ANTHROPOLOGY
LIBRARY
INTRODUCTION
Study of North American Archaeology.
BY
PROF. CYRUS THOMAS,
Author of "Report on Mound Explorations" (Twelfth Annual Report of the
Bureau of American Ethnology); "Catalogue of Prehistoric Works East of
the Rocky Mountains"; "A Study of the Manuscript Troano"; "Burial
Mounds of the Northern Sections oi the United States"; "Aids to
the Study of the Maya Codices"; "Notes on Certain Maya and
Mexican Manuscripts"; "Problem of the Ohio Mounds";
"The Cherokees in Pre-Columbian Times"; etc.
SECOND IMPRESSION.
OF THE
UNIVERSITY
OF
CINCINNATI :
THE ROBERT CLARKE COMPANY,
1903.
COPYRIGHT. 1S9S,
BY THE ROBERT CLARKE COMPANY
6/
ANTHROP.
, LIBRARY
MAJOR JOHN WESLEY POWELL,
To whose efficient work as Director of the Bureau of American Ethnology
students of ethnology are so largely indebted
for the recent additions made to the data relating to Forth America;
and to whose aid and encouragement
is mainly due whatever success the writer may have achieved
in his special line,
his work is respectfully dedicated
BY THE AUTHOR.
PREFACE.
The little volume herewith presented to the public
is a brief resume of the progress which has been
made, up to the present time, in the investigation
and study of North American archaeology. The in
creased activity among students devoting attention to
the subject, the numerous explorations made, the
rapid accumulation of data and the flood of light
thrown on the questions relating to prehistoric North
America since the publication of the last general
work relating thereto, call for a new summary.
Whether the work now offered meets this demand
must be left for the readers to decide. That some
parts of the broad field have been left unnoticed is
admitted, the attention being confined chiefly to the
more important characteristic features, as those best
calculated to form an INTRODUCTION to the subject ;
and as best calculated to interest the reader and
younger students. With such an object in view,
pages broken or interrupted by foot-notes are not
only out of place, but often serve to break the thread
the reader is following, or prove an interruption to
his line of thought ; reference notes have therefore
been entirely omitted.
The opinion held by Maj. J. W. Powell that the
M
vi Preface.
Indians found inhabiting the Atlantic division of
North America and their ancestors were the builders
of the mounds in that region, which the explorations
of the Bureau of American Ethnology under his
charge have done much to confirm, has been adopted.
And, in general, the conclusions reached by the Bureau
of American Ethnology in reference to questions re
lating to language and archaeology, so far as these ex
tend, have been accepted and used as a basis for further
steps in the investigation. But the author alone
must be held responsible for any views advanced
herein which have not been generally accepted, or in
regard to which there are different opinions.
I take pleasure in acknowledging here the favors I
have received from Maj. J. W. Powell, Director of
the Bureau of American Ethnology, and Prof. W. J.
McGee, Ethnologist in Charge, in the use of books,,
pamphlets and other literary aids needed in my work,
and the privilege of obtaining numerous electrotypes
of the illustrations herein used, favors, however,
which have always been willingly extended to all co-
workers. I also wish to acknowledge the favors re
ceived from Prof. W. H. Holmes, in the privilege of
copying illustrations of and profuse borrowing from
his late work on the cities of Mexico, published by the
Field Columbian Museum ; also to Mr. F. W. Hodge,
of the Bureau of American Ethnology, for information
communicated and papers furnished relating to the
Preface. vii
Pueblo region. In addition to the illustrations ob
tained from the Bureau publications, others have
been copied from figures in the U. S. Geological Sur
vey, National Museum, etc. Acknowledgment to the
various authors from whose works information has
been drawn will be found in the text, the authors
names from whose works and papers illustrations
have been obtained either directly or indirectly, are
added after the numbers in the list of illustrations,
the original being referred to where it is possible.
The numbers in the list of illustrations not followed
by the author s name are either original figures,
modifications of other figures, or theoretical restora
tions by the present writer.
CONTENTS.
PRELIMINARY OBSERVATIONS PAGE
The object, scope and plan of the work 1
MATERIALS FOR STUDY AND CLASSIFICATION 8
METHODS OF STUDY 22
ARCTIC DIVISION
Monuments and local antiquities 35
Implements, ornaments, etc 40
Culture home of the Eskimo 43
ATLANTIC DIVISION 48
Monuments and local antiquities 50
Mounds 51
Burial mounds 61
Vessels, implements and ornaments 79
Pottery 87
Long-necked bottles 94
The gulf province 97
Pipes 98
Articles of shell 103
Textile fabrics 108
Copper articles 109
Articles of stone 113
Inclosures and pyramidal mounds 117
Prehistoric movements of population 121
Hut-rings and house-sites 132
Antiquity and authors of the mounds 138
Duration of the mound-building age 147
Inclosures and other mural works.. . 152
x Contents.
PAGE.
PACIFIC DIVISION 16!)
North Pacific section Athapascan region 170
North Pacific coast 1 76
California section 187
Prehistoric movements of population 200
Intermontane or pueblo section. 203
Cave-dwellings 205
Cliff-dwellings 208
Ruins on the plateaus and in the valleys 215
Gila valley and Chihuahua 221
Builders of the cliff-houses , 229
Mexican section civilization 233
Monuments of southern Mexico 252
Monuments of southern Mexico continued 264
Monuments of Central America 276
Chichen-Itza, Tikal and Copan 296
Migrations of the Mexican and Central American tribes 312
Migrations of certain Mayan tribes 328
Origin and development of Central American civilization. . . 339
Priests, hieroglyphs and calendar 356
CONCLUSION . . 368
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS.
PAGE
1. Bone spear head, Eskimo. (Dall.) 37
2. Stone lamp, Eskimo. (Dall.) 37
3. Labret, Eskimo. (Dall.) 38
4. Remains of an ancient Eskimo house. (Boas.) 39
5. Ulu, or woman s knife, Eskimo. (Mason.) 41
6. Soapstone pot, Eskimo. (Murdoch.) 42
7. Hafted jade adze, Eskimo. (Murdoch.) 42
8. Skin scraper, Eskimo. (Murdoch.) 43
9. Flint flaker, Eskimo. (Murdoch.) 43
10. Plat of mound group, Wisconsin. (Thomas.) 52
11. Terraced mound, Arkansas. (Thomas.) 54
12. Elephant mound, Wisconsin. (Thomas.) 56
13. Group of chain mounds, Wisconsin. (Thomas.) 57
14. Section of Mississippi mound. (Thomas.) 63
15. Section of mound in eastern Tennessee. (Thomas.) 66
16. Earthern pot, eastern Tennessee. (Thomas.) 67
17. Shell ear ornament or hair pin, North Carolina. (Thomas.). 67
18. Engraved shell, North Carolina. (Thomas.) 68
19. Soapstone pipe, east Tennessee. (Thomas.) 68
20. Beehive vaults, North Carolina. (Thomas.) 69
21. Soapstone pipe, North Carolina. (Thomas.) 70
22. Stone-grave cemetery, Illinois. (Thomas.) 72
23. Triangular pit, North Carolina. (Thomas.) 80
24. Position of skeletons in an east Tennessee mound.
(Thomas.) 85
25. Copper hawk s-bell, east Tennessee. (Thomas.) 86
26. Clay vessel, Canada. (Boyle.) 88
(xi)
xii List of Illustrations.
PAGE,
27. Outline figures of bowls. (Holmes.) 89
28. Ornamental bowl, Tennessee. (Thruston.) 89
29. Animal-shaped bowl, Arkansas. (Holmes.) 90
30. Bird-shaped bowl, Arkansas. (Holmes.) 90
31. Pot-shaped vessel, Arkansas. (Holmes.) 91
32. Pot-shaped vessel, west Tennessee. (Holmes.) 91
33. Wide-mouthed bottles. (Holmes.) 92
34. (a) Oppossum vase, Arkansas. (Holmes.) 92
(b) Sunfish vase, Arkansas. (Holmes.) 93
35. Bowl representing the human head, Arkansas. (Holmes.). 93
36. Winged and crested rattlesnake design, Ark. (Holmes.). 94
37. Outline figures of long-necked bottles. (Holmes.) 94
38. Eccentric shapes in long-necked bottles. (Holmes.) 94
39. Owl-shaped bottle, east Tennessee. (Thomas.) 95
40. Burial urn, Georgia. (Jones.) 97
41. Vessel with four legs, Georgia. (Jones.) 97
42. (a and b) Stemless pipes. (Boyle.) 99
43. Image pipe, Georgia. (Thomas.) 99
44. Image pipe, Arkansas. (Thomas.) 100
45. (a, b and c) Short-necked pipes. (Thomas.) 100
46. " Monitor " pipe 101
47. Engraved shell, Arkansas. (Thomas.) 104
48. Shell gorget, Tennessee. (Jones.) ... 106
49. Shell gorget, Georgia. (Thomas.) 106
50. Figured copper plate, Georgia. (Thomas.) Ill
51. Figured copper plate, Illinois. (Thomas.) 112
52. Figured copper plate, Illinois. (Thomas.) 112
53. Stone image, Tennessee. (Thomas.) 114
54. Stone image, Tennessee. (Thomas.) 114
55. Banner stones 115
56. Arrow heads. (Mercer.) 116
57. Mound with graded way, Georgia. (Thomas.) 118
58. Double terraced mound, Arkansas. (Thomas.) 119
59. Selsertown mound, Mississippi. (Thomas.) 120
60. Newark works, Ohio. (Thomas.) 122
List of Illustrations. xiii
PAGE.
61. " Hill Fort," Ohio. (Thomas.) 126
62. Linn works, Illinois. (Thomas.) 128
63. "Angel mounds," Indiana. (Thomas.) 130
64. House site, Arkansas. (Thomas.) 134
65. Supposed method of lathing houses. (Thomas.) 135
66. Surface effigy, South Dakota. (Thomas. ) 149
67. Dene stone war club, British America. (Morice.) 173
68. Stone war club, Colorado. (Wickersham.) 173
69. North-west coast pictograph. (Niblack.) 178
70. Ceremonial dress of Chilkat chief, north-west coast.
(Niblack.) 178
71. Totem posts of north-west coast. (Niblack.) 179
72. Relics from southern California 188
73. Manner of walling up the front of a cave-dwelling.
(Holmes.) 207
74. Cliff-dwelling on the Rio Mancos. (Holmes.) 210
75. Ruins at Aztec Springs. (Holmes.) 216
76. Village group, Arizona. (Mindeleff.) 218
77. Ground plan of the Pueblo Bonito. (Jackson.) 219
78. Ground plan of Casas Grandes. (Bandelier.) 224
79. Ground plan of a building at Casas Grandes. (Bartlett.) . . 228
80. Mayan day symbols 242
81 . Mexican day symbols 242
82. Part of the inscription of the Tablet of the Cross, Palen-
que. (Photograph.) 246
83. Pyramid at Los Edificios , 253
84. Sculptured column, Tula 257
85. Ruins of Teotihuacan. (Holmes.) 258
86. Ground plan of Teotihuacan building. (Holmes.) 261
87. Ruins of the temple of Xochicalco. (Nadaillac: " L Am.
Prehist.") 265
88. Ruins at Mitla. (Holmes.) 269
89. Room with columns, Mitla. (Holmes.) 271
90. Fretwork in the grand palace, Mitla. (Holmes.) 272
91 . Painted designs, Mitla. (Holmes. ) 273
xiv List of Illustrations.
PAGE.
92. Plan of the ruins at Palenque. (Holmes.) 278
93. Ground plan of the palace, Palenque. (Holmes.) 279
94. Cross-section of palace, Palenque. (Holmes.) 280
95. Part of Palenque palace restored 281
96. Ground plans of Temples at Palenque. (Holmes.) 282
97. Sculptured lintel, Lorillard City. (Photograph.) 286
98. Plan of ruins at Uxmal. (Holmes.) 289
99. Ornamentation on the governor s palace, Uxmal. (Holmes.) 290
100. Section of the Casa del Gobernador. (Holmes.) 292
101. Ornamentation on the nun s palace, Uxmal. (Holmes.).. 293
102. Ground plan of nunnery, Chichen-Itza. (Holmes.) 298
103. Elephant trunk figure, Yucatan 299
304. Vertical section of the Caracol, or tower, Chichen-Itza.
(Holmes.) 299
105. Ground plan of the tower, Chichen-Itza. (Holmes.) 300
106. Atlantean figure, Chichen-Itza. (Holmes.) 301
107. Ground plan of ruins, Copan. (Maudslay.) 308
108. Vertical section, main group, Copan. (Maudslay.) 309
INTRODUCTION
TO THE
Study of North American Archaeology
CHAPTER I.
PRELIMINARY OBSERVATIONS.
Archaeology in its widest sense and by derivation
includes the investigation of the origin, language, be
liefs, customs, arts every thing, in a word, that can
be learned of the ancient life of a people. It is in
this sense that it is used in the title of this work, and
not in the more limited scope to which its modern use
has a tendency to restrict it, notwithstanding the ef
forts of lexicographers to retain its original meaning.
The work is intended really as an introduction to the
study of prehistoric North America, of the people as
well as the monuments. To gather and describe an
tiquities, although thoroughly and intelligently done,
is by no means all of archaeology. True, these are
to archaeology what the unfashioned and unadjusted
materials of which the house is to be built are to the
house, but they are not the house. The monuments
are the tombs of past ages ; the work of archaeology
in its broad sense is to revivify the dead, to put life
into the past, and, so far as possible, to bring before
1
2 Study of North American Archaeology.
the mind the ancient people with their activities,
characteristics and customs. In other words, the
chief object in view in the study of archaeology is the
man of bygone ages. It is with this idea in view
that this Introduction to the Study of North American
Archaeology has been written, but only as an intro
duction, for the field is too broad to be covered in one
small volume.
The problems which confront the student of Ameri
can archaeology are exceedingly difficult, and some of
them seemingly beyond the possibility of solution be
cause of the sheer break between the historic and
prehistoric eras. Omitting the discovery of Greenland
and possibly the north-east coast of the continent by
the Northmen in the tenth or eleventh century, which
left no impress, the history of the western world be
gins with the discovery of the West Indies by Colum
bus in 1492 ; all that lie back of that date belong to
the prehistoric era, a gloom, so to speak, unlight-
ened by a single deciphered page of history. In the
Old World there are few regions in regard to whose
past there are no recorded hints which can be used as
stepping stones in the backward march ; in other
words, history and prehistory are dovetailed, so to
speak, one with another, but not so in the New
World.
These difficulties have possibly caused more than
one student to feel as Palgrave, who, in apparent de
spair over the unsatisfactory results of the efforts, up
to his day, to lift the veil which shuts out the past, ex
claims : "We must give it up, that speechless past ;
whether fact or chronology, doctrine or mythology ;
whether in Europe, Asia, Africa or America ; at
Preliminary Observations. 3
Thebes or Palenque, on Lycian shore or Salisbury
Plains; lost is lost, gone is gone forever." But a
different spirit animates the students of the present
day, the very difficulties in the way are themselves so
many incentives to attacks. What seemed beyond
human reach to the London antiquary and historian
sixty years ago, is deemed by scholars of the closing
years of the nineteenth century to be, in a large de
gree, attainable. The veil, which Palgrave looked
upon as fixed and immovable, has been lifted at nu
merous points and rays of light let in upon the past.
Some of the problems which were, fifty years ago,
yea, but twenty-five, deemed impossible of solution,
have been satisfactorily solved, and have now become
foundation stones in the archaeological structure.
It is true, as Sir John Lubbock remarks : "In at
tempting to reconstruct the story of the past, students
have too often allowed imagination to usurp the place
of research, and have written in the spirit of the nov
elist rather than in that of the philosopher." The
hundreds of dust-covered works on the subject of pre-
Columbian America, and the origin of its people,
which now lie, well nigh forgotten, on the shelves of
libraries, bear testimony to the truth of this remark,
as do also the numerous discarded theories relating
thereto. Nevertheless theories will continue to be ad
vanced, indeed must be if progress is made in the
study of the past, especially where so many links of
the chain are still wanting as in American archae
ology. The investigating spirit of the age will not
brook delay ; wherever there is an unbroken field
some scientific plow is sure to enter, though but poorly
equipped for the work. However, of late years more
4 Study of North American Archaeology.
strict methods of approaching the many problems in
volved have been introduced, and now, instead of at
tempting by imagination or theorizing to reach con
clusions at once, slow and patient investigation is the
process pursued. The spade has to a large extent re
placed the pen, and instead of building theories
chiefly by imagination, there is a careful sifting of all
the evidence which appears to have any bearing on
the subject. The fragments of data are fitted to
gether and tentative theories deduced simply as a
plan of further progress, often however to be cast
aside or modified, as new material, which will not
readily drop into place, is discovered.
As no intelligent student will continue his investi
gations of the ancient monuments for any consider
able length of time without forming theories in regard
to the uses, age and authors of the works examined,
it is all important to his progress to know which of
the questions that arise have been completely or par
tially answered, and to ascertain which of the numer
ous theories advanced in regard to the various ques
tions have been definitely eliminated by universal
consent from the class possessing elements of possi
bility. This knowledge will clear from his pathway
much of the rubbish which would otherwise encumber
it. Another important point is to know the lines
along which the opposing views are being pushed by
their respective advocates. Although it is undoubtedly
the part of wisdom to hold in restraint the disposition
to theorize, this knowledge directs the careful student s
attention to numerous points which might otherwise
be overlooked in his investigations. It is for this
reason that the author of this little work has ventured
Preliminary Observations. 5
to briefly outline the theories relating to some of the
more important problems which must confront the
student of American archaeology. The chief object,
however, will be to present the data, and to arrange
them so as to afford the student some means of bring
ing into harmony and utilizing his facts and materials.
But as it is manifestly impossible to present in a
single small volume a full account of the archaeologic
remains of the continent, and discuss all the questions
which arise in connection therewith, only those con
sidered the best representatives of the leading types
and those which best illustrate the art, customs and
culture status of the former inhabitants will be re
ferred to.
The writer, as those who peruse this work will ob
serve, has not entered into a discussion of the question
of the so-called paleolithic age, or glacial man in
America, for the reason that he does not believe the
evidence on which the theory is based, as yet sufficient
to justify its acceptance. The results of the more re
cent investigations in America, or at least North
America, all tend in the other direction. One by one
the strongholds of the advocates are being overturned,
and the evidence on which the theory is based dis
counted. The author feels constrained to the belief
that peopled America though old in years bears no
where such marks of antiquity as are to be found
in some parts of the Eastern Continent. To accept the
antiquity which has been assigned by the advocates of
this theory to the early inhabitants would, as the
writer thinks, require in order to be consistent an en
tire recasting of all the more stable theories which
have been propounded. "Paleolithic" as a clescriptive
6 Study of North American Archaeology.
term is of minor importance, but as a theory which
would carry back the presence of man in America to
that immensely distant era which has been assigned
is a very different thing.
Mr. Keary remarks in the opening paragraph of
the second chapter of his "Dawn of History" that
"Between the earlier and later stone age, between
man of the drift period and man of the neolithic era
occurs a vast blank which we can not fill in. We
bid adieu to the primitive inhabitants of our earth
while they are still the contemporaries of the mam
moth and woolly rhinoceros, or of the cave lion and
the cave bear, and while the very surface of the earth
wears a different aspect from what it now wears.
With a changed condition of things, with a race of
animals which differed not essentially from those
known to us, and with a settled conformation of lands
and seas not again to be departed from, comes before
us the second race of man man of the polished
stone age." It is true that it is claimed by some
European authors that this hiatus is not so real as it
at first appears to be, and that it has been partially
bridged over by some recent finds. But the effort to
bridge the chasm shows too clearly to be misunder
stood that it is there, and so long as it remains un
closed is a weak point, if not fatal flaw, in the theory.
We accept as correct the idea advanced by Mr. A.
H. Keane in his "Ethnology," that appeal to tradi
tional movements and other traditional data will have
no bearing upon the question of the origin of the
people of America unless paleolithic man in America
is abandoned. So believing, though we do not pro
pose to discuss this question of the original peopling
Preliminary Observations. 7
of the continent, we put aside glacial or paleolithic
man of America as yet wanting in the credentials
which entitle him to a place in scientific circles.
The history of the western continent is supposed to
begin with its discovery by Columbus at the close of
the fifteenth century, all that antedate that event
being considered prehistoric. While this is true in
the broad and general sense in which it is used, yet,
strictly speaking, the history of the different sections
begins with the first knowledge of them obtained by
Europeans. Hence the border line between the his
toric and prehistoric eras varies in date according to
the section referred to. The Ohio valley, for example,
was terra incognita to the civilized world for a century
after Cortez entered the capital of Anahuac. That
which lies back of this border line belongs to the pre
historic era, and the student who would penetrate the
mystery of that past must examine and carefully
study the monuments ; listen to the traditions which
have floated down the ages ; gather the folk-lore tales ;
and compare the customs, arts, and beliefs of the
tribes as first seen and learned. He must study the
native form and lineaments, and trace by linguistic
evidence the relationship of tribes and groups ; for in
America there is no scaffolding of history to assist
him as in the Old World. The transition from the
prehistoric to the historic w^as, from the very nature
of the case, sudden, there being no true proto-historic
period.
Study of North American Archaeology.
CHAPTER II.
MATERIALS FOR STUDY CLASSIFICATION.
When Columbus sailed among the Antilles, Cortez
landed on the coast of Mexico, when Jacques Carder
sailed up the St. Lawrence and De Soto traversed the
Gulf States, each and all found the regions they
visited inhabited by people of a race different from
any known to the eastern continent. The discoveries
which followed brought to light the fact that the lake
region and the Mississippi valley were inhabited by
people of the same race. Whence they came, and
how long they had inhabited these regions in other
words what was their history could not be ascer
tained, as they possessed no historical records save a
few symbolic rolls and inscriptions which are as yet
sealed books to scientists. The dim and shadowy
traditions which they related to the European dis
coverers were so confused and, in most cases, so
fabulous as to throw but little light on these ques
tions. And what was found to be true of the regions
o
mentioned was found to be true in a general sense of
the entire continent. The most important variation
discovered was the evidence of more advanced culture
in certain areas, as Mexico, Central America, and
Peru. The people, however, though split into numer
ous stocks and tribes, and differing in minor respects,
belonged apparently to the same race, its members
being popularly known as "Indians" or "American
Indians."
Materials for Study Classification. 9
In these facts we have one fundamental point with
which no correct conclusion in regard to the pre
historic times of the continent can be at variance.
The natives were here and must be recognized by
every theory, must be a factor in every general con
clusion.
The chief fundamental factor in the study of ar
chaeology is found in the monuments. "The teach
ings of material relics," truly remarks one author,
"so far as they go, are irrefutable. Real in them
selves, they impart an air of reality to the study of
the past." These are indisputable products of human
activity, and have imprinted upon them, as it were,
the ideas and conceptions of a bygone age. They are
records in which we may read not only the culture-
status of that past age, but also much in regard to
the customs and beliefs of the people. For these
reasons attention is directed to them as the chief
foundation stones on which our archaeological struc
ture must be built.
Although the monuments furnish the chief and
most reliable data to the archaeologist, and throw
more light on the customs, arts and beliefs of the
people, and reveal more in regard to the life of the
individual and family than any other aids, they are
not the only helps he finds in his endeavor to pene
trate the unwritten past. Language, which is also
reliable, enables him to determine the affinity of
tribes and peoples. By this means he can often say
with positive certainty that widely separated tribes
or groups have, in the past, sundered relations with
the great body of their kindred and sought distant
homes. He has ascertained by this means that the
10 Study of North American Archaeology.
Apaches and Navajos of New Mexico, Arizona, and
Northern Mexico are offshoots from the great Athapas
can family of Northern British America, and that the
Arapahos and Blackfeet Indians of the western plains
arc members of the Algonquian stock which spread
over North America from the Atlantic coast to the
Rocky Mountains. Thus he is enabled to trace with
more or less accuracy the lines of prehistoric migra
tion, and outline the general trend in ancient move
ments of population.
Traditions, although less reliable than the monu
ments and language, furnish some data to the archae
ologist which frequently serve to explain otherwise
uncertain evidence, and lead to satisfactory conclu
sions. Folk-lore, mythology and customs sometimes
indicate former contact or relationship not otherwise
revealed, and explain many otherwise puzzling monu
ments and relics. Craniology is strongly appealed to
by European ethnologists as an important factor in
this study, but the results so far obtained, except in
cases of artificial pressure, are too unsatisfactory to
justify its use except in broad generalizations, and
then only as cumulative evidence. This, the writer
is well aware, is in conflict with the views of a num
ber of leading ethnologists ; nevertheless he feels jus
tified in making this statement deliberately to the
younger students of American archaeology.
The wide differences in many respects between the
monumental remains of the Old World and those of
the New, and also between the data relating thereto,
call for a widely different method of study. Even
the classification and nomenclature of the former are
not adapted to the latter. The arrangement into four
Materials for Study Classification. 11
classes or ages the Paleolithic, Neolithic, Bronze and
Iron is conceded to be inapplicable to America.
Evidence of the two stone ages may possibly be found,
though still denied by a number of our leading
archaeologists, and a copper age may be substituted
for the bronze, but the similarity will extend no
further. The use of iron as a metal was unknown in
America previous to the discovery by Columbus.
Copper was used to a limited extent, but it is ex
tremely doubtful whether the method of manufactur
ing bronze had been discovered at any point on the
continent. Stone was the chief reliance until the in
troduction of European implements. The archae-
ologic remains of the former, taken as a whole, are
so widely different from those of America, that the
nomenclature of the one, except as applied to some
of the ruder objects, is totally inapplicable to those
of the other. It has therefore been found necessary,
in studying the archaeology of America, to proceed
upon an independent line and to adopt an original
basis and a new nomenclature.
Although this limits the range of any classificatory
system which may be attempted, it falls far short of do
ing away with the difficulties the American archaeolo
gist is compelled to encounter. Not only is he con
fronted by the fact, as apparent in the Old World as
in the New, that archaeology, even where it has been
longest studied, has not reached that stage where it
may be termed a true science, the general principles
of which by modification may apply to any sec
tion or country, but also by a multiplicity of objects
so variant in form and character, and usually in such
a fragmentary condition as, without a knowledge of
12 Study of North American Archaeology.
their uses, to baffle his attempts at a systematic classi
fication. Nadaillac, alluding to the various forms of
American antiquities, remarks that "these facts will
show how very difficult, not to say impossible, is any
classification," a statement which any one who at
tempts a systematic arrangement will be disposed to
accept as true. When dealing with a limited area
where the types are somewhat similar, classification
to some extent is possible and advantageous, but the
attempt to apply it to the entire continent will prove
abortive. However, as some grouping is necessary in
order to facilitate reference and comparison, in the
absence of a scientific arrangement we must have re
course to an arbitrary scheme. As the author has as
yet seen no better arrangement of primary groups
than that suggested in his "Report on the Mound
Explorations of the Bureau of American Ethnology,"
published in the 12th Annual Report of the Bureau,
it is adopted here.
By this the objects are divided, in a broad and com
prehensive sense, into three classes.
1. Monuments (in the limited sense), or local antiqui
ties. This division or class includes all those antiqui
ties that are fixed or stationary, which necessarily
pertain to a particular locality or place.
2. Relics and Remains, or movable antiquities. Those
not fixed and which have no necessary connection
with a particular locality.
3. Paleographic Objects. Inscriptions, picture writ
ings, etc., whether on fixed or transportable objects.
Tliis is, of course, an arbitrary arrangement, the
third group being unnecessary except as a matter of
convenience ; however it appears to be a practical
Materials for Study Classification. 13
working system by which the lines of distinction are
somewhat rigidly drawn. Moreover it is adapted to
the two methods of investigation and study, viz., in
the field and in the museum, and is in line with
Dr. Moriz Hoernes suggestion that, in studying
archaeological objects, attention should be given to
the "Typographic and Museographic order."
The first class does not appear to be susceptible of
arrangement into satisfactory primary divisions. The
only plan which as yet seems possible is to arrange
them by types, chiefly according to form, where the
object and use are not apparent, or known.
The objects of the second class may be grouped into
two divisions : 1. Remains, including human and
animal remains ; 2. Relics, including all other mova
ble antiquities. The further division of the second
group is largely typological, reference being made to
use so far as this is evident.
. Partly because of the difficulties in the way of a
satisfactory and useful classification, and partly be
cause the chief object of archaeologic investigations
is to learn what is possible in regard to the life, char
acter, activities and racial affinity of the former in
habitants of given sections, it has been found most
advantageous to study the monuments according to
the culture areas, so far as these can be determined
approximately from the data which have been ob
tained.
As it is practically impossible to make any satisfac
tory classification of the antiquities of the whole con
tinent, further than into the primary classes men
tioned above, the order followed herein will, as above
intimated, be geographical rather than typological.
14 Study of North American Archaeology,
The divisions will be made to correspond, so far as
the data enable us to judge, to the culture areas. But
the attempt to mark the culture areas, except as to
the three primary divisions mentioned below, can only
be partially carried out, hence the subdivisions must
be considered as chiefly geographical and intended
more as a matter of convenience and comparison than
as archaeological. Nevertheless that there are several
o
culture areas, both in the Atlantic and Pacific divis
ions, which will be ultimately determined and out
lined, is undoubtedly true. It is also true that, even
with the data which have been obtained, some of these
areas are quite clearly indicated, though they can not
be mapped with boundary lines.
The tendency of the present day is to base the
efforts to arrange the native population into ethnic
groups on the linguistic evidence alone, leaving out
of view the important aid in tracing the development
of these groups to be derived from a careful study of
the archaeological data, or referring to them only
when they can be used to confirm the theories based
on the linguistic evidence. This arises in part from
the fact that, while the archaeological data relating to
a large portion of the continent are few, and that
archaeology can not, as yet, be considered a true
science ; on the other hand the linguistic material,
although not complete, is much more abundant, and
the treatment thereof reduced to true scientific meth
ods. As the latter field affords greater promise of
reaching positive conclusions, it is more attractive to
methodical students.
As the discussion of this subject from the linguistic
standpoint is necessarily based upon the study of the
Materials for Study Classification. 15
various linguistic stocks and families of the entire
continent, and, to some extent, upon the migrations
therein, so the discussion of the same questions from
the archaeological standpoint must be based upon the
study of the various types and their distribution over
the continent. And the same necessity for grouping
in some manner arises here as in the linguistic field.
Although the materials with which the antiquarian
has to deal are not so well defined and distinctly
classed as those with which the philologist is con
cerned, yet careful study and comparison will enable
him to note the differences, geographical and to some
extent ethnical. The indications of comprehensive
archaeological sections as marked by differences in
type are too apparent to be denied, and there are also
indications of minor districts. The chief drawback
in attempting to use these as evidences of ethnic dis
tinctions arises from several causes uncertainty as to
what types are wholly due to physical conditions and
what are tribal or ethnic ; also from a lack of material
for comparison ; the overlapping and intermingling of
types in consequence of the shifting of position by
tribes ; and lastly the fact that types of art are not
governed strictly by ethnic lines. Nevertheless race
characteristics and tribal customs impress themselves
to a certain extent under all variations in location and
condition, upon the works and art of people in a sav
age or semi-civilized state. For instance, although
the Mexicans and Mayas lived side by side, and used
the same calendar system and the same method of
enumeration, yet we notice marked differences be
tween their symbolic writings and their types of art.
We also notice in the mound section the wide differ-
16 Study of A orth American Archaeology.
ence between the mound types of Wisconsin and the
other portions of the Mississippi valley. However, it
is difficult with the data so far obtained to fix cor
rectly the boundaries of the different culture districts.
Although we meet with this difficulty in defining
geographically the boundaries of the districts and
more comprehensive sections, it does not prevent us
from drawing correct conclusions from their general
positions and peculiar types. That all the distin
guishing types of a district or section can not be at
tributed to the peculiar physical features of such dis
tricts or sections must be admitted. Will any one
claim that the vast difference between the archaeologic
types of Mexico and Wisconsin have resulted vrholly
from the physical differences of the two areas? If
not, it follows, though physical environment is a po
tent influence in the formation of types, that so much
as has not resulted from physical peculiarities must
be attributed to racial or tribal customs. Yet the
powerful influence of physical conditions must not be
overlooked.
A careful examination of what has been ascertained
in regard to North American archaeology, with special
reference to the question of archaeologic sections,
leads in the first place to the conclusion that the
ancient remains belong in a broad and comprehensive
sense to two general classes. One of these classes is
limited geographically to the Atlantic slope, the other
chiefly to the Pacific slope, the eastern or Rocky
mountain range of the great continental mountain
belt to the Rio Grande forming approximately the
dividing line between the two areas. According to
this division, the Atlantic section includes that part
Materials for Study Classification. 17
of the continent east of the Rocky Mountains and
north of the Gulf of Mexico except the Dene or north
ern Athapascan region, and the Pacific section the re
mainder from Alaska to the Isthmus of Panama, in
cluding the Athapascan territory. The arctic region,
or Eskimo area, which is not taken into consideration
here, forming a separate division.
While there are manifest and marked differences in
the types and characters of the ancient works and re
mains of different areas within each of these two
comprehensive sections, yet when those of the Pacific
slope, as a whole, are compared with those of the
Atlantic slope, there is a dissimilarity which marks
them as the products of different ethnic groups, or as
the result of different influences.
If this division into two great archaeologic sections
is based on sufficiently reliable data to justify its
adoption, it will form a very important landmark in
the discussion of the chief problems of the prehistoric
times of our continent. Reference to some only of
the evidences bearing on this point is made here to
show their character, as it would not be possible to
present them in detail in a short chapter.
One of the first impressions made upon the mind of
the student of North American ethnology is the re
semblance in a broad and general sense of the features,
customs, arts, and archaeological remains of the west
coast to those of the islands in and countries border
ing on the Pacific ocean, while on the other hand
there is no such resemblance between them and those
of the Atlantic slope. In other words, the types
when classified in the broadest sense appear to ar-
2
18 Study of North American Archaeology.
range themselves in two general divisions those be
longing to the Pacific slope and those confined to the
Atlantic slope. Although this classification was not
made in express words until it was done by the author
of this work (see Eeport on Mound Explorations, in
the 12th Annual Report of the Bureau of American Eth
nology, 1894), yet there is a very evident tendency in
the works relating to the west coast ethnology toward
such a classification, and a disposition to separate and
mark out what may be termed the Pacific types. "If
nations of the eastern shores of the Atlantic," says
Prof. Dall, "were responsible [for the introduction of
the above mentioned types] , we should expect the At
lantic shores of America to show the results of the in
fluence most clearly. This is not the case, but the
very reverse of the case."
As indicative of this difference a few of the types
may be noticed, as follows : The singular form of
carving, representing a figure with the tongue hang
ing out, and usually communicating with a frog,
otter, bird, snake, or fish, observed on the north-west
coast from Oregon to Prince William sound and also
in Mexico and Nicaragua. We may add that this
feature is found in numerous instances in statues and
bas-reliefs from Mexico to the Isthmus, also in the
codices of Mexico and Central America, but seldom if
ever appears in the antiquities of the Atlantic division.
The prominent Tlaloc nose of Mexican and Central
American figures, of which the supposed elephant
proboscis is but one form and the bird bill (thun
der bird) of the north-west coast another, both of
which are but different methods of representing the
same idea, is a characteristic of the Pacific side.
Materials for Study Classification. 19
The method of superimposing, in totem posts and
statues, one figure upon another, usually combining
human and animal, is found, except in California,
from Alaska to the isthmus, and is a true Pacific
type, being almost unknown in the Atlantic division.
The angular designs on the pottery and basketry
are another marked feature of the west coast division.
And thus we might, if this were the proper place to
enter into details, go on enumerating marked distinc
tions between these two primary ethnological sections.
As evidence of the fact stated, let any one compare
the figures in Ensign Albert P. Niblack s excellent
work on "The Coast Indians of Southern Alaska and
Northern British Columbia," with the Mexican and
Central American monuments and figures, and then
compare them with the types of the Atlantic slope.
While the first comparison shows such a marked re
semblance as to lead to the inference that they were
derived from some common source, or the result of
some common influence, the second comparison shows
no such similarity. The spread of types of custom
and art were governed in part by several influences,
as ethnic lines, migrations, contact and physical con
ditions. Where we find those of a character which do
not depend upon physical conditions, but upon super
stitious notions, following a given line without spread
ing out indefinitely, we may assume, until satisfactory
evidence of another cause is given, that they mark a
line of migration and are largely ethnic. It is in
this light w^e are inclined to view the coast-line ex
tension of the types peculiar to the Pacific slope.
Dr. Brinton ("American Race"), notwithstanding
his view in regard to the origin and homogeneity of
20 Study of North American Archaeology.
the American race, arranges his linguistic groups
geographically by the same dividing lines as those we
here indicate as separating the primary archaeological
divisions. His "North Atlantic Group," omitting the
Eskimos, corresponds with our Atlantic division, and
his "North Pacific" and "Central" groups combined
with our Pacific division. This arrangement, as he
admits, is not one of convenience only, as he attaches
certain ethnographic importance to it. "There is,"
he continues, "a distinct resemblance between the two
Atlantic groups, and an equally distinct contrast be
tween them and the Pacific groups, extending to tem
perament, culture and physical traits. Each of the
groups has mingled extensively within its own limits
and but slightly outside of them." Elsewhere he
remarks that "a few of the eastern stocks, the Atha
pascan and the Shoshonian, have sent out colonies
who have settled on the banks of the Pacific ; but as
a rule the tribes of the western coast are not connected
with any east of the mountains. What is more singu
lar, though they differ surprisingly among themselves
in language, they have marked anthropological sim
ilarities, physical and psychical. Virchow has em
phasized the fact that the skulls from the northern
point of Vancouver Island reveal an unmistakable
analogy to those of southern California. . . . There
are many other physical similarities which mark the
Pacific Indians and contrast them with those east of
the mountains." In his "Races and Peoples" this
division between the eastern and western slopes is ex
pressed still more pointedly : "All the higher civiliza
tions are contained in the Pacific group, the Mexican
really belonging to it by derivation and original loca-
Materials for Study Classification. 21
tion. Between the members of the Pacific and At
lantic groups there was very little communication at
any period, the high sierras walling them apart."
As the arctic section, especially those portions oc
cupied by the Eskimo stock, present marked pecu
liarities, .the whole of North America may be con
sidered in three divisions which may, for convenience,
be termed :
I. The Arctic Division.
II. The Atlantic Division.
III. The Pacific Division.
22 Study of North American Archaeology.
CHAPTER III.
METHODS OF STUDY.
Although the method of studying American archae
ology has been touched upon to some extent in the
preceding chapters, it may be well to add something
more on this subject before entering upon a discussion
of the antiquities of the divisions outlined above.
Most of the writers dealing generally with this sub
ject begin their works with the primitive, or supposed
primitive inhabitants paleolithic men, men of the
mastodon age, cave men, etc. It is probably the cor
rect and scientific method in an extended treatise on
American archaeology to begin with the earliest traces
of man on the continent, thence following him down
the ages, marking his advance in culture, but it is
very questionable whether this is the best method of
studying North American archaeology. It is the be
lief of the author of this work that the most satis
factory plan is to begin with the known and work
back toward the unknown ; to begin with the aborig
ines and monuments and trace them back step by step
into the past.
The evidence so far ascertained leads to the con
clusion that, as a general rule, the monuments of the
various sections are attributable as a whole, or in part,
to the ancestors of the people found inhabiting those
sections at the incoming of the whites. This has been
found true in regard to Mexico and Central America,
Methods of Study. 23
and is now generally accepted as true in regard to the
regions of the Mound-builders and Cliff-dwellers. It
is therefore advisable to proceed upon this supposition
in regard to other sections until evidence incompatible
with this conclusion has been brought to light. Pre
historic migrations, of which frequent mention will
be made herein, have undoubtedly taken place, > for,
without this, population could not have spread over
the continent, but this was a slow process which re
quired ages for its accomplishment. Moreover, as
numbers increased and cultivation of the soil began,
the tribes necessarily became more and more sedentary
in habits. This had progressed to that extent when
Europeans made their appearance that most of the
groups had long been permanent residents of the sec
tions they were found inhabiting ; in fact, as will here
after be seen, there are good reasons for believing
that most of the larger stocks had developed into
tribes substantially in the respective regions they were
found occupying. As this development must have
required a long time, the presumption is justified, ex
cept where shown by the evidence furnished by the
monuments or language to be incorrect, that these
remains are attributable in a general sense to the an
cestors of the inhabitants of the respective sections.
That there was still more or less shifting of tribes and
to some extent of stocks through the fortunes of war
and here and there the breaking away of one or more
tribes from the parent hive, is no doubt true, but that
there was a greater degree of permanency than has
generally been supposed, is also true, a fact which is
becoming more and more evident through the investi
gations of late years. Therefore the natives as well
24 Study of North American Archaeology.
as the monuments must be studied, and the language,
physical traits, customs, traditions, mythology and
folk-lore of the natives are important factors which
the student must bring to his aid.
Another fact which should be borne in mind by the
student is the danger of basing conclusions on ab
normal objects, or on one or two unusual types. Take
for example the supposed elephant mound of Wiscon
sin which has played such an important role in most
of the works relating to the mound-builders of the
Mississippi valley, but is now generally conceded to
be the effigy of a bear, the snout, the elephantine
feature, resulting from drifting sand. Stones bearing
inscriptions in Hebrew or other Old World characters
have at last been banished from the list of prehistoric
relics. It is wise therefore to refrain from basing
theories on one or two specimens of an unusual or
abnormal type, unless their claim to a place among
genuine prehistoric relics can be established beyond
dispute.
It is unfortunate that many of the important arti
cles found in the best museums of our country are
without a history that will justify their acceptance,
without doubt, as genuine antiquities. It is safe
therefore to base important conclusions only on monu
ments in reference to which there is no doubt, and on
articles whose history, as regards the finding, is fully
known, except where the type is well established from
genuine antiquities. One of the best recent works on
ancient America is marred to some extent by want of
this precaution. Mounds and ancient works are de
scribed and figured which do not and never did exist ;
Methods of Study. 25
and articles are represented which are modern pro
ductions.
The method of study to be pursued depends very
largely upon the extent to which it is to be carried
and the lines to be followed. For the general reader
and the individual who desires to obtain only a gen
eral knowledge of the subject, and for the student
who studies the subject merely as a collateral branch,
the writer trusts that this work will suffice. But for
him who wishes to enter more into details, it can only
be what it purports to be, an introduction to the study.
For the latter class, a general knowledge of what has
been accomplished is necessary in order to avoid wast
ing time and energy in going over beaten paths.
The student devoting attention to local archaeology,
that is, to the monuments and remains of a particular
district, will, of course, acquaint himself first with the
investigations which have been previously made in
that district. However, this does not end with merely
ascertaining what monuments have been discovered
and located, which of them have been explored and
what relics and remains have been obtained, but in
cludes a careful study of the types and their relation
to the types of the immediately surrounding regions,
as archaeology, as a science, if it can be so called, is
based largely on analogy. In this way he determines
what are the prevailing types of the district and what
are peculiar to it if there be any ; but this investiga
tion in reference to a limited district or to particular
classes of antiquities must descend to more minute
details than will be necessary in making a general
survey of the antiquities of a more extended area.
It may, perhaps, be truly said that we are just en-
26 Study of North American Archaeology.
tering upon this stage of archaeologic progress, and
yet upon the result of such investigations must de
pend the answers to some of the important problems
relating to the prehistoric times of the various sections
of our continent. Among the most abundant and
generally distributed classes of prehistoric artefacts
are arrow- and spear-points ; and though the varieties
seemingly .baffle attempts at classification, it will
probably be possible to determine all the types of a
limited district and thus obtain one means of com
parison with the archaeology of surrounding areas.
Celts will afford another means of comparison, and
so on through the entire list both of monuments and
relics.
However, in order to study the monuments properly
and their bearing on the questions relating to the pre
historic times of the given locality, mapping is an im
portant step. A local worker should have a map of
his district with the localities of the antiquities marked
thereon with symbols indicating the types. Maps
and diagrams of the groups of works are of course
necessary to intelligent study. In other words, the
geographical relations of ancient works in a district
as well as the relations of the individual works to
each other in the groups are important. Although
the mounds in the groups of the mound area of the
United States appear to be usually placed without re
spect to order or plan, yet in the southern states they
are so arranged in many of the groups as to leave a
central, open space or plaza, w^hile in Wisconsin the
arrangement in lines is an archaeological character
istic of the region. The geographical distribution of
types forms the chief aid in outlining culture areas.
Methods of Study. 27
It is important in studying the types of the monu
ments and of the artefacts to determine the essential
features of each type. It is often true, especially in
the case of imitative objects, that the type is con
ventionalized to such an extent as to lose apparently
every feature of the object of which it was intended
to be a representative ; yet the careful student, by
tracing the variations and eliminations, will usually
be able to determine the essential features and reach
a correct conclusion. Without this study unessential
characteristics may be given an undue prominence.
There appears to have been a strong desire on the part
of the aboriginal artists to introduce the eye and
other face features into the Central American hiero
glyphics, yet in many of these they are non-essentials,
being simply ornamental ; and the same thing is true
in regard to many other antiquities. Nevertheless,
these unessential features as to the type are important
in comparisons, as they assist in ascertaining affinities
and derivation where the type is widely distributed.
The olla or globular bowl has been and is yet a com
mon type of pottery vessel among the Pueblo Indians
of New Mexico and Arizona, yet the Indians can, in
most cases, readily decide from what Pueblo a par
ticular vessel came by the ornamentation or other
features unessential to the type.
The student investigating the archaeology of a given
district should, as above indicated, make himself ac
quainted, so far as the data will permit, with the his
tory, customs, beliefs, traditions, etc., of the tribes
which have inhabited that district. Of course it does
not necessarily follow because it is known that the
ancestors of the people found inhabiting a certain ex-
28 Study of North American Archaeology.
tensive section, as Central America, Mexico, the
Pueblo region or the mound area, were the authors of
a large portion of the monuments of that section, that
the ancestors of the people found in more restricted
localities were the authors of the monuments of those
particular localities. There are unquestionably some
monuments in southern Arizona and northern Mex
ico which can not be attributed to the ancestors of the
tribes inhabiting or known to have inhabited the par
ticular localities where these ruins are found. The
same thing is true also of certain ancient works in
the mound section of the United States. Although
the works as a whole are attributable to the ancestors
of the Indians of the section, some tribes who w^ere
mound builders may have become extinct through
wars or epidemics, others may have been forced to
shift position, and still other tribes may never have
adopted the custom of building mounds, yet the propo
sition in its general application remains true. One
object, therefore, of the local worker should be to de
termine, if possible, what tribes or people were the
authors of the works of the district he is studying,
whether those known to have inhabited the district,
or others removed in prehistoric times. The first
step in this investigation is to learn the customs, arts,
etc., of the people who formerly inhabited that dis
trict, as he may thus be enabled to determine the
probability that they were the authors, or to eliminate
them from the investigation. The a priori presump
tion is that the local natives were the builders. Every
elimination of a factor from the discussion of a prob
lem is one step toward the true solution.
In the study of types the method must, of necessity,
Methods of Study. 29
be very largely geographical with reference to vari
eties, if the object in view be to ascertain the distri
bution of the different varieties. If the object be
simply to trace the development of the type, the geo
graphical distribution is of less importance. Mr. A.
E. Douglass, of New York, who has a large private
collection, suggests in regard to museum collections a
double arrangement for these purposes : First, an
arrangement of specimens according to geographical
distribution ; and second by varieties. As the study
of types necessitates the examination of specimens,
this plan, where practical, would undoubtedly be ad
vantageous. One difficulty in these lines, which has
not yet been overcome, is the want of a uniform and
acceptable nomenclature ; but nomenclature seems
impossible without classification, which has not been
accomplished except in regard to limited districts.
This is a desideratum to which the attention of cura
tors of museums is now being directed, and it is to
be hoped, notwithstanding the difficulties in the way,
that they will find some means of classifying collec
tions sufficiently to form a basis for names of types.
In studying the monuments it will be found, as yet,
advantageous to limit attempts at grouping or classi-
ficatory arrangements to districts or sections. Com
parison can then be made with the works of other
sections or districts, group with group, or class with
class. By this type generalization or aggregation the
contrasts or similarities are not only more apparent
than by single comparisons, but are of much more im
portance. By such comparison of the works of the
mound-builders with those of the Pueblo region or
Central America, the contrast is, so to speak, intensi-
30 Study of North American Archaeology.
fied. Within the section or district some grouping,
even though it be arbitrary, is absolutely necessary to
progress, and without it discussion is impossible and
general description of little value. In other words,
the student can make but little progress in archaeology
until he advances to what may be termed the generic
stage. Mr. Holmes has adopted a most excellent
method, both in his studies of the monuments and of
the minor vestiges of art. He learns by a comparison
of specimens or of individual monuments the essen
tial characteristics of the different types under inves
tigation ; then by means of outline figures or sketches
brings the types pertaining to the same general class
in their simplest form into comparison. See, for ex
ample, his comparison of types of pottery vessels of a
certain class shown in our Fig. 37, and his comparison
of temple plans in our Fig. 96. Although the idea is
not new, his application of it to the antiquities of
North America which he has examined is clear, and
serves to illustrate a plan which may well be fol
lowed.
Study may be in the field, in the museum or in the
books. In the first case there are numerous practical
questions which can be answered only by experience ;
the student must therefore learn by practice or by ref
erence to the experienced field worker. The Bureau of
American Ethnology receives many letters inquiring
as to the best method of exploring (opening) and in
vestigating mounds, etc. Although the general direc
tion, to note every thing so carefully as the exploration
proceeds that a complete restoration in every particu
lar could be made from these notes, would perhaps
Methods of Study. 31
answer the inquiry, the following suggestions are
added for the benefit of the young beginner :
If the mound to be explored be one of a group, the
first step is to make a full and complete description of
the group, with diagram as heretofore suggested,
noting carefully the topography of the area covered
by the group, and of the immediately surrounding
country. The plan should show the correct positions
of the mounds, and their form and size (diameter and
height) should be noted. In addition to the measure
ment of the mound to be explored, a horizontal sec
tion showing an outline of the base as seen from the
summit, and a vertical section showing the contour of
the longest diameter, should be drawn on paper, and
of sufficient size to note spaces thereon, of a foot
measured on the ground. The north and south points
should be indicated on the horizontal section. These
plans are for the purpose of inserting marks indicat
ing the positions, horizontally and vertically, of the
articles found as the exploration proceeds. These,
with the notes naming the articles by corresponding
numbers and giving the measurement as to depth and
side, will be sufficient to locate the article in the
mound, should its exact position ever become a ques
tion of any importance. Such a question occasionally
becomes important when the article is found to indi
cate contact with Europeans, or is abnormal.
In order to note the stratification it is best to dig a
trench from side to side through the highest point, or
center, and where the mound is of considerable size it
will be well to run another at right angles to this.
These should commence and end at the extreme outer
margins of the mound and be carried down to the
32 Study of North American Archaeology.
natural soil or subsoil as the case may be. When a
skeleton or relic is found it should not be removed
until it is well exposed and its character and position
noted down. If a vault, tomb, wall or any thing of
large size is encountered, the trench should be carried
around this until it is fully exposed before being dis
turbed. When the trenches are completed, the re
maining portions of the mound can be removed, the
same care being taken. Where the mound is of large
size, sinking shafts and tunneling may have to be re
sorted to. Care must be taken to mark all articles
found, with numbers corresponding with those in the
notes and on the sections. Of course the character
and thickness of the strata and every other particular
deemed worthy of remembrance should be noted
down. Photography will of course be advantageous
where clear and distinct pictures can be obtained, but
will not supply the place of sketches. As it would re
quire too much space to notice all the variations from
these suggestions and add additional ones necessary to
meet the numerous peculiarities the explorer may en
counter, we can only repeat what is stated above :
Note every particular with such care that it will be
possible from the description to completely restore the
mound in every particular.
As the author is familiar by personal investigation
with the antiquities of the mound region alone, his
suggestions in regard to those of other sections must
be drawn from the works of other explorers. Profit
able suggestions in reference to the method of study
ing the ruins of Central America and Mexico may be
drawn from Mr. Holmes account of the celebrated
Palenque group given in his "Archaeological Studies
Methods of Study. 33
among the Ancient Cities of Mexico." He starts out
by giving a sketch map of the locality. Then follow
in order a "Panoramic View" of the group; the
"Orientation and Assemblage," which results in show
ing that the placement of the buildings would seem
to be due to the natural features of the ground rather
than to a regard for the points of the compass ; "Ma
terials and Masonry"; "Construction"; "Substruc
tures," or pyramidal basements; "Superstructures,"
or buildings ; under the latter he outlines the ground
plans of the types, following with the profiles of con
struction or elevation accompanied by outlines of ver
tical sections, illustrating the mode of construction.
This is followed with descriptions of the roofing, of
the types of doorways, of pillars, stairways and other
essential features of the buildings, the ornamentation
being considered last.
In his description of Monte Alban and Mitla, in
addition to the description of the ruins and mode of
construction, he goes back to the quarry in order to
study the method of preparing the material from the
initial stroke until the blocks of stone are ready for
removal to the building site, and to learn what man
ner of tools were employed and how used. This
might be followed up from the work of others, as
that of explorers of the Bureau of American Eth
nology and of the Hemenway Expedition among the
ruins of New Mexico and Arizona, but what has been
mentioned will suffice to indicate the method these
field workers have followed. 3t is something of an
art to grasp readily the chief idea or plan of a group
of ruins. When this is caught, the lines and parts
3
34 Study of North American Archaeology.
are usually easily traced, though hidden from view
until uncovered.
The study in the museum, that is of articles in col
lections, has been alluded to incidentally. The study
of the literature, where not in aid of the study of the
monuments and remains, is chiefly for the purpose of
investigating certain problems. In this case the scope
of inquiry is widened and the data furnished by the
monuments and remains constitute but one of the
factors ; language, physical traits, customs, traditions,
mythology and folk-lore must all be brought into the
investigation. This involves also an examination of
the early histories, the accounts of navigators and ex
plorers and of more recent discussions on the same
topics. The student must bear in mind the fact that
archaeology is based on particulars, on innumerable
fragments, and that conclusions and theories to be
correct, must, so to speak, be the figures formed when
the fragments are rightly placed. This brief and far
from complete outline of the method of study will,
with the present work, furnish some aid to the student
who wishes to devote attention to North American
archaeology, but the critical investigator is expected
to open up new lines and bring to bear new argu
ments on the questions which arise.
Arctic Division. 35
CHAPTER IV.
ARCTIC DIVISION.
As the archaeological data of this division are few,
and their direct connection with the Eskimo and
allied tribes is not questioned, the division is purely
an ethnological one. However as the people at their
entrance into the domain of history were in the stone
age, the implements, utensils and other artefacts in
use among them afford a means of comparison which
can not wisely be overlooked even in this brief sur
vey. Moreover this area furnishes the best field on
the continent for the study of the culture of a primi
tive people as indicated by their arts. Stone and
bone implements found in the graves, mounds and
refuse heaps of other sections are often serious puzzles
to the archaeologist, because their use was discon
tinued before the historical era and is not easily de
termined. But in the Eskimo area few have been dis
covered of which the use is unknown, almost every
form having been continued in use until visited by
European navigators. The knowledge thus obtained
furnishes a key by which many an archaeological
riddle may be solved.
Monuments or Local Antiquities. These consist al
most wholly of shell or refuse heaps, the remains of
old iglus or Eskimo houses which were constructed
in part of stone, and an occasional pile of stones
heaped over a grave to protect it from wild beasts.
36 Study of North American Archaeology.
No true mounds, inclosures or fortifications of a per
manent character, have been discovered in the entire
area. This statement will also probably apply to a
considerable extent of country lying south of the
northern Eskimo belt, as we are informed by Rev. A.
G. Morice, who has resided for many years among
the north-western Athapascans (or Dene) , that
"throughout the whole extent of their territory, no
mounds, inclosures, fortifications of a permanent
character, or any earthen-works suggesting human
agency are to be found."
Numerous shell-heaps have been discovered in the
Aleutian Islands. Such of these as have been exca
vated are found to consist of two or three distinct
strata, indicating, it is supposed, successive periods of
occupancy. Prof. W. H. Dall describes the typical
form as consisting of the following layers : First, or
lowest stratum, composed almost exclusively of the
broken tests or spines of Echinus, a few shells of dif
ferent species of edible mollusks being intermixed ;
the next layer above, composed chiefly of fish bones
and shells, w^ith an occasional bird bone ; above this
was a layer characterized by numerous mammalian
bones, of marine species, intermixed with bones of
sea birds ; this was covered by modern deposits and
vegetable mold.
The following articles found in this refuse heap fur
nish some indications, Prof. Dall thinks, of the ad
vance in culture during the time it was being formed,
though this has been questioned. In the lower stratum
a small hammer stone was discovered which had an
indentation on each side for the finger and thumb,
and bruises on the ends, indicative of use, probably
Arctic Division.
37
for breaking Echinus tests. In the second were rude
net-sinkers, stone knives, and spear-heads both of
stone and bone, the latter distinctly barbed (Fig. 1) .
Fig. 1. Bone Spear-head, Eskimo.
These appeared in still greater abundance and varied
forms in the mammalian stratum, from which were
also obtained stone, bone, and horn skin-dressers, bone
awls, stone adzes and lamps ; also carved articles,
such as masks, and a single face-form carved on bone.
One of the lamps is shown in Fig. 2. Bone and stone
Fig. 2. Stone lamp, Eskimo.
labrets were found in the upper layer of one of these
shell-heaps and also in a cave deposit of corresponding
age. One of the labrets is shown in Fig. 3, Prof.
Dall, to whom we are indebted for the foregoing de
scription of Aleutian shell heaps, discovered also in
the same region the marks and remains of ancient
villages. The method of building among the ancient
38
Study of North American Archaeology.
Fig. 3. Labret, Eskimo.
inhabitants, who are presumed to have been Aleuts,
was to excavate slightly, build a wall of flat stones
or of the bones of
the larger whales,
and bank this on
the outside with
turf and stones.
The roof appears
to have been form-
ed usually of
whales ribs, cov
ered with wisps of
grass tied together
and laid on the rafters, then turfed over.
The remains of ancient stone houses are found scat
tered over the greater part of Arctic America, espe
cially the eastern portion, even in sections no longer
inhabited by Eskimo, as the Parry Archipelago and
the northern part of East Greenland. These are ap
propriated by the Eskimo of the present day for tem
porary dwellings when they stop in the region where
they are found. A figure of the remaining founda
tion of one of these ancient structures is given in
Fig. 4, from Kumlien. The purpose of the long
kayak-like building figured in connection with the
stone house is not known. Dr. Boas says he found a
similar one twenty feet long, scarcely one foot high,
consisting of two rows of stones, at Pangnirtung, Cum
berland Sound, but nobody could explain its use.
The remains of a number of these ancient stone
houses, or iglus, have been found in the American
Archipelago and about Cumberland Sound. Those in
good condition have a long stone entrance, sometimes
Arctic Division. 39
from fifteen to twenty feet long. This is made by
cutting an excavation- into the slope of a hill. Its
walls are covered with large slabs of stone, about two
Fig. 4. Remains of an ancient Eskimo house.
and a half feet high and three feet wide, the space
between the stone and the sides of the excavation
being afterward filled with the earth. The floor of
the passage slopes upward toward the hut. The last
four feet of the entrance are covered with a very large
slab, and are a little higher than the other parts of the
roof of the passageway. The slab is at the same
height as the benches of the dwelling room, which is
also dug out, the walls being formed of stones or
whale ribs. These houses are supposed to have been
covered in the same way as those already described.
Dr. Boas states that he has found at Ukiadliving,
among other remains, some very remarkable "store
houses." "These structures," he says, "consist of
heavy granite pillars, on the top of which flat slabs
of stone are piled to a height of nine or ten feet, in
40 Study of North American Archaeology.
winter, blubber and meat are put away upon these
pillars, which are sufficiently high to keep them from
the dogs; skin boats were also placed on them."
This was doubtless the object in view in building
these rude structures, but why the covering should be
so thick and heavy is not apparent if this were the
only object.
Implements, Ornaments, etc.
As all the monuments and minor vestiges of art of
this division are attributable, as already stated, to the
Eskimo, the earliest forms that are known differing
but slightly from those of modern times, it is only
necessary here to notice a few of the more important
types for the purpose of comparison.
As agriculture is impracticable in the rigorous cli
mate of the Eskimo region, and the means of sub
sistence limited to animal food, the variety of imple
ments is not large. They consist chiefly of such as
are used in killing and capturing the food animals
of which the larger portion are marine mammals ;
the implements and vessels used in preparing and
cooking food, and in preparing the skins for the va
rious uses to which they are applied. The simplicity
in the Eskimo manner of life, the necessary uni
formity in their method of procuring subsistence, and
the manner of clothing themselves, have convention
alized to a great extent their implements and arts.
As the struggle for existence has been a difficult one
with them, and the clothes and dwellings necessary
to protect them against the cold are ill adapted to the
use of ornaments, the variety of such articles is quite
limited.
Arctic Division, 41
The articles of stone and bone, which are the only
ones requiring notice here, consist chiefly of arrow,
spear and harpoon heads, skin scrapers, ulus or
women s knives, adzes, lamps, cooking pots or kettles,
flakers and labrets.
The chipped flint heads of arrows and spears are
usually well made, finely finished and symmetrically
formed, differing in size and slightly in form accord
ing to the particular purpose for which they were in
tended. Some of the older specimens are somewhat
ruder, but would undoubtedly be classed as neolithic.
