Isidore; 
Bede; Honorius Inclusus) and the encyclopaedias of the second half of the thirteenth 
century (Yincent of Beauvais; Albert the Great). He was genuinely interested in 
natural philosophy, but his knowledge of it e g., of astronomy was very poor. 

He was deeply versed in occult lore (for example, he was perhaps the first Latin 
scholar to be well acquainted with the works ascribed to Hermes Trismegistos) 
and the De universo is very valuable for the history of mediaeval magic. He 
speaks very often of "experiments/ 7 but had apparently no conception of experi- 
mental science. 

The De immortalitate animae, written by him before 1228, was copied almost 
verbatim from Gundisalvo. 

He was one of the judges who ordered the Talmud to be burned iu Paris, 1242. 

Text -I do not quote editions of separate writings. Opera, Numberg 1496 or 
1497; 2 vols., Paris 1516; 2 vols., Venice 1591; 2 vols., Aureliae 1674. 

Criticism Karl Werner; Die Psychologic des Wilhelm (Akad. d. Wiss., phil. 
KX, vol. 73, 257-326, Wien 1873). Noel Valois: Guillaume d'Auvergnc, sa vie et 
ses ouvrages (Th&se, 404 p., Paris 1880). Matthias Baumgartner: D/e Erkenntnis- 
lehre des Wilhelm (Beitr. zur Gesch. der Philos, des Mittelalters,, II, l,Munster 
1893). Stephan Schindele: D,ie Metaphysik des Wilhelm (Diss., Munchen 1900). 
Isaac Broyde: Jewish Encyclopaedia (vol. 6, 107, 1904). P. Duhem: Etudes sur 
Leonard de Vinci (vol. 2, 408-410, 1909, on the plurality of worlds); Systdme du 
monde (vol. 3, 249-260, 1915, de universo; vol 5, 260-285, 1917, philosophy). 
Lynn Thorndike: History of magic (vol. 2, 338-371, 1923; elaborate account of his 
views on many magical subjects and on science). M. de Wulf: Mediaeval phi- 
losophy (vol. 1, 339-345; vol. 2, 109, 1926). Bernard Landry: L'originalitci de 
Guillaume d'Auvergne (Revue d'histoire de la philosophic, vol. 3> 441--465, 1929; 
Isis, 14, 478). Artur Landgraf: Der Traktat De errore Pelagii des Wilhelm von 
Auvergne (Speculum, vol. 5, 168-180, 1930) 



[1200-1250] PHILOSOPHIC AND CULTURAL BACKGROUND 589 

JOHN OF LA ROCHELLE 

Joannes a Rupella. French Franciscan Born probably at La Rochelle; 
pupil of Alexander of Hales, whom he succeeded in the Franciscan chair of theology 
of the university of Pans, c. 1238; he died in 1245 ; <J he was succeeded by St. Bona- 
venture in 1248. He wrote various philosophical commentaries and treatises, 
notably a Summa de anima, which is not so much derived from Aristotle, as from 
Augustine, Ibn Sina, Alcher of Clairvaux (second half of the twelfth century) and 
neo-Platomc writings. It represents the Augustinian and neo-Platonic point of 
view. This is not very important but it helps to explain the establishment in Paris 
of the Franciscan tradition, a tradition which would soon culminate in the teachings 
of St. Bonaventure, otherwise so different. 

Text Teofilo Domenichelli. La Summa de anima di Frate Giovanni de la 
Rochelle (Prato 1882; poor edition) 

Criticism Daunou: Histoire htt&raire de la France (vol. 19, 171-173, 1838). 
B. Haur^au: Nouvelle biographie g6nrale (vol. 26, 549-550, 1858). Parthenius 
Mmges: De scnptis quibusdam Fr. loannis de Rupella (Archivum franciscanum 
historicum, vol 6, 597-622, 1913). M. Baumgartner: Uberwegs Grundriss (vol. 2, 
10th ed., 1915). M. de Wulf : Mediaeval philosophy (vol. 1, 349-351, 1926). 

GUIOT OF PROVINS 

Guiot or Guyot. French poet, who was in Mainz (Mayence) in 1148, and spent 
some time in the monasteries of Clairvaux and Cluny. He seems to have traveled 
considerably, for he resided some time in the south of France (e.g., at Aries) and 
may have reached Jerusalem. He composed in old age, c. 1205, a great satirical 
poem in French (2691 lines) which he entitled Bible. It is a moot question whether 
he is identical or not with the poet Kyot, from whom Wolfram von Eschenbach 
borrowed his version of the legend of Parsifal. The town of Provins is situated on 
the Voulzie, an affluent of the Seine. Thus Guiot was not a Provengal but he had 
studied and lived in the south of France, being the most remarkable example of the 
relations which thus already existed between the poets speaking the "langue d'oil" 
and those using the "langue d'oc," i e. between the trouveres and the troubadours. 
His Bible is a mirror of contemporary life ; it contains some very free criticism of the 
clergy and monks, of the physicians, etc , and also one of the earliest western 
mentions of the compass. The "Bible Guiot 7 ' was very popular in the thirteenth 
century. 

Text The Bible and other texts have been edited by San Marte (A. Schulz) and 
J. F. Wolf art: Parcival Studien, 1 (Halle 1861). Oeuvres edit^es par John Orr 
(261 p., Manchester 1915), 

Criticism See my note on the history of the compass (first half of the fourteenth 
century). 

Arthur Baudler: Guiot von Provins (91 p., Halle 1902). Ch. V. Langlois: La 
vie en France au moyen 4ge, d'apr&s les moralistes du temps (47-87, Paris 1924; 
revised edition, 47-87, 1926). 

THE ROMANCE OF SIDRA.OH 

The book, called in French "Fontaine de toutes- les sciences/' "Livre" or 
"Roman" of the philosopher Sidrach, was one of the most popular mediaeval works. 

3 Other dates are given, e.g., 1254 and 1271, but 1245 seems to be the right one. 



590 INTRODUCTION TO THE HISTORY OF SCIENCE [1200-1250] 

It was part of every princely library in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. 
Manuscripts of it (in one or another of many European vernaculars) exist in almost 
every important collection. It is an encyclopaedic treatise arranged m the form 
of a catechism, the number of questions varying with the MSS., from 615 to 1209 
and more. It is perhaps the most puerile encyclopaedia of the Middle Ages. 

Its origin has been much debated. According to its own prologue, dated 1243, 
the French book of Sidrach would have been translated in Toledo from a Latin 
version made by order of Frederick II from a "Saracen" text, which had been itself 
made in Spain from the Latin translation of a Greek original Now this Oriental 
origin is far from being established, for no Oriental text is known. Victor Leclerc 
suggested 4 that it had been translated in the thirteenth century from Hebrew into 
Latin; this is certainly wrong Italo Pizzi, on the other hand, would trace it back 
to an Iranian prototype, a Pahlawi dialogue between King Nushirwan and the 
wise Burzuya. See my note on the latter in my chapter on the second half of the 
sixth century (vol. 1, 449). 

There is in the Bibliothdque Nationale of Pans a ninth century Latin MS. of a 
text ascribed to Priscian the Philosopher containing the solution of problems pro- 
posed by King Nushirwan. These problems are similar to those of Sidrach. I 
have mentioned them in my note on Pnscianos (first half of the sixth century, 
vol. 1,423). 

See also Jules Quicherat: Solution des probldmes proposes par Chosrods (Bibli- 
oth&que de FEcole des chartes vol. 4, 248-263, 1853). 

According to Ernest Renan and Gaston Paris, the romance of Sidrach was written 
directly in a Western vernacular; the original text was probably written in Lyon, 
in Provencal? Langlois' hypothesis, however, is more plausible: according to 
him, the writer was a Frenchman, who was living (or had been living) in the Latin 
East. The romance was not necessarily composed, or completed, in 1243; it may 
date only from the last quarter of the century; the Image du Monde, dated 1246- 
1248 is mentioned in it. 

The author was possibly one "Jean-Pierre" (John Peter) of Lyon, quoted in the 
text. Nothing is known of him. As there are points of contact between Sidrach 
and the Sirr al-asrar it is just possible that Jean Pierre is a corruption of Yahya 
ibn Batrlq (Johannes films Patrick or Petri, Jean 6.2 Patrice, Jean Pierre). See 
my note on the Secretum in my chapter on the first half of the ninth century 
(vol. I, 556). 

Text and Criticism La fontaine de toutes sciences (Paris 1486). Victor Leclerc: 
L'image du monde (Histoire kttfiraire de la France, vol. 23, 287-335, 1856). Adolfo 
Bartoh: II hbro di Sidrach, testo inedito del sec. XIV. (Pt. 1, Bologna 1868). 
Ernest Renan et Gaston Paris : La fontaine de toutes sciences. (Histoire litt&aire, 
vol. 31, 285-318, 1893). Italo Pizzi: Storia della poesia persiana (2 vols.; vol. 2, 
452, Torino 1894); Un nscontro arabo del hbro di Sidrac (Eaccolta dedicata ad 
Al. d'Andona, 235-239, Firenze 1901). Hermann Jellinghaus: Das Buch Sidrach 
nach der Kopenhagener mittelniederdeutschen Handschrift v. J. 1479 (252 p., 
Tubingen 1904) M. Steinschneider: Europaische tTbersetzungen (75, 1904; Fra 
Ruggiero of Palermo was sent by Frederick II to Tunis, to translate the Book of 
Sidrach into Italian). Ch. V. Langlois: La connaissance de la nature et du monde 
au moyen &ge (180-264, Paris 1911; revised edition, 198-275, 1927). Containing a 

4 Histoire litt^raire (vol. 23, p. 294). 



[1200-1250] PHILOSOPHIC AND CULTUKAL BACKGROUND 591 

summary of the text with a very clear introduction upon which my note is es- 
sentially based. Gunnar Knudsen: Sydrak, efter haandsknftet ny Kgl. saml, 
236, 4 (144 p. in 2 parts, Copenhagen 1921-1925, not complete). 

WALTER OF METZ 

French writer who flourished c. 1246. He is known only as the author of an 
encyclopaedic treatise in French, L'image du monde (or Livre de clergie). It deals 
with cosmogony, theology, geography, natural history, meteorology, astronomy. 
The first edition, in 6594 verses, dates from 1246 (1245, S ) ; a second edition in 
verse, possibly by another author, contains 4000 more lines and dates from c. 1248. 
An edition in prose was composed probably at the same time as the first edition in 
verse. The three editions were exceedingly popular. 

The Image du monde was naturally derived from other works of the same kind, 
chiefly the Imago mundi, probably compiled by the English Benedictine, Honorius 
Inclusus (second half of the eleventh century), and from the writings of Alan of 
Lille, James of Vitry, etc. 

The author's name, Walter, or rather its French equivalent Gautier, is uncertain; 
it may have been Gossuin (or Gossoum). Or else Gossuin may possibly have 
been the author of the first editions in verse and prose, and Gautier of the second 
edition in verse (or vice versa). 

The Image du monde was translated into Hebrew under the title Demuth ha- 
'olam by one David ben Moses. There is another Hebrew version entitled Zel 
ha-'olam, by Mattathias ben Solomon Delaqrut (or De La Crota), a Polish scholar 
who flourished in Italy about the middle of the sixteenth century. This version 
has been ascribed to Hagin Deulacres (second half of the thirteenth century) but 
apparently with no authority except the resemblance between the names. The 
Image was also translated into Yiddish. 

An English translation was made by William Caxton in 1480. 

Text Prose text edited by Michel le Noir (Paris 1501), and by Alain Lotrian 
(Paris 1520). 0. H. Prior: L'Image du monde de maitre Gossouin. R6daction 
en prose. Texte du MS. de la Bibliothdque nationale, fonds frangais n 574 (216 p., 
Lausanne 1913). 

Caxton's English version was printed by him in Westminster, 1481, and again in 
1490. The edition of 1481 was the first work printed in England with illustrations. 
It has been reprinted by Oliver H Prior for the Early English Text Society (218 p , 
London 1913). A third English edition by Lawrence Andrewe of Calais (fL 
1510-1537) appeared in London, 1527. 

The Zel ha-'olam was printed in Amsterdam, 1733; again in Warsaw, 1873. 

One Fran?ois Buffereau of Vend6me, published the French poem as his own 
(Geneva 1517) stating that he had composed it in 1514-1516 in his castle of 
Divonne. 

Criticism Gustav H'aase: Die Reime in der Image du Monde des Walther von 
Metz (Diss., 23 p., Halle 1879). FT. Fritsche: Untersuchung tiber die Quellen 
der Image du monde (Halle 1880) Carl Fant: L'image du monde. Po&me 
in^dit du milieu du XIII sicle, <tudi< dans ses diverses redactions frangaises 
d'apr&s les MSS. des biblioth&ques de Paris et de Stockholm (78 p., Uppsala 
Universitets Araskrift, 1886, important). M, Steinschneider: Hebraeische Uber- 
setzungen (950-951, 1893). Ch. V. Langlois: La connaissance de la nature et 
du monde au moyen &ge (49-113, Paris 1911, analysis of both verse versions; 
revised edition, 135-197, 1927), 



592 INTBODUCTION TO THE HISTORY OF SCIENCE [1200-1250] 

IV. ITALIAN PHILOSOPHERS 

For William of Lunis, see chapter on translators from Arabic into Latin, above. 
For St. Bonaventure, see Book IV. 

V. GERMAN PHILOSOPHERS 

ARNOLD THE SAXON 

Arnoldus Saxo. German encyclopaedist, who flourished in Lower Saxony 
c. 1225 (the epithets Saxo, Saxonicus, refer to Lower^ Saxony). He wrote between 
1220 and 1230 a brief encyclopaedia entitled De finitius rerum naturalium, divided 
into five books: De coelo et mundo, de naturis animalmm, de gemmarum virtuti- 
bus, de virtute universal!, de moralibus. It is based on the Latin translations of 
Greek and Arabic writings. The third part, or lapidary, was especially popular. 
It quoted Aristotle, Dioscorides, and "Aaron and Evax" (i.e , Marbode). It was 
used by Thomas of Cantimpr<, Bartholomew the Englishman, Albert the Great, 
and Vincent of Beauvais, but was not quoted except by the last named and by the 
author of the Hortus sanitatis. There is an anonymous Hebrew translation of it, 
Sefer ha-abanim. 

According to Thorndike, instead of Bartholomew having used Arnold's lapidary, 
it would be the other way around. If so, Arnold's work would be somewhat younger 
than we said. One thing is certain, Bartholomew's lapidary is more elaborate than 
Arnold's. 

Text Emil Stange: I^e Encyklopadie des Arnoldus Saxo zum ersten Mai nach 
einem Erfurter Codex hrg (Progr., 88 p., Erfurt 1905-1906). Does not include 
the fifth part dealing with ethics. 

Criticism Valentin Rose: Aristoteles de lapidibus und Arnoldus Saxo (Z. fur 
deutsches Alterthum, vol 18, 321-455, 1875). Emil Stange: Arnoldus Saxo, 
der alteste Encyklopadist des XIII. Jahrhunderts (Diss., Halle, 67 p., Halle 1885). 
M. Steinschneider: H&braeische tjbersetzungen (957, 1893). Lynn Thorndike: 
History of magic (vol. 2, 260, 431-432, 469-470, 1923). 

THOMAS OF CANTIMPRil 

Thomas of Brabant. Thomas Brabantinus, de Cantiprato, Cantipratanus, 
Cantimpratensis. Flemish Dominican and encyclopaedist Born in Brabant c. 
1186-1210 (probably nearer to the latter date, c. 1204?); flourished in Chantimpr6, 
near Cambrai; studied in Lige; entered the Dominican Order in 1232; was in 
Paris in 1238; sub-prior in Louvam, 1246; died, probably in Lou vain, c. 1271-1280. 
It is possible that he attended some of Albert the Great's lectures, but he can hardly 
be called the latter J s disciple. His two main works are (1) a popular encyclopaedia 
of science, De natura rerum, to the preparation of which he devoted some fifteen 
years of study and which he completed between 1228 and 1244; (2) a collection of 
absurd stories for the edification of the clergy, Bonum universale de apibus, written 
late in life. 

It is interesting to observe that the Dominican, Thomas of Cantimpr^, and the 
Franciscan, Bartholomew the Englishman, were engaged in the same kind of under- 
taking about the same time : The Properties of things being completed c. 1230-1240, 
and the Nature of things c. 1228-1244. Both works were encyclopaedic in scope 
and divided into nineteen books, but they were otherwise very different, and in all 



[1200-1250] PHILOSOPHIC AND CULTURAL BACKGROUND 593 

probability independent. Judging by the number of MSS , both works were almost 
equally popular (if one takes into account that there are many MSS. of Thomas' 
work which do not bear his name); but with regard to printed editions, Bar- 
tholomew's popularity was incomparably greater. Indeed Thomas' encyclopaedia 
has not yet been entirely published. 

Thomas' main authorities were Aristotle, Pliny, Solinus, Ambrose and Basil, 
Isidore, Adelard of Bath (whom he does not mention), James of Vitry, two lost 
works, Liber rerum and Expenmentator, which were probably contemporary or 
at any rate recent, and a few others to be quoted presently. The De natura rerum 
is divided as follows: (1) The human body; anatomy, physiology, gynaecology, 
derived from Galen, Cleopatra, Ibn Slna, William of Conches; (2) the soul, mainly 
after Augustine; (3) strange races of man, hermaphrodites, gymnosophists, Brah- 
mans, etc (a sort of anthropological treatise) ; (4) quadrupeds; (5) birds; (6) marine 
monsters, including an account of herring fisheries; (7) fishes, (8) snakes; (9) 
"worms," including amphibians, leeches, tortoises, etc. (these 6 zoological books, 
4 to 9, fill more than half of the whole work); (10) ordinary trees; (11) aromatic 
and medicinal plants and trees; (12) herbs (the mam authority here is Matthaeus 
' Platearius) ; (13) fountains and rivers; (14) precious stones (mainly derived from 
Marbode); includes the description of a mariner's compass of the floating type; 
(15) seven metals (gold, electrum, silver, copper, lead, tin, iron) ; includes allusions 
to the transmutation of metals and to the use of lead for plumbing; (16) seven 
regions of the air and their humors; (17) the sphere and seven planets; (18) meteor- 
ology; (19) universe and four elements. Some MSS. have an additional book (20) 
De ornatu coeli et eclipsibus solis et lunae, derived from William of Conches. The 
structure of this work can be summed up thus: (1-3) man; (4-9) animals; (10-12) 
plants; (13) waters; (14-15) stones and metals; (16-18) astronomy, astrology, 
meteorology; (19) elements. A very logical plan, and extremely different from 
that of Bartholomew 

Two little treatises are included in extenso : in book I, the Letter of Alexander to 
Aristotle, that is, John of Seville's translation of the medical part of the Sirr al-asrar ; 
in book 14, Thethel's discussion of seals or images on stones. This Thethel (or 
Zethel, Zahel, Cehel) was a Jewish astrologer presumably identical with Safal ibn 
Bishr (first half of the ninth century). 

The popular influence of the De natura rerum was much increased by the fact 
that it was soon translated into Flemish by Jacob van Maerlant (second half of 
thirteenth century), and into German by Conrad of Megenberg (first half of 
fourteenth century) . 

The scientific value of this compilation was vitiated by the author's excessive 
credulity, even from the point of view of his own time. This utter lack of critical 
spirit became even more apparent in the Bonum de apibus composed in his old age. 
His purpose was to edify his readers and to help them to a better understanding 
of the Scriptures, not scientific investigation even in the humblest way. 

Thomas of Cantimpr< was not the author of the De secretis mulierum, also 
ascribed to Albert the Great, nor of the somewhat different text represented by the 
German treatises "von den Geheimnisserx der Weiber." 

Apropos of the Bonum de apibus, it is interesting to note the same image (com- 
parison with bees) in a contemporary Syriac treatise, the KStMbha dhS-dhebbori- 
th& by Solomon of al-Ba$ra. 



594 INTRODUCTION TO THE HISTORY OF SCIENCE [1200-1250] 



t The Liber de natura rerum secundum diversos philosophos has not yet 
been completely published. Extracts in vol. 3 of Jean Baptiste Pitra: Spicilegium 
Solesmense (4 vols , Paris 1852-1858). Partial editions of book 3 by Alfons Hilka: 
Liber de monstrosis hominibus orientis (Breslau 1911); and of book 1 by Chnstoph 
Ferckel: Die Gynakologie des Thomas von Brabant. Ein Beitrag zur Kenntnis 
der mittelalterhchen Gynakologie und ihrer Quellen (Alte Meister der Median 
und Naturkunde in Facsimile-Ausgaben und Neudrucken, vol. 5; 83 p., 24 pi, 
Munich 1912; Ms, 1, 271). 

The Bonum universale de apibus (or Liber apum aut de apibus mysticis sive de 
propietatibus apum seu universale bonum tractans de prelatis et subditis ubique 
sparsim exempts notabilibus) was printed at least twice before 1501, in Cologne 
and Strassburg. A Dutch translation, Der bien boekh, appeared in Zwolle, 1488. 
Critical edition of Latin text by George Colvener (Douay 1597; again, 1605 ; 1627). 

General criticism Daunou : Histoire littfiraire de la France (vol. 19, 177-184, 
1838); Leopold Delisle: ibidem (vol. 30, 365-384, 1888) A. Kaufmann: Thomas 
von C'hantimpre (138 p , Cologne 1899) Hermann Stadler: Albertus Magnus, 
Thomas von Chantimpre, und Vincent von Beauvais (Natur und Kultur, vol. 4, 
86-90, Munich 1906) Lynn Thorndike: History of magic (vol 2, 372-400, 1923). 
Includes lists of MSS of the De natura rerum and of ThetePs treatise on seals. 

Scientific criticism E. H. F. Meyer: Geschichte der Botanik (vol. 4, 91-96, 
1857), Victor Cams: Geschichte der Zoologie (211-223, 1872). Fritz Jager: 
Zahnarztliches aus den Werken Alberts des Grossen und seiner Schuler (Diss., 63 p , 
Mannheim 1921; superficial). Ohnstoph Ferckel: Cantimpr6 liber die Metalle 
(Studien zur Geschichte der Chemie, Festgabe v Lippmann dargestellt, 75-80, 
1927). See also PerckePs edition of 1912 above-mentioned. Ferckel has made an 
elaborate study of the text and sources of the first book of the De naturis rerum. 
The MS of it is kept at the Leipzig Institute for the history of medicine (Mitt. 
zur Geschichte der Median, vol. 22, 201, 1923) F. S. Bodenheimer: Matenalien 
mi Geschichte der Entomologie (vol. 1, 168-170, 1928). 

Bonum de apibus Paul Kirsch: Das Such der Wunder und denkwurdigen 
Vorbilder (Diss , 44 p., Gleiwitz 1875). Elie Berger: Thomae Cantipratensis 
Bonum universale de apibus quid illustrandis saeculi decimi tertii moribus conferat 
(Diss , 72 p., Paris 1895). W. A. van der Wet: Het bienboec en zijne ex;empelen 
('s Gravenhage 1902). Otto Heimertz: Die mittelmederdeutsche Version des 
Bienenbuches. Das erste Buch (Lund 1906; including text). 

Apocryphal Friedrich Popitz: Djie Versus fratris Thome de Campopratu im 
Codex Lipsiensis 1181 (Diss., 34 p , Leipzig 1922). Medical poem of 373 lines 
wrongly ascribed to Cantimpre (Isis, 5, 501). Christoph Ferckel: Versus fratris 
Thome de Campopratu (Archiv fur Geschichte der Medizin, vol. 13, 64, 1921). 

ALBEET THE GREAT 

See Book IV. 

VI SCANDINAVIAN 
KONUNGS SKUGGSji 

The Konungs skuggsja (Speculum regale, King's mirror) is an encyclopaedic 
treatise written in old Norwegian by an unknown author, some time between 1217 
and 1260, probably about the time of Hakon IV s coronation in 1247. The author 
was in all probability a priest, possibly a court chaplain, for he was very familiar 
with the Norwegian court of Bergen and Trondhjem. Identifications with one 
Master William and with Ivar Bodde, both court chaplains, are plausible but 



[1200-1250] PHILOSOPHIC AND CULTURAL BACKGROUND 595 

unproved. The work was composed in the region of Namdalen, northeast of 
Trondhjem and just south of Halogaland. 

It is written in the form of a dialogue between a wise father and his son. Accord- 
ing to its own introduction it was divided into four parts dealing with the four 
estates of that time in Norway the merchants, the king and his court; the church; 
the peasantry; but none of the many extant MSS. has more than the first two parts. 
The substance is derived to a small extent from such books as Pedro Alfonso's 
Disciplina, the Elucidarium of Honorius of Autun, Prester John's letter, and the 
description of Ireland by Gerard the Welshman, also from the accounts of returned 
crusaders and pilgrims; but the best part is drawn from the author's own experience 
in the northern countries or from other Scandinavian sources unknown to us. 

The author deals with physical subjects as far as they interest sailors; i.e , stars, 
planets, calendar, winds, tides and currents His geographical knowledge is 
especially strong. He believed in the sphericity of the earth and conceived the 
possibility that the south temperate zone be inhabited. He describes many 
pecularities of Norway, Iceland, Greenland, and of the arctic regions: northern 
lights, glaciers, icefloes, icebergs, geysers, mineral springs, volcanoes, earthquakes; 
he gives much information on the fauna of these countries, mentioning twenty-one 
species of whales and describing some of them, six varieties of seals, describing the 
walrus, etc. 

Next to this, the most valuable part of this work is the account of royal duties and 
court manners and customs, the vindication of the divine right of kings, this being 
one of the earliest treatises on the theory of the state in Western Christendom. 
Much attention is paid to the military art, these remarks being perhaps derived 
from the experience of Crusaders, and to ethical and ecclesiastical problems. There 
are sound views on education; the son is urged to learn Latin and French (besides 
his own tongue), "for these idioms are most widely used." There is also some 
valuable information on Norwegian history. The author was obviously a man not 
only well informed, but of superior intelligence, a good observer, who had been able 
to free himself from some of the current superstitions, and whose outlook on the 
world was relatively broad. 

Text First edition of the original Icelandic text with Danish and Latin versions 
by Half dan Einersen and John Erichsen, and a commentary by Hans Finsen: 
Kongs-skuggsio (Soro 1786). Second edition by Rudolf Keyser, Peter Andreas 
Munch and Carl R. linger: Kongespeilet (204 p,, Christiana 1848). Third edition 
by Otto Brenner: Speculum regale, em altnorwegischer Dialog (Munich 1881). 
Fourth edition by Finnur J6nsson: Konungs skuggsjd (414 p., Copenhagen 1920). 

Georg T. Flom: The Arnamagnean MS. 243 B a folio. The main MS. of Kon- 
ungs skuggsjil in phototypic reproduction with diplomatic text (320 p., Urbana, 111., 
1916). 

Kongespegelen, translation into New Norse by K. Audne (Oslo 1909-1913). 
English translation by Laurence Marcellus Larson (404 p., New York 1917). 

Criticism Potthast (699, 1896). Fridtjof Nansen: In northern mists (2 vols., 
1911, passiin ; many extracts quoted). Introduction to Larson's translation (1917). 

VII. WESTERN MUSLIM 
AL-BUNI 

Abu-1-' Abbas Afrrnad ibn * All ibn Yusuf al-Bum, al-Qurashi, Muhyi al-dm (various 
other titles of honor have been given to him). Algerian occultist. Born at Bona, 



596 INTRODUCTION TO THE HISTORY OF SCIENCE [1200-1250] 

Algeria; died in or after 1225. One of the most popular Muslim writers on occult 
subjects, even to this day. His abundant writings are one of the primary sources 
for the study of Muslim occultism in all of its phases: magic power of the basmala, 
of the divine names, of the letters of the alphabet, talismans, etc. His most 
important works are the Sun of knowledge (Shams al-ma'arif wa lata'if al-'awanf), 
the Book of (magic) properties, Kitab al-khawa??, the Secret of the sciences, Sirr 
al-hikam. His works contain examples of magic squares. 

Text Lithographic editions of the Shams al-ma'arif have appeared in Cairo, 
1291 H. and Bombay, 1296-8 H. 

Criticism Ibn Khaldun: Prolegomnes (vol 3, 195, 1868). C. Brockelmann: 
Arabische Litteratur (vol. 1, 497, 1898). H. Suter: Die Mathematiker und 
Astronomen der Araber (136, 218, 1900; Nachtrage, 174, 1902). Carra de Vaux: 
Article al-Buni in Encyclopaedia of Islam (vol. 1, 793, 1912). W. Ahrens: Die 
magischen Quadrate al-BUnl's (D,er Islam, vols. 12, 157-177, 1922; 14,104-110, 
1925). Joseph Elian Sarkis: Encyclopaedic dictionary of Arabic bibliography 
(p. 607, Cairo 1928). 

IBN TUMLUS 

Abu-1-Haj jaj Yusuf ibn Muhammad ibn Tumlus. Born in Alcira, in the Muslim 
kingdom of Valencia; flourished in Valencia and Murcia. Physician to the fourth 
ruler of the dynasty of Almohades, Muhammad al-Nasir (who ruled from 1199 to 
1214); died at Alcira in 1223-1224. Hispano-Muslim logician and physician. 
He wrote a treatise on logic called Kitab al-madkhal h sina'a-l-mantiq (Introduc- 
tion to the art of logic). 

Text The first part of his Logic dealing with the Categories and Interpretation 
was edited by Miguel Asin: Introducci6n al arte de la 16gica por Abentomliis 
de Alcira. (294 p., Arabic and Spanish; see Isis, 11, 426). 

Criticism M. Steinschneider: Hebraeische Ubersetzungen (107, 1893; apropos 
of the Hebrew translation of a very short text De mistione propositions de inesse 
et necessanae). C. Brockelmann: Arabische Litteratur (vol. 1, 463, 1898). 

IBN 'ARABI 

Abu Bakr Muh.ammad ibn 'Al!, Muhyi-1-dm al-IIatimi al-Ta'i 5 al-Andalusi, 
Ibn 'Arabi. (In this case, better than Ibn al-*Arabij. Born at Murcia in 1165; 
flourished mainly in Seville until 1201-1202, when he made the Pilgrimage ; he spent 
the rest of his life in the East, dying in Damascus m 12401 Hispano-Muslim poet 
and theologian; he was a Zahirite, a follower of Ibn Hazm (first half of the eleventh 
century), but more essentially, a ufl; the greatest representative of the Illummistic 
(Ishraqi) or pseudo-Empedoclean, neo-Platonic, and pantheistic school founded 
by Ibn Masarra of Cordova (883-931). His most important work, The revelations 
of Mecca (Kitab al-futuhat al-Makklya), is a treatise on mysticism in 560 chapters, 
which was published toward the end of his life in Damascus. Chapter 559 is a 
summary of the whole. 

Chapter 167 of the Futuhat, entitled Kimiya al-sa'ada (Alchemy of happiness), 
is an esoteric allegory of the ascension of man to heaven, anticipating Dante's 
Paradise. Another work of his, Kitab al-isra' ila maqam al-asra (The nocturnal 

5 Meaning descendant of the famous pfe-Islamic poet, ^atim al-T^'i, about whom see C, 
van Arendonck in Encyclopaedia of Islam (vol. 2, 290, 1916). 



[1200-1250] PHILOSOPHIC AND CULTURAL BACKGROUND 597 

journey towards the station of the most magnanimous) deals with a similar theme, 
being a development of the Muslim tradition concerning the Prophet's ascension 
(mi 'raj). These works of Ibn 'Arabl are of considerable interest, as containing 
the most complete anticipation m many ways of the Divine Comedy. It is certain 
that Dante drew his inspiration to a considerable extent from Muslim sources ; it is 
probable that Ibn 'Arab! was one, and the mam one of these sources. Ibn 'Arabfs 
love poems, The interpreter of love (Kitab tarjuman al-ashwaq), written in 1214- 
1215, and his mystical interpretation of them, The treasures of the devoted (Kitab 
dhakha'ir al-a'laq), written the following year, may have inspired the dolce stil 
nuovo, Dante's Convito, and the meeting of Beatrice and Dante, an essential 
episode of the Divine Comedy, unprecedented in Christian legend and even foreign 
to the very spirit of Christianity. A parallel for that episode may be found in a 
poem of Shakir ibn Muslim of Orihuela (c. 1136), which is the climax of a very old 
Muslim tradition. 

Considerable autobiographical information is included in the Futufrat, and in 
another work also written in Damascus, the Al-durrat al-fakhira (The precious 
pearl). The latter work contains a large number of biographies of the western 
scholars and saints who influenced Ibn 'Arabi's thought. He was anxious to 
contrast the sanctity of his old masters and friends with the spiritual decadence 
which his old age was condemned to witness in the East. 

The philosophical views of the Ishraql school were transmitted from Muslim 
Spain to Christian Europe by the so-called Augustinian scholastics, such as Alex- 
ander Hales, Duns Scotus, Roger Bacon and Ramon Lull. 

Text The Futuhat was printed in Bulaq, 1274 H., 1293 H., Cairo, 1329 H. 

The Isra' is still unpublished. 

The Tarjum&n was edited with an English literal version and an abridged 
translation of the Dhakha'ir by R A. Nicholson (Royal Asiatic Society, London 
1911). The Dhakha'ir was printed in Beirut, 1312 H. 

Minor writings edited by H. S Nyberg (Leiden 1919). 

Khan Sahib Khaja Khan: Wisdom of the prophets in the light of tasawwuf. 
Being a synoptical translation into English of the famous standard book on tasaw- 
wuf Fusus ul-hikam (Bezels of wisdom) with analytical notes on each fas and a life 
of the shayk (Madras 1928?). The Fu$u$ al-hikam were revealed to Ibn 'Arab! 
at Damascus in 1229 (J. R. A. S., 680-681, 1930). 

Ibn Arab! wrote a great many other works, the list of which may be found in 
Brockelmann. 

Criticism C. Brockelmann: Arabische Litteratur (vol 1, 441-448, 1898). 
D. B, Macdonald: Development of Muslim theology (261-263, New York 1903); 
Religious attitude and life in Islam (146, 188, Chicago 1909). R. A Nicholson: 
The lives of 'Umar ibnu 1 Farid and Ibnu 'PArab! extracted from the Shadharatu 
'1-dhahab fl akhbari man dhahab (Journal R. Asiatic Soc., 797-824, 1906, Arabic 
text). T. H. Weir: Encyclopaedia of Islam (vol. 2, 361, 1916). Miguel Asin y 
Palacios: La escatologia musulrnana en la Divma Comedia (Madrid 1919; English 
translation, London 1926; Ms, 10, 65-68). Richard Hartmann: Eine islamische 
Apokalypse aus der Kreuzzugszeit. Em Beitrag zur jafr-Literatur (Schrift. d. 
Konigsbergen Gelehrten Gesellschaft, 89-116, 1924; Isis, 9, 503). Miguel Asfn y 
Palacios: El rnistico murciano Abenarabi (Boletfn de la Real Academia de la 
Historia, Madrid 1925-1928; four memoirs, 347 p. in all; fundamental, see Isis, 11, 
425; 13, 158). The fourth memoir contains the translation of a summary of Ibn 
'Arab!' s philosophy by *Abd al-Razzaq al-Qashani (first half of the fourteenth 
century). Mehemmed-Ali Aini: La quintessence de la philosophie de Ibn-i-Arabi 



598 INTRODUCTION TO THE HISTORY OF SCIENCE [1200-1250] 

(105 p., Paris 1926). A laudatory composition without scientific value, except in so 
far as it illustrates Turkish opinion of to-day (Isis, 11, 426; Revue de Fhistoire des 
religions, vol. 97, 141-142, 1928). 

For Muhammad ibn 'Abdallah ibn Masarra, see R. Dozy: Spanish Islam (409, 
535, 721, London 1913). Miguel Asin: Abenmasarra y su escuela. Orlgenes de la 
filosofia hispano-musulmana (168 p., Madrid 1914; important; Isis, 11, 168). 

IBN SAB 'IN 

Abu Muhammad 'Abd al-Haqq ibn Ibrahim aHshbill Ibn Sab'in. Born in 
Murcia c. 1217; lived in Ceuta, committed suicide in Mecca, 1269-1270. Spanish 
ufl, founder of the sect called after him Sab'imya. He is chiefly known for his 
answers to the so-called "Sicilian Questions," Kitab al-ajwiba 'ani-l-as'ila al- 
saqallya. These questions, asked by Frederick II, had been transmitted to him 
by the Almohade, 'Abd al- Wahid, who ruled from 1232 to 1242. They deal with 
such subjects as the eternity of the world, metaphysical and theological methods, 
value and number of categories, nature of the soul. Ibn Sab'in answered them 
while he was in Ceuta, c. 1237-1242. His other works include a metaphysical 
introduction; a mystical treatise, Asrar al-hikma al-mashraqiya; and a musical 
one, Kitab al-adwar al-mansub (Book of the related musical modes) 

Text and translations The Arabic text of Frederick's questions and Ibn Sab'm's 
answers is still unpublished. A. F. Mehren: Correspondance d'Ibn Sab* In avec 
Frederic II publiee d'apr&s le MS. de la Bodl&enne contenant Tanalyse gdndrale 
de cette correspondance et la traduction du quatn^me trait< (Journal asiatique, 
vol. 14, 341-454, 1879). It is very desirable to publish the complete Arabic text of 
these questions together with an English translation and discussion. 

Criticism Michele Amari: Questions philosophiques adress^es aux savants 
musulmans par Fr<dric II (Journal Asiatique, vol. 1, 240-274, 1853), E, Renan: 
Averroes (2e ed., 289, 1861). C. Brockelmann: Arabische Lilleratur (vol. 1, 
465, 1898). H. G. Farmer: History of Arabian music (226, 1929; Isis, 13, 375). 

VIII. EASTERN MUSLIM 
AL-ZARNUJI 

Al-Zarnuji Burhan al-dm (meaning, the proof of religion). Flourished c. 1203. 
Muslim educator. He composed, c. 1203, a philosophical primer, entitled Instruc- 
tion for him who desires to learn (Ta'llm al-muta'allim), which, judging by the 
number of MSS., obtained considerable popularity. During the reign of Murad 
III CUthmanli sultan from 1574 to 1595), a commentary was written upon it by 
one Ibn Isma'Il, or one Nau'I (1587-1588). The Ta'llm was translated into 
Turkish. 

Text Enchiridion studiosi. Edition by H. Reland (Utrecht 1709); again by 
C. Caspari (Leipzig 1838). 

Criticism Hajl Khalifa: Lexicon bibliographicum (vol. 2, 325, 1837). Contains 
a brief analysis of the Talim, but the name of the author is misspelled ZarbujL 
C. Brockelmann: Arabische Litteratur (vol. 1, 462, 1898). 

AL-AMIDI 

Abu^Hamid Muhammad ibn Muhammad al-Amidi (or 'Amidi? 'amid means 
chief; Amid is the name of a town, ancient Amida, Diyarbakr, on the Upper Tigris) 



[1200-1250] PHILOSOPHIC AND CULTURAL BACKGROUND 599 

al Samarqandi, Rukn al-din. Born in Samarqand; died in Bukhara in 1218. 
Hanifite theologian. He wrote a treatise on the comparison between the micro- 
cosmos and macrocosmos, offering it as an Arabic adaptation of the Persian version 
of a Sanskrit work called Amritakunda by Bahucara. (I cannot identify this 
author, but the Sanskrit title is plausible. It means Vessel containing nectar.) 
This adaptation, entitled Kitab mir'at (hayat) al-ma'an! fi idrak al-'alam al- 
insanl, was elaborated by Ibn 'Arabi. Al-Amidi wrote a book on the art of 
controversy or dialectics which was extremely popular, Kitab al-irshad (Direction). 
I must still mention a treatise on talismans, Kitab haud al-hayat (Pond of life). 

Criticism In Khallikan: Slane's translation (vol. 2, 660-662, 1843). Ibn 
Khaldun: Prolgom&nes (vol. 3, 39, 1868, apropos of the Irshad), C. Brockel- 
mann: Arabische Litteratur (vol. 1, 439, 1898); Encyclopaedia of Islam (vol. 1, 
326, 1910) 

'ABD AL-LATIF 

Abu Muhammad 'Abd al-Latif ibn Yusuf ibn Muhammad ibn 'All, Muwaffaq 
al-dm al Baghdad!. Also called Ibn al-Labbad (labbad means felter, a man who 
makes felt or works with felt) . Muslim scientist and philosopher, physician ; versatile 
and prolific writer. Born at Baghdad in 1162; he died there in 1231. He studied in 
Baghdad; m 1189-1190 he went to Mui-sul, where he worked for a time under 
Kamal al-din Ibn Yunus; he visited Jerusalem some time after its conquest by 
Salah al-din (1187) and obtained from him a chair m the great mosque of Dam- 
ascus. After Salah al-dln's death (1193) he went to Egypt and taught at al-Azhar; 
he was acquainted with Maimonides. Later still, in 1207-1208, he taught at al- 
*Azmya in Damascus. 

More than 160 writings are ascribed to him Among them is one criticizing 
Ibn al-Haitham's views on space, another dealing with Hindu arithmetic, another 
on music (Kitab al-sama'), and medical treatises. 

He is chiefly known for his Account of Egypt, Al-ifadat wal-i'tibar fi-l-umur 
al-mushahadat wal-hawadith al-mu*ayanat bi ard Misr. The text transmitted to 
us is divided into nine chapters dealing respectively with generalities, plants, 
animals, ancient monuments, buildings and ships, cookery, the Nile, and the events 
of the years 597 and 598 (end of 1200 to end of 1202). It includes a description of 
the great plague and famine of 597. 

*Abd al-Latif had the opportunity of examining a large quantity of human osse- 
ments at al-Maks (Egypt) and he did so without Galenic prejudice: the lower 
maxillary consists of a single bone, not of two, and the sacrum generally of a single 
one too, instead of six. But he had found a specimen consisting of six bones, prob- 
ably of a child (The sacrum consists generally of five fused vertebrae but in some 
exceptional cases of six. The first anatomist to recognize the five vertebrae and to 
represent them accurately was Leonardo da Vinci). 6 

He denounced alchemical superstition. He was apparently one of the most 
enlightened men of his time. The botanical part of his Account seems particularly 
important. 

Text and Translations The Arabic text of the Account of Egypt was edited by 
H. E. G. Paulus (Tubingen 1789). Again, by Joseph White: Abdollatiphi historiae 

6 J. P. MacMurrich: Leonardo da Vinci as an anatomist (120, Baltimore 1930; Isis, 15, 342). 



500 INTRODUCTION TO THE HISTORY OF SCIENCE [1200-1250] 

Aegypti compendium arabice et latine (Oxford 1800) . Part of this Latin translation 
had been made a long time before by Edward Pococke, Jr. 

German translation by S. F. Gunther Wahl: Abdallatif's Denkwurdigkeiten 
Egyptens (360 p , Halle 1790; unsatisfactory). French translation by Silvestre de 
Sacy: Relation de 1'Egypte, smvie de divers extraits d'6cnvains onentaux et 
d'un <tat des provinces et des villages de TEgypte dans le XIV s ^siScle, 1376. 
(776 p., Paris 1810). Important, including long notes and elaborate index. 

Criticism The mam source of 'Abd al-Latif s biography is the account of his 
younger contemporary, Ibn Abi Usaibi'a (Muller's edition, vol. 2, 201-213, 1884; 
an unusually long notice) This account has been edited separately by John 
Mousley with a Latin translation Abdollatiphi Bagdadensis Vita, auctore Ibn 
Abi Osaiba (86 p., Oxford 1808). One will find a French translation of the same 
text in De Sacy's work quoted above, 457-494. 

F Wustenfeld- Geschichte der arabischen Aerzte (123-127, 1840); Die Gesch- 
ichtschreiber der Araber (112, 1881). Ernst H. F Meyer: Geschichte der Botamk 
(vol 3 301-306, 1856). L. Leclerc: M<decine arabe (vol. 2, 182-188, 1876). 
C Brockelmann: Arabische Litteratur (vol 1, 481, 1898). H Suter: Die Math- 
ematiker und Astronomen der Araber (138, 1900). M. Th. Houtsma: Encyclo- 
paedia of Islam (vol 1, 47 7 1908). J E. Sarkis: Dictionnaire de bibliographie 
arabe (p. 1292, Le Caire 1929). A systematic study of 'Abd al-Latif s works from 
our point of view is badly needed. 

KAMAL AL-DIN" IBN YUNUS 

Abu-1-Fath (or Abu 'Imran) Musa ibn Yunus ibn Muhammad ibn Man'a. 
Generally called Kamal al-din Ibn Yunus (or Kamal al-dm Ibn Man'a). Muslim 
theologian, mathematician, and encyclopaedist. Born at Muul m 1156; in 
1175-1176 he went to Baghdad, where he continued his studies at the Nizamlya; 
finally he returned to Musul, where he taught at a college which was called after- 
wards in his honor, the Kamalic College He died in Mu$ul, 1242. He was 
reputed to be one of the most learned men of his time, a man of encyclopaedic 
knowledge, a great teacher. His prestige is proved by many anecdotes, but we 
know little about his definite achievements. He wrote commentaries on the 
Qur'an and on Ibn Sina, and various other treatises on such subjects as Arabic 
grammar, logic, astrology, arithmetic, algebra, square numbers, magic squares, 
regular heptagon, etc. Some questions asked by the emperor Frederick II were 
submitted to him by the Ayyubid al-Kamil (ruler of Egypt from 1218 to 1238, and 
of Damascus from 1237 to 1238). One of the questions solved by him was how to 
construct a square equivalent to a circular segment. The solution was proved by a 
pupil of his, al-Muf addal ibn 'Umar alAbhari, who wrote an essay on it, 

Criticism Ibn Khallikan in De Slane's translation (vol. 3, 466-474). Ibn 
abi-Uaibra in Midler's edition (vol. 1, 306-308). L. Leclerc: M^decme arabe 
(vol. 2, 144, 1876). H. Suter: Die Mathematiker und Astronomen der Araber 
(140,142, 1900); Beitrage zu den Beziehungen Kaiser Friedrichs II zu zeitgenos- 
sischen Gelehrten des Ostens und Westens (Abhdl, zur Geschichte der Naturwiss., 
Heft 4, 1-8, 1922; Isis, 5, 501). 

IBN AL-FAEID 

Abu-1-Qasim 'Umar ibn 'AH ibn al-Farid. One of the greatest tif I poets, and the 
greatest among those writing in Arabic. Born of pure Arab stock in Cairo, 
1180-1181; made the Pilgrimage in 1231 and remained a long time in Mecca; 
died in Cairo, 1234-1235. 



[1200-1250] PHILOSOPHIC AND CULTURAL BACKGROUND 601 

He is quoted here partly on his own account 7 , partly because of his greater 
Persian contemporary, Farid al-dm 'Attar, who died probably c. 1230. (See 
below.) It is curious that those two great Sufi poets, the one Arabic, the other 
Persian, lived practically at the same time. This fact and the fact that they had 
one name, Farid, in common, might cause them to be confused. 

His Dlwan was first collected and edited by his grandson, 'All, c. 1329-1330. 
There are many commentaries on it or on single poems. 

Text Many oriental editions, see British Museum catalogues. I shall only 
quote that prepared by the Maromte Shaikh, Rushaid al-Dahdah ibn Ghalib, in- 
cluding late commentaries (Marseilles 1853; Pans 1855; Bulaq 1872). 

The most famous piece of his Diwan is the poern of the mystic's progress Nazm 
al-suluk, often called Al-ta'iyya al-kubra (the greater ode rhyming in t). It was 
edited in Arabic and German verse by Hammer-Purgstall: Das arabische hohe 
Lied der Liebe (Vienna 1854); in Italian by Sac. Ignazio Di Matteo (259 p., auto- 
graph, Roma 1917). 

Criticism C. Brockelmann: Arabische Litteratur (vol. 1, 262-263, 1898). 
R. A. Nicholson: Literary history of the Arabs (325, 394-398, 402, 448, 462, 1907). 
C. A. Nallino: II poema mistico arabo d'Ibn al-Farid (Rivista degli studi onentali, 
vol 8, 1-106, 1919; criticism of Di Matteo ; s translation). Sac Ignazio Di Matteo: 
Sulla mia interpretazione del poema mistico d'Ibn al-Farid (ibidem, 479-500, 1920). 
Carlo A. Nallino: Ancora su Ibn al-Farid e sulla mistica musulmana (ibidem, 
501-562, 1920). 

IX. PERSIAN 

AL-DIN ' 



Abu Hamid (or Abu T&lib) Muhammad ibn Ibrahim, Farid al-dm 'Attar (the 
last word means a dealer in 'itr or essence of roses and other perfumes, but it also 
means a druggist, a medical practitioner). Persian poet and ufi, who might be 
considered the herald of the great literary renaissance of the second half of the 
thirteenth century. Indeed if we assume that he died c. 1230, Jalal al-dm Ruml and 
Sa'di to be dealt with in the following book were his younger contemporaries. 

The dates of his life are very uncertain The date of his death varies from 
1193 to 1234-1235; the most probable value being 1229-1230, but there is no 
reason to believe that he was killed by the Mongols. He was born at Nishapur; 
spent thirteen years of his youth in Mashhad (not very far from Nishapur, also in 
Khurasan), traveled extensively, going as far as India and Egypt, and for thirty- 
nine years busied himself collecting sayings of the uf i saints. He wrote in Persian 
about forty works, including more than 200,000 verses. His main and longest 
work, however, was composed m prose; this was his Memoirs of the (ufl) saints, 
Tadhkirat al-awliya'. His best known poems are the short Pandnama (Book of 
counsels) a collection of maxims, and the longer Mantiq al-tayr (Reasoning of the 
birds), a mystical allegory containing over 4600 couplets (completed in 1177-1178?). 
It tells of the quest of the birds (i e , uf I pilgrims) for the mythical Simurgh, symbol- 
izing the Truth. Some thirteen species of birds are represented, led by the hoopoe. 

It would seem that F&nd al-dln practiced medicine, but no medical writings of 
his are known. 

7 1 referred to him in vol 1, 713. 



602 INTRODUCTION TO THE HISTORY OF SCIENCE [1200-1250] 

Text Critical edition of the Tadhkirat al-awhya' by R. A. Nicholson (London 
1905-1907). 

Pandnama, edited and translated into French by Silvestre de Sacy (Paris 1819). 

Mantiq al-tayr, edited by J. H. Garcin de Tassy (Paris 1857), and translated 
into French by the same (Pans 1863); English translation, Bird-parliament, by 
Edward Fitzgerald in his Letters, etc. (vol. 2, 431-482, 1889). Reprinted by 
Nathan Haskell Dole: Salaman and Absal (190 p., Boston 1899). 

Collected works, Kulliyat Lithographic edition, Lucknow 1877 (or 1872). 

Criticism The best account was given by Mirza Muhammad ibn 'Abd al- 
Wahhab al-Qazwim, as introduction to Nicholson's edition (vol. 1, 1905; in Persian). 

J. H. Garcin de Tassy: La poesie philosophique et religieuse chez les Persans 
d'apr^s le Mantic uttair (Paris 1856; 4th ed., 76 p , Pans 1864; introduction to 
his translation). E. G. Browne: Literary history of Persia (vol. 2, 506-515, 1906). 
Encyclopaedia of Islam (vol. 1, 513, 1911; short unsigned note containing nothing 
new). 

MUHAMMAD AL-'AWFI 

Nur al-dm Muhammad al-'Awfi. The nisba is derived from the name of one 
of his ancestors, 'Abd al-Rahman ibn 'Awf, one of the Companions of the Prophet. 
Persian man of letters who flourished in Khurasan and Transoxiana, especially in 
Bukhara, and later in India. He flourished some time after 1206, at the court of 
Nagir al-dm Qubacha, ruler of Sind. When the latter lost his life and kingdom in 
1228, Muhammad passed into the service of the conqueror, Shams al-dm Altamish 
(Iltutmish), sultan of Dehll (Hindustan) from 1210 to 1235. 

He wrote two important works in Persian: (1) Lubab al-albab, a history of some 
three hundred Persian poets, dedicated to Qubacha's wazir, thus composed c. 
1206-1228; (2) an enormous collection of anecdotes, entitled JawAmi* al-hikayat wa 
lawami* al-riwayat, dedicated to Altamish, thus completed before 1235, The 
first work is of capital importance for the early history of Persian literature ; the 
second contains information of all kinds; e g , cosmographical and zoological. 

Text The Lubab al-albab has been edited by Edward G. Browne and Mirza 
Muhammad ibn 'Abd al-Wahhab al-Qawmi (2 vols., London 1903-1906). 

The second work is unpublished. 

Criticism E. G, Browne: Literary history of Persia (vol. 2, 477-479, and by 
index, 1906). J. Stephenson: The zoological section of the Nuzhatu-1-qulub 
(Isis, 11, 297-299, zoological extracts quoted) Muhammad Ni#amu'l-din: 
Introduction to the Jawami'ul-hikayat (339 p., Gibb Memorial, London 1929; 
very elaborate study; J. R. A. S.,' 1930, 665-669). 

X. SYEIAC 

SOLOMON OF AL-BASRA 

Mar Shelemon. Syriac encyclopaedist. Born in Khilat (or Akhlat) on lake 
Van, Armenia. He was the Nestorian metropolitan of P8rath dS~Maishan (i.e., 
al-Ba?ra) in 1222. His main work is a volume of analecta, partly theological, 
partly historical, entitled Kethabha dh-dhebboritha (Book of the bee). He also 
wrote prayers, discourses (memrone), a treatise on the figure of the heavens and of 
the earth (lost), and another on the calendar. The Book of the bee was dedicated 
to his friend, Narsai, bishop of Khoni Shabhor (i.e., al-Bawazij, on the Lesser Zab). 



[1200-1250] PHILOSOPHIC AND CULTURAL BACKGROUND 603 

Text Edition of the Book of the bee by Ernest A. Wallis Budge, with an English 
translation (350 p., Oxford 1886) 

Latin translation by J. M Schonf elder: Liber apis Syr. arabicumque textum 
latine vertit (Bamberg, 1866). 

Criticism William Wright: Syriac literature (282, 1894). Heinrich Selzer: 
Julius Sextus Afncanus (vol. 2 (2), 458-465, 1898). Rubens Duval: Literature 
syriaque (3d ed., 82, 280, 402, 1907). Anton Baumstark: Synsche Literatur 
(309, 1922). 

JACOB BAR SHAKKO 

Also called "Isa bar Mark, of Bartalla near Musul. Syriac philosopher and 
encyclopaedist; Jacobite theologian (the Jacobite Church is one of the monophysi- 
tic churches). He was a monk at the neighboring monastery of Mar Matthew, of 
which he became bishop under the name of Severus. He died m 1241. He was 
educated by the grammarian, John bar Zo'bi, at the monastery of Beth Quqa in 
Hedhaiyabh, and by Kamal al-din Musa ibn Yunus at Mugul. His main work is an 
elementary encyclopaedia in two books, the Dialogues, dealing with grammar, 
logic, philosophy, physics and physiology, mathematics, music, metaphysics and 
theology. His mathematics are derived from Nicomachos and the neo-Pytha- 
gorean writings available m Arabic. In 1231 he wrote the Book of treasures, a 
theological treatise in four parts, of which the fourth on the creation of the universe, 
is largely devoted to cosmology and geography. Jacob was essentially a theo- 
logian; his scientific interest was subordinated to a theological purpose ; he was very 
uncritical. 

Text Many extracts of the Dialogues in A. Baumstark: Aristoteles bei den 
Syrern vom V.-VIII Jahrh. (Leipzig 1900). Extracts on grammar (accentuation) 
have been edited by Adalbert Merx m his Historia artis grammaticae apud Syros 
(Leipzig 1889). See also Abb6 Paulin Martin: De la m^tnque chez les Syriens 
(Leipzig 1879). Julius Ruska: Das Quadnvium aus Severus bar Schakku's 
Buch der Dialoge (Leipzig 1896, Syriac and German with commentary). 

Criticism Assemam: Bibhotheca orientalis (vol. 2, 237-240). Wm. Wright: 
Syriac literature (260-263, 1894). F. Nau: Notice sur le Livre des trgsors de 
Jacques de Bartela, 6vque de Tagrit (Journal asiatique, vol. 7, 286-331, 1896; 
analysis of the scientific part with many extracts and their translations) J Ruska : 
Studien zu Severus 7 Buch der Dialoge (Z. f ur Assyriologie, vol. 12, 8-41, 145-161, 
1897). R. Duval: Literature syriaque (405-406, 1907). Anton Baumstark: Ge- 
schichte der syrischen Literatur (311-312, 1922). 

XI. HISPANO-JEWISH 
JUDAH BEN SOLOMON HA-KOHEN 

Also called : Ibn Matqah. Jewish mathematician, astronomer, and philosopher 
of Toledo; born c 1219. In 1237 he was already in mathematical correspondence 
with Frederick IPs "Philosopher" (Theodore of Antioch is probably meant). 
In 1247 he attended the imperial court in Toscana. About that time he compiled 
an encyclopaedical treatise m Arabic, or began its compilation, and later translated 
it into Hebrew under the title Midrash ha-hokmah (The search for wisdom). The 
most complete Hebrew text contains two parts dealing respectively with: (part 1) 
Aristotelian logic, physics and metaphysics (as transmitted by Ibn Rushd), and 
Biblical commentaries; (part 2) mathematics and other subjects. The mathemat- 



604 INTRODUCTION TO THE HISTORY OF SCIENCE [1200-1250] 

ical section contains: extracts from Euclid Bks I- VI and XI-XIII, followed by 
the above-mentioned correspondence presumably with Theodore of Antioch; an 
adaptation of the Almagest with references to Jabir ibn Aflah; an adaptation of 
al-BitrujI; an astrological introduction which is an adaptation of Ptolemy's 
Quadripartitum. 

Text The astrological introduction was published in Warsaw, 1886. 

Criticism Moritz Steinschneider : Die hebraeischen Ubersetzungen des Mit- 
telalters (1-4, 164, 507, 858, 1893); Die Mathematik bei den Juden (Bibhotheca 
mathematica, 110-111, 1896); Die arabische Litteratur der Juden (162 ; 1902). 
Max Sehgsohn: Jewish Encyclopaedia (vol. 6, 537, 1904) 

AL-HAEIZI 

Judah ben Solomon al-Harizi (The name al-Hofni or ben Hofni seems to be due 
to a mistake). Hispano- Jewish poet, philosopher, theologian, physician, and 
translator from Arabic into Hebrew (c. 1170-bef 1235) 

Born in Spain, perhaps in Granada or in Toledo, studied theology, philosophy, 
medicine; about 1190 he traveled to southern France and remained a long time in 
Marseilles, then returned to his country; in 1216 he went back to southern France, 
thence to Egypt, Palestine 8 and Syria; in 1218 he was in Jerusalem, and in 1220 in 
Damascus; finally, being in Basra, he decided to return to Spain, which he reached 
c 1230; he died before 1235. 

He translated many works from Arabic into Hebrew, notably the following: 

(1) A pseudo-Galenic treatise on the soul, c 1200, Sefer ha-ncfcsh. 

(2) Ilunain ibn Ishaq: Sayings of the philosophers (lost in Arabic?), Musre-ha- 
pilosofim. This was one of his last works. 

(3) 'AH ibn Ridwan: Iggeret ha-mussar (Letter on education). Ethical treatise 
ascribed to Aristotle. Translated by al-Harizi at the request of Ezra ben Judah 
ben Nathanael of Beaucaire. 

(4) Al-HarM: Maqamat. Mahberot ithiel. Only apart of the first maqama, 
and the twenty-six following maqamat are preserved It is partly translation, 
partly adaptation. After having completed this work, al-Hanzi resolved to 
compose an original one of the same kind; see no. 9 below. 

(5-7) Maimomdes. (5) Partial translation of the Kitab al-siraj, Maimonides' 
commentary on the Mishnah. This was one of al-Harizi's earliest works (c. 1194- 
1197). He seems to have translated only the general introduction, and the first 
five massektoth of the first seder 

(6) Dalalat al-ha'irm, Moreh nebukim. This translation was made after his 
first return from Provence, before his departure for the East. It is more fluent 
than the translation completed shortly before by Samuel ibn Tibbon (1204). He 
added to it a glossary of technical terms, and a table of contents. It was unfavor- 
ably criticized by contemporaries, and was finally superseded by Samuel's transla- 
tion, yet it played an important part in the transmission of Maimonidean phi- 
losophy, because it was the basis of the early anonymous Latin translation, which 
was used by many Latin theologians, and whose revision by Agostino Giustiniani 
was printed in Paris, 1520. It was also the basis of the Castilian version by Pedro 
of Toledo. 9 

8 After 1199, when Jerusalem fell again into Muslim hands, the Jews were allowed to live 
there 

9 I have not been able to identify this Pedro of Toledo. Could it be the prelate Pedro 
G<5mez Barroso who died at Avignon in 1345? 



[1200-1250] PHILOSOPHIC AND CULTURAL BACKGROUND 605 

(7) Ma'amar tehiyyot ha-metim. Essay on resurrection. It would seem 
that this was first translated from Arabic into Hebrew by Samuel ibn Tibbon, 
then from Hebrew into Arabic by Joseph ben Joel, finally from Arabic into Hebrew 
by al-Harizi. 

(8) Sheshet Benveniste (second half of the twelfth century) : Segulah le-harayon, 
a gynaecological treatise. 

His main original works were : 

(9) Tahkemoni (The wise one; see II Samuel 23.8). This was his most im- 
portant production, the one from which his fame is derived. It is a desultory 
composition in verse and rhyming prose composed toward the end of his life on the 
model of al-Hariri's Maqamat. It is divided into fifty maqamat and contains 
much information of value for the study of contemporary Jewish culture. It was 
very popular, as is witnessed by the number of MSS,, printed editions, and partial 
translations into Latin, English, French, German, and Magyar. 

(10) Refu'at ha-gewiyah (Healing of the body), a poem on diet, 

Text The numbers refer to those given above to each work, 

(1) Sefer ha-nefesh, First edition in the Liqqu^e ha-pardes, i.e., the gleanings 
from the Pardes of Solomon ben Isaac, edited by Samuel of Bamberg (Venice 1519). 
New edition with introduction and notes by Adolph Jellinek (Leipzig 1852). 

(2) Musre ha-pilosofim. First edition, Riva di Trento 1562. New edition by 
Abraham Loewenthal (70 p., Francfort a.M., 1896). German translation by 
same: Hunains Sinnspruche der Philosophen nach der hebr. tlbers. von Chansi 
(Berlin 1896). 

Carl Hemrich Cornill: Das Buch der weisen Philosophen nach dem Aethio- 
pischen untersucht (59 p., Leipzig 1875). C. Brockelmann: Arabische Litteratur 
(vol. 1, 206, 1898). 

(3) Iggeret ha-mussar. First edition, Riva di Trento 1559. New edition in 
Isaac Benjacob: Debarim 'attiqim (vol. 1, Leipzig 1844). 

(4) Matiberot ithiel. Extracts in Silvestre de Sacy's Arabic edition (Paris 
1822) . Edition by Thomas Chenery (London 1872) . 

(5) Maimonides' commentary on Mishnah, I. (Naples 1492; etc.). See my 
note on Maimonides. 

(6) Moreh nebukim. Part I edited by Lob Schlossberg with notes by Simon 
Scheyer (London 1851). Parts II and III with notes by Solomon Munk (London 
1876-1879). 

(9) Tahkemoni. First complete edition, Constantinople 1578. Later editions, 
Amsterdam 1729; by Mendel Emanuel Stern, vocalized (Vienna 1854); by Paul de 
Lagarde (Gottingen 1883) ; by A. Kaminka (Warsaw 1899), Many partial editions 
and translations. 

(10) Refu'at ha-gewiyah. In the Liqqute ha-pardes (Venice 1519). See no. L 
Again, Ferrara 1552. Edited by Hayyim Samuel Levi of Janina in Ha-Maggid 
(vol. 9, 1865). 

Criticism Frederick de Sola Mendes: Jewish Encyclopaedia (vol. 1, 390-392, 
1901); carelessly written but with abundant references. M. Steinschneider: 
Arabische Literatur der Juden (159, 1902). H. Brody: Encyclopaedia judaica 
(vol. 5, 312-318, 1930). 

For Abraham Ibn JIasdai, Solomon Ibn Ayyub, Samuel Ibn Tibbon, and Jacob 
Anatoli, see the chapter above devoted to translators from Arabic into Hebrew. 



606 INTRODUCTION TO THE HISTORY OF SCIENCE [1200-1250] 

JUDAH IBN 'ABBAS 

Judah ben Samuel ibn 'Abbas. Spanish Jew, who composed at the age of 
twenty about the middle of the thirteenth century, m Hebrew, an ethical and 
religious treatise called Yair netib or Shebet Yehudah. A section of it (no 15) 
explains the ordinary course of Hispano-Jewish studies in those days. First, the 
Bible and Talmud, then reading of ethical works, then scientific studies in the 
following order, medicine, mathematics, logic, astronomy, physics; finally, meta- 
physics. For each branch of knowledge the main authorities are quoted A 
similar work had been composed a little earlier by Joseph ibn 'Aqnln (second half of 
the twelfth century). Another work of Judah ibn 'Abbas, almost entirely lost, 
was entitled Minhat Yehudah or Meqor hayyim (source of life). 

Text M. Giidemann: Das Jiidische Unterrichtswesen (vol. 1, 147, Wien 1873)* 
Text and translation of section 15. 

Criticism M. Steinschneider. Hebraeische Ubersetzungen (35-36, 1893) 
Israel Abrahams: Jewish life in the Middle Ages (365, 1896). Very short article 
by Hartwig Hirschfeld in Jewish Encyclopaedia (vol. 1, 37, 1901). Encyclopaedia 
judaica (vol. 1, 175, 1928). 

AZRIEL BEN MENAHEM 

'Azri'el ben Menahem ben Solomon, nicknamed "The Saint." (One Ezra ben 
Menahem was supposed to be his brother; it is almost certain that both names, 
Azriel and Ezra, represent one single person) Born at Gerona, Catalonia, in 1160; 
traveled in South France, where he was the pupil of Isaac the Blind, and in Spam, 
then returned to Gerona, where he founded a school; he died in 1238. He was the 
founder, or at any rate one of the founders, of the speculative Qabbala, a mystical 
doctrine derived from the neo-Platonism transmitted by Ibn Gabirol and others. 
To reconcile the idea of creation with the Aristotelian view that the universe cannot 
proceed from nothing, he elaborated a very complicated theory of emanation. 
There never was an absolute creation, but a gradual transformation of potentiality 
into reality, of indefiniteness into defimteness. The transformation occurred 
through ten intermediaries, the Ten Sefirot : the first three forming the world of 
thought, the next three the world of soul; the last four the material world. 

The word sefirah (pi. sefirot) means originally number, category; but Qabbalists 
gave it new significations, such as sphere (a<palpa) or light. 

Aznel's ideas were elaborated and systematized in a number of other works 
during the thirteenth century, some of them ascribed to definite authors with whom 
we shall deal at the proper time, others anonymous. Among the latter might be 
quoted the Ma'areket ha-'elohut and the Sefer ha-temunah (Book of form). The 
Temunah contains the earliest account of the theory of double emanation, which 
remained afterwards an essential feature of the Qabbala. This theory made it 
possible, for example, to solve the problem of evil. The Sefirot exist m two forms, 
positive and negative. The positive emanations represent the divine tendencies 
toward perfection; the negative represent the opposite tendencies. 

It is not possible, nor is it worthwhile, here to consider all the ramifications and 
elaborations of these ideas, nor to enter into the endless discussions to which they 
have given birth. It will suffice to quote by way of illustration, and because it is 
interesting from the anatomical point of view, the correspondence which was soon 
established between the ten sefirot and different parts of the body: (1) head, (2) 



[1200-1250] PHILOSOPHIC AND CULTURAL BACKGROUND 607 

brain, (3) heart, (4) and (5) right and left arm, (6) chest, (7) and (8) right and left 
leg, (9) sexual organs, (10) complete body 

Text AzrieFs commentary on the Ten sefirot, entitled Ezrat Adonai, was 
edited by Nahman Abraham Goldberg (Berlin 1850). Other commentaries of his, 
ascribed to Nahmanides (said to have been his pupil), were published under the 
latter's name in Mantua, 1719, and Altona, 1764. 

The Ma'arekert ha-'elohut 7 ascribed to one Pharez or Perez* (ben Isaac?), was 
printed at Ferrara, 1557. New edition by Immanuel ben Jekuthiel (Mantua 
1558) 

A Sefer ha-temunah, ascribed to Nehunya ben ha-Qanah or NeJfrunya ha-gadol (a 
tanna of the first and second centuries I) was published at Korzec, in 1784. 

Criticism I. Broyd6: Jewish Encyclopaedia (vol. 2, 373, 1903). See also 
Broyd6 7 s article sefirot, (ibidem, vol. 11, 154-155, 1905). 

ASHER BEN DAVID 

Asher ben David ben Abraham ben David of Posqui&res. Languedocian 
Qabbalist, who flourished in the first half of the thirteenth century. He was a 
grandson of Abraham ben David of Posqui&res, who died in 1198 and he was one 
of the disciples of his uncle, Isaac the Blind. He was in touch with Meir ben 
Simon of Narbonne, who approved himself, c. 1240, a resolute opponent of the 
Qabbala. His views are very similar to those of Azriel ben Menahem; this is not 
surprising, since both were disciples of Isaac the Blind. One of these views, however, 
is original; that is, his comparison of the ten sefirot with the ten spheres of Greek 
cosmology. He wrote a cosmological commentary (Ma'aseh bereshit) and various 
other Qabbalistic treatises 

Philipp Bloch: Jewish encyclopaedia (vol. 2, 181, 1902). G. Scholem: Ency- 
clopaedia judaica (vol. 3, 439, 1929). 

IBN 

Isaac ben Abraham Ibn Latif. Hispano-Jewish physician and Qabbalist; born 
probably in Toledo; died in Jerusalem, c. 1290. He tried to put Qabbalistic doc- 
trines on a scientific basis! His main work out of many, the Sha'ar ha-shamayim 
(Gate of heavens) was written c 1244; ii contains by way of introduction a brief 
history of Jewish science down to Ma^momdes. He dedicated to Todros Abulafia 
(a great patron of Qabbalists, born 1234; died at Seville after 1298) another treatise 
and a letter from Jerusalem, Iggeret ha-teshubah, containing thirty-nine scientific 
questions and answers. 

Text The Sha'ar ha-shamayim was published by Adolf Jellinek in Ha-shahar. 
Twenty-six of the thirty-nine scientific questions contained in the Iggeret ha- 
teshubah have been edited by Senior Sachs in the Tefriyyah (vol. 2, 50, Berlin 1857). 

Criticism Philipp Bloch: Jewish Encyclopaedia (vol. 6, 536, 1904). For 
Todros Abulafia, see ibidem (vol. 1, 143, 1901). 

XII. GEBMANO-JEWISH 
JUDAH HA-E[ASID 

Judah the Pious. Judah ben Samuel ben Qalonymos ha-Hasid (the pious). 
Judaeo-German mystic and moralist. Born in Spires; about 1195 he moved to 



608 INTRODUCTION TO THE HISTOKY OF SCIENCE [1200-1250] 

Ratisbon, where he founded a yeshibah; he died in 1217. He introduced mystical 
tendencies into German Jewry. He edited the travel notes of Pethahiah ben Jacob 
second half of the twelfth century). An astrological treatise, Gematriot, 10 is 
ascribed to him. His main work is the Sefer ha-hasidim (Book of the pious), which 
is a popular account of theology and ethics; it is a valuable source for the study of 
the Jewish culture of his time. It is largely a compilation, which Judah edited and 
revised more than once, and is somewhat confused. It has been ascribed also, 
but without sufficient reason, to a contemporary, bearing sometimes the same name, 
Judah ha-Hasid; i.e., Judah ben Isaac or Judah Sir Leon of Pans (French tosafist, 
born m Paris, 1166; died there, 1224). It is also said, and this is more plausible, 
that it was revised and increased by Judah ben Samuel's most famous disciple, 
Eleazar of Worms. Whoever the author (or authors), the Sefer ha-hasidim is a 
good mirror of Jewish ethics in Germany about the thirteenth century. 

TextSefer ha-hasidim. First edition, Bologna, 1538 Many other editions: 
Basle 1580; Cracow 1581; SuLzbach 1685; Francfort a.M., 1712; etc. Editions 
by Hayim Joseph David Azulai (Leghorn 1794), and by Jacob Reifmann (Prag. 
I860). Extract in B. Halper: Post-Biblical Hebrew literature (Philadelphia 1911, 
with English translation). 

Criticism Max Schloessmger: Jewish Encyclopaedia (vol. 7, 356-358, 1904). 

ELEAZAR OF WORMS 

Eleazar ben Judah ben Qalonymos. Eleazar ha-Roqeah (meaning Eleazar the 
Perfumer, after his book). Judaeo-German Talmudist, Qabbahst, and moralist. 
Born probably at Mayence a 1176; in 1196 his wife and three children were mur- 
dered by Crusaders; he flourished in Worms, and died there in 1238. Disciple of 
Judah ha-Hasid. He wrote a large number of ethical and Qabbahstic treatises, 
of which the best known is the Sefer ha-roqeah (Book of the perfumer), dealing with 
ethics He continued his master's work, and the two of them are largely responsible 
for the introduction of Qabbalistic and other mystical doctrines among the German 
Jews. 

Text Sefer ha-roqeah. First edition, Fano 1505. Many other editions: Cre- 
mona 1557; Hanau 1630. Short extract with translation in B. Halper: Post- 
Biblical Hebrew literature (Philadelphia 1921). 

Criticism Isaac Broyd6: Jewish Encyclopaedia (vol. 5, 100-101, 1903)* 

XIII SAMARITAN 
ADAQA BEN MUNAJA 
See medical chapter below. 

XIV. MONGOL AND "CHINESE 
CHINGIZ KHAN 

Mongol conqueror and lawgiver (1155-1227). One of the greatest conquerors of 
all times. Founder of the Mongol empire, part of which was later continued by 
the Yuan dynasty. He was born in 1155, on the right bank of the Onon in the 
district of Diiliin-Buldaq; he was originally called Timuchm, and was the son of 

10 Word derived from yeunerpla. 



[1200-1250] PHILOSOPHIC AND CULTURAL BACKGROUND 609 

Yisukai-Bahadur (d. 1167); he was a Tatar of the tribes living between the Black 
Tatars and the Wild Tatars (the name Mongol or Mughul to designate these peoples 
appeared only about the middle of the thirteenth century). Timuchln obtained 
very gradually a predominant position among those tribes; he was helped by 
Muslim urtaq (Turkish, middleman) or traders, Ja'far Khuja, Ilasan, and Danish- 
mand Hajib, and it was possibly to such men that he owed the inspiration of his 
later and greater efforts. By the year 1206 he had conquered the greater half of 
Mongolia; it was then that he summoned the first parliament (qurultai) and 
assumed imperial power under the name Chmgiz Khan (the word Chingiz is spelled 
in many ways; e.g., Changez, Genghis; the second i of Chingiz is long or short, the 
first and third consonants of the Persian spelling are the specifically Persian letters 
which I represent by ch and g 11 )- His capital was Qaraqorum, on the Orkhon. It 
is not necessary to tell the history of his campaigns outside of Mongolia; he con- 
quered successively the Tangut (Kingdom of Hsia), the Chin dynasty of Northern 
China (not completely), the kingdom of the Gurkhan of the Qara-Khitai, the ter- 
ritories of the Shahs of Khwarizm (Persia and Transoxiana). This last conquest 
was of immense significance, for it integrated Chinese and Muslim culture to an 
extent hitherto unparalleled. Chingiz himself went as far westward as Bukhara, 
and southward as the Indus near Peshawar. His empire finally extended from 
Armenia to Korea. He died in 1227, not far from Tsin-chou in Kansu; his body 
was taken to Mongolia and buried in the mountain of Burkhan-Khaldun (some 
pseudo-relics of his are revered to this day in Ordos, on the river Jamkhak). 

He was a military genius comparable to Alexander, a great organizer, a stern 
disciplinarian, and gave his peoples a new code of laws. He never knew any 
language but his own, Mongol; in 1206 he became acquainted with the use of seals 
and the art of writing and he introduced the Uighur alphabet; in 1219 or later, he 
introduced the Chinese script; later still he employed Persian secretaries. The 
main cultural influences to which he was submitted were the Muslim (Persian) and 
Chinese. In spite of his barbarity and ruthlessness he was sensitive to culture 
and showed some toleration of other faiths. He had contacts not only with 
Buddhism, but also with Islam, Christianity, and Taoism. While he was so- 
journing in the Hmdu-Kush, c. 1223, he called to his court the Taoist sage, Ch/iu 1 
Ch'ang^ch'un 1 (2313, 450, 2854), and received some teachings from him. His 
educational reforms were carried out by Yeh-lti Ch'u-ts'ai, who bears the same 
relation to him as Alcuin to Charlemagne 

The Chinese call him T'ai 4 Tsu 3 (10573, 11826), a name generally given to the 
first emperor of a dynasty, though the Yuan dynasty did not really begin until 
1271. He was succeeded by his son Ogotay (1227-41), called in Chinese, T'ai 4 
Tsung 1 (10573, 11976). The famous Khubilay Khan (1257-1294), whom the 
Chinese call Shih 4 Tsu 8 (9969, 11826), was one of his grandsons. 

Ogotay extended considerably the Mongol empire. It was under his rule that 
Mongol hordes, led by his nephew Batu, invaded Russia and Hungary (1238-1241) . 
They entered Moscow and Novgorod, burned Cracow, and besieged Pest. Ogo- 
tay's death in 1241 relieved the pressure, and in the same year the Mongols were 
defeated at the battle of Wahlstatt, near Liegnitz (Silesia). This stopped their 
western advance, but they remained in Russia until 1480 a fact which helps one 
to understand later vicissitudes of Russia's development. 

11 Vol. 1, p. 50. 



610 INTRODUCTION TO THE HISTOBY OF SCIENCE [1200-1250] 

Sources Mongolian: The earliest Mongolian source, the Altyn debter (Golden 
book), Is lost and known only indirectly through the Yuan shih and through 
Rashid al-din. Another contemporary Mongolian source originally written in 
Uighur script is known through a Chinese transcription and version, the Yuan 2 
chao 1 mi 4 * shih 3 (13744, 478, 7835, 9893) (Secret history of the Yuan dynasty). 
It was translated into Russian by the archimandrite Palladms Katharov: Trudy 
Rossijskoi dukhovnoi missii v Pekinie (vol. 4, 3-258, table, 1866). A much later 
Mongolian work, the Chung taishi (Khadun toghuji), compiled about the middle 
of the seventeenth century by Ssanang Setzen, was translated into Russian by the 
Archimandrite Hyacinth. Partial translation from Russian into German by Isaac 
Jacob Schmidt: Geschichte der Ost-Mongolen . verfasst von Ssanang 
Ssetsen Chungtaidschi (St. Petersburg 1829) 

Chinese: The T'ung chien kang mu, for which see my notes on Chu Hsi (second 
half of the twelfth century) and Khubilay Khan (second half of the thirteenth 
century). 

The Mongolian annals, Yuan shih. French translation by Antome Gaubil: 
Histoire de Gentchiscan et de toute la dynastie des Mongous (Pans 1739). 

The Hsi yu chi of Ch'iu Ch'ang-ch'un (see geographical chapter below) , 

Account by Meng-hung translated into Russian by V Vasihev in Trudy vosto- 
chnogo otdel. archeol. obshch. (vol. 4). 

The Hsm 1 Yuan 2 shih 3 (4574, 13744, 9893). New annals of the Yuan dynasty 
recently compiled by Ko 1 shao 4 -min 2 (6039, 9773, 7926), style name Shao^chan^ 
(9746, 276) sumptuously published at the expense of the ex-President, Hsu 2 
Shih 4 -ch'ang ] (4748, 9969, 427), contains abundant information (m contrast with 
the old Yuan sjiih, from which but little knowledge was obtainable). 

Arabic: See my notes on Ibn al-Athir (first half of the thirteenth century), and 
al-Juwaini (second half of the thirteenth century) . 

Persian: See my note on Rashid al-dm (first half of the fourteenth century). 
This is the most valuable single source. 

General studies on the Mongols Mouradga d'Ohsson: Histoire des Mongols 
(vol. 1, The Hague 1834). Sir Henry Hoyle Howorth: History of the Mongols 
(3 vols., London 1876-1888; vol. 4, index, 1927; Ms, 11, 501). L6on Cahun: 
Introduction a 1'histoire de 1'Asie : Turcs et Mongols (Pans 1896) . Ren6 Grousset 
Histoire de FExtr&ne-orient (403-493, 1929; Isis, 14, 437-441). 

