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Full text of "Investigation of Communist activities in Seattle, Wash., area. Hearings"



?; 



HARVARD COLLEGE 
LIBRARY 




GIFT OF THE 

GOVERNMENT 
OF THE UNITED STATES 



INVESTIGATION OF COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES 
IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA—Part 1 



HEARINGS 

BEFORE THE 

COMMITTEE ON IW-AMEEICAN ACTIVITIES 
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES 

EIGHTY-FOURTH CONGRESS 

FIRST SESSION 



MARCH 17 AND IS, 1955 



Printed for the use of the Committee on Un-American Activities 
(Index in part 3 of these hearings) 




UNITED STATES 

GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE 

WASHINGTON : 1955 



COMMITTEE ON UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES 

United States House of Representatives 
FRANCIS E. WALTER, Pennsylvania, Chairman 
MORGAN M. MOULDER, Missouri HAROLD H. VELDE, Illinois 

CLYDE DOYLE, California BERNARD W. KEARNEY, New York 

JAMES B. FRAZIER, Jr., Tennessee DONALD L. JACKSON, California 

EDWIN E. WILLIS, Louisiana GORDON H. SCHERER, Ohio 

Thomas W. Beale, Sr., Chief Clerk 

n 



CONTENTS 



March 17, 1955: Testimony of— Page 

Eugene Victor Dennett 249 

Afternoon session: 

Eugene Victor Dennett (resumed) 274 

Oiva R. Halonen 302 

Eugene Frank Robel 309 

Harold Johnston 313 

John (Jack) Lawrie, Jr 317 

[ Edward Brook Carmichael, Jr 322 

Edwin A. Carlson 327 

Edmund D. Kroener 330 

March 18, 1955: Testimony of— 

Eugene Victor Dennett (resumed) 335 

Harold Johnston (resumed) 363 

Edwin A. Carlson (resumed) 365 

Margaret Elizabeth Gustafson 374 

(Testimony of Robert Krahl, Robert Miller, Eugene V. Dennett, Lawerence 
Earl George, and Harriett Pierce, also heard on March 18, 1955, is printed in 
pt. 2 of this series.) 

Ill 



Public Law 601, 79th Congress 

The legislation under which the House Committee on Un-American 
Activities operates is Public Law 601, 79th Congress [1946], chapter 
753, 2d session, which provides : 

Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States 
of America in Congress assembled, * * * 

PART 2— RULES OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES 

Rule X 

SEC. 121. STANDING COMMITTEES 
• **•••• 

17. Committee on Un-American Activities, to consist of nine members. 
Rule XI 

POWERS AND DUTIES OF COMMITTEES 



(q) (1) Committee on Un-American Activities. 

(A) Un-American activities. 

(2) The Committee on Un-American Activities, as a vphole or by subcommit- 
tee, is authorized to make from time to time investigations of (i) the extent, 
character, and objects of un-American propaganda activities in the United States, 
(ii) the diffusion within the United States of subversive and un-American propa- 
ganda that is instigated from foreign countries or of a domestic origin and attacks 
the principle of the form of government as guaranteed by our Constitution, and 
(iii) all other questions in relation thereto that vrould aid Congress in any 
necessary remedial legislation. 

The Committee on Un-American Activities shall report to the House (or to the 
Clerk of the House if the House is not in session) the results of any such investi- 
gation, together with such recommendations as it deems advisable. 

For the purpo.se of any such investigation, the Committee on Un-American 
Activities, or any subcommittee thereof, is authorized to sit and act at such 
times and places within the United States, whether or not the House is sitting, 
has recessed, or has adjourned, to hold such hearings, to require the attendance 
of such witnesses and the production of such books, papers, and documents, and 
to take such testimony, as it deems necessary. Subpenas may be issued under 
the signature of the chairman of the committee or any subcommittee, or by any 
member designated by any such chairman, and may be served by any person 
designated by any such chairman or member. 

V 



RULES ADOPTED BY THE 84TH CONGRESS 
House Resolution 5, January 5, 1955 



Rule X 

STANDING COMMITTEES 

1. There shall be elected by the House, at the commencement of each Congress, 
the following standing committees : 

• **»*♦• 

(q) Committee on Un-American Activities, to consist of nine members. 



Rule XI 

POWERS AND DUTIES OF COMMITTEES 
******* 

17. Committee on Un-American Activities. 

(a) Un-American activities. 

(b) The Committee on Un-American Activities, as a whole or by subcommittee, 
is authorized to make from time to time, investigations of (i) the extent, char- 
acter, and objects of un-American propaganda activities in the United States, 
(ii) the diffusion within the United States of subvei'sive and un-American prop- 
aganda that is instigated from foreign countries or of a domestic origin and 
attacks the principle of the form of government as guaranteed by our Constitu- 
tion, and (iii) all other questions in relation thereto that would aid Congress 
in any necessary remedial legislation. 

The Committee on Un-American Activities shall report to the House (or to the 
Clerk of the House if the House is not in session) the results of any such investi- 
gation, together with such recommendations as it deems advisable. 

For the purpose of any such investigation, the Committee on Un-American 
Activities, or any subcommittee thereof, is authorized to sit and act at such times 
and places within the United States, whether or not the House is sitting, has 
recessed, or has adjourned, to hold such hearings, to require the attendance 
of such witnesses and the production of such books, papers, and documents, and 
to take such testimony, as it deems necessary. Subpenas may be issued under 
the signature of the chairman of the committee or any subcommittee, or by any 
member designated by such chairman, and may be served by any person desig- 
nated by any such chairman or member. 

VI 



INVESTIGATION OF COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE 
SEATTLE, WASH., AREA— Part 1 



THURSDAY, MARCH 17, 1955 

United States House of Representatives, 

Subcommittee of the 
Committee on Un-American Activities, 

Seattle^ Wash. 

PUBLIC IIE/VRING 

A subcommittee of the Committee on Un-American Activities met, 
pursuant to call, at 9 : 30 a. m., in room 402, County-City Building, 
Seattle, Wash., Hon. Morgan M. IMoulder (chairman) presiding. 

Committee members present : Representatives Morgan M. Moulder 
(chairman) and Harold H. Velde. 

Staff members present : Frank S. Tavenner, Jr., counsel, and Wil- 
liam A. "Wlieeler, staff investigator. 

Mr. Moulder. The subcommittee will be in order. 

Let the record show that the Hon. Francis E. Walter, chairman of 
the Committee on Un-American Activities of the House of Rep- 
resentatives of the Congress, pursuant to the provisions of law cre- 
ating this committee, appointed Hon. Clyde Doyle of California, Hon. 
Harold H. Velde of Illinois, with myself, Morgan M. Moulder of Mis- 
souri as chairman, a subcommittee to conduct hearings in Seattle, 
Wash. 

The membership of the subcommittee, with the exception of Mr. 
Doyle, is present. Mr. Doyle has asked that I express his regret that 
a legislative assignment by the Speaker of the House makes it im- 
possible for him to leave Washington at this time. 

Following an extensive investigation by the staff, the Committee 
on Un-American Activities held hearings here during June 1954, and 
also in Portland during that same period. These hearings were pro- 
ductive of outstanding results in that the committee was furnished by 
numerous witnesses with facts reflecting the extent of Communist 
Party activities in the great Pacific Northwest, and the infiltration 
methods used in this area by the Communist Party. 

Mrs. Barbara Hartle will be remembered as a witness whose knowl- 
edge of the Communist movement in the Pacific Northwest was very 
extensive, and the careful and intelligent consideration she gave to 
her testimony has been excelled by few if any other witnesses which 
this committee has heard. 

In the time allotted for that hearing the committee could not hear 
all the witnesses who had been summoned, and could not hear fully 
some of the witnesses who testified. The committee desires at this 
time to continue with the hearings begun in June of 1954, last year. 

247 



248 COMMUNIST ACTWITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 

Before calling the first witness I desire to recognize the Hon. 
Charles P. Moriarty, United States attorney for the Western Dis- 
trict of Wasliington, whose office has rendered outstanding service to 
the Congress of the United States in matters of importance to this 
committee which have been referred by the Congress to him. 

I also desire to extend the committee's thanks to Mayor Pomeroy 
and the board of county commissioners who made it possible for us 
to use this room as a hearing room, United States Marshal William 
B. Parsons, also Sheriff Tim McCullough and Chief of Police H. J. 
Lawrence, and members of their respective staffs for their great 
assistance to this committee. 

I also desire to announce at this time — and I trust that it will 
not be necessary to repeat it at any time during the course of the 
hearing — that a disturbance of any kind or audible comment on 
the part of persons other than witnesses during the course of the 
testimony, whether favorable or unfavorable to the committee or any 
witness appearing before it, will not be tolerated by the committee. 
For any infraction of this rule the offender will be ejected from the 
hearing room. 

I also wish to announce that Congi'essman Velde and I have con- 
ferred with respect to the use of cameras and the taking of pictures in 
the hearing room. Each House of the Congress has its own rules. 
The rules of the House prohibit the use of cameras, the taking of pic- 
tures and televising proceedings of the Congress in the House while 
it is in session. The Speaker has ruled that that applies to committee 
hearings wherever they may be held in any part of the United States. 
However, Congressman Velde and I have decided that it would not 
be in conflict with the ruling and the interpretation placed upon the 
rules by the Speaker of the House to permit photographs to be taken 
at any time in the hearing room except when a witness is testifying, 
and in the course of his testimony. 

Therefore, photographs will be permitted to be taken of the witness 
while he is being sworn in and after that. While he is testifying 
no additional photographs will be permitted to be taken. 

Mr. Velde. I certainly want to say, Mr. Moulder, that I concur 
with you in the statement you have just made about the matter of 
taking photographs. However, I do feel that we should also protect 
the freedom of the press as much as possible, instead of merely pro- 
tecting the so-called rights of some of the witnesses who will appear 
here. 

It is very important in my opinion, and I think the Chair will con- 
cur with me in this, that we do give the public, especially in the great 
Northwest area of our country, the benefit of all the information we 
are able to obtain. And I do feel that within the rules of the House 
of Representatives we should do everything we can to give that in- 
formation to the public here in Seattle. 

I also want to say that it is great to be back here. I enjoyed very 
much being here last June for at least 3 days, as chairman of the full 
committee at that time. 

Mr. Moulder. I am in complete agreement with you as to the com- 
mittee televising and giving the public all information possible as 
to those who have proved to be active in the Communist Party. How- 
ever, the rules of the House and the ruling of the Speaker of the House 
prohibit the televising of the hearings we are going to hold today. 



COMIMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 249 

Are you ready to proceed, Mr. Counsel ? 

Mr. Tavenner. Yes. 

Mr. Moulder. Call your first witness. 

Mr. Tavenner. Mr. Eugene V. Dennett, please come forward. 

Mr. Moulder. Hold up your right hand. 

Do you solemnly swear that the testimony which you are about to 
give before this committee shall be the truth, the whole truth, and 
nothing but the truth, so help you, God ? 

Mr. Dennett. I do. 

TESTIMONY OF EUGENE VICTOR DENNETT, ACCOMPANIED BY HIS 
COUNSEL, KENNETH A. MacDONALD 

Mr. Tavenner. "Wliat is your name, please, sir ? 

Mr. Dennett. Eugene Victor Dennett. 

Mr. Tavenner. Are you accompanied by counsel, Mr. Deimett ? 

Mr. Dennett. I am, sir. 

Mr. Tavenner. Will counsel please identify himself for the record. 

Mr. MacDonald. Kenneth A. MacDonald, attorney at law, of 
Seattle, Wash. 

Mr. Tavenner. Mr. Dennett, you were subpenaed as a witness be- 
fore this committee in June of 1954, and you were called on the first 
day of that hearing, which was June 14. 

Mr. Dennett. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Tavenner. At that time you stated some special considerations 
you had in mind under which you felt that you desired not to testify 
and, as a result, you refused to testify on the ground of the fifth 
amendment. 

Mr. Dennett. Correct. 

Mr. Tavenner. Later on during the hearings, in fact on the next 
to the last day of the hearings, you and your counsel came to me and 
stated that after further considering the matter, you desired to appear 
as a witness. 

Is that correct ? 

Mr. Dennett. That is correct. 

Mr. Tavenner. As a result of that you were again called before the 
committee. 

Mr. Dennett. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Tavenner. The record of the hearing at that time reflects that 
neither you nor your counsel was approached by any member of the 
committee or the staff, or any representative of either the committee 
or the staff in an effort to get you to change your testimony. 

Mr. Dennett. That is absolutely correct. 

Mr. Tavenner. That is true, is it not ? 

Mr. Dennett. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Ta\'enner. As a result of that the committee proceeded to ask 
you a few questions. However, the record also shows that counsel was 
of the opinion that your knowledge of Communist Party activities 
in the Xorthwest was' so extensive that at that late point in the hearing 
it would be impractical to try to take your testimony unless the com- 
mittee would cancel the rest of its hearings, and there were a number 
of witnesses waiting to be heard at that time. Consequently the com- 
mittee decided that it would have to interrogate you at another time. 
So you are here this morning for that purpose. 



250 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 

Mr. Dennett. That is correct, sir. As a result of that decision I 
conferred with the then subcommittee chairman — who was at that 
time Mr. Jackson — following that session, and Mr. Jackson was 
unable to advise me when I might be called again. He referred me to 
Mr. Wheeler. I asked Mr. Wlieeler at that time when I might be 
called again. I anticipated some problem of preparation. I wanted 
to look at some of my old material and refresh my knowledge. But 
Mr. Wheeler was unable to give me any information at that time. 

Later, on January 28, 1 wrote to the new chairman of the committee 
asking him what I might expect from the committee by way of further 
interrogation. He did not reply directly. Instead, later I received 
a letter from Mr. Wheeler advising that they expected to hold the 
hearings in June. 

The day after that I received another letter adAdsing that they were 
going to hold the hearings at this date. So I still was unable to do the 
preparation that I wanted to do. 

Mr. Tavenner. You have a great wealth of Communist Party liter- 
ature and documents in your possession, do you not? 

Mr. Dennett. Well, I saved them over a period of 20 years. I have 
quite a few. 

Mr. Tavenner. In the limited time that we have here this week, 
have you made some of that material available to the staff? 

Mr. Dennett. That is correct. 

When Mr. Wheeler came to town he left word in his letter to me that 
he wanted to reach me at a certain time. I called the hotel and saw 
him, asked him what he wanted to know. He wasn't too certain what 
he wanted specifically, but he wanted to know what I knew. 

So I said, "Well, the simplest way to find that out is to come up to 
my house, and you can look at everything I have got." So Mr. Wheeler 
came out to my house and he looked at everything I had. 

Mr. Tavenner. During the course of the hearing in June 1954 you 
were asked a number of questions regarding your background. But 
the present chairman of the subcommittee was not present with the 
committee on that occasion, and I think it would be well to begin as if 
we had taken no testimony whatever. 

Will you tell the committee, please, when and where you were born ? 

Mr. Dennett. I was born in Revere, Mass., April 26, 1908. 

Mr. Tavenner. Where do you now reside? 

Mr. Dennett. 7324 34th Avenue SW., Seattle 6, Wash. 

Mr. Tavenner. When did you move to the general area of Seattle, or 
may I say to the State of Washington ? 

Mr. Dennett. In 1932. 

Mr. Tavenner. Will you give the committee, please, a brief outline 
of your formal educational training ? 

Mr. Dennett. I graduated from high school in Rickreall, Oreg. I 
was out of school a year, unable to raise the finances to go on to college. 
The second year I made arrangements to finance going to normal 
school by carrying a paper route. 

I graduated from the Oregon Normal School in 1928, and started 
teaching school. That was a 2-year college at that time, or 2-year 
normal school. It has since been changed to a college of education, 
and it is a 4-year school now. That was at Monmouth, Oreg. 

After receiving my teaching certificate and starting to teach, I car- 
ried on extension work with the University of Oregon, and later, at 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 251 

a later year, I took a couple more quarters of advanced work at the 
University of Oregon in the School of Education, Sociology, and Phil- 
osophy. I did not graduate. 

Mr. Ta\t:nner. When did you complete your work at the university ? 

Mr. Dennett. Well, the work that I took, which was not sufficient 
for a degree or graduation, ended in 1931. 

Mr. Tavenner. Will you tell the committee, please, briefly, what 
your employment record has been since that time. 

Mr. Dennett. Well, after I left teaching I was unemployed for 
quite a long period of time. The great depression had started, and I 
became active in the unemployed work. 

Later on when the CCC's were organized, that is, the Civilian Con- 
servation Corps, since I was in a soup line here in Seattle and saw an 
announcement that it was possible for us to leave the soup line and 
go out in the woods in the CCC's, I chose to do so, and spent a year 
there, about 15 months, in fact. 

When I came out of the CCC's one of the fellows whom I had worked 
with in the CCC shanghaied me onto a boat here in the sound. And, 
unbelievable as it may sound, I actually was shanghaied to work on the 
waterfront, working on one of the Puget Sound freight boats. I 
didn't know a thing about it. And that is how I got started, a fellow 
just shoved me on and fed me, and the boat pulled away from the dock 
without my knowing what was going on. Then I got started working 
in the waterfront work and continued. 

^Ir. Tavenner. ^^Hiat year was that ? 

Mr. Dennett. 1935. I continued at that work off and on practically 
until the beginning of the Second World War, doing various kinds of 
work, deckhand and freight handling, and some longshore work. 
I also worked on some of the tugboats and some of the barges. 

Mr. Ta\t:nner. You say that type of employment continued until 
the war. Were you a member of our Armed Forces ? 

Mr. Dennett. I was. There was an intervening period there, how- 
ever. I was screened off the waterfront in 1942. After being screened 
off the waterfront in 1942 1 was searching for work again, and I saw 
a big advertisement in the paper that Bethlehem Steel Co. was hiring 
everj^body and anybody. So I went out there to work. 

Mr. Ta\t:nner. Will you tell the committee what you mean by 
screened off' the waterfront? Briefly, not in detail. 

Mr. Dennett. There was an intelligence unit of the Army which 
seemed to have information which convinced them that I was some sort 
of a dangerous person, and they were convinced that I should not be 
permitted to work on the waterfront. So my passes were lifted and 
I was denied opportunity to do any further work longshoring or work 
anywhere on the waterfront. By the way, according to my informa- 
tion, I am the only one who never did get liis pass back that was lifted 
at that time. 

Mr. Tavenner. Did the lifting of your pass have anything to do 
with Communist Party activities on your part ? 

Mr. Dennett. Well, I was asked to go down to the security office 
at that time. It was in charge of a Mr. John J. Sullivan, I believe. 
And he put it to me rather bluntly. He said, "We think that you are 
still a Communist. And so we just don't think we should have Com- 
munists on the waterfront. That is why we are lifting your pass." 



252 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 

Mr. Tavenner. Will you continue with your narrative of employ- 
ment ? 

Mr. Dennett. I went to work at Bethlehem Steel Co. 

Mr, Tavenner. What year was that? 

Mr. Dennett. In 19425 October 19, 

And after being- em]:>loyed there for some little time I was classified 
I-A in the draft, I didn't know imtil after it was all over, but the 
company evidently thought enough of my work to get at least two 
deferments for me unbeknowaist to myself. You remember there was 
something of a manpower shortage at that time, 

I was finally inducted into service on the 27th of August 194;^, took 
my 3-week furlough which w^as permitted to married men at that time, 
and reported to the service, I think it was the iTth of September 
of 1943, reported for active duty, 

I remained in the service until, I think it was about October 10 of 
1945, at which time I received an honorable discharge. But I was in 
somewhat broken health. So upon my return to Seattle I had to take 
some little time to recuperate, and spent a little time at the naval hos- 
pital which was conducted by the Navy at that time. It is now known 
as Firlands. 

By the time I got out of the hospital the steelworkers were in their 
famous 1946 strike. So I couldn t return to work until the strike 
was over. I did, however, return to work shortly after the strike was 
over. I think it was in April of 1946. And I have been working 
continuously there ever since, 

Mr. Tavenner, Will you tell the committee whether or not you were 
a member of the Communist Party at the time that your pass was 
lifted? 

Mr. Dennett, I was. 

Mr. Tavenner. How long had you been a member ? 

Mr. Dennett. Well, originally I joined the Communist Party in 
1931. 

Mr. Tavenner, 1931 ? 

Mr. Dennett. I was in active membership in the Communist Party 
until the time I went into the Civilian Conservation Corps, During 
the year I was in the CCC I was not an active member of the Com- 
munist Party, As a matter of fact, I was under some cloud. The 
leadership of the party at that time disapproved of some of my activ- 
ities and some of my policies, and I certainly disapproved of some of 
theirs. It was sort of a mutual disagreement. And they were satis- 
fied to leave me alone while I was in the CCC, and I was satisfied that 
they did. 

However, upon my return from the CCC, as soon as I went to work 
on the waterfi'ont, the conditions under which we were working at 
that time were so repulsive that it was no wonder that the workers 
there were seriously contemplating strike action. With my prior 
knowledge about trade unions and some knowledge of political ac- 
tivity, it was only natural that I should assume a position of leader- 
ship among those workers. And when the strike was called I w'as 
elected to leadership in that strike committee. It was at that moment 
that the Communist Party found it very convenient to make new ap- 
proaches to me and to try to enlist my efforts in their behalf. I was 
willing and I did cooperate and I became a member again in good 
standing. 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 253 

Mr. TA^^NNER. TSHiat date was that? 

Mr. Dennett. 1935. 

Mr. Ta\'enner. I think it may be well at this point, before I ask you 
any detail about your knowledge of Communist Party activities, as a 
matter of general background for the committee, you should state 
briefly the various positions you have held in the Communist Party, 
and the opportunity you have had to know of Communist Party 
activities. 

Mr. Dennett. I have held nearly all the organizational positions in 
the lower ranks of the party. That is, I have been a branch organizer, 
sometimes called branch, sometimes called unit. I have been an edu- 
cational director in a branch, I have been a section organizer, I have 
been a fraction secretary, I have been a district agitprop director. 
That is a combination of two words — agitation and propaganda. I 
doubt that the term is used very much any more. It would be com- 
parable to educational work now. 

I have been a member of the district bureau of the Communist 
Party. I was a member of the secretariat of the Communist Party in 
district 12 on 2 different occasions. The secretariat is a group of per- 
haps 2 or 3 persons who are responsible for the daily activities of the 
Communist Party and the way in which the various branches and 
sections are carrying out the Communist Party policy program. I 
think that covers it. 

Mr. Ta^^enner. What was the last position you held in the Com- 
munist Party ? 

Mr. Dennett. I think the last position was that of an educational 
director in a branch. 

Mr. Tavenner. What was the date ? 

Mr. Dennett. I think that would be in 1946 or 1947. 

Mr. Tavenner. Are you a member of the Communist Party now? 

Mr. Dennett. I am not. 

Mr. Tavenner. Over what period of time were you an active mem- 
ber in the Communist Party ? 

JNIr. Dennett. With the 2 exceptions of the CCC and the term of 
service in the Army, from 1931 to 1947. 

Mr. Tavenner. I believe in 1947 you were expelled from the Com- 
munist Party? 

Mr. Denneit'. That is correct. 

Mr. Ta\t:nner. With that general background I would like to go 
back, Mr. Dennett, to the inception of your membership in the Com- 
munist Party. 

You have said that that was in 1931. And the committee would be 
interested to learn what the circumstances were under which you 
became a member of the Communist Party. By that I mean why you 
joined the Communist Party as well as the mechanics that were used 
in your becoming a member. 

Mr. Dennett. Well, I would remind the committee and those who 
have read the record of a statement I made at the other hearing. I 
was named after Eugene V. Debs. I am very proud of that. It 
should be remembered that Eugene V. Debs was the leading Socialist 
in the United States of America for a great many years. 

I was virtually born into the Socialist movement. My parents ad- 
mired Debs very much, and my father was an active leading Socialist. 



254 COJVIMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 

Therefore, I had a great deal of knowledge of the Socialist movement 
as a child. In fact, I had the honor of appearing on the same plat- 
form with Eugene V. Debs in Old Peoples Hall in Boston. He was 
making a political speech. I had a great admiration for the man and 
I felt greatly honored to be named after him. 

In the period following the First World War after my mother's 
death, my father and I moved to the farm in the West. That was in 
1919. Those who may have some knowledge of the history of that 
period will remember that following the First World War there was 
a depression in agriculture. Those who farmed suffered a continuing 
crisis, and we were trying to farm. 

So we were confronted daily with the problem of how in the world 
do you get out of a depression. And, frankly, we did not find any 
solution to it. 

I went on to school being firmly convinced, as a result of what I 
had seen as a child, having seen workers defeated time after time in 
strikes and in disputes, I became thoroughly convinced that the most 
priceless thing that anyone could obtain would be a full and complete 
education. And I hoped to receive one. I don't think I ever received 
as much as I wanted. 

Finally, after obtaining my teaching certificate and beginning to 
teach — you remember the year was 1928. And in 1929 the stock mar- 
ket crashed. And it wasn't very long before the effects of that eco- 
nomic interruption began to be felt throughout the land. And among 
the first to feel it were the teachers, at least in the State of Oregon 
with which I was then familiar. 

The teachers were required to accept great discounts in order to cash 
their warrants — 15, 20, and in some cases 25 percent discounts were 
taken by the banks to cash the teachers' warrants. And teachers were 
generally receiving at that time about $100 per month. 

I was fortunate. I was teaching in a district which was a rather 
wealthy district, and they were not on a warrant basis. 

But I began to have great apprehension because most of the teachers 
I knew were suffering this way. And this was in 1931. 

Of course, I had been concerned about economic problems over most 
of my life. And when I was a high school boy I read Marx's Das 
Kapital, and I was somewhat acquainted with his theory of economics. 
And I was quite disturbed at this economic crash which began with 
the stock market crash of 1929. 

So I was looking for some organization which might give some kind 
of an answer. In fact, I think that I told some of my friends that I 
was actually looking for the Communist Party for 2 years before I 
found it. 

In 1931 my father sent me a notice of a Civil Rights Conference to be 
held in Portland, Oreg. This conference was being called to organize 
a defense for some people in Portland who had been accused of vio- 
lating the criminal syndicalism law in the State of Oregon. They 
were alleged to be Communists. Some of them I later learned actually 
were Communists. My father was unable to attend the conference. 
So he asked me to go. I went. There I met the first Communists. 
The first one that I met was Mr. Fred Walker, and a person by the 
name of Paul Munter. . ^ , n ^. m -r^. i . ^ o 

Mr. Moulder. May I interrupt ? Is that the Civd Rights Congress ? 