One of the most useful and necessary implements
belonging to an Eskimo household was the Ulu or
Woman s knife, which, with them, performed all that
is done in enlightened communities with the various
cutting implements of the butcher-shop and the
household kitchen. The simplest form was a flake of
flint with a cutting edge, but with the Eskimo they
were usually made in a particular form, and, vrith the
handle, resembled the
ordinary kitchen chop-
ping-knife, which, in
fact, has to a large ex
tent replaced the stone
implement. The blade
was of horn stone,
chert, or flint material
and slate, especially --~___^--
the latter. (Fig. 5.) Fig>5- ui n?0 r woman s knife, Eskimo.
Another indispensable
household article was the lamp, which furnished both
heat and light. These were usually of soapstone,
though a few of other stone have been discovered. The
42
Study of North American Archaeology.
form of this vessel was not so strictly conventionalized
as that of the kettle or cooking pot, though generally
dish-shaped and shallow. (Fig. 2.) A semicircular
form was also common, the length varying from six
inches to nearly three feet.
Before the introduction of European vessels the
cooking was usually done in soapstone pots or kettles
Fig. G. Soapstone pot, Eskimo.
by placing them over the lamps or putting heated
stones in the water. They were comparatively small,
varying in capacity from a pint to a gallon, rectangu
lar in outline with the sides perpendicular or slightly
flaring. (Fig. 6.)
Fig. 7. Hafted jade adze, Eskimo.
Arctic Division. 43
Even at the present day, according to Mr. Murdoch,
the Eskimo of Point Barrow use no tool for shaping
large pieces of woodwork except a short-handled adze,
hafted in the same manner as the old stone tools
which were employed before the introduction of iron.
(Fig. 7.) The skin scraper usually consisted of a
blunt stone blade mounted in a short thick haft of
wood or ivory, fitting ex
actly to the inside of the
hand and having holes
or depressions to receive
the fingers and thumb.
fFia* R \ Fig- 8- Skin scraper, Eskimo.
The art of making flint arrow and spear heads has
not been entirely lost by the Eskimo. Flint pebbles
are splintered by percussion into fragments of suitable
size, and the sharp-edged spalls are flaked into shape
with an implement consisting of a short straight rod
of flint or bone mounted in a short curved haft
grooved for its reception, (Fig. 9.)
CL
Fig. 9. Flint flaker, Eskimo.
Culture-home of the Eskimo.
The origin of the Eskimo or Innuit is a question
which has been much discussed, but as yet remains
undecided. The generally-accepted theory has been
that they migrated from north-eastern Asia by way of
Behring Strait. Recently, however, several writers,
among whom are two or three who have made a
44 Study of North American Archaeology.
special study of them, have reached the conclusion
that they were originally an inland people of North
America, and that their migrations were toward the
north and west. This conclusion is based to a con
siderable extent upon the evidence, now generally ac
cepted, that the Asiatic Eskimo (the Ymt) , dwelling
around East Cape and to the south of it, migrated in
late prehistoric times from America, and that the
Aleuts inhabiting the islands moved in the same di
rection.
As any opinion which may be advanced on this
question is at best but conjecture, the subject does not
come properly within the scope of the present work.
There is, however, a closely cognate problem which
offers greater probability of final solution, and which
is of importance in the study of the prehistoric times
of our continent. As well stated by Dr. Rink, who
has made this arctic people well nigh a life study, "In
regard to the cradle of the Eskimo race, we have
before all to discern between their original home and
the country in which they developed their present
culture, which is characterized by their capability of
procuring means of subsistence in arctic regions,
where no other nation can live." He then points out
some "necessary conditions for guessing the site" of
this culture-home.
Alluding to the vast shore line which was, so far as
known, occupied by the. Eskimo as its only inhabitants
before their modern contact with the European race,
he divides them into Eastern and Western, separated
by Cape Bathurst. He assumes as a basis, which is
admitted to be correct by those who differ from him,
first, that only one such culture-home can have existed,
Arctic Division. 45
and second, that even this one must have been of
relatively small extent. The extraordinary uniformity
of the utensils, instruments and weapons common to
all the widely-spread tribes or groups, and the com
paratively slight variation in language, is suggestive
of a common origin. He then shows from the vocabu
laries of the different sections the identity of the
names given by the Eastern and Western groups to
the animals used as food, boats, vessels, implements,
etc., giving a list which excludes the possibility of
accidental likeness. To this is added the similarity
in form and use of the vessels and implements re
ferred to.
The direction of the migration is assumed from the
following facts :
The gradual completion of the kayak with its im
plements, and the art of using them. The gradual
change of several customs in proceeding from the
south and west to the north and east, namely, the
use of labrets or lip ornaments ceasing at the Mac-
Kenzie River, the use of masks at festivals ceasing in
Baffin s Land, and the women s hair dressing gradu
ally changing between Point Barrow and Baffin s
Bay, and the change in the houses in certain par
ticulars.
These indicate that the movement was from the ex
treme west, or Alaska, toward the east, and this Dr.
Rink believes is the true solution of the problem.
On the other hand, Mr. Murdoch and Dr. Boas,
who have personally studied the race on opposite
sides of the continent, believe the culture-home was
in the interior about the south end of Hudson s Bay,
whence they separated into three principal divisions,
46 Study of North American Archaeology.
one going north-east, another north, and the other
north-west. This opinion is based chiefly on the
primitive art of the central region, the form of the
sinew bow, and the westward movement above re
ferred to. It would seem difficult, however, to ac
count upon this theory for the adoption of the kayak
and its accompaniments, and the application of the
same terms throughout the extended region where
they are found, often in widely separated groups,
between which intercourse is exceedingly rare. The
settlement of this question, which appears possible
with the accumulation of data, is important to the
study of ethnology. If the latter theory be correct,
it will have a material bearing on the theories in re
gard to the course of migration of the Indian popula
tion south and west of this assumed inland culture-
home, for it is not probable that any people who have
acquired their habits in an interior area, and com
paratively moderate climate, would leave it, except
under strong pressure, to take up their abode in such
inhospitable regions as they now occupy.
All the implements and works of the Eskimo appear
to be adapted to their peculiar conditions and their
only means of subsistence and preservation of life.
They are very largely those of a littoral and arctic
people, developed through the necessity of procuring,
to a large extent, subsistence from the sea and defend
ing themselves from the cold without material derived
from the forest. Many of the articles, it is true, are
adapted to savage life in any section, whether in the
interior or on the coast, whether in an arctic or
temperate climate, but on the other hand many others
are suited only to the conditions under which they
Arctic Division. 47
live. Hence it must be assumed, unless valid reasons
for a different conclusion are shown, that those pe
culiarly adapted to the situation were developed in
the area where they are found, or one similar in its
conditions.
Mr. Murdoch s suggestion that the use of labrets is
a habit which has worked its way along the western
coast of America from the south is worthy of con
sideration, though it does not appear to strengthen
his theory, but tends rather to support the opposite
conclusion. Nevertheless it is not without support,
and opens up a new line for thought and investiga
tion, and furnishes an additional pointer to a par
ticular region of the western coast which possibly
may have played an important part in the peopling of
the continent.
48 Study of North American Archaeology.
CHAPTER V.
ATLANTIC DIVISION.
This division includes geographically, as heretofore
indicated, all that part of North America east of the
Rocky Mountains north of the Rio Grande and Gulf
of Mexico, except that portion embraced in the Arctic
division and except also the area occupied by the
northern Athapascan or Dene tribes.
At the time Europeans began to plant colonies in
this region it was occupied by Indians belonging
chiefly to some four or five linguistic stocks. The
northern portion from Labrador to the Rocky Mount
ains, the central area east of the Mississippi from the
lakes south to Tennessee, and a strip along the At
lantic coast from the Gulf of St. Lawrence to Pamlico
Sound, was occupied by the great Algonquian stock.
Gathered about lakes Erie and Ontario, both north and
south, stretching dow^n both sides of the St. Lawrence
to Quebec, and extending over New York and most of
Eastern Pennsylvania, was the Iroquoian family, be
longing to which were outlying groups along the
south-eastern border of Virginia, and about the head
waters of the Tennessee and Savannah rivers. The
Muskhogean family occupied most of the area embraced
in the southern states east of the Mississippi. Ex
tending westward from the Mississippi river from its
headwaters to the Arkansas across the broad plains
of the west, and occupying most of the drainage area
Atlantic Division. 49
of the Missouri and Arkansas rivers, was the Siouan
stock, the Bedouin of North America. Belonging to
this group were some scattered fragments, one along
the piedmont region of Virginia and the Carolinas,
and one of small size on the southern coast of Missis
sippi and another in Arkansas. Besides these there
were the Caddoan stock, chiefly in western Louisiana
and eastern Texas ; the Timuquanan occupying the
Florida peninsula, and some, few in numbers, covering
small areas chiefly about the mouth of the Mississippi.
The archaeological conditions we encounter in this
O
area are so widely distinct from those of the Arctic
division as to require but little thought or study to
mark the differences. It is true we find here flint
arrow- and lance-heads in abundance, some of them
bearing a close resemblance to and scarcely distin
guishable from those of the Eskimo. Chipped stones
of a certain form, which are supposed to be skin-
scrapers or skinning implements, are also found in
great numbers, and though many of them may be
compared with the flint points of the Eskimo scrapers,
yet the manner in which they were hafted, or whether
hafted at all, is in most instances only a surmise. It
is noticeable that of the fifty-six American scrapers
figured in Prof. 0. T. Mason s "Aboriginal Skin
Dressing" (Kept. Nat. Museum, 1888-9), all except
five are Eskimo, and the five are adze shaped and
have iron or steel points. The elbow-shaped handle
may be a survival from the stone age, nevertheless it
is possible that the advent of iron may have worked
some change in form. Local monuments, as we have
seen, except, refuse heaps, foundations of old iglus
50 Study of North American Archaeology.
and some ancient graves, are unknown to the arctic
section. On the contrary, in the area we are now en
tering upon, the Mississippi valley, from the head
waters in Minnesota to the Red River of Louisiana,
and from the sources of the Ohio to the border of
the western plains, is dotted over with earthen mounds,
clustered into groups or scattered singly ; here and
there hills and bluffs are crowned with defensive
works, indicating tribal warfare ; throughout southern
Illinois, Kentucky and Tennessee the rude stone sep-
ulchers of the ancient inhabitants are found in great
numbers ; and other evidences of prehistoric occupancy
abound. Thus it will be seen that the difference
archaeologically between the two divisions is a wide
one.
Monuments, or local antiquities.
The antiquities of this class found in this division
consist chiefly of earthworks, stoneworks, graves, cave
deposits and mines and quarries, and might be classed
under these heads but for the fact that some belong
partly to one class and partly to another ; then there
are certain other local antiquities which can not pos
sibly be classed under either of these headings. If it
were possible to decide positively as to the use of each
type, this would afford one means of classification,
but unfortunately here our knowledge is sadly at
fault. However, as some arrangement for the con
venience of reference is necessary, they will be
grouped here by leading types under the following
heads : Mounds, Refuse Heaps, Inclosures, Hut-rings,
Excavations, Graves and Cemeteries, Garden Beds,
Hearths or Camp Sites, and Ancient Trails. Besides
Atlantic Division. 51
these there are Mines and Quarries, Cave Deposits
and Petroglyphs. That the particular sense in which
some of these terms are used in this work may be
clearly understood, the following explanation is given :
Mounds.
The tumuli or true mounds, to which the term will
be limited in this work, are the most common and
most numerous of the fixed antiquities, being found
in the valley of the Red River of the North from its
source to its mouth, and here and there an isolated
one in Canada ; throughout the Mississippi valley and
the region south of the great lakes to the gulf they
constitute the larger portion of the numerous groups,
it being exceedingly rare to find a group in which
they do not occur. Although the forms are various,
they may be classed as conical tumuli, elongate or
wall mounds, pyramidal mounds, and effigy mounds.
The conical tumuli are artificial hillocks cast up
with some special object in view, and not mere accu
mulations of debris. The form is usually that of a
low, broad, round-topped cone, but as at present
found is, in consequence of wear and tear by the
plow and the elements, often that of an irregular
heap, distinguished from the refuse heap only by in
ternal evidence. They vary in size from a scarcely
perceptible swell in the ground to elevations of eighty
or ninety feet, and from six or eight to three hundred
feet in diameter. The outline is generally approxi
mately circular where they retain their original shape,
though many are oblong or oval and some pear-
shaped. Most of the Burial Mounds are of this type.
The works to which the name "Elongate or Wall
52
Study of North American Archaeology.
AfaOem, Cemetery
CKI
*
MooND9 ON TAHM or B.G THOMAS,
EASTMAN TOWNSHIP. CRAWFORD Co
/VlSCONSiN
co
Fig. 10. Plat of mound group, Wisconsin.
Atlantic Division. 53
Mounds" is applied are certain linear earthen struc
tures which seem to be confined almost exclusively to
the effigy-mound region mentioned below. The only
external characteristic which distinguishes them from
the oblong mound of the conical type is their wai.-
like appearance ; in truth the longer ones may be
properly called walls, if we judge by the form alone.
This characteristic is apparent even w^hen the length
is not great as compared with the width. Usually the
length is from one hundred and fifty to three hundred
feet, though some are found as short as fifty while
others extend to nine hundred ; the width varies from
twenty to forty feet, and the height seldom exceeds
four feet. They appear to be simple lines of earth
cast up from the adjoining surface, but with what ob
ject in view is unknown ; however, they are seldom
used as burial-places, and even where so used it is ap
parently an after-thought. (Fig. 10.)
The typical form of the Pyramidal Mounds is the
truncated, quadrangular pyramid ; some, however,
are circular or oval and a few pentangular, but are
distinguished from the conical type chiefly by the flat
top or truncated form. In some instances, as in the
Marietta group, Ohio, they are so reduced in height,
compared with extent, as to assume the appearance of
earthen platforms ; others have terraces extending
outward from one or two sides, and others a ramp or
roadway leading up to the level surface. In conse
quence of wearing by the plow and elements the sharp
outlines have, in many instances, been obliterated to
such an extent as to render it difficult to determine
the original form. With the exception of a few in
Ohio, Indiana and northern Illinois, works of this
54
Study of North American Archaeology.
Atlantic Division. 55
type are limited almost exclusively to southern Illi
nois, south-eastern Missouri, Arkansas, Kentucky,
Tennessee, South Carolina and the Gulf States. The
two most extensive groups in the division, consisting
chiefly of mounds of this form, are widely separated ;
one is located in Illinois a few miles east of St. Louis,
which includes the giant Cahokia mound, and the
other near Carthage, Alabama. The best examples
of terraced mounds are found in eastern Arkansas,
one of which is shown in the annexed figure.
(Fig. 11.)
There is a somewhat different form from either of
those mentioned which is intermediate between the
conical and pyramidal types, though classed here
with the latter, as a personal examination by the
writer of examples widely separated geographically,
has convinced him that they are slight modifications
of the pyramidal type with ramps. Examples of
both forms are seen together in the "Rich Woods"
o
group, south-eastern Missouri. In this class the
main tumulus is really conical or oval, usually with a
ramp extending outward on one side in the form of a
ridge ; or oval in form and the whole upper surface
slightly rounded and sloping toward one end.
The most singular earthen structures found on the
continent are those representing animals, and usually
known as "Effigy Mounds." They are limited geo
graphically, almost exclusively, to Wisconsin and the
immediately adjoining portions of Illinois and Iowa;
some two or three are found in Ohio and two in
Georgia ; it is reported that some examples have been
discovered in the "Bad Lands" of Dakota ; this, how
ever, has not been confirmed. The animals which
56
Study of North American Archaeology.
are represented, so far as they can be determined, are
those known to the modern fauna of the region occu
pied, the supposed elephant mound being in all
probability intended for a bear, as the proboscis ap
pears to have been an accidental addition of shifting
sand, varying in shape at different times, which had
entirely disappeared when the survey under the
author s direction was made in 1884. (Fig. 12.)
Fig. 12. Elephant mound, Wisconsin.
Examples of this type are seen in Fig. 10. The
author may be excused for expressing his surprise at
the truly imitative curving and rounding of the body
of the animal in some of the examples which have
come under his observation. Standing at the ex
tremity of one which has suffered but little weather
ing (as the bear in Fig. 10) , he was almost persuaded
that the builders had the animal lying before them as
a model. The greater number, however, are but
rude representations, yet there is never any difficulty
in assigning them to the proper classes. They vary
Atlantic Division. 57
in length from fifty to four hundred feet, and in
height from a. few inches to four or five feet. Where
placed near streams the heads usually point down
stream.
As a general rule, no special order appears to have
been observed in the arrangement of mounds in
groups, these being scattered irregularly over the area
occupied, the position being governed to some extent
by the topography. There are, however, some excep
tions to this rule. A somewhat remarkable one oc
curs in the region where the effigy mounds prevail.
Here we frequently find the conical tumuli of a group
arranged in one or two lines, usually straight or
nearly so, and somewhat evenly spaced. This may
be attributable in some cases to the topography, yet
there are a number of instances w^here this arrange
ment has been adopted on level areas of ample extent,
and where no special reason therefor is apparent.
What renders this the more interesting is the fact
that in the same section lines of similar mounds
frequently occur, where they are connected with one
another by low embankments. An example of this
kind is seen in Fig. 13. The surrounding walls of
Fig. 13. Group of chain mounds, Wisconsin.
the noted group in Wisconsin, known as "Aztalan,"
and an extensive group in Vanderburg county, In-
58 Study of North American Archaeology.
diana, appear to be but slight modifications of the
chain-mound type. As the elongate mounds are
found in the same section, it is possible that the three
types lines of conical tumuli, chain mounds, as the
connected series are named, and the wall mounds
are steps in an evolutionary process, probably from
the solid to the separated.
So far as mounds of these series have been exam
ined, no evidence has been found to justify the belief
that they were intended as burial-places. On the
contrary, as they are usually low and flattened, and
frequently contain indications of fire, they are be
lieved to be house or wigwam sites. One of the
groups containing mound series of these types is in
the precise locality Winnebago Indians are known to
have occupied.
Although rich, dry alluvial areas in the vicinity of
a stream or a lake were favorite localities with the
mound-builders, the necessity for guarding against
the approach of enemies, of being in the vicinity of a
food and water supply, and other reasons which gov
erned the location of native villages, varied this rule.
Hence we find numerous ancient works on the re
stricted summits of hills and bluffs, on the islets and
hummocks in the midst of swamps and marshes, and
along the narrow valleys and even defiles of mountain
regions. Nor are they wanting on the bottom lands
of large rivers where the area is subject to occasional
overflow. From these facts may be legitimately drawn
the inference that the ancient inhabitants who con
structed these works were split into numerous hostile
tribes, the stronger occupying the level and choice
localities, while the weaker were forced to seek refuge
Atlantic Division. 59
in the rugged regions or amid the swamps and
marshes.
Some of the effigies of Wisconsin occur on quite
steep hillsides, and others on crested spurs where the
summit is so narrow as to necessitate lapping over
from one side to the other ; and some of the long
mounds are found running directly or obliquely down
quite steep slopes. In some instances, as in Calhoun
county, Illinois, and north-eastern Missouri, long
lines of conical tumuli, usually showing evidences of
burial, occur on the sharp crests of ridges so narrow
as to barely afford space for their construction. Oc
casionally they are placed immediately on the margin
of a precipitous bluff. Hundreds of groups, some of
which are quite extensive, are located on the low
ridges and hummocks in the swampy regions of south
eastern Missouri and north-eastern Arkansas ; in fact,
one of the richest archaeologic fields of the Atlantic
division is found in this section : it is pre-eminently
the region of ancient pottery.
The general distribution of the mounds and other
ancient works of that portion of the division in the
United States may be seen by reference to the map
compiled under the direction of the author and pub
lished by the Bureau of Ethnology in the 12th Annual
Report. It is seen by examining this, that the areas
where these prehistoric works are most abundant are
central and western New York ; eastern and southern
Michigan ; the banks of the Mississippi from La Crosse,
Wisconsin, to Natchez, Mississippi ; the central and
south-western part of Ohio and adjoining portion of
Indiana ; central and western Kentucky ; middle and
eastern Tennessee ; and the south-west corner of
60 Study of North American Archaeology.
North Carolina and north-east corner of Georgia,
The east side of Florida is well dotted with shell-
heaps. It would be interesting to refer to the sug
gestions which a study of this map brings before the
mind, but this must be left chiefly to the reader.
There are however one or two inferences which appear
legitimate that may be properly mentioned bere.- One
is that the greater numbers on some areas com
pared with others is owing in part to the more thor
ough exploration of these areas, yet it is not probable
that future explorations will materially change the
map in this respect. Another is that the statement
frequently made by authors that the mound distribu
tion continues through Texas is incorrect. It would
also appear to be a fair inference, judging by the map,
that there were no important movements of popula
tion to or from the south-west. The almost total ab
sence of mounds east of the Alleghany Mountains is
also a marked feature.
Burial Mounds. 61
CHAPTER VI.
BURIAL MOUNDS.
Having studied the form and external appearance
of these silent monuments of the past, let us remove
the sod with which the growth of centuries has covered
them and examine the interior to see what it has to
reveal, what it has to tell us of the past. Tombs
are often the treasure houses of savages and semi-
civilized people. Guarded by superstition the treas
ures remain untouched until rifled by people of an
other race who have no fear of the deity invoked for
their protection.
However, before seeking for the hidden treasures, we
will try to answer the question, How did the ancient
people do the work required in building these earthen
structures ? Though a mound seems to be but a simple
heap of earth that called for no skill, yet the question
is a pertinent one. The mound-builders had neither
iron nor steel of which to form spades and shovels,
nor had they beasts of burden to assist in the trans
portation of material. Stone hoes, wooden spades
and bivalve shells were probably the chief implements
they used for digging up the soil ; and baskets, mats
and skins borne by individuals were most likely the
means they employed for transporting the material.
Nor is this wholly conjecture, as stone implements
well adapted to this purpose, especially if hafted, are
found in almost every section. All these implements,
62 Study of North American Archaeology.
as we are informed by the early explorers, were used
by the Indians in their agricultural pursuits. The
large, roughly-chipped, leaf-shaped stone implements
so abundant in some sections, scores of which were
found by the agents of the Bureau of American Ethnol
ogy at a single point in southern Illinois, were doubt
less used for this purpose. The thin-bladed, so-called
grooved axes are supposed to have been used, when
transversely hafted, partly as digging implements.
It is often the case w^hen a mound is carefully ex
cavated and closely scanned as the work proceeds,
especially where the material is clay or muck, that
the individual loads can readily be discerned. As the
earth of which the mounds are composed is usually
gathered up from the surrounding surface, the interior
will vary in color and character only as the soil so
gathered up varies. This may be illustrated by a
partial section of a Mississippi mound shown in Fig.
14. Here the lower stratum (No. 5) is black soil in
lumps, or small masses, presumably the top soil of the
surrounding surface ; No. 4 red earth in small masses ;
No. 3 (the grey streak not numbered in the figure)
red clay ; No. 2 grey clay ; and No. 1 the top cover
ing accumulated since the mound was built. How
ever, very many of the mounds are stratified in such
a way as to show that this has been done intentionally,
even where it was necessary to bring the material for
one or more layers from a distance of a fourth , or a half
a mile, or more. The places from whence material was
taken to build the small or moderate sized mounds are
seldom discernible at the present day, but depressions
plainly mark the points about the larger works, as the
Burial Mounds.
63
Cahokia and Etowah mounds and some of the in-
closures of Ohio and elsewhere. In some cases the
one act has been made to serve two purposes, that is
to say, the earth used to construct the mound or other
work has been taken from one or two points so as to
leave a basin-shaped excavation for holding water, or
Fig. 14. Section of a Mississippi mound.
to form a trench to serve as a protective moat, or
for drainage or other purposes. In some cases the
earth has been taken from a trench immediately
around the mound. The latter are interesting, as it
would seem therefrom that the comparative size of
the mound had been determined before beginning the
work .
Mr. Gerard Fowke, who has had considerable ex
perience in excavating mounds in various sections of
64 Study of North American Archaeology.
the country and of almost every form known to the
division, has expressed the opinion that a mound one
hundred feet in diameter at base and twenty feet
high, could have been thrown up by a hundred men,
with the means the mound-builders had at hand, in
forty-two days. Marquis de Nadaillac objects to this as
sertion as one negatived by all the data obtained. How
ever it is rather a question of practical mathematics
than of archaeology. A simple calculation is all that
is necessary to show that twenty-five loads, each con
taining half a cubic foot of earth, carried per day by
each man, would complete the mound in forty-two
days. As the usual distance the loads had to be car
ried was from fifty to a hundred yards, and the loose
top soil was selected, twenty-five loads of half a cubic
foot each is not an unreasonable allowance. The
single loads, as plainly indicated by the little biscuit,
or pone-shaped masses in many of the mounds, cer
tainly exceed in size this estimate. It would appear,
therefore, that Mr. Fowke was warranted in his con
clusion.
The internal arrangements or modifications relating
to or having connection with burials are so various
that only the more common and important can be re
ferred to here. A type quite common in the north
western portion of the division, is that, where a slight
excavation has been made in the original surface of
the ground to receive the body or bodies, or more
likely skeletons, as in many, if not a majority of cases
of this type, the flesh has been removed before burial,
the lower limbs drawn up, or the bones disarticulated
and bundled, or stretched out horizontally and the
Burial Mounds. 65
mound heaped over them. It was not unusual to
form the first or lower layer thrown over them of
tough clay, which must have been, in some instances,
in a plastic state when deposited, as may be judged
by the way it has worked itself into the cavities of
the skull. Sometimes the entire mound consists of
this hard clay layer. In mounds of this class in
trusive burials are readily distinguished from the
original ones.
The simplest method of burial, of which examples
are found in most of the sections, was to lay the out
stretched body or bodies on the surface of the ground
and heap the earth over them. In Ohio and West
Virginia some examples occur where the surface of
the ground was first smoothed and packed : over this
was spread a floor of bark, on which was sprinkled a
layer of ashes a few inches thick. The body was
then laid on the ashes and covered with bark, and
over this the mound was heaped. In some cases the
bodies are found in a sitting posture, and where there
are several they are sometimes facing one another.
It is probable, however, that some of the cases re
corded, especially in the north-western section, were
really bundled skeletons, the fact that the bones were
in a heap, with the head on top, being taken as proof
that they were originally in a sitting posture.
In a majority of cases, no rule in regard to the po
sition of the bodies relative to the cardinal points was
observed. Fig. 15 shows the stratification of a mound
in eastern Tennessee containing a large number of
skeletons all in the lower layer (#, #,) . The explana
tion of this figure is as follows :
5 -
Study of North American Archaeology.
a, a, Dark layer of sandy soil, li feet
thick.
6, 6, Thin layer of burnt clay, 3 to 4
inches.
c, c, Dark sandy soil, 2-J- feet.
d, d, Second layer of burnt clay, 3
inches.
e, e, Dark sandy soil, 1| feet.
/, /, Third layer of burnt clay, 3
inches.
g, g, Dark mucky soil (about 4 feet)
resting on the original surface of the
ground.
//, Central shaft of alternate dish-
shaped layers of burnt clay and ashes.
2, ? , Remains of upright cedar posts.
Although all the skeletons were in
the bottom layer, they were not all, nor
even the greater part, resting on the
original surface of the ground, but at
different depths. All were stretched
out horizontally except two ; one of
these was in a sitting posture, and the
other folded up and lying on its right
side, and was probably buried after the
flesh had been removed. It was judged
from the indications that some, at least,
of the burials were made in this way :
the body, after being deposited, was covered with a
layer of cane or brush ; over this was spread clay or
muck in a plastic state, and upon this a fire was built.
Among the relics found in this tumulus were earthen
pots and basins, generally at the heads of the skele-
Burial Mounds.
67
tons (Fig. 16); shell beads, shell ear ornaments (Fig.
17) and hair-pins (?); engraved shells similar to that
shown at Fig. 18 ; soapstone pipes (Fig. 19) ; flint
Fig. 16. Earthen pot, east Tennessee.
arrow and spear heads
stones ; bone implements
was by a skeleton. As
the skeleton and iron
chisel lying with it were
in the layer, <;, #, they
must have been placed
before the unbroken stra
tum, /, /, and the other
undisturbed strata above
were deposited, and
hence can not possibly
be attributed to an in
trusive, or even after
burial. It is evident that
burials in the mound
ceased when layers, /, /,
and e, e, were deposited,
unless these layers were
cut, of which there was
no evidence.
polished celts ; discoidal
and one iron chisel, which
Fig. 17. Shell ear ornament or
hairpin.
68 Study of North American Archaeology.
In another large mound in the same valley and be
longing to the same series, the plan appears to have
been exactly reversed : the bottom layer, which was
level and not rounded on top, was not used for burial
Fig. 18. Engraved shell, North Carolina.
purposes, the heavy single layer above it containing
all of the ninety skeletons unearthed. This valley of
the Little Tennessee was occupied, from prehistoric
Fig. 19. Soapstone pipe, east Tennessee.
times until their removal, by the Overhill Cherokees,
whose villages were located on the precise spots where
the mound groups are found.
Another form of burial has been observed in west-
Burial Mounds.
69
70 Study of North American Archaeology.
era North Carolina. Here a circular or triangular
excavation to the depth of two or three feet was
made : the bodies (or skeletons) were placed on the
bottom, usually in a sitting posture, and most of them
covered with beehive-shaped vaults of cobble-stones
(Fig. 20). In one instance, in Eastern Tennessee,
instead of an excavation, a wall was built of cobble
stones on the surface of the ground, and the vaults
arranged within it. Similarly shaped burial vaults,
of hardened clay, have been discovered in West Vir
ginia mounds. Many important relics were obtained
from the North Carolina mounds ; among other things
some of the finest specimens of engraved shells which
have been found in the United States (Fig. 18) ; also
soapstone pipes with stems, bearing a close resem-
Fig. 21. Soapstone pipe, North Carolina.
blance to the old-fashioned clay pipes of the whites
(Fig. 21) . It is somewhat singular that although
James Adair, in his "History of the American In
dians," describes the soapstone pipes made by the
Cherokees as precisely of the form of what is known
as the "Monitor Pipe," mentioned below (Fig. 46) ;
none of those discovered in North Carolina or east
Tennessee mounds are of precisely that form, though
probably modifications of it.
Another important mode of burial, both in mounds
and in cemeteries, was in box-shaped stone sepulchers,
Burial Mounds. 71
These appear to have been constructed as follows :
In a pit some two or three feet deep and of the desired
dimensions, dug for the purpose, a number of flat stones
are placed to form the floor ; next, similar pieces are
set on edge to form the sides and ends, over which
other slabs are laid flat, forming the covering ; the
whole, when finished, making a rude, box-shaped
coffin or sarcophagus. Sometimes the bottom layer
was omitted. Graves of this kind occur often in
great numbers in southern Illinois, Kentucky, middle
and east Tennessee, north-eastern Georgia, and at
certain points in Ohio, though the sections of greatest
abundance are southern Illinois and middle Ten
nessee. Mounds in these last-named sections are
frequently made up almost entirely of sepulchers of
this type, generally placed without regard to system
and sometimes in two or more tiers. One or two,
however, have been found in middle Tennessee, in
which the graves were arranged like the spokes of a
wheel, the heads being toward the center. In the
center of the mound, the point from which the sar
cophagi radiated, was a large clay vase or basin-
shaped vessel. There were two rows of coffins, one
outside of the other. Although the skeleton is usually
stretched at full length on the back, in some cases
the bones of adults have been disarticulated before
burial, and packed into stone graves of this type not
exceeding two feet in length and nine inches in width ;
and occasionally two and even three skeletons are
found in a single grave. A cemetery in Tennessee
composed chiefly of small graves of this type was, for
a time, supposed to be the burial-place of a race of
pigmies, but a more thorough examination showed
72
Study of North American Archaeology.
the graves to be the depositories of disarticulated
skeletons and children. There is usually no special
order in which these graves are arranged ; a cemetery
exhibiting the greatest regularity of any yet dis
covered is shown in Fig. 22. It is proper, however,
SfS* r - rr -RwVfiu Ife & i
Miff^Si? 1 ^- iil
&)
o>
I
to remark that some of the burials of this t}^pe in
southern Illinois appear beyond any reasonable doubt
to have been made by Indians after the advent of the
whites. A Kaskaskia Indian is known to have been
Burial Mounds. 73
buried in this kind of a grave in Jackson county, Illi
nois, in the early part of the present century.
Mounds are often found to cover vaults of wood or
stone. In some instances these vaults are square,
oblong, or circular inclosures, built up to the height
of two or three feet, of unhewn stone, laid without
the use of mortar. Occasionally they seem to have
been covered with timbers, but more frequently they
have been simply filled with earth after the bodies
were deposited within them. Dome-shaped stone
vaults also occur. In most cases, however, these
have partly fallen in, hence the restorations may not
be strictly correct. Wooden vaults or chambers of
two types have been discovered in Ohio and West
Virginia. One of these is a simple pen, usually
square, built of round logs ; the other of logs placed
upright around the inclosed space. In two or three
instances, two vaults, one above the other, were made
in the same mound. These are spoken of as vaults,
yet it is possible that, in some instances, they may have
been built for some other purpose than that of a tomb
or burial-place.
Stone graves and vaults are seldom found in the
mounds of the Gulf States. Usually the skeletons in
this section are in a horizontal position, generally
without any rule in regard to direction. Exceptional
cases occur in which all the bodies in a mound, or
most of them, are placed with the head in one direc
tion or arranged in a circle with heads toward the
center. A few instances have been noticed in southern
Georgia where the body had been buried in a sitting
posture, a post having been driven into the ground
and the dead lashed to it with the back against it.
74 Study of North American Archaeology.
In some of the Arkansas groups, many of the skele
tons have been found closely folded, though seldom
in a sitting posture. It appears from the evidence
obtained by the exploration of many of the low,
conical mounds of the latter section that usually these
were at first but house-sites, but death occurring in the
family, the dead were buried in the floor, the house
burned over them, and dirt heaped over the smolder
ing ruins. Sometimes the same mound was used
again as a dwelling site and burial-place.
Burial in ossuaries, or "bone-pits," was a common
mode in some parts of Canada, and not unknown
south of the lakes. It is supposed that, in some in
stances at least, these are the places of communal
burial, made at the "Great Feast of the Dead," when
the bones of those belonging to the tribe, village or
band, who had died during the previous ten or twelve
years, were deposited in a pit dug for this purpose.
Some of these contain as many as a thousand skele
tons, and according to the Report of the Canadian
Institute a number of them are known to be of "post-
European date," as copper and brass kettles have
been found in them.
That inhumation was the usual method of finally
disposing of the dead in this division, is indicated
by what has already been mentioned, and a some
what careful study of all the data leads to the conclu
sion that it was almost the only method adopted by
the ancient inhabitants. It is true, that coals and
ashes are of frequent occurrence in burial mounds,
and that partially burnt human bones are occasion
ally found, giving rise, in the minds of many archae
ologists, to the opinion that cremation was often
Burial Mounds. 75
practiced by the mound-builders, and that human
sacrifice was not infrequent. It is probable, however,
that these indications are due to other and quite dif
ferent customs, though it must be admitted that a few
instances have been noticed where it seems evident
the bodies were intentionally burned, but these are
extremely rare.
That fire was very frequently used in connection
with, or as part of the burial ceremonies, is certainly
true, but the evidence, when carefully studied, tends
to show that the burning of the bodies or bones, where
this has occurred, was, with few exceptions, accidental
rather than intentional. In Arkansas, where the exca
vations show that the house was burned over the dead,
the bodies were, in nearly every case, covered with suffi
cient earth to protect them from the fire. In Wisconsin
and northern Illinois it was not an uncommon cus
tom to cover the primary burial with a layer of clay
or mortar-like material, and then burn brush or other
material on it before completing the mound. Evi
dences of a similar method were also observed in
some mounds of eastern Tennessee. Evidences of
fires burned over vaults have been observed in Ohio,
West Virginia and North Carolina. In several in
stances, from want of proper care in forming the cov
ering, or on account of the fierceness of the fires, the
bones have been scorched, or partially burned, render
ing it highly probable that the flesh had, in these
cases, been removed before burial. From the fact
that in one of the mounds of eastern Tennessee burnt
clay beds were found covered with ashes and coals, in
which were burnt human bones, and in the center of
each the charred remains of a stake, it is inferred
76 Study of North American Archaeology.
that captives were tortured and burnt here. The
statement by Hay wood in his "History of Tennessee"
and Ramsey in his "Annals of Tennessee," that a
Mrs. Bean, who was captured by the Cherokees, was
taken to a mound in the same locality as that men
tioned above, to be burnt, though saved by one of
the Indian women, not only strengthens this supposi
tion, but indicates some relation between the Chero
kees and the builders of these mounds, or the use of
them by the Indians for at least one purpose for
which they were used by the builders. It is possible,
however, though not probable, that these may have
been instances of burial of the kind mentioned by
Col. C. C. Jones ("History of the Southern In
dians") as occurring in some Georgia mounds, where
the body was placed in a sitting position and strapped
to a stake. A burial of this kind, which occurred in
Arkansas as late as 1834, is described by Mr. Poynter
in the Smithsonian Report for 1882. The house in
which the family of this Indian (Wal-ka-ma-tu-ba)
lived was built of round logs, covered with bark and
daubed with mud. In the middle of the house a
board was driven about three feet into the ground,
and the old man was lashed to this with thongs, in a
sitting posture, with his knees drawn up in front of
his chin, and his hands crossed and fastened under
his knees. The body was then entirely encased in
mud, built up like a round mound and smoothed over.
A fire was kindled over the pile and the clay burnt
to a crisp. Six months later the family moved away
and the mound was opened and the body found to be
well preserved. This will probably explain the
method in the cases mentioned by Col. Jones ; and
Burial Mounds. 77
will also give a hint as to the custom which produced
the burnt clay beds so often found covering burials,
but not the dish-shaped beds in the mounds on the
Little Tennessee, where more likely torture by fire
was practiced.
A somewhat peculiar custom prevailed among the
mound-builders of north-eastern Missouri, which, if
rightly interpreted by the explorers, leads to the sup
position that in some cases the body of the dead was
intentionally burned. The mounds are composed
wholly of earth, partly of earth and partly of stones,
or wholly of stones. In the two latter, the bodies
buried in them are covered with stones, or are in
closed in stone receptacles of various forms. In a
few cases, these receptacles are box-shaped cysts, simi
lar to those heretofore mentioned. The condition of
the other mounds indicates that the builders had
burned the bodies of the dead, then gathered up the
charred bones and ashes and mixed them into a mass
with clay. Where the bodies were buried without
being thus treated, a flat stone was sometimes laid on
the head.
There are other mounds which may be included in
the burial class, though it is not apparent that they
were, at least in many cases, erected for this purpose.
One type, to which the name "altar mound" has been
applied, is characterized by having, usually at the
bottom on the original surface of the ground, a regu
larly-shaped mass of burned clay, with a basin-like
depression in the middle. These masses are supposed
by some leading authorities to have been "altars," on
which sacrifices were made or some religious act per
formed. There is, however, no valid reason for this
78 Study of North American Archaeology,
supposition, nor any evidence which seems to justify
it. Although Messrs. Squier and Davis, who ad
vanced this opinion, found no evidence of burial in
the mounds of this type which they excavated, some
of those subsequently examined by other explorers
appear to have been used as depositories of the dead.
Mr. Moorehead gives an instance in his explorations
of Ohio mounds, in which the "altar" basin was oc
cupied by a single skeleton, the remains, most likely,
of one who held some position of note among the
people, who thus honored him in his burial. Others
of the same type, in Ohio, north-western Illinois, and
West Virginia, have been used as burial-places,
though the bodies were not placed in the clay basin.
A few mounds in eastern Iowa and western North
Carolina, and one at Prairie du Chien, Wisconsin,
have been found, when explored, to contain oblong,
altar-shaped masses, symmetrically built of cobble
stones, some of which showed no indications whatever
of fire, while others were covered with a layer of
charcoal and ashes, in which were imbedded skeletons
or human bones bearing no marks of heat. Some of
these were evidently burial mounds, while others gave
no indications of having been used or intended for
this purpose.
, Implements and Ornaments. 79
CHAPTER VII.
VESSELS, IMPLEMENTS AND ORNAMENTS.
While, on the one hand, the local monuments, by
their forms, character, size, condition, topographical
position, etc., furnish some evidence as to the age in
which the builders lived, their sedentary habits, mode
of life, the relative tribal strength, culture status, and
whether in a state of peace or war ; on the other hand,
it is chiefly from the modes of burial and the minor
products of art we are enabled to judge of their do
mestic life and customs, and to gain some knowledge
of their superstitions and religious beliefs. Notice of
a few of these minor vestiges of art has been given
in connection with the description of the burial
mounds and modes of burial, but it is necessary, be
fore dismissing the subject, to devote a chapter to
their consideration.
The first step in the study of these art products is
to learn their history from the moment they were
brought to light until they fall into the student s
hands ; in other words, to know positively that they
are genuine mound relics, for it is hazardous to build
up a theory on an unauthenticated specimen, espe
cially when it presents unusual features. It is to be
regretted that the lack of knowledge in this respect in
regard to many of the articles, even in the best
archaeological collections of our country, has mate
rially lessened their value in the eyes of critical stu
dents and specialists. However, the collections of
80 Study of North American Archaeology.
recent years have been made with more care and dis
crimination, and more care has been taken to see that
the records are correct.
As the relation of the articles found in a mound to
the bodies deposited therein is of more or less impor
tance in this study, a few examples will be given,
taken chiefly from those with which the author is per
sonally familiar selecting, of course, those which
appear to be of most importance in this respect.
Fig. 23. Triangular pit, North Carolina.
The first we notice is a triangular pit in C aid well
county, North Carolina, probably the only example
of a regular triangular form which has been observed.
An outline sketch, showing the relative positions of
the skeletons is given in Fig. 23. Nos. 1-9, single
uninclosed skeletons, lying horizontally on their
backs, heads east or north-east ; 10-15, stone vaults,
Vessels, Implements and Ornaments. 81
similar to those shown in Fig. 20, covering skeletons,
each, except 11 and 14, containing a single skeleton
in a sitting posture and unaccompanied by any article.
Nos. 11 and 14 were covered graves, each containing
two horizontal skeletons, one lying on the other ;
heavy stones were laid on the legs and extended arms ;
no accompanying articles. By the head of No. 2 of
the uninclosed skeletons was a broken soapstone pipe ;
Nos. 5 and 9, one small polished celt each.
At A were ten or more skeletons (there were ten
skulls) in a group, which appeared to have been
buried at one time. The principal personage lay in
the midst of the group, stretched horizontally on the
ground, face down, head north-east. Under his head
was a large engraved shell, similar to that shown in
Fig. 18 ; around his neck a number of large shell
beads ; at the sides of his head five elongate copper
beads, or rather small cylinders, part of the leather
thong on which they had been strung yet remaining in
them. A piece of copper lay under his breast ; around
each wrist were the remains of a bracelet composed
of copper and shell beads alternating ; at his right
hand lay four iron implements, one a roughly-ham
mered celt ; another, part of a blade ; another, part
of a punch or awl, with deer-horn handle. Under
his left hand was another engraved shell, the concave
surface upward and filled with shell beads of various
sizes.
Around and partly lying over this skeleton were
nine others. Under the heads of two of these, lying
within a foot of the head of the first, were several
engraved shells of the type shown in Fig. 18. Scat-
6
82 Study of North American Archaeology.
tered over and among the bones of these ten skeletons
were some twenty-five or thirty polished celts, a num
ber of discoidal stones, a few copper arrow-points,
some pieces of mica, lumps of paint and graphite,
and more than a dozen soapstone pipes.
Thus it will be seen that the contents of this single
depository of the dead, of which the above is only a
brief and partial account, not only give us valuable
hints as to the arts and customs of the people, but
furnish a basis for numerous conjectures.
The fact that there was no mound over the pit, the
top being nearly or quite on a level with the natural
surface, and that the entire depth to the bottom did
not exceed three feet, excludes the idea of any very
great age. The annual decay of vegetation for two
or three thousand years, or even for half a score of
centuries, would, under ordinary circumstances, in a
forest-covered region as this was, have covered the
area with mold to the depth of two or three feet ; yet
it is evident that the accumulation here must have
been less than one foot thick, as the bottom of the pit
was in some places not more than two feet and a half
below the original surface. It may be said that the
same statement is equally applicable to many other
ancient works of our country. This is true, but it
only serves to raise the question, what is the inference
to be drawn therefrom? If we assume, as the author
believes to be the correct theory, that the builders
were Indians, and in all probability Cherokees, who
inhabited this region from the earliest knowledge we
have of it, the difficulty in this respect vanishes, and
conjectures are limited to a much narrower field than
otherwise. But aside from any theory in this respect,
Vessels, Implements and Ornaments. 83
the indications are decidedly against any very great
age. The stone implements are of the neolithic type ;
the engraved shell gorgets, on which the figure is the
conventionalized serpent, found in graves and mounds
not only of this region but also of eastern and mid
dle Tennessee, possibly refer to a cult or superstition
widely diffused among the aborigines of America.
The presence of iron implements, which analysis has
shown were not made of meteoric iron, indicates con
tact, direct or indirect, with a people who had learned
the use of this metal. The assumption that this was
a comparatively modern burial-place, and not one
pertaining to the true mound-builders, only serves to
introduce an equally troublesome difficulty on the
other hand. The carved shells have been found in so
many mounds and stone graves that they are recog
nized by all archaeologists as genuine mound-builder
relics.
Whatever may be the conclusion reached on these
points, the surmise to which the group of ten skele
tons gives rise is not affected thereby. That the
central figure had been a person of importance among
his people is apparent from the ornaments with which
he was decked and the manner in which he was sur
rounded by other bodies. Had they been slain to ac
company him into the unseen land? This would, per
haps, be a reasonable conclusion if we could be assured
that these were not skeletons taken from some house of
the dead or other burial-place. Adair mentions an
instance where, on the death of a chief s son, captive
women were slain to accompany him.
Mr. Moorehead mentions an instance ("Primitive
Man in Ohio") where the following articles were
84 Study of North American Archaeology.
found about a single skeleton : Upon the ground at
its feet a copper plate covered with the remains of
cloth ; about the head and neck six hundred and six
pearl beads, all drilled ; among the vertebrae eight
perforated bear teeth and three spool-shaped orna
ments ; and between the legs twenty shell beads.
As an illustration of a more general distribution of
articles among the skeletons, the following summary
of the account in the Twelth Annual Report of the
Bureau of American Ethnology of the burials in an east
Tennessee mound is given. The relative positions of
the skeletons are shown in Fig. 24, the depth at which
they lay from the upper surface varying from two and
a half to eight feet. Length of the mound, 220 feet ;
greatest width, 184 feet ; and height, 14 feet. The
articles found with the respective skeletons as num
bered in the cut were as follows :
With Nos. 4 and 10, each, two broken pots ; Nos. 5,
6, 9, 13, 17 and 51, each, one broken pot ; No. 16, one
polished discoidal stone, one soapstone pipe, one
broken pot, one rough discoidal stone, and one en
graved shell ; No. 18, two polished celts, five arrow
heads and some flint nodules ; No. 21, one unbroken
pot and polished celt ; No. 22, one polished celt ; No.
26, one pot and two polished celts ; No. 31, one
broken pot and one polished celt ; No. 33, one
engraved shell and polished celt ; No. 34, two
broken pots, one polished stone chisel, one discoidal
stone and one stone gorget ; No. 35, two polished celts ;
No. 39, one polished celt ; No. 41, one engraved shell ;
No. 44, four polished celts ; No. 46, one broken pot
and one discoidal stone ; No. 55, one polished celt ;
No. 57, one bowl, one shell mask, two shell pins,
Vessels, Implements and Ornaments.
85
two bone awls or punches, and a number of shell
beads : No. 58, three bone implements ; No. 59, two
shell gorgets, one engraved shell, one shell ornament,
one shell pin, one bear tooth and one discoidal stone ;
No. 62, a lump of red paint, a number of shell beads,
four shell pins, one bear tooth, one discoidal stone
and one ornamented pot ; No. 63, one broken vessel
86 Study of North American Archaeology
with animal head ; No. 66, (child) one moccasin-
shaped pot, four copper hawks -bells or rattles (Fig.
25), and a number ot shell beads ; No. 68, three shell
pins and one ornamented pot ; No.
71, four shell pins, a number of
shell beads, ornamented bowl and
lump of red paint ; No. 79 (child) ,
one shell mask or gorget, one en
graved shell, a number of shell
beads and two shell pins ; No. 81,
two ornamented pots, two shell
Fig. 25. Copper pins, a number of shell beads and a
hawk s-bell, east k of red paint . No> 89 ( c hild) ,
Tennessee. \
one pot, one engraved shell, thirteen
shell pins, one plain shell gorget and eight hundred
and forty-six shell beads ; No. 90, one bone needle.
As we find no skeleton in this mound accompanied
by a much greater number of articles than the others,
it may be a fair inference that no chief or person of
pre-eminent importance in the tribe was buried here.
It is also interesting to observe the evidence of affec
tion for the children shown by the number of articles
buried with them.
These samples, which, of course, are mounds un-
usally rich in relics and remains, and can not be
taken as types of burial mounds in general, will serve
to show the relation of relics to the skeletons.
Referring now to the types and forms of the vessels,
implements, ornaments and other products of the
mound-builders art, attention will be called at the
same time to the geographical distribution of some of
the more important of these. It is chiefly by the
range of the leading types of art that the minor cult-
Vessels, Implements and Ornaments 87
ure areas can be outlined. But it is necessary that
we should bear in mind that these lines may vary
widely from the ethnic lines, or lines which mark the
boundaries of tribes or peoples. And this is un
doubtedly true in regard to some of the leading types
of the minor products of the mound-builders art. It
is found in the range of some types of pottery, and
also in the range of the carved or ornamented shells
which have already been incidentally mentioned.
Pottery.
Although the potter s wheel was a contrivance un
known to aboriginal America, the art of manufactur
ing pottery was not only known to the more advanced
people of Central and South America, but was under
stood and practiced to a greater or less extent by the
prehistoric tribes of the greater portion of the mound-
builders section. However, the area where the art
was chiefly developed is that named by Mr. W. II.
Holmes, the chief authority on ancient American pot
tery, "The Middle Mississippi Province," embracing
Arkansas, south-eastern Missouri, southern Illinois,
Tennessee, parts of Kentucky, and the portion of In
diana bordering the W abash. Both north and south
of this section the pottery is much less abundant ; and
especially is this true in regard to the regions north
ward, being, in fact, rare in some areas. This division
into northern, middle, and southern provinces is not
wholly an arbitrary one, as it represents in a measure
areas of different types of the fictile art.
In Canada, Michigan, New York, and extreme
northern Ohio, substantially the same types as to ma
terial, form, and ornamentation appear to have pre-
88 Study of North American Archaeology.
vailed ; however, some sections of the area mentioned
are not represented by a sufficient number of speci
mens to afford an entirely satisfactory comparison.
The method of preparing the paste in this northern
province appears to have been somewhat different
from that followed in the southern and middle prov
inces. While in the latter it was customary to temper
the clay chiefly with powdered shells, in the north,
sand, or, as Mr. Boyle, who has studied the Canadian
pottery, says, burnt gneiss or granite, was used for
this purpose. Mr. Holmes expresses the opinion that
the northern pottery was molded in hollows of suita
ble size formed in sandy soil. Fig. 26 shows one
type of the clay
vessels of this re
gion. Some, at
least, of the ves
sels found in Iowa
and northern Illi
nois appear to be
long to the same
general class. The
walls are gener
ally thick, and the
Fig. 26. Clay vessel, Canada. . f ^
margin of the rim
usually squared off, showing the full -thickness. The
clay pots of Ontario are always round-bottomed ; there
are, however, occasional exceptions to this rule found
in other parts of this northern province.
The middle province was pre-eminently the pottery
manufacturing region of the mound-builders, espe
cially that portion embraced in eastern Arkansas,
south-eastern Missouri, and middle Tennessee. These
Vessels, Impalements and Ornaments. 89
are classed under the following comprehensive types :
bowls, pot-shaped vessels, wide-mouthed bottles or
jars, and high-necked bottles. The modification of
these primary forms by the introduction of fanciful
features given to the rim, neck or body is almost in
finite, a few only of which can be represented here.
The. bowls vary in size from the little toy vessel an
inch in diameter and depth to fully twenty inches
across the top, and from six to twelve inches in depth.
The form of the body varies, so far as the opening
and flare is concerned, from the saucer shape, or chop-
ping-bowl form, to the globe with narrow opening.
The fanciful shapes are made to represent, rudely, va
rious animals, protuberances from the sides, or addi
tions to the rims forming the head and tail ; nor is the
human form entirely omitted, as a head is occasionally
seen on the rim. A few of these are represented in
outline in Fig. 27, and some with shading and orna
mentation in Figs. 16, 28, 29, 30,
D
O
Fig. 27. Outline figures of bowls.
Fig. 28. Ornamented bowl, Tennessee.
90 Study of North American Archaeology.
Fig. 29. Animal-shaped bowl, Arkansas.
Fig. 30. Bird-shaped bowl, Arkansas.
Vessels, Implements and Ornaments.
91
The Pot-shaped Vessels. Although considered here as
a class, vessels of this type
are chiefly transitional forms
between the globular bowls
and wide-mouthed bottles.
However, the frequent pres
ence of ears, and certain other
features, are so suggestive of
the cooking pot that the name
seems appropriate. They are
seldom, if ever, furnished Fl - 31 -
with fanciful additions, or
marked with erratic figures, and the ornamentation is
Pot-shaped vessel,
Arkansas.
Fig. 32. Pot-shaped vessel, west Tennessee.
92 Study of North American Archaeology.
slight and confined chiefly to the neck. Some exam
ples bear a close resemblance to northern vessels of
the same class. Two are shown in Figs. 31 and 32.
The Wide-mouthed Bottles. Vessels of this class vary
in form from the glob-
u l ar - sna P e d bowl, or
olla to the true bottle
Fig. 33. Wide-mouthed bottles. ghape. The typical
forms of the body, as given by Mr. Holmes, are shown
in Fig. 33. The eccentricities are usually in the shape
Fig. 34<*. Opossum vase, Arkansas.
gisren to the body, as the neck, which is sometimes
merely a slightly raised rim, is generally plain.
Animal forms are those usually adopted in these
variations. (Figs. 34, a and b.)
A remarkable vessel, representing the human head,
is shown in Fig. 35, a type, of which some two or
three specimens have been discovered. There is cer
tainly nothing strongly suggestive of the Indian
physiognomy in either of these ; on the contrary, the
features will probably be taken at first glance, by
Vessels, Implements and Ornaments.
93
Fig. 34. Sunfish vase, Arkansas.
Fig. 35. Bowl representing the human head, Arkansas.
94
Study of North American Archaeology.
f=$-
most persons, for Africans. Nevertheless, the more
we study them the more
doubtful does this con
clusion become. The
nose is small and the
nostrils narrow. The
Fig. 36. Winged and crested rattle- general appearance is
snake design, Arkansas. that of a f ema l e . All in
teresting design representing a winged and crested
rattlesnake taken from an Arkansas bottle is shown
in Fig. 36.
Long-necked Bottles. These form the chief feature of
the pottery of the region now under consideration,
due perhaps in part to
the endless variation,
of which the type is
susceptible. Both neck
and body in this class
are modeled ap
parently according to
individual fancy
rather than after conventional forms. Although
animal figures are not uncommon, the human form,
especially that of the female, is most frequently rep
resented. Outline representations of some of the
simple forms are given in Fig. 37, and of some of the
eccentric forms
in Fig. 38. Some
of these vessels
were furnished
with feet, either
three knob -like,
cylindrical or terraced feet, or a single solid or per-
Fig. 37. Outline figures of long-
necked bottles.
Fig. 38. Eccentric shapes in long-necked
bottles.
Vessels, Implements and Ornaments.
95
forated foot. The specimen shown in Fig. 39, repre
senting an owl, is interesting, as the same pattern
Fig. 39. Owl-shaped bottle, east Tennessee,
and decoration are found in New Mexico, eastern Ar
kansas and eastern Tennessee.
96 Study of North American Archaeology.
There is no apparent reason why we may not
assume that the making of pottery began in this
division coeval with the commencement of mound-
building. Is there any reason to believe the manu
facture had been discontinued when Europeans
appeared on the scene? It is well known that the
Indians of the Gulf States and south Atlantic coast
were making pottery when visited by the early ex
plorers. The Gentleman of Elvas, one of the chroni
clers of De Soto s expedition, declares that the vessels
of earthenware used by the natives (apparently
alluding to the region of eastern Arkansas) , differed
little in quality from the Spanish ware. DuPratz,
alluding to the same region, says : "The women make
pots of an extraordinary size, jars with medium-sized
openings, bowls, two-pint bottles with long necks,
pots or jugs containing bear s oil, which hold as much
as forty pints, and finally plates and dishes in the
French fashion." And other writers speak of the
Indians of the south making pottery down to compari-
tively modern times. DuPratz also speaks of their
coloring vessels red. Now, it is apparent that we have
in these notices mention of the same kinds of vessels
as are found in southern mounds, even to the coloring,
for this is often present on pottery from Arkansas and
south-eastern Missouri.
If vessels were made in great numbers within the
historic period in the same region as those found in
the mounds, "it is reasonable to suppose," as Mr.
Holmes says, "that they belonged to the great group
of those under discussion. If not, it will be necessary
to seek the cause of their total disappearance, since,
Vessels, Implements and Ornaments.
97
as I have said, the pottery of this district, as shown
by the relics, is practically a unit. 1
The Gulf Province. As the pottery of this province
bears a strong resemblance in form
to that of the middle section, we
will notice here only two or three
types, which in form or decoration
present different features from those
described. The most remarkable of
these is the so-called " burial urn,"
found in some mounds of Georgia
and South Carolina, one of which is
shown in Fig. 40. Some of these are
the largest vessels made by the Fig. 40. Burial urn,
mound-builders, unless the supposed Georgia,
salt-pans, of which no complete
specimen has been found, exceed
them in size. The moccasin-shaped
pot, of which one or two specimens
have been found, is a very rare
, ATA, < T^- Fig- 41- VeSSel
form. The vessel shown in Fig. 41 four lcgs> Georgia
bears a close resemblance to the
modern iron pot, being furnished with four legs, which
is unusual in mound pottery.
Notwithstanding the frequent mention, in works re
lating to prehistoric America, of the vessels found in
"Ohio mounds by Messrs. Squier and Davis, ancient
pottery is rare in that state. Mr. Moorehead, who
has done much exploring in the state, remarks that
"pottery is very rare in the tumuli of any section of
Ohio;" however, the area about Madisonville appears
to be an exception to this rule.
7
98 Study of North American Archaeology.
Pipes.
. Judging by the number of pipes which have been
found in mounds and graves, the ancient inhabitants
of this division must have been sturdy smokers.
However, the distribution of these articles is by no
means uniform, as they are comparatively rare in
some sections and abundant in others. This distribu
tion, if thoroughly worked out, even with the mate
rials so far obtained, would furnish valuable hints as
to culture areas and ethnic relations. It is noticeable
that their distribution does not correspond with that
of the pottery; on the contrary, they are usually
more abundant in the regions where earthenware
vessels are comparatively rare, and of less frequent
occurrence in the great pottery section. They consti
tute a marked feature of the archaeological collections
of Canada and some other portions of the northern
area; also of eastern Iowa, northern Illinois, Ohio,
and what may be termed the Cherokee, or Appalachian
district. They are rare in Arkansas and south-eastern
Missouri; somewhat more common, though by no
mean abundant, in middle Tennessee and the Gulf
States.
Articles of this class were made of clay or carved
out of slate, soapstone, marble, or other stone. The
variety of forms which individual fancy has intro
duced is almost endless, yet it is possible that they
may, omitting from consideration the ornamentation
and fanciful figures, be classed in a general way under
the following types:
The stemless pipe, consisting simply of a bowl with
an opening for the stem. Some of the simpler forms
of this type are shown in outline in Fig. 42 (a, b).
Vessels, Implements and Ornaments. 99
Of these, a and b are found almost exclusively in the
northern section, and are known to have been in use
among the Indians. Usually they are simple bowls,
cylindrical, ovoid, or flaring at the top, or curved in
the form shown in a, and more or less ornamented;
others represent the human form, or animal figure, or
Fig. 42. Stemless pipes. Fig. 43. Image pipe, Georgia.
some grotesque shape. Although pipes of this type
are rare in the middle and southern districts, that
shown at Fig. 43 appears to have been a somewhat
favorite form with the Georgia mound-builders, and
has also been found in middle Tennessee.
There is another stemless type, which, though of
rare occurrence, should not be omitted from this brief
summary. Specimens have been found, so far as
known, only in Arkansas, Alabama, and Mississippi.
They are of large size, varying from three to five
inches in length, and from two to four in height.
These usually represent a crouching ; panther-like ani
mal, or a man in the same position (Fig. 44). It is
possible they were only used as ceremonial objects,
and hence considered public property. If this were
100 Study of North American Archaeology
Fig. 44. Image pipe, Arkansas.
Fig. 45. Short-necked pipes.
Vessels, Implements and Ornaments. 101
so, it is not likely they would have been buried except
on some unusual and memorable occasion. They are
carved out of stone.