Studies mainly devoted to CUngiz Khan Petis de la Croix: Histoire clu grand 
Genghizcan (Pans 1710; derived from Arabic and Persian sources). Wilhelm 
Barthold: Die Entstehung des Reiches Tchmghiz-chans (St Petersburg 1896); 
Turkestan im Zeitalter des Mongolenemfalls (St. Petersburg 1900); Encyclopaedia 
of Islam (vol. 1, 856-862, 1912). Rudolf Stiibe: Tsohingizchan, seine Staats- 
bildung und seine Personlichkeit (Neue Jahrbxicher fur das klassischc Altertum, 
vol. 21, 532-541, 1908). F. E. A Krause: Cingis Han. Die Geschichte seines 
Lebens nach der chinesischen Reichsannalcn (112 p., autograph, 2 pi., Heidelberg 
1922). B. J. Vladimirtsov: Chingiz Khan (176 p., Leningrad 1922; m Russian; 
making use of many sources, including the Armenian and Georgian which have been 
generally neglected); Englished by D. S. Mirsky (184 p. ; London 1930), Harold 
Lamb: Genghis Khan. The emperor of all men (270 p., 12 pi, New York 1927): 
semi-popular but well informed. 

Paul Pelliot: Les systmes d'Scriture en usage chcz les anciens Mongols (Asia 
major, vol. 2, 284-289, 1925). 

TS'AI CHRIST 
See mathematical chapter below. 



CHAPTER XXXIII 

MATHEMATICS AND ASTRONOMY 

(First Half of Thirteenth Century) 

I LATIN AND VERNACULAR 

FIBONACCI 

Leonardo of Pisa, or Pisano. Leonardo Fibonacci. (The last word, meaning 
son of Bonaccio, should not be taken literally. That is, one of his ancestors, but 
not necessarily his father, was called Bonaccio Cf. the Arabic names beginning 
with Ibn, and the modern names Johnson, MacMurrich, etc ). Italian mathe- 
matician, born c 1170, died after 1240 His father was the head of the Pisan 
factory in Bugia on the Barbary Coast, Leonardo was there brought into touch 
with the East; he was taught by a Muslim master; later he traveled about the 
Mediterranean Sea, studying the arithmetical means used by the merchants of 
many countries. 

Fibonacci was the greatest Christian mathematician of the Middle Ages, and the 
mathematical renaissance in the West may be dated from him. His most im- 
portant and largest work (if not the most original), the Liber abaci (or abbaci) 
appeared in 1202 (revised edition, 1228). It was the first complete and systematic 
explanation of the Hindu numerals by a Christian writer; also, naturally, the first 
complete exposition of Hindu and Muslim arithmetic, but Leonardo gave more 
rigorous demonstrations than the Muslims. He had a good knowledge not only 
of Muslim, but also of Greek mathematics (Euclid, Archimedes, Heron, Dio 
phantos). It is probable that this knowledge was largely derived from Latin 
translations. 

He called the unknown quantity, its square, and the constant, respectively radix 
(also res and causa), census, numerus; and in one case at least represented numbers 
by letters to increase the generality of his proof Casting out of nines (with proof), 
of sevens, and of elevens. Approximative extraction of quadratic and cubic roots. 
First use of the recurrent series 1 1,2,3,5,8,13, , . . (each term being equal to 
the sum of the two preceding ones) in a problem on the number of offspring of a 
pair of rabbits. Formerly called series of Lame> it is now properly called series of 
Fibonacci. This series and others developed in a similar way (e g., 1/2, 1/3, 2/5, 
3/8, 5/13, . . .) find many applications in the geometrical structure of living 
organisms. 2 To determine whether n is prime or not, one can restrict one's atten- 
tion to divisors <V^. There is an infinity of perfect numbers of the form 
|2 n (2* 1), wherein (2 n 1) is prime. (This rule is incorrect, but it holds for 
the first eight perfect numbers.) 

The other great work of Fibonacci, the Practica geometriae, was written in 1220. 

1 Liber abaci, Boncompagni's edition (p 283). 

2 F. M. Jaeger Lectures on the principle of symmetry (Cambridge 1917; 2nd ed. 7 1920; 
Isis, 4, 32). L, Blannghem, Les transformations brusques des &tres vivants (333, Paris 1911). 

611 



612 INTRODUCTION TO THE HISTORY OF SCIENCE [1200-1250] 

It was apparently based on the lost book of Euclid, irepl fampfoewv (on the divi- 
sions of figures) , and also on Heron's Metrica. It contains various geometrical and 
arithmetical problems, notably an extension of the Pythagorean proposition to 
solid geometry and the rule to calculate the volume of a pyramid frustum. Fibo- 
nacci used algebra to solve geometrical problems (this was a great novelty in 
Christendom). 

Two other works, both dating from 1225, the Flos (Flos super solutiombus 
quarundam questionum ad numerum et ad geometriam uel ad utrumque perti- 
nentium), and the Liber quadratorum, are much smaller but more original. In the 
Flos we find a number of indeterminate problems of the first and the second degrees 
solved in integers. T*he importance of this will be better appreciated if one realizes 
that Fibonacci was the only Diophantist of note before Bachet de Mdziriac (1581- 
1638), and it would seem that some at least of his solutions were not derived from 
Diophantos. We find in the same book a remarkable value of the only (real) root of 
x 3 + 2x 2 + 10x - 20, i.e , x = 122' 1" 42* 33 1V 4 V 40 V1 (error, c. 1J V1 ) this 
value may have been determined by means of the regula falsi; a negative solution 
interpreted as a debt ; solution of a system of five linear equations with five unknown 
quantities. The Liber quadratorum contains also many excellent things: solution 
of x 2 + y 2 = z 2 in integers, derived from 2* (2n - 1) n 2 ; theorems derived from 
the identity 

(a 2 + b 2 ) (c 2 + d 2 ) = (ac + bd) 2 + (be - ad) 2 = (ad + be) 2 + (ac - bd) 2 ; 
to find three squares x 2 i, x 2 2 , x 2 3 , and a number (congruum) y such that 

x 2 ! - y - x 2 2 x\ + y = x 2 3 ; 

affirmation that no square can be a congruent number, i.e., x 2 + y 2 and x 2 y 2 
are not both squares (this implies that the area of a rational right triangle is never a 
square, and that the difference of two biquadrates is not a square) ; ingenious proof 



Aside from their purely mathematical interest, which is considerable, Fibonacci's 
works are also of cultural interest, for the many practical problems included in them 
contain information on weights and measures, economic conditions of his time, etc. 

Though Fibonacci's mathematical initiation was probably due to his father's 
commercial activity, it is misleading to consider him the founder of a school of 
commercial arithmetic. His work was not commercial but highly theoretical, 
and he can hardly be said to have founded a school; his was a lonely personality! 
The Liber abaci of 1202 marks the beginning of the new (European, Christian) 
mathematics, an original development of Greek and Muslim mathematics. 

Text Partial editions of the Liber abaci and the Practica geometriae were given 
for the first time by Guglielmo Libri in his Histoire des sciences mathfinatiques 
en Italic (vol. 2, Paris 1838). Prince Baldassarre Boncompagni published the 
smaller writings of Leonardo (the two I have quoted plus a letter to Theodorus 
philosopher to the emperor Frederick II, which is included in the Flos) for the 
first time in: Tre scritti inediti di Leonardo Pisano (Firenze 1854; 2d ed., 1856), 
then later a monumental edition of all of Leonardo's writings: Scritti di Leonardo 
Pisano (2 large vols., Roma 1857-1862). The first volume contains the Liber 
abbaci (459 p. without notes) ; the second, the Practica geometriae (224 p ) and the 
opuscoli (p. 227-283), also without any note, introduction, or index. 

General criticism $>. Boncompagni: Delia vita e delle opere di Leonardo Pisano 
(Ann. ace. pontif. de> Nuovi Lmcei, vol. 5, 5-91, 208-246, 1851-1852); Intorno ad 
alcune opere di Leonardo Pisano (417 p., Roma 1854). J. Giesing: Leben und 



[1200-1250] MATHEMATICS AND ASTRONOMY 613 

Schriften Leonardos (Progr., 35 p., Dobeln 1886). M. Lazzarini: Leonardo, le sue 
opere e la sua famiglia (Boll, di bibliogr. e storia delle scienze mat., vol. 6, 98-102, 
1903; vol. 7, 1-7, 1904). G Enestrorn: "Dber zwei angebliche mathematischen 
Schulen im christlichen Mittelalter (Bibhotheca mathematica, vol 7, 252-262, 
1907). Gino Lona has given an excellent summary of Leonardo's life and works in 
Gli scienziati italiam (vol. 1, 4-12, 1921, with bibliography); Leonardo et lemate- 
matiche nel secolo di Dante (Periodico di matem., 4, 131-134, 1924). Ettore 
Bortolotti: Leonardo ed il rmascimento delle scienze matematiche in Occidente 
(Periodico di matematiche, 4, 134-139, 1924). Gino Loria: Storia delle mate- 
matiche (vol. 1, 379-405, Torino 1929; Isis 13, 228). 

Special criticism B. Boncompagni: Glossarium ex libro abbaci (18 p., Roma 
,1855). Francesco Bonaini: Memoria unica sincrona di Leonardo (14 p., Pisa 
1858) . V. A. Le Besgue : Notes sur les opuscules de Leonard (Bull, di bibhografia 
e di stona d. sci. mat., vol. 9, 583-594, 1876). Edouard Lucas: Recherches sur 
plusieurs ouvrages de Leonard et sur di verses questions d'arithm^tique supdrieure 
(ibidem, vol. 10, 129-176, 239-293, 1877). P. Gram: Restitution du calcul de 
Leonard sur liquation x 2 + 2x 2 + lOx = 20 (Bull, de FAcad&nie de Danemark, 
18-28, 1893). Hermann Weissenborn: Die Berechnung des Kreisumfanges bei 
Archimedes und Leonardo (Berliner Studien fur class. Philologie, vol. 14, 32 p., 
Berlin 1894) G. Enestrom: Sur un trait d'alg&bre du moyen &ge en langue 
h^braique (Bibliotheca mathematica, vol. 2, 152, 1901; ttber Summierung der 
Reihe von Kubikzahlen im christlichen Mittelalter (ibidem, vol. 3, 243, 1902; 
Leonardo does not deal with the sum of cubic numbers) ; Woher hat Leonardo seine 
Kenntnisse der Ekmenta des Euklides entnommen? (ibidem, vol. 5, 414, 1905; 
rejecting the hypothesis of a direct knowledge of the Greek text). G. Wertheini: 
Die Numeri congrui und congruentes (Bibliotheca mathematica, vol. 3, 144, 1902). 
Raymond Clare Archibald: Euclid's book on Divisions of figures with a restoration 
based on Woepcke's text and on the Practica geometriae of Leonardo Pisano (96 p , 
Cambridge 1915). R. B McClenon: Leonardo and his Liber quadratorum (Ameri- 
can mathematical monthly, vol. 26, 1-8, 1919; Isis, vol. 3, 456). Leonard Eugene 
Dickson: History of the theory of numbers (vol. 1, Divisibility and primality, 
5, 337, 347, 393, 1919; Isis, 3, 446-448; vol. 2, Diophantine analysis, 59, 77, 105, 
166-167, 226, 402, 419, 460-462, 509, 527, 615, 689, 1920; Isis, 4, 107-108). Quido 
Vetter: Nota alia risoluzione dell 7 equazione cubica di Leonardo Pisano (Atti d. R. 
Accad., 63, 296-299, Torino 1928) ; note concerning the solution of a cubic equation 
in Leonardo's Flos (Casopsis pro Pestovani matematiky a fysiky, vol. 58, 1-3, 
Prague 1928; in Czech; Isis, 13, 159). 

JOKDANTJS NEMOKARIUS 

Jordanus de Nemore, also called Jordanus Saxo (or de Saxonia), Jordanus 
Teutomcus. German mathematician and physicist. Born in the second half of 
the twelfth century, probably in Westphalia; was professed in the Dominican order 
in Paris, 1220, and became its second general in 1222 (1222 to 1237) ; during Clean 
Lent he preached in alternate years in Paris and Bologna; he died at sea on the 
homeward journey from the Holy Land in 1237. 

N. B. The dates quoted by me are based on the assumption that the mathe- 
matician, Jordanus Nemorarius, and the Dominican, Jordanus Saxo, are the same 
person; they refer to the Dominican. This identity is very probable but not 
absolutely certain. It is denied by Duhem who would place the mathematician 
Nemorarius in the twelfth century. 

Jordanus Nemorarius was the founder of the mediaeval (Christian) school of 
mechanics, and was second only to Fibonacci as a mathematician. 



614 INTRODUCTION TO THE HISTOBY OF SCIENCE [1200-1250] 

His mechanical ideas, explained in the Elementa super demonstrationem pon- 
deris, were an original development of those ascribed to Aristotle, the two main 
novelties being: (1) the notion of gravitas secundum situm (component of gravity 
along the trajectory); (2) the axiom of Jordanus (so named by Duhem); i.e., that 
which can lift a certain weight up to a certain height, can also lift a weight k times 
heavier to a height k times smaller. 

Another mechanical treatise, De ratione ponderis (or De ponderositate), contains 
the fundamental notion of statical moment and its application to the study of the 
angular lever and of the inclined plane. However, its authenticity is not certain. 
Duhem ascribes it to a later thirteenth century author, whom ho calls "the 
Forerunner of Leonardo." (Such denomination is to be deprecated, for one should 
not name a person in function of the unknown future). Whether Nemorarius 
composed it himself or not, it is a development of his Elementa, and is obviously a 
product of his school That school discovered the germ of the principle of virtual 
displacements. The whole tradition leading to this principle may thus be sum- 
marized as follows: Aristotle, Nemorarius, Forerunner of Leonardo (or Nemo- 
ranus?), Leonardo da Vinci, Descartes, John Bernoulli (1717). 

Nemorarius wrote two arithmetical treatises, Demonstratio de algorismo and 
Arithmetica decem libris demonstrata. In great contrast with Fibonacci's arith- 
metic, Nemorarius 7 work shows no trace of Muslim influence, but continues the 
tradition of Nicomachos and Boetius In the Arithmetica letters are constantly 
used instead of figures for the sake of generality Nemorarius was not interested 
in reckoning; his purpose was to give a deductive account of arithmetical knowledge. 
His main concern was the theory of numbers. He showed (Arithmetica, VI, 26) 
that x (x + 1) is neither a square nor a cube (x ^ 0, -1) ; that every multiple of a 
perfect or abundant number is abundant, and every divisor of a perfect number is 
deficient (ibidem, VII, 55-56) ; he tried to prove (VII, 57) the erroneous statement 
that all abundant numbers are even. 

His Tractatus de numeris datis (or de Imeis datis), in four books, is a treatise on 
algebra; it contains algebraic rules and a number of problems leading to linear and 
quadratic equations. The "numerus datus 77 is the given number occurring in a 
problem (numerus datus est cuius quantita nota est) 

Finally he composed two geometrical treatises, the Do trianguhs, in four books, 
dealing with the usual problems, the determination of the center of gravity, etc. ; 
and the Planisphaenum, a treatise on mathematical astronomy, which contains the 
first general demonstration of the fundamental property of stereographic pro- 
jection i.e., that circles are projected as circles (Ptolemy had proved it only m 
special cases) . 

Various other works are ascribed to him, notably the De speculis and the Algo- 
rithmus demonstrate. The former is probably, and the latter certainly apocry- 
phal (see my note on Gernardus, below) . 

Under Jordanus 7 leadership, the Dominican Order increased considerably. Four 
new provinces (Denmark, Poland, Greece, and Palestine) were added to the eight 
older ones. Two Dominican chairs were established at the University of Paris 
(1229, 1231). Many distinguished men were attracted into the order; e.g., Hugh of 
Saint Cher, Raymond of Penafort, Albert the Great, Vincent of Beauvais. 

General studies M. Cantor and Stanonik: Allgemome deutsche Biographie 
(vol. 14, 501-504, 1881). Stanonik's article deals with Nemorarius 7 activity as a 



[1200-1250] MATHEMATICS AND ASTRONOMY 615 

Dominican and with his theological and religious writings. The most elaborate 
accounts are those of M. Cantor. Geschichte der Mathcmatik (vol. 2, 2nd ed., 
53-86, 1899) ; and P. Duhem; Ongmes dc la statique (vol 1, 98-155, 1905). Lynn 
Thorndike: Vatican Latin MSS. (Isis, 13, 79, 1929). 

Mechanics For the relation between the Nemorarius writings as preserved in 
the MSS. and the De pondenbus propositions XIII et earumdcm demonstrationes, 
edited by Peter Bicnewitz (Petrus Apianus) in Nurnbcrg, 1533, see Duhem. 

P. Duhem: Ongmes do la statique (vol. 1, 98-155, 1905, Nemorarius and his 
school; 354-355, Nemorarius and R. Bacon; 356-358, axiom of Jordanus; vol. 2, 
318, 1906) Philip E. B. Jourdam: Supplement to the 3rd English ed. of Mach's 
Mechanics (Chicago 1915). 

11 The Forerunner of Leonardo" The liber Jordanis de ratione ponderis was 
edited by N Tartaglia and published after the latter's death: Jordani opusculum 
de pondcrositate Nicolai Tartaleae studio correctum novisque figuris auctum 
(Venice 1565) Tartagha's corrections are negligible 

For the analysis of this text, see Duhem, Origines de la statique (vol. 1, 134-147, 
192, 1905; vol. 2, 318-323, 1906). 

Arithmetic Arithmetica decem libris demonstrata. First edition by Jacques 
Lefevre d'Etaples, Paris 1496. This same volume contains a commentary, a 
treatise on music, and an epitome of Boetius 7 arithmetic, all three by Lef&vre; 
and an account of the game nthmimachia, 3 by Lefevre, or by John Shirwood, 
bishop of Durham (d. 1494). Lefevre's commentary on Nemorarius was very 
popular at the University of Paris. The volume was many times reprinted in 
Pans (1503, 1507, 1510, 1514). The edition of 1514 is practically identical with 
that of 1496. 

G. Enestrom: Uber die Demqnstratio Jordani de algoritmo (Bibliotheca mathe- 
matica, vol 7, 24-37, 1906); "Uber eine dem Nemorarius zugeschriebene kurze 
Algorismusschnf t (ibidem, vol. 8, 135-152, 1908) ; Uber die Arithmetica des Nemo- 
rarius (ibidem, vol. 9, 175, 1908); Das Bruchrechnen des Nemorarius (ibidem, 
vol 14, 41-54, 1914). For the Algonsmus demonstrate, see below, the note 
dealing with Gernardus. 

David E. Smith: Rara arithmetica (1908, 62, 82)* 

Algebra The De numeris datis to which this section is devoted is not purely 
algebraic, but we may call it algebra for the sake of brevity. It was first edited by 
H. Treutlein: Z. fur Math, und Physik (vol. 24, Supp., 127-166, 1879) with 
introduction. Better edition by Max Curtze (ibidem, vol. 36, 1891, hist. Abt.), 

M. Curtze : Kommentar jzu dcm Tractatus de numeris datis (Progr., 20 p., Thorn 
1890) ; further commentary with the edition of the text (1891) . R. Daublensky von 
Sterneck: Zur Vervollstandigung der Ausgaben der Schrift de numeris datis 
(Monatshefte fiir Mathematik, vol. 7, 165-179, 1896). G. Wertheim: Uber die 
Losung einiger Aufgaben in de numeris datis (Bibliotheca mathematica, vol. 1, 
417-420, 1900). 

Geometry The Geometria vel de triangulis libri IV was edited by Max Curtze 
in the Mitt, des Coppernicusvereins (vol 6, 65 p , 5 pi , Thorn 1887). 

P. Duhem: Un ouvrage perdu cit< par Jordanus de Nemore, le Philotechnes 
(Bibliotheca mathematica, vol. 5, 321-325, 1905); A propos du ^tXorex^y 
(Archiv fur Geschichte der Naturwissenschaften, vol. 1, 380-384, 1909) Duhem 
claims that the book of geometry twice quoted in the Elementa Jordani under the 
name of filotegni is the De triangulis. G. Enestrom: Uber den urspriinglichen 
Titel der geometrischen Schrift des Nemorarius (Bibliotheca mathematica, vol. 
13, 83-84, 1912), H. Bosnians: Le Philotechnes (Revue des questions scienti- 
fiques, 12 p., Janvier, 1923). Apropos of a fourteenth century MS. of that work in 
the Library of Bruges, confirming Duhem's hypothesis; Isis, 5, 499; 12, 93). 

3 About which see my vol. 1 (757, 763), 



616 INTRODUCTION TO THE HISTORY OF SCIENCE [1200-1250] 

Astronomy The Planisphaerium was printed together with Ptolemy's Plani- 
sphaerium (Venice 1558). This is probably identical with the Demonstratio 
astrolabii et planisphaerii, mentioned by Joh. Fried. Weidler : Historia astronomiae 
(Wittenberg, 276, 1741), which was published together with Theon of Alexandria's 
commentary on Aratos (Basel 1507, 1536, 1558). 

GERNARDUS 

Magister Gernardus. Unknown author of an arithmetical treatise entitled 
Algorithmus (or algorismus) demonstrate, which was one of the best known works 
of its kind in the Middle Ages. There are many MSS. of it ranging from the 
thirteenth to the sixteenth centuries. These MSS. are anonymous except one 
ascribing the treatise to Magister Gernardus. The name Gernardus has thus no 
more signification to us than the phrase "the author of the Algorismus demonstra- 
tus." The treatise belongs to the thirteenth century but we cannot guarantee that 
it was composed in the first half of it. Our mam reason for placing Gernardus here 
is his affinity with Jordanus Nemorarius. Indeed his Algorismus was ascribed to 
Nemorarius; it was probably derived from the latter 7 s arithmetical writings Its 
popularity is illustrated by the fact that Regiomontanus made himself a copy of it 
(kept in Vienna) ; on account of that copy, the treatise was foolishly ascribed to 
Regiomontanus. 

The Algorismus demonstratus is a Boetian arithmetic of about 20,000 words 
divided into two parts dealing respectively with integers and with fractions (Algo- 
rismus de integris, Algorismus de minutiis) . Letters are used in the demonstrations 
instead of numerals, and there are many references to Euclid. An appendix on 
proportions contains the eighteen combinations of the regula catta. 

Incipit : Digitus est omnis numerus minor decem. Explicit : Haec sunt quae de 
minutiis scienda, ideo colligenda putaui. 

Text First edition by Joh. Schoner (1477-1547), anonymously published under 
the title Algorithmus demonstratus (Nuremberg 1534). This edition was derived 
from a copy made by J. Vogelin c. 1525. Title page in D. E Smith: Rara arith- 
metica (179, 1908). Critical edition, including comparisons with the Demon- 
stratio Jordani and the Opus numerorum of Nemorarius, by Gustaf Enestrom: 
Algorismus de integris (Bibliotheca mathematica, vol. 13, 289-332, 1913) ; Algo- 
rismus de minutiis (ibidem, vol. 14, 99-149, 1914). 

Criticism G. Enestrom: 1st Nemorarius Verfasser der Schrift Algorithmus? 
(Bibliotheca mathematica, vol. 5, 9-14, 1904). P. Duhem: Sur Talgonthmus 
(ibidem, vol. 6, 9-15, 1905; would consider Gernardus a contemporary of Campa- 
nus). L. C. Karpinski: Nemorarius and John of Halifax (American mathematical 
monthly, vol. 17, 108-113, 1910). Suzan Rose Benedict: Comparative study of 
early treatises introducing into Europe the Hindu art of reckoning (Thesis, Uni- 
versity of Michigan, 1914). G. Enestrom: Uber die Geschichte der Stammbruche 
im Mittelalter (Bibliotheca mathematica, vol. 14, 269-270, 1914). 

VILLEDIEU 

Alexandre de Villedieu. Alexander de Villa Dei. French Franciscan; mathe- 
matician and grammarian. Born in Villedieu, Normandy; he was a canon of the 
church of St. Andr6, at Avranches, at the time of his death c. 1240, He wrote 
didactic poems on arithmetic, Carmen de algorismo (284 hexameters), on the 
compotus and on grammar, Doctrinale puerorum. The Carmen and even more the 



[1200-1250] MATHEMATICS AND ASTEONOMY 617 

Doctrinale were immensely popular, as is witnessed by the number of MSS., trans- 
lations, and commentaries. 

The Carmen contributed considerably to the diffusion of Hindu numerals. It 
explains fundamental operations with integers, very much like the Liber algorisrm 
translated by John of Seville (first half of the twelfth century). It is the first 
Latin text wherein the number of operations is definitely given, and also the nrst 
wherein zero is considered one of the numerals that is, it speaks of ten numerals, 
not of nine plus a zero, as is done by earlier writers. It was translated into English, 

French, and Icelandic. ,,,,.,* ^ A ^ 

The Doctrinale was largely based on Donatus (first half of the fourth century.) 
and on Priscianus (first half of the sixth century). It was m the Doctrinale that 
Aldo Manuzio (second half of the fifteenth century) studied the rudiments of 
Hebrew; being dissatisfied with that wretched account, he then prepared his own 
grammar (1501). 

Text The Carmen de algorismo is included in J. 0. Halliwell: Kara arithmetica 
(74 1839) Partial French translation of the thirteenth century edited by 
Charles Henry in Boncompagm's Bullettino (vol. 15, 53-70 1882), and by Victor 
Mortet m Bibliotheca Mathematica (vol. 9, 55-64 1908) For an Icelandic 
edition, see my note on Haukr Erlendsson (first half of the fourteenth century) A 
fragment of an English commentary of the fourteenth century MS was edited by 
David Eugene Smith: An ancient English algorism (Archiv fur Geschichte der 
Naturwissenschaften, vol. 1, 301-309, 1909; dating from c. 1300; Egerton MS. 



de Villa Dei, edited by Robert Steele (Opera 
hactenus inedita Roger! Bacom, fasc. 6, 268-289 Oxford 1926). This text * 
f ollowed by a note on the mediaeval division of time (p. ^~^ 

The Doctrinale puerorum was first printed before 1470. For the almost in- 
numerable incunabula editions, see Gesamtkatalog der Wiegendrucke (vol. 1, 
470-671, 1925). Critical edition with introduction and notes by Dietrich Keich- 
hne, 521 p. (Monumenla Germaniae paedagogica, 12, Berlin 1893). 

Cnfoasm-~Charles Thurot : De Alexandri de Villa Dei Doctrmah ejusque f ortuna 
(Thesis, 68 p , Paris 1850); Notices et extraits de divers MSS. latins pour servir & 
1'histoire des doctrines grammaticales au Moyen Age (Notices et extraits vol. 22 
(2) 592 p 1868) . Suzan Rose Benedict : Comparative study of the early treatises 
introducing into Europe the Hindu art of reckoning (1914). 



SACROBOSCO 



Joannes de Sacro Bosco (Sacro Busto) ; John of Halifax or Holywood (Holyfax, 
Holvwalde). English mathematician and astronomer; born probably at HaMax 
in Yorkshire; he is said to have studied in Oxford, and to have settled in Paris c. 
1230- he spent the remainder of his life in Paris, where he died about the middle 
of the century. He wrote elementary treatises on astronomy, arithmetic, and the 
calendar, which were immensely popular for centuries. 

The astronomy, Tractatus de sphaera, or Sphaera mundi (c. 1233) was slavishly 
derived from" al-F,argham and al-Battanl. It is divided into four chapters: (1) 
terrestrial globe; (2) great and small circles; (3) rising and setting of stars; (4) 
orbits and movements of the planets. Its popularity is proved by the number of 
manuscripts, commentaries, printed editions, and translations. It was translated 
into Hebrew by the Provencal, Solomon Abigdor, in 1399 and there axe a number 
of Hebrew commentaries on it. The first printed (Latin) edition (Ferrara 1472) 



618 INTRODUCTION TO THE HISTORY OF SCIENCE [1200-1250] 

V 

was the second astronomical book to be printed. At least twenty-five editions 
appeared within the fifteenth century, and a great many more continued to be 
published for school use until the middle of the seventeenth century, not only in 
Latin, but also in Italian, French, German, and Spanish. Among the many com- 
mentators may be quoted Michael Scot, Cecco d'Ascoh, Pierre d'Ailly, Regio- 
montanus, Jacques Lefevre, Melanchthon, Clavms. 

The arithmetic, Algonsmus vulgaris (or Tractatus de arte numcrandi), is entirely 
different from Nemorarius' Anthmetica and from the Algorithmus dernonstratus 
(ascribed to Nemorarms). These treatises are theoretical and philosophical; 
Sacrobosco's is a practical account of reckoning. It is very well arranged, each 
operation being dealt with completely in a separate chapter: numeratio, additio, 
subtractio, mediatio, duplatio, multiphcatio, divisio, progressio, preambulum ad 
radicum extractionem, extractio radicum in cubicis The Algorismus was exceed- 
ingly popular and contributed powerfully to the diffusion of the Hindu numerals. 
Sacrobosco did not call these numerals Arabic, but ho spoke twice of the "Arabs" 
as the inventors of algorism. Hence the common belief expressed by the phrase 
"Arabic numerals. " 4 The practical methods explained by him remained unchanged 
until the time of Prosdocimo de' Beldomandi (first half of the fifteenth century). 

Finally, Sacrobosco composed c. 1232 (1235, 1244) a treatise on the calendar, De 
anm ratione or De computo ecclesiastico. This compotus was translated into 
Icelandic before the end of the thirteenth century. 

Text (I) Sphaera: First edition (24 p , 4to, Ferrara 1472). The edition of 1498 
is sometimes dated by error 1468. Houzeau and Lancaster quote a great many 
editions (Bibliographic de r astronomic, vol. 1, part 1, 506-510, 1887). The 
Sphaericum opusculum printed by Ratdolt in Venice, 1485, was the first printed 
book to include diagrams (printed) in colors. Editions for school use appeared in 
Wittenberg as late as 1629, and m Leiden as late as 1656! 

Italian versions by Mauro (Venice 1537, 1550); by A Brucioli (Venice 1543), 
by Dante de Renaldi (Florence 1571, 1579), by Pifferi (Siena 1604). French 
editions (Pans 1546, 1570, 1584). German translation by C. Heinfogel (Nurem- 
berg 1516, 1519; Strassburg 1533). Spanish translations (Seville 1545, Madrid 
1650). 

Abigdor's Hebrew translation was printed together with the astronomy of 
Abraham bar Hiyya (Offenbach 1720). For the editions of Hebrew commentaries, 
see M. Steinschneider: Hebraeische tJbersetzungcn (642-647, 1893). 

(2) Algorismus: The Algorismus was first printed together with the Compotus 
manualis of Anianus, in Strassburg, 1488. Many later editions are enumerated 
by D. E Smith: Rara arithmetica (31-33, 1908). The latest quoted by him are 
those of Wittenberg (1550, 1568) and Antwerp (c. 1558, 1559), The Algorismus 
and the Sphaera were printed together on several occasions. Modern edition 
of the Algorismus by James Orchard Halhwell: Rara anthmetica (London 1839; 
also 1-26, 1841). Better edition by Maximilian Curtze: Petri Philomem de Dacia 
in Algonsmum vulgarem Johanms de Sacrobosco commentarius. Una cum 
algorismo ipso edidit et praefatus est (112 p., Copenhagen 1897). 

(3) Compotus: The Compotus was first published, together with^the Sphaera, 
by Philip Melanchthon (Wittenberg 1545; Melanchthon's preface "dated 1538). 
This was reprinted in 1550. Libellus de anni ratione seu, ut vocatur vulgo, 
Computus ecclesiasticus (Antwerp 1547, Paris 1550, Venice 1564; etc.). 

4 Later still the numerals were sometimes called "Jewish;" for example, in the Fifteenth 
century French algorism edited by E G R Waters (Isis, vol. 12, 195, 211, 1929), Yet the 
"Arabic 53 label has prevailed to this day. 



[1200-1250] MATHEMATICS AND ASTRONOMY 619 

Icelandic version of the Compotus in the Codex Arnemagneanus, no. 1812; see 
N. Beckman and Kr. KSlund: AlfraetSi islenzk (2. Rimtol, 257, 1915). 

Criticism C. L. Kmgsford: Dictionary of national biography (vol. 27, 217, 
1891). On the editions of the Algonsmus, see G. Enestrom: Bibliotheca mathe- 
matica (63, 1894); P. Riccardi (ibidem, 73-78); Max. Curtze (ibidem, 36-37, 
1895). G. Enestrom: Sur les neuf "limites" mentionn^es dans 1'Algorismus 
(ibidem, 97102, 1897); Ann<5e de lamort de Sacrobosco, 1256? (ibidem, 32, 1899); 
Ann6e de la mort de Sacrobosco (Intermediate des math&maticiens, vol. 7, 268; 
answer by P. Tannery, ibidem, vol. 8, 263-65, reprinted in Mmoires, vol. 10, 
393-395). L C. Karpinski. Jordanus Ncmoranus and John of Halifax (American 
mathematical monthly, vol 17, 108-113, 1910). David Eugene Smith and Louis 
Charles Karpinski : The Hindu- Arabic numerals (Boston, 135, 1911). Suzan Rose 
Benedict : Comparative study of early treatises introducing into Europe the Hindu 
art of reckoning (Thesis, University of Michigan, 1914). P. Duhem: Systeme du 
monde (vol. 3, 238-240, 1915) Henri Bosnians Sur Fauleur d'un traitfi d'al- 
gorisme contenu dans le MS D. 372 de la bibliothcique reconstitute de rUniversit/3 
de Louvain (Annales de la Soc. scientif de Bruxelles, 458-462, d6c. 1925; Isis, 8, 
741). Lynn Thorndike: Vatican Latin MSS. (Isis, 13, 88, 1929). 

For Robert Grosseteste, see philosophical chapter; for William of Lunis, the 
chapter on translators from the Arabic into Latin; for John of Garland, the phil- 
ological chapter. 

ANONYMOUS ARITHMETICAL TREATISES 

Hanover Latin algorism 

A treatise, which was one of the MSS. in Leibniz's possession and is now m the 
Library of Hanover. It explains the fundamental operations with integers. It 
contains about 3000 words. 

Incipit: Quis titulus huius artis. Quid in ea doceatur . . . Explicit: ... sic 
tamen ut minor auferri non possit a majore secundum artem minor cyfram pro- 
ponens et negocmm. 

Edited by Karl Immanuel Gerhardt (Programm, Salzwedel 1853). 

Salem Latin algorism 

A treatise which was formerly in the Salem cloister on the Lake of Constance 
(Bodensee) and is now m the University Library of Heidelberg. It contains about 
4000 wor.ds and explains the fundamental operations with integers. The author 
was apparently acquainted with Villedieu's Carmen de algorismo or with Sacro- 
bosco ; s Algorismus vulgaris, but he was primarily a theologian and took pains to 
indicate the mystical signification of the seven operations. 

Incipit : Omnis sapientia sive scientia a Domino Deo . . . Explicit: . . . qui 
nos extrahere et abstrahere dignetur ab hoc saeculo nequam et perducere in vitam 
aeternam, qui vivit et regnat. 

Edited by Montz Cantor: Uber einen Codex des Klosters Salem (Zeitschrift 
fur Mathematik und Physik, vol. 10, 1-16, 1865). 

Oxford French algorism 

One of the earliest algorisms in any vernacular is now preserved in the Bodleian 
Library of Oxford. It does not follow any of the known treatises, but there are 



620 INTRODUCTION TO THE HISTORY OF SCIENCE [1200-1250] 

points of contact with Sacrobosco's Algonsmus and with the Salem algorism above- 
mentioned. It is written in French verse. There are in all 512 (519) lines. It 
contains two rules for the learning of the multiplication table between 5-times-5 
and 10-times-10 which are not found together in any of the early treatises: 
a.b = 10[a - (10 - b)] + (10 - a) (10 - b) 

d 2 = 10[d - (10 - d)] + (10 - d) 2 

Incipit: Li dui clerc qui ont translate . . . Explicit: Se a droit ta raiz as 
traite. 

E. G. R. Waters: A thirteenth century algorism (Isis, 11, 45-84, 1928). Diplo- 
matic edition with English version, notes, glossary, and facsimiles of two pages. 

For Michael Scot and John of London, see philosophical chapter above. 

WILLIAM THE ENGLISHMAN 

English physician and astronomer who flourished in Marseilles c. 1231. He is 
often called Marsiliensis or Massiliensis, without a Christian name, or simply with 
the abbreviation W. or Willel. He wrote a book on medical astrology, Astrologia 
de urina non visa, and an abridgment of the Almagest, also called Astrologia, 
wherein he laid special stress on the principles underlying the construction of 
astronomical tables. With regard to the size of the solar system, he was the first 
Latin writer to give an account of the Greek ideas which al-Farghani (first half 
of the ninth century) had transmitted to Muslim astronomers. His main writings 
were devoted to the explanation of the work of al-Zarqali (second half of the 
eleventh century), Compositio tabulae quae saphea dicitur sive astrolabium 
Arzachelis, Tabula de stellis fixis secundum Azarchelem (completed m 1231 after 
six years work), Scripta super Canones Arzachelis. He thus continued the task 
begun by another Marseillais, Raymond of Marseilles in 1140. We may say that 
it is through Marseilles, and later through Montpelher, that the Toledan Tables 
became known in Christian Europe. 

As an interpreter of al-ZarqSll he was necessarily acquainted with the false notion 
of the trepidation of the equinoxes. He also referred to the new theories of al- 
Bitruji (second half of the twelfth century). 

Text Opus astrolabii, partly published in Louis Am61ie S6dillot : M6moire sur 
les instruments astronomiques des Arabes (p. 185-190, 1841). The rest was edited 
by P, Tannery: Le trait6 de r astrolabe universel ou Saphea d'Arzachel par 
Guillaume P Anglais (Notices et extraits, vol. 35 (2), 1897; M<moires, vol. 5, 
190-197, 1922). 

Criticism P. Duhem: Syst&ne dumonde (vol. 3, 287-291, 1915). P. Tannery: 
M&noires (vol. 5, by index, 1922). R. T. Gunther: Early science in Oxford 
(vol. 2, 200, 1923; apropos of saphaea). 

The Englishman William, who translated "The very great secret of Catenus, 
King of the Persians, concerning the virtue of the eagle ;> from Arabic into Latin, 
seems to be another person. M. Steinschneider : Europaische Ubersetzungen 
(80, 1904). Lynn Thorndike: History of magic (vol. 2, 93, 487, 1923, quoting 
other Williams, who may be identical or not) . 

LONDON TABLES 

These tables were compiled c. 1232 by an unknown astronomer, for the position 
of London which was given as 57 West of Arim and 51 North. They continued 



[1200-1250] MATHEMATICS AND ASTRONOMY 621 

the tradition represented by the Marseilles Tables compiled c. 1140 by Raymond of 
Marseilles. They extend from 1232 (hence the dating) to 1540, the years being 
arranged in eleven groups (anni collecti) of twenty-eight. 

There is an introduction dealing with such subjects as the four elements, motion 
of heavy and light bodies, the ether or quintessence, the nine spheres, the fixed 
stars, planetary motion. 

Text Latin MS. 7272, Biblioth&que nationale, Paris. 

Criticism P. Duhem: Syst&rne du monde (vol. 3, 231-238, 1915). 

The astrological treatises written by Saho of Padua, Leopold of Austria, and 
Henrik Harpestraeng are dealt with in other parts of this volume. For John of 
Vicenza, see the religious chapter, above. 

II. WESTERN MUSLIM 
AL-BUNI 

See philosophical chapter above. 

AL-HASAN AL-MARRAKTJSHl 

Abu 'All al-Hasan ibn 'All ibn 'Umar al-Marrakushl. Also called Abu-1-Hasan 
'All. Moroccan astronomer, mathematician, and geographer, who flourished in 
Morocco until c. 1262. He wrote various astronomical treatises: Talkhi$ al-a'jnal 
fl ru'yat al-hilal (on the occupations at the apparition of the new moon), Alat 
al-taqwlm (on the calendar), on the influence of planetary conjunctions and 
eclipses. The first two are apparently lost; the authorship of the third is probable 
but not certain. The first treatise was probably theological at least in part; 
the third, astrological His main work is his Jami' al-mabadl wa-1-ghayat (The 
uniter of the beginnings and ends; i.e., principles and results), probably completed 
in 1229-1230. This is a very good compilation of practical knowledge on as- 
tronomical instruments and methods, trigonometry, and gnomonics. He was well 
acquainted with the mathematical and astronomical works of al-Khwarizml, 
al-Fargham, al-Batt&ni, Abu-1-Wafa', al-Biruni, Ibn Sma, al-Zarqall, and Jabir 
ibn Aflali. For example, al-IJasan shared al-Zarqali's belief that the obliquity of 
the ecliptic oscillates between 23 33' and 23 53', a belief which tallied with the 
notion of the trepidation of the equinoxes. 

He mentioned not only the sine and versed sine (sahrn, arrow), but also what he 
called complementary sine (jaib tamam), sin (90 a) = cos a, and exceeding sine 
(jaib fadl), sin (a 90) = cos a. He gave a table of sines for each half degree, 
also tables of versed sines and arc sines (this last one he called the table of al- 
Khwarizml). To facilitate the use of gnomons he added a table of arc cotangents. 
The second part of the Jarni* was devoted to the explanation of graphical methods 
of solving astronomical problems, These methods were essentially derived from 
Ptolemy's analemma, but the construction of planispheres, astrolabes, quadrants, 
and the needs of gnomonics had considerably increased their importance. Thus 
in al-Hasan's work they are very developed. It is probable that little of that was 
due to his own invention, but his work was the most elaborate treatise on trig- 
onometry, gnomonics, and related questions in the Muslim West. The part dealing 
with gnomonics contained studies of dials traced on horizontal, cylindrical, conical, 
and other surfaces, for every latitude. We find in. it the notion of equal or equi- 



622 INTRODUCTION TO THE HISTORY OF SCIENCE [1200-1250] 

noctial hours, but this notion was not generally accepted, and temporary hours 
continued to be used for a considerable time. 

The Jarm' also includes a catalogue of 240 stars for the year 622 (1225-1226), 
and the latitudes and longitudes of 135 places, the observations having been made 
by himself m thirty-four of them. Value of the precession of the equinoxes 54" 
per year. 

Text The Jami' was translated into French by J. J. Sdillot and published by 
his son, L. A. S6dillot : Trait des instruments astronomiques des Arabes compost 
par Aboul-Hassan Ali de Maroc (2 vols , 700 p., Paris 1834-1835; supplement, 
1844). An unpublished chapter was edited by Carra de Vaux: L 7 astrolabe Im^aire 
ou b&ton d'Et-Tousi (Journal asiatique (9), vol. 5, 464-516, 1895). Sec my note 
on al-Muzaffar al-Tusi, below. 

Criticism J. B. J. Delambre: Histoire de F astronomic du inoyen age (185-190, 
515-545, Paris 1819; full discussion of the gnomomcs) L A S^dillpt: M&noire 
sur les instruments astronomiques des Arabes (Pans 1841). J. T. Reinaud: 
Gographie d'Aboulfeda (vol. 1, introduction, 136-138, 1848) H Suter. Die 
Matheinatiker und Astronomen der Araber (144-145, 1900). A. von Braunmuhl: 
Geschichte der Trigonometrie (vol 1, 83-86, 1900) Hugo Seemann and Th 
Mittelberger : Das kugelf oraiige Astrolab nach den Mitteilungen von Alf ons X von 
Kastilien (44-46, Erlangen 1925; Isis, 8, 743). H. P. J. Renaud: Apergu sur la 
geographie scientifique des Arabes (Bulletin de FEnseignemcnt public du Maroc, 
14 p., Paris 1927; Isis 15, 212). Peter Schmalzl: Zur Geschichte des Quadranten 
bei den Arabern (115-126, Munchen 1929, Isis 15, 462). 

IBN BADE 

Abu 'Abdallah Muhammad ibn 'Umar ibn Muhammad, called Ibn Badr. (In 
Spanish, AbenbSder). Flourished in Seville at an unknown time, probably in the 
thirteenth century. Hispano-Muslim mathematician. He composed a com- 
pendium (ikhtisar) of algebra, including a theoretical part and a collection of prob- 
lems or numerical examples. The subjects touched upon include quadratic equa- 
tions, surds, multiplication of polynomials, arithmetical theory of proportion, linear 
Diophantine equations, etc. One Abu Kamil is quoted, who may be the Egyptian 
mathematician Shuja* ibn Aslam A commentary on Ibn Badr's Ikhtisar was 
written in verse by one Muhammad ibn al-Qasim al-Gharnati in 1311-1312. 

Text Compendio de Algebra de Abenb^der. Texto drabe, traducci6n y cstudio 
por Jos6 A. Sanchez P<rez (241 p., Madrid 1916; Isis, 4, 509). 

Cnticism H. Suter: Die Mathematiker und Astronomen der Araber (197, 
1900; only 4 lines). 

III. EASTERN MUSLIM 

AL-MU?AFFAR 



al-Muzaffar ibn Muhammad ibn al-Muzaffar Sharaf al-dln al-Tusi. Muslim 
mathematician and astronomer, of Tus in Khurasan; died c. 1213. He is quoted 
as teacher of Musa ibn Yunus Kamal al-din, which would imply that he flourished 
in Baghdad or Mu$ul. 

He wrote (1) a treatise on the astrolabe (al-musattah) ; (2) a paper discussing the 
sub-division of a square into four parts under certain conditions; (3) a treatise on 
algebra. No. 2 was composed in 1209-1210, for the prince Shams al-dm, in Ham- 



[1200-1250] MATHEMATICS AND ASTRONOMY 623 

adan No 3 is known only through a commentary (talkhis) by an unknown 
author. 

al-Muzaffar al Tils I was the inventor of the linear astrolabe (al-asturlab al- 
khattay) called Tiisfs staff As the plane astrolabe is essentially the projection of 
a sphere upon a plane, the linear one represents the projection of that plane upon a 
straight line. Strings were attached to it to measure angles. Tusfs staff should 
not be confused with the so-called Jacob's staff or cross-staff. It should be noted 
also that Tusi's staff was named after al-Muzaffar and not after Nasir al-din 
al-Tusi (as Sedillot believed) 

Ibn Khallikan (vol. 3, 470, 1858) Louis Sedillot . Matriaux pour servir & 
F4tude comparee (vol. 1, 1845). H Suter: Zur Geschichte des Jakobsstabes 
(Bibliotheca mathematica, 13-18, 1895; ibidem, 13-15, 1896); Die Mathematiker 
und Astronomen der Araber (134, 1900). Carra de Vaux: L' astrolabe lin^aire ou 
b&ton d'Et-Tousi (Journal asiatique, vol. 5, 464-516, 1895). Containing a text 
by al-Hasan al-Marrakushl describing the instrument; with French translation. 

KAMAL AL-DIN IBN YUNUS 

See philosophical chapter above. 

QAISAR IBN ABI-L-QASIM 

Qaisar ibn AbIl-Qasim ibn 'Abd-al-Gham ibn Musafir, 'Alam al-din, al-Hanafl 
(Qaisar is the Latin Caesar, probably derived through the Greek Kctiaap) . Egyptian 
mathematician, astronomer, and engineer. Born at A^fun in Upper Egypt in 
1178-1179 (or 1168-1169); died at Damascus m 1251. He studied in Egypt and 
Syria, and finally in Musul, under Kamal al-din Ibn Yunus, who taught him music 
and other sciences. He then returned to Syria and entered the service of al- 
Muxaffar II Taq! al-din Mahmud (ruler of Hamah from 1229 to 1244). He 
constructed for the latter water-mills (na'ura) on the Orontes, and fortifications. 

In 1225-1226 he made a celestial globe. That globe was kept until 1809 in the 
cabinet of cardinal Borgia at Vclletn; it is now in the Museo Nazionale of Naples. 
It is composed of two brass hemispheres, upon four supporting feet, with horizon 
and meridian circles, and bears a Kufic inscription quoting the author's name and 
the date 622. It is the earliest but one of the Arabic celestial globes extant. 

He wrote a treatise on Euclid's postulates and dedicated it to Nagir al-din 
al-Tusi, 

With regard to the water-mills or water-wheels, such contrivances were very 
ancient; they go back to Hellenistic times (see the Pneumatics of Philon of Byzan- 
tium). Of course improvements of many kinds were gradually invented. We 
don't know whether Qaisar introduced original improvements; e.g., whether he 
was the real inventor of the type of water-wheels which can still be seen on the 
Orontes and are one of the glories of Hamah It has been claimed that water-wheels 
were brought back to Europe by the Crusaders. Some water-wheels must have 
existed in Europe before this time (cf. e.g., Gregory of Tours), but it is probable 
that the Crusaders saw more of them and better ones in the East and brought back 
home that improved type or at least a clearer conception of their usefulness. 
Moreover the enormous economic expansion which took place in Western Europe 
in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries must have brought into being a great number 
of water-wheels, whether of the Western or of the Eastern type. (Water-wheels 



624 INTRODUCTION TO THE HISTOBY OF SCIENCE [1200-1250] 

of an oriental type may still be seen in Franconia near Bayreuth), 5 For the early 
history of water-wheels, see F. M. Feldhaus: Die Technik (1300-1301, 1914, 
unterschlagiges Wasserrad). Water-wheels were apparently known in China, for 
we hear of their introduction from China into Tibet in the first half of the seventh 
century (vol. 1, 467). 

Ibn Khallikan (de Slane, vol. 3, 471-473, 1868). Giuseppe Simone Assemani: 
Globus coelestis cufico-arabicus Veliterni Musei Borgiani (Patavii 1790). L. 
Ideler: Untersuchungen liber den Ursprung der Sternnamen (Berlin 1809). H. 
Suter: Mathematiker (143, 1900; 175, 1902). Edward Luther Stephenson; 
Terrestrial and celestial globes (vol. 1, 29, New Haven 1921; Isis, 4, 549). See 
my note on Early Arabic celestial globes, below. 

IBN AL-LUBUDI 

Abu Zakariya Yabya (or Ahmad) ibn Muhammad ibn 'Abdan, al-Sahib Najm 
al-dm Ibn al-Lubudl Syrian physician, mathematician, astronomer, and phi- 
losopher. BorninHalab, 1210-1211; died after 1267. Educated in Damascus, 
where he studied medicine under 'Abd al-rahim ibn 'All Muhadhdhab al-dm (Ibn) 
al-Dakhwar (born in Damascus, 1169-1170; died 1230; teacher of Ibn abi Ugaibi'a). 
He entered the service of al-Manur Ibrahim (ruler of Him$, 1239-1245) and 
became his wazlr (hence the title ahib). After al-Manur's death, he entered the 
service of al-Sahh Najm al-dm Ayytib (ruler of Egypt, 1240-1249), who appointed 
him government inspector in Alexandria. Later he returned to Syria, where he 
occupied a similar post. 

He wrote a number of medical works: treatises on rheumatism, on Hippocrates' 
aphorisms, on the questions of Hunain ibn Ishaq. Only two have been preserved, 
both dedicated to al-Mansur, thus anterior to 1245: (1) collection of discussions 
relative to fifty physiological and medical questions (these discussions are merely 
theoretical, not experimental) ; (2) commentary on the generalities (Kulliyat) of 
IbnSma'sQanun. 

His mathematical writings include 4 an extract from Euclid; explanation of 
Euclid's postulate; an arithmetical textbook; a treatise dealing with the essential 
points of Euclid and of the middle books 6 ; a treatise on algebra; an essay on magic 
squares dedicated to al-Man?ur; on the art of (astrological) judgments. He also 
compiled tables: (1) al-zahir (the brilliant), extracted from the tables of the Shah 
by Habash al-Hasib (first half of the ninth century) ; (2) al-muqarrab (the approxi- 
mate), based on observations 

Ibn abi Usaibi'a (A. Muller's edition, vol. 2, 185, 1884). F. Wustenfeld: 
Arabische Aerzte (120, 1840). L. Leclerc: M4decine arabe (vol. 2, 160-161, 1876). 
H. Suter: Mathematiker (146, 1900). 

IV. SYEIAC 
For Solomon of al-Ba?ra and Jacob bar Shakko, see philosophical chapter, above. 

5 According to M. Sobernheim: Encyclopaedia of Islam (vol. 2, 240, 1915). 
" 6 For the middle books, see my note on Nasir al-dln al-Tusi (second half of the thirteenth 
century). 



[1200-1250] MATHEMATICS AND ASTBONOMY 625 

V WESTERN JEWISH 

AARON BEN MESHULLAM 

Aaron ben Meshullam ben Jacob of Lunel (not a Kohen) Died m 1210. One 
of the younger sons of the Meshullam praised by Benjamin of Tudela; disciple of 
Abraham ben David of Posqui^res. Ardent Maimomdean. In 1206 he wrote in 
Hebrew a treatise devoted to a comparison of the Christian and Jewish calendars; 
it was partly derived from non-Jewish sources. 

E, Renan; Eabbms franais (448, 511, 518, 733, 1877). Michael Friedlander: 
Jewish Encyclopaedia (vol. 1, 18, 1901). J Freimann: Encyclopaedia judaica 
(vol. 1,67,1928). 

For Judah ha-Hasid and Judah ben Solomon ha-Kohen, see the philosophical 
chapter above; for Jacob Anatoli, see translators from Arabic into Hebrew. 

VI HINDU 
CA&GADEVA 

Hindu mathematician. Grandson of Bhaskara (first half of the twelfth century) 
In 1205-1206, he founded a school for the study of the Siddhanta&romanL It is 
probable that his interest was astrological rather than mathematical. At any rate 
this was apparently the last mathematical effort of mediaeval India. 

M. Winternitz: Geschichte der indischen Litteratur (vol. 3, 564, 1922). A. 
Berriedale Keith: History of Sanskrit literature (Oxford, 524, 1928). 

VII. CHINESE 
For Yeh-lii Ch'u-ts'ai's calendar, see the chapter on education, above. 

TS'AI 



Ts'ai 4 Ch'6n 2 (11519, 649). Born in Chien 4 -yang 2 (1592, 12883), Fuhkien, 1167; 
died in 1230. Styled Chiu'-ftag 1 (2263, 3564), In 1437 his tablet was placed in 
the Confucian temple. Chinese philosopher, historian, mathematician. Disciple 
of Chu Hsi His commentary on the Book of History (Shu Ching; see vol. 1, p. 67) 
is a standard textbook in China. It contains a description of a decimal number 
system (the Chinese decimal system goes back at least to the time of Sun Tzii, see 
vol. 1, 321; for the introduction of the zero into China, see my note on Ch'in 
Chiu-shao, below). Another work of his, the Hung 2 fan 4 huang 2 chi 2 * nei^'ien 1 
(5252, 3429, 5106, 859, 8177, 9220), based on the so-called Writing of Lo, deals 
with number mysticism. 

Text The Library of Congress has two editions of T'sai Ch'dn's commentary 
on the Shu Ching under the title, Shu 1 Chmg 2 chi 2 * ch'uan* (10024, 2122, 906, 
2740), each in five vols. and 6 chtian. 

CntiasmA. Wylie: Notes on Chinese Literature (3, 85, 1902). EL A. Giles: 
Chinese biographical dictionary (747, 1898)* D. E. Smith and Y. Mikami: His- 
tory of Japanese mathematics (20, 1914), 



626 INTRODUCTION TO THE HISTOBY OF SCIENCE [1200-1250] 

CH'IN CHIU-SHAO 

Ch'in 2 Chiu 3 -shao 2 (2093, 2263, 9778). Flourished at Chien^k'ang 1 (1592, 5908) 
Fu in 1244; during the Pao 3 Yu 4 (8720, 13438) era 1253 to 1258 he was in the 
service of the Sung government on the banks of the Yangtze kiang. He later be- 
came governor of Ch'iung^chou 1 (2376, 2444), and then of Mei^chou 1 (7705, 2444), 
where he died. Chinese mathematician. One of the greatest mathematicians of 
his race, of his time, and indeed of all times He wrote in 1247 his main work 
called "the Nine Sections of Mathematics'' Shu^-shu 1 chiu'-chang 1 (10075, 10024, 
2263, 390), or Shu 4 -hsueh 2 * (4839) chiu-chang. It was so called because it was 
divided into nine sections (resolution of indeterminate problems; chronological 
calculations ; land mensuration; trigonometry; state service; imposts, fortifications; 
military arithmetic; barter), and not to imitate the Chiu-chang suan-shu (for which 
see my note on Chang Tsang, first half of the second century B.C.) . Both works, 
it is true, are divided into nine sections, but those sections do not correspond. It is 
probable that the words Chiu-chang were not part of the original title of Ch'in's 
work. He wrote also a less important work called General rules on arithmetic 
Shu 4 shu 4 * ta 4 liieh 4 * (10075, 10053, 10470, 7564). The Nine Sections contain eighty- 
one problems involving indeterminate analysis and higher equations. These 
problems, some of which are very difficult, are distributed according to their species 
(not according to the methods of solving them) into eighteen books or chapters. 

The method consists essentially in the application of the use of computing rods to 
algebra. It is called fien 1 yuan 2 shu 1 (11208, 13744, 10024), meaning the method 
of the celestial element (in Japanese tengenjutsu) , or li 4 * t'ien 1 yuan 2 1 1 * (6954, 1 1208, 
13744, 5342), meaning the setting up of the celestial monad (i.e., the unknown 
quantity). See my note on I-hsing, first half of the eighth century. Red and 
black rods are used respectively to represent positive and negative quantities (or, 
in writing, red and black ink). See my note on Liu Hui (second half of third 
century). The unknown quantity is represented by a unit or monad, the zero by a 
little circle, like ours. This Chinese zero may have come directly from India with 
Buddhism (see vol. 1, 444, 450, 513) or it may have been imported later by Muslims. 
Numbers are written m accordance with the principle of local value; this being a 
natural consequence of the use of the suan 4 -p'an 2 (10378, 8620), or counting board, 
which can be traced back to the time of Hsiin Yiieh (second half of the second ceix- 
tury) and is probably much older still. Numerical expressions are all written 
horizontally. Ch'in arranged his equations in such manner that the absolute term 
would be negative; this is equivalent to Thomas Harriot's practice (1631) 7 of 
writing them so that the absolute term would stand alone in one member. Ch'in 
invented a method of solving numerical equations of any degree and applied it, 
e.g., to an equation of the tenth degree. This method is called ling 2 lung 2 k'ai 1 
fang 1 (7205, 7491, 5794, 3435), which might be translated, the harmoniously 
alternating evolution. It is substantially identical to the Ruffini-Horner pro- 
cedure (discovered by Paolo Ruffini c. 1805, and by William George Horner in 
1819). Chain's method of indeterminate analysis, ta*-yen 3 shu 4 * (10470, 13113, 
10053), was similar to the Hindu method called kuttaka (pulverizer or multiplier). 8 

7 Thomas Harriot died in 1621, but his Artis analyticae praxis appeared only in 1631 ,(Isis, 
11, 316). 

8 This word is translated "pulverizer" by Colebrooke, but according to a letter kindly 
addressed to me by my Harvard colleague, Walter Eugeae Clark (July 1, 1929), the translation 

multiplier" is more accurate 



[1200-1250] MATHEMATICS AND ASTRONOMY 627 

Text The Library of Congress has the Shu-shu chiu-chang in vols 43-48 of the 
P chia 4 fang 2 ts'ung 1 shu 1 (5353, 1143, 10760, 12039, 10024). This edition was 
printed in 1842. 

By way of addition to my note on Chang Ts'ang (in vol. 1, 183), I may mention 
that the Library of Congress has the Chiu chang suan shu in the following three 
editions: Ssu 4 pu 4 ts'ung 1 k'an 1 (10291, 9484, 12039, 5861) vols. 390-392; Wu 3 
ying 1 tien 4 chu 1 chen 1 pan 3 ts'ung 1 shu 1 (12744, 13308, 11202, 3060, 599, 8588, 
12039, 10024) vols. 246-249; Suan 4 chmg 1 shih 2 * shu 1 (10378, 2122, 9959, 10024), 
vols. 2-4. 

A critical study of Ch'm Chiu-shao's text was published in 1842 by Sung 4 Ching 3 
-ch'ang 1 (10462, 2143, 427), entitled Shu^shu 1 chiu-chang 1 cha 2 * chi 4 (10075, 10024, 
2263, 390, 127, 923). The Library of Congress has a copy of this work in the I 2 
chia 4 fang 2 ts'ung 1 shu 1 (5353, 1143, 10760, 12039, 10024), vols. 49-50, 1842. 

Criticism A. Wylie: Chinese literature (116, 1902). Yoshio Mikami: De- 
velopment of mathematics in China and Japan (63-78, 1912). David Eugene 
Smith and Y. Mikami: Japanese mathematics (chapter 4, 1914). L. Van H6e: 
La notation alg^brique en Chine (Revue des questions scientifiques, Oct., 1913); 
Le z4ro en Chine (Toung Pao, vol. 15, 182-184, 1914). L. Gauchet: Note sur la 
generalisation de P extraction de la raeine carr6e chez les anciens auteurs chinois 
(T'oung Pao, vol. 15, 531-550, 1914). This paper deals mainly with problems of 
the Chiu-chang 1 suan 4 ~shu 4 * (2263, 390, 10378, 10053) by Chang 1 Ts'ang 1 (416, 
11596), for which see vol. 1, 183, but it is valuable for a better understanding of the 
t'ien yuan shu. L. Wieger: La Chine (449, 489, 502, 1920). 

LI YEH 



Li 3 Yeh 3 (6884, 12990) or Li 3 Chih 4 (6884, 1845). Li was his family name; 
Yeh, a personal name. "Style" name, J&tf-ch'ing 1 (5627, 2198) ; "nom de plume/' 
Ching^chai 1 (2144, 234). Chinese mathematician; one of the greatest of his 
time and of his race. Born at Luan^ch'&ig* (7458, 763), under Chin rule; 9 c. 1178, 
governor of Chim^chou 1 (3294, 2444) until 1232; some time after the overthrow 
of the Chin monarchy by Kublai Khan in 1260, he was sent for by the latter, but 
does not appear to have been in his service. He became a member of the HanMin 2 
(3828, 7157) Academy in 1265, however, but died soon after at the age of eighty- 
seven. 

He wrote his main work in 1248; it is called the Sea-mirror of the circle measure- 
ments, Ts' 4 *~yuan 2 hai 3 -ching 4 (11698, 13734, 3767, 2170). In 1259 he wrote 
another work called Exercises and applications improving the ancient methods, 
I 2 *~ku 3 yen 8 -tuan 4 (5485, 6188, 13130, 12140), containing sixty-four problems*on 
quadrilaterals and circles, with their solutions. Both works are largely algebraical. 

However, Ch'in's interest was arithmetical rather than algebraical. His main 
purpose was to obtain the numerical roots of equations. Li Yeh, on the other hand, 
was more interested in the equations themselves, their form and construction. He 
was essentially an algebraist. 

The Sea-mirror does not deal with the quadrature of the circle, but with what 
might be called trigonometrical measurements. It is divided into twelve books or 
chapters and contains 170 problems. 

Li used the method of celestial element, t'ien 1 yuan 2 (11208, 13744), but in a 
manner different from Ch'hVs. As Ch/in and Li lived far apart from one another 

9 The Chins or Kins, who ruled over a great part of N. China from 1115 to 1260, were a 
Tartar tribe (the Nii-Che'n Tartars), sometimes called "the Golden Horde." They were 
inveterate enemies of the contemporary Chinese dynasty of the Southern Sung (1127 to 1280). 



628 INTKODTJCTIOlsT TO THE HISTORY OF SCIENCE [1200-1250] 

and under hostile governments, and could not possibly have influenced one another, 
their use of the fien-yuan and of the same symbol for zero suggests a common 
origin The zero may have been introduced into China many centuries before; the 
t'ien yuan also may be a vestige of an old tradition Instead of using red and black 
colors to designate positive and negative quantities, as Ch'm did, Li differentiated 
the latter by drawing diagonal strokes across them. Ch'in's method was clear 
but inconvenient in the case of writing and even more of printing. Li Yeh's 
method was generally adopted in China and Japan. 

Text The Sea-mirror was repubhshed by Wang 2 T 2 *-yuan 2 (12493, 10845, 
13713) in 1287. The Library of Congress has a copy of it in vols. 153-156 of the 
Chih 1 pu 1 * tsu 2 * chai 1 ts'ung 1 shu 1 (1783, 9456, 11840, 234, 12039, 10024); and in 
the Bibliotheca mathematica sinensis, Pai 2 fu 2 fang 2 suan 4 hsueh 2 * ts'ung 1 shu 1 
(8556, 3617, 10760, 10378, 4338, 12039, 10024), vols. 21-24, 1875. 

The I-ku yen-tuan was edited in 1797 by Li 3 Jui 4 (6884, 5727), who died in 1818. 
A new edition of it, prepared by Ting 1 Ch'u^chung 1 (11253, 3118, 2877) was in- 
cluded in the Pai 2 -fu 2 fang 2 suan 4 hsueh 2 * ts'ung 1 shu 1 . We owe an abbreviated 
translation into French together with the corresponding text, to Father L. Vanhe"e: 
Li-Y< (T'oung Pao, vol. 14, 537-568, 1913). 

The Library of Congress has the I ku yen-tuan in vols. 162-163 of the Chih 1 
pu 1 * tsu 2 * chai 1 ts'ung 1 shu 1 ; and in vols. 25-26 of the Pai 2 fu 2 t'ang 2 suan 4 hsueh 2 * 
ts'ung* shu 1 . It also has a copy of the Pai-fu, in thirty-six volumes. 

Criticism A. Wylie: Notes on Chinese literature (116, Shanghai 1902). Yoshio 
Mikami: Development of mathematics in China (79-84, 1913). 

The standard Chinese Biographical Dictionary, Chung 1 kuo 2 * jen 2 ming 2 ta 4 
tz'ii 2 tien 3 (2875, 6609, 5624, 7940, 10470, 12402, 11177) (Shanghai 1921; Isis, 
5, 446-447) adduces considerable evidence to prove that this mathematician's 
name was in reality Li 3 Chih 4 (6884, 1845) and not Li 3 Yeh 3 (12990) The stone 
tablet which lists this man's name as a Han-hn graduate of the Chin period makes it 
read Li Chih. 



CHAPTER XXXIV 
PHYSICS AND MUSIC 

(First Half of Thirteenth Century) 
I MECHANICAL REBIRTH IN THE WEST 

For Jordanus Nemorarius and the " Forerunner of Leonardo/' see the mathe- 
matical chapter; for Michael Scot, see the philosophical chapter 

GERARD OF BRUSSELS 

Unknown Flemish mechanician who flourished probably in the thirteenth century. 
He wrote a treatise De motu wherein he tried to solve the difficulties which were to 
be removed later by the introduction of the notion of angular rotation It begins 
in the Euclidean style with eight propositions, of which the first is "Quae magis 
removentur a centro magis mo vent ur et quae minus, minus " The eighth defines 
the speed of a radius (or of a part of it) as the speed of the middle point. In 1328 
Bradwardine referred to this treatise under the title De proportionalitate motuum 
et magmtudmum. 

This Gerard was probably a Fleming, because he is called in the MSS. Gerardus 
de Brussel (not Bruxella or Bruxelhs). He may be identical with one Ricardus de 
Usellis (Uccle? near Brussels) or de Vercellys. One cannot help thinking also of 
the mysterious mathematician, Magister Gernardus, dealt with above. 

P. Duhem: Etudes sur Leonard de Vinci (vol. 3, 292-294, 1913). G. Enestrom: 
Sur Fauteur d'un traite* De motu auquel Bradwardm a fait allusion en 1328 (Ar- 
chivio di storia della scienza, vol. 2, 133-136, 1921) 

II. METEOROLOGY AND OPTICS 

For the translations of the Meteorologica, see the note on the Aristotelian 
tradition in the section on translations from the Greek. For Alfred of Sareshel's 
commentary on it, see the translators from Arabic into Latin. 

For Hobert Grosseteste, see the philosophical chapter. 

III. COMPASS 

FURTHER HISTORY OF THE COMPASS 

The early history of the compass is extremely obscure, which is not surprising 
if one considers that the first pilots who had the wit to make use of a magnetic 
needle to direct their course had no reason to publish their discovery, and on the 
contrary had every inducement to keep and transmit it as a trade secret. In my 
earlier discussion of the subject (vol. 1, 764) I concluded that while the Chinese 
were probably the first to discover the directive property of the magnetic needle, 
they failed to apply it to any rational purpose. The first practical use of the mag- 
netic needle was credited by the Chinese themselves to foreigners, who were in all 

629 



630 INTRODUCTION TO THE HISTORY OF SCIENCE [1200-1250] 

probability Muslims. Indeed maritime trade between the Far East on the one 
hand, and India, Persia, Arabia, and Africa on the other was a Muslim monopoly. 

This great discovery was made probably toward the end of the eleventh century 
if not before. Considering its origin, it is curious that the earliest references 
to it outside of China, are found not in Arabic or Persian writings, but in French and 
Latin ones. Indeed we read them in the works of the Englishman, Alexander 
Neckam (d 1217), who does not speak of the compass as of a novelty, and of the 
Frenchmen, Gmot of Provins (c. 1205) and James of Vitry (c. 1219). The last 
named describes it as having come from India. The encyclopaedia of Thomas of 
Cantimpr6 contains an account of a compass of the floating type. 

The earliest Muslim references are somewhat later, as follows: 

(1) In the Jawami' al-hikayat, a collection of anecdotes compiled in Persian, 
c. 1228-1235, by Muhammad aPAwfl. APAwf! speaks of a sailor finding his 
way by means of a fish rubbed with a magnet. 

(2) In the Kanz al-tijar, a lapidary written by Bailak al-Qaba/jaql in 1282-1283, 
the author describes the use of a floating compass witnessed by himself in 1242-1243. 

(3) In Al-Bayan al-maghrib, a history of Muslim Spain and Africa, composed 
by Ibn al-ldhari toward the end of the thirteenth century, a passage relative to the 
year 853-854 mentions a qaramit, or lodestone (calamita) ; it is not sure that a 
compass is meant. 

It has been suggested that knowledge of that Muslim invention reached northern 
Europe along the Russian trade routes more quickly than through southern Europe. 
There is nothing to substantiate that theory. The navigations of the Norsemen 
were more dangerous, but not impossible, without a compass. However essential 
such an instrument may seem to us to cross the oceans, as long as it was not avail- 
able people did without it. Even so, large deserts were crossed for centuries and 
are crossed to this day without other means of direction than the friendly stars. 

It would seem that the Muslims attached more importance to the southern end 
of the needle than to the northern one as we do. This may be owing to the Chinese 
origin, or to the fact that for many Muslims those of Syria and Asia Minor the 
southern end pointed roughly towards Mecca. That is, the southern end gave the 
general direction of the qibla. In fact, on early Turkish rhomb-cards the south 
is called either al-janub or al-qibla. 

To return to the West, it would seem that whether they invented the compass 
or not, Italian sailors were among the first to use it, and such use led necessarily to 
gradual improvements. In some mysterious way, the sailors of Amalfi (on the 
gulf of Salerno) received special credit for this, and finally a legend crystallized 
according to which the compass (or biissola) was invented by one Flavio Gioja of 
Amalfi in 1302. Whatever this Flavio Gioja did or not we do not know, but it is 
certain that the compass had been invented and used long before that year, and 
that it had already been improved or modified in various ways. The first technical 
description of a compass was given by Peter the Stranger in 1269. 

Criticism See the notes devoted to the authors mentioned and to the early 
portolani (second half of the thirteenth century). E. Wiedemann: Maghnatis 
(Encyclopaedia of Islam, vol. 3, 105-106, 1928). 

The mam work on the history of the compass is that of Albert Schuck: Der 
Kompass (3 vols. folio, Hamburg 1911-1918; Isis, 4, 438). See also A. Schuck: 
Erwalmung eines Vorgangers des Kompasses in Deutschland urn die Mitte des 13. 
Jahrhunderts (Mitt, zur Geschichte des Medizm, vol. 13, 333-343, 1914). Apropos 



[1200-1250] PHYSICS AND MUSIC 631 

of an allusion to the compass and its nautical use in the German poetic paraphrase 
of the Pater noster by Hemrich von Krolewiz (Krollwitz on the Saale near Halle) 
between 1252 and 1255, Ge. Chr. Fr, Lisch: Heinrich's von Krolewiz tiz Missen 
Vater Unser (212 p., Quedlmburg 1839). Francis H. Butler and S. P. Thompson: 
Compass (Encyclopaedia Bntanmca, vol. 6, 175-177, 1929). 

To the references given (vol. 1, 764) with regard to the Chinese sources may be 
added Herbert A. Giles- The mariner's compass (Adversaria sinica, no. 4, 107-115; 
no. 7, 219-222, Shanghai, 1906-1909). Leopold de Saussure: L'origine de la rose 
des vents et Finvention de la boussole (Archives des sciences physiques et naturelles, 
vol. 5, 68 p., Geneva 1923; Isis, 6, 208). In defense of the Chinese invention of the 
nautical use of the compass; different windroses were devised by Chinese and 
Muslims. A. C. Moule: The Chinese south-pointing carriage (T'oung pao, vol. 
23, 83-97, 2 diagrams, 1924; Isis, 7, 259; that device was not a magnetic compass). 
Masukichi Hashimoto : Origin of the compass (Memoirs of the research department 
of the Toyo bunko, no. 1, 69-92, Tokyo 1926; Isis 14, 525). Largely based on 
Chinese sources which are quoted; claims that the Chinese had some knowledge of 
the deviation of the compass before the end of the twelfth century. Jitsuzo Kuwa- 
bara: Of P'u Shou-kng (Memoirs of the research department of the Toyo bunko, 
no. 2, Tokyo 1928; J. R. A. S., 207, 1930). 

IV. REINTRODUCTION OF HOT BATHS 

^AMMAMAT 

One of the results of the Crusades was the reintroduction of public bathing 
places in Europe, on the Muslim pattern. I say reintroduction, because the tech- 
nique of bathing (cold and hot) had been carried very far by the Romans, and 
elaborate bathing places (balneae, balineae, thermae) obtained in all their important 
cities. However, that practice was discouraged by the Christians and disappeared 
entirely in the West during the disintegration of the Roman empire. 

It is probable that in spite of Christian prejudices against it, this old tradition 
was never entirely discontinued in the eastern empire. At any rate the Muslim 
peoples developed a new form of bathing, the hot steam-bath or hammam (from 
the Arabic root hamm, to heat). Arabic literature is full of references to it; 
see, e.g., the Alf laila wa-laila. 

Crusaders experienced these comforts in the East and introduced them into their 
own countries. In the first half of the thirteenth century hammamat were avail- 
able in the main cities of western Europe. Their diffusion was helped by the fear 
of leprosy which reached its climax in that century. 

For an account of hammamat see almost any description of Muslim countries, 
for example, Edward William Lane: Account of the manners and customs of the 
modern Egyptians (1835; often reprinted; chapter 16, in vol. 2). Cl. Huart: 
Encyclopaedia of Islam (vol. 2, 253, 1915). 

V. PHYSICS IN EASTERN CALIPHATE 

IBN AL-SA\A.TI 

Ridwan ibn Muhammad ibn 'All, Fakhr al-dm Ibn al-S&'atl, Muslim mechani- 
cian and physician. Born in Damascus ; he flourished there and entered the service 
of the Ayyubid princes al-Fa'iz IbrShim and al-Mu'az^am 'IsS, sons of al-'Adil 
Sayf al-dm (Saphadin, ruler of Egypt and Damascus, until 1218; al-Mu*azzam ruled 
Damascus from 1218 to 1227); he died at Damascus c. 1223-1233. 



632 INTRODUCTION TO THE HISTOKY OF SCIENCE [1200-1250] 

He wrote a commentary on Ibn Sina's Qanun and a supplement to the latter's 
treatise on gripes. 

Between 1146 and 1169 his father, Muhammad ibn 'All ibn Rustam al-Khura- 
sani al-Sa'ati (i.e., the clockmaker), had constructed the clock placed in the Bab 
Jairun of Damascus (often called Bab sa'a, door of the clock, on its account) ; he 
remained in charge of it until his death c. 1184-1185. That clock was seen and 
described by many travelers : Ibn Jubair, 1 184 ; Qazwini ; Ibn Batuta ; etc. Ridwan 
repaired and improved it, and in 1203 he wrote a book to explain its construction 
and use. Next to the contemporary treatise composed by al-Jazarl (see below), 
this is the most important source on early Muslim clocks. The earliest Arabic 
reference to a clock is found in the Kitab al-hayawan of al-Jahiz (second half of 
the ninth century). 

Text E. Wiedemann and Fritz Hauser: Uber die Uhren im Bereich der islam- 
ischen Kultur (Nova acta academiae naturae curiosorum, vol. 100, Halle 1915). 
Contains (p. 176-266) an abbreviated translation of Ibn al-Sa'atl's work (Isis, 4, 
619; 5, 217), 

Criticism Ibn abl Usaibi'a (Miiller's edition, vol. 2, 183, 1884). L Leclerc: 
M6decine arabe (vol. 2, 159, 1876). C. Brockelmann: Arabische Litteratur (vol. 1, 
473, 1898). H. Suter: Die Mathematiker und Astronomen der Araber (136, 1900; 
174, 1902); Encyclopaedia of Islam (vol. 2, 413, 1918). E. Wiedemann: Beitrage 
zur Geschichte der Naturwissenschaften (Sitzungsberichte der physikalisch inedi- 
cinischen Sozietat, vols. 37-38, Erlangen 1905-1906). 

AL-JAZARI 

Abu-l-'Izz Isma'il ibn al-Razzaz (son of the rice-merchant), Badr al-zaman 
al-Jazarl. Muslim mechanician. He flourished from 1181-1182 to 1205-1206 under 
the TJrtuqid rulers of the Diyar Bakr, the northernmost district of al-Jazirah; 
their capital was Amid, on the upper course of the Tigris. 

He completed at Amid, probably to 1205-1206, for the Urtuqid Na$ir al-dln 
Mahmud (ruled from 1200 to 1222), a treatise on the knowledge of geometrical 
(mechanical) contrivances, Kitab f 1 ma'rifat al-hiyal al-handaslya, dealing chiefly 
with hydraulic apparatus (clepsydras, fountains, etc.). This is the best Arabic 
work for the study of the Muslim applications of Hellenistic mechanics. It 
represents the climax of that Muslim tradition which began with the Banu Musa 
(first half of the ninth century). It is of course far more interesting from the 
technical than from the purely scientific point of view. 

It is divided into six parts or kinds (nau'), of which the first and most important 
deals with various types of clepsydras indicating either equal or temporal hours, 
Muslims divided the day into twenty-four equal hours (al-sa'a al-mustawlya), 
or else into two parts, day and night, each of which was then subdivided into twelve 
"temporal" hours of varying length according to the season. The word temporal 
is a translation of the Arabic zamanlya. Unequal hours of the second kind were 
used in Christian Europe e.g., in Italy until as late as the middle of the eight- 
eenth, century (see M&noires de Jacques Casanova, edition Flammarion, vol. 2, 121). 

Text Al-Jazarf s treatise has been translated into German, with commentaries, 
by Eilhard Wiedemann, as follows : 

Nau* 1. tJber die Uhren im Bereich der islamischen Kultur (Nova Acta, vol. 
100, 1915; with Fritz Hauser; the translation covers p. 58 to 166; Isis, 4, 619; 5, 217). 



[1200-1250] PHYSICS AND MUSIC 633 

Nau' 2. Uber die Konstruktion von Gefassen und Gestalten die bei Trink- 
gelagen passende Verwendung finden (Der Islam, vol. 8, 55-93, 1918; Isis, 3, 478) 

Nau* 3. Uber die Konstruktion der Kruge und Tassen zum Aderlassen und 
zur Waschung (Archiv fur Geschichte der Medizin, vol. 11, 22-43, 1918; Isis, 3, 
324). 

Nau' 4. tJber die Konstruktion der Springbrunnen in Teichcn die ihre Gestalt 
wechseln und uber die immerwahrenden Flo ten. Partly published in the Ber. 
der Wetterauischen Ges. (1908); partly m the Amari Festschrift (1909). 

Nau* 5. tJber die Konstruktion der Instrumente die Wasser aus Wassermassen, 
die nicht tief sind, und aus einem fliessenden Fluss emporheben (Beitrage zur 
Geschichte der Technik, vol. 8, 121-154, 1918). 

Nau* 6. "Ober die Konstruktion verschiedener Gegenstande, die ein ander nicht 
ahnhch sind. (a), tlber die Herstellung eines Tiire . . in Amid (Der Islam, vol. 
11, 213-251, 1921). (b). tJber ein Instrument nut dem man einen Kreis durch 
drei Punkte auf einer Kugeloberflache oder Ebene zeichnen kann (Z. fiir Vermes- 
sungswesen, H. 22 u. 23 ; 1910). (c). tlber em Schloss mit 12 Buchstaben zum 
Verschliessen eiaes Kastens (Der Mam, vol. 11, 213-251, 1921). (d). tTber vier 
Riegel auf dem Rucken einer Ture (ibidem), (e). Uber erne Kahnuhr (Nova 
Acta, vol. 100, 165-166, 1915). 

Criticism Carra de Vaux: Note sur les m^caniques de B6di ez-Zaman el-Djazari 
et sur un appareil d'hydraulique attribu^ & Apollonms de Perge (Congrfes d'histoire 
de Paris, 5 e section, 112-120, 1900). H. Suter. Mathematiker (137, 226, 1900). 
E. Wiedemann: Beitrage 3 (Sitzungsbenchte, Erlangen, voL 37, 259-262, 1905); 
also m the memoir already quoted (Nova Acta, vol. 100, 1915; Isis, 4, 619; 5, 217); 
tJber die Abbildung eines Affenfiihrers und seiner Affen (Der Islam, vol. 13, 
107-108, 1923). 