Mr. Dennett. It wasn't a congress, it was a conference. 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 255 

Mr. MouLDEK. Civil Eights Conference ? 

Mr. Dennett. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Moulder. Was it an organization ? 

Mr. Dennett. No. It was certainly a temporary organization for 
that particular case. 

Mr. Moulder. "Wlio was the leadership of that ? 

Mr. Dennett. It was organized under the auspices of the Interna- 
tional Labor Defense, better known as the ILD. 

And they had their attorney at this conference who gave an ex- 
planation of the case, an explanation of the law, and outlined the 
program of the International Labor Defense for the purpose of trying 
to win that case. 

I was very much impressed by his presentation. Later on, years 
later, I was still more impressed when I learned that he actually had 
met with success, because after the persons who were charged then had 
been convicted he appealed the case to the United States Supreme 
Court, and the United States Supreme Court handed down a decision 
in the case of Dirk De Jonge which held that the criminal syndicalism 
statute in the State of Oregon was invalid. And the decision was 
reversed. Those convictions were reversed that way. 

So you see that my interest and introduction was of a twofold char- 
acter : One, I was impressed with the economic problems that were not 
being solved. I was also impressed with what appeared to me to be 
an invasion of the civil rights of individuals to think and act as they 
pleased in political matters. 

Mr. Ta\^nner. Did you state the first person you knew as a Com- 
munist was a man by the name of Walker ? 

Mr. Dennett. Yes, Fred Walker. 

Mr. Ta\^nner. Do you know whether Mr. Fred Walker held any 
position in the Communist Party at that time ? 

Mr. Dennett. At that time he was the section organizer of the Com- 
munist Party in Portland, Oreg. 

Mr. Tavenner. Will you tell the committee whether or not, as a 
result of your attendance at that conference and your discussions with 
Mr. Fred Walker, you became a member of the Communist Party ? 

Mr. Dennett. It was not immediate, but it was soon after that that 
I became a member of the Communist Party. Actually I wanted to 
become a member of the Communist Party, and they were a little bit 
fearful that since I was a teacher that maybe there was some kind of 
bourgeois corruption there that they were afraid of. And they in- 
sisted that if I wanted to join the ranks of the Communist Party it 
would be necessary for me to take a little schooling. 

So they olSered me an opportunity to attend some classes which they 
had organized, classes in labor history, classes in analyzing the role 
and functions of the Communist Party ? And they had other classes. 
I do not recall exactly what they were. But these 2 were the 2 main 
groups. 

Mr. Tavenner. Was this a recognized school of the Communist 
Party or what was it ? 

Mr. Dennett. Well, it was a school that was organized by the sec- 
tion in Portland under Fred Walker's leadership. It had the approval 
of the district leadership. 

Mr. Tavenner. Of the Communist Party ? 



256 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 

Mr. Dennett. And they were following the outlines which were 
sent out by tlie Workers School of New York, which was the center 
of the Communist Party. 

Mr. Tavenner. Was it unquestionably a Communist Party function 
that was being performed ? 

Mr. Dennett. Very distinctly so. We used 2 important textbooks, 
1 by Bimba, and 1 by Forner, in those schools. Both of them on 
labor history. 

Mr. Tavenner. Wlio were the teachers in that school ? 

Mr. Dennett. Fred Walker taught some of them. Munter taught 
some of them. 

Mr. Tavenner. Do you know his first name? 

Mr. Dennetp. Paul Munter, I believe. 

And then there was another fellow by the name of Rodney. His 
last name was Rodney, R-o-d-n-e-y. 

My recollection of him is due to the fact that at that time he was 
some kind of under secretary or employed by the YMCA in Portland. 
I did not then know him as a member of the Communist Party either. 
I heard later that he did join the Communist Party. But at the 
moment or at the time that he was teaching this class in labor history 
I did not understand him to be a member of the Communist Party. 

Mr. Tavenner. Was your attendance at this school prior to your 
becoming a member or after you had become a member ? 

Mr. Dennett. It was prior ; it was before joining. 

Mr. Tavenner. Were there others in this school besides yourself? 

Mr. Dennett. Yes. 

Mr. Tavenner. How many ? 

Mr. Dennett. My recollection is between 15 and 20. 

Mr. Tavenner. Due to the fact that you have told us that you, 
yourself were not a member at that time, is it possible that others in 
attendance likewise were in a similar category and not actual members 
of the Communist Party at that time? 

Mr. Dennett. I am quite sure that was true, that most of them who 
attended that class were not members of the Communist Party, but 
they were curious, and their curiosity had been aroused because of 
what appeared to all of us was an attempt at oppression by the use 
of the criminal syndicalism statute against unemployed veterans and 
unemployed workers and other people, and particularly some foreign- 
born people. 

Mr. Tavenner. Will you tell the committee, please, to what extent 
did this training that you had in this particular school prepare you 
for the role you later played in the Communist Party? Did it 
amount to anything? Was the instruction effective? Did it serve 
to instill the spirit of the Communist Party in you ? 

Mr. Dennett. I certainly felt that it did. As a matter of fact, 
I was one of those teachers who considered that most of our teaching 
methods were quite inappropriate for the best benefit to the child. 
I felt that what is characterized as the lock-step system of education 
is inadequate to our modern needs. And I finally despaired of ever 
hoping to be able to do what I felt should be done as a teacher. 

Mr. Moulder. Just what do you refer to there? I mean in what 
respect ? 

Mr. Dennett. The rigidity with which big school systems are 
strait] acketed. Courses of study are laid out in an ironclad fashion, 



COMMUNIST ACTrV'ITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 257 

and there is no opportunity for teachers to attempt to satisfy the 
needs or the growing needs of the child. 

Now remember this was in 1932. There have been a great many 
changes in most of the school systems since then. And while I was 
personally not under that kind of restraint, I knew many teachers 
in the city of Portland who felt that they were at that time. And 
I was an active member of the Classroom Teachers Association in 
Portland — or not in Portland, but in the State of Oregon. 

We were always concerned with this problem, and we felt that it 
was very difficult, almost hopeless to expect to make the improvement 
which needed to be made. 

The Communists introduced me to some of the writings of Frederick 
Engels and Nicolai Lenin, and I found these writings to be very 
illuminating. I found them to throw a great deal of light on the 
development of economic and political crises. And they intrigued 
me by showing me a set of what is known as the Lenin library. I 
believe there were about 8 or 10 volumes of it published at that time. 
And I jDurchased the whole business. I think it cost me about $15. 
And I proceeded to read voraciously. I read everything there was 
in it, and I was very much impressed by the analysis, the penetrating 
analysis which Lenin made of all of the various political movements 
that existed way back at the turn of the century in 1900. All these 
things caused me to feel that there was more here than the average 
person realized, and I hoped that I was finding the solution to the 
problems which beset mankind. 

Mr. Tavenner. Inasmuch as all persons in attendance were not 
members of the Communist Party, I am not going to ask you to give 
me the names of all who participated in that school. But I will ask 
you to give us the names of any of those who participated in that 
school who later became functionaries in the Communist Party during 
the period of time that you were a member. 

Mr. Dennett. That is an awfully long time ago, and I did not keep 
any record of those persons. 

Frankly, outside of Fred Walker and Paul Munter and this fellow 
Eodney, I do not recall distinctly enough to be certain in my own 
mind. I think that a couple of persons attended there whose names 
would come up at a later period. But I couldn't be certain of identify- 
ing them in that period. 

Mr. Tavenner. How long did you attend this course of training? 

Mr. Dennett. I think it was about 3 months. 

Mr. Tavenner. Was it an intensive training course? 

Mr. Dennett. Yes ; it was. I believe the classes were at least twice 
a week, and there was a great deal of reading and study to be done 
with it. And they found that I was a ready and willing subject. So 
they assigned reports to me very frequently. And I made many of 
them. 

Mr. Tavenner. How soon after the completion of that work, or 
was it during the period of that course of training that you became 
a member of the Communist Party ? 

]Mr. DENNE^rr. It was during that time. I think within 6 weeks 
after I started they satisfied themselves that I was sincerely trying to 
be a good Communist. 

62222— 55— pt. 1 2 



258 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 

Mr. Tavenner. Will you tell the committee, please, what mechanics 
were used for bringing you into the party ? 

Mr. Dennett. Well, at that time the party was what is generally 
referred to as underground. They were very much afraid of their 
own existence and their own identity. And they were particularly 
fearful of agents of the police entering their ranks. And they viewed 
all jocrsons with great suspicion, especially these foreign-born workers. 
And they used to spend a great deal of time talking with me, inquiring 
into every phase of my life and my background and my existence, 
giving me in their own way the third degree to determine whether or 
not I was trustworthy and whether or not I was worth being a mem- 
ber of the ranks. 

Mr. Tavenner. Now as you look back upon it, do you think that that 
careful study of your past and your capabilities was rather in the way 
of choosing you for future leadership in the party as distinguished 
from membership in the Communist Party? 

Mr. Dennett. No. I think that so far as they were concerned, 
they looked upon all persons entering the party as equals. That is, 
they did not predetermine who was going to be a leader and who wasn't 
going to be a leader. But they were determined to work each new 
member to the utmost until they got the most out of each one that they 
could. And in my case I responded by studying very intensely, and 
they had great hopes that I would develop into the kind of leader 
which they needed. 

Mr. Tavenner. Will you proceed, please, to tell us about your in- 
duction into the Communist Party ? 

Mr. Dennett. Some of that is rather indistinct at this period. 
There are only snatches of it that are vivid. 

One thing that is quite vivid is one of the foreign-born workers 
warning me that they had to deal rather vigorously with traitors. 
That seemed to be their chief obsession. 

Mr. Tavenner. Do you mean traitors to the cause of communism? 

Mr. Dennett. Yes. That seemed to be their chief concern. 

Mr. Moulder. In what period of time are we now ? 

Mr. Dennett. That is still in 1931. 

Finally they told me that my name had been submitted to the party 
as a candidate for membership. And after — I think it was about a 
month delay — they informed me that the membership had passed 
upon my name, and that I had been accepted. And they invited me to 
party meetings. 

Mr. Tavenner. Did you become a member under your own name 
or were you given a pseudonym? 

Mr. Dennett. I was given what is known as a party name. All 
the party records and documents were kept in that name. However, 
it always seemed rather ridiculous to me because alongside of the 
party name there was always my real name anyway. 

Mr. Tavenner. What was your party name ? 

Mr. Dennett. Victor Haines, H-a-i-n-e-s. 

Mr. Tavenner. Did you have anything to do with the selection 
of it, or was it selected for you ? 

Mr. Dennett. Yes ; I had something to do with selecting it. Wlien 
they told me that I had to choose a party name I asked for help on 
it, and the only help they could offer was to use the name of J. P. 
Morgan or John D. Eockefeller or Henry Ford or something like that. 



CO^ENIUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 259 

They were always suggesting the most prominent capitalists as the 
party pseudonym. 

Mr. Tavenner. Will you tell the committee, please, what your first 
activity was in the Communist Party after becoming a member? _ 

Mr. Dennett. I believe that I was first assigned to carry on this 
classwork in Portland, to keep this school going that was started. 
But that didn't last very long because at that time the district or- 
ganizer of the party was a man by the name of Alex Noral, who was 
here in Seattle. 

And Noral was troubled because they were unable to get someone 
to fill the function of a district agitprop director here in Seattle. So 
he was asking Fred Walker to come to Seattle to be the agitprop 
director because Fred Walker had organized such a successful school 
in Portland and had done such splendid work which met with the 
district approval. 

Walker, however, had personal reasons for not wanting to leave 
Portland. So he requested me to accept the assignment to Seattle. 
And I was perplexed as to what to do. I was in the middle of a 
school teaching year, but I was becoming more convinced all the time 
that there was no future in teaching — at least the way I wanted to do 
it. So I accepted, under a great deal of pressure, the assignment 
to come to Seattle. And that was, I say, under a great deal of pressure, 
too, because the way I was approached on it was that "Well, now you 
are a member of the party. You do what the party tells you to do, 
and you go where the party wants you to "go." 

Mr. Moulder. May I interrupt at that point before you start on 
your Seattle testimony ? 

I am curious to know, during that period of time when there were 
no laws prohibiting membership in the Commimist Party, why there 
was direction that you operate underground or under false names? 

Mr. Dennett. You remember I spoke about the criminal syndical- 
ism prosecutions in Oregon. The members of the party were being 
accused of violating the criminal syndicalism statute. 

Mr. MouLDEJt. A statute ? 

Mr. Dennett. In Oregon, yes. And they considered that they were 
under attack for illegality. 

Mr. Velde. ]\Iay I ask a question ? 

Mr. Yelde. I would like to know at the time you joined the Com- 
munist Party, I believe it was in 1931, if you had any idea at that 
time that the policy of the Communist Party of the United States of 
America was being dictated by Soviet Russia ? 

Mr. Dennetf. Well, there is a sort of mixed answer to that. 

I had been reading the Daily Worker. I had been reading the 
Butte Daily Bulletin. I was somewhat familiar with the international 

golitics in which there was conflicting interest between the United 
tates and the Soviet Union. But it was reconciled in my thinking 
with the firm conviction that the Communist Party was attempting 
to serve the interests of the working class all over the world and that 
in doing so there would be no conflict so far as we were concerned. 
Now that was the way it was resolved in my mind at that time. 

Mr. Velde. I think that is true of many early Communist Party 
members. 



260 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 

Mr. Tavenner. Without going into detail, did your views continue 
to be the same or were they altered as time went on in the course of 
your Communist Party work ? 

Mr. Dennett. It didn't take very long after I reached Seattle before 
I had my first rude awakening. I was naive enough to believe that it 
was proper for anj^one to ask any question at any time in a party 
meeting. But after coming to Seattle and being assigned as the 
district agitprop director, believing that my duty required that I 
should supervise the production of leaflets and propaganda which \yas 
being issued, I was naive enough to ask what were my various duties. 
And the answer I got from Mr. Noral was to the effect that anybody 
knows what that is, which left me completely in the dark. 

So I turned to the nearest associate who, at that time was Mr. John 
Lawrie, Sr., who more or less agreed with me that it was time to get 
some clear definition as to what the function was. Later on when I 
insisted upon criticizing a leaflet which Noral had issued he accused 
me of being some kind of a deviationist. I had only been in the party 
about 3 months. I didn't know what the term meant. 

Later on he accused me of being a Trotskyite. I think he used the 
term "Trotskyite," which was a term of derision. And that conflict 
led ultimately to my being removed as district agitprop director. As 
a matter of fact, if Noral had carried out his wishes at that time I 
would have been liquidated. 

I didn't know what he meant by liquidation then, and I think the 
term was used rather loosely. But he did declare that liquidation was 
the proper thing to do with deviators such as I at that time. 

However, there was another leader in the district by the name of 
Ed Leavitt, L-e-a-v-i-t-t, who was the organizational secretary, and 
Leavitt felt that it was improper to deal with me in that fashion, and 
he felt that since I was a young man at that time that I should be given 
an opportunity to prove my worth and prove myself. And he 
prevaled upon the district secretariat, namely, himself, Noral, and 
Lawrie, to assign me to section organizer in Bellingham. It wasn't 
very long before I was banished from the district headquarters and 
sent to Bellingham ot prove myself, which I think I did. 

Mr. Moulder. Were you then being compensated ? 

Mr. Dennett. No, sir. 

Mr. Moulder. Or reimbursed for your travels ? 

Mr. Dennett. I was not. We just bummed our way around. 

Mr. Moulder. Were you employed then ? 

Mr. Dennett. I was unemployed. But we were just living as best 
we could, from hand to mouth. 

I never was on the payroll of the Communist Party. 

Mr. Taat:nner. I think you should define more specifically what 
was meant by the term "liquidate." 

Mr. Dennett. Well, in that connection, I believe it occurred during 
a meeting of the district bureau, in which I had insisted that the 
grammar of one of Mr. Noral's leaflets was in need of repair. He 
insisted that he knew what he was saying and that if anybody else 
didn't know it was just too bad. And he proceeded to describe the 
importance of party discipline. 

And in a very boastful way remarked that he was in the Fosterite 
faction that went to the Soviet Union in 1928 to the Sixth World Con- 
gress of the Comintern, and that following the decision of the Sixth 



COMIMUXIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 261 

World Congress to liquidate factionalism, in the American section of 
the Communist Party, that the Comintern set up a special commission 
to deal with the American section delegates, dealing with the Foster 
faction, the Lovestone faction, and the Cannon faction. And he said 
that since he was in the Foster faction that they, being the largest fac- 
tion, were called up first. 

And when they were called before the commission the chairman of 
that commission was Josef Stalin, and that Stalin leaned over the 
rostrmn, shook his finger at them, and demanded to know, "Do you 
or do you not submit to the authority of the Comintern and its 
decisions?" 

Noral said that he very proudly was the first to arise and say that 
he did submit to it. And he gave that to us as an illustration of the 
kind of discipline that we must expect and that we must follow. 

Mr. McniJJEK. ]Mr. Dennett and Mr. Tavenner, would you like to 
have a recess at this time ? 

Mr. Tavenner. Yes. 

Mr. MoTjLDER. The committee will stand in recess for a period of 
5 minutes. 

(Wliereupon a short recess was taken.) 

Mr. MouEDER. The committee will be in order. 

Proceed, Mr. Tavenner. 

Mr. Tavenner. Mr. Chairman, at this time I would like to call the 
witness, Mr. Jerry O'Connell. 

Mr. Jerry O'Connell. Is he present? 

(There was no response.) 

Mr. Tavenner. May I ask that he be called in the corridor? 

Mr. Moulder. Mr. Officer, would you call the witness Jerry O'Con- 
nell in the corridor ? 

Is there anyone here, an attorney representing the witness Mr. 
O'Connell? 

(There was no response.) 

Mr. Moulder. Proceed, ^Ir. Tavenner. 

Is there any announcement you wish to make on that, Mr. Tavenner? 

Mr. Velde. May I inquire of Mr. Tavenner or Mr. Wheeler, was 
Jerry O'Connell served with a subpena? 

Mr. TA^^NNER. Yes, sir; he was. 

Mr. Moulder. For appearance here today ? 

Mr. Tavenner. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Velde. I think it would be appropriate at this point to have 
the subpena and the return thereon entered in the record. 

Mr. Tavenner. I would like to interrupt the course of this testi- 
mony and produce to the committee a copy of the subpena served on 
Mr. Jerry O'Connell, and call the conunittee's attention to the return 
which shows that it was served at 12 minutes to 9 p. m., March 8, 1955, 
at his residence, 3415 Central Avenue, Great Falls, Mont., signed 
Harold Mady, chief of police. 

I desire to offer the document in evidence and ask that it be marked 
as "O'Connell Exhibit No. 1," for identification purposes only and to 
be made a part of the committee files. 

Mr. Moi'LDER. It is so ordered. 

Mr. Tavenner. Mr. Dennett, you were asked a question by one of 
the members of the subcommittee with reference to your knowledge 
at the time you became a member of the Communist Party as to what 



262 COMIMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 

control, if any, that a foreign power had, over the Communist Party 
in this country, and you explained that. 

I would like to carry that point a little further at this time. 

"WTiile you were a member of the Communist Party were you ac- 
quainted with an organization known as the Trade Union Unity 
League ? 

]Mr. Dennett. I was. 

Mr. Tavenner. Will you tell the committee, please, briefly, what 
that organization was ? 

]Mr. Dennett. "Well, it was an effort on the part of the Communist 
leadership in this country to bring about the organization of unorgan- 
ized workers. It had the idea that they should be organized in indus- 
trial unions. This is because its leader was William Z. Foster, and 
William Z. Foster had been an active leader in A. F. of L. unions. As 
a matter of fact, he was the leader of the great steel strike of 1919, and 
in the course of that strike he drew certain conclusions about the way 
it was conducted, namely, that it was next to impossible for the workers 
to obtain the kind of solidarity they needed to win when they were 
divided into so many different craft organizations. 

So it was Foster who gave the gi"eatest attention to this question of 
getting the maximum strength through organization of the workers 
m unions. And the Trade Union Unity League was an effort to or- 
ganize these unorganized workers. 

Now to the best of my knowledge some of the greatest success of the 
Trade Union Unity League occurred right here in the Northwest. 

Wlien I came into the district in 1932 there was a comparatively 
young fellow by the name of James Muiphy who was the head of the 
Trade Union Unity Leagi^e here. He was a lumberworker. He was a 
bona fide worker. He knew the language, he knew the habits, and he 
was able to get around the same as any "bindle stiff'." 

For fear some might not understand the use of the term, in the old 
days loggers had to carry their own blankets when they went from 
place to place. And the way they carried them caused them to be 
called bindle stiffs. 

These fellows were very adaptable. They were very skillful at 
traveling under adverse conditions, overcoming all kinds of physical 
difficulties. The stories of Paul Bunyon are not something out of the 
figment of the imagination entirely ; they grew out of the huge efforts 
that the Northwest lumberworkers had to make in order to live. 

So Murphy was a very successful organizer. He organized a very 
large number of people in the National Lumberworkers Union. He 
had an assistant by the name of Roy Brown who was almost equally 
successful. I do not recall the names of the others who were active 
in that organization, but I do know that they met with great success 
organizing miners here in the Northwest. They organized fishermen. 

Mr. Tavenner. Wliat connection did those organizations have with 
the Trade Union Unity League? 

Mr. Dennett. They were all national unions in the Trade Union 
Unity League. And one of the greatest successful organizing drives 
was conducted among fishermen here in the Northwest. 

A person who is now deceased, by the name of Emil Linden, was 
profoundly successful in organizing fishermen on the Columbia River 
and here in Puget Sound. 



COIVCVIUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 263 

Mr. T.WENNER. Was lie successful in the organization of groups affil- 
iated with the Trade Union Unity League ? 

Mr. Dennett. That is right. 

The fishermen's unions, as a matter of fact, had the distinction of 
having been organized and affiliated directly with the Red Interna- 
tional of Labor Unions, which had a headquarters in Prague at that 
time. 

Mr. Tavenner. What do you mean by saying that the Trade Union 
Unity League was affiliated with or a part of the Red International of 
Labor Unions? 

Mr. Dennett. Well, they paid dues to an international organization,, 
and this particular fishermen's group which originated here were 
affiliated directly with the Red International of Labor Unions, and 
they paid dues directly to the headquarters in Prague. 

Mr. Ta\t:nner. Did that make them virtually a part of the Red 
International of Labor Unions ? 

Mr. Dennett. They were. 

Mr. Moulder. ^\niat period of time was that? 

Mr. Dennett. That was way back in about 1931 or 1932, or 1932 or 
1933. 

Mr. Tavenner. ^Vliere was the seat of the headquarters of the Red 
International of Labor Unions? 

Mr. Dennett. At that time it was in Prague. 

Mr. Tavenner. Among the documents which you have turned over 
to the staff of the committee and which we have examined is one en- 
titled "The Trade Union Unity League, Affiliated to the Red Inter- 
national of Labor Unions." 

Will you examine it and state whether or not you can identify it as 
one of the dociunents which you turned over to us ? 

(Document handed to the witness.) 

Mr. Dennett. If it has got my initials on it is is mine ; and it has. 

Mr. TA^^ENNER. Will you return it, please? 

Mr. Chairman, I think I should read into the record at this point 
several paragraphs which I see in this., document. 

Mr, Moulder. Very well. 

Mr. Ta\tenner (reading) : 

The national center of the revolutionary industrial union movement in the 
United States is the Trade Union Unity League, organized in Cleveland, August 
31, 1029. The TUUL coordinates and binds all the revolutionary union forces into 
one united organization. It leads and directs the general struggle of the new 
union movement. It is the American section of the Red International of Labor 
Unions. 

Is that just what you have been telling us, Mr. Witness? 
Mr. Dennett. Correct. 

Mr. Tavenner. I desire to read again from page 35 of this docu- 
ment. 

In the event of an imperialist war it will mobilize the workers to struggle 
against American imperialism and to transform this war into a class war against 
the capitalist system itself. 

Do you recall that as one of the objectives of the Trade Union Unity 
League ? 

Mr. Dennett. Yes, of course, I do. It is very plain. It is in black 
and white. I think that it has to be admitted by anyone with any 
knowledge of the subject that that was the objective, that was the 



264 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IX THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 

policy. That goes back a long way. That goes back to Lenin's teach- 
ing. It goes back to the teachings of Marx. In fact, it goes back to 
the teachings of almost any of the philosophers, the idea that when a 
given set of circumstances becomes impossible to withstand it is to be 
expected that somebody is going to break the bonds somewhere. 

Mr. Tavenner. I hnd this following paragraph on the same page 
under the title "Defend Soviet Union" : 

The Trade Union Unity League especially organizes and educates the masses 
to fight in defense of the Soviet Union. The Soviet Union is the stronghold of 
the world's working class. It is the cause of the workers in all countries. The 
overthrow of the Soviet Union by the capitalists would mean not only the 
slaughter of tens of thousands of Russian workers but would mark the beginning 
of the worst period of reaction internationally that the world has ever known. 
It would lead to widespread Fascist terrorism, and wholesale destruction of 
workers' economic, political, and cultural organizations and the wiping out of 
conditions won by the workers through a century of sacrifice and struggle. It 
would throw back for decades the development of the world labor movement. 

The workers must fight to the end in defense of the Soviet Union. 

Is that paragraph in accord with what you understood at the time to 
be the objectives of the Trade Union Unity League '^ 

Mr. Dennett. Well, shortly after my induction into the Communist 
Party I, as recounted earlier this morning, became the district agitprop 
director. In that position at that time we had the special privilege of 
receiving the first issues of all new pamphlets or magazines or any- 
thing like that that were issued. At that time there came into my 
possession a document with the title "The 21 Conditions for Affiliation 
With the Communist International," and among those conditions these 
]:>oints that are set forth in this document you have just read cover 
some of those conditions. 

Mr. Tavenner. In other words, was there a strict linking together 
through this organization and through the action of the Comintern, 
of the control of the Communist Party in this country by the interna- 
tional organization ? 

Mr. Dennett-. I think that has to be acknowledged by anyone who 
is familiar with the record at all. 

However, there is one little addendum that should be inserted at this 
point, that at a later point in the history of the Communist Party in 
the L^nited States — I believe it was about the time the Voorhis Act was 
passed — under the leadership of Earl Browder the Communist Party 
in the United States took steps by formal resolution adopted at con- 
vention to completely disassociate itself legally from any of this 
previous material. They attempted to satisfy and comply with the 
provisions of the Voorhis Act, 

And in their effort to do so they adopted a resolution in which they 
repudiated all of this political statement and line that we are now 
talking about. That was a formal act. 