Another type or class is the short-necked pipe.
The primary or typical forms are seen in the figure
(Fig. 4$, a, b, f). These appear to present three varie
ties: the upright square bowl, the upright round,
and the slanting bowl. The eccentric forms of this
type are not numerous, consisting chiefly of a modifi
cation of the bowl to represent a human or animal
head. They are found both of stone and clay.
A fourth type is the so-called "monitor pipe,"
in which the peculiar feature is the broad, flat, and
usually slightly curved base or stem, which projects
beyond the bowl generally to an extent equal to the
perforated end (Fig.
46). They are va
ried indefinitely by
the addition of ani
mal and other fea
tures, these modifica
tions being confined
, . n . . . Fig. 46. Monitor pipe,
chiefly to the bowl.
The typical forms are confined chiefly to Ohio and the
region of eastern Iowa and the adjoining portion of
Illinois. A slightly modified form has been found in
Canada, New York, Massachusetts, West Virginia,
and middle Tennessee. They are found only of stone,
usually slate or steatite.
The long stem pipe, or rather pipe with a distinct
stem, forms a fifth type. This type has been found very
rarely, except in the northern and Appalachian dis
tricts; and the forms in these two sections are quite
102 Study of North American Archaeology.
distinct. Those of the northern section are of clay,
those of the southern always of stone, usually soap-
stone. Mr. Boyle says the method of forming the
Canada pipes of this class was to model the clay
round a flexible twig or thong, one end of which en
tered the base of the bowl, and which, being allowed
to remain there, disappeared during the burning
process.
A sixth class is that embracing the elongate animal
figures with the bowl on the back. The animal is
sometimes a bird, sometimes a wolf, fox, or other
quadruped, with legs drawn up against the sides of
the body. Some are of very large size, and many of
doubtful antiquity. They are all of stone, and are
confined chiefly to Tennessee and the Gulf States.
A few specimens of the tubular pipe have been
found in the Atlantic division, but these have been
apparently introduced, or they are simply tubes hav
ing somewhat the form of the Pacific or California
type. There is no reason for believing that a pipe of
this form was ever in use in the Atlantic division.
Articles of Shell, Copper, etc. 103
CHAPTER VIII.
ARTICLES OF SHELL, COPPER, AND OTHER MATERIALS.
Shells appear to have been used quite extensively
among" the mound-builders as implements and orna
ments and probably as a medium of exchange.
We have already noticed the fact that pulverized
shells were used in tempering clay which was to be
manufactured into pottery. It is probable that
bivalve shells were used as scrapers in dressing hides,
and to a limited extent as agricultural implements,
as it is known that such use was made of them by
the Indians along the southern coast. As they were
not carved, it is probable they were not considered
of sufficient value to accompany the dead. Never
theless, it is not a very unusual thing to find unwrought
shells in mounds.
The use of certain large univalves, especially the
Bnsycon pcrvcrsum, as drinking cups, probably on
ceremonial occasions, seems to have been somewhat
general in the southern section, and not entirely un
known further north. Specimens of the species
named have been found as far north as the head
waters of the Mississippi river.. The specimen shown
in the figure is from an Arkansas mound. (Fig. 47.)
Mr. Holmes, in his paper entitled "Art in Shell,"
Second Annual Report of the Bureau of American
Ethnology, figures a number of shells which he
104
Study of North American Archaeology.
thinks were used as spoons or ladles. Most of these
were made from the left valves of Unios.
i* ig. 47. Engraved shell, Arkansas.
Much the larger portion of the articles of shell
found in mounds and ancient graves consists of those
which have been used as ornaments.
Articles of Shell, Copper, etc. 105
Mention has been made of the shell pin, and an ex
ample shown in Fig. 17; another form with a smaller
head is frequently found. Various suggestions as to
the use of these articles have been presented, but it is
probable the following quotation from Dumont s
"Memoires Historique Louisiana" will give the cor
rect explanation:
There are still to be seen on the seashore beautiful
shells made by snails (or limacon), which are called
burgaux; they are very useful for making handsome
tobacco boxes, for they bear their mother-of-pearl with
them. It is of these burgaux that the native women
make their ear-rings. For this purpose they take the
end of it which they rub a long time on hard stones,
and thus give it the form of a nail furnished with a
head, in order that when they place them in their
ears, they will be held by this kind of pivot. For
these savages have much larger holes in their ears
than our Frenchmen; the thumb could be passed
through them, however large it might be. The sav
ages also wear around the neck plates made of pieces
of these shells, which are shaped in the same manner
on stones, and which they form into round or oval
pieces of about three or four inches in diameter.
They are then pierced near the edge by means of fire
and used as ornaments."
It is evident from this that they were worn in the
ears; whether used in any other way is a mere surmise.
In the same quotation mention is made of the shell
gorget, the most elegant of the shell ornaments. One
type has already been noticed and figured (Fig. 18).
This has engraved on it what appears, from the num
ber of specimens bearing the same figure found in
106 Study of North American Archaeology.
different sections, to be a conventionalized representa
tion of the rattlesnake, to which was probably at
tached some sacred, talismanic or superstitious sig
nification. Shell gorgets are found with various other
designs engraved upon them. Another somewhat
common form is shown in Fig.
48. This form appears to have
been confined to what is now
middle Tennessee. A few have
been discovered bearing designs
which are strongly suggestive
of Mexican or Central Ameri
can origin; one of these from
Fig. 48. Shell gorget, Ten- the Etowah mound, Georgia, is
nessee. shown in Fig. 49. Another in-
Fig. 49. Shell gorget, Georgia.
Articles of Shell, Copper, etc,. 107
teresting variety is that bearing the figure of a spider.
The few specimens of the latter which have been dis
covered are mostly from southern Illinois and south
eastern Missouri, one coming from eastern Tennessee.
Another class of shell ornaments represents more
or less distinctly the human face. They are supposed
to have been used as masks. These have been dis
covered in greatest abundance in the mounds of Ten
nessee, but their range is quite wide, examples having
been reported from Kentucky, Virginia, Illinois, Mis
souri and Arkansas, and a somewhat different type
from Alabama, Georgia and New York.
The class of shell articles found in greatest abun
dance is that including the various types of beads.
The simplest form is the perforated small univalve,
the species most commonly used being the Marginella,
Oliva, and Cyprea. One of the most common varieties
is the discoidal or button-shaped bead with a hole
through the middle. The cylindrical form is also of
frequent occurrence. Articles of this class appear to
have been in use among the mound-builders of almost
every part of the Atlantic division; however, they are
of most frequent occurrence in the middle and south
ern provinces. The extensive use of shell beads or
"wampum" as currency among the Indians of the
Atlantic coast is a well-known historic fact that re
quires no proof here. That this custom should have
been brought about by Europeans at the early date it
is known to have been in vogue, is simply impossible,
as it is spoken of as a native custom by the first navi
gators who visited the continent. It is therefore a
reasonable presumption that it had come down from
prehistoric times.
108 Study of North American Archaeology.
Perforated fresh-water pearls have been found in
large numbers in a few Ohio mounds, and specimens
have been occasionally unearthed in other sections.
Textile fabrics.
That cloth was manufactured to a considerable ex
tent by the mound-builders has now been demon
strated by incontestable evidence. It has been found
in several instances attached to copper articles,
around which it had been wrapped and by which it
was preserved. Examples of this kind have been
discovered in eastern Iowa, Illinois, Ohio and
Georgia, and probably, elsewhere. Cloth has also
been found in caves of Kentucky, in some instances
with mummified or desiccated bodies. A fine exam
ple was obtained by the Bureau of American Ethnol
ogy from a cave deposit of eastern Tennessee. Ac
companying this was an almost complete mat, with
the submarginal stripe quite distinct. The burial in
this case was apparently comparatively recent, but
the tissue of the cloth and the accompanying bone
needles are precisely of the type of some of the
mound articles. Remains of charred cloth have also
been discovered in mounds. Mr. W. H. Holmes has
clearly demonstrated that many of the designs on
mound pottery have resulted from the pressure 01
cloth on the surface while the vessel was yet compara
tively soft. Probably the vessels had been wrapped
in cloth to keep them in shape. By taking impres
sions in clay from these he has been enabled to give
various patterns of meshes and cord.
Matting was probably in common use among the
mound-builders, but, like cloth, being subject to early
Articles of Shell, Copper, etc. 109
decay when buried in the soil, comparatively few
specimens have been discovered. Reed matting was
found in connection with the copper articles of the
Etowah mound of Georgia, hereafter mentioned. A
somewhat remarkable discovery was made by the
agent of the Bureau of American Ethnology in an
Arkansas mound. This was a laver of burnt matting
C5
three inches thick, lying immediately under a layer
of burnt clay some six inches thick. This layer, for
a considerable space, consisted entirely of burnt mat
ting, through which were scattered parched or burnt
grains of corn. The mound in which this discovery
was made is a large one.
Copper articles.
Copper appears to have been used to a limited ex
tent in almost every part of the mound division.
Although it is probable that more articles of this class
have been collected in Wisconsin than in any other
district, it is doubtful whether this statement will
apply to specimens obtained from mounds, excluding
those pertaining to intrusive burials. Numbers have
been discovered in mounds of Iowa, Illinois, and
West Virginia; also in mounds and stone graves of
Kentucky, Tennessee, North Carolina, and northern
Georgia.
Implements of this class appear in considerable
numbers among the archaeological collections of Can
ada, consisting chiefly of arrow-points, spear-heads,
adzes, celts, and knife-blades. But copper ornaments
appear to be comparatively rare in this section, and
consist chiefly of beads. Some of the knife-blades
bear such a strong resemblance to those of European
110 Study of North American Archaeology.
make as to lead to the conclusion that they are post-
Columbian.
One of the most important finds of copper articles
in an Ohio mound was that made by Mr. W. K.
Moorehead in the Hopewell mound, Ross county. At
the head of what appeared to be the principal person
age buried here, were imitation elk-horns, neatly
made of wood and covered with sheet copper rolled
into cylindrical form over the prongs. These meas
ured twenty-two inches in length, and were fitted to a
copper cap or covering over the skull. This is cer
tainly a unique specimen, as no other similar article
has been found. However, wooden ear-ornaments
overlaid with copper have been discovered in a stone
grave in a mound of southern Illinois and in an Ohio
mound, and Mr. Clarence B. Moore makes mention of
them in his splendid work on the sand mounds of
Florida. Copper-covered wooden spools were ob
tained by the Bureau of American Ethnology from
the Holloway mound, eastern Georgia.
In addition to the gorgeous copper head-gear of the
chief personage of the Hopewell tumulus, there were
copper plates on the breast and stomach, also at the
back. The copper had preserved the bones and a few
of the sinews, also traces of cloth similar to coffee-
sacking in texture. Copper spool-shaped objects and
other articles were also found with this skeleton. It
is worthy of notice in passing, that the skulls of this
and of some other mounds of the group were of two
types, the long-head (dolichocephalic) and short-head
(brachycephalic); a fact also true of one of the tumuli
of Caldwell county, North Carolina.
One of the most important and puzzling series of
Articles of Shell, Copper, etc. Ill
copper articles found in the entire division is that ob
tained by the Bureau of American Ethnology from the
Etowah group of Bartow county, Georgia.* These
consist of thin, even plates of copper, with impressed
figures, some of which remind us of Mexican designs
(Fig. 50). Another was that of a bird of the same
Fig. 50. Figured copper plate, Georgia.
* This group is frequently referred to by writers as on the farm
of Col. Tumlin."
112
Study of NortJi American Archaeology.
type as one discovered by Maj. J. W. Powell near
Peoria, Illinois (Fig. 51). Other plates of the former
type were discovered in a mound of Richmond county,
Georgia; another, with dancing figures, in a stone
grave of southern Illinois (Fig. 52). The skeleton of
Fig. 51. Figured copper plate,
Illinois.
Fig. 52. Figured copper
plate, Illinois.
the Etowah group, with which the plates were found,
was in a box-shaped stone sepulcher, and indicated a
man of almost giant stature, being seven feet long.
The head rested on the copper plate shown in Fig. 50.
This copper had been wrapped in buckskin, and
around this had been wound cane matting.
Other types of copper articles found in mounds and
ancient graves are celts, so-called axes, beads, disks,
gorgets, spindles, ear-pendants, rings, bracelets, etc.
The celts, axes, gorgets, spindles, some of the beads,
and most of the bracelets, show very clearly that they
have been beaten out of malleable copper with the
Articles of Shell, Copper, etc. 113
rude implements of the natives. But some of the
beads, ear-pendants, and bracelets, and also some of
the plates, are formed from sheet copper, as smooth
and even as that of European manufacture.
There is little doubt that most of this copper, which
was not introduced by Europeans, was obtained from
the Lake Superior mines. Some was possibly ob
tained from drift copper. Nor is there any reason
for attributing the mining or working of this copper
to any other people than the Indians. Prof. R. L.
Packard, an expert mining chemist, who is personally
familiar with the mines of the Lake Superior region,
and who has thoroughly studied all the facts bearing
on the history of these mines, comes to the conclusion
that the ancient work done in them was done by the
native Indians. In fact, he shows by positive histo
rical evidence that precisely such work as was done
by the ancient workmen in the mines of Keweenaw
Point, Ontonagon and Isle Royale has been done by
Indians, but he warns us that the word "mining," as
used in this connection, is not to be taken in its true
and technical sense, as there is no evidence that more
was done in prehistoric times than simply to expose
the copper masses and beat off from these such par
ticles as they could with their rude implements. In
some cases they heated the mass by building a fire
on it, and then suddenly cooled it by throwing cold
water over it.
Articles of stone.
As it is not possible in this brief survey to mention
all the types of the minor art products found in con-
8
114 Study of North American Archaeology.
nection with the antiquities of the mound-builder,
only the typical and more important of this class will
be alluded to, it being assumed that the reader is
more or less familiar with the forms of the chipped
stones.
The most important of the class are the human
images, of which, however, but few r have been dis
covered, and these are confined, geographically, to
Georgia, Tennessee, and southern Illinois. One found
by the side of a skeleton lying in a boat-shaped vessel
of clay in a mound of eastern Tennessee is shown in
Fig. 53. Stone image, Ten
nessee.
Fig. 54. Stone image, Tennes
see.
Fig. 53. Another was plowed up near the Etowah
mounds representing a sitting female; it is of peculiar
Articles of Shell, Copper, etc. 115
interest as showing the same type and apparently one
method of arranging the hair. Another similar, but
male, image has recently been discovered in Tennes
see, the lower parts of which are more perfectly
worked out (Fig. 54). With the exception of one
found in Union county, Illinois, and fragments of
others obtained from the Etowah group, Georgia, the
other examples are from middle Tennessee.
In most of these, the oblique or sloping face indi
cates a modeling after the artificially flattened head.
Another noticeable fact is the strong similarity in
facial type of a majority of the specimens. This is
true of one found at Etowah, Georgia, four from mid
dle Tennessee, one from Kentucky, and one found in
southern Illinois. It is worthy of notice that, with
one exception, the images found in the mound section
have been obtained from the stone grave area.
Another class of stone articles supposed to have
been used for ceremonial purposes, and to which the
name "banner stones" has been applied, is repre
sented by the types shown in Fig. 55. A series of
Fig. 55. Banner stones.
outline forms of the various types of arrow-heads of
America, as prepared by Mr. Henry C. Mercer for the
Columbian Exposition at Madrid, is shown in Fig. 56.
Of these, Nos. 1-29 are from the United States; 30-34,
116
Study of North American Archaeology.
Nicaragua; 35-42, Uruguay; 43-48, Argentine Con
federation; 49-50, Alaska; 51-53, Costa Rica; 54-58,
Greenland; 59-64, U. S. of Colombia; 65-67, Alaska;
Fig. 56. Arrow heads.
68-92, Mexico; 93-94, Patagonia; and 95-97, Brazil
It is impossible, however, to present even a summary
of the types of this class of articles in our allotted
space.
Inclosiires, Pyramidal Mounds, etc. 117
CHAPTER IX.
INCLOSURES, PYRAMIDAL MOUNDS, ETC.
The monuments of this section which have at
tracted most attention are the pyramidal mounds and
the inclosures, especially the latter, which in some
instances embrace an area sufficient for a large sized
native town or army camp. It is chiefly because of
these works, which remind one of the pyramids of
Egypt and fortifications of the old world, that the
theory of a cultivated, mound-building race distinct
from the Indian and now extinct, gained adherents.
Xor is this to be wondered at when the size and ex
tent of some of these works and the aversion of the
lordly savage of modern times to physical labor are
taken into consideration.
The pyramidal mounds, as heretofore stated, are con
fined almost exclusively to the southern section, few oc
curring north of the Ohio river. As already defined,
these are usually quadrangular in form, either square
or oblong, though a few circular ones in the form of
a truncated cone have been found. Comparatively
few. especially of the larger ones, have been thor
oughly explored. Although some of those which
have been examined are found to have been used as
burial-places, yet, as a general rule, there are indi
cations that they have been surmounted by one or
more edifices of some kind. And this is apparently
true of them even where used as depositories of the
118 Study of North American Archaeology.
dead. In some instances the remains of the upright
wooden posts which formed the supports of the walls
of the building are discovered; in others the evidence
is found in the burnt clay with which the buildings
were plastered, which has been frequently referred to
by writers as "bricks." In some
cases, only fire-beds and fragments
of pottery have been found, but
the experience of explorers has in
most cases enabled them to decide
that these were cooking places,
hence in or near the dwelling or
wigwam. This conclusion is sup
ported by the historical evidence
M^S^^Wl mentioned hereafter, that they
/ yjjwM^^ i I -S were occupied in the Gulf States
I I /Ai "rt by the houses of the caciques and
of the leading men, and by tem
ples or council houses.
The terraced mounds of this
type are those having terraces, or
apron-like extensions running out
from one or two sides, sometimes
equaling or exceeding in length
and width the mound itself. Some
times a graded way or inclined
pathway runs up from a point
some distance outside of the base
to the upper level. In one or two
instances this graded way is car
ried upward along one face (Fig. 57), but usually it
is placed at right angles to one side. Mr. R. B.
Evans, who made some explorations in Arkansas on
Inclosures, Pyramidal Mounds, etc. 119
behalf of the Chicago Times, discovered a mound which,
from his figure (Fig. 58), appears to have had a
Fig. 58. Double-terraced mound, Arkansas.
double terrace or terrace in two steps. No pyramidal
mound, however, of the typical form that is, with
successive stages has been discovered in this division.
Several instances occur where the main pyramidal
structure is surmounted by a small conical tumulus.
Examples of this type have been found in Indiana,
south-eastern Missouri and Arkansas. The celebrated
Selsertown mound of Adams county, Mississippi, of
which frequent mention is made in works on archae
ology, appears to be an artificially-flattened natural
elevation, the sides of which have been extended by
additions to bring the contour to the desired form.
This bears on its upper surface four conical mounds,
one of which is of considerable size, "being thirty-one
feet in height. It is stated that seven other mounds of
small size formerly existed on its surface, but a care
ful examination by the agents of the Bureau of Ameri
can Ethnology led to the conclusion that these were
slightly elevated house-sites which have been oblit
erated by the plow, as numerous fragments of burnt
clay plastering (frequently spoken of as "bricks")
120 Study of North American Archaeology.
were found at the points they are said to have occu
pied. (Fig. 59.)
Inclosures, Pyramidal Mounds, etc. 121
Indosnrcs and other Mural Works.
Under the term Inclosures" are generally in
cluded not only those works consisting of completely
surrounding walls of earth or stone, but also defensive
and partially surrounding walls thrown across necks
of land in the bends of rivers or shore lines of lakes,
or built in the rear of projecting bluffs where the de
clivity forms a natural defense in the front and on the
sides.
Although pyramidal mounds are seldom found else
where than on the rich level lands, inclosures have a
much wider topographical range, occurring not only
on the alluvial levels, but frequently forming de
fensive works on bluff headlands and elevated points,
and here and there encircling the summit of an
isolated hill. So apparent is it that the works of
this class found on the elevated localities were built
for defensive purposes, that the name "hill forts"
has been applied to them.
As a general rule, inclosures are irregular in out
line, the form being governed more or less by the
topography or some local condition. There are neces
sarily few, if any, exceptions to this rule among the
"hill forts," as the outlines of these are governed
wholly by the topographical features; but of those on
level areas, several of the Ohio works, and here and
there one of the New York, Indiana, Michigan and
Iowa inclosures, present quite regular figures, a few
of those in Ohio conforming with remarkable pre
cision to true geometrical figures. The latter are
circular, square and octagonal; one or two of those
in Indiana are of the square or parallelogram form,
122 Study of North American Archaeology.
the others are circular, or polygonal. They vary in
extent from an area of an acre or less to one hundred
and fifty acres. In order that the reader may judge
Inclosnrcs, Pyramidal Mounds, etc.
123
for himself as to the approximation of some of the
Ohio inclosures to true geometrical figures, the
measurements of one taken under the direction of the
author are given here. This, known as the "Obser
vatory Circle," of the great group near Newark, is
yet very distinct, being about three feet high at the
lowest point, the average height being some four or
five feet.
The chords in this survey were 100 feet each; the
stations were on top of the wall as near the middle
line as could be ascertained by measurement and
judgment, and the stakes all set before the bearings
were taken. The field notes are as follows, beginning
at station O in the middle of the gateway leading to
the octagon (Fig. 60):
Station.
Bearing.
Dis- 1 Width
tance. of wall.
Remarks.
o to i . .
I to 2 . .
/
S. 38 20 E. .
vS. 26 20 E. .
Feet.
42
IOO
Feet.
36
f Station
\ cle and
i at junction of cir-
south parallel.
2 to 3 . .
S. 17 37 E..
100
35
3 to 4..
S. 6 oo E..
IOO
38
4 to 5..
S. 536W..
IOO
38
5 to 6..
6 to 7 . .
7 to 8
S. 15 oo W. .
S. 2745 W..
S. 35 17 W..
IOO
IOO
IOO
37
36
34
f Center
\that is,
of wall 2 feet east;
outward.
8 to 9 . .
S. 48 40 W . .
IOO
37
9 to 10. .
S. 58 16 W. .
IOO
37
10 to ii..
S. 69 13 W..
IOO
37
II to 12..
S. 82 oo W..
IOO
35
12 tO 13. .
N. 89 13 W..
IOO
4t
13 to 14..
14 to 15. .
15 to 16. .
N. 76 23 W. .
N. 66 15 W. .
N. 55 56 W..
IOO
IOO
IOO
38(?)
39
f Width estimated, not meas-
\ ured.
16 to 17. .
N. 45 10 W. .
IOO
( Observatory. )
17 to 18. .
N. 33 33 W. .
10
39
18 to 19. .
N. 20 29 W. .
IOO
42
19 tO 20
N. II 22 W, .
IOO
43
20 tO 21 . .
21 tO 22. .
N. i 34 W..
N. 9 06 E
IOO
IOO
40
39
22 tO 23..
N. 20 54 E. .
IOO
38
124
Study of NortJi American Archaeology.
Station.
Bearing.
Dis
tance.
Width
of wall.
Remarks.
o /
Feet.
Feet.
23 to 24 . .
N. si 12 E..
IOO
39
24 to 25 . .
N. 42 32 E
IOO
40
25 to 26 .
N. 53 43 E..
IOO
42
26 to 27
N. 62 43 E..
loo-
40
27 to 28. .
N. 75 07 E..
IOO
44
28 to 29. .
N. 86 23 E..
IOO
40
29 to 30
s. 82 17 P:..
IOO
44
30 to 31
S. 72 04 E.v
IOO
42
31 to 32. .
S. 60 45 E..
IOO
45
*
32 to 33. .
S. 51 06 E..
IOO
45
33 to 34..
S. 46 29 E. .
20
Junction with N. paral l wall.
34 to o . .
S. 38 20 E. .
42
Middle of gateway.
34 to 36 . .
N. 52 04 E
29S
North parallel.
i to 37
N. 51 53 E..
S*J
293
South parallel.
Check Lines.
o
10
II
s
1 8
28 W
883
o
1
to
to
17..
S.
S.
5?
27 W. .
ooW. .
1057
/ "5" indicates the half-way
(1
7
; -
to
to
to
25.
II ..
25. .
N.
S.
N
35
/I
10 W
59 E..
23 E
770
728
I point 111 the circumference.
25
to
II. .
S.
28
03 E..
1024
In order to bring before the eye of the reader the
approximate regularity of this circular work, let him
make a plat to a scale, with a line of short chords in
dicating the line of the survey along the top of the
wall, and then draw the nearest approximate circle
thereto. Great care was taken in making the survey,
and the plat and calculation were found to confirm
the accuracy claimed.
Measuring the various diameters, the maximum is
found to be 1,059 f eet > anc ^ the minimum 1,050, the
mean of which is 1,054.5 feet, but it is found by trial
that the nearest approximate circle has a diameter of
1,054 feet. The widest divergence between the line
Inclositres, Pyramidal Mounds, etc. 125
of survey and the circumference of the true circle is
4 feet.
The aggregate length of the chords surveyed is
3,304 feet, while the circumference of the approxi
mate circle is 3,311 feet; adding to the sum of the
chords the additional length of the arcs they subtend
(0.1508 of a foot to each loo-foot chord), and we
have a total of 3,309 feet. It is therefore evident
that the inclosure approaches in form very nearly an
absolute circle.
What means the native authors of this work used
to obtain results so near geometrical correctness in a
circle of this size is not known, but it was probably
with a cord or rope, which people who could manu
facture cloth could certainly make. The survey of
the square in the same group shows the angles at the
four corners to have been respectively 90 51 , 89 40 ,
90 26 , and 89 03 , each being within less than a
degree of correct. The sides were found to be re
spectively 928, 926, 939, and 951 feet in length.
The most extensive example of the "hill forts" is
that known as Fort Ancient, in Warren county, Ohio.
This crowns a spur of the bluff some two hundred
and fifty or three hundred feet high, which here over
hangs the Miami river. The area embraced is only
some seventy-five or eighty acres, but the length of
the wall, which follows all the windings and zigzags
of the margin of the bluff and of the side ravines, is
a little over three miles and a half. This is one of
the best preserved monuments of the Ohio valley, the
surrounding wall being uninjured save at points
where the turnpike cuts through it, and at a few
places where ravines have been formed since it was
126 Study of North American Archaeology.
Inclosures, Pyramidal Mounds, etc. 127
abandoned. This wall, which is partly of stone, but
chiefly of dirt thrown up from the inner or upper
side, varies in height from three or four to nineteen
feet, and from twenty-five to seventy feet in width at
base. As the earth has all been taken from the inside
(except along the high wall which crosses the level at
the rear), and thrown outward on the crest of the
slope, this has left an inside ditch. As a rule, the
wall is strongest and highest at the points of easiest
approach; and, at some places, the outside slope has
been artificially steepened, proving beyond any rea
sonable doubt that the work was one of defense.
The great length of the wall has led to the supposi
tion that this is the crowning achievement of the
mound-builders, but a little calculation and thought
will show this to be an error. Assuming the average
width to be forty feet and average height ten feet,
which, as the writer knows from personal observation,
is in excess of the true average, the solid contents of
the placed material is found to be about 139,000 cubic
yards. This falls short of the Etowah mound, in
Georgia, about 20,000 cubic yards, and is less than
one-third the contents of the great Cahokia mound, near
East St. Louis, Illinois. When we take into consid
eration the fact that the earth of the mound had to be
borne some distance, while that of the wall (with the
exception, perhaps, of the rear wall across the level
neck) had only to be thrown up from the ditch, it is
apparent that the building of the latter involved much
less labor than the mound.
One of the "hill forts," situated in Perry county,
Ohio, is shown in Fig. 61. The wall in this case is
built of rough stones, laid up without^order, and in
128
Study of Xorth American Archaeology.
Inclositres, Pyramidal Mounds, etc. 129
its present partially obliterated condition, varies in
height from mere traces at one point to five or six
feet. The entire length, following all the curves, is
6,6 10 feet.
The celebrated and often-figured works at Newark,
Ohio, form, perhaps, the most elaborate group of this
class known to the Atlantic division. The size of our
page will permit of but a partial representation of
this truly remarkable antiquity. (Fig- 60.) Fortu
nately for science, a complete survey and accurate
drawing of this group was made by Col. Whittlesey
before it had been encroached upon by the spread of
the city. The reader can form some idea of the ex
tent from the fact that the length from the eastern to
the western extremity is about two miles; the diame
ter of the western circle is 1,050 feet; of the octagon,
about 1,500 feet; and that the fair-grounds of the
Licking County Agricultural Association are embraced
in the circle at the south-east.
An example from Union county, Illinois, inclosing
mounds and hut-rings, and including an area of
twenty-eight acres, is shown in Fig. 62. This was
evidently an inclosed village, and is a type of others
which occur in middle Tennessee and south-eastern
Missouri.
Our limited space will permit us to refer to only
one other type, which apparently includes the well-
known work at Aztalan, Wisconsin, so well described
by Dr. Lapham in his work on the antiquities of that
state. An example of this type, located in Vander-
burg county, Indiana, is shown in Fig. 63. At some
what regular distances along the surrounding wall are
9
130
Study of North American Archaeology.
buttress-like enlargements, projecting outward from
twenty to thirty feet. The distance between these
projections varies, increasing from east to west. Two
Fig. 63. Angel mounds, Indiana.
measured on the east (from center to center) were
ninety-seven feet apart; two on the north, one hun
dred and seven; and two on the west, one hundred
and twenty. The included, oblong tumulus is of the
pyramidal type, with terrace, flat on top, and of com
paratively large size. This is somewhat peculiar,
though not unique, in being capped at one corner by
a small conical mound. The large mound in the
Union county (Illinois) group (Fig. 62), and a mound
in one of the Paint creek (Ohio) groups, are also
capped in the same way that is, at one corner.
Another inclosure of this type occurs in Hardin
county, Tennessee, near Savannah, which seems to
have a double bastioned wall, or rather two walls.
Inclosiircs, Pyramidal Mounds, etc. 131
However, as only traces of the outer wall are seen,
it is possible there was an older and a newer one.
Although these may have been developed by different
processes that of Aztalan from the chain-mound
series, those of Indiana and Tennessee from a custom
of placing towers or bastions at intervals along the
wall, yet the strong similarity of the examples is
evident. It may be stated as possibly suggestive that
the Aztalan fort is in the Siouan country, and that the
Ouapaws, who pertain to the same stock, and whom
De Soto encountered in Arkansas, are said to have
dwelt in former times on the lower Ohio river, possi
bly in the vicinity of the group in Vanderburg county,
Indiana.
\Yere all these inclosures built for defensive pur
poses? Are they the walls which the ancient people
placed about their villages to protect them against the
sudden attacks of inveterate foes? Such a question
would seem superfluous but for the fact that Messrs.
Squier and Davis assume, in their classic work on the
Ancient Monuments of the Mississippi Valley," that
those works on the level areas of Ohio which were ac
companied by no ditch, or which have an interior
ditch, are sacred inclosures; that they were built for
religious or ceremonial purposes. Although this view
has been accepted by numerous authors, it does not ap
pear to be founded on any valid reason. The more rea
sonable conclusion which is generally accepted at the
present day is, that they have been fortified villages.
Lewis H. Morgan suggested that where the square
and circle were combined, the former surrounded the
village, while the latter, which is often without a
trench, was a substitute for a fence about the garden
132 Study of North American Archaeology.
in which the villagers cultivated their maize, beans,
squashes and tobacco. It is not probable that a
people having the skill to plan and construct the
elaborate works of the level areas, and the forethought
to build forts on the neighboring hills as places of re
treat, would have left their villages unprotected. The
ancient works throughout this region indicate a long
and bitter contest between hostile tribes, which ulti
mately resulted in the expulsion of the builders.
Hut-rings and House-sites.
Although groups of mounds marking the sites of
ancient villages scattered over the Mississippi valley
and Gulf States may be numbered by hundreds and
even thousands, yet in none of all these is there a
single house, a single dwelling or a single temple re
maining from which we may learn the architecture of
the ancient inhabitants. That the mound-builders
lived in houses must be assumed; the inference is
therefore irresistible/ that their dwellings were con
structed pf perishable materials, as structures of brick
or stone could not have entirely vanished. Neverthe
less, the monuments furnish some data which, by
comparison with known Indian habits and customs,
enable us to form some idea of their buildings.
At various points of the mound area, especially in
Tennessee, Illinois and south-eastern Missouri, the
sites of thousands of them are marked by small rings
or circles of earth from fifteen to fifty feet in diam
eter, the inclosed area being more or less depressed.
So apparent is it to explorers that these are the re
mains of circular houses or wigwams that the name
"hut-rings" is generally applied to them. The in-
Inclosures, Pyramidal Mounds, etc. 133
terior area of a number of inclosures in the section
named is occupied chiefly by these remains. It ap
pears, also, from a statement made by Squier and
Davis, that they were not uncommon in the Ohio
groups, but the plow has so wholly obliterated them
that few, if any, traces remain at the present day. It
is possible that some of these were the remains of the
wigwams of Indians who occupied these sites in com
paratively modern times. Such evidences of subse
quent occupancy have been observed in some of the
groups of south-eastern Missouri. Even the graded
way to the great mound of the Rich Woods group has
two or three of these rings on its surface. These re
mains give the shape and size of one class of dwell
ings in the sections named. Excavations in the cen
ter usually bring to light the ashes and hearth that
mark the place where the fire was built, and occasion
ally unearth fragments of the vessels used in cooking,
the bones of animals on whose flesh the inmates fed,
and other articles pertaining to domestic use.
There is, however, conclusive evidence that in one
section, at least, the mound-builders constructed an
other and more advanced type of houses. Mention
has already been incidentally made of the so-called
"house-sites" of Arkansas; nevertheless, the follow
ing passage of the I2th Annual Report of the Bureau
of American Ethnology relating to this subject may
be appropriately quoted here:
"During the progress of explorations by assistants
of the Bureau of American Ethnology in south-east
Missouri, Arkansas and Mississippi; especially in Ar
kansas, in numerous instances, probably hundreds,
beds of hard burned clay, containing impressions of
134 Study of North American Archaeology.
grass and cane, were observed. These were generally
found one or two feet below the surface of low, flat
mounds, from one to five feet high, and from fifteen
to fifty feet in diameter, though by no means confined
to tumuli of this character, as they were also observed
near the surface of the large, flat-topped and conical
mounds. So common were these burnt clav beds in
Fig. 64. House site, Arkansas.
the low, flat mounds and so evidently the remains of
former houses, that the explorers generally speak of
them in their reports as house-sites.
"As a general rule, in opening them, the strata are
found to occur in this .order: first, a top layer of soil
from one to two feet thick; then a layer of burnt clay
from four inches to a foot thick (though usually vary-
IndosureSy Pyramidal Mounds, etc.
135
ing from four to eight inches), which formed the
plastering of the walls. This was always broken
into lumps, never in a uniform unbroken layer,
showing that it had fallen, and was not originally
placed where found; immediately below this is a thin
layer of hardened muck or dark clay, though this
does not always seem to be distinct. At this depth,
in the mounds of the eastern part of Arkansas, are
usually found one and sometimes two skeletons."
That the explorers were justified in their conclusion
is proven by the fact that in two instances the re
mains were sufficiently evident to enable them to
trace the outlines of the buildings. In both cases
these consisted of three square rooms (Fig. 64).
Fig. 65. Supposed method of lathing houses.
Judging by the burnt fragments of the walls found in
one instance, it is presumed that cane lathing was
used and was worked in between the posts as shown
in Fig. 65. Prof. Swallow describes a room he found
in one of the mounds of south-eastern Missouri as
formed by poles, lathed with split cane and plastered
with clay both inside and out.
It is only necessary to quote DuPratz s description
of the Indian square houses of this section, to show
136 Study of North American Archaeology.
how exactly they agree with what has been revealed
by the mounds:
"The cabins of the natives are all perfectly square;
none of them are less than fifteen feet in extent in
every direction, but there are some which are more
than thirty. The following is their manner of build
ing them: The natives go into the new forest to seek
the trunks of young walnut trees of four inches in
diameter and from eighteen to twenty feet long; they
plant, the largest ones at four corners to form the
breadth and the dome; but before fixing the others
they prepare the scaffolding; it consists of four poles
fastened together at the top, the lower ends corre
sponding to the four corners; on these four poles
others are fastened crosswise at a distance of a foot
apart; this makes a ladder with four sides, or four lad
ders joined together. This done, they fix the other
poles in the ground in a straight line between those
of the corners; when they are thus planted they are
lightly bound to a pole which crosses them on the in
side of each side (of the house). For this purpose
large splints of stalks are used to tie them, at the height
of five or six feet, according to the size of the cabin,
which forms the walls; these upright poles are not
more than about fifteen inches apart from each other;
a young man then mounts to the end of one of the
corner poles with a cord in his teeth, fastens the cord
to the pole, and as he mounts within, the pole bends,
because those who are below draw the cord to bend
the pole as much as is necessary; at the same time
another young man fixes the pole of the opposite cor
ner in the same w r ay; the two poles being thus bent
at a suitable height, they are fastened strongly and
Inclositres, Pyramidal Mounds, etc. 137
evenly. The same is done with the poles of the other
two corners as they are joined at the point, which
make altogether the figure of a bower or a summer
house, such as we have in France. After this work
they fasten sticks on the lower sides or walls at a dis
tance of about eight inches across, as high as the pole
of which I have spoken, which forms the length of
the wall.
"These sticks being thus fastened, they make mud
walls of clay, in which they put a sufficient amount
of Spanish moss. These walls are not more than four
inches thick. They leave no opening but the door,
which is only two feet in width by four in height.
There are some much smaller. They then cover the
framework, which I have just described, with mats
of reeds, putting the smoothest on the inside of the
cabin, taking care to fasten them together so that they
are well joined. After this they make large bundles
of grass of the tallest that can be found in the low
lands, and which is four or five feet long; this is
put on in the same way as straw, which is used to
cover thatched houses. The grass is fastened with
large canes and splints also of canes. When the
cabin is covered with grass they cover all with a mat
ting of canes well bound together, and at the bottom
they make a ring of bind-weeds (lianes) all around
the cabin; then they turn the grass evenly, and with
this defense, however great the wind may be, it can
do nothing against the cabin. These coverings last
twenty years without being repaired."
138 Study of North American Archaeology.
CHAPTER X.
THE ANTIQUITY AND AUTHORS OF THE MOUNDS.
This is not the place for, nor will our space permit,
the lengthy discussion of disputed points; neverthe
less, our work, though designedly brief, would be in
complete without some notes in regard to the age and
authors of the mounds. The opinion has already
been expressed that these monuments are to be at
tributed to the Indians, meaning thereby the natives
found inhabiting this division at the time of its dis
covery or their direct ancestors. A few facts bearing
on the age of some of the tumuli have also been in
cidentally noticed. There are, however, certain con
siderations which it would seem, reasoning a priori,
should lead to the conclusion that the Indians were
the authors of these works.
First, there is the undoubted fact that these
aborigines were in possession of the entire country of
the mound-builders at the time of its discovery by
Europeans. It is therefore a reasonable assumption
that they had maintained possession of it from its
first occupancy by them up to the coming of the
whites. However, this does not necessarily forbid
the supposition that they displaced a preceding race.
That their entry could not have been very recent is
inferred from two or three facts which must be recog
nized in the discussion of this subject.
One of these is the distinction already mentioned
The Antiquity and Authors of the Mounds. 139
between the types of the Pacific division and the At
lantic division. This distinction, which pertains to
the archaeologic, linguistic and ethnic types, is too
well marked to be overlooked. The lines also of
the linguistic map prepared by the Bureau of Ameri
can Ethnology conform in a remarkable degree to
this division. The Athapascans overlap at the north
and the Shoshones to a slight extent at the south, but
both are essentially Pacific, notwithstanding the
opinion of some authors to the contrary. This dis
tinction between the two divisions, which has been
recognized and made the basis in grouping by other
writers, presents a formidable objection to the theory
that the mound-builders had any connection with
people of the Pacific division, or tends at least to the
conclusion that the two groups were formed sepa
rately, or diverged at a very distant date in the
past.
A second fact bearing in the same direction is the
distribution of stocks and tribes in the Atlantic divi
sion. As a general rule, most of the members of
each of the different stocks were found in contact or
in close geographical relation with one another. It is
most likely that the formation of tribal groups had
begun before entry into the temperate portion of the
division, but the complete establishment of these
distinctions was after entry. This of necessity re
quired many centuries, and presents another serious
objection to the supposition that the Indians were
not the mound-builders. True, it may be said
that the Indian hosts as they entered the area
drove out the former inhabitants; but the very
distant date to which this supposition refers the
140 Study of North American Archaeology.
mound-building era is not justified by the works or
any other known data. Moreover, the objection to
this theory becomes apparently insurmountable when
it is shown that mound-building was beyond question
continued, at least to some extent, into post-European
times.
The proof of the last statement is found in both his
torical and monumental evidence. The chroniclers of
De Soto s strange and unfortunate expedition through
the Gulf States in 1540-2, whose statements could
not have been warped by any preconceived opinions
in regard to the authorship of these works, speak so
positively as to the building and use thereof by the
Indians as to leave no doubt that the custom of build
ing and using mounds had not been abandoned at
that date in the sections through which the expedition
passed. They not only make repeated allusions to
them, but state expressly that they were built and
used by the Indians. Take, for example, the fol
lowing:
"The Indians try to place their villages on elevated
sites; but, inasmuch as in Florida there are not many
sites of this kind where they can conveniently build,
they erect elevations themselves in the following man
ner: They select the spot and carry there a quantity
of earth, which they form into a kind of platform two
or three pikes in height, the summit of which is large
enough to give room for twelve, fifteen, or twenty
houses, to lodge the cacique and his attendants. At
the foot of this elevation they mark out. a square
place, according to the size of the village, around
which the leading men have their houses. . . . To
ascend the elevation they have a straight passageway
The Antiquity and Authors of the Mounds. 141
from bottom to top, fifteen or twenty feet wide.
Here steps are made by massive beams, and others
are planted firmly in the ground to serve as walls.
On all other sides of the platform the sides are cut
steep."
This not only mentions the form by speaking of the
work as a "platform two or three pikes high" (about
24 to 40 feet), but states positively that the Indians
built them, and indicates the purpose for which they
were erected.
Another one of the chroniclers says: "The caciques
of this country make a custom of raising near their
dwellings very high hills, on which they sometimes
build their houses." Here mound-building is ex
pressly alluded to as a "custom." The other of the
three chroniclers, speaking of the town of Ucita, in
Florida, says: "The lord s (cacique s) house stood
near the beach on a very high mound made by hand,
for strength."
As two of these three chroniclers accompanied the
expedition, and the other received his information
from the survivors and manuscript accounts by par
ticipants, which manuscripts are now lost, there is no
reason to question their correctness, especially as
earthworks like those described and found in the
region through \vhich the expedition must have
passed.
As allusion is made by these writers to works in
Florida, Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi, and Arkansas,
it is evident that the custom of building mounds pre
vailed throughout the Gulf States in 1540; nor had it
ceased one hundred and thirty years later, when the
French descended the Mississippi and took possession
142 Study of North American Archaeology.
of the territory bordering its southern course, as these
hardy pioneers more than once allude to these works
as built by the Indians. Nor do these writers refer to
mounds only, as they describe the fortifications which
encircled the native villages, both walls and moats,
constructions which, under the corroding effect of
time and the elements, would leave precisely such
works as are now found in several places in that
section.
As the larger and more important monuments of
the entire southern section are attributed by this di
rect and positive historical evidence to the Indians, it
is reasonable to suppose that all the prehistoric works
of that section are attributable to the same race, un
less some be found which bear unmistakable marks of
a different culture. Such exceptions can apply, if at
all, only to the few copper plates and engraved shells
bearing figures having a resemblance to Mexican types,
and then to the figures alone.
The monuments also furnish some decisive testi
mony on the same line. Articles of European make
or derivation have been found in a number of tumuli
where their presence could not be attributed to in
trusive burial.
Hawk s-bells have been found in a Georgia and a
Tennessee mound; iron articles (not meteoric) in a
Georgia, North Carolina, Tennessee, and Ohio mound;
and other articles of European manufacture have
been found in several other mounds, both of the
northern and southern sections. As allusion is made
here only to articles which were not connected with
intrusive burials, it is apparent that the mounds in
which they were found belong to the post-European
The Antiquity and Authors of the Mounds. 143
era, and furnish additional evidence that the custom
of building mounds had not ceased at the time of the
discovery of America. As it is a fair and apparently
unavoidable inference that the Indians had long been
the sole occupants of the division at the time of the
discovery, and it is proven that the custom of build
ing mounds had not ceased at that time, the only rea
sonable conclusion is that the Indians were the authors
of all these works. The supposition that there was a
break in, and recommencement of, this custom, is
wholly gratuitous, and based on neither valid evi
dence nor sound reasoning. Nor is the theory that,
while some of the monuments are due to the Indians,
others are to be ascribed to a different race, justified
by the data, or reasonable, as no one is able to define
the characters which distinguish the classes. If the
Indians built mounds of the most advanced type and
of large size, as history shows positively the natives
of the Gulf States did, there is no necessity for attrib
uting the works of the middle and northern sections
to a different race. That the mound-builders were
divided into various and often contending tribes is
shown by the works for defense and protection, as also
by the evidences of varying customs. Yet there is
nothing in the antiquities to indicate a higher culture
than that of the southern Indians, or a greater differ
ence between the people of the different sections than
existed among the natives when first encountered by
the whites.
If we compare the customs of the mound-builders,
so far as shown by their works, and their artefacts,
with those of the Indians, as done by Major Powell, we
reach the same conclusion as that set forth above. As
144 Study of North American Archaeology.
there is no historical or other evidence, unless derived
from the antiquities themselves, that any. other race
than the Indians ever occupied this region, or any
part of it, previous to its discovery by the Europeans
at the close of the fifteenth century, we enter the dis
cussion with the presumption in favor of the view
that they were the authors of the monuments. Every
fact, therefore, ascertained by an examination of these
works, which indicates a similarity between the
mound-builders and Indians in customs, arts, re
ligious beliefs, or modes of life, is an argument in
favor of a theory of an Indian origin.
It was a custom among the mound-builders, at
least in several localities, to remove the flesh of the
dead before depositing them in their final resting
places. That a similar custom prevailed among a
number of Indian tribes is well known to all students
of native habits and customs. Burial beneath or in
dwellings was practiced in some sections by both
mound-builders and Indians. Burial in a sitting or
squatting position was by no means uncommon
among the former, and that the same custom was
followed by some tribes of the latter is attested by
La Hontan, Bossu, Lawson, Bartram, Aclair and other
writers. The use of fire to some extent in the burial
ceremonies of both is proven by the mounds and his
tory. Certain tribes of both races buried their dead
in box-shaped stone sepulchers. Shell gorgets, with
figures engraved thereon, were in use among both. It
was not an unusual custom with several tribes of In
dians to place bark beneath, and often above, the
bodies of the dead. Numerous evidences of a similar
mode of burial have been found in the mounds. Ac-
The Antiquity and Authors of the Mounds. 145
cording to Lawson, it was not uncommon among the
Carolina tribes to wrap the body of the dead in mats
made of rushes or cane. Portions of rush or cane
matting have frequently been found about human re
mains in southern tumuli. The mound-builders of
the middle zone, from eastern Iowa to West Virginia,
made use of stone pipes of a peculiar form known as
the "monitor" type. Adair, about the middle of the
last century, described one kind of pipe made by the
Cherokees precisely of this peculiar type. As he
was totally unaware of what was hidden in the
mounds of Ohio or Iowa, his description must have
been made from what he saw. And thus we might
go on, showing link after link binding together the
mound-builders and Indians, making the ties so
numerous and strong as to leave no plausible basis
for any other theory.
Having given this brief and incomplete outline of
the reasons for believing the authors of these ancient
works were none other than the Indians found in
habiting this division at its discovery by Europeans,
and their immediate ancestors, w^e will state briefly
some of the conclusions which appear to be legiti
mately drawn from the archaeological data which
have so far been obtained, and from other corrobo
rating evidence.
Neither the microscopic study of a landscape nor a
minute analysis of its parts will give us a true con
ception of its beauty or grandeur or its general ap
pearance ; it is only when we look upon it as a whole
.that this is clearly perceived. So it is with some
things in all branches of science and thought, and so
10
146 Study of North American Archaeology.
it is to some degree with one aspect of the archaeolog
ical features of the Atlantic division of our continent,
and possibly of the entire continent. Compared in
the aggregate with the archaeology of Mesopotamia
or Egypt, the contrast in age is too apparent to be
misunderstood. While the latter bear the marks of
hoary age impressed by the weight of milleniums, the
others seem in comparison the relics of but three or
four centuries past.
Compare the excavations necessary to uncover the
remains of Egypt, Assyria, Troy and Mycenia with
those necessary to reveal the deepest remains of the
mound-builders, and the latter seem almost child s
play in contrast with the others. In other words,
there is nothing in the general aspect of the archaeol
ogy of this region to indicate the evident antiquity of
some of the Old World sites. So far as the general
trend of monumental evidence goes, it is decidedly in
the direction that man s appearance in this region is
recent as compared with the length of time he has in
habited some of the Old World sections.
The theory of a race preceding the Indians is as yet
but -mere conjecture, which must be put aside until
more substantial proofs can be adduced than any which
have so far been presented. Mr. Mercer s examina
tions of the cave deposits have failed to give even the
slightest support to this theory. It is possible and
not even improbable that the Eskimo in prehistoric
times had pushed their way southward along the
Atlantic coast as far as the mouth of the Hudson.
But no one at the present day, who has made a study
of these people, claims a more southern origin for
them than what has been already mentioned.
Duration of tJte Mound-Building Age* 147
CHAPTER XI.
DURATION OF THE MOUND-BUILDING AGE.
It is not possible for us, with the data which have
so far been obtained, to fix with any approximate cer
tainty the date when the Indians first appeared upon
the scene. That we must go back a thousand years
preceding the discovery by Columbus may be safely
assumed, and that thrice that number is not sufficient
will be claimed by many. If the supposition that
the tribes of the various stocks were differentiated
after their entrance into the division be accepted, the
linguist will require time for the formation of these
tongues, nor will he be content, even supposing the
stocks had been formed before entry, with an allow
ance for the development of the Algonquian and Iro-
quoian dialects of less than two or three thousand
years. Unfortunately, however, for archaeology,
neither linguists nor geologists have as yet succeeded
in reducing their chronological periods to years in such
a manner as to be generally satisfactory to scientists.
With their own appropriate units of measurement
the scales they form are no doubt valuable and can
be used as a basis in other investigations ; but the
attempts to put them into years have, as yet, shown
such wide divergence as to render them practically
unavailable to students in other branches. The stu
dent of archaeology is therefore advised to rely chiefly
upon his own scale based on the testimony of the
monuments, as less liable to lead him astray.
148 Study of North American Archaeology.
Although the time and the manner of the first en
try of the Indians into this region are questions which
we are unable to answer satisfactorily, we are not so
wholly at sea in regard to the age of its oldest monu
ments or in other words, as to the period of time
embraced in the mound-building age. That this age
did not end until post-European times, has been
shown. That its commencement does not reach back
into hoary antiquity appears to be legitimately in
ferred from several facts, of which only two or three
can be noticed here, and that but briefly.
The supposition that the animal or effigy mounds
of the Wisconsin district belong to a different era
than the other classes is negatived by abundant evi
dence, which will be found in the author s Report on
Mound Explorations in the 12th Annual Report of the
Bureau of American Ethnology. It may be stated
here, however, that the effigies are so closely linked
with the other mounds of the same district as to for
bid the idea that they pertain to different races or
different eras. As Dr. Lapham has well contended,
the evidence seems indisputable that mound-building
in that section was not discontinued until the incom
ing of the white race. It may also be further stated
that there is indisputable evidence that the custom of
forming effigies on the surface of the earth continued
far into post-European times. This survival is found
in certain animal, human and other figures outlined
with granite bowlders (occasionally with buffalo
bones) upon the surface of the ground, usually on
elevated positions and sometimes upon the summits
of the highest buttes. (Fig. 66.) These are found
chiefly in the Dakotas, but Mr. T. H. Lewis, who has
Duration of the Mound-Building Age.
149
explored somewhat carefully this north-western sec
tion, says they are found in western Iowa and Ne
braska, and northward to Manitoba, and from west
ern Minnesota to Montana. They are probably Siouan.
Fig. 66. Surface effigy, South Dakota.
The mound-building age must therefore be consid
ered one and unbroken. It is probable that the more
elaborate works, the pyramids, the large inclosures,
and true effigies, form the most ancient types. Be
150 Study of North American Archaeology.
this as it may, one certain and necessary sign of long-
continued occupancy is wanting in every part of the
division. This is that stratification, indicating suc
cessive waves of population, changes in culture, and
other signs of passing ages and alternate times of
building up and of destroying, which is wholly want
ing in the monuments of the division, or is limited
to the evidences in a few instances of subsequent
temporary occupancy of certain groups of works.
What the caves may reveal when thoroughly explored
is unknown, but so far as they have been examined
there is nothing which seems to bear against this con
clusion. The cave explorations by Mr. Mercer, which
have been carefully and intelligently carried on, have
furnished no indications of a paleolithic people or any
other race than the Indians. If mound-building had
been carried on for thousands of years it may be as
sumed as certain that some of the favored localities
of the prehistoric inhabitants would show different
horizons of ancient works, or at least of the relics and
remains which had been deposited therein, and the
depth of the accumulation would be much greater
than it is found to be.
There are mounds which present some evidence of
having been built up by successive additions at differ
ent dates ; others which bear the marks of repeated
occupancy ; and others which show two or more series
of burials with greater or less intervals. There are
indications in some sections of successive waves of
population ; but throughout all we find evidences of
the same culture, like customs, like beliefs and indica
tions of the same racial traits. Even the evidence
furnished by the shell mounds and kitchen-middens is
Duration of the Mound-Building Age. 151
.substantially the same as that of the other monu
ments. There is nothing to vary the conclusion that
the Indians were the authors of all these works.
There are no evidences of greater changes than would
result from the outgoing of one tribe and the in
coming of another. There are no indications of any
great advance in culture from the beginning to the
end.
Nadaillac, who, at the time he wrote his "Prehis
toric America," was inclined to attribute the mounds
of the region now under consideration to some other
o
people than the ancestors of the Indians found inhab
iting it, remarks as follows in regard to the length of
the mound-building age :
"From the mounds themselves we can learn noth
ing. A lapse of thirty centuries or of five would ac
count equally well for the development of the civiliza
tion they represent. Stronck ascribes the erection of
some of the mounds to the earliest days of our own
era, and thinks that some of them must have been
abandoned between the sixth and twelfth centuries.
The margin, it is evident, is wide. Force, in fixing
on the seventh century as the most flourishing period
of these people, and Hellwald, in making them con
temporary with Charlemagne, would appear to indorse
to some extent the hypothesis of Stronck. Short, in
an excellent work on the North American Indians,
tells us that one or at the most two thousand years
only can have elapsed since the mound-builders were
compelled to abandon the valleys of the Ohio and its
tributaries, and but seven or eight hundred since they
retired from the shores of the Gulf of Mexico.
Lastly, the early explorers found mounds occupied
152 Study of North American Archaeology.
and even being constructed within the last few hun
dred years. So we must content ourselves with the
conclusion that, whatever the period of their initia
tion, it is probable that what may be called the epoch
of mound-building, but recently terminated, has been
of very long duration. These estimates, divergent
as they are, may serve to give some idea of our ig
norance in regard to the actual antiquity of these
ruins."
As mound-building in this division had not ceased
when Europeans appeared upon the scene, it may be
inferred from the data presented that one thousand
years preceding that date would suffice for the begin
ning and development of the custom and for the con
struction of all the known works. That it may have
continued for a much longer time is not denied ; all
that is claimed here is that there is nothing which has
as yet been found pertaining to the mounds and other
ancient works of the division which bears incontesta
ble evidence of reaching back more than a thousand
years previous to the discovery by Columbus.
Prehistoric Movements of Population.
An examination of a map showing the localities
of the antiquities would lead, without other evidence,
to the conclusion that the larger streams mark the
lines of migration, as it is along these the works are
chiefly ranged. But the interior of these monuments
when exposed by excavation tell a different tale, at
least so far as the two great streams, the Mississippi
and Ohio, are concerned. These inform us in terms
too clear to be misunderstood that the migration has
been across these water highways instead of along
Duration of the Mound-Building Age. 153
their courses. There is no stretch along the Missis
sippi where mounds and contents of a similar type
line either side for a greater distance than the western
bank from Dubuque to the Des Moines river, Iowa.
As we move up and down, we find repeated changes
from one type to another, indicating the presence of
different tribes or different customs. However, art
lines and even custom lines often cross ethnic lines
or fail to coincide therewith. The chief pottery
belt, sweeping round in a crescent from middle
Tennessee through western Kentucky, southern Illi
nois and south-eastern Missouri, culminating in east
ern Arkansas, must, in the golden age of the mound-
builders, have embraced two or three, if not more,
tribes, belonging apparently to different stocks. In
Tennessee and southern Illinois the chief mode of
burial was in box-shaped stone sarcophagi, a mode of
sepulture almost entirely unknown in that part of the
crescent west of the Mississippi.
Comparing the antiquities of the different sections
of the division, it would seem that some in the
Gulf States, in Ohio, south-eastern Indiana, and in
Illinois, in the vicinity of St. Louis, bear indications
of greatest age, while those of New York and Canada
present the fewest evidences of antiquity. That the
latter are attributable to the Iroquoian and possibly
Algonquian tribes inhabiting those sections at the time
they were first visited by the whites, is now generally
conceded, but the particular tribes or even stocks to
whom the former are to be ascribed is yet an unsettled
question. The author has given reasons in previous
publications for believing that some of the principal
works in Ohio and the valley of the Great Kanawha,
154 Study of North American Archaeology.
West Virginia, are attributable to the Cherokees,
with whom he identifies the traditional Tallegwi or
Tallega. This view has also been adopted by some
leading authorities.
The fact that the mound-builders do not appear to
have extended their permanent settlements eastward
of the Alleghany Mountains, north of Tennessee and
North Carolina, would seem to mark this chain as an
important prehistoric boundary line. While various
speculations, more or less reasonable, may be based
on this fact, there is one deduction which it would
seem may be fairly drawn therefrom. This is, that
the mound-builders did not enter their territory from
the Atlantic coast ; or to be on still safer ground, that
the custom of building mounds was not derived from
that direction. Nevertheless, the culture and type
zones, so far as they have any bearing on the question
of prehistoric migration, appear to indicate that this
w^as along east and west lines. The chief stone-grave
area extends from southern Illinois to northern
Georgia ; it is almost exclusively along the same line
that the few stone images and certain types of copper
articles have been discovered ; and certain types of
mounds and pipes have been found chiefly along a
line extending from eastern Iowa through Ohio and
West Virginia to eastern Tennessee and western North
Carolina. The chief pottery belt has already been
mentioned ; and what may be appropriately termed
the Huron-Iroquois belt extends from the lower St.
Lawrence river to Lake Michigan. In the Gulf States
there is a strong general resemblance of types from
the Mississippi river to South Carolina. On the other
hand, the effigy mounds are confined almost exclu-
Duration of the Mound-Building Age. 155
sively to the region west of Lake Michigan ; and the
section void of mounds, as already stated, lies to the
east of the Alleghany range.
There are, however, some features which appear to
indicate erratic movements or the breaking away of
minor groups from the main bodies. The explora
tions made by Mr. Clarence B. Moore in the sand
mounds of north-eastern Florida have brought to
light a number of types which seem to show inter
course of the builders with the authors of the mounds
and stone-graves of middle Tennessee, though no
stone-graves are found in the Florida region. Two
or three effigies occur in Ohio and two in Georgia ;
and two or three tribes of the Siouan stock formerly
resided in North and South Carolina. The buttressed
walls of the inclosures in south-western Indiana and
west Tennessee heretofore referred to, of similar
type to those of Aztalan, Wisconsin, suggest another
wandering branch of the Wisconsin mound-builders,
probably Siouan. Another fact to be noticed in this
connection is, that the types of eastern Arkansas,
north of the mouth of Arkansas river, appear to be
wholly disconnected from those on the east side of the
Mississippi opposite thereto. The pottery, as before
stated, connects with the middle Tennessee types by
way of south-eastern Missouri and southern Illinois,
but there seems to be no connection between the op
posite sides of the river from the mouth of the Ohio
to the mouth of the Arkansas river. But this rule
does not appear to apply to the section south of the
latter, as there is some evidence here of ancient
intercourse in the resemblance seen in some of the
types.
156 Study of North American Archaeology.
Although the monuments indicate, to some extent,
movements of population, yet until those of a par
ticular class or locality can be assigned with reason
able certainty to a particular stock or tribe, they aid
but little in tracing these movements. Moveover, it
is presumable that during the mound-building age,
the mound-building tribes were generally sedentary.
The physical conditions of the section present no
features calculated to determine the chief line or
lines of migration. The great rivers have been re
ferred to as marking these lines, but, as has been
shown, the mound testimony does not favor this theory,
at least so far as it relates to the Mississippi and
Ohio, and the rivers south of the lakes, except per
haps the Wisconsin. The St. Lawrence and some of
the streams north of the lakes were apparently lines
of migration. There are, however, no physical reasons
why migrations within this area might not have been
in any direction. It is true there are some lines which
are traversed with greater ease than others, but there
are no physical features sufficiently prominent to
justify us in basing thereon a theory of migration.