There are scattered in many European and American collections a number of 
so-called "automata miniatures," all of which were probably taken from a Con- 
stantinople MS. (Hagia Sophia, 3606) of al-Jazarf s Kitab fi ma'rifat al-tdyal 
al-handaslya. That manuscript was completed in 1354, probably in Egypt; of 
course the illustrations represent an older tradition, but those known to us date 
from 1354. A. C. Coonaaraswamy: Early Arabic and Persian paintings (Museum 
of Fine arts Bulletin, 49-52, Boston 1922; Isis, 6, 149); The treatise of al-Jazarl on 
Automata. Leaves from a MS. of the Kitab fi ma'arifat (21 p., 8 pi,, Boston 1924; 
Isis, 7, 191). K. A. C. Creswell: Yearbook of oriental art and culture (33-40, 
London 1925). Rudolf M. Riefstahl: The date and provenance of the automata 
miniatures (The art bulletin, vol 11, 206-215, 11 figs , New York 1929; Isis, 13, 
427). 

QAISAR IBN ABI-L-QASIM 

See mathematical chapter above. 

VI MUSLIM MUSIC 

For 'Abd al-La^if and Ibn Sab'in, see the philosophical chapter; for Qai$ar ibn 
abi-1-Qasim, see the mathematical chapter. 

MUHAMMAD AL-SHALA^I 

Muhammad al-Shalatu (or Shalaji) of Seville Hispano-Muslim writer on 
music. He dedicated a treatise on music in 1221-1222 to the Almohade, Abu 
Ya'qub Yusuf II al-Mustan$ir (1214-1223). This treatise, entitled Kitab al-imta' 
wal-mtifa* fi mas'alat sama' al-sima', does not really concern us, but is quoted to 
clear up misunderstandings and to illustrate an important type of Muslim musical 



634 INTRODUCTION TO THE HISTOKT OF SCIENCE [1200~1250] 

literature. In fact, it is more theological than musical It is essentially a collec- 
tion of quotations from the hadith for and against music : is it lawful or not for a 
Muslim to listen to music? Which instruments are allowable and which are not? 
Etc. Incidentally it gives some very brief information on various instruments 
(no real descriptions of them). 

Michael Casiri: Bibliotheca arabico-hispana Escurialensis (vol. 1, 527, 1760). 
Julian Ribera. La musica de las Cantigas (Madrid 1922). Jules Rouanet: La 
musique arabe (Lavignac's Encyclopedic de la musique, vol. 5, 2743, 1922). 

Information relative to this note was kindly given to me by Miguel As In of 
Madrid, and by Henry George Farmer of Glasgow. The latter is planning to 
include this treatise in his corpus of Arabic musical texts (Isis, 9, 560). For a 
brief discussion of the theological arguments involved, see H. G. Farmer: History 
of Arabian music to the thirteenth century (22-36, 194, London 1929; Isis, 13, 
375). 

Farmer quotes (p. 196) a work, similar to the one I have dealt with, composed 
about the same time by another Sevilian, Ahmad ibn Mutiammad al-Ishbill 
(d. 1253): Kitab al-sama* wa ahkamuhu (Listening to music and its ordinances). 
For other works of the same kind, published somewhat later, see ibidem (p. 195). 

VII ^ MUSIC IN WESTERN CHRISTENDOM 

For Franco of Cologne, see Book II; for John of Garland, see the philological 
chapter below. 

SUMER IS ICTJMEN IN 

Though this early composition belongs to the history of music rather than to 
this survey, I quote it as the best proof that by that time western music had 
come of age. 

It was written before 1240, and was probably performed in the Benedictine abbey 
of Reading, in Berkshire. The English words are a Wessex dialect. According to 
Rev. Dom Anselm Hughes, it is preeminent in six directions, for "(i) it is the oldest 
known canon; (ii) it is the oldest known harmonised music which is frequently 
performed and enjoyed by singers and listeners to-day; (m) it is the oldest known 
6-part composition; (iv) it is one of the oldest known spcimens of the use of what is 
now the major mode; (v) it is the oldest known specimen of ground-bass; (vi) it is 
the oldest known manuscript in which both secular and sacred words are written 
to the music." The scribe (author?) is supposed to have ben John of Fornsete 
(there are two places called Forncett in Norfolk). 

Text and criticism This composition has very often been reprinted in facsimile 
and otherwise See for instance Oxford History of music (vol. 1, 333, 1901). 
Jamieson Boyd Hurry: Sumer is icumen in (16 p., pi., Reading 1913; 2d ed., 53 
pi., 1 pi., London 1914). 

Anselm Hughes (O. S. B.): Grove's Dictionary of music (3d ed., vol. 5, 191, 
1928; facsimile in frontispiece). 



CHAPTER XXXV 

CHEMISTRY 

(First Half of Thirteenth Century) 
I. WESTERN EUROPE 

See notes on Alfred of Sareshel, and on the Aristotelian tradition, in the chapter 
on translators; on Michael Scot, in the philosophical chapter; on John of Garland, 
in the philological chapter; on Hugh and Theodoric Borgognom, in the medical 
chapter. 

II. EASTERN ISLAM 
AL-JAWBARI 

*Abd al-Raliim (or Rahman) ibn 'Umar al-Dimashqi al-Jawbarl, Zain al-dln. 
Born in Jawbar, near Damascus. He traveled considerably in the lands of the 
eastern caliphate, going as far as India. In 1216-1217 he was in Harran; in 
1219-1220 in Qumya (Iconium) ; later he flourished at the court of Urtuqid sultan of 
Amid and Hisn Kaifa, Rukn al-dm Mudud (ruled from 1222 to 1231). He ded- 
icated to the latter his Kitab al-mukhtar f i kashf al-asrar wa hatk al-astar (Revela- 
tion of secrets and tearing off of veils), wherein he exposed the frauds and deceptions 
of money-changers, quacks and alchemists, "the people of al-klmiya who know three 
hundred ways of making dupes." This is very valuable for the history of Muslim 
alchemy and technology, as well as for the history of Muslim manners and 
superstitions. 

Text The text was first printed in Damascus, 1885; then in Stambul; in Cairo, 
1898-1899, c. 1908. Extracts have been edited (in Arabic) by L. Cheikho in 
al-Mashriq (vol. 12, passim, 1909). Analyzed by E. Wiedemann in Mit. zur Gesch, 
der Medizin (vol. 9, 386-390, 1910). 

E. Wiedemann has published many extracts in German with commentary, un- 
fortunately scattered in various places: tlber Wagen bei den Arabern (Beitrage, 4, 
Sitzungsb. der phys. med. Soz., vol 37, 388-391, Erlangen 1905); Zur Alchemie 
bei den Arabern (Journal fur praktische Chemie, vol. 76, 82-86, 1907) ; tTber das 
Goldmachen und die Verfalschung der Perlen (Beitrage zur Kenntnis des Orients, 
vol. 5, 77-96, 1907) ; tTber das Farben der Tiere und Menschen (Mit. zur Gesch. 
der Medizin, vol. 9, 476-480, 1910); Einiges aus al-Gaubari (Beitrage, 23; Sitz- 
ungsber. der phys. med. Soz., vol. 42, 311-322, 1910); Uber Charlatane bei den 
Muslimen (Beitrage, 26, numbered erroneously 25; ibidem, vol. 43, 206-232, 1911). 

Cmt^sm C. Brockelmann : Arabische Litteratur (vol. 1, 497, 1898); En- 
cyclopaedia of Islam (vol. 1, 1026, 1913). Carra de Vaux- Penseurs de I'lslam 
(vol. 2, 385, 1921). 

For 'Abd al-Latif, see the philosophical chapter; for *Umar ibn al-'Adim, the 
historical one. 

Ill INDIA 



See medical chapter. 

635 



636 INTRODUCTION TO THE HISTORY OF SCIENCE [1200-1250] 

IV JAPAN 
KATO SHUNKEI 

Kato Shirozaemon Kagemasa. Born in Seto, district of Kasugai, province of 
Owari. Japanese potter who went to China in 1223 with Dogen; 1 after remaining 
there five years, he brought back to Japan the art of making "faience," i e. glazed 
earthenware (setomono) as distinguished on the one hand from unglazed ware and 
on the other from porcelain. (Porcelain was introduced only after 1510, by Shon- 
zui, at Arita, in Hizen). He founded the great faience industry of Seto, which 
was directed for seven centuries by the Kato family. 

E. Papinot: Historical dictionary (264, 1909). F. Brinkley: History of the 
Japanese people (374, 451, 1915). 

1 About whom see my note on Japanese Buddhism in the first half of the thirteenth century. 



CHAPTER XXXVI 

GEOGRAPHY 
(First Half of Thirteenth Century) 

I ENGLISH 
GERVASE OF CANTERBURY 

See historical chapter. 

GERVASE OF TILBURY 

English scholar. Born at Tilbury, in Essex, seems to have been brought up In 
Rome or at any rate to have spent part of his childhood in Italy; he studied and 
taught law in Bologna; in 1177 he was in Venice, later returned to England; he was 
for a time m the service of William II the Good (king of the Sicilies, 1166-1189), 
in 11901191 he was in Salerno. Otto IV (emperor, 1209-1218) made him marshal 
of the kingdom of Aries It is possible that he returned to England after Otto's 
death. The date and place of his death are unknown. 

He wrote c. 1211 for Otto IV, the Otia imperialia, a sort of geographical and 
historical olla-podrida, of little intrinsic value, but wherein some curious bits of 
information may occasionally be gleaned; e g , a reference to "salamander skin" or 
asbestos (also referred to by Marco Polo). The Otia, also called Liber de mirabili- 
bus mundi, or Solatium imperatons, or Descriptio totius orbis, is divided into three 
parts (decisiones) : (1) commentary on Genesis; (2) geography and history; topo- 
graphy of Rome; (3) marvels. 

Text First almost complete edition by G W. Leibniz: Scriptores rerum bruns- 
vicensmm (3 vols., Hanover 1707-1711; vol. 1, 881-1004; vol 2, 754-784). Third 
part edited by F. Liebrecht (296 p , Hanover 1856). Extracts m Joseph Steven- 
son's edition of Ralph of OoggeshalFs chronicle (Rolls series, 1875). 

Criticism R. Rohricht: Bibliotheca geographica Palaestinae (45, 1890). 
William Hunt: Dictionary of national biography (vol 21, 241-242, 1890). A. 
Potthast* Bibliotheca historica (507, 1896). C R. Beazsley: Dawn of modern 
geography (vol. 2, 216, 1901; vol 3, 77, 1906). Charles Gross: Sources of English 
history (390, 1915). J. K. Wright: Geographical lore (1925). 

BARTHOLOMEW THE ENGLISHMAN 

See philosophical chapter. 

II. SCANDINAVIAN 

For Saxo Grammaticus, see the historical chapter; for the Konungs skuggsjd,, 
see the philosophical chapter. 

RAFN SVEINBJOENSSON 

Icelandic chieftain, traveler and physician. Born in Iceland about 1170. He 
traveled to Norway before 1202 and then visited England, France and Spain; 

637 



638 INTRODUCTION TO THE HISTOKT OF SCIENCE [1200-1250] 

in 1203 he went again to Norway and then returned to Iceland for good. He 
became a prominent chieftain in Western Iceland; a quarrel with a neighboring 
chieftain ended in his own defeat and surrender; he was beheaded on March 4, 1213. 
He is said to have performed the stone operation according to the so-called Celsus 
method. 



t A sa g a O f Raf n was written shortly after his death. It was edited together 
with the Sturlunga saga by G. VigMsson (Oxford 1878), and in Biskupa sogur, I 
(Copenhagen 1858). 

Criticism For this saga see Finnur J6nsson: Den oldnorske og oldislandske 
Litteraturs Historie (second ed., volume 2, 552-555, Copenhagen 1923). 

L. Faye: Rafn Svembjornsson's Liv og Virksomhed (Kristiama 1878). G. 
Rasch: Medicinalhistoriske Skitser (Magasin for norsk Laegevidenskab, 108, 
1880). E. Gurlt: Geschichte der Chirurgie (vol. 2, 239, 1898). Fr. Gron: Altnor- 
dische Heilkunde (Janus, 266, 1908). 

SCANDINAVIAN EXPEDITIONS TO THE WHITE SEA 

In all probability the region of the White Sea including the lower course of the 
Dvina was already known to Northmen at the end of the ninth century. The 
sagas tell us of many expeditions to Bjarmeland, the territory south of the White 
Sea; e.g., those of Eric Blood-Axe c. 920, of his son Harold Gr&feld c. 965, of Thore 
Hund and others c. 1026, and of H&kon Magnusson c. 1090. Unfortunately we 
have little if any definite information about these early voyages, but with regard 
to two later ones we are on safer ground. 

In the year 1217 i.e., in Hakon Hkonsson's time the following went to 
Bjarmeland: Ogmund of Sp&nheim from Hardanger, Svein Sigurdsson from Sogn, 
Andres of Sjomaeling from Nordmor, all on one ship; and Helge Bograngsson and 
his men from H^logaland on another. Svein and Andres went home with their 
ship the same year. Ogmund traveled southward across Russia to Suzdal, then 
to the Black Sea and to the Holy Land; he returned to Norway many years later. 
Helge and his men remained in Bjarmeland and were killed by the natives. 

A fleet of four ships was sent in 1222 to avenge Helge's death. It was headed 
by Andres Skjaldarbrand and Ivar Utvik, and accomplished its purpose, but on the 
homeward journey Ivar's ship was lost in a whirlpool and its crew perished, save 
Ivar and one other. 

C. R. Beazley: Dawfc of modern geography (vol. 2, 1901). Fridtjof Nansen: 
In northern mists (vol. 2, 135-140, 1911). 

III. CHRISTIAN PILGRIMS 
WOLFGER VON ELLENBRECHTSKIKCHEN 

Last scion of a noble Bavarian family. Bishop of Passau from 1191 to 1204, 
then patriarch of Aquil6ia (at the northern end of the Adriatic sea) to the time of his 
death in 1218. German churchman, diplomat, and traveler. He pilgrimed to the 
Holy Land, via Sicily, in 1195-1198 He traveled extensively in the Danubian 
region and in Italy. The terse account of his travel expenditures, written in Latin 
before 1209, contains interesting information. 

Text Reiserechnungen. Edited by Ign. Vine. Zingerle with glossary, index 
and introduction (120 p., Heilbronn 1877). 



[1200-1250] GEOGEAPHY 639 

Criticism F. von Krones: Allgememe deutsche Biographic (vol. 44. 124-126. 
1898). A. Potthast: Bibhotheca historica (1120, 1898). 

WILBRAND OF OLDENBURG 

Wilbrand or Willebrand, Graf of Oldenburg- Wildeshausen. Provost in Zut- 
phen, later canon in Hildesheim; bishop of Paderborn, 1225; bishop of Utrecht from 
1228 to his death m 1233 (not 1234). In 1211 he traveled to the Holy Land. 
Jerusalem was then in Muslim hands. Wilbrand's journey was apparently less a 
pilgrimage than a reconnaissance. He visited Leo I, king of Armenia (1196-1219), 
whose help might be expected m their common struggle against the Saracens, and 
traveled to Cyprus with Hermann of Salza (grandmaster of the Teutonic Knights 
from 1211 to 1239), His last years in the Utrecht see were largely devoted to the 
struggle against the Friesians. 

Text 3. C. M. Laurent: Reise nach Palastina und Kleinasien (Latin and 
German, with notes, 77 p. Hamburg 1859): Peregrinatores medii aevi quatuor 
(Leipzig 1864; 162-190, 1873). 

Criticism R. Rohricht: Bibhotheca geographica Palaestinae (46, 1890). A. 
Potthast: Bibliotheca historica (1116, 1896). Heyd: Allgemeine deutsche Bi- 
ographic (vol. 42, 474-476, 1897). J. C. van Slee: ibidem (vol. 43, 260, 1898). 

ST. SABBAS OF SERVIA 

St. Sabbas (or Sabas, Sava). (I call him Sabbas of Servia to distinguish him 
from St. Sabbas of Palestine, who died in 531 in very old age, the founder of the 
laura bearing his name Mar Sava in the wilderness of Judah). He was born in 
the second half of the twelfth century, and died at Tirnova, Bulgaria, in 1237. 
He was the son of Stephen Nemanya, who was the real founder of the kingdom of 
Servia (1217). He became a monk at Mt. Athos, and was the first independent 
archbishop of Servia, 1219. He may thus be considered the founder of the national 
Servian church. Toward the end of his life (c. 1225) he undertook a pilgrimage to 
the Holy Land, visiting Egypt and Sinai. He died at Tirnova on his way back to 
his see. He wrote an account of his journey in Servian. 

Text Sabbas' account was edited by the archimandrite Leonid in Servian and 
in an old Slavonic translation (Publication no. 5 of the Russian Palestinian Society, 
68 p., Petersburg 1884). 

Criticism Henri Thiers: Nouvelle biographie g<n<rale (vol. 42, 962, 1863). 
K. Krumbacher: Byzantinische Litteralur (1059, 1095, 1897). R. Rohricht: 
Bibliotheca geographica Palaestinae (48, 1890). C. R. Beazley: Dawn of modern 
geography (vol. 2, 215, 1901). 

OTHER CHRISTIAN PILGRIMS TO THE HOLY LAND 

To the accounts of pilgrimages dealt with in this chapter may be added in the 
briefest manner the three following, of which two are anonymous and the third is 
ascribed to one Thietmar, who cannot be identified. I quote them in chronological 
order: 

(1) One anonymous pilgrim of Soissons (Aisne) the Anonymus Suessionensis 
wrote c. 1205-1207 ia Latin, an account of Jerusalem and of 'the transfer of relics 
from Constantinople thither. 



640 INTRODUCTION TO THE HISTORY OF SCIENCE [12QO~1250] 

Alexandre Eusebe Poquet; Rituale Suessionense (264-270, Laon 1856), Paul 
Riant: Exuviae sacrae Constantinopohtanae (vol. 1, 1-9, Geneva 1877). 

(2) Thietmar (Thietmarus magister). He wrote a Peregrinatio, c. 1217. 

Edited by J. C. M. Laurent (84 p , Hamburg 1857). A fourteenth century text 
derived from this one had been edited before by the Baron St. Genois: Voyages 
faits en Terre Samte par Thetmar en 1217 . , . (Mmoires de I'acad&nie beige, 
26, 19-58, 1851); and by Titus Tobler: Magistri Thetmari Iter ad terrain sanctam 
(76 p., St. Gall 1851). 

(3) Pelerinaiges por aler en Jherusalem (c. 1231). 

Melchior de Vogue: Les 6glises de la Terre Sainte (444-451, Paris 1860). Henri 
Michelant and Gaston Raynaud: Itinraires a Jerusalem (229-236, 1882). 

R. Rohncht: Bibhotheca geographica Palaestmae (47, 51, 1890). A. Potthast: 
Bibliotheca historica (102, 908, 1062, 1060, 1896). 

For the pilgrimage of Ogmund of Sp&nheim, see my note on Scandinavian expe- 
ditions to the White Sea. 

For the French description of Jerusalem "L'estat de la cit6 de Jherusalem/' 
see my note on the chronicler Ernoul. 

IV. CHRISTIAN TRAVELERS TO THE MONGOL EMPIRE 
PIAN DEL 



Giovanni del Pian del Carpine. Joannes de Piano C&rpini. Often called 
Carpini. Italian Franciscan, diplomatist, missionary; first European explorer of 
the Mongol empire. Born near Perugia c. 1182 (for he was one of the companions 
of St. Francis of Assisi, born m 1182) ; towards the end of his life he was archbishop 
of Antivari; he died in 1252 

Having been placed by Innocent IV (1243-1254) at the head of a diplomatic 
mission to the Mongols, he left Lyon on April 16, 1245, crossed Europe, Russia, 
and a large part of Asia, reached the Mongolian capital, Qaraqorum (on the Orkhon, 
south of lake Baikal), and was back in Lyon in 1247. He had been accompanied 
successively by two other Franciscans: Stephen of Bohemia left with him from 
Lyon and went with him as far as Russia; Benedict the Pole joined him m Breslau 
to act as interpreter. 

His Latin relation of this immense journey, Historia Mongolorum quos nos 
Tartaros appellamus (or Liber Tartarorum), is remarkably impersonal, clear, ac- 
curate, matter-of-fact. It is one of the two most important books of its kind 
before Marco Polo's, the other being the somewhat later one of Rubruquis. It 
contains an account of Tartar manners and history, which is excellent, and indeed 
unsurpassed in mediaeval times. Fra Giovanni was not a limguigt like Rubruquis, 
yet he had obtained some knowledge of Slavonic. His account was supplemented 
with a shorter one by his companion Benedict 

Innocent IV had ihtrusted to Fra Giovanni a letter addressed to the Great Khan. 
Fra Giovanni brought back an answer from the Great Khan, Kuyuk, which was 
discovered in 1920 in the Vatican archives. "This letter written in the Persian 
and Uighur languages, sealed with a Mongol seal of Chinese style that had been 
cut by a Russian seal cutter [Cosmas] and sent by an Italian monk to the Pope is a 



[1200-1250] GEOGRAPHY 641 

typical example of the cosmopolitan character of the Mongol empire bridging the 
gap between the Far East and the West." 1 

Innocent's decision to appeal to the Mongols for help against the Saracens was 
partly prompted by the tenacious belief in Prester John (see my note, second half 
of the twelfth century). His decision was reached in 1244 and it was ratified the 
following year by the Council of Lyon. The mission was first entrusted to the 
Franciscan, Lawrence of Portugal, but we know nothing of that first effort; it is 
possible that Lawrence never started. 

Text An abridgment of C&rpim's history was included in Vincent of Beauvais' 
Speculum historiale. Parts of the original text were printed in Hakluyt's Principal 
Navigations (vol. 1, 1-117, London 1598). Later partial edition by Pierre Bergeron 
(Paris 1634). 

First complete edition by D'Avezac: Relation des Mongols ou Tartares (383 p., 
Paris 1838; Recueil de voyages de la Socit6 de g^ographie, 4). This contained 
also the first edition of the narrative by Benedict the Pole. English translation 
by William Woodville Rockhill: The journey of William of Rubruck with two 
accounts of the earlier journey of John of Pian de Carpine (360 p., Hakluyt Society, 
London 1900; with abundant notes, bibliography, and index). C. Raymond 
Beazley: The texts and versions of John de Piano Carpini and William de Rubru- 
quis as printed for the first time by Hakluyt in 1598 together with some shorter 
pieces (Hakluyt society, 365 p , London 1903). Girolamo Gobulovich: Bibhoteca 
bio-bibhografica della Terra Santa et dcirOriente francescano (vol. 1, 190-213, 
1906). Giorgio Pull6: Historia Mongolorum (Studi italiani di filologia indoiranica, 
9, Firenze 1913) ; Viaggio a' Tartari di frate Giovanni da Pian del Carpine (340 p., 
12 pi., Milano 1929; Isis 13, 159). 

Criticism Galsang Gombojew: Randbemerkungen zu Carpine (Melanges 
asiatiques de I'Acadfimie des sciences de St. P6tersbourg, vol. 2, 650-666, 1856). 
Francesco Liverani; Fra Giovanni nel contado di Magione (Perugia 1876). C. R. 
Beazley : Dawn of modern geography (vol. 2, 279-317, 375-381, 1901) ; on a hitherto 
unexamined MS. of Carpini (Geographical Journal, 3 p., December, 1902) ; article 
in Encyclopaedia Britannica (1911, with Sir Henry Yule). Joseph de Ghellinck: 
Les Franciscams en Chine aux XIIIvXIV 6 socles (Xaveriana, nos. 42, 40 p., 
Louvain 1927). 

The original letter from the Grand Khan to the Pope was discovered in 1920 in 
the Vatican archives by Father Cyril Karalevskyi; it was identified, and published 
by Paul Pelliot: Les Mongols et la papaut6 (Revue de FOrient chr^tien, vol. 3, 
3-30, 1923). 

ASCELKST 

Or Anselm (?). Dominican of Lombardy. Traveler and diplomat. He was 
sent by pope Innocent IV on a diplomatic mission to the Mongols of Persia. The 
mission included three other Dominicans: Simon of Saint Quentin, Alberic, and 
Alexander; and two more joined it in Tiflis, Andrew of Longjumeau, and Guichard 
(Guicciardi, Gmscard) of Cremona. In August 1247 they reached the camp of 
the Mongol chief, Baiju, at Kars in Armenia (or Gurjist&n, Georgia). They 
behaved very arrogantly and were badly treated. They returned home in or 
before 1250. The account of their journey has far less interest than that of the 
Franciscan mission led shortly before by Pian del C&rpine. 

1 T. F, Carter; Invention of printing (1925, 121; Isis 8, 361). 



642 INTRODUCTION TO THE HISTORY OF SCIENCE [1200-1250] 

Text This journey is known incompletely through the aceount communicated 
by Simon of Samt-Quentin to Vincent of Beauvais, who published it in his Speculum 
historiale. French translation in Pierre Bergeron (d. 1637): Relation des voyages 
de Tartarie (Paris 1634; often reprinted). 

Criticism C. R, Beazley: Dawn of modern geography (vol. 2, 277, 318, 1901). 
Henri Cordier: Histoire de la Chine (vol. 2, 392-394, 1920). P. Pelliot: Les 
Mongols et la Papaut6 (Revue de Fart chr^tien, vols. 23 sq., 1923 sq.). 

ANDREW OF LONGJTJMEAU 

Alias Lonjumeau, Lonciumel, etc. (Longjumeau is the name of a town in Seine- 
et-Oise, half way between Versailles and Corbeil). French Dominican who accom- 
panied Ascelin in a mission to the western Mongols in 1247. In 1248 St. Louis, 
being then in Cyprus, sent him on a new mission to the Mongol general Ilchikaday, 
commanding in Persia, who had offered the French king an alliance against the 
Muslims, and to the Great Khan, Kuyuk. Andrew, together with the Mongol 
envoy David and others, traveled probably via Lesser Armenia, across Anatolia 
and Georgia, then south of the Caspian, and by way of Khiva (Khwarizm), Talas 
and Chimkent; they finally reached Kuyuk's Horde on the Imil. They were 
badly received, but returned m 1251 to St. Louis with a fantastic report, exaggerat- 
ing the Christian tendencies of the Mongols. In Talas they saw German prisoners. 

C. R. Beazley: Dawn of modern geography (vol. 2, 277-278, 317-320, 1901). 
P. Pelliot: Les Mongols et la Papaut< (Revue de Torient chr6tien, vols. 23 sq., 
1923 sq.). 

V. EASTERN MUSLIM 

YAQUT 

AM 'Abdallah Yaqut ibn 'Abdallah Shihab al-din al-JEEamawi al-Baghdadl. 
Muslim traveler and one of the greatest Muslim geographers. Born in Rum (Asia 
minor) of Greek parents, c 1179; died at Halab in 1229, 

He had been enslaved in youth and had then received the name Yaqut, meaning 
jacinth, a precious stone (names of precious things were often given to slaves e.g., 
Lulu, pearl; Kafur, camphor) ; it is said that he later changed this name Yaqut into 
Ya'qub. He was called al-Hamawi because the merchant who had bought him in 
Baghdad, who caused him to be educated, and who later (1199-1200) enfran- 
chised him, was himself of Kama. He engaged in various trades and traveled 
extensively from Syria and Egypt in the West to Marw in the East, meeting with 
many adventures and suffering many hardships. 

His main work was a geographical dictionary, the Mu'jam al-buldan. He con- 
ceived the plan of it in 1218-1219 while he was enjoying himself in the rich libraries 
of Marw; he completed the first draft at Muul in 1224, and began the final redaction 
at Halab in 1228. The Mu'jam al-buldan is one of the most important works of 
Arabic literature. It is a storehouse of information not simply on geography, but 
also on history, ethnography, and natural history. It is preceded by an introduc- 
tion dealing with mathematical, physical, and political geography, the size of the 
arth, the seven climates, etc. The dictionary proper is arranged in alphabetical 
order. The astronomical coordinates of places are given. The orthography and 
vocalization of proper names are carefully established. There are abundant 
historical notes, biographical sketches of learned men, grammatical discussions, etc. 



[1200-1250] GEOGRAPHY 643 

Yaqut wrote various other works, notably a very elaborate dictionary of literati, 
Kitab irshad al~ar!b ila ma'nfat al-adib, and a lexicon of places bearing the same 
names, Kitab al-mushtank wad'a wal-mukhtahf (or muftariq) saq'a. 

TextFeid. Wustenfeld: Jacuts geographisches Worterbuch (6 vols , Leipzig 
1866-1873; Arabic edition with most valuable index). C. Barbier de Meynard: 
Dictionnaire g^ographique, histonque et hlt&aire de la Perse et des contr<es ad- 
jacentes extrait du Mo'djem el-bouldan de Jaqout et comp!6t6 & Faide de documents 
arabes et persans pour la plupart m<dits (Paris 1871). 

A summary of this geographical dictionary entitled Maraud al-ittila' 'ala asma' 
al-amkina wal-biqa', was compiled by Abu-1-Fada'il 'Abd al-Mu'mm ibn *Abd- 
al-Haqq Safi ai-dln, who died in 1338-1339. It was edited by T. G. J. Juynboll 
(6 vols., Leyden 1850-1864). This Maraud (observatories) is important because 
it contains valuable corrections of first hand authority for places in the region around 
Baghdad. G. Le Strange: Lands of the Eastern Caliphate (15, 1905). 

The Mushtarik was edited by F. Wustenfeld (Gottmgen 1846). 

The biographical dictionary is being published by David Samuel Margoliouth 
in the Gibb Memorial Series (vol. 1 appeared in 1907; vol. 7 in 1926). 

Criticism Ibn Khalhkan: de Slane's translation (vol. 4, 9-24, 1871). 

J, T. Reinaud: Geographic d'Aboulteda (vol. 1, 129-135, 1848). Ferd. Wusten- 
feld: Der Reisende Jacut als Schriftsteller und Gelehrter (13 p., Gottmgen 1865); 
Geschichtschreiber (111, 1881). Friedrich Justus Heer: Die historischen und 
geographischen Quellen in Jaqut's geographischen Worterbuch (Diss., Strassburg 
1898). C. Brockelmann: Arabische Litteratur (vol. 1, 479-481, 1898). E. 
Wiedemann: Biographie von al-Baihaqi nach Jaqut (Beitr. 28, Sitzungsber. 
Erlangen, vol. 44, 113-117, 1912). Carra de Vaux: Penseurs de Vlslam (vol. 2, 
14-19, 189, 1921). Ernst Honigmann: Diesieben Klimata und die 7r6At<? 
(Heidelberg 1929; Ms, 14, 270-276). 



'ABD 

See philosophical chapter above. 

VI. WESTERN MUSLIM 

For al-Hasan al-Marrakushl, see mathematical chapter; for Ibn al-Baitar, see 
the medical chapter. 

VII. WESTERN JEWISH 
SAMUEL BEN SAMSON 

Rabbi Samuel bar Simson. Jewish pilgrim. In 1210 he accompanied rabbi 
Jonathan ben David ha-Kohen of Lunel (Maimonides' famous correspondent), 
and two other rabbis, to the Holy Land. He traveled as far as Musul, then re- 
turned to Palestine on his way back to Europe. He wrote an account of his journey 
describing mainly the sepulchers of the Saints which he had visited. This was 
done in the shape of a long letter, the purpose of which was to increase Jewish 
interest in the Holy Land and stimulate pilgrimages. This account was authenti- 
cated by a firman of Jean de Brienne, king of Jerusalem, who seems to have been 
anxious to attract Jewish settlers. In fact some three hundred Jews left England 
and France in 1211 to go and settle in the Holy Land, where they were welcomed 
by King Jean (according to the Shebet Yehudah of Ibn Verga, q.v., second half 
of the fifteenth century). 



644 INTKODUCTION TO THE HISTORY OF SCIENCE [1200-1250] 

Text French translation with notes by Eliacin Carmoly : Itmeraires de la Terre 
Sainte (115-167, Bruxelles, 1847). Hebrew text in J. D Eisenstein: Ozar mas- 
saoth. A collection of itineraries by Jewish travelers to Palestine, Syria, etc. 
(New York 1926; Isis, 11, 147-149). 

Criticism R. Rohricht: Bibliotheca geographica Palaestinae (45, 1890). 
Samuel Krauss: L'emigration de 300 rabbins en Palestine en Fan 1211 (Revue des 
Etudes juives, vol. 82, 333-352, 1926). E. N. Adler: Note sur Immigration en 
Palestine de 1211 (ibidem, vol. 85, 70-71, 1928). 

JACOB ANATOLI 

See translators from Arabic into Hebrew. 

VIII. SYRIAC 

JACOB BAR SHAKKO 

See philosophical chapter. 

IX. CHINESE 

CHINESE GEOGKAPHICAL DOCUMENTS OF THE FIRST HALF OF THE 
THIRTEENTH CENTURY 

The first volume of Emil Vasilievich Bretschneider's Mediaeval Researches from 
Eastern Asiatic sources (London 1888, reprinted m 1910) contains English extracts 
from various Chinese texts dealing with the geography of China and Central Asia 
in the thirteenth century. The second part of this first volume is devoted mainly 
to a comparison of western and eastern accounts of the Mongol invasions (1219- 
1242). It deals also with the Chinese knowledge of the Muslims in the Middle 
Ages. 

Out of the five Chinese itineraries, three belong to the first half of the century. 

(1) The Hsi 1 yu 2 lu 4 (4031, 13423, 7386), account of a journey to the West by 
the great Mongol educator, Yeh^lu 4 Ch'u 3 -ts'ai 2 (12974, 7548, 2662, 11496), 
already dealt with. This describes Chingiz Khan's expedition into Persia in 1219. 

(2) The Per 3 shih 3 chi 4 (8771, 9896, 923), notes on an embassy to the North, by 
WuMa^-sun 1 ChungUuan 1 (12721, 6188, 10431, 2876, 12138), dated 1220-1221. 
By "embassy to the north" is meant an embassy to the Mongol court, but as 
Chingiz Khan was then traveling westward, the envoy of the Chin 1 (2032) emperor 
traveled also to the west. The text of this narrative forms chapter fourteen of the 
Kuei 1 ch'ien 2 chih 4 (6419, 1739, 1918), a book composed by Liu 2 Ch'i 2 (7270, 1089) 
in 1295. But Liu Ch'i was not the real author of the Pei shih chi. 

(3) The Hsi 1 yu 2 chi 4 (4031, 13423, 923) by Ch'iu 1 Ch'ang^ch'un 1 (2313, 450, 
2854), dated 1221-1224. See below. 

Text The Library of Congress has the Kuei ch'ien chih in vols, 36-38 of the 
Chih 1 pu 1 * tsu 2 * chai 1 ts'ung 1 shu 1 (1783, 9456, 11840, 234, 12039, 10024); in vols. 
84-85 of the Hsiieh 2 * hai 3 lei 4 p'len 1 (4839, 3767, 6853, 9220); and in vols. 311-314 
of the Wu 3 ying 1 tien 4 chu 1 chSn 1 pan 3 ts'ung 1 shu 1 (12744, 13308, 11202, 3060, 599, 
8588, 12039, 10024). 

CH'IU CH'ANG-CH'TJN 

Ch'iu 1 Ch'ang^ch'un 1 (2313, 450, 2854), Chinese traveler. Taoist monk of great 
repute at the courts of the Chin and the Sung. Born at HsP-hsia 2 (4127, 4201), 



[1200-1250] GEOGRAPHY 645 

Teng^chou 1 fu 3 (10858, 2444, 3682), Shantung, in 1148; died at Peking, 1227. 
His family name was Ch'iu; his personal name Ch'u^chi 1 (2660, 786); hence he 
is often called Ch'iu Ch'u-chi. In 1221-1224, he made a long journey from his 
home to Peking, and then through Central Asia to Persia and the Indian frontier, 
and back, by order of the Mongol emperor, Chmgiz Khan. An account of this 
journey, the Hsi 1 yu 2 chi 4 (4031, 13423, 923), was written by one of his disciples, 
Li 3 Chih 4 -ch'ang 2 (6884, 1918, 440), and published by another, Sun 1 Hsi 2 * (10431, 
4157) in 1228. It includes excellent descriptions of the lands and people of Central 
Asia, and its geographical value is relatively great. 

The Hsi yu chi should not be confused with another work bearing the same 
title (or more correctly Hou 4 (4025) hsi yu chi the later Hsi yu chi), a fantastic 
novel based on the travels of Hsuan Tsang; nor with Hsiian Tsang's own account, 
the title of which is almost alike, Hsi 1 yu 4 * chi 4 (4031, 13662, 923). 

Text The Chinese text is included in vol. 116 of the Tao 4 ts'ang 4 chi 4 * yao 4 
(10780, 11601, 943, 12889), a large collection of Taoist writings. Also in vol. 6 of 
the collection called Lien 2 yun 1 i 2 ts'ung 1 shu 1 (7109, 13824, almost like 5417, 
12039, 10024), Peking, 1848. Both of these editions have prefaces by Sun 1 Hsi 2 * 
(10431, 4157) ; both are available in the Library of Congress. 

A complete translation into Russian was given by the archimandrite Palladius 
(Records of the Peking ecclesiastical mission, vol. 4, 1866). Poor and abridged 
version into French by Guillaume Pauthier (1867). English translations with 
commentary by E. Bretschneider: Mediaeval researches (vol. 1, 35-108, 1888). 
This translation is not complete but contains all the essentials relating to history 
and geography. Ch'iu's numerous poems have been omitted. On the other hand, 
Bretschneider has added the two interesting letters exchanged between Ch'iu and 
Chingiz Khanm 1219-1220. Arthur Waley: The travels of an alchemist (174 p., 
London 1931). 

The best edition of the novel known as the Hsi yu chi is the newly annotated 
one by Dr. Hu 2 Shih 4 * (4930, 10000) and published by the Shanghai Ya 4 tung 1 t'u 2 
shu 1 kuan 3 (12810, 12248, 12128, 10024, 6353) in 1928. This edition is in the Library 
of Congress. This work was translated into English by Timothy Richard: A 
mission to Heaven (410 p., Shanghai 1913). Richard thought that certain terms 
of that work revealed Christian (Nestonan) influences; he believed that the author 
had been converted to Nestorian Christianity, and he gave an allegoric interpreta- 
tion of his book in that light, considering it as the Pilgrim's Progress of Nestori- 
anism. This theory is unproved and unsound. The Hou hsi yu chi is simply a 
Taoist satire on Hsuang Tsang's Buddhist account. 

Helen M. Hayes: The Buddhist Pilgrim's progress. From the Shi yeu ki, The 
records of the journey to the Western paradise, by Wu Ch'eng-en (105 p,, London 
1930?, not seen). See also my note on Hsiian Tsang (vol. 1, 477-478). 

The full title of Hsuan Tsang's account is Ta 4 fang 2 hsi 1 yu 4 * chi 4 (10470, 10767, 
4031, 13662, 923). The Library of Congress has at least the following editions: 
Ssti 4 pu 4 ts'ung 1 k'an 1 (10291, 9484, 12039, 5861), vols. 301-304; Shou 3 shan 1 ko 2 * 
ts'ung 1 shu 1 (10012, 9663, 6037, 12039, 10024), vols. 43-44; Mo 4 * hai 3 chin 1 hu 2 
(8022, 3767, 2032, 4954), vols. 69-71. 

Cnbawn H. A. Giles: Biographical dictionary (158, 1898). Encyclopaedia 
sinica (109, 241, 1917). 

CHAO JXJ-KUA 

Chao 4 Ju 3 -kua 4 (498, 5666, 6295). Born in the imperial family; flourished at 
Ch'uatf-ehou 1 (3187, 2444), Fuhkien, in the first half of the thirteenth century. 
Chinese geographer. Inspector of maritime trade in the great port of Ch'uan 



646 INTRODUCTION TO THE HISTORY OF SCIENCE [1200-1250] 

chou (i.e., the Zayton of Marco Polo) in Fuhkien. He compiled c. 1225 a treatise 
entitled Chu 1 fan 2 chih 4 (2571, 3392, 1918), meaning Description of barbarian 
peoples (or Records of foreign nations), containing valuable ethnographic and 
commercial information on the peoples known to the Chinese and Muslim sea-trad- 
ers of his day. It is based largely on personal inquiries but also on previous authori- 
ties, chiefly the Ling 3 -wai 4 -tai 4 -ta 2 * (7220, 12442, 10547, 10479) written c. 1178 by 
Ch'ou 1 Ch'u^fei 1 (2450, 3068, 3459). It is divided into two parts, the first of 
which deals with countries (forty-six chapters Tongking, Annam, Java, the Arabs, 
Sicily, etc., the second with products (forty-three chapters: camphor, frankincense, 
myrrh, dragon's blood, etc.). 

The date of the Chu fan chih given above, c.1225, is in accordance with Pelliot's 
interpretation. But according to Hirth and Rockhill the compilation was made 
somewhat later, between 1242 and 1258. 

Text and translations The Chinese text was not printed until 1783 when Li 3 
T'iao 2 -yuan 2 (6884, 11102, 13744) included it in his collection known as the Han 2 
hai 3 (3809, 3767), vol. 42. Another edition, practically identical, was included in 
1805 by Chang 1 Hai 3 -p'ng 2 (416, 3767, 8885) in his collection entitled Hsueh 2 *- 
chingM/ao^yuan 2 (4839, 2163, 10838, 13700). 

Friedrich Hirth and W. W. Rockhill: Chau Ju-kua; his work on the Chinese 
and Arab trade in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries (298 p , Imperial Academy of 
Sciences, St. Petersburg, 1911 (1912) Excellent translation, with notes, map, 
and elaborate English and Chinese indexes). 

The Library of Congress has both ts'ung shu mentioned above, the Han hai and 
the Hstieh-ching-t'ao-yuan. It also has a copy of the Ling-wai-tai-ta in vols. 
130-132 of the Chih 1 pu 1 * tsu 2 * chai 1 ts'ung 1 shu 1 (1783, 9456, 11840, 234, 12039, 
10024). 

Criticism H. A. Giles: Biographical dictionary (66, 1898). Extensive reviews 
of Hirth and RockhilFs translation by P. Pelliot (T'oung Pao, vol. 13, 1912, 
446-481, 1912) ; by Eduard Schaer (Archivfur Geschichte der Naturwissenschaften, 
vol. 6, 329-337, 1913); by O. Franke (Ostasiatische Zeitschrift, vol. 2, 98-99, 1913); 
by A. Vissiere (Journal Asiatique, vol. 3, 196-202, 1914); by G Vacca (Rivista 
degli studi orientali, vol 6, 209-214, 1913). 

For Ch'tian-chou, see Encyclopaedia smica (114, 1917). 



CHAPTER XXXVII 

NATURAL HISTORY 

(First Half of Thirteenth Century) 

I. LATIN 

For Alfred of Sareshel and Peter Gallego, see translators from Arabic into Latin; 
for Michael Scot, Bartholomew the Englishman, Arnold the Saxon, and Thomas of 
Cantim-pre", see philosophical chapter. 

II. VERNACULAR 

For the Konungs skuggsja" and other encyclopaedic treatises, see the philoso- 
phical chapter; for Hennk Harpestraeng, see the medical chapter. 

WALTER OF HENLEY 

English "chivaler," later Dominican, who flourished about the middle of the 
thirteenth century. He served as bailiff, probably for Canterbury. He wrote 
about the middle of the century a book on husbandry in French, entitled Hose- 
bondrie. It was soon translated into Latin and English, one English version being 
wrongly ascribed to Grosseteste. It remained the leading book on the subject 
in England until the appearance of Sir Anthony Fitzherbert's Husbandrie (1523). 
It contains a reference to the practice of marling; i e., fertilizing with marl (Pliny, 
marga; a kind of earth containing clay mixed with calcium carbonate). 

Text Henley's Husbandry, together with an anonymous Husbandry, Senes- 
chaucie and Robert Grosseteste's Rules. Edited by Elizabeth Lamond, glossary 
and translations by the same; introduction by W. Cunningham (Royal Historical 
Society, 215 p , London 1890). The Seneschaucie explains the duties of the 
different officers and servants of a manor. 

One of the English versions was printed by Wynkyn de Worde : Boke of Hus- 
bandry, whiche Mayster Groshede, sometyme Bysshop of Lincoln, made and 
translated it out of Frensshe into Englysshe (Unique copy in Cambridge Library). 

A similar French text of the thirteenth century, entitled Enseignements agricoles, 
has been published by Louis Lacour in the Biblioth&que de PEcole des Chartes 
(4 e s6rie, vol. 2, 123-141, 367-381, 1856). 

Criticism Dictionary of National Biography (voL 25, 420, 1891). 

WALTON 

An Irishman called Walton is said to have invented, about the middle of the 
thirteenth century, the remarkable system of mussel-culture which is still practiced 
in the Anse de TAiguillon near La Rochelle. I suspect that there is some error 
about the date. An investigation of this subject in the local archives is very 
desirable. 

George Sarton: Walton, a mediaeval aquiculturist (Ms, 6, 306-310, 1924). 

647 



648 INTRODUCTION TO THE HISTORY OF SCIENCE [1200-1250] 

III FALCONRY 
TREATISES ON FALCONRY 

The Ars venandi of the emperor Frederick II is by far the most important work 
of its kind (see my note on him, above), but the deep interest taken by noblemen in 
that sport is evidenced by the appearance about the same time of many other 
treatises. 

As in the case of Frederick himself, much of that knowledge was of Muslim 
origin. At least two oriental treatises must have been known to Frederick: the 
first, an Arabic work by one Moamyn (see my note on Theodore of Antioch); 
the other, a Persian treatise ascribed to one Yatrib (Ghatrif , Tarif ?), in seventy-five 
chapters ; it dealt mainly with the sparrow-hawk. Frederick's natural son, Enzio 
(born c.1220, king of Sardinia, prisoner in Bologna from 1249 to his death m 1272), 
patronized Daniel of Cremona, who translated these two treatises from Latin 
into French. Frederick's own treatise was translated into French before the end 
of the century. 

I may still mention the Provencal poem "Romans dels auzels cassadors" by 
Deudes de Prades (near Rodez, Aveyron) or Daude de Pradas (beg of the thir- 
teenth century), and a curious Catalan tract entitled "Lo libre dell nudriment he 
de la cura dels ocels los quals sepertaye ha cassa." The Catalan text purports to 
be a translation of a letter addressed to a certain king Ptolemy of Egypt by Aquila 
Syinmachus and Theodotio. This text is referred to in the De falconibus of 
Albert the Great, but is now represented only by this Catalan version. It deals 
with the different kinds of hawks used by falconers, their diseases and treatment. 

Which of these treatises was the first to be written in any vernacular? It is 
difficult to answer such a question Considering that the noble huntsmen, then 
as now, were not scholars, it is probable that vernacular treatises had been pre- 
pared very early for their convenience. It is thus possible that the treatises I have 
mentioned were preceded by others. 

With regard to the Catalan treatise, see my note on the physician, Theodoric 
Borgognoni. * 

Text The Catalian text was published by Nicolas Rigaltius (Rigault), librarian 
to Louis XIII, Epistola Aquilae Symmachi et Theodotionis ad Ptolemaeum regem 
Aegypti de re accipitrana catalamca lingua, in his collection entitled lerakosophion, 
Rei accipitrariae scriptores (Pans 1612; earlier edition, Basle 1578?) 

Criticism James Edmund Hartmg: Bibliotheca accipitrana (317 p., 26 pi, 
London 1891). C. H. Haskins: Studies in mediaeval science (chapter 14, 299- 
326, 1924); The Latin literature of sport (Speculum, vol. 2, 235-252, 1927). 
Gunnar Tilander: Etude sur les traductions en vieux f ratals du trait6 de faucon- 
nene de Frederic II (Z. fur romamsche Philologie, vol. 46, 211-290, 1926). 

THEODORE OF ANTIOCH 

According to Abul-1-Faraj, Theodore was a Jacobite Christian, who studied 
ancient learning in Greek and Syriac in Antioch, and later Arabic learning in 
Mn$ul under Kamal al-dm ibn YUnus. He entered the service of Frederick II 
sometime before 1236, and cast the emperor's horoscope at Padua in 1239. He 
acted as his Arabic secretary in 1239-1240; and remained in the imperial service 
until his own death not long before November 1250. He may be identical with the 
Theodore of Antioch mentioned in the Romance of Sidrach (q.v.). 



[1200-1250] NATURAL HISTORY 649 

He extracted a regimen for the emperor from the Sirr al-asrar (vol 1, 556, 1927), 
and translated for him Moamyn's treatise on the care of falcons and dogs, from 
Arabic into Latin, De scientia venandi per aves. This translation was corrected 
by the emperor at the siege of Faenza (1240-1241). It is divided into five books: 
(1) generalities, classification of birds of prey; (2 and 3) their diseases and how to 
cure them; (4 and 5) dogs. This treatise enjoyed some popularity It was trans- 
lated from Latin into French by Daniel of Cremona for Frederick's son Enzio. 

Finally this Theodore submitted mathematical questions to Fibonacci, and was 
a mathematical correspondent of Judah ben Salomon ha-Kohen (in 1237). 

I have not been able to identify the Arabic author Moamyn, mentioned above. 
He is also called Moamus, Mohamin. 

Text Epistola Theodori philosophi ad imperatorem Fridericum edited by Karl 
Sudhoff : Em diatetischer Brief an Kaiser Friedrich II (Archiv fur Geschichte der 
Median, 9, 1-9, 1915). 

Criticism J. E. Harting: Bibliotheca accipitraria (1891); Moamus is quoted on 
p. 66, 72, 181, 205). M. Stemschneider: Europaische tfbersetzungen (79, 1904). 
H. Suter: Beitrage zu den Beziehungen Kaiser Friedrichs II. zu zeitgenossischen 
Gelehrten des Ostens und Westens (Abhdl. zur Geschichte der Naturwissenschaften, 
Heft 4, 1-8, Erlangen 1922). C. H. Haskins: Studies in mediaeval science (chiefly 
p. 246-248, 318-319, 1924). Paul Kraenner: Falkenheilkunde (76 p , Berlin 1925; 
not seen). 

IV. EASTERN MUSLIM 

For *Abd al-Latif, Farid al-din 'Attar, Muhammad al *Awf I, see the philosophi- 
cal chapter above. 

IBN AL-SURI 

Manur (or Abu Man$ur) ibn abi Fadl ibn 'AH Rashid al-din Ibn al-Surl. One 
of the most original of Muslim botanists. Born at Stir (Tyre) in 1 177-1778 ; studied 
medicine in Damascus under * Abd al-La^if ; was attached to a hospital in Jerusalem ; 
served under the Ayyubid, al-Mu'azzam, and after the latter's death in 1227, 
under his successor, al-Nasir, who appointed him chief of physicians; he finally 
established himself in Damascus, where he died c. 1242. 

He wrote for al-Mu'azzam (ruler of Damascus from 1218 to 1227) a treatise on 
simple medicines (al-adwiya al mufrada), wherein he discussed the views explained 
by one of his colleagues, Taj al-din al-Bulghari, in a similar treatise. 

He was especially distinguished as a botanist. According to Ibn abi Usaibi'a, 
who herborized with him in the country surrounding Damascus, Ibn al-Surl 
traveled extensively and explored the Lebanon range to discover and collect 
plants. He was accompanied by an artist whose business it was to represent them 
in color as completely as possible at different stages of their growth. This is, I 
believe, the earliest definite instance of such illustrations in Arabic literature, but 
they are unfortunately lost. He was well acquainted with the writings of Dios- 
condes, Galen, and al-Ghafiql (second half of the twelfth century). Strangely 
enough, Ibn al-Baitar does not mention him. 

Criticism Ibn abi Ugaibi'a (Midler's edition, 1884, vol. 2, 216-219; this is an 
exceptionally long article). IJajI Khalifa (Fluegel's edition, vol. 1, no. 361, p. 227). 
For Taj al-din al Bulghan, see ibidem (vol. 6, no. 12624, p. 34). 



650 INTRODUCTION TO THE HISTORY OF SCIENCE [1200-1250] 

F. Wustenfeld: Arabische Aerate (129, 1840). L. Leclerc: M^decine arabe 
(vol. 2, 171-173, 1876). Carra de Vaux: Penseurs'de I'lslam (vol. 2, 290, 1921). 

AL-TIFASHI 

Abu-l- f Abbas Ahmad ibn Yusuf Shihab al-dm al-Tifashl. Muslim mineralogist 
who flourished in Egypt and died in 1253-1254. 

He wrote, c. 1242, a book on precious stones entitled Kitab azhar al-afkar fi 
jawahir al-ahjar (Flowers of thoughts on precious stones) divided into twenty-five 
chapters (one introductory and twenty-four devoted each to a separate stone). 
For each stone he examines successively the origin, the places where it is found, the 
qualities, the special properties and applications, the commercial value. 

Another work of the same kind, entitled Matali* al-budur f 1 manazil al-surtir 
(Risings of the full moon over the abodes of joy), is ascribed to him, but also to a 
later writer of Berber origin, 'All ibn 'Abdallah 'Ala' al-din al-Baha'I al-Ghuzull 
al-Dimashqi ; who died in 1412-1413. It deals with jewels and their proper use, 
and is divided into fifty chapters. 

One of the best known Arabic books on erotics, the Nuzhat al-albab f I ma la 
yujad fi kitab, was composed by him, and two other books of the same kind are 
ascribed to him (RujtT al-shaikh ila sibah fi-1-quwa 'ala-1-bah; Risala fi ma yahtaj 
ilaihi al-njal wal-msa' fi 'sti'mal al-bah mimma yadurr wa-yanfa'). He was 
apparently well acquainted with the anterior Arabic literature on this popular 
subject. 

Text A specimen of the Azhar was published by S. F Ravius (Utrecht 1784). 
The whole text with Italian translation was edited by count Antonio Raineri 1 
(1780-1839) : Fior di pensieri sulle pietre preziose di Ahmed Teifascite (Florence 
1818). This text is less complete, however, than that contained in the Paris MSS. 
used by Clement-Mullet. Reprinted by order of count Camillo Raineri Biscia 
(144 p., Bologna 1906), with a biography of count Antonio (see J. Ruska in Mitt. 
zur Gesch. der Medizin, vol. 6, 426-428). 

Criticism Hajl Khalifa (vol. 5, 598). Clement-Mullet: Essai sur la mm^ralogie 
axabe (Journal asiatique, vol. 11, 5-81, 109-253, 502-522, 1868). Almost exclu- 
sively based on al-Tlfashl. L. Leclerc: M&iecme arabe, (vol. 2, 237-239, 1876). 
Moritz Steinschneider : Arabische Lapidarien (Z. der deutschen morgenlandischen 
GeseUschatt, vol. 49, 244-278, 1895, p. 254-256). C. Brockelmann: Arabische 
Litteratur (vol. 1, 495, 1898; vol. 2, 55, 1902). Eilhard Wiedemann: tlber die 
Eigenschaften des Jaqtit, Hyazinthes (Siteungsber. der phys. med. Soz., vol. 52, 
220, Erlangen 1922; apropos of the Matali' al-budur). Julius Ruska: Tabula 
smaragdma (151-155, Heidelberg 1926); Encyclopaedia of Islam (vol. 4, 751, 1929). 
J, E. Sarkis: Dictionnaire de bibliographic arabe (651, Cairo 1928). 

V. WESTERN MUSLIM 
ABtT-L- 'ABBAS AL-NABATI 

Abu-1- 'Abbas Ahmad ibn Muhammad ibn Mufarraj, often called al-Nabatl 
(the botanist) or Ibn al-Rumiya (son of the Greek or Christian woman), also al- 
Hafiz (he who knows the Qur'an and hadlth by rote). Hispano-Muslim botanist; 
according to Muslim traditions one of the greatest botanists among them. Born in 
Seville in 1165-1166 or 1171-1172; died m Spain, probably in Seville, c. 1239-1140. 

1 Family name, Biscia. 



[1200-1250] NATURAL HISTORY 651 

His knowledge of plants was primarily derived from his direct study of them, and 
he seems to have been interested in them for their own sake, not simply for medical 
purposes. He made many botanical excursions in Spain and across the Strait; 
then c. 1217 he traveled eastwards, in North Africa, Egypt and further on, to com- 
plete his botanical investigations and perform the Pilgrimage. The Ayyubid 
sultan, al-'Adil Sayf al-din (1199-1218), tried to retain him in Cairo, but al-Nabatl 
remained only long enough to collect the ingredients necessary for the king's treacle, 
and he then proceeded to Syria and Iraq, where he learned to know many plants 
which do not grow in the West. He finally returned to Spam (via Sicily?). 

He wrote an account of his journey, Kitab al-rihla. Judging by the extracts that 
have come down to us, it dealt primarily with his observations of plants, many of 
which were new; e.g., those relative to plants growing along the shores of the Red 
Sea. Two other books are ascribed to him: Explanation of the names of simples 
in Dioscondes, and Treatise on the composition of drugs. 

His works are known only through the abundant quotations of his famous dis- 
ciple, Ibn al-Barfar. 

Criticism Ibn abi U^aibi'a (Midler's edition, vol. 2, 81, 1884). Haji Khalifa 
(Flugel's edition, vol. 5, no. 10130, 86, 1850) 

F. Wustenfeld: Arabische Aerzte (118, 1840). Ernst H. F. Meyer: Geschichte 
der Botanik (vol. 3, 233-236, 1856). L. Leclerc: M<decine arabe (vol. 2. 244. 
1876). 



AL-BAITAR 

See medical chapter. 

VI. HINDU 
For Sarngadhara and Narahari, see medical chapter. 

VII. CHINESE 

CHAO JU-KTJA 

See geographical chapter. 

CH'ilN 



Ch'Sn 2 Jen*-yu 4 * (658, 5627, 13630). Flourished c. 1245. Chinese botanist. 
He wrote in 1245 a treatise on mushrooms, Chun 4 p'u 3 (3298, 9515), dealing with 
eleven species obtainable at Tai 2 chou 1 (10583, 2444), Chehkiang. The purpose 
was agricultural rather than scientific. An antidote is given at the end. 

Text The Library of Congress has the Chun p'u in vol. 122 of the Mo 4 * hai 3 
chin 1 hu 2 (8022, 3767, 2032, 4954); in vol. 106 of the Shuo 1 * fu 1 (9598, 3650); and 
in vol. 8 of the Chu 1 ts'ung 1 pieh 2 * lu 4 * (2549, 12039, 9155, 7386). 

Criticism A. Wylie: Chinese literature (152, 1902). 

CHIA SStf-TAO 

Chia 3 Ssii 4 -tao 4 (1181, 10289, 10780). Chinese minister of State, and general, 
who lived in the first half of the thirteenth century and was one of the cricket 
fanciers famous in history. He wrote the earliest treatise on crickets, Ts'u 4 * 



052 INTRODUCTION TO THE HISTORY OF SCIENCE [1200-1250] 

chih 1 * ching 1 (11870, 1812, 2122), which, contains much information on the subject 
Indeed by that time the Chinese were already very familiar with crickets, and had 
developed considerable lore on their rearing, training and medical care The 
keeping of crickets in cages to enjoy their chirping goes back at least to the T'ang; 
the sport of cricket fights was developed under the Sung. A new edition of Chia's 
treatise with additional matter, was prepared by Chou 1 Li 3 -chmg 4 (2450, 6952, 2131) 
of the Ming; it is in this form that it has come down to us, being still the most 
elaborate and authoritative work on the subject 

Another Ming author, Liu 2 T'ung 2 (7270, 12270), wrote Records of crickets, 
Ts'u 4 * chih 1 * chih 4 (11870, 1812, 1918), and a treatise bearing this same title was 
also written by Yuan 2 Hung 2 Tao 4 (13739, 5275, 10780) who flourished during the 
Wan Li period (1573-1620). Finally, as I may have no other occasion to speak of 
this, I shall still mention the treatise on crickets, Ts'u 4 * chih 1 * p'u 3 (9515), written 
by Fang 1 Hsu 4 * (3435, 4760) of the Manchu dynasty The Mirror of flowers, Hua 1 
ching 4 (5002, 2170), written by Ch'en 2 Fu 2 -yao 2 (658, 3613, 12916) m 1688, also 
contains several sections on crickets. 

The Chinese knew that the chirping was caused by the motion of the wings 
Of the many species of crickets distinguished and used by them, females are kept 
only of one, the black tree cricket (Homoeogryllus japonicus), which they call 
Golden Bell, chin^chung^erh 2 (2032, 2893, 3333), because they say this is the 
only species for which the presence of females is necessary to induce the male 
chirping 

Text The following editions are available in the Library of Congress* 

The Ts j u chih ching by Chia Sstt-tao, in vol. 34 of the I 2 mn 2 kuang 3 tu 2 * (5397, 
7751, 6397, 12064) 

The Ts'u chih chih by Liu T'ung, in a separate undated edition. 

The Ts ; u chih chih by Yuan Hung Tao, in vol. 158 of the Shuo 1 * fu 1 (9598, 
3650) 

The Hua ching, printed in 1783, in 3 vols. and six chuan. The Library of Congress 
also has the Pi 4 chuan 2 hua 1 ching 4 (S932 2 , 2703, 5002, 2170) in four volumes and 
six chiian 

Crit^sm Berthold Laufer* Insect musicians and cricket champions of China 
(27 p., 12 pL, Field Museum, Chicago 1927; Isis, 10, 510-511). 

2 I give Giles's transcription of 8932, pi 4 , but it is more commonly pronounced mi*. 



CHAPTER XXXVIII 

MEDICINE 

(First Half of Thirteenth Century) 
I TRANSLATORS FROM ARABIC INTO LATIN 

For Theodore of Antioch, see chapter on natural history; for Philip of Tripolis 
and Stephen of Saragossa, see chapter on translators. 

II ITALIAN 
ADAM OF CREMONA 

"Cantor ecclesiae 77 He composed for the emperor Frederick II a treatise on the 
hygiene of a crusading army or of a large body of pilgrims : Regimen iter agentium 
vel peregrinantium. This was probably written before the time appointed for the 
crusade which the emperor had planned to undertake in August, 1227, but had to 
abandon because of the occurrence of a plague. It is an elaborate treatise in three 
books : the first dealing with diet and sleep, camping, exercising, delousing, bath- 
ing, bloodletting and cupping, sea sickness, etc ; the second, with fatigue and rest, 
the care of feet; the third, with the religious purpose of a crusade, i e. with the 
soldier's morale; the first book is by far the longest (86 p. out of 96). 

Text Fritz Honger: irzthche Verhaltungsmassregeln auf dem Heerzug ins 
Heilige Land fur Kaiser Friedrich II, geschrieben von Adam v. Cremona (Diss., 
120 p., Leipzig 1913; with dietetic and medical glossary). 

Cr^t^c^sm Karl Sudhoff: Jtrztliche Regimina fur Land- und Seereisen aus dem 
15. Jahrhundert (Archiv f ur Geschichte der Medizin, vol. 4, 263-281, 1911). 

ROLAND OF PARMA 

Rolandus Parmensis Sometimes called Rolando Capelluti or CapezzutL He 
may have belonged to the Capelluti family of Parma, yet it is better to avoid 
calling him so lest he be confused with the physician of that name who flourished in 
the second half of the fifteenth century. 

Italian surgeon, disciple of Roger of Salerno. He flourished in Parma and Bologna 
about the beginning of the thirteenth century. He wrote the so-called Chirurgia 
rolandina, which is an elaboration of Roger's Practica chirurgiae. It is more than 
a mere commentary and shows deeper traces of Arabic influence. 

An extensive commentary on both Roger's Practica and the Rolandina was 
composed, probably in France, in the second half of the thirteenth century, by four 
masters. It is entitled Glossulae quatuor magistrorum super chirurgiam Rogerii 
et Rolandi. The Arabic tendencies are even more strongly marked in this com- 
mentary than in the Rolandina. 

The Rolandina was translated into Hebrew at least once. One Hebrew text is 
entitled Sefer ha-feabburot ve ha-nega'im (Book of ulcers and plagues); another, 
Rolandina. 

653 



654 INTRODUCTION TO THE HISTORY OF SCIENCE [1200-1250] 

Text The Rolandina was published in the Collectio chirurgica veneta (third 
edition; Venice 1499; and following editions). 

Giovanni Carbonelli: La Chirurgia di Rolando da Parma detto dei Capezzuti. 
Riproduzione del Codice latino n. 1382 della Bibhotheca Casanatense, Roma. 
Volgarizzamento e note (24 p., 56 pi. facsimile m color, Roma 1927). 

Glossulae quatuor magistrorum edited by S. De Renzi: Collectio salernitana 

Criticism M.I Stemschneider: Hebraeische Ubersetzungen (830, 1893). E. 
Gurlt: Geschichte der Chirurgie (vol. 1, 702-720, 1898). Waldemar Linger Die 
Bologneser Roger Glosse des Rolando Capelluti (Diss., 33 p., Leipzig 1919). An- 
alysis of the Rolandina and comparison with the surgery of Roger (Isis, 4, 585). 
Oskar Schwind: Zahnarztliches bei den itahemschen Chirurgen des 13. Jahr- 
hunderts und bei Guy de Chauliac (Diss., 50 p , Leipzig 1924). Davide Giordano: 
Sulla posizione inversa in chirurgia (Riv. di stona d. scienze, 16, 189-192, 1925). 
Showing that Rolando recommended the use in certain cases of the dechve position, 
a practice which is thus much older than is generally believed (Isis, 8, 742). 

JOANNES JAMATUS 

Also Jamaticus, Jammarius, Jamerius. Italian surgeon who flourished in South 
Italy about the same time as Roland of Parma, probably c. 1230-1252 (Sudhoff). 
He wrote a surgical compendium in nine books, based on Roger's work with which 
it has much in common, but also on personal observations. 

Text P Pansier: Cyrurgia Johannis Jamarii (Janus, vol. 8, 304-309, 359-362, 
426-431, 1903). Edition of book IX only i.e., the antidotarium from Oxford 
and Paris MSS. First complete edition by Jul. Leopold Pagel: Chirurgia Jamati 
(98 p., Berlin 1909). 

Criticism F. Arthur Saland: Die Chirurgie des Jamerius nach den Fragmenten 
des Guy de Chauliac (Diss., Berlin 1895). E. Gurlt : Geschichte der Chirurgie (vol. 
1, 720, 1898). M. Neuburger: Geschichte der Medizin (vol. 2, 308, 1911). K. 
Sudhoff: Beitrage zur Geschichte der Medizin (vol. 2, 391-394, 1918; Joannis 
Jamati Chirurgia quae dicitur thesaurus secretorum). 

HUGH BOKGOGNONI 

Ugo da Lucca. Hugh of Lucca (m Tuscany). Italian physician and surgeon. 
Born in the third quarter of the twelfth century, flourished in Bologna in 1214 and 
following years; in 1219 he accompanied the Bolognese Crusaders to Syria and 
Egypt and attended the siege of Damietta conducted by Jean de Bnenne; he died 
c. 1252-1258, probably in Bologna, in very old age. 

He may be called the founder of the surgical school of Bologna (c. 1214) . Various 
simplifications in the treatment of luxations, fractures, and wounds are ascribed 
to him, also the sublimation of arsenic. 

Three of his four sons were physicians, but only one of them, Theodoric, 
became famous (ie., assuming that Theodoric was his son, which is uncertain). 
It is difficult if not impossible to say exactly which improvements were invented by 
Hugo, and which by this son Theodoric. 

THEODORIC BORGOGNONT 

Teodorico Borgognoni, Theodoricus Cerviensis. Italian physician. Son and 
disciple of Hugh Borgognoni. Born at Lucca in 1205 ; died at Bologna on Christmas 
eve, 1298. 



[1200-1250] MEDICINE 655 

He assumed the Dominican habit; was penitentiary to Innocent TV (pope from 
1243 to 1254) ; bishop of Bitonto (Bari delle Puglie) from 1262 to 1266, during which 
time he resided in Lucca; and bishop of Cervia (near Ravenna) from 1266 to 1298, 
with residence in Bologna. 

His treatises, De sublimatione arsenici, de alumimbus et salibus, are lost. 

A treatise of his on horse medicine, Practica equorum (Liber de medela equorum; 
Mulomedicina) exists in Latin, Italian, and Catalan. A treatise on falconry is 
extant in Catalan. 

His main work is a treatise on surgery (Cyrurgia), which he composed while he 
was penitentiary to Innocent IV, thus possibly before the middle of the century. 
He prepared a new edition when bishop of Bitonto (1262-1266) and dedicated it 
to Andreas, bishop of Valencia (bishop from 1248 to 1279). This circumstance 
may explain the existence of an excellent Catalan translation (and of the other 
Catalan translations of his works). There are also translations into Spanish, 
Italian, French, English, German, and at least one into Hebrew. One Hebrew 
text seems to have been translated from the Spanish (or Catalan?). 

He developed his father's method for the treatment of wounds without festering, 
dressing them preferably with wine He suggested improvements in the use of the 
spongia soponfera to induce a state of narcosis; the use itself can be traced to a 
much earlier date, at least to the ninth century and possibly to Hellenistic times. 1 
He made a careful use of mercury salts in various skin diseases, and observed the 
resultant salivation. 

Some doubts have been raised with regard to the relationship between Theodoric 
and Hugh. It is certain that the surgeon Theodoric was a disciple of Hugh, but 
less so that he was his son and a Borgognoni. One critic (L. Karl) has gone so far 
as to suggest that Theodoric was not an Italian, but a Catalan. This is unproved; 
the existence of Catalan texts of his works can be explained otherwise. 

Text Theodoric's Cyrurgia was published together with those of Guy of Chau- 
liac and others (Venice 1498). Later editions: Venice 1499, 1500, 1513, 1519. 
Ars chirurgica, Venice 1546. 

Antoine Thomas : Traduction provengale abr6g6e de la Mulomedicina de Teo- 
dorico Borgognoni, suivie de recettes pour le vin (Romania, vol 40, 353-370, 1911). 

The Catalan treatise De cura accipitrum was edited by Nicholas Rigault: Rei 
accipitrariae scnptores (vol. 2, 185-200, Paris 1612). Rigault's collection not 
being available to me, I had no means of checking this, and of finding out whether 
or not this Catalan treatise is different from the Epistolae Aquilae Symmachi et 
Theodotionis mentioned above in the section on falconry. 

Criticism M. Steinschneider : Hebraeische tTbersetzungen (832, 1893). E. 
Gurlt: Geschichte der Chirurgie (vol. 1, 740-753, 1898). Eugen Perrenon: Die 
Chirurgie des Hugo von Lucca nach den Mitteilungen bei Theodoric (Diss., Berlin, 
1899). L. Moul4: Histoire de la medicine v6t&inaire (DeuxiSme p&iode, deuxi&ne 
partie, 31, Paris 1900). Alberto Vedrani: Gli scienziati italiani (vol. I, 1923, 312- 
320). A. Deffarge: Histoire critique des anesth^siques anciens et en particulier des 
Sponges somnif&res & base de drogues v6g6tales (Thesis, Toulouse 1928; not seen). 
Louis Karl: La chirurgie, le traitement des chevaux et des oiseaux (en latin et 
en Catalan) par Theodoric le Catalan (Revue des biblioth&ques, 18 p., Paris 1928) ; 
Theodoric der Catalane, Theodoricus von Cervia und Theodorus von Kalabrien 
(Archivum romanicum, vol. 12, 482-499, 1928); Theodoric et sa chirurgie (Bull, 
de la Soci<t6 fran^aise cThistoire de la m^decine, vol. 23, 140-183, 1929). Davide 

1 Karl Sudhoff in Archiv fur Geschichte der Medizin (vol. 13, 127, 1921). 



656 INTRODUCTION TO THE HISTORY OF SCIENCE [1200-1250] 

Giordano : Sulla patria e sulla chirurgia di frate Teodorico (Rivista di storia delle 
scienze mediche, anno 21, 3-22, 1930); Ancora sulla identita di Teodorico (o 
Tederico) autore della Cliirurgia "fiha principis" con Teodorico figlio di Ugone, 
vescovo di Cervia, e prima di Bitonto (ibidem, anno 21, 133-137, 1930). 

For the medical regulations promulgated by Frederick II, see the note devoted 
to him at the beginning of the philosophical chapter, above. 

III. FRENCH 

AGELINUS 

Gualterus Agilinus (or Agulinus, Aquilinus). Walter Agilinus. Gauthier 
Agilon (?). Salernitan physician who flourished probably about the middle of the 
thirteenth century and was probably a Frenchman. He was influenced by Giles 
of Corbeil (second half of the twelfth century) His main works are a Summa 
medicinahs which is a complete special pathology and therapeutics based on 
uroscopy, and a Compendium urinarum which appears to be simply an elaboration 
of earlier writings on the subject. 

He also wrote Liber pulsuum; Glossulae super versus Aegidii (lost) ; De febribus; 
Summa or Practica; De dosi medicinarum. Two treatises ascribed to him were 
translated into Hebrew. The Perah ha-refuah (Flower of medicine) and the 
Ma'amar ba-eresim (Treatise on poisons). The second, dealing with four kinds 
of poisons, was translated by Jacob ben Joseph ha-Levi (c. 1297-1301). 

Text Paul Diepgen: Gualteri Agiloni Summa medicinalis erstmalig ediert mit 
einer vergleichender Betrachtung alterer medizmischen Kompendien des Mittel- 
alters (Studien zur Geschichte der Medizin, 232 p., Leipzig 1911; excellent edition). 

Julius Pfeffer: Das Compendium urinarum des Gualterus Agulinus (Diss.. 
Berlin 1891). 

Criticism Emile Littr6: Histoire litt&rarie de la France (vol. 21, 411-415, 1847). 
Salvatore de Renzi: Storia documentata della scuola di Salerno (2. ed.> 421-423, 
1857). M. Stemschneider: Hebraeische Ubersetzungen (800, 1893). F. Hart- 
mann: Die Litteratur von Fruh- und Hochsalerno (37-38, 1919). 

WILLIAM OF CONGENIS 

William of Congeinna (Conienniis, Congenie?) also called Burgensis. Unknown 
physician who flourished after Roger of Salerno and before Yperman probably 
about the middle of the thirteenth century in southern France. He was a master of 
Montpellier. (The places to which the names Congenis and Burgensis refer can- 
not be identified; Burgensis is of course extremely vague; there is a place called 
Congianus in north-eastern Sardinia). 

He wrote a Latin treatise on surgery in five books. The first two books and the 
first part of the third are directly derived from Roger's Practica; the rest is more 
original but unimportant. William's treatise was translated into Hebrew. 

Text Julius Pagel: Die Chirurgie des Wilhelm von Congeinna. Fragment eines 
Collegienheftes nach einer Handschrift der Erfurter Amploniana (86 p., Berlin 
1891). Karl Sudhoff: Beitrage zur Geschichte der Chirurgie im Mittelalter (vol. 
2, 297-384, 1918; Domini et magistri Willehelmi de Congenis, Burgensis zu Mont- 
pellier, Scriptum cirurgiae, sowie dazugehonge Notulae cirurgiae eines Sch tilers). 

Criticism -M. Steinschneider: Hebraeische tfbersetzungen (801, 1893). E. 
Gurlt: Geschichte der Chirurgie (vol. 1, 722, 1898). K. Sudhoff: Gedanken uber 



[1200-1250] MEDICINE 657 

die Ausbildung chirurgischer Operateure an den Hochschulen im 13. Jahrhundert 
(Mitt zur Geschichte der Medizin, vol. 17, 294-295, 1918). R. Ganszyniec: 
Zur Chirurgie des Wilhelm de Congenis (Archiv fur Geschichte der Medizin, 13, 
166-170, 1921). 

IV. SPANISH 

STEPHEN OF SARAGOSSA 

See translators from Arabic into Latin. 

V. ENGLISH 

RICHAED OF WENDOVER 

Richard the Englishman. Ricardus Anghcus ; Ricardus Parisiensis Flourished 
in Paris; died in London in 1252. English physician, anatomist (?), alchemist (?). 
Physician to pope Gregory IX from 1227 to the latter 's death in 1241. After 1241 
he flourished in Paris; and later still in London, where he was for a time canon of 
St. Paul's. 

Author of many medical writings, notably the Micrologus, a brief medical 
encyclopaedia based on the Greek and Arabic knowledge available in Latin 
translations. The Practica, the Anatomia, and some of the other writings ascribed 
to him, were probably parts of the Micrologus. 

The ascription of the Anatomia to him is not absolutely certain. This so-called 
Anatomia Ricardi Anghci has been identified with the De anatomia vivorum, as- 
cribed to Galen and included in many early editions of Galen. Whoever the 
author, it was written c. 1210-1240, probably c. 1225. It is largely based on the 
translation of Ibn Sina's Qanun by Gerard of Cremona of which it includes many 
passages copied verbatim. Much space is devoted to explaining the differences 
between Aristotle and Galen as to the origin of the veins and the relative importance 
of the heart in comparison with the brain and the liver; the conclusion is in Aris- 
totle's favor. This text should not be confused with the Anatomia Ricardi Saler- 
mtani, which is a little earlier (see my note on Richard of Salerno, second half of 
twelfth century). 

An alchemical treatise, Correctorium alchymiae, is also ascribed to him. 

Text The Anatomia Ricardi Anglici was edited by Robert von Toply (Vienna 
1902). Toply believed himself to be the first editor of this text, not realizing that 
it had been printed many times before under the title De anatomia vivorum among 
Galen's works. English translation, partly based on the consideration of a new 
MS. (Chartres, middle or second half of the thirteenth century) by George W. 
Corner: Anatomical texts of the earlier Middle Ages (Washington 1927; Isis, 
9, 452-456). K. Sudhoff: Der Micrologus-Text der Anatomia (Archiv fur Ges- 
chichte der Mfedizin, 19, 209-239, 1927; Isis, 11, 174). 

Hermann Seyfert: Die Flebotomia Richardi Anglici (Diss., 15 p., Leipzig 1924; 
text without notes). 

Correctorium alchymiae. Strassburg 1581; again 1596. 

Criticism E. Littr<: Richard m<decm (Histoire litt&aire de la France, vol. 21, 
383-393, Paris 1847). S. de Renzi: Collectio salernitana (vol. 3, 345, 1854; vol. 
4, 608, 1856). C. L Kingsford: Dictionary of national biography (vol. 48, 201- 
202, 1896). John Ferguson: Bibhotheca chemica (vol. 2, 270-272, 1906). K 
Sudhoff: Der Wiener Cod. lat. 1634 und die Anatomia Ricardi Anglici (Archiv fur 
Geschichte der Medizin, vol. 8, 71, 1914). H. H. Beusing: Leben und Werke 
des Richardus Anglicus und seine Schrift Signa (Diss., Leipzig 1922). 



658 INTRODUCTION TO THE HISTORY OF SCIENCE [1200-1250] 

GILBERT THE ENGLISHMAN 

Gilbertus Anglicus. English physician, who was chancellor of Montpellier in 
125Q He wrote a number of medical treatises, of which by far the most important 
was his Compendium medicmae (also called Lilmm or Laurea medicinae). It is 
a good compilation of Salernitan and Arabic medicine, comprehensive and up-to- 
date. It is divided into seven books : (1) fevers; (2) diseases of the head, hair, and 
nerves; (3) of the eyes and face; (4) of the external members; (5 and 6) internal 
diseases; (7) genito-urinary diseases, gout, cancer, skin diseases, poisons, etc. It 
closes with two very interesting chapters on the hygiene of travel, suggesting that 
Gilbert must have been a seasoned traveler. It contains some interesting noso- 
logical descriptions; e g , leprosy, variola, rubeola. Gilbert was the first to recog- 
nize the contagious nature of smallpox; he emphasized the importance of the surgical 
treatment of cancer; he advised travelers to use distilled water, and sea-travelers to 
eat fruit The surgical part (fifty chapters) of the Compendium follows closely 
the Chirurgia of Roger of Salerno, but not the Rolandina. It must be added that 
the Compendium contains also a good number of magical and irrational recipes. 

The Compendium, or at any rate extracts from it, was translated into Hebrew, 
Qizzur ha-refuah, by Judah ben Solomon Nathan (1362). 

If one accepts, as I have done, the identity of Gilbert with the Chancellor of 
Montpellier of 1250, his activity is dated. But this identity is not entirely proved. 
The authenticity of one of the minor writings, a collection of recipes entitled 
"Expenmenta magistri Gilliberti cancellaru montepessulani," is doubtful. How- 
ever, internal evidence leads to a similar date. For Gilbert quotes Richard of 
Wendover and Ibn Rushd; he follows Roger's Practica, but not the Rolandina; 
on the other hand he is often quoted in the Thesaurus pauperum of Peter of Spain. 
It is thus practically certain that the Compendium was composed about the middle 
of the thirteenth century, and rather before the middle than after. The fact that 
Gilbert was called the Englishman proves that he lived outside of England. 

Text First edition, corrected by Michael of Capella: Compendium medicinae 
Gilberti Anglici tarn morborum umversalium quam particularism non tantum 
medicis sed et cyrurgicis utilissimum (Lyon 1510) 

Second edition. Laurea anglicana seu compendium totms medicinae (Geneva 
1508). 

P. Pansier: E&perimenta magistri Gilliberti, cancellan montispessulam. Pub- 
lies d'apres le MS. de la Biblioth&que nationale de Pans avec introduction histonque 
(Janus, vol 8, 20-25, 65-69, 141-147, 1903). Pansier says that these Expenmenta 
are certainly from another author than the Compendium. 