Mr. Tavenner, There was considerable testimony before this com- 
mittee at the time it attempted to interrogate Max Granich and his 
wife, who were connected with a news facility wdiich transmits from 
Europe to this country decisions of the Cormnunist Party on an inter- 
national level, and we heard a number of witnesses, including Louis 
Budenz, who was connected with the Daily Worker. 

The testimony is very clear that that action you have spoken of was 
a device, not in good faith a severance or a disavowal of what had hap- 
pened before. But it was a device, to keep the Communist Party 



COMI^IUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 265 

from being liable under provisions of the Voorliis Act to which you 
have referred, of representing a foreign country, 

Mr. Dennett. Browder visited here in the Northwest during the 
time this action was being taken, and he explained it to our district 
bureau in this fashion, that the law was clearly aimed at putting the 
Communist Party out of business, and that the Communist Party was 
determined to not be put out of business, and it was going to comply 
with the act to the best of its ability, but that certainly did not mean 
that the Communist Party was going to disavow its sympathy with 
the working class throughout the world and the various sections of 
the Communist Party throughout the world. 

There was great apprehension on the part of our district bureau 
about the action. We feared that perhaps the Communist Party was 
going nationalist on us, and we thought that was a heinous crime, that 
you should always be internationalists. And Browder was reassuring 
us that the Communist philosophy was still internationalist and would 
continue to be internationalist, but that the formal connection and the 
formal affiliations would have to be dispensed with. 

He felt that the party was strong enough to travel along the road, 
as it needed to, without the direct intervention of the Comintern. 

And, of couree, it was shortly after that the Comintern itself was 
dissolved. 

Mr. Tavenner. How long did this organization, the Trade Union 
Unity League, remain in effect in this area? And when I say in 
effect, I mean in existence. 

Mr. Dennett. Until the organization of the CIO. 

As the organization of the CIO approached or became clear that 
it was going to come in, the policy of the Red International of Labor 
Unions was modified by the international headquarters in Prasfue. 
It was modified because the 12th Plenum of the Executive Committee 
of the Communist International had reviewed the developing world 
situation, had noted with alarm the rise of fascism in Germany, and 
resolved that somewhere their pol icies were not being too effective and, 
therefore, they must make certain modifications and allow for a little 
more flexibility than they had before. 

You must imderstand that one of the conditions Avhich existed as 
a condition for organizing these Red trade unions was that those 
workers so organized were virtually obliged to declare their loyalty 
to the cause of the Communist Party. Now that did not mean that 
they had to be members of it, but it meant that they had to express 
their sympathy with the efforts of the Soviet people and they had to 
accept the idea that the objectives of the working class and of the 
Communist Party were the same. 

Therefore, they didn't meet with much success in the United States 
in organizing these Red trade unions because the average worker who 
was confronted with this choice would say, "The devil with you." He 
wouldn't make a choice of that kind. 

Mr. Tavenner. In other words, they realized thev could not sell 
communism to the rank and file of American labor if it knew what 
they were buying. 

Mr. Dennett. They certainly couldn't sell it under that label to 
the American worker. They rejected it. 

Mr. Tavenner. A label is for the purpose of describing an item ; is 
it not ? 



266 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 

Mr. Dennett. I can accept your statement ; I think you are right. 
I think that confirms our experience. 

Mr. Moulder, This was in a period, the conditions and circum- 
stances of which offered a ripe opportunity for the exploitation of 
labor in this country by the Communist organizations. 

Mr. Dennett. That is very true. And you must understand that 
we met with an uneven success. 

I have described to you that in the Northwest we did meet with 
great success among the himber workers, among the miners, and among 
ihe fishermen. We did meet with great success there because a very 
large number of those workers originally had been with the Indus- 
trial Workers of the World. And they weren't afraid of a Red label. 
Wherever you found workers who were not afraid of a Red label they 
could accept such organization in good faith. But in most of the 
industrial centers in the East except in places where desperation was 
at the breaking point they did not meet with success. 

I am thinking now of the situation which obtained in the textile 
mills of Lowell, Lawrence, and Haverhill following the Fii-st World 
War. In those places the Industrial Workers of the World were 
successful in offering leadership to those workers. And it is true 
that in some parts of the South, contrary to the usual idea, in some 
parts of the South the Red leaders were quite successful in organizing. 

I remember vividly the Gastonia strike, and that was completely 
Red leadership. There is no question about it. They were the only 
ones that had the tenacity to stay with it under such adverse circum- 
stances. But they stayed with it and they met with great success. 
They organized thousands and thousands and thousands of workers. 

Mr. Tavenner. Would you say, generally speaking, the rank and 
file of labor would not accept the Communist Party if the Communist 
Party label were on it ? 

Mr. Dennett. That is true. They wouldn't accept even the red 
cards which were used. 

It was a peculiar thing. It seemed as though it was a badge of 
honor to some p-eople, but something of a shock and surprise to others 
that the membership cards very often were printed in a very deep red 
color in the various unions of the Trade Union Unity League. And, 
of course, some of tlie membership cards of the Communist Party 
at that time were in identically the same color. The only addition 
was the hammer and sickle was imposed upon it as well. And it 
would be a very easy matter to become mixed up or confused if you 
didn't look carefully at some of those cards in that period of time. 

But to complete the point that you are concerned with at this mo- 
ment, it is true that tlie program as set forth by the Red International 
of Labor Unions did not meet with the uniform success which they 
hoped for in the United States. So in 1935 — I believe it was in 1935, 
it may have been a little bit earlier than that — following the 12th 
Plenum of the Executive Committee of the Communist International's 
decision that a sharp turn must be made in the mass work, that they 
must combat the rise of fascism by allowing greater flexibility to 
organize masses to resist the onrush of fascism, they took note of the 
situation in the United States and concluded that they could not pre- 
scribe the exact conditions under which to organize the workers in the 
United States. 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 267 

That gave the opening which permitted the top leadership of the 
Communist Part}^ in tlie United States to grant the request of most 
of the organizers in the Trade Union Unity League to dissolve their 
organizations and permit them to join the new rising organizations 
which were developing as industrial unions, and also to join the ap- 
propriate American Federation of Labor unions. 

In other words, at the time of the split between the A. F. of L. and 
the CIO in the United States of America the Communist movement 
declared that it was logical and necessary to give up its own identity, 
which it did when it sacrificed the industrial unions that it had 
organized. And by 1935 they issued instructions that the industrial 
unions under the Trade Union Unity League must dissolve. 

And I recall the regret which some of the fishermen had in having 
to give up their affiliation with the Red International of Labor Unions 
and go into what they call the "finky" organization, the International 
Seamen's Union. Tliey didn't like it. They resented it. But never- 
the less, as good soldiers, they obeyed the order. Later on it didn't 
take them more than a couple of years when they were embarrassed 
whenever I would remind them that they had a Red origin. And 
the leadership there came to dislike me with a very firm resolve be- 
cause I would never permit them to forget that they did have a Red 
origin and that I was ashamed of them being backward about taking 
progressive steps. 

They caused me no end of concern because they were trying to be 
as conservative as the stanchest Republican when, in fact, they had 
a very, very Red origin. 

Mr. Ta\t:nner. ISIr. Dennett, would it be correct to analyze the 
situation you have descnbed generally in this way: Beginning in 
1985, and from then on, when the Red international of labor unions 
gave up the idea of having its own organizations within labor under 
its own label in this country, was tlie principal problem in dealing 
with the question of communism a matter of infiltration or attempted 
infiltration by the Communists into the leadership of all the unions 
in which they had a chance to gain leadership ? 

Mr. Dennett. Well, I recognize that the term infiltration is used 
to imply generally that somebody did something with a secret purpose. 

Now that may have been true. So far as my own knowledge is con- 
cerned, we took it in stride. We didn't think that there was anything 
special about it. We declared our objective to be the organization 
of all the workers. And, of course, we were part of all the workers. 
And as long as we could maintain that philosophy we were satisfied 
that we were part of the organization. 

Mr. Ta^^nner. When you say part of the organization, what do 
you mean? 

Mi\ Dennett. I mean that those members that were organized by 
the Communist Party in the Trade Union Unity League, when they 
gave up their identity as members of a Trade Union Unity League 
organization, such as the national lumberworkers union or the fish- 
ermen's union or the miner's union or something of that kind, they 
had the opportunity to become members of the appropriate union 
which was organizing in that field. In the case of the Northwest it 
was at that time the woodworkers federation, which was organized, 
in part, under the leadership of the carpenters and joiners, but against 
the wishes of the top leadership of the carpenters and joiners. 



268 COIVJOMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 

The top leadership, especially Mr. Hutcheson (William), was fear- 
ful of these rebels from the Northwest. He was afraid that if they 
became organized strong that they might cause him some trouble in 
his organization. And he put in a great deal of effort to see to it 
that they didn't succeed in that. 

Well, it is true that these rough-and-ready lumberworkers were 
willing to take on all comers so far as opposition was concerned. And 
Mr. Hutcheson seemed to be no bother to them, no more than anyone 
else would be. They didn't fear anyone. They just proceeded to 
organize as best they could. But they were so thoroughly indoc- 
trinated with the old Wobbly notions, that is, the Industrial Workers 
of the World ideas, they were very strong individualists, and they 
didn't take kindly to the kind of discipline which doesn't explain why 
it gives an order, and, consequently, the Communists in the wood- 
workers had a great deal of trouble. 

As a matter of fact, the organization of the woodworkers federa- 
tion was punctuated with stormy upheavals at every convention. The 
various caucuses which were led by the Communists and led by some 
of the old Industrial Workers of the World and led by some of those 
who wanted their loyalty to the carpenters and joiners and some who 
wanted their loyalty to the the new organization of the CIO, these 
various groups were unable to compose and resolve their differences. 
It was never completely resolved. To this day it is not completely 
resolved. 

The result of it today is that, well, of course, I realize there is a 
new merger in prospect, but the lumber workers in the Northwest 
were divided between the A. F. of L. and the CIO to such an extent 
that they were unable to use their full streng-th to bring it to bear 
during negotiations with their employers, and they have suffered very, 
very mucli here in the Northwest. 

Mr. Velde. You are making a very fine story of the methods used 
by the Communist T^arty in infiltrating labor unions. 

I want to ask you this : from your experience as a member of the 
Communist Party, which of the unions in this area were most success- 
fully infiltrated by the Communist Party? 

Mr. Moulder. May I ask during what period of time ? 

Mr. Velde. During the whole period of time since the Communists 
started infiltrating. 

Mr. Dennett. I think it would have to be said that it w^as lumber. 
Actually, to begin with, it was the marine unions. The organization 
of the Maritime Federation of the Pacific was something that was 
inspired by the Communist Party because the Communist Party 
called for the organization of industrial unions, industrial organiza- 
tion. And that was a result of Foster's leadership. 

Mr. Velde. You think they were more successful in lumber tha.Ti 
in the International Longshoremen's and Warehousemen's Union ?^ 

Mr. Dennett. Yes, I do. I do for the reason that in the mari- 
time unions at the outset the Communists furnished the aggressive 
leadership which initiated the organizati'<n of all of the maritime 
unions, but it didn't take very long before those workers, upon getting 
together, found that they had differences with those leaders. And the 
sailors union particularly made a sharp break with the Communists 
early in 1935, not over the issue of Communists but over tactical ap- 
plication of policy. 



COMRIUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 269 

The Communists at that time were opposed to Harry Lundeberg's 
organization of the tanker strike. And Mr. Lundeberg felt that he 
had the right to go out and improve the conditions of a contract by a 
process known as job action. 

Now the Communists couldn't possibly condone a thing like that 
because that permits individual action, and the Communist philosophy 
and theory did not permit variations of that kind. 

It is also true that the old conservative leaders in the labor move- 
ment likewise frowned upon such an action. So you will find that if 
you have familiarity with it you will very often find that the most 
conservative people and the most radical people, if you go to the point 
of referring to the Communists, you very often will find that they are 
in agreement more on policy and on discipline than other people in 
between. Because both extremes depend upon centralized authority 
in order to maintain their positions, whereas the other people in 
between are a little bit more apt to make their decision on the basis 
of the merits of the given situation — a little more flexibility. 

Mr. Velde. Before you get back to your story, let me ask you this : 

The distinguished chairman was not present at our hearings here 
last Jime, but I am sure that counsel and our investigator and Mr. 
Dennett, too, recognize the fact that tlie great majority of the loyal 
labor unions in this area cooperated with this committee 100 percent 
last June. While our gratitude was expressed at that time, I again 
want to express gratitude to these local labor unions who cooperated 
with this committee and did everything within the bounds of reason 
to eliminate the Communist movement from this area. 

Mr. Dennett. Mr. Chairman, may I be privileged to just make one 
comment about that ? 

Mr. Moulder. Yes. 

Mr. Dennett. I have conferred with Mr. "^^Hieeler, and I have ex- 
pressed the idea to Mr. Tavenner that I think that it is a mistaken 
idea to refer to me as a cooperative witness or to refer to another* 
witness as an uncooperative witness. I am here to testify to facts that 
I Imow. And I think that the question of cooperation is sometimes 
subject to misconstruction. 

And the reason I say that, is because the other day while I wasi 
conferring with Mr. Wheeler and Mr. Tavenner and" my counsel, I 
received a phone call, and this phone call had a conversation of two 
words that came from the other end. A person said, "Kat — stool 
pigeon." 

I am sorry that people who have been my friends over the years 
cannot see that I feel that it is my duty and my obligation to testify 
as to facts. I am sorry that they feel as embarrassed or bitter as 
they do. 

I suppose before these hearings are over I will probably have as 
many people hate me as people even know me. That is not my concern. 

I recognize that we do have some major problems to resolve, and I 
am fully aware that the Congress of the United States has made efforts 
in many different directions, many of which I am not in agreement 
with. 

But I think that I do owe the obligation to you gentlemen and to 
the Congress and to my fellow Americans, that to the best of my 
knowledge, I will give you the benelit of my knowledge and my experi- 
ence, and we will just let the chips fall where they may. 



270 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 

Mr. Velde. I don't want to become involved in an argument with 
you. 

Mr. Dennett. I don't either. 

I wanted to take an opportunity to say that, so I said it. 

Mr. Velde. In my use of the word cooperate, and saying that the 
great majority of the labor unions cooperated with us, possibly I did 
misuse the term, but I wanted to again express my appreciation for 
the way they responded, let us say, to the evidence we produced here 
at the last hearings. 

Mr. Moulder. I would like to say I think you are entitled to be 
complimented, and to the respect of the Congress of the United States 
and fellow American citizens, for the sincere and conscientious manner 
in which you are now testifying as to the facts. 

Mr. Dennett. Thank you, sir. 

Mr. Velde. I think you will find, Mr. Dennett, that you will have 
a lot more friends now after you get through testifying in this area 
than you had when you relied on the fifth amendment and refused 
to answer questions at a previous hearing. 

Mr. Dennett. Without trying to prolong this, I would just say 
that I feel a keen obligation to one group of people, and that is the 
fellows that I work with on the job. The fellows that I have worked 
closest with have always had confidence in my integrity, and even 
when I have been under the sharpest attacks they have remained con- 
fident that my integrity would stand up. 

Mr. Moulder. You should have more of them now. 

Mr. Dennett. To them I feel the greatest obligation. And it is 
mainly for them that I am testifying here today, and I hope that it 
will be of satisfactory use to you. 

Mr. Tavenner, for your benefit, during the recess I found something 
which I did not know that I could find, on this question of Mr. Stalin's 
insistence upon iron discipline, and I found it in a little pamphlet: 
The Soviets and the Individual. I do not recall the year in which this 
was published. I will see if I can find a date on it. Well, this is an 
address that he delivered to the Red Army Academy, in the Kremlin, 
on May 4, 1935, and in the course of it he makes a remark like this : 

Of course, it never even occurred to us to leave the Leninist road. More, hav- 
ing established ourselves on this road, we pushed forward still more vigorously 
brushing every obstacle from our path. It is true that in our course we were 
obliged to handle some of these comrades roughly. But you cannot help that. 
I must confess that I, too, took a hand in this business. 

Mr. Tavenner. I believe that was after the first set of purges but 
before the second. 

Mr. Dennett. I read that to corrobate the oral information which 
was passed on to me from Alex Noral, 

(The witness confers with his counsel.) 

Mr. Tavenner. Let us return at this point to that period of your 
Communist Party experience when you were assigned as agitprop or 
agitation propagandist in Seattle. 

You have told us that you were relieved from that position. But 
how long did you serve in that capacity here ? 

Mr. Dennett. My memory is a little indistinct as to how long. It 
was only a very few months. It seems to me that it was between 
April of 1932 and some time in the summer of 1932 because I am quite 
sure that I went to Bellingham as the section organizer late in 1932. 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES EST THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 271 

Mr. Tavenner. The committee would be interested in learning the 
nature of your activities while engaged as an agitprop in Seattle. 

Mr. Dennett. Actually in that first assignment no one seemed to 
know exactly what my duties were. I was struggling to find out. In 
the process of it I learned that the head of an agitprop department 
had to do almost all of his work through the organizational apparatus 
of the party, and it was his responsibility to see to it that the organi- 
zational structure of the party became thoroughly indoctrinated with 
the theory and practice of Marxism-Leninism, as it was called. 

Now the main thing that they were concerned with was to spread 
the knowledge of the theory and tactics of the class struggle. And 
I believe fi-om my own study that it must be acknowledged that Lenin 
was the greatest'master of that because Lenin proclaimed that every 
act has a class character to it, and he contended that every act of the 
employer is a class-conscious act, every act of the bourgeois politician 
is a class-conscious act. That was his contention. 

And it was his contention that it was necessary for the workers to 
become thoroughly conscious that this is the nature of our present-day 
society, and they 'must learn the methods by which to overcome the 
ruling class. 

Now this stems from the teachings of Marx. Marx originally 
stated that the capitalist state is the executive committee of the ruling 
class. 

Tliat is an abstraction which is very difficult for the average person 
to comprehend. I used to think that the reason it was so difficult was 
because these people had not come into contact with the material ex- 
periences which would be convincing. 

In later years, since my leaving the party, I have had to reflect 
upon that a little bit more carefully, and I am rather inclined today 
to believe that both Marx and Lenin were in error in trying to apply 
a uniform rule. 

I think that it is foolhardy for anyone today to deny that there are 
many evidences of class warfare which do exist, but I believe that it 
is also foolhardy to think that those points of conflict are going to be 
resolved by engaging in class warfare because they lead ultimately 
to the destruction of either one or both participants in that combat. 

Mr. Moulder. May I interrupt you ? 

You made a very interesting and impressive statement a while ago, 
that both extreme radicals and extreme conservatives are inclined to 
assume a position of dictatorship. 

In what year ai^e we now on his associations here? 

Mr. Tavenner. We are still in Seattle during the period that he 
was agitprop here. 

Mr. Dennett. We are dealing with the question of the theory and 
tactics of the Communist Party in which it was the responsibility of 
the agitprop to make certain that it spreads through the ranks so that 
all the members understand it. 

You see, there has been a great deal of effort put in to try to describe 
the role and function of the Communist Party. The leaders from time 
to time have gone to great lengths to explain it. But under Stalin's 
leadership he resolved that question very firmly and very positively, 
that the members of the party were soldiers in the ranks, and they 
were obliged to obey the orders of their superiors. And he enforced 
that with a determination which I think is unequaled in history. 



272 COMRfUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 

Mr. Tavenner. Throughout your experience in the Communist 
Party did you observe instances of iron discipline to which you have 
referred ? 

Mr. Dennett. Well, I have been told since my expulsion from the 
Communist Party that I had the reputation of being one of the worst 
offenders in the matter of enforcing that discipline. I was very 
vigorous, and I did try to insist that everyone I came in contact 
with follow the party line to the very letter. I was among the first 
to sense any deviation, and I was among the first to insist that steps 
be taken to correct such deviation. In doing so I thought I was 
following the party line. 

Mr. Tavenner. Let us proceed now to the period when you were 
transferred to another area. 

Will you tell us about that ? 

Mr. Dennett. I went to Bellingham, 
party membership, I believe, there of seven persons. 

Unemployment was our greatest problem at that time. Everyone 
was unemployed. And, of course, the Communist Party policy then 
was to organize unemployment councils. And, of course, we had an 
unemployment council, and it consisted of seven members. 

It was the exact duplicate of the membership in the Communist 
Party. 

No one else would join it. No one else would have anything to do 
with it. 

Mr. Tavenner. In what capacity were you sent to Bellingham? 

Mr. Dennett. As section organizer. 

I was in charge of the party. I immediately questioned the wis- 
dom of the policy that they had been pursuing where they had two 
organizations consisting of the same people, doing exactly nothing. 

So I began to take rather vigorous steps. I contacted people in the 
district center and advised them that this was a ridiculous situation 
and was very unrealistic. 

Mr. Tavenner. What do you mean by district center ? 

Mr. Dennett. Seattle was the district headquarters of the party, 
and I was trying to win the agreement of Alex Noral to permit me to 
do something to get more members, at least in the unemployed council, 
in the hope that if I got them in the unemployed council I might be 
able to work upon them to win them to membership in the Communist 
Party. 

But Noral was very adamant. He insisted that I must follow the 
exact directions which the national leader, Herbert Benjamin, had 
issued with respect to the policy of unemployment councils. And, of 
course, Herbert Benjamin had earlier outlined that the organization 
of the unemployed was one of the most important political tasks con- 
fronting the party because he called attention to the fact that the 
Russian revolution had obtained its greatest strength because it had 
organized the unemployed prior to the 1905 revolt, and that during the 
course of the r905 revolt these unemployed organizations became So- 
viets, they became councils, and that when the 1917 revolution broke 
out these Soviets had been reconstituted and the unemployed had com- 
prised a very essential part of the organization to begin with, and 
therefore the masses of unemployed in the United States were looked 
upon as the elementary core around which it might be possible to de- 
velop a Soviet power in the United States. 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 273 

Mr. Moulder. To what period of time are you now referring ? 

Mr. Dennett. That was in 1932. 

We had another situation in Bellingham at that time. Noral had 
been there prior to my assignment. He wasn't their section organizer, 
but he had been there on a visit as the district representative, and he 
had taken part in disciplining some people who apparently, prior to 
my arrival, had had ideas similar to my own, namely, that the people 
who were unemployed should be organized for the purpose of getting 
some assistance to solve their problems of hunger and housing and 
clothing, and that that should be the center of our attention. 

But Noral was adamant with my predecessor as he was with me and 
had brought about the expulsion of a person there. A person who is 
known by the name of M. M. London. 

Mr. London had adopted this name of London in honor of Jack 
London. It was not his real name at all. 

But Mr. London was a very sharp -thinking person and very devoted 
to his neighbors and associates, and felt that the unemployed, the 
people who were suffering should be fighting for immediate relief 
whereas the unemployment councils had offered the slogan that the 
solution must be in tlie form of unemployment insurance. 

Well, to the person who is hungry the hope of unemployment insur- 
ance, which required the adoption of legislation, which would take a 
longer period of time, wasn't a very realistic thing. 

But the demand for immediate relief was a veiy realistic thing. 
And the people in Bellingham flocked to the banner of London, and 
London organized what was known as the people's councils. 

He had as his able assistant a man by the name of George Bradley. 
George Bradley had had no connection with the Communist Party at 
tliat time or prior to that time. George Bradley at that time was an 
unemployed railroad worker. London, I believe, was an unemployed 
seaman at that time, who was actually living on a farm. 

Mr. Tavenner. What was London's real name ? 

Mr. Dennett. I do not know. I never have known. I think he 
took legal steps to have London established as his proper name. I 
think that is his legal name. 

Mr. Tavenner. Do you know in what court and at what time he took 
that action ? 

Mr. Dennett. I have no knowledge of that. I say that I think that 
is true. 

Mr. Tavenner. Proceed. 

Mr. Dennett. In a county with a population of, at that time, about 
40,000 — there were, I guess, about 60,000 in the county, and there were 
about 40,000 in the city. London had succeeded, London and Bradley 
had succeeded in organizing the peo]:)le's councils until it actually had 
a dues-paying membership of over 60,000, and we were stewing around 
with 7 people. And we were trying to contend that our program was 
a better program than his. 

I finally violated district discipline and joined the people's councils 
myself. It caused great consternation in the district. The district 
leader, Mr. Alex Noral, threatened to have me expelled becau^^e I had 
violated discipline. The leaders of the people's councils were fearful 
that I had joined to infiltrate their ranks. 



G2222— 55— pt. 1- 



274 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 

So I was damned on both sides. It seems to have been my lot 
through the biggest part of my life. 

It is immaterial to me, however. I think that my decision was cor- 
rect because before the year was over we changed the situation until 
we had approximately 150 members in the Communist Party, and the 
unemployed movement was under the leadership of the people's 
councils, and practically all of our people were in those peo])le's coun- 
cils exerting an influence in them. It was not a decisive influence but 
it was an influence, and it did have a lasting effect because we recruited 
some people who later rose to great heights in the party, and they 
served the party very well and ably and as devotedly as they knew how. 

Mr. Moulder. Mr. Tavenner, we will resume the hearings after the 
noon recess. It is now 12 o'clock. 

Congressman Velde, do you wish to make a statement before taking 
the noon recess ? 

Mr. Velde. Yes. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

I think that most of us remember our hearings last June as a result 
of which two witnesses who appeared before us were cited for 
contempt. 

I was very pleased and happy to learn that both of these witnesses, 
who were unanimously cited for contempt by the House of Repre- 
sentatives, were found guilty. 

I want at this point to express my appreciation to Judge Bolt, to 
United States Attorney Moriarty, and United States Attorney C. E. 
Luckey for the promptness and efficiency and fairness exhibited dur- 
ing the trial of these two cases. 

We all remember that the witness, George Tony Starkovich, was 
one of the most contumacious witnesses who has ever appeared before 
this committee in my experience. 

I certainly hope "that the Supreme Court, upon his appeal — while 
he certainly has the right of appeal — will affirm the decision of the 
United States district court. 

Mr. Moulder, Thank you, Mr. Velde. 

Mr. Dennett, you will return promptly at 1 : 30. The committee 
will stand in recess until 1 : 30 o'clock. 

(Whereupon, at 12 o'clock noon, the subcommittee was recessed, to 
reconvene at 1 : 30 p. m.) 

AFTERNOON SESSION, MARCH 17, 195 5 

Mr. Moulder. The committee will be in order. 
Is Mr. Jerry O'Connell in the hearing room ? 
(There was no response.) 

