?;
HARVARD COLLEGE
LIBRARY
GIFT OF THE
GOVERNMENT
OF THE UNITED STATES
INVESTIGATION OF COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES
IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA—Part 1
HEARINGS
BEFORE THE
COMMITTEE ON IW-AMEEICAN ACTIVITIES
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
EIGHTY-FOURTH CONGRESS
FIRST SESSION
MARCH 17 AND IS, 1955
Printed for the use of the Committee on Un-American Activities
(Index in part 3 of these hearings)
UNITED STATES
GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE
WASHINGTON : 1955
COMMITTEE ON UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES
United States House of Representatives
FRANCIS E. WALTER, Pennsylvania, Chairman
MORGAN M. MOULDER, Missouri HAROLD H. VELDE, Illinois
CLYDE DOYLE, California BERNARD W. KEARNEY, New York
JAMES B. FRAZIER, Jr., Tennessee DONALD L. JACKSON, California
EDWIN E. WILLIS, Louisiana GORDON H. SCHERER, Ohio
Thomas W. Beale, Sr., Chief Clerk
n
CONTENTS
March 17, 1955: Testimony of— Page
Eugene Victor Dennett 249
Afternoon session:
Eugene Victor Dennett (resumed) 274
Oiva R. Halonen 302
Eugene Frank Robel 309
Harold Johnston 313
John (Jack) Lawrie, Jr 317
[ Edward Brook Carmichael, Jr 322
Edwin A. Carlson 327
Edmund D. Kroener 330
March 18, 1955: Testimony of—
Eugene Victor Dennett (resumed) 335
Harold Johnston (resumed) 363
Edwin A. Carlson (resumed) 365
Margaret Elizabeth Gustafson 374
(Testimony of Robert Krahl, Robert Miller, Eugene V. Dennett, Lawerence
Earl George, and Harriett Pierce, also heard on March 18, 1955, is printed in
pt. 2 of this series.)
Ill
Public Law 601, 79th Congress
The legislation under which the House Committee on Un-American
Activities operates is Public Law 601, 79th Congress [1946], chapter
753, 2d session, which provides :
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States
of America in Congress assembled, * * *
PART 2— RULES OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Rule X
SEC. 121. STANDING COMMITTEES
• **••••
17. Committee on Un-American Activities, to consist of nine members.
Rule XI
POWERS AND DUTIES OF COMMITTEES
(q) (1) Committee on Un-American Activities.
(A) Un-American activities.
(2) The Committee on Un-American Activities, as a vphole or by subcommit-
tee, is authorized to make from time to time investigations of (i) the extent,
character, and objects of un-American propaganda activities in the United States,
(ii) the diffusion within the United States of subversive and un-American propa-
ganda that is instigated from foreign countries or of a domestic origin and attacks
the principle of the form of government as guaranteed by our Constitution, and
(iii) all other questions in relation thereto that vrould aid Congress in any
necessary remedial legislation.
The Committee on Un-American Activities shall report to the House (or to the
Clerk of the House if the House is not in session) the results of any such investi-
gation, together with such recommendations as it deems advisable.
For the purpo.se of any such investigation, the Committee on Un-American
Activities, or any subcommittee thereof, is authorized to sit and act at such
times and places within the United States, whether or not the House is sitting,
has recessed, or has adjourned, to hold such hearings, to require the attendance
of such witnesses and the production of such books, papers, and documents, and
to take such testimony, as it deems necessary. Subpenas may be issued under
the signature of the chairman of the committee or any subcommittee, or by any
member designated by any such chairman, and may be served by any person
designated by any such chairman or member.
V
RULES ADOPTED BY THE 84TH CONGRESS
House Resolution 5, January 5, 1955
Rule X
STANDING COMMITTEES
1. There shall be elected by the House, at the commencement of each Congress,
the following standing committees :
• **»*♦•
(q) Committee on Un-American Activities, to consist of nine members.
Rule XI
POWERS AND DUTIES OF COMMITTEES
*******
17. Committee on Un-American Activities.
(a) Un-American activities.
(b) The Committee on Un-American Activities, as a whole or by subcommittee,
is authorized to make from time to time, investigations of (i) the extent, char-
acter, and objects of un-American propaganda activities in the United States,
(ii) the diffusion within the United States of subvei'sive and un-American prop-
aganda that is instigated from foreign countries or of a domestic origin and
attacks the principle of the form of government as guaranteed by our Constitu-
tion, and (iii) all other questions in relation thereto that would aid Congress
in any necessary remedial legislation.
The Committee on Un-American Activities shall report to the House (or to the
Clerk of the House if the House is not in session) the results of any such investi-
gation, together with such recommendations as it deems advisable.
For the purpose of any such investigation, the Committee on Un-American
Activities, or any subcommittee thereof, is authorized to sit and act at such times
and places within the United States, whether or not the House is sitting, has
recessed, or has adjourned, to hold such hearings, to require the attendance
of such witnesses and the production of such books, papers, and documents, and
to take such testimony, as it deems necessary. Subpenas may be issued under
the signature of the chairman of the committee or any subcommittee, or by any
member designated by such chairman, and may be served by any person desig-
nated by any such chairman or member.
VI
INVESTIGATION OF COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE
SEATTLE, WASH., AREA— Part 1
THURSDAY, MARCH 17, 1955
United States House of Representatives,
Subcommittee of the
Committee on Un-American Activities,
Seattle^ Wash.
PUBLIC IIE/VRING
A subcommittee of the Committee on Un-American Activities met,
pursuant to call, at 9 : 30 a. m., in room 402, County-City Building,
Seattle, Wash., Hon. Morgan M. IMoulder (chairman) presiding.
Committee members present : Representatives Morgan M. Moulder
(chairman) and Harold H. Velde.
Staff members present : Frank S. Tavenner, Jr., counsel, and Wil-
liam A. "Wlieeler, staff investigator.
Mr. Moulder. The subcommittee will be in order.
Let the record show that the Hon. Francis E. Walter, chairman of
the Committee on Un-American Activities of the House of Rep-
resentatives of the Congress, pursuant to the provisions of law cre-
ating this committee, appointed Hon. Clyde Doyle of California, Hon.
Harold H. Velde of Illinois, with myself, Morgan M. Moulder of Mis-
souri as chairman, a subcommittee to conduct hearings in Seattle,
Wash.
The membership of the subcommittee, with the exception of Mr.
Doyle, is present. Mr. Doyle has asked that I express his regret that
a legislative assignment by the Speaker of the House makes it im-
possible for him to leave Washington at this time.
Following an extensive investigation by the staff, the Committee
on Un-American Activities held hearings here during June 1954, and
also in Portland during that same period. These hearings were pro-
ductive of outstanding results in that the committee was furnished by
numerous witnesses with facts reflecting the extent of Communist
Party activities in the great Pacific Northwest, and the infiltration
methods used in this area by the Communist Party.
Mrs. Barbara Hartle will be remembered as a witness whose knowl-
edge of the Communist movement in the Pacific Northwest was very
extensive, and the careful and intelligent consideration she gave to
her testimony has been excelled by few if any other witnesses which
this committee has heard.
In the time allotted for that hearing the committee could not hear
all the witnesses who had been summoned, and could not hear fully
some of the witnesses who testified. The committee desires at this
time to continue with the hearings begun in June of 1954, last year.
247
248 COMMUNIST ACTWITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA
Before calling the first witness I desire to recognize the Hon.
Charles P. Moriarty, United States attorney for the Western Dis-
trict of Wasliington, whose office has rendered outstanding service to
the Congress of the United States in matters of importance to this
committee which have been referred by the Congress to him.
I also desire to extend the committee's thanks to Mayor Pomeroy
and the board of county commissioners who made it possible for us
to use this room as a hearing room, United States Marshal William
B. Parsons, also Sheriff Tim McCullough and Chief of Police H. J.
Lawrence, and members of their respective staffs for their great
assistance to this committee.
I also desire to announce at this time — and I trust that it will
not be necessary to repeat it at any time during the course of the
hearing — that a disturbance of any kind or audible comment on
the part of persons other than witnesses during the course of the
testimony, whether favorable or unfavorable to the committee or any
witness appearing before it, will not be tolerated by the committee.
For any infraction of this rule the offender will be ejected from the
hearing room.
I also wish to announce that Congi'essman Velde and I have con-
ferred with respect to the use of cameras and the taking of pictures in
the hearing room. Each House of the Congress has its own rules.
The rules of the House prohibit the use of cameras, the taking of pic-
tures and televising proceedings of the Congress in the House while
it is in session. The Speaker has ruled that that applies to committee
hearings wherever they may be held in any part of the United States.
However, Congressman Velde and I have decided that it would not
be in conflict with the ruling and the interpretation placed upon the
rules by the Speaker of the House to permit photographs to be taken
at any time in the hearing room except when a witness is testifying,
and in the course of his testimony.
Therefore, photographs will be permitted to be taken of the witness
while he is being sworn in and after that. While he is testifying
no additional photographs will be permitted to be taken.
Mr. Velde. I certainly want to say, Mr. Moulder, that I concur
with you in the statement you have just made about the matter of
taking photographs. However, I do feel that we should also protect
the freedom of the press as much as possible, instead of merely pro-
tecting the so-called rights of some of the witnesses who will appear
here.
It is very important in my opinion, and I think the Chair will con-
cur with me in this, that we do give the public, especially in the great
Northwest area of our country, the benefit of all the information we
are able to obtain. And I do feel that within the rules of the House
of Representatives we should do everything we can to give that in-
formation to the public here in Seattle.
I also want to say that it is great to be back here. I enjoyed very
much being here last June for at least 3 days, as chairman of the full
committee at that time.
Mr. Moulder. I am in complete agreement with you as to the com-
mittee televising and giving the public all information possible as
to those who have proved to be active in the Communist Party. How-
ever, the rules of the House and the ruling of the Speaker of the House
prohibit the televising of the hearings we are going to hold today.
COMIMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 249
Are you ready to proceed, Mr. Counsel ?
Mr. Tavenner. Yes.
Mr. Moulder. Call your first witness.
Mr. Tavenner. Mr. Eugene V. Dennett, please come forward.
Mr. Moulder. Hold up your right hand.
Do you solemnly swear that the testimony which you are about to
give before this committee shall be the truth, the whole truth, and
nothing but the truth, so help you, God ?
Mr. Dennett. I do.
TESTIMONY OF EUGENE VICTOR DENNETT, ACCOMPANIED BY HIS
COUNSEL, KENNETH A. MacDONALD
Mr. Tavenner. "Wliat is your name, please, sir ?
Mr. Dennett. Eugene Victor Dennett.
Mr. Tavenner. Are you accompanied by counsel, Mr. Deimett ?
Mr. Dennett. I am, sir.
Mr. Tavenner. Will counsel please identify himself for the record.
Mr. MacDonald. Kenneth A. MacDonald, attorney at law, of
Seattle, Wash.
Mr. Tavenner. Mr. Dennett, you were subpenaed as a witness be-
fore this committee in June of 1954, and you were called on the first
day of that hearing, which was June 14.
Mr. Dennett. Yes, sir.
Mr. Tavenner. At that time you stated some special considerations
you had in mind under which you felt that you desired not to testify
and, as a result, you refused to testify on the ground of the fifth
amendment.
Mr. Dennett. Correct.
Mr. Tavenner. Later on during the hearings, in fact on the next
to the last day of the hearings, you and your counsel came to me and
stated that after further considering the matter, you desired to appear
as a witness.
Is that correct ?
Mr. Dennett. That is correct.
Mr. Tavenner. As a result of that you were again called before the
committee.
Mr. Dennett. Yes, sir.
Mr. Tavenner. The record of the hearing at that time reflects that
neither you nor your counsel was approached by any member of the
committee or the staff, or any representative of either the committee
or the staff in an effort to get you to change your testimony.
Mr. Dennett. That is absolutely correct.
Mr. Tavenner. That is true, is it not ?
Mr. Dennett. Yes, sir.
Mr. Ta\'enner. As a result of that the committee proceeded to ask
you a few questions. However, the record also shows that counsel was
of the opinion that your knowledge of Communist Party activities
in the Xorthwest was' so extensive that at that late point in the hearing
it would be impractical to try to take your testimony unless the com-
mittee would cancel the rest of its hearings, and there were a number
of witnesses waiting to be heard at that time. Consequently the com-
mittee decided that it would have to interrogate you at another time.
So you are here this morning for that purpose.
250 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA
Mr. Dennett. That is correct, sir. As a result of that decision I
conferred with the then subcommittee chairman — who was at that
time Mr. Jackson — following that session, and Mr. Jackson was
unable to advise me when I might be called again. He referred me to
Mr. Wheeler. I asked Mr. Wlieeler at that time when I might be
called again. I anticipated some problem of preparation. I wanted
to look at some of my old material and refresh my knowledge. But
Mr. Wheeler was unable to give me any information at that time.
Later, on January 28, 1 wrote to the new chairman of the committee
asking him what I might expect from the committee by way of further
interrogation. He did not reply directly. Instead, later I received
a letter from Mr. Wheeler advising that they expected to hold the
hearings in June.
The day after that I received another letter adAdsing that they were
going to hold the hearings at this date. So I still was unable to do the
preparation that I wanted to do.
Mr. Tavenner. You have a great wealth of Communist Party liter-
ature and documents in your possession, do you not?
Mr. Dennett. Well, I saved them over a period of 20 years. I have
quite a few.
Mr. Tavenner. In the limited time that we have here this week,
have you made some of that material available to the staff?
Mr. Dennett. That is correct.
When Mr. Wheeler came to town he left word in his letter to me that
he wanted to reach me at a certain time. I called the hotel and saw
him, asked him what he wanted to know. He wasn't too certain what
he wanted specifically, but he wanted to know what I knew.
So I said, "Well, the simplest way to find that out is to come up to
my house, and you can look at everything I have got." So Mr. Wheeler
came out to my house and he looked at everything I had.
Mr. Tavenner. During the course of the hearing in June 1954 you
were asked a number of questions regarding your background. But
the present chairman of the subcommittee was not present with the
committee on that occasion, and I think it would be well to begin as if
we had taken no testimony whatever.
Will you tell the committee, please, when and where you were born ?
Mr. Dennett. I was born in Revere, Mass., April 26, 1908.
Mr. Tavenner. Where do you now reside?
Mr. Dennett. 7324 34th Avenue SW., Seattle 6, Wash.
Mr. Tavenner. When did you move to the general area of Seattle, or
may I say to the State of Washington ?
Mr. Dennett. In 1932.
Mr. Tavenner. Will you give the committee, please, a brief outline
of your formal educational training ?
Mr. Dennett. I graduated from high school in Rickreall, Oreg. I
was out of school a year, unable to raise the finances to go on to college.
The second year I made arrangements to finance going to normal
school by carrying a paper route.
I graduated from the Oregon Normal School in 1928, and started
teaching school. That was a 2-year college at that time, or 2-year
normal school. It has since been changed to a college of education,
and it is a 4-year school now. That was at Monmouth, Oreg.
After receiving my teaching certificate and starting to teach, I car-
ried on extension work with the University of Oregon, and later, at
COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 251
a later year, I took a couple more quarters of advanced work at the
University of Oregon in the School of Education, Sociology, and Phil-
osophy. I did not graduate.
Mr. Ta\t:nner. When did you complete your work at the university ?
Mr. Dennett. Well, the work that I took, which was not sufficient
for a degree or graduation, ended in 1931.
Mr. Tavenner. Will you tell the committee, please, briefly, what
your employment record has been since that time.
Mr. Dennett. Well, after I left teaching I was unemployed for
quite a long period of time. The great depression had started, and I
became active in the unemployed work.
Later on when the CCC's were organized, that is, the Civilian Con-
servation Corps, since I was in a soup line here in Seattle and saw an
announcement that it was possible for us to leave the soup line and
go out in the woods in the CCC's, I chose to do so, and spent a year
there, about 15 months, in fact.
When I came out of the CCC's one of the fellows whom I had worked
with in the CCC shanghaied me onto a boat here in the sound. And,
unbelievable as it may sound, I actually was shanghaied to work on the
waterfront, working on one of the Puget Sound freight boats. I
didn't know a thing about it. And that is how I got started, a fellow
just shoved me on and fed me, and the boat pulled away from the dock
without my knowing what was going on. Then I got started working
in the waterfront work and continued.
^Ir. Tavenner. ^^Hiat year was that ?
Mr. Dennett. 1935. I continued at that work off and on practically
until the beginning of the Second World War, doing various kinds of
work, deckhand and freight handling, and some longshore work.
I also worked on some of the tugboats and some of the barges.
Mr. Ta\t:nner. You say that type of employment continued until
the war. Were you a member of our Armed Forces ?
Mr. Dennett. I was. There was an intervening period there, how-
ever. I was screened off the waterfront in 1942. After being screened
off the waterfront in 1942 1 was searching for work again, and I saw
a big advertisement in the paper that Bethlehem Steel Co. was hiring
everj^body and anybody. So I went out there to work.
Mr. Ta\t:nner. Will you tell the committee what you mean by
screened off' the waterfront? Briefly, not in detail.
Mr. Dennett. There was an intelligence unit of the Army which
seemed to have information which convinced them that I was some sort
of a dangerous person, and they were convinced that I should not be
permitted to work on the waterfront. So my passes were lifted and
I was denied opportunity to do any further work longshoring or work
anywhere on the waterfront. By the way, according to my informa-
tion, I am the only one who never did get liis pass back that was lifted
at that time.
Mr. Tavenner. Did the lifting of your pass have anything to do
with Communist Party activities on your part ?
Mr. Dennett. Well, I was asked to go down to the security office
at that time. It was in charge of a Mr. John J. Sullivan, I believe.
And he put it to me rather bluntly. He said, "We think that you are
still a Communist. And so we just don't think we should have Com-
munists on the waterfront. That is why we are lifting your pass."
252 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA
Mr. Tavenner. Will you continue with your narrative of employ-
ment ?
Mr. Dennett. I went to work at Bethlehem Steel Co.
Mr, Tavenner. What year was that?
Mr. Dennett. In 19425 October 19,
And after being- em]:>loyed there for some little time I was classified
I-A in the draft, I didn't know imtil after it was all over, but the
company evidently thought enough of my work to get at least two
deferments for me unbeknowaist to myself. You remember there was
something of a manpower shortage at that time,
I was finally inducted into service on the 27th of August 194;^, took
my 3-week furlough which w^as permitted to married men at that time,
and reported to the service, I think it was the iTth of September
of 1943, reported for active duty,
I remained in the service until, I think it was about October 10 of
1945, at which time I received an honorable discharge. But I was in
somewhat broken health. So upon my return to Seattle I had to take
some little time to recuperate, and spent a little time at the naval hos-
pital which was conducted by the Navy at that time. It is now known
as Firlands.
By the time I got out of the hospital the steelworkers were in their
famous 1946 strike. So I couldn t return to work until the strike
was over. I did, however, return to work shortly after the strike was
over. I think it was in April of 1946. And I have been working
continuously there ever since,
Mr. Tavenner, Will you tell the committee whether or not you were
a member of the Communist Party at the time that your pass was
lifted?
Mr. Dennett, I was.
Mr. Tavenner. How long had you been a member ?
Mr. Dennett. Well, originally I joined the Communist Party in
1931.
Mr. Tavenner, 1931 ?
Mr. Dennett. I was in active membership in the Communist Party
until the time I went into the Civilian Conservation Corps, During
the year I was in the CCC I was not an active member of the Com-
munist Party, As a matter of fact, I was under some cloud. The
leadership of the party at that time disapproved of some of my activ-
ities and some of my policies, and I certainly disapproved of some of
theirs. It was sort of a mutual disagreement. And they were satis-
fied to leave me alone while I was in the CCC, and I was satisfied that
they did.
However, upon my return from the CCC, as soon as I went to work
on the waterfi'ont, the conditions under which we were working at
that time were so repulsive that it was no wonder that the workers
there were seriously contemplating strike action. With my prior
knowledge about trade unions and some knowledge of political ac-
tivity, it was only natural that I should assume a position of leader-
ship among those workers. And when the strike was called I w'as
elected to leadership in that strike committee. It was at that moment
that the Communist Party found it very convenient to make new ap-
proaches to me and to try to enlist my efforts in their behalf. I was
willing and I did cooperate and I became a member again in good
standing.
COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 253
Mr. TA^^NNER. TSHiat date was that?
Mr. Dennett. 1935.
Mr. Ta\'enner. I think it may be well at this point, before I ask you
any detail about your knowledge of Communist Party activities, as a
matter of general background for the committee, you should state
briefly the various positions you have held in the Communist Party,
and the opportunity you have had to know of Communist Party
activities.
Mr. Dennett. I have held nearly all the organizational positions in
the lower ranks of the party. That is, I have been a branch organizer,
sometimes called branch, sometimes called unit. I have been an edu-
cational director in a branch, I have been a section organizer, I have
been a fraction secretary, I have been a district agitprop director.
That is a combination of two words — agitation and propaganda. I
doubt that the term is used very much any more. It would be com-
parable to educational work now.
I have been a member of the district bureau of the Communist
Party. I was a member of the secretariat of the Communist Party in
district 12 on 2 different occasions. The secretariat is a group of per-
haps 2 or 3 persons who are responsible for the daily activities of the
Communist Party and the way in which the various branches and
sections are carrying out the Communist Party policy program. I
think that covers it.
Mr. Ta^^enner. What was the last position you held in the Com-
munist Party ?
Mr. Dennett. I think the last position was that of an educational
director in a branch.
Mr. Tavenner. What was the date ?
Mr. Dennett. I think that would be in 1946 or 1947.
Mr. Tavenner. Are you a member of the Communist Party now?
Mr. Dennett. I am not.
Mr. Tavenner. Over what period of time were you an active mem-
ber in the Communist Party ?
JNIr. Dennett. With the 2 exceptions of the CCC and the term of
service in the Army, from 1931 to 1947.
Mr. Tavenner. I believe in 1947 you were expelled from the Com-
munist Party?
Mr. Denneit'. That is correct.
Mr. Ta\t:nner. With that general background I would like to go
back, Mr. Dennett, to the inception of your membership in the Com-
munist Party.
You have said that that was in 1931. And the committee would be
interested to learn what the circumstances were under which you
became a member of the Communist Party. By that I mean why you
joined the Communist Party as well as the mechanics that were used
in your becoming a member.
Mr. Dennett. Well, I would remind the committee and those who
have read the record of a statement I made at the other hearing. I
was named after Eugene V. Debs. I am very proud of that. It
should be remembered that Eugene V. Debs was the leading Socialist
in the United States of America for a great many years.
I was virtually born into the Socialist movement. My parents ad-
mired Debs very much, and my father was an active leading Socialist.
254 COJVIMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA
Therefore, I had a great deal of knowledge of the Socialist movement
as a child. In fact, I had the honor of appearing on the same plat-
form with Eugene V. Debs in Old Peoples Hall in Boston. He was
making a political speech. I had a great admiration for the man and
I felt greatly honored to be named after him.
In the period following the First World War after my mother's
death, my father and I moved to the farm in the West. That was in
1919. Those who may have some knowledge of the history of that
period will remember that following the First World War there was
a depression in agriculture. Those who farmed suffered a continuing
crisis, and we were trying to farm.
So we were confronted daily with the problem of how in the world
do you get out of a depression. And, frankly, we did not find any
solution to it.
I went on to school being firmly convinced, as a result of what I
had seen as a child, having seen workers defeated time after time in
strikes and in disputes, I became thoroughly convinced that the most
priceless thing that anyone could obtain would be a full and complete
education. And I hoped to receive one. I don't think I ever received
as much as I wanted.
Finally, after obtaining my teaching certificate and beginning to
teach — you remember the year was 1928. And in 1929 the stock mar-
ket crashed. And it wasn't very long before the effects of that eco-
nomic interruption began to be felt throughout the land. And among
the first to feel it were the teachers, at least in the State of Oregon
with which I was then familiar.
The teachers were required to accept great discounts in order to cash
their warrants — 15, 20, and in some cases 25 percent discounts were
taken by the banks to cash the teachers' warrants. And teachers were
generally receiving at that time about $100 per month.
I was fortunate. I was teaching in a district which was a rather
wealthy district, and they were not on a warrant basis.
But I began to have great apprehension because most of the teachers
I knew were suffering this way. And this was in 1931.
Of course, I had been concerned about economic problems over most
of my life. And when I was a high school boy I read Marx's Das
Kapital, and I was somewhat acquainted with his theory of economics.
And I was quite disturbed at this economic crash which began with
the stock market crash of 1929.
So I was looking for some organization which might give some kind
of an answer. In fact, I think that I told some of my friends that I
was actually looking for the Communist Party for 2 years before I
found it.
In 1931 my father sent me a notice of a Civil Rights Conference to be
held in Portland, Oreg. This conference was being called to organize
a defense for some people in Portland who had been accused of vio-
lating the criminal syndicalism law in the State of Oregon. They
were alleged to be Communists. Some of them I later learned actually
were Communists. My father was unable to attend the conference.
So he asked me to go. I went. There I met the first Communists.
The first one that I met was Mr. Fred Walker, and a person by the
name of Paul Munter. . ^ , n ^. m -r^. i . ^ o
Mr. Moulder. May I interrupt ? Is that the Civd Rights Congress ?
Mr. Dennett. It wasn't a congress, it was a conference.
COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 255
Mr. MouLDEK. Civil Eights Conference ?
Mr. Dennett. Yes, sir.
Mr. Moulder. Was it an organization ?
Mr. Dennett. No. It was certainly a temporary organization for
that particular case.
Mr. Moulder. "Wlio was the leadership of that ?
Mr. Dennett. It was organized under the auspices of the Interna-
tional Labor Defense, better known as the ILD.
And they had their attorney at this conference who gave an ex-
planation of the case, an explanation of the law, and outlined the
program of the International Labor Defense for the purpose of trying
to win that case.
I was very much impressed by his presentation. Later on, years
later, I was still more impressed when I learned that he actually had
met with success, because after the persons who were charged then had
been convicted he appealed the case to the United States Supreme
Court, and the United States Supreme Court handed down a decision
in the case of Dirk De Jonge which held that the criminal syndicalism
statute in the State of Oregon was invalid. And the decision was
reversed. Those convictions were reversed that way.
So you see that my interest and introduction was of a twofold char-
acter : One, I was impressed with the economic problems that were not
being solved. I was also impressed with what appeared to me to be
an invasion of the civil rights of individuals to think and act as they
pleased in political matters.
Mr. Ta\^nner. Did you state the first person you knew as a Com-
munist was a man by the name of Walker ?
Mr. Dennett. Yes, Fred Walker.
Mr. Ta\^nner. Do you know whether Mr. Fred Walker held any
position in the Communist Party at that time ?
Mr. Dennett. At that time he was the section organizer of the Com-
munist Party in Portland, Oreg.
Mr. Tavenner. Will you tell the committee whether or not, as a
result of your attendance at that conference and your discussions with
Mr. Fred Walker, you became a member of the Communist Party ?
Mr. Dennett. It was not immediate, but it was soon after that that
I became a member of the Communist Party. Actually I wanted to
become a member of the Communist Party, and they were a little bit
fearful that since I was a teacher that maybe there was some kind of
bourgeois corruption there that they were afraid of. And they in-
sisted that if I wanted to join the ranks of the Communist Party it
would be necessary for me to take a little schooling.
So they olSered me an opportunity to attend some classes which they
had organized, classes in labor history, classes in analyzing the role
and functions of the Communist Party ? And they had other classes.
I do not recall exactly what they were. But these 2 were the 2 main
groups.
Mr. Tavenner. Was this a recognized school of the Communist
Party or what was it ?
Mr. Dennett. Well, it was a school that was organized by the sec-
tion in Portland under Fred Walker's leadership. It had the approval
of the district leadership.
Mr. Tavenner. Of the Communist Party ?
256 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA
Mr. Dennett. And they were following the outlines which were
sent out by tlie Workers School of New York, which was the center
of the Communist Party.
Mr. Tavenner. Was it unquestionably a Communist Party function
that was being performed ?
Mr. Dennett. Very distinctly so. We used 2 important textbooks,
1 by Bimba, and 1 by Forner, in those schools. Both of them on
labor history.
Mr. Tavenner. Wlio were the teachers in that school ?
Mr. Dennett. Fred Walker taught some of them. Munter taught
some of them.
Mr. Tavenner. Do you know his first name?
Mr. Dennetp. Paul Munter, I believe.
And then there was another fellow by the name of Rodney. His
last name was Rodney, R-o-d-n-e-y.
My recollection of him is due to the fact that at that time he was
some kind of under secretary or employed by the YMCA in Portland.
I did not then know him as a member of the Communist Party either.
I heard later that he did join the Communist Party. But at the
moment or at the time that he was teaching this class in labor history
I did not understand him to be a member of the Communist Party.
Mr. Tavenner. Was your attendance at this school prior to your
becoming a member or after you had become a member ?
Mr. Dennett. It was prior ; it was before joining.
Mr. Tavenner. Were there others in this school besides yourself?
Mr. Dennett. Yes.
Mr. Tavenner. How many ?
Mr. Dennett. My recollection is between 15 and 20.
Mr. Tavenner. Due to the fact that you have told us that you,
yourself were not a member at that time, is it possible that others in
attendance likewise were in a similar category and not actual members
of the Communist Party at that time?
Mr. Dennett. I am quite sure that was true, that most of them who
attended that class were not members of the Communist Party, but
they were curious, and their curiosity had been aroused because of
what appeared to all of us was an attempt at oppression by the use
of the criminal syndicalism statute against unemployed veterans and
unemployed workers and other people, and particularly some foreign-
born people.
Mr. Tavenner. Will you tell the committee, please, to what extent
did this training that you had in this particular school prepare you
for the role you later played in the Communist Party? Did it
amount to anything? Was the instruction effective? Did it serve
to instill the spirit of the Communist Party in you ?
Mr. Dennett. I certainly felt that it did. As a matter of fact,
I was one of those teachers who considered that most of our teaching
methods were quite inappropriate for the best benefit to the child.
I felt that what is characterized as the lock-step system of education
is inadequate to our modern needs. And I finally despaired of ever
hoping to be able to do what I felt should be done as a teacher.
Mr. Moulder. Just what do you refer to there? I mean in what
respect ?
Mr. Dennett. The rigidity with which big school systems are
strait] acketed. Courses of study are laid out in an ironclad fashion,
COMMUNIST ACTrV'ITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 257
and there is no opportunity for teachers to attempt to satisfy the
needs or the growing needs of the child.
Now remember this was in 1932. There have been a great many
changes in most of the school systems since then. And while I was
personally not under that kind of restraint, I knew many teachers
in the city of Portland who felt that they were at that time. And
I was an active member of the Classroom Teachers Association in
Portland — or not in Portland, but in the State of Oregon.
We were always concerned with this problem, and we felt that it
was very difficult, almost hopeless to expect to make the improvement
which needed to be made.
The Communists introduced me to some of the writings of Frederick
Engels and Nicolai Lenin, and I found these writings to be very
illuminating. I found them to throw a great deal of light on the
development of economic and political crises. And they intrigued
me by showing me a set of what is known as the Lenin library. I
believe there were about 8 or 10 volumes of it published at that time.
And I jDurchased the whole business. I think it cost me about $15.
And I proceeded to read voraciously. I read everything there was
in it, and I was very much impressed by the analysis, the penetrating
analysis which Lenin made of all of the various political movements
that existed way back at the turn of the century in 1900. All these
things caused me to feel that there was more here than the average
person realized, and I hoped that I was finding the solution to the
problems which beset mankind.
Mr. Tavenner. Inasmuch as all persons in attendance were not
members of the Communist Party, I am not going to ask you to give
me the names of all who participated in that school. But I will ask
you to give us the names of any of those who participated in that
school who later became functionaries in the Communist Party during
the period of time that you were a member.
Mr. Dennett. That is an awfully long time ago, and I did not keep
any record of those persons.
Frankly, outside of Fred Walker and Paul Munter and this fellow
Eodney, I do not recall distinctly enough to be certain in my own
mind. I think that a couple of persons attended there whose names
would come up at a later period. But I couldn't be certain of identify-
ing them in that period.
Mr. Tavenner. How long did you attend this course of training?
Mr. Dennett. I think it was about 3 months.
Mr. Tavenner. Was it an intensive training course?
Mr. Dennett. Yes ; it was. I believe the classes were at least twice
a week, and there was a great deal of reading and study to be done
with it. And they found that I was a ready and willing subject. So
they assigned reports to me very frequently. And I made many of
them.
Mr. Tavenner. How soon after the completion of that work, or
was it during the period of that course of training that you became
a member of the Communist Party ?
]Mr. DENNE^rr. It was during that time. I think within 6 weeks
after I started they satisfied themselves that I was sincerely trying to
be a good Communist.
62222— 55— pt. 1 2
258 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA
Mr. Tavenner. Will you tell the committee, please, what mechanics
were used for bringing you into the party ?
Mr. Dennett. Well, at that time the party was what is generally
referred to as underground. They were very much afraid of their
own existence and their own identity. And they were particularly
fearful of agents of the police entering their ranks. And they viewed
all jocrsons with great suspicion, especially these foreign-born workers.
And they used to spend a great deal of time talking with me, inquiring
into every phase of my life and my background and my existence,
giving me in their own way the third degree to determine whether or
not I was trustworthy and whether or not I was worth being a mem-
ber of the ranks.
Mr. Tavenner. Now as you look back upon it, do you think that that
careful study of your past and your capabilities was rather in the way
of choosing you for future leadership in the party as distinguished
from membership in the Communist Party?
Mr. Dennett. No. I think that so far as they were concerned,
they looked upon all persons entering the party as equals. That is,
they did not predetermine who was going to be a leader and who wasn't
going to be a leader. But they were determined to work each new
member to the utmost until they got the most out of each one that they
could. And in my case I responded by studying very intensely, and
they had great hopes that I would develop into the kind of leader
which they needed.
Mr. Tavenner. Will you proceed, please, to tell us about your in-
duction into the Communist Party ?
Mr. Dennett. Some of that is rather indistinct at this period.
There are only snatches of it that are vivid.
One thing that is quite vivid is one of the foreign-born workers
warning me that they had to deal rather vigorously with traitors.
That seemed to be their chief obsession.
Mr. Tavenner. Do you mean traitors to the cause of communism?
Mr. Dennett. Yes. That seemed to be their chief concern.
Mr. Moulder. In what period of time are we now ?
Mr. Dennett. That is still in 1931.
Finally they told me that my name had been submitted to the party
as a candidate for membership. And after — I think it was about a
month delay — they informed me that the membership had passed
upon my name, and that I had been accepted. And they invited me to
party meetings.
Mr. Tavenner. Did you become a member under your own name
or were you given a pseudonym?
Mr. Dennett. I was given what is known as a party name. All
the party records and documents were kept in that name. However,
it always seemed rather ridiculous to me because alongside of the
party name there was always my real name anyway.
Mr. Tavenner. What was your party name ?
Mr. Dennett. Victor Haines, H-a-i-n-e-s.
Mr. Tavenner. Did you have anything to do with the selection
of it, or was it selected for you ?
Mr. Dennett. Yes ; I had something to do with selecting it. Wlien
they told me that I had to choose a party name I asked for help on
it, and the only help they could offer was to use the name of J. P.
Morgan or John D. Eockefeller or Henry Ford or something like that.
CO^ENIUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 259
They were always suggesting the most prominent capitalists as the
party pseudonym.
Mr. Tavenner. Will you tell the committee, please, what your first
activity was in the Communist Party after becoming a member? _
Mr. Dennett. I believe that I was first assigned to carry on this
classwork in Portland, to keep this school going that was started.
But that didn't last very long because at that time the district or-
ganizer of the party was a man by the name of Alex Noral, who was
here in Seattle.
And Noral was troubled because they were unable to get someone
to fill the function of a district agitprop director here in Seattle. So
he was asking Fred Walker to come to Seattle to be the agitprop
director because Fred Walker had organized such a successful school
in Portland and had done such splendid work which met with the
district approval.
Walker, however, had personal reasons for not wanting to leave
Portland. So he requested me to accept the assignment to Seattle.
And I was perplexed as to what to do. I was in the middle of a
school teaching year, but I was becoming more convinced all the time
that there was no future in teaching — at least the way I wanted to do
it. So I accepted, under a great deal of pressure, the assignment
to come to Seattle. And that was, I say, under a great deal of pressure,
too, because the way I was approached on it was that "Well, now you
are a member of the party. You do what the party tells you to do,
and you go where the party wants you to "go."
Mr. Moulder. May I interrupt at that point before you start on
your Seattle testimony ?
I am curious to know, during that period of time when there were
no laws prohibiting membership in the Commimist Party, why there
was direction that you operate underground or under false names?
Mr. Dennett. You remember I spoke about the criminal syndical-
ism prosecutions in Oregon. The members of the party were being
accused of violating the criminal syndicalism statute.
Mr. MouLDEJt. A statute ?
Mr. Dennett. In Oregon, yes. And they considered that they were
under attack for illegality.
Mr. Velde. ]\Iay I ask a question ?
Mr. Yelde. I would like to know at the time you joined the Com-
munist Party, I believe it was in 1931, if you had any idea at that
time that the policy of the Communist Party of the United States of
America was being dictated by Soviet Russia ?
Mr. Dennetf. Well, there is a sort of mixed answer to that.
I had been reading the Daily Worker. I had been reading the
Butte Daily Bulletin. I was somewhat familiar with the international
golitics in which there was conflicting interest between the United
tates and the Soviet Union. But it was reconciled in my thinking
with the firm conviction that the Communist Party was attempting
to serve the interests of the working class all over the world and that
in doing so there would be no conflict so far as we were concerned.
Now that was the way it was resolved in my mind at that time.
Mr. Velde. I think that is true of many early Communist Party
members.
260 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA
Mr. Tavenner. Without going into detail, did your views continue
to be the same or were they altered as time went on in the course of
your Communist Party work ?
Mr. Dennett. It didn't take very long after I reached Seattle before
I had my first rude awakening. I was naive enough to believe that it
was proper for anj^one to ask any question at any time in a party
meeting. But after coming to Seattle and being assigned as the
district agitprop director, believing that my duty required that I
should supervise the production of leaflets and propaganda which \yas
being issued, I was naive enough to ask what were my various duties.
And the answer I got from Mr. Noral was to the effect that anybody
knows what that is, which left me completely in the dark.
So I turned to the nearest associate who, at that time was Mr. John
Lawrie, Sr., who more or less agreed with me that it was time to get
some clear definition as to what the function was. Later on when I
insisted upon criticizing a leaflet which Noral had issued he accused
me of being some kind of a deviationist. I had only been in the party
about 3 months. I didn't know what the term meant.
Later on he accused me of being a Trotskyite. I think he used the
term "Trotskyite," which was a term of derision. And that conflict
led ultimately to my being removed as district agitprop director. As
a matter of fact, if Noral had carried out his wishes at that time I
would have been liquidated.
I didn't know what he meant by liquidation then, and I think the
term was used rather loosely. But he did declare that liquidation was
the proper thing to do with deviators such as I at that time.
However, there was another leader in the district by the name of
Ed Leavitt, L-e-a-v-i-t-t, who was the organizational secretary, and
Leavitt felt that it was improper to deal with me in that fashion, and
he felt that since I was a young man at that time that I should be given
an opportunity to prove my worth and prove myself. And he
prevaled upon the district secretariat, namely, himself, Noral, and
Lawrie, to assign me to section organizer in Bellingham. It wasn't
very long before I was banished from the district headquarters and
sent to Bellingham ot prove myself, which I think I did.
Mr. Moulder. Were you then being compensated ?
Mr. Dennett. No, sir.
Mr. Moulder. Or reimbursed for your travels ?
Mr. Dennett. I was not. We just bummed our way around.
Mr. Moulder. Were you employed then ?
Mr. Dennett. I was unemployed. But we were just living as best
we could, from hand to mouth.
I never was on the payroll of the Communist Party.
Mr. Taat:nner. I think you should define more specifically what
was meant by the term "liquidate."
Mr. Dennett. Well, in that connection, I believe it occurred during
a meeting of the district bureau, in which I had insisted that the
grammar of one of Mr. Noral's leaflets was in need of repair. He
insisted that he knew what he was saying and that if anybody else
didn't know it was just too bad. And he proceeded to describe the
importance of party discipline.
And in a very boastful way remarked that he was in the Fosterite
faction that went to the Soviet Union in 1928 to the Sixth World Con-
gress of the Comintern, and that following the decision of the Sixth
COMIMUXIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 261
World Congress to liquidate factionalism, in the American section of
the Communist Party, that the Comintern set up a special commission
to deal with the American section delegates, dealing with the Foster
faction, the Lovestone faction, and the Cannon faction. And he said
that since he was in the Foster faction that they, being the largest fac-
tion, were called up first.
And when they were called before the commission the chairman of
that commission was Josef Stalin, and that Stalin leaned over the
rostrmn, shook his finger at them, and demanded to know, "Do you
or do you not submit to the authority of the Comintern and its
decisions?"
Noral said that he very proudly was the first to arise and say that
he did submit to it. And he gave that to us as an illustration of the
kind of discipline that we must expect and that we must follow.
Mr. McniJJEK. ]Mr. Dennett and Mr. Tavenner, would you like to
have a recess at this time ?
Mr. Tavenner. Yes.
Mr. MoTjLDER. The committee will stand in recess for a period of
5 minutes.
(Wliereupon a short recess was taken.)
Mr. MouEDER. The committee will be in order.
Proceed, Mr. Tavenner.
Mr. Tavenner. Mr. Chairman, at this time I would like to call the
witness, Mr. Jerry O'Connell.