Criticism Emile Littre: Histoire litt^raire de la France (vol. 21, 393-403, 1847). 
C. L. Kingsford: Dictionary of national biography (vol. 21, 318, 1890). M. 
Steinschneider: Hebraeische Ubersetzungen (798, 1893) E. Gurlt: Geschichte 
der Chirurgie (vol. 2, 148-157, 1898), M. Neuburger: Geschichte der Medizin 
(vol. 2, 369, 1911). Henry E. Handerson: Gilbertus Anglicus (77 p., Cleveland 
1918 ; Isis, 3, 325) . Martin Seidemann : Zahnarztliches in den Werken des Gilbertus 
Anglicus (D'iss , 22 p , Leipzig 1922; Isis, 5, 501). Lynn Thorndike: History of 
magic (vol. 2, 477-487, 1923) 

For Alfred of Sareshel, see translators from Arabic into Latin; for Michael Scot 
and Robert Grosseteste, see philosophical chapter; for William the Englishman, 
see mathematical chapter. 



[1200-1250] MEDICINE 659 

VI. WELSH 

The mediaeval medicine of Wales is represented by a series of texts called Meddy- 
gon Myddvai; i e , The physicians of Myddvai (Myddveu or Myddfai, not far from 
Llandeilo, m Carmarthenshire). The earliest of these texts is traditionally sup- 
posed to have been written about the middle of the thirteenth century by one 
Rhiwallon, the most famous leech of his time, and the earliest of a long series who 
succeeded one another from father to son, m Myddfai, down to the eighteenth 
century. 

The scientific value of these texts is very small, but they are most interesting from 
the ethnographic point of view. 

Text The physicians of Myddvai, Meddygon Myddfai, or The medical practice 
of the celebrated Rhiwallon and his sons, of Myddvai, m Carmarthenshire, physi- 
cians to Rhys Gryg, Lord of Dynevor and Ystrad Towy, about the middle of the 
thirteenth century. From ancient MSS in the libraries of Jesus College, Oxford, 
Llano ver, and Tonn; with an English translation, and the legend of the Lady of 
Llyn y Van. Translated by John Pughe, and edited by John Williams ab Ithel. 
Published for the Welsh MSS. Society (500 p., Llandovery 1861). Celtic text 
with English translation; the edition and translation being equally careless. Brief 
note on weights and measures 

P Diverres. Le plus ancien texte des Meddygon Myddveu (315 p , Paris 1913). 
Better text with a French translation, a long historical and philological introduc- 
tion, a glossary of plant names (p. 165-222), elaborate bibliography, and index. 

New edition in preparation by the Wellcome Historical medical museum, an- 
nounced in a pamphlet issued by that museum (14 p., 18 fig., London 1928). 

VII. GERMAN 

We have but very few documents on contemporary German medicine. These 
documents are generally more interesting from the folkloric and philologic than from 
the purely scientific point of view. 

I can quote only two memoirs, and as neither was available to me, I am not quite 
sure that they belong to this period. 

C. Kulz and (Frau) Trosse-Kulz: Das Breslauer Arzneibuch (c 190 p , Dresden 
1905). A dispensatory in Middle-High German taken from a MS. (R 291) in the 
Stadtbibliothek of Breslau The MS. dates from the thirteenth or fourteenth 
century. See M'itteilungen zur Geschichte der Medizin (vol. 3, 484, 1904; vol. 13, 
560-564, 1914). 

Hermann Fischer: Mittelhochdeutsche Receptare aus bayenschen Klostern und 
ihre Heilpflanzen (Mitt, der bayer. botan. Gesell., vol. 4, 69-75, 1926); Mittelalter- 
liche Pflanzenkunde (Miinchen, 1929; Isis, 15,367). 

VIII. SCANDINAVIAN 
RAFN SVEINBJOR3STSSON 

See geographical chapter 

HENRIK HARFE3TRAENG 

"Medicus et canonicus Roschildensis;" physician to Eric IV Waldemarsson 
(king of Denmark from 1241 to 1250) ; born c. 1164; died in 1244; buried at Roskilde, 
Denmark. The earliest Scandinavian writer of note on natural history and medi- 



660 INTRODUCTION TO THE HISTORY OF SCIENCE [1200-1250] 

cine. He has been identified with Henricus Dacus, or Henricus de Dacia 2 and 
Henri de Danemarche, and seems to have stayed at Orleans and perhaps at Salerno. 
His works are: (1) a tract about laxative remedies (m Latin); (2) astrological 
papers and prognostications (among these are rules for bloodletting, written for 
King Eric); (3) herbal; (4) papers on hygiene, diagnosis and surgery, (5) perhaps 
a medical tract, from head to foot, of the Salernitan type. 

Certain lapidaries and cookery books have been arbitrarily ascribed to him. His 
sources are al-Razi, Ibn Sina, Macer Floridus, Constantine the African, Copho, and 
Nicholas of Salerno. The lapidary (edited by Molbech and Hater by Kristensen) 
is derived from Marbode. 

Text I. Icelandic: (1) A fragmentary Laekmngabok, derived from Macer, 
edited from Codex Arnamagnaeanus 655 by Konrad Gislason: Fire og fyrretyve 
for en stor Deel forhen utrykte Prover af oldnordisk Sprog og Litteratur (Copen- 
hagen 1860), German translation of this text by F. Gron m Pharmacia (nos 19- 
20, 1906). 

(2) Medical treatise containing several incantations and magic formulas partly 
written in runes. The fragment edited by Gislason is included in it, and it also 
contains eighteen chapters' of Harpestraeng's Simphcia. K. KSlund: Den is- 
landske laegebog Codex Arnamagnaeanus 434 a in 12 (Kgl d. Vid. Selsk. Skr , 6. 
R., hist, og filos Afd., 6, 4; Copenhagen 1907). 

(3) Codex Arnamagnaeanus 194, in 8, written in 1387, contains extracts from 
articles on seven simples from Harpestraeng's Herbarium. Edited by K. KSlund 
in AlfraetSi Islenzk (vol 1, 1908). 

(4) A text found in Dublin has been edited by Henning Larsen but is as yet 
unpublished; see my note on Thorleif Bjornsson (second half of the fifteenth 
century). 

II. Swedish: Seven MSS.; edited in G. E. Klemmmg: Lake- och Ortebocker 
frn Sveriges medettid (Stockholm, 1883-1886). The first of these is a medical 
treatise describing diseases a capite ad calcem. The other texts are partly derived 
from Pliny and Bartholomaeus Anglicus. 

III. Norwegian: Harms Haegstad: Gamalnorsk fragment av EL Harpestreng 
(Vid. Selsk Skrifter, hist. KL, Kristiania 1906). 

IV. Danish: C. Molbech: H. Harpestraeng's Danske Laegebok (Copenhagen 
1826; contains two herbals and a lapidary). Marius Kristensen: Harpestraeng 
Gamle danske Urteboger, Stenboger og Kogeboger (Copenhagen 1908, including 
also other Scandinavian works of the same kind). 

V. Latin: Henricus Dacus: De simplicibus laxativis udgivet for fdrste gang 
af J. W. S. Johnsson (98 p., Copenhagen 1914; with abundant commentary in 
Danish; Isis, 4, 137). French translation by Johnsson in Janus (vol. 22, 27-55, 
61-114, 1917). 

VI. Medical anonymous works of the same time or somewhat later V, S&by: Det 
Arnamagnaeanske Mndskrift 187 in 8 mdeholdende en dansk Laegebog (Copen- 
hagen 1886). Poul Hauberg: En middelalderlig dansk Laegebog (102 p., Copen- 
hagen 1927; Isis, 10, 128). Marius Haegstad: Eit Stykke av ei austlandsk Laek- 
jebok fraa 14 Hundradaaret A.M. 673 a (Kristiania 1913; Norwegian texts). 

2 In this and other Scandinavian names the word Dacia does not refer of course to the 
Roman province, situated north and later south of the Danube. At some later time Dacia 
came to mean Denmark, but later still this term was used to designate the ecclesiastical 
province extending over the three Scandinavian Kingdoms. This final extension maybe 
somewhat dated by the fact that the Dominicans and Franciscans reached Denmark respec- 
tively m 1221 and 1222 Thus after Roman times, but before 1221, Dacia meant Denmark; 
after 1222, Dacia may mean Denmark or Scandinavia, (J. W. S. Johnsson, Janus, vol. 22, 29, 
1917). 



[1200-1250] MEDICINE 661 

Criticism Max Hofler : Zur altgermanischen Heilkunde (Janus, vol. 8, passim, 
1903). Predrik Gron: Altnordische Heilkunde (Janus, vols. 12 and 13, passim, 
1907, 1908). Ernest Wickershenner: Maitre Henri de Danemark, m6decin & 
Orleans sous le r&gne de Philippe-Auguste (Bull soc. frang hist. m6d , vol. 14, 
243-245, 1920). J. W. S. Johnsson: H. Harpesteeng (Isis, 4, 13-16, 1921; sum- 
mary with bibliography). T. Reichhorn-Kjennerud: En oversigt over og 
karakteristik av de gamle nordiske laegeboker (Tidsskrift for den norske Laege- 
forening, nos. 8-10, 1924). Poul Hauberg: Salernoskolen og dens Indflydelse 
paa dansk medicinsk Literatur (Archiv for Pharmaci og Chemi, 1928; Isis, 12, 400), 

This note was kindly revised by Henning Larsen of Iowa City, and twice by the 
late J. W. S. Johnsson of Copenhagen. 

IX, EASTERN MUSLIM 

For Ibn al-Sa'ati, see chapter on physics; for 'Abd al-Latif, see the philosophical 
chapter; for Ibn al-Surl, the chapter on natural history; for Ibnal- Lubudi, the 
mathematical chapter; for Ibn al-Qifti and Ibn abi Ugaibi'a, the historical chapter. 

NAJIB AL-DIN AL-SAMARQANDX 

Abu Hamid Muhammad ibn 'AH ibn 'Umar, Najlb al-din al-Samarqandl, 
Muslim physician who was born or flourished at Samarqand, and was killed by the 
Tartars during the sack of Herat in 1222-1223. (His older contemporary, Fakhr 
al-din al-Razi, had died, also in Herat, in 1210.) 

He wrote various medical works in Arabic. The most important, entitled 
Kitab al-asbab wal-'alamat i e , Causes and symptoms (of diseases) enjoyed 
some popularity There are many MSS. of it. It was known also through a 
commentary completed in Samarqand, 1423-1424, by Ulugh Beg's physician, 
Nafis ibn Iwad al-Kirmanl, the Sharh (or Mamzuj) al-asbab wal-'alamat. This 
commentary was itself the nucleus of the Persian treatise Tibb-i-Akbari (Medicine 
of Akbar) completed in 1700-1701 by Muhammad Arzani, son of Mir Haji 
Muhammad Muqim. That is, Muhammad Arzani added to his translation of 
Naf is's Sharh many extracts from other Arabic medical works. 

Text Nafis' Sharh was edited by Mauluwi 'Abd al-MajId (Calcutta 1836). 

There are many printed and lithographed editions of the Tibb-i-Akbar. Cal- 
cutta 1830, 1832, a third Calcutta edition without date; Bombay 1847-1848; 
Delhi 1848-1849; Bombay 1858-1859; Teheran 1858-1859; Bombay 1862-1863; 
Lucknow 1872-1873; etc. 

Criticism Ibn abi Uaibi'a (Muller's edition, vol. 2, 31, 1884). 

F. Wiistenfeld: Arabische Aerzte (119, 1840). L Leclerc: M6decine arabe 
(vol. 2, 127, 291, 1876). C. Brockelrnann: Arabische Litteratur (vol. 1, 490, 1898; 
e vol. 2, 213, 1902). Adolf Fonahn: Zur Quellenkunde der persischen Medizin 
(24-26, 1910; analysis of the Tibb-i-Akbari). 

IBN TABKHAN 

Abft Ishaq Ibrahim ibn Muhammad ibn Tarkhan (ibn) al-Suwaidi al-Anari 
al-Dimishqi, 'Izz al-din. Syrian physician and philosopher. Born in 1203-1204; 
flourished in Damascus; died in 1291-1292. 

His main work is a very large treatise on medicine, arranged a capite ad calcem, 
entitled Tadhkirat al-hadiya (Memorial of direction). It is also called Tadhkirat 



662 INTRODUCTION TO THE HISTORY OF SCIENCE [1200-1250] 

ibn Tarkhan and Tadhkirat al-Suwaidl. For each drug the opinions of many doc- 
tors are quoted verbatim, also sometimes the results of personal observations. It 
is said (in one of the MSS.) that Ibn Tarkhan used the writings of more than four 
hundred physicians. It is certaia that he quotes a great many of them, Westerners 
as well as Easterners (e g., he often quotes Ibn Kushd, though the latter was far 
less known in the East than in the Maghrib). 

Two abbreviated editions were prepared in the sixteenth century; the one by 
the Cairene Sufi, 'Abd al-Wahhab ibn Ahmad al-Sha'ram, who died in 1565-1566; 
the other by the Turkish doctor Badr al-dln Muhammad ibn Muhammad al- 
Qausunl, who flourished under Sulayman I (ruled from 1520 to 1566). Al-Qau^anJ 
suppressed all the references for the sake of brevity. 

Another treatise of Ibn Tarkhan, the Kitab al-bahir fi-1-jawahir, deals with the 
substances 



Text Al-Shar'anf s Mukhtasar tadkhirat al-Suwaidi fi-1-tibb was printed in 
Cairo, 1862. 

Cnticism Haj! Khalifa (vol. 2, nos. 1618, 2783, 2810, 2857). Ibn abl U^aibi'a 
(Muller's edition, vol. 2, 177, 266, 1884) 

F. Wiistenfeld: Arabische Aerzte (147, 1840). L Leclerc: M<decme arabe (vol. 
2, 199-202, 1876). C. Brockelmann: Arabische Litteratur (vol. 1, 493, 1898; for 
the two abbreviators, see vol. 2 ; 335, 447, 1902). 

MESUE THE THIRD 

Pseudo-Mesue II 3 . Unknown Arabic surgeon who flourished probably in the first 
half of the thirteenth century. I give him this non-Arabic name to emphasize 
our ignorance of his personality, and to distinguish him clearly from two other 
Mesue: Ibn Masawaih or Mesue Major (first half of the ninth century), and Masa- 
waih al-Mardini or Mesue Junior (first half of the eleventh century), both Chris- 
tians. He composed a treatise on surgery which was translated into Latin by 
Ferrarius (Faraj ibn Sallm, second half of the thirteenth century), and into Hebrew 
by Jacob ben Joseph ha-Levi m 1297. The Arabic text is lost and it has been 
claimed that it never existed; i.e., that the original work, though derived from 
Arabic sources, was not written in Arabic. It is of course difficult to distinguish, 
even with regard to the vocabulary, between a treatise directly translated from the 
Arabic and one derived from such translations. 

The "Cyrurgia Joannis Mesue" is divided into five books: (1) De anathomia et 
primo de anathomia membrorum consimihum (bones, cartilage, vessels, nerves, etc.) ; 
(2) De anathomia membrorum officialium (separate parts and organs; in reality 
this book contains a list of simple medicines) ; (3) De curis omnium aegntudinum 
a causa antecedente provenientium cum medicinis et cauteriis et instrumentorum 
formis; (4) De cura omnium morborum a causa primitiva in subjecto medicinae a 
capite usque ad pedes provenientium et de algebra 4 et quibusdam accidentibus 
alicui aegrotantium provenientibus et de venis ad flebotomandum expositis et 
ventosis et sanguissugis; (5) Antidotarium. The first two chapters of book (1) 
deal with generalities: the eight qualities which a surgeon must possess; definitions 
of surgery. 

3 For pseudo Mesue I, see my note on Masawaih al-Mardini (vol. 1, 728), or the note on 
Samuel ben Jacob of Capua in this volume 

4 Al-jabr, reduction (e.g , of a dislocation). From the mathematical meaning of the same 
Arabic word came our mathematical term, algebra 



[1200-1250] MBDICI3STE 663 

Text Julius Leopold Pagel: Die angebhche Chirurgie des Job. Mesue jun. 
nach einer Hds. der Panser Nationalbibliothek zum ersten Male, theils herausgege- 
ben, theils analysiert nebst emem Nachtrag zur Chirurgie des Hemrich von Mon- 
deville (146 p., Berlin 1893). This contains the German translation of the first 
three books only; translations of book 4 were published in Berlin theses by Fred- 
erick Alexander Sternberg (51 p., 1893), and Walther Schnelle (34 p., 1895); and 
of book 5, by Hans Brockelmann (38 p., 1895). _ 

Cr^t^c^sm M. Steijischneider : Hebfkeische Ubersetzungen (721, 1893). E. 
Gurlt: Geschichte der Chirurgie (vol. 1, 663-669, 1898; long analysis of the surgical 
part). 

X. WESTERN MUSLIM 
IBN AL-BAITAR 

Abu Muhammad 'Abdallah ibn Alimad ibn al-Baitar Diya' al-dm al-Malaqi- 
(Ibn al Baitar means son of the horse doctor or farrier). Hispano-Muslim botanist 
and pharmacist; the greatest of Islam and of the Middle Ages. He was born in or 
near Malaga towards the end of the twelfth century, and died in Damascus in 1248. 
He was a pupil of Abu-1- 'Abbas al-N,abati, with whom he collected plants around 
Seville; about 1219 he left Spain and traveled in North Africa eastward; in 1220 
he was in Bugia, later he passed through Constantine, Tunis, Tripoli, Barca; it is 
possible that he sailed from that neighborhood to avoid crossing the Libyan desert; 
in 1224 he was near Adalia on the south coast of Asia Minor. Later he entered 
the service of the Ayyubid sultan of Egypt, al-Kamil, being appointed chief her- 
balist, Ra'ls *ala sa'iri-l- l ashshabm; in 1237 al-Kamil became also sultan of Damas- 
cus, and Ibn al-Baitar went thither with him. After al-Kamil's death in 1238, Ibn 
al-Baitar went for a time to Cairo, but not long afterwards he returned to Damas- 
cus where he remained until the end of his days in the service of al-Salih (sultan 
of Egypt and Damascus from 1240 to 1249). Outside of the places already men- 
tioned, it would seem that he herborized also in Arabia, Syria, Palestine, and as far 
east as Mu$ul; at any rate he knew plants growing in those localities. 

His main work is a collection of simples, Kitab al-jami* f i-1-adwiya al-mufrada, 
which is the foremost Arabic and mediaeval treatise of its kind, the greatest from 
the time of Dioscondes to the middle of the sixteenth century. It is not only 
a very methodical and critical compilation, but it contains also a good number of 
personal observations. It does not deal only with simples or drugs, but also with 
various species of food. Leaving out duplications, some 1400 different items are 
considered, of which about 300 (including some 200 plants) were novelties. Prac- 
tically the whole of Dioscorides ; and of Galen's knowledge on the subject was 
incorporated in the Jami*, but many other authors were quoted, some 150 in all, 
among whom were twenty Greeks. It may be recalled that since the middle of the 
tenth century Dioscorides had been very diligently studied in Muslim Spain (e.g., 
see my notes on Hasdai ibn Shaprut, Ibn Juljul, and Ibn al-Wafid, in vol. 1, 680, 
682, 728). The Arabic writers most frequently quoted are al-Bazl and Ibn Sina. 

Ibn al-Baitar paid considerable attention to the synonyms of plant names, and 
quoted names not only in Arabic and Greek, but sometimes also in the Latin and 
Arabic dialects of Spain, in Persian and Berber. 

His second great work, in point of importance and of time, was the Kitab al- 
mughnl f I-l-adwiya al-mufrada, which might be considered almost a reversion of 
the first one. It deals largely with the same simples and vegetables, but instead 



664 INTRODUCTION TO THE HISTORY OF SCIENCE [1200-1250] 

of being arranged m their own alphabetical order as in the JamT, the new order is 
therapeutical. The Mughnl is divided into twenty chapters : (1) simples for head 
diseases; (2) for ear di&eases; (3) for eye diseases; , . . (17) cosmetics; (18) 
simples against fevers; (19) antidotes; (20) most common drugs The point of view 
of the Mughnl is thus entirely different; that of materia medica instead of natural 
history. The authorities vary somewhat too, for example, Abu-1-Qasim is more 
often quoted in the Mughnl than in the Jami'. 

It would seem that Ibn al-Baitar derived a considerable part of his materia medica 
from. al-Idrisi, and even more so from al-Ghafiqi, but I have no means of measur- 
ing the extent of his borrowings from these two sources until they have been 
published. 6 

Ibn al-Baitar 7 s two great works were dedicated to al-Salih; they were thus com- 
pleted during the fifth decade of the thirteenth century, the Jami 4 first, then the 
Mughnl. Ibn abl Usaibi'a was a disciple of Ibn al-Baitar and herborized with him 
around Damascus. 

The influence exerted by Ibn al-Baitar's Kitab al-jami 1 was not at all commen- 
surate with its real importance. The fact is, it appeared too late. Thus it re- 
mained practically untranslated until the nineteenth century. Andrea Alpago 
(second half of the fifteenth century) made use of it to enrich his glossary of Ibn 
Sina's Qanun (vol. 1, 711). The article on le'mons which he translated was not 
an original piece but an extract from Ibn Jamf (second half of the twelfth century) 
which Ibn al-Baitar had embodied in his own work. Guillaume Postel (1510-1581) 
was perhaps the first western orientalist to pay sufficient attention to Ibn al-Baitar. 
He was followed by a few others m the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, yet 
the first complete translation in any western language was available only in 1842 
(see below). 

Text- First edition entitled Kitab al-jami* li-mufradat al-adwiya wal-aghdhiya 
(4 vols., 4, Bulaq, 1874-1875)". An abbreviated translation into French by 
Antome GaUand (1646-1715) has remained unpublished. Partial Lati;n transla- 
tion by Fr. R. Dieter Elenchus materiae medicae Ibn Beithans (Leipzig 1833; 
only first two letters). German translation by J. v. Sontheimer: Grosse Zusam- 
menstellung tiber die Krafte der bekannten einfachen Heil- und Nahrungsmittel 
(2 vols,,, Stuttgart 1840-1842; complete but very imperfect). French translation 
by Lucien Leclerc: Trait des simples (Notices et extraits, vol. 23, 1877; vols. 25- 
26, 1883). 

The Mughnl is still unpublished. 

Criticism Ibn abl Usaibi'a (Muller's edition, vol. 2, 133, 1884). Joseph Elian 
Sarkis: Dictionnaire de bibliographic arabe (p. 49, Le Caire 1928). 

Fr. Wustenfeld: Arabische Aerzte (130-131, 1840). B. Meyer: Geschichte der 
Botanik (vol. 3, 227-234, 1856; contains inaccuracies derived from Sontheimer 's 
bad translation). L. Leclerc: Etudes historiques et philologiques sur Bbn Beithar 
(Journal asiatique, vol. 19, 433-461, 1862) , M4decine arabe (vol. 2, 225-237, 1876; 
including a list of Muslim additions to materia medica). E. Sickenberger : Les 
plantes <gyptiennes d'Ibn al-Baitar (Bull de ITnstitut 6gyptien, Cairo 1890). C. 
Brockelmann: Arabische Litteratur (vol. 1, 492, 1898). Ren6 Basset: Les noms 
berb&res des plantes dans le trait6 des simples d'Ibn el Beitar (Giornale della soc. 
asiatica italiana, vol. 12, 53-66, 1899). J. Ruska: Encyclopaedia of Islam (vol. 
2, 366, 1916). 

5 Max Meyerhof is preparing editions of them. In a private communication to me (May 30, 
1930) he went so far as to call Ibn al-Barfar a plagiarist, with special reference to those two 
sources. 



[1200-1250] MEDICINE 665 

XI WESTERN JEWISH 

For al-Hari2i,see the philosophical chapter; for Samuel ibn Tibbon,see the section 
on translators from Arabic into Hebrew 

ABRAHAM OF ARAGON 

Jewish oculist who flourished c. 1253. The Jews having become involved in the 
persecutions against the Albigenses were subjected to various new restrictions ; 
for example, the Council held at B6ziers in 1246 forbade them to practice medicine 
among the Christians Abraham is here quoted to illustrate this prohibition and 
its evasion. In 1253 he was asked to treat Alphonse, count of Poitou and Toulouse, 
St. Louis' brother, he refusedin compliance with the council's decree, but was finally 
obliged to accept. 

H. Graetz: History of the Jews (vol. 3, 583, 1894). Fritz Kahn: Encyclopaedia 
judaica (vol. 1, 418, 1928). 

P. Pansier: Anonymi Tractatus de egritudmibus oculorum etc. (Collectio ophtal- 
mologica veterum auctorum, fasc. 6, 104, Paris, 1908). Pansier quotes the text 
of a letter dated Lunel 1253 proving that it was in that year that Abraham was 
appealed to (TrSsor des chartes de Toulouse, 1253 sac II, no. 94). Had I known 
that date earlier I would have placed Abraham in the second half of the thirteenth 
century. As long as it was unknown to me, I dated the event tentatively, c 1246. 

XII. EGYPTIAN JEWISH 

AL-AS'AD AL-MAHALLI 

Ya'qub ibn Ishaq As'ad al-din al-Mahalll al-Yahudl. Born in al-Mahallah, 
between Cairo and Damietta. Egyptian Jewish physician highly praised by Ibn 
abi U$aibi'a. In the autumn of 1201 he went to Damascus and remained there 
a certain time disputing with local physicians, chiefly with the Samaritan Sadaqa 
ben Munaja' (see below). He returned to Cairo and died there. He wrote various 
medical works in Arabic: Maqalah fi qawanin al-tabayib (Discourse on the princi- 
ples of medicine); Kitab al-nazh (Book of purity), medical questions addressed to 
Sadaqa ben Munaja', etc. 

Ibn abi Usaibi'a iji A. Muller's edition (vol. 2, 118, 1882). I. Broyd^i Jewish 
Encyclopaedia (vol. 2, 161, 1902). M. Steinschneider: Arabische Literatur der 
Juden (225, 1902). 

DAVID BEN SOLOMON 

Abu-1-Facll Da'ud ibn Sulaiman ibn ab!4-Bayan al-Isra'ili Sadid al-din (?). 
Egyptian Qaraite, born c. 1161-1170; died in Cairo, being more than 80 years old. 
One of the leading Egyptian physicians of his time. Disciple of Ibn Jamf (second 
half of the twelfth century), and of the Cairene oculist, Abu-l-Fada*il Ibn al-Naqid 
(d. 1188-1189). Physician to the Ayyubid sultan, aPAdil Sayf al-din Abu Bakr 
(r. 1199-1218); chief professor at the hospital al-Na$iri in Cairo. He was still 
teaching there in 1236--1237 when Ibn abi U$aibra was his pupil; at any rate Ibn 
abi Uaibi'a praises him in such a detailed way as to suggest this relationship to 
him. He composed in Arabic an antidotary entitled Al-dastur al-maristani 
(The hospital's canon). Ibn abi Uaibra studied the Dastur with the author and 



666 INTRODUCTION TO THE HISTORY OF SCIENCE [1200-1250] 

helped him to correct it. Al-Kuhm al- "Attar (second half of the thirteenth century) 
speaks of it as the best book of its kind, David also wrote a commentary on Galen's 
treatise on causes and symptoms. 

The Dastur has also been ascribed to another Cairene Qaraite, Ibn al-Mudawwar 
(second half of the twelfth century). On the other hand, the latter 's Bisalat 
al-mujarrabat has been credited to David ben Solomon. 

The main source is Ibn abi Usaibi'a in Mutter's edition (vol 2, 118, 1882). F. 
Wtistenfeld: Arabische Aerzte (128, 1840). C. Brockelmann: Arabische Littera- 
tur (vol 1, 491, 1898). M Steinschneider: Arabische Literatur der Juden (195- 
196, 1902). M. Seligsohn: Jewish Encyclopaedia (vol. 5, 324, 1903). I. Markon: 
Encyclopaedia judaica (vol. 5, 865, 1930). 

XIII. SAMARITAN 
SADAQA BEN MUNAJA* 

Sadaqa ben Abu-1-Faraj Munaja' ben Sadaqa al-Samiri al-Dimishql, al-haklm. 
Samaritan physician and theologian. Physician to al-Ashraf, Ayyubid king of 
Mesopotamia from 1210 to 1230, or (and) to al-'Adil (Saphadin), Ayyubid king of 
Damascus from 1196, and of Egypt from 1199, to 1218. He died in Harran, in 
1223-1224. He wrote in Arabic a commentary on the Torah, theological and 
medical treatises 

The medical treatises are: (1) Ta'llq fl-1-tibb (medical notes), dealing with 
diseases and their symptoms ('alama); (2) Sharh. fuul Buqrat (commentary on 
Hippocrates' Aphorisms), unfinished; (3) Maqala fi asma' al-adwiya (on the names 
of simples); (4) answers to medical questions asked by his Jewish contemporary, 
al-As'ad al-Mahalli. 

His main philosophical and theological works are the Kitab fi-1-nafs wal-ruh 
(Soul and spirit), the Kitab al-kanz fi-1-fauz (Treasure in success, on the unity of 
God), the Kitab al~i'tiqad (on faith, dealing with dogmatics). 

As adaqa was one of the most famous Samaritan authors, his people have 
ascribed various other treatises to him, but these ascriptions are doubtful. Ibn abi 
Usaibi'a spoke very highly of him. 

Haji Khalifa (Fluegel; vol. 2, 463; 4, 438; 5, 165, 257). Ibn abi Usaibi'a 
(Miiller; vol 2, 230). 

Eliakim Carmoly: History of Jewish physicians (Baltimore, 64, c. 1844). M. 
Steinschneider: Mose b Zedaqa, Imran b Sadaka und Mose Dar'i (Judische 
Zeitschrift fur Wissenschaft und Leben, vol. 9/172-183, 1869; reprinted in Gesam- 
melte Schriften, vol. 1, 523-535, 1925); Arabische Literatur der Juden (331, 1902). 
Isaac Broyd: Jewish Encyclopaedia (vol. 10, 630, 1905). Moses Gaster: Samari- 
tan literature (7, 12, 1925). 

ABU-L-HASAN BEN GHAZAL 

Abu-1-Hasan ben Ghazal ben abi Sa'Id. Samaritan scholar established in Damas- 
cus, executed in 1250-1251. He embraced Islam and became wazir, being named 
Amin al-dawla. He had collected an immense library, containing no less than ten 
thousand volumes. His disciple, Ibn abi Usaibi'a, dedicated to him his famous 
history of physicians. Abu-1-Hasan wrote in Arabic a treatise entitled Al-nahj 
al-wadih fi-1-tibb (Plain introduction into medicine). This treatise is lost. It was 
divided into five books: (1) physical questions and affections of bodies; (2) simple 



[1200-1250] MEDICINE 667 

remedies ; (3) compound remedies ; (4) hygienic rules and cure of external disorders ; 
(5) internal disorders and their cure. 

Haji Khalifa (vol. 6, no. 14121, 410). M. Stemschneider : Arabische Literatur 
der Juden (323, 1902) Moses Gaster: The Samaritan literature (8, 1925). 

XIV. HINDU 

SARNGADHARA 

Hindu physician who lived at an unknown time after the Muslim conquest, but 
not later than the thirteenth century, because there exists a commentary on his 
work by Vopadeva who flourished during the last third of the century. His work, 
called after him Sarngadharasamhita, is one of the oldest Sanskrit works of its 
kind dealing with the calcination of mercury and other mercurial and metallic 
preparations (rasa, rasendra) and their therapeutic use. There are also references 
to opium (ahiphena) and bertram root (akarakarabha), i.e , pelhtory of Spam, 
used as an irritant and sialagogue (or some other plant having similar properties : 
sneezewort, feverfew, yarrow, etc.). 

It is divided into three parts as follows: (1) weights and measures, properties of 
drugs, influence of the seasons, diagnosis and prognosis, action of drugs, anatomy 
and physiology, embryology, varieties and subvarieties of diseases; (2) decoctions, 
infusions, pastes, powders, pills, electuaries, butters, gold dust and other metallic 
dusts, mercurial preparations; (3) ordinary therapeutic methods ; e.g., fattening 
substances, sudorifics. In the paragraph on diagnosis there is an elaborate analysis 
of the pulse (nadipariksha). His classification of diseases is far more detailed than 
those of his predecessors. 

The popularity of this samhita is attested by the existence of many manuscripts 
and of many native editions and translations into Hindu vernaculars. 

The main quality of Sarngadhara^s work was its emphasis upon the chemical 
side of materia medica. In this respect it may be considered an anticipation of the 
iatro-chemical reforms which were heralded in the center of Europe many centuries 
later by Paracelsus. But even as early as Sarngadhara's time this was not a 
novelty in India. The study of rasa can be traced back many centuries before 
his time, though the uncertainties of Hindu chronology do not allow us to prove 
its existence in pre-Islamic times. Thus the question of India's priority in this 
matter is very doubtful. Remember that Dioscorides knew many chemical 
preparations, including mercury The Chinese alchemist, Ko Hung (first half of 
the fourth century), was familiar with cinnabar, and in all probability that sub- 
stance had already been used during the Han dynasty, if not before, for the making 
of red ink. Cinnabar occurs in the natural state m China, but not in India. (See 
vol. 1; e.g., 258, 316, 355, 369). 

Tbfe latro-chemist, Sarngadhara, should not be confused with the poet bearing 
the same name who compiled in 1363 one of the best known anthologies of Sanskrit 
poetry, the Sarngadharapaddhati (i.e., S.'s guide). 

Text Critical edition by Prabhuram Jivanram (Bombay 1891). 

Criticism Julius Jolly: Medizin (Grundriss der indo-arabischen Philologie, 
vol. 3, part 10, p. 4, 7, 1901). Praphulla Chandra Ray Y * History of Hindu chem- 
istry (2 vols., Calcutta; vol. 1, 2d ed , 1903; vol. 2, 1909; new edition, 2 vols., 
Calcutta 1925; Isis, 3, 68-73; 9, 555). M. Winternitz: Geschichte der indischen 
Litteratur (vol. 3, 157, 551, 1922). H. E. Stapleton, R F. Azo, M. Hidayat Husam: 



668 INTRODUCTION TO THE HISTORY OF SCIENCE [1200-1250] 

Chemistry in 'Iraq and Persia in the tenth century (p. 402, Calcutta 1927; Isis, 
11, 133). A. Berriedale Keith: History of Sanskrit literature (511, Oxford 1928). 
Deals with the medical use of mercury (rasesvara) but not with Sarngadhara. 
Johann Almkvist: tJber die Anwendung des Quecksilbers bei den alten Arabern 
(Festschrift Max Neuburger gewidmet, 5-15, Wien 1928; las, 13, 220). 

NARAHARI 

Kashmirian physician and grammarian who composed between 1235 and 1250 
a dictionary of materia medica called Rajanighantu (or Nighanturaja or Abhidha- 
nacudamani) . 

Text Published in Benares, 1883, also in the AnandaSrama Sanskrit Series (vol. 
33, Poona). Edition of the chapter dealing with minerals and translation by 
Richard von Garbe: Die indische Mineralien (Leipzig 1882). 

Criticism According to Theodor Zachariae : Die indische Worterbucher, Koa 
(39, Strassburg 1897), the Rajanighantu is a much later work, later than 1374, M. 
Winternitz: Indische Litteratur (vol. 3, 554, 1922). A. Berriedale Keith: History 
of Sanskrit literature (512, Oxford 1928). 

XV. CHINESE 
TZtt-MING 



Ch'en 2 Tzu 4 -ming 2 (658, 12365, 7946). Chinese physician, who flourished under 
the Sung, c. 1237. He wrote in that year a treatise on women's diseases, entitled 
Fu 4 -j6n 2 ta 4 -ch'iian 2 liangMang 1 (3749, 5624, 10470, 3176, 7017, 3435), divided into 
eight sections and 260 articles. Each article is devoted to a special ailment and 
is concluded with a prescription. Another treatise of his Wai 4 k'o 1 ching 1 yao 4 
(12442, 6089, 2133, 12889), deals with the most important points in the character 
and cure of external troubles. 

Text Revised edition by Hsieh 1 * Chi 3 (4371, 921) of the Ming dynasty, con- 
taining a number of new cases. 

Criticism &. Wyhe: Chinese literature (98, 103, 1902). L. Wieger: La Chine 
(424, 492, 1920). F. Huebotter: Guide (63, Kumamoto 1924; Isis, 7, 259). 

SUNG TZ'tl 

Sung 4 Tz'u 2 (10462, 12406). Chinese physician and commissioner of justice, 
who flourished during the period Shun Yu (1241-1253) of the rule of Li Tsung, of 
the Southern Sung dynasty. He composed, partly on the basis of earlier works, 
a treatise on forensic medicine, entitled Instructions to coroners, Hsi 3 -yuan x lu 4 * 
(4146, 13729, 7386), which reveals considerable knowledge and acumen. Revised 
editions of this work are still used today by the high Chinese officials acting as 
coroners. 

It should be noted that European works of a similar kind appeared only three 
centuries later; to wit, the criminal codes of Bamberg (1507), Brandenburg (1516) 
and of the emperor Charles V (1532). 

Text The Library of Congress has four editions of the Hsi yuan lu, as follows : 
Hsi yuan lu chi 2 * ch&ng 4 (906, 726) pointed with charts in 5 vols. and 6 chuan m 
1822; the Hsi yuan luchi ch6ng hui 4 tsuan 3 (5215, 11889) printed with charts in 
1826 in 2 vols. and 5 chuan; the Hsi yuan lu hsiang 2 1 4 (4279, 5454) printed in 1890 
with charts in 6 vols. and 4 chuan with an appendix in two additional vols.; and 
the Hsi yuan lu ko 1 chiieh 2 * (6046, 3225) printed in 1879 in one volume. 



[1200-1250] MEDICINE 669 

Herbert A. Giles The Hsi yuan lu (Proceedings of the R Soc. of Med., vol. 17, 
historical section, 59-107, 1924; Isis, 8, 541). This is the translation of an edition 
of which the preface is dated Huai-pei, 1843. It is divided into four books as 
follows: Book I, 16 chapters, detailed examination of a dead body, special rules 
for women to determine virginity, pregnancy, etc , examination of bones, dropping 
blood (to establish consanguinity!), examination of ground, etc , containing curious 
anatomical charts; Book II, 12 chapters, wounds of various kinds, suicides, murders 
passed off as suicides, drowning, burning, scalding; Book III, 6 chapters, miscel- 
laneous remarks on suspicious appearances, various wounds, accidental poisoning, 
all kinds of poisons; Book IV, methods of restoring life, antidotes. 

Cr^t^c^sm Alex. Wylie: ISfotes on Chinese literature (93, 1902). B. Scheube: 
Puschmann's Geschichte der Medizm (vol. 1, 34, 1902). 

CH'EN J&N-YTJ 
See chapter on natural history. 



CHAPTER XXXIX 

HISTORIOGRAPHY 

(First Half of Thirteenth Century) 

I FRENCH 
VILL.EHARD OTJIN 

Geoffroi de Villehardouin. One of the greatest French chroniclers. Born 
probably at ViHehardomn, near Troyes, Champagne, c 1150; marshal of Rumania 
after 1204; still living in 1212, died not long afterwards He was one of the organi- 
zers and one of the most distinguished participants of the Fourth Crusade, and 
composed an account of it and of the early years (1204-1207) of the Latin Empire 
of Constantinople. He dictated it in French after 1207. "La conqu^te de Con- 
stantino pie" is one of the masterpieces of early French literature, and indeed of 
the European literature of that time. We do not trust the author 's sincerity 
as completely as was done before, for we realize that he could not be an independent 
witness of the political events which he describes. However, his account is an 
impressive proof of the superiority of the Byzantine culture to the Latin culture of 
those days. Villehardouin was no sentimentalist or romanticist but a grim realist ; 
feudal honor was the whole of his morality; his account is brief and matter of fact 
like that of a business man. It was continued by Henry of Valenciennes. 

To appreciate Villehardouin 7 s effort, one must remember that the Fourth Crusade 
(1202-1204) had been organized by Innocent III primarily against Egypt, which 
was rightly considered the mainstay of Muslim power. Yet the result of the 
Crusade was the conquest and sack of Constantinople, and the foundation of the 
short-lived Latin Empire (1204-1261). How can one account for such an extra- 
ordinary deviation of purpose? Villehardouin explained it as an accidental de- 
velopment; others like Ernoul, Robert of Clari, Innocent III himself as a 
natural result of Venetian betrayal. The treason of Venice cannot be positively 
proved, but it is clear that for Venice the Crusade was mainly a matter of business, 
and that it was against its interests to destroy the Egyptian power. On the other 
hand, the hatred between Latins and Greeks had been increasing for centuries. 
The organizers of the Crusade were not as innocent as Villehardouin (one of them) 
would have it, nor as criminal as others have claimed 

Text An edition of ViUehardoum's chronicle was being prepared c. 1573 by order 
of the Venetian Senate, but was not published. The first edition, by Blaise de 
Vigen&re, was dedicated to the Seigniory of Venice (Paris 1585). The MS. which 
Venice had planned to publish c. 1573 was used for the second edition (Lyon 1601). 
Reprinted with learned commentary by Charles Ducange: Histoire de F empire de 
Constantinople sous les empereurs frangais (vol. 1, Paris 1657). Later editions by 
Dom M, J. J. Brial in Recueil des historiens des Gaules et de la France (vol. 18, 
1822); by J. A. C. Buchon (Paris 1828). Critical editions by Natalis de Wailly 
(Paris 1871); by Emile Bouchet (2 vols., Paris 1892). 

Latin translation by Paolo Ramusio (Venice 1604). Italian version of the Latin 

670 



[1200-1250] HISTORIOGRAPHY 671 

text by Ramusio's son (1604). English translation by Sir Frank Marzials (Every- 
man's library, 1908). 

Criticism Sainte Beuve: Causeries du lundi (vol. 9). Potthast (1094, 1896). 
Auguste Molinier: Sources de Fhistoire de France (vol. 3, 38-41, 1903). 

ROBERT DE CLARI 

Robert of Clari or Clary, i.e., Clery-les-Pernois, near Amiens, in Picardy. A poor 
knight who took part in the Fourth Crusade together with his brother, Aleaume, 
both of them following Hugh of Amiens. He returned to Picardy probably in 1205, 
and died after 1216. He gave, c. 1216, in French (Picard dialect) an account of 
the conquest of Constantinople, which is of great value because he was a candid, 
if uneducated and unintelligent, witness. It enables us to understand the point 
of view of the average crusader, while Villehardouin's narrative reflected the opin- 
ions of the leaders. It contains some very interesting information on the topog- 
raphy and treasures of Constantinople. One of the relics stolen by Robert in 
the imperial chapel is still preserved in the abbatial church of Corbie, to which he 
had presented it. It is possible that his account was dictated by him in that very 
monastery. 

Text First edition by Paul Riant: Li estoires de chiaus qui conquisent Con- 
stantinople (87 p., Paris 1868; reprinted, Gen&ve 1871). Second edition by Karl 
Hopf : Chroniques gr^co-romaines (1-85, Berlin 1873). New edition by Philippe 
Lauer (Classiques frangais du Moyen 4ge, 40, 148 p., Paris 1924, with notes and 
glossary) . 

Criticism Potthast (975, 1896). Auguste Molinier: Sources de Fhistoire de 
France (vol. 3, 42, 1903). For later bibliography see Lauer's edition. 

JAMES OF VITRY 

Jacques de Vitry. Jacobus de Vitriaco. Born at Argenteuil, near Versailles, 
or Vitry-le-Francois, or Vitry-sur-Seine, c. 1178; died in 1240. French chronicler. 
Augustinian monk, curate of Oignies near Namur (Belgium), bishop of Acre, 1216; 
returned to Oignies in 1226; cardinal-bishop of Tusculum, 1229, and confident of 
pope Gregory IX (1227-1241); patriarch of Jerusalem, buried in Oignies. His 
main work is a history of the Holy Land from the Hegira down to 1218, Historia 
Orientahs, composed c. 1219-1226. It is largely based on that of William of Tyre 
(second half of the twelfth century), but James was a witness of many of the later 
events described by him, or could obtain first-hand information about them. His 
work is valuable for the study of culture; e.g., it contains one of the earliest Euro- 
pean accounts of the use of the compass. 

Text Historia orientahs (seu Hierosolymitana) in 3 books. Books I-II edited 
by Franc. Moschus (Douai 1597); Book III (1211-1218) by Jac. Gretser (Ingol- 
stadt 1608). Books I and III in Jac. Bongars: Gesta Dei per Francos (vol. 1, 
1047-1145, 1611). Other text of Book III edited by Edm. MartSne: Thesaurus 
novus anecdotorum (vol 3, 268-287, 1717). This book III is apocryphal. 

French translation in Fr. P. G. Guizot : Collection dps m&noires (vol. 22, 1-390, 
1825), 

Partial English translation by Aubrey Stewart: The history of Jerusalem, 1180 
(Palestine Pilgrims' Text Society, no 31, London 1896). 

Criticism Julius Klaproth: Lettre & A. de Humboldt sur r invention de la 
boussole (14, 44, Paris 1834). Daunou: Histoire litt^raire dela France (vol. 18, 



672 INTRODUCTION TO THE HISTORY OF SCIENCE [1200-1250] 

209-246, 1835). Ernst H. F. Meyer: GescHchte der Botamk (vol 4, 110-113, 
1857). Gustav Zacher: Die Historia Orientalis (Dlss., 43 p., Konigsberg i. Pr,, 
1885). A. Potthast: Bibliotheca historica (633-634, 1896). C. R. Beazley: 
Dawn of modern geography (vol. 2, 212-214, 1901). Auguste Molmier: Sources 
de Fhistoire de France (vol. 3, 49, 1903). Philipp Funk: Jacob von Vitry (194 p., 
Leipzig 1909). Goswin Frenke: Die Exempla des Jacob von Vitry, em Beitrag 
zur Geschichte der Erzahlungsliteratur des MittelaJters (Miinchen 1914). 

ERNOUL 

French chronicler who flourished in Syria in the first half of the thirteenth 
century. He wrote in French a chronicle, Estoires d'oultremer et de la naissance 
de Sallehadin, which contains an independent and very elaborate account of the 
third and fourth Crusades. 

It appears in the MSS. in the form of a continuation to the Livre d'Eracles (i.e., 
the emperor Heraclius, mentioned in the first sentence), or Livre du conquest, a 
French translation (by one Hugh Plagon?) of Books I-XXII of William of Tyre. 
ErnouFs continuation extends to 1228 (or 1231). It was for a time wrongly as- 
cribed to Bernard the Treasurer, treasurer of the abbey of Corbie. It would seem 
that Bernard was simply ErnouPs editor or abbreviator. 

Ernoul's chronicle was partly translated into Latin by Francesco Pipino, Domini- 
can of Bologna, who died after 1325. It was continued by unknown authors to 
1261 and to 1275. 

It contains an account of Palestine which is interesting though far less accurate 
than another French description, L'estat de la citez de Jherusalem, sometimes 
erroneously ascribed to Ernoul. The author of La citez describes also the ordinary 
pilgrim roads from Acre, Haifa, and Caesarea to the Holy City, and from Jerusalem 
to the Jordan, to Samaria and Galilee, the distances being very accurately indicated. 

Text The Livre du conquest was published in the Recueil des historiens des 
croisades (Hist, occid., vol. 1, 1841-1842), and by P. Paris, (2 vols., Paris 1879- 
1880). 

Pipino's Latin translation of ErnouFs continuation was published in L. A. 
Muratori: Rerum italicarum scriptores (vol. 9, 587-752, Milano 1725). 

The French text appeared a few years later in Edm. Martne: Veterum scrip- 
torum amplissima collectio (vol. 5, 583-752, Paris 1729). New edition by Louis de 
Mas-Latrie: Chronique d'Ernouf et de Bernard le Tresorier (Society dePhistoire 
de France, Paris 1871). 

For the continuations, see Recueil des historiens des croisades (Hist, occid,, vol. 
2, 483-639, 1859). 

La citez de Iherusalem. See Mas-Latrie's edition (188-210, 1871). Titus 
Tobler: Descriptiones Terrae sanctae (197-224, Leipzig 1874). Henri Michelant 
and Gaston Raynaud: Itineraires a Jerusalem (1882). Englished by Claude 
Reignier Conder: The city of Jerusalem (Palestine Pilgrim's Text Society, no. 8, 
70 p., 2 maps, London 1888; followed by an English translation of ErnouPs account 
of Palestine). 

Criticism Petit-Radel: Histoire lit&aire de la France (vol. 18, 414-430, 1835). 
Paulin Paris (ibidem, vol. 21, 679-685, 1847). R. Rohricht: Bibliotheca geogra- 
phica Palaestinae (50, 1890). C. R. Beazley: Dawn of modern geography (vol. 2, 
208-212, 1901). Auguste Molmier: Sources de Thistoire de France (vol. 3, 29-30, 
1903). 



[1200-1250] HISTORIOGRAPHY 673 

WILLIAM OF TUDELA 

Guillem de TudMe. Guilelmus Tudelensis Brought up in Tudela, Spanish 
Navarra; moved to Montauban c. 1198, and remained there until 1210. Later 
canon in St Antonin near Montauban, He began in Montauban, 1210, a chronicle 
in verse (2770 lines) of the crusade against the Albigenses, dealing with the events 
of the years 1207 to 1213. He died presumably in this year, or his work was 
otherwise interrupted. He was a conscientious chronicler. He tried to write in 
French, with the result that his language is a barbaric mixture of langue d'oc and 
langue d'oil. 

This poem was followed by another, much longer (c 7000 lines) dealing with the 
events of the years 1213-1219. This second poem is written in langue d'oc by an 
unknown author. The tendencies of both poems are as different as their languages ; 
Guillaume is writing from the crusader's point of view, though with some impar- 
tiality; on the contrary, the anonymous poet does not hide his deep sympathy for 
the Count of Toulouse and the oppressed peoples of the south. Apropos of this 
it is well to bear in mind that the aim of the Crusade was not exclusively religious ; 
a leader like the cruel Simon of Montfort, earl of Leicester (c. 1165-1218) was 
concerned at least as much with political as with religious motives: he aimed to 
dispossess the Counts of Toulouse and Foix and other southern lords. 

Text First edition with French translation, by Claude Charles Faunel: His- 
toire de la croisade contre les her&fciques albigeois (Collection de documents in&hts 
sur Thistoire de France, 872 p., Paris 1837). Critical edition of both texts by 
Paul Meyer: La Chanson de la croisade contre les Albigeois (Societ6 de Thistoire 
de France; 2 vols., Paris 1875-1879; vol. 1 contains the text and vocabulary; vol. 2 
the French translation, index, and a long introduction, 120 p.). 

Jean Audiau : La Chanson de la croisade contre les Albigeois. Principaux Epi- 
sodes (Po&mes et recits de la vieille France, 5, 172 p., Paris 1924; French translation 
of select fragments). 

Criticism Introduction to Meyer's edition (1879). Rudolph Diehl: Guillem 
Aneher von Toulouse, der Dichter des zweiten Theils der Albigenserchromk (Diss , 
41 p , Marburg 1885). Potthast (215, 601, 1896). Auguste Molmier: Sources de 
Thistoire de France (vol. 3, 64-66, 1903). Karl Heisig: Studien zur Chanson de 
la croisade contre les Albigeois (Diss., 35 p., Breslau 1926). 

PETER OF VATJX CERNAY 

Petrus Sarnensis sive Vallis Sarnaii. French chronicler. He entered the 
Cistercian monastery of Vaux de Cernay near Chevreuse (Seine-et-Oise), of which 
his uncle Gui was the abbot. In 1202 they both joined the Fburth Crusade in 
Venice. About 1210-1211, they were in southern France; GUI became bishop of 
Carcassonne in 1212. Peter took part in the crusade against the Albigenses and 
wrote on account of it, from 1203 to 1218, in Latin This account is valuable in 
spite of its fanaticism ; it is mainly centered upon Simon de Montfort, and Peter's 
partiality for him is so obvious and so childish that it does not matter much. For 
example, he reports acts of cruelty and treachery of his hero which a more intelli- 
gent writer would have preferred to hide. 

Text Historia Albigensium, et sacri belli in eos anno 1209 suscepti, duce et 
principe Simone a Mbnte-forti. (First edition, 354 p., Troyes 1615). Second 
Latin edition with French translation (Troyes 1617), etc. Migne's Latin patrol- 



674 INTRODUCTION TO THE HISTORY OF SCIENCE [1200-1250] 

ogy (vol. 213, 543-712). Aubert, Carru and others: Premier fragment (Tune 
Sditicm critique, chapitres 1 38 (Cinquiemes melanges d'histoire du moyen age, 
edited by Achille Luchaire, 1-75, 1908). 

French translation in Guizot's Collection des m&noires (vol. 14, 1-344); includ- 
ing many additional documents). 

Criticism Paul Meyer: La Chanson de la croisade contre les Albigeois (vol. 2, 
p. viii-xiii, 1879). Potthast (922, 1896). Auguste Molimer: Sources de 1'histoire 
de France (vol. 3, 63-64, 1903). 

RIGORD 

French official chronicler (regis Francorum cronographus). Born in Bas- 
Languedoc; i.e., in the neighbourhood of Alais or Ntmes; he practiced the medical 
profession in southern France until c 1183-1186; monk in Argenteuil, then, 1189, 
in Saint-Denis; royal physician; died c. 1209. He wrote a chronicle of the reign 
of Philip II (king of France from 1180 to 1223) down to 1206 (or 1208). This 
chronicle, the Gesta Philippi Augusti, 1 is carefully written, with some show of 
independence. The first edition was completed in 1196, the second c. 1200, etc. 
It is largely based on official letters and documents. His work was continued by 
William the Breton, and translated into French in the Grandes chroniques de 
Saint-Denis. 

Text First edition by Peter Pithou: Historiae Francorum (Francfort 1596). 
Modern edition by H. Francois Delaborde : Oeuvres de Rigord et de Guillaume le 
Breton (vol. 1, 1-167, Pans 1882). 

French translation in the editions of the Grandes Chroniques (Paris 1477, etc.), 
and in Guizot's Collection (vol. 11). 

Criticism August Potthast: Bibliotheca historica (973, 1896). Auguste Moli- 
nier: Sources de Fhistoire de France (vol. 3, 3, 1903; for the Grandes Chroniques, 
see ibidem, 97-101). 

WILLIAM THE BRETON 

Guillaume le Breton, Guilelmus Brito (or Armoricus) . French official chronicler. 
Born in the diocese of Saint-Pol-de-L6on, between 1159 and 1169; educated in 
Mantes and Paris, canon of Saint-Pol and Senlis; flourished at the court of Philip 
Augustus; died after 1224. He wrote a Latin chronicle of the reign of Philip 
Augustus, Gesta Philippi regis, continuing Rigord to 1220; a new edition largely 
based on William's notes was completed in 1227 or later. A French translation 
of the section dealing with the years 1208-1223 was inserted in the Grandes Chroni- 
ques. The author was well informed and in many cases an eye-witness; e.g., he 
attended the battle of Bou vines (1214) and gave a vivid account of it; but he was 
biased. He also wrote a Latin poem devoted to the same subject, the Philippis, 
in ten books, composed 1214-1217; new edition in twelve books completed in 1224. 
This poem was translated into French within the century. 

Text First edition of the Gesta by Andrew Duchesne: Historiae Firancorum 
scriptores (vol. 5, 68-93, 1649). Critical edition by H. Frangois Delaborde: 
Oeuvres de Rigord et de Guillaume le Breton (vol. 1, 1882). 

First edition of the Philippis by P. Pithou (Francfort 1596). Better edition by 
Duchesne (vol. 5, 93-259, 1649). Critical edition by Delaborde (vol. 2, 1-385, 
1885). 

1 Rigord was the first to call that king Augustus. 



[1200-1250] HISTORIOGRAPHY 675 

French translation of both works in Guizot's collection (vols. 11 and 12). 
Criticism Potthast (552, 1896). Mohnier (vol. 3, 3, 1903). 

MOUSKET 

Philip Mousket (Mousk&s, Mousquet). French chronicler, who belonged to a 
prominent family of Tournai, Hainaut (Belgium), and died c. 1244 (He is not 
to be confused with Philip Mus or Musche, of Ghent, who was bishop of Tournai 
in 1274 and died in 1283). He wrote a chronicle of the kings of France in French 
verse from the Trojan war to 1242 (more than 31000 lines) . From the year 1180 on, 
it contains original material, and from 1225 on, it becomes a first hand authority. 

Text Baron de Reiffenberg; Chronique de Philippe Mouskes (2 vols., Bruxelles 
1836-1838; supplement, 1845) 

Criticism Histoire litteraire de la France (vol. 19, 861-872; vol. 21, 698-702). 
Potthast (797, 1896) H. Pirenne: Biographic nationale de Belgique (vol. 15, 
329-332, 1899). A. Mohnier: Sources de 1'histoire de France (vol. 3, 92, 1903). 

II. SPANISH 

RODRIGO JIMENEZ DE RADA 

Rodrigo Jimenez de Rada, Rodencus Ximenes (or Simonis) Toletanus. Spanish 
historian. Born in Rada (or in Puente la Reina?) c. 1170-1180; died in Rodano, 
1247. Studied philosophy and law in Bologna, and theology in Paris (he was there 
in 1201). Archbishop of Toledo, 1208. He knew Arabic. His mam work is a 
history of Spain, from Adam to 1243; i e., it is a universal history focused upon 
Spam; the first general history of that country. He also compiled a history of the 
Muslims, etc. His works are of special interest for the study of the penetration of 
Muslim culture into Spain; the author was very well placed in Toledo to obtain 
information on that subject. He was one of the creators of the cathedral of 
Toledo. 

Text Chronica Hispaniae (or De rebus Hispaniae) ab origine prima ad a. D. 
1243, in 9 books. First edition, Granada 1545. Rob. Bel: Rerum Hispanicarum 
scriptores aliquot (vol. 1, Francfort 1579). Andrew Schott : Hispania illustrata 
(vol. 2, 25-148, Francfort 1603). 

Translated into Catalan in 1266 by Pedro Ribera de Perpeja. 

Translated into Castihan and continued by Gonzalo de Hmojosa, bishop of 
Burgos from 1313 to 1327, and later by an anonymous writer, down to 1451. 
Edited in the Colecci6n de documentos mditos para la histona de Espana (vol. 
105, Madrid 1893). 

Historia Arabum a Mahomede usque ad Almoadum. Andr. Schott : Hispania 
illustrata (vol. 2, 162-186, 1603). Better edition by Jac. Golius: Elmacini His- 
toria Saracenica (Leiden 1625). 

Historia Ostrogothorum, Hunnorum, Vandalorum ac Suevorum, etc., 453-555. 
First edition, Granada 1545. Later editions by Bel and Schott together with the 
Chronica Hispaniae. 

Historia Romanorum to 1150. And. Schott: Hispania illustrata (vol. 2, 186- 
195). 

Criticism Potthast: Bibhotheca historica (979, 1896). Enrique de Aguilera 
y Gamboa: Discursos (R. Academia de historia, Madrid 1908). Javier Goros- 
terratzu : Don Rodrigo Jimenez, gran estadista, escritor y prelado (Pamplona 1925) . 
Enciclopedia universal ilustrada (vol 28, 2790-2791, Barcelona 1926, with photo- 



676 INTEODUCTION TO THE HISTOKY OF SCIENCE [1200-1250] 

\ 

graph of Jimenez' mummy, preserved m the monastery of Santa Maria de Huerta). 
M. Asin: Islam and the Divine Comedy (249, 1926). 

III. ITALIAN 

PIAN DEL CARPINE 

See geographical chapter. 

IV ENGLISH 

GERVASE OF TILBURY 

See geographical chapter. 

GERVASE OF CANTERBURY 

Gervasius Cantuariensis or Dorobernensis. English chronicler and topographer. 
Monk at Christ Church, Canterbury, where he professed in 1163, was sacristan in 
1193, and died after 1210. He began his historical work in 1188 and wrote the 
following: 

(1) A Chronica of England from 1135 to 1199, with brief account of the years 
1100-1135. 

(2) Another chronicle of England, Gesta regum, from Brutus to 1210. Valuable 
for John J s rule. Continuation to 1328. 

(3) History of Canterbury from the arrival of St. Augustine, 596, to 1205. 

(4) Description of England, shire by shire, entitled Mappa mundi. 
Gervase's chronicles are especially valuable for the last twenty years. He was 

strongly biased against the Plantagenets. 

Text Two of these works (nos. 1, 3) were edited by Rog. Twysden: Historiae 
anglicanae scriptores decem (London 1652). Critical edition of all the historical 
works by William Stubbs (Rolls series, 2 vols., London, 1879-1880). 

English translation of no. 3 in Joseph Stevenson: Church historians of England 
(vol. 5, 1858). 

Criticism R. L. Poole: Dictionary of national biography (vol. 21, 239-240, 
1890). Potthast (506, 1896). Charles Gross: Sources and literature of English 
history (348, London 1915). 

ROGER OF WENDOVER 

English chronicler. Born probably at Wendover, Buckinghamshire; possibly a 
relative of the physician, Richard of Wendover. Monk at St. Albans, later for a 
time prior at Belvoir, Leicestershire, a cell of St. Albans; he returned to St. Albans 
c. 1131, and in all probability became its historiographer and the head of its scrip- 
torium; he died in 1236. He compiled a general chronicle, dealing with the conti- 
nent as well as with England, entitled Flores historiarum, from the creation to 1235. 
As the title indicates, it is largely a collection of extracts from other works, yet from 
the year 1154 on, it contains some original material, and from 1202 on, it is a first- 
hand authority. Even in this last part, Roger remains a mere chronicler, an honest 
one, yet he never becomes a historian like Matthew Paris, who revised his work and 
continued it to 1259. It has been shown that Roger used as a nucleus for his own 
collection, an earlier one, extending to 1188, compiled by John of Cella, abbot of St. 
Albans (1195-1214). 



[1200-1250] HISTORIOGRAPHY 677 

For the sake of curiosity I may add that the Flores historiarum contain the first 
account of the legend of Lady Godiva riding naked through Coventry (Warwick- 
shire) to obtain the release of the " villa" from a heavy bondage of toll. Lady 
Godiva was a benefactress and founder of monasteries who flourished c. 1040-1080. 

Text First edition by Henry Octavius Coxe (English historical society, 4 vols., 
London 1841-1844; additional volume, 1849). New edition by Henry G. Hewlett 
(Rolls series, 3 vols., London 1886-1889). 

Englished by J. A. Giles : Flowers of history (Bohn Library, London 1849) 

Criticism Potthast (981, 1896). William Hunt: Dictionary of national biog- 
raphy (vol. 60, 250-252, 1899). Charles Gross: Sources and literature of English 
history (396, London 1915). 

For Lady Godiva see Alexander Gordon: Dictionary of national biography 
(vol. 22, 36-38, 1890). K Hafele: Die Godivasage (Heidelberg 1929). 

V. SCANDINAVIAN 
SAXO GRAMMATICUS 

Danish historian. Born in Seeland, Denmark, flourished in Denmark in the 
second half of the twelfth century; died c. 1206. At the request of his master, 
Archbishop Absalom, he began, c. 1185, the compilation of a Danish history (Gesta 
Danorum; Historia danica) which was not completed until the beginning of the 
thirteenth century. It deals with the whole history from the mythical origins 
to his own time. It is based on national tales and poems. Though very crude 
as a historical work, it is one of the most important sources for the study of Danish 
origins, and as a record of early Danish literature it is invaluable. It was a popular 
book during the Middle Ages. 

The Gesta contains observations relative to the glaciers of Iceland, including 
the earliest mention of the motion of glaciers. Earliest reference to barrows 
(prehistoric graves, Hunengraber). 

Text Editio princeps by Christiern Pedersen (Paris 1514). Often reprinted 
(Basel 1534; Francfort 1576; etc.). Modern edition by Alfred Holder (812 p., 
Strassburg 1886). 

English translation by Oliver Elton and Frederick York Powell (Folklore society; 
562 p., London 1894); Vikmg edition (1905). German translation by Hermann 
Jantzen (552 p., Berlin 1900); by Paul Herrmann with commentary (2 vols., 
Leipzig 1901-1922). 

Criticism Axel Olnk: Kilderne til Sakses oldhistorie (2 vols., Copenhagen 1892- 
1894). Potthast (999-1001, 1896). L6on Pineau: Saxo quid et quo modo ad 
Gesta Danorum conficienda, excarminibus patrio sermone traditis hauserit (Thesis, 
Pans 1901). Axel Olrik: Danmarks Heltedigtning (2 vols , Copenhagen 1903- 
1910). Paul Schatzlein: Saxo in der deutschen Dichtung vom Ausgangc des 
Mittelalters bis zum Verfall der Romantik (Diss., 54 p., Minister 1913). J. K. 
Wright: Geographical lore (219, 1924). On the glaciers, based on Thorvaldur 
Thoroddsen: Geschichte der islandischen Geographic (vol. 1, 1897). Albert 
Mennung: tlber die Vorstufen der prahistorischen Wissenschaft (Veroff.d. Ges. 
fur Vorgeschichte und Heimatkunde d. Kreises Calbe, 1, 53 p., Schonebeck a. 
Elbe, 1925). 

SUORRI STURLTISON 

Born in one of the western fjords of Iceland in 1179; flourished in Norway and 
Iceland, speaker of the law (i.e., president of the Icelandic republic) in 1215-1218 



678 INTRODUCTION TO THE HISTOBY OF SCIENCE [1200-1250] 

and again in 1222-1231 ; slain at Reykjaholt, Iceland, in 1241. One of the greatest 
mediaeval historians. He first wrote a separate saga of St. Olaf (King of Norway 
from 1016 to 1029, and its patron saint), then added to it the lives of the earlier 
kings of Norway and of those who succeeded St. Olaf down to 1177 ; the whole work 
has been called from its initial words Heimskringla (The round world, orbis terra- 
rum). It is based partly on old poems contemporary with the events, partly on 
old chronicles (e.g., see my note on Ari FroSi ]?orgilsson, first half of the twelfth 
century), and partly on oral tradition. Snorri composed poems, of which the most 
famous is the Hattatal, written in honor of King Hdkon of Norway and his father- 
in-law, Duke Skuli. He is also the author of the prose or younger Edda, named 
after him Edda Snorra Sturlusonar. 

The last part of this Edda is a treatise on prosody, the earliest of its kind in 
Icelandic, including the poem Hattatal mentioned above The title Hattatal, 
meaning list of meters, is given both to the whole treatise and to the poem. Indeed 
this poem illustrates in its 102 stanzas as many different metres Some MSS. of 
the prose Edda also contain four treatises on grammar, but it is now generally agreed 
that none of them was composed by Snorri Sturluson; see my note on Olafr ThortSar- 
son (first half of the thirteenth century) . 

Text of He^mskringla Danish edition by Peder Clauss0n (Copenhagen 1683). 
Icelandic, Danish, Latin editions by Johann Peringskiold (2 vols., Stockholm 1697), 
and by G. Scanning and others (6 vols., Copenhagen 1777-1826). Icelandic edition 
by Carl Rikard linger (880 p., Christiania 1863-1868) ; by Fmnur Jonsson (4 vols., 
Copenhagen 1893-1901). 

German translation by Ferdinand Wachter (2 vols., Leipzig 1835-1836), by 
Gottlieb Mohnike (vol. 1, Stralsund 1837; not continued); by F. Niedner (Thule, 
2. Reihe, 14-16, Jena 1922-1923). 

English translation by Samuel Laing (3 vols., London 1844). Laing's transla- 
tion has been often reprinted. A part of it is now included in Everyman's Library. 
Another translation by William Morris and Eirikr Magniisson (4 vols., London 
1893-1905). 

French translation by Georges Sautreau: Saga des rois de Norvege; Saga de Saint 
Olav, 1015-1030. (304 p., Paris 1930; Isis, 15, 408). 

Text of Edda Snorra Sturlusonar Icelandic, Danish, Latin edition by Peder 
Hansen Resen (376 p., Copenhagen 1665) Icelandic, Latin and Swedish edition 
by Johann Gorannson (134 p., Upsala 1746). Icelandic and Latin edition (sumpti- 
bus legati Arnamagnaeani, 3 vols. in 4, Copenhagen 1848-1887). Icelandic edition 
by Finnur Jonsson (249 p., Copenhagen 1900; reprinted in 1926, 248 p ; also in 
Reykjavik, 1907, 436 p.) Codex Wormianus. Edited for the Arnamagnaean 
foundation by F. Jonsson (132 p., Copenhagen 1924). 

English translation by George Webbe Dasent (Stockholm 1842); by I. A. Black- 
well in the Edda Saemundar of the Norroena Society (London 1906) ; by Arthur 
Gilchrist Boucheur (American Scandinavian Foundation, 288 p., New York, 1916). 
German translation: Die jungere Edda mit dem sogenannten ersten gram- 
matischen Traktat, by F. Niedner and G. Neckel (Thule, 2. Reihe, Bd. 20, Jena 
1925). 

Criticism Abraham Cronholm: De Snorronis Sturlonidis historia (53 p., Lund 
1841). Gustav Storm: Snotfre Sturlassons Historieskrivning (293 p., Copenhagen 
1873). Potthast (1024-1026, 1896). A. Bley: Eigla-Studien (Ghent 1909). 
Halldor Hermannsson: Bibliography of the Sagas of the kings of Norway and 
related sagas and tales (Islandica, vol. 3, 75 p., Ithaca, N. Y., 1910); Bibliography 
of the Eddas (Islandica, vol. 13, 95 p., Ithaca 1920) Gustav Neckel : Reallexikon 
der germanischen Altertumskunde (vol. 4, 195-198, 1918-1919). SigurtSur Nordal: 
Snorri Sturluson (274 p., in Icelandic, Reykjavik 1920; by far the best study). 



[1200-1250] HISTORIOGRAPHY 679 

VI. GERMAN 

For Arnold of Lubeck, see under Helmold (second half of the twelfth century) ; 
for Eike of Repgow, see legal chapter below. 

VII. OTHER LATIN 
VINCENT OF CRACOW 

Wincenty Kadlubek. Vincentius Cracoviensis. Born in Galicia in 1160; 
studied in France and Italy; provost of Sandomir, professor in Cracow, 1189; 
bishop of Cracow, 1208; he resigned in 1218 to assume the Cistercian habit in the 
Jendrzejow monastery in Galicia; he died there in 1223. Canonized in 1764. He 
wrote a history of Poland, Historia polonica, down to 1203, which is one of the 
most important sources on the subject. For the earlier period it is largely based on 
the Chronicae Polonorum (to 1113), formerly ascribed to one Martinus Gallus. 
The greatest part is written in the form of a dialogue. 

Text First edition, Dobromil 1612 (very imperfect) Later editions: Leipzig 
1712; Warsaw 1824. Critical edition by Alexander Prze^dziecki (Cracow 1862; 
with Polish translation). By Adolph Mulkowski (Cracow 1864), By Wydal 
August Bielowski: Monumenta Polomae historica (vol. 2, Lw6w 1872). 

Crztosm W. Wattenbach- Deutschlands GeschichtsqueUen (6th ed , vol. 2, 
358, 1894) Potthast (243, 1096-1097, 1896). 

HENRY OF LATVIA 

Henricus Lettus or de Lettis, Henry the Lett. He was probably of northern 
German origin, but followed Albert, Bishop of Riga, in 1203, and became priest in 
Papendorf , near Wolmar, in Livonia (Latvia) . He took part in the movement to 
Christianize the peoples settled south of the Gulf of Finland and north of the river 
Diina; he also took part (on the German side) in the fight between Germans and 
Danes for supremacy in that country. In 1215 he attended the Fourth Lateran 
council in Rome; in 1225, he inspected Livonia with the papal legate, and in the 
following year be began missionary work in Esthonia. In 1225-1227 he wrote a 
history of Livonia from 1186 to 1227, which is of great importance not only because 
he was a witness of many events or could obtain direct information about them, 
but also because it contains much material of cultural interest. 

Text First but incomplete edition by Johann Daniel Gruber: Origines Livoniae 
sacrae et civilis (Latin and German; Francfort 1740). Better edition with German 
translation in A. Hansen: Scriptores rerum Livonicarum (vol. 1, 50-311, Riga 
1846; reprinted separately, Riga 1857). Edition by Wilh. Arndt in Monum. 
Germ. hist. (23, 241-332) 

Eduard Pabst: Livlandische Chronik (380 p., Reval 1867; German translation 
based partly on MS. study). 

Crit^sm H Hildebrand: Allgemeine deutsche Biographic (vol. 11, 637-639, 
1880). W. Wattenbach: Deutschlands GeschichtsqueUen (6th ed., vol 2, 359, 
1894). Potthast (583-584, 1896). 



680 INTRODUCTION TO THE HISTORY OF SCIENCE [1200-1250] 

VIII. BYZANTINE 

NICETAS ACOMINATOS 

Nuc^Tas 'A/cojLt^aros. Byzantine annalist and theologian. Born about the 
middle of the twelfth century at Chonae in Phrygia, hence his name Choniates. 
(Chonae is the ancient Colossae made famous by St. Paul's Epistle to its inhabi- 
tants). He flourished at the courts of Constantinople and, after 1204, of Nicaea; 
died between 1210 and 1220. 

His main work is a history of the years 1180 to 1206, in twenty-one books, in- 
cluding an account of the conquest of Constantinople in 1204. This work is largely 
based on first-hand information; its remarkable objectivity can be checked by 
referring to western historians; eg., to Villehardoum. He also wrote a short 
description of the statues destroyed by the Latins in 1204 in Constantinople. This 
is of special interest because the Byzantine scholars paid no attention to ancient 
art; it is almost unique in Byzantine literature. 

His main theological work is the Treasure of orthodoxy, Qyvavpbs 6p6o5o%Las y 
written c 1204-1210, at Nicaea, in twenty-seven books. It is valuable for the 
history of Christian heresies in the twelfth century. 

Text History. First edition by Hieronymus Wolf (Basle 1557; with Latin 
translation). Edition by Im. Bekker in the Bonn corpus (vol. 22, 990 p., 1835; 
together with the description of the statues); both reprinted in Migne's Greek 
Patrology (vols. 139 and 140). 

Latin translation by Hieronymus Wolf, above-mentioned (Basle 1557). Often 
reprinted. 

Italian translation by Joseppe Horologgi (Venice 1562). 

French translation by Louis Cousin (Pans 1685). 

French translation of the Description of statues in J. A. C. Buchon: Collection 
des chroniques nationales frangaises (vol. 3, 1828). 

Treasure. No complete edition. For partial editions, see Krumbacher (p. 
92). 

Criticism Potthast (848, 785, 1896). K. Krumbacher: Byzantimsche Literatur 
(91-93, 281-286, 1897). Ida Carlton Thallon: Michael Akoimnatos (Vassar 
mediaeval studies, 275-314, 1923; Isis, 6, 149). Michael, Nicetas' brother, was 
archbishop of Athens in 1204; he died c. 1220. Nt/c6Xaos Be?js: 'EXev0epoK5a/c?7 
kjKm\oTT(L^iK.ov \%IK.QV (vol. 1, 637, 1927). 

IX. ARMENIAN 
JOHN VANAGAN 

John Vanagan; i.e., the monk. Armenian theologian and historian. Born c. 
1280; educated in the famous monastery of Kadig (?) in Great Armenia; enslaved 
by the Mongols; after having recovered his freedom he founded the monastery of 
Khoranashat (of many tabernacles) in Kartman, Udi, near the upper Cyrus river 
(Nahr al-Kur), and died there in 1251. His many theological and religious writings 
do not concern us, but he wrote in Khoranashat a chronicle which contained an 
account of the Mongol invasion of 1236. He formed many disciples, through whom 
some fragments of his works have come down to us. 

C. F. Neumann: Geschichte der armemschen Literatur (184-185, 1836). 



[1200-1250] HISTORIOGRAPHY 681 

X..SYBJAC 
SOLOMON OF AL-BASRA 

See philosophical chapter above. 

XI. HISPANO-JEWISH 
IBN LATIF 

See philosophical chapter. 

XII. WESTERN MUSLIM 
IBN HAMMAD 

Abu \Abdallah Muhammad ibn 'All ibn Hammad. Maugrabin chronicler. 
Born at Bu-Hamra c. 1150; studied at the Qala'a of the Banu Hammad nearby, 
then in Bougie and other places; was qadi in Algesiras and Sal6, and died in 1230. 
He wrote a chronicle of Bougie (Bijaya), and in 1220 a brief account of the Fatimid 
rule in Africa (909-1171), Akhbar muluk Ban! 'Ubaid wa siratuhum. In spite of 
its brevity that account is valuable because it is one of the earliest and contains 
first-hand references to local conditions. 

Text First complete edition, by N. Vonderheyden: Histoire des rois 'obaidides 
(Publications de la FacultS des lettres d'Alger, 3 e s&ie, fasc. 2; 164 p , Paris 1927; 
Arabic text with French translation; Isis, 13, 159). 

Criticism Rene Basset: Encyclopaedia of Islam (vol. 2, 383, 1916). Short 
note superseded by Vonderheyden's introduction to his edition. 

'ABD AL-WABtfD AL-MARRAKUSHI 

Abu Muhammad 'Abd al-Wahid ibn 'All al-Tamiml al-Marrakushi, Muhyi 
al-din. Born at Marrakush in 1185; studied there, in Fez, and after 1208 in Spain; 
in 1217 he went to Egypt, where he seems to have spent the rest of his life; he died 
in or after 1224. He wrote, in 1224, a history of the Muwahhid dynasty, preceded 
by a summary of Spanish history from the Muslim conquest to 1087 (Kitab al- 
mu'jib fi talkhls akhbar ahl al-Maghrib). It is uncritical and exceedingly biased 
in favor of the Almohades. 

Text Edition by R. P. A. Dozy: The history of the Almohades (Leiden 1847; 
again, 1881). French translation by Edmond Fagnan (Revue africaine, vols. 36 
and 37, passim; separate edition, 332 p , Alger 1893). 

Criticism F. Wtistenfeld: Geschichtschreiber der Araber (109, 1881). C. 
Brockelmann: Arabische Litteratur (vol. 1, 322, 1898). E. L^vi-Proven^al: 
Documents in^dits d'histoire almohade (440 p., Paris 1928, p. in; Isis, 13, 221). 

IBN 'ARABI 

See philosophical chapter. 

IBN AL-ABBAR 

Abu 'Abdallah Muhammad ibn \Abdallah ibn Abi Bakr Ibn al-Abbar al-Quda'L 
Hispano-Muslim historian. Born at Valencia in 1199; after the conquest of Va- 



682 INTRODUCTION TO THE HISTORY OF SCIENCE [1200-1250] 

lencia by the Christians in 1238, he went to Tunis and was secretary to the salatin of 
Tunis; he was murdered in Tunis, 1260 He composed many works, of which the 
two most important were a continuation (takmila) to the Kitab al-?ila of Ibn 
Bashkuwal (first half of the twelfth century) i e. ? a history of the learned men of 
Spain; and another compilation of the same kind, the Kitab al-hulla al-siyara'. 

Text Kitab al-takmila li kitab al-sila, edited by Francisco Codera y Zaidin 
(Biblioteca arabico-bispana, vols, 5 and 6, Madrid 1887-1889). Angel Gonzalez 
Paleneia and M. Alarc6n. Apendice a la edicion Codera de la Tecmila (Miscelanea 
de estudios y textos arabes, Madrid 1915). A Bel et M. ben Cheneb: La preface 
d'Ibn el-Abbar a sa Takmila (Revue africame, nos. 296-297, p. 306-335, Algiers 
1913); Arabic text with French translation (Isis, 13, 427). 

A part of the Hulla was edited by R P. A Dozy: Notices sur quelques MSS. 
arabes (Leiden 1847-1851); another part by Marcus Joseph Muller: Beitrage zur 
Geschichte der westlichen Araber (Miinchen 1866-1878). 

Al-mu'jamflashabal-qadlal-imam Abl 'All al-Sadaf! (index of the disciples of 
this Spanish traditionalist, born c. 1052, died 1120), edited by F. Codera (Biblio- 
teca arabico-hispana, vol. 4, Madrid 1886). 

C^cismF Wustenfeld: Geschichtschreiber der Araber (p. 128-129, 1881) 
C. Brockelmann: Arabische Litteratur (vol. 1, 340, 1898). Francisco Pons 
Boigues: Ensayo bio-bibliografico sobre los histonadores arabigo-espanoles (291- 
296, 1898). Moh. ben Cheneb: Encyclopaedia of Islam (2, 352, 1916). 

XIII EASTERN MUSLIM 

For Yaqut, see geographical chapter; for 'Abd al-Latlf, see philosophical 
chapter. 

IBN AL-ATHIR 

Abu-1-Hasan * All ibn Muhammad 'Izz al-dm Ibn al-Athir al-Shaibani (of the tribe 
of Shaiban) al-JazirL The second and most distinguished of three brothers, all 
of whom won fame as authors and scholars. He was born in 1160 at Jazirah ibn 
'Urnar in Jazirah (Mesopotamia); he moved to Musul in 1180 when his father 
was appointed governor of that city; he had many occasions of going to Baghdad 
and of traveling in Syria and Arabia to accomplish the Pilgrimage or on diplomatic 
missions for the rulers of Mu$ul, but the best part of his life was spent in that city 
where he died in 1233. 