Mr. Moulder. Will the officer standing at the door call for Jerry 
O'Connell in the corridor. 
(There was no response.) 
Mr. Moulder. Proceed, Mr. Tavenner. 

TESTIMONY OF EUGENE VICTOR DENNETT, ACCOMPANIED BY HIS i 
COUNSEL, KENNETH A. MacDONALD— Resumed 

Mr. Tavenner. Mr. Dennett, you were describing to the committee 
the formation of the unemployed councils in Bellingham and the 
success which the Communist Party liad in having its members become 
members of that organization. You also described for us in a general 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 275 

way the extent of influence that the Communist Party had in those 
organizations, in those councils, by reason of having its own members 
become members of the councils. 

I ask you why the Communist Party was interested, and why it 
made a tight to get its own members into these unemployed councils. 
What was the purpose of it ? 

Mr. Dennett. Our purpose was at that time to find some way of 
prevailing upon the unemployed organizations to adopt a program 
we were advocating. 

At that particular time it consisted mainly in fighting for the 
adopting of the slogan of demanding unemployment insurance. And 
I think that that is a point which must be remembered by everyone. 

Many people accept unemployment insurance today as a principle, 
but they don't know that its origin in the United States, at least, 
came because the Communists seized upon that as a means of winning 
the support of the masses of unemployed people. 

And any ordinary person shoukl have known in that period, if you 
look back from now, they should have known that that was a neces- 
sary step to be taken. But at that time the resistance to it was terrific. 

Mr. Tavenner. Are you saying it was the desire of the Communist 
Party, by these methods, to win support of the masses ? 

Mr. Dennett. Correct. 

Mr. Tavenner. To win support in what way ? 

Mr. Dennett. To win them to an interest — I should say, first, an 
interest in the Communist Party; tlien to lead them along the patli 
of struggling against the capitalist system which would ultimately, 
they hoped, result in the replacement of the capitalist organization 
of a Soviet form of society. 

Mr. Tavenner. Would you say that the Communist Party mad« 
that type of effort in almost every form of our society ? 

Mr. Dennett. Well, the leaders were held responsible to see to it 
that they did make such an effort. It wasn't so easy to do so among 
the ranks of the members who didn't hold any official position, but 
any person who held an official position, sucli as a unit organizer or 
a section organizer or an agitprop director or a trade-union oi-gan- 
izer or a fraction secretary, in any of those positions a person was 
expected to carry the Communist Party line. If lie didn't, he was 
certainly subject to discipline. 

Mr. Tavenner. The committee from time to time has heard a great 
deal of evidence about the organization of Communist Party cells or 
branches or units which have been variously termed neighborhood 
groups and street groups. There has been an effort made in some 
instances to make it appear that such groups had very little part to 
play or very little function in the overall picture and purposes of the 
Communist Party, although they testified that in the instances where 
Communist Party branches were organized within factories and 
within industry generally that they had a more definite purpose. 

Will you tell the committee about the formation of neighborhood 
groups of the Communist Party, or what we call sometimes street 
groups, and explain what part those organizations played in the over- 
all Communist Party progi-am ? 

Mr. Dennett. Well, first of all, it is necessary to understand one 
principle of organization that the Communist Party adopted, and 
that is, that the form of the organization had to satisfy a need, and 



276 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 

that the form itself was subordinate, the form was not the principal 
question. 

The principal question was the function that they were to serve. 

So the Communist Party adopted a very flexible attitude on this. 
In some of the early Communist Party literature it refers almost ex- 
clusively to Communist cells. And cells are generally thought of as 
some very small unit that is sort of hidden away. Actually it was 
Lenin's instruction to the party that they should make every factory 
a fortress for Communist activity. 

And the directives of the Red International of Labor Unions always 
held forth that as an objective. 

Now they found that in some countries such factory cells were 
impractical forms of organization. They just didn't work out. And 
it was particularly true in the United States of America because 
most workers in most of the factories had very little opportunity to 
discuss political business while they were at work. 

In some of the other countries workers did engage in that kind of 
effort and activity. So shop units and shop cells were possible of 
organization and were effected. In fact, they were openly known. 

jin tne United States the Communist Party adopted the practice 
of adapting its basic organization, the elementary part of the organi- 
zation, to whatever circumstances they found themselves in. 

In the period of great unemployment people weren't working in 
the factories. So we found them in the neighborhoods. And in the 
neighborhoods where we could recruit a half dozen Communists we 
made a neighborhood branch. 

At first we called them units. In later years I understand they 
were called branches. But at the time when I was most active we 
always referred to them as units. And we would try to get each 
neighborhood branch to assume some responsibility for some factory 
or some industry, to carry on agitation and propaganda among the 
workers of a particular factory or plant for the purpose of trying to 
recruit those workers into the party and establish a shop unit or what 
later became known as a branch. 

So the point that is of importance here, as I see it, is that the party 
was flexible in adopting forms of organization, but it was inflexible 
as to the purpose of those organizations. And their purpose certainly 
was always as far as I knew — and I was one of those who insisted that 
it must be kept foremost — to lead the working class to overthrow the 
capitalist class in political power. 

Now I think that there is a great deal of misconception and mis- 
understanding as to just what that may involve. 

The Communist Party went to great length to try to draw a dis- 
tinction, particularly in the United States, between overthrowing the 
rule of a particular class and overthrowing the form of the particular 
government. And it was always the party's claim in the United 
States that what they were trying to accomplish was to unseat the 
robber barons and the big business interests who had seized the seats 
of government in the United States, and the Communist Party always 
played down the problem of changing the form of government because 
nearly all liberal persons you come across will raise the point that one 
thing that America contributed which the rest of the world has never 
enjoyed is the right to individual freedom. 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES EST THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 277 

The preservation of the constitutional democratic form of organiza- 
tion in the United States governmental structure has always held a 
very firm appeal to any person who has made any study of govern- 
mental structures. The Communist leadership found it virtually im- 
possible to convince anybody that is acquainted with that fact that 
this constitutional, democratic form of representative government 
should itself be changed. However, I think that it is a form of self- 
delusion, and I think that perhaps I have to admit my own in that 
connection because, among the principles that Lenin hammered away 
on was the necessity, once the workers seize power, of completely 
destroying the bourgeois forms of organization. And there is no 
question about it; there is plenty of literature to substantiate that 
that would include what was referred to as the constitutional democ- 
racies. 

You must recall that in the history of the Russian Revolution when 
the Bolsheviks seized power they replaced a representative form of 
government, which had been completely unable to solve the economic, 
financial, and political problems that confronted the people in old 
Russia. So it was quite natural that the Bolsheviks should say we 
must sweep aside all these forms that are hindrances. 

And I fear that the average person who attempts to transplant an 
arbitrary form or an idea which is erected in one part of the world 
because of a certain historical set of circumstances and arbitrarily 
transplant it to another part of the world under entirely difTerent 
historical circumstances finds himself trying to solve an impossible 
problem. And I think that that is basically the problem which the 
Communist Party itself ran into. 

There is no question about it : Lenin's teachings and the teachings 
of the Commmiist Party call for the change of the form of the present 
so-called bourgeois democratic governments. 

I don't know how valuable or informative this line of response is 
for your committee, but I would just interject this part of my own 
thinking, that it is self-delusion on the part of those who think that 
it does not involve sweeping aside the present constitutional govern- 
ment. 

I can see no explanation which would justify such a conclusion. 

My own conclusion necessarily is that it does involve such a change, 
and for a long period of time I felt that such a change was justified 
because of the adamant refusal of people in high places in government 
to respond to the needs of the people. And that was particularly true 
in the depression period, in the unemployed period. 

Mr. Velde. I take it from your testimony that you feel the Commu- 
nist Party of the United States never did teach the overthrow of our 
form of government by force and violence. 

Mr. Denistett. I would have to say to that that they did not empha- 
size that point. 

I think it would be ridiculous to contend that that is the complete 
statement of it. 

They relied and fell back on Lenin's explanation of the question of 
force and violence. And Lenin's explanation always was that force 
and violence occurs because the employers start it. 

In the case of strikes Lenin always contended that it was the em- 
ployers who started the violence by bringing in either strikebreakers 



278 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 

or armed guards or police or something of that sort, and that the 
violence is started against the workers to begin with. 

And then he taught that the workers must defend themselves. 

Mr. Velde. Did you have the feeling while you were in the Com- 
munist Party that the ultimate goal in case all peaceful methods fail 
was to use force and violence? 

Mr. Dennett. It is hard to give you a direct answer to the question 
as you are posing it. 

Let me say it this way and see if this answers you : 

This is the most delicate question that is before everyone on the 
subject, and I think that I would be unfaithful to myself if I were 
to give you a snap answer because a snap answer, I think, is inappro- 
priate. 

I think we have to get at the facts as they exist. And my own feel- 
ing and the thing that I was impressed with was, again, the teachings 
of Lenin wherein he proclaimed that never did any autocracy willingly 
yield up its power. Never did any tyramiy willingly yield up its 
power, and that necessarily any group who sought to obtain political 
power under those circumstances would be confronted with solving 
a problem of force and violence. They would be met with force and 
they would have to answer it with force. 

Mr. Velde. That substantiates the testimony that Barbara Hartle 
gave us here last June. I am satisfied. 

Mr. Dennett. I think that is fundamental teaching of the Commu- 
nist Party, and anyone who reads Lenin's works very carefully will 
find that is there. 

The point that is germane to us is : Does the United States come in 
the category that Lenin was speaking of? 

Now the Communist Party went through a terrific amount of tlieo- 
retical argument on this question, and some resolved the question as 
meaning, yes ; the LTnited States comes in that category. 

Some questioned whether that were true, and I think that is why you 
wdll find a divergence of testimony from different Communists. 

Mr. Velde. I take it then you feel that the methods used in the 
United States were different than the methods used by the Comintern 
in other parts of the world, in countries that are now Communist 
countries. 

Mr. Dennett. I was referring in what I was discussing to the differ- 
ence between the form of government in the United States and the 
form of government as exists in other countries, particularly compar- 
ing it with old Czarist Russia. 

Something most people don't realize is the extent of the oppression 
which existed under the old Czar. And it was only natural that people 
who sought to accomplish a change, after finding that no amount of 
effort could bring about a rational or reasonable change, finally came to 
the conclusion the only thing they could do was to eliminate the Czar- 
ist regime. That was an autocracy. 

Now the question theoretically arises : Does such a situation obtain in 
the United States? Or is it possible for the people, by legitimate 
political organization, to bring about the changes that they consider to 
to be desirable ? 

There was a great dispute raging in the ranks of the Communist 
Party over that question. 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 279 

Mr. Jay Lovestone fell by the ax over it. He taught that America 
was an exceptional situation and that exceptional tactics had to be 
used in the United States. Because of that he suffered expulsion. 

Mr. Velde. Do you happen to know Jay Lovestone ? 

Mr. Dennett. I did not know him. I have read some of his works. 
Not very much ; only what the party said he said. 

Mr. Velde. Of course, Mr. Dennett, you realize that we have had, 
I think about 100 convictions under the Smith Act whereby various 
Communist Party leaders were convicted of advocating communism. 

Mr. Dennett. I didn't know how many. 

Mr .Velde. It may be less or more than that. 

Do you know, Mr. Tavenner ? 

Mr. Tavenner. 86 or 87, according to my recollection. 

Mr. Velde. And, of course, those trials were held under our Amer- 
ican system of jurisprudence. 

I am inclined to agree with all the juries involved and all the judges 
involved that the Communist Party here in the United States of Amer- 
ica did advocate the overthrow of our form of government by force 
and violence, if necessary. I don't want to appear to be arguing 
with you. 

Mr. Dennett. I appreciate the opportunity to discuss this question 
with you because I think any general rule is a dangerous thing to 
lay down. I think that it has to be on the merits of each individual 
case. That is my own feeling. And I think that that is consistent 
with our American tradition of jurisprudence, too. 

Mr. Velde. I certainly agree with you on that. 

Mr. Dennett. I have a feeling that it is unwise to make sweeping, 
uniform applications of the rule. I think they have to be judged 
on the merits of each particular case. I think that is one of the 
things that we must fight with all our might and main to preserve. 

Mr. Tavenner. Did you state, with respect to Jay Lovestone, that 
you thought his group insisted on viewing the aspects of this problem 
under special circumstances? 

Mr. Dennett. It was known as the theory of exceptionalism. 

Mr. Tavenner. Will you state very briefly what the theory of excep- 
tionalism is ? 

Mr. Dennett. The Communist Party taught that the theory and 
tactics which Lenin taught were universally applicable, that they 
applied to all countries, they applied to all situations. 

Lovestone said, "Yes; except in the United States. Here we have 
got to do something different." 

Mr. Tavenner. I was discussing with you the purposes of the Com- 
munist Party in infiltrating the unemployment councils which you 
have described. I handed you, just a few moments ago, a document 
which was one of those you turned over to the staff. That document 
discusses the importance of Communist Party cell organizations. I 
believe it discusses it in very much the same way that you have. 

Mr. Dennett. I think that is where I learned it. 

Mr. Tavenner. What was the source of that document? 

Mr. Denneti\ Well, the title of it is : "How the Connnunist Inter- 
national Formulates at Present the Problem of Organization." And 
the title or the subject was written by a person by the name of B. 
Vassiliev. He was a high official in the Comintern and was respon- 



280 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 

sible for one of the committees in the executive committee of the 
Communist International. I do not recall much else about him. And 
this document doesn't establish much more. But I believe that the 
document originally came into my possession while I was an agitprop 
director, and it was in a mimeographed form. It came from the central 
committee. 

Mr. Tavenner. Of the Communist Party ? 

Mr. Dennett. Of the Communist Party. 

It was sending forth to the districts direct information as to the 
policy which liad been laid down by the executive committee of the 
Communist International, and it was detailed information because 
many people had been complaining that nowhere was there anything 
in a detailed form describing organizational methods and practices. 

Vassiliev came forth with a document which outlines it, spells it 
out in every detail. It spells out how to work under illegal condi- 
tions, it spells out how to work under legal conditions. It also spells 
out how to combine legal and illegal work. 

This, by the way, for those who have been in the Army, you can 
readily recognize a similarity of military training with party organi- 
zation because there is the method of the emphasis upon maintaining 
communication lines between various parts of the organization at all 
times, the necessity of having secondary lines of communication in case 
the primary lines are destroyed. And there is also the question of 
use of passwords. It is all described. The description of how to use 
code is also contained here. And I think that some people attach more 
significance to it than I do for the reason that I saw military organiza- 
tion practice virtually the same things. 

Of course, that brings up a subject which may be unpleasant to re- 
flect upon, and I suspect that the average member of the Communist 
Party is quite unaware of the similarity of his position as a member of 
the Communist Party to that of a person who is a member of the 
Armed Forces. He is under discipline. His directions come from 
above. He has to obey or suffer the consequences. 

Mr. Tavenner. Mr. Chairman, this is a very unusual document. I 
wish the committee had time right now to go into every phase of Com- 
munist Party organization that is referred to in it. 

I think all that we can do now is to offer it as an exhibit and have 
it made a part of the record with the view of giving it more detailed 
study later. So I offer it in evidence and ask that it be marked "Den- 
nett Exhibit No. 1," and that it be incorporated in the transcript of the 
record. 

Mr. Moulder. The exhibit offered in evidence, marked "Dennett 
Exhibit No. 1" for identification, will be admitted as a part of the 
record. 

Dennett Exhibit No. 1 

How THE Communist Inteknational Formulates at Peesent the Problem of 
Obganization 

(By B. Vassiliev) 

The Enlarged Presidium of the E. C. C. I. (February 1030), summing up the 
international situation, called upon all Communist Parties to fundamentally 
ehanse the methods and pace of their work by concentrating their chief atten- 
tion on the problems of the preparation and the carrying out of mass REVOLU- 
TIONARY ACTIONS OF THE PROLETARIAT— strikes, demonstrations, etc., 
while at the same time continuing as far as possible to promote their agitational 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 281 

and propaganda work. Consequently, in the present conditions, the Party appara- 
tus, in response to the demands which the direction of the Comintern puts forward, 
should in the first place be fitted for the organization of demonstrations, strikes 
and other mass actions of the proletariat. Party leaders who are not capable 
of organizing demonstrations and strikes do not answer to the demands which 
the circumstances of the class struggle are now placing before the Communist 
Parties, and therefore should be replaced by others who have shown these 
qualities in the course of the class battles of the most recent period. 

Why did the Enlarged Presidium put the question in this way? The political 
resolution of the Enlarged Presidium states that the growing new economic crisis 
is hastening the process of upsetting capitalist stabilization (it has already led 
to the beginning of the collapse of capitalist stabilization) and the growth 
of class contradictions, thus accelerating the rise of a new revolutionary wave. 
The resolution further states that the working class movement in the period 
since the 10th Plenum of the E. C. C. I. had been raised to a higher stage. The 
revolutionary activity of the proletarian masses has grown stronger, the fighting 
capabilities of the Communist Parties have been heightened. The whole 
position of the class struggle has placed before the Communist Parties and the 
Communist International as a whole, a number of new fighting tasks. In the 
process of the growth of a new revolutionary upsurge there are present already 
in certain capitalist countries elements of a gathering political crisis and of a 
revolutionary situation, as for example, in Poland, Italy, Spain, partly in Ru- 
mania, in Yugoslavia, and in Greece. A deep political crisis is present in China 
and India, being the starting point of a revolutionary situation. In Germany 
the process of the radicalization of the masses of the working class is proceeding 
at a swift pace. In France, another country of powerful capitalism, the number 
of strikers grew from 222,000 in 1928 to 431,000 in 1929, whilst these strikes 
assumed a more and more clearly expressed political character and were char- 
acterized by the growing tenacity of the workers. In England, in spite of 
extraordinary diflScult conditions for the growth of a revolutionary movement, 
in spite of the extraordinary weakness of the Commvmist Party (on the 1st 
January 1930, 2,800 Party members and 120 members in the Y. C. L. ) , the number 
of strikers in 1929 compared with 1928 grew from 124,000 to 534,000 comprising 
the most important sections of industry, such as mining and textiles. 

At the same time, the gigantic successes of socialist construction in the 
U. S. S. R. are sharpening in the most extreme way the contradictions between 
U. S. S. R. and the entire capitalist world and are forcing the leaders of 
the capitalist world to strengthen and hasten to the highest degree their military 
preparations of a new armed attack on the U. S. S. R. The 10th Plenum of the 
B. C. C. I. showed that the danger of new Imperialist wars and of new 
attacks of the imperialists on the U. S. S. R. never was so imminent from the 
time of the imperialist war of 1914-18 as it was at the moment of the 10th' 
Plenum. By March 1930 that danger had increased still more. 

In these conditions of growing economic crisis and heightened threat of war 
against the U. S. S. R. all measures will l)e taken by the ruling classes of the 
capitalist countries to guarantee their rear before declaring war, that, is, every- 
thing will be done by them to weaken, disorganize and, as far as possible, liqui- 
date completely all revolutionary proletarian organizations, and in the first place 
the Communist Parties. 

Moreover, the elections themselves in illegal Parties must, as a rule, take place 
in such a way that even the members of the conference do not know who is elected 
on to the Party Committee. At the present time two methods of electing leading 
organs in illegal Parties are practised. The first method. The Party Conference 
elects a special commission for counting the votes cast for candidatesfor members 
of the Party Committee. Then the candidates are named and the election of the 
Party Committee proceeds by secret vote. The commission checks the results of 
the voting, whilst it does not report to the conference as to the personnel elected. 
Another method of election. The conference elects a narrow commission in which 
a representative of the higher Party Committee takes part and this narrow com- 
mittee elects the new Party Committee. In strictly illegal Parties, as for ex- 
ample, the Italiana Communist Party, the latter method of election is the only 
one which more or less guarantees strict conspirative conditions. 

Self-critici.sm of the mistakes of the Party direction in illegal Parties must 
also be organized through narrow conferences and must take place in such a way 
that the names of the Party leaders and the functioning of the Party apparatus, 
do not lose their conspirative character. 



282 COMArUNIST activities in the SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 
15. QUESTIONS OF COMMUNICATIONS 

The most important element of successful working of ttie Party Committee — 
the one on which during the checking of its work the most serious attention must 
be concentrated — is the question of connections of the Party Committee with the 
higher and lower Party organizations, especially with the factory cells and the 
fractions of the mass non-Party organizations. This question now has a decisive 
importance, especially in the legal and semi-legal Communist Parties. The illegal 
Communist Parties have already worked out a whole number of measures and 
methods in order to keep their communications with the lower organizations and 
with separate members of the Party, in spite of the severest police repression. 
But with the legal and semi-legal Parties there is bad work all the time along 
this line. In Austria during the last Fascist rising, the C. C. lost connection with 
the Vienna Committee, and the Vienna Committee lost connection with the enter- 
prises. In Paris on the 6th ^March 19.30, the C. C. lost connection with the Paris 
organization for six days. Such a state of affairs is absolutely impossible and 
the most important task of each of our Party organizers, of every instructor going 
to the locals to check the work of the Party Committee is above all to check 
how the connections between the Party Committee and other Party organizations 
are organized, and especially these with the lower Party organizations, and the 
factory cells. It is iierfectly clear that the Communist Parties will not be in a 
iwsition to organize any mass actions of the Proletariat or mass strikes, or mass 
street demonstrations, if the Party Committees at sharp moments of struggle 
lose connection with the factory cells and mass non-Party organizations. 

Which are the most important methods of communication it is essential to 
foresee? It is essentially important to have a well-laid out live communication. 
Live communication is kept going by the help of the system of so-called appearing 
or reporting places. What is a reporting point. A reporting point is this : the 
Pary Committee establishes special addresses of Hats or other places where on 
certain days and at certain times representatives of the cells and fractions of the 
mass organizations must appear. There also representatives of the Party Com- 
mittees api>ear. The representative of the cells and fractions makes reports on 
what has happened in the factory, what the cell has done, what it proposes to do 
and so on. and the representatives of the Party Committee, having received the 
report, advises the cell how it should act, passes on to it the directions of the 
higher Party organs and so on. This system of appearing places must without 
fail be established in all Parties without exception, legal and illegal whilst in the 
legal Parties a double system of reporting places must without fail be estab- 
lished—a system of legal and illegal appearing points. Legal reiwrting places 
in the legal premises at the Party Committee and illegal appearing places in case 
the legal premises of the Party Committee are closed, or a police ambush is sitting 
there, in order quickly to re-establish ccmnection with the lower Party cell in 
another way through the illegal reporting place. For the latter, appearing 
points should therefore be prepared beforehand. In Germany, in Belgium, in 
France, Party meetings in cafes were at one time very widespread. This is a very 
bad habit because there are always spies in cafes in countless numbers and it 
is difficult to get rid of them. It is necessary to go over more quickly to the 
establishment of appearing places in safer localities. If the Party has already 
more or less seriously and fundamentally gone over to underground positions, and 
the shadowing of leading active Party members has begun, and Party members 
are being arrested in the streets, then it is very important that special signals 
should be established for the appearing flats, showing; in the first place, the 
safety of the flat, second, showing that exactly those people have come who were 
exi>ected and that these couu-ades who have come ai-e talking with exactly those 
comrades whom the observer is coming to see. In order to show that the report- 
ing places are in working order, in Russian conditions, for example, a fliowerpot 
was placed in the window, the comrade came, saw that the flowers are there, 
knew that it is safe, and entered. It is necessary to say that these reception 
.signals were very quickly learned by the police and that they therefore, when 
visiting any flat, carefully searched for signals before fixing an ambush. If 
they saw that flowers are in the window and the person whom they have come 
to arrest has tried by all means possible to take these flowers away, the police 
insisted on putting them back in the place where they were. So, when arrang- 
ing safety signals for reporting places, it is necessary to arrange them in such a 
way that they don't strike the eyes of the police and that they can be taken away 
without being noticed by the police. 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 283 

For verifying ttiose who come to the reporting places, a system of passwords 
is established. The comrade comes to the reporting place, and he says some 
agreed-npon sentence. They answer to that agreed-on sentence .by some other 
agreed-on sentence. So both comrades check each other. In Russian imder- 
ground conditions very complicated passwords were sometimes used in the central 
appearing places. This was called forth by the circumstances that different 
workers passed through such reporting places ; rank and file workers from the 
cells, district and Central Party workers. Accordingly, one password was fixed 
for the rank and file worker, a more complicated one for the district worker and 
still more complicated one for the central worker. Why was this necessary? It 
was necessary for conspirative reasons, since only certain things could be said to 
the rank and file worker while perhaps other things could be said to the district 
worker, whilst you could speak with full frankness about the whole work of 
the illegal organization to the representative of the Centi'al Committee. There- 
fore, passwords were, as they used to say at that time of "three degrees of trust." 
This was done in this way. The first degree of trust : a comrade comes and says 
an agreed-uiX)n sentence and is replied to by an agreed-upon sentence. The 
second stage; the comrade who has come in reply to the agreed-upon sentence 
spoken to him, says another agreed-upon sentence, in reply to which yet another 
agreed-upon sentence is spoken to him. The third stage of trust : to the second 
agreed-uiwn sentence the comrade replies by a third agreed-upon sentence. Then 
the keeper of the appearing place also replies to the third agreed-upon sentence. 

Besides flats for reporting points, connecting link flats are also needed for com- 
munication by letter, and these flats must in no case coincide. And finally, there 
must be fl'ats for the sheltering of illegal comrades, comrades whom the police are 
looking for ; comrades who have escaped from prison, etc., etc. For all our legal 
Communist Parties the question of addresses and flats now plays a role of the 
first importance. Last year, on the eve of the 1st August, when it was clear 
that the leading workers would be arrested in a number of countries, comrades 
did not know where to go, there were no flats. In any case, when it was necessary 
to shelter comrades hiding from the police in Germany, Czechoslovakia and 
France very great difiiculties occurred, especially in the provinces. It is essen- 
tial for all Parties to occupy themselves now in the most serious way with the 
solution of the "housing" problem. 

Concerning communications by letter. It is also necessary to give the most 
serious attention to the problem of the organization of letter communications. 
In checking the work of the Party Committee it is necessary to consider this 
question specially : Does the Party Committee have addresses for communicating 
by letter with the higher and lower Party organizations, and how are these 
communications put into practice? Now, even for the legal Parties, the firmest 
rule must be established that all correspondence concerning the functioning of 
the Party apparatus, must without fail go by special routes guaranteeing letters 
from being copied in the post. All kinds of general circulars, general informa- 
tion reports on the condition of the Party in legal parties can go through 
the ordinary post to legal Party addresses, but everything concerning the func- 
tioning of the Party Committee even in legal Parties, must now without fail go 
by special routes. In the first place, the use of special couriers must be foreseen, 
who will personally carry letters, not trusting these letters to the State post. 
Here the Parties must make use of the connections which they have with post 
and telegraph and railway servants, connections with all kinds of commercial 
travellers for trading firms and so on. All these connections must be used in 
order that without extra expense responsible Party documents can be trans- 
ported. Further, every Party should take care that every letter, apart from 
whether it goes through the State post or by courier should be written in such 
a way that in case it falls into the hands of the police it should not give the 
police a basis for any kind of ai'rest or repression against the Party organization. 