Mr. Jerry O'Connell. Is he present?
(There was no response.)
Mr. Tavenner. May I ask that he be called in the corridor?
Mr. Moulder. Mr. Officer, would you call the witness Jerry O'Con-
nell in the corridor ?
Is there anyone here, an attorney representing the witness Mr.
O'Connell?
(There was no response.)
Mr. Moulder. Proceed, ^Ir. Tavenner.
Is there any announcement you wish to make on that, Mr. Tavenner?
Mr. Velde. May I inquire of Mr. Tavenner or Mr. Wheeler, was
Jerry O'Connell served with a subpena?
Mr. TA^^NNER. Yes, sir; he was.
Mr. Moulder. For appearance here today ?
Mr. Tavenner. Yes, sir.
Mr. Velde. I think it would be appropriate at this point to have
the subpena and the return thereon entered in the record.
Mr. Tavenner. I would like to interrupt the course of this testi-
mony and produce to the committee a copy of the subpena served on
Mr. Jerry O'Connell, and call the conunittee's attention to the return
which shows that it was served at 12 minutes to 9 p. m., March 8, 1955,
at his residence, 3415 Central Avenue, Great Falls, Mont., signed
Harold Mady, chief of police.
I desire to offer the document in evidence and ask that it be marked
as "O'Connell Exhibit No. 1," for identification purposes only and to
be made a part of the committee files.
Mr. Moi'LDER. It is so ordered.
Mr. Tavenner. Mr. Dennett, you were asked a question by one of
the members of the subcommittee with reference to your knowledge
at the time you became a member of the Communist Party as to what
262 COMIMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA
control, if any, that a foreign power had, over the Communist Party
in this country, and you explained that.
I would like to carry that point a little further at this time.
"WTiile you were a member of the Communist Party were you ac-
quainted with an organization known as the Trade Union Unity
League ?
]Mr. Dennett. I was.
Mr. Tavenner. Will you tell the committee, please, briefly, what
that organization was ?
]Mr. Dennett. "Well, it was an effort on the part of the Communist
leadership in this country to bring about the organization of unorgan-
ized workers. It had the idea that they should be organized in indus-
trial unions. This is because its leader was William Z. Foster, and
William Z. Foster had been an active leader in A. F. of L. unions. As
a matter of fact, he was the leader of the great steel strike of 1919, and
in the course of that strike he drew certain conclusions about the way
it was conducted, namely, that it was next to impossible for the workers
to obtain the kind of solidarity they needed to win when they were
divided into so many different craft organizations.
So it was Foster who gave the gi"eatest attention to this question of
getting the maximum strength through organization of the workers
m unions. And the Trade Union Unity League was an effort to or-
ganize these unorganized workers.
Now to the best of my knowledge some of the greatest success of the
Trade Union Unity League occurred right here in the Northwest.
Wlien I came into the district in 1932 there was a comparatively
young fellow by the name of James Muiphy who was the head of the
Trade Union Unity Leagi^e here. He was a lumberworker. He was a
bona fide worker. He knew the language, he knew the habits, and he
was able to get around the same as any "bindle stiff'."
For fear some might not understand the use of the term, in the old
days loggers had to carry their own blankets when they went from
place to place. And the way they carried them caused them to be
called bindle stiffs.
These fellows were very adaptable. They were very skillful at
traveling under adverse conditions, overcoming all kinds of physical
difficulties. The stories of Paul Bunyon are not something out of the
figment of the imagination entirely ; they grew out of the huge efforts
that the Northwest lumberworkers had to make in order to live.
So Murphy was a very successful organizer. He organized a very
large number of people in the National Lumberworkers Union. He
had an assistant by the name of Roy Brown who was almost equally
successful. I do not recall the names of the others who were active
in that organization, but I do know that they met with great success
organizing miners here in the Northwest. They organized fishermen.
Mr. Tavenner. Wliat connection did those organizations have with
the Trade Union Unity League?
Mr. Dennett. They were all national unions in the Trade Union
Unity League. And one of the greatest successful organizing drives
was conducted among fishermen here in the Northwest.
A person who is now deceased, by the name of Emil Linden, was
profoundly successful in organizing fishermen on the Columbia River
and here in Puget Sound.
COIVCVIUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 263
Mr. T.WENNER. Was lie successful in the organization of groups affil-
iated with the Trade Union Unity League ?
Mr. Dennett. That is right.
The fishermen's unions, as a matter of fact, had the distinction of
having been organized and affiliated directly with the Red Interna-
tional of Labor Unions, which had a headquarters in Prague at that
time.
Mr. Tavenner. What do you mean by saying that the Trade Union
Unity League was affiliated with or a part of the Red International of
Labor Unions?
Mr. Dennett. Well, they paid dues to an international organization,,
and this particular fishermen's group which originated here were
affiliated directly with the Red International of Labor Unions, and
they paid dues directly to the headquarters in Prague.
Mr. Ta\t:nner. Did that make them virtually a part of the Red
International of Labor Unions ?
Mr. Dennett. They were.
Mr. Moulder. ^\niat period of time was that?
Mr. Dennett. That was way back in about 1931 or 1932, or 1932 or
1933.
Mr. Tavenner. ^Vliere was the seat of the headquarters of the Red
International of Labor Unions?
Mr. Dennett. At that time it was in Prague.
Mr. Tavenner. Among the documents which you have turned over
to the staff of the committee and which we have examined is one en-
titled "The Trade Union Unity League, Affiliated to the Red Inter-
national of Labor Unions."
Will you examine it and state whether or not you can identify it as
one of the dociunents which you turned over to us ?
(Document handed to the witness.)
Mr. Dennett. If it has got my initials on it is is mine ; and it has.
Mr. TA^^ENNER. Will you return it, please?
Mr. Chairman, I think I should read into the record at this point
several paragraphs which I see in this., document.
Mr, Moulder. Very well.
Mr. Ta\tenner (reading) :
The national center of the revolutionary industrial union movement in the
United States is the Trade Union Unity League, organized in Cleveland, August
31, 1029. The TUUL coordinates and binds all the revolutionary union forces into
one united organization. It leads and directs the general struggle of the new
union movement. It is the American section of the Red International of Labor
Unions.
Is that just what you have been telling us, Mr. Witness?
Mr. Dennett. Correct.
Mr. Tavenner. I desire to read again from page 35 of this docu-
ment.
In the event of an imperialist war it will mobilize the workers to struggle
against American imperialism and to transform this war into a class war against
the capitalist system itself.
Do you recall that as one of the objectives of the Trade Union Unity
League ?
Mr. Dennett. Yes, of course, I do. It is very plain. It is in black
and white. I think that it has to be admitted by anyone with any
knowledge of the subject that that was the objective, that was the
264 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IX THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA
policy. That goes back a long way. That goes back to Lenin's teach-
ing. It goes back to the teachings of Marx. In fact, it goes back to
the teachings of almost any of the philosophers, the idea that when a
given set of circumstances becomes impossible to withstand it is to be
expected that somebody is going to break the bonds somewhere.
Mr. Tavenner. I hnd this following paragraph on the same page
under the title "Defend Soviet Union" :
The Trade Union Unity League especially organizes and educates the masses
to fight in defense of the Soviet Union. The Soviet Union is the stronghold of
the world's working class. It is the cause of the workers in all countries. The
overthrow of the Soviet Union by the capitalists would mean not only the
slaughter of tens of thousands of Russian workers but would mark the beginning
of the worst period of reaction internationally that the world has ever known.
It would lead to widespread Fascist terrorism, and wholesale destruction of
workers' economic, political, and cultural organizations and the wiping out of
conditions won by the workers through a century of sacrifice and struggle. It
would throw back for decades the development of the world labor movement.
The workers must fight to the end in defense of the Soviet Union.
Is that paragraph in accord with what you understood at the time to
be the objectives of the Trade Union Unity League '^
Mr. Dennett. Well, shortly after my induction into the Communist
Party I, as recounted earlier this morning, became the district agitprop
director. In that position at that time we had the special privilege of
receiving the first issues of all new pamphlets or magazines or any-
thing like that that were issued. At that time there came into my
possession a document with the title "The 21 Conditions for Affiliation
With the Communist International," and among those conditions these
]:>oints that are set forth in this document you have just read cover
some of those conditions.
Mr. Tavenner. In other words, was there a strict linking together
through this organization and through the action of the Comintern,
of the control of the Communist Party in this country by the interna-
tional organization ?
Mr. Dennett-. I think that has to be acknowledged by anyone who
is familiar with the record at all.
However, there is one little addendum that should be inserted at this
point, that at a later point in the history of the Communist Party in
the L^nited States — I believe it was about the time the Voorhis Act was
passed — under the leadership of Earl Browder the Communist Party
in the United States took steps by formal resolution adopted at con-
vention to completely disassociate itself legally from any of this
previous material. They attempted to satisfy and comply with the
provisions of the Voorhis Act,
And in their effort to do so they adopted a resolution in which they
repudiated all of this political statement and line that we are now
talking about. That was a formal act.
Mr. Tavenner, There was considerable testimony before this com-
mittee at the time it attempted to interrogate Max Granich and his
wife, who were connected with a news facility wdiich transmits from
Europe to this country decisions of the Cormnunist Party on an inter-
national level, and we heard a number of witnesses, including Louis
Budenz, who was connected with the Daily Worker.
The testimony is very clear that that action you have spoken of was
a device, not in good faith a severance or a disavowal of what had hap-
pened before. But it was a device, to keep the Communist Party
COMI^IUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 265
from being liable under provisions of the Voorliis Act to which you
have referred, of representing a foreign country,
Mr. Dennett. Browder visited here in the Northwest during the
time this action was being taken, and he explained it to our district
bureau in this fashion, that the law was clearly aimed at putting the
Communist Party out of business, and that the Communist Party was
determined to not be put out of business, and it was going to comply
with the act to the best of its ability, but that certainly did not mean
that the Communist Party was going to disavow its sympathy with
the working class throughout the world and the various sections of
the Communist Party throughout the world.
There was great apprehension on the part of our district bureau
about the action. We feared that perhaps the Communist Party was
going nationalist on us, and we thought that was a heinous crime, that
you should always be internationalists. And Browder was reassuring
us that the Communist philosophy was still internationalist and would
continue to be internationalist, but that the formal connection and the
formal affiliations would have to be dispensed with.
He felt that the party was strong enough to travel along the road,
as it needed to, without the direct intervention of the Comintern.
And, of couree, it was shortly after that the Comintern itself was
dissolved.
Mr. Tavenner. How long did this organization, the Trade Union
Unity League, remain in effect in this area? And when I say in
effect, I mean in existence.
Mr. Dennett. Until the organization of the CIO.
As the organization of the CIO approached or became clear that
it was going to come in, the policy of the Red International of Labor
Unions was modified by the international headquarters in Prasfue.
It was modified because the 12th Plenum of the Executive Committee
of the Communist International had reviewed the developing world
situation, had noted with alarm the rise of fascism in Germany, and
resolved that somewhere their pol icies were not being too effective and,
therefore, they must make certain modifications and allow for a little
more flexibility than they had before.
You must imderstand that one of the conditions Avhich existed as
a condition for organizing these Red trade unions was that those
workers so organized were virtually obliged to declare their loyalty
to the cause of the Communist Party. Now that did not mean that
they had to be members of it, but it meant that they had to express
their sympathy with the efforts of the Soviet people and they had to
accept the idea that the objectives of the working class and of the
Communist Party were the same.
Therefore, they didn't meet with much success in the United States
in organizing these Red trade unions because the average worker who
was confronted with this choice would say, "The devil with you." He
wouldn't make a choice of that kind.
Mr. Tavenner. In other words, they realized thev could not sell
communism to the rank and file of American labor if it knew what
they were buying.
Mr. Dennett. They certainly couldn't sell it under that label to
the American worker. They rejected it.
Mr. Tavenner. A label is for the purpose of describing an item ; is
it not ?
266 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA
Mr. Dennett. I can accept your statement ; I think you are right.
I think that confirms our experience.
Mr. Moulder, This was in a period, the conditions and circum-
stances of which offered a ripe opportunity for the exploitation of
labor in this country by the Communist organizations.
Mr. Dennett. That is very true. And you must understand that
we met with an uneven success.
I have described to you that in the Northwest we did meet with
great success among the himber workers, among the miners, and among
ihe fishermen. We did meet with great success there because a very
large number of those workers originally had been with the Indus-
trial Workers of the World. And they weren't afraid of a Red label.
Wherever you found workers who were not afraid of a Red label they
could accept such organization in good faith. But in most of the
industrial centers in the East except in places where desperation was
at the breaking point they did not meet with success.
I am thinking now of the situation which obtained in the textile
mills of Lowell, Lawrence, and Haverhill following the Fii-st World
War. In those places the Industrial Workers of the World were
successful in offering leadership to those workers. And it is true
that in some parts of the South, contrary to the usual idea, in some
parts of the South the Red leaders were quite successful in organizing.
I remember vividly the Gastonia strike, and that was completely
Red leadership. There is no question about it. They were the only
ones that had the tenacity to stay with it under such adverse circum-
stances. But they stayed with it and they met with great success.
They organized thousands and thousands and thousands of workers.
Mr. Tavenner. Would you say, generally speaking, the rank and
file of labor would not accept the Communist Party if the Communist
Party label were on it ?
Mr. Dennett. That is true. They wouldn't accept even the red
cards which were used.
It was a peculiar thing. It seemed as though it was a badge of
honor to some p-eople, but something of a shock and surprise to others
that the membership cards very often were printed in a very deep red
color in the various unions of the Trade Union Unity League. And,
of course, some of tlie membership cards of the Communist Party
at that time were in identically the same color. The only addition
was the hammer and sickle was imposed upon it as well. And it
would be a very easy matter to become mixed up or confused if you
didn't look carefully at some of those cards in that period of time.
But to complete the point that you are concerned with at this mo-
ment, it is true that tlie program as set forth by the Red International
of Labor Unions did not meet with the uniform success which they
hoped for in the United States. So in 1935 — I believe it was in 1935,
it may have been a little bit earlier than that — following the 12th
Plenum of the Executive Committee of the Communist International's
decision that a sharp turn must be made in the mass work, that they
must combat the rise of fascism by allowing greater flexibility to
organize masses to resist the onrush of fascism, they took note of the
situation in the United States and concluded that they could not pre-
scribe the exact conditions under which to organize the workers in the
United States.
COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 267
That gave the opening which permitted the top leadership of the
Communist Part}^ in tlie United States to grant the request of most
of the organizers in the Trade Union Unity League to dissolve their
organizations and permit them to join the new rising organizations
which were developing as industrial unions, and also to join the ap-
propriate American Federation of Labor unions.
In other words, at the time of the split between the A. F. of L. and
the CIO in the United States of America the Communist movement
declared that it was logical and necessary to give up its own identity,
which it did when it sacrificed the industrial unions that it had
organized. And by 1935 they issued instructions that the industrial
unions under the Trade Union Unity League must dissolve.
And I recall the regret which some of the fishermen had in having
to give up their affiliation with the Red International of Labor Unions
and go into what they call the "finky" organization, the International
Seamen's Union. Tliey didn't like it. They resented it. But never-
the less, as good soldiers, they obeyed the order. Later on it didn't
take them more than a couple of years when they were embarrassed
whenever I would remind them that they had a Red origin. And
the leadership there came to dislike me with a very firm resolve be-
cause I would never permit them to forget that they did have a Red
origin and that I was ashamed of them being backward about taking
progressive steps.
They caused me no end of concern because they were trying to be
as conservative as the stanchest Republican when, in fact, they had
a very, very Red origin.
Mr. Ta\t:nner. ISIr. Dennett, would it be correct to analyze the
situation you have descnbed generally in this way: Beginning in
1985, and from then on, when the Red international of labor unions
gave up the idea of having its own organizations within labor under
its own label in this country, was tlie principal problem in dealing
with the question of communism a matter of infiltration or attempted
infiltration by the Communists into the leadership of all the unions
in which they had a chance to gain leadership ?
Mr. Dennett. Well, I recognize that the term infiltration is used
to imply generally that somebody did something with a secret purpose.
Now that may have been true. So far as my own knowledge is con-
cerned, we took it in stride. We didn't think that there was anything
special about it. We declared our objective to be the organization
of all the workers. And, of course, we were part of all the workers.
And as long as we could maintain that philosophy we were satisfied
that we were part of the organization.
Mr. Ta^^nner. When you say part of the organization, what do
you mean?
Mi\ Dennett. I mean that those members that were organized by
the Communist Party in the Trade Union Unity League, when they
gave up their identity as members of a Trade Union Unity League
organization, such as the national lumberworkers union or the fish-
ermen's union or the miner's union or something of that kind, they
had the opportunity to become members of the appropriate union
which was organizing in that field. In the case of the Northwest it
was at that time the woodworkers federation, which was organized,
in part, under the leadership of the carpenters and joiners, but against
the wishes of the top leadership of the carpenters and joiners.
268 COIVJOMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA
The top leadership, especially Mr. Hutcheson (William), was fear-
ful of these rebels from the Northwest. He was afraid that if they
became organized strong that they might cause him some trouble in
his organization. And he put in a great deal of effort to see to it
that they didn't succeed in that.
Well, it is true that these rough-and-ready lumberworkers were
willing to take on all comers so far as opposition was concerned. And
Mr. Hutcheson seemed to be no bother to them, no more than anyone
else would be. They didn't fear anyone. They just proceeded to
organize as best they could. But they were so thoroughly indoc-
trinated with the old Wobbly notions, that is, the Industrial Workers
of the World ideas, they were very strong individualists, and they
didn't take kindly to the kind of discipline which doesn't explain why
it gives an order, and, consequently, the Communists in the wood-
workers had a great deal of trouble.
As a matter of fact, the organization of the woodworkers federa-
tion was punctuated with stormy upheavals at every convention. The
various caucuses which were led by the Communists and led by some
of the old Industrial Workers of the World and led by some of those
who wanted their loyalty to the carpenters and joiners and some who
wanted their loyalty to the the new organization of the CIO, these
various groups were unable to compose and resolve their differences.
It was never completely resolved. To this day it is not completely
resolved.
The result of it today is that, well, of course, I realize there is a
new merger in prospect, but the lumber workers in the Northwest
were divided between the A. F. of L. and the CIO to such an extent
that they were unable to use their full streng-th to bring it to bear
during negotiations with their employers, and they have suffered very,
very mucli here in the Northwest.
Mr. Velde. You are making a very fine story of the methods used
by the Communist T^arty in infiltrating labor unions.
I want to ask you this : from your experience as a member of the
Communist Party, which of the unions in this area were most success-
fully infiltrated by the Communist Party?
Mr. Moulder. May I ask during what period of time ?
Mr. Velde. During the whole period of time since the Communists
started infiltrating.
Mr. Dennett. I think it would have to be said that it w^as lumber.
Actually, to begin with, it was the marine unions. The organization
of the Maritime Federation of the Pacific was something that was
inspired by the Communist Party because the Communist Party
called for the organization of industrial unions, industrial organiza-
tion. And that was a result of Foster's leadership.
Mr. Velde. You think they were more successful in lumber tha.Ti
in the International Longshoremen's and Warehousemen's Union ?^
Mr. Dennett. Yes, I do. I do for the reason that in the mari-
time unions at the outset the Communists furnished the aggressive
leadership which initiated the organizati'<n of all of the maritime
unions, but it didn't take very long before those workers, upon getting
together, found that they had differences with those leaders. And the
sailors union particularly made a sharp break with the Communists
early in 1935, not over the issue of Communists but over tactical ap-
plication of policy.
COMRIUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 269
The Communists at that time were opposed to Harry Lundeberg's
organization of the tanker strike. And Mr. Lundeberg felt that he
had the right to go out and improve the conditions of a contract by a
process known as job action.
Now the Communists couldn't possibly condone a thing like that
because that permits individual action, and the Communist philosophy
and theory did not permit variations of that kind.
It is also true that the old conservative leaders in the labor move-
ment likewise frowned upon such an action. So you will find that if
you have familiarity with it you will very often find that the most
conservative people and the most radical people, if you go to the point
of referring to the Communists, you very often will find that they are
in agreement more on policy and on discipline than other people in
between. Because both extremes depend upon centralized authority
in order to maintain their positions, whereas the other people in
between are a little bit more apt to make their decision on the basis
of the merits of the given situation — a little more flexibility.
Mr. Velde. Before you get back to your story, let me ask you this :
The distinguished chairman was not present at our hearings here
last Jime, but I am sure that counsel and our investigator and Mr.
Dennett, too, recognize the fact that tlie great majority of the loyal
labor unions in this area cooperated with this committee 100 percent
last June. While our gratitude was expressed at that time, I again
want to express gratitude to these local labor unions who cooperated
with this committee and did everything within the bounds of reason
to eliminate the Communist movement from this area.
Mr. Dennett. Mr. Chairman, may I be privileged to just make one
comment about that ?
Mr. Moulder. Yes.
Mr. Dennett. I have conferred with Mr. "^^Hieeler, and I have ex-
pressed the idea to Mr. Tavenner that I think that it is a mistaken
idea to refer to me as a cooperative witness or to refer to another*
witness as an uncooperative witness. I am here to testify to facts that
I Imow. And I think that the question of cooperation is sometimes
subject to misconstruction.
And the reason I say that, is because the other day while I wasi
conferring with Mr. Wheeler and Mr. Tavenner and" my counsel, I
received a phone call, and this phone call had a conversation of two
words that came from the other end. A person said, "Kat — stool
pigeon."
I am sorry that people who have been my friends over the years
cannot see that I feel that it is my duty and my obligation to testify
as to facts. I am sorry that they feel as embarrassed or bitter as
they do.
I suppose before these hearings are over I will probably have as
many people hate me as people even know me. That is not my concern.
I recognize that we do have some major problems to resolve, and I
am fully aware that the Congress of the United States has made efforts
in many different directions, many of which I am not in agreement
with.
But I think that I do owe the obligation to you gentlemen and to
the Congress and to my fellow Americans, that to the best of my
knowledge, I will give you the benelit of my knowledge and my experi-
ence, and we will just let the chips fall where they may.
270 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA
Mr. Velde. I don't want to become involved in an argument with
you.
Mr. Dennett. I don't either.
I wanted to take an opportunity to say that, so I said it.
Mr. Velde. In my use of the word cooperate, and saying that the
great majority of the labor unions cooperated with us, possibly I did
misuse the term, but I wanted to again express my appreciation for
the way they responded, let us say, to the evidence we produced here
at the last hearings.
Mr. Moulder. I would like to say I think you are entitled to be
complimented, and to the respect of the Congress of the United States
and fellow American citizens, for the sincere and conscientious manner
in which you are now testifying as to the facts.
Mr. Dennett. Thank you, sir.
Mr. Velde. I think you will find, Mr. Dennett, that you will have
a lot more friends now after you get through testifying in this area
than you had when you relied on the fifth amendment and refused
to answer questions at a previous hearing.
Mr. Dennett. Without trying to prolong this, I would just say
that I feel a keen obligation to one group of people, and that is the
fellows that I work with on the job. The fellows that I have worked
closest with have always had confidence in my integrity, and even
when I have been under the sharpest attacks they have remained con-
fident that my integrity would stand up.
Mr. Moulder. You should have more of them now.
Mr. Dennett. To them I feel the greatest obligation. And it is
mainly for them that I am testifying here today, and I hope that it
will be of satisfactory use to you.
Mr. Tavenner, for your benefit, during the recess I found something
which I did not know that I could find, on this question of Mr. Stalin's
insistence upon iron discipline, and I found it in a little pamphlet:
The Soviets and the Individual. I do not recall the year in which this
was published. I will see if I can find a date on it. Well, this is an
address that he delivered to the Red Army Academy, in the Kremlin,
on May 4, 1935, and in the course of it he makes a remark like this :
Of course, it never even occurred to us to leave the Leninist road. More, hav-
ing established ourselves on this road, we pushed forward still more vigorously
brushing every obstacle from our path. It is true that in our course we were
obliged to handle some of these comrades roughly. But you cannot help that.
I must confess that I, too, took a hand in this business.
Mr. Tavenner. I believe that was after the first set of purges but
before the second.
Mr. Dennett. I read that to corrobate the oral information which
was passed on to me from Alex Noral,
(The witness confers with his counsel.)
Mr. Tavenner. Let us return at this point to that period of your
Communist Party experience when you were assigned as agitprop or
agitation propagandist in Seattle.
You have told us that you were relieved from that position. But
how long did you serve in that capacity here ?
Mr. Dennett. My memory is a little indistinct as to how long. It
was only a very few months. It seems to me that it was between
April of 1932 and some time in the summer of 1932 because I am quite
sure that I went to Bellingham as the section organizer late in 1932.
COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES EST THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 271
Mr. Tavenner. The committee would be interested in learning the
nature of your activities while engaged as an agitprop in Seattle.
Mr. Dennett. Actually in that first assignment no one seemed to
know exactly what my duties were. I was struggling to find out. In
the process of it I learned that the head of an agitprop department
had to do almost all of his work through the organizational apparatus
of the party, and it was his responsibility to see to it that the organi-
zational structure of the party became thoroughly indoctrinated with
the theory and practice of Marxism-Leninism, as it was called.
Now the main thing that they were concerned with was to spread
the knowledge of the theory and tactics of the class struggle. And
I believe fi-om my own study that it must be acknowledged that Lenin
was the greatest'master of that because Lenin proclaimed that every
act has a class character to it, and he contended that every act of the
employer is a class-conscious act, every act of the bourgeois politician
is a class-conscious act. That was his contention.
And it was his contention that it was necessary for the workers to
become thoroughly conscious that this is the nature of our present-day
society, and they 'must learn the methods by which to overcome the
ruling class.
Now this stems from the teachings of Marx. Marx originally
stated that the capitalist state is the executive committee of the ruling
class.
Tliat is an abstraction which is very difficult for the average person
to comprehend. I used to think that the reason it was so difficult was
because these people had not come into contact with the material ex-
periences which would be convincing.
In later years, since my leaving the party, I have had to reflect
upon that a little bit more carefully, and I am rather inclined today
to believe that both Marx and Lenin were in error in trying to apply
a uniform rule.
I think that it is foolhardy for anyone today to deny that there are
many evidences of class warfare which do exist, but I believe that it
is also foolhardy to think that those points of conflict are going to be
resolved by engaging in class warfare because they lead ultimately
to the destruction of either one or both participants in that combat.
Mr. Moulder. May I interrupt you ?
You made a very interesting and impressive statement a while ago,
that both extreme radicals and extreme conservatives are inclined to
assume a position of dictatorship.
In what year ai^e we now on his associations here?
Mr. Tavenner. We are still in Seattle during the period that he
was agitprop here.
Mr. Dennett. We are dealing with the question of the theory and
tactics of the Communist Party in which it was the responsibility of
the agitprop to make certain that it spreads through the ranks so that
all the members understand it.
You see, there has been a great deal of effort put in to try to describe
the role and function of the Communist Party. The leaders from time
to time have gone to great lengths to explain it. But under Stalin's
leadership he resolved that question very firmly and very positively,
that the members of the party were soldiers in the ranks, and they
were obliged to obey the orders of their superiors. And he enforced
that with a determination which I think is unequaled in history.
272 COMRfUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA
Mr. Tavenner. Throughout your experience in the Communist
Party did you observe instances of iron discipline to which you have
referred ?
Mr. Dennett. Well, I have been told since my expulsion from the
Communist Party that I had the reputation of being one of the worst
offenders in the matter of enforcing that discipline. I was very
vigorous, and I did try to insist that everyone I came in contact
with follow the party line to the very letter. I was among the first
to sense any deviation, and I was among the first to insist that steps
be taken to correct such deviation. In doing so I thought I was
following the party line.
Mr. Tavenner. Let us proceed now to the period when you were
transferred to another area.
Will you tell us about that ?
Mr. Dennett. I went to Bellingham,
party membership, I believe, there of seven persons.
Unemployment was our greatest problem at that time. Everyone
was unemployed. And, of course, the Communist Party policy then
was to organize unemployment councils. And, of course, we had an
unemployment council, and it consisted of seven members.
It was the exact duplicate of the membership in the Communist
Party.
No one else would join it. No one else would have anything to do
with it.
Mr. Tavenner. In what capacity were you sent to Bellingham?
Mr. Dennett. As section organizer.
I was in charge of the party. I immediately questioned the wis-
dom of the policy that they had been pursuing where they had two
organizations consisting of the same people, doing exactly nothing.
So I began to take rather vigorous steps. I contacted people in the
district center and advised them that this was a ridiculous situation
and was very unrealistic.
Mr. Tavenner. What do you mean by district center ?
Mr. Dennett. Seattle was the district headquarters of the party,
and I was trying to win the agreement of Alex Noral to permit me to
do something to get more members, at least in the unemployed council,
in the hope that if I got them in the unemployed council I might be
able to work upon them to win them to membership in the Communist
Party.
But Noral was very adamant. He insisted that I must follow the
exact directions which the national leader, Herbert Benjamin, had
issued with respect to the policy of unemployment councils. And, of
course, Herbert Benjamin had earlier outlined that the organization
of the unemployed was one of the most important political tasks con-
fronting the party because he called attention to the fact that the
Russian revolution had obtained its greatest strength because it had
organized the unemployed prior to the 1905 revolt, and that during the
course of the r905 revolt these unemployed organizations became So-
viets, they became councils, and that when the 1917 revolution broke
out these Soviets had been reconstituted and the unemployed had com-
prised a very essential part of the organization to begin with, and
therefore the masses of unemployed in the United States were looked
upon as the elementary core around which it might be possible to de-
velop a Soviet power in the United States.
COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 273
Mr. Moulder. To what period of time are you now referring ?
Mr. Dennett. That was in 1932.
We had another situation in Bellingham at that time. Noral had
been there prior to my assignment. He wasn't their section organizer,
but he had been there on a visit as the district representative, and he
had taken part in disciplining some people who apparently, prior to
my arrival, had had ideas similar to my own, namely, that the people
who were unemployed should be organized for the purpose of getting
some assistance to solve their problems of hunger and housing and
clothing, and that that should be the center of our attention.
But Noral was adamant with my predecessor as he was with me and
had brought about the expulsion of a person there. A person who is
known by the name of M. M. London.
Mr. London had adopted this name of London in honor of Jack
London. It was not his real name at all.
But Mr. London was a very sharp -thinking person and very devoted
to his neighbors and associates, and felt that the unemployed, the
people who were suffering should be fighting for immediate relief
whereas the unemployment councils had offered the slogan that the
solution must be in tlie form of unemployment insurance.
Well, to the person who is hungry the hope of unemployment insur-
ance, which required the adoption of legislation, which would take a
longer period of time, wasn't a very realistic thing.
But the demand for immediate relief was a veiy realistic thing.
And the people in Bellingham flocked to the banner of London, and
London organized what was known as the people's councils.
He had as his able assistant a man by the name of George Bradley.
George Bradley had had no connection with the Communist Party at
tliat time or prior to that time. George Bradley at that time was an
unemployed railroad worker. London, I believe, was an unemployed
seaman at that time, who was actually living on a farm.
Mr. Tavenner. What was London's real name ?
Mr. Dennett. I do not know. I never have known. I think he
took legal steps to have London established as his proper name. I
think that is his legal name.
Mr. Tavenner. Do you know in what court and at what time he took
that action ?
Mr. Dennett. I have no knowledge of that. I say that I think that
is true.
Mr. Tavenner. Proceed.
Mr. Dennett. In a county with a population of, at that time, about
40,000 — there were, I guess, about 60,000 in the county, and there were
about 40,000 in the city. London had succeeded, London and Bradley
had succeeded in organizing the peo]:)le's councils until it actually had
a dues-paying membership of over 60,000, and we were stewing around
with 7 people. And we were trying to contend that our program was
a better program than his.
I finally violated district discipline and joined the people's councils
myself. It caused great consternation in the district. The district
leader, Mr. Alex Noral, threatened to have me expelled becau^^e I had
violated discipline. The leaders of the people's councils were fearful
that I had joined to infiltrate their ranks.
G2222— 55— pt. 1-
274 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA
So I was damned on both sides. It seems to have been my lot
through the biggest part of my life.
It is immaterial to me, however. I think that my decision was cor-
rect because before the year was over we changed the situation until
we had approximately 150 members in the Communist Party, and the
unemployed movement was under the leadership of the people's
councils, and practically all of our people were in those peo])le's coun-
cils exerting an influence in them. It was not a decisive influence but
it was an influence, and it did have a lasting effect because we recruited
some people who later rose to great heights in the party, and they
served the party very well and ably and as devotedly as they knew how.
Mr. Moulder. Mr. Tavenner, we will resume the hearings after the
noon recess. It is now 12 o'clock.
Congressman Velde, do you wish to make a statement before taking
the noon recess ?
Mr. Velde. Yes. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
I think that most of us remember our hearings last June as a result
of which two witnesses who appeared before us were cited for
contempt.
I was very pleased and happy to learn that both of these witnesses,
who were unanimously cited for contempt by the House of Repre-
sentatives, were found guilty.
I want at this point to express my appreciation to Judge Bolt, to
United States Attorney Moriarty, and United States Attorney C. E.
Luckey for the promptness and efficiency and fairness exhibited dur-
ing the trial of these two cases.
We all remember that the witness, George Tony Starkovich, was
one of the most contumacious witnesses who has ever appeared before
this committee in my experience.
I certainly hope "that the Supreme Court, upon his appeal — while
he certainly has the right of appeal — will affirm the decision of the
United States district court.
Mr. Moulder, Thank you, Mr. Velde.
Mr. Dennett, you will return promptly at 1 : 30. The committee
will stand in recess until 1 : 30 o'clock.
(Whereupon, at 12 o'clock noon, the subcommittee was recessed, to
reconvene at 1 : 30 p. m.)
AFTERNOON SESSION, MARCH 17, 195 5
Mr. Moulder. The committee will be in order.
Is Mr. Jerry O'Connell in the hearing room ?
(There was no response.)
Mr. Moulder. Will the officer standing at the door call for Jerry
O'Connell in the corridor.
(There was no response.)
Mr. Moulder. Proceed, Mr. Tavenner.
TESTIMONY OF EUGENE VICTOR DENNETT, ACCOMPANIED BY HIS i
COUNSEL, KENNETH A. MacDONALD— Resumed
Mr. Tavenner. Mr. Dennett, you were describing to the committee
the formation of the unemployed councils in Bellingham and the
success which the Communist Party liad in having its members become
members of that organization. You also described for us in a general
COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 275
way the extent of influence that the Communist Party had in those
organizations, in those councils, by reason of having its own members
become members of the councils.
I ask you why the Communist Party was interested, and why it
made a tight to get its own members into these unemployed councils.
What was the purpose of it ?
Mr. Dennett. Our purpose was at that time to find some way of
prevailing upon the unemployed organizations to adopt a program
we were advocating.
At that particular time it consisted mainly in fighting for the
adopting of the slogan of demanding unemployment insurance. And
I think that that is a point which must be remembered by everyone.
Many people accept unemployment insurance today as a principle,
but they don't know that its origin in the United States, at least,
came because the Communists seized upon that as a means of winning
the support of the masses of unemployed people.
And any ordinary person shoukl have known in that period, if you
look back from now, they should have known that that was a neces-
sary step to be taken. But at that time the resistance to it was terrific.
Mr. Tavenner. Are you saying it was the desire of the Communist
Party, by these methods, to win support of the masses ?
Mr. Dennett. Correct.
Mr. Tavenner. To win support in what way ?
Mr. Dennett. To win them to an interest — I should say, first, an
interest in the Communist Party; tlien to lead them along the patli
of struggling against the capitalist system which would ultimately,
they hoped, result in the replacement of the capitalist organization
of a Soviet form of society.
Mr. Tavenner. Would you say that the Communist Party mad«
that type of effort in almost every form of our society ?
Mr. Dennett. Well, the leaders were held responsible to see to it
that they did make such an effort. It wasn't so easy to do so among
the ranks of the members who didn't hold any official position, but
any person who held an official position, sucli as a unit organizer or
a section organizer or an agitprop director or a trade-union oi-gan-
izer or a fraction secretary, in any of those positions a person was
expected to carry the Communist Party line. If lie didn't, he was
certainly subject to discipline.
Mr. Tavenner. The committee from time to time has heard a great
deal of evidence about the organization of Communist Party cells or
branches or units which have been variously termed neighborhood
groups and street groups. There has been an effort made in some
instances to make it appear that such groups had very little part to
play or very little function in the overall picture and purposes of the
Communist Party, although they testified that in the instances where
Communist Party branches were organized within factories and
within industry generally that they had a more definite purpose.
Will you tell the committee about the formation of neighborhood
groups of the Communist Party, or what we call sometimes street
groups, and explain what part those organizations played in the over-
all Communist Party progi-am ?
Mr. Dennett. Well, first of all, it is necessary to understand one
principle of organization that the Communist Party adopted, and
that is, that the form of the organization had to satisfy a need, and
276 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA
that the form itself was subordinate, the form was not the principal
question.
The principal question was the function that they were to serve.
So the Communist Party adopted a very flexible attitude on this.
In some of the early Communist Party literature it refers almost ex-
clusively to Communist cells. And cells are generally thought of as
some very small unit that is sort of hidden away. Actually it was
Lenin's instruction to the party that they should make every factory
a fortress for Communist activity.
And the directives of the Red International of Labor Unions always
held forth that as an objective.
Now they found that in some countries such factory cells were
impractical forms of organization. They just didn't work out. And
it was particularly true in the United States of America because
most workers in most of the factories had very little opportunity to
discuss political business while they were at work.
In some of the other countries workers did engage in that kind of
effort and activity. So shop units and shop cells were possible of
organization and were effected. In fact, they were openly known.
jin tne United States the Communist Party adopted the practice
of adapting its basic organization, the elementary part of the organi-
zation, to whatever circumstances they found themselves in.
In the period of great unemployment people weren't working in
the factories. So we found them in the neighborhoods. And in the
neighborhoods where we could recruit a half dozen Communists we
made a neighborhood branch.
At first we called them units. In later years I understand they
were called branches. But at the time when I was most active we
always referred to them as units. And we would try to get each
neighborhood branch to assume some responsibility for some factory
or some industry, to carry on agitation and propaganda among the
workers of a particular factory or plant for the purpose of trying to
recruit those workers into the party and establish a shop unit or what
later became known as a branch.
So the point that is of importance here, as I see it, is that the party
was flexible in adopting forms of organization, but it was inflexible
as to the purpose of those organizations. And their purpose certainly
was always as far as I knew — and I was one of those who insisted that
it must be kept foremost — to lead the working class to overthrow the
capitalist class in political power.
Now I think that there is a great deal of misconception and mis-
understanding as to just what that may involve.
The Communist Party went to great length to try to draw a dis-
tinction, particularly in the United States, between overthrowing the
rule of a particular class and overthrowing the form of the particular
government. And it was always the party's claim in the United
States that what they were trying to accomplish was to unseat the
robber barons and the big business interests who had seized the seats
of government in the United States, and the Communist Party always
played down the problem of changing the form of government because
nearly all liberal persons you come across will raise the point that one
thing that America contributed which the rest of the world has never
enjoyed is the right to individual freedom.
COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES EST THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 277
The preservation of the constitutional democratic form of organiza-
tion in the United States governmental structure has always held a
very firm appeal to any person who has made any study of govern-
mental structures. The Communist leadership found it virtually im-
possible to convince anybody that is acquainted with that fact that
this constitutional, democratic form of representative government
should itself be changed. However, I think that it is a form of self-
delusion, and I think that perhaps I have to admit my own in that
connection because, among the principles that Lenin hammered away
on was the necessity, once the workers seize power, of completely
destroying the bourgeois forms of organization. And there is no
question about it; there is plenty of literature to substantiate that
that would include what was referred to as the constitutional democ-
racies.
You must recall that in the history of the Russian Revolution when
the Bolsheviks seized power they replaced a representative form of
government, which had been completely unable to solve the economic,
financial, and political problems that confronted the people in old
Russia. So it was quite natural that the Bolsheviks should say we
must sweep aside all these forms that are hindrances.
And I fear that the average person who attempts to transplant an
arbitrary form or an idea which is erected in one part of the world
because of a certain historical set of circumstances and arbitrarily
transplant it to another part of the world under entirely difTerent
historical circumstances finds himself trying to solve an impossible
problem. And I think that that is basically the problem which the
Communist Party itself ran into.
There is no question about it : Lenin's teachings and the teachings
of the Commmiist Party call for the change of the form of the present
so-called bourgeois democratic governments.
I don't know how valuable or informative this line of response is
for your committee, but I would just interject this part of my own
thinking, that it is self-delusion on the part of those who think that
it does not involve sweeping aside the present constitutional govern-
ment.
I can see no explanation which would justify such a conclusion.
My own conclusion necessarily is that it does involve such a change,
and for a long period of time I felt that such a change was justified
because of the adamant refusal of people in high places in government
to respond to the needs of the people. And that was particularly true
in the depression period, in the unemployed period.
Mr. Velde. I take it from your testimony that you feel the Commu-
nist Party of the United States never did teach the overthrow of our
form of government by force and violence.
Mr. Denistett. I would have to say to that that they did not empha-
size that point.
I think it would be ridiculous to contend that that is the complete
statement of it.
They relied and fell back on Lenin's explanation of the question of
force and violence. And Lenin's explanation always was that force
and violence occurs because the employers start it.
In the case of strikes Lenin always contended that it was the em-
ployers who started the violence by bringing in either strikebreakers
278 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA
or armed guards or police or something of that sort, and that the
violence is started against the workers to begin with.