One of the greatest chroniclers of mediaeval times. His main work is a universal 
chronicle down to 1231 called the Kamil (Kitab al-kamil fl-l-ta'rlkh, the perfect 
book of chronicles). The earlier part of it, down to c. 915, is essentially an elabora- 
tion of the Kitab akhbar al-rusul wal-muluk of al-T?abari (first half of the tenth 
century). A continuation of the Kamil was composed by Mahmud ibn Salman ibn 
Fahd al-Halabi (d. 1325). 

In 1211-1212, he wrote a history of the Atabeg rulers of Muul (1127 to 1211). 
He also compiled an alphabetic dictionary of the contemporaries of the Prophet, 
Kitab usd al-ghaba fi ma'rifat al-sahaba, and an abridgment of the Kitab al- 
ansab of al-Sam'ani (second half of the twelfth century), called the Lubab (Kitab 
al-lubab mukhta$ar al-ansab lil-Sam'ani). 

Text Edition of the Kamil by C. J. Tornberg: Ibn el-Athiri Chronicon quod 
perfectissimum inscribitur (14 vols., Leyde 1851-1876; vols. 13-14 contain the 
indexes). Bulaq edition in 12 vols. (1873-1886, without index). Carl Johan 



[1200-1250] HISTORIOGRAPHY 683 

Tornberg: Berattelse om Arabernas erdfnmg af Spanien (Arabic and Swedish, 
Lund 1851). Extracts edited in Arabic and French, in the Recueil des his- 
toriens des Croisades (vols. 1 and 2, 1872-1887) Annales du Maghreb et de 
TEspagne tradmtes par E. Fagnan (664 p , Alger 1898) 

Historia dynastiae Atabegidarum Mosulae prmcipum. Extracts published by 
de Guignes in the Notices et extraites (vol. 1, 542-578, 1787). Complete edition 
in the Recueil des historiens des Croisades (vol 2, part 2, 394 p., Paris 1876; with 
French translation). 

Usd al-ghaba (5 vols., Cairo 1883-1884). 

Medulla (i.e., abridgment of al-Sam'anfs work). Specimen el Lobabi edited 
by F Wustenfeld (Gottingen 1835) 

Criticism Ibn Khallikan (de Slane's translation, vol. 2, 288-290, 1843). Ibn 
Khallikan met Ibn al-Athir in Halab, 1229. Joseph Elian Sarkis: Dictionnaire de 
bibliographic arabe (36-38, Cairo 1928). 

F. Wustenfeld: Die Geschichtschreiber der Araber (Gottingen, 113, 1881). C 
Brockelmann: Das Verhaltnis von Ibn al-Athlrs Kami! zu Tabaris Akhbar (Diss. 
58 p., Strassburg 1890); Arabische Litteratur (vol. 1, 345, 1898); Encyclopaedia of 
Islam (vol. 2, 365, 1916). 

Sir William Muir's Caliphate (1883) was largely derived from Ibn al-Athir. 
See new and revised edition by T. H. Weir (Edinburgh 1915 ; Isis, 3, 352) . 

IBN ABI-L-DAM 

Abu Ishaq Ibrahim ibn 'Abdallah ibn *Abd al-Mun'im ibn abi-I-Dam al-Hamdani 
al-Hamawi, Shihab al-dln. Born at Hamat in 1187-1188, where he flourished, 
and where he died m 1244-1245. Shafi'ite qadi; historian. He wrote a history 
(Ta'rikh) of the Prophet and of the Caliphs down to 1231. He dedicated to the 
Ayyubid prince of Mesopotamia, al-Muzaffar Ghazi (ruled from 1230 to 1244-1245), 
an elaborate history of Islam, in six volumes (Al-ta'rikh al-Muzaffar I). 

Text Extracts of the last named work, relative to Sicily, were translated into 
Italian by Agostino Inveges (1595-1677): Annali della felice citta di Palermo (vol. 
2, 659, Palermo 1650). Latin translation of the same extracts in Joh. Bapt. 
Carusius- Bibliotheca historica regni Siciliae (vol. 1, 19-23, Panormi, 1723); again 
in L. A Muratori: Rerum italicarum scriptores (vol. 1, part 2, 251) and in Rosario 
Gregorio: Rerum Arabicarum quae ad Mstoriam Siculam spectant (53-68, Pan- 
ormi 1790). 

Criticism F. Wustenfeld: Geschichtschreiber der Araber (122, 1881). C. 
Brockelmann: Arabische Litteratur (vol. 1, 346, 1898). 

'UMAR IBN AL-'ADIM 



Kamal al-dln Abu-1-Qasim 'Umar ibn Ahmad . . . ibn abi Jarada ibn al- 
'Adlm aPUqaili al-Halabl al-Hanaf L (The Banu Jarada of the tribe of 'Uqail had 
emigrated from Basra to Syria in the first half of the ninth century). Muslim- 
Syrian historian. Born in Halab (Aleppo) in 1192; studied in Jerusalem, Damas- 
cus, in the Iraq and the Hijaz; was appointed professor in a madrasa of Aleppo 
in 1219-1220, later qadi and wazir to the Ayyubid rulers of Aleppo, al-*Aziz and 
al-Nasir; he fled with the latter to Egypt when the Mongols captured the city in 
1260. Hulagu appointed him chief qadi of Syria, but Ibn al-'Adlm died in Cairo, 
1262/ before he could reach his new post. 

He wrote an enormous history of Aleppo; that is, a collection of biographies of 
the famous men of Aleppo, arranged alphabetically, Bughyat al-talib fl ta'rlkh 



684 INTRODUCTION TO THE HISTORY OF SCIENCE [1200-1250] 

Halab (The gratification of one's desires with regard to the history of Aleppo) ; it 
would seem that that work was never completed in a fair copy He wrote an 
abridgment of it arranged chronologically down to 1243-1244 (Zubdat al-halab f 1 
ta'rikh Halab, Cream of the milk of the history of Aleppo 2 ). He composed a guide 
for the making of perfumes, Kitab al-wuslat (or wasilat) ila-1-habib fi wasf al- 
taiyibat wal-tibb. 

The Bughyat was continued down to 1439-1440 by 'All ibn Muhammad ibn 
Khatib al-Nasir!ya (d. 1439-1440), and by Muhammad Ibn al-Shihna al-Halabi 
(d. 1485). 

Text G. W Freytag: Selecta ex historia Halebi (Arabic and Latin; Paris 1819) ; 
Regnum Saahdal daulae in oppido Halebi (Bonn 1820). E. Blochet: L'histoire 
d'Alep de Kamaladdm (Revue de 1'Orient latin, 1896 to 1899; French translation). 

Criticism F. Wiistenfeld: Geschichtschreiber der Araber (130-131, 1881). C. 
Brockelmann: Arabische Litteratur (vol. 1, 332, 1898); Encyclopaedia of Islam 
(vol. 2, 703, 1924). Ign. Kratschkovsky : Angebliche Autographe des Kamal 
al-dln in Leningrad (Der Islam, 15, 334, 1926) Joseph Elian Sarkis: Dictionnaire 
de bibKographie arabe (171, Cairo 1928). 

IBN AL-QIFTI 

Abu-1-Hasan 'All ibn Yusuf, Jamal al-dm al-Shaibanl Ibn al-Qifti. Egyptian 
historian. Born in Qift (Coptos) in Upper Egypt, 1172-1173; flourished m Cairo 
until c. 1187, then in Jerusalem until c. 1202, finally in Aleppo, where he spent 
the rest of his life. He was many times wazir to the Ayyubid rulers of Aleppo, 
the last time from 1236 to his death in 1248. 

He was extremely learned, and was perhaps the greatest bibliophile of Islam, 
among a great many others. His library was valued after his death at 60000 dinars. 
He was a patron of scholars; e g., of Yaqut. 

The most important of his works has come down to us in abbreviated form, the 
others are almost completely lost. The Kitab ikhbar al-'ulama' bi-akhbar al- 
hukama* (Information given to the learned on the history of the wise) is known 
through the summary made in 1249-1250 by Muhammad ibn 'All al-Zawzani, the 
Kitab al-muntakhabat al-multaqatat min kitab ta'rikh al-hukama', generally 
called Ta'rikh al-hukama*. It is a collection of 414 very unequal biographies of 
ancient and Muslim physicians, men of science, and philosophers. It is an impor- 
tant source for the history of Muslim science; it contains hardly any new information 
on Greek science, but shows what the Muslims knew and thought of it. 

The Bibliotheca philosophorum so often quoted by Miguel Casiri in his Biblio- 
theca arabico-hispana escurialensis (Madrid 1760-1770) has been identified with the 
Ta'rikh al-hukama'. This identification has much decreased the interest of Casin's 
work. 

Text The Tar'Ikh al-liukama was edited on the basis of August Muller's inves- 
tigations by Julius Lippert (518 p., Berlin 1903) Eeviewed from the mathemati- 
cal point of view by H, Suter in Bibliotheca mathematica (vol. 4, 293-302, 1903). 

Biographies of Greek mathematicians have been translated by Eilhard Wiede- 
mann in his Beitragen (nos. 3 and 5, Sitzungsber. der physik. mediz. Societat, 
Erlangen, vol. 37, 247-255, 441-448, 1905) A full English translation with notes 
is much needed. 

2 The word halab means Aleppo, and also milk. 



[1200-1250] HISTORIOGRAPHY 685 

Criticism L. Leclerc: M6decme arabe (vol. 2, 193-198, 1876). A Muller: 
Das arabische Verzeichnis der aristotelischen Schriften (Morgenl. Forsch., 1-32, 
Leipzig 1875) ; Uber das sogenannte Ta'rlkh al-hukama' (Actes du 8 e congr&s des 
orientalistes, Leiden, 15-36, 1891). F. Wiistenfeld: Geschichtschreiber der Araber 
(124, 1881). C. Brockelmann: Arabische Litteratur (vol. 1, 325, 1898). H. 
Suter: Die Mathematiker und Astronomen der Araber (143, 1900). E. Mittwoch: 
Encyclopaedia of Islam (vol. 2, 398, 1918). 

IBN ABI USAIBI'A 

Muwaffak al-din Abu-l-'Abbas Afrmad ibn al-Qasim Ibn ab! Usaibi'a al-Sa'dl 
al-Khazraji Muslim-Syrian physician and historian of medicine. Born in 
Damascus 1203-1204 in a medical family (his father was an oculist); he studied in 
Damascus and later walked the hospital al-Na$iri in Cairo; in 1236-1237, he 
obtained a post in the opthalmologic department of that hospital, but soon after- 
wards entered the service of an amir in Sarkhad near Damascus; he died in Sarkhad 
in 1270. He had herborized with Ibn al-Baitar, had been in correspondence with 
'Abd al-Latif, and had known personally a great many physicians. 

He compiled a collection of medical observations which is lost. His main work 
was historical, the Kitab 'uyun al-anba' f 1 tabaqat al-atibba' (Sources of informa- 
tion on the classes of physicians). It is a series of bio-bibliographies of the most 
eminent physicians from the earliest times to his own. It was composed at 
Sarkhad c. 1242, but revised at a later date. It is our main source for the history 
of Muslim medicine ; it deals with about 400 Muslim or Arabic physicians, but it 
deals also with others. It is divided into fifteen chapters : (1) Origins of medicine ; 
(2) Early physicians ; (3) Greek physicians beginning with Asclepios (Asqllbiyiis) ; 
(4) Hippocrates and his contemporaries; (5) Galen and his time; (6) Physicians of 
Alexandria; (7) Physicians of the Prophet's time; (8) Syrian physicians under the 
early 'Abbasid caliphs; (9) The translators and their patrons; (10 to 15) the last six 
chapters deal with the physicians respectively of 'Iraq, Persia, India, Maghrib and 
Spain, Egypt, Syria. 

Not less than six chapters deal with pre-Islamic medicine. It is seldom that his 
data relative to Greek physicians are at once new and true, yet his account is 
very valuable for the understanding of Muslim science. It helps us to realize what 
the Arabic speaking people knew and thought of Greek medicine. Though Ibn 
abi U?aibi Vs work is primarily a history of physicians, its interest is not by any 
means restricted to medicine. Most of the Muslim physicians were not simply 
physicians; many were mathematicians, physicists, astronomers, philosophers, or 
men of encyclopaedic type. Thus the 'Uyun al-anba' is a source for the history of 
Muslim science in general; for example, the historian of mathematics must often 
refer to it. 

Text -The 'Uyun al-anba' was edited by Imru-1-Qais Ibn al-Tahhan (2 vols., 
Cairo 1882; with incomplete index). The same text (apparently the same sheets) 
was republished by August Muller with 162 additional pages including a German 
preface, lists of corrections and variants and a complete index (2 vols., Komgsberg, 
1884). 

An English translation with critical notes would be very desirable. 

Criticism F. Wustenfeld: Arabische Aerzte (132-144, 1840; containing a list 
of the Syriac and Muslim physicians dealt with; Wustenf eld's own notices were 
largely derived from Ibn Abi Usaibi'a); Geschichtschreiber der Araber (133, 1881). 



686 INTRODUCTION TO THE HISTORY OF SCIENCE [1200-1250] 

L Leclerc: Medecme arabe (vol. 2, 187-193, 1876). August Muller; Ueber Ibn 
Abi Ogeibi'a und seine Geschichte der Aerzte. Congres des Orientahstes de 
Leide (vol. 2, 259-280, 1884); Text und Spraehgebrauch von Ibn abi Useibi'a's 
Geschichte (Sitzungsber. der bayer. Akad. d. Wiss., phil. KL, 1884, 853-977, 
Muchen, 1885). C. Brockelmann: Arabische Litteratur (vol. 1, 325, 1898). 
J. E. Sarkis: Dictionnaire de bibhographie arabe (27, Le Caire 1928). 

I have very often referred to Muller's text in the preparation of my work, but 
not always; in some cases I have depended on other scholars who had already made 
use of it. 

XIV. PERSIAN 

AL-BITNDARI 

al-Fath ibn 'All ibn al-Fath al-Isfahani, Qawam al-dm, flourished c. 1226. 
Muslim historian. He composed in 1226 an abridgment of the history of the 
Saljuq rule by 'Imad al-dm al-Isf ahani (second half of the twelfth century) ; it is 
said that he also abridged the latter's Kitab al-barq al-Sha'mi. He translated 
Firdawsfs Shahnama into Arabic for al-Mu'azzam, Ayyubid ruler of Damascus 
who ruled from 1218 to 1227. 

Text Abridgment of the Nusrat al-f atra, entitled Zubdat al-nusrat wa nukhbat 
al-'usra, edited by M. Th. Houtsma: Recueil des textes relatifs a Fhistoire des 
Seldjoucides (vol. 2, Leiden 1889). 

Criticism F. Wustenfeld: Gescbichtschreiber der Araber (112, 1881). C. 
Brockelmann: Arabische Litteratur (vol. 1, 321, 1898). Encyclopaedia of Islam 
(vol. 1,743, 1912). 

J. E. Sarkis: Dictionnaire de bibliographic arabe (591, 1928). 

AL-NASAWI 

Muhammad ibn Ahmad ibn 'All, Shihab al-dln al-Nasawi. Born in the district 
of Nasa (or Nisa), Khurasan; he became secretary to Jalal al-dln Mangbarti 
(Shah of Khwarizm, 1220-1231) after the latter 's defeat by the Mongols on the 
Indus in 1221-1222, and remained with him until that sultan's murder in a Kurdish 
village in 1231; he himself died in or after 1241. He completed in 1241-1242, a 
biography of his patron, the Sirat al-sultan Jalal al-dln. He wrote it in Arabic, 
but one can feel that he thought in Persian. This work is of great value because it 
is the record of an immediate witness who is apparently sincere and who tries to 
explain the tragic events which he describes. 

Text Arabic text with French translation by 0. Houdas in the Publ. de PEcole 
des langues orientales vivantes (vols. 9-10, Paris 1891-1895). 

Criticism F. Wustenfeld: Geschichtschreiber der Araber (121, 1881). C. 
Brockelmann: Arabische Litteratur (vol. 1, 319, 1898). E. G. Browne: Persian 
literature (vol. 2, 449, 473, 1906). 

MUHAMMAD AI/AWFI 

See philosophical chapter. 

XV. CHINESE 

For Ts'ai Ch'6n, see mathematical chapter; for Yeh-lii Ch/u ts'ai, see chapter 
on education. 



[1200-1250] msTOKiOGRAPHY 687 



TEH LUNG-LI 

Yeh 4 * LungMi 3 (12997, 7504, 6949). Chinese historian Born at Chia^hsmg 1 
(1158, 4611), Chehkiang, graduated as chin shih in 1247. He wrote the history of 
the Kitan Tartars (907-1125), Ch'^-tan 1 kuo 2 *-chih 4 (1053, 10618, 6609, 1918), 
and probably also that of the Chin Tartars, Ta^chm 1 kuo 2 *-chih 4 (10470, 2032, 6609, 
1918). It is claimed in the preface of the second history that it was completed in 
1234 by a Chinese official of Tartar origin, Yu 2 -wen 2 Mou^chao 1 (13540, 12633, 
8043, 473) ; it seems more probable, however, that Yeh Lung-li was the real author. 

H A. Giles: Biographical dictionary (933, 962, 1898). L. Wieger: La Chine 
(224, 318, 500, 523, 1920) 

XVI. JAPANESE 
KAMO CHOMEI 

Japanese writer. Born near Kyoto c. 1154; died c 1225. He was for a time 
director (yoriudo) of the poetical department (uta-dokorp) of the imperial palace. 
Later he retired into a Buddhist monastery on (mount) Ohara-yama, near Kyoto, 
assumed the religious name Ren-in, and wrote there, in 1212, a little book entitled 
Hojo-ki, wherein he describes among other things the great fire of Kyoto in 1177, 
the cyclone of 1180, the famine of 1181, the long series of earthquakes of 1185, and 
by contrast the peace of his hermitage. Hojo means ten feet square, the size of his 
hut. The title of this book might thus be translated "Annals of ten feet square." 
(Cf. the Voyage autour de ma chambre by Xavier de Maistre, 1795) He wrote 
various other works, but this one is the most famous, one of the classics of Japanese 
literature. He has sometimes been called the Japanese Wordsworth, or the 
Japanese Thoreau. 

W. G. Aston: Literature japonaise (140-150, 1902, including translation of long 
extracts). Minakata Kumagusu and Frederick Victor Dickins: A Japanese 
Thoreau of the twelfth century (Journal R. Asiatic Soc., 237-264, 1905; complete 
English translation with many notes) . Michel Revon : Anthologie de la litterature 
japonaise (245-266, Paris 1910; including French translation). A. L. Sadler: 
The Ten foot square hut and Tales of the Heike (284 p., Sydney 1929; new English 
translation) . 



CHAPTER XL 

LAW AND SOCIOLOGY 
(First Half of Thirteenth Century) 

I. ITALIAN 

DEVELOPMENT OF CANON LAW 

This brief survey of the juridical and sociological endeavors of the thirteenth 
century may properly begin with a few words on the development of the Canon Law, 
the international law of Christendom. 

Its organization may be ascribed to the Italian Gratian (first half of the twelfth 
century), who in 1139 compiled the Decretum, the first part of the Corpus juris 
canonici. The Decretum was still informed with Roman law, but the development 
of Canon Law was essentially a gradual emancipation from the older law. This 
appeared already in the Summa Magistri Rolandi of Alexander III (pope 1159- 
1181) and became clearer as time went on. That evolution was naturally acceler- 
ated by the growing misunderstandings between Popes and Emperors. 

The second part of the Corpus juris canonici, the Liber extra or Quinque libri 
decretalium, was published by Gregory IX (pope from 1227 to 1241) in 1234, a 
little more than a century after the Decretum. It was compiled by the Catalan 
Dominican, Raymond of Penafort, whose task was simply one of codification, for 
by that time the new collections of decretals had been growing for almost half 
of a century. 

The anti-Roman tendencies of the Curia are sufficiently illustrated by the fact 
that in 1219 Honorius III prohibited the teaching of Roman law at the University 
of Paris, and forbade priests to study it. 

However, Roman Law was being spread all over western Christendom by the 
students of Bologna. At the beginning of the century the University of Orleans 
was a new center for its diffusion. Finally there was an increasing demand for 
legists (i.e., doctors in Roman law or in both laws) in the royal courts; they were 
equally needed to resist the papal chancery, to stabilize government institutions, 
to organize the expanding bureaucracy, to frustrate centrifugal tendencies, to 
favor by all means, fair or foul, national integration. 

The growth of this new profession was especially conspicuous in France. In 
England, Roman Law was forbidden in favor of the Common Law, yet the develop- 
ment of the latter was not and could not be entirely independent of the former. 

The growth of political theory was hastened considerably by the conflict between 
the imperial and papal ideas of sovereignty, by the struggle between both Laws, 
the lay and the ecclesiastical. 

The best general study of these questions was given by Sir Robert Warrand 
Carlyle and Alexander James Carlyle: A history of mediaeval political theory in 
the West (5 vols., 1903-1928). Vol. 5 is a systematic account of political theory 
in the thirteenth century (Isis, 12, 357). 

688 



[1200-1250] LAW AND SOCIOLOGY 689 

AZO 

Azo Portms (or Azzo, Azone, Azzoleno). Italian civilian. Born at Bologna 
about the middle of the twelfth century; nourished at Bologna; died c. 1230. He 
was the main pupil of John Bassianus, became professor of law at Bologna, and was 
one of the most important of the glossators. His most famous pupil was Accorso. 
His own authority is attested by the old saying: "Chi non ha Azo non vada a 
Palazzo." Bracton (second half of the thirteenth century) was much influenced 
by him. His main work was his summary of Roman law entitled Summa codicis 
et institutionum. 

Text Summa super Codice et Institutis. First edition, Speyer 1482 (324 
leaves). Later editions: Pa via 1484; Venice 1489, 1498, 1499, Etc. Gesamtkata- 
log der Wiegendrucke (vol. 3, 255-259, 1928). Some 30 editions from 1482 to 
1610. 

Quaestiones, first edition by Ernst Landsberg (Freiburg i. B., 1888). 

Criticism Paul Vmogradoff: Roman law in mediaeval Europe (47-49, 1909). 
R. W. and A J. Carlyle: History of mediaeval political theory (vol. 2, 1909). C. 
P. Sherman: Roman law (vol. 1, 205, Boston 1917). 

HUGOLHSTUS 

Hugolinus glossator. Ugolino. Italian jurist. Born in Bologna in the twelfth 
century; died soon after 1233. Teacher of civil law in Bologna. He compiled 
many law books, notably a Summa digestorum, previously ascribed to others. The 
titles of the following works need no explanation: Glossae; Diversitates seu dis- 
sensiones dominorum; Distinctions ; Quaestiones. 

Text The Summa digestorum is appended to the editions of Azo's Summa, 
except the first. Summa super usibus feudorum in Scripta anecdota glossatorum 
(vol. I-III, Bologna 1888-1901) ; also edition by John Baptist Palmieri (Bibliotheca 
jundica medii aevi, vol. 2, 1892). 

Criticism R. W. and A. J. Carlyle: History of mediaeval political theory (vol. 
2, 1909). 

ACCORSO 

Francesco Accorsi. Franciscus Accursius. Born at Bagnolo, Tuscany, or 
iix Florence, 1182; pupil of Azo ; practiced law in Florence, later, c. 1220, in Bologna, 
where he died in 1260. He was the most famous of the glossatores (the commenta- 
tors on Roman law), and the one who had the greatest share in the renaissance of 
legal studies; the fame of the school of Bologna was largely due to his immense 
activity. His main work is a methodical compilation of all the commentaries on 
Roman law, the Glossa ordinaria or Glossa magistralis (vulg., Chiosa grande; 
Chiosa continua; Great gloss), which remained the final authority until the time of 
Bartolo (second half of the fourteenth century), whose reforms it prepared. The 
authority of the Glossa is witnessed by the old maxim "Quidquid non agnoscit 
Glossa, non agnoscit curia." 

Three of his sons became distinguished lawyers. The eldest, Francesco II 
(born at Bologna in 1225, died there in 1293), was also professor of law in Bologna, 
and later for a few years, c. 1275, in Oxford; later still he was the diplomatic repre- 
sentative of Edward I (1272-1307) in Rome. The second son, Cervotto, was 
professor of law in Pavia and Bologna; the third, Gughelmo, was attached to the 
Roman court. 



690 INTRODUCTION TO THE HISTORY OF SCIENCE [1200-1250] 

Text There are many sixteenth century editions of the Glossa, Corpus juris 
civilis. At least three editions in 5 vols. folio: Lyon 1556-1558, Paris 1576, 
Venice 1584. At least three editions in 6 vols. folio : Lyon 1 589, 1612, 1618. The 
best of these editions is said to be that of Denis Godefroy the Elder (1549-1629), 
Lyon 1589. 

There are no incunabula editions of the elder Francesco, but there are three of 
the younger. Casus longi super digesto novo (Basel c. 1489-1497; Lyon c 1500). 
Casus in terminis super Codice (Strassburg c. 1485). Gesamtkatalog der Wiegen- 
drucke (vol. 1, 77-78, 1925). 

Criticism See the books on mediaeval law (Savigny), and on mediaeval educa- 
tion (Rashdall, vol. 1, 1895). P. Vinogradoff: Roman law in mediaeval Europe 
(47-49, London, 1909) R. W. and A. J. Carlyle: History of mediaeval political 
theory (vol. 2, 1909). John Edwin Sandys: History of classical scholarship (vol. 
I 3 , 604-605, 1921). 

ODOFREDUS 

Italian jurist. Born and studied in Bologna. He practiced his profession in 
France and southern Italy; returned to Bologna c. 1228 to teach law; spent there 
the greatest part of his life, and died there in 1265. Many commentaries on Roman 
law were published under his name, being probably the notes of his students. 

According to him, the pope's authority was supreme m spiritual things, the 
emperor's in material ones. 

Nouvelle biographie generate (vol. 38, 485, 1862). Nino Tamassia: Odofredo 
(Atti d. R. deput. di storia patria, Romagna, vol. 11, 183; 12, 330, 1894-1895). 
C. H. Haskins: The renaissance of the twelfth century (203, 1927). R. W. and 
A. J. Carlyle: History of mediaeval political theory (vol. 2, 1909; vol. 5, 1928). 

FREDERICK II 

See philosophical chapter. 

PETER OF VINEA 

Petrus de Vinea (or Vineis). Pietro della Vigna, Pier delle Vigne. Born in 
Capua. Chancellor, protonotary and ambassador of the emperor Frederick II. 
Having fallen into disgrace, he ended his life in San Miniato, 1249. His Letters 
are historical material of the first order for the study of Frederick's rule and time, 
but they are not historical works. Peter is mentioned here because he is said to 
be the real author of Frederick's Sicilian code of 1231. 

Text First edition of the Epistolae, Hagenau, 1529. More complete yet very 
imperfect edition by Simon Schard : Epistolarum quibus res Fridenci II gestae 
descnbuntur libri VI (Basel 1566). Alphonse Huillard-Breholles : Vie et corres- 
pondance de Pierre de la Vigne. Avec une etude sur le mouvement r&formiste au 
13* siecle (462 p., Paris 1865). 

Criticism- Potthast (918, 1896). 

INNOCENT IV 

Sinibaldo Fieschi dei Conti di Lavagna. Born in Genoa. Elected pope in 
Anagni, 1243; died in Naples, 1254. During his papacy most of his energy was 
devoted to his merciless struggle with Frederick II. He convoked the Council of 



[1200-1250] LAW AND SOCIOLOGY 691 

Lyon (1245), which excommunicated and deposed the emperor; later he preached 
a crusade against him. He is mentioned here because of his remarkable activity 
as a jurist before 1243. He wrote Apparatus super decretales; De potestate 
ecclesiastica et juridictione impeni, etc. He claimed that all power, temporal 
as well as spiritual, originates with the pope. He is said to have been the first to 
speak of a corporation as a persona ficta and also the first pope to give a red hat 
to the cardinals ! 

Text B Haureau- Quelques lettres d'Innocent IV, extraites des MSS. de la 
Bibhotheque nationale (94 p., Pans 1874). Elie Berger: Les registres d'Innocent 
IV publies ou analyses d'aprfes les MSS. originaux du Vatican et de la Bibliotheque 
nationale (4 vols., Paris 1884-1920). 

Criticism Otto von Gierke : Die Staats- und Korporationslehre des Altertums 
und des Mittelalters (279, Berlin 1881). Hans Weber: Der Kampf zwischen 
Innocent IV und Friednch II bis zur Flucht des Papstes nach Lyon (93 p , Berlin 
1900). August Folz: Friedrich II und Innocent IV, ihr Kampf in den Jahren 1244 
und 1245 (158 p., Strassburg 1905). Ludwig Dehio: Innocent IV und England 
(Diss , 94 p , Berlin 1913). Werner Meyer: Ludwig IX von Frankreich und 
Innocent IV m den Jahren 1244-47 (Diss.; Marburg 1915). R. W. and A. J. 
Carlyle: History of mediaeval political theory in the West (vol. 5, 1928; Isis, 12, 
357). 

II. SPANISH 

PETER GALLEGO 

See translators from the Arabic. 

III. ENGLISH 

MAGNA CARTA 

The longest and most important charter granted by the Norman kings to their 
barons (not to the people!) was the Magna Carta granted by king John at Runni- 
mede, near Windsor, in June 1215. It was an eleboration of the accession charter 
of Henry I (1100) and contained little that was absolutely new. It was less a grant 
of new privileges than a restoration of lost liberties, namely those guaranteed by 
the laws of Edward the Confessor in 1070 (Edward died in 1066, but his "laws" 
are supposed to have been drawn up in 1070), and by the charter of Henry I already 
mentioned. Besides king John did all he could to destroy it for example, he 
caused Innocent III (pope from 1198 to 1216) to publish a bull in August 1215 
declaring the Magna Carta null and void and to excommunicate the barons but 
fortunately he died in October of the following year. Though less important than 
many scholars until relatively recent times had imagined it to be, the Magna Carta 
is one of the great landmarks in the development not simply of the English govern- 
ment but of constitutional practice in general. 

Text There are four authentic copies of the Magna Carta bearing John's seal, 
two at the British Museum and two others in the cathedrals of Lincoln and Salis- 
bury. The Lincoln copy is considered the best. The first printed edition (of an 
inferior text, however) appeared in 1499. First edition of the original text by 
William Blackstone: The Great Charter and the Charter of the Forest (162 p., 
Oxford 1759). Photozincographed facsimile with English translation (Southamp- 
ton 1867). There are various other facsimile copies or engravings. 



692 INTRODUCTION TO THE HISTOBY OF SCIENCE [1200-1250] 

Criticism William Stubbs : Select charters (Oxford 1870 ; 9 ed v 1913) William 
Sharp McKechnie: Magna Carta (626 p., Glasgow 1905; 2 ed. revised, 547 p., 
1914). Arthur William Holland: Encyclopaedia Britanmca (llth ed., 8 cols., 
1911); contains a summary of the 63 articles of the Charter, one by one. Henry 
Elliot Maiden: Magna Carta commemoration essays (341 p., R. Historical Soc., 
London 1917). Containing essays by Lord Bryce, W. S. McKechnie, P. Vinogra- 
doff, Rafael Altamira, etc. Faith Thompson. The first century of Magna Carta: 
why it persisted as a document (133 p., Minneapolis 1925). Leon Leclere* La 
Grande charte de 1215 est-elle une illusion? (Melanges Henri Pirenne, vol. 1, 
279-290, Bruxelles 1926). 

WILLIAM OF DROGHEDA 

Drogheda is the name of a place in Leinster, Ireland, some thirty miles north of 
Dublin; Drogheda is a Celtic name; it stands for droicheadatha, bridge at the ford. 
William of Drogheda was a lecturer on canon law in Oxford. He died in 1245. 
He wrote for his pupils, c. 1239, a treatise on canon law, Summa aurea, which 
enjoyed a long popularity, even in Bologna. It is interesting because of many 
references to Roman law. This suggests that the teaching of Roman law was not 
entirely discontinued in England in spite of royal efforts to suppress it (see my note 
on Vacarius, second half of the twelfth century) . 

Frederic William Maitland: William of Drogheda and the universal ordinary 
(English historical review, voL 12, 625-658, 1897, including extracts from the 
Summa) ; Roman canon law (107, 1898). Albert Frederick Pollard : Dictionary of 
national biography (vol. 61, 370, 1900). Paul s Vinogradoff: Roman law m 
mediaeval Europe (85, 1909). 

IV. GERMAN 

EIKE OF REPGOW 

Eike von Repgow (or Repkow). German jurist, the earliest known to us. 
Sheriff of Reppichau in Anhalt; flourished c. 1230. He compiled the largest and 
most important code of mediaeval Germany, the Sachsenspiegel. He wrote it 
first in Latin, then translated it into Low-German before 1235. This code was 
exceedingly popular and its success retarded to some extent the progress of Roman 
law in German countries; it was soon translated into High-German, Dutch, and 
Polish, and was freely imitated. 

Later German codes were essentially based on the Sachsenspiegel, the two most 
important being the Deutschenspiegel (or Spiegel deutscher Leute), and the 
SchwabenspiegeL Both, as their titles indicate, had a more ambitious scope, the 
latter was adapted to the needs of South Germany; the former to those of the 
Empire. The Schwabenspiegel (c. 1259, c. 1273-1282) included the substance of 
the Sachsenspiegel, but it contained also fragments of Roman, Canon and Imperial 
law. 

A world chronicle, the Sachsische Weltchronik, written in Low-German the 
earliest historical work of its scope in German prose was previously ascribed to 
Eike. It extends to the year 1225 (1230, 1235, 1248 in later editions). It also 
enjoyed considerable popularity, as is shown by the number of MSS. and continua- 
tions. It was soon translated into Latin, and that translation was long thought 
to be the original text. 



[1200-1250] LAW AND SOCIOLOGY 693 

Text Sachsenspiegel. First edition of Landrecht, Basel 1474 , and of Lehnrecht, 
Augsburg 1482. Many other early editions. Modern edition by C. Gustav 
Homeyer: Landrecht (Berlin 1827; 3rd ed., 1861) ; Lehnrecht (2 vols., Berlin 1842- 
1844). School edition of Landrecht by Julius Weiske (Leipzig 1840; 8th ed,, by 
R. Hildebrand, Leipzig 1905) Baron de Geer von Jutphaas: De Saksenspiegel 
in Nederland ( 7 s Gravenhage 1888) Karl von Amira: Die Dresdener Bilder- 
handschnft (facsimile, Leipzig 1902). 

A Dutch translation of the Landrecht appeared in print before the German text 
(Gouda 1472). Latin and Polish translations appeared respectively in Cracow, 
1506, and Cracow, 1559. 

Julius Ficker: Der Spiegel deutscher Leute Textabdruck der Innsbrucker 
Handschrift (242 p., Innsbruck 1859). 

Sachsische Weltchronik. A large part was edited by Joh. Georg Eccard: 
Corpus histoncorum medii aevi (vol 1, 1315-1412, Leipzig 1723). Hans Ferdi- 
nand Massmann: Das Zeitbuch des Eike von Repgow, in ursprunglicher nieder- 
deutscher Sprache und in fruher lateimscher Ubersetzung (763 p., Stuttgart 1857). 
Ludwig Weiland: Die sachsische Weltchronik in verschiedenen Rezensionen (bis 
1225, 1230, 1235, 1248) und mit zahlreichen auch suddeutschen Fortsetzungen 
(Mon. Germ, hist,, Deutsche Chromken, vol. 2, 65-258, 1877). 

Latin translation, Historia imperatorum ad a. 1235, first published by Joa. 
Burch. Mencken Scriptores rerum germanicarum (vol. 3, 63-128, Leipzig 1730). 
Reprinted by H F Massmann (Stuttgart 1857). 

Cn'&czsw Potthast (992, 1109, 1896). G. C. Lee: Historical jurisprudence 
(406-409, New York 1900). E. J. H. Steffenhagen: Die Entwicklung der Land- 
rechtsgiosse des Sachsenspiegels (Wiener Ak., phil KL, vols. 98, 100, 101, 106, 110, 
111, 113, 114, 167, 1881-1911). Paul Vinogradoff: Roman law in mediaeval 
Europe (109-113, 1909). Hermann Ballschmiede: Die Sachsische Weltchronik 
(Diss., Berlin 1914?). R W. and A. J. Carlyle: History of mediaeval political 
theory in the West (vol. 3, 1915; vol. 5, 1928). 

V. ICELANDIC 

KONTJNGS SKUGGSJA 

See philosophical chapter. 

VI HISPANO-JEWISH 

AL-^IARIZI 

See philosophical chapter, 

VII. EGYPTO-MUSLIM 

IBN AL-E[AJIB 

See philological chapter. 

VIII CHINESE 
For Chmgiz Khan, see philosophical chapter; for Sung Tz'u, the medical. 

IX. JAPANESE 

JAPANESE LAW 

In 1232, during the regency of Hojo Yasutoki (born 1183-died 1242), a new code 
of law was promulgated. This Hojo Ya'sutoki was the third Kamakura Shikken 



694 INTRODUCTION TO THE HISTOBY OF SCIENCE [1200-1250] 

(i.e., first minister of the Shogun of Kamakura) out of nine; from 1200 to 1333 the 
head of the Ho jo family was the actual ruler of Japan under that title. This code 
for the use of samurai was divided into fifty-one brief articles; it was called Joei- 
shikimoku, after the name of the nengo (period) Joei (or Tei-ei) of its promulgation, 
1232-1233; it was drawn by Miyoshi Yasutsura and Hokkyo Enzen under the 
guidance of the Shogunal government. It was not meant to supersede the Daiho- 
ryoritsu (first half of the eighth century), but to complete it and to take into account 
an entirely different political situation, feudalism as opposed to absolute monarchy. 
While the I>aiho was written exclusively in Chinese characters, the Joei-shiki- 
moku was largely written by means of the Japanese syllabary (vol. 1, 519). 

Text John Carey Hall : Japanese feudal law. The institutes of judicature being 
a translation of Go seibai shikimoku, the magisterial code of the Hojo power-holders 
(Transactions of the Asiatic Society of Japan, vol. 34, 144, 1906). 

Crit^c^sm E. Papinot: Historical and geographical dictionary of Japan (164, 
233, 1909). James Murdoch: History of Japan (vol. 1, 462 sq , 1910). F. Brink- 
ley: History of the Japanese people (348-350, 1915). 



CHAPTER XLI 

PHILOLOGY 

(First Half of Thirteenth Century) 
I. LATIN 

EBERHARD OF BETHUNE 

Everard, Evrard, etc. Eberhardus Bethuniensis. Flemish grammarian and 
poet. He hailed from Bethune in Flanders (not Bethune in Artois) and flourished 
at the end of the twelfth century and the beginning of the thirteenth. His main 
work is a Latin grammar, called Graecismus, because of a chapter on derivations 
from the Greek. It was written in Latin verse (2200 lines), probably in 1214. It 
enjoyed some popularity: Erasmus used it as a primer; Rabelais mentions it. 

He also wrote the Anti-haereses in twenty-eight chapters, against heretics, 
chiefly the Waldensians, and the Labyrmthus (in 3000 Latin verses) dealing with 
Latin grammar and poetry and the misery of teachers The third and last part 
of the Labyrmthus contains estimates of some thirty popular Latin poets of ancient 
and mediaeval times (Horace not included) . 

Text The Graecismus was printed in Lyon, 1483 (?), 1490; Paris 1487, etc. 
much used as a schoolbook during the sixteenth century. 

Critical edition by John Wrobel (Corpus grammaticorum medii aevi, 1, 342 p., 
Breslaul887). 

Anti-haereses edited, together with two other writings of the same kind, by 
Jacob Gretser: Trias scriptorum adversus Waldensiurn sectam (Ingolstadt 1614). 
Reprinted in other anti-Waldensian collections, 1654, 1677, 1734. 

Criticism Alphonse Wauters: Biographie nationale (vol. 6, 747-751, Bruxelles 
1878). J. E. Sandys: History of classical scholarship (vol. I 3 , 1921). 

GARLAND 

John of Garland, Joannes de Garlandia, Garlandius, etc. This name is derived 
from the "clos de Garlande" which formed one of the oldest parts of the University 
of Paris. 1 He was born in England c. 1195, and studied in Oxford c. 1210-1213, 
under John of London He moved to France c. 1217 and became deeply Frenchi- 
fied. He flourished in Paris, except for a few years spent in Toulouse (1229-1232) 
at the University which had been founded there in 1229 to consecrate the victory 
over the Albigenses and establish a bulwark against that heresy. He was probably 
still living in 1272. 

Latin humanist and poet, grammarian, lexicographer, moralist. He had some 
knowledge of Greek. His best known work is the De triumphis ecclesie, a long 
epic poem celebrating the victory of the Church over the Albigenses ; it has some 
historical value. His main ethical work was the Morale scolarium, which he 

1 The "rue Galande" near St. Julien le Pauvre and St. Se*verin is still a witness to that old 
clos de Garlande. 

695 



696 INTRODUCTION TO THE HISTORY OF SCIENCE [1200-1250] 

composed in 1241 in order to reform the morals of the Parisian students and inci- 
dentally their Latin. It is a valuable source for the study of college life. 

He wrote many grammatical works, glossaries, lists of synonyms, etc. The most 
interesting perhaps is the Dictionanus (c. 1220, before 1229) a list of common things 
composed on the model of the De utensilibus of Alexander Neckam (second half of 
the twelfth century). This represents the first use of the word dictionary. His 
main grammatical treatise was the Compendium grammatice (c. 1234, before 
1249) ; he wrote about the same time a summary of it entitled Clavis compendii. 

Garland's grammatical activity is of great cultural importance. He was one of 
the first "speculative 7 ' grammarians or "modistae," whose teaching superseded in 
Paris the fossilized teaching based on Donatus (first half of the fourth century) 
and Priscian (first half of the sixth century). The modistae were so called because 
they were specially interested in the connection between words and ideas (signifi- 
catio), and wrote many books entitled De modis significandi. They inaugurated 
a new philosophical study of language; such kind of study had been carried on by 
Greek philosophers, especially by the Stoics, but had since fallen into oblivion (vol. 
1, 137, 181). 

Treatises on compotus and on music may have been composed by him, or they 
may have been ascribed to him through confusion with another Garland, or Ger- 
land, who flourished in Besangon in the second half of the eleventh century (vol. 
1, 758). The treatise on music contains a full treatment of mensural music, intro- 
duced into Christian Europe in the first half of the eleventh century (vol. 1, 542, 
628, 703), and deals with the ochetus (iqa'at), meaning truncation. 

He was probably the author of a medical treatise (Memoriale) which is lost. 

The Compendium alchemiae sometimes ascribed to him is certainly apocryphal. 
According to Haur^au, this Compendium was written by one Martin Ortolan or 
Lortholain (second half of the fourteenth century). 

Text Dictionarius. First edition by H. Geraud: Paris sous Philippe le Bel 
(580-612, Paris 1837). Later editions by baron -Kelvyn de Lettenhove (Annales 
de la Soctetfi d'Emulation, vol. 8, 160-176, 219-220, Bruges 1850) ; by Thomas 
Wright: Volume of vocabularies (120-138, London 1857); by Aug. Scheler: Trois 
Traites de lexicographic latine du XII 6 et du XIIP siecles (Jahrbuch fur romanische 
und englische Litteratur, 6, 43-49, 142-162, 287-321, 370-379, 1865). 

De triumphis ecclesiae libri octo, edited by Thomas Wright (Roxburghe Club, 
London 1856). 

Compendium grammatice. Still unpublished. The Compendium totius gram- 
matices, without date or place (Deventer 1489) is another work. The Clavis is 
also unpublished. 

The Morale scolarium was edited by Louis John Paetow (Memoirs of the Uni- 
versity of California, vol. 4, no. 2, p. 65-273, pi. 11-14, Berkeley 1927). This 
excellent critical edition is accompanied by an English paraphrase and an elaborate 
discussion of Garland's life and works. My note has been almost entirely rewritten 
on the basis of Paetow's work (Isis, 10, 126). 

The Compendium alchemiae was printed for the first time with other alchemical 
writings in a collection called "de alchemia" (Niirnberg 1541; reprinted in Berne 
1545). It was printed again in an edition claiming to be the first, in Bale 1560. 
Again in Bale 1571, etc. The edition of 1560 is the first bearing Garland's name 
(Joannes Garlandius) ; it is very different from the earlier editions. 

Criticism A. Scheler: La lexicographic latine des XIP et XIIP siecles (Paris 
1875). Barthlemy Haur^au: Notice sur les oeuvres authentiques et supposes 
de Jean de Garlande (80 p., Paris 1877). C. L. Kingsford: Dictionary of national 



[1200-1250] PHILOLOGY 697 

biography (vol. 20, 436-439, 1889). John Ferguson: Bibliotheca chemica 
(vol 1, 18, 419-422, 1906; article Hortolanus containing a long discussion of the 
Compendium; vol. 2, 157). J. E. Sandys: History of classical scholarship (vol. 
I 3 , 549, 1921). Henry George Farmer: The Arabian influence on musical theory 
(Journal B, Asiatic Soc., 61-80, 1925; Isis, 8, 508-511). Julius Ruska: Tabula 
smaragdina (195-203, Heidelberg 1926; apropos of the apocryphal Compendium 
alchemiae). M. de Wulf : Mediaeval philosophy (vol. 1, 93, 1926) A. Hughes- 
Hughes: Grove's Dictionary of music (3d ed., vol. 2, 351, 1927). Louis John 
Paetow: The crusading ardor of John of Garland (The Crusades, essays presented 
to Dana C. Munro, 207-222, 1928). C. H. Haskins: Studies in mediaeval culture 
(mainly chapter 3, Manuals for students, 72-91, Oxford 1929; Isis, 14, 434). 

VILLEDIEU 

See mathematical chapter. 

ALBERTANO OF BRESCIA 

Albertano Giudice da Brescia. Albertanus Causidicus Brraensis. Albertanus 
de Albertanis. Albertanus de Ora S Agathae. Judge in Brescia. Podest& of 
Gavardo, near Said (Brescia). He wrote three didactic treatises on morality and 
language which have some importance because of their extraordinary popularity. 
The first, De amore et dilectione Dei, was written by him in 1238 in the prison of 
Cremona where he had been thrown by Frederick II. The second, De arte loquendi 
et tacendi, dates from 1245; the third, Liber consolationis et consilii, from 1246 
(or 1248). 

These treatises were translated into many vernaculars. Judging by the number 
of incunabula of the Latin text and of the Dutch translation, the second, Ars 
loquendi, was especially popular. It was translated into Icelandic. The third, 
Liber consolationis, was successful in another way; it was put into French under 
the title of Livre de M61ib<e et de dame Prudence; an English version, The tale of 
Melibeus, was included in Chaucer's Canterbury Tales. The treatises were trans- 
lated into Italian by Andrea da Grosseto in 1268, and again at Pistoia in 1278 by 
Soffredi del Grathia. 

Text De arte loquendi et tacendi. First known edition: Basel c 1474 (10 
leaves). Later editions, Strassburg c. 1476; Cologne c. 1482; Toulouse c. 1484; 
Antwerp 1484, 1485; Louvain 1485; Antwerp 1486; Paris 1486; Cologne 1486; 
Antwerp 1487; Cologne 1487; Lyon 1487, c. 1488; Toulouse c. 1488, Memmingen 
1489; Cologne 1489; Deventer 1490; Leipzig 1490; Angoulfime c. 1491; Pans c. 
1491; Cologne 1491; Leipzig 1491; Deventer 1491; Ingolstadt c. 1492; Leipzig 
1492 ; Antwerp c 1493-1498 ; Lyon c. 1493 ; Augsburg c. 1494 ; Leipzig 1495 ; Cologne 
c. 1496; Cologne 1497; etc. Appendix to the Italian translation of Thor SundbyV 
study on Brunetto Latim (p. 476-506, Florence 1884). 

Dutch translation, Die konste om te leren spreken ende swighen, Haarlem c. 
1484; Delft c. 1486; ; s Hertogenbosch c. 1488; Gouda c. 1489; Delft c. 1493-97; 
Deventer 1496. 

Liber consolationis et consilii, ex quo hausta est fabula gallica de Melibeo et 
Prudentia, quam anglice redditam et The tale of Melibe inscnptam Galfridus 
Chaucer inter Canterbury Tales recepit. Edited by Thor Sundby (160 p., Chaucer 
Society, London 1873). 

Bastiano de Rossi (called Tlnferigno) : SulF amor di Dio e del prossimo, sulla 
consolazione e sui consigle e sulle sei maniere del parlare (Florence 1610). Later 
editions, Mantua 1737; Brescia 1824. 



698 INTRODUCTION TO THE HISTORY OF SCIENCE [1200-1250] 

Volgarizzamento medito fatta nel 1268 da Andrea da Grosseto. Edited by 
Francesco Solmi (Bologna 1873). Volganzzamonto del tratti morali di Albertano 
da Soffredi del Grazia, 1278. Edited by Sebastiano Ciampi (Florence 1832). 
Soffredi's version was also edited by Gustav Rolin (176 p., Leipzig 1898). 

Icelandic version of the Ars loquendi et tacendi, c. xxvi moralium dogmatis. 
Edited by Thor Sundby (350 p., Copenhagen 1869). 

Criticism John Knight Bostock: Albertanus Brixiensis in Germany, being 
an account of the Middle High German translations from the didactic treatises 
(123 p., Oxford 1924). Gesamtkatalog der Wiegendrucke (vol. 1, 244-258, 1925). 

OTHER GRAMMARIANS 

Brief references to two other grammarians must suffice. 

Thomas of Capua, cardinal, who died in 1239, wrote an Ars dictandi, of which a 
critical edition has been recently published by Emmy Heller. 

Emmy Heller: Ars dictandi (Sitzungsber. der Heidelberger Akademie, philos. 
Klasse, 1928-1929, 4, 60 p., Heidelberg 1929). On earlier "dictators" see Charles 
Homer Haskins: The early artes dictandi in Italy (Studies in mediaeval culture, 
170-192, Oxford 1929; Isis, 14, 435). 

Walter of Ascoli, author of an etymological dictionary entitled Dedignomium, 
Summa derivationum, or Speculum artis grammatice. Master Walter came from 
Bologna to teach grammar at Naples; he had begun his Dedignomium in Bologna 
before 1229, and completed it in Naples. 

C. H. Haskins: Magister Gualterius Esculanus (Melanges offerts a Ferdinand 
Lot, 245-257, Paris 1925; Isis, 14, 477, 518). 

II FRENCH 

Read summary on p. 530, and refer by index to the authors quoted. 

III. ITALIAN 
Read summary on p. 531, and note on Frederick II in philosophical chapter. 

IV. SCANDINAVIAN 
TH6RSAKSO3ST 

Olafr ThorSarson, nicknamed Hvitaskald, the white poet. Nephew of Snorri 
Sturluson and brother of Sturla Thor'Sarson, the historian. Born c. 1210, died in 
1259. Icelandic poet and grammarian. He spent many years abroad at the 
courts of Norway and Denmark. The Prose Edda (for which see my note on 
Snorri Sturluson) contains in some MSS. four grammatical treatises, the third of 
which was composed by Olafr ThorSarson. This treatise includes fragments of an 
older work on runes by Thoroddr Rilnameistan (Thorod the Rune-master) who 
flourished at the beginning of the twelfth century. The fourth treatise is a con- 
tinuation of Th6rSarson's work by another writer, possibly the abbot Bergr Sok- 
kason, who died in 1345. 

The first two treatises are anonymous. The first cannot be earlier than c. 1130- 
1140 and is probably not later than 1170-1180. The second was composed c. 1250 
by a man who had some knowledge of music. 



[1200-1250] PHILOLOGY 699 

Text The four treatises were published with Latin translations in vol. 2 of the 
Arnamagnaean edition of Snorri Sturluson's Edda (Copenhagen 1852) Icelandic 
text with Danish notes and introduction in Islands grammatiske Litteratur i 
Middelalderen. Udgivet for Samfund til udgivelse af gammel nordisk Litteratur 
(2 vols., Copenhagen, 1881-1886; nos. 1 and 2 edited by Finnur Jonsson and Verner 
Dahlerup; nos. 3 and 4 by Bjorn Magniisson Olsen). Separate edition of no. 3 
by Finnur J6nsson (1927). 

V. GREEK 

See notes on John Basmgstoke among the translators, and on Robert Grosseteste 
in the philosophical chapter. 

VI. ARMENIAN 
ARISTACES THE GRAMMARIAN 

Armenian grammarian. He originated in Great Armenia, and flourished c. 
1211 He was a pupil of Gregory of Sgevrha (Sgevrha was a famous monastery 
not far from Lampron in Cilicia). Anstaces composed an Armenian dictionary 
and a treatise on the art of writing. 

C. F. Neumann: Geschichte der armenischen Litteratur (182, 1836). 

VII HEBREW 

See notes on Abraham ben Azriel in the religious chapter; on Samuel ibn Tibbon 
and Jacob Anatoli in the chapter on translators; on Robert Grosseteste in the phil- 
osophical chapter. 

JOSEPH BEN SAMSON 

Joseph, son of rabbi Samson, otherwise unknown, wrote in 1240 (not 1241) for 
rabbi Samuel a Hebrew-French glossary to a great part of the Old Testament. 
It gives the Hebrew words, their French equivalents in Hebrew character (la'azim), 2 
and eventually Hebrew synonyms and glosses. Many of those la'azim are ap- 
parently borrowed from Rashi (second half of the eleventh century). The words 
are in general vocalized with great care and precision. The French dialect is 
Bourgmgnon. 

1 am quoting this glossary as the best specimen of a group of writings which were 
the natural by-products of linguistic studies. They extend over a period of five 
centuries, from the end of the tenth to the end of the fifteenth century. These 
works are most useful to determine the pronunciation of contemporary Hebrew 
and French. They illustrate the mterpenetration of both languages. The Jews 
were more inclined to use a lay vernacular than Latin, which was the vehicle of 
another faith. Some other glossaries were prepared by Latin scholars studying 
Hebrew; they were written in Roman script. 

From the French point of view the earliest of these glossaries are the most im- 
portant, being almost the only documents enabling us to determine the pronuncia- 
tion of the new language. The earliest collection of la'azim is that contained in the 
Talmud commentaries of Gershon of Metz, who flourished at Mayence, and died 
in 1028 (130 la'azim). The most important after that is RashFs (c. 2000 la'azim). 3 
But by far the most extensive is the glossary to which the present note is devoted. 

2 La'az means foreign language or word (chiefly Greek). 

3 Vol. 1, 752. 



700 INTRODUCTION TO THE HISTORY OF SCIENCE [1200-1250] 

Compare with early Arabic glossaries (vol. 1, 782). 

Text Mayer Lambert and Louis Brandin: Glossaire hebreu-frangais du XIII 6 
si&cle. Recueil de mots hebreux bibliques avec traduction frangaise Manuscrit 
de la Bibliotheque nationale, fonds h<breu, no. 302 (312 p., Pans 1905). 

Louis Brandin: Les glosses frangaises (loazim) de Gershom de Metz (Revue des 
etudes juives, vol. 42, 48-75, 237-252; vol 43, 72-100, 1901). 

Criticism Samuel Berger: Quam notitiam linguae hebraicae habuerint Chris- 
tiard medii aevi temporibus in Gallia (Paris 1893). Arsene Darmesteter and 
David Simon Blondheim : Les gloses frangaises dans les commentaires talmudiques 
de Rashi. Tome 1. Texte des gloses (288 p., Biblioth&que de FEcole des chartes, 
254; Pans 1929; OLZ, 238-240, 1931; DLZ, 390-391, 1931). 

TANHtJM YERUSHALMI 

Tanlaum ben Joseph Yerushalmi. Jewish grammarian and theologian who 
flourished in Jerusalem or in another city of the Near East in the thirteenth century, 
He was called by later writers with pardonable exaggeration "the Ibn Ezra of the 
East"; indeed, he was the last great Jewish scholar of the orient. He wrote in 
Arabic various Biblical commentaries, collected under the title Kitab al-Ijaz wal- 
bayan (Concise exposition), with a general introduction (Kulliyat) dealing with 
Hebrew grammar and some earlier grammarians. He quoted many commentators, 
from Saadia Gaon to Abraham ibn Ezra. He compiled a dictionary entitled Al- 
murshid al-kafi (The sufficient guide), wherein are listed in alphabetical order 
the words of Maimonides' Mishneh Torah, and a great many others found in the 
Mishnah, with references to earlier lexicographers, chiefly to Nathan ben Jehiel 
(second half of the eleventh century). 

Text There is no complete edition of the Ijaz, but many special commentaries 
have been published, for which see the Jewish Encyclopaedia. 

Wilhelm Bacher: Aus dem Worterbuche Tanchum Jerushalmi's. Nebst einem 
Anhange uber den sprachhchen Charakter des Maimuni'schen Mischne tora (Jah- 
resbericht der Landes-Rabbinerschule in Budapest fiir 1902-1903; reprint, Strass- 
burgl903). 

Criticism M. Steinsehneider: Arabische Literatur der Juden (234-236, 1902). 
Isaac Broyde: Jewish Encyclopaedia (vol. 12, 43, 1906). 

VIII. ARABIC 

See notes on Yaqut in the geographical chapter, and on Ibn al-Baitar in the 
medical chapter. 

IBN AL-^AJIB 

Abu 'Amr 'Uthman ibn 'Umar Ibn al-Hajib, Jamal al-din. Born in Fana, 
Upper Egypt in 1175; Ms father was a Kurdish chamberlain (hajib). Ibn al- 
Hajib studied in Cairo, taught law in Damascus, then settled m Cairo; he died in 
Alexandria in 1249. Malik! theologian and grammarian. He wrote many trea- 
tises on grammar, prosody, and law. 

His most important grammatical work was a short Arabic grammar called Al- 
kafiya (The sufficient) ; another, still shorter, was called Al-shafiya (The satisfac- 
tory). Both obtained, especially the first, an immense popularity. His treatise 
on prosody, Kitab al-maqad al-jalfl fl llm al-Khalil (Great purpose with regard to 



[1200-1250] PHILOLOGY 701 

the art of Khalll; i e., Khalil ibn Ahmad, the reputed founder of Arabic prosody, 
see vol. 1, 541), was also much appreciated; at least five commentaries were devoted 
to it. 

His two books on Malik! law were almost equally successful, chiefly in the Magh- 
rib; he was the first to harmonize the teachings of the Maliki theologians of Egypt 
and of the West. The larger one is entitled Muntaha al-su'al wal-amal (The end 
of asking and hoping); the shorter, Mukhtasar al-muntaha (or Mukhtasar al- 



Text Al-kafiya. Printed in Rome, 1591. Many oriental editions. 
Al-shafiya Printed in Calcutta in 1805, Constantinople in 1850, etc. Extracts 
edited by F. Buhl, with Danish commentary (Leipzig 1878). 
v Criticism Ibn Khalhkan: Slane's translation (vol. 2, 193-195, 1843). Ibn 
Khaldun: Prolegomenes (vol. 3, 20-21, 34, 274, 312) C Brockelmann: Arabische 
Litteratur (vol. 1, 303-306, 1898). Moh. ben Cheneb: Encyclopaedia of Islam 
(vol. 2, 381, 1916). 

AL-SAKKAKI 

Abu Bakr Yusuf ibn abl Bakr ibn Muhammad Siraj al-dm al-Khwarizmi. 
Born in Khwarizm in 1160; he began life making locks, knives, etc., hence the 
name Sakkaki; he was a Hanlfite. He died near Almaligh (on the Ilih) m 
1228-1229 Turkish man of letters who wrote in Arabic and Turkish (?) . His best 
known work among many was a treatise on rhetoric, which was the most elaborate 
Arabic treatise on the subject up to his time. This work, entitled Kitab miftah 
al-'ulum, is divided into three parts, dealing respectively with phonology and mor- 
phology, grammar, and rhetoric ('ilm al-sarf, 11m al-nahw, 'ilm al-ma'am wal- 
bayan). The third part includes some prosody and practical logic (istidlal). 

The Miftah al-'ulum was the subject of many commentaries and summaries. It 
was almost entirely superseded by one of these, the Talkhi? al-miftah, by Muiiam- 
mad ibn 'Abd al-Rahman al-Qawim (1267-1338), which itself became the subject 
of many more commentaries. In this indirect manner the Miftah al-'ulum has 
influenced Arabic letters and thought almost until the present day. Al-Sakkaki 
is quoted here for the same reason that Quintilian was quoted in my first volume. 

Hajl Khalifa: Lexicon (vol. 6, 15, 1852). C. Brockelmann: Arabische Littera- 
tur (vol. 1, 294-296, 1898; calls him Abu Ya l qub?; vol. 2, 22, 1902). F. Krenkow: 
Encyclopaedia of Islam (vol. 4, 80, 1925). 

IX. SANSKRIT 

See note on Narahari, in the medical chapter. 

X. CHINESE 
See note on Chingiz Khan, in the philosophical chapter. 

XI JAPANESE 
See note on Japanese law. 



APPENDIX TO BOOK III 

(First Half of Thirteenth Century) 

The following notes were added at the last moment, when it was no longer possi- 
ble to insert them at their proper places or to take them into account in the general 
survey of scientific thought in the first half of the thirteenth century. Fortu- 
nately, none but one would have materially affected my conclusions, and their 
complete omission would not have mattered much. The exception is the Egyptian 
eye-doctor, Ahmad ibn "Uthman al-Qaisi, who flourished in the fifth decade of the 
century and who was certainly a physician of note. 

Peter of Beauvais wrote a bestiary and a geography in French. These produc- 
tions are so crude that they would hardly deserve mention but for the fact that they 
help us to realize the sad predicament of the French people who could not read 
Latin. 

The Persian, Ahmad ibn al-Khalil, composed an Arabic treatise on the soul, 
and a collection of anecdotes relative to the seven branches of knowledge. 

Isma'Il ibn Ibrahim of Mardin, in Mesopotamia, wrote treatises on arithmetic 
and algebra. 

An Arabic treatise on hygiene is ascribed to the Alexandrian Jew al-Barqamam. 
The importance of that treatise, which is not great, is still further decreased by our 
ignorance of its exact date. We only know that it is posterior to Maimonides, and 
have placed it tentatively in this period. 

Finally Sibt Ibn al-JauzI, an 'Iraqian man of letters of Turkish origin, composed 
historical accounts and a treatise for the general guidance of a princely education. 

PETEK OF BEAUVAIS 

French writer who hailed probably from the lie de France or from Normandy. 
He was in Beauvais in 1212. He wrote in French verse the lives of three saints, a 
"mappemonde," etc.; and in prose a bestiary, etc. The bestiary, that is, a trans- 
lation of the Physiologus, was composed for Philip of Dreux, bishop of Beauvais 
(1175-1217); the "mappemonde" for Robert of Dreux (d. 1218). The "mappe- 
monde" was derived from Solinus (second half of the third century), and to a lesser 
extent from the Imago mundi of Honorius Inclusus. Peter apparently thought 
that he was the first to offer the fruits of Solinus' learning to French readers, but 
he was mistaken, for a French version of it had been made by Simon of Boulogne 
for the count of Guise, Baldwin II (d. 1206) . Simon's version is lost. 

Peter's works are exceedingly mediocre, but his Bestiary and his Mappemonde 
are witnesses of the kind of knowledge available to French readers in the first 
quarter of the thirteenth century. And it should be noted that, for all their 
mediocrity, his works were appreciated. For example, the Bestiaire was read until 
the fifteenth century. However, it was one of the last French "moralized 77 bes- 
tiaries ; two others were composed at about the same time by the Norman trouv&res 
William the Clerk and Gervase of (the diocese of) Bayeux. 

702 



[1200-1250] APPENDIX 703 

Text The Bestiaire was edited by Charles Cahier: Melanges d'archeologie 
(vols. 2 to 4, Pans 1851-1856). 

Extracts from the Mappemonde edited by Paul Meyer in Notices et extraits 
vol 33, part 1, p. 35-37, 1890). 

Cntiasm Paul Meyer: Histoire htteraire de la France (vol. 34 ; 381-388, 1914). 
This is a part of his memoir on French bestiaries (vol. 34, 362-390), wherein the best 
information on William the Clerk and Gervase of Bayeux will also be found. 
Ch V. Langlois : La connaissance de la nature et du monde au Moyen age (La 
vie en France au Moyen age, vol. 3, 122-134, 1927). Analysis of the Mappemonde 
with brief extracts. 

AHMAD IBN AL-KHALIL 

Abu-l-'Abbas Ahmad ibn al-Khalll ibn Sa'ada, al-Khuwayyi, Shams al-dln. 
Muslim philosopher, physician, and ShafTi theologian. 

Born in 1187-1188; he began very early the study of law and medicine; after the 
birth of his son he traveled to Baghdad to sit at the feet of Ibn Hubal; later he 
studied under 'Ala al-dln al-Ta'usi (?) in Hamadan, and of Fakhr al-dln al-Razi, 
presumably in Herat. According to his own testimony he studied the following 
books: the Masa'il of Hunain ibn Istiaq, the Murshid of al-Hazi (ie., the Fusul 
fl-l-tibb), the Dhakhira of Thabit ibn Qurra, 1 the Qanun of Ibn Sma. He became 
chief justice (qadl al-qudat) m Damascus, and died there in 1239-1240. 

He wrote the Janabr al-'ulum (Aqalim al-ta'alim fl-1-funun al-sab*a), anecdotes 
relative to the seven main branches of knowledge, to wit, tafsir, hadith, fiqh, adab, 
medicine, geometry and arithmetic; and a treatise on the soul, entitled Kitab al- 
saf mat al-nuhiyya fi-l-saklnat al-ruhiyya. The latter begins with a collection of 
opinions an the soul given in the following order: physicians, philosophers, wise 
men, mystics, ordinary people. Then a classification of souls, those of plants being 
the lowest; means of purifying the soul; personal conclusions containing auto- 
biographical details. 

Text Al-safmat al-nuhiyya (34 p., Halab 1929; J. R. A. S., 483-485, 1930). 
Criticism C. Brockelmann. Arabische Litteratur (vol. 1, 508, 1898). 

ISMA'lL IBN IBKAHIM AL-MAEIDINI 

Abu-1-Tahir Ismail ibn Ibrahim ibn Ghazi al-Numairi al-Hanafl, Shams al-dln, 
al-Maridlni (i.e., of Maridm, or Mardin, near Nasibin, in Jazlrah). Often called 
Ibn Falltis. Muslim (Mesopotamian) mathematician. Born in 1194; died in 
1239-1240 or 1252. 

He wrote three mathematical treatises: (1) Kitab i'dad al-asrar fi asrar al-a'dad 
(Preparation of the secrets, or the secrets of numbers). Arithmetic. After the 
letter of Nicomachos to Pythagoras (?). Written during the Pilgrimage. 

(2) Kitab irshad al-hussab f I-1-maftuh min l ilm al-ttisab. Composed in Mecca. 
Arithmetic. 

(3) Niab alhabr f i-1-hisab al-jabr. Also written in Mecca. Algebra. 

Criticism C. Brockelmann: Arabische Litteratur (vol 1, 472, 1898). H. Suter: 
Mathematiker und Astronomen der Araber (143, 1900). 

1 That is, the work but recently edited by G Sobhy (Cairo 1928; Isis, 13, 364-365), and 
analyzed by Max Meyerhof in Isis (vol. 14, 55-76, 1930). 



704 INTRODUCTION TO THE HISTORY OF SCIENCE [1200-1250] 

AHMAD IBN *UTHMAN AL-QAISI 

Qadi Fath al-din Abu-1- 1 Abbas Ahmad ibn 'Uthman al-Qaisi. Egyptian oculist 
who flourished in Cairo during the rule of the Ayyubid sultan al-ahh (1240-1249). 

His father, Qadi Jamal al-din Abu 'Amr 'Uthman, had been also a prominent 
physician; born at Damascus, he followed al-Mahk al-'Aziz when the latter became 
governor of Egypt; after the death of al-'AzIz (1198) he remained in Egypt; he was 
physician to the Ayyubid al-Kamil (1218-1238). 

To return to Ahmad, he was called prince of the Egyptian doctors (rais al-atibba 
bi-diyar al-misriya). Under al-Salih's rule he wrote a treatise on eye diseases, 
entitled Kitab natijat al-fikar fi-'ilaj 'amrad al-basar (Result of the thinking on 
the treatment of the troubles of vision), It is a summary divided anatomically 
into fourteen chapters, the affections of various parts being considered in the follow- 
ing order: (1) conjunctiva; (2) cornea; (3) aqueous humor of the anterior and pos- 
terior chambers [floating specks or "mouches volantes" were anciently ascribed to 
unclean particles or opacities in the aqueous humor]; (4) uvea (iris and ciliary 
body); (5) albuminoid humor (aqueous of to-day); (6) arachnoid; (7) lens; (8) 
vitreous body; (9) retina; (10) choroid and sclerotic; (11) optic nerve (hemeralopia, 
nyctalopia); (12) muscles of the eyeball; (13) eyelids; (14) canthi and lacrimal 
glands. A final chapter (15) deals with the weakness of sight, and hygiene. 

Ahmad al-Qaisi does not quote his sources. He is not mentioned by Ibn abi 
Usaibi'a, which is not very surprising as the 'Uyun al-anba' was composed c. 1242; 
he is quoted by Salah al-din ibn Yusuf (after 1296). 

L. Leclerc: Mdecine arabe (vol. 2, 219, 1876). Julius Hirschberg, J. Lippert 
and E. Mittwoch: Die arabischen Lehrbiicher der Augenheilkunde (Abhdl. der 
preussischen Akademia, 91, 1905). N. Kahil: Une ophtalmologie arabe par un 
praticien du Caire du XIII e siecle (p. 241-260, Congr&s de m^decine du Caire, 
December 1928). Analysis of the Natijat al-fikar, and translation of the part 
explaining the operation of the cataract in chapter 3 (Isis, 15, 406). 

AL-BARQAMANI 

Japheth (?) Ibn abl-l-Hasan al-Barqamani al-Isra'ili al-Iskandarl (of Alexandria) . 
Perhaps one should read Turkoman!, 2 for the nisba BarqamanI cannot be explained. 
The other names are almost equally uncertain. 

Jewish perhaps Qaraite physician who flourished in Alexandria some time 
after Maimonides. He wrote in Arabic a treatise on hygiene, entitled Al-Maqala 
al-muhsiniyya bi-hif z al-$ahha al-badamyya (Beneficent discourse on the preserva- 
tion of bodily health), divided into ten chapters. 

Criticism M. Steinschneider : Die Handschriften-Verzeichnisse der k. Biblio- 
thefc zu Berlin (vol. 2, 102-104, 1897). Analysis of the MS. written in Hebrew 
script (there is another MS. in Arabic script in Oxford). An extract. is given on 
p. 157 

M. Steinschneider: Arabische Literatur der Juden (no. 172, p. 233, 1902). G. 
A. Kohut: Jewish Encyclopaedia (vol. 3, 68, 1902). Irene Chanoch: Encyclo- 
paedia judaica (vol. 4, 211, 1929). 

Hajjl Khalifa mentions a treatise having almost a similar title. Al-maqala al- 
muhsiniyya fi tadbir al-sahha al-badaniyya (vol. 6, no. 12696, 182) but he gives 
nothing but the title; no author's name. 

2 In the Arabic script the syllables bar and tur could very easily be confused, but not the 
syllables qa and ko. 



[1200-1250] APPENDIX 705 

YUSUF IBN QIZ-UGHLI 

Abu-l-Muzafar Yusuf ibn Qiz-ughh ibn 'Abdallah, Shams al-dln. Muslim 
('Iraqian) historian (1186-1257). 

He is often called Sibt Ibn al-Jauzl. His father was a Turkish slave of Yahya ibn 
Muhammad Ibn Hubaira (d. 1165), wazir to the caliphs al-Muqtafi and al-Mus- 
tanjid. Qiz-ughli was emancipated and educated by his master the wazir, and he 
married the daughter of the famous Ibn al-Jauzi (d. 1201). Their son, Yusuf, 
was born in Baghdad in 1186-1187, and was educated by his maternal grandfather, 
Ibn al-Jauzi. After having completed his studies in Baghdad, he traveled for a 
while, then settled down in Damascus, where he preached and taught Hanaf I law, 
and where he died in 1257. 

He compiled (1) a general history from the creation to 1256, the Kitab mir'at 
al-zaman f I ta'rikh al-a'yan. This was a very large work of which there are no 
complete MSS , and which has been only incompletely transmitted to us. He wrote 
also : 

(2) Tadhkirat khawass al-umma bi-dhikr khasal? al-a*imma (History of the 
caliph "All, his family, and the twelve a'imma 3 ). 

(3) Kitab al-jalis al-galili wal-anis al-nasih (The honest companion and the 
sincere friend), written for the education of the Ayyubid al-Ashraf Musa, governor 
of Damascus (1237). It would be interesting to compare this text with the many 
Latin treatises composed in the thirteenth century with a similar purpose (Regimen 
principum, Eruditio regum, etc ). 

(4) Kanz al-muluk fi kaifiyat al-suluk. Collection of anecdotes. 

Text Extracts from the Mir'at al-zaman were edited by C. A. C. Barbier de 
Meynard, and translated into French (Recueil des historiens des croisades, his- 
toriens orientaux, vol. 3, Paris 1872). A MS. of that work belonging to Yale 
University was reproduced in facsimile by James Richard Jewett, with introduction 
(544 p., Chicago 1907). Extracts from the Mir'at al-zaman, relative to Damascus, 
are included in Hamzah ibn Asad Ibn al-Qalanisi: History of Damascus, in 
Arabic, edited by H. F. Amedroz (Beyrut 1908). 

Criticism F. Wustenfeld: Geschichtschreiber der Araber (no. 340, 126, 1881). 
C. Brockelmann: Arabische Litteratur (vol. 1, 347, 1898). Includes a brief 
summary of the Jalis sahh. 

8 Plural of imam. 



BOOK FOUR 

The Time of Roger Bacon, Jacob ben Mahir ibn Tibbon^ 
and Qutb al-din al Shirazi 

(Second Half of Thirteenth Century) 



Contemplatio humana secundum statum praesentis vitae non 
potest esse absque phantasmatibus . Sed tamen mtellec- 
tualis cognitio non sistit in ipsis phantasmatibus sed in eis con- 
templatur puntatem intelligibilis veritatis. 

St. Thomas Aqmnas 

(Summa theologiae Secunda secundae, Quaestio 180, art 5 
Opera lussu Leonis XIII P M. edita, tomus x, p 429, Romae 1899) 



CHAPTER XLII 

SURVEY OF SCIENCE AND INTELLECTUAL PROGRESS IN THE 
SECOND HALF OF THE THIRTEENTH CENTURY 

I. INTRODUCTION 

The equality between Christians, Jews, and Muslims which characterized the 
twelfth century was disrupted in the thirteenth century. The contributions of 
Israel and especially of Islam were still considerable, but the hegemony of Chris- 
tendom that is, western Christendom, western culture which was already clear 
by the middle of the thirteenth century, was absolutely indisputable by the end of 
it. During the second half of the thirteenth century Muslims were still the world 
leaders in at least two fields, mathematics (trigonometry) and ophthalmology, and 
perhaps in a third one, chemistry The Jews were almost everywhere reduced to 
secondary importance. Some of the works which they continued to produce in 
abundance were still of value, but only for other Jews ; they almost ceased to have 
an international significance. This will be proved repeatedly. One of the best 
witnesses of the new state of things is the existence of a growing number of transla- 
tions from Latin into Hebrew. The Jews themselves, that is, those who paid any 
attention to the intellectual activities of the Gentile world, were beginning to be 
aware of that unpleasant situation. For example, one of the greatest of them, 
Jacob ben Mahir ibn Tibbon, declared in the preface of his Hebrew translation of 
Euclid that he had undertaken it to disarm the Christian criticism, that the Jews 
were foreign to scientific studies. 

The period under review marked the triumph of Aristotelianism in many forms. 
Nowhere was that triumph more complete than in Western Christendom in the 
form of Thomist philosophy. It is not surprising that Roman catholics like to 
think of the thirteenth century as the greatest of centuries, for St. Thomas' triumph 
over Ibn Rushd was indeed a magnificent symbol of the hegemony of his people, 
of his race, of his creed, of Latindom againsb the rest of the world. This Aristo- 
telian triumph was so complete that the more optimistic people might have thought 
it final indeed for a certain group of men Thomism is almost final but that was 
only an appearance. Even on purely scientific issues, Aristotelianism was already 
defeated before the end of the century by Ptolemaism and Galenism, And it 
should be noted that those who speak of the thirteenth century as the greatest, 
admit by so doing that the climax was followed by an anticlimax. 

The relative inferiority of the Jews was not surprising considering their political 
and social disabilities and the recurrent persecutions of which they were the vic- 
tims. The astounding thing is not that the Jews did so little, but that they did so 
much. 

I propose to call this period "The time of Roger Bacon, of Jacob ben Mahir ibn 
Tibbon, and of Qutb al-dm al-Shirazi." This requires some explanation. 

Instead of choosing Bacon as the flag-bearer of Christendom and Latindom, one 
might have thought of St. Thomas or Albert the Great. However great St. 

709 



710 INTRODUCTION TO THE HISTORY OF SCIENCE [1250-1300] 

Thomas' philosophical importance, his scientific importance was negligible. More- 
over, he died before the middle of the period and hence cannot represent more than 
half of it. Albert died a little later, in 1280. Bacon lived at least until 1292, that 
is, almost until the end of the century. Moreover, Bacon has infinite titles to our 
gratitude. These will be set forth by and by; it will suffice at present to recall him 
as one of the founders of the experimental method, and thus one of the heralds of 
modern science and modern life. It is one of the amusing paradoxes of history, that 
such a prophetic part should have been played not by a systematic Dominican, but 
by a gentle brother of St. Francis (not so gentle, if the truth be told), not by an 
Aristotelian but by a Platonist ! This illustrates once more the necessity of paying 
full attention to mediaeval Platomsm. The historian of science might be tempted 
to neglect it in favor of the more scientific Aristoteliamsm, but the fact is, these 
two great lines of thought were constantly interwoven like the woof and warp of a 
fabric One cannot neglect one more than the other. Platomsts and Aristotelians 
were incompletely right; they did not even cover the truth between them, for there 
was something else, which might be called the Archimedian spirit, slowly growing 
throughout the ages, which would finally lead to the development of the experimen- 
tal methods and of mathematical physics. Mankind was still far away from that 
goal at the time with which we are now dealing, yet was coming nearer to it by 
occasional little steps. One of these little steps was made by Friar Bacon. A very 
little step to be sure, but the smallest step in the right direction is worth more than 
a million in any other. 

Bacon's selection is also somewhat paradoxical in another way: the leading 
country of Christendom was then, as we shall prove below, Italy, considerably 
ahead of all others; then Spain, then France, and England came far behind. And 
yet an Englishman was our main hero. This may serve to exemplify once more 
the unpredictability of genius. A country may be backward in a thousand ways, 
as England was, and yet be the cradle of one or two men of outstanding intelligence 
and merit (I do not mean rulers or generals, but scientists or philosophers), and its 
secret history is then suddenly lifted up to a much higher level. The birth of a 
Dante m Florence, 1265, seems natural enough to us looking from a distance, and 
what it would mean to Italy and to the world in the following century will be 
explained in volume III. The birth of a Bacon in that remote island, England, 
was far less natural, or let us say, more miraculous, but the consequences of that 
inconspicuous event would not be less remarkable. 

No explanation is needed with regard to Jacob ben Mahir. He was undoubtedly 
the greatest man of science in Israel, and he lived throughout the period, dying 
only at the beginning of the fourteenth century. 

It would have been tempting to choose Nasir al-din al-Tusl as the representative 
of Islam, rather than Qutb al-dm, for he was a greater man, but he was ruled out 
for purely chronological reasons. He died in the same year, 1274, as St. Thomas 
and St. Bonaventure, and thus covered less than half of the period. 

It is out of the question for me to attempt to outline the historical background of 
my own story. The reader can easily refer to one of many textbooks on mediaeval 
history if his memory needs refreshing. But it will be easier for him to find his 
bearings, even without the necessity of referring to other books, if I mention a few 
of the cardinal events. 

In 1250 the Crusaders were defeated at al-Manura in Lower Egypt, and their 
retreating army was captured together with its leader, St. Louis. Twenty years 



[1250-1300] SURVEY OF SCIENCE AND INTELLECTUAL PROGRESS 711 

later St. Louis led a new crusade, but he died of the plague off Tunis. Thus did 
the sixth and seventh crusades utterly fail, and thus ended almost two centuries 
of reckless, glorious, sordid, and futile adventure. In spite of his defeats, St. 
Louis was a great king, indeed the noblest king of Christendom. 

The death of Frederick II in the same year, 1250, started a period of confusion 
in the German Empire. (Great interregnum, 1256-1291). In 1256 two princes 
were elected to the German throne, one of whom was Alfonso el Sabio who showed 
very little wisdom in those affairs. 