This makes the following three requisites. The first requisite : the letter must 
be in code, i. e., all aspects of illegal work are referred to by some special phrase 
or other. For example, the illegal printing press is called "aunti" ; "type" 
is called "sugar" and so on. A comrade writes : "auntie asks you without fail 
to send her 20-lbs. of sugar;" that will mean that the press is in need of 20-lbs. 
of type or a comrade writes; "we are experiencing great difficulty in finding 
a suitable flat for our aunt." That means that it is a question of finding a flat 
for the illegal printing press. 

Second requisite; besides a code, as above, ciphers are used, illegal parts of 
letters being put not only into code but also into cipher. There are many dif- 
ferent systems of cipher. The simplest and at the same time most reliable system 



284 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 

of cipher is the system of cipher by the help of a book. Some book or other is 
agreed upon beforehand and then the cipher is made in this way : simple fractions 
or decimals are ciphered. The first figure of the first fraction shows the page 
of the book. Then further comes the actual cipher. For the numerator of the 
fraction we must take a line counting from above or below ; for the denominator 
that counting from the left or from the right which it is necessary to put into 
cipher. For example, we need to put into cipher the letter "A". We look in the 
book and we see that this letter is in the third line from the top, the fourth letter 
from the left to the right. Then we cipher 3 over 4 ( % ) , that is the third line 
from the top, fourth letter from left to right. You can agree also on this method ; 
for example, counting the line not from above but from below, then the 3 will 
not be the third line from above but the third line from below. You can agree 
to count the letter in the line not from left to right but from right to left. 
Finally, for greater complexity in order to keep the sense from the police, you 
can also add to the fraction some figure or other. Let us say the numerator is 
increased by 3 and the denominator by 4. In this case in order to decipher, it 
will be necessary first to subtract in the numerator and denominator of every 
fraction. A whole number of similar complications can be thought out in order 
to complicate the cipher. The advantage of such a cipher is that it is not only 
very simple but also that each letter can be designated by a great number of 
different signs and in such a way that the cipher designation of the letters 
are not repeated. The book cipher can be used without a book. In place of 
a book some poem or other can be chosen, learned by heart and the ciphering 
done according to it. When it is necessary to cipher or decipher, the poem must 
be written out in verses and then the ciphering or deciphering done and the 
poem destroyed. 

The third requisite which is also recommended should be observed in cor- 
respondence, is writing in chemical inks, that is, with such inks that it is 
impossible to read them with special adaptations. If a secret Party letter falls 
into the hands of the police written in invisible ink they must first of all guess 
that it is written in invisible ink ; the open text of such letters must be made 
perfectly blameless, for example, a son is writing to his mother that he is alive 
and well and of the good things he wishes her. Not a word about revolution. 
The police must guess first of all that under this apparent innocent text there 
is a hidden text. Having discovered this secret the police tumble against the 
cipher. If they succeed in deciphering the cipher, they stumble up against a 
code and they have still to decipher that code. But all this takes time in the 
course of which the police can do nothing. If the police succeed in reading it in 
the course of two or three weeks, then by that time the Party organization has 
been able to cover up all the consequences of the question which was written 
about in the letter. 

What kind of invisible ink should be used? Invisible inks exist in a very great 
number. They can be bought in any chemist's shop. Finally, comrades must 
use the latest inventions of chemistry in this direction. The simplest invisible 
ink which can be i-ecommended and which can be found everywhere, is, for 
example, onion juice and pure water. 

1 6. PLAN OF WORK OF THE PARTY COMMITTEE 

Every Party Committee must have a definite plan of work for the period 
immediately ahead. In the conditions of the capitalist countries Party Com- 
mittees cannot work out the same complicated calendar plans as the Party organi- 
zations of the C. P. S. U. The C. P. S. U. is a Party in power, the plans of the 
C. P. S. U. regulate the whole social and political life of the country. In capitalist 
countries the Communist Parties are the parties of an oppressed class. The bour- 
geoisie in power uses the whole apparatus of the State power and the full help 
of the Social-Fascist and other reactionary organizations in order to smash the 
plans of the Communist Parties. In these conditions the committees of the Com- 
munist Parties must systematically reconsider and reconstruct the plans of their 
work ; accordingly, these plans must be bery pliable. But plans there must be, 
without fail. Every Party Committee must have an approximate plan of its 
work for the period immediately ahead and must group the forces of the Party 
organization according to that plan, fit the forms of the Party structure to it 
and also the methods of Party work. The essence of the plan of work of the 
Party Committee is the adequate catering for the needs of the masses in the 
largest enterprises, playing a more important role in the territory of the given 
Party organization. The structure of the local Party organization must be such 



COJVIMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 285 

that the organizations can above all serve these big enterprises. That is to say, 
that in the first place the Party Committee must interest itself in questions of 
the work of the factory cells at these big enterprises, must help in the worlj of 
these factors cells, seeking to attain that these Party cells should become 
really strong political and organizational organs of the Party, that they should 
be in practice connecting organs between the Party and the masses of workers 
at these enterprises. This idea can best of all be made clear by a concrete 
example, say as follows : in a town there are two or three big enterprises ; 
railway workshops, a metal factory, a textile factory. Besides these three big 
enterprises there are two or three dozen small enterprises, and in addition 
scattered Party members, individual workers, artisans, representatives of the 
so-called liberal professions, — lawyers, writers, a doctor and so on, as well as 
a few students. The Party Committee of this town should interest itself above 
all in what is happening in the big enterprises — in the railway workshops, in 
the metal factory and the textile factory, how the factory cells are working there 
and in the first place help the factory cells of these enterprises by all and 
every means possible, concentrating all their attention and all their forces on 
this task. In the lawyer's office and the doctor's surgery there are no masses 
which the Party must win over and organize for revolutionary struggle. It is 
another matter with the big enterprises. Therefore the central question in the 
work of every Party Committee is the question of systematically coming to the 
assistance of the factory cells in the big enterprises. A Party Committee which 
cannot provide serious daily help to such factory cells, a Party Committee 
which cannot organize factory cells capable of working in the enterprises, is 
a bad Party Committee and the leading organs of the Party and the mass of 
Party members should hasten to draw from this state of affairs the necessary 
conclusions and as quickly as possible make a change so far as such a Party 
Committee is concerned. 

17. MOBILIZATION OF THE FORCES OF FACTORY CELLS 

We must bear in mind with regard to the internal organization of the work of 
factory cells that in all countries some members of the Party working in the 
enterprises, do not wish to be members of factory cells and do not wish to carry 
on Party work in the factory. For example, in the documents of the Central 
Committee of the Czechoslovakian Party on the preparation for the campaign for 
the 6th March 1930 there is information from all districts that when practical 
questions of the preparation for the demonstration for the 6th March were put 
before the meetings of factory cells, in many factory cells voices were raised to 
the effect that it was impossible to do any work in the factory, and at a place 
called Laza in Moravia, one responsible worker of a factory cell even put the 
question in this way : "If the Party will guarantee material help after I have 
been thrown out of the factory for taking part in the demonstration, but if the 
Party cannot guarantee my family and myself then I will not carry on Party 
work in the factory." Such moods among Communists working in the factory 
are to be observed on all sides. There are Party members who agree to pay 
membership dues, agree to come to a meeting once every fortnight or once a 
month, in order to hear a report on the world proletarian revolution, and vote 
for the platform of the Comintern against the liquidators, the Trotskyists and 
all other renegades, but are not willing to carry on recruiting work among the 
workers of their enterprise, do not wish to prepare strikes in their own enter- 
prises, do not wish to call out the workers of their enterprises to demonstrations, 
and so on. Every Party Committee has to fight with such Party members in 
their enterprises. What should we do with them? The most important task 
of the Party committee consists in organizing all Party members working in 
enterprises into factory cells and drawing them into the day to day work of the 
factory. With regard to Party members who do not wish to take part in the 
work of factory cells, the most attentive and stubborn explanatory work must 
be carried out. But if somebody or other all the same, categorically refuses to 
work in a factory cell, that comrade must be told that nobody is keeping him 
in the party. (The Communist Party is a vountary organization, but every 
worker who voluntarily joins the ranks of the Communist Party accepts iron 
party discipline. If that discipline seems very hard to liim, even unbearable, 
then the Party should not shut its doors upon him.) In this regard we must 
bear in mind that Party members who do not wish to work in factory cells are 
not necessarily traitors to the working class. In some organizations Party 
workers, proletarians, who have refused to carry out difficult tasks in their enter- 



286 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 

prises, have been cleaned out of the Party as alien elements. There are alien 
elements in the ranks of the Communist Party, including direct provocators, 
agents of the police and the employers, who specially creep into the Party for 
the purpose of carrying on disruptive work in the ranks of the Party. The Party 
must strictly observe each one of its members, verify in the most careful way 
every suspicious Party member, and if it is established that he is an alien element 
and even more a provocative agent, then of course, there is absolutely no reason 
to beat about the bush with him. But in the ranks of the Communist Parties 
there are a large number of proletarians who sincerely sympathize with Com- 
munism but who at the same time are not strong enough to fultill all the demands 
of Communist discipline. With regard to such proletarians, if they are not 
capable of being members of the Communist Party there is no need to keep them 
in the Communist Party, but at the same time there is no need to throw them 
out of the Party like a dirty rag; they must be organized round the Party as 
sympathizers as members of non-Party mass organizations, in the Red Trade 
Unions, in the I. L. D., the W. I. R. and so on. In these organizations no such 
discipline is demanded as in the ranks of the Communist Party and they can 
work here in a suitable manner. At the present stage of development of the 
Communist movement, when the Communist Parties are ceasing to be organiza- 
tions for propaganda and agitation of the Communist idea, and are turning into 
lighting organizations, preparing and leading revolutionary actions of the prole- 
tarian masses against the organized forces of the employers, police, State and 
Social-Fascists, some members of the Party are showing themselves incapable 
of fulfilling the new fighting tasks of the Communist Party. But without doubt 
such Party members can be useful to the Party as sympathetic elements, and 
even as leading active elements in different mass organizations, as for example, 
in the ILD, Tenants' Organizations, W. I. R., and so on. Factory cells must be 
composed of proletarians who are really the advance guard of the workers of a 
given enterprise, devoted to the cause of Communism, ready to carry out the 
directions of the Party, grudging neither health nor strength, nor life, not being 
afraid if Party interests demand it to carry out such work in the enterprise as 
may cause the employer to throw them out of the factory, perhaps the police to 
arrest them, and the courts to condemn them to heavy punishment. In fact, 
only factory cells composed of such proletarians can do great revolutionary 
work even though they be very small. In one of the mining districts of Czecho- 
slovakia in 1930 there was such a case. The Social-Democrats organized a meet- 
ing of miners. Only one Communist took part in the meeting. Different ques- 
tions which the Social Democrats brought forward were considered. After a 
discussion in which the Party member present at the meeting took the most active 
part, the meeting decided to join up in the Red Trade Union. The Czechoslo- 
vakian comrades will remember another case which took place in 19.S0 in Prague. 
When the famous social traitor Vandervelde came there, the Social-Democrats 
organized a big meeting at which about 30 active Party members were present. 
Vandervelde delivered a long speech pouring dirty water on the Communist In- 
ternational, the U. S. S. R., and the Czechoslovakian Communist Party, neverthe- 
less, not one of the 30 Party members present at the meeting and there were 
members of the C. C. amongst them, opened his mouth in protest against the 
counter-revolutionary speech of the Social-Fascist leader. It is perfectly clear 
that with activists like the "activists" of the Prague organization, who were 
present at Vandervelde's meeting, the Czechoslovakian proletariat will not win 
power but the Communist Party will be a shameful laughing stock in the eyes 
of the proletariat and the proletariat, quite rightly, will not listen to such 
"activists" and will not support Party organizations which keep such "activists" 
in leading Party work. 

18. STEEET CELLS 

The organization of a factory cell in a big enterprise in the present conditions 
is a very diflScult affair, demanding very long and stubborn work by the Party 
members, both those working in the enterprise as Avell as those who are em- 
ployed elsewhere. It is the business of the Party Committee to secure the essen- 
tial co-ordination of the work of the Communists who are working in.side the 
enterprise, with that of the Communists who are outside the boundaries of the 
enterprise. And here a very important question presents itself with regard to 
the form of organization of Party members who are not workers in enterprises ; 
artisans, housewives, etc. According to the decisions of the International Or- 
ganizational Consultations, and according to the constitution of the Communist 
Parties, such Party members are organized in street cells. But how should these 
street cells be organized? The practice of the Parties of the different countries 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 287 

shows that the street cells are often organized without any plan. Street cells 
are organized according to place of residence, those Party members who live in 
the territory of a definite district or around some street or other, being brought 
into the street cells. But what should these street cells do? The practice of 
street cells in many countries shows that as a rule they meet from time to time, 
discuss various general questions, but do not carry on any practical day to day 
work. Street cells as a rule come to life only during big campaigns at the time 
of various elections, etc., when they are called upon to distribute leaflets, collect 
signatures, canvass flats, etc. 

In future Party Committees must see to it that street cells are constructed so 
that in their day to day work they should help the Party Committee to strengthen 
its connection with the workers in big enterprises, strengthen the work of fac- 
tory cells and so on. This should be the fundamental practical rule for the 
organization and work of street cells. At the same time it must be firmly borne 
in mind that along with the development of the class struggle Party Committees 
must not fail to carry out changes in the composition and structure of the street 
cells which may become necessary, make a re-grouping of the forces of the 
members of street cells, in order at a given moment to have a concentration of 
forces on the most important sectors of the front of the class struggle. For 
example, if some unrest should arise in a textile factory, the Party Committee 
must at once consider the possibility of developing that unrest into a strike 
inside the factory. But a strike can only be organized provided good prepara- 
tory work has been carried out. Who must carry it out? In the first place 
Party members and sympathizers working in the textile factory, but on the other 
hand, the Party Committee must organize the maximum assistance for these 
comrades, drawing on Party members working in other factories, and also mem- 
bers of street cells. There can be all kinds of combinations here. For exam- 
ple, it might be advisable and practicable that a Party member working as a 
fitter in a metal factory, a member of the factory cell of the metal factory should 
apply for a job in the textile factory where a fitter may be needed. Everything 
must be done in order by such means to strengthen the cell of the textile factory 
from within. Further, let us suppose that near the textile factory a street cell 
is working and that in this street cell there are, let us say, five more or less 
weak comrades living in the district. It is essential to strengthen this street 
cell by including in it a number of other comrades who live nearby, or even at 
the other end of the town, in order with the help of this street cell to strengthen 
the agitation among the workers of the textile factory on their way to and from 
w'ork, to strengthen through this street cell the distribution among the workers 
of a textile factory paper, leaflets, and other literature which may be issued by 
the Party with the aim of preparing and organizing a strike, in this textile fac- 
tory. Let us suppose that after the strike is finished a movement begins 
in another factory; the Party Committee must at once regroup its forces 
in order to concentrate them again on another fighting sector of the Party 
work. And so all the time. It is impossible to regard the Party structure or 
any local organization as something un.shakably firm and not liable to undergo 
changes. The Party Committee must systematically check the distribution of 
members between different celLs, check the expediency of the organization of 
the cell, carry out regrouping of the members of the cell in order in each sep- 
arate case and at each concrete moment, to concentrate the best forces of the 
Party round the most important sectors of the front of the class struggle. In 
this lies the fundamental art of the Party organizer. His general task consists 
in seeing that every Party member as well as sympathizer should be constantly 
drawn into day to day work, attention being concentrated upon the most impor- 
tant sectors of the class struggle. 

19. SHOCK GROUPS 

The practice of the X. C. L. has recently given rise to the method of so-called 
shock groups or brigades. This method of shock brigades could be usefully 
carried over into the pi'actice of the Party. The terra "shock brigade" is not 
in itself very good. Shock brigades are organized in the factories in the U. S. S. 
R., the Communists working in the factories organizing shock groups around 
which non-Party workers are gathered. But the Communist Party is the ad- 
vance guard of the working class, i. e., it is in itself the shock group of the work- 
ing class ; to create within this shock advance guard of the working class yet 
other shock brigades is of course at bottom not correct. But this is what IS cor- 
rect. In the Party organizations of capitalist countries, numbers of Party mem- 
bers are not drawn into the everyday work. Every Party member belongs to a 



288 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 

cell, which meets once a fortnight or once a month, and in between these meet- 
ings Party members do not perform much Party work, in many cases, in fact, 
have no Party tasks at all. This happens because in the given cells at the 
given time, there is not much internal work, while other sectors of Party work 
may at the same moment have important militant tasks before them. It is for 
the Party Committee to keep on combining Party members into different groups 
for the concentration of forces upon the most imiwrtant sectors. Having per- 
formed a given task such groups or brigades are broken up or reconstructed into 
other groups for taking up new work. The general aim in creating such groups 
should be the strengthening of Party work in the big enterprises of the most 
important sections of industry. Here, on this problem the full attention of the 
leading Party organs must be sharply directed in the near future. 

2 0. WORK OF THE FACTORY CELLS IN THE ENTERPRISES 

When we approach the study of the work of the factory cells in capitalist 
countries we are often struck by the great passivity of the members of the cell. 
A further examination of the reasons for this passivity will reveal, as a rule, a 
complete ig-norance on the part of the Party members as to what they should do 
in the factory in their everyday work. The task of the Party organizer, his 
most important task, consists in teaching every Party meml>er working in the 
factory what he should do every day. Every Party member working in the fac- 
tory should begin with workshop in which he is working, organizing the Party 
work there. He should first of all find out who his fellow workers in the shop are. 
Tliat is his first Party duty. He should establish who is the Fascist agent in 
order to know whom to avoid, and in his presence not talk about Party affairs 
or carry on Communist agitation ; next he should find out which workers are 
so narrow-minded that they are not interested in politics at all, either Commu- 
nist or Social-Democratic : he should know which of his neiglibors in the shop 
is a member of the Social Democratic Party, but still an honest proletarian, 
capable of fighting for the interests of the working class even though against 
his Party leaders. Finally, what is specially important, every member of a 
factory cell should know wliich of his neighbors at the bench is revolutionary 
minded even though non-Party, and ready to take or has already taken, active 
part in strikes and revolutionary demonstrations. When a Party member work- 
ing in a workshop has a clear picture of what each worker there represents, 
it will be much easier for him to carry on his everyday work. He will then 
know whom he is to avoid, whom he will have to fight, with whom to become 
acquainted and establish closer relations with the aim of bringing them into 
active revolutionary work. As to the latter, he must have systematic chats 
witli them in the intervals of work, preferably during working hours, also on 
the way to and from work, or arrange special walks with them in the town on 
holidays ; he must patiently, unceasingly, from day to day, using every hour, 
every minute, agitate them into the spirit of Communism, of course not in a 
general abstract way, but on questions of everyday struggle in the given enter- 
prise and in the given workshop, organizing them around liimself and thus 
creating a revolutionary kernel in the shop, and in consequence a workshop 
factory cell. Next, the most important everyday task of the comrade in the 
workshop is to carry on discussions with the Social-Democratic workers, win- 
ning over the Social-Democratic workers to his side, bringing the more revolu- 
tionary minded of them and members of reformist trade unions into every kind 
of action against the employer, against the Social-Democratic and reformist 
leaders. His third task should consist of getting the Fascist agents, police spies, 
etc., driven out of the shop and factory. This last task is forgotten most 
often of all. However, it is evident that so long as there are among the workers 
in the shop police agents who are following every movement of the revolutionary 
minded Avorkers, and informing the boss about their actions every day, it will 
be very difficult to organize work in that shop. P>ut if by pressure of the 
workers he should succeed in ridding the shop of these agents, Party work will 
be greatly facilitated. Among those who should be thrown out it will now be 
necessary to include individual Social-Democrats who show themselves Fascist 
police ag'ents, but the general line in relation to Social-Demnpratic workers must 
remain, i. e., they must be drawn into the general class channel of the revolu- 
tionary struggle of the proletariat by means of the organization of the united 
front from below. 

Thus the foundation of the factory cell must definitely be the workshop of 
dept. cell. The general factory cell can work well only when it has strong support 
points in the workshops and separate departments. 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 289 
21. THE SHOP CELL 

The most important task of the shop cell is to concentrate the non-Parcy active 
workers in the shop compactly around itself. To organize the shop, the dept. — 
this is the task of the shop cell, so that every shop of a factory may act as an 
organized force. How can this be done? It can be done only provided the shop 
cell works on the foundation of the defense of the everyday interests o* the 
working class, that every Communist in every shop organizes the mass of the 
workers of that shop around every question of everyday struggle of the working 
class. For example, there is a foreman in the shop who behaves very roughly to 
the workers. The cell must organize the whole mass of the workers around the 
demand that this foreman should be dismissed. The cell should create a com- 
mittee of action, organize elections of shop stewards who should be delegate- 
representatives of all the workers in the shop, in order to effect the driving out of 
the foreman. Active Communists among these shop stewards should form the 
leading core, but non-Party workers who are respected by the mass of the 
workers, should also be drawn in, including even individual Social-Democratic 
workers who have declared their readiness to fight for the removal of this fore- 
man, in spite of all orders and threats from their leaders. If the shop cells 
succeeds in creating such a directing center around concrete tasks affecting the 
interests of all the workers of the factory, then we can say that this shop cell 
has worked well : it has become the revolutionary leader of the workers of a given 
shop. A cell which is every day closely bound up with the working masses on 
questions of the defense of their closest interests and which enjoys the full confi- 
dence of the workers in the cause of the defense of their interest, will retain that 
confidence in the future, in more responsible actions and at most responsible 
moments of the struggle for power. 

The question of the creation of such support points for revolutionary class 
struggle in the shops and also on a general factory scale in the most important 
question in the work of our factory cells. In the first place the question of the 
so-called revolutionary shop stewards is bound up with this. This slogan was 
issued by the Communist Party of Germany in 1929. At present it is extremely 
real for all capitalist countries. Revolutionary shop stewards — that means those 
workers elected by the revolutionary section of the workers of the factory at 
their workshop of general factory meetings, who are the oi'ganizers of the united 
front from below in the struggle for the defense of the closest interests of the 
workers of the given factory against the attacks of the employers and against the 
leaders of the Social Democratic and reformist trade unions. 

So the factory cell can only become a strong Party organization capable of 
acting efficiently, and connected with the masses, when it operated on the basis of 
strong shop cells. Therefore the strong shop cell is the most important organi- 
zational guarantee for the good working of the general factory cell. The shop 
cell in its turn will only work well when it is able to organize the whole mass of 
the workers of its shop around the issues of the class struggle, which are near to 
and understood by all the workers of the shop, including non-Party workers and 
members of the reformist unions and members of the Social-Democratic Party. 
Shop cells should carry on their mass work within the shop on the basis of the 
tactic of the united front from below through revolutionary shop stewards. Rev- 
olutionary shop stewards in their turn must include among their number the most 
active Communists, members of the shop cells, but in addition individual revo- 
lutionai"y-nainded Social-Democratic workers and non-Party advanced workers 
must be drawn into this work who are ready not to listen to their leaders in the 
struggle against the employers and their agents. When the shop cell succeeds 
in creating the institution of revolutionary shop stewai'ds leading their everyday 
straggle, then no police can drive the Party organization from the factoi*y, then, 
in order to drive the Party organization out of the factory it will be necessary to 
shut the factory down, to dismiss all the workers and recrait a new .staff of 
workers. 

22. ON WORIC IN THE MASS ORGANIZATIONS 

Mass organizations must be divided into two large groups : mass organizations 
supporting the Communist parties and other mass organizations fighting the 
Communist Parties. To the first category belong the revolutionary trade unions. 
ILD, WIR, etc. Organizations of the second kind are in their turn divided into 
two groups : I ) formerly non-Party mass organizations like reformist christian 



62222— 55— pt. 1- 



290 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 

and other reactionary trade unions, sport organizations, etc. and 2) all kinds of 
organizations politically hostile to us, such as the Social-Democratic Party, 
various Fascist political unions, etc. 

In all non-Party mass proletarian organizations, such as trade unions, sport 
organizations, tenants' organizations, etc. the Party should form fractions em- 
bracing all Communists and sympathizers. There are thousands of decisions 
about fractions in mass organizations, but up to now the position in all Parties 
with regard to fractions is bad. In the first place fractions are far from being 
organized everywhere. In the second place, organized fractions in the majority 
of cases work without the direction of the Party Committee. So, the Party Com- 
mittees should before all find out whether fractions exist everywhere, where they 
should be established, and in the second place it is essential that Party Commit- 
tees should direct the work of the fractions and that the fractions should in the 
strictist way carry out all the directions of the corresponding Party Committees. 
In the constitution of the Communist Party it is laid down that a fraction has 
the right to appeal against the decision of a Party Committee. A Party Commit- 
tee is bound to examine the protest of a fraction against its decision in the pres- 
ence of a representative of a fraction. The decision of a Party Committee is 
binding on a fraction and there is no appeal against it : it should be accepted 
without argument and put into the life without delay. At present in practice 
directions of the Party Committee are frequently not carried out by fractions. 
The task of the Party is to see that every fraction carries out these directions in 
the strictest way. With regard to fraction members who avoid carrying out 
directions, the most serious explanatory work must essentially be undertaken 
and in case of necessity, the strictest Party measures should be taken even up to 
expulsion from the Party, for otherwise the Party will be completely unable to 
direct the work of a fraction. There may be cases when swift interference of the 
Party Committee is called for, while it may be impossible to convene a full meet- 
ing of the Party Committee to give out such a new direction. For example, some 
trade union Congress or other is being held. Before the congress the fraction 
meets, called together by the Party Committee and jointly works out instructions. 
But during the Congress questions may come up which have not been foreseen in 
the directions of the Party Committee, ^^'hat is to be done? Should the commit- 
tee meet immediately? And how can this be arranged, when questions may arise 
at any moment which are absolutely unexpected and which must be reacted to at 
once? For such cases the Party Committee must nominate a special group of 
three comrades or a plenipotentiary representative, who could decide Ib the 
name of the Party Committee. At the meeting of the fraction it should be ex- 
plained that for the leadership of the work of the fraction the Party Committee 
has nominated a group of three comrades consisting of such and such comrades, 
or such a plenipotentiary, and that the intervention of these comrades, their 
propositions, should be looked upon by all fraction members as oflScial directions 
of the Party Committee and carried out without any argument. In this way un- 
interrupted guidance of the Party Committee is guaranteed in the work of the 
fraction. 