And then he taught that the workers must defend themselves.
Mr. Velde. Did you have the feeling while you were in the Com-
munist Party that the ultimate goal in case all peaceful methods fail
was to use force and violence?
Mr. Dennett. It is hard to give you a direct answer to the question
as you are posing it.
Let me say it this way and see if this answers you :
This is the most delicate question that is before everyone on the
subject, and I think that I would be unfaithful to myself if I were
to give you a snap answer because a snap answer, I think, is inappro-
priate.
I think we have to get at the facts as they exist. And my own feel-
ing and the thing that I was impressed with was, again, the teachings
of Lenin wherein he proclaimed that never did any autocracy willingly
yield up its power. Never did any tyramiy willingly yield up its
power, and that necessarily any group who sought to obtain political
power under those circumstances would be confronted with solving
a problem of force and violence. They would be met with force and
they would have to answer it with force.
Mr. Velde. That substantiates the testimony that Barbara Hartle
gave us here last June. I am satisfied.
Mr. Dennett. I think that is fundamental teaching of the Commu-
nist Party, and anyone who reads Lenin's works very carefully will
find that is there.
The point that is germane to us is : Does the United States come in
the category that Lenin was speaking of?
Now the Communist Party went through a terrific amount of tlieo-
retical argument on this question, and some resolved the question as
meaning, yes ; the LTnited States comes in that category.
Some questioned whether that were true, and I think that is why you
wdll find a divergence of testimony from different Communists.
Mr. Velde. I take it then you feel that the methods used in the
United States were different than the methods used by the Comintern
in other parts of the world, in countries that are now Communist
countries.
Mr. Dennett. I was referring in what I was discussing to the differ-
ence between the form of government in the United States and the
form of government as exists in other countries, particularly compar-
ing it with old Czarist Russia.
Something most people don't realize is the extent of the oppression
which existed under the old Czar. And it was only natural that people
who sought to accomplish a change, after finding that no amount of
effort could bring about a rational or reasonable change, finally came to
the conclusion the only thing they could do was to eliminate the Czar-
ist regime. That was an autocracy.
Now the question theoretically arises : Does such a situation obtain in
the United States? Or is it possible for the people, by legitimate
political organization, to bring about the changes that they consider to
to be desirable ?
There was a great dispute raging in the ranks of the Communist
Party over that question.
COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 279
Mr. Jay Lovestone fell by the ax over it. He taught that America
was an exceptional situation and that exceptional tactics had to be
used in the United States. Because of that he suffered expulsion.
Mr. Velde. Do you happen to know Jay Lovestone ?
Mr. Dennett. I did not know him. I have read some of his works.
Not very much ; only what the party said he said.
Mr. Velde. Of course, Mr. Dennett, you realize that we have had,
I think about 100 convictions under the Smith Act whereby various
Communist Party leaders were convicted of advocating communism.
Mr. Dennett. I didn't know how many.
Mr .Velde. It may be less or more than that.
Do you know, Mr. Tavenner ?
Mr. Tavenner. 86 or 87, according to my recollection.
Mr. Velde. And, of course, those trials were held under our Amer-
ican system of jurisprudence.
I am inclined to agree with all the juries involved and all the judges
involved that the Communist Party here in the United States of Amer-
ica did advocate the overthrow of our form of government by force
and violence, if necessary. I don't want to appear to be arguing
with you.
Mr. Dennett. I appreciate the opportunity to discuss this question
with you because I think any general rule is a dangerous thing to
lay down. I think that it has to be on the merits of each individual
case. That is my own feeling. And I think that that is consistent
with our American tradition of jurisprudence, too.
Mr. Velde. I certainly agree with you on that.
Mr. Dennett. I have a feeling that it is unwise to make sweeping,
uniform applications of the rule. I think they have to be judged
on the merits of each particular case. I think that is one of the
things that we must fight with all our might and main to preserve.
Mr. Tavenner. Did you state, with respect to Jay Lovestone, that
you thought his group insisted on viewing the aspects of this problem
under special circumstances?
Mr. Dennett. It was known as the theory of exceptionalism.
Mr. Tavenner. Will you state very briefly what the theory of excep-
tionalism is ?
Mr. Dennett. The Communist Party taught that the theory and
tactics which Lenin taught were universally applicable, that they
applied to all countries, they applied to all situations.
Lovestone said, "Yes; except in the United States. Here we have
got to do something different."
Mr. Tavenner. I was discussing with you the purposes of the Com-
munist Party in infiltrating the unemployment councils which you
have described. I handed you, just a few moments ago, a document
which was one of those you turned over to the staff. That document
discusses the importance of Communist Party cell organizations. I
believe it discusses it in very much the same way that you have.
Mr. Dennett. I think that is where I learned it.
Mr. Tavenner. What was the source of that document?
Mr. Denneti\ Well, the title of it is : "How the Connnunist Inter-
national Formulates at Present the Problem of Organization." And
the title or the subject was written by a person by the name of B.
Vassiliev. He was a high official in the Comintern and was respon-
280 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA
sible for one of the committees in the executive committee of the
Communist International. I do not recall much else about him. And
this document doesn't establish much more. But I believe that the
document originally came into my possession while I was an agitprop
director, and it was in a mimeographed form. It came from the central
committee.
Mr. Tavenner. Of the Communist Party ?
Mr. Dennett. Of the Communist Party.
It was sending forth to the districts direct information as to the
policy which liad been laid down by the executive committee of the
Communist International, and it was detailed information because
many people had been complaining that nowhere was there anything
in a detailed form describing organizational methods and practices.
Vassiliev came forth with a document which outlines it, spells it
out in every detail. It spells out how to work under illegal condi-
tions, it spells out how to work under legal conditions. It also spells
out how to combine legal and illegal work.
This, by the way, for those who have been in the Army, you can
readily recognize a similarity of military training with party organi-
zation because there is the method of the emphasis upon maintaining
communication lines between various parts of the organization at all
times, the necessity of having secondary lines of communication in case
the primary lines are destroyed. And there is also the question of
use of passwords. It is all described. The description of how to use
code is also contained here. And I think that some people attach more
significance to it than I do for the reason that I saw military organiza-
tion practice virtually the same things.
Of course, that brings up a subject which may be unpleasant to re-
flect upon, and I suspect that the average member of the Communist
Party is quite unaware of the similarity of his position as a member of
the Communist Party to that of a person who is a member of the
Armed Forces. He is under discipline. His directions come from
above. He has to obey or suffer the consequences.
Mr. Tavenner. Mr. Chairman, this is a very unusual document. I
wish the committee had time right now to go into every phase of Com-
munist Party organization that is referred to in it.
I think all that we can do now is to offer it as an exhibit and have
it made a part of the record with the view of giving it more detailed
study later. So I offer it in evidence and ask that it be marked "Den-
nett Exhibit No. 1," and that it be incorporated in the transcript of the
record.
Mr. Moulder. The exhibit offered in evidence, marked "Dennett
Exhibit No. 1" for identification, will be admitted as a part of the
record.
Dennett Exhibit No. 1
How THE Communist Inteknational Formulates at Peesent the Problem of
Obganization
(By B. Vassiliev)
The Enlarged Presidium of the E. C. C. I. (February 1030), summing up the
international situation, called upon all Communist Parties to fundamentally
ehanse the methods and pace of their work by concentrating their chief atten-
tion on the problems of the preparation and the carrying out of mass REVOLU-
TIONARY ACTIONS OF THE PROLETARIAT— strikes, demonstrations, etc.,
while at the same time continuing as far as possible to promote their agitational
COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 281
and propaganda work. Consequently, in the present conditions, the Party appara-
tus, in response to the demands which the direction of the Comintern puts forward,
should in the first place be fitted for the organization of demonstrations, strikes
and other mass actions of the proletariat. Party leaders who are not capable
of organizing demonstrations and strikes do not answer to the demands which
the circumstances of the class struggle are now placing before the Communist
Parties, and therefore should be replaced by others who have shown these
qualities in the course of the class battles of the most recent period.
Why did the Enlarged Presidium put the question in this way? The political
resolution of the Enlarged Presidium states that the growing new economic crisis
is hastening the process of upsetting capitalist stabilization (it has already led
to the beginning of the collapse of capitalist stabilization) and the growth
of class contradictions, thus accelerating the rise of a new revolutionary wave.
The resolution further states that the working class movement in the period
since the 10th Plenum of the E. C. C. I. had been raised to a higher stage. The
revolutionary activity of the proletarian masses has grown stronger, the fighting
capabilities of the Communist Parties have been heightened. The whole
position of the class struggle has placed before the Communist Parties and the
Communist International as a whole, a number of new fighting tasks. In the
process of the growth of a new revolutionary upsurge there are present already
in certain capitalist countries elements of a gathering political crisis and of a
revolutionary situation, as for example, in Poland, Italy, Spain, partly in Ru-
mania, in Yugoslavia, and in Greece. A deep political crisis is present in China
and India, being the starting point of a revolutionary situation. In Germany
the process of the radicalization of the masses of the working class is proceeding
at a swift pace. In France, another country of powerful capitalism, the number
of strikers grew from 222,000 in 1928 to 431,000 in 1929, whilst these strikes
assumed a more and more clearly expressed political character and were char-
acterized by the growing tenacity of the workers. In England, in spite of
extraordinary diflScult conditions for the growth of a revolutionary movement,
in spite of the extraordinary weakness of the Commvmist Party (on the 1st
January 1930, 2,800 Party members and 120 members in the Y. C. L. ) , the number
of strikers in 1929 compared with 1928 grew from 124,000 to 534,000 comprising
the most important sections of industry, such as mining and textiles.
At the same time, the gigantic successes of socialist construction in the
U. S. S. R. are sharpening in the most extreme way the contradictions between
U. S. S. R. and the entire capitalist world and are forcing the leaders of
the capitalist world to strengthen and hasten to the highest degree their military
preparations of a new armed attack on the U. S. S. R. The 10th Plenum of the
B. C. C. I. showed that the danger of new Imperialist wars and of new
attacks of the imperialists on the U. S. S. R. never was so imminent from the
time of the imperialist war of 1914-18 as it was at the moment of the 10th'
Plenum. By March 1930 that danger had increased still more.
In these conditions of growing economic crisis and heightened threat of war
against the U. S. S. R. all measures will l)e taken by the ruling classes of the
capitalist countries to guarantee their rear before declaring war, that, is, every-
thing will be done by them to weaken, disorganize and, as far as possible, liqui-
date completely all revolutionary proletarian organizations, and in the first place
the Communist Parties.
Moreover, the elections themselves in illegal Parties must, as a rule, take place
in such a way that even the members of the conference do not know who is elected
on to the Party Committee. At the present time two methods of electing leading
organs in illegal Parties are practised. The first method. The Party Conference
elects a special commission for counting the votes cast for candidatesfor members
of the Party Committee. Then the candidates are named and the election of the
Party Committee proceeds by secret vote. The commission checks the results of
the voting, whilst it does not report to the conference as to the personnel elected.
Another method of election. The conference elects a narrow commission in which
a representative of the higher Party Committee takes part and this narrow com-
mittee elects the new Party Committee. In strictly illegal Parties, as for ex-
ample, the Italiana Communist Party, the latter method of election is the only
one which more or less guarantees strict conspirative conditions.
Self-critici.sm of the mistakes of the Party direction in illegal Parties must
also be organized through narrow conferences and must take place in such a way
that the names of the Party leaders and the functioning of the Party apparatus,
do not lose their conspirative character.
282 COMArUNIST activities in the SEATTLE, WASH., AREA
15. QUESTIONS OF COMMUNICATIONS
The most important element of successful working of ttie Party Committee —
the one on which during the checking of its work the most serious attention must
be concentrated — is the question of connections of the Party Committee with the
higher and lower Party organizations, especially with the factory cells and the
fractions of the mass non-Party organizations. This question now has a decisive
importance, especially in the legal and semi-legal Communist Parties. The illegal
Communist Parties have already worked out a whole number of measures and
methods in order to keep their communications with the lower organizations and
with separate members of the Party, in spite of the severest police repression.
But with the legal and semi-legal Parties there is bad work all the time along
this line. In Austria during the last Fascist rising, the C. C. lost connection with
the Vienna Committee, and the Vienna Committee lost connection with the enter-
prises. In Paris on the 6th ^March 19.30, the C. C. lost connection with the Paris
organization for six days. Such a state of affairs is absolutely impossible and
the most important task of each of our Party organizers, of every instructor going
to the locals to check the work of the Party Committee is above all to check
how the connections between the Party Committee and other Party organizations
are organized, and especially these with the lower Party organizations, and the
factory cells. It is iierfectly clear that the Communist Parties will not be in a
iwsition to organize any mass actions of the Proletariat or mass strikes, or mass
street demonstrations, if the Party Committees at sharp moments of struggle
lose connection with the factory cells and mass non-Party organizations.
Which are the most important methods of communication it is essential to
foresee? It is essentially important to have a well-laid out live communication.
Live communication is kept going by the help of the system of so-called appearing
or reporting places. What is a reporting point. A reporting point is this : the
Pary Committee establishes special addresses of Hats or other places where on
certain days and at certain times representatives of the cells and fractions of the
mass organizations must appear. There also representatives of the Party Com-
mittees api>ear. The representative of the cells and fractions makes reports on
what has happened in the factory, what the cell has done, what it proposes to do
and so on. and the representatives of the Party Committee, having received the
report, advises the cell how it should act, passes on to it the directions of the
higher Party organs and so on. This system of appearing places must without
fail be established in all Parties without exception, legal and illegal whilst in the
legal Parties a double system of reporting places must without fail be estab-
lished—a system of legal and illegal appearing points. Legal reiwrting places
in the legal premises at the Party Committee and illegal appearing places in case
the legal premises of the Party Committee are closed, or a police ambush is sitting
there, in order quickly to re-establish ccmnection with the lower Party cell in
another way through the illegal reporting place. For the latter, appearing
points should therefore be prepared beforehand. In Germany, in Belgium, in
France, Party meetings in cafes were at one time very widespread. This is a very
bad habit because there are always spies in cafes in countless numbers and it
is difficult to get rid of them. It is necessary to go over more quickly to the
establishment of appearing places in safer localities. If the Party has already
more or less seriously and fundamentally gone over to underground positions, and
the shadowing of leading active Party members has begun, and Party members
are being arrested in the streets, then it is very important that special signals
should be established for the appearing flats, showing; in the first place, the
safety of the flat, second, showing that exactly those people have come who were
exi>ected and that these couu-ades who have come ai-e talking with exactly those
comrades whom the observer is coming to see. In order to show that the report-
ing places are in working order, in Russian conditions, for example, a fliowerpot
was placed in the window, the comrade came, saw that the flowers are there,
knew that it is safe, and entered. It is necessary to say that these reception
.signals were very quickly learned by the police and that they therefore, when
visiting any flat, carefully searched for signals before fixing an ambush. If
they saw that flowers are in the window and the person whom they have come
to arrest has tried by all means possible to take these flowers away, the police
insisted on putting them back in the place where they were. So, when arrang-
ing safety signals for reporting places, it is necessary to arrange them in such a
way that they don't strike the eyes of the police and that they can be taken away
without being noticed by the police.
COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 283
For verifying ttiose who come to the reporting places, a system of passwords
is established. The comrade comes to the reporting place, and he says some
agreed-npon sentence. They answer to that agreed-on sentence .by some other
agreed-on sentence. So both comrades check each other. In Russian imder-
ground conditions very complicated passwords were sometimes used in the central
appearing places. This was called forth by the circumstances that different
workers passed through such reporting places ; rank and file workers from the
cells, district and Central Party workers. Accordingly, one password was fixed
for the rank and file worker, a more complicated one for the district worker and
still more complicated one for the central worker. Why was this necessary? It
was necessary for conspirative reasons, since only certain things could be said to
the rank and file worker while perhaps other things could be said to the district
worker, whilst you could speak with full frankness about the whole work of
the illegal organization to the representative of the Centi'al Committee. There-
fore, passwords were, as they used to say at that time of "three degrees of trust."
This was done in this way. The first degree of trust : a comrade comes and says
an agreed-uiX)n sentence and is replied to by an agreed-upon sentence. The
second stage; the comrade who has come in reply to the agreed-upon sentence
spoken to him, says another agreed-upon sentence, in reply to which yet another
agreed-upon sentence is spoken to him. The third stage of trust : to the second
agreed-uiwn sentence the comrade replies by a third agreed-upon sentence. Then
the keeper of the appearing place also replies to the third agreed-upon sentence.
Besides flats for reporting points, connecting link flats are also needed for com-
munication by letter, and these flats must in no case coincide. And finally, there
must be fl'ats for the sheltering of illegal comrades, comrades whom the police are
looking for ; comrades who have escaped from prison, etc., etc. For all our legal
Communist Parties the question of addresses and flats now plays a role of the
first importance. Last year, on the eve of the 1st August, when it was clear
that the leading workers would be arrested in a number of countries, comrades
did not know where to go, there were no flats. In any case, when it was necessary
to shelter comrades hiding from the police in Germany, Czechoslovakia and
France very great difiiculties occurred, especially in the provinces. It is essen-
tial for all Parties to occupy themselves now in the most serious way with the
solution of the "housing" problem.
Concerning communications by letter. It is also necessary to give the most
serious attention to the problem of the organization of letter communications.
In checking the work of the Party Committee it is necessary to consider this
question specially : Does the Party Committee have addresses for communicating
by letter with the higher and lower Party organizations, and how are these
communications put into practice? Now, even for the legal Parties, the firmest
rule must be established that all correspondence concerning the functioning of
the Party apparatus, must without fail go by special routes guaranteeing letters
from being copied in the post. All kinds of general circulars, general informa-
tion reports on the condition of the Party in legal parties can go through
the ordinary post to legal Party addresses, but everything concerning the func-
tioning of the Party Committee even in legal Parties, must now without fail go
by special routes. In the first place, the use of special couriers must be foreseen,
who will personally carry letters, not trusting these letters to the State post.
Here the Parties must make use of the connections which they have with post
and telegraph and railway servants, connections with all kinds of commercial
travellers for trading firms and so on. All these connections must be used in
order that without extra expense responsible Party documents can be trans-
ported. Further, every Party should take care that every letter, apart from
whether it goes through the State post or by courier should be written in such
a way that in case it falls into the hands of the police it should not give the
police a basis for any kind of ai'rest or repression against the Party organization.
This makes the following three requisites. The first requisite : the letter must
be in code, i. e., all aspects of illegal work are referred to by some special phrase
or other. For example, the illegal printing press is called "aunti" ; "type"
is called "sugar" and so on. A comrade writes : "auntie asks you without fail
to send her 20-lbs. of sugar;" that will mean that the press is in need of 20-lbs.
of type or a comrade writes; "we are experiencing great difficulty in finding
a suitable flat for our aunt." That means that it is a question of finding a flat
for the illegal printing press.
Second requisite; besides a code, as above, ciphers are used, illegal parts of
letters being put not only into code but also into cipher. There are many dif-
ferent systems of cipher. The simplest and at the same time most reliable system
284 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA
of cipher is the system of cipher by the help of a book. Some book or other is
agreed upon beforehand and then the cipher is made in this way : simple fractions
or decimals are ciphered. The first figure of the first fraction shows the page
of the book. Then further comes the actual cipher. For the numerator of the
fraction we must take a line counting from above or below ; for the denominator
that counting from the left or from the right which it is necessary to put into
cipher. For example, we need to put into cipher the letter "A". We look in the
book and we see that this letter is in the third line from the top, the fourth letter
from the left to the right. Then we cipher 3 over 4 ( % ) , that is the third line
from the top, fourth letter from left to right. You can agree also on this method ;
for example, counting the line not from above but from below, then the 3 will
not be the third line from above but the third line from below. You can agree
to count the letter in the line not from left to right but from right to left.
Finally, for greater complexity in order to keep the sense from the police, you
can also add to the fraction some figure or other. Let us say the numerator is
increased by 3 and the denominator by 4. In this case in order to decipher, it
will be necessary first to subtract in the numerator and denominator of every
fraction. A whole number of similar complications can be thought out in order
to complicate the cipher. The advantage of such a cipher is that it is not only
very simple but also that each letter can be designated by a great number of
different signs and in such a way that the cipher designation of the letters
are not repeated. The book cipher can be used without a book. In place of
a book some poem or other can be chosen, learned by heart and the ciphering
done according to it. When it is necessary to cipher or decipher, the poem must
be written out in verses and then the ciphering or deciphering done and the
poem destroyed.
The third requisite which is also recommended should be observed in cor-
respondence, is writing in chemical inks, that is, with such inks that it is
impossible to read them with special adaptations. If a secret Party letter falls
into the hands of the police written in invisible ink they must first of all guess
that it is written in invisible ink ; the open text of such letters must be made
perfectly blameless, for example, a son is writing to his mother that he is alive
and well and of the good things he wishes her. Not a word about revolution.
The police must guess first of all that under this apparent innocent text there
is a hidden text. Having discovered this secret the police tumble against the
cipher. If they succeed in deciphering the cipher, they stumble up against a
code and they have still to decipher that code. But all this takes time in the
course of which the police can do nothing. If the police succeed in reading it in
the course of two or three weeks, then by that time the Party organization has
been able to cover up all the consequences of the question which was written
about in the letter.
What kind of invisible ink should be used? Invisible inks exist in a very great
number. They can be bought in any chemist's shop. Finally, comrades must
use the latest inventions of chemistry in this direction. The simplest invisible
ink which can be i-ecommended and which can be found everywhere, is, for
example, onion juice and pure water.
1 6. PLAN OF WORK OF THE PARTY COMMITTEE
Every Party Committee must have a definite plan of work for the period
immediately ahead. In the conditions of the capitalist countries Party Com-
mittees cannot work out the same complicated calendar plans as the Party organi-
zations of the C. P. S. U. The C. P. S. U. is a Party in power, the plans of the
C. P. S. U. regulate the whole social and political life of the country. In capitalist
countries the Communist Parties are the parties of an oppressed class. The bour-
geoisie in power uses the whole apparatus of the State power and the full help
of the Social-Fascist and other reactionary organizations in order to smash the
plans of the Communist Parties. In these conditions the committees of the Com-
munist Parties must systematically reconsider and reconstruct the plans of their
work ; accordingly, these plans must be bery pliable. But plans there must be,
without fail. Every Party Committee must have an approximate plan of its
work for the period immediately ahead and must group the forces of the Party
organization according to that plan, fit the forms of the Party structure to it
and also the methods of Party work. The essence of the plan of work of the
Party Committee is the adequate catering for the needs of the masses in the
largest enterprises, playing a more important role in the territory of the given
Party organization. The structure of the local Party organization must be such
COJVIMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 285
that the organizations can above all serve these big enterprises. That is to say,
that in the first place the Party Committee must interest itself in questions of
the work of the factory cells at these big enterprises, must help in the worlj of
these factors cells, seeking to attain that these Party cells should become
really strong political and organizational organs of the Party, that they should
be in practice connecting organs between the Party and the masses of workers
at these enterprises. This idea can best of all be made clear by a concrete
example, say as follows : in a town there are two or three big enterprises ;
railway workshops, a metal factory, a textile factory. Besides these three big
enterprises there are two or three dozen small enterprises, and in addition
scattered Party members, individual workers, artisans, representatives of the
so-called liberal professions, — lawyers, writers, a doctor and so on, as well as
a few students. The Party Committee of this town should interest itself above
all in what is happening in the big enterprises — in the railway workshops, in
the metal factory and the textile factory, how the factory cells are working there
and in the first place help the factory cells of these enterprises by all and
every means possible, concentrating all their attention and all their forces on
this task. In the lawyer's office and the doctor's surgery there are no masses
which the Party must win over and organize for revolutionary struggle. It is
another matter with the big enterprises. Therefore the central question in the
work of every Party Committee is the question of systematically coming to the
assistance of the factory cells in the big enterprises. A Party Committee which
cannot provide serious daily help to such factory cells, a Party Committee
which cannot organize factory cells capable of working in the enterprises, is
a bad Party Committee and the leading organs of the Party and the mass of
Party members should hasten to draw from this state of affairs the necessary
conclusions and as quickly as possible make a change so far as such a Party
Committee is concerned.
17. MOBILIZATION OF THE FORCES OF FACTORY CELLS
We must bear in mind with regard to the internal organization of the work of
factory cells that in all countries some members of the Party working in the
enterprises, do not wish to be members of factory cells and do not wish to carry
on Party work in the factory. For example, in the documents of the Central
Committee of the Czechoslovakian Party on the preparation for the campaign for
the 6th March 1930 there is information from all districts that when practical
questions of the preparation for the demonstration for the 6th March were put
before the meetings of factory cells, in many factory cells voices were raised to
the effect that it was impossible to do any work in the factory, and at a place
called Laza in Moravia, one responsible worker of a factory cell even put the
question in this way : "If the Party will guarantee material help after I have
been thrown out of the factory for taking part in the demonstration, but if the
Party cannot guarantee my family and myself then I will not carry on Party
work in the factory." Such moods among Communists working in the factory
are to be observed on all sides. There are Party members who agree to pay
membership dues, agree to come to a meeting once every fortnight or once a
month, in order to hear a report on the world proletarian revolution, and vote
for the platform of the Comintern against the liquidators, the Trotskyists and
all other renegades, but are not willing to carry on recruiting work among the
workers of their enterprise, do not wish to prepare strikes in their own enter-
prises, do not wish to call out the workers of their enterprises to demonstrations,
and so on. Every Party Committee has to fight with such Party members in
their enterprises. What should we do with them? The most important task
of the Party committee consists in organizing all Party members working in
enterprises into factory cells and drawing them into the day to day work of the
factory. With regard to Party members who do not wish to take part in the
work of factory cells, the most attentive and stubborn explanatory work must
be carried out. But if somebody or other all the same, categorically refuses to
work in a factory cell, that comrade must be told that nobody is keeping him
in the party. (The Communist Party is a vountary organization, but every
worker who voluntarily joins the ranks of the Communist Party accepts iron
party discipline. If that discipline seems very hard to liim, even unbearable,
then the Party should not shut its doors upon him.) In this regard we must
bear in mind that Party members who do not wish to work in factory cells are
not necessarily traitors to the working class. In some organizations Party
workers, proletarians, who have refused to carry out difficult tasks in their enter-
286 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA
prises, have been cleaned out of the Party as alien elements. There are alien
elements in the ranks of the Communist Party, including direct provocators,
agents of the police and the employers, who specially creep into the Party for
the purpose of carrying on disruptive work in the ranks of the Party. The Party
must strictly observe each one of its members, verify in the most careful way
every suspicious Party member, and if it is established that he is an alien element
and even more a provocative agent, then of course, there is absolutely no reason
to beat about the bush with him. But in the ranks of the Communist Parties
there are a large number of proletarians who sincerely sympathize with Com-
munism but who at the same time are not strong enough to fultill all the demands
of Communist discipline. With regard to such proletarians, if they are not
capable of being members of the Communist Party there is no need to keep them
in the Communist Party, but at the same time there is no need to throw them
out of the Party like a dirty rag; they must be organized round the Party as
sympathizers as members of non-Party mass organizations, in the Red Trade
Unions, in the I. L. D., the W. I. R. and so on. In these organizations no such
discipline is demanded as in the ranks of the Communist Party and they can
work here in a suitable manner. At the present stage of development of the
Communist movement, when the Communist Parties are ceasing to be organiza-
tions for propaganda and agitation of the Communist idea, and are turning into
lighting organizations, preparing and leading revolutionary actions of the prole-
tarian masses against the organized forces of the employers, police, State and
Social-Fascists, some members of the Party are showing themselves incapable
of fulfilling the new fighting tasks of the Communist Party. But without doubt
such Party members can be useful to the Party as sympathetic elements, and
even as leading active elements in different mass organizations, as for example,
in the ILD, Tenants' Organizations, W. I. R., and so on. Factory cells must be
composed of proletarians who are really the advance guard of the workers of a
given enterprise, devoted to the cause of Communism, ready to carry out the
directions of the Party, grudging neither health nor strength, nor life, not being
afraid if Party interests demand it to carry out such work in the enterprise as
may cause the employer to throw them out of the factory, perhaps the police to
arrest them, and the courts to condemn them to heavy punishment. In fact,
only factory cells composed of such proletarians can do great revolutionary
work even though they be very small. In one of the mining districts of Czecho-
slovakia in 1930 there was such a case. The Social-Democrats organized a meet-
ing of miners. Only one Communist took part in the meeting. Different ques-
tions which the Social Democrats brought forward were considered. After a
discussion in which the Party member present at the meeting took the most active
part, the meeting decided to join up in the Red Trade Union. The Czechoslo-
vakian comrades will remember another case which took place in 19.S0 in Prague.
When the famous social traitor Vandervelde came there, the Social-Democrats
organized a big meeting at which about 30 active Party members were present.
Vandervelde delivered a long speech pouring dirty water on the Communist In-
ternational, the U. S. S. R., and the Czechoslovakian Communist Party, neverthe-
less, not one of the 30 Party members present at the meeting and there were
members of the C. C. amongst them, opened his mouth in protest against the
counter-revolutionary speech of the Social-Fascist leader. It is perfectly clear
that with activists like the "activists" of the Prague organization, who were
present at Vandervelde's meeting, the Czechoslovakian proletariat will not win
power but the Communist Party will be a shameful laughing stock in the eyes
of the proletariat and the proletariat, quite rightly, will not listen to such
"activists" and will not support Party organizations which keep such "activists"
in leading Party work.
18. STEEET CELLS
The organization of a factory cell in a big enterprise in the present conditions
is a very diflScult affair, demanding very long and stubborn work by the Party
members, both those working in the enterprise as Avell as those who are em-
ployed elsewhere. It is the business of the Party Committee to secure the essen-
tial co-ordination of the work of the Communists who are working in.side the
enterprise, with that of the Communists who are outside the boundaries of the
enterprise. And here a very important question presents itself with regard to
the form of organization of Party members who are not workers in enterprises ;
artisans, housewives, etc. According to the decisions of the International Or-
ganizational Consultations, and according to the constitution of the Communist
Parties, such Party members are organized in street cells. But how should these
street cells be organized? The practice of the Parties of the different countries
COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 287
shows that the street cells are often organized without any plan. Street cells
are organized according to place of residence, those Party members who live in
the territory of a definite district or around some street or other, being brought
into the street cells. But what should these street cells do? The practice of
street cells in many countries shows that as a rule they meet from time to time,
discuss various general questions, but do not carry on any practical day to day
work. Street cells as a rule come to life only during big campaigns at the time
of various elections, etc., when they are called upon to distribute leaflets, collect
signatures, canvass flats, etc.
In future Party Committees must see to it that street cells are constructed so
that in their day to day work they should help the Party Committee to strengthen
its connection with the workers in big enterprises, strengthen the work of fac-
tory cells and so on. This should be the fundamental practical rule for the
organization and work of street cells. At the same time it must be firmly borne
in mind that along with the development of the class struggle Party Committees
must not fail to carry out changes in the composition and structure of the street
cells which may become necessary, make a re-grouping of the forces of the
members of street cells, in order at a given moment to have a concentration of
forces on the most important sectors of the front of the class struggle. For
example, if some unrest should arise in a textile factory, the Party Committee
must at once consider the possibility of developing that unrest into a strike
inside the factory. But a strike can only be organized provided good prepara-
tory work has been carried out. Who must carry it out? In the first place
Party members and sympathizers working in the textile factory, but on the other
hand, the Party Committee must organize the maximum assistance for these
comrades, drawing on Party members working in other factories, and also mem-
bers of street cells. There can be all kinds of combinations here. For exam-
ple, it might be advisable and practicable that a Party member working as a
fitter in a metal factory, a member of the factory cell of the metal factory should
apply for a job in the textile factory where a fitter may be needed. Everything
must be done in order by such means to strengthen the cell of the textile factory
from within. Further, let us suppose that near the textile factory a street cell
is working and that in this street cell there are, let us say, five more or less
weak comrades living in the district. It is essential to strengthen this street
cell by including in it a number of other comrades who live nearby, or even at
the other end of the town, in order with the help of this street cell to strengthen
the agitation among the workers of the textile factory on their way to and from
w'ork, to strengthen through this street cell the distribution among the workers
of a textile factory paper, leaflets, and other literature which may be issued by
the Party with the aim of preparing and organizing a strike, in this textile fac-
tory. Let us suppose that after the strike is finished a movement begins
in another factory; the Party Committee must at once regroup its forces
in order to concentrate them again on another fighting sector of the Party
work. And so all the time. It is impossible to regard the Party structure or
any local organization as something un.shakably firm and not liable to undergo
changes. The Party Committee must systematically check the distribution of
members between different celLs, check the expediency of the organization of
the cell, carry out regrouping of the members of the cell in order in each sep-
arate case and at each concrete moment, to concentrate the best forces of the
Party round the most important sectors of the front of the class struggle. In
this lies the fundamental art of the Party organizer. His general task consists
in seeing that every Party member as well as sympathizer should be constantly
drawn into day to day work, attention being concentrated upon the most impor-
tant sectors of the class struggle.
19. SHOCK GROUPS
The practice of the X. C. L. has recently given rise to the method of so-called
shock groups or brigades. This method of shock brigades could be usefully
carried over into the pi'actice of the Party. The terra "shock brigade" is not
in itself very good. Shock brigades are organized in the factories in the U. S. S.
R., the Communists working in the factories organizing shock groups around
which non-Party workers are gathered. But the Communist Party is the ad-
vance guard of the working class, i. e., it is in itself the shock group of the work-
ing class ; to create within this shock advance guard of the working class yet
other shock brigades is of course at bottom not correct. But this is what IS cor-
rect. In the Party organizations of capitalist countries, numbers of Party mem-
bers are not drawn into the everyday work. Every Party member belongs to a
288 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA
cell, which meets once a fortnight or once a month, and in between these meet-
ings Party members do not perform much Party work, in many cases, in fact,
have no Party tasks at all. This happens because in the given cells at the
given time, there is not much internal work, while other sectors of Party work
may at the same moment have important militant tasks before them. It is for
the Party Committee to keep on combining Party members into different groups
for the concentration of forces upon the most imiwrtant sectors. Having per-
formed a given task such groups or brigades are broken up or reconstructed into
other groups for taking up new work. The general aim in creating such groups
should be the strengthening of Party work in the big enterprises of the most
important sections of industry. Here, on this problem the full attention of the
leading Party organs must be sharply directed in the near future.
2 0. WORK OF THE FACTORY CELLS IN THE ENTERPRISES
When we approach the study of the work of the factory cells in capitalist
countries we are often struck by the great passivity of the members of the cell.
A further examination of the reasons for this passivity will reveal, as a rule, a
complete ig-norance on the part of the Party members as to what they should do
in the factory in their everyday work. The task of the Party organizer, his
most important task, consists in teaching every Party meml>er working in the
factory what he should do every day. Every Party member working in the fac-
tory should begin with workshop in which he is working, organizing the Party
work there. He should first of all find out who his fellow workers in the shop are.
Tliat is his first Party duty. He should establish who is the Fascist agent in
order to know whom to avoid, and in his presence not talk about Party affairs
or carry on Communist agitation ; next he should find out which workers are
so narrow-minded that they are not interested in politics at all, either Commu-
nist or Social-Democratic : he should know which of his neiglibors in the shop
is a member of the Social Democratic Party, but still an honest proletarian,
capable of fighting for the interests of the working class even though against
his Party leaders. Finally, what is specially important, every member of a
factory cell should know wliich of his neighbors at the bench is revolutionary
minded even though non-Party, and ready to take or has already taken, active
part in strikes and revolutionary demonstrations. When a Party member work-
ing in a workshop has a clear picture of what each worker there represents,
it will be much easier for him to carry on his everyday work. He will then
know whom he is to avoid, whom he will have to fight, with whom to become
acquainted and establish closer relations with the aim of bringing them into
active revolutionary work. As to the latter, he must have systematic chats
witli them in the intervals of work, preferably during working hours, also on
the way to and from work, or arrange special walks with them in the town on
holidays ; he must patiently, unceasingly, from day to day, using every hour,
every minute, agitate them into the spirit of Communism, of course not in a
general abstract way, but on questions of everyday struggle in the given enter-
prise and in the given workshop, organizing them around liimself and thus
creating a revolutionary kernel in the shop, and in consequence a workshop
factory cell. Next, the most important everyday task of the comrade in the
workshop is to carry on discussions with the Social-Democratic workers, win-
ning over the Social-Democratic workers to his side, bringing the more revolu-
tionary minded of them and members of reformist trade unions into every kind
of action against the employer, against the Social-Democratic and reformist
leaders. His third task should consist of getting the Fascist agents, police spies,
etc., driven out of the shop and factory. This last task is forgotten most
often of all. However, it is evident that so long as there are among the workers
in the shop police agents who are following every movement of the revolutionary
minded Avorkers, and informing the boss about their actions every day, it will
be very difficult to organize work in that shop. P>ut if by pressure of the
workers he should succeed in ridding the shop of these agents, Party work will
be greatly facilitated. Among those who should be thrown out it will now be
necessary to include individual Social-Democrats who show themselves Fascist
police ag'ents, but the general line in relation to Social-Demnpratic workers must
remain, i. e., they must be drawn into the general class channel of the revolu-
tionary struggle of the proletariat by means of the organization of the united
front from below.
Thus the foundation of the factory cell must definitely be the workshop of
dept. cell. The general factory cell can work well only when it has strong support
points in the workshops and separate departments.
COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 289
21. THE SHOP CELL
The most important task of the shop cell is to concentrate the non-Parcy active
workers in the shop compactly around itself. To organize the shop, the dept. —
this is the task of the shop cell, so that every shop of a factory may act as an
organized force. How can this be done? It can be done only provided the shop
cell works on the foundation of the defense of the everyday interests o* the
working class, that every Communist in every shop organizes the mass of the
workers of that shop around every question of everyday struggle of the working
class. For example, there is a foreman in the shop who behaves very roughly to
the workers. The cell must organize the whole mass of the workers around the
demand that this foreman should be dismissed. The cell should create a com-
mittee of action, organize elections of shop stewards who should be delegate-
representatives of all the workers in the shop, in order to effect the driving out of
the foreman. Active Communists among these shop stewards should form the
leading core, but non-Party workers who are respected by the mass of the
workers, should also be drawn in, including even individual Social-Democratic
workers who have declared their readiness to fight for the removal of this fore-
man, in spite of all orders and threats from their leaders. If the shop cells
succeeds in creating such a directing center around concrete tasks affecting the
interests of all the workers of the factory, then we can say that this shop cell
has worked well : it has become the revolutionary leader of the workers of a given
shop. A cell which is every day closely bound up with the working masses on
questions of the defense of their closest interests and which enjoys the full confi-
dence of the workers in the cause of the defense of their interest, will retain that
confidence in the future, in more responsible actions and at most responsible
moments of the struggle for power.
The question of the creation of such support points for revolutionary class
struggle in the shops and also on a general factory scale in the most important
question in the work of our factory cells. In the first place the question of the
so-called revolutionary shop stewards is bound up with this. This slogan was
issued by the Communist Party of Germany in 1929. At present it is extremely
real for all capitalist countries. Revolutionary shop stewards — that means those
workers elected by the revolutionary section of the workers of the factory at
their workshop of general factory meetings, who are the oi'ganizers of the united
front from below in the struggle for the defense of the closest interests of the
workers of the given factory against the attacks of the employers and against the
leaders of the Social Democratic and reformist trade unions.
So the factory cell can only become a strong Party organization capable of
acting efficiently, and connected with the masses, when it operated on the basis of
strong shop cells. Therefore the strong shop cell is the most important organi-
zational guarantee for the good working of the general factory cell. The shop
cell in its turn will only work well when it is able to organize the whole mass of
the workers of its shop around the issues of the class struggle, which are near to
and understood by all the workers of the shop, including non-Party workers and
members of the reformist unions and members of the Social-Democratic Party.
Shop cells should carry on their mass work within the shop on the basis of the
tactic of the united front from below through revolutionary shop stewards. Rev-
olutionary shop stewards in their turn must include among their number the most
active Communists, members of the shop cells, but in addition individual revo-
lutionai"y-nainded Social-Democratic workers and non-Party advanced workers
must be drawn into this work who are ready not to listen to their leaders in the
struggle against the employers and their agents. When the shop cell succeeds
in creating the institution of revolutionary shop stewai'ds leading their everyday
straggle, then no police can drive the Party organization from the factoi*y, then,
in order to drive the Party organization out of the factory it will be necessary to
shut the factory down, to dismiss all the workers and recrait a new .staff of
workers.
22. ON WORIC IN THE MASS ORGANIZATIONS
Mass organizations must be divided into two large groups : mass organizations
supporting the Communist parties and other mass organizations fighting the
Communist Parties. To the first category belong the revolutionary trade unions.
ILD, WIR, etc. Organizations of the second kind are in their turn divided into
two groups : I ) formerly non-Party mass organizations like reformist christian
62222— 55— pt. 1-
290 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA
and other reactionary trade unions, sport organizations, etc. and 2) all kinds of
organizations politically hostile to us, such as the Social-Democratic Party,
various Fascist political unions, etc.
In all non-Party mass proletarian organizations, such as trade unions, sport
organizations, tenants' organizations, etc. the Party should form fractions em-
bracing all Communists and sympathizers. There are thousands of decisions
about fractions in mass organizations, but up to now the position in all Parties
with regard to fractions is bad. In the first place fractions are far from being
organized everywhere. In the second place, organized fractions in the majority
of cases work without the direction of the Party Committee. So, the Party Com-
mittees should before all find out whether fractions exist everywhere, where they
should be established, and in the second place it is essential that Party Commit-
tees should direct the work of the fractions and that the fractions should in the
strictist way carry out all the directions of the corresponding Party Committees.