The main Asiatic event was the fall of Baghdad in 1258 and the sudden ending 
of the Caliphate The sack of the City of Peace was atrocious and the loss to 
Islam incalculable, 1 and yet it was not by any means a death blow to Arabic culture. 
For one thing, the Mongol rulers proved themselves to be great in peace as well as 
in war. Their toleration and the very terror which they inspired helped to main- 
tain throughout Asia a remarkable security It was that Pax Mongolica which 
made possible the amazing trans-Asiatic journeys of so many Christian, Muslim, 
and Chinese travelers. At no time until very recently were the relations be- 
tween Cathay and Western Europe more frequent, and on the whole more secure 
than then. Another proof of Mongolian interest in science was the development 
of the scientific institutes of Maragha and Khanbaliq. 

In 1261 the Franks were driven out of Constantinople, and the Palaeologoi 
ascended the Roman throne. In the same year Bela IV, king of Hungary, suc- 
ceeded in repelling a second Mongol invasion. 

In 1266 Manfred's death put a dramatic end to the development of Sicilian 
poetry, but this was somewhat compensated by the birth in 1265 of Dante Alighieri, 
who would eventually carry another Italian dialect, the Tuscan, to the very highest 
level and help to make of it by and by one of the world's greatest languages. 

French unity was promoted m 1271 by the lapse of the domains of Toulouse to 
the French crown. On the other hand, French control of Sicily was brutally 
stopped by the Sicilian Vespers in Palermo, 1282. Charles of Anjou was driven 
out of the country, but continued to rule in Naples, calling himself king of Sicily. 
The crown of Sicily proper was given to the king of Aragon 2 

Finally the protracted war between Genoa and Venice ended badly for the latter. 
In 1298 the Venetian fleet was defeated by the Genoese off Curzola, an island of the 
Dalmatian coast. This was not by any means a fatal event for Venice, whose 
prodigious development continued for centuries, but I mention it because among 
the prisoners taken by the Genoese were the Doge and Marco Polo! It was during 
his Genoese captivity that the latter dictated the account of his extraordinary 
adventures. 

The kings of France after St Louis' death in 1270 were Philip III the Bold, and 
Philip IV the Fair. The kings of England: Henry III to 1272, then Edward I. 
The kings of Leon and Castile: Alfonso X the Wise to 1284, then Sancho IV, 
Ferdinand IV. The kings of Aragon: James the Conqueror to 1276, then Peter 
III (who obtained the Sicilian crown in 1282), Alfonso III, and James II the Just. 
The popes from Innocent IV to Boniface VIII were too many no less than four- 
teen- to be named, but we shall come across some of them many times. 

1 See e g , Ibn al-Tiqtaqi's account which I shall discuss in Vol. Ill, because it was not 
completed until 1301-1302. Extracts of it are quoted by E G. Browne: Literary history of 
Persia (vol. 2, 463 ; 1906). 

3 Hence the phrase "the two Sicilies." They were reunited under the kings of Spain from 
1503 to 1806. 



712 INTRODUCTION TO THE HISTORY OF SCIENCE [1250-1300] 

II. RELIGIOUS BACKGROUND 

1. Christendom As we shall see further on, this age was a golden age of Christian 
theology, but theology and religion are two very different things and we are dealing 
here mainly with the latter. The religious life of Christendom had the same general 
characteristics in the second half of the century as in the first. To be sure such 
immense events as the foundation of the Franciscan and Dominican orders were 
not duplicated. Other orders were established; for example the Celestines, c. 
1260, by Peter of Morrone (pope Celestme V in 1294); but however successful, 
they added nothing essentially new to the Christian communities By this time 
the various modalities of cenobitic life had already been tried, and the later religious 
orders, with very few exceptions, were not real innovations; they simply expressed 
the renewed fervor of their founders. As opposed to theology, which needs syste- 
matic formulation, true religion thrives best in freedom. It must be constantly 
refreshed, and so to say recreated by the minds and hearts of new men. Hence 
the everlasting struggles all over the world between theologians on the one side, 
who want definite creeds, finality and stability, and fervent men on the other, who 
crave neither words nor systems, but solace and love, a burning and living faith. 

An interesting example of this struggle was given in the period under considera- 
tion by the nonconformists who preached the Eternal Evangel of Joachim of 
Floris Their religious and social radicalism was condemned by the Church in 
1255, but not suppressed. To stop the rebellion of those passionate hearts it would 
have been necessary to cure the unspeakable evils of the time, and this was beyond 
the power of any church. The fact is, social and spiritual conditions were terrible, 
the lot of the poorer people (i e., of the great majority) was exceedingly miserable, 
person 1 security was very low, there was no hope for man but what the church 
could give him, and if the priests disappointed him, his own soul must create a new 
faith or share his body's starvation. A more striking revolt even was that of the 
Battuti, whole bands of half -naked men who crossed the towns scourging themselves 
by way of penitence, self-debasement, and edification. Their exaltation was as 
contagious as a disease, and their bands increased in numbers not only in Italy but 
in many other countries, spreading ecstasy, dissatisfaction and terror everywhere. 
The fervor of the Italian Battuti manifested itself also in poetical form, and we owe 
to its inspiration one of the greatest poets of the Middle Ages, Jacopone da Todi. 
I wish that the scholars who magnify every evil of our own days and idealize the 
past beyond recognition, would bear in mind these pathetic and frightful proces- 
sions of Battuti. A spiritual revolt of such magnitude, and characterized by such 
frenzy, can only be explained by the intolerability of social circumstances. 

Besides the inevitable strife between orthodoxy and heterodoxy, there was 
also considerable strife within the Church itself. The secular clergy could not 
help taking umbrage at the growing popularity of the friars and at their ambition 
to become the real leaders of Christendom. In fact the friars became the leaders; 
the magnificent theological structure was completed within the century almost 
entirely by their efforts. Their very activity intensified other causes of friction, 
to which I have alluded in the preceding book, namely, the rivalry between 
Franciscans and Dominicans. That rivalry is a standing feature of the intellectual 
pattern; we shall come across it repeatedly. 

In spite of the fact that conditions were very far from perfect at home and that 
Christian ideals were realized only in exceptional cases, the Church was feeling so 
strong that it opened a new era of missionary activity abroad. This was another 



[1250-1300] SURVEY OF SCIENCE AND INTELLECTUAL PKOGRESS 713 

result of the existence of religious orders ; a surplus energy was thus released which 
must be spent in one way or another. To be sure, the Gray and Black Friars would 
have found more than enough work to keep them busy in their own countries, but 
they dreamed of greater exploits. Immense territories were waiting to be con- 
quered for Christ's sake. The protracted struggle with Islam gave a new scope 
to missionary endeavour and also to the diplomatic calculations of the Roman 
Curia. The Muslim dominions were only a small part of Asia. If it were possible 
to win the innumerable people of the Far East to the Christian faith, the Muslim 
could be attacked from both sides; they would be placed between the hammer and 
the anvil. A beautiful dream. . . . Under the combined influence of pure 
missionary zeal and of diplomatic enterprise the Roman church finally followed the 
paths which had been blazed more than eight centuries before by Nestorian heretics. 
The first Catholic missions in India and China were established by the Salermtan 
Franciscan, John of Monte Corvino, in 1291 and 1293. 

The Roman church asserted its triumph in still another way. The culmination 
of the century (which was also in many respects, though people did not know it 
then, a culmination of Romanism) was celebrated by the institution of the Jubilee 
Year. In 1300 Boniface VIII invited the whole Christian world to come "ad 
limina apostolorum" and thus to obtain remission of penance and even of sin. His 
appeal, touching the very heart of an anxious world, met with more success than 
could have been hoped for by the most optimistic. Pilgrims reached Rome from 
every country and left a wealth of gifts behind them. The Jubilee Year became a 
new instrument of Roman politics, an instrument of such efficacy that the Curia 
could not resist the temptation of abusing it and of helping thus to prepare the 
great schism of the Reformation. 

Christian education was continued with admirable zeal in the schools and in the 
universities, and for the unlettered who formed the vast majority of the population 
there was provided the concrete and silent teaching of the cathedrals : the cathe- 
drals themselves, miracles wrought in stone, and their encyclopaedic decoration. 
Therefore, the history of Christian art is an essential part of the history of thought. 

To complete this sketch of Christian effort, I should speak of a number of indi- 
viduals who were the living symbols of it. Out of many, with whom I shall deal 
in the following chapters, I select three, Villanova, Lull, and Ricoldo di Monte 
Croce, two Catalans and one Tuscan; the first a free lance, the second a Franciscan 
tertiary, the third a Dominican 

Arnold of Villanova, the Valencian, was one of the most singular personalities of 
mediaeval times. An alchemist, prophet, and social reformer, his restless spirit 
led him into all sorts of adventures. Joachimite ideals found a ready soil in his 
mind. He was almost instinctively anti-Thomist and his religious feelings took 
naturally an anti-clerical bent. It is not surprising that he got into trouble with 
the Inquisition; it is more surprising that he escaped from its clutches so easily. 
Arnold is a good specimen of the spiritual rebel. 

The two others were more orthodox though in very different ways. Ramon 
Lull, the great Majorcan, was a genuine apostle who defended his mother the 
Holy Church to his last breath. He died a martyr of his faith. The main business 
of his life was to convert the infidels, especially the Jews and Muslims, and he 
was so sure of the absolute superiority of his creed that he was confident all that 
was needed to convert unbelievers was to explain it well enough. Yet he had a 
good knowledge of the Jewish and MusKm religions, and was remarkably tolerant. 



714 INTRODUCTION TO THE HISTORY OF SCIENCE [1250-1300] 

Much of his time was devoted to the writing of apologetical books and religious 
romances; one of these, the "Book of the lover and the beloved" has become one of 
the best known of its kind in the world literature. Like Arnold, though in a very 
different style, Ramon was a scientist. He was one of the first to insist that mis- 
sionary activities must be established on a solid basis of knowledge. In particular, 
missionaries to the Muslims should be as deeply versed in the Arabic language and 
lore as possible. He was the first to understand and explain clearly and forcibly 
the needs which were not fully answered until more than three centuries later by 
the Congregation of propaganda. 

I have indicated many times the difference, not to say the opposition, between 
Franciscan and Dominican ideals. The complexity and extreme individuality of 
Ramon's mind is well illustrated by the fact that he never developed an exclusive 
sympathy for one of these orders, but turned now toward the one, now toward the 
other; it is true, when he was at least sixty years of age he became a Franciscan 
tertiary, but that was not the last of his oscillations, for later he spent some time 
in a Dominican monastery, and when he died it was found that he had made 
bequests to both orders. He was too great a man to be imprisoned in the meshes 
of such petty jealousies, but if his heart could not choose between them, they knew 
better. His was undoubtedly a Franciscan rather than a Dominican spirit. More- 
over he was one of the first upholders of the Immaculate Conception of Our Lady, 
an incipient dogma which the Dominicans resisted to the limit A mind as free 
as his could not remain entirely clear of heresy, or more exactly of the suspicion of 
it: the main persecutor of his memory was naturally enough a Dominican inquisitor. 

The third personage, the Florentine Dominican Ricoldo of Monte Croce, is 
quoted for a very different reason. He had traveled as far east as Tabriz and 
obtained a good knowledge of the Muslim faith and manners. He wrote a refuta- 
tion of the Qur'an and of Islam which had an extraordinary fortune: it was trans- 
lated into Greek, then from Greek into Latin, finally from Latin into German by 
none other than Martin Luther! 

These three men Arnold, Ramon, and Ricoldo have this in common, that 
they were intensely religious, intensely devoted to their faith. Arnold showed his 
devotion by his Quixotic efforts to purify the Church; Ramon and Ricoldo proved 
theirs by their missionary zeal. 

2. Israel The internal history of Israel is even more closely bound up with 
theology and philosophy than that of Christendom and we shall have occasion to 
consider it more fully in Chapter XL VI. But its external history, that is, the 
history of its relations with Christendom, must be considered now. There is not 
much to add to what I said in Book III. The stream of persecution once started 
could not be stopped. Evil begets evil, and so on indefinitely, until it be destroyed 
by a miracle of charity, and such a miracle can hardly be expected. 

In Spain, a vigorous anti-Jewish propaganda was carried on by the Dominicans, 
notably by Raymond of Penafort ai-d Raymond Martin. In 1263 they obliged 
the great Jewish doctor, Moses ben Nahman, to defend his faith in a public dispu- 
tation at Barcelona, against their brother the Jewish renegade Pablo Christian!. 
Pablo seems to have had the worst of it, but this only added fuel to the fire, and the 
persecution was renewed with increased vigor. Once more the Talmud was scru- 
tinized and attacked, and this touched the Jewish community on its most sensitive 
spot. 

In England things were hardly better. The aloofness of the Jews and the finan- 



[1250-1300] SURVEY OF SCIENCE AND INTELLECTUAL PROGRESS 715 

cial success of some of them excited the hatred and covetousness of their Christian 
neighbors. More and more vexations were piled upon them, and the hostile 
feelings which they inspired accumulated throughout the thirteenth century, 
gathering more and more intensity. The Spanish method of persuasion was tried 
in 1280 when they were obliged to attend Dominican sermons, but this could only 
make matters worse. The almost inevitable climax occurred m 1290: Edward I 
ordered all the Jews to leave England before All Saints Day, their immovable 
property being confiscated to the crown's profit. Sixteen years later the Jews were 
expelled from France. 

3. Islam What little I have to say of the religious evolution of Islam will be 
more conveniently inserted in my chapter on philosophy. Christian anti-Muslim 
activities have been dealt with above. 

4. Hinduism Buddhism, which might have favored the natural expansion of 
Hindu genius, was entirely suppressed in India proper and replaced by a number 
of sects, Vishnuite and Sivaite, which however different, were almost equally 
unfavorable to the growth of scientific ideas. Vishnmsm was perhaps a little less 
unfavorable, yet it was dominated by a fantastic mythology and irrational con- 
cepts which were incompatible with scientific research except in the fields of medi- 
cine, astrology, and alchemy, and this only to a very small extent. This helps to 
explain the relative sterility of Hindu science in spite of its glorious beginnings. 

5. Buddhism Thanks to the influence of the great Yuan emperor Kublai Khan, 
Mongolia was converted to Buddhism Unfortunately the Buddhism which struck 
the emperor's fancy was the debased Tantric kind which had thriven so remarkably 
in the highlands of Tibet. Kublai ordered the translation of the Kanjur from 
Tibetan into Mongolian 

Mongolian Lamaism penetrated China proper to some extent, and helped to 
debase Chinese Buddhism and to sterilize Chinese thought. Fortunately it re- 
mained foreign to the great majority of Chinese people, and thus its blighting 
influence was restricted 

In the meanwhile the Buddhist evolution continued in Japan on a much higher 
plane. Two great sects were established within this period. The Nichiren-shu, 
so called after Nichiren who founded it in 1253; and the Ji-shu, organized by Ippen 
Shonin twenty-two years later. There is a remarkable parallelism between these 
two sects on the one hand, and the two founded in the preceding period on the 
other. The Ji-shu, even as the Shin-shu, was deeply Amidaist , both were doctrines 
of salvation by faith. On the contrary, the Nichiren-shu was as deeply opposed to 
Amidaism as the Zen-shu, though in a very different way. It distinguished itself 
from all other sects by its aggressiveness and intolerance; in spite of this (or perhaps 
because of it) it won a considerable number of adherents This parallel evolution 
illustrates the persistence of strong opposite needs in the Japanese soul, and the 
relative maturity of their minds. By this time Japan was already emancipated in 
some respects at least, from her old foster mother China. 

Summary 

The outstanding fact was the glorification of Roman Christianity, which was 
evidenced by a number of splendid cathedrals, by the immense success of the 
Jubilee Year, and for the learned, by the magnificent effort of great theologians. 
Yet this was only one aspect of reality, the bright side of it; there was also a dark 
one, very dark, which all these material and intellectual splendors could not remove. 



716 INTRODUCTION TO THE HISTORY OF SCIENCE [125Q-130Q] 

The Joachimites and Battuti gave utterance, loudly and dramatically, to the 
deep spiritual unrest of western Christianity. 

Anti-Muslim and anti-Jewish propaganda increased in vigor and spread farther. 
The Jews were driven out of England in 1290, and out of France m 1306. 

The Hindu and Chinese civilizations were debased respectively by the extrava- 
gances of Hinduism, and by the introduction of Lamaism into the Mongol empire. 

In the meanwhile Buddhist thought flourished and became more and more 
differentiated in Japan, and its continued development proved the spiritual ma- 
turity of the Japanese and their gradual emancipation from China. 

Ill THE TRANSLATORS 

1. From Greek into Latin It is fitting to begin our account of translators, this 
time, with the Christian Hellenists, for their activity marks a new epoch For the 
preceding period we could but mention one important translation from the Greek, 
the Nicomachean Ethics, by the great teacher of the Oxford Franciscans, Robert 
Grosseteste (c. 1241). The situation is now very different, suggesting that the 
sluices are finally opened which will allow Greek knowledge to flow directly into 
Latin channels. This change was largely due to one single man, William of 
Moerbeke. 

Before speaking of him we must say a few words of at least one other, 
Bartholomew of Messina, who flourished at the court of Manfred, king of Sicily. 
Bartholomew translated Aristotle's Magna moralia and Problems, a number of 
pseudo- Aristotelian writings, and Hierocles' treatise on the veterinary art. Other 
pseudo-Aristotelian opuscula were translated for Manfred by unknown scholars. 

To return to William of Moerbeke, he was a Flemish Dominican, chaplain to 
many popes, and a friend of St. Thomas. Writings of Hippocrates, Aristotle, 
Archimedes, Hero, Galen, Alexander of Aphrodisias, Proclos, and Simplicios were 
translated by him, or earlier translations were corrected by him with reference to 
the Greek text. The most important of these translations were Archimedes' 
Hydrostatics, Aristotle's Zoology, and Aristotle's Politics. This last one was made 
in 1260 at St. Thomas' request. 

2. From Arabic into Latin The group of translators from Arabic is so large that 
we shall begin by considering the translators into Latin, then those into Spanish 
and Portuguese, who form a natural group. The reader will bear in mind that the 
difference between these two groups is but small, except from the purely Hispanic 
point of view. The essential to us is the fact that a large number of writings was 
now transferred from the mysterious Arabic vehicle into the Latin one; whether 
the new vehicle was mediaeval Latin, Spanish, or Portuguese is a matter of detail. 

The Latin-writing translators are themselves so numerous that it is expedient 
to divide them into four smaller groups as follows: (a) Italians in Italy; (b) group 
of Montpellier (c) Sicilian group; (d) Spanish group. 

(a) Italians in Italy. The first of these is the Neapolitan, William of Lunis, 
who was already dealt with in the previous book because we do not know whether 
he belongs to the first or the second half of the century. He translated Ibn Rushd's 
commentaries on the Organon, and an Arabic treatise on algebra. Bonacosa, a 
Jew, translated Ibn Rushd's Kulllyat fl-1-tibb (a medical treatise) in Padua, 1255. 
Giovanni Campano of Novara, chaplain to Urban IV, translated Euclid's Elements, 
or rather revised the earlier translation by Adelard of Bath and discussed it. John 
of Brescia belongs rather to our second group. 



[1250-1300] SURVEY OF SCIENCE AND INTELLECTUAL PROGRESS 717 

(b) Group of Montpellier. John of Brescia collaborated with Jacob ben Mahir 
in the translation of al-Zarqalfs treatise on the astrolabe (1263). Robert the 
Englishman was familiar with Arabic astronomy, but was not himself a translator; 
no definite translation can be ascribed to him; he may easily have obtained his 
Arabic knowledge from Jacob ben Mahir or another member of the group. We 
are on safer ground with Armengaud son of Blaise, who was at Montpellier c. 1290 
(he also spent some time in Spam and in Rome) He translated a Galenic treatise, 
the pseudo-Galenic Economy, medical treatises by Ibn Sma and Maimonides, and 
Jacob ben Mahir's treatise on the quadrant. The last named translation was 
made from the Hebrew, and it is quite possible that other translations were also 
made by him from the Hebrew or with the help of Hebrew versions. 

We touch here a very delicate point. It is often very difficult to say whether a 
text was translated from the Arabic or the Hebrew. The presence of Hebraisms 
or Arabisrns in the Latin text would not be in itself conclusive, for the Hebraisms 
might come from an Arabic treatise, and vice versa the Arabisrns from a Hebrew 
one. The two civilizations had developed for centuries so close together, and the 
two languages have so many points of contact, that each could easily be con- 
taminated by the other. Moreover, there was an abundance of Arabic texts in 
Hebrew, or in Hebrew script, and it is quite conceivable that some southern Jews 
could not always remember in which of both languages they had read this or that 
work. 

We might also attach to this group the Catalan, Ramon Lull, for he spent some 
of the best years of his life in Montpellier. 

(c) Sicilian Group Manfred approved himself a true son of his father, the 
great emperor Frederick II, in his patronage of learning. A number of translators 
were gathered around him at the Sicilian court. I have already referred to a 
few of them, Bartholomew of Messina and others unknown, in the section dealing 
with translations from the Greek. Another was Hermann the German, who 
translated for him from the Arabic Aristotelian commentaries by al-Farab! and 
Ibn Rushd. 

After Benevento (1266), the Hohenstaufen patronage was worthily continued 
by Manfred's conqueror, Charles of Anjou. As the activity of the translators 
had nothing to do with politics, we can imagine that they simply continued their 
work at the Sicilian court irrespective of its stewardship. Two Jews distinguished 
themselves in Charles' service, translating medical works. Moses of Palermo 
translated the pseudo-Hippo cratic treatise on veterinary medicine. Faraj ben 
Salim (Faragut) was bold enough to tackle the Kitab al-hawi of al-Razi, the 
largest encyclopaedia of Greco-Arabic medicine; he completed his version of it in 
1279. And this was not all: he also translated a pseudo-Galenic treatise, and two 
others by Ibn Jazla and Mesue the Third (?). 

(d) Spanish Group. The Galician, Peter Gallego, translated an Arabic summary 
of the Aristotelian zoology, and the Economy ascribed to Galen. Hermann the 
German flourished many years in Toledo before entering the Angevin service; 
in fact most of his work seems to have been done in that city. 

Though I do not propose to discuss it in this volume, a passing reference may 
be made here to the Philosophia of Virgil of Cordova, said to have been translated 
from Arabic into Latin, in Toledo, 1290. This is a very enigmatic work full of 
contradictions. 3 Its scientific value is negligible, but whether the treatise or 
translation be genuine or not, it is a witness of the Toledan and Arabic prestige 

8 H. G. Farmer Virgilius Cordubensis (Journal R, Asiatic Soc., 599-603, 1929; Isis, 13, 429). 



718 INTRODUCTION TO THE HISTORY OF SCIENCE [1250-1300] 

To this Spanish group we may attach two great Catalan scholars, two of the 
greatest men of their time : Arnold of Villanova and Ramon Lull. Arnold trans* 
lated from the Arabic a number of treatises by Galen, al-Kindi, Qusta ibn Luqa, 
Ibn Sina, Abu-l-'Ala' Zuhr, and Abu-l-alt. These were all medical works; even 
Qusta's treatise De ligaturis, though magical in spirit, did really belong to the 
medical literature of those days. It should be noted that this represented but a 
very small and incidental part of his activity. Lull was not actually a translator 
but he must be mentioned here because of his lifelong efforts to promote Arabic 
studies. He was himself an extraordinary Arabic scholar; witness the fact that 
he wrote some of his own books in Arabic! 

Considering all of these translators together, the most striking feature is the 
cosmopolitanism of their company. Some of them hailed from Italy or Spain, 
others from France, England, Germany; some were Christians, others Jews. This 
reminds us of the cosmopolitanism of the scholars who a few centuries before had 
translated much of the same literature from Greek into Arabic. It confirms the 
incipient hegemony of Latin culture, even as the many Jews and Christians who 
helped to enrich the Arabic literature bore unconsciously testimony to the leader- 
ship of Islam. 

3, From Arabic into Spanish and Portuguese Impressive as it is, the company of 
translators from the Arabic which we have thus far reviewed represents only a 
part of the immense movement of transfusion which was then taking place, for the 
Arabic knowledge was not only poured out into Latin vessels, but into many others, 
Spanish, Portuguese, Hebrew, Synac, Armenian, Persian, etc. A novelty of this 
period is the appearance of a vast number of translations into the new Hispanic 
vernaculars, whose maturity was thus corroborated. 

The activity of the school of translators which was publishing Arabic knowledge 
in Spanish was particularly intense, and that is hardly surprising since their leader 
was the very king of Castile and Leon, Alfonso X el Sabio. Alfonso was not simply 
a patron, but a worker, and his interest in learning was not only genuine but ardent. 
In fact he was too much of a scholar to be a good king. His father, San Fernando, 
had already begun this work, but with moderation; Alfonso threw himself into it 
with amazing zeal and perseverance. He ordered the translation into Castihan 
of the fables of Kalfla wa Dimna, of the Sirr al-asrar, of the Qur'an, and above 
all of a whole series of astronomical and physical treatises. Indeed he was espe- 
cially interested in astronomy, and organized a school of translators whose main 
business it was to make the astronomical works of the ancients and the Muslims 
available in Castilian. I shall come back to this in the astronomical and physical 
chapters In the meanwhile it may be remarked that Alfonso's work in this 
direction was so comprehensive and successful that he deserves to be called the 
father of Spanish science. 

The translations were not made by the king himself but under his direction. His 
main collaborators were Jews: Judah ben Moses ha-Kohen, Samuel ha-Levi 
Abulafia, Isaac ibn Sid ha-Hazzan, Abraham Alfaquin of Toledo; but there were 
working with him also a few Christians: GuiUen Arremon Daspa and John Daspa, 
John of Messina, John of Cfemona, Fernando of Toledo, one Bernardo. Some of 
the Spanish versions were eventually Latinized or Italianized by other Christians, 
but that is another story. 

The magnificent effort of the Alphonsine school was repeated on a humbler scale 
toward the end of the century by the great Portuguese king, Dinis the Liberal. 



[1250-1300] SURVEY OF SCIENCE AND INTELLECTUAL PROGRESS 719 

A number of translations into Portuguese were made under his orders, but it is 
not clear to me whether they were made from the Arabic or from the Castihan 

4. From Arabic into Hebrew Thus far we have been dealing with the transmis- 
sion of Arabic knowledge to Western Christendom. We shall now consider its 
parallel transmission to Israel. The number of translators is again so great that 
we must subdivide it into three smaller groups: (a) Spanish; (b) Provengal; (c) 
Italian. Naturally enough no Eastern Jews were involved; this was essentially 
a western affair. 

(a) Spanish Group. (I take Spanish here in a broad sense, it refers to the whole 
peninsula ) Solomon Ibn Ayyub of Granada translated a theological treatise by 
Maimonides, two grammatical ones by Ibn Janah, a medical one by Ibn S ma, and 
one of Ibn Rushd's commentaries on Aristotelian physics Shem-tob ben Isaac 
of Tortosa translated Ibn Rushd's middle commentary on the De amma, and two 
of the greatest medical works of Arabic literature, the Kitab al-tasrif of Abu-1- 
Qasim al-Zahrawi (1258) and the Kitab al-Man?uri of al-Razi (1264). Late in 
life he began a new Hebrew version of the Hippo cratic aphorisms (so popular in 
the Semitic world) ; this version is of special value because it includes otherwise 
unknown glosses by Palladios the latrosophist. Zerehiah Gracian of Barcelona 
translated several Aristotelian treatises, the De causis, commentaries by Themis- 
tios, al-Farabi, and Ibn Rushd; medical treatises by Galen, Ibn Sma, Maimomdes. 
Shem-tob Ibn Falaquera translated long extracts from the Yanbu* al-hayat of Ibn 
Gabirol and was first to see that work in its true perspective. His other writings 
were largely derived from Arabic sources without being translations ; however his 
treatise De'ot ha-filusufim is almost a translation of some of Ibn Rushd's com- 
mentaries In 1292 or later, Isaac Albalag translated the first two parts of the 
Maqasid al-falasif a of al-Ghazzali, a book which deeply influenced Jewish philoso- 
phy. Finally Abraham ben Shem-tob of Tortosa, better known as a translator 
from Hebrew (or Arabic?) into Latin, may be the author of the Hebrew version of 
the pseudo-Galenic De plantis. 

(b) Provengal Group. (Provengal is taken broadly, as referring to Languedoc 
as well as to Provence proper.) However imposing the Spanish group, the Proven- 
gal, though much smaller, is even more so. Moreover, the most prominent of the 
Spaniards, Shem-tob ben Isaac, spent part of his life in Montpelher and Marseilles. 
His translation of the Tasrif was completed in the latter city. It is probable that 
the work on which his fame is based was done almost entirely in southern France. 

I have already spoken of the illustrious Tibbonid family in Book III. Itsfame was 
still increased during the second half of the thirteenth century, for the two greatest 
translators of that period were members of it: Moses ibn Tibbon and Jacob ben 
Mal^ir; Moses was the son of Samuel ibn Tibbon and Jacob a maternal grandson 
of the same; both were probably born in Marseilles. 

Moses 7 translations are too numerous to be quoted. They include many of Ibn 
Rushd's commentaries, and other Aristotelian commentaries; three theological 
and philosophical works by Maimonides; Euclid's Elements, and other mathe- 
matical and astronomical treatises by Geminos, Theodosios of Bithyma, Jabir ibn 
Aflah, al-Bitruji, etc.; Aristotle's Problems; medical works by Ibn Sina, Ibn al- 
Jazzar, Hunain ibn Ishaq, al-Razi, Maimonides in short a whole library of 
Greco-Arabic science. 

Moses' nephew, Jacob ben Mahir, though almost equally great as a translator, 
was even more famous as an original astronomer. The authors translated by him 



720 INTRODUCTION TO THE HISTORY OF SCIENCE [1250-1300] 

include Autolycos, Euclid, Menelaos, Qusta ibn Luqa, Ibn al-Haitham, Ibn al- 
Saffar, al-Zarqall, al-Ghazzall, Jabir ibn Aflah, IbnRushd! 

Finally Jacob ibn Abbassi translated a part of the Kitab al-siraj of Maimonides 
Strangely enough, while many Spaniards emigrated across the Pyrenees, this 
Languedocian (he hailed from Beziers) moved to Huesca, in northern Aragon, and 
it is there that his translation was made. I might have counted him m the Spanish 
group. 

(c) Italian Group. The greatest of these was Nathan ha-Me'ati, who flourished 
in Rome. He was called the Italian Tibbonid, which proves at once the prestige 
of that name and his own fame. Leaving out works of uncertain authorship, he 
translated medical works by Hippocrates, Galen, Ibn Sina, 'Ammar ibn 'All, and 
Maimonides. His work as a translator was continued by his son and by his 
grandson, Solomon and Samuel. 

The Spaniard, Zerahiah Gracian, came to Rome c 1277, and seems to have spent 
there the rest of his Me; hence we might count him among the Italians. It is 
interesting to note that while in Rome he translated the first two books of Ibn 
Sina/s Qanun; and that at about the same time (1279) Nathan ha-Me'ati completed 
his translation of it, also in Rome. 

Ahitub ben Isaac of Palermo translated Maimonides' logic; and Samuel ben 
Jacob of Capua, the treatise on purgatives and emetics of Masawaih al-Maridlnl 
(Mesue junior or pseudo-Mesue I). Speaking of this pseudo-Mesue reminds us 
of the other pseudo-Mesue, the mysterious author of a surgical textbook That 
textbook was translated into Latin by Faraj ibn Salim, and a little later (1297) into 
Hebrew by Jacob ben Joseph ha-Levi, otherwise unknown. 

This ends our account of translations into Hebrew: it is not necessary to insist 
upon the immensity of the task which was accomplished, but it may be briefly 
pointed out that practically all of these texts (excepting of course the specifically 
Jewish ones) had already been available to Latin readers for some time when they 
appeared in Hebrew. 

5. From Arabic into Persian It is said that Nair al-dln al-Tusi prepared trans- 
lations of Greek scientific texts from Arabic into Persian. This is plausible but 
unproved. Of course Nasir al-dln might easily have done that, but there was no 
real need of it. Every Persian Muslim had to know Arabic to read the Qur'an; 
it was if anything easier for them to read scientific writings in the same language. 
& Persian translation of an Arabic text was as unnecessary to a Persian scholar of 
that time, as a French one of a Latin text to a French scholar. In fact the chances 
are that in both cases genuine scholars would have put such translations aside even 
if they had been available, and would have found the original texts not only more 
trustworthy but more readable as well. On the other hand, even as French scientific 
writings were derived from Latin ones, if not slavishly translated, Persian scientific 
writings were largely if not entirely copied from Arabic ones. The difference 
between a translation and a self-styled original work is often but superficial; or to 
put it otherwise, the translation is derived from a single work, while the "original 7 ' 
work is derived from many. 

6. From Arabic into Syriac Similar remarks would apply to Syriac. The great- 
est Syriac scientist, Abu-1-Faraj, translated or elaborated a number of Arabic 
writings into his own language. For example, he began a translation of the Qanun. 

The case of Syriac is particularly curious. For much of the Greek knowledge 
had reached the Arabic speaking people only after having passed through Syriac 



[1250-1300] SURVEY OF SCIENCE AND INTELLECTUAL PROGRESS 721 

intermediaries. Now that same knowledge was retranslated from Arabic into 
Synac And this is not all Some of Abu-1-Faraj's books were eventually re- 
translated into Arabic f This final step may be interpreted m two ways as a proof 
of his fame, or of the gradual debasement of Arabic scholarship. 

7. From Arabic (or Persian} into Armenian The translation of an Arabic (or 
Persian?) astronomical treatise is ascribed to Mekhitar of Am. Other writings 
might easily have been derived from Greek or Latin sources, as Armenian doctors 
were in touch, some of them with Greek theologians, others far more numerous 
with the priests and missionaries of the Latin kingdom of Lesser Armenia, or of 
neighboring countries such as Cyprus. In fact I do not know of any contemporary 
translations of scientific writings of any kind from Latin or Greek into Armenian. 

8. From Hebrew into Latin and Romance languages The occurrence of transla- 
tions from Hebrew into Latin, and, as we shall see below, of others from Latin into 
Hebrew, is one of the most interesting events of this time. The number of trans- 
lators from the Hebrew is sufficient to warrant their subdivision into three groups : 
(a) Spanish; (b) Italian; (c) Anglo-French. 

(a) Spanish Group. Alfonso el Sabio is chiefly known for his translations from 
the Arabic, but he also ordered the translation of some Talmudic and Qabbalistic 
writings. His interest in Hebrew literature was natural enough considering that 
his best collaborators were Jews. It is said that he wanted a new translation of 
the Old Testament to be made into Spanish. Certain it is that Hermann the 
German translated the Psalter into that language. His translation was made from 
the Vulgate but with reference to the Hebrew original. This was the earliest 
attempt to connect a vernacular translation directly with the fountain head. 
Whether Hermann was inspired by King Alfonso I do not know, but that would 
have been likely enough. Hermann was bishop of Astorga in Le6n from 1266 to 
his death in 1272; he must have been in touch with the king of Leon. The trans- 
lation of Abraham ben Shem-tob of Tortosa quoted in another section as made 
from the Arabic, may have been made from the Hebrew. It is exceedingly difficult 
to decide such questions. 

(b) Italian Group. King Manfred was very genuinely interested in Arabic 
and Hebrew learning. The famous Book of the apple (Sefer ha-tappuah), a 
pseudo-Aristotelian dialogue lost in Arabic, was translated into Latin under Man- 
fred's direction; the translation is even sometimes ascribed to himself. 

The greatest translator from Hebrew into Latin was a converted Jew who called 
himself John of Capua. He translated two medical treatises (one of Maimonides 7 , 
and the Taislr of Ibn Zuhr), and the fables of Kallla wa Dimna. The last of these 
translations, entitled Directorium vitae humanae, was of course of no scientific 
value, but its cultural importance was very great. A good deal of Eastern folklore 
reached the West through this Latin translation of the Hebrew Kallla. The 
Directorium was in its turn translated more or less freely into many vernaculars. 

The popularity of Ibn Zuhr's Taisir is proved by the fact that the translation by 
John of Capua was followed a few years later by another one, also from the Hebrew, 
prepared by Paravicius, of Padua (?) helped by a Jew named Jacob. This trans- 
lation was inferior to John's, yet it was eventually printed, while John's was not. 

(c) Anglo-French Group. The last chief rabbi of England before the expulsion, 
Hagin Deulacres, was possibly identical with "Hagin the Jew" who translated Ibn 
Ezra's astrological treatises into French in 1273, in Henry Bate's house in Malines; 
Bate retranslated them into Latin. The translations ascribed to Armengaud son 



722 INTBODUCTION TO THE HISTORY OF SCIENCE [1250-1300] 

of Blaise were possibly made from the Hebrew; this was certainly the case for the 
treatise on the quadrant by Jacob ben Mahir, translated by Armengaud in Mont- 
pellier, 1299, with the author's help, and for Ibn Sina's medical poem. 

9. From Latin into Italian, French, and Dutch The translations to be dealt with 
in this section are less important for the history of science than for the history of 
thought and the history of language. No European scholar needed vernacular 
translations, but there was a growing public of noblemen, burghers, and gentle- 
women who knew no Latin, or read it too haltingly to enjoy it. Naturally it was 
not the more scientific books which were thus translated but others having a wider 
appeal. For example, the Education of princes, by Giles of Rome, was very 
promptly Italianized and Frenchified. A number of translations into French were 
made, presumably after 1280, by John of Meung: the letters of Abaelard and 
Heloise, the marvels of Ireland as told by Gerald the Welshman, above all, Boetius' 
Consolation. This last named work was exceedingly popular in France, at least 
a dozen translations or paraphrases being published within a century and a half. 
John's was neither the first nor the last of these. The Consolation was the first 
great work of antiquity to be fully translated into French, and its many versions 
contributed not a little to the fixation of the philosophical terminology in that 
language. 

Among other translations we might still quote those of the Secretum secretorum, 
a work second in popularity only to the Consolation, no less than eight French or 
Anglo-Norman versions of it appearing within the thirteenth and fourteenth cen- 
turies. Two date from the second half of the thirteenth century, the one by Peter 
of Abernon (alias Peter Peckham), the other by the Dominican, Jofroi (Geoffrey) 
of Waterford (d. 1300) and Servais Copale. 4 

The only contemporary philosophical works to appear in French were a few 
of Lull's, and this was probably due to the author's own initiative. The De gentili 
et tribus sapientibus, the De doctrina puerili, Blanquerna, and the Arbor philoso- 
phiae amoris, were eventually translated. With regard to the last of these works 
we know that Ramon Lull, who was an indefatigable propagandist, had it Frenchi- 
fied for Jeanne of Navarre, Philippe le Bel's queen (1284-1305) toward the end of 
the century. 

There was also a need of medical works in the vernacular for, then even as now, 
a large class of physicians had no heads for scholarship (one can be a very good 
physician without being a scholar). The Regime du corps which Aldobrandin 
of Siena wrote in 1256 for Beatrice of Savoy was largely translated from Latin 
versions of Arabic works. For example, the fourth quarter of it is almost a ver- 
batim translation of a part of the Kitab al-Mansurl of al-Razi. On the other hand, 
the Florentine physician, Taddeo Alderotti, realized the importance of obtaining 
direct versions of the Greek medical classics and he encouraged their preparation 
This same Taddeo translated Aristotle's Ethics from Latin into Italian. 

Another class of readers to whom translations were welcome were the soldiers 
and sportsmen, whose scholarly abilities have always been very limited. Thus 
John of Meung translated Vegetius' De re militari into French. Daniel of Cremona 
translated Arabic and Persian treatises on falconry from Latin into French for 
Enzio, one of the emperor Frederick's natural sons. The emperor's own treatise 
was also Frenchified before the end of the century. 

4 See my vol. 1, 556, adding the following reference Ch. V. Langlois, La connaissance de 
la nature et du monde (2d ed. ; La vie en France au Moyen ge, vol. 3, 71-121, 1927) . Largely 
devoted to Brother Geoffrev's translation. 



[1250-1300] SURVEY OF SCIENCE AND INTELLECTUAL PROGRESS 723 

Many Dutch translations from the Latin and the French were prepared by Jacob 
van Maerlant, the educator of the Netherlands. The texts he translated from the 
French, most of them tales of chivalry, do not concern us, but later in life, as he 
realized that Latin was the vehicle of knowledge, he undertook to make as much as 
possible of that knowledge available to his people. He translated a lapidary, a 
book of dreams, the Secreta secretorum, the De natura rerum of Thomas of Cantim- 
pre, the Histona scolastica of Peter the Eater, the Speculum historiale of Vincent 
of Beauvais It is significant that his attention was largely drawn to the contem- 
porary Latin literature, not to the ancient. 

10. From Latin into Hebrew David Caslari of Narbonne translated Galenic 
treatises from Latin into Hebrew; Solomon ben Moses of Melgueil, an Aristotelian 
commentary by Ibn Slna, a part of Ibn Rushd's metaphysics, and the Circa instans 
of Platearius; Hillel ben Samuel of Verona, the Liber de causis, 'All ibn Ridwan's 
commentary on the Tegni, and the Chirurgia magna of Bruno the Lombard. 

This list is not very long but it is unusually interesting; it proves the growing 
prestige of Latin writings and the growing ignorance of Arabic among the Jews. 
Many other Latin writings of this time (chiefly medical ones) were also translated 
into Hebrew, but somewhat later in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries and 
thus these translations need not be considered at this place. 

11. From Latin into Greek Still more remarkable is the appearance of a few 
translations from Latin into Greek. Manuel Holobolos prepared a Greek version 
of the logical and dialectical treatises of Boetius old Greek knowledge diluted 
and adulterated returning to its original source! Maximos Planudes translated 
some works of Cato the Censor, Ovid, Cicero, Caesar, Donatus, Augustine, Boetius, 
and possibly St. Thomas. The translation by one Petros Theoctonicos of an 
alchemical treatise ascribed to Albert the Great may also belong to this period. 

12. From Chinese and Tibetan into Mongolian In 1282 Kublai Khan ordered the 
translation into Mongolian of the Chinese annals of Ssii-ma Kuang as revised by 
Chu Hsi. He had become a fervent Lamaist and wished to open the great treasure 
of Buddhist knowledge, the Kanjur, to his people. The Kanjur is the Tibetan 
equivalent of the Chinese Tripitaka; it is not a book but a whole collection of books. 
Kublai appointed an academy of twenty-nine Tibetan, Uighur, Chinese, and Hindu 
scholars to investigate that collection and to compare the Tibetan texts with the 
Sanskrit and Chinese. The translation of the Kanjur into Mongolian was only 
completed after Kublai's death, c. 1310. 

These translations into Mongolian are a good example of cultural sidetracking. 
I have often remarked that human progress is not by any means a simple develop- 
ment; the path which man followed from one discovery to another was not neces- 
sarily the shortest sometimes it was short, sometimes not so short, sometimes 
labyrinthine. Then very often great efforts were made which led nowhere, and a 
portion of mankind found itself in a blind alley. The gigantic labor involved in 
the translations of Chinese and Tibetan collections into Mongolian was largely 
wasted. Of course it was of use to a number of Mongols but it produced no new 
developments of any importance, not even in Mongolia. To make my meaning 
clearer, compare these Mongolian translations with the Arabic. The latter were a 
necessary channel, one of the mam channels which human thought had to follow 
in order to reach its goal, while the former remained sterile. Of course it is easy 
for us to see that for we can contemplate the whole evolution from a great distance, 
as it were from the cabin of an airship, but it was impossible for the contemporaries 



724 INTRODUCTION TO THE HISTOKT OF SCIENCE [1250-1300] 

to be aware of it. Kublai Khan and his collaborators who were bold enough to 
undertake these enormous translations and to create the Mongolian literature 
deserve as much praise as those kindred souls of theirs who built up the Arabic, 
Hebrew, or Latin literatures by similar means. They were sidetracked, but this 
was beyond their ken; their failure was not dishonorable, nor does it affect in any 
way the greatness of their endeavor. 

Summary 

Aristotelian trad^t^on ^n the second half of the ^rteenth century The preceding 
section may be considered a digression, for these Mongolian translations remained 
practically without influence. As far as the rest of the world, that is, mankind in 
general, was concerned the existence or non-existence of these translations was 
indifferent. We may thus leave that section out of our summary, and turn to the 
others. 

I shall not attempt to make as complete a summary as I did for the first half of 
the thirteenth century, for this would be far too long Moreover it will be better 
to consider the scientific translations in the following chapters together with the 
original works relative to the same branches of science. But by way of example 
we may examine the progress of the Aristotelian tradition. The mam result of 
such a survey is to bring out the growing intricacy of cultural exchanges. A whole 
series of languages was involved* Greek, Arabic, Hebrew, Persian, Syriac, Latin, 
Spanish, Catalan, French, etc. Moreover, thus far translations had taken place 
only in one direction, from Greek into Arabic, or from Greek into Latin, and hardly 
ever in the opposite one. Now two civilizations, two languages, were competing, 
Latin and Hebrew, and the exchanges between them took place in both directions 
As we now know, the Latin culture finally triumphed, but this was not yet by any 
means certain at the time of which I am speaking, in spite of the hegemony of the 
Christians and the political abjection of the Jews. Moreover there was even some 
competition between the Greek and Latin cultures, and the spectacle of Latin works 
translated into Greek was at first sight almost as amazing as that of water running 
uphill. 

The progress of Aristotelianism involved an advance in lay knowledge and hence 
a theological reaction; that reaction created naturally another reaction and the 
more advanced Aristotelians took spontaneously, or were driven to take, an anti- 
clerical attitude. The spiritual unrest, referred to in the chapter on religion, caused 
the Church to be very nervous and sensitive. Hence a series of anti- Aristotelian 
measures, which were gradually mollified when the dangers were better understood 
and circumscribed and when Christian doctors had completed their harmonization 
of the Aristotelian with the theological doctrines. By the end of the century the 
fight against Aristotelianism was replaced by a fight, more restricted but more 
intense, against the extreme left of the movement Averroism. A similar contest 
took place at the same time in Israel, except that in this case the scapegoat was not 
so much Ibn Rushd as Maimomdes. We shall have occasions to come back to 
this in our philosophical survey; for the present it suffices to make our readers 
realize the growing complexity and intensity of intellectual life in the second half 
of the thirteenth century. 



[1250-1300] SURVEY OF SCIENCE AND INTELLECTUAL PROGRESS 725 

IV EDUCATION 

1. Christendom More universities were created, no longer novelties to be sure, 
though each was still a great and far-reaching novelty in its own surroundings. 
Each of these universities was at least potentially a new focus of learning 
and culture. 

Three new universities appeared in Spain: Valladolid, about the middle of the 
thirteenth century; Seville, 1254, with special reference to Arabic studies; 
Lerida, 1300. One more in Portugal. Lisbon, 1290, moved eighteen years later to 
Coimbra. 

The earliest Oxford and Cambridge colleges date from this same period, not 
counting the Franciscan and Dominican houses which go back to the first half 
of the century. The earliest Oxford colleges were Balliol, Merton, and University; 
these were soon followed by the earliest Cambridge college, Peterhouse, the only 
one of the thirteenth century. 

A similar foundation was made in Paris, 1257, by Robert of Sorbon the house 
of learning named after him. A foiend of Robert, the poet Richard of Fourmval, 
bequeathed to the Sorbonne his own collection of books, some three hundred in 
number, thus establishing the earliest public library of Paris. 

So much for colleges. Another aspect of Christian education is afforded by some 
of the contemporary treatises. For example, Gilbert of Tournay wrote the Rudi- 
menta doctrmae christianae, of which the third part deals with the psychology and 
methods of teaching, and for Saint Louis he composed in 1259 an ethical treatise, 
Eruditio regum et principum. We have many other books of the same kind. 
Great scholars were often invited to educate royal princes, and some such writings 
were the natural by-products of their tutoring. Vincent of Beauvais wrote the 
De eruditione filiorum regalium for St. Louis' wife, and addressed his Tractatus 
consolatorius de morte amici to the king himself when the latter lost one of his 
children. It is a complete treatise on education; one of its chapters even deals 
with physical education, which was not unknown in mediaeval times as many 
people imagine. In fact, there was a great need of physical training among gentle- 
men, not only for the chase but also for the war which recurred every year with the 
good season. Saint Thomas began a treatise De regimme principum for the king 
of Cyprus; he left it unfinished but it was completed by his disciple, Ptolemy of 
Lucques However this is a very different work from those previously mentioned 
as it is far more concerned with political training and method than with general 
education. 

Finally there is a French text traditionally ascribed to St. Louis himself, "Les 
enseingnemenz que monseigneur Saint Loys fist & son ainzn6 fils Phelippe" (and 
other similar texts written by the same king for his daughter and his other children). 
Most of the pictures which represent the king dying show him in the act of deliver- 
ing to his heir the "Enseignements" which he was said to have written with his 
own hand. Whether the king was the real author or not, these texts have come 
down to us and are excellent witnesses of the contemporary point of view on the 
subject. 5 They are much to the credit of St. Louis, who was undoubtedly the 
noblest king and one of the noblest men of that age. 

5 The critical study of these French texts and their Latin versions and paraphrases is full of 
difficulties. Paul Viollet: Note sur le veritable texte des instructions de Saint Louis a sa 
fille Isabelle et & son fils Philippe le Hardi (Biblioth&que de TEcole des chartes, vol. 5, 129-148, 
1869) . H. Francois Delaborde . Le texte primitif des Enseignements de Saint Louis a son fils. 



726 INTRODUCTION TO THE HISTORY OF SCIENCE [1250-1300] 

The greatest "educator" of the time was probably Albert the Great. Much of 
his energy was devoted to the study of educational problems and to the organiza- 
tion of teaching. In 1259 he was engaged at Valenciennes in drawing up a plan 
of studies for the Dominican Order; in this he was helped by St. Thomas and by 
Peter of Tarentaise. 

Martino da Fano, who taught law in Arezzo and Modena, wrote a little book 
explaining to the students how to learn and to behave. 

Alfonso el Sabio completed the incorporation of the University of Salamanca in 
1254, and in the same year established the Latin and Arabic college of Seville. 
We may conceive the group of translators and astronomers organized by him as 
forming what would be called today a research institute. A title of his famous 
code (Las siete partidas) defines universities and explains their duties, privileges 
and administration. 

Even as Alfonso was to a large extent the educator of Spain, the noble Dims was 
the educator of Portugal He was the founder of the university of Coimbra, but 
his interest in the intellectual welfare of his subjects took many other forms. Nor 
was it necessary to be a king to acquit oneself of such a mission, for Jacob of Maer- 
lant, who was nothing but a clerk, was also in the fullest sense the educator of all 
the Dutch speaking people. 

I have kept for the end the man who was perhaps, among so many teachers of 
divers kinds, the one who was most completely devoted, body and soul, to his self- 
appointed task. I am thinking of Ramon Lull, the Majorcan. All of his virtues 
and of his errors proceed from his overpowering desire to enlighten his fellowmen. 
He was a born teacher and propagandist. Many of his works were pedagogical in 
their purpose, but three of them deserve special mention; the Book of chivalry, 
the Puerile doctrine, and the Book of first and second intention. It is probable that 
they were originally written in Catalan; they exist in Catalan and in Latin, and the 
first in sundry other languages for it enjoyed considerable popularity. 

2. Islam There is not much to be said about Muslim schools which I have not 
said before; but one school of Spain should arrest our attention, not because it was 
typical (it was rather the opposite) but because it illustrates very well the cultural 
amalgamation which was taking place m that country. 6 Under the patronage of 
Alfonso el Sabio, who was then governor of the newly reconquered province of 
Murcia, a school was built for Muhammad al-RiqutL This Muhammad, about 
whom we know but too little, must have been a remarkable teacher. He gathered 
around him students of the three races, and four languages Arabic, Hebrew, Latin, 
and Spanish were being used. 

3. China and Mongolia It is hardly necessary to insist upon the immense edu- 
cational task accomplished by Kublai Khan. In a sense everything was to be done 
for his Mongolian subjects, and he did the most difficult part, the beginning. To 
be sure a great effort had already been made by Chingiz Khan, and by the latter's 
minister, Yeh-lu Ch'u-ts'ai, but it would seem that Yeh-lu had tried to educate 
his people in Chinese and naturally he had not been able to reach them, except a 
very few. Kublai Khan realized the need of an education in their own language, 
of a Mongolian literature. 

(Bibliotheque de PEcole des chartes, vol. 73, 73-100, 237-262, 4 figs., 490-504, 1912). Text, 
commentary, and discussion with Paul Viollet Ch. V. Langlois : La vie spirituelle (La vie en 
France au Moyen age, vol. 4, 23-46, 1928) . 
6 Isis, 10, 67-68; 15, 183-187. 



[1250-1300] SURVEY OF SCIENCE AND INTELLECTUAL PROGRESS 727 

In the meanwhile another educator, of the more conventional type, Wang Ying- 
lin, was slowly compiling his new encyclopaedia, the Sea of jade (Yu hai). The 
most popular textbook of China, the so-called Three character classic (San tzu 
chmg) is traditionally ascribed to him. 

4. Japan A. school and a library of Chinese and Japanese books were founded 
c. 1270, not far from Yokohama, by Hojo Sanetoki. The library was gradually 
increased by his successors, members like himself of the illustrious Hojo family, 
until about the middle of the fourteenth century. 

V. PHILOSOPHIC AND CULTURAL BACKGROUND 

1. Eastern Islam Since the glorious days of Ibn Tufail and Ibn Rushd, Western 
Islam had been declining steadily, and in the second half of the thirteenth century 
it could not boast a single philosopher of importance. It is true the suf I Ibn Sab'm, 
who answered some of the emperor Frederick's questions, lived until 1269, but he 
belongs rather to the first half of the century. Thus all of the Muslims dealt with 
in this section were easterners. 

To begin with, there were at least half a dozen logicians, mathematicians ency- 
clopaedists in the best sense of the term. Al-Mufaddal ibn 'Urnar al-Abhari 
wrote a summary of Porphyry's Isagoge, and a general treatise on science and 
philosophy, the Hidayat al-hikma (Guide to wisdom) which was the subject of 
many commentaries. Treatises of the same kind were composed by *Ali ibn 
'Umar al-Katibl. A textbook on logic was dedicated by Muhammad ibn Salim 
Ibn Wasil to King Manfred, but after his return to Syria, he changed its title, that 
is, its dedication. 

The following three were primarily mathematicians. Nasir al-dm al-Tus! was 
one of the greatest scientists of the Middle Ages, and his mind was truly encyclo- 
paedic. He wrote treatises on logic, the classification of knowledge, metaphysics, 
the limits of understanding, theology, and ethics. The so-called Nasinan ethics 
(Akhlaq-i-Nasirl) was one of the most popular works of its kind in Islam. Origi- 
nally written in Persian, it was soon translated into Arabic, and was often published, 
elaborated, and glossed upon; its popularity has continued until our own time. 
Muslim ethics, as represented by this work and others of the same class, was essen- 
tially a development of Aristotelian and Platonic thought. Muhammad ibn 
Ashraf al-Samarqandl was a lesser mathematician and a lesser man, but he wrote 
logical treatises and a dialectical one which was immensely successful. Qutb 
al-din al-Shirazi was almost as great a scientist as Na?ir al-din (we shall come back 
to both of them many times), but he did not devote as much attention to generali- 
ties and philosophical questions except toward the end of his life when he became 
more and more of a uf I, He wrote two encyclopaedic and philosophical treatises, 
and commentaries on the hadlth and the Qur'an These three mathematicians 
were Persian-writing Persians, but they also wrote in Arabic. 

We must now consider two men of a very different type. Encyclopaedists too, 
but on a much lower level, the level of Pliny and al-Mas'udi. Such men compiled 
more or less intelligently all the superficial knowledge available in their days, with- 
out serious effort to penetrate deeper into it or to integrate it into a single system. 
It is significant that the elder and greater of the two, Zakariya ibn Muh.amm.ad 
al-Qazwmi, has sometimes been called the Muslim Pliny. Al-Qazwlni published 
two large compilations, an encyclopaedia of natural history and a geography, con- 
taining an immense amount of information. However superficial, these books 



728 INTRODUCTION TO THE HISTORY OF SCIENCE [1250-1300] 

must be taken into account because of their influence. In fact if we want to 
measure contemporary knowledge, we cannot do better than to consult them. The 
deeper and more learned publications of such scientists as Nasir al-dln and Qutb 
al-dln could only be appreciated by a very small elite. On the contrary, al- 
Qazwml's represented the average knowledge of the educated man, that is, not 
the knowledge which these men had, but that which was available to them, which 
they could really understand, and of which they readily availed themselves. The 
other cosmographer, Muhammad ibn Ibrahim al-Watwat, was much less known 
and less important. 

The majority of Muslim doctors were interested primarily in theology and in the 
traditions of their faith. Their interest in philosophy was but secondary. To give 
a complete list of these theologians would be useless, but I have selected three of 
them by way of illustration. 

Yahya ibn Sharaf al-Nawawi, who flourished mainly in Damascus, wrote a 
popular textbook on Shafi'ite law, and many- other theological and religious books. 
Al-Baidawl was another Shafi'ite doctor who lived in Persia He was the author 
of a commentary on the Qur'an, which Sunnite Muslims hold in respect almost as 
if it were a holy book. The third of these theologians, Muhammad ibn Muhammad 
al-Tabrizi, is named here because of his commentary on the twenty-five proposi- 
tions summarizing Aristotelian philosophy, which are included in Maimomdes' 
Guide of the perplexed. That commentary, though very valuable, is lost in Arabic ; 
we know it only through Hebrew versions. It is a good example of an Arabic work, 
which the historian of Muslim philosophy may possibly neglect, but which exerted 
a definite influence on Jewish philosophers. 

It would take us too far out of our field to deal with the purely literary produc- 
tions, but a few exceptions may be made. One is the Taif al-khayal (Ghosts of 
the imagination) by Muhammad ibn Daniyal, the only extant specimen of the 
dramatic poetry of mediaeval Islam. It contains curious descriptions of contempo- 
rary types. 

One may discuss the propriety of including this Muhammad ibn Daniyal in my 
survey, but I am sure all will agree that it would be essentially incomplete if the 
two greatest poets of the time were left out. These two poets can be fully appre- 
ciated only by Persian readers, yet they belong to the world literature. The elder, 
Sa'dl, is one of the greatest lyrical poets of all times, and his influence was felt 
not only in the East but all over the West; in the West it was especially great in 
the second half of the eighteenth century. Jalal al-dln al-Rumi, though much 
less known outside of Persia and of the East, is more important from the philosophi- 
cal point of view. He was the greatest Sufi poet of Persia, the greatest writing 
in Persian, even as the Egyptian Ibn al-Farid was the greatest Sufi poet writing in 
Arabic. Incidentally he founded one of the main monastic orders of Islam, the 
order of Mawlawis, or whirling dervishes. A history of science in the thirteenth 
century which did not refer to Sa'dl and Jalal al-dln would scandalize humanistic 
readers as much as a history of Roman science forgetting Lucretius, or a history 
of science in the fourteenth century making no mention of Dante. 

2. Eastern Jews and Samaritans As opposed to Islam, which was going down in 
the West but holding its own in the East, Israel became less and less important in 
the East while growing stronger in the West. Let us consider the weaker, the 
eastern side, of Israel first. 

I could only find three men worth mentioning, none of whom was a fully 



[1250-1300] SURVEY OF SCIENCE AND INTELLECTUAL PROGRESS 729 

orthodox Jew. Indeed the first embraced Islam, the second was a Samaritan, and 
the third a Qaraite ! (The third was the only one writing in Hebrew.) 

The first, Ibn Kammuna, was an Egyptian logician, physician, and alchemist, 
who wrote many philosophical and scientific treatises in Arabic He composed a 
commentary on the Elucidations of Yahya al-Suhrawardi. This Yahya had been, 
a century before, the introducer of the illummistic philosophy (hikmat al-ishraq) 
into the East. It is interesting to find a Jew taking up that kind of mysticism, so 
different from the mysticism of his own people But then Ibn Kammuna was an 
Egyptian Jew to begin with, and he was finally converted to Islam. Soon after his 
Islamization he wrote a book wherein he compared the three great religions of 
Western Asia and Europe. (We have a whole collection of such books written by 
Jews, Christians, and Muslims. A synoptic study of them would be very desirable. 
The best on the Christian side were Ramon Lull's). 

The second, Muwaffaq al-din, a Samaritan of Damascus, was better known as a 
physician, but he wrote a philosophical and theological introduction. Like all the 
Samaritans of that time he wrote m Arabic. 

The third, Aaron ben Joseph, was a Qaraite of Crimean origin who flourished in 
Constantinople. His commentary on the Torah, the Mibhar, is one of the out- 
standing books of Qaraite literature. 

3. Western Jews As opposed to their Eastern brethren, the Western Jews are so 
numerous and a few of them so important that we must break the whole group into 
smaller ones. I shall consider five sub-groups: (a) Spanish; (b) Catalan; (c) 
Provengal; (d) Italian; (e) German. This geographical classification is the most 
expedient, but the reader must bear in mind that it is not absolute. Individuals 
often passed from one group to another, this being especially true with regard to 
the first three between which the exchanges were numerous. 

(a) Spanish Jews. A brief reference to the translators Solomon ibn Ayyub and 
Jacob ibn Abbassi will suffice. Solomon came from Granada, and Jacob from 
Huesca, but both were finally established in Beziers. They translated some of 
Maimonides' works ; Solomon, the Kitab al-fara'id, and Jacob, a part of the Kitab 
al-siraj. Jacob was well acquainted with Greek philosophy but was too orthodox 
to have much confidence in it. 

Shem-tob Ibn Falaquera was more of a philosopher, a disciple and defender of 
Maimomdes and Ibn Rushd, making gallant efforts to harmonize their Aristotelian- 
ism with the Jewish dogmas. His translation of the Yanbu* al-hayat of Ibn 
Gabirol exerted some influence on later philosophers. He wrote a number of 
philosophical treatises, largely derived from Arabic sources, yet independent. 
Isaac Albalag's translation of al-Gazzall's Maqasid al-falasifa was also very in- 
fluential. His own attitude was unusual; he was an Aristotelian and an Averroist, 
but opposed to al-Ghazzali and to Maimonides, whose errors, according to him, 
were due to their imperfect knowledge of Aristotle. The majority of orthodox 
Jews opposed Maimonides because of his Aristotehanism; Isaac opposed him rather 
because of his lack of Aristoteliamsm. 

In contrast to these, we may still mention Isaac Aboab, not a philosopher but 
a popular Talmudist. His Menorat ha-maor is philosophically insignificant, but 
it helped to shape the thoughts of many men and women and to diffuse Talmudic 
lore. 

And finally we have a whole group of Qabbalists continuing the tradition of 
Isaac the Blind and his pupils, Azriel ben Menahem and Asher ben David. Indeed 



730 INTRODUCTION TO THE HISTORY OF SCIENCE [1250-1300] 

the climax of that tradition may be said to have taken place in this time, for the 
greatest book, the bible, of the Qabbala, the Book of splendor (Sef er ha-zohar) was 
very probably compiled by Moses ben Shem-tob of Leon who died in 1305. Like 
other bibles, the Zohar is extremely complex: it contains elements of all kinds and 
all ages down to its own and even later interpolations, but the dominating note 
is mystical. It is an esoterical commentary on the Torah which exerted a very 
deep influence not only on the more mystical of the Jews, the Qabbalists and the 
Hasidim, but it is no exaggeration to say on the whole of Israel. Its immense 
success was due to the fact that it afforded a means of escape to the many Jews 
whose souls could not be satisfied either by the fundamentalism of the orthodox 
rabbis, or by the excessive intellectuahsm of the Averroists and the Maimonideans. 
This integration of all the mystical fancies of the Jews into a single book completed 
the organization of Qabbahsm. The Zohar soon attained a position of authority 
second only to that of the Holy Torah itself. In fact, from the extreme Qabbalistic 
point of view, the Torah could not be properly understood without the Zohar, and 
was thus of much less worth without it. The success of Qabbahsm was magnified 
by the very miseries which the Jews had to bear with, for when life is hard beyond 
endurance one is more tempted to indulge in visions and the more irrational these 
are the better. The Zohar was a source of good and evil; it was the fountain head 
of much generosity and wisdom, but also of considerable nonsense and madness, 
of all the extravagant dreams of the Ghetto. 

It is not our business to judge the Zohar and the Qabbala, but simply to account 
for their appearance and influence as well as we can. Whether good or evil, the 
importance of the Zohar can hardly be exaggerated because the souls of so many 
men were molded by it. Its indirect influence on science was almost entirely bad, 
for it encouraged irrational thoughts and superstitions, and discouraged the use of 
the humbler and safer means of finding and testing the truth. The mediocrity of 
Jewish science is largely due to the abject enthralment of Jewish minds to canonic 
writings; in that respect the Zohar did but complete the task begun by the Bible 
and the Talmud. 

Moses of Leon was not the only Qabbalist of that age. There were quite a few 
others, notably Abraham Abulafia of Saragossa who tried to make Pope Nicholas 
III see the obvious truth of Qabbalism! His was an errant and adventurous life. 
His main disciple was the Castilian, Joseph ben Abraham Giqatilia, or Joseph 
Ba'al ha-nissim (the miracle worker). Still another was Todros Abulafia of Seville. 

(b) Catalan Jews. The Jews of Catalonia were not far behind their brethren of 
Spain. In fact two of them were truly great personalities. 

Moses ben Nahman (or Nahmanides) is perhaps best known because of his public 
disputation on Christianity and Judaism with the apostate Pablo Christian! (Bar^ 
celona, 1263). That disputation, arranged by the Dominicans as a part of their 
anti-Jewish propaganda, could but end in one way, a further condemnation of 
the Talmud and of Israel. Moses himself was exiled; he finally settled in the 
Holy Land, where he composed his main work, a very conservative commentary 
on the Torah, and where he died c. 1270. 

Solomon ben Adret was another venerable leader of the rabbis. We may say 
that Moses and Solomon represented the moderate portion of Judaism, the center 
of it, if we consider the Maimonideans and other "philosophers" as forming the 
left wing, and the Qabbalists as a sort of right wing. Solomon's thoughts are best 
revealed in the abundant responsa written by him in answer to the questions which 



[1250-1300] SURVEY OF SCIENCE AND INTELLECTUAL PROGRESS 731 

reached "the Rabbi of Spain 7 ' from every corner of Israel. He was responsible for 
the translation of Maimonides' commentary on the Mishnah from Arabic into 
Hebrew. He defended Israel with equal vigor against the enemies from without, 
Muslims and Christians, and those from within, rationalists and Qabbalists. 
Under his direction the rabbis of Barcelona went so far in 1305 as to excommunicate 
the young men who studied philosophy and science without professional necessity 
(physicians were allowed to make such studies). In their fear of philosophy and 
lay knowledge, the defenders of Jewish orthodoxy were certainly behind their 
Christian contemporaries. We shall see 7 that the teaching of the whole Aristo- 
telian corpus was already permitted at the university of Paris by 1255. To be sure 
after that date there were still persecutions of Averroism, especially of the more 
radical forms of it, but the Roman Church had made its peace with Aristotle. 
This difference of attitude is doubly symptomatic of the intellectual progress which 
the Christian orthodoxy had made, and which the Jewish orthodoxy had some- 
how failed to make. 

Aaron ha-Levi was a much humbler man, comparable to his Spanish contempo- 
rary Isaac Aboab. His Book of consecration, explaining the precepts of Mosaic 
law, enjoyed a very long popularity. 

Two of the philosophical translators were also Catalans ; Shem-tob ben Isaac of 
Tortosa, and Zerehiah Gracian of Barcelona. They translated Aristotelian and 
other philosophical texts Such men belonged necessarily to the left wing of 
Israel, for it is they who introduced into it the teachings which their rabbis con- 
sidered so full of danger. Their activity implied a strong belief in the value of 
knowledge, and in the insufficiency of dogmas and theological and Talmudic 
commentaries. 

(c) Provengal Jews. (Provencal here refers to Languedoc as well as to 
Provence ) As opposed to the Spanish and Catalan Jews, the Provencal were all 
of them liberal, which shows that our geographical classification goes below the 
surface. 

Two of them were encyclopaedists of the philosophical type. Levi ben Abraham 
ben Hayyim, leader of liberal Judaism in southern France, compiled two scientific 
encyclopaedias, the one in Hebrew verse, the other in prose ; Gershon ben Solomon, 
very probably the father of the more famous Levi ben Gershon, wrote a third work 
of the same kind. The occurrence within the last quarter of the thirteenth 
century of three works answering broadly the same purpose to provide a body of 
scientific information proves that there was a demand for such information 
among the Jews of Provence and Languedoc. Both men are sometimes spoken 
of as Catalan, which is not surprising considering the very close relations between 
Catalonia and southern France. In fact both were connected with Roussillon, 
which was a sort of transition between the two countries. Its main city, Perpignan 
where Gershon is said to have died was the capital of the whole kingdom of 
Majorca as long as the latter existed. Leaving political considerations aside, there 
was a great difference between the spiritual atmosphere of Perpignan and that of 
Barcelona. In my third volume I shall have to deal with a third man of this kind, 
Jedaiah ben Abraham Bedersi, whose most popular work was completed only in 
the fourteenth century. Yet long before the end of the thirteenth century he had 
already written his Book of paradise, an ethical treatise of which the fourth part is 

7 See my note on Aristotelian tradition in the second half of the thirteenth century, at the 
end of the chapter on translations. 



732 INTRODUCTION TO THE HISTORY OF SCIENCE [1250-1300] 

a summary of scientific knowledge. Needless to say, all of these men were ardent 
Maimonideans. 

Two great philosophical translators hailed from the same country: Moses ben 
Tibbon and Jacob ben Mahir. It is not necessary to descant upon them; their 
names speak loud enough. Thanks to these giants, abundant treasures of Greco- 
Arabic knowledge were revealed to the Hebrew reading world. A third translator, 
Solomon ben Moses of Melgueil, though much less important, must be quoted 
because he translated Aristotelian commentaries into Hebrew, not from Arabic 
but from Latin! This illustrates strikingly the counter currents which were 
already playing. 

(d) Italian Jews. Zerahiah Gracian, the translator from Arabic into Hebrew, 
referred to in the Catalan section above, might be counted among the Italians for 
he spent the end of his life in Rome and did there at least a part of his work. Ahitub 
ben Isaac of Palermo translated Maimomdes' logic, fought Qabbahsm, and com- 
posed an ethical poem. 

Hillel ben Samuel of Verona suggested that the growing conflict between Mai- 
monideans and anti-Maimonideans, which was bidding fair to divide western Israel, 
should be submitted for arbitration to a council of eastern rabbis. He was himself 
a staunch Maimonidean. His Tagmule ha-nefesh (Benefits of the soul) is a 
collection of opinions of Greek, Muslim, Jewish, and Christian sages. He was 
a translator from Latin into Hebrew and one of the first Jews to have a direct 
knowledge of Latin scholastic literature. Another symptom of changing times! 

Isaiah ben Elijah of Trani, and Benjamin 'Anav of Rome, were distinguished 
Talmudists; Jehiel 'Anav of Rome was a copyist of Hebrew manuscripts and the 
author of an ethical treatise. He too showed traces of Latin influence. 

This Italian group is small but original. It occupies so to say an intermediate 
position between the rationalists and the fundamentalists, and also and this is 
even more interesting between the Latin and the Arabic worlds. 

(e) German Jews. The main Talmudic authority of Germany was Meir ben 
Baruch of Rothenburg in Bavaria, often called Ma'or ha-golah (The light of the 
exile). 

Abraham ben Alexander of Cologne, a disciple of the German Qabbalist, Eleazar 
of Worms, went to live in Spain. He wrote a treatise wherein German and Spanish 
Qabbahsm are curiously combined. A much younger man, Asher ben Jehiel, who 
had sat at the feet of Meir ben Baruch, was also driven out of his country and after 
long peregrinations finally established himself m Toledo. Like his master he was 
a pure Talmudist opposed to any deviation from the accepted traditions. He threw 
the weight of his learning and authority on the side of fundamentalism, and under 
the cumulative influence of Nahmanides, Solomon ben Adret and his own, Spanish 
Jewry became more and more bigoted. I am running a little ahead of my story in 
speaking of this, for Asher died only in 1327 and remained in Germany until the 
end of the thirteenth century. The account of his life m Spain thus belongs to the 
fourteenth century, but after all he did but complete the work begun by Nah- 
manides and Solomon ben Adret 

Summary of Jewish efforts The activity of the Jews interested in philosophy, or 
opposed to it (which is but another way of being interested), was so considerable 
and so varied that we must stop a moment to survey it in a different way. 

It is not necessary to speak again individually of the translators, though they were 
the real pioneers of progress along the main road. Let us mention only once more 



[1250-1300] SURVEY OF SCIENCE AND INTELLECTUAL PROGRESS 733 

the two greatest ones, two members of the illustrious Tibbonid family, Moses ibn 
Tibbon and Jacob ben Mahir. And also two pioneers of a different kind, Solomon 
ben Moses of Melgueil, and Hillel ben Samuel of Verona, who began the exploita- 
tion of Latin literature. 

Besides the translators, the mam body was made up of Talmudists. Exclusive 
of the Qaraite, Aaron ben Joseph, I counted at least nine distinguished Talmudists: 
Isaac Aboab, Moses ben Nahman, Solomon ben Adret, Aaron ha-Levi, Isaiah ben 
Elijah, Jehiel and Benjamin 'Anav, Meir ben Baruch, and Asher ben Jehiel. These 
are of course the least interesting from our point of view; they did not care for 
science; we cannot care very much for them. 

Then there were a number of mystics. Illuminism was represented by the 
Egyptian, Ibn Kammuna. In the west all the mystical tendencies were swallowed 
up in the Qabbala, and the home of that movement was Spam. The foremost 
mequbbalim were Moses ben Shem-tob of Leon, Abraham and Todros Abulafia, 
and Joseph Giqatiha. And to these we must add Abraham ben Alexander who 
wove together the threads of German and Spanish Qabbalism. 

We now come to what might be called "the philosophical party," "the philoso- 
phers" with almost the same implications as in the eighteenth century, relatively 
speaking. Certain it is that their opponents considered them "radicals," or 
"liberals," or "Bolsheviki," and they were all that if we bear in mind that the 
radicals of one century might easily be mistaken for the conservatives of the next 
one Leaving out the Samaritan, Muwaffaq al-dln, the most distinguished 
philosophers were Shem-tob ibn Falaquera, Isaac Albalag, Levi ben Abraham ben 
Hayyim, Gershon ben Solomon, and Jedaiah ben Abraham Bedersi 

Most of these philosophers were disciples of Maimonides and of Ibn Rushd in 
various proportions, even as the Talmudists were anti-Maimonidean almost to a 
man. This requires qualification To begin with, the Maimonidean strife which 
threatened to disrupt European Jewry was restricted to his philosophical writings. 
There was some discussion also about his rabbinical authority, about his theological 
and Talmudic works, but not half as venomous. In fact the translation of his 
commentary on the Mishnah was promoted by that arch-conservative, Solomon 
ben Adret. All of the translators belonged almost of necessity to the philosophical 
rebellion, except perhaps Jacob ibn Abbassi, who translated a part of that com- 
mentary. In the second place one could be Averroistic without being Maimoni- 
dean; that is, one could oppose Maimonides from other grounds than conservatism; 
this was the case of Isaac Albalag. 

In short, the leaders of Israel were engaged in a three-cornered fight involving 
Talmudism, Greco-Arabic philosophy, and Qabbalism: this implied three major 
conflicts and a great many secondary ones. It could easily be shown that these 
conflicts, representing fundamental tendencies of the human mind, are still con- 
tinuing to-day in various forms. It would have been a thousand pities if one of 
the three parties had completely overcome the two others, even had it been the 
philosophical one which triumphed ultimately, for the human mind would have 
been much poorer. Many of the questions which were then raised needed centuries 
to be cleared, and some are not solved yet. 

4 Western Christendom The Jewish activity of this age was far greater than 
the Muslim, yet it was itself very small as compared with the Christian, Indeed 
this age witnessed the apotheosis of Christian philosophy; it was one of the great 
climaxes in the philosophical evolution of mankind. We shall divide the Christian 



734: INTRODUCTION TO THE HISTORY OF SCIENCE [1250-1300] 

philosophers into seven national or geographical groups (a) Spain; (b) Italy; (c) 
France; (d) Central Europe; (e) the Low Countries; (f) the British Isles; (g) 
Scandinavia. 

(a) Spam. (Meaning the whole peninsula ) The Spanish group was not very 
large but it contains at least three personalities of the first magnitude. 

Peter of Spain, the Portuguese physician who sat in St. Peter's chair for less than 
a year (1276-1277) under the name of John XXI, was one of the leading logicians 
and psychologists of his time. His Summulae logicales was a compendium of logic 
of the whole of it, that is, the older and newer Aristotelian knowledge, and the 
mediocre additions made to it by "modem" philosophers (logica modernorum) 
It was one of the most popular schoolbooks of the Middle Ages, its popularity being 
due as usual not to any transcendent merit, but on the contrary to its practical 
nature and to its conveniently low level, not too far out of the reach of the majority 
of readers. There are a great many manuscripts, editions, and elaborations of it, 
commentaries and translations into Greek and into Hebrew. He was also the 
author of a treatise on psychology, which was far more ambitious and remained 
almost unknown. It includes a history of Greek and Arabic psychology. Peter 
was a moderate, or rather a timid, Aristotelian who developed gradually August^ 
nian tendencies. It was during his pontificate that the bishop of Pans was ordered 
to investigate and to check the philosophical and theological "errors" which were 
then propagated among the students. 

Of Alfonso the Wise I have already spoken. His activity was far more important 
from the mathematical and astronomical point of view than from the philosophical, 
yet it was impossible to do as much as he did without modifying perceptibly the 
"Weltanschauung" of the intellectual elite among his subjects 

Let us now pass to Aragon and Catalonia. The Dominican, Raymond Martin, 
distinguished himself mainly by his controversies against the Jews. He was the 
main organiser of anti- Jewish propaganda in Spain; he caused Hebrew writings to 
be examined and censored, and reached the conclusion that the Talmud was not 
entirely bad and need not be burned completely! His best known work was the 
"Dagger of faith, 77 a dagger pointed against the hearts of Jews and Muslims; many 
parts of it have been identified with passages of St. Thomas' Summa contra gentiles. 
It is not yet quite clear who was the original writer and who the borrower. St. 
Peter Paschal was also a specialist in Christian apologetics, but he was better 
acquainted with Islam than with Israel. Indeed his knowledge of Muslim theology 
and of Arabic literature was very extensive; he may have been one of the channels 
through which Arabic lore reached Dante. 

And we now come to the two greatest men of contemporary Spain or more 
exactly of Catalonia; two men who were among the most arresting personalities of 
the Middle Ages: Arnold of Villanova and Ramon Lull. Both are excellent illus- 
trations of the passage of power from Islam to Christendom, from the Arabic to 
the Latin world, for they had themselves one foot in each. Both, but especially 
the second, were deeply steeped in Arabic lore and letters. 

They had that much in common, but little else. Arnold was an encyclopaedist, 
a social reformer, a visionary. Most of his time was devoted to medicine, astrology, 
and alchemy, but he dabbled in psychology, and every kind of magic attracted him. 
He was an anticlerical theologian, dominated by Joachimite and apocalyptic 
ideas. 

Ramon on the contrary was very orthodox, and though he had an intimate 



[1250-1300] SURVEY OF SCIENCE AND INTELLECTUAL PROGRESS 735 

knowledge of the Muslim and Jewish faiths, he was so profoundly convinced of the 
superiority of his own, and on the other hand he had such confidence in the efficacy 
of logical methods, that he spent part of his life dreaming of the possibility of 
converting unbelievers by purely intellectual efforts. Nor did he simply dream; he 
was full of energy and anxious to transform his dreams into realities. He wrote 
a large number of treatises in many languages, but chiefly in Catalan, explaining 
his ars magna, the great logical art, which would enable one to correlate all knowl- 
edge into a single system of irresistible simplicity and persuasion; at its worst this 
was nonsense, at its best, a crude anticipation of the mathematical logic of our own 
days. He did not restrict himself to theories, but applied his method to as many 
branches of science as he could. He was a true encyclopaedist, not satisfied to 
juxtapose items of knowledge as the above-mentioned Muslim and Jewish writers 
were doing; he must correlate them in every possible way, bind them together by 
innumerable links, integrate them into a single scheme. He had an unquenchable 
thirst for unity an intellectual unity which his faithful heart could not distinguish 
from the religious unity symbolized by Christ. Under the influence of theological 
"tours de force," such as the identification of Trinity with Unity, and of Qabbahstic 
ideas, which were even more marvelous, it is not surprising considering his faith 
and his excessive logical bent that his mind developed in the extraordinary way it 
did. He remains unique in the history of philosophy the model of extreme real- 
ism, the archetype of logical extravagance. 

The Averroistic tendencies of the Parisian scholars are well known to us through 
their condemnation by Stephen Tempier (1277); that Stephen did not succeed in 
checking them is proved by the fact that when Ramon Lull stayed in Paris in 1297, 
then again m 1309-1311, they angered him so that he was roused to indite a whole 
series of anti-Averroistic elucubrations. 