It is necessary, therefore, to turn to language, tra
ditions, customs and folk-lore in any attempt to trace
the migrations of tribes which brought them to their
historic seats. Several theories have been advanced
as to the point or points of original entry, or direction
whence the immigrants came, but, as all except two
seem to have been abandoned, it is only necessary to
allude to these. One of them, which is advocated by
some of our leading ethnologists and linguists, is that
the initial point was on or near the north Atlantic
coast, and the general movement west and south. As
Duration of the Mound-Building Age. 157
the author has given his reasons elsewhere (American
Antiquarian, 1896) for rejecting this theory, they will
not be repeated here. That opinion which has gener
ally prevailed in the past, and is still maintained by a
large portion of the students of the present day, is
that the movement has been mainly from the north
west toward the south, south-east and east.
So far as linguistic and traditional evidence can be
traced, it leads to the conclusion that the general
movement, in prehistoric times, of the stocks in the
United States, was toward the south and the south
east. The body of the Siouan stock was about the
headwaters of the Mississippi river, while its offshoots
were in Arkansas, southern Mississippi and the west
ern part of Virginia and the Carolinas, the latter group
claiming to have migrated from the north-west. The
Iroquoin family was located, as above stated, around
Lake Ontario, one offshoot was in south-eastern Vir
ginia, and another, the Cherokees, about the head
waters of Tennessee river. The latter tribe, as ap
pears from traditional and other evidence, formerly
lived about the upper Ohio and were mound-builders.
That the widely separated localities of these outlying
bodies, from the stocks to which they belong, are
proofs of migration, can not be denied, and that the
direction of the movements was south and south-east,
seems apparent, from the fact that the offshoots are
all south of the main bodies.
Whatever theory is adopted, it must have in the
background a door of possible entry leading to a source
of supply (i. e. population) . The theory of an eastern
origin seemingly looks across the Atlantic to southern
Europe or northern Africa, and is so stated by some
158 Study of North American Archaeology.
advocates. The doorway open to the other theory,
which the author believes to be the correct one, will
become apparent in the sequel. As the writer has
given elsewhere (American Antiquarian, 1896-7) a
somewhat full statement of the supposed prehistoric
movements of population in the Atlantic division, a
brief summary only will be presented here.
The movements of the tribes of the Algonquian
family appear to have been toward the south, south
east and east, until the rising power of the Iroquois
and the planting of European colonies along the At
lantic coast caused a recoil and return toward the
west. This historic westward movement and certain
traditions referring to limited westward movements
west of Lake Huron, appear to have given rise to the
theory of an eastern origin. The initial point of the
Algonquian movement will appear, from a thorough
examination of the subject, to have been in the area
north and north-west of Lake Superior.
Mr. Gallatin, w^ho studied the languages of the
family with special care, expresses the opinion in his
"Synopsis of the Indian Tribes/ that the northern
Algonquins. those dwelling north of the lakes, were
the original stock. Dr. Horatio Hale, though main
taining a general movement westward and southward,
says in his "Indian Migrations" (American Anti
quarian, V.), "The country from which the Lenape
[Delawares] migrated was Shinaki the land of fir
trees/ not in the west, but in the far north, evidently
the woody region north of Lake Superior." Dr.
Brinton ("Lenape and their Legends"), remarks as
follows in regard to the tribal relations: "Which of
them [the dialects] had preserved the ancient forms
Duration of the Mound-Building Age. 159
most closely, it may be premature to decide positively,
but the tendency of modern studies lias been to assign
that place to the Cree, the northernmost of all."
The author has given in the papers above referred
to what he believes are sufficient reasons for conclud
ing that the Lenape migration, which probably in
cluded other tribes than the Delaware, crossed to the
south side of the lakes in the region of Michilimack-
inac, entering the southern Michigan peninsula. Here,
after a long halt, they divided, a part, probably the
Shawnees, going south ; another, possibly the Miamis,
remaining in southern Michigan ; the rest (the Dela-
wares, Nanticokes, etc.) moving onward toward the
Atlantic coast. That the Ojibwas, who were first
heard of by Europeans as living in the vicinity of Sault
Ste. Marie, formerly resided north of Lake Superior
near the Crees, with whom they are closely related
linguistically, is more than probable. As tradition
makes the Ottawas and Pottawotomis originally one
with the Ojibwas, they must have come from the same
quarter. The Mascoutens entered the southern Mich
igan peninsula at its northern point and passed around
the lake into Wisconsin. The Sacs and Foxes, mov
ing down the eastern shores of Lake Huron, came in
contact with the Hurons and were pressed westward
through southern Michigan into Wisconsin.
These westward movements are easily explained on
the theory advanced. Supposing the Algonquian
stream to have had its source in .the region south and
west of Hudson s Bay ; flowing south-east, the Huron-
Iroquois stock, located along the northern shores of
lakes Erie and Ontario, would be a barrier which would
turn its southern branch south and west precisely as
1GO Study of North American Archaeology.
the movements of the tribes appear to have been, and
which we know were accelerated at a later day by the
attacks of the Iroquois. The northern branch would
pass on toward the east along the Ottawa and other
streams. The Nascapee of Labrador, the most north
eastern tribe of the family, claim by their traditions
to have migrated from the west coast of Hudson s
Bay, and the close linguistic relation of the Montagnais
to the Crees and Ojibwas indicates that they came
from the same region. Dr. Hayden and G. B. Grin-
nel agree in locating the former home of the Siksika
(Blackfeet) far north in British America, the latter,
with a considerable array of evidence, as far north as
the Lesser Slave Lake. It would seem, therefore, that
the movements point to the region along the southern
and western shore of Hudson s Bay as the original
home of the family.
Some of the traditions, it is true, allude to the tidal
sea, but when these are carefully studied it will be
seen that they apply more readily to Hudson s Bay
than to the Atlantic Ocean or Gulf of St. Lawrence.
For example, it is stated in the Lenape Legend (Walam
Olum) that in leaving the sea and going toward the
east or south-east (as the north is spoken of as in the
rear), they moved up the streams in their canoes.
This will apply correctly to Hudson s Bay, but by no
possible straining to the Atlantic coast. That New
England and the Atlantic coast regions south to Vir
ginia were peopled from the Delaware group is the
prevailing opinion of ethnologists of the present day.
Little can be said in regard to the prehistoric move
ments of the Iroquoian tribes. That the offshoots in
Carolina and Virginia came from the north is con-
Duration of the Mound-Building Age. 161
ceded. It is also conceded that the entire family, ex
clusive of these offshoots, resided in former times
north of the St. Lawrence, and the weight of evidence
leads to the conclusion that they preceded the Algon-
quins in the occupancy of the eastern region. If the
conclusion reached in regard to the movements of the
Algonquins is accepted, it would seem reasonable to
assume that the Iroquois moved in the same general
direction. Moreover, if the place where they were
encountered by the Lenape was at the west end of
Lake Erie, as seems probable from the tradition of the
latter, this would indicate that the Hurons were, at
this early date, immediately east of Detroit river. Dr.
Daniel Wilson, basing his conclusion on a tradition
that they formerly dwelt by the side of the sea, locates
this primal seat on the Atlantic coast north-east of the
mouth of the St. Lawrence. But this tradition might
as well apply to the shore of Hudson s Bay as the At
lantic coast, as the dim remembrance of having dwelt
by the side of the sea would naturally have been trans
ferred by them, after long residence on the St. Law
rence and a knowledge of the ocean, to its shore. It
is significant that Brownell, whom he quotes, says :
"Some fanciful tales of a supernatural origin from
the heart of a mountain ; a migration to the eastern
seaboard ; and of a subsequent return to the country
of the lakes and rivers, where they finally settled,
comprise most that is noticeable in the traditions of
the Six Nations prior to the confederation." This
tradition appears to furnish the key to the problem,
and indicates a western origin.
The opinion advanced by some ethnologists that the
11
162 Study of North American Archaeology.
movements of the Siouan tribes in prehistoric times
have been from the south-east to the north-west is
based chiefly on the archaic character of the dialects
of the eastern tribes (Tutelo, Saponi and Catawba)
and theory of general westward movements. How
ever, it is admitted that the Winnebago dialect
stands in relation to the Tutelo as the Mohawk to
the Huron in the Iroquoian family. The opinion,
however, that these southern tribes are offshoots
from the main body of the family group in the north
west seems to be too well grounded to be overturned
by anv evidence or arguments which have, as yet,
been presented.
It is well known that the great body of the family at
the earliest notice of them obtained by Europeans was
located in the north-west chiefly about the headwaters
of the Mississippi. The tradition of the south-eastern
tribes, as given by Lederer and others, is that they
came from the north-west. Gallatin says that the
tradition of the Towas, Missouris, Otos, Omahas and
Poncas (Siouan tribes) is, "that, at a distant epoch,
they, together with the Winnebagoes, came from the
north ; that the Winnebagoes stopped on the banks of
Lake Michigan while they continued their course
southerly, crossed the Mississippi, and occupied the
seats in which they were found by the Europeans."
Most of the south-western tribes claim that they are off
shoots from the Winnebagos, a claim which Dr. Hale
says Mr. Dorsey has shown by linguistic evidence to
be correct. The general trend, therefore, of the evi
dence is that the place of dispersion was in the north
west, and that the course of migration has been south
and south-east. The tradition of the lowas refers to
Duration of the Mound-Building Age. 163
crossing some water in the region of the great lakes
in their journey from the north-east. The Winne-
bagos, according to Schoolcraft, claim to have come
from some point north of the lakes, apparently around
the east end of Lake Superior. It would seem prob
able from their relation to the Sioux and Assiniboins
of the north-western plains that all had come from
some locality north of Lake Superior and west of
Hudson s Bay, the western tribes moving south
around the west end of the lake and the Winnebagos
and their offshoots around the east end. The Siouan
migrations were probably in advance of those of the
Algonquins, and it is possible that the Tutelo and
other south-eastern tribes separated from the Winne-
bago group in the region of Michilimackinac and
passed south through Michigan and Ohio.
Although there are traditions in regard to the mi
grations of the Muskhogean tribes, we learn but little
therefrom except the fact or belief that they came
from some place in the west. On this point there are
no dissenting views ; but from what place or region
in the west is an unanswered question. That they
and other tribes of the Gulf States had long resided
in that section when first encountered by Europeans,
is indicated by the numerous monuments scattered
over the south, which, as the evidence shows, are at
tributable to these aborigines. According to Mr.
Gatschet, wahali, the Hitchiti word for "south"
(which appears to be the same as the Creek term,
wahali} signified originally "down-stream." This
would seem to imply that it had been adopted from
the course of the Mississippi and the rivers east of
that stream. It is not probable that a term with this
164 Study of North American Archaeology.
signification would have been adopted for "south"
while residing west of the Mississippi.
A notion has prevailed, to a considerable extent,
that the builders of the principal earthworks of Ohio
and Kentucky moved south, and were incorporated
into the tribes of the Gulf States or were ancestors of
these tribes. A careful study of the Ohio works,
their mode of construction and their contents, does
not confirm this theory ; in fact, the evidence they
furnish is decidedly against it, as it shows that there
is a marked distinction between the mode of construc
tion and contents of the works of Ohio and those of
the Gulf States. A few of the Kentucky works ap
pear to be of the same types as some of those in the
south ; on the contrary, however, those of Tennessee
are essentially different, if we except some found
along the Savannah river. We therefore derive little
aid on this question from the antiquities. That the
Muskhogees moved from the north, southward, is quite
probable, in fact may be assumed, and that they pre
ceded the other stocks, which we have mentioned, in the
occupancy of the district, may be considered as evident.
Whether they moved southward on the east side of
the Mississippi or west of it, can not be decided ; how
ever, the weight of evidence and authorities appears
to be in favor of the west side.
Perhaps we are not advancing too far into the field
of conjecture in assuming with Morgan a possible re
lation of some kind, at a very distant date, between
the Muskhogean and Siouan groups.
It is a singular fact that Mr. Gatschet, without
having any reference to this supposition, remarks as
Duration of the Mound-Building Age. 165
follows in his work on the "Migration Legend of the
Creeks":
"One of the most ancient features of an Indian
language is reduplication for inflectional purposes.
In this we observe a thorough difference between
Maskoki and the languages west of the Mississippi
river. In Maskoki, the second syllable is the redupli
cated one in adjectives and verbs ; west of the river,
at least in Tonica, Atakapa, and Tonkawe, it is the
first one. Linguists able to appreciate this circum
stance fully, will not deny that it is of great weight in
separating certain classes of linguistic families from
each other, and consequently, to assign them different
areas in primordial epochs. The Sahaptin and the
Dakotan excepted, no other linguistic family of North
America is known to me which reduplicates for inflec
tional (not for derivational) purposes in the same
manner as Maskoki."
These, it is true, are but slight pointers ; neverthe
less, as they drop into place with other indications,
we are justified in adopting this supposition until
some sufficient reason for abandoning it is presented.
It has been suggested in the past by one or two
authorities, although the idea has not received any
modern support, that the ancestors of the Iroquoian
and Siouan families were at a very remote date
united, or in other words, that the two groups had
the same origin.
It would seem from what has been presented, that
the prehistoric migrations of the different stocks, if
they have been traced with reasonable certainty, point
to a primitive home north of Lake Superior.
There is another fact which appears to have some
166 Study of North American Archaeology.
bearing on the question of the general course of migra
tion in this section. This is the distribution of copper as
revealed by mound explorations. Although the writer
is inclined to believe that more of the copper found in
mounds was derived from foreign sources than is gen
erally supposed, it is nevertheless certain that the
larger portion was obtained from the mines of the
Lake Superior region. Numerous specimens from
this source have been found in all parts of the mound
area, even to the extreme east and south-east. It is
true that the use of this metal would, after its discov
ery, gradually travel back along the line, though the
migration was westward ; yet its early distribution, as
shown by its presence in the oldest mounds, would in
dicate a long acquaintance with the source of supply.
And this acquaintance would have been much earlier
if the migration was from the north-west than if it
had been from the east. If the tribes in the north
west came from the east, the movement would have
been north-westward, and, after the discovery of the
copper mines of the Lake Superior region, the knowl
edge of it and the custom of using it would have been
carried onward by the migrating tribes. It appears,
however, that precisely the contrary is the fact. We
learn from "Notes on the Western Dene," by Rev. A.
G. Morice, who has been for many years a mission
ary to that people and is well acquainted with their
customs and traditions, that although they made some
use of copper in prehistoric times, it appears from
their traditions that it was brought from the north
western coast.
Rev. E. Petitot (Rapport succinct sur la Geologie
des valles de I Athabascan) says : "Before the arrival
Duration of tlie Mound-Building Age. 167
of Europeans in the valley of the Mackenzie, the
Yellow-knives and the Dog-ribs were acquainted
with the use of the native copper, which they found
on the borders of the Copper-mine river. Of this
they manufactured knives, from which they received
their name. They made use at the same time of pol
ished stone. Therefore we have here the contempo
raneity of polished stone and bronze. The Hares
(Peaux-de-Lievre) , on their part, who were ignorant
of the use of copper and did not give themselves the
trouble to polish their instruments of stone, had dis
covered the length of the Mackenzie to the mouth of
the river L e ota-la delin . " It appears from these facts
that the copper used by these north-western tribes was
not brought from the Lake Superior mines, but from
other more northern and western sources. How far
north-west Lake Superior copper is found in mounds
is unknown to the writer. It is at any rate reason
able to suppose it was in use among the Crees, but not
among any tribe north and west of them. If this be
correct, it is a fact having an important bearing on
the questions relating to the trend of the general mi
grations. It indicates that these migrations were
south and east, instead of north-west.
Another fact which has a strong bearing on the
questions relating to the migrations of the Siouaii
tribes, which has not been mentioned, is that the
north-western tribes of the family, or at least most of
them, did not cultivate the soil, did not rely upon
agriculture for any portion of their subsistence in
fact, when first encountered by the whites, cultivated
no corn. If they had resided in the Ohio valley be
fore going to the north-west^ unless previous to the
168 Study of North American Archaeology.
cultivation of this cereal in the southern section, they
would undoubtedly have acquired the custom and
carried it with them. There is, however, no one, it is
presumed, who will contend that this movement was
at such an early date as to precede the cultivation of
this cereal, for it is not likely they would have left this
region, which is one of the most attractive in the At
lantic section, except under strong pressure from
other tribes.
Some general remarks in regard to Indian migra
tions will be presented in a future chapter.
The Pacific Division. 169
CHAPTER XII.
THE PACIFIC DIVISION.
This division, as already stated, embraces all the
western part of North America, including the whole
of the great mountain divide to the eastern ridge of
the Rocky Mountain chain, the Athapascan territory
on the north, and all of Mexico and Central America
on the south. The ethnology and archaeology of the
intermontane region appear to be closely allied by
most of their leading characteristics to those of the
Pacific slope, while on the other hand they are quite
distinct from those of the Atlantic division ; hence
the ethnology of the mountain region must, as would
naturally be presumed, be included in the Pacific di
vision.
If we take Major Powell s Linguistic Map accom
panying the 7th Annual Report of the Bureau of
American Ethnology, and draw a line from the mouth
of the Rio Grande to the extreme headwaters of the
upper Saskatchewan river, and another thence to the
vicinity of Hudson s Bay near the mouth of Churchill
river, these will correspond very closely with the lines
separating the two great divisions as herein outlined,
and also almost exactly with the dividing lines be
tween the linguistic stocks of the two great divisions,
if the Athapascan be included in the Pacific group.
This stock has usually been considered as belonging
to the Atlantic slope, as it is found chiefly east
170 Study of North American Archaeology.
of the Rocky Mountain range ; however, as will ap
pear further on, all the affinities of the group are with
the Pacific division, and, although some of the tribes
have long been in contact with, or in the vicinity of
the Algonquin Crees of the Hudson region, they still
exhibit more of the north Pacific types in their cus
toms, arts, etc., than of the Atlantic.
No attempt will be made here to designate the dif
ferent culture areas composing this division, as our
knowledge in regard to the archaeology of California
and the regions north, and of north-western Mexico is
too imperfect to justify us in so doing. However, as
a matter of convenience in making comparisons and
to avoid repeated explanations, the division will be
considered in four geographical sections, as follows :
1. The Mexican section, including most of Mexico
and all of Central America, embracing the region of
the most advanced civilization of ancient North
America.
2. The Intermontane or Pueblo section, including
o
the region extending from the western border of
Texas to California and from central Utah to Zaca-
tecas in Mexico. In other words, the region of the
Pueblos (in the modern sense in which that term is
used) and cliff houses.
3. California.
4. The Northern section, including the coast region
north of California to the Eskimo territory, and the
area occupied by the northern Athapascans east of the
Rocky Mountain range.
The North Pacific Section Athapascan Region.
As the marked variations in several respects found
The Pacific Division. 171
in the different parts of the area included in this sec
tion forbid any general classification of types appli
cable to the whole section, brief reference will be made
to these different parts successively.
Turning again to the linguistic map above men
tioned, it will be seen that the northern Athapascan
group covers the larger portion of Alaska and north
western British America. There are two or three
small outlying colonies on the coast of Oregon and
California, while the southern group of the family
spreads over the larger portion of Arizona and New
Mexico, extending to an undefined distance into
northern Mexico. The important bearing which the
distribution of this stock has upon the question of
prehistoric movements in the Pacific division will be
referred to hereafter ; at this point reference will be
made only to the northern group.
The area occupied by this northern group offers
very little, in fact next to nothing, in the line of an
tiquities, and hence has been entirely overlooked in
works relating to prehistoric America ; nevertheless,
there are some types of art which have come down
from prehistoric times, some indications of former
position that are valuable as a means of comparison.
Neither mounds, fortifications, nor earthworks of any
kind are found in this region, and but few artefacts
belonging to a former age have been discovered.
From Kev. A. G. Morice, to whom we have
heretofore more than once referred, who has given
special attention to their language and customs, we
learn the following facts : Tobacco and the use of
the pipe were unknown to them until about 1792.
The earliest form of their pipe appears to have been
172 Study of North American Archaeology,
obtained from their neighbors immediately south.
Most of their stone implements, some of which were
still in use a century ago, were comparatively rude
and but partly polished. Some of the tribes, how
ever, had made more advance in this respect than
others, yet their finest specimens were obtained by
barter from the seacoast Indians. Their so-called
stone axes or more correctly, celts when hafted,
were really adzes, as that shown in Fig. 7, which
could not be used in cutting wood crosswise. There
seems to be a strong similarity in the use of this im
plement among the Dene (as the northern Athapas
cans will be designated here this, according to
Morice, being the correct native name of the people)
to its use among Eskimos, especially those Eskimos in
the vicinity of Point Barrow. Mr. Murdoch (9th
Annual Report Bureau of American Ethnology) says :
"Though axes and hatchets are frequently obtained
(by the Eskimos) by trading, they are never used as
such, but the head is removed and rehafted so as to
make an adze of it."
The other stone implements, which consist almost
wholly of arrow and spear points, scrapers, and
knives, present no marked peculiarities. A few
pestles have been found, also a kind of stone war club.
(Fig. 67.) Rev. Morice, from whose work our figure
has been copied, says that, although the specimen
figured has a portion of the larger end broken off, the
outline has been drawn from comparison with other
specimens. To the knob at the small end was
fastened a buckskin line which being firmly wound
around the wrist prevented loss of the instrument in
battle. This find is at least interesting from the fact
The Pacific Division. 173
that another implement similar in form, which ap
pears to have been used for a similar purpose, was
discovered some years ago in Bent county, Colorado.
This specimen (Fig. 68) , according to the finder, Mr.
Fig. 67. Dene stone Fig. 68. Stone war-
war-club, club, Colorado.
J. B. Aldrich, quartermaster in the United States
army, was dug out of a mound situated just south
of the Arkansas river in Bent county, south-eastern
Colorado. He says : "It was the theory of Kit Car
son, who accompanied the command, that it had been
secreted there by some of the Comanche or Apache
Indians, who then occupied the territory. The hole
was filled with the remnants of the loop made of
vegetable fiber." (The Apaches, as has been stated,
are an offshoot of the Athapascans.) Its marked re
semblance to the traditional weapon of the New
Zealanders, known as Patu-patu, was noticed and
mentioned by the Smithsonian cataloguer. How
ever, Judge Wickersham, who is familiar with the
antiquities and art of the north-west coast, says
weapons of this type were common from Alaska to
174 Study of North American Archaeology.
southern Oregon. The most serviceable carving-
knives among the prehistoric Dene were beaver teeth
sharpened by rubbing on a stone.
Morice thinks the prehistoric Dene made but scant
use of copper, though it was not unknown to them.
Petitot says that, previous to the arrival of Europeans
in the valley of the Mackenzie, two of the tribes the
Yellow Knives and Dog-Ribs made use of native
copper which they obtained along Coppermine river.
However, some of the copper articles in use, or copper
out of which they were formed, appears to have been
obtained from the coast Indians. As might be in
ferred from their extreme northern position, pottery
and clay articles were unknown to them, their vessels
being made of the bark of trees.
Brief as this notice is of the antiquities of this re
gion, it covers about all that can be said in general
terms regarding them. So far as comparison can be
made between the customs, arts and beliefs of the
Dene and surrounding peoples, they appear to be
most nearly related to those of the coast tribes. The
northern Dene were an inartistic people, having made
less advance in this respect than the Eskimo north of
them and less than the tribes west or south. Their
chief importance in the study of prehistoric North
America is the evidence furnished by their distribu
tion, of the lines and general course of migrations in
the Pacific division.
It was a great triumph of linguistic science when it
made known to the world that the Apaches of Arizona
and northern Mexico, the Hupas of California, the
Navajos of Arizona and New Mexico, certain small
tribes on the coast of Oregon, and the Lipans near the
The Pacific Division. 175
mouth of the Rio Grande, are relatives of the northern
Dene and parts of the great Athapascan stock, who
had, in prehistoric times, made their way southward
to the regions they are found inhabiting.
It is quite probable that Mr. Gatschet is correct in
tracing the route of these two detached portions of the
great family along the eastern base of the mountains.
"This southern branch of the Tinne race," he re
marks, "detached itself in early ages from the Chip-
ewayans, or from such other tribe in their vicinity
to which the dialectic affinities of both may direct us
after a close investigation. They followed the buffalo
herds along the eastern base of the Rocky Mountain
ridge to the Pecos river, and then took possession of
the arid regions along the upper and lower Rio Grande
and the Gila river." Their former positions, so far
as these have been ascertained, appear to correspond
with this supposition. Mr. F. W. Hodge, who has
studied the subject, is inclined to believe that the ap
pearance of the Navajos in Arizona and western New
Mexico is a comparatively recent event, antedating
but little, if any, the first appearance of the Spaniards
in that region.
It is reasonably certain that some of the offshoots
from this family which moved south, and finally set
tled in what is now Oregon, \vere turned westward at
the great flexure of the eastern mountain-range in
western Montana. Here, leaving the headwaters of
the Missouri, they must have moved westward over
the easy passes to the regions beyond ; or their pass
age over the range must have been at some point
further north. Possibly the more southern branches
may have crossed the range from the headwaters of
176 Study of North American Archaeology.
the Missouri and moved southward through Idaho and
Utah, though the route suggested by Mr. Gatschet
appears to be the more likely one. However, be the
conclusion in regard to the routes what it may, the
evidence that the movements were southward and
that the northern group represents the original stock,
and the northern position the original home, is not
questioned. Another important conclusion to be
drawn from these facts is, that the broad, treeless
plains were a greater barrier to east and west migra
tions than the great Eocky Mountain ranges. It is,
perhaps, legitimate to conclude that the route to the
south-east was barred by prior occupants. It is ad
mitted by Sir Alexander Mackenzie, and affirmed by
other explorers, that the Dene entered their known
habitat from some section more to the north-west, ap
parently on or near the Pacific coast, and were in
part looked upon as comparative strangers in the
southern portion of the region occupied by them.
The North Pacific Coast.
The physical conditions of the northern coast re
gion, which must have had some influence in shaping
the customs, beliefs and arts of the people, are
widely different from those of the section inhabited
by the cliff-dwellers, and also of California in fact,
as near the opposite extreme as they well could be.
The territory is mostly very broken and mountainous,
and the coast sections much divided and deeply in
dented by bays and water channels. The waters are
deep and the tidal currents swift, the tide rising
through a range of twelve to twenty feet, making
navigation in places extremely hazardous, yet travel
The Pacific Division. 177
is and has been mostly by water. The country is, as
a general rule, densely wooded with spruce, hemlock,
white pine, fir, beech, etc., a condition well calculated
to give a somber hue to the beliefs and superstitions
of the people. As we should readily infer, the inti
mate relations of the inhabitants with the sea is
strongly reflected in their superstitions, symbolic fig
ures, and art.
The most advanced culture of the section is found
among the Haidah Indians, who have, from prehis
toric times, inhabited the Queen Charlotte Islands
and parts of Prince of "Wales Archipelago. They
have considerable taste in the use of colors ; are ad
vanced in the art of drawing ; their carvings in wood
and slate show a high degree of culture in this re
spect. Our interest, however, lies chiefly in the fig
ures which they carve in slate and wood, weave into
their textile fabrics, paint on their dwellings, and
tattoo upon their bodies, as many, perhaps most, of
these have come down from prehistoric times, and
serve to throw some light on their past.
One of the first things to attract attention in study
ing these figures is the persistent effort to introduce,
wherever it is possible, conventionalized human and
animal faces and forms. Take, for example, the pic-
tograph shown in Fig. 69, which w copy from the
excellent work by Ensign A. P. Niblack on "The Coast
Indians of Southern Alaska and Northern British
Columbia," representing T kul, the wind spirit, and
cirrus clouds, explaining the Indians belief in the
causes of the changes of the weather. The central
figure is T kul. On the right and left are his feet, in-
12
178 Study of North American Archaeology.
dicated by long streaming clouds. Above, at the
sides of the head, are the wings, and on each side are
Fig. 69. North-west coast pictograph.
the different winds, designated by an eye and repre
sented by patches of cirrus clouds.
Fig. 70. Ceremonial dress of Chilkat chief.
The Pacific Division.
179
Another characteristic custom of this north-west
coast region is the tendency to place one figure on
another in their carved totem posts and paintings,
and even in their tex
tile fabrics. Fig. 70
represents the ceremo
nial dress of a Chilkat
chief. Brown, yellow,
black and white are
the colors used, and
the chief figures are
conventional represen
tations of Hoorto, the
bear. In Fig. 71, cop
ied from Niblack s
work, is represented
a totem post from
the north-west coast,
and for comparison,
one (the right-hand)
from New Zealand.
In these, which are
not the most charac
teristic that might be
selected, we see clearly
displayed the custom
of placing symbolic
figures one above an- Fi s- 71 - Totem P sts of north-west
other in the same
group. In many of these posts, as seen in that at
the left of the figure, we observe the lolling tongue,
often stretching down to some animal figure below.
This mania, if we may so call it, for introducing
180 Study of North American Archaeology.
symbolic figures, is carried to such an extent that we
find them not only in the places indicated, but also
on their war-clubs, oars, masks, rattles, and even on
their fish-hooks.
The strong general resemblance which many of
these figures bear to some of those found in Central
America is too evident to be overlooked, whatever
may be the explanation given. The method of
bounding and grouping the various symbols or indi
vidual pictographs, as seen in Fig. 69, reminds us,
in the general appearance, of the forms and method of
grouping in the Maya hieroglyphic writing and
sculptured inscriptions. The superimposed square
faces on the ceremonial robe (Fig. 70) are almost a
repetition in idea and form of the square, conven
tionalized face series seen in the facades of some of
the ancient Yucatec structures, as the Casa de Monjas
(Fig. 101), sculptered front at Kabah, etc. The cus
tom of placing one figure upon another, human and
animal, as in the totem posts, also appears to some ex
tent in Central America. We also find in this south
ern section the lolling or protruded tongue, as in the
Sun Tablet of Palenque and elsewhere.
The resemblance between some of the north-west
coast figures and forms seen on the pottery and other
works of art of the Province of Chiriqui, as presented
by Mr. Holmes in the Sixth Annual Report of the
Bureau of American Ethnology, is remarkable. Re
semblances in other respects might be pointed out,
but those given will suffice to direct attention to lines
of research which may prove fruitful in results.
They are the more important from the fact that they
The Pacific Division. 181
are not found when we cornpare with them the types
of California and of the Atlantic side of the continent.
On the other hand, there is a strong general sim
ilarity between the figure types of the north-west
coast and those of the South Pacific islands, a resem
blance which has been repeatedly mentioned by
writers, even by those who draw no inference there
from as to affinity, relationship or prehistoric inter
course between the peoples of the two sections. The
use of labrets and masks are customs of this north
west section unquestionably handed down from pre
historic times ; and although in use among tribes in
different parts of the world, have some bearing in the
former relations of the people of this section. The
custom of wearing labrets appears to have been
formerly in yogue among the western Eskimo and
southward to Puget sound, in Mexico, and thence
southward to the Isthmus of Darien and among a
number of South American tribes on both sides of
the Andes. What renders it important in the study
of the prehistoric times of North America is the fact
that there is no evidence that it prevailed at any time
in the interior or eastern portion thereof, and that it
was never in vogue in that portion of the western
coast between Columbia river and Mexico. Why it
should have spread along this western border of the
northern continent among widely diverse ethnic
stocks, yet skipping the California region as tabooed
territory, is a question difficult to answer. In this
fact, however, we see another of those strange links
apparently connecting the customs of the north-west
coast with those of the Central American region.
The use of masks in ceremonies, dances, etc., was
182 Study of North American Archaeology.
an important custom of the tribes of the north-west
coast and in Mexico and Central America. Although
in use among the western Eskimo, they were, accord
ing to Dr. Bessels, unknown in Greenland. It also
appears to be certain that the use of masks by the
people of the Atlantic side of the continent was com
paratively rare and formed no prominent feature of
their festivals and ceremonies. The custom of tattoo
ing, which prevailed in certain sections of the west
coast, appears also to have been a survival from pre
historic times, and forms an item of evidence in study
ing the relations of these tribes.
The articles of stone formerly in use in this section
are, as a general rule, similar to those of the Eskimo
already mentioned. The exceptions are the carved
slate articles of the Haidahs on the one side and
the stone lamps and pots of the Eskimo on the other
side.
The earliest mention of the mode of burial only
reaches back to the latter part of the eighteenth cen
tury. Dixon describes the method followed by the
Yakutat as follows :
"The manner in which they dispose of their dead
is very remarkable . They separate the head from the
body, and, wrapping them in furs, the head is put
into a square box ; the body in a kind of oblong chest.
At each end of the chest which contains the body, a
thick pole about ten feet long is driven into the earth
in a slanting position, so that the upper ends meet
together, and are very firmly lashed with a kind of
rope prepared for the purpose. About two feet from
the top of this arch a small piece of timber goes across,
and is very neatly fitted to each pole ; on this piece of
The Pacific Division. 183
timber the box which contains the head is fixed and
very strongly secured with rope ; the box is frequently
decorated with two or three rows of small shells, and
sometimes teeth, which are let into the wood with
great neatness and ingenuity ; and as an additional
ornament is painted with a variety of colors, but the
poles are uniformly painted white. Sometimes these
poles are fixed upright in the earth and on each side
the body, but the head is always secured in the posi
tion described."
The same explorer found in a cave a square box
with a human head in it. Instances of cave burial
are also mentioned by other authors, but in each case
the box containing the remains was present. Van
couver describes some graves on Keku Strait as fol
lows :
"In the vicinity of these ruins were many sepul-
chers or tombs, in which dead bodies were deposited.
These were made with a degree of neatness seldom
exhibited in the building of their habitations. A
wooden frame was raised about ten feet from the
ground, the upper half of which was inclosed, and in
the open part below in many, though not all, of them
was placed a canoe. The flooring of the upper part
was about five feet from the ground, and above that
the sides and top were entirely closed in with boards,
within which were human bodies in boxes, wrapped
up in skins or in matting. These repositories of the
dead were of different sizes, and some of them con
tained more bodies than the others ; in the largest
there was not more than four or five, lying by the
side of each other, not one appearing to be placed
above the rest ; they were generally found near the
184 Study of North American Archaeology.
water side, and very frequently on. some conspicuous
point. Many of these sacred monuments appear to
have been erected a great length of time, and the
most ancient of them had evidently been repaired and
strengthened by additional supporters of more mod
ern workmanship. Hence it would appear that what
ever might be the enmity that existed between the
several tribes when living, their remains when dead
were respected and suffered to rest quietly and unmo
lested."
However, it seems that cremation was formerly
very common, probably the usual mode of disposing
of the dead, the ashes being deposited in boxes
mounted on columns, or on shelves or compartments
in the columns.
The ancient villages indicate a state of warfare.
Those discovered by Vancouver on Kupreanoff Island
were all situated on the summit of a precipice or steep
insular rock, rendered by nature almost inaccessible.
These, in addition to their natural advantages, were
strongly fortified with a platform of wood laid on the
most elevated part of the rock and projecting so far
at its sides as to overhang the declivity. The edge of
the platform was barricaded with logs of wood placed
one on another. In some instances houses were
placed on high posts.
Mention is made of mounds near Comox, one hun
dred and thirty miles north-west of Victoria, which
were found to have been built of sea sand, black mold
and shells, some of which contained skeletons. Shell
mounds are also described as abundant on Vancouver
Island. From these have been obtained stone ham
mers, arrow-points, spear-heads, knives, needles and
The Pacific Division. 185
awls of stone and bone, and a few stone mortars. As
we move south through Washington and Oregon into
California, we find the mortar becoming more and
more common among the prehistoric articles, indicat
ing a larger use of seeds and other vegetable foods,
one type being somewhat boat-shaped, with a projec
tion at one end in the form of a duck s bill as a han
dle ; others cylindrical or hemispherical. Other
pecked or polished stone articles also become more
numerous, and the variety of chipped implements also
increases. A number of original drawings and pho
tographs accompanying a manuscript presented some
years ago to the Smithsonian Institution by Mr. A.
W. Chase, of the U. S. Coast Survey, on the Shell
Mounds of Oregon, show a large variety of stone ar
ticles. Among the chipped implements, which are
chiefly of agate, jasper, obsidian and sandstone, some
of which are finely finished specimens, are arrow and
spear-points of almost every known form, knives,
scrapers, etc. Among the other stone articles are
mortars, pestles, perforated disks (spindle whorls?),
three or four specimens of the supposed war-club
mentioned above, cylindrical pipes, mullers, paint
cups, and a number of specimens w^hose use is un
known. The articles figured on the plates accom
panying this manuscript number some four or five
hundred. This collection was made chiefly along the
coast in the extreme south-west corner of Oregon.
Unfortunately, no detailed description of explora
tions is given ; in fact, most of the articles appear
to have been gathered from the surface, chance
openings and some slight excavations, the author
186 Study of North American Archaeology.
haying no opportunity to make more thorough ex
plorations.
Most of the articles figured by Mr. Chase, other
than the chipped stone implements, belong to that
class which may be called the California type.
California Section. 187
CHAPTER XIII.
CALIFORNIA SECTION.
Until a more thorough investigation of the antiqui
ties of the Pacific coast, north of Mexico, has been
made, it will be unsafe to attempt to outline the minor
culture areas of this region ; however, it is evident
that the prehistoric articles of California, and, to
some extent, of the contiguous sections, present cer
tain peculiarities which justify us in speaking of them
as the "California type." The differences between
the customs and monuments of the former inhabi
tants of this region and those of the people who lived
further to the north, has been, as will hereafter be
shown, specially noticed by Mr. Powers in his excellent
work on "The Tribes of California."
Although investigations into the archaeology have
been carried on to but a limited extent, a large num
ber of native utensils have been discovered and many
burial deposits located. Yet, when we take into con
sideration the large number of independent, native
linguistic stocks found along the California and
Oregon coasts, one is surprised at the limited number
of types found in this region, especially throughout
California. Some of the leading types of southern
California are shown in Fig. 72. These were dis
covered by Mr. Paul Schumacher, several years
ago, near San Luis Obispo. The pots were carved
out of magnesian mica ; many sandstone mortars
188
Study of North American Archaeology.
different in dimensions but similar in form were found,
one of the largest of which is shown in the figure, the
pestle being of the same material. Quite a number
of bowl or cup-shaped articles, measuring from one
and a quarter to six inches in diameter, were obtained.
These, two specimens of which are shown, were neatly
worked out of serpentine, the surface being well pol-
^HB||*.
Fig. 72. Eelics from southern California.
ished. None of these domestic implements appear
to have been intentionally injured before being de
posited with the dead.
It is claimed that the New Almaden quicksilver
mines were worked by the natives for the purpose of
obtaining vermillion, long before the coming of the
Spaniards. The excavation made by the original
California Section. 189
miners was long supposed to be a natural cavern, ex
tending about one hundred feet horizontally into the
hill ; ultimately, however, some skeletons, rude mining
tools and other evidences of human presence revealed
the secret. In various localities about Monterey, in
addition to the usual mortars, arrow and spear-heads,
holes have been discovered in the living rock, which
are supposed to have been used as mortars for pound
ing acorns and other seeds ; it is possible, however,
that they are holes from which pot forms were ob
tained.
An interesting class of California antiquities which
have caused considerable discussion, is that which in
cludes aboriginal remains discovered in the mining
districts at considerable depths below the surface of
the ground, and, in some instances, beneath successive
layers of different rocks and earths, and in connection
with fossil bones of extinct animals. The following
notice of some of these finds is quoted from Mr. Ban
croft s "Native Races of the Pacific States."
"Of all the counties, Tuolumne has apparently
proved the richest in antiquarian remains. From the
mining tunnels which penetrate Table Mountain there
was taken, in 1858, a stone mortar holding two quarts,
at a deptli of three hundred feet from the surface,
lying in auriferous gravel under a thick strata of lava.
In 1862, another mortar was found at a depth of three
hundred and forty feet, one hundred and four of which
were composed of lava, and eighteen hundred feet
from the mouth of the tunnel. This relic is in Mr.
Voy s collection, accompanied by a sworn statement
of the circumstances of its finding. Dr. Snell is said
to have had in his possession, in 1862, a pendant or
190 Study of North American Archaeology.
shuttle of silicious slate, spear-heads six or eight inches
long, and broken off at the hole where they were at
tached to the shaft ; and a scoop, or ladle, of steatite.
These relics were found under Table Mountain at the
same depth as the preceding, together with fossil bones
of the mastodon and other animals, and are preserved
in the Smithsonian Institution and in the museum of
Yale College. The cut represents a stone mortar and
pestle, found in Kincaid Flat in clayey auriferous
gravel, sixteen or twenty feet below the surface, where
many other stone implements, with bones of the mas
todon, elephant, horse and camel, have been found at
different times. A bow handle, or shuttle, of mica
ceous slate found here will be shown in another cut
with similar relics from a different locality.
"At Shaw s Flat, with bones of the mastodon, a stone
bead of calcspar, two inches long and the same in cir
cumference, was taken from under a strata of lava at
a point three hundred feet from the mouth of the tun
nel. A granite mortar, holding about a pint, came
from the same mining town.
"At Blanket creek, near Sonora, stone relics and
bones of the mastodon were found together in 1855.
Wood s creek was another locality where stone relics
with fossil bones, including those of the tapir, are re
ported to have been dug out at a depth of twenty to
forty feet.
"The famous Calaveras skull was taken from a
mining shaft at Altaville, at a depth of one hundred
and thirty feet beneath seven strata of lava and gravel.
The evidence was sufficient to convince Prof. Whitney
and other scientific men that this skull was actually
California Section. 191
found as claimed, although, on the other hand, some
doubt and not a little ridicule have been expressed
about the subject. Many stone mortars and mastodon
bones have been found about Altaville and Murphy s,
but not under lava."
Prof. Dall, in a note to the American edition of
Nadaillac s "Prehistoric America," says :
"No reasonable person who has impartially re
viewed the evidence brought together by Whitney,
and who saw, as we did, the Calaveras skull in its
original condition, can doubt that it was found, as al
leged by the discoverers, in the auriferous gravels below
the lava. The only question to which some uncer
tainty still attaches itself among geologists is, that of
the true age of these gravels in geological time ; and
whether all the extinct species of which remains are
found in them were contemporaneous with the deposi
tion of the gravels, and with the then undoubted pres
ence of man."
Without entering into a discussion of the questions
which arise in connection with these finds, it is apparent
that the presence of polished and pecked, or, in other
words, neolithic implements, exactly like those from
graves and refuse heaps, wholly forbids the supposition
that here we find evidence of preglacial man. This
appears to be the growing conviction of modern scien
tists, though it has not as yet received the assent of
all. How these comparatively recent prehistoric ar
ticles reached the depth where found is a question left
to scientists to solve.
From the account of some excavations made near
Santa Barbara by the survey under Lieutenant
Wheeler, the following information in regard to an-
192 Study of North American Archaeology.
cient burials, relative to the position and character of
the objects discovered, is obtained. It should be noted,
however, that, although a number of refuse or kitchen
heaps were in the immediate vicinity, the burials had
not been made in these, nor were they in mounds, but
in places where the surface of the ground presented
no unusual features, except that it appeared "to be
slightly depressed at these points, and that here and
there ribs and vertebrae of "whales protruded above
the soil,
"Two feet below the surface the first indications of
burials were reached, quantities of broken bones being
met with at every stroke of the spade, interspersed
with pieces of whales bones and decaying red-wood.
At a depth of five feet, the first entire skeleton was
found in position, and near it several others were
subsequently uncovered ; in all of them the head
fronted northward, the face was downward, and the
lower limbs w r ere extended. Over the femur of one
of the skeletons was a flat plate of steatite, a sort of
soapstone, twelve or fourteen inches square, with a
hole in one end, which was called a tortilla-stone,
its probable use having been for cooking cakes, or
tortillas, or else for heating water, the hole in the
end serving to draw it from the fire when thoroughly
heated. In rear of the skeleton, and to one side of
the plate, was an oil a, or jar, of steatite, broken, but
containing some fine glass beads and human teeth ;
and behind this, a stone pestle of symmetrical shape,
about three feet in length, of a hard species of sand
stone, and another plate of steatite, and two large
ollas of over five gallons capacity, their mouths or
apertures fronting north ; and just above was a single
California Section. 193
cranium facing the cliff, face downward, and on top of
it a single femur. Continuing the excavations toward
the cliff, a small sandstone mortar was exhumed,
containing a mass of red paint, and in its immediate
vicinity a large number of beads of glass and shell,
with ornaments made from the lamina of the abalone
shell, which is common to this coast, being found in
great abundance on the islands some twenty miles
distant. Digging still farther, other skeletons were
found in similar positions, but in many instances the
low^er limbs were flexed upon the body, while in a few
cases the fingers of the right hand were in the mouth.
One skeleton was that of a child, near which were
found beads, ornaments, tortilla-stones, and two more
ollas, one of which contained portions of the cranium
of a child. This skeleton had apparently been
wrapped in a kind of grass matting, as small portions
were found attached to the bones and scattered near
by. In the olla containing the head bones of the
child were a great number of small black seeds,
smaller than the mustard seed, which w^ere recognized
by one of the laborers as a seed used by the present
California Indians and natives in making demulcent
drinks and eye-washes."
Further excavations are described as follows :
"In one trench, a number of crania and bones were
found, in similar positions to the first met with, and
also several fine ollas, tortilla-stones, mortars and
pestles. All these utensils were invariably in the im
mediate vicinity of the heads of the skeletons ; in
fact, in many instances, the crania were covered by
large mortars, placed orifice down. In the second
13
194 Study of North American Archaeology.
trench, the digging was in an easterly direction, and
the first discovery was that of a skeleton and a frag
ment of iron near the right hand, probably a knife or
spear-head, which, archaeologically speaking, was a
source of great grief to us, our hope being that no
remnants of Spanish civilization would be found in
these graves. It could not be helped, however,
though a great deal of prehistoric romance was at
once destroyed. Near this skeleton was another, and
by its side the first pipe met with, which was similar
in appearance to a plain modern cigar-holder, and
consisted of a tube of the stone called serpentine,
eight inches long, the diameter of the wider orifice
being a little over an inch. At the smaller end was a
mouth -piece, formed from a piece of a bone of some
large water-fowl, and cemented in place by asphaltum.
How these pipes were used with any degree of comfort
is impossible to surmise.
"Continuing this excavation, the next discovery
was a steatite olla containing a skull, differing in
many respects from those found in the graves ; if from
one of the same tribe, it shows marked differentiation.
Near the olla was a large sandstone mortar, over two
feet in diameter, and behind it another olla, contain
ing more bones, and another pipe, 10i inches in
length, and near this latter article a smaller olla filled
with red paint. It should have been mentioned that
from this trench was procured a femur, showing evi
dences of fracture through the neck of the bone,
which had become absorbed, the head uniting to the
upper portion of the shaft between the greater and
lesser trochanters. Further search revealed at the
same depth a mortar, covered by the shoulder-blade
California Section. 195
of a whale, which also contained the skull of an in
fant, covered with an abalone shell, while near by
were paint, a piece of iron, a nail and various shell
ornaments and beads. Near at hand, to the rear,
were a broken mortar and pot, underneath which w T as
a small olla, the whole covering the skull of a child ;
and a little deeper, a skull resting upon a fine, large,
pear-shaped steatite olla, the outside of reddish color.
These remains appear to have been inclosed in a sort
of fence, as a plank and stakes of decayed redwood
were near by. At the bottom of this trench, just
above the firm clay, and under all the specimens just
described, was a fine sandstone pestle , 17i inches in
length.
"Continued in the same trench, advancing in a
northerly direction toward trench No. 1. At a depth
of four feet w^ere two skeletons, and near them was a
square cake of red paint ; alongside were two more
skeletons, over one of which was a large mortar,
mouth downward, and close by another similar uten
sil. Under this skeleton were an instrument of iron
fourteen inches in length, a long iron nail and two
pieces of redwood, much decayed. A little farther in
was a small canoe, carved from steatite. All the
skeletons were face downward, heads to the north.
In trench No. 1, the digging was continued in a
southerly direction. The first object encountered was
an enormous mortar, twenty-seven inches in diameter,
with its pestle near by. This article was on its side,
the mouth toward the south ; around it were no fewer
than thirty crania, some in a fair state of preserva
tion, and others very friable, broken and worthless.
Lying on top of this mortar, on further removal of
196 Study of North American Archaeology.
the earth, was an almost entire skeleton, with frag
ments of long bones and of steatite pottery. As sur
mised by some of the party, the perfect skeleton was
that of a chief, and the remains those of his slaves
slain with him, which is at least a possible, if not a
plausible, view of the case."
Although the results of other excavations are de
scribed, those mentioned will suffice to show the
modes of burial and the character of the antiquities
in this locality. The same party discovered the
method of obtaining from steatite ledges the pot-
forms, or masses out of which pots were to be carved.
In the somewhat extensive collection made by
Lieutenant Wheeler s party in southern California are
a number of beautiful specimens of long, slender,
chipped flint implements supposed to have been used
as knives. Some of these are ten inches in length,
and specimens have been found fifteen inches long.
Most of the pots (stone) obtained were of the globular
form. The stone pipes were almost exclusively of
the straight, cylindrical type without bowl, or, in
other words, a simple cylinder. These are made of
steatite, talcose slate or serpentine, and vary in length
from three to ten inches. They are usually smooth
and plain, an occasional one only being ornamented
by encircling or diagonal grooves. Perforated stone
disks, or supposed spindle whorls, form a large part
of the collection, these being found in great abun
dance on the main line and islands of southern Cali
fornia. A few stone articles made to represent the
whale were found. The bone articles obtained em
brace needles, awls, fish-hooks, harpoon-points, knives
and a variety of ornaments. Remains of basket
California Section. 197
work and textile fabrics were also discovered, some of
which, however, indicate contact with Europeans, as
do also a number of iron and glass articles obtained
from the graves.
The almost total absence of pottery from this sec
tion contrasts strongly with the great abundance
found in the pueblo region, though most of the ves
sels of the two regions are similar in form. The ab
sence of carved figures or imitative designs, and also
of ornamentation of any kind, is a marked peculiarity
of the antiquities of this region. The angular de
signs so common in the pueblo region, and even
farther south, are wanting here. Utility alone seems
to have been the ruling motive in all their manu
factures, decoration being entirely overlooked.
The following statements by Mr. Stephen Powers
(Vol. Ill, Contributions to North American Eth
nology) , who has made a careful study of the Cali
fornia tribes, may be appropriately quoted here :
"The fact of the almost total lack of ceramic re
mains, and the character of the relics found in
Alameda and other shell-mounds, show that the
present race must either have supplanted or de
scended from one which was little more advanced
than themselves. The few simple stone implements
used by the California Indians resemble, in their
main purpose and design, those of the extinct races
exhumed in the shell-mounds, only they are conspicu
ously ruder and simpler. Take the stone mortars,
for instance. The prehistorical mortar is carefully
dressed on the outside, and has three general shapes,
either flattish and round or shaped like a duck s egg
with the bowl on the side, or else with the bowl in the
198 Study of North American Archaeology.
large end and the small end inserted into the ground,
or cylindrical with the bowl in the end. But the In
dian now takes a small bowlder of trap or greenstone
and beats out a hollow in it, leaving the outside rough.
Whenever one is seen in possession of a mortar
dressed on the outside, he will acknowledge that he
did not make it, but found it ; in other words, it is
prehistorical. The prehistorics used hahdsomely
dressed pestles, sometimes embellished with rings ;
but the squaw now-a-days simply picks up a long,
slender cobble from the brook.
"The prehistorics of California carved out long,
heavy knives or swords, of obsidian or jasper, which
were probably kept as family heirlooms, from genera
tion to generation, to be paraded as jewelry or borne
aloft as a sort of mace on certain solemn occasions.
The Indians of to-day have the same articles and use
them for the same purpose ; but their inferiority to
their predecessors shows forth in the fact that they no
longer manufacture them, but confine their ambition
to keeping them in the family.
"The prehistorics made out of sandstone or other
soft stones a small and almost perfect sphere as an
acorn-sheller ; but the squaw nowadays simply selects
for this purpose a smooth cobble from the creek bed.
"In the collection of Mr. A. W. Chase, of the
United States Coast Survey, there are spindle-whorls
of stone, some of them found in mounds raised by
extinct tribes and others found among the Klamath
Indians and the Noamlakki in gravel-mining claims.
The Indians of this day use no such implement for
any purposes whatever. Near Freestone, Sonoma
county, I saw in possession of the finder what was
California Section. 199
probably a spindle-whorl of pottery, the only instance
of the kind I know of.
"In regard to tobacco pipes the deterioration is not
so manifest, for I have seen serpentine pipes of as
handsome workmanship as any obtained from the
mounds, though even these may be old heirlooms.
But I still think there is deterioration shown in the
fact that the Indians nowadays use so many wooden
pipes of the rudest construction ; though we have no
means of showing that their ancestors did not use
equally poor ones, since their wooden pipes, if they
had any, have perished.
"Then again, as to the shell-mounds themselves, I
am of the opinion that they are merely the accumu
lations of a race of men who dived for clams, as the
"Wintun of the Upper Sacramento do to this day, to a
limited extent. In other words, the Wintun and
other tribes are descended from a people who were
more energetic and industrious than themselves."
While this indicates a retrogression in art on the part
of the modern descendants of the former inhabitants,
it applies more to quality and finish than to types.
It is also apparent that Mr. Powers recognizes in the
modern Indians of California the descendants of the
authors of the antiquities of that region. Hubert
Bancroft, alluding to California and the coast region
north to Columbia river, asserts that at the time he
was writing (1875) , there had not been found and re
ported on good authority a single monument or relic
which is sufficient to prove that the country was ever
inhabited by any people whose claims to be regarded
as civilized were superior to those of the tribes found
by Europeans in this section. The presence of iron
200 Study of North American Archaeology.
and glass articles in some of the graves proves beyond
question contact with Europeans, and the general
similarity of the articles found in these and the most
ancient graves, seems to leave no doubt of their
having been made by people in the same culture-
status, having the same general customs, though they
may have belonged to different tribes and possibly
different stocks.
Prehistoric Movements of Population.
If the reader will examine Major J. W. Powell s
linguistic map showing the location of the Indian
stocks north of Mexico, he will find, if we may use
the term, a singular ethno-geographic condition in
this west coast region. Between Columbia river and
the southern end of California, and extending back
but a comparatively short distance into the interior,
are crowded more than half the stocks noted on the
entire map, yet covering less than half the area occu
pied by the Shoshonean family which bounds their
eastern borders. Among these are seen three detached
groups of the great Athapascan family, a fact which
may possibly assist, to some extent, in solving the
singular problem which is here presented. Are
these remnants of larger stocks which occupied
this region prior to the coming of the Shoshones,
which have been reduced by the latter and pressed
toward the coast? That the diminutive size of the
groups and their crowded condition indicate such a
pressure seems apparent. However, the problem is a
difficult one, and will probably never be satisfactorily
solved.
California Section. 201
That the movements of population in the Pacific
division, from the fifty-fifth degree of latitude to the
borders of Mexico, were southward, is generally con
ceded by those who have given attention to the sub
ject. Mr. Stephen Powers not only mentions tradi
tions of movements from the north toward the south,
but gives as his conclusion, based on his personal in
vestigations, that such was the general course of mi
gration, in fact speaks of it as a point clearly estab
lished.
Judge Roseborough, in a letter quoted by Hubert
Bancroft, writes :
"In an ethnological view, the languages of these
various tribes is a subject of great interest. They
seem to be governed by the geographical nature of the
country, which has had much influence in directing
the migrations and settlement of the various tribes in
this state, where they have been found by the whites ;
and there have been in remote times at least three
currents, or lines of migration, namely: first, one
along the coast southward, dispersing more or less
toward the interior as the nature of the country and
hostile tribes permitted. In so broken and rough a
country the migrations must have been slow, and the
eddies numerous, leaving many fragments of aborigi
nal tribes here and there, with language and customs
wholly dissimilar. Second, that along the Willamette
valley, over the passes of the Calapooya, across the
open lands of the Umpqua, southward through the
Rogue river valley, into Shasta and Scott valleys.
As an evidence of this trace, I may mention that all
the tribes on this line, from the Calapooya mountains
southward to the head of Shasta and Scott valleys,
202 Study of North American Archaeology.
speak the same language, and were confederate in
their wars with the tribes on Pitt river, who seem to
have arrested their progress southward.
Thirdly, another wave of migration evidently came
southward along the Des Chutes river, upon the great
plateau of the lakes, which is borne out by a simi
larity of languages and customs, as well as by tra
ditions."
Powers remarks in regard to this opinion, "I am
inclined to accept this theory, and indeed before I had
ever seen Judge Roseborough s letter, I had come to
a similar conclusion in regard to the line of southward
migration along the coast." Dr. Gibbs, an accepted
authority, so far as he alludes to the subject, indicates
that the movements in Washington and Oregon have
been southward ; that of some of the interior tribes
he thinks has been toward the south-west.
Further reference to the subject will be made here
after in discussing the general course of migrations in
the Pacific division.
The Intermontane or Pueblo Section. 203
CHAPTER XIV.
THE INTERMONTANE OR PUEBLO SECTION.
Mr. Hubert Bancroft in his arrangement of the Pa
cific regions, extends considerably the boundaries of
this interior section, including under the designation
1 New Mexicans," the nations of New Mexico, Ari
zona, Lower California, Sonora, Sinaloa, Chihuahua,
Durango, Coahuila, Nuevo Leon, northern Zacatecas
and western Texas. However, it seems best to limit
it for the present as outlined in a previous chapter,
following chiefly the archaeologic indications.
The physical characteristics of this region are so
wholly different from those of the mound section as
to lead a priori to the assumption that here we may ex
pect to find evidences of a widely different culture.
Instead of a well- watered country, with a rich soil,
covered in most parts by heavy forests, we enter here
upon a region traversed by numerous detached and in
tersecting ranges, between which lie arid regions,
half-desert areas with low scanty vegetation, and
occasionally fertile valleys, with a scant water sup
ply. Isolated peaks and broad, level mesas arise from
the plains. The elevated plateaus are gashed by in
numerable canons, usually dry except for a short time
during the limited rainy season, or rather brief rainy
spells.
Many of the canons of this south-western region,
which are now dry and parched, with little vegetation
204 Study of North American Archaeology.
save the low gray sage brush, and entirely devoid of
inhabitants, were, in prehistoric times, occupied by a
people who built their little villages or communal
dwellings against the base of lofty cliffs, or high up
the sides in the caves and shelves ; or excavated cell-
like abodes in the face of the precipices. Sometimes
the level top of a lofty mesa was selected as the site
of the village, or where the danger from incursions
was not great, the level valley. Mr. G. Nordenskiold,
in his most excellent work on the "Mesa Verde," of
south-western Colorado, has classified these works
geographically according to the river systems, as he
thinks there are sufficient differences between the
types of these systems to justify this arrangement.
1. The ruins along the upper course of the Rio
Colorado and its tributaries, from the Virgin rivr.
2. The ruins of the Rio Grande and its tributaries.
3. The ruins of the Gila river and its tributaries.
He classifies the various remains, topographically,
as follows :
1. Ruins in the valleys, on the plains, and on the
plateaus.
2. Ruins in caves in the walls of the canons.
It is probable, however, that a more correct idea of
the different types will be obtained by the reader from
a slight modification of Mr. Holmes s classification,
thus : 1, settlements or villages in the valleys and on
the plains ; 2, settlements or villages on the high
plateaus or mesas ; 3, cliff-dwellings, consisting of
single or communal houses built in the openings,
shelves and rock-shelters in the cliffs ; and 4, the
cave-dwellings hollowed out, in most cases artificially,
in the face of the cliffs. That the sites selected for,
The Intermontane or Pueblo Section. 205
and mode of constructing the last three, were with a
view to security against attack, and greater probabil
ity of successful defense, seems apparent.
Cave Dwellings, or Artificial Cavate Abodes.
These, so far as discovered, occur chiefly on the
west side of the Rio Grande, between Santa Clara and
Cochiti, a stretch of some seventy-five or eighty miles ;
and in the San Juan valley, especially in the section
above the mouth of the Rio Mancos. The elevated
portions of the former section are composed chiefly of
a yellow volcanic tufa of coarse texture, sufficiently
soft and yielding to be readily carved or worked out
with the stone implements possessed by the ancient in
habitants. The cliffs rise perpendicularly to the
height of from fifty to two hundred feet above the
sloping talus or debris which extends downward to
the bottom of the canons. It is in the lower part of
these perpendicular cliffs the former inhabitants hol
lowed out their dwelling-places like so many hermit
cells.
The process of forming these strange abodes ap
pears, from the indications, to have been about as fol
lows : The doors, which are usually somewhat square,
were first cut into the face of the cliff to the depth of
about a foot, then the work of hollowing out the room
began. This is generally oval or irregularly rounded,
about twelve feet in diameter, and only of sufficient
height at the lowest point to permit a full-grown
person to stand upright. The inside was excavated
by scraping grooves several inches deep at intervals of
several inches, and breaking out the intermediate
portion. In this way the work progressed until the
206 Study of North American Archaeology.
room reached the desired size. Along the inner walls
of these rooms are little niches and recesses used as
places for storing household articles, ornaments, etc.
Generally there are small holes or mortises in the side
close to the roof, from some of which the decayed ends
of wooden beams still project. These were probably
used, as is still the custom in some of the Pueblos, as
poles on which to hang blankets and clothing or meat
to dry. In addition to the door opening, the outer
wall is sometimes pierced by one or two irregular
holes which probably served as windows. Although
there are abundant evidences in the blackened roofs
of the use of fire in these dwellings, there are no fire
places. In many cases there are rows of holes across
the outside front, which received the ends of beams
forming the support to balconies.