Mr. Dennett. I would only say that the existence of a document 
of that kind probably was more responsible for Mr. Browder's insist- 
ing that the central committee disavow all previous documents which 
had been issued prior to, I think, 1938. That one was issued much ear- 
lier. This was issued in the period just as the depression was starting. 
In fact, the depression had not reached its maximum at the time that 
document came out, and it anticipated the depression was coming, and 
laid out plans how to take advantage of the depression for revolu- 
tionary purposes. 

Mr. Ta\t5nner. I notice under section IT of this document a refer- 
ence to the voluntary character of the person's membership in the 
Communist Party. This reference reads : 

The Communist Party is a voluntary organization, but every worker who 
voluntarily joins the ranks of the Communist Party accepts iron party discipline. 
If that discipline seems very hard to him, even unbearable, then the party should 
not shut its doors upon him. 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE. WASH., AREA 291 

Mr. Dennett. At the time I first came into the Communist Party 
the most common expression I heard in that connection was that you 
couldn't leave the Communist Party voluntarily. And I think that 
docmnent intends to convey that impression because individuals who 
become members of the Communist Party become privileged to knowl- 
edge and information about their associates which, if they leave the 
Communist Party, may fall into the hands of persons who are unsym- 
pathetic to the Communist Party. And they were fearful that when- 
ever anything like that would occur it would hurt the working class. 
As a matter of fact, most people in the Communist Party are probably 
just blaspheming me up one side and down the other for testifying 
here to you on these matters for that very same reason. 

It is my own feeling, however, that the average member of the party 
is completely unaware of the nature of the discipline. They only 
come in contact with surface scratches of it. 

Mr. Tavenner. This document also refers to the importance of 
establishing cells of the Communist Party among the professions, 
such as the doctors and the lawyers ; does it not ? 

Mr. Dennett. Yes. 

The attitude of the party was simply that it must win the majority 
of the working class to support its position. To do so often required 
the aid and assistance of prominent people. 

Now this is a political tactic which every political group uses. This 
is not something peculiar to the Communists, but they used it quite 
effectively. 

Mr. Tavenner. Mr. Chairman, I tliink that this document warrants 
a great deal of study and analysis. It should be analyzed, and the 
contents of it put into this record. It would take too long to attempt 
to do it through answer-and-question form. 

Mr. Dennett. Well, it has roots in the fundamental theory of the 
Communist movement, which actually should be pursued when you 
have time and leisure to do so. It is not something that lends itself 
to this meeting. 

Mr. Moulder. It has been admitted as an exhibit, and, by order 
of the committee, if it is agreeable with Congressman Velde, consent 
will be given to counsel to read such portions as he wishes to read at 
this point. 

Mr. Velde. May I ask counsel, have we ever had a similar document 
to this one ? 

Mr. Tavenner. I was so impressed with the contents of this docu- 
ment, Mr. Chairman, that I called our Washington office. I received 
a reply this morning that there is neither a copy nor a record of this 
document in the files of the committee. 

I am unable to state without further study whether there is anything 
of a similar character. But this document certainly goes into detail. 
]t is much plainer in its purposes than anything I have seen on the 
subject. 

Mr. Moulder. How many pages are there in the document^ 

Mr. Tavenner. It is 26 pages in lengtli. However, the exhibit 
covered page 1 and images 17 through 26. 



292 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 

y[i\ ]\IouLDER. How do you refer to that exhibit? 

Mr. Tavenner. That is Dennett Exhibit No. 1. It is so marked. 

Mr. Moulder. From whom did you receive this document? 

Mr. DENNE'n\ I received it when I was district agitprop director 
in the district. 

Mr. Moulder. And do you know the source of it? 

Mr. Dennett. It came through the mail from the central com- 
mittee. 

Mr. Moulder. The central committee of what? 

Mr. Dennett. Of the Communist Party in New York City. 

Mr. Moulder. Let me ask you the date you received it. Approxi- 
mately in what year ? 

Mr. Denneti\ It must have been in about 1932. 

Mr. Tavenner. How long w^ere you engaged in the work of an 
organizer at Bellingham? 

Mr. Dennett. Approximately 1 year. The latter part of 1932 
through the early part of 1933. 

Mr. Tavenner. Did you have any experience in youth work within 
the Communist Party while you were at Bellingham? 

Mr. Dennett. Not too much in Bellingham. There was a little 
work of the Young Communist League there. They did interest a few- 
students at the normal school. There was a normal school in Belling- 
ham, and they did organize, I think, a half dozen young people who 
became interested in the theoretical work of Marx and Lenin. Most 
of those later became members of tlie Communist Party. 

Mr. Tavenner. Was there an organization known as Pioneers, or 
Young Pioneers, in the Communist Party ? 

Mr. Dennett. Yes ; Young Pioneers of America. 

Mr. Tavenner. Are you now speaking of that group ? 

Mr. Dennett. No. That group I have just referred to was the 
Young Communist League, which dealt with a group in the younger 
age, but mature people. The Young Pioneers was an effort on the j^art 
of the Communist Party to organize a group which would be compar- 
able to the Boy Scouts and Girl Scouts. 

In the Soviet Union the Young Pioneers occupied that position. It 
is a position of support to the Government. It is a position of support 
to the Communist Party similarly as the Scouts are here to the 
Government and service organizations and patriotic organizations: 
occupy a similar position, parallel organization. 

Mr. Velde. There is one distinct difference, is there not ? 

Mr. Dennett. I can think of several. 

Mr. Velde. The Young Pioneer movement is financed by the Soviet 
State, and here in America the Boy Scout movement is financed by 
good will of the American people. 

Mr. Dennett. I don't know too much about how they financ(i it 
there. I have an idea that they probably do finance a lot of it through 
individual contributions, however, there. I think that there are dues, 
membership, and that sort of thing which carries the big part of the 
financing. Of course, it receives approval by the Government, and 
receives favors. 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH,, AREA 293 

Mr. Tavenner. "Were you called upon in connection with your 
Communist Party duties to either organize or supervise the operation 
of any of the Young Pioneer groups ? 

Mr. Dennett. Yes. 

There was one occasion when I was falling in some disfavor in the 
eyes of the district leadership, and they wanted to get me out of their 
hair. At the time a young woman by the name of Yetta Stromberg 
came to Seattle from California for the purpose of organizing a Young- 
Pioneer summer camp. And she requested the district leadership to 
assign someone from the district leadership to work with her in the 
organization and supervision of this camp. 

Mr. Moulder. Can you give us the year on that ? 

Mr. Dennett. I am quite sure this Avas in 1932. I think this was 
before I went to Bellingham. 

Mr. Tavenner. Was this while you were in Seattle ? 

Mr. Dennett. 'Wliile I was in Seattle. 

I was the one chosen to go to this camp to represent the district. 
The purpose at the camp was to offer summer recreation facilities to 
provide relaxation for youths, young people, under supervision of 
party leadership, and to introduce them to some of the theoretical 
program of the Communist Party. 

Mr. Tavenner. Was it basically an actual part of the Communist 
Party plan of recruitment and indoctrination ? 

Mr. Dennett. Yes, it was. I thought we were quite successful, too. 

Mr. Tavenner. What age group attended that camp ? 

Mr. Dennett. Well, at that particular camp the age limits were 
not restricted too narrowly. Ordinarily the age limit Avould be in the 
teens for the Young Pioneers. Some of them did get up just beyond, 
up into the early twenties. These young people were of mixed age 
and grouping. 

Mr. Tavenner. I hand you another document which we found 
among the documents you turned over to the committee, and I will 
ask you to identify it, if you will, as a flier advertising the camp to 
which you refer. 

(Document handed to the witness.) 

Mr. Dennett. Oh, yes. This was circulated by the party to its 
branches, and was especially circulated among what we called the lan- 
guage sections. 

The language sections were organizations such as the Finnish Fed- 
eration, and there were some Slavic organizations; there were some 
Jewish organizations, which were national in form. I mean only 
members of those particular national groups belonged to those or- 
ganizations. And we were trying to offer them an opportunity to see 
to it that their children had a chance to go to a summer camp and to 
have as much prestige and as much satisfaction as people who went to 
YMCA or YWCA camps, or Girl Scout or Boy Scout camps. 

We were trying to rival them, compete. 



294 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 

Mr. Tavenner. In other words, was the Communist Party select- 
ino- what was probably to the interests of a group of people and at- 
tempting to use it for the benefit, and the advancement of Communist 
Party purposes? 

Mr. Dennett. Verj^ true. 

Mr. Tavenner. I desire to offer the document in evidence, and ask 
that it be marked "Dennett Exhibit No. 2," and that it be incorporated 
in the transcript of the record. 

Mr. Moulder. The exhibit offered in evidence, marked "Exhibit 
Dennett No. 2," for identification, will be admitted as a part of the 
record. 

Dennett Exhibit No. 2 

Pioneer's Summer Camp 

On the other side of this page are the questions which will have to be filled 
out in detail by all the children who wish to go to the camp, or by their parents, j 
The Pioneer Summer Camp this year w'ill be held at Pine Lake, 30 miles outside 
of Seattle. The camp will open on July 10, and will last for a period of one 
month unless too many children who wish to go cannot be accomodated during 
this time. If such is the case, the camp will last for 6 instead of 4 weeks. Each j 
child will remain for a period of tw^o weeks. 

The charge will be $5 for the two weeks, if possible the parents pay this ! 
amount. If not, then the sponsoring organization is to make arrangements to 
raise the money. By the sponsoring organization is meant the organization that 
recommends the child for the summer camp and assists the camp project in every 
way possible. Every child coming to the camp must be O. K.'d by some such 
organization, so that we are sure that the children at the camp are worth while 
elements to work with. 50 children will be accomodated during each shift. 
The transportation will be provided by ths sponsoring organization. Parents, 
if they like, will be able to visit the camp during week ends. 

The camp will provide swimming, boxing, boating, dancing, music, dramatics, 
educational and organizational training along working class lines. A lot of fun 
and real training for every worker's child. The location is great, right on the 
shore of Pine Lake, i^ine trees on the grounds, goctd beach, swings and teeter- 
totters for the children. The children will be taken good care of, there will be 
a nurse at the camp the full time, good meals will be served and the children 
will be watched all the time they are swimming, so parents need have no fear that | 
their children will not be properly cared for. 

For further information, phone Main 9850, Seattle, or write to Lila Walker, 
Secretary Pioneer Camp Committee, 1421 1/2 Eighth Avenue, Seattle. 

All children who have filled out their application blanks and have been ac- 
cepted by the executive committee of the summer camp conference in Seattle 
should bring the following equipment with them : 

1. A sheet blanket, to be used instead of sheets, or sheets if the parents prefer 
them ; also pillow case (pillows will be provided.) 

2. Sufiicient blankets and quilts for covering. 
.3. Three or four towels. 

4. Toothbrush, toothpaste, comb, soap. 

5. Bathing suit, several pairs of stockings or socks, several changes of under- 
wear, play clothes, tights for boys, some kind of sun suit for girls, if possible. 

6. Balls, bats, checkers, dominoes, puzzles, books, paints, etc.. should be 
brought by the children if they have any and would like to put them into the camp 
library while they are at camp. 

THESE ARE THE REQUIREMENTS WHICH EVERY CHILD MUST PASS 

1. The child must be sponsored by some working class organization. 

2. The child must be examined by a physician furnished by the sponsoring 
organization. 



COMMLTNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 295 

3. The signature of either or both of the child's parents must be obtained be- 
fore the child will be considered for the camp. 

4. The child must be between the ages of 10 and 15. (Inclusive.) 

5. The registration fee of $5 must be brought with each child to the camp 
when he or she comes, this fee to be paid by the parents or by the sponsoring 
organization. 

6. The child must be of a working class family and his parents must thor- 
oughly understand the purpose of the camp. 

7. Each child must fill out one of the registration blanks sent out from the 
Pioneer Camp Committee. 1421% Eighth Avenue, Seattle. 

Registration Blank for Pioneer Summer Camp at Pine Lake 

( Please read the instructions on the other side carefully before filling out this 
blank.) 

Organization sponsoring 

Name 

Address City State 

Age School attending Grade 

Occupation, if any Wages 

Where employed 

Member of what organizations 

Did you ever attend a Pioneer camp before? 

If so, when and where 

Did you ever attend a summer camp for Boy Scouts, Girl Reserves, Girl Scouts, 

etc.? If so, when 

Mother's name 

Occupation Working? Wages 

Are you willing that your child go to a working-class children's camp for the 

purposes of recreation, physical development, and working-class training? 

(Yes) 



Mother's Signature 

J'ather's name 

Occupation Working? Wages 

Are you willing that your child go to a working-class children's camp for the 

purposes of recreation, physical development, and working-class training? 

(Yes) 



Father's Signature 
Fee of $5 for two weeks being paid by organization sponsoring 

Fee of $.3 for two weeks being paid by parents 

This is to certify that I have examined 

and have found him, her. with no physical disabilities and free of communicable 
disease. Signetl 



Examining physician 
The Feels that 

Name of sponsoring organization child's name 

answers all the requirements for 

admission to the Pioneer Summer Camp and is sponsoring him, her. 



Secretary of spons(yring organisation. 



Chairman of SDonsorina organization. 

Mr. Tavennek. I would like to read into the record one or two 
seiitenceij from this advertisement: 



296 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH,, AREA 

Every child coming to the camp must be O. K.'d by some such organization, 
so that we are sure that the children at the camp are worthwhile elements to 
work with. 

What was meant by that ? 

Mr. Dennett. Well, I cannot recall exactly at this time except to 
say that it was our purpose then to find young people who would have 
at least enough knowledge and understanding to be possible leadership 
material. It was our hope and purpose to develop more leaders. We 
needed them very much. 

Mr. Tavenner. To develop them for leadership in the Communist 
Party? 

Mr. Dennett. True. 

Mr. Tavenner. Did you conduct any courses at the camp yourself ? 

Mr. Dennett. Yes ; 1 did. 

Mr. Tavenner. We find among the documents that you turned over 
to us what apparently is a questionnaire submitted to a number of 
members of the class, with their names appearing on them and with 
questions relating to their plans for the future, what they consider 
about class struggle, surplus value, materialist conception of history, 
and so forth. 

I do not want you to mention in the testimony the names of any of 
these individuals at this moment, but I would like you to examine the 
questiomiaire. 

Mr. Dennett. I have my own copy. 

Mr. Ta\t.nner. Will you examine the group and state whether any 
child attending these classes was as young as 15 years of age? 

ISlr. Dennett. I have one 19, 1 have one 16. Yes; here is one 15. 

Mr. Taat^nner. In fact, there are several as young as 15 years of 
age, are tliere not? 
"Mr. Dennett. 21, 20, 15, IT, 17. Yes; 18, 17, 17. 

Mr. Tavenner. Am I correct in stating that this is in the form of 
a questionnaire to determine the success of the training at this camp ? 

Mr. Dennett. Well- it must be remembered that I was just fresh 
from teaching, and one of the things that a teacher has to learn is 
whether or not their teaching is successful. The way you determine 
that is to devise a test. So I devised a test to determine whether or 
not my efforts had been successful. So this is in tlie form of a test. 

Mr.' Tavenner. Will you tell the committee, please, what reaction 
you get from reading the test papers of some of the younger of the 
group? Sa}^ 15, 16, and 17 years of age. 

Mr. Dennett. I have picked out those 2 that were 15 years of age. 

I had something here in which I asked this kind of question : What 
organizations they belonged to. I asked them to list them. And this 
one said : "YPA," which was the Young Pioneers of America. And 
a vvf>rkers' vouth club. 



COMRIUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 297 

And I asked also what kind of work they did in the organization, 
and one of them says that he was the secretary of the ckib. And I 
asked what his occupation was, and he said a student in school. And 
I asked if he had any special abilities, and he says "Sing, act, sports^ 
football and track." Hobby : "music, sports, reading." Main short- 
coming: "To learn more about organization." Received most benefit 
from camp : "Art and music." Most benefit from class : ""VMiat 
Marxism is based on." 

Mr. Moulder. Are you reading the answers to the questions ^ 

Mr, Dennett. These are the answers to the questions. 

I asked what they knew about the materialist conception of history^ 
and this student answered : 

"It is based on scientific facts." 

I asked if the student understood surplus value, and this student 
answered : 

"The difference between the amount paid to the worker and the 
amount of goods he produces." 

I asked this student if he understood the meaning of the class strug- 
gle, and his answer in his own handwriting is : 

"It is the history of the workers fighting against their rulei-s." 

I asked his plans for the future, and his answer is : 

"To help organize the Pioneers and the Workers Youth Group." 

And I asked if there Avas anything special, and this student answers : 

"I want to start a sports club, and I wish to play the baritone horn." 

(The witness confers with his counsel.) 

Mr. Dennett. I have another one here of a little older one who was 
21 years of age at that time. Without going through all of the pre- 
liminaries, there are certain details here that are of some concern. 
And this is in that student's own handwriting. 

I asked what is the most benefit he received from the class, and his 
answer is : 

"Why the present system cannot stand up." 

I asked what his understanding of materialist conception of his- 
tory was, and he said : 

"Taking a scientific attitude." 

I asked him if he understood surplus value, and his answer is : 

"Is the amount of the value left after the laborers wages are paid." 

I asked him if he understood the class struggle, and he said : 

"It is a struggle for the needs of the workhig class." 

I asked for plans for the future, and his answer : 

"To work on Pioneer — " 

I asked if anything special, and he says : 

"To develop public speaking and to be able to teach workers of 
the class struggle." 

We looked upon that student as a very promising student. 

Mr. Tavenner. For any particular reason ? 

Mr. Dennett. For the reason that he indicated that he was inter- 
ested in continuing his efforts in the class struggle. 



298 COJVIMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 

Mr. Tavenner. In looking over these I find another name where the 
age is given as 14 years of age. I believe that is about the youngest 
of the group. 

Among those papers is also a list of the names of students. I am not 
certain that they are the same students whose examination papers are 
attached. 

Mr. Dennett. They are. 

Mr, Tavenner. I desire to have these documents marked "Dennett 
Exhibit No. 3" for identification only. I do not want to make them 
a parr of the record. However, I desire to withdraw from this exhibit 
one typewritten sheet describing the objectives of the Pioneer Leader's 
camp and have it admitted in evidence and marked "Dennett Exhibit 
No. 3-A,'- to be incorporated in the transcript of the record. 

Mr. Moulder. It is so ordered. 

And the committee wishes to announce the purpose of so admitting 
them in that manner is that we do not wish to reveal at this time the 
names of young people who were then being indoctrinated into the 
Communist philosophy or belief through their enrollment in thft 
Young Pioneers' youth camp. Is that the name of it? 

Mr. Dennett. Young Pioneers. 

Mr. Moulder. Because we feel that it might be an injustice to them 
for they probably have had no connection with the Communist Party, 
and maybe never did have so far as we have any evidence to show. 

Dennett Exhibit No. 3-A 

The Pioneer Leader's Camp had two objectives: One to equip those in the 
Camp with the necessary theoretical foundation to do effective work in the 
Revolutionary Movement in general; and second to equip and train them to 
do Pioneer Work in particvilar. 

The First Objective was approached mainly from the class in Theory which 
dealt with 1. The Materialist Conception of History, 2. Dialectics, 2. Sur- 
plus Value, 3. The Class Struggle, 4. Orientation in Organization, 5. Prole- 
tarian, 6. Discipline as Social Control. 

The Second Objective was approached from the very organization of the camp 
itself. Study circles were arranged in the subjects of Revolutionary Art, Revo- 
lutionary Music, Study of Science, Woodcraft — practical work, gathering wood 
etc. — sewing — practical work, sewing badges for Pioneer Leaders, organized 
sports — learning games which have been organized with a view to adaptation to 
use with workers children in a way to take chauvinism out of them, etc., and still 
retain the benefits of phj'sical exercise contained therein. 

Mr. Velde. I presume, Mr. Chairman, that some of those members 
of the Young Pioneers are still in the area. 

Mr. Dennett. I think some of them probably are, although it is very 
difficult to keep track of young women because of their changing 
names. 

Mr. Moulder. It might result in an injustice to reveal them at this 
time. 

Mr. Dennett. Right. 

Mr. Moulder. May I ask, Are you going into the conduct of the 
classes, how you proceeded to teach them, what they were taught, and 
whether or not you felt the answers to the questions were the result of 
your teaching at that time ? 

Mr. Dennett. I think I could answer that briefly, that they cer- 
tainly were the result of my teaching. 

Mr. Tavenner. I have a few other questions, Mr. Chairman, to 
finish this subject. 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 299 

Mr. Velde, Let me state that while I concur with the chairman and 
the views of our counsel that the names of these young people should 
not be put on record, I do think that any adults you knew to be 
members of the Communist Party should be identified in this record 
at the present time. 

Mr. Moulder. May I also add that further investigation will be 
made concerning it. 

Mr. Tavenner. Mr. Dennett, we have followed with a great deal of 
interest the record of many of these young people who were gotten into 
camps, gotten into the Young Communist League organizations in 
school, Labor Youth League organizations in school, to determine 
what happened to them afterward. 

We have found at one place, for instance, that there was an organized 
drive made by the organizer of the Communist Party in that area to 
follow these young people after they had finished their schooling. 

Mr. Dennett. It was my intention in this case, too. 

Mr. Tavenner. To follow them and to eventually bring them into 
active work within the Communist Party. Was that the general 
purpose ? 

Mr. Dennett. That was my purpose. And I tried to do it. But 
I was shifted around a little bit too rapidly, and I broke contact too 
many times and lost track of all of them. 

Mr. Ta\t:nner. I want to ask at this time, with the chairman's ap- 
proval, this question : 

Are there any of these young persons who attended this camp who 
you later learned identified themselves with the Communist Party 
and became active in Communist work? If so, I think those names 
should be given. 

Mr. Velde. Certainly I concur. 

Mr. Dennett. There is only one in this list that I feel certain 
enough about to identify in the manner in which you ask. The rest 
are names which do not ring as clearly to me after a passage of 20 
years. Remember now that was in 1932. It is nearly 25 years ago. 
In fact, I had no idea that I even kept this record. I had forgotten 
that I had kept it. 

But it is very refreshing to me because it brings back to my own 
recollection certain things which, if I hadn't kept such a record, I 
would have completely forgotten. 

The only person in this group that I remember distinctly is Oiva 
Halonen. 

Mr. Tavenner. Will you spell the name, please? 

Mr. Denne'it. The first name is 0-i-v-a, and the last name Halonen, 
H-a-1-o-n-e-n. 

Mr. Tavenner. Mr. Chairman, this individual was also identified 
by Barbara Ilartle while a witness before this committee as having 
been known by her to be a member of the Communist Party, and has 
been subpenaed. 

Mr. Moulder. Is that a man or woman ? 

Mr. Dennett. It is a man. 

Mr. Moulder. Do you know where he is located now ? 

Mr. TA^^<:NNER. He is under subpena, Mr. Chairman. 

Will you examine the answers to his test, and state wh(jther you 
can identify the handwriting, whether you filled it out, or whose it 



300 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 

Mr. Dennett. His Avas the one I referred to as a very promising 
one. 

Mr. Tavenner. You are at least correct in stating that he found 
his way into the Communist Party, according to the testimony of 
Barbara Hartle and yourself. 

Mr. Dennett. Yes; he is the one who said he wanted to develop 
public-STjeaking ability so he could teach workers the class struggle. 

Mr. Tavenner. Did you write the answers? Is this in your hand-, 
writing? 

]Mr. Dennett. It doesn't look like my handwriting to me. In fact, 
I am quite certain this is not my handwriting. It looks to me as 
though it is written in the same manner as the name, which was his. 

Mr. Tavenner. Will you tell the committee, please, whether other 
camps were conducted after this one? 

Mr. Dennett. Yetta Stromberg tried hard to get someone in this 
area to continue the camps each year. She was unable to return each 
year herself. I believe 1 or 2 camps were held after that. I lost 
track of it. So I couldn't swear as to what happened later. 

But it was a very difficult undertaking. It required volunteer help 
from the mothers of these young people. The camp was held out at 
Pine Lake. Pine Lake could best be located by someone familiar 
with the county territory. But one of the members of the Finnish 
Federation — I believe it Avas the Finnish Federation — owned some 
property out there at that time and built a rather large dining hall 
there, tents were pitched, and the regular facilities of a smnmer camp 
were established. 

Mr. Taa^nner. Have you any recollection now how many persons 
attended that camp ? 

Mr. Dennett. I think, looking at my list, that there were at least 
22 persons wdio attended it, including some of the adults who were 
there to do the work and supervise the camp. It looks to me as 
though there were about 18 young people. 

Mr. Moulder. Before taking a recess, however, it is announced that 
a subpena was duly issued for service upon Jerry O'Connell, 3416 
Central Avenue, Great Falls, Mont., to be and appear at this place 
of hearing in this room, 402, County-City Building, Seattle, Wash., at 
9 : 30 a. m., on this date, March 17, 1955, to testify in matters of in- 
quiry committed to this committee to inquire into, and it appears from 
the record that the subpena was personally served upon Jerry O'Con- 
nell on the 8th day of March of this year, as provided by law. The 
witness, Jerry O'Connell, has been called several times on this day but 
has failed to appear as he was required to do as provided in the sub- 
pena. 

Therefore, it is the unanimous decision of this subcommittee, both 
of Congressman Velde and myself, that unless cause or satisfactory 
legal excuse is presented for his failure to appear and abide by the 
summons or subpena, that the subcommittee will recommend and re- 
quest that Jerry O'Connell be cited for contempt as provided by law. 

The committee will stand in recess for 5 minutes. 

(Whereupon, a brief recess was taken.) 

Mr. Moulder. The committee will be in order. 

Mr. Tavenner. Mr. Dennett, I have asked you to produce the orig- 
inal examination paper of the young man to whom we referred, Oiva 
Halonen. Do you have it before you ? 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 301 
Dennett Exhibit No. 4 




^^■■■iiilMi 




302 COMMtTNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 

Mr. Dennett. I have. 

Mr. Tavenner. Mr. Chairman, I desire to offer that particular 
examination paper in evidence, and ask that it be marked "Dennett 
Exhibit No, 4,"' and that it be incorporated in the transcript of the 
record. 