Ramon Lull was not simply orthodox, but passionately so, yet he was so Quixotic 
and peculiar that he was involuntarily pointing the way to various heterodoxies. 
As is usually the case, his followers were inspired by his aberrations rather than by 
his fundamental doctrines, and there grew up after his death a Lullian school or 
Lullian philosophy (Lullism) which came dangerously near to heresy and excited 
violent controversies. As usual also, Lull's thought was enriched with various 
accretions for which he was in no way responsible. 

The striking notes in Ramon's personality were his gentleness and forbearance; 
he was a true brother of St Francis He was perhaps just as restless as Arnold of 
Villanova, but what an abyss between them! Ramon's was the restlessness of 
love, Arnold's the restlessness of defiance; Ramon's spirit was apostolic, Arnold's 
was refractory. Both deserve our admiration, but it is as difficult to love the latter 
as it is easy to love the former. 

(b) Italy. Under King Manfred's patronage philosophical works were trans- 
lated from Greek and Hebrew into Latin. Aristotle's Magna moralia, the Prob- 
lems, and other pseudo-Aristotelian treatises, were translated from the Greek by 
Bartholomew of Messina; the Book of the apple was translated from the Hebrew, 
some said by the king himself. 

The greatest Christian philosopher of the age, the very champion of Christendom, 
St. Thomas Aquinas, hailed also from southern Italy. He was born in Campania 
and received his first education in Monte Cassino and Naples. The task accom- 
plished by him was the study of Aristotelian philosophy (his friend, William of 
Moerbeke, helped him to obtain excellent texts) and its harmonization with the 



736 INTRODUCTION TO THE HISTORY OF SCIENCE [1250-1300] 

Christian dogmas. That is, his purpose was very similar to that of many of the 
Muslim and Jewish philosophers who came before him. To be sure, those had 
tried to harmonize Anstotehanism with other dogmas, but in many cases there 
was no disagreement between them. For example, they all believed in a creation 
ex nihilo, and not in an eternal world. In fact, St. Thomas made considerable use 
of the writings of Muslim philosophers, chiefly al-Ghazzali and Ibn Rushd, and of 
Jewish ones, chiefly Ibn Gabirol and Maimonides. His attitude was essentially 
one of moderation, comparable to al-Ghazzall's, between the extreme Aristotehan- 
ism or Averroism on the one hand and the extreme anti-Aristotehamsm or Scotism 
on the other In the famous altar-piece painted by Francesco Traim for Santa 
Catanna, Pisa (c. 1341-1346), St. Thomas is represented triumphing over heresy 
and especially over Ibn Rushd prostrated at his feet. Now that picture is right to 
a certain extent. St. Thomas' philosophy was a triumph over Averroism, but not 
so much more so than alGhazzali ; s, as far as principles were concerned. The 
completeness of his triumph was due not only to his genius, but also to the political 
supremacy of Christendom over Islam. The hour of Western Europe, of Latindom, 
had finally struck. St Thomas' Summa was the political philosophy of the 
conquerors. This is not said at all in disparagement of St. Thomas, who was by 
general consent a magnificent expositor. It is not surprising that he became the 
mouthpiece of triumphant Christianity, for the vigor, grasp, and clearness of his 
mind have seldom been equalled. Yet the fact remains that he was not the con- 
queror, but the conqueror's mouthpiece. The conqueror was Western Christendom. 

It was a remarkable coincidence that at the very hour of its own glory the Church 
found such an ideal exponent of its thought. However, the perfection of that 
agreement was not realized at once, and was not generally accepted until after a 
protracted struggle, Thomism was an adaptation of Aristotelianism within the 
dogmatic limits of Christianity; its triumph was thus indirectly a triumph for 
Aristotelianism, welcome enough to the Peripatetics, but equally unwelcome to 
their adversaries. It satisfied the minds of the Dominicans, not only because St. 
Thomas was one of them, but because they were instinctively Aristotelians; it 
grated upon the hearts of the gentler Franciscans, not because St. Thomas belonged , 
to the other Order, not at all, but because they were instinctively Platonists. 
However, the church militant realized, as soon as its need of him arose, that St 
Thomas had considerably strengthened its structure. Centuries later, when it 
had to weather the terrible crisis of the Reformation, it realized its need and St. 
Thomas' strength even more acutely During the council of Trent the Summa 
theologica was kept upon the altar together with the Bible. A whole series of 
encyclics have consecrated St. Thomas' victory, and his philosophy may be said 
to be the official philosophy of the Roman Catholic Church. It is remarkable 
enough that a philosopher of the second half of the thirteenth century should be the 
guide of a great part of Western Christendom to this day, but such is the fact, and 
the historian of science must bear it in mind. 

Another Italian a Tuscan St. Bonaventure, represented the other pole of 
thought. He was a Franciscan and became one of the generals of his order; he 
was naturally a Platonist and a mystic. It is the St. Thomases who have built 
the church, who have built everything in the world, yet this does not mean either 
that the mystics were unwanted or that they ever lacked a following. The St. 
Thomases and the St. Bonaventures are like the Marthas and Marys of philosophy. 
Our minds may prefer the former, and our hearts the latter, but if we be endowed 



[1250-1300] SURVEY OF SCIENCE AND INTELLECTUAL PEOGBESS 737 

at once with good brains and loving hearts we are very embarrassed to choose 
between them. And why should we? 

St. Bonaventure and St. Thomas died in the same year, 1274, at about the same 
age, the former being a little over fifty, the latter a little below. We might com- 
pare with them and place in their company, if not on the same level, a much younger 
man, Giles of Rome. Giles really belongs to the following generation; as he 
was born some twenty years later and lived twenty years longer, he survived them 
by more than forty years. Yet the best of his work was done before the end of the 
thirteenth century. He was neither a Dominican nor a Franciscan, but an Augusti- 
man hermit; an ardent if eclectic Thomist, fighting like his master for the middle 
doctrine against the overbold Averroists on the one side, and against the timid 
anti-Thomists on the other. He composed many Aristotelian commentaries and a 
classification of knowledge, which was the last original contribution of its kind in 
mediaeval times 

We may now pass to a group of men who, from the philosophical point of view at 
least, were far less important. 

First, two encyclopaedists of that popular type with which we are already familiar : 
Ser Brunetto Latini, a Florentine, wrote his main work, Li livres dou tresor, in 
French (c. 1266). A little later (c 1282) another Tuscan, Ristoro d'Arezzo, wrote 
an encyclopaedic treatise in Italian, Delia composizione del mondo colle sue cagioni. 
It should be noted that Brunetto wrote in Italian, as well as in French; he composed 
in the former language a short encyclopaedic poem, the Tesoretto, and translated 
Cicero's Rhetoric into it. Both writers, but especially Brunetto, had derived a 
substantial part of their knowledge from Arabic sources. That knowledge it must 
be admitted was mediocre and largely out of date, yet the Arabic part of it was on 
the whole the best. Brunetto had visited the courts of Toledo and Seville as an 
ambassador from Florence. He was Dante's teacher or guide and may have been 
the instrument, or one of the instruments, of Dante's familiarity with Muslim lore. 

The astrologer, Bartholomew of Parma, was the author of the most elaborate 
treatise on geomancy of that age (a poor distinction), and of a Philosophia Boetii 
derived from the Trepl 5i5deooz' of William of Conches, Finally Taddeo Alderotti 
and Peter of Abano applied the methods of scholastic philosophy to the teaching 
of medicine Taddeo was at once a physician, a philosopher and a humanist. He 
introduced the Aristotelian ethics to Italian readers. With Peter we shall deal 
more fully in volume 3, for his main works, the Conciliator and the Lucidator, date 
only from the beginning of the fourteenth century. 

Compare the philosophical contributions of Italy during the second half of the 
thirteenth century with those of the first half of the same century The contrast 
is enormous. Frederick II was obliged to surround himself with foreigners Greeks, 
Muslims, Jews, or Christians hailing from distant countries, like Michael Scot. 
After 1250 the situation is reversed. Some of the leading teachers of the day were 
Italians and they were called to teach beyond the Alps. St. Bonaventure, Giles 
of Rome, and Brunetto Latini lived m France, St. Thomas has remained to this 
day one of the great world teachers. 

(c) France. The French situation was less brilliant than the Italian in spite of 
the fact that the University of Paris was undoubtedly the main philosophical 
center of Christendom. That university was exceedingly cosmopolitan, and not 
only many of the students but many of the teachers were foreigners. 

The most notable Frenchman was Vincent of Beauvais, not properly a philoso- 



738 INTRODUCTION TO THE HISTORY OF SCIENCE [1250-1300] 

pher, but an encyclopaedist. The encyclopaedic knowledge accumulated by him 
in his Speculum mams was not of a very high quality, nor even up-to-date, but its 
immensity was very impressive His position as tutor and librarian to the royal 
family gave Mm an extraordinary opportunity of reaching and using abundant 
sources, and he improved it to the limit The Speculum remained for^ centuries 
the equivalent of our modern encyclopaedias; the first printed edition of it, a set of 
seven enormous folio volumes, was by far the largest incunabula. 

While the gigantic size of Vincent's work had some advantages it exerted a 
sort of mass action it also had a great disadvantage in that it restricted its circu- 
lation. Very few institutions could afford to own a copy of it ; very few individuals 
had enough intellectual curiosity to need such an instrument and sufficient mental 
training to use it. Therefore the Speculum failed to answer the encyclopaedic 
purpose except for a very small elite. The rank and file of educated people and 
even of scholars needed humbler works better adapted to their needs. For though 
very few had enough curiosity for a Speculum, there is no doubt that the intellectual 
curiosity of the clerks and even of the people was constantly increasing. 

We know that their cunosity was increasing, because more and more books were 
published to gratify it. From the supply we may to some extent deduce the de- 
mand. The outstanding example of a popular encyclopaedia was John of Meung's 
continuation of the Romance of the Rose. Not less remarkable than its contents 
was its tone, John of Meung was not writing for lords and ladies, as his predeces- 
sor William of Lorris, but for burghers like himself, practical people who wanted 
facts rather than fancies. Needless to say, John wrote in French, 

Other types of philosophical activity were represented by the following scholars. 
Robert of Sorbon, the founder of the Sorbonne, wrote a few treatises on ethical 
and theological subjects. The Franciscan mechanician, Peter Ohvi, discussed a 
number of philosophical problems in the form of "questions" and commentaries on 
the Books of Sentences. Ohvi was an original and well informed thinker, inclined 
to radicalism. He was opposed to Thomism but also to some extent to neo-Platon- 
ifim. His disciple, Peter de Trabibus, was also anti-Thomist. Armengaud, son 
of Blaise, who flourished at Montpellier, translated the pseudo-Galenic Economy 
from the Arabic. This was what might be called a domestic encyclopaedia, dealing 
not only with domestic economy as we understand it, but as well with the hygiene 
of body and soul. Peter of Auvergne, bishop of Clermont, wrote Aristotelian 
commentaries in the Thomist vein. 

This Peter was the only distinguished Thomist among the contemporaries of his 
own nationality. To be sure, Vincent of Beauvais was acquainted with some of 
St. Thomas' writings, but he was not in any sense a Thomist. The third part of 
his Speculum quadruplex, the Speculum morale, was an abridgment of St. Thomas' 
Summa, but it was not composed by Vincent, nor in the latter's lifetime; it dates 
only from the first quarter of the fourteenth century and its author is unknown. 

(d) Central Europe. Even !as the cultural life of France was dominated by 
Vincent of Beauvais, the gigantic personality of Albert the Great was by far the 
most conspicuous among the Germans. My comparison with Vincent is perhaps 
not entirely fair to Albert. They had much in common: they belonged to the 
same order, that of the Friar Preachers, and were excellent symbols of it ; both had 
a passion for encyclopaedic knowledge, yet Albert was by far the better philosopher 
and the greater scientist. Or let us say more simply that Albert was a real philoso- 
pher and a genuine scientist, while Vincent was neither the one nor the other. 



[1250-1300] SURVEY OF SCIENCE AND INTELLECTUAL PROGRESS 739 

Hence Albert's learning, if not vaster than Vincent's, was deeper. Much, of 
Vincent's knowledge had accumulated by sheer juxtaposition; Albert's was the 
result of a process of gradual intussusception and organic synthesis But this 
must not be exaggerated ; it is only by contrast with Vincent that Albert looks like a 
philosopher In fact he was too eclectic, too eager for fresh information on every 
subject; in a sense he was more of a scientist than of a philosopher. He wrote a 
whole series of Aristotelian commentaries wherein he inserted a fair amount of new 
facts; he was one of the main instruments for the diffusion of the Greco- Arabic 
knowlege which had been made recently available to Latin readers. 

There is but little to say of his German contemporaries. Hermann the German, 
who flourished in Spain and southern Italy, translated some of al-Farabfs and 
Ibn Rushd's commentaries from Arabic into Latin. Ulnch of Strassburg wrote 
commentaries on Aristotelian and pseudo-Aristotelian writings. His scientific 
knowledge was derived from his master, Albert, and so was his philosophy, with 
perhaps increased leanings toward neo-Platomsm. 

I have already mentioned two Dominicans, Albert and Ulrich. A third, Theodoric 
of Freiberg, belongs rather to the following century, for his main work on optics, 
one of the most important physical works of the Middle Ages was only completed 
after 1304. Yet he must be named, for his life covered almost the whole of the 
period now under consideration. These German Dominicans were remarkably 
akin in their philosophic eclecticism; they managed to combine St. Thomas 7 dog- 
matism with varying doses of neo-Platomsm. 

Theodoric calls to mind another optician, the Silesian Witelo. Whether this 
Witelo must be called a Pole or a Thuringian may be of great concern to German or 
Polish nationalists, but is relatively indifferent to others. He resided for many 
years in Paris and Italy, but finally returned to his country where he did his main 
work and spent the balance of his life. He was influenced by William of Moerbeke, 
whose philosophical views he shared. These were also largely impregnated with 
neo-Platonism. 

The main characteristic of German philosophy was its inherent mysticism. It 
is typical enough that even the Dominicans and Thomists among them, even the 
most scientifically minded, were more or less fascinated by neo-Platonic conceits. 

(e) Low Countries Though the Low Countries did not produce any giant 
comparable to St Thomas, Albert the Great, Roger Bacon, or even Vincent of 
Beauvais, they could boast a number of personalities remarkable alike for their 
merit and their great diversity. 

To begin with, there were two neo-Platomsts : the Flemish Dominican, William 
of Moerbeke, who seems to have been the main inspirer of that movement we 
might almost call it a neo-Platonic revival; and Henry Bate of Malines, whose 
Speculum divinorum et quorundam naturalium was an encyclopaedia of Aristo- 
telian knowledge strongly tinged with neo-Platonism. 

One of the leaders of the Averroistic radicals in Paris was Siger of Brabant, whose 
brilliant and tumultuous career was brutally cut short by murder in Umbria. 
The condemnation pronounced by the bishop of Paris m 1277 was chiefly directed 
against him and Boetius of Denmark. The main adviser of the bishop in that 
circumstance was another Belgian, Henry of Ghent. Siger and Henry were engaged 
in the same activity, the interpretation of the new Aristotle, but while the former 
enjoyed pointing out the incompatibilities between reason and faith, the latter 
would explain the difficulties away in the name of orthodoxy. The former was a 
troublemaker, the other an adept in theological legerdemain. 



740 INTRODUCTION TO THE HISTORY OF SCIENCE [1250-1300] 

Then we have two Thomists, the Dominican Giles of Lessines, and Godfrey of 
Fontaines. Giles wrote a treatise m defense of St. Thomas' theory of unity of 
substantial form. Godfrey was a member of the Sorbonne, more independent in 
his thinking than the Dominicans; like Giles of Rome, he did not hesitate to pro- 
test against the anti-Thomist tendencies of the bishop of Paris. 

Finally, a great popular encyclopaedist, Jacob ofMaerlant, who did for the 
Dutch-speaking people what John of Meung was doing for the French-speaking 
ones, and considerably more. He translated into Flemish, among other things, the 
natural history of Thomas of Cantimpre, the Historia scolastica of Peter the Eater, 
and the Speculum historiale of Vincent of Beauvais. His general attitude was 
very similar to that of John of Meung contempt of chivalresque romance and 
lies, love of prosaic truth. 

(f) The British Isles. The distinction achieved by the British school of philoso- 
phers in the twelfth century and in the first half of the thirteenth continued, and 
reached a magnificent climax in this and the following periods with Roger Bacon 
and later with William of Occam. While the glory of Italian, French, and German 
philosophy was largely bound up with that of the Dominican Order, it was almost 
entirely to the Franciscans that England owed its own philosophical fame. 

This does not mean that the English Dominicans did not count at all, but they 
were comparatively of little importance. It is interesting to recall that it was an 
Irishman, Petrus de Hibernia, who was St. Thomas' teacher "in naturahbus" at the 
University of Naples c 1241; it is also interesting to know that this Peter had 
Averroistic leanings. Perhaps his teaching helped St. Thomas to crystallize his 
own thoughts in the opposite direction? The only distinguished English Domini- 
can of this time was Robert Kilwardby. It is typical enough of British singularity 
that this Dominican assumed an anti-Thomist attitude. While he was archbishop 
of Canterbury he took pains to obtain the condemnation of sundry Thomist ideas 
by the University of Oxford. He wrote various philosophical commentaries, a 
treatise on the unity of forms, and another on the subdivision of knowledge. This 
last named one was superior to the one written a little later by Giles of Rome under 
Thomist influence. 

All of the other men were Franciscans. The very founder of the Oxford Francis- 
can school, Adam Marsh, lived until about 1257; and the greatest Franciscan 
teacher of the first generation, Robert Grosseteste, did also witness the beginning 
of this period for he died only in 1253. 

Thomas of York wrote a metaphysical treatise which is of historical significance 
because it was anterior to St. Thomas' Aristotelian commentaries, and was in fact 
the earliest original Latin synthesis posterior to the Latin assimilation of Muslim 
and Jewish philosophy. John Peckham, who succeeded Robert Kilwardby in the 
see of Canterbury the first Franciscan archbishop following the first Dominican 8 
is more famous as an optician than as a philosopher. He wrote many commen- 
taries and theological treatises, and took up the cudgels for the mendicant orders 
against their enemies, whose mouthpiece was William of Saint Amour. He in- 
cluded the Dominicans in his defense, and at the beginning of his career showed 
some generosity to St. Thomas; yet he was gradually drawn into the Thomist 
controversy and when he became archbishop continued Kilwardby 's anti-Thomist 
policy. St. Thomas had made great efforts to follow the middle path between 

8 Their immediate predecessor, Boniface of Savoy (Bordfacius de Sabaudia) ; archbishop 
from 1240 to 1270, was a Carthusian 



[1250-1300] SURVEY OF SCIENCE AND INTELLECTUAL PROGRESS 741 

fundamentalism on the one side and radicalism on the other. But one man's 
middle path will not answer for another. What the Thomists considered modera- 
tion was already a kind of unwarranted radicalism in the eyes of such men as 
Kilwardby and Peckham and they tried to break a new middle path between the 
older scholasticism on the right and Thomism on the left. 

The manifesto of Franciscan opposition to Thomism, Correctorium fratris 
Thomae, was written by William de la Mare of Oxford, and at the Franciscan 
chapter held at Strassburg in 1282 the brethren were warned not to read St. Thomas 7 
Summa, if they must read it at all, without William's explanation. Needless to 
say, William's Correctorium, or Corruptonum as the Dominicans preferred to call 
it, did not remain unchallenged; it was but the beginning of a long polemic between 
the two orders. 

William of Ware's commentaries are interesting because of their dependence on the 
Moreh ha-nebukrm of Maimomdes. This may serve to illustrate the complexities 
of contemporary Aristoteliamsm, and enable us to appreciate the endless misunder- 
standings to which the conflicting Aristotelian traditions could not but lead. 
Another curious case was that of Richard of Middleton presumably English 
whose eclecticism was extended to the point of including a modicum of Thomism. 
Probably Richard meant also to find the "middle path." His name, Ricardus de 
Media Villa, was peradventure a misreading of Media via? 

And thus do we finally reach the two outstanding men of the group, Roger Bacon 
and Duns Scot, both brothers in St. Francis, otherwise as unlike as possible. 

It would not seem necessary to say much of the former, for he is one of the best 
known mediaeval personalities, one of the very few with whom educated people 
are more or less familiar in spite of the "darkness" of his times. Unfortunately 
the popular conception of him is, if not altogether legendary, incorrect in many 
respects. For example, he is often thought of as a martyr. Now it is quite possible 
that he was punished in his old age for the independence and indiscipline of his 
views and the causticity of his remarks (bear in mind that he was not a free man 
but a common soldier in the Franciscan army), but this is not proved, and his 
disappearance after 1278 would admit of other explanations. On the other hand, 
an extraordinary opportunity was opened to him in 1266 when he was invited 
by Clement IV to prepare a complete statement of his views. Could a better proof 
be given of the prestige which was then already attached to him? Was any other 
philosopher ever honored in the same way? As opposed to Lull, Bacon's interest 
and confidence in logic were mediocre, but he shared his Catalan brother's belief 
in the necessity and possibility of converting heathens by peaceful means. This 
may seem a small matter to modern readers, but it required more imagination and 
charity in Lull's and Bacon's time than we can conceive to-day, and indeed these 
two were almost alone among their contemporaries to combine religious zeal with 
so much gentleness. Mind you, it is far more difficult to be tolerant when one is 
absolutely convinced of the Superiority of one's own faith, as they certainly were. 

Bacon was a Platonist and an anti-Thomist, and yet as genuine an encyclopae- 
dist as his Dominican rivals. He was of course far less systematic, but his passion 
for unified knowledge was equal to theirs. He realized the need of getting at the 
facts and of reading the fundamental texts in the original languages ; he was one 
of the first to vindicate the experimental spirit and to appreciate the practical 
utility of knowledge. This must seem very strangejn our days, when the majority 
of people cannot be persuaded to obtain any knowledge unless its immediate useful- 



742 INTRODUCTION TO THE HISTORY OF SCIENCE [1250-1300] 

ness is shown to them. We must make continuous efforts to persuade them that 
much knowledge which does not pay and perhaps never will, is yet worth having. 
In the Middle Ages, it would have been more necessary to prove that knowledge 
had material as well as spiritual utility. Bacon was one of the first to see that. 

As compared with St. Thomas, Bacon was hardly a philosopher, but he was a 
seer, which is much rarer and perhaps better. He had no very definite philosophy, 
but a method, and rightly or wrongly, modern scientists feel more strongly attracted 
to him than to any other mediaeval thinker. They are conscious of a certain 
kinship with him. He was groping for the very method which they have been 
exploiting ever since with such prodigious fortune. It is possible that they idealize 
him. Bacon's spirit was a curious mixture of experimentahsm with fundamental- 
ism, of scientific positivism with mysticism. Like his own personality, it was full 
of mystery, and invited misunderstandings and legends. Thus did it happen that 
Bacon became to the scientifically minded a symbol of the best mediaeval thought, 
so to say the mediaeval prophet of modern science, and at the same time, to the 
unthinking people, a wonderworker, a rationalist, a reformer and a martyr! 

The realism and mysticism of the Franciscan school were developed beyond 
measure by Duns Scotus, in revolt against the growing Aristotelianism and matter- 
of-factness of the age. Among the Muslim and Jewish philosophers, Duns was 
especially influenced by Ibn Gabirol, whose tendencies were magnified by him and 
even more so by his pupils. His main work, the Opus oxoniense, seems to have 
been completed only in the first years of the following century, and at any rate the 
full force of the reaction launched by him was hardly felt before that century; but 
we must deal with him right now and bear in mind that the seeds of Scotism were 
sown at the very time when Bacon was nursing the experimental spirit, and the 
Dominicans were establishing the dogmatic theology of St. Thomas. Duns Scot 
became the standard bearer of the Franciscan opposition to Thomism, of the waxing 
impatience with Aristotelianism and intellectualism. The law of the equality of 
action and reaction is just as true in the spiritual as in the material world. One of 
the results of the Scotist revolt was to increase the reaction against theology and 
thus to prepare the liberation of philosophical and scientific thought from ecclesias- 
tical bondage. 

(g) Scandinavia The only Scandinavian worth mentioning was Boetius of Dacia, 
who was, together with Siger of Brabant, one of the leaders of Averroism in Paris 
It is curious that these two radicals, the leaders of the extreme left in the great 
French University, were both of them foreigners, the one a Belgian, the other a 
Dane. They were promptly suppressed and disappeared mysteriously: Siger 
was assassinated in Orvieto; about Boetius we know nothing definite. According 
to Peckham, he came to a miserable end in Italy (but this may be due to a confusion 
with Siger) ; it is possible that he took refuge and found oblivion in the Dominican 
order. 9 

Summary of Christian work in the West The amount of work accomplished by 
Christians in western Europe was at once so enormous and so diversified that, lest 
our readers be confused, we must summarize it and indicate the mam drifts. 

For the sake of clearing the ground, let us first refer to the Aristotelian transla- 
tions which were continued and completed. I have already dealt with them 
sufficiently. Some other translations which now became available to Latin readers 

9 He is mentioned in a catalogue of Dominican writers of the thirteenth century. See 
Pierre Mandonnet: Siger de Brabant (Les philosophies beiges, vol. 6, 228, 1911) . . 



[1250-1300] SURVEY OF SCIENCE AND INTELLECTUAL PROGRESS 743 

should be briefly mentioned. Proclos' writings were translated directly from the 
Greek by William of Moerbeke. The Aristotelian tradition was unfortunately 
contaminated by a number of spurious works, and as always the adulterated goods 
tended to attract more attention than the purer ones. Thus the Sirr al-asrar found 
a new circle of readers in Spanish, and the Sefer ha-tappuah was translated from 
the Hebrew into Latin. The stories of Kalila wa Dimna were translated at once 
from the Arabic and from the Hebrew. 

To return to Aristotle, the teaching of the whole Aristotelian corpus was finally 
permitted by the Paris faculty soon after the middle of the century. In this 
respect western Christendom was far ahead, as a body, of Islam and even of Israel, 
and perhaps nothing shows more clearly the change which had taken place in the 
relative position of the three faiths than this, the official reception of Aristotle by 
Christendom, in contrast with its continued rejection by the more conservative 
Jewish and Muslim theologians. 

This does not mean that the fight about Aristotle came to an end, far from it, 
but it took a different nature. The boundary between conservatism and liberalism 
was definitely moved toward the left. The anti- Aristotelians were now divided 
into two groups, a very large one opposing the extreme Aristotelians or Averroists, 
and a much smaller one whose antagonism to Penpateticism was so strong that 
they could not even stand it in the Christian garb of Thomism 

The leaders of the Averroistic radicals were Siger of Brabant and Boetius of Dacia, 
and their main opponents among many, Stephen Tempier, Thomas Aquinas, and 
Ramon Lull. In fact, everybody was against them. That struggle was so unequal 
at least in the thirteenth century that it lacks interest. 

Thomism did not attain its full strength until the following century. To be sure 
as early as 1278 it was already the official doctrine of the Dominican Order, but 
the opposition then was intense and not by any means restricted to Franciscan 
rivalry. I would say that Thomism did not come of age, as far as its influence was 
concerned, until the council of Vienne in 1311-1312, when St. Thomas was signifi- 
cantly called "doctor communis." 

Among the earliest defenders of St. Thomas I would quote Peter of Auvergne, 
Giles of Lessines, Godfrey of Fontaines, and perhaps Henry of Ghent (three Belgians 
out of four!). I say perhaps, because Henry was very conservative, too conserva- 
tive in fact to be partisan to a new doctrine, even if that doctrine happened to be, 
as it was, a triumph of moderation. On the whole it would be better to place him 
within the group of eclectic philosophers, timid Aristotelians with Augustinian 
tendencies, who observed a kind of benevolent neutrality between St. Thomas and 
his adversaries. This was a much larger group, and withal more distinguished, 
than that of the open Thomists. I would count among them Peter of Spain, 
Giles of Rome, Ulrich of Strassburg, Theodoric of Freiberg, Witelo, William of 
Moerbeke, Henry Bate, Richard of Middleton, even Roger Bacon. At first sight 
the success of Thomism seems to have been very slow in coming, but on reflection 
one realizes that it was, all considered, as rapid as it could be. Such a doctrine 
appealed more strongly to the more conservative, that is, to the more timid; we 
could hardly expect it to be received with wild cheers. Moderation is a beautiful 
thing but it is difficult to grow enthusiastic about it. The final victory of Thomism 
was partly due to the fact that it was accepted rather slowly, with diffidence, and 
without enthusiasm. Thanks to that tardiness, the triumph, when it finally came, 
excited less jealousy and was even taken for granted. 



744 INTRODUCTION TO THE HISTORY OF SCIENCE [1250-1300] 

If we leave out of account the lukewarm adherents of whom I have just spoken, 
the group of Thomists was certainly far less considerable than that of their frank 
adversaries. They had against them to begin with a splendid body of Franciscan 
Platonists: St. Bonaventure, Thomas of York, John Peckham, William de la Mare, 
William of Ware, Duns Scot! Then many others, like Peter Ohvi and Peter de 
Trabibus, Stephen Tempier, and even the Dominican, Robert Kilwardby. Is 
it not clear that Thomism would have been hopelessly defeated but for its cautious 
friends who appeared gradually as the storm abated? 

Though the three-cornered fight between the Averroists, Thomists, and old- 
fashioned scholastics was the main contest of the age, there were many other 
intellectual streams which we shall now briefly consider. There were occultists 
like Arnold of Villanova, Ramon Lull, Bartholomew of Parma, and Bacon , logicians, 
like Peter of Spain and Lull; psychologists, like Peter of Spam again and St. 
Thomas; medical scholastics, like Taddeo Alderotti and Peter of Abano; encyclo- 
paedists, like Ristoro d'Arezzo, Brunetto Latini, Lull, John of Meung, Jacob of 
Maerlant, Vincent of Beauvais, Albert the Great, and Roger Bacon This last 
group is particularly impressive, and it is significant of changing tunes, of growing 
democracy, that the majority of them did not write in Latin but in their own ver- 
naculars -Italian, French, Catalan, and Dutch. We need not insist upon them 
now for we shall have to come back to them many times. 

A group even more impressive was formed by what might be called the ' 'experi- 
mentalists," the men who were beginning to conceive, however vaguely, the method 
and the spirit of experimental science : Arnold of Villanova, Lull, Peter of Spain, 
Peter Olivi, Peter the Stranger, Villard of Honnecourt, John Peckham, Albert the 
Great, Roger Bacon, and many others. For example, every great physician was 
intuitively an experimentalist, and at this age of mankind their intuitions were 
becoming more explicit. This movement was too slow and too imperceptible to 
attract attention; it is only now that we are able to realize its importance retro- 
spectively. It is paradoxical enough that the main exponent of that new method, 
the main prophet of modern science, was not an Aristotelian but a Platonist, not 
a Dominican or a layman, but a brother of St. Francis, Roger Bacon! These are 
the surprises of history, the spice of life ! 

Some of these remarks would apply as well to the non-Christian philosophers. 
For example, the experimental spirit was showing signs of growth in Islam. In 
any case we must not think of Christendom as separated from the East. On the 
contrary, its final hegemony was largely due to its dependence upon eastern sources. 
Christendom was seeing further than Islam, for the simple reason that it was 
standing on its shoulders. St. Thomas was leaning on Ibn Sina, Ibn Rushd, 
Maimomdes, al-Ghazzali; Duns Scot on Ibn Gabirol; Lull on al-Gbazzali and 
perhaps on Ibn 'Arabi; Siger and Boetius on Ibn Rushd; William of Ware on 
Maimonides, etc. This is so true that the story of Averroism, Avicennism, Avice- 
bronism, or Maimonidism, cannot be told completely without reference to Christen- 
dom. These stories are not simply chapters of the Muslim or Jewish past, but of 
the whole human past. 

The connection between East and West was established also in another oppo- 
site way. Muslims, Christians, and Jews were keenly aware of the differences 
between their faiths and philosophies, and some of them devoted the best of their 
time and energy to the explanation of those differences and of their own superiority. 
Thus we have a vast apologetic literature written by Muslims like Ibn Kammuna, 



[1250-1300] SURVEY OF SCIENCE ANT> INTELLECTUAL PROGRESS 745 

by Jews like Solomon ben Adret, but chiefly by Christians for they were and have 
remained the foremost propagandists like Raymond Martin, St. Peter Paschal, 
Ramon Lull, and Ricoldo di Monte Croce. These writings are not simply of 
religious but of philosophical interest because they truly reveal the "Weltanschau- 
ung" of the authors. A comparative study of them would be well worth 
undertaking. 

5. Eastern Christendom Though the total contributions of the eastern Christians 
were insignificant as compared with those of their western brethren, we shall divide 
them into three groups: (a) Greeks; (b) Syrians; (c) Armenians. In a way the 
subdivision is more natural and more needed than in the case of Western Christen- 
dom, because these subgroups represent totally different cultures, separated from 
one another by their language as well as by their political and ecclesiastical 
institutions. 

(a) Greeks. Theodoros II Lascaris, emperor of Nicaea until his premature death 
in 1258, was a distinguished humanist and much might have been expected from 
him had he been permitted to live longer. He wrote treatises on the unity of 
nature and on Christian theology. He explains the unity of nature by the ancient 
theory of the four elements out of which everything is made. 

Nicephoros Blemmydes, who had frequented the court of Nicaea but had already 
withdrawn from it into a monastery before Theodoros 7 accession, wrote various 
textbooks, one of them on logic. He was an encyclopaedist, but on a very humble 
scale. 

The Byzantine writers of whom I shall speak presently were all 10 associated with 
the Palaeologoi who occupied the throne of Constantinople after the fall of the 
Latin empire in 1261. Manuel Holobolos, secretary to the first Palaeologos, 
Michael VIII, was a logician; he wrote a commentary on the first book of the Prior 
Analytics and distinguished himself by translating Boetius' logical treatises into 
Greek ! Just think of that ' Aristotelian logic, one of the immortal creations of 
the Greek genius, was now retransmitted to the Greek speaking people after having 
been filtered through the mind of a decadent Roman! This does not mean that 
the Greek text was not available to them, but rather that it was intellectually 
beyond their reach Paraphrases of it and of other Aristotelian treatises were 
composed at about this time by one Sophomas, otherwise unknown. 

The two leading humanists and scholars were Georgios Pachymeres and Maximos 
Planudes. Pachymeres wrote, among many other books, a summary of Aristo- 
telian philosophy and a manual dealmg with the four branches of the quadrivium. 
His main work, a chronicle of contemporary events, was full of the theological 
discussions which were then dominating and sterilizing Byzantine thought. 

The study of Latin philosophy begun by Holobolos was continued, with more 
vigor and efficiency, by Planudes. He introduced to the Greek world Cato the 
Censor, Ovid, Cicero, Caesar, Donatus, Augustine, and Boetius' Consolation. He 
may possibly be the author or co-author of a Greek version of St. Thomas' Summa. 
What better proof could one ask for of the growing prestige of the Latin culture? 
The Latin-speaking people upon whom the Greeks had looked down not so long 
ago with so much contempt were now considered as equals. I hasten to add that 
the Greeks who felt that way were but very few in number. The great majority 
were far too bitter against the Roman church and the Latin people to judge them 
with any indulgence or equity, let alone to want to read their books or submit 

10 Except perhaps Sophonias, about whom we know almost nothing. 



746 INTRODUCTION TO THE HISTORY OF SCIENCE [1250-1300] 

themselves to their evil influence in any way. Planudes' interest in Latindom was 
exceptional; it was due to the fact that he had been the ambassador of Andromcos 
II in Venice and had thus learned to know and appreciate western achievements. 
Nevertheless it was very significant; we may think of it as an opening wedge pre- 
paring greater events in the future. To most scholars Planudes is best known as 
the compiler of Greek anthologies, but from a higher point of view his decanting 
Latin thought into Greek vessels was far more weighty. 

(b) Syrians. The parallel development of two Synac literatures, the one Mono- 
physitic, the other Nestorian, continued in this period, which was practically the 
last one. There were still a few Syriac writers in the following century, but they 
were insignificant. The two Syriac authors with whom we shall deal presently were 
truly the last to be of any scientific or philosophical importance, and by a strange 
turn of fate one of them was by far the greatest Syriac writer of all times. 

Abu-1-Faraj, a Jacobite priest who reached the dignity of mafrian, was not only 
a great Syriac writer, but one of the outstanding personalities of the Middle Ages. 
If a great man could save a language, certainly Syriac would have been preserved, 
thanks to the genius of this son of a Jew, who surpassed all the Syrians in the use 
of their own language. To be sure literary genius lends dignity to a language and 
gives to it a kind of immortality, but it cannot affect the social and economic 
circumstances which are the only causes of popularity. No amount of individual 
genius could give life to a language which is dying. The most lively of the Syrians 
were speaking Arabic, which has continued to be their main language to this day. 
Before long it was necessary to translate some of Abu-1-Faraj 7 s works into Arabic 
to make them available to his own people ! He was a scientist as well as a philoso- 
pher and a theologian, and his abundant writings constitute a sort of encyclopaedia 
of Syriac knowledge. In that respect they are very useful to us, for after having 
consulted them we can say with some confidence, the Jacobite Syrians knew this; 
they did not know that. Abu-1-Faraj composed many theological treatises. His 
philosophical works were essentially paraphrases of the Aristotelian corpus available 
to him in Arabic. 

His Nestorian contemporary, 'Abhd-isho' bar Berlkha, was somewhat younger; 
he had hardly been appointed bishop of Smjar when Abu-1-Faraj died (1286); 
he himself died only in 1318. 'Abhd-isho* was a much smaller man than Abu-1- 
Faraj, but his relation to the Nestorian community was very similar to the latter's 
relation to the Jacobites He was their spiritual purveyor; his main business, of 
course just as in Abu-1-Faraj's case was to provide them with sound theological 
doctrine and ecclesiastical information, but he also tried to convey to them the 
secrets of Greek philosophy, that is, as much of them as was safe for them to know. 
The Nestorians were not more able to hold to their sacred language (except for 
purely liturgical purposes) than the Monophysites, and some of 'Abhd-isho l7 s 
writings had soon to be translated into Arabic. In fact he translated one of them 
himself. 

The very fact that Syriac literature came to an end soon afterwards, diminishes 
its value considerably for the historian of civilization who is not especially interested 
in the Syrians for themselves, because it means that the Syriac road led nowhere 
and was simply a blind alley. In a briefer survey it might almost be disregarded. 

(c) Armenians. John of Erzinjan was a theologian and grammarian, but hardly 
a philosopher. He may be mentioned here as a symbol of the philosophical in- 
difference of his people. 



[1250-1300] SURVEY OF SCIENCE AND INTELLECTUAL PROGRESS 747 

6. China The master of Chinese destinies at that time was Kublai Khan. He 
ruled from 1260 on, founded the Yuan dynasty in 1271, and remained at the post 
of supreme command until the end of his days m 1294. He was a benevolent and, 
relatively speaking, an enlightened despot, who did all that was humanly possible 
to lift his people to a higher level. He was helped by_advisers of various races, for 
example by the Lama Pbagspa, and by the Nestorian 'Isa the Mongol. 

The leading philosophers and scholars were Ma Tuan-lin and Wang Ying-lin. 
The former compiled a large encyclopaedia, the Wen hsien t'ung k'ao; the latter 
compiled a smaller one, the Yu hai (Sea of jade). 

Summary 

Out of that mass of personalities and that complicated web of circumstances, two 
great facts or groups of facts emerge above all the others : the growth of Qabbalism 
in Israel, and of Thomism in Christendom, a triumph of intellectual extravagance 
on the one side, and of moderation on the other. 

To be sure, Qabbalism was not the only activity of the Jews; witness the many 
great names above-mentioned; but it was the dominating one, the one which un- 
fortunately left the deepest mark on the contemporary and following generations. 
Nor was Thomism the only or the main stream of Christian thought, but again when 
we look from a great distance, we realize that if it was not yet the largest stream it 
certainly led to it. 

Another characteristic of the age was its encyclopaedic curiosity. Under the 
influence of Aristotehanism on the one side, and of growing literacy and democracy 
on the other, a number of encyclopaedic writers were busy trying to satisfy the 
philosophic and scientific hunger of a larger and larger public. This movement was 
especially conspicuous in western Christendom which was then borne upon an 
exceptionally high tide of prosperity. Think of Vincent of Beauvais, Albert the 
Great, Brunetto Latini, John of Meung, Jacob of Marlant, Roger Bacon. The 
extension of the public is measured by the number of vernaculars which were 
gradually replacing the Latin idiom of the learned. But similar tendencies were 
perceptible everywhere; witness the publication of encyclopaedic treatises in 
Arabic, Hebrew, Persian, Greek, Syriac and Chinese. 

The main nursery of the future was now undoubtedly Latin Christendom, and 
we saw being planted in it the seeds of Averroism, of Scotism, of Thomism, and 
above all of experimental philosophy. 

VI. MATHEMATICS AND ASTRONOMY 

1. Western Christendom (a) Diffusion of Hindu numerals. The use of these 
numerals extended gradually but very slowly. They were forbidden in Florence 
and Padua, and this implies that some people at least were trying to make use of 
them. 

This is but indirect evidence. In this particular case we happen to be far better 
informed with regard to the Greek world, for the two leading Byzantine mathema- 
ticians, Pachymeres and Planudes, wrote treatises explaining the use of these 
numerals. Tte greatest arithmetician of the West, Ibn al-Banna', employed them 
constantly in his Talkhi?, but as he was a Muslim this is less surprising. 

To return to western Christendom the best proof of its backwardness in this 
respect is the fact that the Alphonsine tables, completed c. 1272, contained probably 
none but Roman numerals. This can only be inferred, for the original manuscript 



748 INTRODUCTION TO THE HISTORY OF SCIENCE [1250-1300] 

is lost, but the probability almost amounts to certainty. I would suggest the 
following explanation the Arabic and Jewish mathematicians engaged in the 
compilation of these tables were of course familiar with the ghubar numerals, but 
these numerals were associated with the Arabic script, were in fact an intrinsic 
part of it, and were almost naturally dropped by them, together with that script, 
as soon as they began to write in Latin or in Spanish. The passage from ghubar 
to Roman numerals was a part of the process of translation, and was not stranger 
to them than the rest of it. 

(b) Mathematical translators. Without entering into many details on the 
subject, it is clear that the mathematical activity of western Christendom was still 
largely dependent upon outside stimulation. It still needed a constant admixture 
ol foreign leaven. The same was true of Israel. In fact the labor of pouring out 
the contents of Arabic mathematics into European minds was largely accomplished 
by the combined efforts of Jews and Christians. For example, John of Brescia 
worked with Jacob ben Mahir to translate al-Zarqali's treatise on the astrolabe, 
from the Arabic, and Armengaud son of Blaise collaborated with the same Jacob 
to translate the latter's treatise on the quadrant, from the Hebrew; the astrological 
writings of Ibn Ezra were translated from the Hebrew by Hagin and Henry Bate. 
It must be noticed that in two of these cases out of three, Arabic mathematics 
reached Latindom only after having passed through Hebrew channels. 

However, the outstanding example of Judeo-Christian collaboration in this field 
occurred under the patronage of the king of Castile and Le6n, Alfonso X the Wise. 
His chief translators were Jews, but a few Christians were working with them. 
They were often paired together for this or that piece of work; e.g., Judah ben 
Moses with John Daspa; which suggests that they were working according to the 
old eastern method a preliminary version by a dragoman, who knows best the 
language of the original, is finished and written up by a Christian scholar who knows 
best the new language. It is not necessary to insist upon the size of the task 
accomplished by Alfonso's school of translators. Unfortunately much of their 
attention was attached to writings which were either of secondary importance, or 
positively evil because of their astrological tendencies. The truth of this is proved 
by the sterility of their immense effort. Alfonso did not succeed in creating a single 
original astronomer. 

(c) Spam. Alfonso's interest in astronomy was not restricted to translations. 
This, he wisely realized, was the first step, the means, not the end. The crying 
need of every astrologer was for better tables than the Toledan ones compiled by 
al-Zarqali in the second half of the eleventh century. New tables were prepared 
under the king's patronage and under the direction of Judah ben Moses and Isaac 
ibn Sid for the coordinates of Toledo and the year 1272. The Alphonsine tables 
became known in Paris only by 1292. Their influence was hardly felt before the 
fourteenth century. When thirteenth century astronomers speak of the Toledan 
tables they always mean the old ones. 

Ramon Lull, without being an astronomer, was interested in that science as he 
was in every other. He wrote astronomical and mathematical treatises which 
show clearly enough that he had no real grasp of the subject. 

(d) Italy. Many Italians were interested in astronomy or astrology; but I 
know of but one genuine mathematician, John Campano of Novara, he who elabo- 
rated Adelard's translation of Euclid's Elements. The earliest printed edition of 
Euclid (Venice 1482) was a reproduction of Campano's text. He was not a mean 



[1250-1300] SURVEY OF SCIENCE AND INTELLECTUAL PROGRESS 749 

mathematician. His Euclid contains a few interesting remarks on continuous 
quantities, the irrationality of the (golden) section, the angles of stellated polygons. 

Astronomy was a very popular subject. Every philosopher and even every 
theologian was obliged to have some understanding of it, if only to be able to discuss 
the cosmological views of Genesis. On the other hand medicine was tied up with 
astrology, thus every physician needed a modicum of astronomical knowledge. 

St. Thomas introduced into the Latin world the astronomical views of Simplicios 
translated by his friend William of Moerbeke. St Bonaventure upheld Aristote- 
lian and Averroistic astronomy against the Ptolemaic. However, Peripatetics 
were put more and more on the defensive as Ptolemaism grew in favor among 
astronomers. Gerard of Sabbioneta, Campano, John of Sicily, and Giles of Home 
wrote treatises wherein the Ptolemaic theory was explained. Unfortunately under 
the influence of Robert Grosseteste that theory generally included the erroneous 
conception of the trepidation of the equinoxes. For example, that conception was 
accepted by Campano and Giles of Rome; but John of Sicily, in his criticism of the 
Toledan tables, rejected it. Campano described various astronomical instruments, 
one of which, called after him, was much used by Parisian astronomers. 

As we might expect, much attention was paid to astrology, and to related super- 
stitions such as geomancy. We have a treatise on the latter subject by Gerard of 
Sabbioneta; and another, the most popular, by Bartholomew of Parma. The 
most famous astrologer of that age was Guido Bonatti; his Liber astronomicus was 
an uncompromising defense of the art of which he was himself a very successful 
practitioner. When we read that book or the story of his adventurous life, we 
cannot help wondering whether such a man could be at once intelligent and honest. 
It is impossible to answer such a question offhand, and it is probable that no 
investigation, however searching, could enable us to solve it. Moreover there 
are many degrees in intellectual honesty, especially for people whose thought is 
largely irrational. It is quite possible for such people to say things which are 
flagrantly absurd or contradictory without being dishonest or stupid. One thing 
is certain, Bonatti and other professional astrologers were not by any means 
disinterested. Discussions on Ptolemaism versus Aristotelianism, or on the reality 
of the trepidation of the equinoxes, were financially unprofitable, but the astrologi- 
cal business was a paying one; it required considerable psychological skill and 
involved serious risks, but the clever adept could earn riches and power which 
would have remained otherwise inaccessible to him. To return to Bonatti, Dante 
and Pico della Mirandola were agreed in condemning and despising him 

In his popular encyclopaedia, Ristoro d'Arezzo remarked that the scintillation 
of the stars originates in the observer's eyes. 

(e) France. The Ptolemaic movement was even stronger in France than in 
Italy. Of course there was some opposition to it in Aristotelian and Dominican 
circles, but all of the distinguished French astronomers were neatly Ptolemaic. 
For example, Vincent of Beauvais had taken trouble to review the controversy; 
he was well acquainted with Alpetragian ideas but concluded in favor of Ptolemy. 
Bernard of Trilia reached the same conclusion, but he did not succeed in shaking 
off the false idea of trepidation. While the astronomical views of Vincent of 
Beauvais and of Bernard of Trilia were more or less influenced by Albert the Great, 
the two astronomers of whom I shall speak presently, Bernard of Verdun and 
William of Saint Cloud, may be said to have belonged to the school of Bacon. In 
a sense Bacon's influence was hardly better than Albert's, for he was never able 



750 INTRODUCTION TO THE HISTORY OF SCIENCE [1250-1300] 

to decide clearly between Ptolemy and al-Bitruji ; and he introduced into the dis- 
cussion the strange ideas of Ibn al-Haitham and Muhammad ibn Ahmad al- 
Kharaqi; but his theoretical indecision was richly compensated by his experimental 
bent. Bernard of Verdun restudied the whole question and decided unequivocally 
against al-Bitruji, rejecting the whole of the latter's theory including the trepi- 
dation. William of Saint Cloud was less of a theorist, but more of an observer. 
In 1290 he redetermined experimentally the obliquity of the ecliptic; his deter- 
mination being the only mediaeval one in Christian Europe. He compiled planet- 
ary tables and calendars. He may be called the founder of the astronomical 
school of Paris (see vol. 3), which was perhaps the best fruit of Baconian influence 
in France. 

There was no organized Alpetragian opposition in that country, but an anony- 
mous treatise of that time must be mentioned because it went back not only to 
Aristotle but to Heraclides of Pontos. It was written in French by an unknown 
astrologer for Baldwin II of Courtenay, the last effective ruler of the Latin empire 
of Constantinople. It is a good specimen of backwardness such as is bound to occur 
in every period. There are a few stragglers behind each army. This unknown 
astrologer was a belated disciple of the school of Chartres. 

A treatise on the astrolabe was composed by Peter the Stranger, the famous 
author of a letter on the magnet. The earliest compotus to appear in print (Paris 
1483), ascribed to one Anianus, was probably edited about this time. Another 
compotus was naturally included in the great treatise on liturgy, the Rationale 
divinorum officiorum, written about 1286 by William Durand. 

Pure mathematics were completely neglected. France could not even boast 
a Campano. In fact, I am unable to mention a single mathematician of this time. 
We are given a glimpse of practical geometry in the notebook of Villard de Honne- 
court, and of elementary arithmetic in two French algorisms. In both of these, 
six operations are dealt with, duplication and mediation being considered different 
from multiplication and division. 

(f) England. There was less astronomical discussion among the English. The 
neo-Platonist, Robert the Englishman, who lived m France, had Alpetragian and 
Averroistic tendencies but was chiefly known because of his treatise on the quadrant 
invented or modified by him. That treatise enjoyed some popularity, witness 
Greek and Hebrew versions, but the instrument itself was soon superseded by an- 
other devised by a contemporary, Jacob ben Mahir, whom he probably met in 
Montpellier. 

The other Englishmen were all of them Franciscans. To begin with, there was 
Bacon who, like his master Grosseteste, remained undecided between the Ptole- 
maists and the Aristotelians. This is not surprising, for there was much in al- 
Bitruji and in Ibn Rushd to attract him, and yet he was essentially a Platonist. 
He continued vigorously Grosseteste's effort to reform the calendar. Then John 
Peckham, primarily concerned with meteorology and optics, whose astronomical 
views were similar to Bacon's. A curious case was that of William of Ware who 
derived his astronomical knowledge from Maimonides' Moreh nebukim: this was 
a slightly different form of anti-Ptolemaism. Finally in great contrast with the 
preceding ones, there was Richard of Middleton who assumed a Ptolemaic attitude. 
The final vindication of Ptolemaism even among these Franciscans, Baconians, and 
Platonists, is very striking. In this respect Richard of Middleton was the 
English (?) counterpart of Bernard of Verdun. Together with the revival of ex- 



[1250-1300] SURVEY OF SCIENCE AND INTELLECTUAL PROGRESS 751 

perimental astronomy, this new attitude represents a turning point. Not so much 
an achievement as a promise. 

The only mathematician was Bacon and he was not much of ne, but he was fully 
aware of the transcendental value of mathematics in the Platonic sense, and also 
of its practical value. We may see in him a prophet of mathematical physics as 
well as of experimental science; very vague to be sure, but if a prophet were not 
vague he would be something else not a seer but a doer. Bacon was a true 
prophet; he did very little but he saw very far. 

(g) Flanders. William of Moerbeke had a strong if indirect share in the scientific 
progress of his time, through his translations from the Greek and bis friendship 
with St. Thomas. He translated the commentaries on Aristotelian astronomy 
by Sirnphcios, and on the meteorology by Alexander of Aphrodisias. 

Under William's stimulation Henry Bate of Malines wrote a treatise on the 
astrolabe which was primarily an astrological textbook. With the help of Hagin 
the Jew he translated Ibn Ezra's astrological treatises into Latin. He composed 
an encyclopaedia, which included an astronomical summary of anti-Ptolemaic 
tendency. He was first and last an astrologer, but made astronomical observations 
and compiled new tables for his native city. 

(h) Other Countries There remain to be considered four students of astronomy 
who represented four different countries: the German, Albert the Great; the Pole, 
Witelo; the Austrian, Leopold; the Scandinavian, Peter of Dacia. 

Albert the Great was a very poor mathematician, and hardly better as an 
astronomer. Like all of his brother philosophers and encyclopaedists, he had been 
obliged to investigate the Alpetragian controversy. In fact he helped to diffuse 
the Alpetragian theory in a distorted shape, but he finally came back to the Ptole- 
maic point of view; and this shows that he was relatively unbiassed. 

Witelo had been influenced by William of Moerbeke whom he met at Viterbo in 
1269. He was especially interested in meteorology and optics; he was not an 
astronomer but was led to consider problems of physical astronomy and terrestrial 
physics. 

Leopold of Austria composed an astronomical treatise the purpose of which was 
primarily astrological. He was a poor theorist without any definite theories of 
his own, but it would be better on the whole to put him in the Ptolemaic group. 
His treatise contains a good account of astrological meteorology. It was soon 
translated into French. 

Peter of Dacia was not only the single representative of Scandinavia but one of 
the rare mathematicians of his age. This may be explained by the fact that his 
activity was the repercussion of that which had taken place in western Europe 
earlier in the century, but that explanation would be incomplete. To be sure much 
of what he did was simply a matter of transmission of earlier knowledge e.g., of 
Sacrobosco; yet he developed new ideas on geometrical continuity and on the 
extraction of cubic roots. 

2. Eastern Christendom Our account of Eastern Christendom, short as it is, 
must be divided mto*three sections: (a) Greeks; (b) Syrians; (c) Armenians. 

(a) Greeks. Nicephoros Blemmydes composed geographical treatises in one 
of which he discussed the spherical shape and size of the earth, and the climates. 
Georgios Pachymeres and Maximos Planudes had both studied Diophantos: 
Georgios 7 Tetrabiblon contains a paraphrase of Diophantos 7 first book as well as 
extracts from Euclid and Nicomachos; Maximos wrote a commentary on books I 



752 INTRODUCTION TO THE HISTORY OF SCIENCE [1250-1300] 

and II. Both writers were acquainted with Hindu numerals, but strangely enough 
they used numerals of different types which would suggest that their sources were 
different. Planudes'was by far the best Byzantine mathematician of his time 

The contrast between Latin and Greek mathematics is considerable ; it illustrates 
the paucity, not to say the lack, of contacts between the two mam branches of 
Christendom. 

(b) Syrians. With the partial exception of Blemmydes, these Greeks were 
mathematicians; their great Syrian contemporary, Abu-1-Faraj, was more of an 
astronomer. In fact he was the author of the only astronomical treatise of any 
importance in the Syriac language, it is a summary of the Almagest. We know 
that Abu4-Faraj had lectured in Maragha on Euclid and on Ptolemy; his "Ascent 
of the mind" was probably the written form of his lectures on the Almagest. He 
took special pains to prove the immobility of the earth His Nestorian contem- 
porary, 'Abhd-ishd* bar Berlkha, composed a poem on the calendar. 

(c) Armenians Astronomical treatises were composed m Armenian prose and 
verse by John of Erzinjan. Another was translated from the Persian (or Arabic?) 
by one Mekhitar of Anl r whose personality is not well established. 

3. Israel This section might be entitled western Israel, for not a single eastern 
Jew is referred to in it. 

The best part of Jewish activity was devoted to translations into Hebrew, of 
which there was a growing need as fewer and fewer scholars among them were able 
to read the Arabic texts. The two foremost translators, Moses ibn Tibbon and 
Jacob ben Mahir, produced between them, a whole corpus of Greek and Arabic 
mathematics and astronomy. They translated Autolycos, Euclid, Geminos, 
Theodosios, Menelaos, Qusta ibn Luqa's treatise on the celestial sphere, Ibn al- 
Haitham's astronomy, treatises on the astrolabe by Ibn al-Saffar and al-Zarqali, 
Jabir ibn Aflah's andal-Bitruji's astronomy, the arithmetic and algebraof Muham- 
mad ibn Hagsar. This activity was enormously superior to that of the Latin 
translators, but we must bear in mind that the need of Latin versions was considera- 
bly smaller. Most of the works I have just mentioned were already available 
in Latin; many of them had been translated by Gerard of Cremona or other twelfth 
century translators and hence Latin people had had plenty of time to assimilate 
them. The feverish pouring out of that treasure of knowledge into Hebrew was 
tremendously important from the Jewish point of view, but from a purely human 
angle it was almost superfluous. By this time the totality of that knowledge had 
already been transmitted to western Europe and was a part of the main scientific 
stream. 

Jacob ben Mahir was not only a translator, but an original astronomer. Indeed 
if we were to judge by the testimonies of scientific men of the sixteenth century 
down to Kepler, he was one of the most famous astronomers of mediaeval times. 
That fame seems to have been somewhat exaggerated but we have to take it into 
account. He compiled new astronomical tables for Montpellier; and invented and 
described a new instrument, the quadrans novus, which promptly superseded the 
quadrans vetus of Robert the Englishman. Jacob's quadrans was apparently far 
more elaborate than Robert's; it was a kind of universal instrument to be used like 
an astrolabe. Jacob's description of it was immensely popular. 

While Moses' and Jacob's translations were refreshing the scientific atmosphere, 
two authors were publishing encyclopaedic treatises which included astronomical 
summaries. The third part of Gershon ben Solomon's Gate of heaven is an expla- 



[1250-1300] SURVEY OF SCIENCE AND INTELLECTUAL PROGRESS 753 

nation of the astronomical views of al-Farghani, Ibn Slna, and Ibn Ruslid; Levi 
ben Abraham ben Hayyim derived his astronomical knowledge mostly from Ibn 
Ezra, which amounts to saying that it was largely astrological. 

The Roman malizor (prayerbook for the holidays) contains calendrical rules 
drawn by Benjamin 'Anav. 

4 Western Islam While the scientific life of Israel was more and more western- 
ized, that of Islam on the contrary was easternized. Two mathematicians dealt 
with in Book III may still belong to the present period : al-Hasan al-Marrakushi wljo 
died only about 1262 (though his mam work was done thirty-two years earlier), 
and Ibn Badr whose real time is undetermined. Muhyi al-dln al-Maghribl, who 
will be dealt with in the following section because he was attached to the Maragha 
observatory, was of western origin as his name plainly indicates. As far as we 
know, his career was entirely in the East. 

The only western mathematician who flourished in the west in the third quarter 
of the thirteenth century was the Moroccan, Ibn al-Banna*. He was a very prolific 
writer who published a whole collection of mathematical and astronomical treatises. 
The most popular of these was his Talkhl, an arithmetical textbook, which was 
the subject of at least six Arabic commentaries. It is a good textbook containing 
many interesting features but no real novelties. Ibn al-Banna' may not be very 
brilliant he was a regular textbook maker but there was nobody comparable to 
him m Christendom. 

5. Eastern Islam It must be admitted that our survey thus far has not revealed 
much mathematical or astronomical genius: Campano, William of St. Cloud, 
Planudes, Jacob ben Mahir, Ibn al-Banna', that is about all and it is not very 
much. But when we pass to the eastern caliphate the situation changes completely. 

Of course, the caliphate was now a thing of the past The last caliph, al-Mus- 
ta'sim, was put to death by the Mongols in 1258, but the caliphate had become politi- 
cally negligible long before that time, about the middle of the twelfth century. 
By eastern caliphate, I simply mean the lands of Islam around the eastern Mediter- 
ranean Sea and beyond, chiefly the territories of the Bahri Mamluks (Egypt and 
Syria), of the Saljuqs of Rum, and of the Ilkhans of Persia. These, and especially 
the last named country, Persia, were now the leading centers of mathematical 
and astronomical progress. (When I do not mention the nationality of a man in 
this section, the reader may infer that he was a Persian.) 

The encyclopaedist, al-Abhari, a pupil of Kamal al-din Ibn Yunus, compiled 
astronomical tables and wrote various astronomical and astrological treatises. 
Other tables and more treatises were composed by the Syrian, Ibn al-Lubudi, 
already dealt with in Book III, but who lived at least until 1267. Needless to say, 
al-Qazwinf s cosmography contains a summary of astronomical geography. Mu- 
hammad ibn abi Bakr al-Farisi wrote a general treatise on astronomy and a more 
special one wherein he explained the difficulties in the making of tables. 

We now come to the greatest mathematician of the age, Na$ir al-dln al-Tusi, one 
of the greatest of mediaeval times. He edited a large series of mathematical 
writings, the Kitab al-mutawassitat or middle books corresponding to the "Little 
astronomy" of the Greeks plus a few Arabic classics. It was a collection of Greek 
and Arabic classics which one had to study, outside of the Elements and the 
Almagest, to become an accomplished mathematician. Parts of the Mutawissitat 
were simply versions, others were elaborations or commentaries. Na^ir al-din 
discussed the postulates of Euclid, and his discussion of the fifth postulate was 



754 INTRODUCTION TO THE HISTORY OF SCIENCE [1250-1300] 

taken up later by Girolanao Saccheri (1733). In other words, the history of non- 
Euclidean geometry can be traced back through Saccheri to one of Nasir al-din's 
own writings. His greatest work was the Shakl al-qatta*, which was the first 
independent textbook of trigonometry, plane and spherical, the climax of a long 
Greek-Hindu-Arabic tradition. Some spherical problems were solved by implicit 
consideration of polar triangles. This treatise was almost equivalent to the Latin 
treatise composed by Regiomontanus two centuries later. 

Nair al-din's astronomical activity was even greater. His Tadhkira, a general 
textbook on theoretical astronomy, was exceedingly popular. It was a summary of 
the Almagest with many criticisms and restrictions suggested by Thabit ibn Qurra, 
Ibn al-Haitham, and others. The author succeeded in showing the insufficiency 
of the Ptolemaic theory, but his own attempts at improvement were far too compli- 
cated to be satisfactory. The fact remains that it was such books as this one which 
gradually prepared the astronomical reformation of the sixteenth century. In 1259 
the Il-khan Hulagu gave him the means to construct an observatory we might 
call it an institute for scientific research with a rich library, at Maragha in Adhar- 
bayjan. Under Nasir al-din's direction, Maragha became the outstanding astro- 
nomical center of the time and one of the leading scientific centers of the 
world (unfortunately its leadership did not survive its founder very long). A 
number of mathematicians, astronomers, and instrument makers gathered around 
him They came not only from the neighboring countries, but also from distant 
ones such as the Caucacus, or Morocco in the Far West; and not only from the Dar 
al-Islam, but from Christian Syria (Abu-1-Faraj), and even from China. The 
main task of the Maragha astronomers was the compilation of new tables, the Zlj 
ilkhanl, completed c. 1272. These tables included new observations, but not 
many, for otherwise their compilation would have taken considerably more time, 
and the Il-khan was too impatient. They were immensely popular in the East, 
even as far as Cathay. A part of these tables was devoted to the comparative 
chronology of eastern nations. 

Two of Nasir al-din's regular collaborators deserve special mention. Al-'Urdi 
of Damascus was apparently the mechanician and instrument maker of the staff; 
a treatise describing the Maragha instruments was probably composed by him; 
the celestial globe which he constructed gives us a good pretext to discuss the early 
Muslim globes and illustrated astronomical MSS. in Arabic and Persian. The 
other, Muhyi al-dm, the Maugrabin, was more of a mathematician; he continued 
his chief's trigonometrical studies and editions of the classics, and published a 
study on Chinese and Uighiir chronology and many astrological treatises. 

Two other members of the Maragha circle may be quoted. The one, 'All ibn 
'Umar al-Katibi, compiled encyclopaedic works, one of which contains an elaborate 
discussion of the daily rotation of the earth. 'All concluded against the reality 
of that rotation. The other, Qutb al-din al-ShirazI, became eventually more 
famous as a physicist, but he was also a full-fledged mathematician and astronomer. 
His Nihayat was a sort of commentary on Na$ir al-din's Tadhkira. It contains 
a discussion on the question whether the earth is at rest or not, concluding like 
'All in favor of the first alternative. The fact that two great scientists found it 
necessary to discuss that question suggests that the second alternative was con- 
sidered by a few bolder spirits. The conclusion reached by 'All ibn 'Umar and 
Qutb al-dm was not surprising. At that stage of astronomical progress their 
attitude was probably the wisest; it was Ptolemaism mitigated by many reserva- 



[1250-1300] SUKVEY OF SCIENCE AND INTELLECTUAL PROGRESS 755 

tions. It is always a good deal easier to see the defects of a theory than to pro- 
pound a new and better one. The leading astronomers of the thirteenth century, 
whether Christian or Muslim, realized the many imperfections of the Almagest, 
but it would take them and their descendants two centuries and a half of effort to 
remove them in a satisfactory manner. 

One more mathematician, Muhammad ibn Ashraf al-Samarqandl, though him- 
self a Persian, was apparently not connected with the Maragha institute. He was 
primarily a logician, but wrote a commentary on Euclid, and a stellar calendar, 
the latter in Persian 

6. China Chinese mathematics was second in importance only to the Eastern 
Muslim. Before dealing with the distinguished mathematicians of this period, 
it is well to recall that of the two leaders of the preceding period, one at least and 
possibly both continued their work in the second half of the thirteenth century. Li 
Yeh died in very old age after 1265. His main work appeared in 1248, but the 
other one only in 1259. Ch'in Chiu-shao was still living in 1258, but his mathe- 
matical activity was possibly completed before the middle of the century. 

Kublai Khan was too great an administrator not to realize the need of mathe- 
maticians and astronomers, and it is typical of the cultural mixture organized by 
him that his scientific assistants were drawn from many nations. *Isa the Mongol 
(in Chinese, Ai-hsieh) was a Nestonan, who was followed in the Yuan service by 
his four sons, also Nestorians. In 1263 Kublai appointed him the head of the 
astronomical board. In 1267 a new calendar was devised for Kublai Khan by 
the Persian, Jamal al-dln (Cha-ma-li-ting) ; Jamal al-din introduced new astronomi- 
cal instruments. Finally we have the Chinese Hsu H6ng, who wrote a treatise on 
the calendar and became eventually president of the astronomical board; and Kuo 
Shou-ching, who was ordered to prepare a new calendar in 1276. Kuo's calendar 
remained in force throughout the Yuan dynasty. 

This Kuo deserves to be dealt with at greater length. He was not simply a calen- 
dar maker, but a genuine astronomer. He made astronomical observations and 
wrote various astronomical treatises. Two of the instruments used by him (dated 
1279) are still extant in Pei-pmg. It has been suggested that Kuo was the one 
who introduced Arabic spherical trigonometry into China. That hypothesis is 
plausible but not proved, and the strange graduation of his instruments not the 
Arabic, but another sui generis and very awkward is an argument against it. 

The main Chinese mathematician of this period was Yang Hui, who was a 
remarkable arithmetician and algebraist. It is curious that he seems to have been 
independent of his older contemporaries, Li Yeh and Ch'm Chiu-shao, because he 
does not speak of their famous method, the method of the celestial element (t'ien 
yuan shu). We must still say a few words of Chu Shih-chieh, though he belongs 
rather to the following period. His most important work, the Precious mirror of 
the four elements, appeared only in 1303, but four years earlier he had published 
his Introduction to mathematical studies, which was itself a treatise of unusual 
distinction. In fact there was nothing comparable to it in 1299 outside of China. 
It gave the rules of signs for algebraical addition and multiplication. Moreover it 
was the main vehicle for the transportation of Chinese algebra into Japan. Ap- 
parently Chu was continuing the tradition of Li Yeh and Ch'in Chiu-shao, though 
he did not mention them. 



756 INTRODUCTION TO THE HISTORY OF SCIENCE [1250-1300] 

Summary 

As we are specially concerned with mathematical progress, we shall devote but 
little attention in this summary to astrology, and none at all to superstitions and 
regressions. Nor is it necessary to insist upon the translations, beyond recalling 
to the reader's mind the unusual importance of the translations from Arabic into 
Hebrew, and of the new Arabic edition of the Kitab al-mutawassitat prepared by 
Nasir al-dm and his colleagues at the Maragha observatory. 

Let us now consider in turn the various branches and aspects, first, of mathe- 
matics, then of astronomy. 

The best general appreciation of mathematics was due to Roger Bacon, who 
combined in a very remarkable way strong Platonic aspirations with a very utili- 
tarian spirit. He could appreciate at once the mystical and the practical value of 
numbers. Ramon Lull came but second and was far behind, but he was a true 
ancestor of the mathematical logicians of to-day, and abundant if somewhat vague 
anticipations of their extravagances can be found in many of his writings 

Arithmetic For the best arithmetical work in Latin Christendom we have to 
address ourselves, strange to say, to a Scandinavian, Peter of Dacia, To be sure, 
Peter studied in Paris, but he returned to Copenhagen. The leading arithmeticians 
were two Greeks, Georgios Pachymeres and Maximos Planudes, and a Moor, Ibn 
al-Banna'. The latter was the most prolific and popular writer on the subject. 
The three of them used Hindu numerals or explained their use. 

Algebra The outstanding fact is the study of Diophantos by Pachymeres and 
Planudes. The Diophantine tradition was never entirely lost in the Greek and 
Arabic East. 

The work of Chinese mathematicians is difficult to classify and to appreciate; 
it was not geometrical, but a combination of algebra and arithmetic, very different 
from our western productions. Its interest is due partly to its relative excellence, 
and partly to its singularity. Four great mathematicians flourished in China 
at various times during the second half of the thirteenth century: Li Yeh, Ch/m 
Chiu-shao, Yang Hui, Chu Shih-chieh. The latter was the main connecting link 
with Japan. 

Geometry Western work in geometry was on a low level: Campano was reedit- 
ing Euclid, Peter of Dacia and Georgios Pachymeres did a little geometrical think- 
ing. But in Persia, Nasir al-din al-Tusi was making a new and thorough study of 
many of the masterpieces of Greek and Arabic mathematics, and in this he was 
ably followed by one of his assistants, Muhyl al-din al-Maghribl. Na^ir al-din 
reinvestigated Euclid's postulates. 

Trigonometry The finest mathematical work of that period was the Shakl 
al-qatta' of Na^ir al-din, the earliest independent treatise on trigonometry. It is 
curious that one of the most important works of the preceding period, the Jami* of 
al-Hasan al-Marrakushi, was also devoted to trigonometry, though in a very 
different vein (an elaborate technical comparison of the Shakl al-qatta' with the 
Jami* is much to be desired). The outstanding trigonometrical achievements of 
the first and second half of the thirteenth century were due respectively to a 
Maugrabin and to a Persian. Strangely enough, Nasir al-dln's trigonometrical 
research was continued by another Maugrabin, one of his Maragha assistants, 
Muhyi al-din al-MaghribL 

Arabic trigonometry was probably introduced into China about this time if not 



[1250-1300] SURVEY OF SCIENCE AND INTELLECTUAL PROGRESS 757 

before. There were various Muslim advisers and experts at the Mongol court, and 
the astronomers among them could not introduce their astronomical knowledge 
without its trigonometric foundations. However, such an introduction could 
only be completed by a Chinese e.g , Kuo Shou-ching; but this is a moot question 
which will require considerable additional investigation to be solved, if it can be 
solved at all. 

By way of transition to astronomy, let us first consider the subjects of compotus 
and chronology. 

Compotus Under the stimulation of Robert Grosseteste much attention was paid 
to the reform of the calendar by Roger Bacon. It is not too much to say that the 
Gregorian reform was largely prepared by these two men. 

The earliest calendar to appear in printed form, the one ascribed to Anianus, 
was probably produced about this time. The Rationale of William Durand 
contained naturally a discussion of the compotus. 

Kublai Khan made serious efforts to reform the Chinese calendar. For this 
purpose he secured the cooperation of Nestorian, Persian, and Chinese astronomers. 

Chronology The cosmopolitanism of the Ilkhanic culture of Persia (1256-1349) 
is illustrated by the chronological investigations of the Maragha astronomers. 
The first book of the Zij Ilkhani is devoted to Chinese, Greek, Arabic and Persian 
chronology Muhyi al-dln al-Maghribi wrote a special treatise on the Chinese 
and Uighur calendars. Such undertakings were made necessary and at the same 
time easier by the constant relations between these peoples. There were probably 
Chinese astronomers in Maragha; there were certainly Persian ones in Khanbahq 
(Pei-ping). 

Ptolemaic versus Alpetragian Astronomy The main issue of the time was the 
validity of Ptolemaic theories. As observations accumulated, the difficulties 
inherent in those theories had multiplied and their validity had been called into 
question. The main challenge had been made by the Spanish astronomer al- 
Bitruji in the second half of the twelfth century and had attracted considerable 
attention. That revolt was, curiously enough, a part of the Aristotelian revival. 
It tended to substitute a modification of the Aristotelian system of homocentric 
spheres for the Ptolemaic eccentrics and epicycles. Albert the Great con- 
tributed much to the diffusion of Alpetragian ideas in Latindom, but he also 
contributed to their ultimate defeat because his account of them was oversimplified. 
However there was a good deal of truth in them; the purely critical or negative 
part was incontrovertible; the positive part was less satisfactory. Ptolemaism 
could not resist indefinitely the stress of growing knowledge; its defects were 
transparent, but anyone who tried to replace Ptolemaic makeshifts with Alpetragian 
ones was finally disappointed. Hence the Alpetragian opposition remained weak 
and ineffective Albert the Great himself finally concluded in Ptolemy's favor. 

The anti-Ptolemaic movement was partly Franciscan and neo-Platonic for 
example, with St. Bonaventure and Robert the Englishman; or Maimonidean, with 
William of Ware; or independent. 

By the middle of the thirteenth century the anti-Ptolemaic opposition had spent 
itself in the vain effort of finding something less imperfect than what the Almagest 
had to offer. Most of the astronomers and philosophers of this time, East and 
West, were Ptolemaists, which does not mean that they did not recognize the 
weaknesses of their system. They were Ptolemaists faute de mieux and the boldest 
were not afraid of saying so. Roger Bacon, like his teacher, Grosseteste, did not 



758 INTRODUCTION TO THE HISTORY OF SCIENCE [1250-1300] 

commit himself one way or another. The leading defenders of the Almagest were 
Bernard of Verdun and Richard of Middleton, two Franciscans, and the final 
victory of Ptolemaism was largely due to them. Their leadership was easy for most 
of the astronomers were eager to walk in the same direction : Vincent of Beauvais, 
Bernard of Trilia, Gerard of Sabbioneta, Campano, John of Sicily, Giles of Rome; 
these were all Ptolemaists. In the East similar conclusions had been reached; 
Abu-1-Faraj, Nassir al-din alTusl, Qutb al-dln al-Shirazi, remained substantially 
Ptolemaists though they were not sparing in their criticisms. 

The Trepidation of the Equinoxes The Ptolemaic controversy was complicated 
by another one dealing with the reality of the trepidation of the equinoxes That 
wrong theory according to which the precession is not continuously progressive, but 
that an oscillation (or trepidation) around the average position is added to it, 10a was 
first suggested by Theon of Alexandria, but its real introducer was Thabit ibn 
Qurra (second half of the ninth century). In spite of al-Battani's opposition to 
it and Ibn Yunus' disregard of it, it found growing favor during the following 
centuries. Al-Zarqall accepted it, and so did al-Bitrujl. Observe that this dis- 
cussion cut across the Ptolemaic one. Most astronomers rejected Alpetragianism, 
but believed in trepidation which was an essential part of it, and not a part of the 
purer Ptolemaic doctrine. While he sat on the fence with regard to the major 
issue, Grosseteste gave his assent to the hypothesis of trepidation; he was in fact 
the first non-Muslim writer to speak of it. It is probable that Grosseteste's 
influence was responsible for the wide acceptance of that wrong theory in Latindom. 
Campano, Giles of Rome, Bernard of Triha, the authors of the Alphonsine Tables, 
had no hesitations about it. The only Ptolemaists to make a clear stand against 
it were Bernard of Verdun and John of Sicily, and they deserve special praise for it. 

Complexity of Astronomical Thought For the special benefit of the many his- 
torians and philosophers who still think of the Middle Ages as a period of homo- 
geneous darkness and unrelieved monotony and indulge in glib generalities about it, 
we might pause a moment to examirie the great complexity of thought in the second 
half of the thirteenth century. For the sake of simplification this is restricted to 
astronomy and to Latindom . The main issue was Ptolemaism versus several kinds 
of opposition, but it implied secondary ones like Thabitism, and larger ones like 
Aristotelianism vs. Averroism on the one hand, and vs. Platonism, Avicebronism, 
Scotism on the other ; finally it was variously interwoven with the polemics relative 
to the religious orders, and with the jealousies between Franciscans and Domini- 
cans. Hence an almost unlimited amount of possibilities (apply combinatorial 
analysis to all these independent alternatives which might be associated in many 
ways!). One might be a Franciscan Ptolemaist anti-Thabitian like Bernard of 
Verdun, or else a Franciscan Alpetragian like St. Bonaventure, or else a Dominican 
Ptolemaist and Thabitian, like Bernard of Trilia, etc. 

The Ptolemaic victory was in the last analysis a paradoxical triumph over 
Aristotelianism in spite of the fact that Thomism was then consecrating thelatter's 
supremacy in Christendom. It was also a victory over scholasticism, but this 
was something too subtle to be realized at once. Indeed the crucial issue was not 
yet attracting much attention, yet it was secretly growing all the time that was 
the issue between scholasticism and experimentalism. Though the majority of 

10a It would be very misleading to consider the trepidation as an anticipation of the nuta- 
tions, for the latter could never have been detected without the observational and computa- 
tional means of a much later time. 



[1250-1300] SURVEY OF SCIENCE AND INTELLECTUAL PROGRESS 759 

Latin astronomers were mere theorists, some were devoting more and more time to 
observations; e.g , this William of Saint Cloud, who has been called with some 
justification the founder of the astronomical school of Paris. The main inspiration 
of observational astronomy came directly or indirectly from Bacon. The experi- 
mental tendencies were at first rather vague and almost subconscious. Their 
outward symptoms were the growing importance attached to instruments and the 
compilation of tables. I shall come back to this presently. 

Is the Earth at rest, or not? Before dealing with the tables, we must return for 
a moment to the East where an additional topic of discussion was grafted upon the 
Ptolemaic controversy. At least three Eastern astronomers two Muslims, 'All 
ibn 'Umar al-Katibi and Qutb al-din al-Shirazi, and one Syrian, Abu-1-Faraj 
took special pains to prove that the earth was at rest and did not move in any way. 
I have already pointed out that considering the facts at their disposal their con- 
clusion was rational enough. But it is remarkable that the same question was 
hardly discussed m the West. This affords an additional proof of eastern 
superiority 

The fact that great scholars found it necessary to prove the fixity of the earth 
implies that they themselves and others had considered the alternative. Many 
people may have thought that the earth was moving, but they did not know that 
it was. To believe such a thing would have been in itself of little importance; the 
true scientific achievement was to change that belief into conviction, and that was 
to be the work of a later time. In the meanwhile the eastern discussion of the 
question was superior to the western ignorance of it. The fact that Copernicus' 
work was not done earlier remains difficult to explain; this tardiness may serve to 
illustrate the capricious and enigmatical nature of scientific advance. 

Tables and Spheres. Astronomy versus Astrology To return to observations, 
their results were naturally embodied in astronomical tables of which quite a few 
belong to this period. 

It is a striking coincidence that by far the most important of these tables were 
completed about the same year, 1272, the Alphonsine Tables in Toledo, and the 
Ilkhamc ones in Maragha. They were almost equally influential, but as the latter 
appeared at a time when western science was already in the ascendant their own 
influence was restricted to Asia. The Alphonsine Tables dominated Christian and 
Jewish astronomy for many centuries, the Zlj ilkhani conquered the Muslim and 
the Far East. 

It will suffice to mention a few other tables in chronological order. 

About 1281. Henry Bate. Malines tables. 

1292. William of Saint Cloud. Paris tables. 

1300. Jacob ben Mahir. Montpellier tables. 

In the East we have the Zij shamil of al-Abharl and the Zlj zahir and Zlj muqar- 
rab of Ibn al-Lubudl. 

Besides these tables, eastern astronomers made drawings of the constellations 
and constructed celestial spheres. Some four or five Arabic globes anterior to the 
fourteenth century are still extant. No Chinese globes of that time have come 
down to us, but we have two remarkable instruments dated 1279, used by Kuo 
Shou-ching. Sundry astronomical instruments were constructed for the Maragha 
observatory by al-'Urdi, and described probably by himself, but they have not 
come down to us. 

Much of the experimental effort of which these tables and instruments are elo- 



760 INTRODUCTION TO THE HISTORY OF SCIENCE [1250-1300] 

quent witnesses was astrological in its purpose rather than purely astronomical, 
and we must never lose sight of that in our judgment of astrology. The purpose 
of astrology was irrational, from our privileged point of view, but the means were 
scientific enough, and in that respect astrology was the mother of astronomy even 
as alchemy was the mother of chemistry. Even to-day much foolish work is 
accomplished with the help of the most elaborate and the soundest technicalities, 
and it may always happen that such work, however sterile as far as its own purpose 
is concerned, leads to genuine improvements in this or that technique. 