In the constitution of the Communist Party it is laid down that a fraction has
the right to appeal against the decision of a Party Committee. A Party Commit-
tee is bound to examine the protest of a fraction against its decision in the pres-
ence of a representative of a fraction. The decision of a Party Committee is
binding on a fraction and there is no appeal against it : it should be accepted
without argument and put into the life without delay. At present in practice
directions of the Party Committee are frequently not carried out by fractions.
The task of the Party is to see that every fraction carries out these directions in
the strictest way. With regard to fraction members who avoid carrying out
directions, the most serious explanatory work must essentially be undertaken
and in case of necessity, the strictest Party measures should be taken even up to
expulsion from the Party, for otherwise the Party will be completely unable to
direct the work of a fraction. There may be cases when swift interference of the
Party Committee is called for, while it may be impossible to convene a full meet-
ing of the Party Committee to give out such a new direction. For example, some
trade union Congress or other is being held. Before the congress the fraction
meets, called together by the Party Committee and jointly works out instructions.
But during the Congress questions may come up which have not been foreseen in
the directions of the Party Committee, ^^'hat is to be done? Should the commit-
tee meet immediately? And how can this be arranged, when questions may arise
at any moment which are absolutely unexpected and which must be reacted to at
once? For such cases the Party Committee must nominate a special group of
three comrades or a plenipotentiary representative, who could decide Ib the
name of the Party Committee. At the meeting of the fraction it should be ex-
plained that for the leadership of the work of the fraction the Party Committee
has nominated a group of three comrades consisting of such and such comrades,
or such a plenipotentiary, and that the intervention of these comrades, their
propositions, should be looked upon by all fraction members as oflScial directions
of the Party Committee and carried out without any argument. In this way un-
interrupted guidance of the Party Committee is guaranteed in the work of the
fraction.
Mr. Dennett. I would only say that the existence of a document
of that kind probably was more responsible for Mr. Browder's insist-
ing that the central committee disavow all previous documents which
had been issued prior to, I think, 1938. That one was issued much ear-
lier. This was issued in the period just as the depression was starting.
In fact, the depression had not reached its maximum at the time that
document came out, and it anticipated the depression was coming, and
laid out plans how to take advantage of the depression for revolu-
tionary purposes.
Mr. Ta\t5nner. I notice under section IT of this document a refer-
ence to the voluntary character of the person's membership in the
Communist Party. This reference reads :
The Communist Party is a voluntary organization, but every worker who
voluntarily joins the ranks of the Communist Party accepts iron party discipline.
If that discipline seems very hard to him, even unbearable, then the party should
not shut its doors upon him.
COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE. WASH., AREA 291
Mr. Dennett. At the time I first came into the Communist Party
the most common expression I heard in that connection was that you
couldn't leave the Communist Party voluntarily. And I think that
docmnent intends to convey that impression because individuals who
become members of the Communist Party become privileged to knowl-
edge and information about their associates which, if they leave the
Communist Party, may fall into the hands of persons who are unsym-
pathetic to the Communist Party. And they were fearful that when-
ever anything like that would occur it would hurt the working class.
As a matter of fact, most people in the Communist Party are probably
just blaspheming me up one side and down the other for testifying
here to you on these matters for that very same reason.
It is my own feeling, however, that the average member of the party
is completely unaware of the nature of the discipline. They only
come in contact with surface scratches of it.
Mr. Tavenner. This document also refers to the importance of
establishing cells of the Communist Party among the professions,
such as the doctors and the lawyers ; does it not ?
Mr. Dennett. Yes.
The attitude of the party was simply that it must win the majority
of the working class to support its position. To do so often required
the aid and assistance of prominent people.
Now this is a political tactic which every political group uses. This
is not something peculiar to the Communists, but they used it quite
effectively.
Mr. Tavenner. Mr. Chairman, I tliink that this document warrants
a great deal of study and analysis. It should be analyzed, and the
contents of it put into this record. It would take too long to attempt
to do it through answer-and-question form.
Mr. Dennett. Well, it has roots in the fundamental theory of the
Communist movement, which actually should be pursued when you
have time and leisure to do so. It is not something that lends itself
to this meeting.
Mr. Moulder. It has been admitted as an exhibit, and, by order
of the committee, if it is agreeable with Congressman Velde, consent
will be given to counsel to read such portions as he wishes to read at
this point.
Mr. Velde. May I ask counsel, have we ever had a similar document
to this one ?
Mr. Tavenner. I was so impressed with the contents of this docu-
ment, Mr. Chairman, that I called our Washington office. I received
a reply this morning that there is neither a copy nor a record of this
document in the files of the committee.
I am unable to state without further study whether there is anything
of a similar character. But this document certainly goes into detail.
]t is much plainer in its purposes than anything I have seen on the
subject.
Mr. Moulder. How many pages are there in the document^
Mr. Tavenner. It is 26 pages in lengtli. However, the exhibit
covered page 1 and images 17 through 26.
292 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA
y[i\ ]\IouLDER. How do you refer to that exhibit?
Mr. Tavenner. That is Dennett Exhibit No. 1. It is so marked.
Mr. Moulder. From whom did you receive this document?
Mr. DENNE'n\ I received it when I was district agitprop director
in the district.
Mr. Moulder. And do you know the source of it?
Mr. Dennett. It came through the mail from the central com-
mittee.
Mr. Moulder. The central committee of what?
Mr. Dennett. Of the Communist Party in New York City.
Mr. Moulder. Let me ask you the date you received it. Approxi-
mately in what year ?
Mr. Denneti\ It must have been in about 1932.
Mr. Tavenner. How long w^ere you engaged in the work of an
organizer at Bellingham?
Mr. Dennett. Approximately 1 year. The latter part of 1932
through the early part of 1933.
Mr. Tavenner. Did you have any experience in youth work within
the Communist Party while you were at Bellingham?
Mr. Dennett. Not too much in Bellingham. There was a little
work of the Young Communist League there. They did interest a few-
students at the normal school. There was a normal school in Belling-
ham, and they did organize, I think, a half dozen young people who
became interested in the theoretical work of Marx and Lenin. Most
of those later became members of tlie Communist Party.
Mr. Tavenner. Was there an organization known as Pioneers, or
Young Pioneers, in the Communist Party ?
Mr. Dennett. Yes ; Young Pioneers of America.
Mr. Tavenner. Are you now speaking of that group ?
Mr. Dennett. No. That group I have just referred to was the
Young Communist League, which dealt with a group in the younger
age, but mature people. The Young Pioneers was an effort on the j^art
of the Communist Party to organize a group which would be compar-
able to the Boy Scouts and Girl Scouts.
In the Soviet Union the Young Pioneers occupied that position. It
is a position of support to the Government. It is a position of support
to the Communist Party similarly as the Scouts are here to the
Government and service organizations and patriotic organizations:
occupy a similar position, parallel organization.
Mr. Velde. There is one distinct difference, is there not ?
Mr. Dennett. I can think of several.
Mr. Velde. The Young Pioneer movement is financed by the Soviet
State, and here in America the Boy Scout movement is financed by
good will of the American people.
Mr. Dennett. I don't know too much about how they financ(i it
there. I have an idea that they probably do finance a lot of it through
individual contributions, however, there. I think that there are dues,
membership, and that sort of thing which carries the big part of the
financing. Of course, it receives approval by the Government, and
receives favors.
COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH,, AREA 293
Mr. Tavenner. "Were you called upon in connection with your
Communist Party duties to either organize or supervise the operation
of any of the Young Pioneer groups ?
Mr. Dennett. Yes.
There was one occasion when I was falling in some disfavor in the
eyes of the district leadership, and they wanted to get me out of their
hair. At the time a young woman by the name of Yetta Stromberg
came to Seattle from California for the purpose of organizing a Young-
Pioneer summer camp. And she requested the district leadership to
assign someone from the district leadership to work with her in the
organization and supervision of this camp.
Mr. Moulder. Can you give us the year on that ?
Mr. Dennett. I am quite sure this Avas in 1932. I think this was
before I went to Bellingham.
Mr. Tavenner. Was this while you were in Seattle ?
Mr. Dennett. 'Wliile I was in Seattle.
I was the one chosen to go to this camp to represent the district.
The purpose at the camp was to offer summer recreation facilities to
provide relaxation for youths, young people, under supervision of
party leadership, and to introduce them to some of the theoretical
program of the Communist Party.
Mr. Tavenner. Was it basically an actual part of the Communist
Party plan of recruitment and indoctrination ?
Mr. Dennett. Yes, it was. I thought we were quite successful, too.
Mr. Tavenner. What age group attended that camp ?
Mr. Dennett. Well, at that particular camp the age limits were
not restricted too narrowly. Ordinarily the age limit Avould be in the
teens for the Young Pioneers. Some of them did get up just beyond,
up into the early twenties. These young people were of mixed age
and grouping.
Mr. Tavenner. I hand you another document which we found
among the documents you turned over to the committee, and I will
ask you to identify it, if you will, as a flier advertising the camp to
which you refer.
(Document handed to the witness.)
Mr. Dennett. Oh, yes. This was circulated by the party to its
branches, and was especially circulated among what we called the lan-
guage sections.
The language sections were organizations such as the Finnish Fed-
eration, and there were some Slavic organizations; there were some
Jewish organizations, which were national in form. I mean only
members of those particular national groups belonged to those or-
ganizations. And we were trying to offer them an opportunity to see
to it that their children had a chance to go to a summer camp and to
have as much prestige and as much satisfaction as people who went to
YMCA or YWCA camps, or Girl Scout or Boy Scout camps.
We were trying to rival them, compete.
294 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA
Mr. Tavenner. In other words, was the Communist Party select-
ino- what was probably to the interests of a group of people and at-
tempting to use it for the benefit, and the advancement of Communist
Party purposes?
Mr. Dennett. Verj^ true.
Mr. Tavenner. I desire to offer the document in evidence, and ask
that it be marked "Dennett Exhibit No. 2," and that it be incorporated
in the transcript of the record.
Mr. Moulder. The exhibit offered in evidence, marked "Exhibit
Dennett No. 2," for identification, will be admitted as a part of the
record.
Dennett Exhibit No. 2
Pioneer's Summer Camp
On the other side of this page are the questions which will have to be filled
out in detail by all the children who wish to go to the camp, or by their parents, j
The Pioneer Summer Camp this year w'ill be held at Pine Lake, 30 miles outside
of Seattle. The camp will open on July 10, and will last for a period of one
month unless too many children who wish to go cannot be accomodated during
this time. If such is the case, the camp will last for 6 instead of 4 weeks. Each j
child will remain for a period of tw^o weeks.
The charge will be $5 for the two weeks, if possible the parents pay this !
amount. If not, then the sponsoring organization is to make arrangements to
raise the money. By the sponsoring organization is meant the organization that
recommends the child for the summer camp and assists the camp project in every
way possible. Every child coming to the camp must be O. K.'d by some such
organization, so that we are sure that the children at the camp are worth while
elements to work with. 50 children will be accomodated during each shift.
The transportation will be provided by ths sponsoring organization. Parents,
if they like, will be able to visit the camp during week ends.
The camp will provide swimming, boxing, boating, dancing, music, dramatics,
educational and organizational training along working class lines. A lot of fun
and real training for every worker's child. The location is great, right on the
shore of Pine Lake, i^ine trees on the grounds, goctd beach, swings and teeter-
totters for the children. The children will be taken good care of, there will be
a nurse at the camp the full time, good meals will be served and the children
will be watched all the time they are swimming, so parents need have no fear that |
their children will not be properly cared for.
For further information, phone Main 9850, Seattle, or write to Lila Walker,
Secretary Pioneer Camp Committee, 1421 1/2 Eighth Avenue, Seattle.
All children who have filled out their application blanks and have been ac-
cepted by the executive committee of the summer camp conference in Seattle
should bring the following equipment with them :
1. A sheet blanket, to be used instead of sheets, or sheets if the parents prefer
them ; also pillow case (pillows will be provided.)
2. Sufiicient blankets and quilts for covering.
.3. Three or four towels.
4. Toothbrush, toothpaste, comb, soap.
5. Bathing suit, several pairs of stockings or socks, several changes of under-
wear, play clothes, tights for boys, some kind of sun suit for girls, if possible.
6. Balls, bats, checkers, dominoes, puzzles, books, paints, etc.. should be
brought by the children if they have any and would like to put them into the camp
library while they are at camp.
THESE ARE THE REQUIREMENTS WHICH EVERY CHILD MUST PASS
1. The child must be sponsored by some working class organization.
2. The child must be examined by a physician furnished by the sponsoring
organization.
COMMLTNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 295
3. The signature of either or both of the child's parents must be obtained be-
fore the child will be considered for the camp.
4. The child must be between the ages of 10 and 15. (Inclusive.)
5. The registration fee of $5 must be brought with each child to the camp
when he or she comes, this fee to be paid by the parents or by the sponsoring
organization.
6. The child must be of a working class family and his parents must thor-
oughly understand the purpose of the camp.
7. Each child must fill out one of the registration blanks sent out from the
Pioneer Camp Committee. 1421% Eighth Avenue, Seattle.
Registration Blank for Pioneer Summer Camp at Pine Lake
( Please read the instructions on the other side carefully before filling out this
blank.)
Organization sponsoring
Name
Address City State
Age School attending Grade
Occupation, if any Wages
Where employed
Member of what organizations
Did you ever attend a Pioneer camp before?
If so, when and where
Did you ever attend a summer camp for Boy Scouts, Girl Reserves, Girl Scouts,
etc.? If so, when
Mother's name
Occupation Working? Wages
Are you willing that your child go to a working-class children's camp for the
purposes of recreation, physical development, and working-class training?
(Yes)
Mother's Signature
J'ather's name
Occupation Working? Wages
Are you willing that your child go to a working-class children's camp for the
purposes of recreation, physical development, and working-class training?
(Yes)
Father's Signature
Fee of $5 for two weeks being paid by organization sponsoring
Fee of $.3 for two weeks being paid by parents
This is to certify that I have examined
and have found him, her. with no physical disabilities and free of communicable
disease. Signetl
Examining physician
The Feels that
Name of sponsoring organization child's name
answers all the requirements for
admission to the Pioneer Summer Camp and is sponsoring him, her.
Secretary of spons(yring organisation.
Chairman of SDonsorina organization.
Mr. Tavennek. I would like to read into the record one or two
seiitenceij from this advertisement:
296 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH,, AREA
Every child coming to the camp must be O. K.'d by some such organization,
so that we are sure that the children at the camp are worthwhile elements to
work with.
What was meant by that ?
Mr. Dennett. Well, I cannot recall exactly at this time except to
say that it was our purpose then to find young people who would have
at least enough knowledge and understanding to be possible leadership
material. It was our hope and purpose to develop more leaders. We
needed them very much.
Mr. Tavenner. To develop them for leadership in the Communist
Party?
Mr. Dennett. True.
Mr. Tavenner. Did you conduct any courses at the camp yourself ?
Mr. Dennett. Yes ; 1 did.
Mr. Tavenner. We find among the documents that you turned over
to us what apparently is a questionnaire submitted to a number of
members of the class, with their names appearing on them and with
questions relating to their plans for the future, what they consider
about class struggle, surplus value, materialist conception of history,
and so forth.
I do not want you to mention in the testimony the names of any of
these individuals at this moment, but I would like you to examine the
questiomiaire.
Mr. Dennett. I have my own copy.
Mr. Ta\t.nner. Will you examine the group and state whether any
child attending these classes was as young as 15 years of age?
ISlr. Dennett. I have one 19, 1 have one 16. Yes; here is one 15.
Mr. Taat^nner. In fact, there are several as young as 15 years of
age, are tliere not?
"Mr. Dennett. 21, 20, 15, IT, 17. Yes; 18, 17, 17.
Mr. Tavenner. Am I correct in stating that this is in the form of
a questionnaire to determine the success of the training at this camp ?
Mr. Dennett. Well- it must be remembered that I was just fresh
from teaching, and one of the things that a teacher has to learn is
whether or not their teaching is successful. The way you determine
that is to devise a test. So I devised a test to determine whether or
not my efforts had been successful. So this is in tlie form of a test.
Mr.' Tavenner. Will you tell the committee, please, what reaction
you get from reading the test papers of some of the younger of the
group? Sa}^ 15, 16, and 17 years of age.
Mr. Dennett. I have picked out those 2 that were 15 years of age.
I had something here in which I asked this kind of question : What
organizations they belonged to. I asked them to list them. And this
one said : "YPA," which was the Young Pioneers of America. And
a vvf>rkers' vouth club.
COMRIUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 297
And I asked also what kind of work they did in the organization,
and one of them says that he was the secretary of the ckib. And I
asked what his occupation was, and he said a student in school. And
I asked if he had any special abilities, and he says "Sing, act, sports^
football and track." Hobby : "music, sports, reading." Main short-
coming: "To learn more about organization." Received most benefit
from camp : "Art and music." Most benefit from class : ""VMiat
Marxism is based on."
Mr. Moulder. Are you reading the answers to the questions ^
Mr, Dennett. These are the answers to the questions.
I asked what they knew about the materialist conception of history^
and this student answered :
"It is based on scientific facts."
I asked if the student understood surplus value, and this student
answered :
"The difference between the amount paid to the worker and the
amount of goods he produces."
I asked this student if he understood the meaning of the class strug-
gle, and his answer in his own handwriting is :
"It is the history of the workers fighting against their rulei-s."
I asked his plans for the future, and his answer is :
"To help organize the Pioneers and the Workers Youth Group."
And I asked if there Avas anything special, and this student answers :
"I want to start a sports club, and I wish to play the baritone horn."
(The witness confers with his counsel.)
Mr. Dennett. I have another one here of a little older one who was
21 years of age at that time. Without going through all of the pre-
liminaries, there are certain details here that are of some concern.
And this is in that student's own handwriting.
I asked what is the most benefit he received from the class, and his
answer is :
"Why the present system cannot stand up."
I asked what his understanding of materialist conception of his-
tory was, and he said :
"Taking a scientific attitude."
I asked him if he understood surplus value, and his answer is :
"Is the amount of the value left after the laborers wages are paid."
I asked him if he understood the class struggle, and he said :
"It is a struggle for the needs of the workhig class."
I asked for plans for the future, and his answer :
"To work on Pioneer — "
I asked if anything special, and he says :
"To develop public speaking and to be able to teach workers of
the class struggle."
We looked upon that student as a very promising student.
Mr. Tavenner. For any particular reason ?
Mr. Dennett. For the reason that he indicated that he was inter-
ested in continuing his efforts in the class struggle.
298 COJVIMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA
Mr. Tavenner. In looking over these I find another name where the
age is given as 14 years of age. I believe that is about the youngest
of the group.
Among those papers is also a list of the names of students. I am not
certain that they are the same students whose examination papers are
attached.
Mr. Dennett. They are.
Mr, Tavenner. I desire to have these documents marked "Dennett
Exhibit No. 3" for identification only. I do not want to make them
a parr of the record. However, I desire to withdraw from this exhibit
one typewritten sheet describing the objectives of the Pioneer Leader's
camp and have it admitted in evidence and marked "Dennett Exhibit
No. 3-A,'- to be incorporated in the transcript of the record.
Mr. Moulder. It is so ordered.
And the committee wishes to announce the purpose of so admitting
them in that manner is that we do not wish to reveal at this time the
names of young people who were then being indoctrinated into the
Communist philosophy or belief through their enrollment in thft
Young Pioneers' youth camp. Is that the name of it?
Mr. Dennett. Young Pioneers.
Mr. Moulder. Because we feel that it might be an injustice to them
for they probably have had no connection with the Communist Party,
and maybe never did have so far as we have any evidence to show.
Dennett Exhibit No. 3-A
The Pioneer Leader's Camp had two objectives: One to equip those in the
Camp with the necessary theoretical foundation to do effective work in the
Revolutionary Movement in general; and second to equip and train them to
do Pioneer Work in particvilar.
The First Objective was approached mainly from the class in Theory which
dealt with 1. The Materialist Conception of History, 2. Dialectics, 2. Sur-
plus Value, 3. The Class Struggle, 4. Orientation in Organization, 5. Prole-
tarian, 6. Discipline as Social Control.
The Second Objective was approached from the very organization of the camp
itself. Study circles were arranged in the subjects of Revolutionary Art, Revo-
lutionary Music, Study of Science, Woodcraft — practical work, gathering wood
etc. — sewing — practical work, sewing badges for Pioneer Leaders, organized
sports — learning games which have been organized with a view to adaptation to
use with workers children in a way to take chauvinism out of them, etc., and still
retain the benefits of phj'sical exercise contained therein.
Mr. Velde. I presume, Mr. Chairman, that some of those members
of the Young Pioneers are still in the area.
Mr. Dennett. I think some of them probably are, although it is very
difficult to keep track of young women because of their changing
names.
Mr. Moulder. It might result in an injustice to reveal them at this
time.
Mr. Dennett. Right.
Mr. Moulder. May I ask, Are you going into the conduct of the
classes, how you proceeded to teach them, what they were taught, and
whether or not you felt the answers to the questions were the result of
your teaching at that time ?
Mr. Dennett. I think I could answer that briefly, that they cer-
tainly were the result of my teaching.
Mr. Tavenner. I have a few other questions, Mr. Chairman, to
finish this subject.
COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 299
Mr. Velde, Let me state that while I concur with the chairman and
the views of our counsel that the names of these young people should
not be put on record, I do think that any adults you knew to be
members of the Communist Party should be identified in this record
at the present time.
Mr. Moulder. May I also add that further investigation will be
made concerning it.
Mr. Tavenner. Mr. Dennett, we have followed with a great deal of
interest the record of many of these young people who were gotten into
camps, gotten into the Young Communist League organizations in
school, Labor Youth League organizations in school, to determine
what happened to them afterward.
We have found at one place, for instance, that there was an organized
drive made by the organizer of the Communist Party in that area to
follow these young people after they had finished their schooling.
Mr. Dennett. It was my intention in this case, too.
Mr. Tavenner. To follow them and to eventually bring them into
active work within the Communist Party. Was that the general
purpose ?
Mr. Dennett. That was my purpose. And I tried to do it. But
I was shifted around a little bit too rapidly, and I broke contact too
many times and lost track of all of them.
Mr. Ta\t:nner. I want to ask at this time, with the chairman's ap-
proval, this question :
Are there any of these young persons who attended this camp who
you later learned identified themselves with the Communist Party
and became active in Communist work? If so, I think those names
should be given.
Mr. Velde. Certainly I concur.
Mr. Dennett. There is only one in this list that I feel certain
enough about to identify in the manner in which you ask. The rest
are names which do not ring as clearly to me after a passage of 20
years. Remember now that was in 1932. It is nearly 25 years ago.
In fact, I had no idea that I even kept this record. I had forgotten
that I had kept it.
But it is very refreshing to me because it brings back to my own
recollection certain things which, if I hadn't kept such a record, I
would have completely forgotten.
The only person in this group that I remember distinctly is Oiva
Halonen.
Mr. Tavenner. Will you spell the name, please?
Mr. Denne'it. The first name is 0-i-v-a, and the last name Halonen,
H-a-1-o-n-e-n.
Mr. Tavenner. Mr. Chairman, this individual was also identified
by Barbara Ilartle while a witness before this committee as having
been known by her to be a member of the Communist Party, and has
been subpenaed.
Mr. Moulder. Is that a man or woman ?
Mr. Dennett. It is a man.
Mr. Moulder. Do you know where he is located now ?
Mr. TA^^<:NNER. He is under subpena, Mr. Chairman.
Will you examine the answers to his test, and state wh(jther you
can identify the handwriting, whether you filled it out, or whose it
300 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA
Mr. Dennett. His Avas the one I referred to as a very promising
one.
Mr. Tavenner. You are at least correct in stating that he found
his way into the Communist Party, according to the testimony of
Barbara Hartle and yourself.
Mr. Dennett. Yes; he is the one who said he wanted to develop
public-STjeaking ability so he could teach workers the class struggle.
Mr. Tavenner. Did you write the answers? Is this in your hand-,
writing?
]Mr. Dennett. It doesn't look like my handwriting to me. In fact,
I am quite certain this is not my handwriting. It looks to me as
though it is written in the same manner as the name, which was his.
Mr. Tavenner. Will you tell the committee, please, whether other
camps were conducted after this one?
Mr. Dennett. Yetta Stromberg tried hard to get someone in this
area to continue the camps each year. She was unable to return each
year herself. I believe 1 or 2 camps were held after that. I lost
track of it. So I couldn't swear as to what happened later.
But it was a very difficult undertaking. It required volunteer help
from the mothers of these young people. The camp was held out at
Pine Lake. Pine Lake could best be located by someone familiar
with the county territory. But one of the members of the Finnish
Federation — I believe it Avas the Finnish Federation — owned some
property out there at that time and built a rather large dining hall
there, tents were pitched, and the regular facilities of a smnmer camp
were established.
Mr. Taa^nner. Have you any recollection now how many persons
attended that camp ?
Mr. Dennett. I think, looking at my list, that there were at least
22 persons wdio attended it, including some of the adults who were
there to do the work and supervise the camp. It looks to me as
though there were about 18 young people.
Mr. Moulder. Before taking a recess, however, it is announced that
a subpena was duly issued for service upon Jerry O'Connell, 3416
Central Avenue, Great Falls, Mont., to be and appear at this place
of hearing in this room, 402, County-City Building, Seattle, Wash., at
9 : 30 a. m., on this date, March 17, 1955, to testify in matters of in-
quiry committed to this committee to inquire into, and it appears from
the record that the subpena was personally served upon Jerry O'Con-
nell on the 8th day of March of this year, as provided by law. The
witness, Jerry O'Connell, has been called several times on this day but
has failed to appear as he was required to do as provided in the sub-
pena.
Therefore, it is the unanimous decision of this subcommittee, both
of Congressman Velde and myself, that unless cause or satisfactory
legal excuse is presented for his failure to appear and abide by the
summons or subpena, that the subcommittee will recommend and re-
quest that Jerry O'Connell be cited for contempt as provided by law.
The committee will stand in recess for 5 minutes.
(Whereupon, a brief recess was taken.)
Mr. Moulder. The committee will be in order.
Mr. Tavenner. Mr. Dennett, I have asked you to produce the orig-
inal examination paper of the young man to whom we referred, Oiva
Halonen. Do you have it before you ?
COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 301
Dennett Exhibit No. 4
^^■■■iiilMi
302 COMMtTNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA
Mr. Dennett. I have.
Mr. Tavenner. Mr. Chairman, I desire to offer that particular
examination paper in evidence, and ask that it be marked "Dennett
Exhibit No, 4,"' and that it be incorporated in the transcript of the
record.
Mr. Moitlder. It will be admitted.
Mr. Tavennee. I would like to have the privilege of replacing the
original exhibit by photostat.
Mr. Moulder. Without objection, it is so ordered.
Mr. Tavenner. Inasmuch as reference has been made to this in-
dividual and the fact that he has been subpenaed, I believe the com-
mittee should hear him now. I ask that Mr. Dennett be excused until
tomorrow morning, and that we proceed with the other witnesses.
Mr. Moulder. Mr. Dennett, you will be excused for the remainder
of the afternoon, with the instruction to report tomorrow morning
at 9 a. m.
Mr. Dennett. Thank you, sir.
Mr. Tavenner. Mr. Halonen, will you come forward, please, sir.
Mr. Moulder. Will you hold up your right hand and be sworn ?
Do you solemnly swear that the testimony which you are about to
give before this committee will be the truth, the whole truth, and
nothing but the truth, so help you God ?
Mr. Halonen. I do.
TESTIMONY OF OIVA R. HALONEN, ACCOMPANIED BY HIS
COUNSEL, JAY G. SYKES
Mr. Tavenner. What is your full name, Mr. Halonen?
Mr. Halonen. Oiva R. Halonen.
Mr. Tavenner. Will you spell it, please.
Mr. Halonen. The first name is 0-i-v-a; the initial is R; the last
name is Halonen, H-a-1-o-n-e-n.
Mr. Tavenner. It is noted you are accompanied by counsel.
Will counsel please identify himself for the record ?
Mr. Sykes.. Jay, J-a-y, G. Sykes, S-y-k-e-s.
Mr. Tavenner. Mr. Halonen, when and where were you born?
Mr. Halonen. In Minnesota, in 1912.
Mr. Tavenner. Where do you now reside ?
Mr. Halonen. In Seattle.
Mr. Tavenner. What is your occupation ?
(The witness confers with his counsel.)
Mr. Halonen. I am a machinist.
Mr. Tavenner. How long have you worked as a machinist in
Seattle?
(The witness confers with his counsel. )
Mr. Halonen. The last 12 years.
Mr. Tavenner. Will you tell the committee, please, briefly, wliat
your educational training has been ?
(The witness confers with his counsel.)
Mr. Halonen. Merely a high-school graduate.
COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 303
Mr. Tavenner. What employment have you had in Seattle other
than the employment beginning 12 years ago which you just described ?
(The witness confers with his counsel. )
Mr. Halonen. Prior to the time that I became a machinist I knocked
around in the apple orchards, harvest fields, did odd jobs this way
and that way — no particular trade.
Mr. Tavenner. Mr. Halonen, where did you live in 1932 ?
(The witness confers with his counsel.)
Mr. Halonen. In Minnesota.
Mr. Tavenner. What was your first address on arriving in Seattle?
(The witness confers with his counsel.)
Mr, Halonen. 1011 East Columbia Street.
Mr. Ta\-enner. During what period of time did you live at that
a^ldress ?
(The witness confers with his counsel.)
Mr. Halonen. From the middle of 1933, I would say ; between the
15tli of May and the last of June, somewhere in there, for approxi-
mately a year, or a year and a half. I can't remember.
Mr. Ta\-enner. I hand you Dennett Exhibit No. 4, purporting to be
a test or an examination taken at the Young Pioneer camp at Pine
Lake in the State of Washington. Please examine the exhibit and state
whether or not the handwriting found thereon is your handwriting.
(Document handed to the witness.)
(The witness confers with his counsel.)
Mr. PIalonen. On advice of counsel, that the answer to that question
might tend to incriminate me, I must invoke the fifth amendment of
the Constitution of the United States.
Mr. Tavenner. Will you examine, please, the name at the top of
the test paper and read what name you find there ?
(The witness confers with his counsel.)
Mr. Halonen. I must invoke the fifth amendment again, f«n- the
same reasons as stated before.
Mr. Velde. Mr. Chairman, I notice the witness states that he nmst
invoke the fifth amendment.
The fifth amendment is a privilege tliat you have, and you are under
no compulsion to invoke the fifth amendment.
The only question is, do you 'i
(The witness confers with his counsel.)
Mr. Halonen. I do invoke the fifth amendment.
Mr. Ta\t2nner. Will j^ou examine the exhibit again, please, and
state what you see on the line immediately under the name ap})earing
at the top of the page.
(The witness confers with his counsel.)
Mr. Halonen. Again, I do invoke the fifth amendment for the
jeasons previously stated.
Mr. Tavenner. I am not asking you. Witness, whether or not that is
your address. I am asking if you will read what appears on the
document? I am asking you no question other than what is it that
appears on the document.
(The witness confers with his counsel.)
Mr. Halonen. I respectfully give the same ansAver I gave before,
on advice of counsel.
Mr. Ta\-enner. Do you see it before you ?
(The Avitnoss confers with his counsel.)
304 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA
Mr. Halonen. Yes ; I see it.
Mr. Tavenner. Eatlier than lose more time, I will read into the
record 'from this document that the address on the line under the name
Oiva Halonen is 1011 East Columbia, Seattle.
Mr. Moulder. Is this the same document that you referred to as an
exhibit which was identified by Mr. Dennett?
Mr. Tavenner. Yes, sir ; and it is marked "Dennett Exhibit No. 4."
Was that your address in 1933 ?
( The witness confers with his counsel. )
Mr. Moulder. Did he state what his address was at the beginning
of his testimony when he first appeared on the stand?
Mr. Tavenner. Yes, sir ; I asked him where he lived when he first
came to Seattle, and it is the same address, if I recall the testimony
correctly.
So that there may be no uncertainty about it, what was your address
in 1933 when you came to Seattle?
(The witness confers with his counsel.)
Mr. Halonen. It was 1011 East Columbia.
Mr. Moulder. Is that the same address appearing on this exhibit ?
Mr. Halonen. Yes.
Mr. Velde. May I inquire of counsel the year he attended the youth
camp at Pinelake, as testified to by Mr. Dennett. Was that in 1932?
Mr. Tavenner. No, sir. The year was not specified.
Are you acquainted with Mr. Dennett who just testified here a mo-
ment ago?
(The witness confers with his counsel.)
Mr. Halonen. Was the name Dennett or Bennett?
Mr. Tavenner. Mr. Dennett.
Mr. Halonen. On advice of counsel, on the grounds that the ques-
tion might tend to incriminate me, I do invoke the fifth amendment
and refuse to answer the question.
Mr. Velde. I can't possibly see how the admission that you were
acquainted with any person would possibly tend to incriminate you.
So I ask the chairman to direct the witness to answer the question.
Mr. Moulder. The witness is directed to answer the question.
Mr. Halonen. I do invoke the fifth amendment.
Mr. Moulder. I want you to answer this question.
You say upon advice of counsel you are advised that the answer
might tend to incriminate you. Now is it because of the advice of
counsel or do you yourself feel that it will incriminate you ?
Mr. Halonen. I do it on advice of counsel. Counsel advises me to
invoke the fifth amendment.
Mr. Moulder. May I ask you this :
Would your answer tend to incriminate you ?
(The witness confers with this counsel.)
Mr. Halonen. It might tend to incriminate me.
Mr. Moulder. Proceed, Mr. Tavenner.
Mr. Tavenner. Did you attend a Young Pioneers summer camp at
Pine Lake in the State of Washington ?
(The witness confers with his counsel.)
Mr. Halonen. Could we be more specific as to time?
Mr. Tavenner. Did you attend any "Pioneer" summer camp at
anv time?
COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 305
(The witness confers with his counsel.)
Mr. Halonen. On advice of counsel, I do again invoke the fifth
amendment on grounds of possible self-incrimination.
Mr. Taat-nnek. Are 3'ou acquainted with Barbara Hartle?
(The witness confers with his counsel.)
Mr. Halonen. Again on advice of counsel, I find myself in the posi-
tion that I do invoke the fifth amendment on grounds of possible self-
incrimination.
(The witness confers with his counsel.)
Mr. Tavenner. Were you present in the hearing room at the time
Mr. Dennett identified you as having been a member of the Communist
Party ?
(The witness confers with his counsel.)
Mr. Halonen. Yes ; I was in the room.
Mr. TA^'ENNER. You heard his testimony ?
Mr. Halonen. Yes.
Mr. Tavenner. Was he correct in stating that you became a member
of the Communist Party?
(The witness confers with his counsel.)
Mr. Halonen;. I find myself in the situation of invoking the fifth
amendment again on grounds of possible self-incrimination.
Mr. Tavenner. And you do so invoke ?
Mr. Halonen. I do so invoke.
Mr. Moulder. Do you decline to answer the question for that rea-
son?
Mr. Halonen. I decline to answer the question on grounds of pos-
sible self-incrimination under the fifth amendment.
Mr. Tavenner. Mrs. Barbara Hartle testified in June of 1954 before
this committee as follows :
Oiva Halonen was a member of the Communist Party in the central region;
lived in that area ; and was connected with the national group's work of the
district.
Do you desire to explain her testimony in any way or to deny it?
Or do you confirm it as being true ?
(The witness confers with his comisel.)
Mr. Halonen. I decline under the grounds of the fifth amendment,
on possible self-incrimination.
Mr. Ta\t:nner. Are you now a member of the Communist Party ?
(The witness confers with his counsel.)
Mr. Halonen. I decline to answer that question under the fifth
amendment for the reasons stated before.
Mr. Tavenner. Have vou ever been a member of the Communist
Party ?
(The witness confers with his counsel.)
Mr. Halonen. I decline to answer that question for the same reasons.
Mr. Tavenner. Have you engaged in various activities of the Com-
munist Party within mass organizations in the area of Seattle?
(The witness confers with his counsel.)
Mr. Halonen. I decline to answer that question for the reasons
stated previously, under the fifth amendment.
Mr. Tavenner. Were you at any time affiliated with the Joint
Anti-Fascist Refugee Committee ?
(The witness confers with his counsel.)
62222— 55— pt. 1 5
306 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA
Mr. Halonen. I decline again, under the fifth amendment, to answer
that question, as previously stated.
Mr. Tavenner. Were you actively engaged in the work of the Young
Communist League in 1942 ?
(The witness confers with his counsel.)
Mr. Halonen. I decline to answer that question under the fifth
amendment, as previously stated.
Mr. Tavenner. Have you traveled outside of the continental limits
of the United States?
(The witness confers with his counsel.)
Mr. Stkes. May we have a minute, please.
(The witness confers with his counsel.)
Mr. Moulder. Let the record show that the witness is conferring
with counsel.
Mr. Halonen. To the last question I again invoke the fifth amend-
ment on grounds of possible self-incrimination, and refuse to answer^
M^r. Tavenner. Were you a member of the Abraham Lincoln
Brigade?
Mr. Halonen. Once again I do decline to answer the question on
the grounds of the fifth amendment, as previously stated.
Mr. Tavenner. Were you in the Spanish area 14 months during
the Spanish Civil War?
Mr. Halonen. Once again I decline to answer the question, under
the fifth amendment, on grounds previously stated.
Mr. Ta\tenner. Have you had any affiliation with the International
Workers Order?
(The witness confers with his counsel.)
Mr. Halonen. Once again I decline to answer the question, under
the fifth amendment, for previously stated reasons.
Mr. Moulder, In response to the question asked by counsel, which
you refused to answer or declined to answer, there are constitutional
reasons as to whether or not you served in the armed services in
Spain.
Now you declined to answer the question in reference to the Spanish
Civil War. I want to ask you this question :
Did you ever serve in any branch of the armed services of the
United States of America ?
(The witness confers with his counsel.)
Mr. Halonen. No ; I never did.
Mr. Moulder. Do you refuse to state whether or not you have served
in the armed services of another country ?
(The witness confers with his counsel.)
Mr. Halonen. I refuse to answer that specific question ; yes.
(The witness confers with his counsel.)
Mr. Moulder. In other words, it leaves the impression you were
willing to fight for some other counti-y but you are not willing to
fight for the United States of America, your own native country.
(The witness confers with his counsel.)
Mr. Halonen. I refuse to answer the question in regard to thet
Spanish Civil War.
Mr. Moulder. Proceed, Mr. Tavenner.
Mr. Tavenner. Mr. Halonen, I don't want to leave an inference
that this committee feels that a person should be criticized by it for
COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 307
any position he or she may take regarding any bill before Congress,
but if a certain bill before Congress is being opposed by the Com-
munist Party and the Communist Party is instrumental in creating
opposition to it, then the committee would be interested in that fact.
Now I am not attempting to criticize any opposition you may have
registered to the Walter-McCarran Act, but, if you did oppose it, I
want to know whether or not the Communist Party had anything to
do with the position that you took in the matter.
(The witness confers with his counsel.)
Mr. Halonen. I decline to answer that question on the grounds of
the fifth amendment, as previously stated.
Mr. Tavenner. Mr. Chairman, I have no further questions.
Mr. Moulder. Mr. Velde ?
Mr. Velde. Were you born in ]\Iinnesota ?
(The witness confers with his counsel.)
Mr. Halonen. Yes.
Mr. Velde. I note you took refuge in the fifth amendment when
questioned about your acquaintanceship with Mr. Eugene Dennett.
(The witness confers with his counsel.)
Mr. Haloxen. That is correct.
Mr. Velde. You were here in the hearing room while he was tes-
tifying about your activities at the youth camp at Pine Lake, were
you not ?
Mr. Halonen. I so testified earlier.
Mr. Velde. You did see him here, didn't you ?
(The witness confers with his counsel.)
Mr. Halonen. Yes, I did.
Mr. Velde. Had you ever met him before ? Did you recognize him
when he was testifying ?
(The witness confers with his counsel.)
Mr. Halonen. I invoke the fifth amendment and decline to answer
that question on tlie gi'ounds of possible self-incrimination.
Mr. Velde. You might have some misunderstanding about what
acquaintanceship is. I wanted to know if you ever saw him before.
I can see no reason why you shouldn't answer that question or why
that Avould tend to incriminate you in any way.
(The witness confers with his counsel.)
Mr. Halonen. Not being too sharp on the legal aspects, I am
afraid of waivmg my rights under the fifth amendment, and, for
that reason, I am invoking the fifth amendment.
Mr. Velde. I am not trying to trap you. Seriously, I can see no
reason for not identifying him or anyone else you may have seen
before. A lot of people in this room are acquainted with people who
have been incriminated and have served jail sentences. I see no reason
why an acquaintanceship of that type with a person should incrim-
inate you or me or anyone else.
(The witness confers with his counsel.)
Mr. Halonen. Well, I respectfully invoke the fifth amendment
again on the question asked tor the reasons previously stated.
Mr. Velde. Have you ever known anv member of the Communist
Party?
(The witness confers with his counsel.)
-^^J; Halonen. I again must decline to ans'wer that question under
tJie fifth amendment, as previously stated.
308 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA
Mr. Velde. Have you ever met a member of the Communist Party ?
Mr. Halonen. Again I decline to answer under the fifth amend-
ment for the reasons stated previously.
Mr. Velde. Do you know anyone in this room ?