Mr. Moitlder. It will be admitted. 

Mr. Tavennee. I would like to have the privilege of replacing the 
original exhibit by photostat. 

Mr. Moulder. Without objection, it is so ordered. 

Mr. Tavenner. Inasmuch as reference has been made to this in- 
dividual and the fact that he has been subpenaed, I believe the com- 
mittee should hear him now. I ask that Mr. Dennett be excused until 
tomorrow morning, and that we proceed with the other witnesses. 

Mr. Moulder. Mr. Dennett, you will be excused for the remainder 
of the afternoon, with the instruction to report tomorrow morning 
at 9 a. m. 

Mr. Dennett. Thank you, sir. 

Mr. Tavenner. Mr. Halonen, will you come forward, please, sir. 

Mr. Moulder. Will you hold up your right hand and be sworn ? 

Do you solemnly swear that the testimony which you are about to 
give before this committee will be the truth, the whole truth, and 
nothing but the truth, so help you God ? 

Mr. Halonen. I do. 

TESTIMONY OF OIVA R. HALONEN, ACCOMPANIED BY HIS 
COUNSEL, JAY G. SYKES 

Mr. Tavenner. What is your full name, Mr. Halonen? 

Mr. Halonen. Oiva R. Halonen. 

Mr. Tavenner. Will you spell it, please. 

Mr. Halonen. The first name is 0-i-v-a; the initial is R; the last 
name is Halonen, H-a-1-o-n-e-n. 

Mr. Tavenner. It is noted you are accompanied by counsel. 

Will counsel please identify himself for the record ? 

Mr. Sykes.. Jay, J-a-y, G. Sykes, S-y-k-e-s. 

Mr. Tavenner. Mr. Halonen, when and where were you born? 

Mr. Halonen. In Minnesota, in 1912. 

Mr. Tavenner. Where do you now reside ? 

Mr. Halonen. In Seattle. 

Mr. Tavenner. What is your occupation ? 

(The witness confers with his counsel.) 

Mr. Halonen. I am a machinist. 

Mr. Tavenner. How long have you worked as a machinist in 
Seattle? 

(The witness confers with his counsel. ) 

Mr. Halonen. The last 12 years. 

Mr. Tavenner. Will you tell the committee, please, briefly, wliat 
your educational training has been ? 

(The witness confers with his counsel.) 

Mr. Halonen. Merely a high-school graduate. 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 303 

Mr. Tavenner. What employment have you had in Seattle other 
than the employment beginning 12 years ago which you just described ? 

(The witness confers with his counsel. ) 

Mr. Halonen. Prior to the time that I became a machinist I knocked 
around in the apple orchards, harvest fields, did odd jobs this way 
and that way — no particular trade. 

Mr. Tavenner. Mr. Halonen, where did you live in 1932 ? 

(The witness confers with his counsel.) 

Mr. Halonen. In Minnesota. 

Mr. Tavenner. What was your first address on arriving in Seattle? 

(The witness confers with his counsel.) 

Mr, Halonen. 1011 East Columbia Street. 

Mr. Ta\-enner. During what period of time did you live at that 
a^ldress ? 

(The witness confers with his counsel.) 

Mr. Halonen. From the middle of 1933, I would say ; between the 
15tli of May and the last of June, somewhere in there, for approxi- 
mately a year, or a year and a half. I can't remember. 

Mr. Ta\-enner. I hand you Dennett Exhibit No. 4, purporting to be 
a test or an examination taken at the Young Pioneer camp at Pine 
Lake in the State of Washington. Please examine the exhibit and state 
whether or not the handwriting found thereon is your handwriting. 

(Document handed to the witness.) 

(The witness confers with his counsel.) 

Mr. PIalonen. On advice of counsel, that the answer to that question 
might tend to incriminate me, I must invoke the fifth amendment of 
the Constitution of the United States. 

Mr. Tavenner. Will you examine, please, the name at the top of 
the test paper and read what name you find there ? 

(The witness confers with his counsel.) 

Mr. Halonen. I must invoke the fifth amendment again, f«n- the 
same reasons as stated before. 

Mr. Velde. Mr. Chairman, I notice the witness states that he nmst 
invoke the fifth amendment. 

The fifth amendment is a privilege tliat you have, and you are under 
no compulsion to invoke the fifth amendment. 

The only question is, do you 'i 

(The witness confers with his counsel.) 

Mr. Halonen. I do invoke the fifth amendment. 

Mr. Ta\t2nner. Will j^ou examine the exhibit again, please, and 
state what you see on the line immediately under the name ap})earing 
at the top of the page. 

(The witness confers with his counsel.) 

Mr. Halonen. Again, I do invoke the fifth amendment for the 
jeasons previously stated. 

Mr. Tavenner. I am not asking you. Witness, whether or not that is 
your address. I am asking if you will read what appears on the 
document? I am asking you no question other than what is it that 
appears on the document. 

(The witness confers with his counsel.) 

Mr. Halonen. I respectfully give the same ansAver I gave before, 
on advice of counsel. 

Mr. Ta\-enner. Do you see it before you ? 

(The Avitnoss confers with his counsel.) 



304 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 

Mr. Halonen. Yes ; I see it. 

Mr. Tavenner. Eatlier than lose more time, I will read into the 
record 'from this document that the address on the line under the name 
Oiva Halonen is 1011 East Columbia, Seattle. 

Mr. Moulder. Is this the same document that you referred to as an 
exhibit which was identified by Mr. Dennett? 

Mr. Tavenner. Yes, sir ; and it is marked "Dennett Exhibit No. 4." 

Was that your address in 1933 ? 

( The witness confers with his counsel. ) 

Mr. Moulder. Did he state what his address was at the beginning 
of his testimony when he first appeared on the stand? 

Mr. Tavenner. Yes, sir ; I asked him where he lived when he first 
came to Seattle, and it is the same address, if I recall the testimony 
correctly. 

So that there may be no uncertainty about it, what was your address 
in 1933 when you came to Seattle? 

(The witness confers with his counsel.) 

Mr. Halonen. It was 1011 East Columbia. 

Mr. Moulder. Is that the same address appearing on this exhibit ? 

Mr. Halonen. Yes. 

Mr. Velde. May I inquire of counsel the year he attended the youth 
camp at Pinelake, as testified to by Mr. Dennett. Was that in 1932? 

Mr. Tavenner. No, sir. The year was not specified. 

Are you acquainted with Mr. Dennett who just testified here a mo- 
ment ago? 

(The witness confers with his counsel.) 

Mr. Halonen. Was the name Dennett or Bennett? 

Mr. Tavenner. Mr. Dennett. 

Mr. Halonen. On advice of counsel, on the grounds that the ques- 
tion might tend to incriminate me, I do invoke the fifth amendment 
and refuse to answer the question. 

Mr. Velde. I can't possibly see how the admission that you were 
acquainted with any person would possibly tend to incriminate you. 
So I ask the chairman to direct the witness to answer the question. 

Mr. Moulder. The witness is directed to answer the question. 

Mr. Halonen. I do invoke the fifth amendment. 

Mr. Moulder. I want you to answer this question. 

You say upon advice of counsel you are advised that the answer 
might tend to incriminate you. Now is it because of the advice of 
counsel or do you yourself feel that it will incriminate you ? 

Mr. Halonen. I do it on advice of counsel. Counsel advises me to 
invoke the fifth amendment. 

Mr. Moulder. May I ask you this : 

Would your answer tend to incriminate you ? 

(The witness confers with this counsel.) 

Mr. Halonen. It might tend to incriminate me. 

Mr. Moulder. Proceed, Mr. Tavenner. 

Mr. Tavenner. Did you attend a Young Pioneers summer camp at 
Pine Lake in the State of Washington ? 

(The witness confers with his counsel.) 

Mr. Halonen. Could we be more specific as to time? 

Mr. Tavenner. Did you attend any "Pioneer" summer camp at 
anv time? 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 305 

(The witness confers with his counsel.) 

Mr. Halonen. On advice of counsel, I do again invoke the fifth 
amendment on grounds of possible self-incrimination. 

Mr. Taat-nnek. Are 3'ou acquainted with Barbara Hartle? 

(The witness confers with his counsel.) 

Mr. Halonen. Again on advice of counsel, I find myself in the posi- 
tion that I do invoke the fifth amendment on grounds of possible self- 
incrimination. 

(The witness confers with his counsel.) 

Mr. Tavenner. Were you present in the hearing room at the time 
Mr. Dennett identified you as having been a member of the Communist 
Party ? 

(The witness confers with his counsel.) 

Mr. Halonen. Yes ; I was in the room. 

Mr. TA^'ENNER. You heard his testimony ? 

Mr. Halonen. Yes. 

Mr. Tavenner. Was he correct in stating that you became a member 
of the Communist Party? 

(The witness confers with his counsel.) 

Mr. Halonen;. I find myself in the situation of invoking the fifth 
amendment again on grounds of possible self-incrimination. 

Mr. Tavenner. And you do so invoke ? 

Mr. Halonen. I do so invoke. 

Mr. Moulder. Do you decline to answer the question for that rea- 
son? 

Mr. Halonen. I decline to answer the question on grounds of pos- 
sible self-incrimination under the fifth amendment. 

Mr. Tavenner. Mrs. Barbara Hartle testified in June of 1954 before 
this committee as follows : 

Oiva Halonen was a member of the Communist Party in the central region; 
lived in that area ; and was connected with the national group's work of the 
district. 

Do you desire to explain her testimony in any way or to deny it? 
Or do you confirm it as being true ? 

(The witness confers with his comisel.) 

Mr. Halonen. I decline under the grounds of the fifth amendment, 
on possible self-incrimination. 

Mr. Ta\t:nner. Are you now a member of the Communist Party ? 

(The witness confers with his counsel.) 

Mr. Halonen. I decline to answer that question under the fifth 
amendment for the reasons stated before. 

Mr. Tavenner. Have vou ever been a member of the Communist 
Party ? 

(The witness confers with his counsel.) 

Mr. Halonen. I decline to answer that question for the same reasons. 

Mr. Tavenner. Have you engaged in various activities of the Com- 
munist Party within mass organizations in the area of Seattle? 

(The witness confers with his counsel.) 

Mr. Halonen. I decline to answer that question for the reasons 
stated previously, under the fifth amendment. 

Mr. Tavenner. Were you at any time affiliated with the Joint 
Anti-Fascist Refugee Committee ? 

(The witness confers with his counsel.) 

62222— 55— pt. 1 5 



306 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 

Mr. Halonen. I decline again, under the fifth amendment, to answer 
that question, as previously stated. 

Mr. Tavenner. Were you actively engaged in the work of the Young 
Communist League in 1942 ? 

(The witness confers with his counsel.) 

Mr. Halonen. I decline to answer that question under the fifth 
amendment, as previously stated. 

Mr. Tavenner. Have you traveled outside of the continental limits 
of the United States? 

(The witness confers with his counsel.) 

Mr. Stkes. May we have a minute, please. 

(The witness confers with his counsel.) 

Mr. Moulder. Let the record show that the witness is conferring 
with counsel. 

Mr. Halonen. To the last question I again invoke the fifth amend- 
ment on grounds of possible self-incrimination, and refuse to answer^ 

M^r. Tavenner. Were you a member of the Abraham Lincoln 
Brigade? 

Mr. Halonen. Once again I do decline to answer the question on 
the grounds of the fifth amendment, as previously stated. 

Mr. Tavenner. Were you in the Spanish area 14 months during 
the Spanish Civil War? 

Mr. Halonen. Once again I decline to answer the question, under 
the fifth amendment, on grounds previously stated. 

Mr. Ta\tenner. Have you had any affiliation with the International 
Workers Order? 

(The witness confers with his counsel.) 

Mr. Halonen. Once again I decline to answer the question, under 
the fifth amendment, for previously stated reasons. 

Mr. Moulder, In response to the question asked by counsel, which 
you refused to answer or declined to answer, there are constitutional 
reasons as to whether or not you served in the armed services in 
Spain. 

Now you declined to answer the question in reference to the Spanish 
Civil War. I want to ask you this question : 

Did you ever serve in any branch of the armed services of the 
United States of America ? 

(The witness confers with his counsel.) 

Mr. Halonen. No ; I never did. 

Mr. Moulder. Do you refuse to state whether or not you have served 
in the armed services of another country ? 

(The witness confers with his counsel.) 

Mr. Halonen. I refuse to answer that specific question ; yes. 

(The witness confers with his counsel.) 

Mr. Moulder. In other words, it leaves the impression you were 
willing to fight for some other counti-y but you are not willing to 
fight for the United States of America, your own native country. 

(The witness confers with his counsel.) 

Mr. Halonen. I refuse to answer the question in regard to thet 
Spanish Civil War. 

Mr. Moulder. Proceed, Mr. Tavenner. 

Mr. Tavenner. Mr. Halonen, I don't want to leave an inference 
that this committee feels that a person should be criticized by it for 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 307 

any position he or she may take regarding any bill before Congress, 
but if a certain bill before Congress is being opposed by the Com- 
munist Party and the Communist Party is instrumental in creating 
opposition to it, then the committee would be interested in that fact. 
Now I am not attempting to criticize any opposition you may have 
registered to the Walter-McCarran Act, but, if you did oppose it, I 
want to know whether or not the Communist Party had anything to 
do with the position that you took in the matter. 
(The witness confers with his counsel.) 

Mr. Halonen. I decline to answer that question on the grounds of 
the fifth amendment, as previously stated. 

Mr. Tavenner. Mr. Chairman, I have no further questions. 
Mr. Moulder. Mr. Velde ? 
Mr. Velde. Were you born in ]\Iinnesota ? 
(The witness confers with his counsel.) 
Mr. Halonen. Yes. 

Mr. Velde. I note you took refuge in the fifth amendment when 
questioned about your acquaintanceship with Mr. Eugene Dennett. 
(The witness confers with his counsel.) 
Mr. Haloxen. That is correct. 

Mr. Velde. You were here in the hearing room while he was tes- 
tifying about your activities at the youth camp at Pine Lake, were 
you not ? 

Mr. Halonen. I so testified earlier. 
Mr. Velde. You did see him here, didn't you ? 
(The witness confers with his counsel.) 
Mr. Halonen. Yes, I did. 

Mr. Velde. Had you ever met him before ? Did you recognize him 
when he was testifying ? 

(The witness confers with his counsel.) 

Mr. Halonen. I invoke the fifth amendment and decline to answer 
that question on tlie gi'ounds of possible self-incrimination. 

Mr. Velde. You might have some misunderstanding about what 
acquaintanceship is. I wanted to know if you ever saw him before. 
I can see no reason why you shouldn't answer that question or why 
that Avould tend to incriminate you in any way. 
(The witness confers with his counsel.) 

Mr. Halonen. Not being too sharp on the legal aspects, I am 
afraid of waivmg my rights under the fifth amendment, and, for 
that reason, I am invoking the fifth amendment. 

Mr. Velde. I am not trying to trap you. Seriously, I can see no 
reason for not identifying him or anyone else you may have seen 
before. A lot of people in this room are acquainted with people who 
have been incriminated and have served jail sentences. I see no reason 
why an acquaintanceship of that type with a person should incrim- 
inate you or me or anyone else. 

(The witness confers with his counsel.) 

Mr. Halonen. Well, I respectfully invoke the fifth amendment 
again on the question asked tor the reasons previously stated. 

Mr. Velde. Have you ever known anv member of the Communist 
Party? 

(The witness confers with his counsel.) 

-^^J; Halonen. I again must decline to ans'wer that question under 
tJie fifth amendment, as previously stated. 



308 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 

Mr. Velde. Have you ever met a member of the Communist Party ? 

Mr. Halonen. Again I decline to answer under the fifth amend- 
ment for the reasons stated previously. 

Mr. Velde. Do you know anyone in this room ? 

(The witness confers with his counsel.) 

Mr. Halonen. I know my counsel here. 

(The witness confers with his counsel.) 

Mr. Velde. Why do you admit that you know your counsel and 
refuse to admit that you know JMr. Dennett? 

(The witness confers with his counsel.) 

Mr. Halonen. My acquaintance with my counsel could not possibly 
incriminate me in any way. 

Mr. Velde. Do you feel that you are engaged at the present time in 
any activity which is of a subversive nature and subversive to the 
Government of the United States ? 

(The witness confers with his counsel.) 

Mr. Halonen. I must decline to answer that question again, under 
the fifth amendment, for the reasons as stated previously. 

Mr. Velde. That is all, Mr. Chairman. 

Mr. Moulder. In connection with the last question Mr. Velde was 
asking if you had any knowledge, or if you ever committed any act of 
espionage or engaged in any activity contrary to the interests of the 
United States, I will ask you this question ? 

Are you engaged in any organization work or any activities leading 
toward the overthrow of our present form of government by force 
or violence ? 

(The witness confers with his counsel.) 

Mr. Halonen. I must decline, or I must state that I have never 
engaged in any espionage, but, as far as the rest of the question is con- 
cerned, I must again invoke the fifth amendment on possible self- 
incrimination. 

Mr. Moulder. In other words, you answer by saying that you did 
not engage in any espionage, but refuse to answer as to whether or 
not you are actively engaged in any effort to overthrow our Govern- 
ment by force and violence. That is the way I construe your answer. 

(The witness confers with his counsel.) 

Mr. Halonen. That is correct. 

Mr. Moulder. Are there any further questions ? 

Mr. Velde. No, but I do feel that the witness possesses a great deal 
of information which would be valuable to the committee in its work, 
in its obligations that we are duty bound to perform, and I regret the 
position the witness has taken. 

I hope he will reconsider his position and return to give the commit- 
tee the information he possesses. 

Mr. Moulder. The witness is excused. 

(Whereupon the witness was excused.) 

Mr. Moulder. Counsel, proceed with the next witness. 

Mr. Wheeler. Mr. Eugene Frank Kobel, please. 

Mr. Moulder. Will you hold up your right hand and be sworn? 

Do 3^ou solemnly swear that the testimony which you are about to 
give before this committee will be the truth, the whole truth and 
nothing but the truth, so help you, God ? 

Mr. RoBEL. I do. 



COMjVIUNIST activities in the SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 309 

TESTIMONY OF ETJ&ENE PRANK ROBEL, ACCOMPANIED BY HIS 
COUNSEL, JAY G. SYKES 

Mr. WirEELER. Will you state your name, please. 

Mr. RoBEL. E-u-g-e-n-e F-r-a-n-k E-o-b-e-1, Eugene Frank Robel. 

Mr. Wheeler. '\Vlien and where were you born, Mr. Robel? 

Mr. Egbel. I was born in Kit Carson County, Colo., on a home- 
stead. 

Mr. Wheeler. In what year ? 

Mr. RoBEL. 1911. 

Mr. Wheeler. You are represented by counsel. Will he please 
identify himself for the record ? 

Mr. Sykes. Jay G. Sykes, Seattle. 

Mr. Wheeler. Would you briefly advise the committee as to your 
education ? 

Mr. RoBEL. I have a high-school education and 2 years of university. 

Mr. Wheeler. Wliat university is that ? 

jNIr. RoBEL. Moscow, Idaho — not Russia. 

Mr. Wheeler. The University of Idaho? 

Mr. Robel. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Wheeler. How long have you lived in the city of Seattle ? 

(The witness confers with his counsel.) 

Mr. Eobel. I came here the latter part of 1937, I believe. I have 
been here since. 

Mr. Wheeler. Have you ever served in the Armed Forces of the 
United States? 

Mr. Robel. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Wheeler. In what branch? 

Mr. Robel. United States Navy. 

Mr. Wheeler. At what period of time were you in the United States 
Navy? 

Mr. Robel. From 1933 to 1937. 

Mr. Wheeler. Were you honorably discharged? 

Mr. Robel. Yes, sir. I had a good-conduct discharge. I have the 
medal at home. 

Mr. Wheeler. AMiat is your employment record for the last 10 
years ? 

(The witness confers with his counsel.) 

Mr. Robel. I worked for an oil company for my first 4 years in 
Seattle, General Petroleum Corp. 

Mr. Wheeler. That would be 1937 to 1941 ? 

Mr. Robel. I think that is approximately the figures. Then I 
worked as a machinist at various jobs. 

Mr. Wheeler. Specifically, what jobs have you held as a machinist? 

Mr. Robel. Mostly outside machinist, but at times maintenance. 

Mr. Wheeler. For what companies have you worked? 

Mr. Robel. I have worked for Todd's, Pacific Iron Fouridry, Isaac- 
son Iron Works, and Sahlberg Equipment Co. 

Mr. Wheeler. IVliere are you employed now? 

Mr. Robel. Todd's. 

Mr. Wheeler. Todd Shipyards? 

Mr. Robel. Yes, sir. 



310 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 

Mr. WheeLiER. Are they engaged in defense work or defense con- 
tracts ? 

(The witness confers with his counsel.) 

Mr. EoBEL. I think so, indirectly. I don't know how they get their 
contracts. 

Mr, Wheeler. Do you have a security clearance ? 

Mr. EoBEL. No, sir. 

Mr. Wheeler. Have you been denied security clearance ? 

(The witness confers with his counsel. ) 

Mr. RoBEL. No, sir. 

Mr. Wheeler. Are you a member of any labor union ? 

(The witness confers with his counsel.) 

Mr. RoBEL, On the advice of counsel, because to answer that might 
tend to incriminate me, I will have to invoke the fifth amendment and 
refuse to answer that. 

Mr. Velde. May I again say you are not under any compulsion to 
take refuge under the fifth amendment. It is a privilege. 

The question is do you invoke the fifth amendment ? 

(The witness confers with his counsel.) 

Mr. RoBEL. I do invoke it. I recognize I am not under compulsion, 
but I do invoke it because of the possibility that I might be in- 
criminated. 

Mr. Velde. Mr. Chairman, again let me say that I cannot possibly 
see how a membership in a labor union, admission that you are a 
member of a labor union, could possibly tend to incriminate a person, 
and I ask the Chair to direct the witness to answer the question. 

Mr. Moulder. Certainly your being a member of a labor union 
could not in any way tend to incriminate you. So you are directed 
to answer that question. 

(The witness confers with his counsel.) 

Mr. RoBEL. Well, membership in a particular labor union might 
incriminate me, and that is the reason I invoke the fifth amendment. 
One question leads to another. 

Mr. Moulder. It might lead to another question, but certainly if 
the other question would tend to incriminate you that is an entirely 
different matter. But the simple question as to whether or not you 
are a member of a legitimate labor union could in no w^ay whatsoever 
tend to incriminate you. 

(The witness confers with his counsel.) 

Mr. RoBEL. I wouldn't like to waive my rights under the fifth 
amendment by answering a previous question and then be forced to 
answer another one. That is the reason I took the position that 
I do. 

Mr. Moulder. Proceed. 

Mr. Velde. Do you belong to any labor union ? That was the orig- 
inal question of counsel. 

(The witness confers with his counsel.) 

Mr. Robel. Because that question might lead to the particular labor 
organization that I belong to, I will decline to answer that question, 

Mr. Velde. If it does lead to that question, you can then invoke your 
privilege under the fifth amendment of the Constitution. 

(The witness confers with his counsel.) 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 311 

Mr. EoBEL. It is my understanding legally that I may waive my 
rights by answering one of these questions, and I don't wish to waive 
my right to invoke the fifth amendment. 

Mr. Moulder. You certainly were not waiving your rights when 
you stated a moment ago you were employed and where you were 
employed. 

Now if you belong to some labor organization in connection with 
your employment there is nothing in that connection certainly that 
would tend to incriminate you, if you are employed or in legitimate 
employment. 

(The witness confers with his counsel.) 

Mr. KoBEL. We are getting into complicated rights of waiver, and it 
is my understanding legally that I may refuse to answer. 

Mr. Moulder. Do you decline to answer under the fifth amend- 
ment? 

Mr. EoBEL. Under the fifth amendment, yes, sir. 

Mr. Wheeler. Are vou a member of the International Association 
of Machinists, A. F. of L. ? 

(The witness confers with his counsel.) 

Mr. EoBEL. I must invoke the fifth amendment, as previously, and 
refuse to answer that. 

Mr. Moulder. I wish to say that for as long as I have served on 
this committee, a period of approximately 7 years, I have never heard 
anyone invoke the fifth amendment in response to a question as to 
whether or not he was a member of an A. F. of L. union. 

(The witness confers with his counsel.) 

Mr. Moulder. Proceed. 

Mr, Wheeler. Are you acquainted or have you been acquainted 
in the past with Mrs. Barbara Hartle. 

Mr. RoBEL. For the same reasons as previously given, that I might 
tend to incriminate myself, I will have to invoke the fifth amendment 
and refuse to answer that question. 

Mr. Wheeler. Quoting her testimony before this committee, ap- 
pearing on page 6094 of volume 2 of the hearings held in June 1954 : 

The Communist Party has always had a number of members in the machinists 
union. Some of them that I can remember are Glenn Kinney, Ray Campbell, 
Frank Kerr, Gene Robel. 

Was Mrs. Hartle advising the committee of the truth when she 
testified to that? 

Mr. RoBEL. I must again invoke the fifth amendment for the pre- 
viously stated reasons, and not admit or deny anything that any stool 
pigeon you may bring out says about me. 

Mr. Moulder. To whom do you refer as a stool pigeon? 

(The witness confers with his counsel.) 

Mr. RoBEL. I apologize for that statement, sir, and withdraw it. 

Mr. Moui.der. Ordinarily a person referred to as a stool pigeon 
is one who is an accuser of some fact against someone else, and that 
person ordinarily retorts that they are a stool pigeon. 

You do withdraw that reference. 

Mr. Wheeler. Mrs. Hartle also testified — and this reference to her 
testimony can be found on page 6173 of volume 3 of the hearings : 

Gene Robel, whom I have mentioned before, and Glenn Kinney were also 
members of this industrial section. 



312 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 

Mr. Eobel, the committee, in pursuance of its duties, is endeavoring- 
to gain knowledge of the industrial section of the Communist Party 
in King County, and you, having been identified as a member of that 
section, is the reason you have been subpenaecl here. We would like 
to get what information we can from you. 

Now I would like to ask you : 

Were you a member of the industrial section of the Communist 
Party? 

Mr. RoBEL. I must invoke the fifth amendment for the same reason 
previously stated, and refuse to answer that question. 

(The witness confers with his counsel.) 

Mr. Wheeler. Are you a member of the Communist Party today ? 

Mr. RoBEL. I must invoke the fifth amendment for the same reason 
and refuse to answer that question on tlie ground that I might incrimi- 
nate myself. 

Mr. Wheeler. No further questions, Mr. Chairman. 