Most tables were compiled not to answer astronomical needs, but to facilitate 
the drawing of horoscopes. Some of the best experimental work was done by 
astrologers. Astronomical progress was incidental, but not less real on that ac- 
count. It should be noted that the line between science and superstition was not 
drawn exactly where we would draw it, and that much astrological work was truly 
scientific from the point of view of the age. Yet the line was drawn, and there was 
mixed with what we might call legitimate astrology enough superstition of the 
rankest sort and concomitant imposture to disgust honest astrologers. It should 
be noted also that the terms astronomy and astrology were not used then as we 
use them now; in fact their present meanings were often interchanged. It is by 
mere chance that the term astrology 11 has come to denote a system of superstitions, 
while biology, geology, on the one hand, and astronomy, taxonomy, on the other, 
represent regular branches of science. 

The greatest virtue of experimental work lies in this, that the value of its results 
depends only on the concrete experimental methods which have been used to obtain 
them, and are independent of the guiding theories. A good observation does not 
any more lose its value because it was made for a silly reason, than a bad one 
increases its own because the observer had a wise purpose. Thus astrologers were 
gradually collecting the very materials upon which astronomical science would 
eventually be built. 

Increasing speed of Astronomical Progress The emphasis on observations led to 
the construction of better instruments, and vice versa better instruments helped 
to produce better observations. An additional consequence was that the accelera- 
tion of research which is one of the main characteristics of modern science (at once 
wonderful and frightening) began to make itself felt. A remarkable example is 
that of the instrument invented in Montpellier about 1276 by Robert the English- 
man. Some fourteen years later a more elaborate and better instrument was 
devised in the same town by Jacob ben Mahir, and it superseded the other so 
completely that they were called respectively quadrans novus and quadrans vetus. 
The interval between the two inventions was very small indeed, comparable to that 
which we often observe in our own days. 

Main Mathematicians and Astronomers Considering again this period from a 
purely human point of view, and leaving out the men who belong more completely 
to the two adjoining periods, the thirteen outstanding personalities were Campano, 
Bernard of Verdun, William of Saint Cloud, Planudes, Abu-1-Faraj, Jacob ben 
Mahir, Ibn aKBanna', Na$ir al-dln al-Tusi, aPUrdi, Muhyi al-dln al-Maghribl, 
Qutb al-dm al-Shlrazi, Kuo Shou-ching, Yang Hui. That is, three Latins, one 



11 The Greek term for what we now call astrology was dcrrpojuavreta (astromancy, cf . geo- 
m&ncy) already used by Diodoros of Sicily (second half of the first century B C.). On the 
mediaeval use of astrologia vs. astronomia, see, e.g., my notes on Bernard of Verdun and 
Leopold of Austria. 



[1250-1300] SURVEY OF SCIENCE AND INTELLECTUAL PEOGEESS 761 

Greek, one Syrian, one Jew, five Muslims, two Chinese. The superiority of the 
orientals was overwhelming, and if it were possible to give weights to each unit it 
would be even magnified for the Muslims were undoubtedly the greatest of them 
all, especially such men as Nagir al-din and Qutb al-dln who would have cut 
mighty figures in any surroundings. As far as the West was concerned this was a 
period of regression, but the new advance of the East was but accidental and 
temporary, a kind of swan song, foretelling the end, while the western quietness 
was only (we know it now) a period of preparation, the trough of a wave the crest 
of which would soon follow. 

VII PHYSICS, TECHNOLOGY AND MUSIC 

On account of the great variety of physical problems it will be best to divide our 
survey as follows : 1. Optics; 2. Weights and measures; 3. Magnetism; 4. Mechan- 
ics, technology, engineering; 5. Music. 

1. Optics We begin with optics because it is the subject which attracted most 
attention. There is a strong probability that spectacles (occhiali) were invented 
toward the end of this period in northern Italy. It is equally probable that these 
earlier glasses were very imperfect, and this would explain the slowness of their 
diffusion. This is not a matter like the Hindu numerals which were almost perfect 
from the moment of their creation (and yet how slow their own spread 1 ) ; there was 
a long way between the idea of spectacles and a realization of sufficient value to 
satisfy very complex and divergent needs. To be sure, there was a marked increase 
in the sale of spectacles in the sixteenth century and even more so m the seven- 
teenth and eighteenth centuries, yet the extensive use of them is very recent. For 
example we could not well understand Goethe's strong prejudices against people 
wearing glasses, if those people had been as common in his day (including women 
and children) as they are to-day. 12 

Though the reality of that invention is plausible enough (at least in the West), 
it was technically premature. Optical knowledge and technique were utterly 
insufficient for the solution of the problems involved. Some of these problems 
could not even be formulated, nor conceived in any way. However, many students 
were pondering on the nature of vision, on perspective, and on many other subjects 
naturally or artificially related to these. As I explained above, the heterogeneous 
science of perspective and meteorology was one of the most popular in mediaeval 
times, East and West 

A great stimulus to optical investigation had been given in the first half of the 
eleventh century by the Egyptian physicist, Ibn al-Haitham, whose works became 
known to Christians and Jews in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. One of the 
latter, Joseph ibn * Aqnm, spoke of Ibn al-Haitham's Optics as a greater work than 
those of Euclid and of King Ptolemy. 13 Witelo composed, c. 1270-1278, a new 
treatise on the subject which was largely derived from Ibn al-Haitham's work, but 
contained a few novelties; e.g., a theory of the rainbow implying refraction as well 
as reflection of light, yet inferior to the contemporary explanations by Muslim 
scientists. It included also interesting observations on the psychology of vision. 
The .value of Witelo's work is much impaired if one realizes how much of it was of 
Arabic provenience, but his followers did not realize this and admired him far 

12 Far Goethe's prejudices see Johann Peter Eckermamr Gesprache mit Goethe in den 
letzten Jahren semes Lebens (ed H. H Houben, 592, 731, 759 3 Leipzig 1925). 
18 Amusing confusion with the author of the Almagest. 



762 INTRODUCTION TO THE HISTORY OF SCIENCE [1250-1300] 

beyond his deserts. An undertaking very similar to Witelo's was accomplished at 
about the same time by the English Franciscan, John Peckham. His sources were 
very much the game as Witelo's, the main one being Ibn al-Haitham, and hence it 
is not surprising to find similarities in both works (e.g., mention of camera obscura) ; 
the surprising thing is that the similarities were not greater. It speaks volumes 
for the relative excellence of "Witelo's and Peckham's treatises, or, let us say, for the 
relative mediocrity of later ones, that their popularity extended into the seventeenth 
century. The persistency of Witelo's fame is proved by the title of Kepler's earliest 
great work (Ad Vitellionem parahpomena, 1604) . As to Peckham, his Perspectiva 
communis was reprinted as late as 1627! 

When I spoke of an English Franciscan a moment ago, the reader must have 
thought that I was going to introduce Roger Bacon. In fact, Bacon was a great 
optician, the greatest of Christendom, and Peckham's exact contemporary; they 
were of about the same age and died probably in the same year, 1292. They must 
have influenced one another Bacon was by far the most original, but his optical 
work was far less popular. Their fund of knowledge was very much the same, Ibn 
al-Haitham being the main origin of it, but Bacon made experiments with mirrors 
and lenses and anticipated vaguely great discoveries: that is, he was first to think 
of the combination of lenses which was to lead a few centuries later to the creation 
of those revolutionary instruments, the microscope and the telescope. He did 
not make these discoveries, but he came near to them and might possibly have 
made them. Moreover, he reflected upon the nature of light and concluded, against 
Grosseteste, that its transmission, however swift, could not be instantaneous; 
here again one may read between his lines an adumbration of the wave theory, 
but it is better not to do that. Bacon's optical writings were not taken as seriously 
as Peckham's and Witelo's, but they stimulated Leonard Digges' practical mind 
three centuries later. 

After having introduced these three worthies Bacon, Witelo and Peckham we 
may dispose more rapidly of the others. Peter the Stranger, the famous magne- 
tician of whom more anon, had planned to compose a treatise on mirrors. William 
of Moerbeke, who was Witelo's inspirer, translated Hero's work on the same 
subject (Catoptrics) from the Greek into Latin, thinking it was Ptolemy's. Giles 
of Kome discussed the nature of light and of color in the best scholastic manner. 
Still another contemporary was Theodoric of Freiberg, but his most important 
work, including the earliest satisfactory explanation of the rainbow, in Latin, 
appeared only in the first decade of the following century. 

So much for the Latin West. Let us now fly to Persia where similar investiga- 
tions were being carried out by Nasir al-dln al-Tusi and his pupil Qutb al-dm 
al-Shirazi. Na$ir al-din prepared a recension of Euclid's optics and discussed 
various optical questions. How are colors affected by heat and cold, wetness and 
dryness? Where do the light rays originate? How can one account for optical 
illusions? Qutb al-dm indulged in speculations of the same kind a physicist with 
a sufficient philosophical bent could hardly avoid it but his main achievement, 
one of the greatest in the history of mediaeval physics, was his explanation of the 
rainbow, an explanation essentially equivalent to that of Descartes. This was 
contained in Qutb al-dln ? s astronomical treatise, Nihayat al-idrak, of which I 
do not know the exact date. As he died only in 1311 it might possibly belong to 
the fourteenth century, but this is hardly probable for he was born in 1236. We 
may assume that his main work was done some time before the end of the thirteenth 



[1250-13001 SURVEY OF SCIENCE AND INTELLECTUAL PKOGRESS fc 763 

century. Theodoric of Freiberg was about fourteen years younger, and his expla- 
nation of the rainbow, similar to Qutb al-dm's, dates from c. 1304-1310. There is 
a very high probability that Qutb al-dm was the first; the two discoveries were 
certainly independent. 

Looking back on the optical work of the second half of the thirteenth century, we 
are struck first by its cosmopolitanism, second, by its homogeneity. For out of 
the nine scientists mentioned in this account, two hailed from England, two from 
Persia, one each from France, Flanders, Germany, Poland, and Italy. The 
homogeneity of their thoughts is more striking because of the wide distribution of 
their bodies, yet it is easy enough to explain it. Whether they flourished in England 
or in far distant Persia they had all drunk at the same source the Kitab al-manazir 
(or Tahrir al-munazara) of Ibn al-Haitham. Nor was the latter's influence stopped 
in the thirteenth century and superseded by that of Witelo, Peckham, or Qutb 
al-dm It continued to be felt directly, East and West. Qutb al-dm's main 
pupil, Kamal al-din al-Farisl, wrote a valuable commentary on the Kitab al- 
manazir, and the Latin translation of Ibn al-Haitham was printed together with 
Witelo's treatise as late as 1572. 

2. Weights and measures This is of archaeological rather than of physical 
interest. Nor is there much to be said. 

Moses ibn Tibbon wrote a treatise explaining the weights and measures men- 
tioned in the Bible and the Talmud. Incidentally this same Moses translated 
Aristotle's Problems from Arabic into Hebrew. 

Of a more practical nature was chapter twenty-two of al-Kuhin al-'Attar's 
pharmaceutical handbook. This is quoted by way of illustration: students of 
ancient weights should always consult the treatises on materia medica. 

3. Magnetism The outstanding physical treatise of this period was the one 
written by the Picard crusader, Peter the Stranger, outside of the walls of Lucera in 
1269. Peter's Letter on the magnet was a summary of the magnetic knowledge 
then available, to which he himself had added considerably by his own experiments. 
Much attention was naturally devoted to compasses of various kinds, one of them 
very elaborate. Peter's Letter was the most remarkable example of experimental 
research in mediaeval times. We find in it the first suggestion of terrestrial 
magnetism. 

4. Mechanics, Technology, Engineering The subject of mechanics attracted 
almost as much attention as optics, but its study was apparently less fruitful. 
That is, it was less fruitful as far as immediate and practical results were concerned, 
and this is what we would expect considering the peculiarly elusive nature of 
mechanical concepts. A strange subject it is, which stretches from the most 
abstract and impalpable ideas down to the most concrete appliances. We shall 
begin our account on the most abstract side and proceed downwards 

The deepest thinker on mechanical problems was Roger Bacon, who had re- 
ceived a strong impulsion in that direction from Grosseteste and had also benefited 
by investigations made by other contemporaries of his, chiefly Peter the Stranger. 
Bacon and Olivi seem to have been the only ones of their generation to be reached 
by the astounding wave of knowledge due to the school of Nemorarius. Jordanus 
Nemorarius himself died in 1237, Robert Grosseteste in 1253; the treatise De 
ratione ponderis explaining the notion of statical moment may date only from 
the second half or end of the thirteenth century. However, Bacon's thoughts 
did not dwell so much on statics as on dynamics. He was pondering on the nature 



764 INTRODUCTION TO THE HISTORY OF SCIENCE [1250-1300] 

of force, especially on force or action at a distance. Curiously enough, these 
thoughts, earnest as they were, were partly astrological. For among the forces or 
actions considered by him were light and gravity, but also astrological influences, 
the reality of which were beyond doubt. How were these astrological influences 
transmitted across the open spaces? How were these distant causalities propa- 
gated? It was very remarkable to ask such questions, and we must not blame him 
for failing to solve them. He concluded logically enough in favor of the Aristotelian 
idea of the impossibility of a vacuum. 14 For how could any action be transmitted 
across nothingness? He also concluded that if there is no vacuum a plurality of 
worlds becomes inconceivable. 

Another Franciscan, but hailing from southern France, Peter Olivi of Serignan 
continued the elaboration of the concept of impetus which was to lead later to the 
concept of inertia. His own contribution may seem small to the non-historical 
physicist, but historians who realize the immense travail which was needed to 
pass from the crude intuitions of Philoponos and Simplicios to the more definite 
ideas of Galileo and Newton, will honor his memory. 

In the meanwhile Persian philosophers were approaching the same problem from 
a different angle. 'All ibn 'Umar al-Katibl of Qazwin was discussing the rotation 
of the earth. If it did rotate, could a flying bird keep up with it? He answered 
yes, because the atmosphere might be turning together with the earth and drag the 
bird. Yet he concluded against the possibility of such a rotation, because there 
are but two kinds of natural motions, rectilinear and circular, and sublunar motions 
are of the first kind. Qutb al-dm of Shiraz argued in the same vein. These 
shrewd minds were stupidly deadlocked because of an Aristotelian prejudice the 
power of which was not broken until the time of Galileo and Kepler. 

Still another approach was that of engineers trying to improve their machines. 
The dream of perpetual motion was beginning to engross their imagination. We 
find proofs of it in the album of Villard de Honnecourt architect, mechanician, 
naturalist, a humble forerunner of Leonardo da Vinci and in Peter the Stranger's 
treatise. Peter tried to create a perpetual motion by means of magnets ! 

Let us pass to hydrostatics and hydraulics. In the very year when Peter wrote 
his famous Epistola (1269), William of Moerbeke translated Archimedes' treatise 
on floating bodies from Greek into Latin. This is especially important because the 
Greek text is lost. Some hydraulic work was done by al-'Urdl in Damascus. This 
was before his departure for Maragha c. 1259, and may even have occurred before 
the middle of the century. Arabic hydraulics was but a mediocre continuation of 
the Archimedian and Hellenistic. 

Muslim astronomers had devised some nice instruments for the measurement of 
time. Among the Arabic works translated by order of King Alfonso was an 
anonymous one on the construction and use of the candle clock. This particular 
work was translated by Samuel ha-Levi. 

Some paper money, ch'ao 4 (514), was printed in Chinese and Arabic in 1294, at 
Tabriz, which is by the way the only place in Islam where there is arj. early record 
of blockprinting. That method was of Chinese origin. 15 We have a contemporary 

u i regret to say that the earlier history of that fundamental question was not sufficiently 
developed in my volume 1, however many hints will be found in it. The idea of vacuum was 
introduced by the Atomists; its main defender in early mediaeval times was Philoponos, later 
al-Baqilanl. On the other hand, the Ikhwan al-safa* were in this respect representatives of the 
Aristotelian tradition, which was later continued by Adelard of Bath, and by Bacon 

15 Vol. 1, 451, 512. 633. Some Egyptian blockprints are possibly earlier than the Tabriz 



[1250-1300] SURVEY OF SCIENCE AND INTELLECTUAL PROGRESS 765 

account of it by the great Persian historian, Fadl Allah Rashld al-dm, who lived 
in Tabriz (see vol. 3). Rashld al-dm must have known of the issue of paper money 
in 1294, but does not speak of it. 

Speaking of China, by far the largest engineering undertaking of that time was 
completed during Kublai Khan's rule the Grand Canal which connected his 
capital Khanbaliq with the old Sung capital Hang-chow, a distance of about twelve 
hundred miles. The part built by Kublai Khan, the northern part, from the Yel- 
low River to Khanbaliq, was 500 miles long. 16 

And we now come to what one would be tempted to call the lowest form of engi- 
neering military engineering, the art of hurting and killing one's fellowmen. 
However, that would be taking a sentimental and erroneous view of the matter. 
Without going to the extreme attitude of military historians like General Rathgen 
who proclaims that "Die Waffe ist der Ausgangspunkt aller Kultur/' 17 we must 
reconcile ourselves to the fact that from the boomerang down to the airplane many 
human inventions have been due to war or immeasurably developed by it. At any 
rate we must explain human progress as it occurred, and war played a large part in 
it, most of the time retrogressive, but sometimes in the right direction, 

Al-Hasan al-Rammah wrote two Arabic treatises on horsemanship and the art 
of war. As the titles suggest, much attention was paid to the use of horses. This 
is not surprising. Al-Hasan was a Syrian who was naturally well acquainted with 
the old Arabic traditions of spirited raids (ghazu). Yet as we shall see presently, 
his work dealt also with what we now call chemical warfare. Other tactics were 
introduced by the Mongols, and some improvements in military technique may 
possibly be ascribed to their immoderate lust for power. In his conquest of Persia 
and Iraq, Hulagu Khan is said to have employed a thousand Chinese engineers; 
on the other hand, we know that Kublai Khan engaged Persian technicians, such 
as A-lao-wa-ting and I-ssu-ma-yin, and the sons of these men, Ma-ho-sha and Ya- 
ku, remained in the Mongol service. These Persian engineers constructed ballistic 
engines, such as mangonels not cannons. 

5. Mus^c By this time the theory and practice of music was sufficiently ad- 
vanced in Christian Europe to continue its development without additional refer- 
ence to Muslim examples. We may thus just as well begin our account in the West. 

The Galician poems composed by King Alfonso 'were meant to be sung. Then- 
melodies have been preserved and their collection is one of the greatest treasures 
of mediaeval music. One of the best sources on contemporary music, as practised 
by the Franciscans, is the Latin chronicle of Fra Salimbene of Parma. 

The theory of music was explained by Georgios Pachymeres in his treatise on the 
quadrivium. 

Musical treatises were composed by Nair al-dm al-TusI, and by Qutb al-dln 
al-ShirazL However, the main theorist of this time, and one of the most famous in 
Islam to this day, was Safl al-dm 'Abd al-Mu'min al-Baghdadi. Safl al-dm 
witnessed the last days of the eastern caliphate, and after the fall of Baghdad (1258) 

ones, but this is not proved, and there is no record of them, only the undated prints. They 
must date from the period 900 to 1350, mostly from the latter part of it. Thomas Francis 
Carter: The invention of printing in China (128, 130, 137, New York 1925; Isis, 8, 361-373). 

16 For the sake of comparison, consider the following distances (i.e , the shortest traveling 
distances) : Boston to St. Louis, 1217 miles; London to Madrid, or to Rome, 1183 miles; Brus- 
sels to Berlin, 505 miles; Philadelphia to Cleveland, 487 miles; San Francisco to Los Angeles, 
475 miles. 

i7 Bernhard Rathgen. Das Geschutz im Mittelalter (127, Berlin 1928; Isis, 13, 125-127). 



766 INTRODUCTION TO THE HISTORY OF SCIENCE [1250-1300] 

entered the Mongol service. He was one of the founders of the "systematist" 
school. The invention of various instruments was ascribed to Nasir al-din (flute) 
and to {Jail al-din (archlute, psaltery). 

Summary 

The outstanding achievements were the following: 

(1) Peter the Stranger's magnetic experiments described by him in 1269. 

(2) First accurate theory of the rainbow by Qutb al-din al-Shlrazi, to be redis- 
covered independently by Theodoric of Freiberg. 

(3) Bacon's experiments and prophecies. In general, prophecies would not be 
taken into account, but Bacon's were too many to be discarded. 

(4) Invention of spectacles in North Italy. 

(5) Restatements of Ibn al-Haitham's optics by Witelo and John Peckham. 
Though their treatises were not intrinsically of great importance, they continued 
to dominate optical teaching and thinking throughout the end of the Middle Ages 
and the Renaissance until the beginning of modern times. 

(6) Discussion of optical principles by Bacon, Nasir akdin al-Tusi, and Qutb 
al-din. 

(7) Bacon's discussion of force, action at a distance, vacuum, plurality of worlds. 

(8) Discussion of impetus by Peter Ohvi 

(9) Further theorization of music by Safi al-din. 

Of the nine leaders, three came from France VUlard de Honnecourt, Peter the 
Stranger, and Peter OHvi; two from England John Peckham and Roger Bacon; 
one from Poland Witelo; two from Persia Nasir al-din and Qutb al-din; one from 
'Iraq Saf I al-din. 

VIII. CHEMISTRY 

The account of chemical progress in the second half of the thirteenth century is 
divided into five parts: 1. Gunpowder and pyrotechnics; 2. Glass industry; 3. 
Colors and pigments. Limning; 4. Strong and medicinal waters; 5. Alchemical 
theory and practice. 

1. Gunpowder and Pyrotechnics It is impossible to say when and where gun- 
powder was invented, but it is probable that the invention was made in the Latin 
world or perhaps in Syria in the second half of the thirteenth century. The possi- 
bility of a Chinese invention is not excluded but is unproved. The discovery hinged 
on the isolation and purification of potassium nitrate. It was necessary to dis- 
tinguish that kind of saltpeter from others which were of no use for this special 
purpose, and to free it sufficiently from the impurities which jeopardized its useful- 
ness. Moreover, it was not enough to discover gunpowder, but to apply its 
explosive force to the propulsion of missiles. That application the invention of 
fire-arms was the most important step, but it was not made before the second 
quarter of the fourteenth century. The invention of gunpowder, or more correctly 
of fire-arms, is often quoted as an example of revolutionary invention, but this 
is very misleading. The earlier fire-arms were so crude that their efficacy was 
very small. They were gradually improved, and many of these improvements 
were as revolutionary as the basal invention, if not more so. Thus that invention 
was not one great revolution, but a long series of smaller revolutions; like almost 
anything else, it reduces itself to a slow and gradual evolution. To illustrate its 



[1250-1300] STJKVEY OF SCIENCE AND INTELLECTUAL PROGEESS 767 

slowness and the relative inefficiency of early fire-arms, it may suffice to recall that 
as late as 1775-1776 that is, almost five centuries later Benjamin Franklin, 
who was an exceedingly practical man, being unable to obtain enough gunpowder 
for the army, seriously proposed to return to the use of bows and arrows ! 18 

Two of the early authors of pyrotechnic recipes deserve separate mention: Marc 
the Greek, and al-Hasan al-Rammah. The former is unknown except as the author 
of a Liber ignium which dates probably from this period. It includes a collection 
of recipes of all ages, one of the latest being a recipe for gunpowder. This may 
be the earliest recipe of its kind (Bacon's is certainly apocryphal). Al-Hasan 
al-Rammah was probably a Syrian; he died in 1294. He wrote treatises on the 
art of war in general, but they include pyrotechnic recipes, notably methods of 
preparing and purifying saltpeter. 

2. Glass Industry That ancient art received a great impetus because the use of 
glass, at once for vessels and for windows, became far more common. The main 
center of fabrication and distribution was now Venice. We are not aware of any 
definite improvement which can be ascribed to the glassmakers of Venice or Murano, 
at any rate at this time, but the existence of such a flourishing industry must have 
influenced the development of chemistry. As always, the influence was much 
diminished by trade secrecy, yet it must be taken into account. 

3. Colors and P^gments. Limning The traditions relative to painting and 
limning which we followed in the Mappae clavicula, Herachus, Theophile the 
Priest, etc. were continued in the Liber de coloribus faciendis of Peter of Saint 
Omer, and in other anonymous treatises. The subject was of interest to a growing 
public of scribes, limners, painters, dyers and other craftsmen. 

These needs were not restricted to the Christian world. Beautifully illuminated 
MSS. were produced by Muslims and Jews. I do not know contemporary treatises 
on the subject in Arabic, but we have two treatises written by Abraham ben Judah 
ibn Hayyim. One, finished at Louie, Portugal, 1262 (?), is in Portuguese written 
in Hebrew script. 

4. Strong and Medicinal Waters For another source of chemical ideas we may 
consult the medical treatises explaining the preparation and virtues of healing 
waters. A good example is the Tractatus mirabilis aquarum of Peter of Spain, 
dealing with twelve marvelous "waters," including alcohol, the elixir of life, and 
other menstrua. There are many such treatises ascribed to Theodoric Borgognoni, 
Albert the Great, Arnold of Villanova, Ramon Lull; but most of the m are anony- 
mous, or attributed to mythological authors, such as Hermes. 19 Moreover such 
"waters" are dealt with in medical MSS. or incidentally in other MSS. ; e.g., in the 
Liber ignium of Marc the Greek. 

5. Alchemical Theory and Practice We now come to the most important group, 
the one dealing with chemical generalities and methods. I have disposed before 
of the other treatises because they were more concrete, and humbler in their scope. 
Their scarcity and relative mediocrity must not surprise us, because we could 
hardly expect many chemical discoveries to be promptly divulged. In the case of 
technical applications for example, we must bear in mind that the craftsmen were 
not learned men; they were either illiterate, or their literacy was too shallow to 
make writing easy or tempting. 

18 Sydney George Fisher: The true Benjamin Franklin (266, Philadelphia 1898) . Quoting 
Franklin's reasons in his own words 

f9 For a number of examples see D. W. Singer: Catalogue of Latin and vernacular alchemi- 
cal MSS. in Great Britain (section XX, p. 639-685, Brussels 1930; Isis, 12, 168; 15, 299) . 



768 INTRODUCTION TO THE HISTORY OF SCIENCE [1250-1300] 

However, the learned men were not lacking in curiosity. Their attention had 
been focused on chemical problems by Aristotle's Meteorology, and the Kitab 
al-shifa' of Ibn Sina, works which were now available to the Latin as well as to the 
Arabic readers. Every philosopher had to face the alchemical challenge and to 
make a stand with regard to it. The Latin doctors were obviously embarrassed, 
and many of them sat on the fence. On the one hand, they had read Latin versions 
or elaborations of Ibn Sma and of other Arabic treatises on alchemy; on the other 
hand, some of the statements made by the more radical alchemists were too blatant 
and the conduct of these men savored but too often of quackery. Where was the 
truth? They felt that there must be some of it in alchemy, together with abundant 
lies, but it was difficult to depart the good from the evil. 

Let us consider more closely the attitude of a few of the leaders. Vincent of 
Beauvais' ideas were largely derived from the De aluminibus et salibus of al-Razi 
translated by Gerard of Cremona; he believed in the possibility of transmutation, 
but not unreservedly; his hesitations were probably due to Ibn Sina's influence. 
The chemical knowledge of Albert the Great was more concrete and detailed than 
Vincent's, but his general position was somewhat similar. He qualified his accept- 
ance of alchemy by adding that transmuted gold was different from real gold ! One 
of the alchemical treatises ascribed to Albert, the Semita recta, was translated 
into Greek by one Petros Theoctonicos (unless this be a corruption of Albert's own 
name?). That treatise is more radical than, for example, the Libellus de alchimia: 
the author of the Semita recta, whoever he be, declares that the differences between 
metals are only accidental, and hence that transmutation is possible, and he pro- 
ceeds to describe instruments and methods. Roger Bacon was deeply concerned 
with alchemy, and he even sent a treatise on the subject to Clement IV. He was 
opposed to the theory of the essential unity of matter, as explained for example in 
the Semita recta, and made a prudent distinction between good and bad alchemy. 

It should be noted that it requires some boldness to summarize these alchemical 
opinions, because authentic writings are very few and apocryphal ones very numer- 
ous. For practically none of these texts have the MSS. been studied critically, and 
their vicissitudes investigated. Hence all this is said under correction: " Albert's 
conclusions are such if the Libellus de alchimia is genuine," etc. To illustrate, a 
large number of alchemical writings bear the names of Arnold of Villanova and 
Ramon Lull, but most of them are probably apocryphal. We are not so sure about 
Arnold, who was a restless and unbalanced spirit anyhow. The main treatise 
ascribed to him, the Thesaurus thesaurorum, was very popular. With Ramon we 
are on much safer ground. No alchemical writings are mentioned in the contempo- 
rary lists of his works. Moreover in bis authentic works (e g., in Felix) he ex- 
pressed very neatly his disbelief in alchemy. His sayings on the subject remind us 
sometimes of the condemnation of alchemical imposture found in the Arabic writ- 
ings of al-Jawbari and *Abd al-Latlf. After his death the LuUian school exag- 
gerated every tendency of his toward the occult, and in spite of his aversion for 
them, it favored alchemical dreams. Thus it came to pass that some eighty 
alchemical treatises were gradually ascribed to Mm. 

To be sure, this large apocryphal literature it includes treatises attributed to 
Lull, Villanova, Duns Scot, Alfonso X, Albert the Great, etc. would deserve to 
be studied; but the value of many of these writings is considerably reduced for the 
historian by the impossibility of dating them. At any rate apocryphal writings 
are generally posterior to their alleged authors; it is probable that most of that 



[1250-1300] SURVEY OF SCIENCE AND INTELLECTUAL PROGRESS 



769 



literature is not anterior to the fourteenth century and thus that it lies outside the 
scope of this volume. With regard to the treatises ascribed to Lull, it has been 
proved that some of them were composed by a converted Jew, Raimundo de 
Tarrega (d. 1371). 

There is a group of writings which we must now consider with special attention, 
the Latin treatises ascribed to Geber They are not posterior to the thirteenth 
century, for there are two MSS of the end of that century. The largest and most 
important of these writings is the Summa perfections., which is an elaborate 
treatise on theoretical and practical alchemy. It is certainly derived from Arabic 
sources, but the real nature of that derivation is not yet understood It will only 
be possible to solve such questions when a corpus of the early alchemical literature 
in Arabic is finally established 20 In the meanwhile, the pseudo-Geber treatises 
enable us to measure the extent of alchemical knowledge in Latindom toward the 
end of the thirteenth century, and to realize its Arabic origin. Much of that 
knowledge was experimental, and we are given a definite idea of the methods and 
instruments employed to obtain it. 

Though Arabic alchemy dates back at least to the second half of the ninth cen- 
tury, it was still very vigorous at the end of the thirteenth, and continued to be so 
for another century at least. Abu-1-Qasim Muhammad ibn Ahmad, a famous 
alchemist of Iraq, flourished probably at this time, if not earlier. Indeed his 
main work, the " Knowledge acquired concerning the cultivation of gold," was the 
subject of a long commentary by al-Jildaki, who died in 1342, It defends without 
hesitation and qualification the alchemical teachings concerning the essential 
unity of metals and the possibility of their transmutation. In another book Abu- 
1-Qasim al-lraqi set forth the social aspect of alchemy, the obligation of secrecy. 
That obligation was a real godsend for the alchemists for it enabled them to justify 
the lack of intelligibility of their explanations! The reader who failed to under- 
stand dared not complain for his failure proved nothing but his own unworthiness. 

To sum up, such treatises as the Summa perfectionis and Abu-1-Qasim's are 
excellent accounts of the advanced and radical teachings of the alchemists; while 
all the writings which can be legitimately ascribed to the Latin philosophers 
Vincent of Beauvais, Albert the Great, Bacon, Lull, etc. represented rather a 
compromising point of view which was, all considered, a wise one. The extrava- 
gant claims of the alchemists and their quackish manners could not be counte- 
nanced, and yet were they not groping for some knowledge of essential value? 
They might fail eventually to discover the philosopher's stone, but maybe they 
would find something better? 

Alchemical research was not restricted to Latindom and to Islam, but it was there 
that it flourished best. The seeds of alchemy, which had come from Hellenistic 
Egypt, had found their most favorable soil in the Arabic speaking countries, and 
had continued their growth for centuries under the patronage of Muslim princes. 

20 Since the publication of my vol 1 (1927), the study of Arabic writings ascribed to Jabir 
(Geber) has progressed in a very remarkable way. That progress may easily be followed in 
the Critical bibliographies of Isis (no 19 and fif. in vol. 8 and ff ), mainly in the sections de- 
voted to the second half of the eighth century and to Islam. The most recent investigations 
by Paul Kraus lead to the conclusion that these writings were composed under Isma'lli influ- 
ence sometime before the Epistles of the Brethren of Purity (second half of the tenth century) . 
Paul Kraus: DschSbir ibn ^ajjan und die Isma/llijja (Dritter Jahresbericht des Forschungs- 
Instituts fur Geschiehte der Naturwissenschaften, 23-42, Berlin 1930; Isis, 15, 399) ; Studien zu 
Jabir ibn Hayyan (Isis, 15, 7-30, 1931), 



770 IKTBODTJCTION TO THE HISTORY OF SCIENCE [1250-1300] 

The time had now come for those vigorous seedlings to be transplanted and to start 
a new life in Western Europe. A work like the Summa perfectionis might be 
considered the first monument of Latin alchemy, itself the ancestor of our modern 
chemistry. 

It is hardly necessary to speak of the alchemical efforts which were made in other 
countries. It will suffice to say that we have alchemical treatises written in Greek 
by Nicephoros Blemmydes, and in Syriac by the Nestorian 'Abhd-isho' bar Berikha; 
there is also one by the Egyptian Jew, Ibn Kammuna, but it was written in Arabic 
and should be studied together with the other Arabic treatises. 

Summary 

Thanks to the arts, chemical knowledge was slowly but gradually increasing. 
The makers of colors and dyes, of glass and ceramics, of cosmetics and medicinal 
waters, of fireworks and maybe of gunpowder, improved little by little their crafts- 
manship. Each generation added a few recipes to the stock of older ones collected 
from everywhere. Unfortunately most of the recipes were trade secrets and 
remained unpublished. These craftsmen as a rule were interested only in the 
recipes, and were not concerned in the theories which might be back of them. A 
recipe worked or it did not work, and that was the end of it, 

For theories that is, for science proper we have to go to the alchemists and 
to the philosophers who were more or less interested in alchemical research. The 
alchemical theory hardly developed, but it was now conquering the Latin world. 
Thus the Latin alchemists were guided by provisional hypotheses, and this enabled 
them to accumulate an increasing amount of experimental technique and knowledge 
and to reduce their results to a semblance of order By the end of this period 
western alchemy was well on its way. 

IX. GEOGRAPHY 

For the history of geography it is expedient to return to our racial subdivision. 
We shall deal successively with: (1) Western Christians; (2) Eastern Christians; 
(3) Western Jews; (4) Western Muslims; (5) Eastern Muslims; (6) Chinese. 

1. Western Christians Let us begin with the maps, each of which is a neat 
synthesis of geographical knowledge. To be sure they never represent the latest 
stage of that knowledge, for there is always a delay and in mediaeval times that 
delay might be very long between the discovery of new lands and the cartograph- 
ical record of it. It is clear, for example, that the explorations to be dealt with 
presently could hardly be recorded by the map makers of this period. Thus if 
we had to tell the history of the discovery of any single country, we would explain 
first when and how the discovery was made, then when it was described, when it 
was mapped. 

The most progressive cartography was that of the portolani, created to meet 
the urgent needs of seafaring men. There is much discussion as to where the 
earliest portolani appeared. At any rate the "normal portolano" was almost 
certainly a Mediterranean production; it had already reached a high stage of 
development in the last third of the thirteenth century. The importance of these 
portolani can hardly be exaggerated. As opposed to the monastic maps of the 
theologians and the Ptolemaic maps of the cabinet geographers, they were primarily 
derived from direct observations. Unfortunately these observations were not 



[1250-1300] SURVEY OF SCIENCE AND INTELLECTUAL PROGRESS 771 

astronomical but purely empirical, the relative positions of places being determined 
by dead reckoning. However, crude observations are better than blind tradition, 
and these observations were not made once for all but on the contrary submitted 
to frequent verification. This fact is proved by the gradual improvement of the 
portolani during the following century. Their chief merit is that they introduced 
the spirit of direct observation into cartography. 

Most of the portolani that have come down to us are western, but there are a 
few Muslim ones (none of the thirteenth century). There is no doubt that the 
Arabic navigators who were the masters of the eastern seas from the ninth century 
to the end of the fifteenth had also some kind of sea charts, but no early one has 
yet come down to us. The existence and use of such charts, East and West, in the 
second half of the thirteenth century, if not before, is confirmed by references to 
them in the Arbor scientiae of Ramon Lull, in the memoirs of Marco Polo, and in 
the lives of Saint Louis and Arghun, the Il-khan of Persia. 

Naturally portolani could not supersede the earlier maps at once. To begin 
with, they were a little too onesided for general use. Sailors were interested only 
in the coasts, hardly in the hinterland which was the main concern of the land- 
lubbers, that is, of the great majority of men. Hence portolani could not satisfy 
the ordinary geographical needs. No wonder that monastic maps continued not 
only to be used but also to be constructed. Three typical maps of this time may 
be quoted: the small Psalter map of the British Museum, the larger Hereford map, 
and the immense Ebstorf map. These maps are very different with regard to 
particulars, but the general conception is the same in all three: the universe is in 
the shape of a wheel, of which Jerusalem is the hub, and the ocean the rim. 

Interesting maps were compiled by the great English chronicler, Matthew Paris. 
These maps are excellent examples of the scholarly cartography continuing and 
improving the Ptolemaic tradition. Paris' knowledge was not experimental in the 
same way as that of the portolan designers, but it was derived from written or 
spoken itineraries. Its lack of geographical precision was largely due to the fact 
that travelers on land do not attempt to determine their position as accurately 
as sailors, and do not even have to determine it themselves; they can depend on 
the inhabitants to tell them where they are and to guide them to the next stage 
of their journey, Paris' map of England is the earliest known detailed map of that 
country. 

A map of the world showing the coordinates of the principal places was drawn 
by Bacon to accompany the Opus naajus which he sent to the Pope. That map 
is unfortunately lost but we know his geographical ideas from the Opus itself. 
He took pains to be well informed; for example, he made use of the traveling account 
of his contemporary, William of Rubruquis, while Vincent of Beauvais and even 
fourteenth century writers were ignorant of it. He impressed upon the Pope the 
value of geographical research. He believed in the habitability of the southern 
hemisphere and suggested the possibility of reaching India by sailing westward 
from Europe. That suggestion was indirectly known to Columbus. 

Albert the Great paid less attention to geography than did Bacon, but he wrote 
a treatise on weather and climates. 

We have a number of accounts of pilgrimages to the Holy Land, Some twenty- 
eight in Latin, eight in French, one in German. It is not worthwhile to consider 
them separately, except the one written by the German Dominican, Burchard of 
Mount Sion, which includes one of the best mediaeval descriptions of Palestine. 



772 INTRODUCTION TO THE HISTORY OF SCIENCE [1250-1300] 

By far the most remarkable geographical events of this age were the immense 
journeys from western Europe to the Mongolian court, and vice versa. One such 
journey would have been striking enough, but we know many men who accom- 
plished the same feat and there must be others whose names have not come down 
to us. The causes of these journeys were complex missionary activities of Fran- 
ciscans and Dominicans, commercial enterprise of Venice and Genoa, desire on 
the part of popes and Christian princes to find allies in the Far East against the 
Muslim terror. Whatever the motives, the scientific results were of considerable 
importance. The increase in our geographical knowledge of Asia was perhaps 
greater in this period than in any other before the nineteenth century. 

All of these travelers to the Far East were Italians, except William of Rubruquis, 
who was a Fleming He was sent unofficially by St. Louis to the Mongolian court 
in 1253, traveled overland all the way from Crimea to Qaraqorum and returned 
in 1255. His account was far more elaborate than Carpinfs, though less well 
written; it is full of geographical and ethnographical information. 

As far as we know, the Genoese, Buscarello de' Ghizolfi, did not go beyond the 
H-khanate of Persia; however he did not simply reach the court of the Il-khan, 
Arghun, but was employed by him and sent back as his envoy to the western 
powers. He returned to Persia in 1291 together with Geoffrey of Langele, who 
represented the king of England. The letter which Arghun wrote to Philip le 
Bel, king of France, in 1289, and entrusted to Buscarello, is preserved to this day 
in the national archives of France; it is one of the most curious diplomatic docu- 
ments in existence. It is a long roll written in Mongolian, Uighur script, with 
a Chinese seal affixed to it. 

With John of Montecorvino, like Eubruquis a Franciscan, we pass from the 
realm of diplomacy to that of religion. Friar John founded, c 1291, a mission in 
the Madras region, this being the earliest Catholic mission in India, with the legen- 
dary exception of the one ascribed in the same region to St. Thomas the Apostle. 
Then he proceeded to Cathay by sea and founded a new mission in Cambaluc. 
His task was very difficult because his opponents were not simply Mongols and 
Chinese, but Muslims and worst of all, Nestorian Christians, who had been estab- 
lished in China for centuries. John's mission was again the first Catholic one in 
that country, and he was the first archbishop of Cambaluc. Thus he was the first 
missionary of Rome both in India and in China. He wrote an admirable descrip- 
tion of India, especially of the Coromandel coast which he knew best. 

And we now come to the Polo family, the two elder ones, Niccolo and Maffeo, 
and the younger Marco, Niccold's son. As their exploits, especially Marco's, 
have captured the imaginations of men, they are among the best known personali- 
ties of mediaeval times. The Poll were not missionaries of the kingdom to come, 
but of the commercial power of Venice; they were not diplomats, or more exactly 
their diplomacy was restricted to trade. The elder Marco, Marco Polo's uncle, 
had built up a business in Constantinople and Crimea, and this served as a basis of 
operation to his younger brothers, Niccolo and Maffeo, when they extended their 
trade to other parts of the Mongolian dominions. They finally reached the court of 
Kublai Khan and the latter sent them back as his envoys to the pope. In 1271 
Niccolo and Maffeo, accompanied by their son and nephew Marco, left Venice and 
retraced their steps towards Mongolia. They crossed Asia overland, reaching 
Kublai's capital in 1275. In 1292 they returned home, most of the return voyage 
being made by sea. During his long stay in Cathay young Marco made long 



[1250-1300] STJKVET OF SCIENCE AND INTELLECTUAL PROGRESS 773 

journeys across the country in various directions on imperial errands and was 
even for a while governor of a great city! When they reached Venice in 1295 they 
brought back with them such wonderful tales that their countrymen were at 
first incredulous. Marco dictated a long account of his travels, which is the most 
fascinating work of its kind in mediaeval times. Strange as much of his news 
seemed, its general truthfulness has been amply confirmed by archaeological and 
literary evidence. The fact that he was a merchant, not a missionary or diplomat, 
gave him a keener sense of realities and of values. 

We must mention one more missionary, this time a Dominican, Ricoldo di Monte 
Croce, though his travels are insignificant compared with those already mentioned. 
He did not go further east than Tabriz, but he spent many years in Iraq and wrote 
a valuable description of the various communities (Mongolians, Muslims, Nes- 
torians, etc.) he had come across. 

The six great men I have dealt with were only the leaders and the more con- 
spicuous examples of many more who were then traveling along the highroads and 
along the byways of Asia. We have indirect evidence of the presence of many 
other Europeans: not to speak of the Nestorians who had had time to become true 
Asiatics, though without abandoning their faith, remember the "Ethiopians" who 
came to visit John of Montecorvino in Cambaluc, and that impious Lombard 
surgeon who gave him so much pain. Remember also the Caucasian guards (A 
su) of Kublai Khan, And how did Montecorvino J s letters reach Italy? They 
were relayed throughout the whole length of Asia by Franciscan and Dominican 
missionaries. 

And yet such was the spiritual and commercial activity of Latin Christendom, 
that the tremendous events I have outlined did not even suffice to satisfy it. While 
the Rubruquis, the Montecorvini, the Poll, were plodding eastwards dreaming of 
gold and jewels, or of the fabulous power of Prester John, or of the innumerable 
souls to be redeemed in the name of Jesus Christ, other adventurers and heroes were 
making other dreams, not less bold nor less fertile. Would it not be possible to 
reach the legendary isles of the Ocean, to find a way around Africa to the wealth 
of India and Cathay? Under the influence of these dreams began the series of 
navigations which was to lead two centuries later to the discovery of a New World. 

I say began perhaps I ought to have said began anew, for the first beginning 
had been made in ancient times; the second, according to al-Mas'udi and al- 
Idrisi, by Muslim sailors; and thus the attempts made by Genoese sailors were only 
the third series. But never mind which series it was; each of these beginnings was 
a true beginning, for there remained nothing of the earlier ones to encourage them 
in their enterprise but stories too vague to give them the slightest hold. The first 
of these Genoese was Lanzarote Malocello who rediscovered the Fortunate Islands 
(the northern Canaries) c. 1270-1275, and tried to colonize them but failed. Then 
some fifteen years later Ugolino and Vadino Vivaldo if one may believe the tra- 
dition set out from Genoa in two galleys to discover the seaway round Africa to 
India. Franciscans sailed with them, and thus religion was mixed up with trade. 
All hands were lost. Some time later a younger scion of the same family, Sorleone 
Vivaldo, tried to find them, and in the course of his travels reached what is now 
Italian SomaUland, that is, the eastern coast of Africa. This implies that he had 
so much faith in his people that he assumed they had accomplished at least a part 
of their purpose. 

Finally, Lull's religious romance, Blanquerna, (c. 1283) contains an account of 
the earliest European journey to the Sudan. 



774 INTRODUCTION TO THE HISTORY OF SCIENCE [1250-1300] 

The Venetians and Genoese were not the only rivals in the international compe- 
tition for foreign and colonial markets. They were simply the leaders of the 
Mediterranean trade. In the meanwhile the strength of northern merchants was 
steadily growing. The commercial towns of the Baltic and North Seas realized 
the need of cooperation, and thus was prepared the creation of the Hanseatic 
League. The history of that League did not really begin before the second half 
of the fourteenth century, but its origins can be traced back to the thirteenth 
century. This concerns economic history rather than the history of geography, 
yet it must be taken into account if we wish to visualize the commercial and 
political background of geographical discoveries. 

2, Eastern Christians As compared with the immense achievements of the 
Latins, those of Eastern Christians were of little moment. Let us consider in 
succession the Greeks, Syrians, and Armenians. 

(a) Greeks. Nicephoros Blemmydes wrote a geographical summary largely de- 
rived from the poem composed almost twelve centuries earlier by Dionysios Perie- 
getes, and a treatise on the spherical shape of the earth and its zones. One of the 
anthologies compiled by Maximos Planudes was made up of historical and geo- 
graphical extracts. 

(b) Syrians. The Syriac chronicle of Abu-1-Faraj included a map of the climates, 
which was said to be the best example of Syriac cartography. We cannot appre- 
ciate it as it is lost, but it was in all probability a reflection of Muslim knowledge, 
and its qualities were due to Arabic rather than to purely Syriac influences. 21 A 
far more interesting Syriac document is the translation of Bar Sauma's Persian 
diary of his journey from China to the West. The original text is lost and we know 
this most remarkable story only through the Syriac translation. I shall come back 
to it in the Chinese section below. 

(c) Armenians. The geography of Armenia ascribed to Vardan the Great is 
certainly apocryphal but nevertheless very valuable, one of our best sources for the 
study of the topography of mediaeval Armenia. The real author was probably 
one of Vardan's disciples. 

Even as the western potentates were sending one emissary after another to the 
Great Khan with the hope of obtaining his help against the dreaded Saracens, even 
so the head of the Latin kingdom of Armenia was impelled to do the same. Indeed 
his predicament was far worse than that of the European kings, and but for the 
protection afforded to him by his mountainous boundaries his little kingdom would 
have been in the direst peril. Hayton the Elder, the third sovereign of the New 
Armenia to bear the title of king, sent his brother Sempad to the Great Khan 
Kuyuk in 1246, and a few years later, after Hangups accession, he himself went 
all the way to Mongolia and back, thus repeating the exploits of the Latin mission- 
aries. An astounding feat for a king! Unfortunately the account, which was 
written in Armenian by his secretary, Cyriacus of Gandzak, is tantalizingly short. 

3. Western Jews Israel has never been rich in travelers and explorers, and her 
pilgrims have been far less numerous than the Muslim or Christian and less anxious 
to bequeath to posterity an account of their journeys. The only one of this period 
worth mentioning was the Rabbi Jacob sent by the Jewish community of Paris to 
the eastern synagogues to obtain their financial help. The account of his mission 
includes a list of sacred places visited by him in the Holy Land. He may be the 
author of an anonymous Hebrew itinerary from Paris to Acre. 

21 Isis, 9, 460. 



[1250-1300] SURVEY OF SCIENCE AND INTELLECTUAL PROGEESS 775 

4. Western Muslims The reader may have noticed that thus far I have not yet 
spoken of a single geographical treatise, with the exception of the one which formed 
a part of Bacon's Opus majus. For such treatises we have to turn to Islam. A 
very remarkable one was composed by the Maugrabin, 'All ibn Musa Ibn Sa'ld. 
Of course it was largely derived from Ptolemy and al-Idrisi, but it contained novel- 
ties, for example many coordinates not given by the latter. He had some knowledge 
of the Senegal River, and of the northern countries of Europe, including Iceland. 
He had traveled extensively throughout the Dar al-islam and had met the Il-khan 
Hulagu in Persia. His work was much used, and later corrected, by Abu-1-Fida' 
in the following period. 

Two distinguished Muslim pilgrims hailed from western Islam . Muhammad al- 
1 Abdar! from Valencia, and Muhammad ibn Rushaid from Ceuta. In those days 
Moorish pilgrims preferred to travel overland all along the African coast, because 
this was entirely an Islamic road Thanks to the immense activity of Venetian 
and Genoese navigators, not to speak of others, the Mediterranean Sea was becom- 
ing more and more of a Christian Sea; it was dangerous for Muslim craft to cross it 
lengthwise. And perhaps also the overland road (with a possible break from Tunis 
to Egypt, this part being often done by water to avoid the hardships of the desert) 
was more congenial to the pilgrims, each of whom, whether learned or not, acquired 
sooner or later the reckless spirit of a tramp, who is not afraid of the length of a 
journey but would lengthen it if he could and thus increase his own happiness. God's 
own tramps ! Could anything be more pleasant than walking day after day, seeing 
strange people and countries, stopping here or there for a week or a month or a 
year, then resuming one's journey, and all the while acquiring merit and escaping 
the tracasserie, and tedium, and responsibility of home life! Al-'Abdarl wrote a 
very valuable account of his long journey, and from Ibn Rushaid we have two 
precious itineraries, the one dealing with Spain, the other with Africa. 

5. Eastern Muslims While Ibn Sa'id al-Maghribi was writing his geographical 
treatise, various other treatises of similar or larger scope were being composed in 
the East. 

Nasir al-din translated into Persian the Suwar al-aqalim of al-Balkhi, adding 
remarks of his own and maps. His astronomical tables included naturally geo- 
graphical data. A part of his Tadhkira dealt with the explanation of the earth's 
shape and size, and contained an account of the seas, sea-winds, etc. The Nihaya 
of his disciple, Qutb al-din, dealt with similar subjects geodesy, seas, climes, etc. 
When Arghun had sent Buscarello de' Ghizolfi to Europe in 1289, he was shown the 
latter's progress on a map by Qutb al-din. 

Nasir al-din and Qutb al-din were primarily mathematical geographers, but not 
exclusively so," witness their interest in seas and winds, etc. The two following 
geographers, al-Qazwini and al-Watwat, were of the encyclopaedic or cosmographic 
type. Al-Qazwini, sometimes called the Persian Pliny, wrote an immense cosmo- 
graphy which contains much material of geographical interest, and also a geo- 
graphy proper, that is, a description of the world, clime by clime. This is very 
systematic: for each clime the separate cities, countries, mountains, islands, etc. 
are arranged in alphabetical order. It is a collection of seven geographical dic- 
tionaries, one for each clime. Al-Qazwinf s cosmography and geography were 
immensely popular in the East, as is shown by the number of MSS. (including 
many illuminated ones), elaborations, commentaries, and translations into Persian, 
Turkish, and Mongolian. Al-Watw5t was to al-Qazwini as a bat is to an eagle, 
yet his encyclopaedia of natural history and geography deserves mention. 



776 INTRODUCTION TO THE HISTORY OF SCIENCE [1250-1300] 

I have kept the best for the end. Al-Qazwlnf s work was immense, to be sure, 
but we are less impressed by it than by the achievements of the great historian 
al-JuwainL The latter traveled twice from Persia to Mongolia and back, and 
later continued his peregrinations in the wake of his master, Hulagu. To be 
secretary to such a man as Htilagu was not exactly a sedentary occupation. How- 
ever for many years he was governor of Baghdad. It is very interesting to compare 
his account of Qaraqorum with the contemporary one by William of Rubruquis. 

6. Chinese Any account of Chinese endeavors in this period must always begin 
with a reference to Kublai Khan, who was a partner, and of necessity the biggest 
one, in every great undertaking. Under his orders the Yellow River was explored 
up to its sources in the Kokonor region, and missions were sent to South India, 
East Africa, and Madagascar. We have already seen that Marco Polo was also 
sent by him on long errands These took Marco as far west as Yunnan and Tibet, 
and as far south as Burma and Cochin-China. 

Besides the explorers employed by Kublai, at least four other men distin- 
guished themselves greatly, and raised the record of Chinese traveling of that time 
almost as high as the Latin one. 

First there was Ch'ang T6 who was sent by Mangu Khan to Hulagu in 1259, 
and thus traveled from Qaraqorum to 'Iraq. Then Yeh-lii Hsi-liang, who explored 
Central Asia in 1260-1263. The third was Chou Ta-kuan, who went on a mission 
to Cambodia in 1296 and described that marvelous group of temples, Angkor-Vat, 
which remained practically unknown from the time of Chou's visit to 1861. He 
gave a very good account of Cambodian customs. Finally, the Nestorian priest, 
Bar Sauma, traveled all the way from Pei-ping to Western Asia and then to Italy 
and other European countries, then returned to Baghdad, where he died in 1293, 
Bar Sauma was the earliest identified Chinese to reach western Europe. 

Chinese work in mathematical geography was far less important. However it 
is recorded that Kuo Sehou-ching, Kublai's astronomer, sent assistants into various 
parts of China to determine geographical coordinates. 

Summary 

This was indeed a golden age from the geographer's point of view. Let us see 
briefly how much was accomplished, leaving out of the picture the secondary or 
retrogressive activities. 

The earliest normal portolani date from this time and they inaugurated a new 
period in the development of cartography. Matthew Paris 7 maps were memorable 
in spite of their crudity. Many other maps were mentioned e.g , apropos of 
Bacon, Abu-1-Faraj, Qutb al-din but as they have failed to reach us we have no 
means of appreciating their value. 

The only geographical theorist in the West was Bacon, and in this field he proved 
himself once more a prophet. For other works on theoretical and mathematical 
geography we have to go to Muslims or Chinese: Ibn Sa'id al-MaghribJ, Na$ir 
al-din al~Tus! y Q u tb al-din al-Shirazi, Kuo Shou-ching, The immense cosmo- 
graphical work of al-Qazwinl is one of the outstanding monuments of mediaeval 
learning. 

The two most valuable studies of local geography were the Armenian topography 
ascribed to Vardan the Great, and the account of Cambodia published at the end 
of the century by Chou Ta-kuan. 



[1250-1300] SURVEY OF SCIENCE AND INTELLECTUAL PROGRESS 777 

The most significant achievements of the age were in the line of exploration 
and travel The long journeys made by Christian and Jewish pilgrims to reach 
the Holy Land hardly deserve to be recalled; the trans- African journeys to Mecca 
of Muhammad al-'Abdar! and Muhammad ibn Rushaid are more interesting, yet 
commonplace. The new expeditions into the Atlantic, along the West African 
coast and the East African coast and into the Sudan, were anticipations and 
promises rather than durable accomplishments. 

The great events were the trans- Asiatic journeys ; one is amazed by each of them, 
and even more by their frequency. Just realize that within half a century the 
innumerable risks of such long journeys were faced and successfully overcome by 
no less than thirteen persons, not counting the many less known or anonymous ones 
who traveled in their wake or independently. Listen to this roll call: William 
of Rubruquis, Buscarello de 7 Ghizolfi, John of Montecorvino, Niccolo, Maffeo 
and Marco Polo, Ricoldo di Monte Croce, Hayton the Elder and Ms brother Sem- 
pad, al-Juwaim, Ch'ang T6, Yeh-lu Hsi-liang, Bar Sauma. What a magnificent 
array of men! 

As compared with the previous period, during which Italy could boast but a 
single hero of travel, or geographer Giovanni Pian del Carpine she now set out 
a whole company of them: Buscarello de' Ghizolfi, Montecorvino, the three Poli, 
Ricoldo di Monte Croce, to whom might be added perhaps Lanzarote Malocello and 
the brothers Vivaldi nine outstanding men. Three times more than all the rest 
of Europe put together: the two Englishmen, Matthew Paris and Bacon, and the 
Fleming, William of Rubruquis. 

So much for Europe. Among Eastern Christians there were three great Armen- 
ians, Hayton the Elder, his brother Sempad, and Vardan (or rather the unknown 
author of the Armenian geography) ; and one Nestorian, Bar Sauma Perhaps we 
ought to have counted also Bar Sauma's fellow traveler, Marcos Bainiel, who be- 
came patriarch in 1281 under the name of Yaballaha III. 

Thus, in all, sixteen or seventeen Christians. We dealt also with seven Muslims, 
three from the West: Ibn Sa'Id, Muhammad al-'Abdari, and Muhammad ibn 
Rushaid; and four from the East : Nasir al-dm, Qutb al-dm, al-Qazwmi, al-Juwaini. 
Finally four Chinese: Kuo Shou-ching, Chou Ta-kuan, Ch'ang T, and Yeh-lu 
Hsi-liang. Truly a golden age! 

X. NATURAL HISTORY 

It is difficult to classify the men dealt with in this chapter, for the simple reason 
that none of them, except perhaps the Chinese, were true naturalists. They were 
most of them philosophers, encyclopaedists, geographers, translators, physicians, 
almost anything, but not naturalists. And yet when one tries to measure the 
progress of natural history at this time one is surprised to find a not inconsiderable 
quantity of materials of great value and diversity. For if naturalists were rare 
and far between, almost every philosopher or physician was obliged to ask himself 
and to answer as well as he could a whole series of questions which belong to the 
field of natural history. Hence this is a strange drama, involving many actors, some 
of them great ones, but great in another way, and not especially concerned in this 
action. Many actors, but no leading ones. 

1. Western Christendom The album of the French architect, Villard de Honne- 
court, contains various sketches of animals (molluscs, Crustacea, insects, birds, 
porcupine, lion) and of artistic anatomy, and on the last leaf a recipe to preserve 
the natural colors of flowers kept in a herbarium. 



778 INTRODUCTION TO THE HISTORY OF SCIENCE [1250-1300] 

The wild asses of Central Asia and the great mountain sheep, incorrectly called 
ovis poll, were first mentioned (in a western language at least) by William of 
Rubruquis. The book of Marco Polo is full of interesting items : mentions of coal 
and its use, asbestos, tutty, mountain rhubarb, rice and rice wine, indigo, ginger, 
Georgian goshawks, fat-tailed sheep, humped oxen, etc. Polo is a good illustration 
of my initial statement. Of course you could not call him a naturalist; his active 
and agile mind was not bent that way; and yet thanks to him our knowledge of the 
natural history of Asia was enriched and improved at many points. Other travel 
accounts would perhaps yield additional little bits of information, not much how- 
ever, for the singularities and "marvels" which attracted the attention were always 
the same, and the average traveler was so dull, so impervious to the spirit of obser- 
vation, that he preferred to recite them secondhand rather than to try to observe 
them himself, even when the verification was easy. As to the observation of in- 
conspicuous plants and animals, nobody was ready for them save perhaps a few 
obstinate herbalists searching for new remedies. 

Should we mention at all the Bestiaire d'amour of Richard de Fournival? It is 
a bestiary, but we doubt whether the zoologist will find any grist in it for his own 
mill 

Peter of Spain wrote a long commentary on Aristotelian zoology based on 
Michael Scot's Latin version. It was more scholastic than zoological and was 
soon superseded by the far better commentary prepared by Albert the Great. 

The Speculum naturale of Vincent of Beauvais was a vast encyclopaedia of 
natural history containing abundant extracts from a great number of writings. 
It gives us on the whole a good idea of the average knowledge available to the 
clerks, who were not specialized scientists, about the middle of the century. Much 
space was devoted to plants and animals, and his description of fishes was better 
than Albert's His geology was indirectly derived from Ibn Sma. 

Of all the Christians, the one who came nearest to being a true naturalist was 
Albert the Great. There was the stuff of a naturalist in him, and he might have 
become one, and a great one, if his interests had not been of encyclopaedic scope 
and his energy endlessly dispersed. He made genuine attempts to see things him- 
self; for example, he visited laboratories and mines. His geological views were 
Avicennian. He discussed erosion, the formation of mountains, the movements of 
the sea (he noticed the sea's withdrawal from Bruges), volcanic explosions, the 
presence of fossil shells in rocks. The botanical part of his work was particularly 
remarkable, We find in it rudiments of botanical geography, notes on the mor- 
phology of seeds, on the relationship between galls and insects, etc. The zoological 
part was in the form of an elaborate commentary on Michael Scot's version, but 
of twenty-six books the last seven were more original and contained the results of 
observations made by himself or communicated to him by the observers. Many 
animals were here described for the first time. Albert had some crude notions of 
what we would call to-day comparative animal psychology. He did not hesitate 
to reject many of the fables which made up the bulk of the mediaeval bestiaries. 
On the whole he was a good observer, but a weak theorist easily subdued by his 
authorities, especially Aristotle and Ibn Sina. 

As a naturalist Bacon was far behind Albert and even Vincent. It is true he 
wrote questions on the Aristotelian De plantis, and had planned to include an 
account of plants and animals in his Compendium philosophiae. Yet he was too 
much of a Platonist and of a mathematical physicist to take a real interest in natural 



[1250-1300] SUKVEY OF SCIENCE AND INTELLECTUAL PROGEESS 779 

history, that is (as it was then), nothing but description, with hardly the possibility 
of classification and generalization. 

The Clavis sanationis of Simon of Genoa, an immense dictionary of materia 
medica, is our mam source for the study of thirteenth century botany, in spite of 
the fact that the author's interest was linguistic and medical rather than botanical. 

A separate group might be made of the men who promoted husbandry. This 
would include, to begin with, encyclopaedists like Vincent and Albert. However, 
Vincent's main views on the subject are not in the Speculum naturale, but in the 
Speculum doctrinale, that extraordinary hotchpotch which is itself the best illus- 
tration of the shallowness of his mind. As to Albert, his zoological treatise con- 
tains information on hunting and fishing, including even an account of whaling 
and walrus hunting. Much else of interest to husbandmen, at any rate to those 
who were sufficiently literate to refer to books e g , the abbots of rich monasteries 
and great stewards could be found in Vincent's Specula and Albert's Aristotelian 
commentaries. Then one would have to speak also of a king like Dinis the Liberal, 
who considered it an essential part of his sacred trust to develop the economic 
resources of his country, foster agriculture in every way, improve the methods of 
cultivation, and plant new forests. 

As to the authors of books on husbandry, two of the greatest in mediaeval Europe 
flourished in this period; Walter of Henley and Peter of Crescenzi. We do not 
know exactly when the former flourished "about the middle of the thirteenth 
century," do we put it? Was his French "Hosebondrie" written before the middle 
or after it? It is impossible to say. We have placed him arbitrarily in the pre- 
ceding period, but he belonged perhaps more completely to this one? With regard 
to Peter of Crescenzi we have no such doubts. He was undoubtedly a man of the 
thirteenth century, and he lived throughout the second half of it, yet like his illus- 
trious forerunner, Cato the Censor, he composed his great work only in old age: 
the Liber cultus ruris was not completed until c. 1305. We shall deal with it in 
volume 3, but the reader must bear in mind that this is somewhat arbitrary, for 
the work as well as the man was to a large extent a product of the thirteenth century. 

Another group is that of the writers on falconry. Some of the treatises dealt 
with in Book III belong to the present period, Manfred prepared a revision of the 
De arte venandi cum avibus of his father, the emperor Frederick II, and it was 
that revision which was finally printed. Two treatises of Arabic origin were 
translated from Latin into French by Daniel of Cremona for another of Frederick's 
natural sons, the poor Enzio. The apocryphal letter addressed to Ptolemy, king 
of Egypt, was inserted in the Speculum naturale of Vincent of Beauvais. We 
have already dealt with a Catalan version of the same text. A part of book 
twenty-three of Albert's zoology was devoted to the subject, and the special interest 
attached to it is proved by the existence of a separate Renaissance edition of it, 
De falconibus, asturibus et accipitribus (Augsburg 1596-1598). Another con- 
temporary treatise is the one ascribed to Dancus, king of Armenia, which has come 
down to us in a French version dated 1284. That French text may be the original 
one, or else the treatise was first written in Latin; but in any case, it cannot be 
much anterior to the last quarter of the thirteenth century. The history of falconry 
is continued in the following section. 

2. Greeks There is but one Greek to be considered, Demetrios Pepagomenos, 
physician to Michael Palaeologos ; but he was a man of some distinction. He wrote 
a treatise on falconry which was the most elaborate of the age and independent 



780 INTRODUCTION TO THE HISTORY OF SCIENCE [1250-1300] 

of the somewhat earlier work of Frederick II. It includes helminthological obser- 
vations. There are other Greek treatises on the subject dating presumably from 
the same time. Demetrios may be the author of a book on dogs. 

3. Western Israel Judah ben Moses, one of the translators employed by King 
Alphonso, translated from Arabic into Spanish a lapidary dealing with 360 stones, 
divided between the twelve signs of the zodiac. 

Ibn Rushd's commentary on Aristotelian zoology was translated from Arabic 
into Hebrew by Jacob ben Mahir, the task being completed in 1302. 

The first part of the Sha'ar ha-shamayim of Gershon ben Solomon is a summary 
of natural history. 

4. Islam Considerable information is naturally contained in the cosmographies 
of al-Qazwinf and al-Watwat. 

A Persian lapidary is ascribed to Nasir al-dm al-Tusi. Another lapidary was 
composed in 1282 for an Egyptian sultan by Bailak al-Qabajaql. It includes 
among other things a description of a kind of floating compass and of its use by 
sailors. Orientals have always been extremely fond of precious stones, and such 
lapidaries explaining their occult qualities were much appreciated; there is a whole 
series of them in Arabic (also in Persian, Turkish, and other oriental languages). 
Needless to say their scientific value is very small. The naturalist can hardly 
derive any knowledge from them beyond a list of stones. 

Another type of book appealing to Muslims was the one wherein traditions 
concerning horses were collected. A good specimen of it was composed by the 
Egyptian traditionalist, 'Abd al-Mu'min al-Dimyati. It would disappoint the 
naturalist in search of information on Arabian horses. Indeed the point of view 
is not scientific, but legal and religious. 

The two itineraries of Muhammad ibn Rushaid contain a few facts relative to 
the natural history of Spain and Africa. 

There are a number of Muslim MSS. (Arabic and Persian) which include minia- 
tures representing animals and plants. A study of these miniatures from our 
point of view has not yet been made; however it is doubtful whether it would lead 
to any important results. The interest of these miniatures is chiefly artistic; some 
of them (and I have seen a good many) are beautiful indeed more beautiful than 
convincing. 

5. China In 1256 a large botanical encyclopaedia was completed by Ch'n 
Ching-i. It is largely made up of extracts from earlier writings. It is essentially 
different from western works on the same subject because of the abundant literary 
and historical references which it contains, and also because of the importance 
attached to flowers. In fact the first half of it is entirely devoted to flowers, the 
second half to fruits, herbs, trees, husbandry including of course sericulture 
vegetables, etc. For each plant the prose description is followed by a poetical one. 
This mixture of art and poetry with the most practical information is typically 
Chinese. We pass back and forth from reality to dream. 

In 1273 the Nung sang chi yao, a treatise on agriculture and sericulture, was 
compiled by order of Kublai Khan. That treatise was often reedited with new 
additions; for example, c. 1314, by Lu Ming-shan, under the title Nung sang i shih 
ts y o yao. 

Twenty-six years later (in 1299) Li K7an published a separate treatise on the bam- 
boo which has remained a standard book in Chinese literature. The purpose was 
purely artistic, yet it may interest botanists. 



[1250-1300] SURVEY OF SCIENCE AND INTELLECTUAL PROGRESS 781 

A treatise on birds, Ch'm ching, has come down to us in an edition of the end of 
the Sung dynasty. The elements of it can be traced back to much earlier times, 
but this edition remains the earliest tangible book on the subject. 

6. Japan The veterinary doctor Seia produced in 1267, with the aid of an artist, 
illustrations of seventeen plants used for horse ailments. In 1282 Koremune 
Tomotoshi completed an index to the Chinese pen ts'ao, that is, to the edition of it 
published in China in 1108, which remained the standard work on materia medica 
in Japan until the beginning of the seventeenth century. 

Summary 

Leaving out the encyclopaedias, as such, and unimportant items, the achieve- 
ments of the time may be summarized as follows : 

The geological views explained by Vincent of Beauvais and Albert the Great were 
simply restatements of those of Ibn Sina, but Albert added some observations of 
his own. 

In mineralogy no progress was made; the Hebrew, Persian, and Arabic lapidaries 
were not scientific books in any sense. 

The Asiatic fauna and flora were better known, thanks to the reports of western 
travelers, above all William of Rubruquis and Marco Polo. 

The main botanical work in the West was that of Albert the Great. A remarka- 
ble botanical encyclopaedia was composed by Ch'n Ching-i. Li K'an's treatise 
on bamboo was an artistic rather than a scientific achievement. Botanical dic- 
tionaries were compiled by Simon of Genoa and Koremune Tomotoshi. A treatise 
on husbandry and sericulture was published in 1273 by order of Kublai Khan. 

The best students of zoology in the West were Vincent of Beauvais and Albert 
the Great. Ibn Rushd's commentary on Aristotelian zoology was translated from 
Arabic into Hebrew by Jacob ben Mahir. A few French treatises on falconry 
belong to this period; namely, those translated by Daniel of Cremona, and the 
one ascribed to Dancus, king of Armenia. The most elaborate treatise on that 
subject was written in Greek by Demetrios Pepagomenos. 

For the sake of curiosity we may recall three other contemporary treatises : a 
Greek one on dogs, an Arabic one on horses, a Chinese one on birds. 

The outstanding personalities were Vincent of Beauvais, Albert the Great, 
Simon of Genoa, Demetrios Pepagomenos, Ch'en Ching-i, Li K'an, Koremune 
Tomotoshi. Three Latins, one Greek, two Chinese, one Japanese. 

XL MEDICINE 

The account of medical work is divided into the following parts: 1. Western 
Christians; 2. Eastern Christians; 3. Western Jews; 4. Eastern Jews and 
Samaritans; 5. Eastern Muslims (including Arabic speaking Christians); 6. Hin- 
dus; 7. Chinese; 8. Japanese. 

1. Western Christians The number of distinguished physicians was so great in 
Latindom that we have to subdivide that part into many smaller ones, as follows: 
(a) Italy; (b) France; (c) Spain; (d) England; (e) Flanders; (f) Central Europe; 
(g) Scandinavia. As we shall see presently, the first of these subdivisions was by 
far the most important; in fact it was more important than all the others put 
together. 

(a) Italy. I have explained in Book III that by the beginning of the thirteenth 



782 INTRODUCTION TO THE HISTOBY OF SCIENCE [1200-1250] 

century the school of Salerno had already lost its hegemony and that Frederick's 
efforts to revive it utterly failed. By the middle of the thirteenth century Salerno 
was already superseded by Bologna. 

This does not mean that medical effort ceased in South Italy; indeed, this would 
be hardly conceivable. To clear the ground, let us speak first of the South Italians. 
Many of these were still devoting themselves to translations (Some of them were 
Jews, but I place them here because the language they were translating into being 
Latin, their effort was a part of the Christian effort. Even so Christians writing 
in Arabic are generally considered by me together with the Muslims.) By far 
the most important of these translations was that of the Kitab al-hawi of al-Razi, 
the largest treasure of Greco-Arabic medicine, completed in 1279 by Faraj ben 
Salim. Faraj translated also other medical treatises; e g., the Taqwim al-abdan 
of Ibn Jazla. Another great Arabic work, the Taislr of Ibn Zuhr, as well as Mai- 
monides 7 treatise on diet, was translated by John of Capua from the Hebrew. 

Obviously these South Italians were much interested in veterinary medicine. 
Jordan Ruffo, who had been in Frederick's service, dedicated to the emperor's 
memory a treatise on the medical treatment of horses, partly derived from his own 
observations. This remained the main mediaeval work on the subject, Bartholo- 
mew of Messina, who flourished at Manfred's court, translated Hierocles 7 treatise 
from the Greek. We have also a treatise in Sicilian dialect by one Bartolommeo 
Spadaf ora of Messina. Are these two Bartholomews identical? Moses of Palermo, 
employed by Charles of Anjou, translated the pseudo-Hippo cratic treatise from 
the Arabic. Finally there is the book written m Latin (or Greek?) by Boniface 
of Gerace (I shall come to him in the section on Greek medicine). 

The greatest South Italian physician was Bruno da Longoburgo, a Calabrian 
educated in Salerno, but his life was spent and his fame obtained in the North. We 
shall come back to him, presently. 

One more Neapolitan may be quoted, John of Procida, though he was more 
famous as a politician and diplomat than as a physician. Yet a summary of 
medical practice is ascribed to him. 

So much for the South. Let us now proceed to northern Italy, which was then 
especially Bologna the medical center of the Christian world. 

Two translators were connected with Padua and Venice. Bonacosa, a Jew, 
translated the Kulliyat of Ibn Rushd from the Arabic, in Padua, 1255 Paravicius 
translated the Taisir of Ibn Zuhr from the Hebrew with the help of a Jew called 
Jacob, in Venice c. 1281. Though Paravicius 7 translation was not as good as the 
anterior one by John of Capua, it superseded it. 

The most progressive branch of medicine was surgery. Under the stimulation 
of the Crusades and of continuous warfare the surgical school of Salerno had highly 
distinguished itself. At the beginning of the century the best Salernitan traditions 
had been taken to Bologna by Roland of Parma, and under the combined influence 
of Salerno and Bologna a new surgical school had been created by Hugh Borgognoni 
and his son Theodoric. Their effort was continued throughout the century; the 
father died before 1259 but the son lived until 1298. In the meanwhile another 
South Italian, Bruno da Longoburgo had established himself in Padua, where he 
completed, c. 1252, his Chirurgia magna. This work marked a new stage in the 
transmission of Arabic medicine to the West and its further elaboration in a new 
direction. Bruno's main authority was Abu-1-Qasim, but he himself was full of 
experience. The Chirurgia magna was translated into Hebrew before the end of 
the century, and thus it influenced Jewish as well as Christian medicine. 



[1250-1300] SURVEY OF SCIENCE AND INTELLECTUAL PROGRESS 783 

Even greater than Bruno was William of Saliceto, who completed his Cyrurgia 
at Verona in 1275. The Cyrurgia was again a new stage in the history of surgery. 
It was more independent of the Arabic sources than Bruno's CMrurgia; at any 
rate it showed more independence. William also wrote a general treatise on 
medicine. His most illustrious pupil was Lanfranchi who practised in Milano 
until his banishment c. 1290, when he carried the Bolognese traditions to France. 
Lanfranchi's Chirurgia magna was dedicated in 1296 to Philip le Bel: it was full 
of novelties, genuine clinical cases well described. 

The history of surgery is closely associated with that of anatomy, for the surgeon's 
anatomical knowledge must be far deeper than that of the ordinary physician. 
Whether this was due to the influence of a great surgeon who was also a great 
physician, like William of Saliceto, or to the influence of medical progress in general, 
at any rate we have proofs that human dissections were made in this period. The 
earlier Latin anatomies were based upon the dissection of pigs. Of course surgeons 
would obtain some direct knowledge of the human body in the very exercise of their 
art. Human dissections of the living and of the dead were prepared for them by 
the accidents of life. But outside of that there are some traces of formal dissection 
in the Cyrurgia of William of Saliceto. By the way, that great work may be said 
to contain the earliest account of topographical anatomy. Strangely enough an- 
other reason for the introduction of human dissections at this time was legal. 
Bologna was the greatest center of legal teaching in Christendom. It is not sur- 
prising that some teachers realized the legal value of post mortem evidence and 
took pains to obtain such evidence. Post mortems are referred to by Taddeo 
Alderotti, and by the chronicler Salimbene of Parma (1286) ; however, the earliest 
formal account of an autopsy which has come down to us one made by Bartholo- 
mew of Varignana dates only from 1302. 

It is not true that the Catholic Church prohibited human dissections, but it 
very wisely surrounded them with restrictions. It is true however that the Church 
was strongly prejudiced against them, and this was natural enough. The same 
prejudices were felt with greater force by Muslims and Jews. They help to explain 
the low social status of surgeons on the one side, and the very slow progress of 
anatomical studies on the other. There are a number of anatomical discoveries 
which implied no special difficulties and would certainly have been made much 
earlier than they were if dissections had been more frequent, less frowned upon, 
less hurried. 

Besides some chapters in the medical and surgical textbooks and the encyclo- 
paedias, we have no anatomical treatise of this time, except one, ascribed to Giles 
of Rome. That treatise, largely derived from Ibn Rushd, would hardly deserve 
mention but for the fact that it is one of the very few which may have been known 
to Leonardo da Vinci. 

Let us now consider physicians who were not surgeons. John of Parma com- 
posed a little medical handbook of no special importance. A general treatise on 
hygiene was written in French by Aldobrandin of Siena, for Beatrice, countess of 
Provence. It was very popular. Simon of Genoa, papal archiater, compiled a 
dictionary of materia medica which remained a standard work until the sixteenth 
century. 

A new vein was opened by Taddeo Alderotti. Under the all-pervading influence 
of the legal school of Bologna, physicians attempted to express their views in the 
way which was considered proper by the learned jurists and theologians. Perhaps 



784 INTRODUCTION TO THE HISTORY OF SCIENCE [1250-1300] 

they were afraid of appearing to be ignorant themselves! How fast, or rather how 
slowly, that evolution took place, we do not know, but we are provided with excel- 
lent examples of the new style in the writings of Taddeo Alderotti of Florence. 
The remarkable thing is that these scholastic tendencies did not entirely pervert 
and sterilize Taddeo's thought. In fact his Consilia contain excellent clinical 
observations. Taddeo has the strange distinction of being at once the renovator 
of clinical literature in Christendom, and the first scholastic physician! He 
was very learned, somewhat of a humanist, and at the same time a wealthy 
practitioner. 

The scholastic approach to medicine was carried a step further first by William 
Corvi, and then by Peter of Abano. William was nicknamed Aggregator, 
after the title of his main work which is a large collection of medical opinions on 
every kind of disease. The habit of writing consilia was growing, and many have 
been preserved under his name. 

It is clear that the Italian school of medicine was very flourishing. Its influence 
was soon felt in other countries, especially in France which promptly became a 
secondary center of diffusion of Bolognese medicine. The main carriers of Italian 
medicine across the Alps were Aldobrandin of Siena, Lanfranchi of Milan, and 
William Corvi The influence of the first named was natural enough, for his 
Regime du corps was written in French, and he was physician to a French princess, 
and later possibly to her son-in-law, St. Louis; he died in Champagne, 1287. Lan- 
franchi was exiled from Milan by the Visconti c. 1290; he practised in Lyon and 
other provincial cities, and finally in Paris where he seems to have given a really 
clinical teaching; he may be called the father of French surgery. William Corvi 
went to Avignon with his patron Clement V in 1309, and continued to reside for 
a while in Avignon, finally moving to Paris, where he died c. 1326. This has taken 
us into the fourteenth century, when Italian medicine was already well rooted in 
France and was producing fruits which were typically French, 

To return to the thirteenth century, the influence of Bologna was not restricted 
to France. A curious example of its internationalism is given by that unnamed 
Lombard physician who gave so much pain to John of Montecorvino in Cambaluc! 22 

(b) France. We have already crossed the Alps together with Aldobrandin, 
Lanfranchi, and Corvi. The new medical ideas which they introduced into France 
would eventually find there a rich soil for their further growth, but this took con- 
siderable time. Italy continued even in the first half of the fourteenth century 
to be the leading country. Few French physicians distinguished themselves in 
the second half of the thirteenth century; none reached the level of their Italian 
tutors. 

It is possible that the Salernitan, Walter Agilinus, was still living in the latter 
half of this century. A medical summary in 456 cha