(The witness confers with his counsel.)
Mr. Halonen. I know my counsel here.
(The witness confers with his counsel.)
Mr. Velde. Why do you admit that you know your counsel and
refuse to admit that you know JMr. Dennett?
(The witness confers with his counsel.)
Mr. Halonen. My acquaintance with my counsel could not possibly
incriminate me in any way.
Mr. Velde. Do you feel that you are engaged at the present time in
any activity which is of a subversive nature and subversive to the
Government of the United States ?
(The witness confers with his counsel.)
Mr. Halonen. I must decline to answer that question again, under
the fifth amendment, for the reasons as stated previously.
Mr. Velde. That is all, Mr. Chairman.
Mr. Moulder. In connection with the last question Mr. Velde was
asking if you had any knowledge, or if you ever committed any act of
espionage or engaged in any activity contrary to the interests of the
United States, I will ask you this question ?
Are you engaged in any organization work or any activities leading
toward the overthrow of our present form of government by force
or violence ?
(The witness confers with his counsel.)
Mr. Halonen. I must decline, or I must state that I have never
engaged in any espionage, but, as far as the rest of the question is con-
cerned, I must again invoke the fifth amendment on possible self-
incrimination.
Mr. Moulder. In other words, you answer by saying that you did
not engage in any espionage, but refuse to answer as to whether or
not you are actively engaged in any effort to overthrow our Govern-
ment by force and violence. That is the way I construe your answer.
(The witness confers with his counsel.)
Mr. Halonen. That is correct.
Mr. Moulder. Are there any further questions ?
Mr. Velde. No, but I do feel that the witness possesses a great deal
of information which would be valuable to the committee in its work,
in its obligations that we are duty bound to perform, and I regret the
position the witness has taken.
I hope he will reconsider his position and return to give the commit-
tee the information he possesses.
Mr. Moulder. The witness is excused.
(Whereupon the witness was excused.)
Mr. Moulder. Counsel, proceed with the next witness.
Mr. Wheeler. Mr. Eugene Frank Kobel, please.
Mr. Moulder. Will you hold up your right hand and be sworn?
Do 3^ou solemnly swear that the testimony which you are about to
give before this committee will be the truth, the whole truth and
nothing but the truth, so help you, God ?
Mr. RoBEL. I do.
COMjVIUNIST activities in the SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 309
TESTIMONY OF ETJ&ENE PRANK ROBEL, ACCOMPANIED BY HIS
COUNSEL, JAY G. SYKES
Mr. WirEELER. Will you state your name, please.
Mr. RoBEL. E-u-g-e-n-e F-r-a-n-k E-o-b-e-1, Eugene Frank Robel.
Mr. Wheeler. '\Vlien and where were you born, Mr. Robel?
Mr. Egbel. I was born in Kit Carson County, Colo., on a home-
stead.
Mr. Wheeler. In what year ?
Mr. RoBEL. 1911.
Mr. Wheeler. You are represented by counsel. Will he please
identify himself for the record ?
Mr. Sykes. Jay G. Sykes, Seattle.
Mr. Wheeler. Would you briefly advise the committee as to your
education ?
Mr. RoBEL. I have a high-school education and 2 years of university.
Mr. Wheeler. Wliat university is that ?
jNIr. RoBEL. Moscow, Idaho — not Russia.
Mr. Wheeler. The University of Idaho?
Mr. Robel. Yes, sir.
Mr. Wheeler. How long have you lived in the city of Seattle ?
(The witness confers with his counsel.)
Mr. Eobel. I came here the latter part of 1937, I believe. I have
been here since.
Mr. Wheeler. Have you ever served in the Armed Forces of the
United States?
Mr. Robel. Yes, sir.
Mr. Wheeler. In what branch?
Mr. Robel. United States Navy.
Mr. Wheeler. At what period of time were you in the United States
Navy?
Mr. Robel. From 1933 to 1937.
Mr. Wheeler. Were you honorably discharged?
Mr. Robel. Yes, sir. I had a good-conduct discharge. I have the
medal at home.
Mr. Wheeler. AMiat is your employment record for the last 10
years ?
(The witness confers with his counsel.)
Mr. Robel. I worked for an oil company for my first 4 years in
Seattle, General Petroleum Corp.
Mr. Wheeler. That would be 1937 to 1941 ?
Mr. Robel. I think that is approximately the figures. Then I
worked as a machinist at various jobs.
Mr. Wheeler. Specifically, what jobs have you held as a machinist?
Mr. Robel. Mostly outside machinist, but at times maintenance.
Mr. Wheeler. For what companies have you worked?
Mr. Robel. I have worked for Todd's, Pacific Iron Fouridry, Isaac-
son Iron Works, and Sahlberg Equipment Co.
Mr. Wheeler. IVliere are you employed now?
Mr. Robel. Todd's.
Mr. Wheeler. Todd Shipyards?
Mr. Robel. Yes, sir.
310 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA
Mr. WheeLiER. Are they engaged in defense work or defense con-
tracts ?
(The witness confers with his counsel.)
Mr. EoBEL. I think so, indirectly. I don't know how they get their
contracts.
Mr, Wheeler. Do you have a security clearance ?
Mr. EoBEL. No, sir.
Mr. Wheeler. Have you been denied security clearance ?
(The witness confers with his counsel. )
Mr. RoBEL. No, sir.
Mr. Wheeler. Are you a member of any labor union ?
(The witness confers with his counsel.)
Mr. RoBEL, On the advice of counsel, because to answer that might
tend to incriminate me, I will have to invoke the fifth amendment and
refuse to answer that.
Mr. Velde. May I again say you are not under any compulsion to
take refuge under the fifth amendment. It is a privilege.
The question is do you invoke the fifth amendment ?
(The witness confers with his counsel.)
Mr. RoBEL. I do invoke it. I recognize I am not under compulsion,
but I do invoke it because of the possibility that I might be in-
criminated.
Mr. Velde. Mr. Chairman, again let me say that I cannot possibly
see how a membership in a labor union, admission that you are a
member of a labor union, could possibly tend to incriminate a person,
and I ask the Chair to direct the witness to answer the question.
Mr. Moulder. Certainly your being a member of a labor union
could not in any way tend to incriminate you. So you are directed
to answer that question.
(The witness confers with his counsel.)
Mr. RoBEL. Well, membership in a particular labor union might
incriminate me, and that is the reason I invoke the fifth amendment.
One question leads to another.
Mr. Moulder. It might lead to another question, but certainly if
the other question would tend to incriminate you that is an entirely
different matter. But the simple question as to whether or not you
are a member of a legitimate labor union could in no w^ay whatsoever
tend to incriminate you.
(The witness confers with his counsel.)
Mr. RoBEL. I wouldn't like to waive my rights under the fifth
amendment by answering a previous question and then be forced to
answer another one. That is the reason I took the position that
I do.
Mr. Moulder. Proceed.
Mr. Velde. Do you belong to any labor union ? That was the orig-
inal question of counsel.
(The witness confers with his counsel.)
Mr. Robel. Because that question might lead to the particular labor
organization that I belong to, I will decline to answer that question,
Mr. Velde. If it does lead to that question, you can then invoke your
privilege under the fifth amendment of the Constitution.
(The witness confers with his counsel.)
COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 311
Mr. EoBEL. It is my understanding legally that I may waive my
rights by answering one of these questions, and I don't wish to waive
my right to invoke the fifth amendment.
Mr. Moulder. You certainly were not waiving your rights when
you stated a moment ago you were employed and where you were
employed.
Now if you belong to some labor organization in connection with
your employment there is nothing in that connection certainly that
would tend to incriminate you, if you are employed or in legitimate
employment.
(The witness confers with his counsel.)
Mr. KoBEL. We are getting into complicated rights of waiver, and it
is my understanding legally that I may refuse to answer.
Mr. Moulder. Do you decline to answer under the fifth amend-
ment?
Mr. EoBEL. Under the fifth amendment, yes, sir.
Mr. Wheeler. Are vou a member of the International Association
of Machinists, A. F. of L. ?
(The witness confers with his counsel.)
Mr. EoBEL. I must invoke the fifth amendment, as previously, and
refuse to answer that.
Mr. Moulder. I wish to say that for as long as I have served on
this committee, a period of approximately 7 years, I have never heard
anyone invoke the fifth amendment in response to a question as to
whether or not he was a member of an A. F. of L. union.
(The witness confers with his counsel.)
Mr. Moulder. Proceed.
Mr, Wheeler. Are you acquainted or have you been acquainted
in the past with Mrs. Barbara Hartle.
Mr. RoBEL. For the same reasons as previously given, that I might
tend to incriminate myself, I will have to invoke the fifth amendment
and refuse to answer that question.
Mr. Wheeler. Quoting her testimony before this committee, ap-
pearing on page 6094 of volume 2 of the hearings held in June 1954 :
The Communist Party has always had a number of members in the machinists
union. Some of them that I can remember are Glenn Kinney, Ray Campbell,
Frank Kerr, Gene Robel.
Was Mrs. Hartle advising the committee of the truth when she
testified to that?
Mr. RoBEL. I must again invoke the fifth amendment for the pre-
viously stated reasons, and not admit or deny anything that any stool
pigeon you may bring out says about me.
Mr. Moulder. To whom do you refer as a stool pigeon?
(The witness confers with his counsel.)
Mr. RoBEL. I apologize for that statement, sir, and withdraw it.
Mr. Moui.der. Ordinarily a person referred to as a stool pigeon
is one who is an accuser of some fact against someone else, and that
person ordinarily retorts that they are a stool pigeon.
You do withdraw that reference.
Mr. Wheeler. Mrs. Hartle also testified — and this reference to her
testimony can be found on page 6173 of volume 3 of the hearings :
Gene Robel, whom I have mentioned before, and Glenn Kinney were also
members of this industrial section.
312 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA
Mr. Eobel, the committee, in pursuance of its duties, is endeavoring-
to gain knowledge of the industrial section of the Communist Party
in King County, and you, having been identified as a member of that
section, is the reason you have been subpenaecl here. We would like
to get what information we can from you.
Now I would like to ask you :
Were you a member of the industrial section of the Communist
Party?
Mr. RoBEL. I must invoke the fifth amendment for the same reason
previously stated, and refuse to answer that question.
(The witness confers with his counsel.)
Mr. Wheeler. Are you a member of the Communist Party today ?
Mr. RoBEL. I must invoke the fifth amendment for the same reason
and refuse to answer that question on tlie ground that I might incrimi-
nate myself.
Mr. Wheeler. No further questions, Mr. Chairman.
Mr. Moulder. Were you ever a member of the Communist Party?
{The witness confers with his counsel.)
Mr. RoBEL. I must, likewise, invoke the fifth amendment on that
question, and refuse to answer, sir.
Mr. ^louLDER. Mr. Velde, any questions?
Mr. Velde. No questions.
Mr. Moulder. The witness is excused.
(Whereupon the witness was excused.)
Call the next witness, Mr. Wlieeler.
Mr. Wheeler. Mr. Frank Kerr.
Mr. Sykes. Mr, Chairman, may I address the committee in respect
to Mr. Kerr? There is a special problem involved with respect to
Mr. Kerr.
Mr. Moulder. Yes.
STATEMENT OE JAY G. SYKES
Mr. Sykes. I would like to hand to Mr. Wheeler a statement from
Dr. Beattie, and ask that the committee consider Mr. Kerr's physical
condition, and if it sees fit to have him examined by a county doctor.
Mr. Moulder. I notice that this is a letter written by Dr. John F.
Beattie wherein he says that :
Mr. Frank Kerr has been under my care since January 12, 1954, because of
coronary artery disease.
The letter does not state the patient was hospitalized in connection
with his examination. It does not state he is now in the hospital. It
is not very specific as to his exact illness, as to whether or not he is
capable of appearing here as a witness without endangering his health
or life.
Mr. Sykes. That is correct, Mr. Chairman. There was serious
doubt in my mind, without knowing anything about the specific details
of his illness, to be absolutely sure whether or not he should be exam-
ined by a doctor here, and if the doctor here should rule that he can
testify I would have no objection. I thought that I should protect
Mr. Kerr.
Mr. Moulder. This is very vague.
Mr. Sykes. That is correct.
COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 313
Mr. Moulder. And very indefinite. We will take this under con-
sideration.
Counsel, will you call another witness ?
Mr. Wheeler. Mr. Harold Johnston.
Mr. Moulder. Hold up your rif^ht hand and be sworn, please.
Do you solemnly swear that the testimony which you are about to
give before this committee will be the truth, the whole truth, and
nothing but the truth, so help you God ?
Mr. Johnston. I do.
TESTIMONY OF HAROLD JOHNSTON, ACCOMPANIED BY HIS
COUNSEL, JAY C. SYKES
Mr. Wheeler. Will the witness state his name, please ?
Mr. Johnston. Harold Johnston,
Mr. Wheeler. Are you represented by counsel? Will counsel
identify himself for the record ?
Mr. Sykes. Jay G. Sykes, Seattle.
Mr, Wheeler. When and where were you born, Mr. Johnston ?
Mr. Johnston. 1907, Yakima, Wash.
Mr. Wheeler. And what is your educational background?
Mr. Johnston. Very little, less than grammar ; didn't finish gram-
mar school.
Mr. Wheeler. How long have you lived in the Seattle district ?
Mr. Johnston. By Seattle district you mean King County ?
Mr. Wheeler. Yes ; or the periphery.
Mr. Johnston. I don't live in Seattle.
Mr. Wheeler. I understand that.
Mr. Johnston. I have been there 15 years.
Mr. Wheeler. Wliat is your employment record ?
Mr. Johnston. For the last 10 years it's been machinist.
Mr. Wheeler. And prior to that ?
Mr. Johnston. Oh, odd jobs.
Mr. Wheeler. Are you presently employed ?
Mr. Johnston. Yes, I am.
Mr. Wheeler. Where are you presently employed ?
Mr. Johnston. Mr. Chairman, the subpena was served on me.
First, they went to my home and my wife told them where I worked.
And they went to the shop and were very courteous and called up
my foreman, and I went out and they served me. And I am sure the
committee has a record. And I don't feel that it would do myself any
good or the company to make it a part of the official record as to where
I work. And I would like to not answer this question on that basis.
Mr. ]VIouLDER. Do you decline to answer the question ?
Mr. Johnston. No. I definitely — I would like to be excused from
answering it. I am not taking a position that I — but inasmuch as the
deputy sheriff served me on the job, very courteous about it— met me
at the gate and did not come in ; told me he would be there — and I went
out and looked him up — the committee knows where I work and I don't
feel it should become a record here of the company I work for,
Mr. Moulder. Do you mean that answering the question as to where
you are employed would reflect unfavorably upon the company which
employs you?
314 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA
Mr. Johnston. It is possible with publicity in the paper. No use
to bring unnecessary publicity on it. I feel that the committee should
take that into consideration. They know where I work. Their man
served a subpena on me. I would not like to answer that question.
Mr. Velde. Mr. Chairman, I feel I must insist that the witness
answer the question as to where he is employed.
Throughout the history of this committee every witness w^ho has
appeared before the committee has been required to give his place of
residence and his place of employment, or take refuge under the fifth
amendment. It would be grossly unfair to all the witnesses who have
previoush^ appeared before this committee to allow you to escape
answering that question.
Mr. Johnston. Inasmuch as you already know But I will
answer then if you insist that I answer. I work at Lake Union Ship-
3'ards as of today — I don't know about tomorrow.
Mr. Wheeler. What type of work do you do for the Lake Union
Shipyards ?
Mr, Johnston. Machinist.
Mr. Wheeler. Is that company engaged upon classified matters,,
security work for the United States Government ?
(The witness confers with his counsel.)
Mr. Johnston. Well, we do a lot of fishing boat work. We do work
on all types of ships. It is a small yard. So it is small boats we
have there. We don't have large ones like other yards do. It is
mostly small boats. There is some Government work there, naturally.
Mr. Wheeler. Do you have a security clearance ?
Mr. Johnston. No, I do not.
Mr. Wheeler. Have you ever requested one ?
Mr. Johnston. No, I haven't.
Mr. Wheeler. Have you ever been denied one ?
Mr. Johnston. No, I haven't.
Mr. Wheeler. Are you acquainted w^ith Mrs. Barbara Hartle ?
(The witness confers with his counsel.)
Mr. Johnston. Because the answer is liable to have a tendency to
incriminate me, at this time I invoke the fifth amendment and decline
to answer that question.
Mr. Moulder. In future replies along that line, do I understand
you decline to answer on the grounds of the fifth amendment for the
reason that your answers might tend to incriminate you ?
Mr. Johnston. That is right, sir.
Mr. Wheeler. Being a machinist, are you a member of any union?
(The witness confers with his counsel.)
Mr. Johnston. Well, I will have to decline on the same reason, of
the fifth amendment.
Mr. Velde. I suggest that the Chair instruct the witness to answer
the question.
Mr. Moulder. The Chair directs you to answer the question.
(The witness confers with his counsel.)
Mr. Johnston. I respectfully decline to answer that on the grounds
that it will tend to incriminate me, and ask the privilege.
Mr. Wheeler. Are vou a member of the International Associa-
tion of Machinists, A. F. of L. ?
(The witness confers with his counsel.)
COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 315
Mr. Johnston. For the same reason, again I invoke the fifth
amendment.
Mr. Moulder. You are directed to answer the question. I think
it is a very unfair reflection upon that union, a legitimate, highly
respected labor organization, and you should answer that question.
(The witness confers with his counsel.)
Mr. Johnston. There is a very particular problem on that in my
case, and for that reason I don't want to waive any rights under the
fifth amendment. So I respectfully again have to invoke the fifth
amendment.
Mr. Moulder. Proceed.
Mr. Wheeler. Have you held any position in any union ?
(The witness confers with his counsel.)
Mr. Johnston. The same — the fifth amendment. I will have to
invoke the fifth amendm.ent again on that question.
Mr. Wheeler. Is it not a fact that you at one time were business
agent for the International Association of Machinists, A. F. of L.?
Mr. Johnston. Again I will have to invoke the fifth amendment.
Mr. Wheeler. To refer to the testimony of Barbara Hartle, page
6091, part 2 of the hearings held in June 1954 :
The business agent for several years of the machinists union during this time
was Harold Johnston, who was a member also of the district committee of
the Communist Party of which I was a member.
Was Mrs. Hartle correct in making that statement ?
Mr. Johnston. I will have to again invoke the fifth amendment in
that it is liable to incriminate me.
Mr. Wheeler. Were you ever at any time a member of the dis-
trict committee of the Communist Party of King County ?
Mr. Johnston. I will again have to invoke the fifth amendment on
the grounds it will possibly incriminate me.
Mr. Wheeler. Were you a member of the district committee of
the Communist Party of King County while business agent for the
machinists union ?
(The witness confers with his counsel.)
Mr. Johnston. I will again have to invoke the fifth amendment on
the ground possibly to incriminate me.
Mr. Wheeler. Is it not a fact that there was a group of machinists
of 8 or 10 who were members of the Communist Party within that
union ?
Mr. Johnston. Again will I have to invoke the fifth amendment
for the same reason.
Mr. Moulder. Let me understand that question, Mr. Wheeler.
Mr. Wheeler. I will repeat it.
Is it not a fact that there was a branch or cell of the Communist
Party within the machinists union of which you were a member?
Mr. Moulder. Can you specify tlie date ?
Mr. Wheeler. The date, sir, runs during the war years and before,
a continuing date.
Mr. Moulder. Do you have any knowledge or information concern-
ing tlie question propounded to you by Mr. Wlieeler ?
(The witness confers with his counsel.)
Mr. Johnston. I didn't get that complete. I am a little bit hard
of hearing. Would you read it over again ?
316 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA
Mr, Moulder. My question is, Do you have any knowledge or in-
formation concerning a Communist cell in the machinists union?
Mr. Johnston. On the question of knowledge, it is liable to in-
criminate me. So again I have to invoke the fifth amendment.
Mr. Wheeler. Mv. Johnston, do you believe the Communist Party
has a place in organized labor?
(The witness confers with his counsel.)
Mr. Johnston. Well, I couldn't answer that yes or no. I am no
expert. You have experts here, and I am not one. I am sorry I
couldn't give you an intelligent answer on that.
Mr. Moulder. You can express your approval or disapproval of it.
That is, in the form of the question you could express your approval
or disapproval of it.
(The witness confers with his counsel.)
Mr. Johnston. I just can't; I can't formulate any answer for that
one way or the other. So I just couldn't answer that question one
way or the other. I can't understand what exactly, what kind of an
answer would have to be on that. I am not clear. My education is
very little.
Mr. Moulder. Do you mean to say you haven't made up your mind
about it ?
(The witness confers with his counsel.)
Mr. Johnston. I have never thought about it before.
Mr. Moulder. Well, give it some thought now and answer the
question as to whether or not you approve or disapprove of Commu-
nist Party domination of a labor union.
(The witness confers with his counsel.)
Mr. Johnston. On that one I will give it some thought, and before
the committee leaves toAvn I will give you a statement of my thinking
on that.
Mr. Moulder. All right ; we will keep you under subpena and give
you an opportunity to think that out and answer that question some
time before we adjourn.
Proceed with the next question.
Mr. Wheeler. Are you a member of the Communist Party today?
(The witness confers with his counsel.)
Mr. Johnston. I will again, as in the past, have to invoke the fifth
amendment for the same reason. The answer will incriminate me.
Mr. Wheeler. Mr. Chairman, I have no further questions.
Mr. Velde. I have no questions.
Mr. Moulder. The witness is not excused.
You will be kept under subpena. You may attend the hearings
and give the thought you said you would give to answering the
question. '\Ylien you are ready, notify Mr. "VVlieeler, and we will
recall you to the stand.
Mr. Counsel, proceed with the next witness.
Mr. Wheeler. John Lawrie, Jr.
Mr. Moulder. Do you solemnly swear the testimony which you
are about to give before this committee will be the truth, the whole
truth, and nothing but the truth, so help you God?
Mr. Lawrie. I do.
I also want to say that I am here under protest and that all answers
I give will be — I will invoke the first and fifth amendment.
COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 317
Mr. iVIouLDER. You haven't been asked any questions yet.
Proceed, Mr. Wheeler.
Mr. Lawrie. I also have a written statement I would like to read
before this committee.
Mr. MouLTER. We will file the statement. Hand it to Mr. Wheeler.
TESTIMONY OF JACK LAWKIE, JR., ACCOMPANIED BY HIS
COUNSEL, C. T. HATTEN
Mr. Wheeler. Will the witness state his name, please.
Mr. Lawrie. My name is Jack Lawrie, Jr.
Mr. Wheeler. Will you spell the last name.
Mr. Lawrie. L-a-w-r-i-e.
Mr. Wheeler. When and where were you born, ]Slr. Lawrie?
Mr. Lawrie. I was born in 1921 in the city of Casper, Wyo., July
12.
]\Ir. Wheeler. And what is your educational backgTound ?
Mr. Lawrie. jSIy education background is one of having graduated
from grade school in the city of Seattle, and also Franklin High
School in the city of Seattle.
And at this point I would like to raise a point of order,
Mr. Moulder. 1 would like to ask you a question.
Are you now or have you ever been a member of the Communist
Party?
Mr. Lawrie. I would still have a point of order here that is in the
rules of procedure, and I think the committee would certainly be in-
terested in their own rules of procedure. And I would like to read
article No. 10, which deals
JNIr. Moulder. Will you answer my question first?
Mr. Lawrie. Deals with rights of a person afl'ected by a hearing. I
am certainly afl'ected by the hearing.
Mr. Moulder. I asked you a question if you are now or have ever
been a member of the Communist Party. You may answer. Then
you may have a point of order to raise when you answer to that ques-
tion.
]\Ir. Velde. If he answers the question instead of refusing to answer.
(The witness confers with his counsel.)
Mr. Lawrie. I am going to have to decline to answer that ques-
tion. And the reason I am declining to answer that question is that,
due to the man^^ oppressive and repressive laws, both on the Federal
and State level, I am going to invoke the first amendment and also the
fifth amendment.
I would like to be able to read the first and fifth amendments from
the Constitution of the United States. I believe we have a good Con-
stitution, and I am sure — or at least this committee claims they are
interested in the Constitution, and upholding the rights.
So I would like to read from the Constitution of the United State?
at this time.
Mr. Moulder. That won't be necessary. We are familiar with the
provisions of the Constitution. You have declined to answer on the
first and fifth amendment.
Do you have any questions, Mr. Wheeler ?
Mr. Wheeler. Would you relate briefly to the committee your
employment record?
318 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA
(The witness confers with his counsel.)
Mr, Lawrie. You stated previously that you would give me a point
of order if I answered the question.
Mr. JNIouLDER. You didn't answer the question.
Mr. Lawrie. I responded ; I certainly responded to the question.
Mr. MoTJLDER. Mr. IVlieeler, repeat your last question.
Mr. Wheeler, Would you relate briefly to the committee your
employment record ?
Mr. Lawrie. That was not the question that was put to me.
Mr. Wheeler. It is the last question I asked,
Mr. Moulder, This question is now being propounded to you.
Mr. Lawrie. That was not the question that he asked me to answer,
and that I would get my point of order.
Mr. Velde. I think I can clear up the matter. The question he is
referring to is the chairman's question as to membership in the Com-
munist Party at the present time or at any time in the past. And I
think the Chair very well stated that if you answered the question
instead of refusing to answer, invoking the first and fifth amendments,
then you would be given an opportunity, as you put it, to make a point
of order, which is not within your rights at all.
But now will you answer the question as to whether you were a
member of the Communist Party or are now a member of the Com-
munist Party? Let's put it a different way. Have you ever been
a member of the Communist Party ?
Mr, Lawrie, I still would like to raise my point of order, and I
think that I have that right, because, after all, this is your rules of
procedure, and I think you would be interested in it, interested in
that question. I didn't write the rules of procedure. You gentlemen
were the ones that helped to draw that up,
Mr, Velde, The chairman gave you a great privilege by allowing
you to answer the question "Yes" or "No," and then by giving you
the right to spout off about our rules and regulations, which we know
very well. And we Imow about the Constitution,
Now it seems to me that any person who is interested in preserving
the Constitution against encroachment from our prospective enemies
would be willing to answer the question as to whether or not he was
a member of the Communist Party or ever had been a member of the
Communist Party,
Mr. Lawrie, As I stated before, I still think that, as you pointed
out, you are interested in the Constitution. And I certainly think
you should grant a witness here, after all, that is here at your own
invitation — not at his own request — he certainly should be granted
the right to raise a ])oint of order, and if the committee feels that —
in my opinion they should feel that a witness should be granted that
right.
Mr. Moulder, Let me say you are a witness who has been duly
subpenaed here. You are under oath to answer certain questions.
You have the privilege under the Constitution to decline to answer.
We are not going to be engaged with you in an argument concern-
ing the Constitution or the rules of the conmiittee.
Now certain questions will be propounded to you by Mr. Wheeler,
You have the right as an American citizen to claim privilege under
the Constitution, which I assume you are about to do. You are cer-
COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 319
tainly not going to be permitted to enter into a soapbox argument with
this committee.
Proceed, Mr. Wheeler,
Mr, Wheeler, Would you briefly relate your employment record
for the last 10 years ?
Mr, Lawrie. I don't see any basis for the honorable gentleman's
statement, I still think that I have the right to raise my point of
order,
Mr, Moulder, You are directed to answer the question propounded
to you.
Mr. Lawrie. I still think I have
JNIr. Moulder. Ask the next question.
(The witness confers with his counsel.)
Mr. Lawrie, What was the question ?
Mr. Moulder, You haven't answered it,
Mr. Lawrie. I am asking the question,
]Mr. Moulder. You made a statement you were refusing to answer
without giving the legal reason for refusing to answer, I am directing
the examiner to proceed with the next question because you have re-
fused to answer it without cause,
Mr, Wheeler. Are you acquainted with Mrs, Barbara Hartle?
(The witness confers with his counsel,)
Mr. LAA^TtiE, I will have to state that I didn't understand the previ-
ous question,
Mr, JSIoulder. Do you understand the present question ?
Mr. Wheeler. I think the record will show that my question was
asked three times.
The question now is : Are you acquainted with Mrs. Barbara Hartle?
Mr. Lawrie. Well, with reference to the last two questions, I am
Mr. Moulder. We are not making reference to the last two questions.
He has asked you a simple question now, and you are directed to
answer,
(The witness confers with his counsel.)
Mr. Lawrie. With reference to that question on Barbara Hartle and
the pre\aous question, I am going to invoke lx)th the first and the fifth
amendment which states that an individual is not compelled to be a
witness against himself and shall not be deprived of liberty or prop-
erty without due process of law.
Mr, Moulder. The next question, please, Mr, Wheeler,
Mr, Wheeler, Where are you presently employed ?
Mr. Ibawrie. I am going to answer that question in this way :
During the time the committee was here — I believe it was last
June — I read in the newspapers where a number of workers, men and
women, lost their jobs.
]Mr. Moulder. You are not responding to the question. You must
be responsive to the question and not take the question as an excuse for
making a speech.
Now the question is : AVliere are you now employed ? Do you de-
cline to answer?
(The witness confers with his counsel,)
Mr, Moulder. Give him a reasonable time to decline or answer, and
proceed with the next question,
Mr. Lawrie. At this time I am going to request that I be allowed
to talk to my attorney.
320 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA
Mr. MoTJLDER. Very well. You will have an opportunity to confer
with your attorney,
(Witness confers with his counsel.)
Mr. Wheeler. Are you ready to proceed, Mr. Witness ?
Mr. Lawrie. I am ready to proceed.
I would like to know if I can state my reasons for not answering this
question.
Mr. Moulder. Certainly, if it is not at great length in the form of
a speech. Or you may decline to answer claiming and invoking the
first amendment, as you have.
Mr. Lawrie. I don't think that it will be long, but that is my
opinion.
I state again, as I stated before, because of many workers losing
their jobs because they were mentioned by this committee or in some
subpena, I believe that I have the right to earn a living, and that this
committee may be responsible for my losing my job to make a living.
And I would like to decline from answering that question, but if the
committee compels me to, I will.
Mr. Velde. In that connection, have you ever made a living by being
a member of the Communist Party ? Has the Communist Party paid
you anything for being a member of it ?
(The witness confers with his counsel.)
Mr. Lawrie. I am going to refuse to answer any questions that
refer to communism^ — in this committee under the fifth amendment.
Mr. Wheeler. Where are you presently employed ?
Mr. Lawrie. I am going to make the same statement as I made
before, that, due to the fact that many working people were fired from
their jobs at the last hearing, that I am liable to the same thing
happening to me, lose my source of income and
Mr. Wheeler. Were you fired from your job after the hearings here
last June?
Mr. Lawrie. No, not I, because I wasn't here.
Mr. Wheeler. Where were you ?
Mr. Lawrie. I was working.
Mr. Wheeler. "Wliere?
Mr. Lx\WRiE. I am going to have to speak to my counsel for a second.
(The witness confers with his counsel.)
Mr. Wheeler. Were you on an underground assignment at that
time for the Communist JParty ?
Mr. Lawrie. I said I would like to speak to my counsel at the present
time.
Mr. M0U1.DER. You may confer wnth your counsel.
(The witness confers with his counsel.)
Mr. Lawrie. I am through conferring with counsel.
It seems to me that there are two questions. One is where I am
working now. And the other is did I have anything to do with the
Communist underground.
Mr. Wheeler. You weren't responsive to the first question. We
are now proceeding along with the interrogation to another question.
Mr. Lawrie. Which question are you asking now ?
Mr. Wheeler. I am asking if you were on an underground assign-
ment for the Communist Party last June.
(The witness confers with his counsel.)
COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 321
Mr. Lawrie. Well, if it will help the committee any, as I said in
the beginning, that any and all questions that I am going to have to —
due to the many oppressive and repressive laws, both on the Federal
and State level, I am going to have to invoke the first amendment and
the fifth amendment, which have to do with communism or anything
of that category.
Mr. Wheeler. Where were you last June ? 'Wliat part of the coun-
try? Where were you residing?
(The witness confers with his counsel.)
Mr. Wheeler. Let the record show that he is conferring with
counsel.
Mr. Lawrie. I was in the State of Washington.
Mr. Wheeler. What part of Washington?
Mr. Lawrik. I would say it was Everett.
Mr, Wheeler. Now, Mrs. Hartle identified you as organizational
secretary of the central region of the Communist Party during some
time in the last few years.
J^Ir. Lawrie. Are you referring to a possible future Harvey Matu-
sow, one that swears one thing one day and then, the next day, swears
something else?
Mr. Moulder. But you are refusing to deny or affirm the charges.
You have tlie opportunity to show that Barbara Hartle, referred to
by you as a so-called Matusow, was telling a falsehood. But you are
refusing to do that. You refuse to say whether she is telling a false-
hood or telling the truth.
Mr. Lawrie. If it will help this committee any, as I stated before,
that' due to the many oppressive and repressive laws, both on the
Federal and State level, I am going to decline to answer that question
under the firet and fifth amendments.
]\Ir. Moulder. Proceed with the next question.
jMr. AVheeler. Are you a member of tlie Communist Party today ?
(The witness confers with his counsel.)
Mr. Lawrie. The same answer.
Mr. Wheeler. No furtlier questions, Mr. Chairman.
Mr. Velde. I do want to make this observation. Here again we
have a witness who follows the usual line of the Communist Party.
It is my belief that the witness, from his behavior on the witness
stand, is presently engaged in Communist Party activities. I feel it
is improbable that you will change your mind from the attitude you
have taken.
I very much regret to say that I do feel you are engaged at the»
present time in activities whicli are harmful to the preservation of
our constitutional form of government.
Mr. Moulder. May I ask did you ever answer the question as to
where you were now employed ?
Was that question ever answered ?
Mr. Wheeler. No.
Mr. Moulder. Then I ask you that question. Where are you now
employed?
(The witness confers with his counsel.)
52222— 55— pt. 1-
322 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA
Mr. Lawrie. I am employed at the present time by the Weyer-
hauser Timber Co.
Mr. Moulder. The witness is excused.
( Wiiereupon the witness was excused.)
Mr. Moulder. Call the next witness.
Mr. Wheeler. Edward Brook Carmichael.
Mr. Moulder. Hold up your right hand and be sworn.
Do 3'OU solemnly swear that the testimony which you are about to
give before this committee will be the truth, the whole truth, and
nothing but the truth, so help you, God?
Mr. Carmichael. I do.
TESTIMONY OF EDWAED BROOK CAEMICHAEL, JR., ACCOMPANIED
BY HIS COUNSEL, SARAH H. LESSER
Mr. WHEEiiER. Will the witness state his full name, please ?
Mr. Carmichael. Edward Brook Carmichael, Jr.
Mr. Wheeler. And where do you reside, Mr. Carmichael?
Mr. Carmichael. At Monroe.
Mr. Wheeler. Monroe, Wash. ?
Mr. Carmichael. Monroe, Wash.
Mr. Wheeler. "\'\niere were you born and when?
Mr. Carmicliael. In Washington.
Mr. Wheeler. What date ?
Mr. Carmichael. 1917.
Mr. MouLTER. Are you represented by counsel who appeal's now
before the committee ?
Mr. Carmichael. Yes.
Mr. Moulder. Would your attorney please state her name ?
Miss Lesser. My name is Sarah H. Lesser, and I am a member of
the Seattle bar.
INIr. Wheeler. Where are you presently employed?
Mr. Car^iichael. Washington State Reformatory at Monroe.
Mr. Wheeler. What is your position there?
Mr. Carmichael. Supervisory cook.
Mr. Wheeler. How long have you been so employed?
( The witness confers with his counsel. )
Mr. Carmichael. Four years.
Mr. Wheeler. Would you advise the committee of your educational
background ?
Mr. Carmichael. High-school graduate.
Mr. Wheeler. Of what school, please ?
Mr. Carmichael. Sultan LTnion High School.
Mr. Wheeler. How were you employed prior to your employment
by the Washington State Reformatory at Monroe?
(The witness confers with his counsel.)
Mr. Carmichael. By the privilege granted me under the fifth
amendment, I decline to answer that question.
Mr. Wheeler. On all employment prior to the time you went to
Avork with the State or for the State of Washington?
(The witness confers with his counsel.)
Mr. Carmichael. For the same reason, I decline to answer.
COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 323
Mr. Wheeler. In what year did you graduate from high school ?
(The witness confers with his counsel.)
Mr. Caiuviichael. 1935.
Mr. Wheeler. You are pleading the fifth amendment on the ques-
tion of all employment from 1935 to 1951? Am I correct in that?
(The witness confers with his counsel.)
Mr. Carmichael. That is correct.
Mr. Wheeler. Have you traveled outside of the United States?
(The witness confers with his counsel.)
Mr. Carmichael. I decline to answer for the same reasons as stated
before.
Mr. Wheeler. Have you served in the Armed Forces of the United
States?
(The witness confers with his counsel.)
Mr. Carmichael. Yes.
Mr. Wheeler. During what period of time ?
(The witness confers with his counsel.)
Mr. Carmichael. From April 1945, until August 1946.
Mr. Wheeler. Did you receive an honorable discharge ?
Mr. Carmichael. Yes.
Mr. Wheeler. Have you served in the armed forces of any country
other than the United States?
(The witness confers with his counsel.)
Mr. Carmichael. I will decline to answer that for the same reasons
as stated before.
Mr. Wheeler. Is it a fact that you were a member of the Abraham
Lincoln Brigade in Spain ?
(The witness confers with his counsel.)
Mr. Carmichael. The answer is the same as before.
Mr. Velde. Mr. Chairman, I think it would be appropriate at this
point to place in the record that the Abraham Lincoln Brigade has
been cited by the Attorney General and by the House Committee on
Un-American Activities and by various other committees as being
subversive.
Mr. Wheeler. I hand you a passport application signed by E, Brook
Carmichael, and it was subscribed to and sworn to on the 30th day
of June 1937. Did you execute this application?
(The witness examines document and confers with his counsel.)
Mr. Carmichael. I decline to answer on the basis of the fifth amend-
ment.
Mr. Wheeler. Would you look at the second page and advise the
committee whether or not that is your signature ? It is about halfway
down.
(The witness examines the document and confers with his counsel.)
Mr. Carmichael. I decline to answer for the same reason.
Mr. Wheeler. You will notice a photograph on the second page.
Is that a photograph you submitted for the application?
(The witness confers with his counsel.)
Mr. Carmichael. I decline to answer for the same reason.
Mr. Wheeler. Mr. Chairman, I would like to introduce this doc-
ument as Carmichael Exhibit No. 1.
Mr. Moulder. It is so admitted.
324 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA
Cabmichael Exhtbit Xo. 1
(The document above referred to, marked "Carmichael Exhibit
No. 1," for identification, is filed herewith and made a part of the
record.)
COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 325
]\Ir. Moulder. Is that a picture of you on that document ?
(The witness confers with his counsel.)
Mr. Carmichael. I decline to answer on the grounds stated before.
Mr. Wheeler. Have you ever been expelled from a union for Com-
munist Party affiliations?
326 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA
(The witness confers with his counsel.)
Mr. Car:michael,. I decline to answer for the same reasons.
]Mr. Wheeler. Our records show that you were a member of the
regional committee, Northwest Region, 12th District, Communist
Party, as late as 1950. Is that correct?
(The witness confers with his counsel.)
Mr. Carmichael. I decline to answer under the protection of the
fifth amendment.
Mr. Wheeler. Also a member of the Sultan Section 51. Is that
correct ?
(The witness confers with his counsel.)
Mr. Carmichael. I decline to answer for the same reason.
Mr. Wheeler. Also that you have been a member of the Com-
munist Party in this area, and a functionary on many occasions for the
past 18 years. Is that correct?
(The witness confers with his counsel.)
Mr. Carmichael. I decline to answer for the same reason.
Mr. Wheeler. When you became employed by the State of Wash-
ington did you sign a loyalty oath of any kind ?
(The witness confers with his counsel.)
Mr. Carmichael. I decline to answer for the same reason.
Mr. Wheeler, Mr. Chairman, I have no further questions.
Mr. Moulder. Any questions, Mr. Velde?
Mr. Velde. You have declined to answer whether or not you were
a member of the Abraham Lincoln Brigade. Is that right?
(The witness confers with his counsel.)
Mr. Carmichael. I declined to answer for the same reason.
Mr. Velde. Did you ever know Steve Nelson?
Steve Nelson, for you information, was a member of the Abraham
Lincoln Brigade and one of the Communist Party organizers from
Alameda County, Calif.
Mr. Carmichael. I decline to answer for the same reasons.
Mr. Velde. Are you now a member of the Communist Party ?
(The witness confers with his counsel.)
Mr. Carmichael. I decline to answer for the same reason.
Mr. Velde. No further questions.
Mr. Moulder. The witness will be excused.
(Whereupon the witness was excused.)
Call the next witness, Mr. Wheeler.
Mr. Wheeler. Mr. Ed Carlson, please.
Mr. Carlsoist. Mr. Chairman, because I do have quite a headache^
and it bothers me very badly, I wish to refrain from those snapping
pictures.
Mr. Moulder. The photographers will not take pictures while he is
testifying.
Hold up your right hand and be sworn.
Do you solemnly swear that the testimony which you are about to
give before this committee will be the truth, the whole truth, and noth-
ing but the truth, so help you God ?
Mr. Carlson. I do.
COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 327
TESTIMONY OF EDWIN A. CARLSON, ACCOMPANIED BY HIS
COUNSEL, JAY G. SYKES
Mr. Wheeler. Will you state your full name.
Mr. Carlson. Edwin A. Carlson.