In addition to the foregoing description, it may be
added that in some cases the roof is arched, and the
doors narrowed at the top. In many of the caves ex
amined there is a firm and level floor of fine, red clay ;
and on the sides the remains of a coat of plaster, con
sisting of yellow and red clay. The lower part of the
walls is occasionally plastered in one color and the
upper part next the roof in another, a broad, dark-
brown stripe being the line of demarkation. In some
cases, smaller caves are found back of a larger one,
communicating with the main room by means of tiny
doorways.
Although these caves usually open at the top of the
talus or sloping debris which lies against the base of
the cliffs, here and there are some situated higher up
the face of the precipice, while below them are seen
the hollows of former abodes from which the front
The Intermontane or Pueblo Section.
207
<
walls have fallen away. It is probable that in the
latter case the front was built up of stone, as imme
diately at the foot of the cliff rough-hewn blocks are
found. The face of a cliff showing the openings to
these caves is seen in Fig. 73
From Mr. Holmes s "Report on the Ancient Ruins of
South-western Colo
rado, it appears that
the manner of walling
up the front of the
cave- dwellings , a s
here given (Fig. 73) ,
i s frequently o b-
served along the
bluffs of the Rio
Mancos, where, in
corresponding cliffs
of shaly sandstone,
there are many ex
amples. The walls
in many cases are
well preserved, hav
ing a somewhat
recent appearance,
while all about, high
and low, are others
in various stages of
decay. In one place
a picturesque out
standing promontory is literally honey-combed with
these cave-houses, the outer openings to, and aper
tures communicating between them, being of barely
sufficient size to allow a person of ordinary propor-
Fig. 73.
Manner of walling up the front
of cave dwellings.
208 Study of North American Archaeology.
tions to pass through. On the brink of the promon
tory immediately above stands the ruin of a tower,
undoubtedly bearing some relation to the people who,
like swallows, had made their nests in the face of the
cliff. As there were other towers on high points
along the stream, it is probable they were used as
lookout and signal stations, from which warning could
be given in time of danger. Mr. Holmes visited and
measured seven along the lower fifteen miles of the
course of the Bio Mancos. He found that they
ranged from ten to sixteen feet in diameter, the re
mains yet standing varying from five to fifteen feet in
height. Near the mouth of the river is a double cir
cle or rather two circles tangent to one another. The
smaller, which is fifteen feet in diameter, is the tower
proper, the standing portion being still from eight to
ten feet high. The larger circle, about forty feet in
diameter, appears to have been simply an inclosure, but
for what purpose is unknown.
Cliff-dwellings.
Although this term, when strictly used, refers to
those single or communal houses constructed in the
shelves and recesses of the cliffs, yet we may include
under it those dwellings which are built against the
base of the cliffs.
These cliff-dwellings, or rather, as Nordenskiold
remarks, "cliff-towns," are in some respects the most
remarkable ruins of the south-west. They occur at
various points throughout the Rio Colorado basin.
Nearly all of the Mesa Verde ruins belong to this
class ; they occur along the banks of the Rio San
Juan and in the canons and valleys which open on
The Intermontane or Pueblo Section. 209
its north bank, and are reported further west in south
eastern Utah in the now almost uninhabited region
between the Rio San Juan and Rio Colorado. Al
though the regions west of the latter river have been but
little explored, it appears that they are by no means
uncommon there. Even the recesses in the vicinity
of the Grand Canon, whose mysterious depths were first
described by Major J. W. Powell, do not appear to have
been too gloomy and forbidding to afford the cliff-dwell
ers a home . Safety and security against some inveterate
foe was apparently one chief object in view in selecting
places for their abodes, yet there must always have been
some reference to agriculture and a water supply.
Referring to a special locality, it may be said that
throughout the entire length of the Mancos Canon,
and in all its subdivisions, fortress-like buildings have
been erected of rough hewn blocks of sandstone in
shallow recesses and on narrow ledges, often high up
the cliffs in almost inaccessible situations. These
structures, in consequence of their position under an
overhanging vault of rock, are generally well pre
served, -though they have been abandoned possibly
for several centuries, yet possibly in historic times.
Not only the stone walls, but also in many cases, the
beams of the floors between the different stories are
well preserved. Even wooden articles, textile fabrics,
bone implements, and other articles are often found
amid the debris which fills the rooms. It is claimed
that in this region alone there are as many as five
hundred of these dwellings.
As there is but little variation in the general char
acter of these ruins, a description of one or two ex
14
210
Study of North American Archaeology.
amples will suffice to give a somewhat correct idea of
the type. For this purpose a description by Mr.
Holmes of buildings on two ledges of a cliff in Mancos
Canon is selected. They are at least eight hundred
feet above the river, the
lower five hundred feet of
the height being the slop
ing debris ; the remainder
the cliff of massive sand-
-^^p^?^^i|rjj stone full of wind-worn
*." T^H niches, crevices and caves.
Within one hundred feet of
the top of the cliff, set in a
deep niche, with arched,
overhanging roof, is the
|$ mm upper house, its front wall
%" built along the very brink
Fig. 74. Cliff-dwelling on the Eio of a sheer precipice. Thirty
Mancos. feet below, in a similar
niche, is the large house,
with a long line of apertures. A section of the cliff
showing the position of a dwelling, though not the one
described, is given in Fig. 74.
The lower house occupies the entire floor of a niche
sixty feet long, running back fifteen feet at its greatest
depth. The front walls are flush with the precipice,
and the partition walls extend back to the rock be
hind. Portions of the walls have fallen away, but
the main building, which contains window-like open
ings, is still thirteen or fourteen feet high. The
arrangement of the rooms of the left portion is some
what complicated, the most striking feature being a
circular room. The estufa or ceremonial room was
The Intermontane or Pueblo Section. 211
something, as it would seem, their exacting supersti
tions could not omit, howsoever great the danger
which threatened them, or whatever might be the
cost of labor and convenience. The inside of this
room is curiously fashioned, with offsets and box-
shaped recesses. It is plastered smoothly ; and the
entrance to it from the left is through a walled and
covered passage of solid masonry, so small, however,
as to necessitate abject crawling in order to pass
through. The partition walls between the rooms do
not appear to have been built up to the rock over
head. The apertures in the front wall are about five
feet from the floor, and may have been intended for
some other purpose than as windows, as they are
comparatively small.
By digging, the explorers found, in one of the
small rooms to the left of the circle, a large earthen
vessel, and in the larger room opposite, another of
the same kind. These were of the corrugated or
coiled type. Beneath the vessels, spread out on the
floor, was a large piece of rush matting, and beneath
it a quantity of fine vegetable tissue, made from the
interior bark of some tree.
The rock between this ruin and the one above is
smooth and vertical, the only access to it being by a
stairway cut in a narrow sloping face at the extreme
left, which terminates at the top in the very doorway
to the dwelling. The position of this ruin is one, as
Mr. Holmes terms it, "of unparalleled security both
from enemies and from the elements." The almost
vertical cliff descends abruptly from the front wall,
and the arched roof of solid stone projects forward
some fifteen or twenty feet beyond. The house occu-
212 Study of North American Archaeology.
pies the entire floor of the recess, which is about one
hundred and twenty feet long and extends back only
ten feet at the deepest point. The rooms in this case
are all formed by partition walls running squarely
back from the front, in which are doors for inter
communication. While digging in the rubbish, the
explorers found in one place a quantity of beans, and
in another, grains of corn.
In one of these houses, called the "Long House,"
from its long, straggling, semicircular form situated
partly on the sloping talus at the base of a cliff and
partly in recesses Mr. Nordenskiold found, according
to the plan he gives, no less than fifteen estufas or
kivas. At the extreme left is a triangular tower, the
cliff forming one of the walls, which still stands at
its full height of four stories, though the uppermost
room is too small for other use than a place for
storage. The building material consists of the same
soft sandstone as the vault of rock. These stones,
generally a little larger than ordinary bricks, and
seldom too large to be handled without difficulty, are
roughly hewn and cemented with mortar. The walls
are about one foot thick. The ascent from story to
story appears to have been by means of stones pro
jecting from the walls, or strong pegs driven into the
latter, as nowhere in these ruins, nor in any of this
region, have remnants of ladders been found, though
many wooden articles are well preserved.
As a rule, human remains are seldom found in con
nection with ruins of this class. However, in one in
stance, Mr. Nordenskiold was so fortunate as to dis
cover the remains of eight individuals among, or in
connection with, the ruins of a single cliff-dwelling.
The Intermontane or Pueblo Section. 213
This ruin of the Mesa Verde has received the local
name of "Step-House," from the fact that a stone
stairway leads upward from it to the top of the mesa.
These remains were not found in the building, but in
the space immediately adjoining, and appear to have
been in shallow, oval excavations, barely of sufficient
size to admit the body on its side after the knees had
been drawn up against the breast. All appear to
have been buried in this manner.
One of the graves contained the half-mummified
remains of a child. It had been wrapped in a kind
of feather cloth. A grave near that of the child con
tained the remains of an adult, which had been
wrapped in matting made of osiers. Four earthen
vessels had been buried with the corpse, one of which,
a bowl, was turned over the head. There were also
two other bowls and a mug. A third grave contained
the remains of an adult completely mummified. The
head had been covered with a skin cap and the feet
with moccasins of the same material, and the body
wrapped in a kind of net of cords, spirally wound
about with strips of hide, on which the hair was still
partly preserved when the grave was opened. The
wrappings were further secured by strips of yucca
leaf, under which thick bunches of cedar bast hacl
been inserted. Under the body lay a mat of withes ;
the head rested on a short, rounded block of wood ;
another mat was spread over it. The grave in which
it was buried was oval in form, as were all the others,
and about two feet deep. In front of the face was a
basket full of corn-meal, covered by a handsome bowl
turned upside down over it. By the side of the bas
ket lay a small ladle, or spoon, and between the two
214 Study of North American Archaeology.
a corn-cob. Both basket and meal were well pre
served, the latter being of a slightly yellowish color
and rather coarse. Some of the graves had been cov
ered by placing round poles across them at intervals
of a foot or so, and a heavier pole lengthwise over
the middle of these. This was covered with a mat,
on which was placed a broad flat stone, and the whole
covered with a layer of earth about a foot in depth.
All the skulls showed signs of artificial depression.
Of the articles unearthed at this locality we note
the following, in addition to those mentioned : A
large black jar ; a bundle of reeds, probably intended
for arrow-shafts ; a large piece of flint of the kind
used in manufacturing arrow-heads ; a number of
well-preserved ears of corn ; a piece of cotton cloth ;
some woven baskets of yucca ; pieces of a white,
kaolin-like substance, wrapped in corn husks and
lying in the bottom of a jar, probably used in the
manufacture of pottery ; the entire shell of a pump
kin.
If the articles mentioned were left by the occupants
of this cliff-dwelling, their departure therefrom can
not be dated very far back in the past. Although a
dry climate, where decay was slow, as shown by the
partly mummified bodies, the preservation of some of
the articles mentioned for many centuries would seem
impossible. However, before further comment, at
tention is called to the ruins on the plains and mesas,
where we may suppose the people lived a more peace
ful life, and in less apprehension of constant danger
than is to be inferred from those described.
The Intcrmontane or Pueblo Section. 215
Ruins on the Plateaus and in the Valleys.
Throughout most of the Colorado basin, ruins of
stone buildings are quite common. Although remains
of single structures are occasionally seen, those of
communal buildings or villages are of most frequent
occurrence. Those of this class which have been
most thoroughly examined and described by explorers
are chiefly in the drainage area of the San Juan, as
for example on the Mesa Verde, in or along the val
leys of the Mancos, Las Animas and Rio de la Plata,
at the Aztec Springs in Montezuma Valley and in the
McElmo and Hovenweep canons. It is also known
that they occur on the wild plateau around the Grand
Canon, along the Colorado Chiquito, and in the re
gion lying between the last mentioned stream and the
San Juan ; however, 110 descriptions of these have
been published, nor is it known that any of them
have been thoroughly investigated. According to
Mr. Nordenskiold, to whom we are chiefly indebted
for this summary, the western limit of the Pueblo
ruins is the one hundred and thirteenth meridian, W.
A description of one of the most noted examples of
the class, accompanied by an illustration, will per
haps convey to the reader a more correct idea of the
type than any attempt at generalization. For this
purpose we select Mr. Holmes s description of the
ruins at "Aztec Springs," located in the depression
between the Mesa Verde and Late Mountains, a short
distance south-west from Cortez. The general plan
is shown in Fig. 75, the whole group covering an area
of about 480,000 square feet. The stone used is
chiefly the fossiliferous limestone which crops out
216
Study of North American Archaeology.
along the base of the Mesa Verde, a mile or more
away. As the amount of mason work is estimated by
Mr. Holmes at 1,500,000 cubic feet, the transportation
must have severely taxed the energies of a people who
were themselves their only beasts of burden and
Fig. 75. Euins at Aztec Springs.
means of conveyance. Nevertheless, the difficulty of
transportation in this case, except as judged by the
amount, was not so great as that necessary to fill an
almost inaccessible recess, high up in the side of a
precipice, with stone walls.
As will be seen by reference to the figure, there are
The Intermontane or Pueblo Section. 217
two groups of rooms, which, in the plan, look like
the meshes in pieces of netting. Prominent in the
village are two rectangular structures, one of which
occupies a central position, while the other stands at
a little distance on the outside. There are two circular
rooms in the left group, and another in the larger
square ; these are depressed in the center and are un
doubtedly estufas. The upper rectangular house
measures about one hundred by eighty feet, and
stands with the cardinal points to within five degrees.
The remaining walls, which are still from twelve to
fifteen feet high, are a little over two feet thick, built
of roughly dressed stone apparently laid in mortar,
and seem to have been double, with a space of seven
feet between. A number of cross walls at rectangular
intervals indicate that this space was divided into
apartments, as shown in the plan. The interior space,
which is somewhat depressed, was crossed, as is
judged by lines of fallen stones, by two partition
walls .
The network of fallen walls is so reduced that Mr.
Holmes was at a loss to determine whether they
formed a cluster of irregular apartments having low,
loosely built walls, or are the remains of an imposing
adobe structure, built after the manner of the ruined
pueblos of the Kio Chico valley.
The lower house, which stands outside of the vil
lage, is two hundred feet in length by one hundred
and eighty in width. The northern wall is double,
the space between the two about seven feet wide
being divided into rooms twenty-four feet long. The
walls on the other sides are low and are supposed to
have served simply to inclose the great court.
218 Study of North American Archaeology.
Near a dry wash that enters the St. Elmo from the
south is another ruin similar in character to that just
described. It seems to have been a compact village
or communal structure, consisting of a great number
of rectangular apartments and two circular buildings,
or towers. One of the latter is especially interesting
from the fact that it consisted of three concentric
walls, the space between the two outer ones about
five feet in width being divided into little rooms by
cross wall, or partitions. One of these cross walls,
still standing to the height of twelve feet, was pierced
by a window-like opening some distance from the
floor.
Villages of this type may be illustrated by ref
erence to those still in
habited in the Mold (Hopi)
B section. Fig. 76 is the
H. ground plan of one group
of the village of Hano or
Tewa as given by Mr. Vic
tor MindelefF in his "Study
of Pueblo Architecture,"
Eighth Annual Report of
Fie. 76. Village group. Arizona. ... ^
the Bureau of American
Ethnology.
Another type, of which a number of important
ruins have been discovered, is the true communal
pueblo, consisting of one chief composite structure,
semicircular or rectangular, surrounding two or three
sides of an open or inclosed area. These structures
consist of box-like rooms placed in three, four or five
rows ; the inner row next the inclosed area one story,
the next two stories, and so on to the outer one, rising
The Intermontane or Pueblo Section.
219
in steps or terraces. One of these, semicircular in
form, is shown in Fig. 77. The largest and most re-
Fig. 77. Ground plan of the Pueblo Bonito.
markable structures of this class in the Colorado
basin are situated in Chaco Canon, which is drained
by the Rio San Juan. That shown in the figure,
known as Pueblo Bonito, is about 530 feet long by
308 in width. The arrangement of the rooms is not
so regular in this instance as in some of the other
pueblos. There are also indications here that the
structure was not so large at first, but that two or
more additions have been made to it, from which we
judge that it was occupied for a considerable length
of time.
If we compare the ruins in Chaco Canon with the
cliff-dwellings in Mancos, says Mr. Nordenskiold, we
find several points of resemblance. In both localities
the villages were fortified against attack : in Mancos,
by their site in inaccessible precipices ; in Chaco
220 Study of North American Archaeology.
Canon, by a high outer wall, in which there were .no
doorways. Behind the outer wall, the rooms de
scended in terraces toward the inner court. One side
of the court was usually protected by a semicircular
wall. The roofs, which are flat in both sections, were
constructed in the same way ; the rafters, which
formed the support, were often allowed to project
beyond the outer wall as a foundation for a sort
of balcony, and the doorways w^ere nearly uniform in
dimensions. The pottery strewn every- where in
Chaco Canon resembles that of/ the Mesa Verde. We
are, therefore, concludes the writer, not without
grounds for assuming that the works of the two classes
are to be attributed to the same people, a conclusion
generally concurred in.
The Gila Valley and Chihuahua. 221
CHAPTER XV.
THE GILA VALLEY AND CHIHUAHUA.
Passing to the basin of the Rio Gila and valleys of
Chihuahua, we find that the character of the struc
tures changes, as here adobe is the chief material
used, while stone, as we have seen, is the material
preferred in the more northern regions alluded to.
Here the chief structure of a village was a building
of more compact form, of which the Casa Grande, so
often described and figured, may be taken as a type.
The interior, consisting of three or four stories, is
divided into rooms, one central in each story, or at-
least in the lower, and hence without light, except as
filtered through the other rooms. The numerous
ruins along the Salado, so far as the plans can be
understood from the rubbish heaps forming the re
mains, appear to indicate structures of substantially
the same type.
One of the best evidences of the somewhat ad
vanced culture of the former inhabitants of this re
gion is found in the works of irrigation in southern
Arizona, so well described by Mr. F. W. Hodge (Am.
Anthropologist, July, 1893) . It appears from this
paper that the ancient inhabitants of the Salado and
Gila valleys engaged in agriculture by artificial irri
gation to a vast extent. Judging by the remains of
extensive ancient works, many of which may still be
seen passing through tracts cultivated to-day, and
222 Study of North American Archaeology.
across densely wooded stretches, it is safe to say that
the principal canals constructed and used by the
former inhabitants of Salado valley supplied suffi
cient water to irrigate at least 250,000 acres. It is
evident from this single fact that the people, who
supplied themselves with food by such industrial
means as are indicated by this extensive system of
irrigating canals, were on the high road toward civ
ilization. Yet the valley of happy homes was des
tined by some dire calamity, probably of savage
warfare, to be turned into a desert.
Mr. Lumholtz found in the wild, rugged, unin
habited regions of the Sierra Madre numerous ruins
usually built of stone and perched on mountain tops.
Occasionally the buildings were surrounded by fortifi
cations. Others also of stone were observed in caves.
Some of these were three stories high, furnished with
small windows and doors in the shape of a cross.
Here and there were stone terraces built across narrow
glens, obviously intended for agricultural purposes.
Burial caves containing mummies were also dis
covered. These mummies, some of which still re
tained the hair and eyebrows, are of low stature, and
bear a marked resemblance to the Moki Indians, who,
as well as the Zunis, have a tradition that their ances
tors came from the south. Some examples of the so-
called "intrenched mountains" were observed by Prof.
W. J. McGee during his visit to Sonora in 1895.
There are numerous minor ruins in north-eastern
Sonora, but these are mostly comparatively modern,
and apparently the remains of Indian (Opata?) vil
lages destroyed by the Apaches. Near Carretas, in
Chihuahua, there are ruins of ancient habitations
which Mr. Bandelier, who examined them, thinks
The Gila Valley and Chihuahua. 223
present a different type from others mentioned. "The
appearance," he says, "which these ruins present is
strikingly different from that of any of those investi
gated by me in Sonora. They resemble the ruins
on the Gila and Lower Salado, inasmuch as they con
sist of low mounds of white earth, indicating build
ings larger and more substantial than those of
Sonora, and connected with them were inclosures.
The walls forming the latter were embankments of
the same material as the mounds, with some traces of
stonework. The mounds are about five feet high, and
covered with all kinds of well-painted potsherds like
those found in the ruins of north-eastern Sonora.
Metates and crushing-pins, besides pottery, were the
only manufactured objects noticed by me on the spot.
There are faint traces of stone or rubble foundations
on one of the mounds composing this cluster ; other
wise it is clear that buildings and inclosures were of
the same kind of white adobe as the walls at Casa
Grande and other ruins on the Gila."
The noted and oft-mentioned ruins of Casas Grandes,
or "Great Houses," are situated in the western part of
Chihuahua on a small stream known as the Casas
Grandes river. These lie chiefly on the southern ex
tremity of a natural terrace which rises above the
level of the river bottom, which is traversed by sev
eral gulches ; some ruins, however, are found on
the bottom land. They consist of the remains of
walls, the larger portions of which have fallen and
crumbled into heaps of rubbish. At some points, as
at the corners and where supported by partitions,
they were still standing a few years ago at a height
of from two to three stories, varying in thickness from
sixteen inches to four feet. Mr. Bandelier says the
224 Study of North American Archaeology.
structures are of the same make and pattern as those
in the Tempe valley, described by Mr. Gushing, but
with some exceptions are large and the doorways of
quite good size. The air holes and apertures for light,
which, perhaps, deserve the name of windows, are
rectangular, round and oval. The lintels of the doors,
as well as of the rectangu
lar windows, were of wood,
consisting of flat or half
round pieces. The roofing
was similar to that of the
pueblos. The houses con
sisted of from one to several
stories, and the remains of
some indicate that the cen
tral portions were higher
than the outer ones. The
ground plan of the chief
group is shown in Fig. 78,
as given by Bandelier. Mr.
Bartlett, who visited these
ruins thirty years previous to
the time Bandelier saw them,
remarks that, from a close
examination of what remains
"of the building or buildings," he came to the conclu
sion that the outer portions were not above one story in
height, while the central ones were from three to six
stories. The walls, which appear to have been built
of sun-dried blocks of mud and gravel, vary in thick
ness from sixteen inches to four feet. Scattered
among the ruins are numerous household articles
and utensils, and Mr. Bandelier says no place has
Fig. 78.
Ground plau of Casas
Grandes.
The Gila Valley and Chihuahua. 225
been dug into without metates, pottery and other
articles of daily use coming to light. He describes as
follows some structures which were enigmatical to
him :
"There are structures which remain enigmatical to
me. These structures lie west and north-west of the
measurable portions of the ruins. They are solid,
elliptical or circular mounds, of various heights, com
posed mainly of gravel. They suggest the idea of
artificial platforms upon which buildings were to be
erected ; but I saw no traces of foundations, and the
level on which they are situated is already higher
than that of the great houses themselves. Nos. I and
IV are still more peculiar ; while the others are low,
hardly over one or two feet high, I rises to an eleva
tion of 3.5m. (11 feet). It has been excavated in
the center, and the section shows nothing else but a
solid mass of gravel. It is a mass of gravel with a
rim of stones extending around its upper slopes at a
few inches below the top, which is flat and thickly
strewn with fragments of pottery. This artificial ele
vation is connected with a partly ruined inclosure,
the interior of which is free from gravel, and was
slightly moist. The inclosure consists of an embank
ment supported by a stone wall, similar to the dikes
near Baserac in Sonora. The stone wall was built on
the inner side, and the surface of the area thus in
closed is thirteen hundred square meters, or a little
more than one-fourth of an acre."
The same writer remarks :
"Of all the objects found at the ruins of Casas
Grandes, the pottery attracts the principal attention.
15
226 Study of North American Archaeology.
Not that it is any better than that found in the ruins
of that section in general, for it is of the same make
and type, but the number of specimens found in a
good state of preservation is striking. The decoration
on these vessels I have seen but very few plain
ones derives its patterns from symbolic figures which
are like those of the pueblos of New Mexico. In ad
dition to the painted pottery, there is also plastically
decorated ware, but all of this that I have seen is also
painted. One jar showed very crude corrugations,
but still was painted reddish brown ; another kind of
pottery had regular indentations carefully painted in
various colors. It may be remembered that, in speak
ing of the corrugated pottery found at Fort Apache, I
said that it was painted, but without regard to har
mony with plastic designs. Lastly, I have heard of
pottery with human figures, colored in alto-relievo,
but was unable to procure any specimen. I was as
sured that the figures are grossly obscene. Mr. Bart-
lett has given fair representatives of the Casas
Grandes pottery. The shapes are like those of New
Mexican pueblo pottery, with the difference that the
bottoms are convex.
"The metates of Casas Grandes differ from others
seen by me in the south-west in being much better
fabricated, and even sometimes elaborately carved.
They are generally square, and nicely finished, but I
saw one of crude make. A double metate of lava
was shown to me, and Mr. Bartlett has figured one
with legs. Whatever crushing-pins I saw were pris
matic, and not cylindrical, as they are further south.
I noticed mortars of lava, fairly made, and one pestle,
with the head of a mountain sheep rather well sculp-
The Gila Valley and Chihuahua. 227
tured. The last implement was of syenite. Stone
axes are like the well-known instruments of the kind
from Arizona. I heard of cotton cloth found in the
ruins, and of threads of yucca fiber. I have seen
many turquoise beads and ear pendants of turquoise
precisely like those worn to-day by the Pueblo Indians
or found in the ruins, also shell beads and many
shells, entire as well as broken and perforated. The
following species have been identified from the copies
made by me in color : Turritella Broderipiana, a species
from the Pacific coast ; Conus proteus, probably from
the West Indies ; Conus regularis, from the West In
dies ; and a Columbella, locality not given. All the
univalves found at Casas Grandes, as far as I know,
are marine shells. The finding of such shells at a
point so far away from the sea-coast, and nearly equi
distant from the Gulfs of Mexico and of California,
is a remarkable feature, implying a primitive com
merce or inter-tribal warfare which carried the objects
to the inland pueblo at Casas Grandes.
"Two interesting finds I still have to report. One
is a fetich of the puma (Felis concolor] , mountain
lion, or cougar. The specimen was of small size,
apparently made of some kind of actinolite, and the
figure was exactly like the fetiches of the mountain
lion, called at Zuni long tail. It might have been
manufactured in New Mexico, so great is the resem
blance. Another piece was only the head of the
same animal, of larger size and of the same kind of
stone. If the body was in proportion to the size of
the head, the whole figure would have been as large
as a small domestic cat."
Some of the structures of this group present an in-
llilULi
IHUITL
228 Study of North American Archaeology.
terior arrangement (Fig. 79) which bears a strong
resemblance to that of some of the Central American
ruins.
Cave- or cliff-dwellings are found as far south
as Casas Grandes. Mr. Bandelier says he heard
them frequently spoken of In that region. Some re
markable ones are said to exist near the
Piedras Verdes, about two days journey
from Casas Grandes. Some examined
by Mr. Bandelier on the Arroyo del
Nombre de Dios, about thirty-five or
forty miles south-west of Casas Grandes,
Fig. 79. Plan of are in all their essen ti a l features similar
Casas Grandes
house. to tnose already described. "In front
of the rooms runs, almost along the
precipice, a wall, which, near where the trail enters
the cave reaches as high as the roof, thus forming a
corridor with the walls of the apartments in the rear.
Where the outer wall is lower, it is crowned with ir
regular battlements. In this purely protective or
defensive exterior device, circular loopholes are so dis
posed as to command the trail. The inner walls were
found to be well preserved and displayed more care
and neatness in construction than those further north.
The doorways resemble those of Casas Grandes except
that they are smaller. It is worthy of notice that the
one figured by Mr. Bandelier is without an estufa.
In regard to the culture of this reigon, the author
last quoted remarks :
"The ancient culture which flourished at Casas
Grandes and in its neighborhood was similar to that
which existed on the banks of the Gila and Salado in
Arizona ; the architecture especially is of the same
The Gila Valley and Chihuahua. 229
type. But at Casas Grandes there was a marked ad
vance over any other portion of the south-west so far
visited by me, shown particularly in certain household
utensils, in the possible existence of stairways in the
interior of houses, and in the method of construction
of irrigating ditches. Nevertheless, the strides made
were not- important enough to raise the people to the
level of the more southern tribes. Their plastic art.
as far as displayed in the few idols and fetiches, re
mains behind that of the Nahuatl, Tzapoticas, Mayas,
etc. They seem to have reached an intermediate
stage between them and the pueblos, though nearer
to the latter than the former."
The Builders.
It appears to be generally conceded that the modern
Pueblo Indians are descendants of the cliff-dwellers
and people who built the clustered villages on the
mesas and plateaus which have been mentioned. But
as yet no satisfactory attempt to trace their history
back of the age of these structures has been made.
It is known that they are a mixed race, that is, they
pertain to different linguistic stocks. For instance,
the Moki belong, at least in part, to the Shoshoni
stock ; while the other pueblos embrace the Kera,
Tehua and Zuni stocks. No relationship between the
latter three or between either and any other tribes has
been discovered. Mr. Hodge and some other students
of ethnology of this south-western section believe that
the Navajos, though like the Apaches, connected lin
guistically with the Athapascan or Dene stock, were
at one time cliff-dwellers, and present considerable
evidence in support of this opinion.
230 Study of North American Archaeology,
The origin of the cliff -dwellings and cave-houses,
and the cause which brought about the dispeopling
of these resorts and the thousands of clustered villages
whose ruins are scattered over the Colorado basin and
other parts of the south-west, is generally supposed
to have been chiefly the relentless war \vaged against
the people of these sections by the Apaches.
Major Powell (Thirteenth Annual Report of the Bu
reau of American Ethnology) , after describing the
physical features of the district, remarks as follows :
"These geographic conditions, originating in clearly
denned geologic processes, have affected the habita-
bility of the tract since men first appeared therein
indeed, to these conditions the peculiarities of south
western aboriginal culture are to be ascribed in large
measure." However, there is nothing in the ruins
themselves to indicate a materially different climatic
condition than the present, though man probably inhab
ited the region long before these structures were formed.
Mr. Hodge assumes that the selections of the village
sites of the pueblos prior to 1680 were made chiefly
with reference to their agricultural pursuits, which
depended on irrigation, and that, so far as defensive
motives were concerned, they related to inter-tribal
broils, and not to security against the attacks of the
Apaches, who, he thinks, did not enter upon the
scene previous to the advent of the Spaniards. Mr.
Cosmos Mindeleff, who has devoted considerable time
to the study of the pueblo architecture, carries this
view still further. Speaking of the ruins of Canon
de Chelly, he says :
"Here, if anywhere, we should find corroboration
of the old idea that the cliffs were the homes and last
refuge of a race harassed by powerful enemies and
The Gila Valley and Chihuahua. 231
finally driven to the construction of dwellings in in
accessible cliffs, where a last ineffectual stand was
made against their foes, or the more recent theory
that they represent an early stage in the development
of pueblo architecture, when the pueblos were few in
number and surrounded by numerous enemies.
Neither of these theories is in accord with the facts
of observation. The still later idea that the cliff-
dwellings were used as places of refuge by various
pueblo tribes, who, w r hen the occasion for such use
was passed, returned to their original homes, or to
others constructed like them, may explain some of
the cliff ruins."
He presents what appears to be conclusive evidence
that some of the cliff-dwellings were constructed, or
at least repaired, subsequent to the introduction of
domestic animals, and hence, after the incoming of
the Spaniards. However, there is, on the other
hand, historical proof that some of the localities
were deserted, and some of the pueblos in ruins, at
the time of Coronado s expedition in 1540. There is
nothing in the remains of the cliff-dwellings to show
that as a class they are older than either of the other
classes. Mr. Mindeleff is inclined to the opinion
that the estufa or kiva, which is usually circular in
form, is a survival of a more ancient custom, and not
a development of this area. This was the sacred
chamber, in which the religious and civil affairs of
the tribe or band were transacted, and which also
formed a resort for the males. Possibly it is repre
sented in the more southern regions of the civilized
tribes by inner chambers of the temples.
The presence in this region of some three or four
small, distinct linguistic stocks is as yet an unexplained
232 Study of North American Archaeology.
phenomenon. Possibly this condition is due to the
same general cause which forced so many small
stocks to the coasts of California and Oregon. How
ever, it seems more likely, if we may venture to offer
a mere guess, that further study of the languages
may lead to the conclusion that these groups are frag
ments broken off from other large stocks, in the distant
past, or remnants of those otherwise extinct. To what
date the oldest evidences of occupancy of the region
can be assigned is a question to which no answer
having any claim to general acceptance can as yet be
given. There is such a uniformity in character, such
a sameness in types, until we approach the borders of
Mexico, as to indicate that they are due almost wholly
to the physical conditions. All that can. be said in
re.gard to the antiquity of the works is that the oldest
antedate by several centuries the incoming of the
Spaniards.
Passing from Arizona into that part of north-west
ern Mexico which is included in this section, \ve pro
ceed some distance toward the southeast before any
marked change in the archaeological types is ob
served; there is, however, a gradual modification of
one and a fading out of the other. The aggregation of
cells, which constitutes the true pueblo type, gradually
fades out as we move southward, disappearing by the
time we reach Casas Grandes, in Chihuahua. It is
in this region, also, that the most southern examples
of the cliff-dweliings occur, so far as known. On the
other hand, the type, of which the Casa Grande in
the lower Gila valley forms a somewhat rude exam
ple, becomes more and more prominent, undergoing
such modifications as bring it nearer and nearer to
the more stately structures of the southern region.
Mexican Section Civilization. 233 .
CHAPTER XVI.
MEXICAN SECTION CIVILIZATION.
Having described briefly the known antiquities of
north-western Mexico, which lie along the main route
in that direction, and in a region occupied by the nu
merous small tribes of the Sonoran branch of the
great Uto-Aztecan stock, we now enter what may be
considered the Mexican or Central American section.
It was in this section that native culture reached its
most advanced stage in North America, that native
talent made its nearest approach to the arts and cul
ture of the Old World.
It is impossible, with our present imperfect knowl
edge of the antiquities, to determine with certainty
the geographical range of this civilization. Bancroft
designates the northern limit by "an irregular line
extending across the continent from north-east to
south-west, terminating at Tampico on the gulf and
at the bar of Zacatula on the Pacific." However, it
is sufficient for the present purpose to state in general
terms that it extended over the southern half of Mex
ico and over Central America,* to and including
Nicaragua.
This region, when first visited by the whites, was
inhabited by the following stocks : the Nahuatl branch
* Although Yucatan and Chiapas are parts of the territory of
Mexico, yet throughout this work we shall include them under the
term " Central America," as distinguished from Mexico proper.
234 Study of North American Archaeology.
of the Uto-Aztecan family,* with southern and central
Mexico as its chief locality, but with outlying branches
in Guatemala, Nicaragua and San Salvador ; and the
Maya, occupying the peninsula of Yucatan and a
large portion of Chiapas and Guatemala, with an out
lying branch (Huastecas) on the Rio Panuco, north
of Vera Cruz. These two were the leading and great
stocks of this region. Next to these we might name,
perhaps, the Zapotec-Mixtec stock, located chiefly in
the province of Oaxaca. Besides these there were a
number of stocks of limited extent, as the Otomies,
in central Mexico ; the Tarascos, in Michoacan ; the
Totonacas, in the state of Vera Cruz ; the Chapanecs
and their allies, chiefly in Chiapas, etc.
Although the question of the origin of this civiliza
tion will be briefly discussed in a future chapter, it is
necessary, in order that the questions arising in re
gard to the ruins to be described may be understood,
that some notice be given here of the character of this
civilization, and that mention be made of certain im
portant traditions which have been generally accepted
as based on truth, though evidently fictitious in many
of their details.
The pre-Columbian history of this region, which is
given by the early Spanish authorities and their more
recent collators, with abundant details, rests on con
fused traditions and questionable records, mixed with
legendary and mythological relations, and is full of
obscurity and doubt. Prescott, striving to find some
* This term is used in the sense indicated by Buschmann of rela
tionship between Nahautl and Shoshoni linguistic groups. It is
proper, however, to state that Major Powell expresses some doubt as
to the sufficiency of the evidence on which this combination is based.
Mexican Section Civilization. 235
firm ground on which to stand, briefly summarizes as
follows :
"Of these races, the most conspicuous were the
Toltecs. Advancing from a northerly direction, but
from what region is uncertain, they entered the terri
tory of Anahuac, probably before the close of the
seventh century. Of course little can be gleaned
with certainty respecting a people whose written
records have perished, and who are known to us only
through the traditionary legends of the nations that
succeeded them. By the general agreement of these,
however, the Toltecs were well instructed in agricul
ture and many of the most useful mechanic arts ;
were nice workers of metals ; invented the complex
arrangement of time adopted by the Aztecs ; and, in
short, were the true fountains of the civilization which
distinguished this part of the continent in later times.
They established their capital at Tula, north of the
Mexican valley, and the remains of extensive build
ings were to be discerned there at the time of the
Conquest. The noble ruins of religious and other
edifices, still to be seen in various parts of New Spain,
are referred to this people, whose name, Toltec, has
passed into a synonym for architect. Their shadowy
history reminds us of those primitive races who pre
ceded the ancient Egyptians in the march of civiliza
tion, fragments of whose monuments, as they are
seen at this day, incorporated with the buildings of
the Egyptians themselves, give to these latter the ap
pearance of almost modern constructions.
"After a period of four centuries, the Toltecs, who
had extended their sway over the remotest borders of
Anahuac, having been greatly reduced, it is said, by
famine, pestilence and unsuccessful wars, disappeared
236 Study of North American Archaeology.
from the land as silently and mysteriously as they had
entered it. A few of them still lingered behind, but
much the greater number, probably, spread over the
region of Central America and the neighboring isles ;
and the traveler now speculates on the majestic ruins
of Mitla and Palenque, as possibly the work of this
extraordinary people.
"After the lapse of another hundred years, a numer
ous and rude tribe, called the Chichimecs, entered the
deserted country from the far north-west, They were
speedily followed by other races, of higher civiliza
tion, perhaps of the same families with the Toltecs,
whose language they appear to have spoken. The
most noted of these were the Aztecs or Mexicans,
and the Acolhuans. The latter, being better known
in later times by the name of Tezcucans, from their
capital, Tezcuco, on the eastern border of the Mexi
can lake, were peculiarly fitted, by their comparatively
mild religion and manners, for receiving the tincture
of civilization which could be derived from the few
Toltecs that still remained in the country. This, in
their turn, they communicated to the barbarous Chic
himecs, a large portion of whom became amalgamated
with the new settlers as one nation.
"Availing themselves of the strength derived, not
only from this increase of numbers, but from their
own superior refinement, the Acolhuans gradually
stretched their empire over the ruder tribes in the
north ; while their capital was filled with a numerous
population, busily employed in many of the more useful
and even elegant arts of a civilized community. In
this palmy state they were suddenly assaulted by a
war-like neighbor, the Tepanecs, their own kindred,
and inhabitants of the same valley as themselves.
Mexican Section Civilization. 237
Their provinces were overrun, their armies beaten,
their king assassinated, and the flourishing city of
Tezcuco became the prize of the victor. From this
abject condition the uncommon abilities of the young
prince, Nezahualcoyotl, the rightful heir to the crown,
backed by the efficient aid of his Mexican allies, at length
redeemed the state, and opened it to a new career of
prosperity, even more brilliant than the former.
"The Mexicans, with whom our history is princi
pally concerned, came also, as we have seen, from the
remote regions of the North the populous hive of
nations in the New World, as it has been in the Old.
They arrived on the borders of Anahuac toward the
beginning of the thirteenth century, some time after
the occupation of the land by the kindred races. For
a long time they did not establish themselves in any
permanent residence, but continued shifting their
quarters to different parts of the Mexican valley,
enduring all the casualties and hardships of a mi
gratory life. On one occasion they were enslaved by
a more powerful tribe, but their ferocity soon mado
them formidable to their masters. After a series of
wanderings and adventures which need not shrink
from comparison with the most extravagant legends
of the heroic ages of antiquity, they at length halted
on the south-western borders of the principal lake, in
the year 1325. There they beheld, perched on the
stem of a prickly pear, which shot out from the crevice
of a rock that was washed by the waves, a royal eagle
of extraordinary size and beauty, with a serpent
in his talons, and his broad wings opened to the
rising sun. They hailed the auspicious omen, an
nounced by an oracle as indicating the site of their
future city, and laid its foundations by sinking piles
238 Study of North American Archaeology.
into the shallows, for the low marshes were half buried
under water."
Although Prescott s work has been superseded in
some respects by the more critical investigations of
subsequent years, he gives substantially a brief sum
mary of the traditions divested of their mythological
colors. Although the Toltecs are still looked upon
by some scholars in the same light as represented by
preceding historians that is, as a distinct and real
people known by that name there is a general ten
dency to the opinion that there was no distinct tribe
or people of this name, but that it refers to the an
cestors of some one or more of the Nahuatl or Maya
tribes. Dr. Brinton goes so far as to deny their his
torical existence, looking upon them as fabulous.
"They have," he says, "hovered about the dawn of
American history long enough. ... It is time
they were assigned their proper place, and that is
among the purely fabulous creations of the imagina
tion, among the giants and fairies, the gnomes and
sylphs, and other such fancied beings which in all
ages and nations the popular mind has loved to
create."
Although it is undoubtedly true that much that has
been stated in regard to them by the early Spanish
writers is pure fable or mythology, yet the conclusion
reached by Dr. Brinton is extreme and scarcely justi
fied by the data, as there were beyond doubt people who
were indicated by the term "Toltecs," people who did
erect some of the works ascribed to them, people who
were real and did in fact exist.
It may be that the term was applied originally to a
community or tribe somewhat advanced in culture,
Mexican Section Civilization. 239
and afterward used to designate the authors of monu
ments whose builders were unknown. It is quite
probable that it included the Mayas, though applied
to the builders of works in central Mexico, without
identifying them with this people. In other words,
the term stands about upon the same basis as that
of "mound-builders," as formerly used in reference
to the ancient works and ancient people of the Missis
sippi valley. The latter, when thoroughly probed,
have disappeared from view, and in their place we
have the ancestors of the Indians found inhabiting
the country. So it is with the Toltecs ; when thor
oughly probed, they fade from view and we see dimly
some primary incoming branch of the Aztec people,
or the Maya tribes on their way southward, or both.
Clavigero, in his "History of Mexico," although ham
pered by the popular notion, attempts to consider
them honestly and candidly, but the doubt upon his
mind is apparent throughout the history given by
him. After disposing of them as usual by the terrible
calamities which befell them, he closes w T ith these
words: "These imperfect accounts of the Toltecs
are all we think proper to be told here, omitting many
fabulous relations introduced by other historians."
They come upon the stage, and, having performed
their role, pass off, to arise, however, phoenix-like,
from their ashes in new forms and under new names.
When they disappear suddenly, the Aztecs are brought
upon the stage. As the former, though so cultured,
disappear without any remnants of a language dis
tinct from that of their successors, it seems more
rational to consider the two people as one, or that
they had passed on to be known thereafter as Mayas.
240 Study of North American Archaeology.
The question to be solved in regard to them is,
"Who were they?" We are inclined, as will be
seen further on, to agree with Mr. Bandelier in
identifying them, in part, with the ancestors of the
Mayas.
Desire Charney is inclined to run to an extreme di
rectly opposite to that reached by Dr. Brinton. Judg
ing by his last work, "The Ancient Cities of the New
World," he is disposed to see in every ruin of southern
Mexico and Central America which shows any evi
dence of advanced culture the work of the Toltecs.
The Chichimecas are no longer considered a dis
tinct people or tribe, the name having been applied,
as is supposed, to the rude and uncultured people of
central Mexico. Nevertheless, it is possible, notwith
standing this general conclusion of historians and
linguists, that the term, as originally applied, had a
more definite meaning, but to whom it was limited, if
this be true, can not be determined.
The civilization of this section of North America
does not appear to have been limited by tribal or
stock boundaries, but seems to have prevailed through
out the entire region, notwithstanding the fact that it
was occupied by some seven or eight different stocks.
It is true, there are minor differences in the types of
the different districts inhabited by the different fami
lies, but there is such a general similarity as to con
vince the student that it is one civilization, having
one origin, developed in one age or era, and that the
cultures of the different districts are not parallel civ
ilizations which have developed side by side, as main
tained by Mr. Bancroft.
As evidence of this, we have only to refer to the
Mexican Section Civilization. 241
calendar system which prevailed throughout the en
tire region embraced in this section, and which formed
one important and remarkable item of their civiliza
tion. This is of such a peculiar character as to forbid
the idea that it could have developed independently in
different districts. It is known to have been in use
among the Nahuas of the valley of Mexico, and other
tribes of the same linguistic family resident in Mez-
titlan, Soconusco, Guatemala and Nicaragua ; that it
prevailed among the Mixtecs and Zapotecs ; that it
was in vogue among the Totoiiacas of the state of
Vera Cruz ; the Pirindas, Tarascos and the Matlazin-
cas of Michoacan ; the Chapanecs of Chiapas and
Nicaragua, and the various Mayan tribes in Central
America. It is also known that it was in use among
the builders of the ruined cities of Palenque, Copan
and Tikal.
Briefly stated, this system was as follows : The
year consisted of 365 days, divided into two unequal
parts, viz., 360 days, or the year proper divided into
eighteen months of twenty days each ; and five inter
calated days, which were added at the end of the
eighteenth or last month, to complete the number
365. Each of the twenty days of the month had its
own proper name ; the numbering, however, was not
from 1 to 20, but from 1 to 13, beginning again with
the unit. It follows from this method that a day
bearing both the same name and the same number will
not recur until 13 months have elapsed. This gives
a cycle or period of 260 days, which appears to have
been more in use as a ceremonial or religious period
than the secular year of 365 days. The days were
16
242 Study of North American Archaeology.
also indicated by symbols. The clay symbols in use
among the Mayas are shown in the usual form and
order in Fig. 80, with the names attached. Those
IX AKbal Kan Chiccha
Man.K -Lamat MuJuf O:
Edinab cauit
Fig. 80. Maya day symbols. Fig. 81. Mexican day symbols.
in use among the Mexicans are shown in Fig. 81.
The names of the Mexican days in their proper order
are :
Cipactli.
Ehecatl.
Calli.
Cuetzpallin.
11
12,
13
14,
Ozomatli.
Malinalli.
Acatl.
Ocelotl.
Cohuatl. 15. Quauhtli.
6. Miquiztli. 16. Cozcaquauhtli.
7. Mazatl. 17. Ollin.
8. Tochtli. 18. Tecpatl.
9. Atl. 19. Quiahiutl.
10. Itzcuintli. 20. Xochitl.
As given in the figure they are as follows, taking
the upper line from left to right, then the second in
the same way, and so on : first line, Ehecatl, Calli,
Cuetzpallin, Cohuatl ; second line, Itzcuintli, Ozomatli,
Malinalli, Acatl ; third line, Tecpatl, Quiahiutl,
Xochitl, Cipactli ; fourth line, Miquiztli, Mazatl,
Tochtli, Atl; fifth line, Ocelotl, Quauhtli, Cozca
quauhtli, Ollin.
Mexican Section Civilization. 248
It follows, as a necessary result of this system, that
without arbitrary change the years would always be
gin with one of four certain days, and no others,
these four following one another in regular order.
There were other peculiarities of this system, but
what has been mentioned is sufficient to convince the
reader that the calendars containing these peculiar
ities, though found in use among the tribes of different
linguistic stocks, must have had a common origin. It
is also sufficient to show one phase of the civilization
of the section now under consideration.
It is probable the calendar system grew out of the
method of enumeration which prevailed among the
same tribes. The numbers from 1 to 11 had distinct
names ; from 12 to 19 the count was by additions to
10, then followed 20 with a distinct name. Above 20
the count was based on the vigesimal system, 20, 40,
400 and 8000 being the multiples used as counters.
It is therefore a just inference that the calendar sys
tem grew out of the numeral system, or the reverse.
The advance in agriculture corresponded in some
degree to the progress on other lines, though not so
great as in some. The increase in population and
adoption of sedentary habits, the lack of fish-supply
ing streams and lakes, except in a few limited locali
ties, and the diminution of game and lack of domestic
animals, made it necessary to depend in a very large
degree upon the products of the soil for subsistence.
Maize, as among other aborigines of the continent,
was the chief product and the chief reliance for food.
Although the method of cultivation was compara
tively rude, the people had learned the necessity of
keeping the fields, which were usually small and scat-
244 Study of North American Archaeology.
tered, free from weeds, and of cultivating the crop.
In the most advanced sections the fields were sur
rounded by hedges, ditches or fences, and irrigation
was resorted to in dry seasons where practicable.
The cultivation of cacao ; maguey (aloe) , cotton,
beans, pepper and certain native fruits was also car
ried on extensively. This labor was deemed honor
able, and in most tribes all except the soldiers, nobles
and priests were employed in it ; even the inhabitants
of the cities were engaged to some extent in cultiva
ting the soil. The work was, at least in some sections,
chiefly done by the men. Bees were domesticated,
from which both honey for consumption and wax for
use in various arts were collected.
It is probable that the Nahuatl tribes had made
greatest progress in the mechanical arts, excepting
those relating to architecture. If the statements
made by early writers, and repeated even to the pres
ent day, be accepted (though caution in this respect is
suggested) , the Mexicans may be said to have reached
the age of bronze. Many weapons, utensils and imple
ments were, it is said, manufacture^ of this alloy of cop
per and tin. Gold, silver, lead and copper were worked
by founding and smelting into various articles of use or
ornament. It is even affirmed that they could mix the
metals in such a manner that the feathers of a bird or
the scales of a fish, in their imitative objects, would be
alternately of gold and silver. But it must be said that
none of the objects showing this wonderful skill have
been preserved as witnesses to the truth of the very
doubtful statement. Nevertheless, it must be admitted,
as shown by a study of the articles of gold and other
metals of the province of Chiriqui, on the Isthmus,
Mexican Section Civilization. 245
that some of the ancient people of this southern re
gion had discovered the art of casting metals in
molds. It is in this southern region that the ceramic
art appears to have reached its most advanced stage.
However, that pottery was manufactured to a very
large extent by the early inhabitants of southern
Mexico, is shown by the vast number of sherds and
broken vessels found about the ruins of Teotihuacan,
in the vicinity of the City of Mexico, and at other
points.
That the ancient people of this region had made
considerable advance in the art of sculpture, covering
a wide range of subjects, illustrating various styles of
treatment and methods of execution, is shown by the
numerous articles found among the ruins. Among
the more important classes of subjects independently
sculptured are the human figure entire, often of colos
sal size and profusely ornamented, animal forms, and
compound and fanciful life-forms of endless varieties ;
these subjects are also embodied in cylinders, disks,
masks, tablets, boxes, vases and ornaments. The
number of sculptured objects in this section, includ
ing those destroyed, those hidden in the soil, and yet
buried beneath the ruins, and those which have been
discovered, must have been very great. Painting was
another art in which the aborigines of this region had
made remarkable progress. This is shown, not only
by the few remaining pre-Columbian Maya and Mexi
can manuscripts, but also by the numerous partially
obliterated designs on the walls of crumbling edifices.
It seems to have been a common practice in some sec
tions to finish certain important surfaces, such as
lintels, door-jambs, etc., in elaborate designs, consist-
246 Study of North American Archaeology.
ing chiefly of life-forms more or less conventionally
treated. They seem also to have taken delight in
feather-work, which was carried, in some of the tribes,
to the highest degree of perfection.
Some of the tribes, especially of the Nahuatlan
and Mayan groups, had made a somewhat close ap
proach in their symbolic or picture writing to true
phonetic characters.
As we can not properly illustrate the Mexican
hieroglyphs or symbols without the introduction of
colored drawings on a scale too large for our page,
brief reference will be
made only to the
Maya hieroglyphs.
The example shown
in Fig. 82 is part of
the inscription on the
right slab of the Tablet
of the Cross, at Palen-
que. Notwithstanding
the fact that but few
of the characters have
been determined, the
direction in which the
inscription is to be
read is known. It be
gins with the large
Fig. 82. Part of the inscription of the ^ l in ^ U PP er
Tablet of the Cross, Palenque. left-hand corner of the
left slab. This covers
the space of four symbols of the ordinary size. Each
of the following seven, reading downward, covers two
spaces, the whole being counted as two columns. The
Mexican Section Civilization. 247
third and fourth columns, in which the characters are
separate, are read from left to right, two and two, or by
pairs, from the top downward, and the fifth and sixth
columns follow in the same order. The six columns
of the right slab, the lower half of which is shown in
the cut, are to be read in the same order.
Although the characters shown in the cut are too
imperfect for critical study, a few can be determined
and one or two important facts ascertained. For in
stance, it is known that the balls or large dots and
short lines, mostly vertical, at the left of the charac
ters, are numerals, each ball counting 1 and each line
5, thus one ball and one line 6 ; three balls and two
lines 13, etc. The top symbol of the left column in
the cut is an oval containing a kind of cross and four
clots, and stands for the Maya day Lamat. The two
lines and ball at the left denote 11. This is therefore
the day 11 Lamat. The character immediately to the
right top of second column signifies the 6th day of
the month Xul. This falls on the 6th day of the 6th
month of the year 10 Akbal, from which fact it is evi
dent that the Tzental method of arranging the days
of the month, which is the same as that of the Dresden
Codex, was followed here.
The bottom symbol of the second column is 8 Ahau,
that immediately to the right bottom of the third
column is the day 5 Kan.
This will serve to illustrate the advance, though but
little, made toward a solution of this inscription with
the knowledge so far obtained of the symbols. It may
be added that, besides the day symbols, the signification
of several other characters denoting time periods has
been determined, quite recently. These discoveries
248 Study of North American Archaeology.
will, as the author has proved, suffice to explain a
considerable part of the inscriptions.
It is evident that the advance made by the Mayas
toward true alphabetic writing was beyond that of
mere conventionalized symbols, though they had not
reached the alphabetic stage. That they had reached
that stage where symbols were used to represent, to a
certain degree, syllabic sounds, appears to be demon
strable. So far as can be judged by what has been
ascertained, the manuscripts which have been pre
served, are, to a large extent, religious calendars re
lating to religious ceremonies, observances in domestic-
pursuits, etc.
The form of government differed somewhat in the
different tribes. The most advanced type was that of
the Aztecs and Tezcucans, which may, perhaps, with
out exaggeration, be termed a well regulated mon
archy. Descent was in the male line, the title passing
from father to son, but not without certain conditions
and limitations, as it seems that certain nobles or
men of authority had the right to decide which of two
or more brothers or nephews, where there was no son,
should succeed to the sovereignty. In other words,
the government was to this extent an elective mon
archy. The election, however, was restricted to the
family of the deceased monarch, but females were
excluded.
In Yucatan the people were split into a number of
independent states or tribes, each governed by its own
chieftain. According to tradition, and it seems quite
probable, these independent bodies, all speaking the
same language, were the fragments of a powerful
confederacy which had been broken up through dis-
Mexican Section Civilization. 249
sensions, about a century before the arrival of the
Spaniards. The chieftaincy was hereditary, descent
being in the male line. The real power, however, here,
among the Mexicans, the Zapotecs, and apparently
all the nations of the section, was in the priesthood,
though nominally in the hands of the chief or sover
eign, it was mostly exercised in accordance with the
wishes and direction of the priests.
The art, however, in which the people of this sec
tion excelled and in which their advance in the
scale of civilization is most apparent, was architect
ure. To-day, the chief reminder of the cultured
past of the people of this region is found in the
crumbling remain-s of their architecture, the ruins of
temples, towers and other stately edifices.
Although we shall reserve our comments to be added
as we proceed with the descriptions of some of the
most noted examples of the different types of struct
ures, the following statement in regard to the Mayan
structures of Yucatan may be of advantage to the
reader in drawing his own conclusion as to the struct-
O
ures mentioned.
"Some of the buildings are composite and show
successive accretions or periods of growth, and this is
true to a large extent of the greater buildings of most
nations, but there are others that stand as perfect
units of design, in which the conception must have
been complete in every detail when the construction
began, a master mind controlling the cutting and
the placing of every stone. There may have been
working drawings and the people were certainly
equal to the task of making them but if there were
none, the carrying out of the w^ork without them must
250 Study of North American Archaeology.
be regarded as even more remarkable. The construc
tion of such buildings as the palace at Uxmal and
the Castillo at Chichen, indicates a mastery in archi
tectural design well calculated to astonish the student
of the half-crystallized culture of the American
races in general. There can be but little doubt that
when the work of building began in such cases, the
ground-plan, elevation and constructive design were
fully worked out, and the spacings and doorways,
moldings and panels and all details of sculptured deco
ration were fully decided upon ; and I should say
that even details of the stone cutting, the number,
width and angle of courses of masonry, were predeter
mined, as otherwise, with the complexity of form and
the infinity of geometric detail characterizing the fa-
pades, utter confusion must have resulted." (Holmes.)
We also ask the reader to bear in mind the fact that
the builders were without beasts of burden, wheeled
vehicles, or metal tools with the exception possibly
of .a few bronze implements among some of the
Nahuatl tribes which could have been used in their
work.
Mexican Section Civilization. 251
CHAPTER XVII.
MONUMENTS OF SOUTHERN MEXICO.
Following the plan which has been adopted in the
preceding chapters relating to the Pacific division, the
order geographically in which the ruins will be men
tioned will be from the north toward the south, the
probable direction, as will hereafter be shown, of the
chief movements of population in prehistoric times.
It is probable, notwithstanding Bancroft s state
ments in regard to the types of ruins known as "Los
Edificios," at Quemada in the state of Zacatecas, that
these, and possibly others north of his limiting line
mentioned above, should be classed with those in the
southern section or area of civilization.
These ruins, which are the most noted of the north
ern area, are located about thirty miles south of the
capital of Zacatecas, and six miles north of Villa-
nueva. The name Quemada ("burnt") is that of a
hacienda about a league to the south-west of the ruins.
The latter are known locally as Los Edificios. The
first notice of the place is found in a history of Nueva
Galicia written by Fr. Tello about 1650. He states
that the Spaniards under Captain Chirinos, "found a
great city in ruins and abandoned ; but it was known
to have had most sumptuous edifices, with grand
streets and plazas well arranged, and within a quarter
of a league four towers with causeways of stone
252 Study of North American Archaeology.
leading from one to another." As the ruined city he
refers to was in the region of the modern town, Jerez,
it may with little doubt be identified with Quemada.
The ruins are situated on a narrow, isolated hill,
the summit of which forms an irregular plateau over
half a mile in length and from two to five hundred
yards in width. All the accessible points of the brow
of the hill are guarded by stone walls. The interior
surface, where uneven, is formed into terraces sup
ported by w^alls of solid masonry. These terraces or
platforms supported numerous edifices. On the lower
part of the mesa is a quadrangular space, 200 by 240
feet, depressed about four or five feet below the sur
rounding surface and bounded by a stone terrace or
embankment. At one point on the eastern terrace
stands a round pillar six feet in diameter and eighteen
feet high, and there are traces here of nine others.
Adjoining this inclosure is another quadrangular
space similar in character, 100 by 140 feet, in which
there are eleven pillars, a little less in diameter but of
the same height as those above mentioned, which are
supposed to have sustained a roof over the area.
It is stated that Nebel found in the ruins a roof thus
supported, made of large flat stones covered with
mortar and sustained by beams.
Of the extensive group on the platform of the
south-western base of the central height, only a por
tion has been definitely described. Here is a de
pressed inclosure one hundred and fifty feet square,
bounded by a terrace wall three feet high and twelve
feet wide, with steps up the middle of each side.
Back of the terrace, on three sides, are walls eight or
Monuments of Southern Mexico. 253
nine feet thick and twenty feet high, the north side
being guarded by the steep side of the cliff. In the
interior, near the north side, is a pyramid about
thirty-six feet square and nineteen feet high, built in
five or six successive stages or steps (Fig. 83) . In
Fig. 83. Pyramid at Los Edifices, Mexico.
the center of the inclosure is a kind of altar or pyra
mid seven feet square and five feet high. The ma
terial of the works is chiefly gray porphyry. The
stones, which are thin slabs not more than three or
four inches thick, and not dressed, are laid in a mor
tar of reddish clay mixed with straw or grass.
As yet, no sculptures, hieroglyphics, pictographs,
or architectural decorations have been found in these
ruins, and, contrary to what would be expected, pot
tery, whole and in fragments, stone implements and
burial deposits are entirely wanting.