Mr. Wheeler. I see you are represented by counsel. Will counsel
identify himself for the record?
Mr. Sykes. Jay G. Sykes.
Mr. Wheeler. AVhen and where were you born, Mr. Carlson?
Mr. Carlson. I was born in Grantsburor, Wis., 1909.
Mr. Wheeler. How long have you lived in the State of Washington ?
Mr. Carlson. Since 1940.
Mr. Wheeler. And where did you live prior to 1940 ?
Mr. Carlson. At Cloverton, Minn.
Mr. Wheeler. And what is your occuj)ation ?
(The witness confers with his counsel.)
Mr. Carlson. I am a machinist.
Mr. Wheeler. Being a machinist, are you affiliated with any union,
or are you a member of any union ?
Mr. Carlson. Because the answer to that question may tend to in-
criminate me, I invoke the fifth amendment of the United States Con-
stitution, and refuse to answer it.
Mr. Wheeler. Is it not true that you are a member of the machinists
union, A. F. of L. ?
(The witness confers with his counsel.)
Mr. Carlson. Mr. Chairman, I would like to explain that there are
3 branches of the machinists union in the city of Seattle.
(The witness confers with his counsel.)
Mr. Carlson. Which one do you mean ?
Mr. Wheeler. Any one of the three.
(The witness confers with his counsel.)
Mr. Carlson. I must invoke the fifth amendment to that question,
and refuse to answer.
IVIr. AVheeler. Are you presently employed ?
(The witness confers with his counsel.)
Mr. Carlson. I am unemployed at the present time.
Mr. Wheeler. I would like to read a telegram. This telegram was
sent by one Ed Carlson, member of the machinists union, is so identi-
fied, and appears in part 11 (appendix), page 6748, of the hearings
held here in June 1954. It is dated Seattle, Wash., June 19, 1954, and
addressed to the Velde committee, Seattle.
Dear Sirs : I see by the paper that Mrs. Hartle names one Ed Carlson as a
member of the Communist Party in the machinists union. I presume I am the
individual referred to. So that the record is straight, let me insert this into
the record for all to see and hear.
It did not take me 20 years to decide that the Communist Party was not the
answer to the problems as I see them. In fact, I am very nearly positive it was
Mrs. Hartle who tried to persuade me to reconsider my decision to discontinue
my affiliations, which is now approximately 5 years ago.
I do believe that my many friends and acquaintances are entitled to this ad-
ditional clarification of the facts.
Sincerely,
Ed Carlson,
Memher of Machinists Union.
328 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA
Did you send that telegram, Mr. Carlson ?
(The witness confers with his counsel.)
Mr. Carlson. Yes ; I did.
Mr. Wheeler. Were you a member of the Communist Party ?
(The witness confers with his counsel.)
Mr. Carlson. Will you specify the date that you are referring
to?
Mr. Wheeler. Have you ever been a member of the Communist
Party?
(The witness confers with his counsel.)
Mr. Carlson. Mr. Chairman, I am not a member of the Communist
Party today. But in regards to whether I ever have been one, the
tinswer may tend to incriminate me, and I refuse to answer.
Mr. Moulder, In other words, during the past 5 years, as I under-
stand the telegram, you have not been a member of the Communist
Party?
(The witness confers with his counsel.)
Mr. Carlson. Yes ; that is correct,
Mr. Moulder. In other words, 5 years ago you disassociated your-
self from any connection with the Communist Party movement. Is
that so ? Approximately 5 years ago ?
(The witness confers with his counsel.)
Mr. Moulder. It all amounts to the same thing since you answered
the question by simply saying that during the last 5 years you have
not been associated with the Communist Party, as I understand it
from your attempt or your endeavor to clear yourself here. And
that I would certainly like to see you do.
Mr. Carlson. ]Mr, Chairman, the question of association is so veiy
broad that I feel that you should make that question more specific.
(The witness confers with his counsel.)
Mr. Moulder, By disassociating yourself it is not meant by that if
you happened to be around someone who might have been a member of
the Communit Party. I mean did you yourself, in your belief, your
philosophy, your way of thinking and your way of activities, disasso-
ciate yourself from the Communist Party approximately 5 years ago ?
Is that so?
(The witness confers with his counsel.)
Mr. Carlson. Mr. Chairman, I never have — ^I did not participate
^jnowingly with the Communist Party during that period.
Mr. Moulder. Are you now referring to the past 5 years?
Mr. Carlson. That is correct.
Mr. Moulder. May I ask you this question :
Is your attitude and opinion concerning Communist Party activities
now different than 5 years ago?
(The witness confers with his counsel.)
Mr. Carlson. Mr, Chairman, I can't specifically state what my
opinions are, I just am in utter confusion.
Mr. Moulder. It is not the purpose of this committee, it is not our
intention, Mr. Velde and I or Mr. Wheeler, to confuse anyone or to
commit any injustice toward you.
I am impressed by your appearance and your endeavor to try to
come forward and make a clean statement or explanation. And I
think it would be to your benefit for you to do it for your own interest,
I am sure it would be.
COjVCVIUNIST activities in the SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 329
You infer that maj^be at one time yon may have had some connection
with Communist Party activities. You probably have some reason-
able explanation for which you maybe couldn't or wouldn't necessarily
be criticized or condemned.
Mr. Carlson. It is very hard for me to understand what you are
saying. Some of the words I do not catch.
Would you speak a little louder, please ?
Mr. ]MouLDER. May I ask you this question :
Are you now a member of the Communist Party ?
(The witness confers with his counsel.)
Mr. Carlson. No.
Mr. Moulder. Do you now believe in the Communist Party phi-
losophy or its objectives ?
(The witness confers with his counsel.)
Mr. Carlson. Well, Mr. Chairman, in the light of all the testimony
that I have read in the papers and heard, I really don't know what it
is about, I don't really know what they do stand for. I am confused
in my own mind.
Mr. Velde. It is not the purpose or intention of this committee, and
I can very well speak for all of the members of the committee, to get
you into a position where you are in contempt of Congress. I concur
with Mr. Moulder in his statement a few moments ago. I think that
you do have a problem. I think that you are confused about the situa-
tion. Nevertheless, you do have, in my opinion, some information
which would be valuable to this committee. At the same time you
could clear your own conscience, so to speak, if you would give us the
benefit of the information you have regarding your Communist Party
connections.
So I am going to ask, Mr. Chairman, that the witness be excused
and be given a chance to consult with his attorney and think the
proposition over, and possibly he may decide to return and give us
the information which we believe he has.
Mr. Moulder. I think that is a splendid suggestion Mr. Velde has
made.
You will be excused until tomorrow morning. You think this over,
and in the meantime, if you wish to talk to any of the investigators
or counsel or any member of tlie committee, we would be happy to
talk to you. Give it serious thought.
You will be excused until 9 o'clock in the morning.
(Wliereupon the witness was excused until 9 o'clock the following
morning.)
Mr. Moulder. Call the next witness, Mr. Wheeler.
Mr. Wheeler. Edmund Kroener.
Mr. Moulder. Do you solemnly sw^ear that the testimony which
you ai-e about to give before this committee will be the truth, the whole
truth and nothing but the truth, so help you God ?
Mr. Kroener. I do.
530 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA
TESTIMONY OF EDMUND D. KROENER, ACCOMPANIED BY HIS
COUNSEL, C. CALVERT KNUDSEN
Mr, Wheeler. Will you state your full name, please ?
Mr. Kkoener. Edmund D. Kroener.
Mr, Wheeler. Will counsel for the witness identify himself for
the record ?
Mr. Knudsen. C. Calvert Knudsen. And may the record show that
I am, Mr. Chairman, if you please, the treasurer of the Seattle Bar
Association, and, at the request of that association and at the request
of this gentleman, I am undertaking to represent him at this hearing
inasmuch as he is financially unable to obtain other counsel,
Mr, Moulder, The record will so reflect the statement made by
counsel,
Mr, Velde. May I make this remark?
In connection with our hearings last June it was mentioned several
times that the mere fact that an attorney represents a witness who
might be a fifth amendment witness should be no reflection whatso-
ever on the attorney. And I am sure that is true of all the attorneys
who have appeared here today.
Mr. Moulder. It is your duty to be here in the capacity in which
you appear here today, in the honor of your own profession.
Mr. Knudsen. Thank you, Mr. Chairman,
Mr. Wheeler. Will you spell your name, please?
Mr. Kroener. K-r-o-e-n-e-r.
Mr, Wheeler. Do you presently reside in Seattle ?
Mr. Kroener. Yes.
Mr. Wheeler. What is your occupation, Mr. Kroener ?
Mr. Kroener. Work as a machinist.
Mr. Wheeler. Are you presently employed ?
Mr. Kroener. No ; I am not.
Mr. Wheeler. Being a machinist, are you a member of any union ?
(The witness confers with his counsel.)
Mr. Kroener. I wish to invoke, on answering that, the fifth amend-
ment, on the grounds that it may incriminate me.
Mr. Wheeler. Are vou a member of the International Association
of Machinists, A. F. of L. ?
Mr. Kroener. Again I wish to invoke the fifth amendment.
Mr. Wheeler. Have they instituted charges against you to remove
you from membership in the union?
Mr. Kroener. Again I wish to invoke the fifth amendment.
Mr. Wheeler. What has been your educational background, Mr.
Kroener ?
Mr. Kroener. First half year of the eighth grade of grammar
school.
Mr. Wheeler. In Seattle ?
Mr. Kroener. Yes.
Mr. Wheeler. How have you been employed ?
Mr. Kroener. When I was younger I worked in logging camps
and did odd jobs in the steel mills, and as a welder. And, oh, since
about 1941 aiid 1942 I have worked in the machine trade.
Mr. Wheeler. In the machine trade?
Mr. Kroener. Yes.
COJVIMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 331
Mr. Wheeler. For what companies have you worked as a machinist ?
Mr. Kroener. I don't remember all of them exactly, and I couldn't
say the times I have worked for a number of the uptown shops and
marine yards in Seattle. Some of them have gone out of business.
Gibson's has gone out of business. And I worked at Washington Iron
Works and marine yards around Seattle.
Mr. Wheeler. Do you know who just preceded you on the witness
stand ?
(The witness confers with his counsel.)
Mr. Kroener. I wish to again invoke the fifth amendment on the
grounds of self-incrimination.
Mr. Wheeler. Were you present in the hearing room when Mr.
Eugene Robel testified ?
Mr. Kroener. I was present.
Mr. Wheeler. Are you acquainted with him ?
Mr. Kroener. Again I wish to invoke the fifth amendment.
Mr. Wheeler. Were you present in the hearing room when Mr.
Harold Johnston testified ?
Mr. Kroener. I was present.
Mr. Wheeler. Are you acquainted with Mr. Harold Johnston ?
Mr. Kroener. Again I wish to invoke the fifth amendment.
Mr. Wheeler. Is it a fact that the three individuals I just men-
tioned, along with you and other people, were members of a cell within
the machinists union ?
Mr. Kroener. Again I wish to invoke the fifth amendment on the
grounds of self-incrimination.
Mr. MotTLDER. Do you have any knowledge as to the action taken
by a machinists union referred to by Mr. Wheeler in expelling mem-
bers from that union where there is evidence of their Communist
aiRliations?
Mr. Kroener. I believe there may be some such program going on,
but I am not too well acquainted with it. So I couldn't answer it too
•clearly.
Mr. Moulder. Is the reason why you refuse to answer because of the
fear you might be expelled from the union ?
(The witness confers with his counsel.)
Mr. Kroener. Again I wish to invoke the fifth amendment on the
ground that the answer may tend to incriminate me.
Mr. Moulder. Do you have knowledge and information that the
union referred to is exercising its efforts to rid its ranks of persons
who are Communists ?
Mr. Kroener. Again I wish to invoke the fifth amendment.
Mr. Moulder. I liope the witness has contributed to the union's
effort.
Mr. Wheeler. When and where you were born, Mr. Kroener ?
Mr. Kroener. Seattle, Wash., April 8, 1920.
Mr. Wheeler. Are you acquainted Avith Mrs. Barbara Hartle ?
Mr. Kroener. Again I invoke the fifth amendment.
Mr. Wheeler. Did you know that Mrs. Hartle, in her testimony as
a witness before this committee in June 1954, identified you as a mem-
ber of the Communist Party ?
332 COjMjX'IUNIST activities in the SEATTLE, WASH., AREA
Mr. Kroener. Again I invoke the fifth amendment on the grounds
of self-incrimination.
Mr. Wheeler. Have no comment other than that concerning her
testimony ?
Mr. Kroener. No.
Mr. Velde. Mr. Wlieeler, do you have the testimony of Mrs. Hartle
there?
Mr. Wheeler. I do, sir.
Mr. Velde. Will you read it for the record, please?
Mr. Wheeler. Mrs. Hartle, during a portion of the testimony dis-
cussing the industrial branch of the Communist Party, was questioned
by Mr. Tavenner :
Will you tell the committee, please, whether or not there was any important
function that Elmer Thrasher performed in the industrial section of the party?
Mrs. Hartle. He was chairman of a branch in the industrial section, in the
building trades. He was a member of one of the building-trades unions — the
carpenters union.
Another one whom I recall is Ed Kroener. He lived in the Duwamish Bend
area, in the Duwamish Bend housing project, with his wife, Donna Kroener, who
was a member of the south King region and the Duwamish Bend Club, but he
was a member of the industrial section inasmuch as he was a member of the
Machinists Union, Local No. 79.
Do you wish to comment on that testimony, Mr. Kroener ?
Mr. Kroener. No.
Mr. Velde. To what period of time was Mrs. Hartle referring?
Mr. Wheeler. To what period of time, Mr. Kroener, was she
referring ?
Mr. Kroener, Again I wish to invoke the fiftli amendment on the
grounds of self-incrimination.
Mr. Wheeler. Mr. Kroener, did you at any time participate as an
individual within the Progressive Party in 1948 in the State of
Washington ?
Mr. Kroener. Again I wish to invoke the fifth amendment on the
grounds of self-incrimination.
Mr. Wheeler. Are you a member of the Communist Party today?
Mr. Kroener. Again I wish to invoke the fifth amendment on the
grounds of self-incrimination.
Mr. Wheeler. I have no further questions, Mr. Chairman.
Mr. Moulder. Mr. Velde?
Mr. Velde. I have just one brief question. How could your ac-
quaintanceship with Mrs. Hartle or Mr. Johnston or the other wit-
nesses whom you were asked about tend to incriminate you ?
(The witness confers with his counsel.)
Mr. Kroener. The answer to that question may open up a whole
field of other questions, and, therefore, I wish to invoke the fifth
amendment on the grounds of self-incrimination.
Mr. Moulder. Do you have anything else you wish to say in
explanation of your presence or your appearance here?
Are you married ?
Mr. Kroener. Yes.
Mr. Moulder. Do you have a family ?
Mr. Kroener. Yes.
COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 333
Mr. Moulder. Did you serve in the Armed Forces of tlie United
States?
Mr. IvROENER. Yes.
Mr. Moulder. In what capacity and what branch ?
Mr. Kroener. I was in the Marine Corps, 1944, 1945, and 1946,
South Pacific and China.
Mr. Moulder. Is there anything further you wish to say ?
Mr. Ivroener. That is all.
Mr. Moulder. The witness is excused.
(Whereupon the witness was excused.)
The committee will stand recessed until tomorrow morning at 9
o'clock.
(Whereupon, at 4 : 57 p. m., the committee was recessed, to he recon-
vened at 9 a. m., Friday, March 18, 1955.)
INVESTIGATION OF COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE
SEATTLE, WASH., AREA
FKIDAY, MARCH 18, 1955
United States House of Representatives,
Subcommittee of the
Committee on Un-Americax Activities,
/Seattle, Wa^sh.
PUBLIC HEARING
A subcommittee of the Committee on Un-American Activities met,,
pursuant to recess, at 9 a. m., in Room 402, County- City Building,
Seattle, Wash., Hon. Morgan M. Moulder (chairman) presiding.
Committee members present : Representatives Morgan M. Moulder
(chairman) and Harold H. Velde (appearance as noted).
Staff members present: Frank S. Tavenner, Jr., counsel; William
A. Wheeler, staff investigator.
Mr. Moulder. The subcommittee will be in order.
Mr. Counsel, call the witness you wish to examine.
Mr. Tavenner. Mr. Chairman, I would like to recall Mr. Dennett
at this time.
TESTIMONY OF EUGENE VICTOR DENNETT, ACCOMPANIED BY HIS
COUNSEL, KENNETH A. MacDONALD— Resumed
Mr. Tavenner. It is noted, Mr. Dennett, that your counsel is not
with you. Do you prefer to wait until he arrives before ])roceeding ?
Mr. Dennett. It doesn't make any particular difference. I am
sure my counsel intends to be here as soon as he can get here, but there
is no need to delay.
Mr, Tavenner. I understand he is in the corridor, so we will wait
until he arrives.
(At this point Kenneth A. MacDonald, counsel to the witness,
entered the hearing room.)
Mr. Tavenner. When you left the stand yesterday, Mr. Dennett, we
were speaking of your experience in the Communist Party at Belling-
ham. Will you please describe to the committee what additional
activities of the Communist Party you engaged in while at Bellingham.
Mr. Dennett. I believe, sir, that I recounted that the Communist
Party was active in the unemployed movement, and our membership
grew from 7 to approximately 160 in the course of a year's time, and
that we had proceeded to reorient that membership in the party from
exclusive work in the unemployment councils to working in an organ-
ization known as the People's Councils, which was organized by non-
party people.
335
336 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA
The two leaders of that organization at that time were Mr. M. M.
London and Mr. George Bradley.
The Communist Party was quite disturbed that there was such an
effective organization in existence which was not directly under our
leadership.
Mr. Tavenner. What was the name of that organization ?
Mr. Dennett. The People's Councils. Consequently, one of our
major objectives was to win that leadership to support the party posi-
tion one way or another. We had had previous experience with Mr.
London and we considered that it was not possible to win Mr. London
back to — or to support the party. Therefore, w^e concentrated our
attention on Mr. Bradley, and ultimately won him to support the party
and the party position in opposition to Mr. London.
Mr. Tavenner. When you say you won Mr. Bradley to the support
of the Communist Party position, do you mean to indicate that he
became a member of the Communist Party ?
Mr. Dennett. Yes ; he did. He became a m.ember of the Communist
Party after my constant agitation with him had convinced him that
the Communist Party program was a sounder program and a better
progi'am than the one that they were pursuing in the People's Councils.
And Mr. Bradley was unable to convince Mr. London, and they
became at some conflict in point of view on that.
Mr. Tamsnner. The organization there known as the Unemployed
Councils, if I understood your testimony correctly, was a Communist-
organized group ?
Mr. Dennett. That is true. The Unemployed Council was organ-
ized by the Communist Party, and it was our policy throughout that
entire period to insist that all unemployed organizations, if they were
to truly represent the unemployed, had to affiliate with the Unem-
ployed Councils.
Now in the case of the People's Councils, we tried to get them to
affiliate with the National Unemployed Councils. They never did.
Even after we won Bradley to our support the rest of the membership
still would not agree to direct affiliation wdth the National LTnem-
ployed Council. Instead, they felt that they had a greater kinship
and association with the Unemployed Citizens Leagues, which had
been organized in the city of Seattle and in various parts of the State
of Washington under the leadership of anti-Communists who had
originally come from the labor movement in the city of Seattle.
There were three particular leaders of the Unemployed Citizens
League who organized it at the outset.
And I am not sure that I related yesterday how serious the uneni-
ployment problem was in the city of Seattle, but I am sure that if
anyone w^ould take the trouble to look up the records they would find
that at one time there were over 90,000 families in the city of Seattle
who were dependent upon public assistance to maintain themselves
and their families.
There was no private employment in the city. The only pereons
who were receiving paychecks were those who were working for either
the State, Federal, or city governments. And under those circum-
stances the problem was A'^ery, very acute. The tax rolls were over-
taxed. I mean by that that the tax burden was greater than the
city was able to bear. The city treasury was soon exhausted trying
COJVIMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH,, AREA 337
to maintain the citizens who were unemployed through no fault of
their own.
Soon the county budget was exhausted, and they were perplexed.
The problem was far more serious and far more acute than the
average person today can possibly comprehend unless he looks at the
statistics, which are available, 1 am sure, in some of the research
libraries.
I sj)eak of that about the city of Seattle because I have some knowl-
edge of it from personal experience. The same situation existed in
nearly every small city in the State of Washington at that time. I
cannot testify as to what the condition was in other parts of the
country.
But it was that condition which opened the door for widespread
organization on the part of workers and unaffiliated and disaffiliated
people, and it was when they came into these organizations that it be-
came possible for the Communists to begin to hammer away with
the class-struggle line of tactics and the insistence that a relentless
fight must be waged against the capitalist system and blame the
capitalist system for this condition of unemployment.
It created a problem, too, for those who held public office because
they did not know what to do about it. And, frankly, it wasn't pos-
sible for any local people to solve the problem. It had to be dealt
Avith on a national scale, on a national basis.
It was not until after the new administration took office in 1933
that steps were taken which made it possible to start the wheels of
industry in motion again. And as those wheels of industry got started
in motion it was possible for these workers to find jobs. And when
tliey started finding jobs they left the unemployed organizations.
When they left the unemployed organizations they got out from under
the immediate influence of the Communists who had entered those
organizations, and, in many instances, obtained control.
1 am speaking specifically of the Unemployed Citizens League, the
People's CounciJs, and I think that there were some other organizations
around here that I have forgotten the names of.
I think that there was one called the United Producers of Washing-
ton that was created over in Pierce County which was affiliated with
the Unemployed Citizens League.
There were many different names of these organizations, and they
assumed different forms. But essentially they all performed the same
function. They provided a center around Avhich people could begin
to develop their own ideas and listen to other people's ideas.
I would certainly like to make certain that everj^one understands
that that kind of problem has to be dealt with also with ideas.
Mr. Tavexxer. You made reference to unemployment citizens'
leagues. Were there such organizations in Bellingham^
Mr. Dennett. No, there were not. The People's Councils per-
formed all the functions which the Unemployed Citizens Leagues
would do, pins the fact that the People's Councils also developed some
political aspirations. I mean they did embark upon an indep ident
political campaign, and they did run candidates for public office.
That was largely due to the influence of the Communist Party there.
Remember 1932? We were insistent that they not support either the
62222— 53— pt. 1 7
338 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA
Democratic or Republican Parties because we branded them as capi-
talist parties, and we insisted that the only way it was possible for the
workers to obtain what they wanted was through their own party.
We succeeded in prevailing upon the People's Councils to run their
independent candidates, and some of them came very close to election
to office. They didn't quite make it.
Mr. Tavenner. Mr. Dennett, I think it would be of value to the
committee to understand as fully as possible the methods used by the
Communist Party in that period in causing the Unemployed Councils
to take various courses of action in Bellingliam and Seattle, and to
understand to what extent the Communist Party was successful in
using other organizations which it did not control.
Mr. Dennett. I can think of two very graphic illustrations of that-
One occurred in the city of Seattle at the time the unemployed oc-
cupied this building for 3 solid days. The Unemployed Citizens
Leagues in the city of Seattle were anti-Communist; their leadership
was anti-Communist. But they were confronted with the budget run-
ning low, the city funds exhausted, and the county commissioners were
confronted with the dilemma of what to do with their funds diminish-
The county commissioners at that time ordered a cut in the amount
of relief which would be allowed. When they did that it placed the
anti-Communist leadership in the Unemployed Citizens Leagues in
a most embarrassing position because we in the Communist Party
and in the Unemployed Councils had been very critical of everything
which the Unemployed Citizens Leagues had been doing and which
their leaders had been doing.
When this cut occurred we blamed the leaders of the Unemployed
Citizens Leagues for permitting it. We didn't know that these leaders
had been opposing the cut. We didn't know what their actual atti-
tude was. But we very soon found out because these leaders were so
desperate that they decided to make a march on the County-City
Building where the commissioners were to meet in a room similar to
this one. And it was their intention to demand at that time that the
cuts not be put into effect.
However, the demonstration proved to be much larger and had much
more support than the leaders of the Unemployed Citizens Leagues
^anticipated, and the Communists — I remember it very well because
I was on the district bureau at that time — and we found ourselves
not in the leadership of a militant action, and we were embarrassed
and fearful that if we didn't get into the act that we would be blamed
by the national leadership.
And we didn't have any contacts in the Unemployed Citizens League
leadership, and we didn't know what to do. So we debated the ques-
tion for about 30 hours in 1 continuous bureau meeting. Following
that meeting we decided that it was best for us to join the demonstra-
tion regardless, whether we had contact or not, and we issued leaflets
and called upon our members to join in the demonstration.
(At this point Representative Harold H. Velde entered the hearing
room).
Mr. DENNET'r. In the process of doing so we received a bigger re-
sponse than we expected. In other words, the need was more acute
than even the most closest observers realized. Consequently, there
COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 339
were about 6,000 people down here in this building. They couldn't
all get into the chambers. They crowded the hallways, they crowded
several floors of the building. And some of the commissioners got so
scared of the demonstration that they tried to run out. They tried
to avoid meeting the leaders.
As a result, the demonstrators decided they would stay until they
did meet the leaders, until they met the commissioners. And it took
over 3 days before the commissioners finally agreed to meet with the
committee of this group.
I happened to be the secretary of that committee at that time, and I
am sorry that those records that I kept of that demonstration are
records which I do not have today. They would be quite valuable
to understand all the things that happened, the chronology of why one
thing followed another.
But I am quite convinced and I am quite certain that the account
I have just given you can be verified by checking the newspaper files
of that period.
Mr. Tavenner. Now is it correct to say that the general objectives
of the Unemployed Councils, which was organized by the Communist
Part}^, and the general objectives of the Unemployed Citizens Leagues,
which were anti-Communist in character, were the same in that their
purpose was to alleviate suffering from unemployment ? Is that true ?
Mr, Denxett. I think that is generally true with this possible
exception, that the Communist Party was never satisfied to resolve
the alleviation of immediate suffering. That was a tactic to win
wider support and to pursue their further objective of political con-
trol.
But, on the other hand, the Unemployed Citizens T^eagues were
concerned only with the question of getting some relief for the imme-
diate situation and not fundamentally altering the economic system.
The Unemployed Councils did strive to change the economic system.
Mr. Tavenner. That is the point I wanted made clear. This ap-
pears to be an excellent example of the Communist Party using a situa-
tion in which all people were interested from the humanity standpoint
and endeavoring to turn it to its own advantage in developing its
general objectives.
Mr. Dennett. I think that is true.
And while we speak of that point I think that all political parties
do the same thing. They try to turn things to their own advantage.
That is the way the Communists try to do it.
Mr. Ta\'enner. Was there any other development at that period of
time which would demonstrate how the Communist Party by its or-
ganizational efforts turned unfortunate situations of this character
to its own advantage?
Mr. Dennett. There was another example which seems rather devi-
ous when you look at it from this perspective, but at that time we
thought it was quite skillful.
In the city of Seattle after this embarrassing financial crisis arose
it became quite clear to everyone that to finance the relief load was
a problem greater than cities or counties could bear. It r.^quired
State and Federal assistance. But the State was not helping at that
time. The State was not doing anything. And the Communists con-
-ceived the idea of hunger marches. I remember there were national
340 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES EST THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA
hunger marches. There were also State hunger marches. There were
county hunger marches. There were hunger marches within cities.
Wherever the need was acute there were hunger marches.
And we had more than our share of them here.
In one, in particular, on one occasion, the Communists raised a de-
mand for a march on Olympia to demand that the State finance the
relief load for localities. Our request was for a big bond issue.
The unemployed councils in the city of Seattle did not have a very
large following, and it was a hopeless task unless some means could
be found to prevail upon the unemployed citizens' leagues to take part
in such a march. But the Unemployed Citizens' League leadership
was hostile to the Communist leadership in the unemployed councils.
But through the people's councils we were able to exert some influence
because we had a considerable Communist leadership developing in
the ranks of the people's councils in Whatcom County. Strangely
enough, that organization was in a position where its top leadership
was friendly with and collaborated with the unemployed citizens'
leagues in Seattle while those of us in the Communist Party, in the
ranks of the organization, naturally were following the leadership
of the national unemployed councils and were friendly with and work-
ing with the unemployed councils in the city of Seattle.
Consequently, when the unemployed councils in the city of Seattle
issued a call for a march on Olympia, that call was transmitted to
Bellingham where we entered into the people's councils and won a
majority vote in support of such a march, and with the further request
that they call upon the unemployed citizens' leagues in Seattle to join
the march, which they did. They prevailed upon the unemployed
citizens' leagues to join in the march.
Consequently, we had two somewhat hostile groups participating in
the same event, marching on Olympia.
But when they got to Olympia there was a split. There were two
demonstrations. And there is a gentleman in this room who sujffered
as a casualty of one of those demonstrations because at that particular
time he was a leader in the unemployed citizens leagues.
The unemployed councils people wanted to chase the leadership of
the unemployed citizens leagues and the people's councils away from
the head of that demonstration. And Mr. Jess Fletcher was a cas-
ualty on that occasion. He was pulled down off of one of the — I for-
get what you would call it — one of those approaches to the steps.
And he had a badly crushed ankle as a result of that occasion.
I was called upon by the district leadership of the party at that
time to make a speech. I was instructed to expose Mr. London and
to otherwise denounce the Social-Fascist leaders of those organiza-
tions. And, of course, being a thoroughly disciplined Communist, I
did precisely what I was instructed.
It had some repercussions because when we returned to Bellingham
I had some other unfortunate experiences about it.
I should say that in this demonstration in Olympia the Unemployed
Citizens League people did wait out the Governor and did get a com-
mittee in to see the Governor, whereas the unemployed councils peo-
ple left Olympia without seeing the Governor and without accom-
plishing their objective.
Mr. Tavenner. If I correctly understand these two illustrations
which you have described, in one instance the Communist Party
COI^OiUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 341
occupied this very building, joined in the activity of the unemployed
citizens leagues, and attemjDted to obtain for its own credit whatever
credit could be obtained, wdiereas in the other instance, by devious
means, they got the other organizations to cooperate with the un-
employed councils in the march on Olympia.
^Ir. Dennett. That is true.
Mr. TA^'l:NNER. The Communist Party reversed its tactics.
]\Ir. Dennett. That is true. We Avere very flexible people. We
could do almost anything with our tactics.
Mr. Tavenner. Therefore, the Communist Party's objectives were
accomplished in both instances.
?Ir. Dennett. That is right. And what was even more important
tf> the party was to be able" to carry a great big newspaper story in
the Daily Worker to the effect that the revolution was starting be-
cause the workers had seized the County-City Building in King
County, State of Washington, and held it for 3 days.
Mr. Tavenner. Was that used as Communist propaganda over the
entire United States?
Mr. Dennett. It was.
Mr. Taatenner. Up until the time you made that speech at the
direction of the Communist Party it appears to me that this was a
cooperative effort between the unemployed councils and the unem-
ployed citizens leagues in the march on Olympia. Am I correct in
that?
Mr. Dennett. It was ; through the people's councils.
Mr. Taa'enner. But manipulated through the people's councils
where you had influence ?
Mr. Dennett. Correct.
Mr. Ta\'enner. Then after arriving on the scene, you, at the direc-
tion of the Communist Party, made this attack on the leadership of the
unemployed citizens leagues.
Mr. Dennett. And the people's councils.
Mr. Tavenner. Was the purpose of this attack to utterly destroy
any effectiveness of those organizations in the accomplislunent of the
general purpose of the march ?
Mr. Dennett. Looking back on it from this distance, it certainly
appears to me that that was its objective.
Mr. Tavenner. When you returned to Bellingham what reception
did you receive from these organizations which had in good faith sup-
ported this march on Olympia ?
Mr. Dennett. There was a great deal of tension ; open threats were
made that if I showed my head around anywhere I would have my
head knocked off.
However, I was not so easily scared as that. So I showed my head.
The people's councils had a practice of, which I considered to be most
democratic, reporting to their membership.
Following the hunger march they called a mass meeting for the
purpose of reporting what had been happening, what their success was.
And these ver}^ leaders of the people's councils w^hom I had denounced
in Olympia presented tliemselves and reported to their membership.
In the process of reporting naturall}' they reported my part in the
affair, and their report aroused a great deal of bitterness among the
members of the organization.
342 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA
When I appeared in attendance at the meeting those who were pres-
ent near me moved about 6 or 8 feet away, leaving me a conspicuous
figure out in the open spaces. And some of the remarks were directed
toward me in that meeting.
I felt at the time that something was Avrong with the situation, of
what I had done. But I wasn't sure what. I knew, however, that if
I didn't face it all would be lost. So I chose to face it and take what-
ever consequences might happen.
The consequences came very soon. When the meeting adjourned,
as I attempted to leave the building four members of the organization
surrounded me and marched me around behind the building where
they proceeded to give me a physical beating.
I never have been much of a fighter as such. Physically I am not
equipped to do so. So I merely rolled up into a ball and let them
do as best they could.
In the meantime some of my friends came to my assistance, and
the police intervened to stop anything from proceeding too far.
However, I did surprise everyone by appearing and I did unnerve
them because they didn't believe that I had the nerve to show up after
what I had done in Olympia. And as a total consequence of it all,
I finally recruited most of the people who beat me up into the Com-
munist Party.
I felt they were good, militant people, and they were the kind of
people we wanted.
Mr. Tavenner. How long was that before you left Bellingham?
Mr. Dennett. Right now I can't fix a real date on that. I would
have to look at the newspaper files to be certain of the date. It wasn't
too long, however, because our influence had grown, and it wasn't
very long after that.
Mr. Tavenner. Was there any other activity of the Communist
Party while you were at Bellingham which would be of value to this
committee as far as you know in making the committee aware of
the tactics and methods used by the Communist Party to advance its
objectives?
Mr. Dennett. Offhand, right now I think of nothing further with
respect to Bellingham.
Mr. Tavenner. I see before me several pamphlets which appar-
ently relate to the various hunger marches which are among the
documents which you made available to the staff. Will you examine
these, please, and state whether or not thej^ were used in any connec-
tion with the matters you have been describing ?
(Documents handed to the witness.)
Mr. Dennett. Yes. These were what we called popular pamphlets,
to popularize the hunger marches. They were brief penny pamphlets
which we tried to sell in mass lots. In other words, if we could find
someone who would contribute a dollar we would make a hundred
of these things available and try to hand them out in large numbers.
They were given to nearly all persons who participated in hunger
marches, and they were an elementary introduction to the orientation
which the Communist Party had to the whole economic situation.
Mr. Tavenner. The purpose is not clear of the use of those docu-
ments by the Communist Party.
Here were those members who had agreed to take part in the hunger
marches. Why was it necessary for them to have such material?
COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 343
Mr. Dennett. Because in many instances people would participate
in these events because they were in need of relief themselves, but
they had no conception of what the economic problems were, and
they had no conception of the political objectives that we had.
.Vnd we were quite anxious to take that occasion, when they were
rul)bing elbows with us, to make certain that they took some ele-
mentary steps of understanding in our direction.
Mr. TA\rEN]srER. Mr. Chairman, I would like to introduce in evi-
dence three pamphlets entitled "The March Against Hunger," by I.
Amter, "The Highway of Hunger," by Dave Doran, and "Our Chil-
dren Cry for Bread," by Sadie Van Veen, and ask that they be marked
"Dennett Exhibits 5, 6, and 7" respectively, with the understanding
Dennett Exhibit No. 5
ey.D.
THE MARCH ^,
AGAINST
HUNGER
By \. AMTER
344 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES EST THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA
Read!
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that only the front cover and the back cover of each be incorporated
in the transcript of the record.
Mr. Moulder. They will be so marked and admitted.
Mr. Tavenner. In other words, you were going beyond the real
immediate purposes of the hunger march, and were trying to sell the
participants a bill of goods through these pamphlets.
Mr. Dennett. That is true.
Mr. Tavenner. Will you hurriedly look through these documents,
please, and call the committee's attention to a few items which would
substantiate your testimony on that point?
Mr. Dennett. Well, here is this one on the March Against Hunger,
by Israel Amter, in which some of the subheadings tell the story.
There is one, "Struggles Force Relief." The implication is very
plain that the only way they can get the relief is to engage in mass
struggles. And in too many instances that was true from their own
experience.
COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 345
Dennett Exhibit No. 6
— m\ E.v.n.
|{ONI£LESS
"Large Bodies of Workers Kepresented" : There was always a tend-
ency to exaggerate the number wlio actually participated.
"Marchers Enter Washington": the inference that the workers
could get to Washington and be represented by marching on Wash-
ington ; not by trying to be elected.
"Marchers Hold Conference Surrounded by Police" : referring to
the attempt to thwart the efforts of the workers.
"Workers' Congress v. Bankers' Congress" : the meeting of the un-
employed representatives in Washington, trying to hold a comparison
between their efforts and that of the Congress itself.
"Mass Action, Basis of Struggle" : a repeat of an earlier i)oint.
346 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA
Kead and Subscribe to
The
YOUNG WORKER
THE YOUNG WORKER,
as the official paper of the
YOUNG COMMUNIST LEAGUE
exposes all of the boss-class
attacks of- the working youth,
and rallies the young workers,
jobless youth and students for
the only way out —
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"Workers' Demands Can Be Realized."
"Crisis Deepens."
"Broadest United Front Must Be Set Up."
"No Unemployment in the Soviet Union."
"Our Next Step."
"Expose Starvation Conditions."
"Unemployment Insurance Will Be Won."
Those are some of the subheads in this pamphlet.
There is another pamphlet here, The Highway of Hunger, Story
of America's Homeless Youth, by Dave Doran. There is a subhead,
"Why the Boss Class 'Worries' About the Starving Youth": their
point being that the only interest the Government had in the youth
was to make soldiers of tliem, not to feed them or educate them.
Another subhead: "Unemployment Cannot Be Abolished Under
Capitalism."
COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 347
Dennett Exhibit No. 7
OUR CHILDREH
CRY FOR
BREM
'SAME VAN VEEN
"The Young Communist League Leads the Fight."
"The Only Way Out for the Unemployed Youth."
"For Cash Relief ! Not Military Camps !" They branded the CCC's
as military camps at the outset. Unfortunately, later on some people
tried to make military camps of them, and that did not succeed either.
Here is another pamphlet: Our Children Cry for Bread. And it
was certainly true. Children did cry for bread when their families
didn't have it to give them. And they have a subhead on "The Home-
less Youth."
I
348 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA
MISSOURI
1243 Garrison St.
St. Louis, Mo.
910 W. 21st St.
Kansas City, Mo.
MONTANA
P. O. Box 3 3
Butte, Mont.
NEBRASKA
1410 W. 20th St.
Omaha, Neb.
NEW JERSEY
3 85 Springfield Ave.
Newark, N. J.
NEW MEXICO
P. O. Box 143
Rosswell, N. M.
NEW YORK
10 East 17th St.
New York City
476 William St.
Buffalo, N. Y.
NORTH CAROLINA
P. O. Box 654
Charlotte, N. C.
OHIO
1426 W. 3rd St.
Cleveland, O.
OKLAHOMA
7 Broadway
Oklahoma City, Okla.
OREGON
245 1/2 Alder St.
Portland, Ore.
PENNSYLVANIA
919 Locust St.
Philadelphia, Pa.
2203 Center St.
Pittsburgh, Pa.
RHODE ISLAND
15 Snow St.
Providence, R. I.
SOUTH DAKOTA
P. O. Box 15
Frederick, S. D.
TENNESSEE
P. O. Box 219
Chattanooga, Tenn.
TEXAS
1310 Walker St.
Houston, Tex.
UTAH
225 Ness Bldg.
Salt Lake City, Utah
VIRGINIA
200 E. Main St.
Richmond, Va.
WASHINGTON
617 University
Seattle, Wash.
WISCONSIN
1207 N. 6th St.
Milwaukee, Wis.
WYOMING
P. O. Box 3 54
Torrington, Wyo.
t'neniplojment Series No. 2
Issued by National Committee Unemployed Councils, Room 436i 80 East
11th Street, New York City. Published by Workers Library Publishers,
P. O. Box 148, Sta. D (50 East 13th St.), New York City. March 1933.
Remember, if you please, there were more than a million young
people in their 'teens who were wandering aromid this Nation of ours,
just hoboes. They had no homes ; they had no food ; they had no jobs.
So such a heading has great appeal to them because it holds for the
hope that some otlier form of existence would provide a better life for
them, and the inference always being the Soviet Union was doing
that. The Soviet Union had solved that problem. Little did the people
know how they solved it. And now, of course, there is a great deal of
evidence coming into public attention which indicates that many of
those young people in the Soviet Union, while some of them certainly
did receive education as a way out, others also wound up in prison
camps, vast prison camps, enormous prison camps. And we must not
forget that that did actually happen.
Here these pamphlets try to present the idea that the children in
the Soviet Union live in a paradise. And at that time there was no
contravening or contradicting evidence to change anyone's knowledge
about it. Today I think there is.
COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 349
Mr. Ta\t:nner. Apparently the Communist Party did not lose
any opportunities it had to promote its own objectives.
Mr. Dennett. That certainly is true.
Mr. Tavenner. Will you tell the committee, please, the circum-
stances under which you were transferred away from Bellingham.
Mr. Dennett. Yes.
I referred to Mr. Alex Noral as the district organizer at the time
1 came into the district. He was fresh from the Soviet Union, and
it was presumed that he would give the most astute leadership be-
cause he had spent considerable time in the Lenin School in Moscow
between 1928 and 1931. However, Mr. Noral's attitude and methods
of work were so arbitrary that the average person could not stand
them, not even the most devoted Communists here. And he ran into
political difficulties with them.