Notwithstanding Bancroft s statement that the ruins
of Quemada "show but few analogies to any of the
southern remains," the reverse appears to be true,
and we may add here that the importance of these
ruins in the study of the rise and progress of native
Mexican and Central American civilization does not
appear to have been fully appreciated by authors
touching upon the subject. Unfortunately, accurate
254 Study of North American Archaeology.
ground plans of the individual structures are want
ing, but we see here the depressed quadrangular
courts as at Palenque, Copan and elsewhere in the
south ; and the interior supporting columns as at
Mitla and Teotihuacan. We also see here the inter
mediate terraced walls, as found in the south ; and
here, also, the pyramid assumes, though in embryo,
the form common in southern Mexico and Central
America. It is true that stone replaces to a large ex
tent the adobe of the more northern structures, as at
Casas Grandes and Casa Grande, but the thin, un
dressed slabs laid in mortar of clay and straw do not
show a very great advance in masonry on that of the
cliff-dwellings and pueblos. Nevertheless, the plan,
extent and massive features of the ruins indicate an
advance in culture. Notwithstanding his somewhat
unfavorable comment, Bancroft makes the following
admission :
"As a strongly fortified hill, bearing also temples,
Quemada bears considerable resemblance to Quiotepec
in Oajaca; and possibly the likeness would be still
stronger 11 a plan of the Quiotepec fortifications were
extant. The massive character,, number and extent
of the monuments show the builders to have been a
powerful, and, in some respects, an advanced people,
hardly less so, it would seem at first thought, than
the peoples of Central America ; but the absence of
narrow buildings covered by arches of overlapping
stones, and of all decorative sculpture and painting,
make the contrast very striking. The pyramids, so
lar as they are described, do not differ very materially
jrom some in other parts of the country, but the loca-
Monuments of Southern Mexico. 25 a
tion of the pyramids shown in the drawing and plan
within the inclosed and terraced squares, seems
unique. The pillars recall the roof structures of
Mitla, but it is quite possible that the pillars at
Quemada supported balconies instead of roofs ; indeed,
it seems improbable that these large squares were
ever entirely covered."
It is true, as indicated in this extract, that the tri
angular arch, so common in the ruins at Palenque
and elsewhere in Mayan territory, had not, as yet,
come into use, or was unknown to the builders of
"Los Edificios." But these structures are not unique
in this respect, as will appear further on.
Interesting antiquities, some of them rivaling those
at Quemada, have been discovered in Michoacan,
Colima and elsewhere in central Mexico ; cave-dwell
ings, pyramids of stone laid in clay mortar, temples
and idols are reported ; but the accounts are either
insufficient to convey an intelligent idea of the ruins
or unreliable.
Approaching the valley of Anahuac from the north,
at the distance of some fifty or sixty miles from the
City of Mexico, we come upon the small and unim
portant town of Tula. Tula, Tulla, Tulan, Tolan or
Tollan, as it is variously written, is, however, a name
that is often repeated in the traditions and history of
Mexico and Central America. It was here, according
to the long-current opinion, that the Toltecs, coming
from the north, fixed their capital, in the sixth cen
tury, A. D.
The ancient city appears to have extended over a
plain intersected by a muddy river which winds
256
Study of North American Archaeology.
around the base of Mount Coatepetl, but a small por
tion of which is occupied by the modern town. The
comparatively few antiquities which have been ob
tained from the immediate site have been found in
clearing the river of some of its mud, or whilst plow
ing the adjacent fields. Among these are the frag
ments of three caryatides or sculptured columns, one
of which is of black basalt
and of giant proportions.
This, which is seven feet
high, represents only the
legs ; the body and upper por
tions are wanting, possibly
were never present. This
may have been a double
column with an expansion at
the base in the form of feet.
The legs (or columns) are
each one foot and three inches
in diameter, and the feet four
feet long.
Parts of another column
have been discovered here
which present the unusual
feature of having the pieces
connected by joint and tenon.
The sculpturing is clearly in
tended to give the column the
appearance of the serpent s
body. (Fig. 84, which shows
the parts united and the whole
theoretically in position.) According to Sahaguii, there
Sculptured column,
Tula.
Monuments of Southern Mexico. 257
were, at his early day, among the ruins of Tula,
those of an unfinished temple called Quetzali, con
sisting of pillars in the shape of serpents, the heads
forming the base. The latter feature, as will be here
after seen, appears again in the ruins of Chichen-
Itza, and is supposed to be indicative of the worship
of Quetzalcoatl or his Mayan equivalent, Cukulcan.
Desire Charn^y, during his explorations of some
tumuli on a neighboring hill, laid bare the founda
tions of two ancient dwellings. One of these con
sisted of twenty-four rooms, two cisterns, twelve cor
ridors and fifteen little stairways. It seems that the
floors of the rooms were mostly on different levels.
The entire plateau of this hill, which is of consid
erable extent, was found to be covered with ruins
of buildings, pyramids and other structures.
According to the author last quoted, the inner walls
were coated with mud and mortar and in some cases
stucco, while the outer walls were faced with large
baked bricks and cut stone ; the stairways were of
brick and stone. It is supposed from the indications
that the roofs were of wood and flat. Here and there
closed up passages, walls rebuilt with materials other
than those employed in the other construction, are
taken as evidence that the place was occupied at two
different periods, and possibly by two different peoples
or tribes. According to Veytia, "On the Chichimecs
invading the country under the command of Xolotl,
they found Tula deserted, and grass growing in the
streets, but the king was so pleased with the site that
he ordered the monuments to be repaired and the
town inhabited. He followed the same policy at
IT
258
Study of North American Archaeology.
Mexican Section Civilization. 259
Teotihuacan and other places, ordering his people to
preserve old names, and only authorizing them to
give new appellations to those they should build them
selves."
Continuing our course southward we reach the city
of Teotihuacan ("City of the Gods") , about twenty-five
miles north-east of Mexico. The ruins here, on account
of their proximity to the capital, have been often
visited by antiquaries and travelers and have been
repeatedly and somewhat thoroughly described. Ac
cording to the most recent description, in the magni
tude of its remains and the evidence the site furnishes
of population and antiquity, Teotihuacan stands easily
at the head of the ancient cities of Mexico. It lacks
the well-preserved sculpture-decorated buildings found
elsewhere in Mexico and Central America, but this is
doubtless due to the rarity of suitable building stone
in this part of the valley. Cholula has a greater
pyramid but lacks the multiplicity of attendant struct
ures which here cover square miles of ground. The
prominent features are the two great pyramids, that
of the Sun, that of the Moon, and the Camino de los
Muertos ("Pathway of the Dead").
A view of the principal ruins, from the Pyramid of
the Moon, is shown in Fig. 85. The Pyramid of the Sun
and the Citadel are seen in the background, and the
Pathway of the Dead at the right. The Pyramid of the
Sun is one of the most massive remains on the conti
nent. With a square base, measuring between 680
and 700 feet on a side, it towers upward to the height
of 180 feet, with a level summit of about 100 feet
square. There were three terraces, each betweer
260 Study of North American Archaeology.
twenty and thirty feet wide, thus dividing it into four
stories. Although remains of a zigzag stairway are
said to have been observed on the east face, it is prob
able the real stairway was on the west side, thus giv
ing a more direct ascent to the temple which tradition
affirms crowned the summit, inclosing a colossal statue
of the sun made of a single block of stone of which,
however, no remains are at present to be seen.
The Pyramid of the Moon, though of less gigantic
proportions than that of the Sun, measures between
450 and 500 feet at the base and is of proportional
height. An important feature of the ancient city was
the great court, some 600 or 700 feet square, lying at
the south base of the Pyramid of the Moon and open
ing into the "Pathway of the Dead." The latter, a
depressed way varying from 200 to 300 feet in width,
extends southward a distance of over two miles, and
is flanked on either side by an almost unbroken series
of mounds and terraces ranging in height from ten to
thirty feet. As it crosses the Arroyo of the San Juan,
this must have been spanned in the time of occupancy
by a bridge. The Citadel is a quadrangular inclosure
1350 by 1400 feet, the surrounding embankment
varying in width from 100 to 180 feet and in height
from ten to twenty feet. Each of the four lines of
this embankment is surmounted by a series of four
small mounds.
All classes of structure were built of irregular
masses and fragments of lava and of adobe, the earth
of the plains more or less intermingled with com
minuted volcanic materials. Facings of important
surfaces were sometimes of selected stone. "Hewn
Mexican Section Civilization. 1*61
stone," says Mr. Holmes, "was little used, and the
laying of regular courses in mortar was not common."
It is supposed that the
roofs were flat and If JL J
formed of wooden beams. F
AVhere the chambers were j
large, masonry pillars j
were built up to support
Fig. 86. Ground plan of Teotihua-
the beams. These pillars, can building.
as exposed by Charney s
exploration, were mostly square. The ground plan
of the edifice unearthed by Charney, according to Mr.
Holmes, is shown in Fig. 86.
The types and character of these ruins appear to
indicate that they are to be considered pre-Aztecan
the work of a different and earlier people than the
Aztecs. Mr. Bandelier says : "That the pyramids of
Teotihuacan date from a period anterior to that of the
Mexicans, or Nahuatl in general, results from the fact
that no striking mention is made of them in connection
with the specifically Mexican traditions. The place
in the two centuries which preceded the conquest does
not play a part corresponding to the magnitude of its
ruins. This shows that the edifices were already
abandoned at the time of the conquest." They are
usually attributed by early authorities to the so-called
Toltecs. Mr. Holmes says: "It is clear that the
people, whatsoever their period or affinities, were in
telligent, enterprising and powerful, and that their
sway extended over a long period of years. The art
remains indicate a culture differing decidedly from
that of Tenochtitlan the Aztec capital, now the City
262 Study of North American Archaeology.
of Mexico differing in so many ways as to warrant
the inference of a distinct nation ; but, at the same
time, the analogies are so close and numerous that
jhe two peoples, if not of the same stock, must have
been closely associated for a great number of years."
An enthusiastic writer, speaking of these ruins,
says :
1 If by an effort of the imagination we were to try
and reconstruct this dead city, restore her dwellings,
her temples and pyramids, coated with pink and
white outer coatings, surrounded by verdant gardens,
intersected by beautiful roads paved with red cement,
the whole bathed in a flood of sunshine, we should
realize the vivid description given by Torquemada :
All the temples and palaces were perfectly built,
whitewashed and polished outside, so that it gave one
a real pleasure to view them from a little distance.
All the streets and squares were beautifully paved,
and they looked so daintily clean as to make you al
most doubt their being the work of human hands,
destined for human feet ; nor am I drawing an imag
inary picture, for besides what I have been told, I
myself have seen ruins of temples, with noble trees
ana beautiful gardens full of fragrant flowers, which
were grown for the service of the temples.
This, says Charney, from whom we quote, goes fai
to prove that the ruins are not so ancient as some
writers maintain. Nevertheless, that the original
plan and structures are to be attributed to other people
than the Aztecs, is generally conceded ; and that the
place was in ruins when Torquemada visited it, i->
clear from his statement.
Mexican Section Civilization. 263
Fragments of pottery in great abundance, obsidian
flakes, stone axes, etc., are scattered about the ruins;
sculptured ornamentation is somewhat rare, but a
massive stone idol complete and fragments of one or
two more, also some other sculptured monoliths, have
been found.
264 Study of North American Archaeology.
CHAPTER XVIII.
MONUMENTS OF SOUTHERN MEXICO CONTINUED.
Having now entered the civilized region, where
ruins are scattered here and there over the country,
we can only notice a few of the more important, and
refer the reader who wishes to learn more of the de
tails to the various works in which these are recorded.
As the temples and palaces of Tenochtitlan, the cap
ital of the Aztecs and the site of the present City of
Mexico, remain only in the descriptions of the Spanish
conquerors, and as the two or three horrid images
and the supposed calendar and sacrificial stones
which have been found have been often figured in
published works and are probably familiar to most
readers, we pass on to other points.
The ruins at Xochicalco ("Hill of Flowers") , about
seventy-five miles south-west of Mexico, and fifteen
miles south-west of Cuernavaca, are in some respects
the most singular and include perhaps the finest
monuments of the state. In the center of the plain
rises an oval hill, about two miles in circumference
and from three hundred to four hundred feet high.
Two tunnels (or galleries) enter the side of the hill
on the north, one of which has been traced to a depth
of a little over eighty feet. The second, between
nine and ten feet high, pierces the solid limestone of
the hill, and has several branches running in different
directions, some of them terminating in fallen debris,
others apparently walled up intentionally. The floors
Monuments of Southern Mexico.
265
are paved to a thickness of eighteen inches with brick-
shaped blocks of stone, and the sides are strengthened
with walls of masonry w^herever necessary. Both
pavement and walls, as well as the ceiling, are cov
ered with lime cement, which still retains evidence of
having been painted with red ochre. The principal
gallery, after turning once at right angles, terminates
at a distance of several hundred feet in a large apart
ment about eighty feet long, in which two circular
pillars are left of the original rock to serve as sup
ports for the roof.
From one corner of the room opens a little rotunda,
six feet in diameter, excavated, as the room itself, in
the rock, the dome of which is in the form of a
pointed arch. The outside of the hill is formed into
five successive terraces, supported by walls crowned
with parapets. The top or upper level, about 220 by
280 feet, supported a temple, or, more correctly, pyra
mid and temple (Fig. 87) , measuring sixty-five feet
Fig. 87. Ruins of the temple of Xochicalco.
266 Study of North American Archaeology.
from east to west and forty-eight from north to south,
constructed of porphyritic granite, dressed and laid
without mortar. The part shown in the figure is
probably only the basement. There were originally
five stories to the temple, rising step by step one be
hind another, which were to be seen as late as 1755.
The numerous figures on that part of the face shown
in the cut indicate Mexican (Nahuatl) origin, and
would seem to denote a different tribe or people from
the builders of Tula or Teotihuacan.
The artificial caverns found here were, beyond any
reasonable doubt, connected with religious ceremonies
or superstitious rites, and would seem to be a survival
of the similar custom already referred to as found
further north. It may also be added that worship in
caverns was practiced to some extent throughout Cen
tral America.
Before proceeding with our description of ruins, we
quote the following from Motolinia, an early Spanish
writer, in reference to the mode of constructing the
Mexican mounds of worship :
"In the most prominent part of this court there
stood a great rectangular base, one of which I meas
ured at Tenanyocan in order to write this, and found
it to be forty fathoms from corner to corner. This
they filled up solid, stuffing it within with stone, clay,
adobe, or well-pounded earth, and faced it with a wall
of stone ; and as it rose they made it incline inward,
and at every fathom and a half or two fathoms of
height they made a stage. Thus there was a broad
foundation, and on it walls narrowing to the top, both
by reason of the stages as well as by the slope, until
at a height of thirty-four to thirty-five fathoms the
Monuments of Southern Mexico. 26?
teocalli was seven or eight fathoms smaller on each
side than below. On the west side were the steps by
which to ascend, and on the summit were erected two
altars close by the eastern edge, not leaving more
space behind them than sufficient for a walk. One of
these altars was 011 the right, the other on the left,
and each one had its walls and roof like a chapel.
The large teocallis had two altars, the others one, and
each had its covered house. The great ones were of
three stories over the altars, with their ceilings fairly
high. The base also was as high as a great tower, so
that it could be seen from afar. Each chapel stood
by itself, and one might walk around it, and in front
of the altars there was a great open space where they
sacrificed."
About ten miles west of the Pueblo de los Angelos
is the great pyramid of Cholula, so often mentioned
by writers, the giant of its class. Although still
standing, on account of the wear of centuries it is
difficult to obtain exact measurements or to determine
with certainty its precise form. The sides of the base,
which was square, are variously estimated from .1440
to nearly 2000 feet each. Bandelier gives the peri
meter at 7740, and estimates the height at 165, others
at 175 to 200 feet. It consisted of four terraces or
stages, probably of unequal width, and, if Mr. Ban
delier be correct, with apron-like extensions or plat
forms on the sides of the base. Here the material
employed was chiefly adobe, with broken limestone,
little pebbles, and occasional particles of lava. Lime
stone broken into slabs was used for steps and stair
ways, and "pulverized carbonate of lime, mixed with
pebbles and lava fragments, for the intervening ledges
268 Study of North American Archaeology.
and the coating of the stairways." The indications
are that the structure was not erected at one time, but
is rather an accumulation of successive periods.
Although it is known that it was surmounted by a
temple, possibly of small size, and was a place of
worship, yet Mr. Bandelier, who devoted considerable
time to the study of the locality and its history, is of
the opinion that it was, at least in part, a defensive
work. He declares also that "one thing seems cer
tain, namely, that the Nahuatl did not construct it."
Continuing southward, we enter Oaxaca, the region
of the Zapotecs and Mixtecs, a stock distinct, lin
guistically, from the Nahuatl or Maya, and embracing
besides these two tribes some other small tribes of the
same locality. Though distinct from the Mexicans,
the two peoples had many customs in common. The
former were quite as highly civilized as the latter ;
they offered human sacrifices, and their mode of wor
ship and rites appear also to have been in general
analogous to those of the Mexicans, as were their
dress, ornaments and weapons, and their warlike or
ganization. Their calendar, the outlines of which
have been preserved, was based upon the same theory
as that of the Mexicans and Mayas, as was also their
system of enumeration.
The ruins of this region, which are numerous and
somewhat extensive and important, although resem
bling to some extent those of southern Mexico which
have been noticed, and indicating a similarity of cul
ture, constitute a distinct type. Space, however, will
permit us to notice but the single group at Mitla, al
though the groups at Monte Alban show great quad
rangles surrounded by walls inclosing series of
Monuments of Southern Mexico.
269
mounds, plazas and depressed courts, and outer series
of terraces reminding us, in some respects, of the
ruins of Copan, and evidently marking the site of a
large ancient city.
The site of the ancient city of Mitla is now occupied
by the modern village of the same name. The ancient
structures are better preserved than those of other
groups of Mexico which we have described ; but the
ruins are not so extensive as those of Teotihuacan or
as those of Monte Alban. But they are exceedingly
interesting, and serve to illustrate the great progress
made by the prehistoric people of
this region in architecture, espe
cially in the temple building art.
The group consists of five great
clusters of buildings, more or less
perfectly preserved. Two of these
are shown in Fig. 88. Mr. Holmes
remarks as follows in regard to the
general character of the works :
"The art of Mitla, as represented
by the architectural remains, was
highly individualized, and hence
presents many novel features a
result due in large part, no doubt,
to the isolation of the people and
the peculiarities of the environ
ment. Many features of plan, pro- jffi
file, construction and finish are -
new to the student who has paid at
tention chiefly to Nahua and Maya
building, and the system of em
bellishment seems to stand alone, even in the province
Fig. 88. Ruins at Mitla,
270 Study of North American Archaeology.
to which it belongs. The mural decorations are purely
geometric, and in appearance are in striking contrast
with the mythological, life-form designs so prevalent
throughout other sections of Mexico. Much has been
said by various authors regarding the significance of
these and other peculiarities of the architecture, and
some have predicated upon them marked distinctions
of race, but such characters of art, standing alone,
have no great value as ethnic criteria.
"\Yith respect to the mechanical perfection of Mit-
lan work in stone, it may be said that environment
probably had much to do with it. The trachytes that
surround Mitla break down in great blocks along the
cliffs, and are the most tractable and easily manipu
lated of the building stones. Monte Alban furnished
nothing but flimsy quartzite and gnarled crystalline
limestone; San Juan Teotihuacan had mainly the
most intractable forms of basaltic lavas. Such rocks
do not lend themselves to the pick of the quarryman
and the chisel of the sculptor; otherwise these two
cities would probably have contained examples of
architectural achievement unequaled in America.
Mitla is what it is largely because of the presence of
inexhaustible supplies of superb and easily worked
building stone the soft, massive, yet tough and dura
ble, trachytes."
One of the clusters was built of adobe brick, the
others chiefly of stone, the facing of the walls, cor
nices, trimmings and ornamentation of cut stone, and
the hearting or filling of the pyramids, terraces and
walls of rubble, as was usual in the entire region.
Mortar was generally used in laying the stone. Al
though such advanced art is exhibited in these works,
Monuments of Southern Mexico.
271
no traces of stairways have been discovered. The
general ground plans of the buildings are seen in the
figure (88). The walls are massive, being usually
over four feet in thickness and carried up vertically,
and faced with dressed stone or plaster ; the inner
faces are plastered or partly or wholly covered with
geometric mosaic work. The buildings are all only a
single story in height, the ceilings and roofs flat, hav
ing apparently been supported chiefly by wooden
beams, the arch not being used, perhaps not known
to the builders. Where the rooms or halls were of
considerable width, a row of pillars or columns was
planted along the middle, in order to furnish addi
tional support to the roof. (Fig. 89.)
Fig. 89. Room with columns, Mitla.
The surfaces of the walls were uniformly covered
within and without with some decorative finish.
Three methods of embellishment were employed
painting, sculpture and mosaic. Mr. Holmes, whose
272
Study of North American Archaeology.
description is chiefly followed here, notices as some
thing remarkable the absence of sculptured life-forms.
"Sculpture in its more restricted and commonly ac
cepted sense seems to have been tabooed as completely
as if a priestly edict had been promulgated, forever
prohibiting it. The absence of sculptured life-forms
is especially remarkable, since such forms were most
extensively embodied in other branches of Mitlan
work."
The peculiar feature of these structures which has
attracted most attention is the fretwork decoration of
the walls. These designs are all purely geometrical,
yet are varied and attractive, and are arranged in
panels covering the exterior surface of the buildings,
and on interior surfaces are in panels or continuous
bands The most remarkable of these are geometric
fretwork mosaics made up of sepa
rately hewn or carved stones in
the form of little bricks set in
mortar to form ornamental de
signs ; some are angular and
curved grecques (Fig. 90) . The
painted designs show a strong re
semblance to the figures of the
Mexican Codices, as Fig. 91.
Charney seems to have a rather
poor opinion of these paintings,
as he says :
"Below are found traces of very
Fig. 1)0. Fretwork in the . . .
grand palace, Mitla. primitive paintings, representing
rude figures of idols and lines
forming meanders, the meaning of which is unknown.
The same rude paintings are found throughout the
Monuments of Southern Mexico.
273
.palace in sheltered places which have escaped the
ravages of time. That such immature drawings
o o o o o o o
Fig. 91. Painted designs, Mitla.
should be found in palaces of beautiful architecture,
decorated with panels of exquisite mosaic work, are
facts which, at first sight, make it difficult to ascribe
them to the same people."
According to Mr. Bandelier, the ancient pottery, so
far as seen by him, was uniformly a light gray, thick
and without traces of paint. Its ornamentation was
overloaded, grotesque and elaborate, the faces often
having noses exactly like the so-called "elephant
trunk ornament of the Yucatec ruins, and enormous
head-dresses encircling rather than crowning the
face."
Nothing is known in regard to the age of these
structures more than the fact that they were in ruins
at the time of the Spanish conquest. Orozco y Berra
thinks they were destroyed between 1490 and 1500 in
the fierce contests between the Zapotecs and the
Aztecs. The earliest known mention of the place is
18
274 Study of North American Archaeology.
by Motolinia, who says that when Fray Martin de
Valencia went to Tehuantepec (about 1533) with some
companions, "they passed through a pueblo which is
called Mictlan, signifying hell in this language, where
they found some edifices more worth seeing than in
any other parts of New Spain. Among them was a
temple of the demon, and dwelling of its servants
(ministros) , very sightly, particularly one hall made
of something like lattice work. The fabric was of
stone, with many figures and shapes ; it had many
doorways, each one of three great stones, two at the
sides and one on the top, all very thick and wide. In
these quarters there was another hall containing round
pillars, each one of a single piece, and so thick that
two men could barely embrace one of them ; their
height might be five fathoms. Fray Martin said that
on this coast people would be found handsomer and
of greater ability than those of New Spain."
Charney says : "It will be apparent to the reader
that the ruins at Mitla bear no resemblance with those
of Mexico or Yucatan, either in their ornamentation
or mode of building ; the interiors have no longer the
overlapping vault, but generally consist of perpen
dicular walls, supporting flat ceilings, so that it seems
almost impossible to class these monuments with
those of Central America. Nevertheless, there are
details which recall Toltec influence, as we shall show
later." However, it must be apparent to the reader
of this volume that there is a resemblance to some of
those we have described in the following particulars :
The absence of the vaulted ceiling ; the use of the flat
roof sometimes supported by interior columns ; the
partial use of adobe, apparently a survival of the
Monuments of Southern Mexico. 275
more northern custom ; and the method of hearting
or filling in the walls, terraces, etc The painted de
signs, as already stated, bear a strong resemblance to
Mexican figures; and Cliarney admits that "some
of the details, such as the masks and the small terra
cotta figures, are exactly like those at Teotihuacan,
whilst the small crosses on the panels of the great
palace, and those on the fagade of the fourth, are fac
similes of those on the priest of Quetzalcoatl at
Lorillard. The head-dresses of the pottery figures, if
Bandelier be correct, are similar to those found in
several other localities.
276 Study of North American Archaeology.
CHAPTER XIX.
MONUMENTS OF CENTRAL AMERICA.
Passing eastward to the vicinity of the Gulf coast,
we enter the state of Tabasco, and after a brief no
tice of a ruin in this region proceed south-east in the
direction of one of the supposed lines of prehistoric
migration.
At Comalcalco is a group of ruins which, on ac
count of their locality and character, are important
in studying the prehistoric movements of population
and the development of culture. These, according to
Charney, from whom our brief notice is taken, con
sist of a large, irregular mound, or pyramid, and su
perimposed works. The latter include two quadran
gular towers, a long building, so-called "palace,"
divided into two lines of rooms something like the
Gobernador at Uxmal, or the north interior building of
the Palenque palace, and two mounds which are prob
ably the remains of structures of some kind. All,
however, are in such a ruinous condition that it is
difficult to make out with certainty the plans.
The palace, of which but a small portion retains
the roof, shows the angular, slightly concave, vaulted
ceiling, the sloping frieze, the slightly sloping roof
and substantially the mode of structure seen at Pa
lenque. From Charney s description, which is some
what indefinite and incomplete, we quote the following :
"The walls of the palace were without any ornamenta-
Monuments of Central America. 277
tion, save a layer of smooth painted cement ; they
rose perpendicularly nine feet to a very projecting
cornice, then sloping in a line parallel to the corbel
vault, they terminated in a second cornice less salient
than the first, both serving as a frame to a frieze
richly decorated, so far at least as could be ascertained
from the fragments strewing the ground. Above this,
toward the center of the roof, rose a decorated wall.
The building, including the walls, measures
[in width] some twenty-six feet, the walls are three
feet nine inches in thickness, the size of the apart
ments is about eight feet. The palace was brightly
painted, as may yet be seen in the north corner, which
is of deep red." He says that the ornamentation of
one of the towers, of which portions of the wall are
yet standing, "must have been gigantic; the frag
ment [of which he gives a figure] which was found
among a heap of rubbish is no less than six feet. The
figures or characters on the wall are over three feet
high and in strong relief." His description leaves
the reader in doubt as to the material used and com
position ; however, it seems to have been in part or
largely adobe, as he mentions "the wall and its brick
and mortar composition," and remarks, "If baked
bricks mixed with thick layers of lime and mortar
were substituted for stones, it is because none are to
be found in that alluvial plain." Stairways are a
feature not to be omitted in studying these remains.
Facing this pyramid to the north, says the author
quoted, hidden by the luxuriant vegetation of a vir
gin forest, are three other pyramids, all crowned by
temples, the walls of which are still standing. In
one of these he was enabled to ascertain the sizes of
278
Study of North American Archaeology.
some of the brick used. These varied from 6x9x1
to 16x11x1, some used for the corners measuring
23x20x14 inches. Numerous other ruins in the
same locality, of which no description is given, are
\
Fig. 92. Plan of the ruins at Palenque.
mentioned. The writer quoted believes that some of
these structures were inhabited at the advent of the
Spaniards ; but without a much fuller and more accu
rate description no satisfactory conclusion on this
point, nor as to their general features, can be formed.
Monuments of Central America. 279
Entering the valley of the Usumacinta, and mov
ing up to the Tumbula foot hills, we come to the
noted ruins of Palenque, of which so much has been
said and written. As it is probable all the readers of
this little work have read more or less in regard to
the palace, temples and inscriptions of these ruins,
only such features will be noticed as seem of most im
portance in their bearing upon the culture of the peo
ple and the relation of the art types of these structures
to the types of other sections. Our space will permit
no more than this.
The ruins consist of a number of pyramids crowned
by buildings, supposed to have been used chiefly as
temples ; the larger one, however, has generally been
termed "The Palace," from the supposition that it
was the royal residence. A sketch map copied from
Mr. Holmes s work from which we shall chiefly
draw our notice of architectural details is shown in
Fig. 92 ; in this the principal monuments of the group
are indicated.
The palace, which is the large structure at the north
(bottom) of the sketch is the chief object of interest
in the group, and
in its construction ^J^ 1 ^
and details illus- j [I
trates the consider
able advance made = i i ,
by the builders in I I..I..I.J
architectural art,
though less profuse
in ornamentation,
less symmetrical in
. . Fig. 93. Ground plan of the palace,
form and inferior Palenque.
l^rfj^S 1 1
^//wii>/A !i z;i.. .... ___:
280 Study of North American Archaeology.
in some other respects to some of the Yucatec structures
which will be noticed hereafter. The ground plan of the
building is shown in Fig. 93. This, as the other build
ings, stands on a pyramidal substructure or elevated
platform, in this case from twenty to thirty feet in
height, and measuring at the top some 200 feet from
east to west at the north end, and 225 from north
to south. The lower terrace occupied by the building
at the south end is about 40 feet wide and 180 feet
long.
O
The structure on this platform is compound, the
series of three broken lines around three sides and
in the interior representing distinct buildings, while
the spaces denote open courts depressed some five or
six feet below the level on which the buildings around
them stand. The square near the center is a tower.
The building at the south end is on a lower terrace
and not considered a part of the group on the upper
level of the pyramid. All the buildings of the upper
level, except the tower and that immediately south of
it, are double vaulted, as shown in Fig. 94, which rep-
a d bee
Fig. 94. Cross-section of palace at Palenque.
resents a cross-section of the northern part of the
group ; that marked a, the eastern range ; rf, the
great court ; 6, the middle range ; e, the north
western court ; and c, the western range. This
Monuments of Central America.
281
282 Study of North American Archaeology.
also shows the vaulted ceiling and the form of the
roof. The walls are about three feet thick and rise
vertically nearly ten feet. The roof is generally
crowned with an elevated comb and the slopes filled
with elaborate designs in stucco, as shown in Fig. 95,
which is an attempted restoration of the roof of one
of the interior palace buildings. The ornamentation
is chiefly after Charney s idea, but the comb is given
according to the author s view.
Large slabs are used in the construction of wall
openings and the projecting portions of the roof. The
outer wall of the surrounding building, that facing
the great court on the east, and both outer walls of
the interior building are broken into rather broad
square pillars. Stephens says "the whole front [east
face] was covered with stucco and painted ; the piers
were ornamented with spirited figures in bas-relief."
Broad flights of steps lead up from the court to the
buildings surrounding it. "On each side of the
steps," says the author last quoted, "are grim and
gigantic figures carved on stone in basso-relievo, nine or
ten feet high, and slightly inclined backward from the
end of the steps to the floor of the corridor."
The ground plans of other structures which are
supposed to be temples, most
are afc
each mounted on a pyra-
i^bd I I JLJM j n I mid, are represented in a
LZZZJ L..J Er,TJ general way in our Fig. 96.
The interior of the pyra-
JFig. 96. Ground plans of .
Yucatec temples. mids haye not been exam
ined, but from indications
there can be little doubt that it consists of a heteroge-
Monuments of Central America. 283
neous mixture of earth and stone. It would seem that
the construction was, in some cases at least, carried
up with vertical w^alls and the abutting masonry to
form the slope added afterward, as at Copan. The
platforms were, as a rule, finished in cement or con
crete, but slabs of limestone were used in some in
stances. The support over the doors is believed
beyond any reasonable doubt to have been wooden
beams, though all had disappeared at the time of
Stephens s visit.
A singular feature of some of the buildings here is
the roof-comb. This, which runs lengthwise along
the crest of the roof, is yet standing almost complete
over the Temple of the Sun. It is in the form of a
sharp inverted A, two feet wide within and twelve
feet high. Its walls, which are three feet thick at
bottom, thinning to two feet at top, are perforated in
a varied and striking manner and finished at top with
a slight molding ; they are built of rather small
stones well set in mortar. The faces and ends of this
strange architectural device are entirely covered with
bold mythological designs in stucco, and Mr. Holmes
thinks that it was built for no other purpose than to
display these figures.
As the strange, and, in some cases, remarkable fig
ures carved in stone and modeled in stucco have been
repeatedly published, and the hieroglyphics carved on
stone tablets set into the walls have also been fre
quently reproduced, and have been referred to in a
previous chapter, these, though interesting to the
general as well as scientific reader, must be omitted
here. Moreover, we deem it of more importance as
a means of broad comparisons to give the archi-
284 Study of North American Archaeology.
tectural details relating to the forms and modes of
construction.
The history of the city of which these ruins are the
crumbling remains, and which must have been one
of importance, and at some period one of power, is
hidden in the gloom of the past seemingly beyond the
possibility of recovery. This gloom is relieved only
by a few faint rays cast by some dim and scarcely in
telligible traditions, unless the city should yet be iden
tified with the Izancanac visited by Cortez on his
march to Honduras, a conclusion discountenanced by
most historians and antiquaries, and advanced by
but one of the explorers of that region. The Tzental
tradition regarding Votan, their culture hero, and
some faint and uncertain echoes from Quiche legends,
are all that have come down to the present day in re
gard to its past. Like Quetzalcoatl of Mexican tra
dition, he comes from the eastern coast, clothed as
were his followers in long gowns. Wives are" given
to his followers, and he is made ruler over the people
who, up to that time, had lived in a savage state,
knowing nothing of agriculture or architecture. He
instructs them in these arts, forms their calendar,
teaches them how to record events in hieroglyphic
characters and builds the city of Nachan ("City of
Serpents"), which, according to Ordonez, is identical
with Palenque. Xibalba of the Quiche legends has
also been supposed by some writers to refer to the
same city, but, as Bancroft remarks, "the difficulty
of disproving the identity is equaled by that of prov
ing it." That the place was at some time in the past
one of importance and one of influence among the
natives of this region may be assumed from the ex-
Monuments of Central America. 285
tent of the ruins. However, it would seem that
Charney is correct in considering it a holy place, a
religious center, a city of temples.
"This important city is apparently without civic
architecture ; no public buildings are found ; there
seems to have been nothing but temples and tombs.
Consequently, the great edifice was not a royal palace,
but rather a priestly habitation, a magnificent convent
occupied by the higher clergy of this holy center, as
the reliefs every-where attest.
"Had Palenque been the capital of an empire, the
palace a kingly mansion, the history of her people,
fragments of domestic life, pageants, recitals of battles
and conquests would be found among the reliefs which
every-where cover her edifices, as in Mexico, at
Chichen-Itza, and other cities in Yucatan ; whereas,
the reliefs in Palenque show nothing of the kind. On
them we behold peaceful, stately subjects, usually a
personage standing with a scepter, sometimes a calm,
majestic figure whose mouth emits a flame, emblem of
speech and oratory. They are surrounded by pros
trated acolytes, whose bearing is neither that of slaves
nor of captives ; for the expression of their counte
nance, if submissive, is open and serene, and their
peaceful attitude indicates worshipers and believers ;
no arms are found among these multitudes, nor spear,
nor shield, nor bow, nor arrow, nothing but preachers
and devotees."
Although the ruins at Comalcalco are so briefly and
imperfectly described, yet this description is sufficient
to indicate a decided similarity in some features in the
mode of construction to those at Palenque.
Proceeding westward up the valley of the Usumacinta
286
Study of Xorth American Archaeology.
into the mountain region of the Lacandons, the ruins
described by Charney, and to which he has given the
name "Lorillard City" (also called Menche) , are
reached. According to this writer, the number of
buildings "in good preservation was supposed to be
twelve," six, however, "without doors." They, like
those at Palenque, are supported on terraces or pyra
mids faced with stones, have a central flight of steps,
but are of smaller dimensions and not so richly deco
rated. But the description is necessarily incomplete,
as all traces of outer decoration have disappeared.
Here is found also the perforated roof-comb rising to
an unusual height. The ceilings are triangular vaults,
straight or slightly concave, and in some instances
slightly convex, the latter being a feature not observed
in the ruins heretofore described or in those of Yuca
tan. Lintels are more richly sculptured than in
Yucatan, and seem to replace the slabs covered with
Fig. 97. Sculptured lintel, Lorillard City.
Monuments of Central America. 287
inscriptions and the ornamented pillars at Palenque.
Casts of three of these obtained by Charney are in the
United States National Museum. The figures are ex
ceedingly rich in ornamentation, one of which is
shown in our Fig. 97, from photograph. One of the
most singular objects discovered by Charney was a
great stone idol with an enormous head-dress rising in
o o
the form of a fully spread fan. He says that it is
"unique of its kind, for nothing like it has been found
either in Tabasco or Yucatan." However, Mr. Bande-
lier states that some of the ancient pottery heads from
the vicinity of Mitla have enormous head-dresses
which encircle rather than crown the face, probably
similar in type.
The explorer whose description has been followed
appears to lean to the opinion that this city was inhab
ited for many years after the Spaniards landed on the
eastern coast.
Turning now to the east, we enter the peninsula of
Yucatan , a region dotted over with monuments showing
the most advanced architectural art of North America.
However, the description of a few groups will suffice
to indicate the types. The people who occupied the
peninsula at the coming of the Spaniards were the
Mayas proper, and although split into numerous inde
pendent states, spoke the same language. These, of
which as many as eighteen are enumerated within the
bounds of the peninsula, were, as heretofore stated,
the fragments of a once powerful confederacy, which
had broken up about a century before the Spaniards
appeared in their midst. Some of the cities, of which
these ruins mark the sites, were found already in
ruins, but some of them were still inhabited, though
288 Study of North American Archaeology.
soon abandoned after the conquerors appeared on the
scene. Nevertheless, it is apparent that their golden
era had passed, and that the inspiration which gave
birth to the numerous temples and palatial struc
tures had disappeared. Herrera states that at the
fall of Mayapan (which he places in 1460) , which is
supposed to have been the capital of the confederacy,
the conquering caciques took away all the books of
the kind they had that they could obtain, for the in
struction of their people, and on their return home
erected temples and palaces, which is the reason why
so many buildings were seen in Yucatan ; that follow
ing the division of the territory into independent
provinces, the people multiplied exceedingly, so that
the whole region seemed but one single city. There
are, however, few students who will believe that the
numerous structures, whose ruins are now scattered
over Yucatan, were built during the seventy or eighty
years immediately preceding the advent of the Span
iards ; nor will they believe the division into inde
pendent nations was conducive to the increase and
prosperity of the people, especially in view of his
statement, confirmed by others, that during some of
these years the country was swept by tornadoes, some
years by the pestilence, and during others by the de
vastation, of contending armies and plundering bands
engaged in internecine warfare.
One of the most interesting as well as most noted
groups of the peninsula is that known as Uxmal,
some thirty-five or forty miles south of Merida. This
group consists, as shown in Fig. 98, of some five
or six buildings, mounted, as usual, on platforms
or pyramids, a tennis court, and some three or four
E \
1SITY
F y
Monuments of Central America.
UX.MAL
289
Fig. 98. Plan of ruins at "Uxmal.
mounds, whose superstructures, if any ever existed,
have disappeared. The area covered by the main group
of ruins is not large, probably not more than half a mile
19
290 Study of North American Archaeology.
square, but scattered remains are found beyond this
limit. "The place, when inhabited," remarks a re
cent visitor, "must have been extensive and impor
tant, and no doubt presented a brilliant and imposing
effect. Though the buildings are now much disman-
Fig. 99. Ornamentation on the governor s palace, Uxmal.
tied and buried in a deep forest, save where recent
clearings have been made, they are still impressive in
the extreme, and it is difficult to realize that the huge
pyramidal masses, rising like hills above the general
level, are really wholly artificial."
Monuments of Central America. 291
The Casa del Gobernador, or Governor s House,
reared on the uppermost of three successive colossal
terraces > and forming the large central ground plan in
Fig. 98, is the most extensive, best known and most
magnificent monument of Central America. The sec
ond of these terraces forms a broad esplanade in front
of the building ; the third, set back somewhat toward
the rear, is long and narrow, so as to leave a promenade
of thirty feet around the house. The latter is ex
cessively long in proportion to the width, the length
being about 325 feet, while the width is only forty
feet. The height to the level top is twenty-six feet,
nearly one-half, of this height on the exterior face be
ing occupied by an immense, profusely ornamented
frieze, ten feet wide, running entirely around the four
walls of the building, a distance of about 725 feet.
This elaborate ornamentation (Fig. 99) , which is all
in wrought stone, consists of a checkered or lattice
background ; Greek frets, series of bars terminating
with serpent heads, the interspaces being covered
with hieroglyphs ; human figures with immense
head-dresses over the doorways (the human figures
have all been broken away) ; and an upper line of
great stone masks, with long, curved, proboscis-like
noses. The other facing of the walls without and
within is of the gray limestone of the region, in
large, squarish blocks, generally cut and laid with
great precision, and, with few exceptions, plain.
This long and narrow building is divided length
wise into two series of rooms by a middle wall, the
entrance being from the front ; the rear wall is nine
feet thick and without opening, except at the recesses
near the ends. The width of the rooms is limited by
292
Study of North American Archaeology.
the span of the wedge-shaped arch of the ceiling
which rarely exceeds ten or twelve feet. (Fig. 100.)
Fig. 100. Section of the Casa del Gobernador.
The so-called Nunnery is a great quadrangle, con
sisting of four rectangular structures surrounding an
open court, which stand on terraces, leaving open
spaces at the four corners, the south building alone
having an entry way through it. The inner facades
facing the court have, on the upper part, like that of
the Governor s House, a broad, richly-ornamented
frieze reaching from the top of the doorways to the
flat roof. These, in variety of designs and delicacy
of finish, probably exceed those of the Governor s
House. Among these designs the great snouted mask
is prominent, being found on all the fronts, and on
the north side is placed in vertical tiers of five or six
at the corners and over alternate doorways. These
masks are formed by the arrangement of minor feat
ures and are rectangular in outline. They are prob
ably intended to represent the Tlaloc or rain god of
Monuments of Central America,
293
the Mayas ; whether Itzamna or Cukulcan, is uncer
tain ; the writer is of the opinion that the former is
intended. (Fig, 101.) A similar arrangement of some
what similar faces is seen in some of the designs of the
north-west coast (Fig. 70) ; even the great nose is some
times present, especially on their totem posts, but in
the form of a bird s bill instead of the elephant or
tapir snout. The upward curve in the mask snouts
of Central America give the idea that it was derived
in some way from the elephant form instead of from
the tapir snout, which has a slightly downward curve.
However, figures in the Dresden Codex evidently in
tended to represent tapirs have the snout curved up
ward fully three-quarters of an entire circuit.
Next to the masks the most im
portant feature in the ornamentation
of these facades is the serpent, the
arrangement of which along the
face and around the panels is con
sidered a masterpiece of decorative
sculpture, and brings to mind the
introduction of the serpent in the
sculpturing of some of the temples of
Cambodia.
As an entire chapter would not
suffice to describe all the ruins of
this ancient city, brief reference to
i 11 Fig. 101. Ornamen-
bat two more can be made here. t ationoftheXun , s
The Temple of the Dwarf or Magician palace, Uxmal.
is noted as a prominent object of the
group because of the very steep pyramid on which the
building stands. The temple itself is small and in
significant ; the unusual feature of the pile is a temple
294 Study of North American Archaeology.
built against and into the north side of the pyramid,
its roof being on a level with the top of the pyramid.
The front of this temple is about twenty-two feet
square and is entirely covered with ornamental work.
The large doorway is occupied by a colossal snouted
face or mask twelve feet square, made up of striking
and unusual details. Among these was probably a
life-size statue (now lost) standing on the snout and
resting against the forehead ; others are a pair of
tigers. The corner decorations comprise smaller
masks, seven in each tier.
The House of Pigeons (Casa de Palomas) , as will
be seen by reference to the plan sketch, is a quadran
gular structure placed against the terrace of a pyramid.
Its prominent features are an arched opening of un
usual size through the front building and the immense
serrated, perforated comb which rises above the front
wall.
The facing of the buildings is of cut stone ; the fill
ing of the walls and mounds is, as usual, of broken
stone set in a liberal matrix of whitish mortar made
of lime. "The facings and ornaments," says Mr.
Holmes, "are all cut and sculptured with a masterly
handling not surpassed where chisels, picks and ham
mers of iron and steel are used, and the faces and con
tact margins are hewn with perfect precision. Though
the finish of the surfaces was often secured by means
of abrasion or grinding, picking or pecking were the
main agencies employed, and the indents of the tool
are often apparent and wonderfully fresh looking."
This city is supposed to have been built or enlarged
by the Tutul-Xiu of whom further mention will be
made in a future chapter and their rei^n, with
Monuments of Central America. 295
Uxmal as their capital, was the most glorious period
of Mayan history, probably extending from the early
part of the twelfth century until after the fall of
Mayapan. Why this city, the capital of the most ad
vanced native culture, was abandoned by the Xiu,
and Mani selected as their seat which they occupied
at the coming of the Spaniards is unknown. That
Uxmal was inhabited, at least to some extent, at the
arrival of the Spaniards, appears to be proved beyond
any reasonable doubt, and is generally conceded.
296 Study of North American Archaeology.
CHAPTER XX.
CHICHEN-ITZA, TIKAL AND COPAN.
Cliichen-Itza, to which the reader s attention is now
called, vies in the grandeur and extent of its remains
with Uxmal. Like the latter, it is situated in the
midst of a forest-covered plain, whose monotony is
broken only by minor irregularities of tho rocky sur
face. Its name, which signifies "The Mouth of the-
Well of the Itzas," is supposed to have been given
because of the presence of two great natural wells or
cenotes within its area. The principal ruins are in
cluded in an area considerably less than a mile square,
and consist of half a dozen important piles, with
remains of numerous inferior structures scattered
about, which have not been explored. The pyramid-
temple is the prevailing type, though some of the
buildings are on the natural surface ; the ground plans
are mostly simple arrangements of corridors, vesti
bules and chambers ; the walls are mostly vertical,
the upper zone of the outer face ornamented, the
lower portion plain ; the roofs are level and covered
with cement and the floors are mostly of cement.
Ordinary surface masonry is often irregular, imper
fectly hewn stones laid up with little skill ; but im
portant wall surfaces are generally faced with accu
rately hewn blocks, neatly laid, but with little mortar
except at the back. Here, as elsewhere in Yucatan >
Chichen-Itza, Tikal and Copan. 297
the wooden lintel was the weak feature of the con
struction.
"The study of even a single example of the great
fa9ades," says Mr. Holmes, from whom our notes on
the architectural features are chiefly drawn, "is suffi
cient to impress upon one the vast importance of the
sculptor s work, but the immense range of his field
is appreciated when the heavy rattlesnake columns,
the colossal serpent balustrades, the long lines of
caryatid-atlantean figures, and the graphic relief
sculptures of temple interiors and pillars have been
passed in review. The life subjects had perhaps in
all cases a mythologic origin and application, being
employed in buildings or situations consistent with
their symbolism. Purely geometric motives are nu
merous, important and highly varied and specialized,
indicating on the part of this people a ripe experience
in various branches of art in which the esthetic had
equal consideration with the symbolic."
Although there was but little modeling in stucco
here, plaster was universal ; every imperfect surface
was made even by this means, and then treated with
colors which were varied and brilliant. The general
plan of dividing the building into rooms with vaulted
ceilings, as heretofore described, was followed here.
One of the most interesting remains of this group,
in some respects, is the so-called Nun s Palace, a
ground plan of which is shown in Fig. 102. This is
in three stories ; the lower stage, some ten feet high,
although vertical, with moldings around the top and
a narrow ledge around the bottom, is apparently solid.
Ascent to the second and third stories was made by
broad stairways in front, as shown in the ground
298 Study of North American Archaeology.
plan. The portion of the second story building sup
porting the small upper story is also solid, the filling
up having apparently been an after-thought for the
purpose of supporting the small upper structure.
The door jambs, lintels and rounded corners of the
building are formed of stones of large size. Mr.
Holmes thinks the most striking peculiarity observed
here is the retreating profile of the upper wall, a
character occurring rarely in Yucatec buildings, but
almost universal in the Usumacinta province. This
fact, as will be seen hereafter, becomes important in
Fig. 102. Ground plan of Nunnery, Chichen-Itza.
tracing the development of art in this region. This
building is also unique in regard to its decorations.
The lower wall is elaborately embellished with geo
metric sculptures arranged in large panels. The
large panels in the ends of the building are filled with
heavy lattice work. The ornamentation of the upper
story, as given by Charney, consists chiefly of panels
with central rosettes.
This building has associated with it, as seen in the
ground plan, an L-shaped adjunct, and two small de
tached structures, standing on the natural ground
surface. The first of these the adjunct is about
Chichen-Itza, Tikal and Copan. 299
twenty-three feet high. The lower portion of the
outer face of the north and south walls has, alternating
with the doorways, the usual mask and lattice decora
tions in panels, together with some plain spaces. The
fayade on the east is filled with two tiers of great
snouted masks at the right and left of the doorway.
The form of these snouts is shown in Fig. 103. The
upper zone presents one of the
most richly decorated spaces of its /
kind in America. The north side If ))|
contains six mask panels, with
three rosette panels ; the east
fagade has a central panel over the
door, in which is a sitting figure, Fig m Elephant trunk
and mask panels at the right and figure, Yucatan,
left. Even the flaring coping stones
on the south front are embellished with three examples
of, what are supposed to be, Tlaloc symbols as they
embody the projecting snout and five or six pendant
lines or grooves suggesting the rain god.
Another interesting ruin of this group is the Tower,
or Caracol, so named because of a special stairway
extending upward through the Columnar, central mass
of the building. It is mounted on the second terrace
of a broad elevated platform, as shown in the vertical
section, Fig. 104, which passes through the center.
Fig. 104. Vertical section of the Caracol or Tower, Chichen-Itza.
300
Study of North American Archaeology.
The lower terrace is about twenty feet high and the
upper one twelve. The tower is a regular circle about
thirty-nine or forty feet in diameter, and when com
plete was probably about the same height. The
ground plan is seen in Fig. 105.
Fig. 105. Ground plan of the tower, Chichen-Itza.
The most imposing monument of Chichen-Itza is
the so-called Castillo or Castle. This consists of a
steep terraced, or stepped pyramid, seventy-five or
eighty feet high, and a block-like superstructure. The
sides of the pyramid rise at an angle of about fifty
degrees, and are divided into nine steps ; a broad
stairway of hewn stone ascends the middle of each
face. One at least of these stairways, and probably
all, were bordered by a kind of balustrade represent
ing a serpent, terminating at the base in a great ser
pent head with protruded tongue. The plan of the
temple is of the usual form ; a front entry extending
the whole length of the building, from which a door
way leads into an interior dark room, around three
sides of which runs a hall with doorways at the sides
Chichen-Itza, Tikal and Copan. 301
and rear leading out of the building, but not connecting
with the inner room. The great front opening is in
terrupted by two equally spaced columns which support
the wooden lintel. These columns, which are circular,
are carved to represent the body of a feathered ser
pent, almost exactly like those seen at Tula, the head
being bent outward at the base. Columns of the same
form are seen again in this group at the so-called
House of the Tigers. The chief sculptures in the
Castle are representations of the human form. These
are elaborately costumed and have stern features.
Some of the figures seen here are furnished with
long, full beards. Two Atlantean forms are shown
in Fig. 106.
The Gymnasium, House of the Tigers and other in
teresting monuments must be passed
without notice in our necessarily brief
account.
In studying the ruined cities of Yu
catan and attempting restoration, we
should bear in mind the following
statement by Landa, who was in that
country as early as 1540 : "Before the Fig. 106. Sculptur-
arrival of the Spaniards, the aborig- ed Atlantean fig-
ines lived in common, were ruled by
severe laws, and the lands were cultivated and planted
with useful trees. The center of their towns was oc
cupied by the temples and squares, round which were
grouped the palaces of the lords and the priests, and
so on in successive order to the outskirts, which were
allotted to the lower classes. The wells, necessarily
few, were found close to the dwellings of the nobles,
who live in close community for fear of their enemies,
302 Study of North American Archaeology.
and not until the time of the Spaniards did they take
to the woods."
The culture hero of Chichen-Itza was, according to
tradition, Cukulcan, a name signifying "Feathered
Serpent." According to Landa, it was said that he
arrived from the west, but whether with or after the
Itzaes was not stated, but probably after the city had
been founded. According to the same authority, the
principal edifice, built no doubt long after his depart
ure, was named Cukulcan. It was through him the
people obtained their arts, religion and mode of
government. After ruling over Chichen for a time he
removed to Mayapan and founded that city. At length
he disappeared to be known and honored, as the tradi
tion asserts, as the god Quetzalcoatl in Mexico. In
Mayapan, a temple was built in his honor, as at
Chichen, which Landa says was round, with four
doorways. The fact that explorers have found at
Mayapan and Chichen, and nowhere else in Yucatan,
two circular temples entered by four doors, is seem
ingly a partial confirmation of this tradition.
The date of the founding of Chichen is of course
unknown, yet the traditions, as shown by the author
in his "Study of the Manuscript Troano," appear to
indicate the sixth century A. D. as the probable date.
However, as the place was inhabited, at least in part,
at the coming of the Spaniards, it is probable that the
structures, whose ruins now mark the site, were built
long after that date. One destruction of the city is
mentioned in the traditions. As will appear in a
subsequent chapter, there are some reasons for be
lieving that the Itzaes came to this locality from the
Peten region further south.
Chichen-Itza< Tikal and Copan. 303
As the remains of Palenque, Uxmal and Chichen-
Itza indicate the leading architectural types of Cen
tral America, brief references only will be made to
some of the particular features of the remainder of
this district.
Extensive ruins have been discovered at Tikal r
about twenty miles north-east of Peten, which are in
some respects remarkable. One of the pyramids, in
cluding its superstructure of three stories, measured,
according to Maudslay (probably up the slope) , nearly
300 feet, which, with its fine wood and stone carvings,
this explorer thinks "must have taken hundreds of
active minds and thousands of skilled hands to have
raised and perfected and kept in order." Here, as at
Copan, some, at least, of the pyramids are carried up
in great steps. Here also has been found the finest
native wood-carving of America, so far as known.
The chief features of this magnificent sculpture, which
the size of our page will not permit us to introduce,
are an enormous arched and profusely ornamented
serpent, holding between its expanded jaws a human
form with lofty head-dress ; and beneath the serpent
fold, a standing human figure with shield on the left
arm and holding a staff or lance in the right hand.
This figure is literally enveloped in ornaments. In
the upper right and left-hand corners are several
columns of hieroglyphs skillfully and accurately
carved, among which can be easily recognized day
symbols with numerals attached, showing not only
the forms found at Palenque and in the manuscripts,
though more ornamental, but indicating also precisely
the same order in counting the day series.
The ruins at Quirigua, on Rio Motagua, eastern
304 Study of North American Archaeology.
Guatemala, which have been explored and described
by Mr. Maudslay, may be briefly summarized as fol
lows : Numerous square or oblong mounds and ter
races, varying in height from six to forty feet, some
isolated, others clustered in irregular groups, most of
which are faced with worked stone, and were ascended
by flights of stone steps. Some thirteen or more
large carved monoliths, arranged irregularly around
what were probably the most important plazas of the
city or pueblo. Six of these monuments are tall stones
measuring three to five feet square and standing four
teen to twenty feet out of the ground. Five are
oblong or rounded blocks of stone, shaped so as to repre
sent huge turtles or armadillos or some such animals.
All these monoliths are covered with elaborate carvings ;
usually, on the front and back of the taller ones, there
is carved a huge human figure standing full-face in a
stiff and conventional attitude. The sides of these
monuments are covered with tables of hieroglyphs,
and in addition to these tables of hieroglyphs there
are series of squares or cartouches of what appears to
be actual picture writing, each division measuring
about eighteen inches square, and containing usually
two or three grotesque figures of men and animals.
Some of the figures in these monoliths appear to be
females. The hieroglyphs are of the same type as
those already mentioned, the day symbols and numer
als, so far as determinable, being similar to those at
Tikal.
Hundreds of ruins, many of them interesting, are
scattered over Chiapas, Guatemala and Honduras.
Quite a number of these have recently been examined
by Dr. Carl Sapper, whose drawings, showing the
Chichen-Itza, Tikal and Copan. 305
ground plans of the structures, with brief explanatory
notes, make it evident that they are, in arrangement
and general character, substantially of the Copan
type. For this reason, a brief account of this impor
tant type is given before closing the descriptive por
tion of our work.
These ruins are situated within the boundary of
Honduras, some twenty-five or thirty miles directly
south of Quirigua, a portion of the area being bounded
by Copan river. Fortunately for students, a descrip
tion of these ruins, written as early as 1576 by Diego
de Palacio, has been preserved, which Mr. Maudslay,
who has devoted much time in exploring the ruins,
considers more than ordinarily trustworthy for the
time it was written, as he remarks : "This description
is such a one as might have been written by any in
telligent visitor within even the last few years." It
is as follows :
"Near here, on the road to the city of San Pedro,
in the first town within the province of Honduras,
called Copan, are certain ruins and vestiges of a great
population and of superb edifices, of such skill and
splendor that it appears they could never have been
built by the natives of that province. They are
found on the banks of a beautiful river, in an exten
sive and well-chosen plain, temperate in climate, fer
tile and abounding in fish and game. Amongst the
ruins are mounds which appear to have been made
by the hand of man, as well as many other remarka
ble things.
"Before arriving at them, we find the remains of
thick walls, and a great eagle in stone, having on its
20
306 Study of North American Archaeology.
breast a tablet a yard square, and on it certain char^
acters which are not understood. On arriving at the
ruins, we find another stone in the form of a giant,
which the elders among the Indians aver was the
guardian of the sanctuary. Entering the ruins, we find
a cross of stone, three palms in height, with one of
the arms broken off. Further on, we come to ruins,
and among them, stones sculptured with much skill ;
also a great statue, more than four yards in height,
which resembles a bishop in his pontifical robes with
a well-wrought miter (on his head) and rings on his
fingers.
"Near this is a well-built plaza (or square), with
steps, such as writers tell us are in the Coliseum at
Rome. In some places there are eighty steps, in part
at least, of fine stone, finished and laid with much
skill.
"In this square are six great statues, three repre
senting men, covered with mosaic work, and with
garters round their legs, their weapons covered with
ornaments ; and the other two of women, with long
robes and head-dress in the Roman style. The re
maining statue is of a bishop, who appears to hold in
his hand a box or small coffer. They seem to have been
idols, for in front of each of them is a large stone,
with a small basin and a channel cut in it, where
they executed the victim and blood flowed off. We
found, also, small altars used for burning incense.
In the center of the square is a large basin of stone
which appears to have been used for baptism, and in
which, also, sacrifices may have been made in com
mon. After passing this square, we ascend by a
great number of steps to a high place, which appears.
Chichen-Itza, Tikal and Copan. 307
to have been devoted to mitotes and other cere
monies ; it seems to have been constructed with the
greatest care, for through the whole of it there can
still be found stone excellently worked. On one side
of this structure is a tower or terrace, very high, and
overhanging the river which flows at its base.
"Here a large piece of the wall has fallen, exposing
the entrance to two caves or passages extending under
the structure, very long and narrow and well built.
I was not able to discover for what they served or why
they were constructed. There is a grand stairway
descending by a great number of steps to the river.
Besides these things, there are many others which
prove that here was formerly the seat of a great power
and a great population, civilized and considerably ad
vanced in the arts, as is shown in the various figures
and building.
"I endeavored with all possible care to ascertain
from the Indians, through the traditions derived from
the ancients, what people lived here, or w^hat they
knew or had heard from their ancestors concerning
them. But they had no books relating to their an
tiquities, nor do I believe that in all this district there
is more than one, which I possess. They say that in
ancient times there came from Yucatan a great lord,
who built these edifices, but that at the end of some
years he returned to his native country, leaving them
entirely deserted.
"And this is what appears most likely, for tradition
says the people of Yucatan in time past conquered the
provinces of Uyajal, Lacandon, Verapaz, Chiquimula
and Copan, and it is certain that the Apay language,
which is spoken here, is current and understood in
308
Study of North American Archaeology.
Yucatan and the aforesaid provinces. It appears,
also, that the design of these edifices is like that of
I
a
.^ a
&
those which the Spaniards first discovered in Yucatan
and Tabasco, where there were figures of bishops and
Chichen-Itza, Tikal and Copan. 309
armed men and crosses. And as such things are
found nowhere except in the aforesaid places, it may
well be believed that the builders of all were of the
same nation."
The chief interest of archaeologists in these ruins
has always attached to the sculptured monoliths scat
tered amid the crumbling structures, some fallen, but
most still standing as silent watchers of the scene of
former glory in which they played, perhaps, an impor
tant part. These, however, are exceeded in impor
tance as archaeological remains by the other monu
ments. A ground plan of the main group of works
is shown in Fig. 107. The whole of this area is ele
vated, the larger inner courts or spaces being on the
first general level. On this as a base arise the various
pyramids and terraces shown in the figure, most or
all of which were crowned with buildings, now but
heaps of ruins or fallen away down the slopes. The
section (Fig. 108) shows the elevation of this assem-
Fig. 108. Vertical section, main group, Copan.
blage of pyramids and terraces. There are other
groups of less extent not included in the plan.
Although but small portions of walls have been dis
covered, sufficient examples of ornamentation have
been found to show that art had reached here as ad
vanced stage as at any other point in Central America.
Among those discovered, the following may be men
tioned as indicating the type : The highly orna
mented monoliths showing human forms flanked by
310 Study of North American Archaeology.
hieroglyphic inscriptions have become well known
through Stephens s work. An inner step is men
tioned which has carved on it a number of human
figures seated cross-legged and covered with elaborate
breast-plates and other ornaments. A carved orna
ment, made up of several stones let into the wall,
rises from this step on each side of the doorway and
reaches the top of the wall. This appears to be the
conventionalized form of the serpent head, which is
repeated in other parts of the group. Above this
ornament, and extending several feet each side of the
doorway, runs an elaborate cornice, ornamented with
seated human figures and hieroglyphs carved in
medium relief. Many of the steps bear inscriptions ;
one is ornamented with a row of teeth, others with
human figures. In one place the space between
flights is covered with sculptures, among which are
rows of death s heads. One of the altars which
stand before the monoliths is a great carved turtle.