Reports of these difficulties reached the central committee in New
York City, and they decided that Mr. Noral had to have some help.
So they sent some more people out here to help him.
Mr. Tavenner. Do you mean Communist Party functionaries were
sent from New York to this area ?
Mr. Dennett. Communist Party functionaries, people who fall into
the category of professional revolutionists, people who devote their
lives and dedicate themselves to the Communist cause and do as they
are told without question.
At that particular time 2 outstanding people came to the North-
west. In fact, 3 came at one time. One of them was another
person who had just returned from the Soviet Union having spent
2 years' study at the Lenin Institute. His name was Hutchin R.
Hutchins, a Negro who had done some outstanding work here before
going to the Soviet Union. But when he returned here he ran into
difficulty.
Then there was INIr. Lowell Wakefield, who had achieved national
prominence for having discovered the Scottsboro case in the South,
and had carried a large part of the responsibility of conducting the
organization of the defense of the Scottsboro boys.
It was Lowell Wakefield who got hold of the mothers of these boys
and prevailed upon them to go on national speaking tours in behalf of
their boys under the auspices of the Communist Party.
Mr. Lowell Wakefield was an especially able man because he could
raise finances and organize mass meetings and do almost impossible
tasks, at least tasks which the rest of us seemed to be very inept at.
He was very skillful.
Another person who came at that time was Mr. Alan Max. I noticed
from the masthead of tlie Daily Worker a couple of years ago that
Mr. Alan Max was the editor of the Daily Worker. Mr. Alan Max
spent considerable time here then.
I became very well acquainted with each of the men. However,
they were unable to solve the problems that were rising here in this
district, and the central committee was not satisfied with even their
efforts.
Following a national hunger march some time in 1933 a Mr. Morris
Rappaport,^ better known to us as Rapp or Rapport.
Mr. Tavenner. Will vou spell his last name, please.
Also known as Rapport, Morris.
350 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA
Mr. Dennett. Our use of it was R-a-p-p-o-r-t, and I believe the
full spelling is R-a-p-p-a-p-o-r-t or something like that.
Mr. Eappaport came into the district with a gi'eat deal of suspicion
and alarm on the part of us local people because we thought he was
an easterner who didn't understand the ways of the West. We were
quite surprised to find that he had originally come from the West.
He came from California. And he, like Mr. Noral, had been a part
of the Foster delegation or a part of the Foster faction. Although
he had not been a delegate to the Sixth World Congress in Moscow,
he learned a great deal more about it than Mr. Noral did because
when he came here he had an unlimited reserve of energy and tre-
mendous flexibility in application of the party line and party policy.
He was not the least bit afraid of anything. When a veterans' organ-
ization here in town tried to raid a school and destroy it here, Mr.
Rappaport had the courage to be among those present when it was
attacked, and he caused a great deal of publicity.
That publicity attracted the attention of people who didn't like
invasion of civil rights. Mr. Rappaport capitalized on that quite
beautifully.
Mr. Tavenner. Wliat was it about the functioning of the Commu-
nist Party in the Northwest which presented unusual problems to
the national organization in New York, causing it to send these top
functionaries of the party to aid in the solution of its problems in this
area?
Mr. Dennett. I think it was because our party had already reached
masses of people that were larger proportionately than they found in
other places.
Mr. Tavenner. Do you mean that the organizational effort had
been so successful in this area that it presented immediate problems
to the Communist Party ?
Mr. Dennett. It certainly did. As a matter of fact, you see, there
is a period, following the national elections in 1932, when the new
administration began to take those steps which caused industry to
resume functioning, in which there was a change taking place in the
composition of our organizations. People were not all unemployed;
some were leaving the unemployed organizations. Our problem was :
How can we continue to exercise influence on them when they cease to
be unemployed. And we were confronted with the necessity of enter-
ing the trade unions. We had to get into the trade unions one way
or another or we were going to lose completely our influence among
these people.
So the problem was, and the national office or central committee
was continually asking : What progress are you making entering these
unions ?
Mr. Foster, of course, was naturally very much concerned because of
his prior experience in trade-union work. And our reports were quite
unsatisfactory. We were not able to make the progress that they de-
manded. They thought it was a matter of inadequate leadership
here, and when they sent Mr. Rappaport they certainly picked a good
one because he did lead us in that direction. He did know what to do.
Mr. Ta\t5nner. How did the arrival of these (Communist Party
functionaries influence or affect your activities at Bellingham?
COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 351
Mr. Dennett. As soon as Mr. Kappaport got here he used a very
simple technique of determining what had to be done by way of shake-
up. He started changing section organizers in every section in the
area, jarring people loose from their established positions, making
them get a new orientation, making them begin to do new things. He
was quite pleased with the successes I had in Bellingham, and, feel-
ing that he was in need of a district agitprop director and knowing that
I had once been a district agitprop director, knowing also that there
was beginning to be a little ground swell of opposition to me in the
Bellingham area, he thought it wiser to take me out of there. So he
ordered me back to Seattle as district agitprop director, and I was
replaced by some of the newer elements which I had recruited in
Bellingham.
Mr, Ta\-enner. I have found among the documents which you have
made available to the staff a "Statement Issued by the Communist
Party of Bellingham Section on the Immediate Questions Facing the
Working Class." It is signed by V. Haines, section organizer.
Was that your party name?
Mr. Dennett. That is true.
Mr. Tavenner. Examine this document, please, and state whether
or not there is anj^thing in it which has a bearing on the organizational
setup from the standpoint we are now discussing.
(Document handed to the witness.)
Mr. Dennett. Yes. I have my original copy of that here.
This was an effort on my part to provide orientation to the mem-
bers, to take the official party line and apply it to the local conditions.
It was an effort to give the Communists in the Bellingham area some-
thing by way of interpretation so that they would know hoAv to apply
the party line and have confidence that they were following the Com-
munist Party line.
I don't know how much detail you want to go into on that. But that
was the general purpose of the statement.
Mr. Tavenner. I desire to introduce the document in evidence, ]\Ir.
Chairman, and ask that it be marked "Dennett Exhibit Xo. 8.''
Dennett Exhibit No. 8
Statement Issued by the Communist Party of Bellingham Section on the
Immediate Questions Facing the Working Class
The present epoch through which the class struggle is now passing is a "Transi-
tion period." It is a period in which the International Proletariat must prepare
to embark upon the second round of wars and revolutions. A period in which the
working class will definitely settle the conflict between the exploiting class and
those who are exploited, in a number of nations, and it is necessary that the
workers of all nations unite their efforts in this i)eriod so as to conserve the
strength of the working people.
The End of Capitalist Stabilization has been reached. There is nothing
left for the Capitalist Class except to waue a more vicious attack on the living
standards of the Working People. Profits can only be obtained by wrinaing them
from the lifeblood of the toiling masses. The living standards of the workers
has reached such a low level that huire masses would sa'Ter extinction 'should
this level be reduced. And yet such is the program of World Imperialism. That
is all it has to offer. But the class consciousness of millions and niili- ais of
toilers has been awakened to such a degree that they will openly resist any fur-
ther attack on their living standards. They will burst forth in open rel)ellion.
To meet this condition of World Revolt, the Ruling Classes throughout the
world are turning more and more to Fascism — a system of open dictatorship of
the present group of exploiters — a system more brutal, more ruthless, and exceed-
352 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA
ingly more destructive of the materials needed for tbe sustenance of human life.
Fascism is therefore the main enemy of the Workers of the World.
A system of Fascism will not bring about a stabilization of Capitalism, but will
instead bring a whole train of persecutions, and inflict the most abject misery
upon the toiling masses. It will mean the continuous lowering of the living
standards of the working people, and with them large sections of the petty bour-
geoisie. The inexborable laws of Capitalist Development will continue to bring
new crises in spite of the repressive measures of Fascism. During the Present
Economic Crisis tbe Fascist nations have suffered along with the other Capitalist
Nations, and they are now staggering under the strain, thereliy intensifying the
present World Crisis of Capitalism. Only in the Soviet Union where there is the
open dictatorship of the Workers and Farmers, where Socialism is being defi-
nitely planned and organized and put into operation is there any escape from
Economic Crises. The experiences of the Soviet Union during the World Crisis
of Capitalism stands out as a Beacon Light to the toiling masses throughout the
world as a living example of the Working Class way out of the Crisis.
In contrast to the Soviet Union, the Capitalist nations are attempting to intro-
duce Fascism in various forms of FORCED LABOR CAMPS and Peonage sys-
tems. A notable example of which is proposed for the United States by the
Roosevelt Government in the name of Unemployment Reserves, which in reality
are Forced Labor Camps designed as ARMY RESERVES in preparation for a new
Bloody Conflict among the Imperialist nations for a re-division of world markets
and for a war of intervention against the Workers and Farmers Government,
the Soviet Union.
This program is that of Fascism the world over, and it reached such a degree of
misery to millions and millions of workers in Germany that the Social-Demo-
cratic Parties there appealed to the Communist International to cease its attacks
on the Social Democrats and join in a struggle against Fascism.
The Executive Committee of the Communist International answered this appeal
by making a statement that, during this period of struggle against Fascism, it
will be the policy of the Communist Parties to refrain from attacking the Social
Democratic Parties and other Political groups which join the United Front, so
long as they actively struggle against Fascism.
In issuing this answer tbe Communist International called attention to the
fact that it has consistently urged a United Front of all working class groups
so as to carry on a more powerful resistence to the spread of Fascism. The
answer contained an appeal to all sections of the Communist International to
take steps to build tbe United Front of the International Proletariat in their
respective nations. Accordingly the Central Committee of the Communist Party
of the U. S. A. has further appealed to all districts of the Communist Party to
carry out this new policy of the Communist International.
Therefore the Communist Party of the Bellingham Section of District 12,
issues this call and appeal to the Socialist Party, and all organizations de.siring
to enter the Class struggle on the side of the working class in a solid United Front
and actively struggle against the forces of Fascism.
To do this the Communist Party proposes that joint meetings be held between
the various groups and the Communist Party, from which meetings or confer-
ences, programs of struggle can be adopted which will be designed for the better-
ment of the conditions of the Working Class.
This appeal is made by the Communist Party with the purpose of arresting the
spread of Fascism and pushing forward the cause of the International Prole-
tariat.
Issued by the Section Buro of the Bellingham Section of the Communist Party
U. S. A., District 12.
V. H.4.INES,
Section Orffanizer.
Fob the Reorganization of the Section
1. The method for reorganizing tbe Party in the Sections of the Communist
Party has been tersely put by stating "turn the face of the Party to mass work."
In the mass work are to be found the political problems which are facing the
workers. There will be found the material which will make possible the "all-
sided political exposures" which are a necessary prerequisite to good Party-Mass
work.
t
COMJMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 353
2. In order to accomplish a reorientation of the party in Whatcom County,
it is necessary that Party Units be organized in the most natural manner pos-
sible at the present time.
This can be done by neighborhood groupings, consequently it will be the policy
here to organize the Party on the basis of geographical position. But this will not
do away with the orientation to other forms of organization, that is the shop
unit, and fractions.
3. The Unit meetings should be at regular times at regular places for the
present until the units are closer knit together. But for this policy to be a suc-
cess, the meetings must be kept secret. Loose talk about unit meetings in the
presence of other persons must stop.
4. Each week the Section Committee will discuss the most important political
problem before the Section and will issue material which will serve to bring
written discussion before the membership and point out the Party line on each
question.
5. At each Unit meeting some leading comrade should lead the discussion —
that is, bring the report from the Section, open up the subject similar to what
was done in the Section Buro.
6. The discussion in the Unit should be organized in such manner that each
member of the Unit will participate, raising such problems as suggest themselves
to him.
7. The Unit organizer should sum up the discussion at the close. (This is
not ironclad. It may sometimes be better for the comrade from the Section
Euro or Section Committee to make the summary. The main thing is that a sum-
mary is made in which the Party Line is again made clear. This will fix the
Party line in each comrade's mind so as to last.
"The Communist's ideal should be a tribune of the people, able to react to
every manifestation of tyranny and oppression, no matter where it takes place,
no matter what stratum of class of the people it affects. He must explain the
historical role of the Proletariat" (Lenin) .
INSTRUCTIONS FOR UNITS
Hold Meeting on Friday, April 14, to consider the following :
1. The Reorganization Program for the Section — (Special Outline enclosed).
2. Elect Buro — Three most politically and theoretically developed comrades
in Unit.
3. Political discussion on the meaning of the New Policy of the Communist
Parties in regards to the Socialist Party and other Social-Democratic groups.
NOTE OF EXPLANATION
The Party organization is flexible. Forces can be shifted from place to place,
etc. But the Party line is quite well defined and there are sharp differences
between that which is approved by the Party Line and that which is disapproved
by the Party Line. The Party line does not change except under rare and un-
usual occasions.
The Sharp change in the International Situation has brought forth a change
in the attitude of the Communist Parties to the Social-Democratic Groups, this
includes the Socialist Party of America.
The whole membership of the section should have read the statement of the
ECCI in the Daily Worker some two to three weeks ago where the change of
policy was explained.
The Communist Party will maintain vigilance against those who attempt to
break the United Front and thereby betray the position of the working class by
complete and ruthless exposure. But there is a truce existing at the present time
between the Communist Parties and the Social Democrats. The Bellamy Club
.«hould be included with the Social-Democrats.
ON THE ORGANIZATION OF THE BURO
Departmentalize the work into the following categories which are indispens-
able now.
1. Unit Organizer — The most dependal)le person. — Come to Liberal Club Sat.
at 2 P. M.
62222— 55— pt. 1-
354 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA
2. Dues Secretary — Know list of membership — Come to Liberal Club Sat. at
1 P. M.
3. Fraction Secretary — Get list of all organizations to which the membership
belongs. Come to Liberal Club Sat. at 3 P. M.
Comradely yours,
Sec. Org.
Mr. Tavenner. Is there any further comment you desire to make
concerning that document ?
Mr. Dennett. Evidently I only have part of that document in my
own copy.
Mr. Tavenner. I believe there is a resolution appearing at the end
of the document which you apparently do not have.
Mr. Dennett. There is one note of explanation at the bottom,
which reads as follows, and I think it speaks for itself :
The party organization is flexible. Forces can be shifted from place to place,
etc. But the party line is quite well defined and there are sharp differences
between that which is approved by the party line and that which is disapproved
by the party line. The party line does not change except under rare and unusual
occasions.
The sharp change in the international situation has brought forth a change
in the attitude of the Communist Parties to the social-democratic groups. This
includes the Socialist Party of America.
The whole membership of the section should have read the statement of the
ECCI in the Daily Worker some 2 or 3 weeks ago
Mr. Tavenner. What is ECCI ?
Mr. Dennett. Executive Committee of the Communist Inter-
national—
where the change of policy was explained.
The Communist Party will maintain vigilance against those who attempt to
break the united front and thereby betray the position of the working class by
complete and ruthless exposure. But there is a truce existing at the present
time between the Communist Parties and the Social-Democrats. The Bellamy
Club should be included with the Social-Democrats.
That was a local organization in the Bellingham area which I had
not mentioned before. It was a group who had studied Edward Bel-
lamy's Looking Backward and his other Socialist books and pam-
phlets.
I believe that statement sufficiently illustrates what we were under-
taking to do, and it is consistent with what was going on all over the
country. The only thing is we met with more success than others did.
Mr. Tavenner. You described the activities of the unemployed
councils in Bellingham, and you have told us that they were
Communist-organized groups. Will you tell the committee, please,
who tlie Communist Party members were who took the lead in that
work, in addition to yourself, of course ?
Mr. Dennett. Well, I think I mentioned earlier — if I didn't, I
should at this time — that there was a young woman by the name of
Helen Quist who represented the Young Communist League, who
went to Bellingham at approximately the same time I did, and who
gave invaluable help in the organization of both the Young Com-
munist League and the Communist Party. She was a member of
both, and she was my closest and ablest assistant for quite a period
of time in Bellingham.
Mr. Tavenner. Will you spell the name, please ?
Mr. Dennett. Q-u-i-s-t, Helen Quist.
COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 355
When I arrived, the local leadership of the Communist Party con-
sisted of a person by the name of Martin Olson. And I hope that if
there are any Martin Olsons who hear of that that they will not worry
too much because there are so many Martin Olsons in this area.
But this particular Martin Olson was an unemployed logger at that
time.
Mr. Tavenner. In light of your statement then, can you give fur-
ther identifying information in regard to Mr. Olson so that there will
be no confusion as to the "Olson" referred to ?
Mr. Dennett. All I can say is that he was a man of small stature,
was an unemployed logger at that time. That is about all I can use
for description.
There was a person by the name of George Smith in Bellingham.
He at that time operated a little hotel which he owned.
Mr. Tavenner. "What was his activity ?
Mr. Dennett. He was just a member of the sectarian group that
just sat around and were satisfied that as long as they had a pure line
everything was rosy. The fact that they didn't do anything about it
didn't seem to disturb them too much. They were satisfied that they
were following the straight and narrow path.
Mr. Tavenner. Wliat do you mean by straight and narrow path ?
Mr. Dennett. They sat around and agreed among themselves that
the Communist Party line was absolutely right.
Mr. Tavenner. I wanted to be sure that the path you mentioned
was the Communist Party path.
Mr. Dennett. True. There was another person by the name of
Arthur Sinclair. I have heard since that he subsequently was de-
ported to Canada.
There was an older fellow by the name of Engstrom, but I do not
recall his first name.
Mr. Tavenner. Let me suggest this to you : If any of the persons
whose names you are giving withdrew from the Communist Party,
or if you have any facts indicating a change of affiliation, I think you
should give those facts to us.
Mr. Dennett. Well, I have no knowledge of any of these people
whom I have mentioned having done so.
There were a couple of women who were certainly the most re-
liable people for us in the sense that — remember we were in difficult
times, and eating was a difficult problem. And both of these women
did work outside, and they had a loyalty to their neighbors and
friends. Bellingham, you have to understand, is a comparatively
small town. People in it live much closer together than they do in
a larger city. Neighbors are a little better acquainted with each other.
Consequently, any suffering in the neighborhood arouses a deeper
response among people who are better acquainted than it does among
total strangers.
And these women extended themselves greatly to aid those of us
who didn't have any adequate income or any adequate subsistence.
I understand that both of these women have since left the Communist
Party. Do you want me to name them now ?
Mr. Tavenner. Was that in 1932 ?
Mr. Dennett. Yes ; it was.
Mr. Tavenner. Mr. Chairman, I suggest we take that testimony
in executive session, if he is convinced that they have left the party.
356 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA
Mr. Moulder. I suggest that you witliliold the names and not
announce them; this information ^Yill be given to the committee in
executive session.
Mr. Dennett. That answers all about the persons who were there
at the time of my arrival.
Before I left the following persons were developed into leader-
ship
Mr. Tavenner. Before telling us about that, have you given us
the names of all others in the Communist Party group who were there
when you arrived ?
Mr. Dennett. Yes ; all of those whom I have named were officers.
They held functioning positions.
Mr. Tavenner. Will you proceed, then, with a description of the
identity of those who were developed into leadership after you arrived.
Mr. Dennett. I should preface that by remarking that upon my
arrival in Bellingham the Ku Klux Klan was very active in ^Vliatcom
County. It was a practice for them at that time to burn the fiery cross
frequently in various places of the county. And I was informed that
they had a very considerable membersliip in the county.
I learned that some of those Klansmen were quite disillusioned with
the activities of the Klan. I made a practice of trying to contact
various persons whom I learned had been disillusioned by their activi-
ties in the Klan. And I have been trying my level best to think of the
name of a particular man who was an officer in the Klan whom I did
succeed in recruiting into the Communist Party. But I have been
unable to remember that man's name. I can only give this description,
that he was in the Sumas area and that he was a sheet-metal worker.
And that is the best that I can recall about him. It is quite possible
that if some of the other persons I mention, if they were asked, they
probably would remember him because he was a neighbor of theirs.
In this connection 2 very fine young men, one John Brockway
and another one, Harold Brockway, were working out on their father's
farm. Nothing to do. And they were quite intrigued by the prospect
which we held forth as the new life which would come mider a Soviet
rule.
There was a young man at that time by the name of Mel Luddington.
There was a very old man by the name of A. A. Johnson. I would
expect that because of his advanced age at that time he may not still
be alive.
Mr. Tavenner. May I suggest that if you have information as to
any of the persons being deceased that you not give us their names,
unless they performed some outstanding service for the Coimnunist
Party which we should know about.
Mr. Dennett. I do not know.
Then, of course, I have mentioned George Bradley.
Mr. Tavenner. I should have asked you to spell some of these
names, the spelling of which may be uncertain. Will you go back,
please ?
Mr. Dennett. Yes.
Mr. Tavenner. "Wliat is the spelling of Brockway ?
Mr. Dennett. B-r-o-c-k-w-a-y.
Mr. Tavenner. Luddin<rton ?
COMIVIUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 357
Mr. Dennett. Luddington, L-u-d-d-i-n-g-t-o-n.
Mr. Tavenner. Johnson ?
Mr. Dennett. J-o-h-n-s-o-n.
Mr. Ta\t:nner. Bradley ? B-r-a-d-1-e-y ?
Mr. Dennett. Yes.
Mr. Dennett. There was one other person I see that I have omitted,
a fellow by the name of Ed Hanke. I think he had a brother, too,
that was in. But I do not recall the brother's name.
Mr. Tavenneb. Will yon spell the name, please,
Mr. Dennett. H-a-n-k-e.
Mr. Tavenner. You mentioned a little earlier that several people
from this area were trained in Moscow and attended the Lenin Insti-
tute. I believe you named 2 of them from this area. Wlio were the
2?
Mr. Dennett. One was Alex Noral. The other was Hutchin K.
Hutchins.
Mr. Tavenner. Were there any others?
Mr. Dennett. Yes.
James Bourne, B-o-u-r-n-e.
I think there were more than that, but I cannot at this moment
place them.
I remember that in 1932 there was an organization known as the
Friends of the Soviet Union, which was inspired by and under the
leadership of the Communist Party, and its purpose was to take dele-
gations to the Soviet Union to win their support and approval of the
Soviet Union and what it was doing. And I recall one experience
with a longshoreman from Tacoma. I cannot for the life of me think
of his name. But he went to the Soviet Union on one of these
Friends-of-the-Soviet-Union tours, came back, made the prepared
speeches which the Friends of the Soviet Union asked him to make,
and proceeded afterward to go around and make speeches contradict-
ing his original speeches, stating that he did not realize how much
harm he was doing by presenting the Soviet Union as the land of
paradise, that he was quite disappointed with what he found when
he found all the women doing the heavy work. And that seemed to
be the chief thing that he objected to.
Mr. Tavenner. ^Yhiit was the date of your transfer back to Seattle?
Mr. Dennett. It was some time late in 1933.
Mr. Tavenner. How long did you remain as agitprop, agitation
propagandist in Seattle?
Mr. Dennett. Not very long. It seems to be an office in which
there are many casualties because one, to fill that position, has to
have a broad knowledge of the theoretical works of the party. And
I can assure this committee that there is a great deal of written ma-
terial on the subject which it takes a lifetime to study. I did the best
I knew how at mastering a knowledge of it, but I then found out
that the things which I had learned in the theoretical sense were not
always respected by those who were in the administrative positions
of the party, and frequently they would disregard my knowledge of
the theoretical work and try to make it appear as though I was far
off the line.
And there was constant conflict. Rappaport, when he came into
the district, found many practical problems that didn't lend them-
selves to the theoretical solutions which I found, and he, being a man
358 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA
of a great deal more experience and much more authority, made short
work of me.
Mr. Tavenner. Can you tell us the approximate period of time
that you remained in that position? You said not long. But give
us a more adequate idea.
Mr. Dennett. It was only a couple of months, I believe. I do not
recall the exact circumstances which arose. But there was some
conflict, some specific conflict in which Eappaport convinced me that
I was completely wrong, and required that I submit a statement to
the party in which I admit that I was completely wrong.
I believe that you have a copy of that. I cannot put my finger on
a copy now.
I did precisely what I was requested to do as a sign of my obedience.
I have found my own statement. I think I could put it in.
Mr. Tavenner. May I see it, please.
(Document handed to Mr. Tavenner.)
Mr. Tavenner. Will you state to the committee, please, what the
error was which you were induced to confess?
Mr. Dennett. I have been trying to think what it is. I can't even
recall now what it was. In fact, I had completely forgotten the
incident until Mr. Wheeler ran across it and asked me what it was.
Mr. Tavenner. Will you read it in evidence, please.
Mr. Dennett (reading) :
Statement of V. Haines * * * Eugene Dennett
To the District Buro, District 12, CPUS A :
I have made a political error, in consequence of which I have been removed
from the functions of district agitprop director.
I agree with the decision.
It is my responsibility to the party to prove myself by correct rank-and-file
activity.
Comradely submitted,
V. Haines * * * Eugene Dennett.
Mr. Tavenner. I desire to introduce the paper in evidence, and ask
that it be marked "Dennett Exhibit No. 9."
Mr. MoirLDEK. The above statement will be identified as "Dennett
Exhibit No. 9" in the record.
Mr. Tavenner. Will you tell the committee, please, what the organi-
zation setup was of the Communist Party in Seattle during the 2
periods when you served here as agitprop ?
Mr. Dennett. Well, the first period the party consisted almost
exclusively of what we called a skidroad branch. Almost all the
membership of the party was transient workers who lived on or about
the skidroad. And when Rappaport came in — speaking now of the
second period — Eappaport raised cain over the fact that the member-
ship was all transient, insisting that the party must root itself in the
neighborhoods. It must become acquainted with the permanent citi-
zens, not those who were called the boomers or the floaters, those who
COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 359
used Seattle as a mail headquarters and holed up during the winter
or off season but left the city during their construction work, which
most of them followed.
And he used the technique of developing neighborhood branches
out of those who were members of the unemployed citizens leagues or
unemployed councils, and from those, as people went to work in
industry, he tried to develop shop or factory, what we call nuclei.
Most of the success in that field occurred among the lumber workers
because they were among the first to get out and get back to work
out in the woods, the loggers.
So we had still the problem of maintaining contact with them. It
was very difficult to do.
Mr. Tavenner. Will you tell the committee, please, who were the
functionaries of the Communist Party in Seattle during those two
periods.
Mr. Dennett. The first one I think we have covered, when we
mention Mr. Alex Noral, Fred Walker, Jim Bourne, B-o-u-r-n-e, Mr.
John Lawrie. I think that is L-a-w-r-i-e. John Lawrie, Sr.
There was a Mr. Ed Leavitt, L-e-a-v-i-t-t.
They were the leading functionaries with whom I worked at that
time.
Mr. Tavenner. After you were removed as agitprop what was your
next activity in the Communist Party ?
Mr. Dennett. I had to become a good rank-and-file member and
work in the unemployed-citizens leagues. Yes; by that time the
Communists had taken over a number of the locals of the unemployed-
citizens leagues in the city of Seattle, and were making a strong bid
to take over the top leadership, the central UCL. And I was working
in the skid-road local of the unemployed-citizens leagues, and was
living in the soup line.
Mr. Tavenner. How long did that continue?
Mr. Dennett. That continued until I went into the CCC's.
Mr. Tavenner. Can you give us the approximate date?
Mr. Dennett. I think it was in April 1934.
Mr. Moulder. In what capacity did you go into the CCC?
Mr. Dennett. As an enlisted man.
Mr. Moulder. Wasn't that a program where there was a chairman
in each community or county ? Or section of a city ?
Mr. Dennett. No. This is the Civilian Conservation Corps.
Mr. Moulder. Yes; I know. And they were given so much em-
ployment in each county or each section of the city, and someone
had to pass upon those. Is that the program where you were paid
so much and the parents would receive so much ?
Mr. Dennett. That is true. That is the program. I think you
are correct, sir, in saying there was a quota allotment for each com-
munity. I think you are right.
But in this particular case that was not involved in mine because
the camps that we were recruited to were known as LEM's or local
experience man camps. We were making new camps. We were
doing the heavy construction work and making camps that would
360 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA
later be taken over by the young people that you are thinking of that
were assigned by quota. You are quite correct. That is the program.
I had forgotten that part of it.
And that evidently is what happened, an allotment had been made
as to the number that could come out of the Seattle soup line, and I
was one of those that was able to volunteer and got into it.
Mr. Taatenner. How long did you remain a member of the Civilian
Conservation Corps ?
Mr. Dennett. Until July of 1935.
Mr. Tavenner. Did you engage in any Communist Party activities
during that period ?
Mr, Dennett. That is a question that is open to dispute. I didn't
think that I did. But the company commander thought that I did.
So he proceeded to have me expelled from the CCC.
Mr. Tavenner. What was the nature of the activity in which you
did engage and which resulted in your expulsion?
Mr. Dennett. When I became a member of the CCC there was
provision for the Army to administer the camps, the Forest Service
to administer the work, and for an educational director to supervise
the training. And there was provision for an educational director
to have an assistant who could be selected from among those enlistees
who were a part of the company. I was chosen as the assistant educa-
tional director.
Mr. Tavenner. Were you advised by the Communist Party to get
into the CCC camps for any propaganda purpose ?
Mr. Dennett. No ; I was not. On the contrary, in my instance, they
said, "You had better stay away from that Fascist outfit because it
is just a place where they are going to give military training and get
ready for the next imperialist war, and we don't want you to be in it."
Mr. Moulder. Wasn't it in the nature of a relief program?
Mr. Dennett. Yes.
Mr. Moulder. And naturally the Communist Party was opposed to
the relief program, and wanted people generally to stay in the depres-
sion. ^Vasn't that the policy or wishes of the Communist Party?
Mr. Dennett. That would be one way of putting it, and probably
the way that many people viewed it. I didn't look at it that way
myself at that time. But I can't dispute that point of view. The
point that I started to speak of w^as that I was selected as the assistant
educational director, and, frankly, I took quite seriously the literature
which was sent from the United States Office of Education to the
camps.
And among the points which were emphasized in this literature
was the necessity of teaching the democratic process of government.
But it has always been my experience that when you try to carry out
the teaching of the democratic process of government and you come
in contact with the military, sometimes they don't quite agree with
you. And in this particular instance my efforts to carry out the
literature and carry out the educational program which came from
John W. Studebaker's office, the United States Office of Education,
met with considerable resistance on the part of the company com-
mander. He just didn't like the idea. It sounded to him as though
it was communistic for people to be talking about democracy and
talking about having some way of resolving grievances and difficulties
COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH,, AREA 361
and that sort of thing through the democratic legislative method.
And we came into sharp conflict over that.
Of course, I finally gave him the excuse which he was looking for.
Some of these workers in the camp were from the soup line with me —
most of them were. They knew me around Seattle and they knew
that I had been an agitator on the waterfront and on the skidroad.
I had held many meetings on the skidroad. So I was well known to
these men. And the}^ asked me to conduct a course in sociology. I had
some knoA^ledge on the subject, and I had some textbooks of my
own which I had used, which I had studied when I was going to
the university. One of those was a book entitled "Contemporary So-
cial Movements" by Jerome Davis. I had that book. And, of course,
that book attempts to survey all the then current social, political, and
economic philosophies that were occupjdng the attention of various
people throughout the world, including the Communists and the
Fascists, the Soviet Union and what was going on in Italy, and that
sort of thing, and also in Germany. So I proceeded to answer the
request of these workers to have a class in contemporary social
movements.
The company commander attended two sessions of the class. And
he attendee! those two sessions where I was using this text to describe
the Communist system in the Soviet Union and the Fascist system in
Italy. And he decided that that was subversive propaganda and
should not be conducted, and he accused me of spreading subversive
propaganda in the camp.
Mr. Moulder. Then were you expelled ?
Mr. Dennett. Yes.
Mr. Tavenner. Wasn't his accusation correct?
Mr. Dennett. I think that his accusation was misplaced. I was
making as honest an effort as I knew how to make an objective study.
A nd there seems to be a great deal of difficulty in these days, as there
was then, to determine the difference between an objective presenta-
tion of a factual situation with respect to a controversial subject with-
out being accused of propagandizing for it. It is a difficult point.
Mr. Ta\ti:nner. In what work after your removal from the Civilian
Conservation Corps did you engage?
Mr. Dennett. That is when 1 was shanghaied on to a boat here on
the waterfront in Seattle.
Mr. Tavenner. Now I think, Mr. Chairman, that is a subject that
we will reserve discussion for until later. But I w^ould like to ask at
this time, if the chairman will issue a subpena duces tecum requiring
the witness to present to the staff all of the documents which he now has
in his possession. By that I do not mean the committee is going to
remove them in such a way that tlie witness will not have access to
them, but in order that we may keep those documents intact until the
committee staff' has been able to fully examine them.
Mr. Moulder. The subpena will be issued.
Mr. Tavenner. Is there any objection to that on your part?
(The witness confers with his counsel.)
Mr. Dennett. I have just conferred with my counsel, and we won-
dered whether or not you included books.
Mr. Tavenner. There may be some books which the committee
would like to have included. However, the committee would not be
interested in those books which it already has in its possession.
362 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA
Mr. Moulder. Wliatever counsel will require will be set forth in
the subpena.
Mr. Tavenner. I wanted to be certain that the witness is agreeable
to it. "We could do it without his agreement, but I prefer to find out
if he is agreeable.
(The witness confers with his counsel.)
Mr. Dennett. I have conferred with my counsel, and he has raised
the question with me : Can I provide adequate protection for the doc-
uments which seem to have such importance. And, frankly, I have
some misgivings as to whether I can furnish as good protection for
them as perhaps the committee can. So I am agreeable to whatever
the committee wishes to do.
Mr. Tavenner. Thank you, sir.
Mr. Moulder. The committee will stand in recess. However, I
wish to announce that immediately after the recess Mr. Johnston and
Mr. Carlson should make themselves available for recall appearances
before the committee.
The committee will stand in recess for a period of 10 minutes.
(Whereupon, a short recess was taken.)
Mr. Moulder. The committee will be in order.
The committee is informed that the witness Jerry O'Connell has
counsel appearing for him.
Mr. Hatten. Yes.
Mr. Moulder. Please come forward.
STATEMENT OF C. T. HATTEN, ATTORNEY AT LAW, SEATTLE, WASH.
Mr. Hatten. I was in attendance all day yesterday. However, I
was not authorized to speak for Mr. O'Connell. I understood that he
had wired and otherwise contacted the chairman of this committee,
Representative Walter, and had expected to receive word from him.
The reason for Mr. O'Connell's not appearing here is the fact that
he has had an acute heart attack, and has had a heart condition for a
considerable period of time.
I have with me a letter from Dr. Harry McGregor, Great Falls,
Mont., which gives the results of an examination made on March 15,
and which concludes that
Mr. Moulder, Will you read the letter into the record ?
Mr. Hatten. I can hand the letter over and make it a part of the
record if the chairman wishes. I merely wanted to state that it con-
cludes that he is advised not to attend, or to withhold from the duties
set forth in the subpena.
Of course, I appreciate that the committee may want to have him
examined by an independent physician, and I am sure that whatever
the committee's desires are in that regard will be agreeable with Mr.
O'Connell, or in the event that the committee should desire to examine
him in Great Falls, Mont., at some later continued hearing. One of
the problems is the distance that he would have to travel under his
condition. He would either have to come by plane, or, in the absence
of that, travel over the mountain passes, which would seriously aflfect
his health.
COMMUlSriST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 363
Mr. Velde. I do not want to violate any of your rights as to attor-
ney-client relationship, but have you talked to Mr. O'Connell person-
ally?
Mr. Hatten. No, I did not.
Mr. Velde. You mentioned that he had previously requested Mr.
Walter, the chairman of the full committee
Mr. Hatten. I understand that he has communicated with Repre-
sentative Walter, yes.
Mr. Velde. Do you know the date of that?
Mr. Hatten. I do not.
Mr. Velde. Mr. Chairman, I think it should be made a matter of
record that Mr. O'Connell was duly subpenaed on — what was the date?
Mr. Moulder. The eighth of March.
Mr. Velde. The 8th day of March and up until this moment we have
not received any type of communication from Mr. O'Connell.
While, of course, we always have been very lenient as far as the
witnesses who have medical ailments are concerned, however, it has
always been the custom — and I think probably Mr. O'Connell knows
about this, too — for a medical affidavit to be filed promptly. In this
case it certainly hasn't been prompt.
Mr. Hatten. That depends upon the period of time when he had
the attack. He certainly couldn't advise the committee on the date
of the subpena of his inability to attend if the reason why he couldn't
attend was an attack which occurred later.
Mr. Tavenner. Is that the situation ?
Mr. Hatten. I couldn't advise the committee. The committee will
undoubtedly go into this further, and the exact dates and situations
will be discovered.
I have not been in Great Falls, Mont., and I don't want to make any
representations.
Mr. Moulder. You aren't making an appearance ? You are simply
presenting this letter ?
Mr. Hatten. That is correct.
Mr. Moulder. Very well.
Will you call Mr. Johnston as a witness?
TESTIMONY OF HAROLD JOHNSTON, ACCOMPANIED BY HIS
COUNSEL, JAY G. SYKES— Resumed
Mr. Moulder. Mr. Johnston, you were on the stand yesterday to
testify in answer to questions propounded to you by Mr. Wheeler, and
the Chair asked you the question or a similar question, as to whether
or not you approved or disapproved of Communist infiltration, influ-
ence, and domination of the labor union of which you are a member.
And you said that you hadn't had time to give the question any thought
or consideration. We felt that by giving you sufficient time and re-
calling you today you could give us an answer to that question.
(The witness confers with his counsel.)
Mr. Johnston. Mr. Chairman, I feel that the wording of that you
just now mentioned was not the wording of the question yesterday.
It was a little different.
But, in answer to the question you just now raised to me, there is
only one thing I can do under that, and that is to — if I answer that
364 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA
either way it would tend to incriminate me, and I have to invoke
the fifth amendment.
Mr. Moulder. We will rephrase the question in this way :
Do 3"ou approve or disapprove of Communist domination of any
union ?
(The witness confers with his counsel.)
Mr. Johnston. Purely as a matter of opinion, I do not approve of
any group, whether it be to control the trade-union movement — I feel
it should be a free union. Whether it is Communist, Fascist, National
Manufacturers Association or what-have-you. That is purely my
opinion on it.
Mr. Moulder. Do you object to a Communist holding an official
position in any labor union ?
Mr. Johnston. On that one I will have to, as in the past, invoke
the fifth amendment.
Mr. MoLTLDER. Would you vote for or against a candidate seeking
office in a local laborers' union if he were a Communist?
Mr. Johnston. Mr. Chairman, I feel that, under our rights — and I
know the majority of unions, as I understand them — we vote by secret
ballot, the same as in our elections for the honorable representatives'
elected by your people in your district, by secret ballot. And that
is a right that we are able to keep to ourselves.
Mr. Moulder. Any questions ?
Mr. Tavenner. No, sir ; I have no questions.
Mr. Moulder. The Avitness is excused.
Mv. Sykes. Can I make a short statement here? I think it might
be helpful to the committee. It will take about a half minute.
Mr. Johnston. Is that in regard to me ?
Mr. Sykes. No.
STATEMENT OE JAY G. SYKES, ATTORNEY AT LAW,
SEATTLE, WASH.
Mr. Sykes. Several witnesses liere have invoked the fifth amend-
ment upon being asked the question: "Have you ever been a mem-
ber of a labor union?" And I know that the use of the fifth amend-
ment in answer to that question may have created some misunder-
standing in the mind of the public and the mind of the committee.
I would like to make it clear that the invoking of the fifth amend-
ment to this particular question is not meant to imply, nor should it
be implied, that I or my clients think there is anything at all incrim-
inating, in itself, in membership in a labor union.
But, as you gentlemen know, there are some labor unions in Seattle
that are having what are commonly known as Communist problems.
Charges of communism and countercharges are being filed, and mem-
bers charged with Communist activity
Mr. Moulder. We were to hear a short statement.
Mr. Sykes. I will shorten the statement by saying that the use of
the fifth amendment by these witnesses in answer to the question,
"Have you ever been a member of a labor union?" is not meant in any
way to incriminate labor unions as such. But the refusal is based
solely on legal and technical grounds.
Mr. Moulder. All right, that will be all.
COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 365
At this time I would like to read a letter which was addressed to
the committee from the International Association of Machinists :
Dear Sib : Because of repeated reference to the Macliinists Union, AFL, before
your committee on Thursday, March 17, 1955, we respectfully request that the
following information be made part of the record so that all may be aware of the
true facts with respect to the attitude of the International Association of
Machinists and the participation by its members in the Communist Party, ita
front organizations, or the giving of support to such organizations.
Since 1925 the International Association of Machinists has had prohibitions
in its laws against such activities on the part of any of its members. A diligent
and unending effort has constantly been made to rid our organization of persons
having Communist or Fascist Party membership or sympathies.
Testimony before your committee in 1954 indicated that several persons,
members of our organization, might at the same time be members of, or giving
support to, the Communist Party. Our own investigations, since that time, have
resulted in the expulsion from our organization of four persons named by wit-
ness, Barbara Hartle, before your committee in 1954. Among these four persons,
so expelled, was Harold Johnston, witness before your committee on Thursday,
March 17, 1955.
Investigations are continuing with respect to others and if it is found that they
also are guilty of the conduct charged to them by witnesses before your com-
mittee, they likewise will be tried and expelled in accordance with the provisions
of our constitution.
The evidence before your committee has been most helpful and we are certain
you will find our union in the forefront, cooperatively and aggressively opposed
to communism, fascism, or any totalitarian philosophies.