At points human and grotesque heads are built into
the wall ; elsewhere are seen human figures seated on
huge skulls, and what Mr. Maudslay, for want of a
more definite name, terms serpent men.
The interior of the mounds and terraces is chiefly
rubble, similar to that found in the Yucatec struct
ures, but, seemingly for the purpose of giving addi
tional strength, they have here interior supporting
walls buttressed by the mass of the slopes, which are
faced with cut stones.
It is evident, even from the very brief notice given
here, that these ruins mark one of the most important
centers of population in Central America, a place
where native art had reached, perhaps, its most ad-
Chichen-Itza, Tikal and Copan. 311
vanced stage in North America. The absence in the
figures and decorations of armed warriors or war-like
scenes indicates a condition of peace, but this fact
does not prove, as Mr. Maudslay thinks, that aban
donment of this and other cities found in ruins at the
coming of the Spaniards was not in consequence of
war among the tribes. That the people were "in a
state of decadence, and that they had almost ceased
.to be builders," as he contends, is probably true, but
this condition was most likely brought about by op
pression of rulers and intertribal strife.
Passing into Nicaragua, the objects of chief interest
to the archaeologist, which have been discovered, are
rudely carved monoliths representing human and ani
mal forms combined, the animal, usually alligator-like
in form, holding the head of the human figure in its
great jaws. But the description of these and numer
ous other interesting remains of this region must be
omitted, as our allotted space will not admit of further
additions to this branch of our work.
312 Study of North American Archaeology.
CHAPTER XXI.
MIGRATIONS OF THE MEXICAN AND CENTRAL AMERICAN
TRIBES.
The discussion of the prehistoric movements of the
Mexican and Central American tribes is introduced at
this point because of the necessary and frequent ref
erence to the conclusion on this subject in discussing
the origin and growth of the native so-called civiliza
tion. In fact, the conclusion reached in regard to the
origin and development of this advanced culture, and
in regard to other questions relating to the past his
tory of the tribes of this section, will depend to a very
large degree upon the opinion formed respecting the
prehistoric movements of these tribes.
Reference has already been made to the movements
of population in that part of the Pacific division north
of Mexico, which were found to be in most cases
southward. The conclusion reached as to the exist
ence of two great, distinct culture groups, the Atlantic
and Pacific, implies that the general or more exten
sive movements on the western side were parallel
with its mountain ranges that is, north or south
and not to or from the east. It is clear that the
course of migration, so far as influenced by the phys
ical features, was north or south.
Whatever be the theory of the original introduction
of population into the continent, it must be conceded
that its spread over it was through growth in num-
Mexican and Central American Tribes. 313
bers, expansion and migration. Although it is quite
probable there was a greater degree of permanency
among the American aborigines than has been gen
erally supposed, yet it is evident that the distribution
of population could have taken place only through
migration, though this was a slow process and may
have been merely the gradual extension of the grow
ing and swelling mass.* However, the wide separa
tion of the members of some of the stocks indicate
extensive movements in the past. Migration is there
fore a necessary factor in the problem, and it must be
assumed that every group of population, every stock
and tribe, has come to its historic seat from some other
point. Not that all such movements were necessarily
by stocks or tribes, as there were doubtless numerous
centers of development in some of which the original
germs may have been but feeble bands, or a few families
which pushed their way in advance of the tribe or clan
and wandered into other sections . Sir John Lubbock re
marks that "It is too often supposed that the world was
peopled by a series of migrations . But migrations , prop
erly so called, are compatible only with a comparatively
high state of organization. Moreover, it has been ob
served that the geographical distribution of the various
races of man curiously coincides with that of other
races of animals, and there can be no doubt that he
originally crept over the earth s surface little by little,
year by year just, for instance, as the weeds of Eu
rope are now gradually but surely creeping over the
surface of Australia." However, as the only reason
* For an explanation of this and other similar expressions see the
closing chapter.
314 Study of North American Archaeology.
for presenting these thoughts is conceded to wit,
that migration in some form is a necessary factor in
the problem we may proceed on this admitted basis
to a discussion of the probable course of migration in
the southern portion of the division.
The fact already noticed, that the data bearing
upon the question indicate that the general move
ments north of Mexico were southward, leads to the
inference that the general trend in Mexico was in the
same direction, which conclusion is justified unless
some valid reason can be offered for believing that
the order was reversed in this southern region. It
must be admitted, however, that the theory of a re
verse movement in this region has been advanced by
several authors. Hubert Bancroft emphasizes this
opinion in his Native Races of the Pacific States,
as follows :
"First, as already stated, the Maya and Nahua
nations have been within traditionally historic times
practically distinct, although coming constantly in
contact. Second, this fact is directly opposed to the
once accepted theory of a civilized people, coming
from the far north, gradually moving southward with
frequent halts, constantly increasing in power and
culture until the highest point of civilization was
reached in Chiapas, Honduras, and Yucatan, or as
many believed, in South America, Third, the theory
alluded to is rendered altogether untenable by the
want of ruins in California and the great north-west ;
by the utter want of resemblance between New Mexi
can and Mexican monuments ; by the failure to dis
cover either Aztec or Maya dialects in the north ; and
finally the strong contrasts between the Nahuas and
Mexican and Central American Tribes. 315
Mayas, both in language and in monuments of an
tiquity. Fourth, the monuments of the south are not
only different from but much more ancient than those
of Anahuac, and can not possibly have been built by
the Toltecs after their migration from Anahuac in the
eleventh century, even if such a migration took place.
Fifth, these monuments, like those of the north, were
built by the ancestors of the people found in posses
sion of the country at the Conquest, and not by an
extinct race or in remote antiquity. Sixth, the cities
of Palenque, Ococingo and Copan, at least, were un
occupied when the Spaniards came, the natives of the
neighboring region knew nothing of their origin, even
if they were aware of their existence, and no notice
whatever of the existence of such cities appears in the
annals of the surrounding civilized nations during the
eight or nine centuries preceding the Conquest ; that
is, the nation that built Palenque was not one of those
found by Europeans in the country, but its greatness
had practically departed before the rise of the Quiche,
Cakchiquel and Yucatan powers. Seventh, the many
resemblances that have been noted between Nahua and
Maya beliefs, institutions, arts and relics, may be
consistently accounted for by the theory that at some
period long preceding the sixth century, the two
peoples were practically one so far as their institutions
were concerned, although they are of themselves not
sufficient to prove the theory. Eighth, the oldest civili
zation in America which has left any traces for our
consideration, whatever may have been its prehistoric
origin, was that in the Usumacinta region represented
by the Palenque group of ruins.
That- several of the statements made in this quota-
316 Study of North American Archaeology.
tion are incorrect and others are not sustained by
subsequent investigations will appear from the data
presented in this work. J. D. Baldwin expresses
substantially the same opinion in his "Ancient
America:" it was also held by J. W. Foster, Squier
and some other authors. On the other hand the pre
vailing opinion among scholars of the present day, so
far as published, appears to be that the Nahuatl group
originated in, or at least came from someplace north of
the known localities of the tribes composing the family.
In confirmation of the latter opinion, the following con
siderations are offered in addition to the incidental
notes bearing on the subject in preceding chapters.
If Buschmann be correct in uniting the Ute or
Shoshone group of dialects with and making them a
part of the Nahuatl or Mexican stock, named by Dr.
Brinton the "Uto-Aztecan Stock," we have, in the
spread of this extensive family, what would seem to
be incontrovertible evidence of the tendency in this
western section to southern movements. Members of
this family are scattered from the vicinity of Columbia
river to the Isthmus of Panama : and so far as any
evidence has been found in regard to the movements
of the tribes, it indicates they were southward.
Offshoots from the Aztec group are found southward
in Guatemala, Nicaragua and the borders of the Isth
mus : and the movement of the Shoshones, so far as
known, has been in the same general direction. The
Comanches, the most south-eastern Shoshonean branch,
and the only one which has come down east of the Rocky
Mountains, have a distinct tradition that some two hun
dred and thirty or forty winters ago they lived as one
people with the Shoshones somewhere to the north of
Mexican and Central American Tribes. 317
the headwaters of the Arkansas river. Dr. Gibbs is
inclined from his investigations to the belief that this
group has moved south and west, and suggests that
they came from the eastern side of the Rocky Mount
ains by way of the northern passes, in which he is
probably correct, as the indications, the closer they
are studied, seem to point to the great region west of
Hudson s Bay as the point of dispersion from which two
streams issued. Parted by the desert plains to the
south, one turned south-eastward and poured into the
Atlantic division, the other coursing south for a dis-
O
tance along the east base of the Rocky Mountains,
turned westward, and crossing over the passes flowed
southward along the intermontane valleys.
Mr c Gatschet remarks (Appendix to Vol. VII, U.S.
Geog. Surv. 100th Meridian) , when speaking of the
relation of the Shoshone and Aztec groups: "From
all that, it would be, nevertheless, preposterous to con
clude that the Aztec civilization came from the north ;
but we gain the evidence that the originators of the
national Aztec legend, which professes this people to
have issued from seven caves in the north, were cogni
zant of the affinity of their nation with some tribes
living north of Anahuac. It is true that it does not
o
necessarily follow from the relationship of the northern
tribes with those of the south, that the civilization of
the latter came from the north, or that the movement
was southward, as the inception of this advanced cul
ture which, in accordance with popular usage, we speak
of as " civilization," may have been due to some cause
or impetus which did not exist in the northern section.
There is, however, in the distribution of this civiliza
tion, in respect to the widely scattered members of the
318 Study of North American Archaeology.
great family, a strong and apparently conclusive argu
ment in favor of the theory of a general southern move
ment. As the members south of Anahuac share, to a
great degree, this civilization, in its most advanced
form, while those north of Mexico do not, it would seem
that the only explanation of this fact is that the move
ment was from the north toward the south.
The uniform tradition of all the tribes of this stock
in Sonora and Sinaloa, so far as they were obtained
by the early missionaries, was, according to Father
Perez de Ribas, who made a careful collection of the
legends, to the effect that their ancestors had migrated
from localities further to the north. The conclusion
reached by Mr. Bandelier, who visited that section
and investigated the subject somewhat carefully, was
io. conformity with this tradition. It is also well
known, as mentioned in the quotation from Prescott s
work, that the Mexican or Nahuatl tradition in regard
to their former home is, that their ancestors came
from some locality in the north or north-west, agreeing
therein with the linguistic evidence. The general
consensus of opinion among scholars of the present
day, so far as published, is in conformity with this tradi
tion, and may be accepted as probably the correct view.
The discussion may therefore be limited to the migra
tions of the other stocks of this section, especially those
of the Mayas, in regard to which there still appears to
be some difference of opinion, though their northern
origin is generally conceded.
The Zapotecs and Mixtecs, closely affiliated tribes,
whose territory is embraced chiefly in the state of
Oaxaca, must be classed among the earliest inhabitants
of the southern half of Mexico. It is not improbable
Mexican and Central American Tribes. 319
that the oldest evidences of Mexican civilization are
to be found here. Their early history, however, is
almost a blank, as they have neither records nor reli
able traditions which refer to their origin, their mi
grations or first settlement in this region. Charney
says they believed themselves to be autochthones, that
they are ignorant of their origin, and have preserved
no record of the time when they established them
selves in the country. Torquemada ("Monarchia")
mentions a story which relates that they were refugees
from Cholula. Notwithstanding the radical differ
ences in the languages of the two peoples, most of
the old writers connect them with the Nahuatl stock.
It is stated by some authorities that they formerly in
habited the region of Puebla, together with the
Olmecs and Xicalancas. Sahagun says they were or
claimed to be of Toltec descent. It is even averred
that Mitla was founded by the disciples of Quetzalcoatl.
The Mixtecs, according to some writers, derived their
name from Mixtecatl, one of the seven leaders who
tradition says started out from Chicomoztoc, "the
seven caves" in the far north.
Notwithstanding this uncertainty in regard to these
tribes, there are some grounds for assuming that
they came from the north, as all the other tribes of
the western part of Mexico. First, the fact that such
w^as the general course of the migration of the tribes
of this section would, in the absence of any evidence
on the point, lead to this conclusion ; second, the evi
dence of long contact with the Mexicans adds support
to this belief ; and third, as shown in preceding and
following chapters, there is monumental evidence
justifying the belief that they were for a time located
320 Study of North American Archaeology.
as far north as Zacatecas, and none indicating a
southern origin.
The small tribes known as the Zoques and the
Mixes or Mijes, wedged in between the Zapotecs and
tribes of Chiapas, are supposed by some authorities
to have been the earliest inhabitants of the Oaxacan
region, and their dim traditions point southward,
especially to southern Chiapas, as the place of their
former home, from whence they were driven by the
Chapanecs. The origin of the Chapanecs is variously
given .
According to one tradition, they came to Chiapas from
Nicaragua, and, having driven out the Zoques, occu
pied the country. The generally received opinion, how
ever, is that held by Orozco y Berra, Garcia, and
other writers, which assumes, as the more authentic
tradition, that which says, they moved down from a
more northern region, following the Pacific coast until
they came to Soconusco, where they divided, one part
entering the mountains of Chiapas, the other part
going on southward to Nicaragua, where they have
been found under the name of Mangues, along the
shores of Lake Managua. The various tribes of the
Nahuatl or Mexican stock found in Guatemala, Nica
ragua, and other parts of Central America, have, ac
cording to their traditions so far as given, and as
is now generally conceded, migrated from some
region as far north at least as central Mexico. It
would seem, therefore, from the evidence, that the
tribes and stocks of Mexico and Central America, un
less the members of the Mayan stock form an excep
tion, migrated in prehistoric times from more northern
localities than those they were found occupying at the
Mexican and Central American Tribes. 321
coming of the Spaniards. We turn, there ro re, to the
history and traditions of this stock.
Positive evidence of minor movements and pre
historic shif tings among the tribes of this family is
found in their geographic distribution at the time of
discovery, a number being scattered over Guatemala,
others in Chiapas, on the Rio Lacandon, in the pe
ninsula of Yucatan, and on Panuco river, north of
Vera Cruz. Nevertheless, with the exception of the
Huastecan offshoot on the Rio Panuco, they form
a somewhat geographically compact body as com
pared with the scattered members of the Nahuatl
stock. The rugged range of mountains which sepa
rates the eastern and western groups does not appear
to have been an effective barrier to prehistoric migra
tions.
As the characteristics of the languages of a stock af
fords, as we have seen, great assistance in tracing
the movements, and hence to a certain extent the
history of the tribes of a stock, we call attention
here to the classification of the languages of the
O O
Mayan family so far as we shall have occasion to
refer to them. Omitting some of minor importance,
the following are perhaps all the tribes of the family
we shall have occasion to refer to. Their respective
localities are also given ;
Huastecas, on Rio Panuco, north of Vera Cruz,
f Mayas (proper) in the peninsula of Yucatan.
Tyj J Tzentals, in southern Tabasco and eastern Chiapas.
| Tzotzils in Chiapas, near the Tzentals.
t Lacandons, on the upper Usumacinta.
21
322 Study of North American Archaeology.
Mams, in extreme western Guatemala.
Quiches, in Guatemala, immediately east of
the Mams.
Cakchiquels, in Guatemala, immediately
south-east of the Quiches.
Mam-Quiche group. Pokonchi) in central Guatemala, adjoining
the Quiches on the north.
Tzutuhils, a little tribe wedged in between
the Quiches and Cakchiquels.
Pokomams, in southern Guatemala, directly
east of the Cakchiquels.
Otto Stoll, one of the latest and most reliable au
thorities on the ethnology of this family, divides it
linguistically into three chief branches : the Huaste-
can, which is placed at the head as the oldest dialect,
constitutes the first ; the Maya group, the second
branch, standing next in age and relationship to
Huasteca ; the Mam-Quiche group, the members of
which are located in Guatemala, constituting the third
branch .
It must be remembered also that it was among the
people of the Mayan stock pre-Columbian culture
in America reached its most advanced position ; and
that, in studying the movements of the various tribes
and their final settlement in their historic seats, we
are in truth studying their history and the history of
the monuments of that culture which remain for the
examination of explorers.
The history of the Mayas and Mexicans has been
so overloaded with tradition, idle tales, inventions of
imagination by the old authors, and by the embellish
ments and theories of modern authorities, that it is
difficult to pick one s way through the maze. It is
only within the last few years that scholars have un-
Mexican and Central American Tribes. 323
dertaken a critical study of the various problems re
lating thereto. Our attempt at present will be lim
ited to a brief examination of the movements of the
branches as arranged by Stoll, and some suggestions
as to the origin of the civilization of this people.
The earliest tradition of the Mayas proper, of Yu
catan, in regard to their origin, recorded by the
Spanish authors, is that given by Lizana. He says
that in their ancient language they name the east in
another manner from what they do to-day. At the
present they call the eastiiHn, which is the same as to
say the place from which the sun rises upon us. And
the west they name Chikin, which is the same as the
falling or setting of the sun, or the place where it
hides with regard to us. "But in antiquity they said
of the east Genial, little descent, and of the west
Nohenial, great descent, of the one side (east), few
people, of the other side (west) , the great multitude."
The historian Cogolludo, on the other hand, while
giving the same tradition, concludes after some con
tradictions, that the colony from the east must have
been much more numerous and more ancient than the
other. Landa and Herrera record a tradition that the
oldest inhabitants came from the east, the sea being
divided to afford them a passage. Some of their
culture heroes come from one direction and some
from the other. Itzamna, the chief hero or deity of
the Mayas of central Yucatan, comes from the east,
dwells long in the land and founds Izamal. The
people of Chichen-Itza had also traditions of culture
heroes : one regarding three brothers who came from
the west and gathered together the people and ruled
over them : another, possibly connected with the pre-
324 Study of North American Archaeology.
ceding, tells of another and greater hero, Cukulcan,
who came also from the west and ruled over the
Itzaes and founded May apart. Whether the latter
came thither with the people, or subsequently, is left
uncertain by the tradition. Lastly, we have the myth
of Votan, the culture hero of the Tzental group already
referred to.
To what extent these traditions are to be resolved
into light and sun myths is a question we shall not
undertake to decide at this point ; that they had in
the minds of the inhabitants some relation to their
origin and the origin of their civilization can not be
denied. Fancourt, in his "History of Yucatan," and
Dr. Brinton, in the introduction to "The Maya Chroni
cles," reject, no doubt correctly, the idea of an eastern
influx, and ascribe the population to immigrants from
the west and north-west. As this eastern descent has
connected with it some miraculous features, and there
are no facts to support or give color to it, it is perhaps
wise to reject it in toto, as has been done by most of
the recent authorities. But this does not dispose of
the Itzamna and Votan myths.
It is apparent from the physical features of the
country that entrance into the peninsula, if not by
the sea, must have been from the south or west, and
the most reliable traditions are consistent with this
fact. Herrera, who copies Landa, says: "Whilst the
Cocomes lived in this regular manner, there came
from the southward and the foot of the mountains of
Lecando, great numbers of people, looked upon for
certain to have been of the province of Chiapa, who
traveled forty years about the desert of Yucatan, and
at length arrived at the mountains that are almost
Mexican and Central American Tribes. 325
opposite to the city of Mayapan, where they settled
and raised good structures, and the people of Maya-
pan, some years after, liking their way of living, sent
to invite them to build houses for their lords in the
city. The Tutulxiu, so the strangers were called,
accepting their courtesy, came into the city and built,
and their people spread about the country, submitting
themselves to the laws and customs of Mayapan in
such peaceable manner that they had no sort of
weapons, killing their game with gins and traps."
This, which appears to relate to a real occurrence,
refers beyond question to the incursion mentioned in
the Native Maya Chronicles, which refer to this mi
gration as "The departure made from the land, from
the house Nonoual, where were the four Tutulxiu
from Zuiva at the west : they come from the land
Tulapan, having formed a league."
It is apparent from Herrera s statement and from
the chronicles that the country was already inhabited
when the Tutulxiu arrived.
A comparison of all the data bearing on the subject,
which include not only the traditions, but also the
linguistic and historical evidence, the architectural
forms, hieroglyphs, etc., lead to the following con
clusion : That the Tutulxiu, who were still represented
at the coming of the Spaniards, came from the region
of the lower or middle Usumacinta, that is to say,
some place in Chiapas or Tabasco : that previous to
this migration, the Itzaes, who, as veritable history
informs us, at a comparatively recent date, moved
south to Lake Peten, where they were found by Cor-
tez, had, at a much earlier date migrated in a body,
or sent a large colony northward into the peninsula,
326 Study of North American Archaeology,
where they founded the city of Chichen-Itza. This
coincides in the main, it is believed, with the opinion
of most students of the present day who have devoted
attention to the subject.
It seems possible to trace the Mayan stock back
with reasonable certainty to central Mexico. It is prob
able that somewhere in that region the family group
was divided into two branches, one of which, with
the Huastecas in the lead, went toward the east ; all
of the branch, however, except the Huastecas, turn
ing southward, entered the valley of the Usumacinta.
One offshoot of this branch moved on south-eastward
to the Peten region, and sent a colony northward
which founded Chichen-Itza. Others from the seats
in the Usumacinta valley pushed their way northward
into the peninsula. The western branch, which in
cluded the Pokonchi, Quiche and Mam groups, moved
on at a later date toward the south-east, stopping at
the "second Tulan," which the author locates, with
out any attempt at exact definiteness, in the region of
northern Chiapas. This was the final point of dis
persion of the western branch, from which the tribes
proceeded to their historic seats in Guatemala.
It is necessary to bear in mind that, although some
of them were migrations in the true sense of that term,
others were more likely the slow and gradual results
of growth and expansion. It seems quite probable
that before the western branch had left the region of
the second Tulan, that is to say, the country in and
about northern Chiapas, the older colonies located on
the Usumacinta had grown in numbers, and gradu
ally pushed their settlements into the peninsula. It
is also possible that the eastern coast, north of Laguna
Mexican and Central American Tribes. 327
de Terminos, was reached and occupied before Chichen-
Itza was founded. That the people who founded
Chichen-Itza passed from the region of Lorillard City
or the upper Usumacinta to the Peten region, and
thence northward, appears to be proven by the identity
of hieroglyphic types heretofore noted, and similari
ties in other respects.
328 Study of North American Archaeology
CHAPTER XXII.
MIGRATIONS OF CERTAIN MAYAN TRIBES.
The Quiche group, which includes the Cakchiquels
and Tzutuhils, located in Guatemala, all claim to
have come from some distant land which was the
home of their ancestors ; and related in their tradi
tions their early wanderings which finally brought
them to their historic seats. In the Popol Vuh or
Sacred Book of the Quiches, a native work, which is
largely mythical, it is stated that they "came from
beyond the sea." After the purely mythological por
tion there follows something like tradition in which it
is said the people multiplied greatly in a region called
the East, and migrated in search of gods to Tulan-
Zuiva (the "seven caves"), where four gods were as
signed to the four leaders, namely (the gods) : Tohil,
Avilix, Hacavitz and Nicahtagah. Here their Ian-
O
guage was changed or divided, and the division into
separate nations was established. Suffering from
cold, and endeavors to obtain fire while they were
awaiting the sun, are the points most dwelt upon
during their stay at Tulan. In connection with these
trials they were visited by an envoy from Xibalba,
which is generally supposed to have been located in
the region of Palenque, if not purely mythical. They
abandoned or were driven from Tulan, and after a
tedious journey, including apparently a crossing of an
Migrations of Certain Mayan Tribes. 329
arm of the sea, or some water to which this term was
applied, reached Mt. Hacavitz.
The tradition of the Cakchiquels given in their
"Annals," also a native work, is substantially the
same as regards the points mentioned. Their ances
tors are supposed to have come from the other side of
the sea, from the land of Tulan, where they were
brought forth. There were four clans. "Four men
came from Tulan ; at the sunrise is one Tulan, and
one is at Xibalbay, and one is at the sunset ; and we
come from this one at the sunset ; and one is where
God is. Therefore, there are four Tulans, they say,
oh, our sons ; from the setting sun we came, from
Tulan, from beyond the sea."
It is undoubtedly true that these traditions are
largely mixed with myth, and that it is a very difficult
task to pick out the real from the mythological. Nev
ertheless, there is a certain general trend in all which
implies unity of origin ; there are also certain terms
which indicate the latitude, the character of the cli
mate, the country, etc. Although the incidents related
may be largely mythical, they apply only to one re
gion of North America, and show the country in which
they are supposed to have occurred.
The four Tulans referred to in the extract from the
Annals of the Cakchiquels heretofore given, are men
tioned in the first part of the tradition which relates
to the origin of the people, and may on this account
be considered chiefly mythical. There are, however,
repeated mentions of another Tulan to ivliich they came
after crossing the sea, which appears to be considered
by the tradition the great and important point in their
330 Study of North American Archaeology.
migrations. Numerous extracts might be given show
ing this, but the following will suffice :
"They say that the seven tribes arrived first at
Tulan, and the warriors followed, having taken up
the tributes of all the seven tribes when the gate of
Tulan was opened." "The Tzutuhils were the first
of the seven tribes who finished coming to Tulan, and
then we the warriors came, as they say." Here they
paid tribute of jade, silver, feather stuffs, of "articles
painted, articles sculptured, astrological calendars,
reckoning calendars, flute songs, songs hated of you
because the seven tribes paid this tribute." Again it
is said : "First came the Quiche men ; they acquitted
themselves of their tribute in the first month ; then
arrived their companions one after another, by their
families, their clans, their tribes, their divisions in
sequence, and the warriors, until the whole of them
had finished arriving in Tulan."
When it is added that numerous incidents are men
tioned as occurring at and during the departure from
Tulan, and that the Quiche tradition, as given in the
Popol Vuh or Sacred Book, confirms the statement,
that this was also an important point in their migra
tions, there would appear to be no good reason for
considering it other than some real locality which had
an important place in the history of these tribes. It
is more than probable that events w^hich properly be
long to widely different dates are crowded too closely
together, but this does not necessarily invalidate the
traditions.
In both traditions, the statements relating to this
Tulan, which was, as shown thereby, the point of the
dispersion of the tribes, indicate a locality correspond-
Migrations of Certain Mayan Tribes. 331
ing in features and characteristics to the Central
American region. Mention of the tapir limits the
territory in North America to that region south of
central Mexico. Some of the animals alluded to in
the Quiche legend as belonging to this region are
found only in this southern section. Among the arti
cles given as tribute at Tulan were green feathers
worked and sewed together, calendars and cacao.
As these references relate to the time they were at
Tulan, w^e are justified in concluding that it was
located, at least traditionally, if not really, in this
southern section.
As the Mams occupy the extreme western portion
of Guatemala and the Quiches and Cakchiquels,
according to the traditions, passed them in going
to their seats in the south central part of Guate
mala, they must necessarily have come from some
place as far north-west as Chiapas. This agrees
with the statement by Orozco y Berra that they in
habited Soconusco from remote times. We thus es
tablish the direction of the movement of the western
branch, as it is impossible, considering the geograph
ical positions of the tribes, to explain a northward
movement in harmony with the statements of the tra
dition. As the only probable and acceptable theory
in regard to the movements of the peninsular Mayas
is that they came from the west or south-west, we
thus obtain two lines pointing toward the same gen
eral locality, southern or central Mexico ; either
Oaxaca, Tabasco, Puebla, or the region about the
city of Mexico. This view is strengthened by some
additional data, which are well worth considering in
this connection.
It is not impossible that the key to the puzzle is to
332 Study of North American Archaeology.
be found in the relations with and prehistory of the
Totonacas, a well-known tribe which Cortez first en
countered on landing in Mexico, and from whose ter
ritory he began his celebrated march to the imperial
city, yet withal a mysterious people, whose ethnic
position among the aboriginal nations of this region
has not, as yet, been definitely settled. At this time
they occupied the country known as Totonicapan, in
cluded in the present state of Vera Cruz, and adjoin
ing the territory of the Huastecas. According to
their traditions, which appear to have some basis
of truth, they had resided there for eight hundred
years at the coming of the Spaniards, and had been
an independent people up to a few generations pre
ceding this coming, when they were subjugated by
the Mexicans. They had migrated, according to
their traditions, from the west and north-west, appa
rently from the interior, in the region about the City
of Mexico. They claimed to have migrated from the
valley of Mexico, and to have lived long near the
banks of Lake Tezcuco, where they built the pyra
mids of Teotihuacan. Torquemada, who is the chief
authority for their traditions, says : "Of their origin,
they say that they set out from the place called
Chicomoztoc, or seven caves, together with the Xal-
panecs ; and that they were twenty divisions, or
families, as many of the one as of the other ; and
although thus divided into families, they were all of
one language and of the same customs. They say
that they started from that place, leaving the Chichi-
mecs still shut up there ; and they directed their
journey toward this part of Mexico, and having ar
rived at the plains on the lake, they halted at the
Migrations of Certain Mayan Tribes. 333
place where Teotihuacan now is ; and they affirm
they built there two temples, which were dedicated to
the sun and moon. Here they remained for some
time, but either not contented with the place, or with
a desire to pass to other places, they went to Atenami-
tic, where Zacatlan now stands." From there they
drifted further eastward, settling on the coast, where
they were found by the Spaniards.
That they were a primitive so-called pre-Toltec, at
least pre- Aztec nation in Anahuac, is generally con
ceded. That they were a cultured people is also ad
mitted. That the temples and pyramids of Teotihua-
caii were built by this people may be doubtful ; nev
ertheless, as shown above, they do not appear to be
Aztecan.
This tribe seems to have been in close relation with
the Huastecas, nor is there any valid reason why we
may not infer that the two peoples were together in
the migrations mentioned. On the other hand, there
are some facts which favor this assumption. The
position of the Totonac language in relation to the
Nahuatl and Maya is yet an unsettled question among
linguists. By some it has been joined to Nahuatl, by
others to the Maya, but by the latest authorities it is
considered as independent. Sahagun says they
claimed relationship with the Huastecas, which of
course would bring them into the Mayan family. That
their language contains numerous words from Maya
roots, and presents other resemblances, is known.
But at the same time it is claimed, on the other side,
that there are fully as great resemblances to the Na
huatl. Charencey says the Totonac language presents
striking analogies with the Mam-Huastec.
334 Study of North American Archaeology.
The tradition recorded by Sahagun, so often quoted
by writers, which refers to the landing of Mexican
tribes and the Huastecas at the mouth of the Panuco
river, is valuable chiefly, and in fact only, as being
confirmatory of the tradition given in the earlier and
more correct form. That part, however, which refers
to immigrants disembarking from vessels, and imply
ing a passage across the sea, must be rejected as an
addition and not a part of the native legend. Mr.
Bandelier, who is familiar with the early Spanish au
thorities, says that neither of the two earliest sources
from which this tradition is drawn speaks positively
as to a "landing," but on the contrary only of the
Xicalancas reaching the coast from the interior. This
appears, also, to agree with the tradition of the Huas
tecas as given by Marcelo Alejandre in his "Cartilla
Huasteca," which says that they had their origin in
the regions of the north, establishing their first loca
tion where Altamira of to-day is located, in the state
of Tamaulipas. According to Gomara, "Xicalancatl
walked more earth, arrived at the sea of the north,
and on the coast made many towns ; but the two prin
cipal ones he called by the same name. One Xical-
anco is in the province of Maxcalcingo, which is near
Vera Cruz, and the other Xicalanco is near Tabasco."
It appears, therefore, that the idea that the tradition
referred to emigrants coming over the sea was an er
roneous interpretation given to it by Sahagun, simply
from the fact that it spoke of people arriving at the
mouth of Panuco river. All the evidence is entirely
against the theory that any of the Mayan or Mexican
tribes came from Florida or the West Indies.
Bringing together all these points, and other indi-
Migrations of Certain Mayan Tribes. 335
Cations which can not be given in detail here, and
studying them carefully, their bearing seems to point
to some locality in western or central Mexico as the
place of development of the Mayan tribes, and to ren
der it probable that they are mixed up with the Toltec
tradition.
If we adopt the opinion that there was first a divi
sion into two branches, one from which the southern
and western tribes descended, the other that from
which the northern and eastern tribes were developed,
we may be justified in the following conclusions :
This first division having taken place in western or
central Mexico, the Mam branch moved on south to
ward Chiapas. Having increased in numbers and
clans as time passed, through some political convul
sion, or being harassed by enemies, the tribes, which
by this time had been at least in part formed, moved
on toward the south-east. It is to the latter movement
that the Quiche and Cakchiquel traditions chiefly re
late. By this time, and perhaps previous thereto, the
Nahautl tribes had appeared upon the scene, and pos
sibly exerted the pressure which forced the Mayan
tribes southward, though there were other peoples
both on the east and west.
It appears more probable, libwever, judging by the
linguistic evidence, geographical position and differ
ence in culture, that the Huastecas must have broken
away from the main body before any of the other
divisions took place. Or else, if they led off one
branch going eastward, they must have parted from
it before the other tribes were differentiated. How
far north, or at what point this occurred, it is, of
course, impossible for us to determine with certainty ;
336 Study of North American Archaeology.
that it must have been north or north-west of the
valley of Mexico may be assumed with some degree
of probability. It is also quite likely that at this
time they (the Huastecas) joined, or were joined by
the Totonacas, with whom they gradually shifted to
the gulf shore. The reason for this supposition is
that, so far as known, the Huastecas had not adopted
the peculiar calendar system which prevailed among
all the other tribes of the stock, as also among the
Mexicans, Zapotecs and most of the Central American
nations. It is somewhat singular that this calendar
appears to have been unknown to or not adopted by
the Huastecas, though it seems to have been in use
among the Totonacas. This, however, we presume
is to be explained by the fact that the latter had been
brought under the direct control and supervision of
the Mexicans, who caused its adoption by them. If
it be true, as now supposed (though the evidence is
not entirely satisfactory) , that this calendar was not
in use among the Huastecas, this would seem to
furnish conclusive proof that they had broken away
from the other portion of the Mayan stock before it
came into use.
Taking all the facts and indications into considera
tion, we are inclined therefore to the view that the
development of the Mam-Quiche branch took place
in Oaxaca, or Chiapas. The chief point of dispersion
was most likely in the mountainous section of the
latter district, though the formation of the tribes
had taken place, at least in part, before this point was
reached. It is also possible, and in fact probable,
that the branch which settled in the lower half of the
Usumacinta valley broke away, as above indicated,
Migrations of Certain Mayan Tribes. 337
before reaching this point of final dispersion, which
seems to refer chiefly to the southern tribes.
The Totonacas claimed, as shown above, that they
were the builders of the temples at Teotihuacan. If
we suppose the Mayas, or the eastern branch of the
stock, to have been associated with them or in this
region at this time, the tradition appears to account
for some facts which are otherwise difficult to explain.
"While the name Teotihuacan," says Mr. Bandelier,
"is Nahuatl, the confused traditions concerning the
origin of the ruins ascribe them to an entirely differ
ent tribe."
It appears that this author, who rejects the view
that the Toltecs were a distinct nation or tribe known
by that name, is inclined to attribute the works at
Teotihuacan to the Mayas, in which it is probable he
is correct. Some of the types of art found in this
section and at Tulan present some marked resemblances
to certain types discovered in Yucatan.
The result of our inquiry therefore is that the Mayan
stock moved south-eastward from some region as far
north-west as central Mexico, probably preceded by
the Zapotecs and some of the other older stocks.
That they were somewhat closely followed by and
came into contact with the Nahuatl stock before leav
ing the Tulan, which we have supposed was on the
boundary of Chiapas, is evident from the facts and
traditions mentioned. That the Mayas were the first
people to occupy Yucatan, and that they had already
made considerable advance in civilization, although
not established with positive certainty, is inferred
338 Study of North American Archaeology.
from the results of Mr. Henry C. Mercer s examination
of the hill caves of this section mentioned hereafter.
Although the Mayas differ widely in language and
to some extent in culture from the Nahuatl stock, yet
it is possible that the belief of the Aztecs that they
were at some remote period connected, though proba
bly only by association, is correct. That the two peo
ples moved southward substantially along the same
route appears to be the most reasonable conclusion
we can reach from the data so far obtained. The
original home from which the primal germ of the
great Uto-Aztecan stock started on its journey south
ward was most probably the region now occupied by
the Dene or northern Athapascans. Possibly from
the same original germ, or from germs issuing from
the same hive, were developed the Mayan, Zapotecan
and the other small stocks of southern Mexico and
Central America. That slight additions may have
been received through occasional stranded vessels on
the Pacific coast is possible, but this was not sufficient
to leave any marked effect, unless it can be found in
some particular customs or arts.
Origin of Central American Civilization. 339
CHAPTER XXIII.
THE ORIGIN AND DEVELOPMENT OF CENTRAL AMERICAN
CIVILIZATION.*
One of the most difficult problems of North Ameri
can archaeology is that relating to the origin and pe
culiarities of Mexican and Central American civiliza
tion. That it was indigenous is now the prevailing
opinion among antiquaries and ethnologists. While
this conclusion may be accepted as beyond any rea
sonable doubt true in a general sense, it is possible
that in some of its features it may have felt the im
press of extraneous or foreign influence. Neverthe
less it is treated here as indigenous, that is to say, as
being of native origin and growth. This being ad
mitted, does the evidence show that its development
was entirely within the geographical limits heretofore
mentioned? In other words, can we trace by the
monuments and traditions the growth of this civiliza
tion, from its commencement to the highest stage it
reached, wholly within this area, or do we have to
look beyond these limits for the evidence?
If we take the architecture and attempt to trace
the development of the different types by the monu
ments which are found within the respective areas of
the different stocks, we shall find our efforts to a large
degree baffled. Although Yucatan is dotted over
with ruins of Mayan structures, yet none of the many
* As no native tribe can be called " civilized " in the true sense of
the term, it is used here merely as indicative of the more advanced
culture of these nations.
340 Study of North American Archaeology.
explorers who have studied them have pointed out the
various steps of the builder s art as shown by these
ruins. Nor is this to be wondered at, for the very
good reason that there do not appear to be in these
areas examples which can be pointed to as the begin
nings of this art, the first rude efforts. Historically
and otherwise we learn that there were dwellings of
stone and dwellings of wood, from the simple thatched
hut to the stately mansion. Possibly the temples
may have been developed from the longitudinally di
vided houses described by Landa, but no modification
of these would have produced the temple-crowned
pyramids. Violet le Due has tried to show how the
stone structures, with their pointed arches and heavy
frieze, are but stone copies of wooden buildings, or
that the one has been modeled after the other.
Though Fergusson may have traced successfully this
kind of transition in the history of Oriental archi
tecture, it is evident to any one who will examine
with care the Frenchman s figures, that with the ex
ception of the mode of dividing the body, there never
were Mayan structures of wood of the pattern given.
In Egypt, where the beginnings are less apparent
than in some other centers of Eastern civilization, re
mains showing primitive efforts are still found. Ex
amples of the simple, plain tombs from which, ac
cording to Rawlinson, the pyramids were ultimately
developed, remain to the present day ; but, so far as
the author is aware, nothing has been found in the
Maya territory to mark the commencement of that
art which designed and constructed the temples and
pyramids of Uxmal, Chichen-Itza and Kabah. So
far as architectural skill is concerned, there is but
little difference observable in the structures of Yuca-
Origin of Central American Civilization. 341
tan and the adjoining sections attributable to the
Mayas. The principal variation is in size and degree
of ornamentation ; even the plans, as shown by Mr.
W. H. Holmes, in his excellent paper on "Archaeo
logical Studies Among the Ancient Cities of Mexico,"
are, to a large extent, conventionalized. But the fact
remains that among the hundreds of examples which
exist, there are none showing the first rude efforts of
the builders. As stated by Mr. Holmes in the quota
tion given in a previous chapter, while it is true that
some of the buildings are composite and show success
ive accretions, there are others which stand as perfect
units of design. But he speaks nowhere of the rude
beginnings found in that section from which they
worked up to the more perfect form ; his only intima
tion of progress is that in the quotation given below.
Nor has any author, so far as the writer is aware, given
us this information.
How are we to account for this absence of earlier
forms except upon the theory that when the tribes en
tered their historic seats they had already become
proficient in the builder s art? The tradition of the
Tutul-Xiu, as given by Herrera, indicates that they
brought this art with them. That wood was used
chiefly for ordinary dwellings is true, and that the
Maya architects may have to some extent modeled
their stone structures after those of wood may be
true, but certainly not to the extent claimed by Violet
le Due ; nevertheless it seems improbable that this
skill should have been attained without comparatively
rude beginnings. The only indication that the art,
in this type, was still in an undeveloped stage, is that
mentioned by Mr. Holmes :
342 Study of North American Archaeology.
"Notwithstanding the success of these Maya masons
in erecting buildings capable of standing for hundreds
of years, they were yet ignorant of some of the most
essential principles of stone construction, and are thus
to be regarded as hardly more than novices in the art.
They made use of various minor expedients, as any
clever nation of builders would, but depended largely
on mortar and inertia to hold their buildings to
gether."
Mr. Henry C. Mercer, who has explored a number
of caves in Yucatan for the purpose of searching for
indications of the early inhabitants, comes to the con
clusion that the Mayas were the first inhabitants, and
that they had acquired their civilization before enter
ing that territory. These facts, apparently at least,
justify us in searching for the remains of their pri
mary efforts along the route of their migrations.
Although our information is meager in regard to
the antiquities of northern and north-western Mexico,
yet enough is known, as appears from the descriptions
given, to state positively, notwithstanding all that has
been written and said to the contrary, that some of
the ruins found in that section may have been the
primitive efforts of the civilized tribes of southern
Mexico and Central America. Whatever opinion we
may hold on this point, two things which have an
important bearing on the question must be admitted :
First, as has already been stated, that in the central
region, or Maya sites, there are no evidences of the
primitive architectural efforts ; and, second, that it is
only to the ruins north of this central region we can
look for these extralimital primitive forms. There we
do find what may possibly be the remains of the prim-
Origin of Central American Civilization. 343
itive types ; but southward until we reach Nicaragua
the structures and inscriptions, although showing
variations and the introduction of additional forms,
are too apparently the outgrowths of what we may
term the central types for this fact to be overlooked
or disputed.
It is a somewhat strange fact, if we judge only by
the hieroglyphic inscriptions and manuscripts, in the
Mayan characters, that w^e would be compelled to con
clude that they were brought to comparative perfection
at the time they were invented. A difference, it is true,
in the forms and ornamentation, and, to a certain de
gree, an advance toward a more perfect type, can be
traced, but no examples, so far as the writer is aware,
of the first rude beginnings, or the original forms,
have been found. Some, comparatively rude, are found
painted on pottery, scratched on shells or other soft ma
terial, but these belong to what may be termed demotic
writing and are not primitive forms. Comparing the
characters of the various inscriptions which have been
discovered and those found in the few remaining pre-
Columbian manuscripts, the result is as follows : First,
it is apparent that the characters in the manuscripts
have been adopted from those of the inscriptions. In
other words, inscriptions preceded the manuscripts ;
hence we must look to the former for the older forms.
What appear to the writer to be the oldest forms of the
glyphs yet discovered are seen in those at Palenque
and some of the inscriptions found by Charney at
Menche (Lorillard City) , though others discovered by
him at this same place belong to the later and more
ornamental type discovered in the Peten region, that
is, those carved in wood discovered by Bernoulli at
Tikal, a type also found at Copan and Chichen-ltza,
344 Study of North American Archaeology.
but in none of the inscriptions at Palenque. In all
cases the same method of indicating numbers is fol
lowed, and the same calendar system as that of the
Tzentals and the Dresden Codex, is also followed.
These facts form part of the evidence on which we
base the conclusion given in a previous chapter, that
the Itzaes passed from the region of the upper Usuma-
cinta eastward to their seat about Lake Peten.
Another item found in this connection bearing on
the migrations of some of the Mayan tribes is worthy
of notice. During his studies of the Palenque in
scriptions, the author has been surprised to find
among the various glyphs one in which the chief
character is the figure of a person lying on his
back, his knees drawn up, his head partially raised
up, and his hands placed on his stomach. A sit
ting figure with and without a head is found both
in the manuscripts and inscriptions, but, unless shown
in some of the inscriptions on the statues of Co-
pan, the introduction of full length figures in the
glyphs as a part thereof is unusual. This unusual
hieroglyph is found twice in the inscription on the
tablet of the cross known as No. 2 ; and once in one
of the inscriptions in the Temple of the Three Tablets.
If we turn now to the pages of Charney s "Ancient
Cities of the New World," where the two prone
statues are figured, we will find, seemingly beyond a
reasonable doubt, to what our unusual glyph refers.
These statues, which, according to Hamy and Char-
ney, denote Tlaloc, the god of rain and fertility, were
found at widely different points, one at Tlaxcala and
the other by Dr. Leplongeon at Chichen-Itza. As has
been correctly stated by Dr. Brinton, "a statue of a
Origin of Central American Civilization. 845
sleeping god holding a vase was disinterred by Dr Le-
plongeon at Chichen-Itza, and it is too entirely similar
to others found at Tlaxcala and near the City of Mexico
for us to doubt but that they represented the same
divinity, and that, the god of rains, fertility and har
vest." Mr. Bandelier mentions a fourth one found in
the state of Puebla.
Shall we attribute the statue found in. Yucatan to
the Mayas and the others to the Aztecs? Or shall we
ascribe both to the Mayas, thus assuming that some
one or more of the tribes of the latter stock, at some
period before their entrance into their historic seats,
dwelt for a time in the vicinity of Tlaxcala? If the
writer be correct in his suggestion that the glyphs re
ferred to represent this diety, the latter supposition
would seem to be the correct one.
Reasons have already been given for believing that
the pyramids or temples of Teotihuacan date from a
period anterior to the occupation of this region by the
Aztecs, and hence can not be ascribed to them. It
is true that indications of Aztec culture, which has,
to a certain degree, been impressed upon them, are
found, but some, in fact most, of the types differ from
any thing that is known to belong to this culture, and
the ruins are declared by the best authorities to be
iion-Aztecan. It must also be borne in mind that it is
stated by the early writers that the name Tula (Thu-
la, Tulan, Tollan, Tollam) , was also applied to this
place, a name which, although signifying "place of
reeds," was explained, whether correctly or not, as
meaning "place of Toltecs." It is apparent from
these facts that some of the works of this place are
attributable to an older people than the Aztecs, or a
346 Study of North American Archaeology.
people antedating their advent. It is also true, as
argued by Charney, that some of the types found at
Tula, as for example, the ornamental sculpturing on
some of the columns, and the serpent-like form of
others, bear a strong resemblance to some of the types
found at Chichen-Itza.
[After this chapter had been written the writer re
ceived from Dr. Antonio Penafiel, of Mexico, a letter
announcing the discovery in a plowed field at Tula,
on the site of the "Temple of the Caryatides" (that
of the double column with feet shown by Charney) of
a shell on which are engraved hieroglyphic characters
supposed to be of the Mayan type. An inspection of
the photographs, which accompany the letter, prove
this supposition to be correct beyond doubt. It is a
puzzling fact, however, that these characters bear a
closer resemblance to the southern variety, especially
those on the shell found in Belize, of which a figure
is given in the author s paper on "Day Symbols of the
Maya Year," in the Sixteenth Annual Report of the
Bureau of American Ethnology, than to those of Pa-
lenque or Yucatan. A similar type is seen in Fig. 84,
page 140, of Dr. Brinton s "Primer of Mayan Hiero
glyphics," which represents an inscription on a vase
from a Quiche tomb, Guatemala. The difference is,
however, due in part to the material on which the
characters are inscribed and the way in which they
are written, as may be seen by reference to Fig. 78 of
Dr. Brinton s "Primer," which shows an inscription
at Kabah, painted on stucco.
The discovery of this inscription, if corroborated by
other finds, may have a tendency to show that the sepa
ration of the Mayan tribes did not take place until the
Origin of Central American Civilization. 347
region of Tula was reached in the migration south
ward, or that the Mam-Quiche group followed the
track of the eastern group to this point.]
It is proper also to bear in mind in this connection,
that the ruins of Comalcalco, as has been stated, belong
unquestionably to the type found at Palenque, and
with more profuse ornamentation at Uxmal and other
places in the peninsula. As Comalcalco lies in Ta
basco on the road northward, it would be exactly on
the route of migration from Mexico or Puebla to the
region of Palenque, by the eastern or shore line.
While these facts are not sufficient of themselves to
prove the presence of the Mayas in this central
Mexican region, yet when we take into consideration
the traditions which have been mentioned showing the
probability that the Huastecas and the Totonacas at
one time occupied this section, and that the works
both here and at Cholula are certainly pre-Azteean,
we are perhaps justified in attributing some of them
to that branch of the Mayas which went off with the
Huastecas toward the east. To this must also be
added the fact that the evidence so far adduced shows
that the Mayas must have come from some point as
far northward as central Mexico. The indications
.also bear us out in the supposition that the builders
of the temples and pyramids of Palenque came to
this locality, partly, at least, by way of the shore, or
Tabasco route. This evidence not only indicates that
the Mayas occupied, for a time, portions of the Mexi
can valley, in advance of the Aztecs, but it also
serves to give some support to the theory that the
Toltecs were the Mayas.
At Quemada,in Zacatecas, are the ruins of temples,
348 Study of North American Archaeology.
pyramids, walled terraces, stairways, etc. There also
is seen a row of stone pillars running through a hall,
as at Mitla. Bancroft does not think that these ruins
show any marked analogies to the structures either
north or south, though he admits that the pyramids
are similar to those at the south. However, they
do show that composite character which indicates
transitional forms which must be found in all ad
vances from lower to higher grades. An intermediate
type between that of Casas Grandes and those further
south, if constructed by a people migrating south
ward, not yet formed into tribes, would, of course,
differ somewhat from the types both north and south,
and would in all probability be, to a certain extent,
composite in features.
There are, however, some features which lead to
the impression that these works should be attributed
in part to the Zapotecs, as for example, the rows of
columns through the middle of halls, and the increase
in the size of the rooms. The former is a peculiarity
found elsewhere only in Zapotec ruins and at Teoti-
huacan, and indicates a different mode of construction
from that found either in the Nahuatl or Maya archi
tecture. The increase in the size of the rooms is a
feature repeatedly mentioned by Mr. Bandelier as he
proceeded southward in his journey through north
western Mexico. The change, according to this writer,
begins at Casa Grande. "The rooms," he remarks,
"are higher and much more spacious than in the
northern ruins ; the doorways are higher and wider."
Although Charney s zealousness in advocacy of the
Toltecs has a tendency to bias his judgment in regard
to any thing which bears on this subject, we quote his-
Origin of Central American Civilization. 349
opinion on the similarity mentioned, as it shows the
impression left on his mind from a personal examina
tion of the ruins in Oaxaca. "Las Casas Grandes,
the settlements in the Sierra Madre, the ruins of Zape,
of Quemada, recalling the monuments at Mitla, others
in Queretaro, together with certain features in the
building of temples and altars which remind one of
the Mexican manuscripts, from which the Toltec,
Aztec and Yucatec temple was built, make it clear
that the civilized races came from the north-west." It
is possible that the Mayas and Zapotecs were in close
relation with one another during their migration south
ward ; or supposing the latter to have been the earlier
emigrants, that the former learned the art from them,
subsequently developing their particular types in the
more southern sections. It may also be added that
the truncated pyramid at Mitla built of adobes, and
the numerous adobe structures in the Zapotec region,
are at least suggestive. The absence of the triangu
lar arch is a marked distinction, though the flat roof
was not entirely unknown in Yucatan.
At Casas Grandes, which is in Chihuahua, we see
proofs of the initial steps of mound building. In
fact, the evidence of gradual advance toward a higher
grade in the architectural art is seen beyond question
as we advance southward from Arizona to Quemada,
be our opinion in regard to the authors of these works
what it may. We must confess that, so far as we are
able to judge from all that has been written in regard
to the ruins of the south-west, there seems to be no
other reason for denying this advance in type than a
fixed purpose to maintain a theory. These raised
platforms or low pyramids filled in solidly with
350 Study of North American Archaeology.
gravel, and the terraces supported by bordering walls,
may justly be considered the beginnings of that art
which culminated in the temples, terraces and pyra
mids of Yucatan and Chiapas. Walled terraces, plat
form mounds, an inner filling or hearting of gravel,
mortar and stone fragments, are characteristic fea
tures of this southern region, and are found also in
Oaxaca. It is true that in the southern locality the
works are upon a larger scale, the types more perfect,
and the ornamentation more profuse than at Casas
Grandes. It may also be said that the southern types
are mo v e specialized, but this is precisely what would
be expected upon the theory that the southern forms
were developed from, and grew out of, the northern.
The conclusion which Mr. Bandelier, who has studied
the regions both of north-western and southern Mex
ico, has reached on this question, is so exactly in point
in this connection that we quote it somewhat fully :
"Although the communal pueblo houses of the
north seem to be different from the structures on the
Gila and at Casas Grandes, they still show the same
leading characteristics of being intended for abodes
and at the same time for defense. In the northern
villages, however, both features are intimately con
nected ; whereas further south the military purpose is
represented by a separate edifice, the central house or
stronghold, of which Casa Grande is a good speci
men. In this the ancient village of the south-west
approaches the ancient settlements of Yucatan and of
central Mexico, which consisted of at least three dif
ferent kinds of edifices, each distinct from the others
in the purposes to which it was destined. It seems ,
therefore, that between the thirty-fourth and the
Origin of Central American Civilization* 351
twenty-ninth parallels of latitude the aboriginal archi
tecture of the south-west had begun to change in a
manner that brought some of its elements that were
of northern origin into disuse, and substituted others
derived from southern influences ; in other words,
that there was a gradual transformation going on in
ancient aboriginal architecture in the direction from
north to south.
" I have alluded only to the most striking examples
of south-western aboriginal architecture, the large
houses. In regard to another kind, the small de
tached buildings, it must be observed that the small
house is probably the germ from which the larger
structures were evolved, and that the small houses
also undergo modifications, especially from north to
south, in the size of the rooms. I repeat here what I
said in my preliminary report to the Institute of Au
gust 11, 1883 : There is a gradual increase in the
size of the rooms in detached buildings, in a direction
from north to south, which increase is most distinctly
marked over the area where the detached house alone
prevails.
"There are regions, like central Sonora, where the
small house is the only architectural type now re
maining from ancient times. It will be noticed that
the square or rectangular dwellings of the Opatas of
the Sonora river confirm the impressions above re
corded. If we compare them with the dimensions of
the huts now inhabited by tribes living still further
south, we find their size increases as we advance from
a colder to a warmer one.
"Large halls are not found in the ruins of the
north. They appear to be almost the rule at M lfla
352 Study of North American Archaeology.
and in Yucatan ; and they are met with on the Gila,
under a climate which is semi-tropical.
"Equally noteworthy is the increase in dimensions
of the doorways and windows. In the lofty struc
tures of Arizona and Chihuahua there is considerable
resemblance to the doorways of ancient edifices in
Yucatan and other southern states of Mexico.
"The outer coating of the walls is of course differ
ent in the arid northern countries from that in the
moist regions of the tropics. Elsewhere I have men
tioned the plating, with polished slabs, of the walls
of Mitla, which was applied, I suspect, not merely
for ornamental purposes, but with a practical object.
Where summer rains are as violent as under the
tropics, a coating of adobe or gypsum would be un
able to resist them for any length of time. In the
south-west a thinner coat was sufficient ; still there is
improvement in such coating, from the northern sec
tions to the southern, s hown by the finish of the wash
applied to the surface.
"I have alluded to the appearance of artificial
mounds and artificial platforms or terraces on the
Gila, and perhaps also in the Casas Grandes region.
It is well known that both of these structures are
conspicuous in the ruins of southern and central Mex
ico. The estufa, however, is a specifically northern
feature, and therefore disappears as soon as the cli
mate becomes more equable and finally tropical."
It may be added that, according to Mr. Bartlett,
who examined the Casas Grandes in 1850 and illus
trated his description with figures, the rooms began
to assume here almost the exact form and arrange
ment in series seen in some of the Yucatec structures.
Origin of Central American Civilization. 353
We also notice the fact that the aggregation, so to
speak, of cells as in the pueblo structures is gradually
lost as we proceed southward. Marked evidence of
this change is seen before we leave southern Arizona,
and at Casas Grandes we see the last faint intimation
of it, unless we assume that the room series in Yuca
tan are resultants.
The cliff-dwellings, which are a characteristic fea
ture of the San Juan region of north-eastern Arizona,
continue side by side with the other features as we
proceed south into Mexico, and are not lost until after
we have passed Casas Grandes.
That the series of types is unbroken from the region
of the pueblos and cliff-dwellers of Arizona to Casas
Grandes is unquestionable. True, there are variations
in the features and characteristics, but that they are de
rived from the same original type is a fair and reas
onable presumption. It may also be asserted with a
considerable degree of confidence that southward
from Quemada the series is continuous to Guatemala.
It is admitted that there is a greater variation in this
series than in the northern one. This, however, ac
cords precisely with the facts as known and what
might have been predicated upon these facts. In
other words, the body of emigrants, so to speak, after
leaving the region of Quemada, was gradually split
into branches and tribes, each moving off into the
seat it was found occupying at the coming of the
Spaniards. Although each of these divisions would
take with it the original or stem pattern, each would
gradually modify it and change it according to fancy.
Hence, the variations as we move southward, would
23
354 Study of North American Archaeology.
be greater than those seen north of that point. There
would be no entirely new or different cultures : all
were developed from the one original. Had this cul
ture spread northward from the southern area instead
of being a gradual development during the movement
southward, the examples would not show the rude
primary types, but imperfect attempts at a higher and
more advanced type, the culture would not spread
from the central point until it had become advanced.
No valid reason has been given, nor is it believed
can be given, for rejecting the theory that these
northern structures are attributable to the ancestors
of the civilized tribes of the regions further south,
supposing the theory now generally accepted that
these tribes migrated from this northern section, be
correct. It is admitted that the Nahuatl and Sho-
shone tribes have been connected socially if not lin
guistically. It is also admitted that the latter did not
move northward from the southern region. Hence,
the Nahuatl tribes must have moved from the north
southward. It is also generally conceded, or at least
intimated, and apparently in accordance with the most
reliable data, that the Mayas and Zapotecs, if not de
rived in the far distant past from the same original
stem as the Nahuatl tribes, had long been in intimate
association with the latter.
Notwithstanding the advance made by the time the
latitude of Quemada was reached, the cause or
impetus, or whatever we may term it, which gave
rise to the more advanced civilization of the southern
section, had not yet been exerted or brought fully into
play. The beginning of that architectural art which
was to result in the splendid structures of Yucatan
and Chiapas had been made, but it is probable that it
Origin of Central American Civilization. 355
was not until the priestly hierarchy was more thor
oughly organized and brought into full sway, that the
onward march toward that higher culture began in
real earnest.
Why there has been such persistent refusal on
the part of scholars to accept, as at least pos
sible, the theory that the tradition of the " Seven
Caves," or "Seven Ravines" (Chicomoztoc and Tulan
Zuiva) , refers to the cliff-dwellings or cave-dwellings
of north-western Mexico and Arizona, is difficult to
account for. There is nothing in this supposition con
trary to the traditions, nor to the generally-accepted
theory of the course of migrations. The number
seven does not necessarily play any particular role in
the solution of this problem. Numbers were deter
mined from some incident or circumstance which
may or may not be known. Seven may have been
selected because of some superstition or because it
was understood that seven was the number of tribes
belonging to a certain group or stock, or it may have
arisen in many other ways. It is therefore immaterial
in this relation. The reference therefore in the Nahuatl
and Maya traditions to seven caves, although largely
mixed with myth, may be interpreted as possibly refer
ring to the cliff- or cave-dwellings, or to this mode of liv
ing while in the north. This would be appropriate as
explaining the frequent reference in these traditions to
darkness, gloom and a sunless condition. It is well
known that caves were often resorted to in the south
ern regions as places for holding religious ceremonies
and other purposes. The inner cells of many of the
Central American temples are virtually caverns so far
as light is concerned. Torchlight was essential to
some of their religious ceremonies.
356 Study of North American Archaeology.
CHAPTER XXIV.
PRIESTS HIEROGLYPHS CALENDAR.
No step in advance in art or any other branch of
culture is likely to be taken, especially among a com
paratively rude people, until some need for that step
is felt. Burial originated from the necessity of dis
posing of the dead, and the stone and wooden cover
ings, tombs and cells, from the desire to secure the
bodies from injury by wild beasts ; dwellings, from
the need of shelter and security, etc. So, in the more
advanced stages of society, forward steps in culture
are generally the result of a felt or imagined need
therefor. Sometimes accidental discoveries bring into
use more efficient implements and processes than those
previously employed, but the adoption of these is an
evidence of the felt need therefor.
Although it is true, as remarked by Dr. Tylor, that
priests are not favorable to changes or novelties in
the religious formulas or ceremonies, yet they are
ever ready to accept an increase in power or influence,
to add to the impressiveness and display of their pub
lic ceremonies, and are ever desirous of increasing
the size and magnificence of their religious structures.
It is to this desire and the power and influence of the
priests of Mexico and Central America, the author
believes, are to be attributed the rise of civilization
and its progress, in these regions, to a higher stage
than that attained any-where else in North America.
Priests Hieroglyphs Calendar. 357
The influence of the religious sentiment, especially
when directed by a strong and well-organized priest
hood, is too well known to need any proof here. The
power and influence of the priests in Mexico and Cen
tral America are also facts too well known to require
verification. In Mexico, according to one writer,
"the prelacy was as systematic, and its rule as well
defined, as in the Church of Rome." The contest
which was waged for a time between the warrior class
and priests was ultimately decided in favor of the
latter ; in other words, the prelacy became the ruling
power. Among the Mayas and Zapotecs the priestly
power was, if possible, more complete than among
the Aztecs, the authority of the chieftain or ruler being
almost completely dimmed by it. We therefore at
tribute the rise and progress of the Mexican and Cen
tral American civilization chiefly to this priesthood.
With their opposition or indifference it could have
made no progress. Moreover, the chief advance made
is along lines intimately connected with religious
ceremonies and priestly needs.
The hieroglyphs were doubtless the work of the
priests, few of the people understanding, or being
able to interpret or use them. To the priests, there
fore, must we ascribe the inscriptions and manu
scripts, which, so far as we are able to judge from
the little that has been ascertained in regard to them,
relate, in a large degree, to religious observances, cere
monies, etc. The calendar system appears also to be
based upon, or at least adapted to the religious systems
in vogue among the nations which adopted it. We
are justified, therefore, in believing that the advance
in culture along the lines of art, especially those
358 Study of North American Archaeology.
of architecture and sculpture, the calendar system
and symbolic writing, was due to the priesthood.
It is probable that no decided impulse toward a
higher culture was given until a start had been made
toward a thorough organization of the priesthood. That
a slow and gradual advance was being made in archi
tecture is doubtless true, and it is also doubtless true
that, after this beginning, there would have been a
further slow growth, even without a decided impulse
from the priesthood ; but the remarkable advance in
dicated by the structures and sculptures of the south
ern section, as compared with the northern monu
ments, indicates some more potent influence than was
exerted in the northern regions.
It must be admitted, although we may be unable to
entirely solve the mystery, that there was some cause,
some impetus, something which gave rise to the civ
ilization of Mexico and Central America, which did
not exist or occur in California or any other part of
North America. Mr. Bancroft is doubtless correct in
his declaration that this can not be attributed wholly
to differences in the physical conditions. It is more
likely that the real direct cause is to be found in the
complete organization, and strong influence of the
priesthood. This, it is true, only serves to throw the
investigation one step further back ; for the next in
quiry will be, why this advance in priestly organization
and influence over that of other sections? Although
we will not undertake to give any answer to this
question, it is possible that a thorough and careful
study of what we may, in a broad and compre
hensive sense, term the priesthoods or religious organ
izations of the more northern tribes, beginning with
Priests Hieroglyphs Calendar. 359
those of the Pueblos, would furnish a partial explana
tion. The cult societies of some of these Pueblos
described by Mrs. Matilda C. Stevenson in her paper
on "The Sia," in the "Eleventh Annual Report of the
Bureau of American Ethnology," and those of other
Pueblos described in several papers by Dr. Walter
Fewkes, may possibly be the beginnings from which the
more elaborate organizations of the southern tribes were
developed. The latter author mentions a number of
somewhat striking similarities between the religious
ceremonies of the tribes he studied, and those of the
Mexicans and Mayas. As the people among whom
he prosecuted his studies were chiefly those of the
Hopi or Moki pueblos, people belonging to the great
Uto-Aztecan stock, these similarities become impor
tant, especially when the caution of this author in ad
vancing theories is considered.
Where the priesthood in the course of the migration
southward attained that perfection in its organization,
and obtained that power as a distinct body which en
abled them to direct the several lines of improvement
leading up to the civilization finally reached, can of
course never be definitely determined. If the sugges
tion that the southern system was a development from
the northern, should by further study be found prob
able, this development must of course have been
gradual. Although the evidence shows that the great,
and apparently rapid advance in civilization after it
was once clearly started, was due chiefly to the priest
hood, the attempt to determine where this start took
place would be in vain.
If the supposition that the Mayas, or at least the
eastern division thereof, occupied for a time the re-
360 Study of North American Archaeology.
gion of Tula (Mexico) and Teotihuacan, and were
the authors of some of the works of those localities
be correct, we may feel assured that the priesthood
had by this time come largely into power as a body ;
that there was here an organization of some kind.
If, as the writer is inclined to believe is true, the-
Mayas who occupied this region probably with the To-
tonacas, consisted of the eastern branch which had
followed the Huastecas as heretofore suggested, their
priesthood must have been organized, and the Palen-
que and Votan problems become less difficult to solve.
The traditions of the other (western) branch indicate
that their priesthood did not come fully into power
until they reached that Tulan which we suggest was
somewhere in or near Chiapas. Here it is said they
received their gods. The statement in the Quiche
tradition which says : "Truly Tohil is the name of
the god of the Yaqui nation who was called Yolcuat
Quetzalcoatl," indicates beyond question contact with
the Aztecs, though the identification of Tohil with
Quetzalcoatl is probably incorrect. The contact of
priesthoods is probably implied.
It appears certain, however, that Mayan hieroglyphs
did not come into use until the valley of the Usuma-
cinta was reached. The origin of these is difficult to
explain, and will probably remain an unsolved prob
lem until explorations shall bring to light some rude
beginnings from which they were, or may have been
developed.
The Mayan glyphs are of a widely different type from
the Mexican, though they may have passed through
some of the same stages of growth, but the general
consensus of opinion is that the Mayan is the older of
Priests Hieroglyphs Calendar . 361
the two classes, and that these two classes have de
veloped independently. As it seems apparent that
they were not brought into use until some of the
Mayas had reached the Usumacinta valley, it seems
possible that they are not older than the Mexican
symbols, though the opposite view is generally enter
tained.
It has been found possible to determine with rea
sonable certainty the objects from which some few of
the Mayan symbols were drawn. These derivations
indicate that the symbols had already been brought
into use when they were adopted to represent the
days, and that considerable advance had been made
in hieroglyphic writing. We are compelled, there
fore, to admit that the origin of this writing is a
mystery we are unable to fully penetrate. The va
rious steps through which several of the characters
used had passed before reaching their final forms may
be theoretically traced, but monumental evidence on
this point is wanting, at least so far as the author is
aware. There can be. but little if any doubt that
their development and use was due to the priests. It
also appears that this form of writing was confined
to the Mayan tribes, a fact which, considering the in
timate relations of these tribes with other stocks, in
dicates that it had advanced to that stage which pre
vented its adaptation to other languages. More
especially does this appear to be a proper conclusion
when we take into consideration the fact that the so-
called "Native Calendar" had been adopted by some
half a dozen different stocks.
How are we to account for the spread of the com
plicated calendar system through so many different
362 Study of North American Archaeology.
and even hostile stocks, as stated in a preceding chap
ter, when each had necessarily to, or at least did, assign
different names to the days and months, and adopted
different symbols, so far as these are known to have
been brought into use ? There seems to be but one an
swer : it was through the influence of the priests. Nor
does this appear to solve the problem, except upon the
further supposition that there was some kind of rela
tionship, understanding or intercourse between the
priesthoods of the different stocks or tribes, not lim
ited by ethnic lines. It is only by the supposition of
"a powerful secret organization," as Dr. Brinton has
shown, "extending over a wide area, including mem
bers of different languages and varying culture,"
that the spread of Nagualism can be explained.
That the various stocks and tribes, some of which
were at constant war with one another, should have
adopted the same calendar system, which was espe
cially adapted to the work and office of the priests,
except through their influence, seems impossible.
Moreover, that influence must have been specially
exerted for this purpose and to this end. Is it not
possible that this will serve in part to explain the
numerous traditions relating to the sudden appear
ance of priestly civilizers in various sections?
The traditions of the Mexicans and Central Ameri
cans regarding the sudden appearance in their midst
and as sudden departure of great reformers and civil
izers, who were afterward regarded as culture heroes,
have long been and still continue to be puzzles, in re
gard to which students have, as yet, been unable to
offer any generally accepted solution. It is Quetzal-
coatl among the Mexicans, Votan among the tribes of
Priests Hieroglyphs Calendar . 363
the Usumacinta, Cukulcan and Itzamna among the
Mayas of Yucatan, and Gucurnatz with the tribes of
Guatemala.
Some authors attempt to explain these by the solar
myth, resolving all these traditional founders into
personified Dawn, Lightning, and the like. But as
Hutson justly remarks : "We have had abundant evi
dence that this method of explanation can be pushed
too far, and its results have always been too vague to
add any thing to our real knowledge of early ethnic
life." Is it not possible that these traditional person
ages were priestly messengers traveling from tribe to
tribe to weld together a common brotherhood? Such
a supposition would not be more extravagant than
that theory which makes of them sun and light
myths.
If the statement made by some writers, that war
was often waged between Mexican nations by agree
ment or understanding for the purpose of obtaining
captives for sacrifice, be true, it is certain that this
was instigated by the priests, and, moreover, indi
cates some secret relation between the different priest
hoods. It is proper, however, to remark that Bandelier
questions this.
The division of the year into eighteen months of
twenty days each is the most radical change of the
system from the usual lunar count, or count by
moons. It is generally admitted by scholars who
have referred to the subject, that the original Mayan
calendar must have been based on the usual lunar
count. There is even positive evidence that there
was in vogue at the advent of the Spaniards, at least
in some sections, a secular month of thirty days, giv-
364 Study of North American Archaeology.
ing twelve months to the year. In the "Report on
the City of Valladolid, written by the Corporation of
the city by order of His Majesty and the very illus
trious Senor Don Guillen de las Casas, Governor and
Captain General, April, 1529," we find the following
statement : "They [the Indians] divided the time by
months of thirty days, and on the first day of the
year, before dawn, every one, including the Alquin
[priest] , watched for the rising sun and held a great
feast on that day." That this change could have come
about by any gradual process seems impossible. "We
are therefore justified in believing that it was arbitra
rily made by the priests, or that it was brought into
vogue through some foreign influence. Mention of
the lunar count and the year of twelve months is
also made by other early writers.
Where and in what stock did this calendar have its
origin, are questions to which students will probably
never be able to give satisfactory answers. If we
could decide positively which came into vogue first,
the calendar or the symbolic writing, we might give
approximately correct answers. That the Mayan hiero
glyphs, as has already been stated, did not come into
use until the people of this stock had reached the valley
of theUsumacinta, may perhaps be confidently asserted.
It may also be confidently asserted that the Mexican
method of representing days and numbers did not come
into use until after the Aztecs had settled in the valley
of Anahuac. It is stated in the Cakchiquel Annals,
according to Dr. Brinton s translation, that among the
tributes they paid at Tulan were "astrological calen
dars and reckoning calendars." If this refers to the
"Native Calendar," it follows that both calendar and
Priests Hieroglyphs Calendar. 365
symbols were then in use. However, as we have en
deavored to show, the advanced Mayan tribes were
already located in the Usumacinta region when the
Cakchiquels reached this Tulan. It will perhaps be
safe to assume that the various stocks using the
calendar had reached substantially their historic seats
at the time of its adoption.
That such a time system could have come into
use independently in some half-dozen different stocks,
relatively at the same time, seems improbable. As its
origin is most naturally ascribed to one stock or people,
it must have been forced upon other peoples by some
strong pressure instigated by the priests, or brought
into use through the influence of the priesthood. By
the earlier authors it is attributed to the Toltecs, which
according to the view herein adopted would be indefi
nite, but most likely would refer to the Mayas while
in central Mexico, or at least before reaching their
historic localities. Orozco y Berra, who is followed
in this respect by Dr. Seler, expressed the opinion
with confidence that it had its origin among the Za-
potecs. Dr. Brinton says he has been unable to reach
any definite decision on the question, but is inclined
to the opinion "that it was the invention of that an
cient branch of the Mayan stock who inhabited the
present states of Chiapas and Tabasco."
It is probable that the former opinion is the correct
one. The evidences of an impress of culture by the
Zapotecs upon the Mexicans, or the reverse, have been
referred to. The figures recently copied by Prof.
Frederick Starr from the Mitla ruins, and published in
his "Notes on Mexican Archaeology," show types
366 Study of North American Archaeology.
corresponding beyond question with those of the
Mexicans.
One prominent feature of these figures is the Tlaloc
nose or elephant-like probocis.
It may be that the Zapotecs were the pioneers in
Central American civilization. It is certain, as we
have seen, that some of the peculiar types found at
Mitla appear also at Quemada, a fact which has been
noticed by several writers.
The conclusions which seem to be most in accord
with the data are :
That the Mayan stock came from the north-west,
substantially along the same route followed subse
quently by the Nahuatl tribes, and that they had
been, at some early day, previous to or soon after en
tering the area of Mexico, in comparatively close
relations with the Nahuatl stock.
That somewhere in central Mexico, one branch, or
part of the family led by the Huastecas, broke away
from the other part and pushing in advance, in com
pany with the Totonacas, occupied for a time the re
gion embracing the Mexican Tula and Teotihuacan.
The Huastecas and Totonacas moved on to the gulf
shore, while the remaining portion of this eastern
branch passed on southward to the valley of the
Usumacinta, a part at least going by way of Tabasco,
another portion going directly to the upper portion of
the valley. From these colonies the Peten region and
the peninsula of Yucatan were peopled. The other
branch, after dwelling for a time in the region of
Chiapas, scattered in tribes south and south-east to
their historic seats.
That the advance in the architectural art began
Priests Hierog lyp hs Calendar . 367
while they were yet in central Mexico, its rapid pro
gress being due to the influence of the priesthood.
That the use of hieroglyphs among the Mayas be
gan with the colonies who settled on the Usumacinta.
That the calendar probably had its origin with the
Zapotecs, and that it spread to the different stocks
through the direct influence of the priests.
368 Study of North American Archaeology.
CHAPTER XXV.
CONCLUSION.
Although it is true, as stated in the opening chap
ter, that the monuments and relics must be our chief
reliance in studying the customs, arts and activities
of prehistoric peoples, language must form the chief
basis here, as has been found true in the old world, of
the theories relating to the more remote periods, when
the identification of race or stock is the object in view.
The character and types of the monuments and arte
facts and to some extent of customs and superstitions,
as shown by what has been presented in the preceding
chapters, are largely the result of physical environ
ment ; hence, in attempts to trace relationship of
tribes and peoples and to follow the movements of pop
ulation in prehishoric times, language must be our
chief reliance. But language and monuments, so far
as the latter are to be found, should tell the same
tale.
The coincident testimony of these two classes of ev
idence, fortified by other data bearing on the subject,
lead to and seem to justify the geographical division
of North America, in reference to its archaeology, into
the three primary regions which have been outlined.
If this conclusion be accepted, at least so far as it re
lates to the Atlantic and Pacific divisions, it will
(leaving out of view the question of origin or race)
relieve the study of prehistoric North America of some
Conclusion. 369
hitherto troublesome questions and eliminate some
theories still advocated. It will form one important
step in the arrangement of the archaeological data of
the northern continent.
Led by the dim rays of light the data afford, rely
ing chiefly on language, geographical features and tra
dition, together with the few historic facts relating to
the more recent migrations, the conclusion reached
is that the great movements of population in pre
historic times in North America have been southward.
Tracing back the streams toward their sources, we
have found that the converging point appears to be
the inhospitable region stretching from the western
shore of Hudson s Bay to the Rocky Mountains.
Thence two streams flowed southward : parted by the
great treeless plains stretching from the Saskatchewan
to the Rio Grande, one moved south along the moun
tain skirt and passed to the Pacific side, the other
going to the Atlantic side. From straying bands
seeking localities of more abundant food, which be
came permanently separated from the parent group,
were developed, in all probability, partly by growth and
partly by combination, one with another, many, possibly
most, of the so-called stocks ; others had possibly been
differentiated before reaching the continent, if, as is not
improbable, the peopling was by the incoming of suc
cessive parties along substantially the same route.
However, the reader must keep in mind the fact
that there are two theories in regard to the general
movements of population in the Atlantic division in
prehistoric times, each of which is maintained by
strong advocates. One of these is that which has
24
370 Study of North American Archaeology.
been followed in this work, the other that which holds
that the spread of population has been from the At
lantic border. If the latter theory be adopted, and it
be assumed that the Pacific slope was populated from
this eastern group, it would seem necessary, from the
evidence herein presented in regard to the movements
on the Pacific side, to assume that one important stream
from the Atlantic side flowed north-westward, at least
as far north as the headwaters of the Missouri (and even
farther, judging by the movements of the Athapascans) ,
and then turned southward, moving down the western
side. For it seems certain that the great plains formed
a barrier seldom traversed in prehistoric times except
toward their northern extremity. It might perhaps
be consistent with this theory to assume that the
Mayan group moved southward along the Gulf coast.
Although this theory of a dispersion from the Atlantic
coast is held by a number of able advocates, the
author of this work has been led by his study of the
evidence to believe that the Atlantic division was pop
ulated from the north-west, and that the Pacific di
vision received its population chiefly from the same
region. The reader, however, is left to accept either
theory which appears to him to be most in accord with
the data which we have presented.
In our attempts to trace back the development of
tribes and peoples to more distant eras, we have, when
the monuments and other evidence failed us, appealed
to language as indicating former relationship, but it
is necessary here also to remind the reader that on
this point different view^s are entertained by linguists.
On the one side, it is held by some authors that affinity
of languages implies racial identity or unity of origin ;
on the other, it is contended that the theory that the
Conclusion. 371
affinity of languages necessarily implies identity of
race is not warranted. It may be stated as evi
dent that where a tribe or people has incorporated
into itself elements from another race or stock, as the
negroes in the United States, and these elements have
adopted the language of that tribe or people, the lan
guage will not be an evidence of race. It is prob
able that the correct theory will be found interme
diate between these two, and this position, we no
tice, has been taken by Mr. A. H. Keane in his recent
work on ethnology. Another view, also intermediate,
but differing somewhat from any yet presented, and
which promises apparently to be more comprehensive
in its scope, appears to be foreshadowed by Major J.
W. Powell, director of the Bureau of American Eth
nology, in his remarks on the Indian linguistic fam
ilies in his 7th Annual Report. He says :
"The opinion that the differentiation of languages
within a single stock is mainly due to the absorption
of materials from other stocks, often to the extin
guishment of the latter, has grown from year to year
as the investigation has proceeded. Wherever the
material has been sufficient to warrant a conclusion
on this subject, no language has been found to be sim
ple in its origin, but every language has been found
to be composed of diverse elements. The processes
of borrowing known in historic times are those which
have been at work in prehistoric times, and it is not
probable that any simple language derived from some
single pristine group of roots can be discovered."
Our allusions, therefore, to the inference which
may be drawn from affinity in language as evidence
of migrations must be taken only as indicative of
372 Study of North American Archaeology.
former intimate relationship of some kind, not neces
sarily racial, for affinity in languages necessarily im
plies former intimate relationship of some kind.
That the chief stream on the Pacific side had its
source east of the Rocky Mountains in the region
mentioned seems likely from what has been shown in
regard to the general course of migration so far as it
can be traced. One puzzling feature of the California
and Oregon coast appears to receive at least a partial
explanation by this theory of movements on the west
ern side of the continent. We allude to the large
number of diminutive stocks, as heretofore mentioned,
crowded into this narrow shore strip.
The explanation of the problem appears to be found
in the position of the minor Athapascan offshoots lo
cated along the coast of Oregon and California. Al
though the later movements of these branches, which
brought them to their historic homes, have taken place
within modern times, the date when some of them re
moved from their priscan habitats probably belongs to
the prehistoric era, though comparatively recent. The
other minor stocks are probably fragments of other
families from which they separated at a much earlier
date, which, under the influence of changed surround
ings and through intermarriages and combinations
with other bands, have formed new groups and new
languages. The following remarks by Dr. Gibbs, who
is considered an authority on the Indian tribes of this
region, may be appropriately quoted here :
"If I may hazard a conjecture at present, it is that
the Tah-kali [Dene] and Selish families, with perhaps
the Shoshone and some others, originated east of the
Rocky Mountains ; that the country between that
Conclusion. 373
chain and the great lakes has been a center from
which population has diverged ; that these two tribes
crossed by the northern passes of the mountains ; and
that their branches have since been pushing westward
and southward. Whether the southern branches of
the Tah-kali have been separated and driven on by
the subsequent irruption of the Selish, or whether
they have passed over their heads, can, perhaps, be
ascertained on a severe comparison of the different
dialects into which each has become divided ; it being
reasonable to infer that those which differ most from
the present are the oldest in date and emigration.
"The route of the Selish has obviously been along
the courses of the two great rivers, the Frazer and
the Columbia. By the former, they seem to have
penetrated to the sea, while on the latter they were
stopped by the Sahaptin and the Tsinuk. Some
branches undoubtedly crossed the Cascade range, at
different points, to the Sound, and the country inter
mediate between that and the Columbia. And the
Tilamuk have overstepped that boundary and fixed
themselves on the coast of Oregon. The southern
limit of the Tah-kali is not yet ascertained. Mr.
Hale identified the Umkwa as an offshoot. Lieuten
ant Kautz has lately shown the Tu-tu-ten to be another,
and it is possible that some of the California languages
may also be assimilated. Dr. Newell states that,
since he was first in the Indian country, all the great
tribes have been gradually breaking up into bands.
"Whenever two chiefs attain about an equality of
power and influence, jealousies arise, which lead to a
separation of the tribe. These are formed by many
causes, the chattering of the women, of course, among
374 Study of North American Archaeology.
others. Before the introduction of firearms, the
range of the different tribes was more limited than
now. They did not travel so far from their own
country. This last is less applicable to the coast
tribes than to those of the interior. The former are,
however, more split up, and those of the Sound coun
try, perhaps, most of all. The influence possessed
even by those claiming to be head chiefs has become
almost nothing ; and in case of any disagreement in
a band, the dissatisfied party move off to a little dis
tance and take the name of the ground they occupy,
or any one desirous of establishing a band on his own
account induces a party of his immediate followers to
accompany him, and start, as it were, a new colony.
It is to this separation, and to the petty hostilities
which often grew out of it, that we must mainly at
tribute the diversity of dialects prevailing."
The southward movement was a slow process, re
quiring possibly thousands of years, during which
streams were split into branches, while others per
haps coalesced. However, in studying the history
and migrations of the aborigines in prehistoric times,
we must disabuse our minds of the idea of a dense
population. We have spoken in the preceding chap
ters of the "growth and swelling of the mass" in the
terms used by writers in relation to the movements of
peoples in the old world, yet the idea obtained is likely
to prove erroneous without explanation, as the usual
estimate of our native population is erroneous. The
native population of the Atlantic division was prob
ably at no time as great in numbers as has been sup
posed by those who have not carefully investigated
the subject. Detached villages scattered over a large
Conclusion. 375
rarea were necessary to a people depending on the chase
alone for subsistence ; and when the country was clear
before them, bands would continue to wander farther
and farther from each other, thus by long isola
tion and the influence of changed physical conditions
giving rise to new tribes and stocks and various cus
toms. It is therefore in this sense the growth and
expansion of the native population, while depending
on the chase, is to be understood. The Indians would
have considered Illinois crowded had it contained one-
twentieth the number of souls now living in the city
of Chicago ; and Pennsylvania overstocked with a
population of fifty thousand or even forty thousand.
As more congenial climes were reached in their
movement southward, and cultivation of the soil be
gan, the tribes became more and more sedentary and
the arts developed. The discovery of maize and its
use as a food plant was probably one of the most
potent agencies in bringing about this sedentary con
dition. Its use crept slowly northward against the
tide, changing nomads and hunters, at least partially,
into settled agricultural tribes. The strong families
occupied the interior choice districts, pressing the
older, weaker and broken stocks to the shores.
Moving southward from the cold and inhospitable
sections of the north, it is not until we reach the more
favored districts, where agriculture was resorted to as
a partial means of subsistence, that monuments indi
cating an advanced culture appear. It is in Ohio, in
the lower Mississippi valley and the Gulf states of the
mound section regions of richest soil and best
adapted to agriculture that the most stately mounds
and imposing earthworks are found. Moving south-
376 Study of North American Archaeology.
ward on the Pacific side it is in the mild climate of
Mexico and Central America, the land of maize and
tropical fruits, we find evidences of the most advanced
civilization. Wisconsin or the effigy-mound region
possibly forms an exception to this rule, yet some of
the tribes of the southern half of that state, where
the chief works are found, may have entered the agri
cultural stage at the time they were constructed,
nevertheless the objects imitated indicate that they
were still in the hunting state, although they must
have been to a large extent sedentary.
Development of culture appears to have been in
some degree retroactive, that is to say, although the
unfolding seems to have been from north toward the
south, yet the more advanced culture seems to have
moved backward, to some extent, on its pathway.
What appear to be evidences of this are found in the
mound area where a few large pyramidal mounds of
the true southern type are found north of the Ohio in
Illinois and Indiana, and strange to say, in one in
stance at least, combined with a northern type which
seems to have been developed in and was confined
almost exclusively to the limits of Wisconsin. The
same thing appears to have been true to some extent
in the Pacific division, especially in regard to certain
customs and religious ceremonies. As the cultivation
of maize extended northward against the stream, it
carried with it some new arts and customs which orig
inated in more southern climes. It is evident, how
ever, that arts and customs and even superstitions, re
sulted to a considerable extent from physical condi
tions. This is shown by the fact that the architecture,
designs and customs of particular districts, which are
Conclusion. 377
and have long been inhabited by widely different
stocks, often present a general similarity. This
broad resemblance, or, as it were, uniform coloring or
shading of various forms or types, is due, as a general
rule, to the physical conditions ; as, for example, in
the Pueblo section, and California.
No evidence of buildings of stone, adobe or burned
brick has been found in the Atlantic division. Wood,
which was abundant in most sections, supplied ma
terial for all the structures their customs required.
It is true that the early mound explorers speak of
burned brick found in southern tumuli, but more re
cent examinations have shown the material to be but
the burnt plastering of dwellings consumed by fire.
On the Pacific side, adobe was used as a building ma
terial from Arizona to Oaxaca, and stone was the chief
material of structures from New Mexico to the Isth
mus. This difference is of course to be attributed in
a large degree to the differences in the physical con
ditions of the two sections. That stone, though it
might be laid up rudely and undressed, and adobe
would be used in the construction of dwellings in the
arid and treeless areas of New Mexico and Arizona,
might reasonably be surmised in advance of evidence.
Judging by the difference in the advance made to
ward civilized life, the character of the monuments
and the deeper covering of earth and rubbish over
many of the ruins of the southern sections of the Pa
cific division, the reasonable conclusion seems to be
that the latter was peopled in advance of the Atlantic
division. Although intercourse between the two di
visions appears to have been very limited, there is
some evidence that a few designs in art found their
378 Study of North American Archaeology.
way from the Pacific into the Atlantic division, but
none, so far as the author is aware, that any traveled
in the opposite direction.
As this work is limited to the archaeology of North
America, of which only a brief, and, in some respects,
incomplete notice has been presented, no allusion to
South American antiquities has been made. How
ever, as the conclusion reached in regard to the possi
bility that the latter continent was peopled from the
former will have an important bearing on some of
the problems discussed, the following suggestions are
presented :
Although we have not discussed the origin of man
in America, it is apparent from the conclusion reached
in regard to migrations that the evidence adduced
points to the extreme north-west Pacific coast as a
probable point of entry into North America, Should
this conclusion, which corresponds with a widely pre
vailing, though it must be admitted by no means
universal, opinion of the present day, be accepted,
it does not follow as a necessary inference that
South America was peopled from the same source,
or by the same route. On the contrary, a careful
consideration of the data points, or appears to
point, rather to the opposite conclusion. The sup
position that the southern continent was peopled
from the northern demands an immense stretch of
time that seems incompatible with the archaeolog
ical features of the latter. The comparative age
of the monuments of Peru and those of Central
America, as estimated by the more conservative stu
dents, will not justify the assumption that the civil
ization of the former region was carried southward
Conclusion. 379
from the latter. Moreover, the antiquities and lan
guages of the Isthmian region north to the borders of
Nicaragua indicate a northward movement to this
point, where it seems to have been met by the move
ment from the north. It appears also to be generally
conceded that the West Indies were peopled from the
southern continent. On the other hand, there is no
evidence, archaeologic or linguistic, of a northern ele
ment in the southern continent. Peruvian architec
ture was peculiar and imposing, and shows no trace
of influence from Central America or Mexico. Slight
indications of South American or West Indian influ
ence are claimed to have been discovered in southern
Florida, but a study of the data so far as made leads
apparently to the conclusion that this was the result
of mere contact, and not from a northward movement
of population, the people even of the Keys, as claimed
by some authorities, pertaining to the northern races.
Although the attempt to determine the length of time
man has lived in North America will be a mere guess
and nothing more, there is no apparent reason for
carrying it back beyond a date necessary for the de
velopment of the various tribes, and possibly most of
the stocks.
It is possible, though the proof is not yet sufficient
to gain general acceptance, that there has been pre
historic contact on the western coast of Mexico with
people from the Pacific islands or south-eastern Asia.
While these pages are being written, news comes of
the discovery in the state of Guerrero, on the south
west coast of Mexico, of several remarkable groups
of ruins showing an advanced stage of culture.
Among the ruins are remains of large temples, a tab-
380 Study of North American Archaeology.
let with hieroglyphs, the character, however, not
stated, a lofty arch, etc. Should these prove to be of
the character indicated, they may have some bearing
on the question of the origin of this civilization.
But the utmost that can be anticipated in this direc
tion is proof of foreign influence on the native civil
ization already in the process of development.
Although our treatise can claim to be nothing more
than an outline of the subject of which it treats, yet
enough has been presented to show that North Amer
ica offers an archaeological field which is yet to yield
a rich harvest to antiquarian research, a field which
has been as yet but little worked except in some few
districts, but well deserves to be thoroughly cultivated.
This becomes manifest when it is known that the most
extensive group of pyramidal mounds in the Gulf
States, a group supposed to mark the site of one of
De Soto s halting places, remains undisturbed except by
the plow, and that the largest group on the western bank
of the Mississippi is yet unexplored ; and is emphasized
when is added the further statement, confirmed by abun
dant evidence, that there are hundreds of undisturbed
groups of ruins in Mexico and Central America, the
thorough exploration of which would enable the
archaeologist to solve more than one of the unsettled
problems relating to that region. It is but recently
that the writer of this work was informed that there
are ruins along the Rio Panuco which bear the indi
cations of advanced Mayan art, and which, if ex
plored, might settle the doubtful questions regarding
the Huastecan offshoot from the great Mayan stock.
ADDITIONS AND CORRECTIONS.
Page 247: Since the preparation of the manuscript
of the first edition further progress in the interpretation
of the Maya hieroglyphs has been made. For example,
the first seven of the left slab of the Palenque Tablet
(page 246) are now known to be symbols of numbers de
noting time periods, which are connected by interme
diate dates and numbers to other dates which follow.
All similar series in other inscriptions can now be inter
preted, but so far as they have been explained refer only
to time counts, indicating, however, that the Mayas had
an era to which most of these counts were referred.
Page 287: Recent explorations in the Usumacinta
valley by Theodore Mahler have brought to light a
number of previously unknown ruins of much the same
type as those at Palenque and Menche. However, the
glyphs of the inscriptions are not so clearly and dis
tinctly outlined as those of Palenque. Another impor
tant discovery was made by Thomas Gan, in certain
mounds in northern Honduras in 1899, in which the
inscriptions and paintings show an unusual blending of
Mayan and Mexican designs.
( 380a )
INDEX.
Acolhuans, 236.
Adair, Jas., 70, 144, 145.
Agriculture, Mexican and Central
American, 243.
Aldrich, J. B., 173.
Alejandre, M., on origin of Huas-
tecas, 334.
Aleuts, their ancient houses, 38;
their migrations, 44.
Algonquian family, their territory,
48 ; their migrations, 158-9.
Altar mounds, 77 ; Squier and Da
vis on, 78.
American Antiquarian, 157, 158
American Archipelago, ancient
houses at, 38.
Angel mounds, Vanderberg Co.,
Ind., 130.
Apaches, 173, 174, 229.
Archaeological divisions, 16-21,
Archaeology, denned, 1 ; Ameri
can, problems of, difficult, 2 ; lo
cal, 25-8.
Architecture, Central American,
249-50, 339-42 ; beginning of the
art, 354.
Arctic division, 17, 21, 35-47; its
monuments, 35-9 ; its imple
ments and ornaments, 40-3.
Athapascans, 139 ; area of, 171 ;
their divisions, 174-5 ; their mi
grations, 174-6.
Atlantic division, denned, 16, 48;
its archaeological features, 49 ; its
monuments, 50; its tribes and
stocks, 139; differentiation of
tribes in, 147 ; entry of popula
tion into, 148 ; prehistoric migra
tions in, 159-68; its buildings
chiefly wooden, 377.
Aztalan, Wisconsin, ancient works
at, 129.
Aztec Springs, Ariz., ruins at, 215-
17.
Aztecs, 236, 248, 273, 345.
Baldwin, J. D., cited, 316.
Bancroft, H. H., cited, 199, 233, 240,
284, 358; quoted, 189; defines
interior section, 203; on ruins
at Quemada, 254; on Mexican
migrations, 314-15.
Bandelier, A. F., cited, 240 ; quoted,
337 ; on archaeology of North
western Mexico, 222-9 ; on ruins
at Teotihaucan, 261 ; on pyramid
of Cholula, 268 ; on Mitlau pot
tery, 273 ; on Mexican migra
tions, 318 ; on growth of Mexican
architectural art, 348, 350-2.
Banner stones, 115.
Bartlett (J. R.), on ruins at Casas
Grandes, 224, 352.
Bartram (Wm.), cited, 144.
Bees, domesticated in Central
America, 244.
Bessels (Emil), 182.
Boas (Franz), on Eskimo stone
(381)
382
Index.
structures, 38-9 ; on origin and
movements of Eskimo, 45.
Bossu (M.) cited, 144.
Bottles from mounds, wide-mouth
ed, 92; long-necked, 94; with
\vinged-snake design, 94.
Bowls from mounds, 89-90; repre
senting human head, 93.
Boyle (David), quoted, 88, 102.
Brinton, D. G., cited, 324; quoted,
158, 344-5; on differences be
tween Atlantic and Pacific types,
19-21; on the Toltecs, 238; on
spread of nagualism, 362; on
origin Central American calen
dar, 365.
Bronze, 11.
Brownell, on Iroquois traditions,
161.
Bureau of American Ethnology,
vii, 30, 33, 62, 84, 103, 110, 119,
139, 172, 180, 230, 346, 359, 371.
Burial, methods, 63-77 ; order as to
position not usually observed,
65 ; in eastern Tennessee, 65-70 ;
in North Carolina, 70; in box-
shaped stone sepulchers, 70-2 ; in
wooden vaults, 73 ; in Gulf states,
73 ; in ossuaries, 74 ; inhuma
tion, 74 ; in Canada, 74 ; in Ar
kansas, 74-5 ; use of fire at, 75-7,
144; peculiar method in north
eastern Missouri, 77 ; in triangu
lar pit, 80 ; in urns, 97 ; beneath
dwellings, 144 ; in sitting posture,
144; removal of flesh before,
144; body wrapped in matting,
145; on north-western coast, 182.
Burial mounds, 61-8; stratification
of, 62 ; north-western type, 64,
Buschmann (J. C. E.), cited, 234 ;
on relation of Shoshone and
Nahuatl stocks, 316.
Caddoan stock, 49.
Cahokia mound (Illinois), 63, 127.
Cakchiquels, their migrations, 328,
365; traditions, 329; annals, 364.
Gala veras skull, 190.
Calendar, Mexican and Central
American, 241-3; not used by
Huastecas, 336 ; spread of, 361 ;
based on lunar count, 363 ; origin
of, 367.
California (section), 170, 187-202.
Canon de Chelly, 230.
Caracol (see Tower).
Casa del Gobernador, Uxmal, 291.
Casa Grande, 221,232.
Casas Grandes, 223-9, 232, 349.
" Castle" (castillo), Chichen-Itza,
300.
Cave dwellings, 205-8 ; method of
forming, 205; along the Rio
Mancos, 207.
Central America, defined, 233; its
monuments, 276-311; architec
ture, 339-42 ; civilization,339rteg.
Chaco canon, ruins in, 219-20.
Chain mounds, 57.
Chapanecs, 234; migrations of, 320.
Oharencey (H. de), cited, 333.
Charney, Desire, on the Toltecs,
240 ; his discoveries at Tula, 257;
on ruins of Teotihuacan, 262-3;
on ruins at Mitla, 272, 274 ; on
ruins at Comaicalco, 276-7; on
Palenque, 285 ; on ruins at Lo-
rillard City, 286-7; on origin civ
ilized races, 348-9.
Chase, A. W., on shell mounds of
Oregon, 185, 198.
Cherokees, in valley of Little Ten
nessee, 68, 76 ; mound-builders,
82, 153-4.
Chichen-Itza, ruins, 296-302; or
namentation of buildings, 297;
Index.
383
nuns palace, 297-8 ; tower, 299 ;
castle (castillo), 300; gymna
sium, 301 ; house of tigers, 301 ;
age of, 302.
Chichirnecas, 236, 240.
Chicomoztoc, 319, 355.
Chihuahua, its archaeology, 221-3,
909
*Gw.
Chiriqui types, 180, 244.
Cholula, pyramid of, 267 ; not Na-
hautlan, 268.
Civilization, of Mexican section,
240-51 ; not limited by tribal or
stock boundaries, 240-1 ; Central
American, 339 et seq.; Central
American, rise and growth of, 356
ei seq.; begins with cultivation of
the soil, 375 ; retroactive, 376.
Classification, 10-21 ; difficulties in
the way of, 11 ; division fnto four
ages not applicable in America,
11; primary classes, 12; chiefly
geographical, 13-21 (see Archaeo
logical Divisions) ; as to districts,
29.
Clavigero (F. S.), cited, 239.
Cocomes, 324.
Cogolludo (D. L.), 323.
Columns (see Pillars).
Comalcalco, ruins at, 276-7 ; men
tion, 285, 347.
Coinanches, 316.
Comox (B. A.), mounds near, 184.
Copan, ruins at, 305-10; types,
309-10.
Copper, among the Mexicans, 244 ;
of mound-builders chiefly from
Lake Superior, 113 ; distribution
in Atlantic division, 166.
Copper articles from mounds, 109-
13 ; unusual type from Hopewell
mound (Ohio), 110; with fig
ured designs (Georgia and Il
linois), 111-12.
Coronado (F. V. de), 231.
Craniology, of doubtful value, 10.
Crees, 160.
Cremation, on north-west coast,
184.
Cukulcan (Maya deity), 257, 293,
302, 324, 363.
Culture, development of, 376 (see
Civilization).
Cushing (F. H.), cited, 224.
Dakota, effigy mounds in, 55.
Dall (W. H.), quoted, 18; on Aleu
tian shell heaps, 36-7 ; on Cala-
veras skull, 191.
Dene (tribe), 172, 174, 175, 338 (see
Athapascans).
De Soto (Hernando), expedition
of, 140.
Dixon, on Yakutat burial, 182-3.
Dog-ribs (Indian tribe), 174.
Dorsey (J. O.), cited, 162.
Douglass, A. E., suggestion as to
collections, 29.
Dumont (G. M.), on shell orna
ments, 105.
Du Pratz (Le P.), on manufacture
of pottery by Indians, 96; on
Indian houses, 135-7.
Effigies, surface, 149.
Effigy mounds, described, 55-6;
location, 59 ; belong to same era
as other mounds, 148.
Elephant mound (Wisconsin), 24,
56.
Elephant trunk ornament, 299,
366 ; masks with, 293.
Elongate mounds (see Wall
mounds).
Engraved shells, 67, 81, 83, 104-6
(see Shell articles, etc.).
Eskimo, area, 35; stone lamp, 37;
labret, 38 ; their ancient houses,
384
Index.
39 ; ulu or woman s knife, 41 ;
soapstone pots, 42 ; adze, 42 ;
skin scraper, 43 ; flint flaker, 43 ;
their culture home, 43-7; their
migrations, 45; their southern
extension, 146.
Estufa, 231.
Etowah mounds (Georgia), 63, 106,
111, 114, 127.
Evans, R. B., discovers double ter
raced mound (Arkansas), 118.
Fancourt (C. St. J.), cited, 324.
Fergusson, cited, 340.
Fewkes, AV. J., on pueblo cults,
359.
Fire, used at burials, 75.
Florida, shell heaps in, 60.
Fort Ancient, Ohio, 125.
Foster, J. W., cited, 316.
Fowke, Gerard, on mound-build
ing, 63-4.
Fretwork at Mitla, 272.
Gallatin, Albert, on original Al-
gonquian stock, 158; on migra
tions of Siouan tribes, 162.
Garcia, on origin of Chapanecs,
320.
Gatschet, A. S., quoted, 163, 164-5,
317; on migrations of Athapas
can tribes, 175.
Georgia, effigy mounds in, 55.
Gibbs (Geo.), quoted, 317; on mi
grations in Washington and Ore
gon, 202 ; on migrations on Pa
cific side, 372-4.
Gila valley and Chihuahua, 221-9.
Glacial man (see Paleolithic age).
Gold, 244.
Goinara (F. L. de), on migrations
of Xicalancas, 334.
Government, Aztec and Tezcucan,
248.
Governor s house, Uxmal, 290-2.
Graves with stone sepulchers, 71;
seldom found in Gulf states, 73.
Greenland, eastern, ancient stone
houses of, 38.
Grinnel, G. R., on migrations of
the Blackfeet, 160.
Gucumatz (deity of Guatemalan
tribes), 363.
Guerrero (Mexico), recent discov
eries in, 379.
Haidah Indians, 177, 182.
Hale, Horatio, on original home of
Lenape, 158 ; on relations of the
Winnebagos, 162.
Hardin county, Tennessee, inclos-
ure in, 130.
Hay den, F. V., on migrations of
the Blackfeet, 160.
Hawks bells in mounds, 86, 142.
Haywood (John), cited, 76.
Hernenway expedition, 33.
Herrera (A. de), cited, 288; on
Mayan traditions, 323-4, 341.
Hieroglyphs, 246-8, 304 ; primitive
forms wanting, 343; the work of
priests, 357 ; Mayan and Mexi
can differ, 360; origin of the
Mayan, 360-1, 364, 367.
Hill fort, Perry county, Ohio, 127.
History of western continent, com
mencement of, 7.
Hodge, F. W., on advent of Nava-
jos in Arizona, 175; on ancient
irrigation in Arizona, 221 ; on
origin of cliff-dwellings, 230.
Hoernes, Moriz, cited, 13.
Holmes, W. H., cited, 88, 103, 108,
180, 207, 279; quoted, 341-2;
Index.
385
method of study followed by,
30-2 ; on pottery, 96 ; his classi
fication of ruins in pueblo sec
tion, 204; on cliff-dwellings,
210-11 ; on Aztec Spring ruins,
215-17 ; on ruins at Teotihuacan,
261-2; on Mitlan art, 269-70;
on Central American structures,
279; on ruins at Chichen-Itza,
297.
House sites, 133-4.
Houses of mound-builders, 133-7 ;
material and construction, 135.
Huastecas, 234, 321-2, 326, 347, 366 ;
location and migrations of, 332-6.
Hupas, 174.
Huron-Iroquois stock, 154, 159.
Hut rings (mounds), 132 ; probably
remains of wigwams, 133.
Illinois, effigy mounds in, 55.
Inclosures, 121-32; their forms,
121; their area, 122; the object
for which constructed, 131.
Indiana, mounds of, 59.
Indians, first known inhabitants,
8-9; were mound-builders, 138-
45 ; no proof of race preceding,
146, 150.
Inhumation, 74.
Iowa, effigy mounds in, 55.
Iron, unknown as a metal, 11 ; in
mounds, 67, 83, 142.
Iroqnoian family, territory of, 48;
location, 157; migrations, 160-1.
Itzaes, 302 ; their migrations, 325.
Itzamna (Maya deity), 293, 323,
363.
Irrigation, ancient, in Arizona, 221.
Izancanac, 284.
Jones, C. C., quoted, 76.
25
Keane, A. H., on paleolithic man,
6 ; on relation of language and
race, 371.
Keary, quoted, 6.
Kentucky, mounds in, 59.
Kera (stock), 229.
Kiva (see Estufa).
Labrets, 181; Eskimo, 38; use of,
spread north-east, 47.
La Hontan, cited, 144.
Lamps, Eskimo, 37.
Landa (Diego de), quoted, 3C^ 2;
on Mayan tradition, 323-4.
Language, importance of, in r-
chaeology, 9 ; as racial test, 37C-1.
Lapham, I. A., on age of mounds,
148.
Lawson (John), cited, 145.
Lead, 244.
Le Duo, Violet, cited, 340, 341.
Lenape migrations, author s the
ory, 159.
Le Plongeon (Dr. A.), discovery
by, 345.
Lewis, T. H., on distribution of
effigy mounds, 148.
Linguistic stocks, of Atlantic di
vision, 48 ; in California and Or
egon, 187, 200, 372 ; of Mexican
section, 233-4.
Linn Works, Union county, Illi
nois, 129.
Lipans (tribe), 174.
Lizana (Bernardo), on early Mayan
tradition, 323.
Lorillard City, 286-7.
Los Edificios, ruins known as,
251-6 ; pyramid at, 253 ; arch not
used at, 255.
Lubbock, Sir John, quoted, 3; on
migrations, 313.
386
Index.
Lumholtz (
Madre, 222.
-), on ruins of Sierra
Maize, 243 ; discovery of, 375.
Mams (Maya tribe), 322, 331, 335.
Mackenzie, Alex., cited, 176.
Mancos Canon, ruins in, 210, 219.
Mangues (Chapanec tribe), 320.
Manuscripts, pre-Columbian, 245.
Maps, necessary, 26.
Mascoutens (tribe), 159.
Masks, 107, 181 ; snouted, 293.
Mason, 0. T., on aboriginal skin
dressing, 49.
Materials for study, 8-10.
Matlazincas 241.
Maudslay, .V. P., quoted, 305; on
ruins at Tikal, 303 ; on ruins at
Quirigua, 304.
Mayan days and symbols, 242.
Mayan stock, 234; tribes of, 241,
321-2 ; migrations of, 326, 328-38 ;
origin and route of, 366.
Mayapan, 288, 302, 324.
Mayas, 239 ; their earliest tra
dition, 323; origin, 354; priestly
power among, 357 ; in Mexico,
359-60.
McGee, W. J., his notice of "en
trenched mountains," 222.
Mechanical arts of Nahuatl tribes,
244.
Menche (see Lorillard City).
Mercer, H. C., cited, 115, 146; cave
explorations by, 150; on caves
of Yucatan, 342.
Mesa Verde, ruins of, 208-10, 213,
220.
Metates, 226.
Methods of study (see Study).
Mexican, days and symbols, 242 ;
codices, 272.
Mexican section, 170, 233; its
boundaries, 233; stocks, 233-4.
Mexicans, their mechanical arts,
244.
Mexico, southern, monuments of,
251 ; north-western, antiquities
of, 342.
Migrations, 23. Prehistoric in At
lantic division, 152-68; theories
regarding, 156-7 ; direction south,
south-east and east, 157. On Pa
cific side, 200-2; of Mexican and
Central American tribes, 312 et
seq.; Bancroft on, 314-15. In
North America, chiefly south
ward, 369 ; starting point of, 369;
two chief streams, 369 ; two the
ories in regard to, 369-70 ; a slow
process, 374; checked by adop
tion of agriculture, 375 ; of cer
tain Mayan tribes, 328 et seq.
Mindeleff, Cosmos, on origin of
cliff-dwellings, 230-1.
Mindeleff, Victor, plan of Moki
village by, 218.
Mississippi, mounds in, 59, 62.
Mitla, 33 ; its ancient structures,
268-73; general character, 269-
70; buildings of one story, 271;
roofs flat and supported by col
umns, 271 ; stairways not in use
at, 271 ; fretwork ornamenta
tion, 272; painted designs, 272;
its pottery, 273 ; its age and de
struction, 273-4; founders of, 319.
Mixes, their migrations, 320.
Mixtecs, 241 ; their culture and
relations, 268 ; migrations. 318-19.
Moki (tribe), 222, 229, 359; village
type, 218.
Montagnais (tribe), 160.
Monte Alban, 33 ; ruins at, 268.
Index.
387
Month, lunar, formerly in use
among the Mayas, 363-4.
Monuments, important in study of
archaeology, 9 ; term denned, 12 ;
authors of, 22-3 ; of Atlantic di
vision, 50; of southern Mexico,
251 et seq.; of Central America,
276 et seq.; North American com
pared with South American, 378.
Moon, pyramid of -the (Teotihua-
can), 259, 260.
Moore, C. B., cited, 110; his ex
plorations, 155.
Moorehead, W. K., explorations of,
78, 83 ; on pottery of Ohio, 97 ; dis
covery of copper articles by, 110.
Morgan, L. H., on inclosures, 131 ;
on relation of Muskhogean and
Siouan tribes, 164.
Morice, A. G., quoted, 36 ; on cop
per among Dene, 166, 174; on
archaeology of Athapascan re
gion, 171-2.
Motolinia (T. de B.), quoted, 266 ;
on Mitla, 274.
Mound-builders, were Indians,
138-45 ; customs similar to those
of the Indians, 143-45; had no
settlements east of northern Al-
leghanies, 154.
Mound-building age, its duration,
147-52; one and unbroken, 149.
Mounds, exploration of, 31 ; va
rious classes, 51; conical, 51;
elongate or wall mounds, 51-3;
pyramidal, 53; effigy, 55-6; ar
rangement in groups, 57 ; in lines
or chains, 57 ; location, 58 ; dis
tribution in Atlantic division,
59-60; how built, 61-4; stratifi
cation, 62; age of, 82; distribu
tion of articles and skeletons in,
#4-6; antiquity and authors, 138-
46 ; Indians the authors of, 138-
45 ; notice of, by De Soto s chron
iclers, 140-1 ; European articles
found in, 142; building contin
ued into post-European times,
143-52; location of the oldest,
153; Mexican mounds of wor
ship, 266.
Murdoch (John), on Eskimo adze,
43, 172; on culture home and
movements of Eskimo, 45 ; on
use of labrets, 47.
Museums, many articles in, with
out satisfactory history, 24.
Muskhogean family, 48; migra
tions of, 163-4.
Nachan (" City of Serpents "), 284.
Nadaillac (Marquis de), quoted, 64;
on classification, 12 ; on age of
mounds, 151 ; his " Prehistoric
America," 191.
Nagualism, 362.
Nahuatl (and Nahuas), stock, 233-
4, 241, 268, 316; tribes, 244, 250;
movements, 354.
Nascapee (tribe), 160.
Navajos, 174; at one time cliff-
dwellers, 229.
Newark works, Ohio, 122-5, 129.
New York, mounds in, 59.
Niblack, A. P., on north-west coast
Indians, 19 ; on north-west coast
figures, 177-8.
Nicaragua, monuments of, 311.
Nomenclature, 29.
Nordenskiold (G.), cited, 215, 219;
his classification of ruins in
pueblo section, 204; discovery
by, 212-213.
North America, probably peopled
from Pacific coast, 378.
North Carolina, mounds in, 60;
triangular pit in, 80.
388
Index.
Northern (Pacific) section, 170.
Northmen left no impress. 2.
North Pacific, coast, 176-86; fig
ures, 177-81; totem posts, 179;
mode of burial, 182; cremation,
184.
Oaxaca, ruins in, 268.
Ohio, effigy mounds in, 55,
Ojibwas, 159-60.
Olmecs, 319.
Ontario, pots from, 88.
Ordinez, cited, 284.
Oregon, shell mounds of, 185.
Orozco y Berra, cited, 331 ; on de
struction of Mitla, 273 ; on origin
of Chapanecs, 320 ; on origin of
Central American calendar, 365.
Otomies, 234.
Ottawas, 159.
Pacific division, 169 et seq.; defined,
17 ; types of, differ from those of
the Atlantic division, 17-20;
eastern boundary, 169; sections
of, 170; its structures were of
adobe and stone, 377 ; probably
peopled before the Atlantic sec
tion, 377.
Packard, R L., cited, 113.
Painting, Mayan, 245; Mexican,
245; Mitlan, 272-3.
Palacio, Diego de, on ruins of Co-
pan, 305-9.
Palenque, Holmes s study of, 32-3 ;
ruins at, 278-85; the palace,
279-82; other structures, 282;
roof comb a singular feature,
282; history, 284; a religious
center, 285.
Paleographic objects, 12.
Paleolithic age in North America
not yet proven, 5-7 ; not dis
cussed, 5.
Palgrave, F., quoted, 2.
Parry Archipelago, ancient stone
houses in, 38.
" Pathway of the Dead," Teotihua-
can, 259-60.
Penafiel, Antonio, notes recent dis
covery at Tula, 346.
Perez de Eibas, on Sonoran tradi
tions, 318.
Petitot, E. F., on copper among
the Dene, 166, 174.
Pigeons, House of, Uxmal, 294.
Pigmies, supposed burial place of,
71.
Pillars, at Quemada, 252, 255; at
Teotihuacan, 261 ; at Xochicalco,
265 ; at Mitla, 271 ; at Palenque,
282.
Pipes from mounds and graves, 98-
102; stemless type, 98-100; im
age form, 99; short-necked type,
101 ; " Monitor," 101 ; long-stem
type, 101 ; tubular form, 102.
Pirindas, 241.
Popol Yuh, 328, 330.
Population, Indian, 374-5.
Pots from mounds, 91.
Pottawotomis (tribe), 159.
Pottery, 87-97 ; in Canada and
northern section, 87 ; in Missis
sippi province, 87-8 ; method of
tempering, 88; of the Gulf prov
ince, 97 ; among Mayas and Mex
icans, 245 ; of Mitla, 273.
Powell, Major J. W., cited, 143;
on authors of the mounds, v-vi ;
discovery by, 112; linguistic
map of, 169, 200; his description
of Colorado Canon referred to,
209; on climatic conditions of
pueblo region, 230 ; on Uto-Az-
tecan family, 234; on formation,,
of languages, 371.
Index.
389
Powers, Stephen, on tribes of Cali
fornia, 187 ; on California relics,
197-9 ; on migrations in Oregon,
201-2.
Poynter (R. H.), on Indian burial,
76.
Prescott, W. H., on Mexican his
tory, 234-8.
Priesthood, power of, in Mexico
and Central America, 249, 357;
higher culture due to, 358 ;
among the pueblos, 359 ; organ
ization of, 358-60; of different
stocks co-operated, 362.
Priests, influence in advancing civ
ilization, 356-66; inventors of
the hieroglyphs, 357.
Pueblo Bonito, ruins of, 219.
Pueblo, ruins, 215-20; where
found, 215 ; builders, 229.
Pueblo section, 28, 170, 203-20;
physical character of, 203.
Pyramid, of the Sun, 259; of the
Moon, 259-60.
Pyramidal mounds, 53, 117-20 ;
with terraces, 118-19; with
graded way, 118; locations of,
121.
Quapaws (tribe), 131.
Quernada, 354 ; ruins near, 251-5 ;
show analogies to those of Cen
tral America and southern Mex
ico, 253-4; temples, 347; possi
bly partly Zapotecau, 348.
Quetzalcoatl (Mexican deity), 257,
284, 302, 319, 360, 362.
Quiches, their migrations, 326-31.
Quirigua, 303-4.
Ramsey (J. G. M.), cited, 76.
Rawlinson (Geo.). cited, 340.
Relics and remains defined. 12;
classified, 13.
Ribas (Fr. Perez de), on traditions
of north-w T estern Mexico, 318.
Rink (H.), on Eskimo culture
home, 44-5.
Rio Chico valley, 217.
Rio Mancos, 207-8.
Roseborough, Judge, on migra
tions in Oregon, 201.
Sacs and Foxes, 159.
Sahagun (B. de), cited, 256-7, 319,
333-4.
Salado valley, ruins in, 221-2.
Sapper, Carl, cited, 304.
Schoolcraft, H. R., on Winnebago
tradition, 163.
Schumacher, Paul, on California
types, 187.
Sculpture, Mayan and Mexican,
245 ; at Lorillard City, 286.
Seler, Ed., on origin of Central
American calendar, 365.
Selsertown mound (Mississippi),
119.
Serpent, figure 94, columns 256,
301.
Seven caves, tradition of, 355.
Shell, articles of, from mounds,
103-7 ; engraved, 105-6 ; gorgets,
106; masks, 107; beadH, ]07;
wampum, 107.
Shell-heaps, Aleutian, 36-38.
Shoshones, 139, 229, 234, 316.
Sierra Madre, ruins in, 222.
Silver, 244.
Siouan stock and tribes, location
of, 49, 157; migrations, 162-3,
167-8; not cultivators of the
soil, 167.
Sonora, ruins in north-eastern
390
Index.
part, 222 ; tradition of tribes in,
318.
South America not peopled from
North America, 378 ; no relation
between the civilizations of the
two, 379.
Squier (E. G.), cited, 316.
Squier and Davis, cited, 97, 131,
133.
Stairways, 277.
Starr, Frederick, Mitlan figures by,
365.
Stephens (J. L.), on palace at Pa-
lenque, 282.
Stevenson, Mrs. M. C., cited on
pueblo cults, 359.
Stoll, Otto, cited, 322.
Stone, articles, 113-16 ; images, 114 ;
arrow-beads, types of, 116.
Stone graves, Indians buried in, 72
(see Burial); area of, 154.
Study (of Archaeology), methods
of, 22-34.
Sun, pyramid of the (Teotihuacan),
259-60.
Swallow (G. C.), on mound-build
ers houses, 135.
Tallegwi (Talega), identified with
the Cherokees, 154.
Tarascos, 234, 241.
Tehua (stock), 229.
Tello, Fr., on ruins at Quemada,
251.
Temple of the Dwarf, Uxmal, 293.
Temples, Yucatec, 282.
Tennessee, mounds in, 59.
Tenochtitlan (Mexico City), no
ruins of structures remain, 264.
Teotihuacan, 269, 360 ; antiquities
at, 259-63, 270; its great pyra
mids, 259; pathway of the dead,
259; citadel, 260; hewn stone
but little used at, 260-1; not
Nahuatlan, 261-2; pre-Aztecan,
345.
Tepanecs, 236.
Textile fabrics from mounds, 108.
Tezcucaus, 236 ; their form of gov
ernment, 248.
Tikal, ruins at, 303 ; wood carving
at, 303.
Timuquanan stock, 49.
Tlaloc (rain god), symbols, 299;
statues of, 344; represented in
inscriptions, 344.
Tohil (Quiche deity), 360.
Toltecs, 235, 236, 238-40; Brinton
on, 238 ; Clavigero on, 239 ; prob
ably Mayas, 240; Charney on,
240.
Torquemada (Juan de), on Teoti
huacan, 262; on the Zapotecs,
319 ; on the Totonacas, 332.
Totem posts, 179.
Totonacas, 234, 241, 332-3, 336-7,
347, 366.
Tower, Chichen-Itza, 299.
Traditions, use of, 10; Mexican
and Central American, 362.
Tribes, permanency as to habitat,
23.
Tula, 235, 345-6; antiquities of,
255-7 ; various forms of the name,
255 ; serpent columns at, 256 ;
sculptured types, 346; hiero
glyphs found at, 346.
Tulan, 326, 328-331, 337, 360,364-5,
Tulan Zuiva, 355.
Tuolomne county, California, re
markable discoveries in, 189.
Tutul-Xiu, 294, 325, 341.
Tylor (E. B.), cited, 356.
Types, geographical distribution of,
26, 29 ; essential features of, 27.
Tzutuhils, migrations of, 328-30.
Index.
391
Ukiiulliving (British America), sin
gular stone structures at, 39.
Ulu or woman s knife (Eskimo), 41.
Uto Aztecau stock, 233-4, 310, 338,
359.
Uxmal, ruins at, 288-95; its gov
ernor s house, 291-2; nunnery,
292-3; temple of the dwarf, 293;
house of pigeons, 294.
Valencia, Fray Martin, cited, 274.
Vancouver (G.), on north-west
coast villages, 184.
Veytia (M.), quoted en Tula, 257.
Violet Le Due, on Mayan build
ings, 340-1.
Votan (Tzental deity), tradition
regarding, 284, 360, 3*52,
Walam Olum, 160.
Wall mounds, 51-3.
West Indies, peopled from South
America, 379.
Wheeler, Lieutenant, on ancient
California burials, 191-6.
Whitney (Prof.), cited, 190.
Wickersham (Judge), on stone
war clubs, 173.
Wilson, Daniel, on traditional
home of the Iroquois, 161.
Winnebago Indians, 58; relations
of, 102.
Xibalba (Xibalbay), 284, 328-9.
Xicahincas, 319, 334.
Xochicalco, ruins at, 264-6; exca
vations at, 264-5; pyramid of,
265.
Yakutat, mode of burial, 182.
Yellow Knives (Indian tribe), 174.
Yucatan, people of, split into
groups or tribes, 248; monu
ments of, 287, 339.
Yuit, migration of, 44.
Zacatecas, ruins in, 251.
Zapo tec-Mi xtec (stock), 234.
Zapotecs, 241, 273, 337,348; their
culture and affinities, 2i .S; cal
endar, 268; migrations, 318-1.9;
origin, 354; prkstly power
among, 357 ; influence of, on
Mexicans, 365; pioneers in Cen
tral American civilization, 3G6;
authors of the Central American
calendar, 367.
Zoques, migrations of, 320.
Zunis, 222, 229.
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