Yours very truly,
R. H. Powell,
I. A. Peck,
Grand Lodge Representatives,
International Association of Machinists, AFL.
Is Mr. Carlson in the hearing room ?
Call Mr. Carlson, please.
You have been sworn. Please be seated.
TESTIMONY OF EDWIN A. CARLSON, ACCOMPANIED BY HIS
COUNSEL, JAY G. SYKES— Resumed
Mr. Moulder. Mr. Carlson, during the course of your testimony
yesterday it appeared from your appearance on the witness stand
that there was a desire on your part to reconsider and testify in
answer to questions which were propounded to you by Mr. Wheeler,
and also make more clear an explanation concerning a letter which
was addressed to the chairman, (Jhairman Vekle, when he was chair-
man of the full committee on Un-American Activities, dated June
19, 1954. The letter reads as follows :
Deak Sirs: I see by the pai>er that Mrs. Hartle names one Ed Carlson as a
member of the Communist Party in the machinists union. I presume I am the
individual referred to. So that the record is straight, let me insert this into
the record for all to see and hear.
It did not take me 20 years to decide that the Communist Party was not the
answer to the problems as I see them. In fact, I am very nearly positive it was
Mrs. Hartle wlio tried to persuarle me to reconsider ray decision to discontinue
my affiliations, which is now approximately 5 years ago.
I do believe that my many friends and acquaintances are entitled to this
additional clarification of the facts.
Sincerely,
Ed Carlson,
Member of Machinists Union.
366 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA
During the course of the testimony yesterday we tried to emphasize
clearly it is not the purpose of this committee to try to confuse or
entrap anyone in these proceedings, or incriminate them in any way.
We thought after you had given serious consideration to this sub-
ject, and being recalled as a witness, that you would answer our ques-
tions which are directed to you concerning your past Communist
Party affiliations and your association and severance from any con-
nection with the Communist Party.
Do you wish to do so now ?
(The witness confers with his counsel.)
Mr. Carlson, I would prefer, Mr, Chairman, to have specific ques-
tions directed at me, if I may.
Mr. Moulder. Very well.
Are you now a member of tlie Communist Party ?
(The witness confers with his counsel.)
Mr. Carlson. No, sir.
Mr. Moulder, Were you a member of the Communist Party a year
ago?
Mr. Carlson. No, sir.
Mr. Moulder. Were you a member of the Communist Party in
1951?
Mr. Carlson. To the best of my recollection ; no, sir.
Mr. Moulder. During the year of 1950 were you a member of the
Communist Party?
Mr. Carlson, I believe that answer also holds there, I was not,
to the best of my recollection.
Mr. Moulder. In the year of 1949 were you a member of the Com-
munist Party?
(The witness confers with his counsel.)
Mr. Carlson. That is the time, I am quite sure, that I dropped the
party.
Mr, Moulder. That you left the party ?
Mr, Carlson, Yes.
Mr, Moulder, Will you tell us the circumstances as to why you left
the Communist Party and severed your connections with them ?
(The witness confers with his counsel.)
Mr. Carlson. Well, to take a certain date or specific period, it is
quite impossible.
Mr. Moulder. We don't expect you to be specific as to the exact
date. That is immaterial.
Mr. Carlson. Let me answer that by making probably a comparison
with somebody else.
I think we are all acquainted with Senator Morse's record in Oregon.
He was once a Republican, and lie has turned Democrat.
I don't think there is any specific time in his mind that he ever turned
from a Republican to a Democrat. It probably took over a period of
time. And that, I believe, Mr. Chairman, could be applied to me.
(The witness confers with his counsel.)
Mr, Carlson. As a specific time, at the time the Korean war started
I certainly didn't approve of that war starting by anybody. And I
might say, likewise, that I didn't approve of our participation in it
eitlier. That is my conviction, sir.
Ml. Moulder. Referring to the Communist Party, it has been de-
cided by the courts that it is not a political party as such ; that it is
COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 367
really an international conspiracy. And, therefore, your comparison
or reference to the Democratic Party or the Republican Party has no
application in comparison to the Communist Party, because it is not,
in fact, a political party.
(The witness confers with liis counsel.)
Mr. Moulder. Has your philosophy and your opinion concerning
the Communist Party, then, changed from what it was at one time?
(The witness confers with his counsel.)
Mr. Carlson. Well, Mr. Chairman, I have a definite idea of my
own what things should be, and what my beliefs are. And I believe
it might help you to understand what I think, if I could give you an
answer here.
The best thing that I could do w^ould be to read it out of the booklet
that I have. I believe that it would be helpful to both of us.
Mr. Moulder. How long is it ?
Mr. Carlson. It is probably a couple of hundred words, I believe.
Mr. Moulder. What is the title of it?
Mr. Carlson. It is the preamble to our machinists' constitution.
Mr. Moulder. Yesterday I believe you said you didn't even know
what the Communist Party stood for or what it was all about, and led
us to believe that you were maybe innocently hooked into and taken
into the Communist Party movement at one time, still not having any
opinion toward it or approval of it.
Mr. Carlson. The popular conception of the Communist Party
being a subversive organization, an organization looking for the over-
throw of the Govermnent, and so on and so forth, I can't say that I
ever believed that. And I don't think that I know anybody that does,
that I think believes that.
Mr. Moulder. Are you a married man, Mr. Carlson ?
Mr. Carlson. Yes, I am.
Mr. ]Moulder. Do you have a f amilj^ ?
Mr. Carlson. Yes, sir.
Mr. Moulder. How many children do you have?
Mr. Carlson. I have two. Two grandchildren, by the way.
Mr. Moulder. Were you born in iGnerica?
Mr. Carlson. That is right.
Mr. Moulder. You are desirous, of course, for your children to
enjoy the benefits of living in the greatest nation in the world ?
Mr. Carlson. That is right.
Mr. Moulder. What I am coming to is, do you approve then, of
the Communist Party movement or the international conspiracy of the
Communist Party ?
Mr. Carlson. I don't approve of what it is reported to be. Now, to
the best of my knowledge, I don't know that the Communist Party
stands for such things.
Mr. Moulder. Any questions, Mr. Velde?
Mr. Velde. I would like to ask the witness to be a little bit more
specific about the way in which he got out of the Communist Party.
We have heard a lot of witnesses here in the same situation who have
told us that it has taken quite a long while for that conversion from
communism back to Americanism. While you were in the Communist
Party did you attend meetings of the Communist Party?
(The witness confers with his counsel.)
368 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA
Mr. Carlson. Congressman, as to any activity in the Communist
Party prior to, say, 1950, I will have to invoke the fifth amendment
on the gi'ounds that it might incriminate me.
Mr. Velde. Then you refuse to give us the benefit of the Imowledge
of the Communist Party which you acquired while you were a member
of the party ?
Mr. Carlson. On the ground that it may incriminate me, I refuse to
answer.
Mr. Velde, Do you think, Mr. Carlson, that is in good faith with
Americanism ?
Mr. Carlson. Mr. Congressman, if I recollect my history correctly,
there have been many, many people in the past that have been con-
victed and thrown into jail for purely political reasons.
And it's been proven afterward that they were only political rea-
sons, that the}^ had no real basis for throwing them in jail. That is
my understanding of history. And I am not sure but what this is the
same thing.
Mr. Velde. No, Mr. Carlson, this is not the same thing at all, and
I am sure that you are aware of that.
As a matter of fact, during the entire history of this committee
there has not been one single witness who appeared before this com-
mittee who answered questions truthfully who has ever been prose-
cuted in any way, shape, or form. That is all you have to do, in my
opinion — to answer questions truthfully — instead of refusing to
answer.
Mr. Carlson. Mr. Chairman, I would like to insert into the record
a sort of a statement here that fully covers my beliefs, and I am sure
that these have always been my beliefs.
Mr. Moulder. You may file it. It will be made a part of the record.
Mr. Carlson. Could I read that so the public here themselves
would know?
Mr. Moulder. If it is not too long. How long is it ?
Mr. Carlson. About 1 minute.
Mr. Moulder. Very well Proceed.
Mr. Carlson. Mr. Chairman, this is the preamble to the constitu-
tion of the Machinists Union, lAM :
Believing that the right of those who toil to enjoy to the full extent the wealth
created by their labor is a natural right, and realizing that under the changing
Industrial conditions incident to the enormous growth of syndicates and other
aggregations of capital it is impossible for those who toil to obtain the full
reward of their labor other than through united action; and recognizing the
fact that those who toil should use their rights of citizenship intelligently,
through organizations founded upon the class struggle and acting along co-
operative, economic, and political lines, using the natural resources, means of
production and distribution for the benefit of all the people, with the view of
restoring the common wealth to all those performing useful service to society;
Now, therefore, we, the International Association of Machinists, pledge our-
selves to labor unitedly in behalf of the principles herein set forth, to perpetuate
our association on the basis of s liidarity and justice, to expound its objects, to
labor for the general adoption of its principles, to consistently endeavor to bring
about a higher standard of living among the toiling masses."
ISIr. Moulder. Probably you know, Mr. Carlson, that the greatest
enemy of organized labor would be Communist domination. In
Soviet Russia organized labor, as we know it over here where free
COMMUNIST ACTRITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 369
and collective bargaining is pennitted, labor unions and organization
are prohibited and not tolerated whatsoever in the Soviet Union.
I Avas trying to distinguish a moment ago as to your cause for dis-
associating yourself from the Communist Party. Was it because you
thought the party was a failure; or was it because of the necessity, for
practical purposes— but still retaining in your mind the beliefs in
the Communist Party movement?
I think you should make a clear statement concerning your opposi-
tion, as an American citizen, believing in our American way of life,
in contrast to and against the Communist Party international con-
spiracy. Would you care to make any comment on it ?
(The witness confers with his counsel.)
Mr. Carlson. Mr. Chairman, my only comment on that is that I
don't believe in the current, popular opinion of the Communist Party.
I don't believe in that.
Mr. Moulder. In my opinion, I think it is for your best interests to
take a different position than you are taking.
Mr. Carlson. Maybe I misunderstand you or vou misunderstand me,
Mr. Chairman. I don't believe in the principle that is commonly
accorded to the Communist Party, that they are subversive. I don't
Avant anything to do with that. "^ That tliey are ready to overthrow
the Government, I don't believe in that. Certainly not.
(The witness confers with his counsel.)
Mr. Carlson. Mr. Chairman, further, if I thought that they did
believe m that, or ever believed in that, I certainly never would have
had anything to do with them, and I would be most bitterly in opposi-
tion.
Mr. Moulder. Mr. Tavenner, proceed with the interrogation of the
witness.
Mr. Tavenner. Mr. Carlson, I understood you to say that in 1950
you were not a member of the Communist Party. Is that correct ?
(The witness confers with his counsel.)
Mr. Carlson. To the best of my knowledge, that is right.
Mr. Taatsnner. But in 1949 you withdrew from the Communist
Party ? Is that correct ?
(The witness confers with his counsel.)
Mr. Carlson. There was no formal act of withdrawal.
Mr. Tavenner. You did not hand in a written resignation «
Mr. Carlson. That is right.
Mr. Ta\tnner. Did you notify any functionary in the Communist
Party that you were withdrawing from the Communist Party?
(The witness confei-s with his counsel.)
Mr. Carlson. I failed to reregister.
(The witness confers with his counsel.)
Mr. Tavenner. Did any member of the Communist Party ask you
to reregister, and you refused to do it ?
Mr. Carlson, that I believe, is correct. I did not reregister pur-
posely ; I did not intend to reregister.
But just exactly if that is what happened I am not quite so sure
about tiiat. I mean whether somebody came and asked me to rereo-is-
ter ; I don't remember. I am not sure about that. "^
Mr. Tavenner. Was that in 1949?
370 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA
Mr. Carlson. That was about that time. It was at the time of
the
(The witness confers with his counsel.)
Mr. Carlson. It was right in there, yes.
Mr. Tavenner. Wliat was the date of the last meeting of the Com-
munist Party you attended ?
(The witness confers with his counsel.)
Mr. Carlson. I have to invoke the fifth amendment on that.
Mr. Ta\'enner. Mr. Chaimian, I am inclined to think that the wit-
ness, by the answers he has given, has opened the door for examination
of what he knows about Communist Party activities during the period
when he was a member. Therefore, I request that the chairman direct
the witness to answer.
Mr. Moulder. The Chair directs the witness to answer the question.
(The witness confers with his counsel.)
Mr. Carlson. Will you restate the question ?
Mr. Tavenner. Will you read the question, please ?
(The pending question was read by the reporter.)
(The witness confers with his counsel.)
Mr. Carlson. I invoke the fifth amendment, Mr. Chairman.
Mr, Tavenner. How many people composed the group or branch
of the Communist Party to which you belonged ?
(The witness confers with his counsel.)
Mr. Carlson. The answer is the same, Mr. Chairman, the fifth
amendment.
Mr. Moulder. The Chair directs the witness to answer the question.
(There was no response.)
Mr. TaveiNNer. What was the name of the unit or group of the
Communist Party of which you were a member ?
Mr. Carlson. I again invoke my rights under the fifth amendment,
Mr. Chairman.
Mr. Moulder. The Chair directs the witness to answer the question.
(There was no response.)
Mr. Ta\^nner. Will you tell the committee, please, what the Com-
munist Party was endeavoring to accomplish in the group of the
Communist Party with which you were affiliated ?
(The witness confers with his counsel.)
Mr. Carlson, I again invoke the fifth amendment, Mr. Chairman.
Mr. Moulder. The Chair directs the witness to answer the question.
(There was no response.)
Mr. Velde. Just a minute. I don't think the record shows any
answer to that. Do you want the record to show that you do not
answer, that you remain silent?
Mr. Carlson. I wish to invoke the fifth amendment,
Mr, Tavenner, Will you tell the committee, in what activities did
the group of the Communist Party of which you were a member
engage ?
Mr. Carlson, I again invoke the fifth amendment,
Mr. Moulder. The Chair directs the witness to answer the question.
(There was no response.)
Mr. Tavenner. Will you tell the committee, please, whether the
Communist Party group with which you were affiliated was organized
within any industry, within any labor union, or whether it was a street
group of the Communist Party, or, sometimes referred to as, a neigh-
borhood group of the Communist Party?
COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 371
Mr. Caklsox. Again, on the gronncls of possible self-incrimination
I refuse to answer.
Mr. Moulder. You are directed to answer the question propounded
to you by Mr. Tavenner, counsel for the committee.
Mr. Carlsox. On the grounds of the fifth amendment, I refuse to
answer.
Mr. TA^'ENNER. Over how long a period of time does your knowledge
of Communist Party activities exist?
Mr. Carlson. I again invoke the fifth amendment.
Mr. Moulder. You are advised and directed to answer the question.
(There was no response.)
Mr. Ta%t;nner. When did you become a member of the Communist
Party?
Mr. Carlson. The answer is the same as the one previous.
Mr. Moulder. Again the Chair advises and directs you to answer
the question.
(There was no response.)
Mr. Taat^nner. What methods were used by the Communist Party
in order to induce you to become a member ?
Mr. Carlson. I again invoke the fifth amendment.
Mr. Moulder. You are advised and directed to answer the question.
(There was no response.)
Mr. Tavenner. You have told the committee that you withdrew
from the Communist Party in 1949. AVliat were the circumstances
which led you to the decision to withdraw from the Communist Party ?
(The witness confers with his counsel.)
Mr. Carlson. I believe, Mr. Chairman, the immediate thing was
the outbreak of the Korean war.
(The witness confers with his counsel.)
Mr. Tavenner. Will you tell the committee, please, just how the
outbreak of the Korean war affected you in your decision ?
Mr. Carlson. My opinion, Mr. Chairman, was that that war was
uncalled for. I didn't agree with it, no more than I agreed with our
participation in it.
Mr. Tavenner. Do you mean to say that the Communist Party was
in favor of the war, and, therefore, inasmuch as you disagi-eed with
it, you got out of the Communist Party ?
(The witness confers with his counsel.)
Mr. Carlson. I was against the invasion by the North Koreans of
South Korea. That is my position. I didn't approve of that at all.
In fact, I don't approve of war really of any kind.
Mr. Tavenner. I misunderstood your answer entirely.
You believed that tlie North Koreans invaded South Korea ?
Are you assigning the Korean Avar as your reason for getting out
of the Communist Party? ^VAHiat I am getting at is: What was the
Comminiist Party doing about the Korean war with which you dis-
agreed? That is the point I am trying to develop. (The witness
confers with his counsel.)
Mr. Carlson. I am not really in a position, I don't think, to say
what the Communist Party did about that. Officially. There was a
period of time when I suppose I was— Well, I don't know what word
to use — probably losing faith, or disagreeing, or something with the
activities. And that was the real change in my mind. That was the
thing, the straw that broke the camel's back, you might say.
372 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA
Mr. Tav-enxek. Do you mean the Korean war ?
Mr. Carlson. Yes.
Mr. Tavenner. What was the Communist Party doing about the
Korean war that made this matter so important it affected your de-
cision about breaking your connection with the party ?
(The witness confers with his counseL)
Mr. Carlson. My decision was made right then in my own mind
when that war broke out.
Mr. Tavenner. I am not talking about the time ; I am talking about
what the Communist Party did to create such a situation which pre-
vented you from continuing as a member of the Communist Party.
(The witness confers with his counsel.)
Mr. Carlson. My impression was that they favored the North Ko-
reans, and I didn't.
Mr. Tavenner. How did the Communist Party handle that ques-
tion in its meetings?
(The witness confers with his counsel.)
Mr. Tavenner. Now actually the Korean war began in June 1950,
didn't it?
INIr. Carlson. As near as my recollection, I was thinking it was
1949.
Mr. Tavenner. And you say you withdrew from the Communist
Party in 1949?
(The witness confers with his counsel.)
Mr. Carlson. I am sure in my mind that it was in the fall of 1949
that I failed to reregister in the Communist Party.
Mr, Tavenner. But the only reason you have assigned for your
withdrawal from the Communist Party in 1949 is the Korean war,
which did not begin until nearly a year later.
Now it is rather difficult for the committee, I am sure, to understand
whether or not your reasons for withdrawing from the Communist
Party are being gi ven in good faith.
Mr. Carlson. Mr. Chairman, I was quite active in my union and
in my shop as a good trade union member, and, to tie one thing with
another, I don't have anything to go by except that Korean war. I
remember that was about the time.
Mr. Tavenner. Then you must have been mistaken as to the year
in which you withdrew from the Communist Party.
(The witness confers with his counsel.)
Mr. Carlson. That is possible.
Mr. Tavenner. I would much rather believe that you were mistaken
than believe you are trying to deceive the committee.
Mr. Carlson. No. That is not the case.
Mr. Ta\^nner. The committee has been interested for quite a pe-
riod of time in learning all it can about the method used by the Com-
munist Party to oppose the Korean war. By opposing the Korean
war I mean opposing the foreign policy of the United States in con-
nection with that war. What position did the Communist Party take
with which you disagreed ?
(The witness confers with his counsel.)
Mr. Carlson. I think it is quite common knowledge that, even from
our daily papers, the Communists did support the North Koreans.
COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 373
Mr. Tavenner. Yes; but the daily papers do not tell us what was
done in your particular cell or group of the Communist Party, and
that is what we want to know.
Mr. Carlson. Well, after that war broke out, Mr. Chairman, I
did not participate. I can't tell what they done because I don't know.
Mr. Tavenner. Then why did you disagree with them if you didn't
know what they were doing ?
Mr. Carlson". Well, you remember, as history shows — according to
the papers, anyway — that in the time before the First World War
broke out, I remember — it just comes to my mind — the papers printed
that the Communist Party members of France tore up their Commu-
nist cards immediately when Russia signed some sort of a pact with
Germany. You probably recall that in your own mind. I think that
is a historical fact. At least the paper files will show that. I recall it
that way. Now the same situation was mine, although I might add,
as I have said before, that was the straw that broke the camel's back
as far as I am concerned.
Mr. Tavenner. Did you attend any meeting of the Communist
Party after you wrote the letter on June 19, 1954, to this committee?
(The witness confers with his counsel) .
Mr. Tavenner. Did you attend any meeting of the Communist
Party after the outbreak of the Korean War?
Mr. Carlson. Not to the best of my recollection ; I don't believe so.
Mr. Tavenner. I understand you will not tell this committee any-
thing about the activities of the Communist Party during the period
when you were a member. Is that correct ?
Mr. Carlson. Because the answer to those questions might tend to
incriminate me, and, on advise of my counsel, I refuse to answer those
questions.
Mr. Tavenner. I have no further questions.
Mr. Moulder. Any questions ?
Mr. Velde. Yes, Mr. Chairman. Since the witness is unwilling to
give us any of the information which we are certain he has regarding
his activities in the Communist Party while he was a member, pos-
sibly he would tell us what motivated him to get into the Communist
Party, to join the Communist Party in the first place.
(The witness confers with his counsel.)
Mr. Carlson. Could I answer that question, Mr. Congressman, and
not go into other questions regarding it ?
Mr. Velde. Yes, certainly. I would like to have you answer.
(The witness confers with his counsel.)
Mr. Carlson. I was looking for an answer to the problems that
beset many, many workers besides myself. And I really had a rough
time during the depression.
Mr. Velde. Did you join the party, then, during the depression ?
(The witness confers with his counsel.)
Mr. Carlson. My understanding was that if I answered the pre-
vious question there would not be any more regarding that.
Mr. Velde. I did not understand it that way at all. I am sorry if
you misinterpreted my question. And I don't mean to treat you
unfairly in any way or try to trap you. It seems to me that if anybody
is being trapped you are being trapped by your own unwillingness to
answer questions that are put to you about your activities in the Com-
munist Party. I think, Mr. Chairman, the record should show during
374 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA
the course of the examination by Mr. Tavenner and by you that the
witiiess has been conferring with his counsel regarding the answers
to the questions.
Mr. Moulder. The record will reflect conferences with counsel in
that regard.
Mr. Ta\t:nner. I have no further questions.
Mr. Moulder. The witness is excused.
At this time the committee will read a letter which was just received,
addressed to myself as chairman. The letter is from the Musicians'
Association of Seattle, Local 76, A. F. of M.
Dear Sik: I am distressed to learn that our member. Mrs. Helen Taverniti,
has not made herself available for service of the subpena from the House Un-
American Activities Committee.
I wish to point out that since 1940 the American Federation of Musicians has
persistently carried on a sustained effort to remove from our membership per-
sons proven to be affiliated with organizations of a subversive nature. In fact,
our bylaws specifically provide that membership in the Communist Party or any
Communist "front" organization is cause for immediate expulsion from member-
ship.
The executive board of local 76 has deemed it necessary to send a registered
letter to Mrs. Helen Taverniti at her last known address, citing her to appear
before the board for interrogation relative to this matter.
Very truly yours,
Leslie R. Martin, President.
Mr. Tavenner. Mrs. Margaret Elizabeth Gustafson.
Will you come forward, please.
Mr. Moulder. Hold up your right hand and be sworn, please.
Do you solemnly swear that the testimony which you are about to
give before this committee will be the truth, the whole truth and
nothing but the truth, so help you God ?
Mrs. Gustafson. I do.
Mr. Moulder. Be seated.
TESTIMONY OF MAEGARET ELIZABETH GUSTAFSON, ACCOM-
PANIED BY HEE COUNSEL, KENNETH A. MacDONALD
Mr. Tavenner. Will you state your name, please ?
Mrs. Gustafson. Margaret Elizabeth Gustafson.
Mr. Tavenner. It is noted that you are accompanied by counsel.
Will counsel please identify himself for the record?
Mr. MLicDoNALD. Kenneth A. MacDonald, a lawyer of the city of
Seattle.
Mr. Tavenner. When and where were you born, Mrs. Gustafson?
Mrs. Gustafson. I was born February 9, 1912, in the city of Seattle^
Mr. Ta\tenner. Will you spell j^our last name, please ?
Mrs. Gustafson. G-u-s-t-a-f-s-o-n.
Mr. Ta\tenner. Where do you now reside ?
Mrs. Gustafson. In Bremerton, Wash.
Mr. Tavenner. How are you employed ?
Mrs. Gustafson. As a schoolteacher.
Mr. Ta\^nner. Will you tell the committee, please, what your
formal educational training has been?
Mrs. Gustafson. I graduated from San Diego State College in
1933, attended Mills for graduate work the following year. I havB
had summer school at the Western Washington College of Education,
at the University of Washington, extension courses
YOUTH CANTtEN-Cyr.l Glus~Oncc .. ,r,onth-(April
11. May y and June 6)— with music, tnterlainment, and
lood arrjnf;<-d under mature supervision, by and for
youth.
JUNIOR TOWN HALL-Cyril Gius-A monthly hvely
.,„d ,limulat.n,: discussion on questions of the day ol
|..i,lKuiar interest to youth. Fridays-April :\ May 2>.
and June 20.
Jl.sofor tliesix se«io
,c or s-ic a session
CHILDREN'S WORKSHOP
byCilcsu llrooksand Marth.
Ruth Bilterman - assisted
Smyser. Saturday, 10 a.m.-
IJ noon- Ajies <<-\2.
A workshop for children <>■!
desire to create, to help them
and color in their eseryday ii
• encourajiin^ therr natural
ind and express the beauty
e, usin,. simple art skills.
and to help them to be cooperative individuals in their
.troup
Kce: J Villi
WHO RUNS YOUR SCHOOL?
BOARD OF DIRECTORS: This is the governing body of
the School and its decisions are binding upon the school in
matters of organization and policy. It is comprised of trade
union members and representatives of the city at large,
elected on the following basis: Trade unions affiliating to
the school through payment of an affiliation fee elect one
member to the Board. Trade union councils endorsing the
school also elect one member to the Board. These elect
additional members from the city at large up to one third
of their number. Thus, the Board of Directors, always repre-
sentative of labor, also includes people who can bring broad
educational experience to the school.
you.
Our aim is lo do what YOU want done I
classes and activities in the center, we will
Does your union need a special course to help in buildin
the union, in developing new forces!-' Are there fiftee
people in your neighborhood \c ho want some special class
Do you need help in planning parties, song-fests, show
meetings— the Public Affaiis Dept. is organized to hel
you. Give us a call and well work out what you need.
PACIFIC NORTHWEST LABOR SCHOOL
309 - 2nd Avenue North
GArfield 5404
SPRING TERM
Week of April 7, 1947
•
Register Now!
Pacific Northwest Labor School
309 2nd Are. North
GA. S404
I want to enroll in the NORTHWEST LABOR SCHOOL
in (please print plainly)
CLASS No Day
CLASS No Day
Enclosed find $ for my registration fee.
NAME
ADDRESS PHONE
UNION ..--
line Cooks ind Sicwii
NaiioG
1 N.dco ConjiCTi
Pilnin
LO..I Union. No. )00
ShIpKiko. Drydoclc .rd
The Nt« VCorld
Unilrd OIlKC ind Piofn
lonil
Workers
Uniied
Public VXoricr. o
Am
crici
W..h.r,
lion Ptniion Un.on
Windo
No.
"
FRATERNAL
Nonh,
„ VC.,hin„on DiMiic,
Countil.
REGISTER NOW
Spring li already with us, so sign up for the course ihat
our needs NOW! The tuition fee for a single course is
ot 10 weeks. If your trade union or community organizati
ffiliated with the Northwest Labor School the fee is $J.OQ
n investment that will pay off in new satisfactions and pr.
ding. This is education to make democracy work.
SPRING TERM OPENS WEEK OF APRIL 7, 1947
Saturday, April 5th
THE PACIFIC NORTHWEST
LABOR SCHOOL
OPEN HOUSE
DANCE - REFRESHI^ENTS - FUN TO START THE SPRING TERM
VACATION TIME
Spend yiiur
the Labor School Summer Camp —
rest, play — and learn.
LAKE HATZIC
BRITISH COLUMBIA
Sponsored jointly by the Northwest Labor School and the
British Columbia Workers Education Association. Inex-
pensive, facilities for youngsters (even babies) — lots of fun
for a week or more of vacation. Get full information jjnd
application blanks at the Labor School office.
PACIFIC
NORT
LAB
SC
SPRING
MAKE SUNDAY NIGHT
FORUM
NIGHT
7:00 P. M.
Beginning March 23, 1947
Every Sunday a Forum on an issue of current and
vital importance to labor and the Seattle com-
munity. We will tackle the most important develop-
ments on the local, national and international scene.
Make the FORUM a weekly habit.
ADMISSION FREE
SEATTLE LABOR FORUM
309 • 2nd Ave. N.
6tZ22 O - 55 - pl. 1 ( Face p. 174) No. 1
TRADE UNIONISM
)(I4 Union Meeting Procedure
Mondjy. 8:3010:00 P.M.
Herman Oti
Huw to nr/janiit: and run a union mtcling. Discuss and
SOCIAL SCIENCES
204 — FacH Behind the Newi
Thundav. 8:.W-I0:00 P.N
AJbcH M. Oiienheimer
A critical discu:
Analysis of fast i
affairs.
the nrtts behind the headlines
215 — Development of Socialist Thought II
Wednesda). 8:JO-10:00 P.M.
Bert MacLecch
WORKSHOPS
304— Swing Your Pardncr
real labor flavor — wilt
Indi'viduli
lot — History of American Labor
Friday. 1:00.3:00 P.M.
Friday, 8:3010:00 P.M.
special emphasis on events from World War
108 — Tride Union Organizational Problems
Wednesday. 6:45-8:15 P.M.
Harve)' Jackins
109— Psychology for Unionists
Wednesday. 8 JO- 10:00 P.M.
Dr. Ralph Gundlach
Prublem of making a dues. payer into a union
Psychological approach to such topics as handling f
110 — Labor's Experience in Political Action
Friday. 6:458:15 P.M
H. Richard Seller
Thomas C. Rabbitt
Analysis of labor's success and failures in political jction.
Includes practical information on government and how
itrenglh to safeguard democracy.
Mow to buy. what to buy. and what not to buy. Provides
' shopping to save" techniques. Class members will co-
operate in field work to determine good and bad buys in
'18— The Truth About Unioni
Thursday, 6:45-1:15 P.M.
Richard Bcnur
This course is for everyone— but especially for rank and
tilers who want correct answers on the structure and role
ol the unions. Here is an opportunity for those outside
of otganiied labor to deal with the facts— rathei than the
liclions which circulate about unions.
'JO— Labor News Reporting
Monday, 6:45-8:15 P.M.
Terry Pettus
H. Richard Seller
205— Science and the Problems of Race
Tuesday. 6:45-8:15 P.M
Dorothy .
Will help supply
and contribution!
origin of racial i
to Combat them
ific understanding of background«
various peoples. Deals with the
ligious prejudices, and give^ fact^
209— Child Psycholosy
Tuesday, 8:30-lU:UU P
Dr. Sylvia Mac CoK
other— with pMCtical application
tearing healthlv, normal childn
nt of healthly parent-child relatio
210 — Science of Society
Monday, 1:00-3:00 P.M.
Monday, 6:45-8:15 P.M.
Bert MacLecch
A scientific analysis of the basic forces at work in the
world today. Covers a study of the origin and develop-
ment of capitalism, the rise of modern imperialism and
theory and practice of socialism.
214— World Polifict
Friday, 645-8:15 P.M.
John Daschbach
This course deals with the major trends in i
relations, with special attention to relations bet%
the Soviet Union, and the United States
216 — Political Economy I
Monday, 8:30-10:00 P.M.
Harry Fugl
Course deals with basic la«
relationships o
special emphasis
I these relationships.
217 — Political Economy II
Monday. 6:45-8:15 P.M.
Harry Fugl
219 — Problems Facing the Negro People
Tuesday, 8:30-10:00 P.M.
Carl Brooks
(
which divide and
220— What is Philosophy
Thursday, 6:45-8:15 P.M.
Prof. H. J. Phillips
Treats philosophy in terms of its relation to the principal
needs and interests of men today. Get acquainted with
some of the maior thinkers of the past and present.
312 — Everyone Can Draw
SCHEDULE OF CLASSES — PACIFIC NORTHWEST LABOR SCHOOL
Monday
DAY CLASSES
1:00.} :00 P.M
Tuesday
10:£\'^„^!i*:S¥.„
«.,,.,„. U.de„MpTr.,„,„.
Wednesday
DAY CLASSES
Thursday
DAY CLASSES
Friday
DAY CLASSES
■ 20-Ubor New. Rcponin.
210-So~« o( Sodny
.0,-^::: ;l:,i .,.
220-Wh.. 1. PhilOKiph,
110— Ubor and Polilteal Aajoo
2l*-World Politic.
M5-Ubo, Sio,.
«:».10:00 P.M.
IO<-Unioo MmiKf P.ocrfu,.
nw-Child Plycholon
219-Probi™.. o( N.„o P«.pk
»A-Swin, Your P.,dn«
• :3a-IO:00 P.M.
Junior Town HM and
Youlh Canton
April II) ' '
SATURDAY, 10-12 — CHILDREN'S WORKSHOP SUNDAY NIGHT: FORUM NIGHT, 1:00-3:00 P.M.
enjoy It. The course '
Sings
Friday. 6:45-8:15 P.M
Hazel Johnson
320 — Recreation as Leadership
Wednesday. 1:00-3:00 P.M.
Ruth MacLecch
I plan and arrjn>:e rccreal
'.u'! i:^:^
Urouns.
these !
planning progiams around
321 — Recreation as Union Leadership
Wednesday, 6:458:15 P.M.
Ruth MacLcech
How recreation can be used to activate the union member-
ship. Deals especially with simple uses of music, crafts
and other recreational techniques. Source material avail-
able for unionists planning activities in these fields.
•
322— Craft Workshop
Thursday, 10:00 A.M.-I2:00 P.M.
Tnidi Hirshman
Simple projects for the home and trade union hall, using
erials. A chance to learn new
producing what interests you.
Meet and Eat Club (No Fee Charged)
Thursday, Noon to 2:00 P.M.
Edith Coley
provided. No fee charged.
NOTE: REGISTRATION IS OPEN NOW FOR CLASSES
BEGINNING APRIL 7. 1947
62222 O - 55 - pt. I ( Face p. 374) No. 2
mmm 30/
■•^t^ kfioit*
■A ifi^ililc^ ni s>>r'
COISOIUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 375
Mr. Ta\-enner. Wlien were you at the University of Washington?
Mrs. GusTAFSON. 1940, the summer session.
Mr. Tavenner. I interrupted you. You were in the course of
giving some further extension work.
Mrs. GusTAFSON. I have had extension courses; I just finished one
a few weeks ago.
Mr. Taa^nner. How have you been employed since 1940 ?
(The witness confers with her counsel.)
Mrs. GusTAFSON. In 1941 1 taught kindergarten. Eight after Pearl
Harbor I went into the Puget Sound Naval Shipyard. And when
I left there I organized and supervised the war emergency nursery
schools in Bremerton, the after-school-care program for the children
of working mothers. Then I worked for the Kitsap County Welfare
Department.
Mr. Tavenner. "Wlien was that, please ? Approximately.
Mrs. GusTAFSON. My first child was bom in 1945. So it was the
year of 1945, maybe the latter part of 1944. I don't recall exactly.
Then in the fall of 1947 I went back to teaching in the Bremerton
public schools, and have been there ever since.
Mr. Tavenner. Mrs. Gust af son, do you have any knowledge of the
operation of the Northwest Labor School in Seattle ?
(The witness confers with her counsel.)
Mrs. GusTAFSON. I shall have to avail myself of the privilege
granted me by the fifth amendment of the Constitution of the United
States, which protects me from giving testimony which might incrimi-
nate me.
Mr. Moulder. The question asked was : Do you possess any informa-
tion or knowledge concerning the school referred to by counsel?
(The witness confers with her counsel.)
Mr. Moulder. He did not ask you for any specific information. He
just asked you if you had such information, if you knew about the
school. Do you refuse or decline to answer ?
(The witness confers with lier counsel.)
Mrs. GusTAFSON. I shall have to avail myself of the privilege of
invoking the fifth amendment for the reasons given before.
Mr. Ta-\t:nner. Did you attend the Pacific Northwest Labor School
at any time ?
(The witness confers with her counsel.)
Mrs. Gustafson. I refuse to answer on the grounds previously given.
Mr. Tavenner. Quite apparently, Mr. Chairman, it would be a use-
less waste of time to ask any further questions regarding the operation
of the school.
(The Spring 1947 Catalogue of the Pacific Northwest Labor School
is hereby made a part of the transcript, and appears herewith.)
Mr. Tavenner. During the period of time that you have been en-
gaged in teaching have you been a member of the American Federa-
tion of Teachers unions ?
(The witness confers with her counsel.)
Mr. Tavenner. And I should add, for your information, that the
American Federation of Teachers unions has never been cited as a
communist front organization.
(The witness confers with her counsel.)
Mrs. Gustafson. Yes ; I have been.
376 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA
Mr. Tavenner. Over what period of time have you been a member ?
(The witness confers with her counseL)
Mrs. GusTAFsoN. Oil and on since I became eligible in 1937, when-
ever I was in the public schools.
Mr, Tavenner, The investigation which this committee has con-
ducted within the past few years has developed information in several
diilerent parts of the country, and I refer particularly to New York, to
Harvard University, to the general area of Los Angeles, and, I believe,
also in Michigan, that the Communist Party made a very strong effort
to get in a position to control the activities of the teachers unions
affiliated with the American Federation of Teachers. Do you have
any knowledge as to whether or not the Communist Party made an
effort to infiltrate the American Federation of Teachers union here?
(The witness confers with her counsel.)
Mr, Tavenner, I think I should say, and it may be of some help to
you in answering the question, that I have no information of any
Communist Party activities within the American Federation of
Teachers union here. But I want to know whether there were,
(The witness confers with her counsel,)
Mrs, GusTAFsoN. My counsel advises me that I must say "No." I
am sorry but I have to answer.
Mr. Tavenner. And what is your answer ?
Mrs. GusTAFsON. My answer is "No."
Mr. Tavenner, That you do not have any such knowledge?
Mrs, Gtjstafson, Absolutely not.
Mr. Tavenner. Have you held any office or position in the Amer-
ican Federation of Teachers unions ?
(The witness confers with her counsel.)
Mrs. Gustafson. Yes. I held the office of treasurer.
Mr. Tavenner. Over what period of time ?
( The witness confers with her counsel. )
Mrs, Gustafson. I think it was a portion of 1948 and a good share
of 1949,
Mr, Tavenner. Were you a member of the Communist Party at
any time during the years 1948 and 1949 ?
(The witness confers with her counsel.)
Mrs. Gustafson. No ; I was not.
^ Mr, Tavenner, Were you a member of the Communist Party at any
time while you were a member of the American Federation of Teach-
ers unions?
(The witness confers with her counsel.)
Mrs. Gustafson. I shall have to invoke the fifth amendment, for the
reasons previously given.
Mr, Tavenner. Are you a member of the Communist Party now?
(The witness confers with her counsel.)
Mrs. Gustafson. No.
Mr. Tavenner. Were you a member of the Communist Party in
1947?
(The witness confers with her counsel.)
Mrs. Gustafson. I shall have to invoke the fifth amendment to
the Constitution, for the reasons previously given.
COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 377
Mr. Tavenner. According to your testimony, you were at the
University of Washington for 1 year in 1940.
Mrs. GusT^vrsoK. I beg your pardon. That was the summer session.
Mr. Tavenner. Were you a member of the Communist Party at
that time ?
(The witness confers with her counsel.)
Mrs. GusTAFsoN. I shall have to invoke the fifth amendment for the
reasons previously given.
Mr. Tavenner. Were Communist Party meetings held at any time
in your home during the year 1947 ?
(The witness confers with her counsel.)
Mrs. Gustafsgn. I shall have to invoke the fifth amendment, for
the reasons previously given.
Mr. Tavenner. Were you at any time a member of the Victory Club
of the Communist Party in Bremerton ?
(The witness confers with her counsel.)
Mrs. Gtjstafson. I shall have to invoke, for the reasons previously
given.
Mr. Tavenner. Mr. Chairman, inasmuch as the witness refuses to
answer as to the period 1940-47, it is hardly necessary to ask any
further questions. So that is all I have.
Mr. Moulder. Mr. Velde?
Mr. Velde. Do you intend to invoke the fifth amendment on any
question we might ask you touching upon your activities as a member
of the Communist Party ?
(The witness confers with her counsel.)
Mrs. Gustafsgn. I refuse to answer the question on the grounds
previously given.
Mr. Velde. It is obvious to m.e that we cannot get any information
whatsoever from this witness. 80 I have nothing further to ask.
Mr. Moulder. Would you answer a question concerning any infor-
mation or knowledge you may have of Communist Party or subversive
activities in which you yourself were in no way whatsoever personally
connected ? Tf you had such knowledge and information, would you
answer the question concerning such information or knowledge?
(The witness confers with her counsel.)
Mrs. GusTAFSON. I am sorry, Mr. Chairman, but I have to invoke
the fifth amendment, for the reasons previously given.
Mr. Moulder. I want to make myself clear, that I am not proposing
to ask you questions concerning any matter or any fact which would
tend to incriminate you personally.
I say would you answer any question concerning any fact or infor-
mation you may have concerning subversive, communistic, or un-
American activities which you yourself were not related to, but which
you have knowledge of concerning someone else. Would you answer
such a question ?
(The witness confers with her counsel.)
Mrs. GusTAFSON. I am sorry, sir, but I shall have to invoke the
fifth amendment.
Mr. Moulder. You are excused as a witness.
The committee will stand in recess until 1 : 30.
(Whereupon, at 12 : 03 p. m., the subcommittee was recessed, to be
reconvened at 1 : 30 p. m., this same day. Remainder of this hearing
is printed in pt. 2 of this series.)
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