Mr. Moulder. Were you ever a member of the Communist Party? 

{The witness confers with his counsel.) 

Mr. RoBEL. I must, likewise, invoke the fifth amendment on that 
question, and refuse to answer, sir. 

Mr. ^louLDER. Mr. Velde, any questions? 

Mr. Velde. No questions. 

Mr. Moulder. The witness is excused. 

(Whereupon the witness was excused.) 

Call the next witness, Mr. Wlieeler. 

Mr. Wheeler. Mr. Frank Kerr. 

Mr. Sykes. Mr, Chairman, may I address the committee in respect 
to Mr. Kerr? There is a special problem involved with respect to 
Mr. Kerr. 

Mr. Moulder. Yes. 

STATEMENT OE JAY G. SYKES 

Mr. Sykes. I would like to hand to Mr. Wheeler a statement from 
Dr. Beattie, and ask that the committee consider Mr. Kerr's physical 
condition, and if it sees fit to have him examined by a county doctor. 

Mr. Moulder. I notice that this is a letter written by Dr. John F. 
Beattie wherein he says that : 

Mr. Frank Kerr has been under my care since January 12, 1954, because of 
coronary artery disease. 

The letter does not state the patient was hospitalized in connection 
with his examination. It does not state he is now in the hospital. It 
is not very specific as to his exact illness, as to whether or not he is 
capable of appearing here as a witness without endangering his health 
or life. 

Mr. Sykes. That is correct, Mr. Chairman. There was serious 
doubt in my mind, without knowing anything about the specific details 
of his illness, to be absolutely sure whether or not he should be exam- 
ined by a doctor here, and if the doctor here should rule that he can 
testify I would have no objection. I thought that I should protect 
Mr. Kerr. 

Mr. Moulder. This is very vague. 

Mr. Sykes. That is correct. 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 313 

Mr. Moulder. And very indefinite. We will take this under con- 
sideration. 

Counsel, will you call another witness ? 

Mr. Wheeler. Mr. Harold Johnston. 

Mr. Moulder. Hold up your rif^ht hand and be sworn, please. 

Do you solemnly swear that the testimony which you are about to 
give before this committee will be the truth, the whole truth, and 
nothing but the truth, so help you God ? 

Mr. Johnston. I do. 

TESTIMONY OF HAROLD JOHNSTON, ACCOMPANIED BY HIS 
COUNSEL, JAY C. SYKES 

Mr. Wheeler. Will the witness state his name, please ? 

Mr. Johnston. Harold Johnston, 

Mr. Wheeler. Are you represented by counsel? Will counsel 
identify himself for the record ? 

Mr. Sykes. Jay G. Sykes, Seattle. 

Mr, Wheeler. When and where were you born, Mr. Johnston ? 

Mr. Johnston. 1907, Yakima, Wash. 

Mr. Wheeler. And what is your educational background? 

Mr. Johnston. Very little, less than grammar ; didn't finish gram- 
mar school. 

Mr. Wheeler. How long have you lived in the Seattle district ? 

Mr. Johnston. By Seattle district you mean King County ? 

Mr. Wheeler. Yes ; or the periphery. 

Mr. Johnston. I don't live in Seattle. 

Mr. Wheeler. I understand that. 

Mr. Johnston. I have been there 15 years. 

Mr. Wheeler. Wliat is your employment record ? 

Mr. Johnston. For the last 10 years it's been machinist. 

Mr. Wheeler. And prior to that ? 

Mr. Johnston. Oh, odd jobs. 

Mr. Wheeler. Are you presently employed ? 

Mr. Johnston. Yes, I am. 

Mr. Wheeler. Where are you presently employed ? 

Mr. Johnston. Mr. Chairman, the subpena was served on me. 
First, they went to my home and my wife told them where I worked. 
And they went to the shop and were very courteous and called up 
my foreman, and I went out and they served me. And I am sure the 
committee has a record. And I don't feel that it would do myself any 
good or the company to make it a part of the official record as to where 
I work. And I would like to not answer this question on that basis. 

Mr. ]VIouLDER. Do you decline to answer the question ? 

Mr. Johnston. No. I definitely — I would like to be excused from 
answering it. I am not taking a position that I — but inasmuch as the 
deputy sheriff served me on the job, very courteous about it— met me 
at the gate and did not come in ; told me he would be there — and I went 
out and looked him up — the committee knows where I work and I don't 
feel it should become a record here of the company I work for, 

Mr. Moulder. Do you mean that answering the question as to where 
you are employed would reflect unfavorably upon the company which 
employs you? 



314 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 

Mr. Johnston. It is possible with publicity in the paper. No use 
to bring unnecessary publicity on it. I feel that the committee should 
take that into consideration. They know where I work. Their man 
served a subpena on me. I would not like to answer that question. 

Mr. Velde. Mr. Chairman, I feel I must insist that the witness 
answer the question as to where he is employed. 

Throughout the history of this committee every witness w^ho has 
appeared before the committee has been required to give his place of 
residence and his place of employment, or take refuge under the fifth 
amendment. It would be grossly unfair to all the witnesses who have 
previoush^ appeared before this committee to allow you to escape 
answering that question. 

Mr. Johnston. Inasmuch as you already know But I will 

answer then if you insist that I answer. I work at Lake Union Ship- 
3'ards as of today — I don't know about tomorrow. 

Mr. Wheeler. What type of work do you do for the Lake Union 
Shipyards ? 

Mr, Johnston. Machinist. 

Mr. Wheeler. Is that company engaged upon classified matters,, 
security work for the United States Government ? 

(The witness confers with his counsel.) 

Mr. Johnston. Well, we do a lot of fishing boat work. We do work 
on all types of ships. It is a small yard. So it is small boats we 
have there. We don't have large ones like other yards do. It is 
mostly small boats. There is some Government work there, naturally. 

Mr. Wheeler. Do you have a security clearance ? 

Mr. Johnston. No, I do not. 

Mr. Wheeler. Have you ever requested one ? 

Mr. Johnston. No, I haven't. 

Mr. Wheeler. Have you ever been denied one ? 

Mr. Johnston. No, I haven't. 

Mr. Wheeler. Are you acquainted w^ith Mrs. Barbara Hartle ? 

(The witness confers with his counsel.) 

Mr. Johnston. Because the answer is liable to have a tendency to 
incriminate me, at this time I invoke the fifth amendment and decline 
to answer that question. 

Mr. Moulder. In future replies along that line, do I understand 
you decline to answer on the grounds of the fifth amendment for the 
reason that your answers might tend to incriminate you ? 

Mr. Johnston. That is right, sir. 

Mr. Wheeler. Being a machinist, are you a member of any union? 

(The witness confers with his counsel.) 

Mr. Johnston. Well, I will have to decline on the same reason, of 
the fifth amendment. 

Mr. Velde. I suggest that the Chair instruct the witness to answer 
the question. 

Mr. Moulder. The Chair directs you to answer the question. 

(The witness confers with his counsel.) 

Mr. Johnston. I respectfully decline to answer that on the grounds 
that it will tend to incriminate me, and ask the privilege. 

Mr. Wheeler. Are vou a member of the International Associa- 
tion of Machinists, A. F. of L. ? 

(The witness confers with his counsel.) 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 315 

Mr. Johnston. For the same reason, again I invoke the fifth 
amendment. 

Mr. Moulder. You are directed to answer the question. I think 
it is a very unfair reflection upon that union, a legitimate, highly 
respected labor organization, and you should answer that question. 

(The witness confers with his counsel.) 

Mr. Johnston. There is a very particular problem on that in my 
case, and for that reason I don't want to waive any rights under the 
fifth amendment. So I respectfully again have to invoke the fifth 
amendment. 

Mr. Moulder. Proceed. 

Mr. Wheeler. Have you held any position in any union ? 

(The witness confers with his counsel.) 

Mr. Johnston. The same — the fifth amendment. I will have to 
invoke the fifth amendm.ent again on that question. 

Mr. Wheeler. Is it not a fact that you at one time were business 
agent for the International Association of Machinists, A. F. of L.? 

Mr. Johnston. Again I will have to invoke the fifth amendment. 

Mr. Wheeler. To refer to the testimony of Barbara Hartle, page 
6091, part 2 of the hearings held in June 1954 : 

The business agent for several years of the machinists union during this time 
was Harold Johnston, who was a member also of the district committee of 
the Communist Party of which I was a member. 

Was Mrs. Hartle correct in making that statement ? 

Mr. Johnston. I will have to again invoke the fifth amendment in 
that it is liable to incriminate me. 

Mr. Wheeler. Were you ever at any time a member of the dis- 
trict committee of the Communist Party of King County ? 

Mr. Johnston. I will again have to invoke the fifth amendment on 
the grounds it will possibly incriminate me. 

Mr. Wheeler. Were you a member of the district committee of 
the Communist Party of King County while business agent for the 
machinists union ? 

(The witness confers with his counsel.) 

Mr. Johnston. I will again have to invoke the fifth amendment on 
the ground possibly to incriminate me. 

Mr. Wheeler. Is it not a fact that there was a group of machinists 
of 8 or 10 who were members of the Communist Party within that 
union ? 

Mr. Johnston. Again will I have to invoke the fifth amendment 
for the same reason. 

Mr. Moulder. Let me understand that question, Mr. Wheeler. 

Mr. Wheeler. I will repeat it. 

Is it not a fact that there was a branch or cell of the Communist 
Party within the machinists union of which you were a member? 

Mr. Moulder. Can you specify tlie date ? 

Mr. Wheeler. The date, sir, runs during the war years and before, 
a continuing date. 

Mr. Moulder. Do you have any knowledge or information concern- 
ing tlie question propounded to you by Mr. Wlieeler ? 

(The witness confers with his counsel.) 

Mr. Johnston. I didn't get that complete. I am a little bit hard 
of hearing. Would you read it over again ? 



316 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 

Mr, Moulder. My question is, Do you have any knowledge or in- 
formation concerning a Communist cell in the machinists union? 

Mr. Johnston. On the question of knowledge, it is liable to in- 
criminate me. So again I have to invoke the fifth amendment. 

Mr. Wheeler. Mv. Johnston, do you believe the Communist Party 
has a place in organized labor? 

(The witness confers with his counsel.) 

Mr. Johnston. Well, I couldn't answer that yes or no. I am no 
expert. You have experts here, and I am not one. I am sorry I 
couldn't give you an intelligent answer on that. 

Mr. Moulder. You can express your approval or disapproval of it. 
That is, in the form of the question you could express your approval 
or disapproval of it. 

(The witness confers with his counsel.) 

Mr. Johnston. I just can't; I can't formulate any answer for that 
one way or the other. So I just couldn't answer that question one 
way or the other. I can't understand what exactly, what kind of an 
answer would have to be on that. I am not clear. My education is 
very little. 

Mr. Moulder. Do you mean to say you haven't made up your mind 
about it ? 

(The witness confers with his counsel.) 

Mr. Johnston. I have never thought about it before. 

Mr. Moulder. Well, give it some thought now and answer the 
question as to whether or not you approve or disapprove of Commu- 
nist Party domination of a labor union. 

(The witness confers with his counsel.) 

Mr. Johnston. On that one I will give it some thought, and before 
the committee leaves toAvn I will give you a statement of my thinking 
on that. 

Mr. Moulder. All right ; we will keep you under subpena and give 
you an opportunity to think that out and answer that question some 
time before we adjourn. 

Proceed with the next question. 

Mr. Wheeler. Are you a member of the Communist Party today? 

(The witness confers with his counsel.) 

Mr. Johnston. I will again, as in the past, have to invoke the fifth 
amendment for the same reason. The answer will incriminate me. 

Mr. Wheeler. Mr. Chairman, I have no further questions. 

Mr. Velde. I have no questions. 

Mr. Moulder. The witness is not excused. 

You will be kept under subpena. You may attend the hearings 
and give the thought you said you would give to answering the 
question. '\Ylien you are ready, notify Mr. "VVlieeler, and we will 
recall you to the stand. 

Mr. Counsel, proceed with the next witness. 

Mr. Wheeler. John Lawrie, Jr. 

Mr. Moulder. Do you solemnly swear the testimony which you 
are about to give before this committee will be the truth, the whole 
truth, and nothing but the truth, so help you God? 

Mr. Lawrie. I do. 

I also want to say that I am here under protest and that all answers 
I give will be — I will invoke the first and fifth amendment. 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 317 

Mr. iVIouLDER. You haven't been asked any questions yet. 
Proceed, Mr. Wheeler. 

Mr. Lawrie. I also have a written statement I would like to read 
before this committee. 

Mr. MouLTER. We will file the statement. Hand it to Mr. Wheeler. 

TESTIMONY OF JACK LAWKIE, JR., ACCOMPANIED BY HIS 
COUNSEL, C. T. HATTEN 

Mr. Wheeler. Will the witness state his name, please. 

Mr. Lawrie. My name is Jack Lawrie, Jr. 

Mr. Wheeler. Will you spell the last name. 

Mr. Lawrie. L-a-w-r-i-e. 

Mr. Wheeler. When and where were you born, ]Slr. Lawrie? 

Mr. Lawrie. I was born in 1921 in the city of Casper, Wyo., July 
12. 

]\Ir. Wheeler. And what is your educational backgTound ? 

Mr. Lawrie. jSIy education background is one of having graduated 
from grade school in the city of Seattle, and also Franklin High 
School in the city of Seattle. 

And at this point I would like to raise a point of order, 

Mr. Moulder. 1 would like to ask you a question. 

Are you now or have you ever been a member of the Communist 
Party? 

Mr. Lawrie. I would still have a point of order here that is in the 
rules of procedure, and I think the committee would certainly be in- 
terested in their own rules of procedure. And I would like to read 
article No. 10, which deals 

JNIr. Moulder. Will you answer my question first? 

Mr. Lawrie. Deals with rights of a person afl'ected by a hearing. I 
am certainly afl'ected by the hearing. 

Mr. Moulder. I asked you a question if you are now or have ever 
been a member of the Communist Party. You may answer. Then 
you may have a point of order to raise when you answer to that ques- 
tion. 

]\Ir. Velde. If he answers the question instead of refusing to answer. 

(The witness confers with his counsel.) 

Mr. Lawrie. I am going to have to decline to answer that ques- 
tion. And the reason I am declining to answer that question is that, 
due to the man^^ oppressive and repressive laws, both on the Federal 
and State level, I am going to invoke the first amendment and also the 
fifth amendment. 

I would like to be able to read the first and fifth amendments from 
the Constitution of the United States. I believe we have a good Con- 
stitution, and I am sure — or at least this committee claims they are 
interested in the Constitution, and upholding the rights. 

So I would like to read from the Constitution of the United State? 
at this time. 

Mr. Moulder. That won't be necessary. We are familiar with the 
provisions of the Constitution. You have declined to answer on the 
first and fifth amendment. 

Do you have any questions, Mr. Wheeler ? 

Mr. Wheeler. Would you relate briefly to the committee your 
employment record? 



318 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 

(The witness confers with his counsel.) 

Mr, Lawrie. You stated previously that you would give me a point 
of order if I answered the question. 

Mr. JNIouLDER. You didn't answer the question. 

Mr. Lawrie. I responded ; I certainly responded to the question. 

Mr. MoTJLDER. Mr. IVlieeler, repeat your last question. 

Mr. Wheeler, Would you relate briefly to the committee your 
employment record ? 

Mr. Lawrie. That was not the question that was put to me. 

Mr. Wheeler. It is the last question I asked, 

Mr. Moulder, This question is now being propounded to you. 

Mr. Lawrie. That was not the question that he asked me to answer, 
and that I would get my point of order. 

Mr. Velde. I think I can clear up the matter. The question he is 
referring to is the chairman's question as to membership in the Com- 
munist Party at the present time or at any time in the past. And I 
think the Chair very well stated that if you answered the question 
instead of refusing to answer, invoking the first and fifth amendments, 
then you would be given an opportunity, as you put it, to make a point 
of order, which is not within your rights at all. 

But now will you answer the question as to whether you were a 
member of the Communist Party or are now a member of the Com- 
munist Party? Let's put it a different way. Have you ever been 
a member of the Communist Party ? 

Mr, Lawrie, I still would like to raise my point of order, and I 
think that I have that right, because, after all, this is your rules of 
procedure, and I think you would be interested in it, interested in 
that question. I didn't write the rules of procedure. You gentlemen 
were the ones that helped to draw that up, 

Mr, Velde, The chairman gave you a great privilege by allowing 
you to answer the question "Yes" or "No," and then by giving you 
the right to spout off about our rules and regulations, which we know 
very well. And we Imow about the Constitution, 

Now it seems to me that any person who is interested in preserving 
the Constitution against encroachment from our prospective enemies 
would be willing to answer the question as to whether or not he was 
a member of the Communist Party or ever had been a member of the 
Communist Party, 

Mr. Lawrie, As I stated before, I still think that, as you pointed 
out, you are interested in the Constitution. And I certainly think 
you should grant a witness here, after all, that is here at your own 
invitation — not at his own request — he certainly should be granted 
the right to raise a ])oint of order, and if the committee feels that — 
in my opinion they should feel that a witness should be granted that 
right. 

Mr. Moulder, Let me say you are a witness who has been duly 
subpenaed here. You are under oath to answer certain questions. 
You have the privilege under the Constitution to decline to answer. 

We are not going to be engaged with you in an argument concern- 
ing the Constitution or the rules of the conmiittee. 

Now certain questions will be propounded to you by Mr. Wheeler, 
You have the right as an American citizen to claim privilege under 
the Constitution, which I assume you are about to do. You are cer- 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 319 

tainly not going to be permitted to enter into a soapbox argument with 
this committee. 

Proceed, Mr. Wheeler, 

Mr, Wheeler, Would you briefly relate your employment record 
for the last 10 years ? 

Mr, Lawrie. I don't see any basis for the honorable gentleman's 
statement, I still think that I have the right to raise my point of 
order, 

Mr, Moulder, You are directed to answer the question propounded 
to you. 

Mr. Lawrie. I still think I have 

JNIr. Moulder. Ask the next question. 

(The witness confers with his counsel.) 

Mr. Lawrie, What was the question ? 

Mr. Moulder, You haven't answered it, 

Mr. Lawrie. I am asking the question, 

]Mr. Moulder. You made a statement you were refusing to answer 
without giving the legal reason for refusing to answer, I am directing 
the examiner to proceed with the next question because you have re- 
fused to answer it without cause, 

Mr, Wheeler. Are you acquainted with Mrs, Barbara Hartle? 

(The witness confers with his counsel,) 

Mr. LAA^TtiE, I will have to state that I didn't understand the previ- 
ous question, 

Mr, JSIoulder. Do you understand the present question ? 

Mr. Wheeler. I think the record will show that my question was 
asked three times. 

The question now is : Are you acquainted with Mrs. Barbara Hartle? 

Mr. Lawrie. Well, with reference to the last two questions, I am 

Mr. Moulder. We are not making reference to the last two questions. 

He has asked you a simple question now, and you are directed to 
answer, 

(The witness confers with his counsel.) 

Mr. Lawrie. With reference to that question on Barbara Hartle and 
the pre\aous question, I am going to invoke lx)th the first and the fifth 
amendment which states that an individual is not compelled to be a 
witness against himself and shall not be deprived of liberty or prop- 
erty without due process of law. 

Mr, Moulder. The next question, please, Mr, Wheeler, 

Mr, Wheeler, Where are you presently employed ? 

Mr. Ibawrie. I am going to answer that question in this way : 

During the time the committee was here — I believe it was last 
June — I read in the newspapers where a number of workers, men and 
women, lost their jobs. 

]Mr. Moulder. You are not responding to the question. You must 
be responsive to the question and not take the question as an excuse for 
making a speech. 

Now the question is : AVliere are you now employed ? Do you de- 
cline to answer? 

(The witness confers with his counsel,) 

Mr, Moulder. Give him a reasonable time to decline or answer, and 
proceed with the next question, 

Mr. Lawrie. At this time I am going to request that I be allowed 
to talk to my attorney. 



320 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 

Mr. MoTJLDER. Very well. You will have an opportunity to confer 
with your attorney, 

(Witness confers with his counsel.) 

Mr. Wheeler. Are you ready to proceed, Mr. Witness ? 

Mr. Lawrie. I am ready to proceed. 

I would like to know if I can state my reasons for not answering this 
question. 

Mr. Moulder. Certainly, if it is not at great length in the form of 
a speech. Or you may decline to answer claiming and invoking the 
first amendment, as you have. 

Mr. Lawrie. I don't think that it will be long, but that is my 
opinion. 

I state again, as I stated before, because of many workers losing 
their jobs because they were mentioned by this committee or in some 
subpena, I believe that I have the right to earn a living, and that this 
committee may be responsible for my losing my job to make a living. 
And I would like to decline from answering that question, but if the 
committee compels me to, I will. 

Mr. Velde. In that connection, have you ever made a living by being 
a member of the Communist Party ? Has the Communist Party paid 
you anything for being a member of it ? 

(The witness confers with his counsel.) 

Mr. Lawrie. I am going to refuse to answer any questions that 
refer to communism^ — in this committee under the fifth amendment. 

Mr. Wheeler. Where are you presently employed ? 

Mr. Lawrie. I am going to make the same statement as I made 
before, that, due to the fact that many working people were fired from 
their jobs at the last hearing, that I am liable to the same thing 
happening to me, lose my source of income and 

Mr. Wheeler. Were you fired from your job after the hearings here 
last June? 

Mr. Lawrie. No, not I, because I wasn't here. 

Mr. Wheeler. Where were you ? 

Mr. Lawrie. I was working. 

Mr. Wheeler. "Wliere? 

Mr. Lx\WRiE. I am going to have to speak to my counsel for a second. 

(The witness confers with his counsel.) 

Mr. Wheeler. Were you on an underground assignment at that 
time for the Communist JParty ? 

Mr. Lawrie. I said I would like to speak to my counsel at the present 
time. 

Mr. M0U1.DER. You may confer wnth your counsel. 

(The witness confers with his counsel.) 

Mr. Lawrie. I am through conferring with counsel. 

It seems to me that there are two questions. One is where I am 
working now. And the other is did I have anything to do with the 
Communist underground. 

Mr. Wheeler. You weren't responsive to the first question. We 
are now proceeding along with the interrogation to another question. 

Mr. Lawrie. Which question are you asking now ? 

Mr. Wheeler. I am asking if you were on an underground assign- 
ment for the Communist Party last June. 

(The witness confers with his counsel.) 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 321 

Mr. Lawrie. Well, if it will help the committee any, as I said in 
the beginning, that any and all questions that I am going to have to — 
due to the many oppressive and repressive laws, both on the Federal 
and State level, I am going to have to invoke the first amendment and 
the fifth amendment, which have to do with communism or anything 
of that category. 

Mr. Wheeler. Where were you last June ? 'Wliat part of the coun- 
try? Where were you residing? 

(The witness confers with his counsel.) 

Mr. Wheeler. Let the record show that he is conferring with 
counsel. 

Mr. Lawrie. I was in the State of Washington. 

Mr. Wheeler. What part of Washington? 

Mr. Lawrik. I would say it was Everett. 

Mr, Wheeler. Now, Mrs. Hartle identified you as organizational 
secretary of the central region of the Communist Party during some 
time in the last few years. 

J^Ir. Lawrie. Are you referring to a possible future Harvey Matu- 
sow, one that swears one thing one day and then, the next day, swears 
something else? 

Mr. Moulder. But you are refusing to deny or affirm the charges. 
You have tlie opportunity to show that Barbara Hartle, referred to 
by you as a so-called Matusow, was telling a falsehood. But you are 
refusing to do that. You refuse to say whether she is telling a false- 
hood or telling the truth. 

Mr. Lawrie. If it will help this committee any, as I stated before, 
that' due to the many oppressive and repressive laws, both on the 
Federal and State level, I am going to decline to answer that question 
under the firet and fifth amendments. 

]\Ir. Moulder. Proceed with the next question. 

jMr. AVheeler. Are you a member of tlie Communist Party today ? 

(The witness confers with his counsel.) 

Mr. Lawrie. The same answer. 

Mr. Wheeler. No furtlier questions, Mr. Chairman. 

Mr. Velde. I do want to make this observation. Here again we 
have a witness who follows the usual line of the Communist Party. 

It is my belief that the witness, from his behavior on the witness 
stand, is presently engaged in Communist Party activities. I feel it 
is improbable that you will change your mind from the attitude you 
have taken. 

I very much regret to say that I do feel you are engaged at the» 
present time in activities whicli are harmful to the preservation of 
our constitutional form of government. 

Mr. Moulder. May I ask did you ever answer the question as to 
where you were now employed ? 

Was that question ever answered ? 

Mr. Wheeler. No. 

Mr. Moulder. Then I ask you that question. Where are you now 
employed? 

(The witness confers with his counsel.) 



52222— 55— pt. 1- 



322 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 

Mr. Lawrie. I am employed at the present time by the Weyer- 
hauser Timber Co. 

Mr. Moulder. The witness is excused. 

( Wiiereupon the witness was excused.) 

Mr. Moulder. Call the next witness. 

Mr. Wheeler. Edward Brook Carmichael. 

Mr. Moulder. Hold up your right hand and be sworn. 

Do 3'OU solemnly swear that the testimony which you are about to 
give before this committee will be the truth, the whole truth, and 
nothing but the truth, so help you, God? 

Mr. Carmichael. I do. 

TESTIMONY OF EDWAED BROOK CAEMICHAEL, JR., ACCOMPANIED 
BY HIS COUNSEL, SARAH H. LESSER 

Mr. WHEEiiER. Will the witness state his full name, please ? 

Mr. Carmichael. Edward Brook Carmichael, Jr. 

Mr. Wheeler. And where do you reside, Mr. Carmichael? 

Mr. Carmichael. At Monroe. 

Mr. Wheeler. Monroe, Wash. ? 

Mr. Carmichael. Monroe, Wash. 

Mr. Wheeler. "\'\niere were you born and when? 

Mr. Carmicliael. In Washington. 

Mr. Wheeler. What date ? 

Mr. Carmichael. 1917. 

Mr. MouLTER. Are you represented by counsel who appeal's now 
before the committee ? 

Mr. Carmichael. Yes. 

Mr. Moulder. Would your attorney please state her name ? 

Miss Lesser. My name is Sarah H. Lesser, and I am a member of 
the Seattle bar. 

INIr. Wheeler. Where are you presently employed? 

Mr. Car^iichael. Washington State Reformatory at Monroe. 

Mr. Wheeler. What is your position there? 

Mr. Carmichael. Supervisory cook. 

Mr. Wheeler. How long have you been so employed? 

( The witness confers with his counsel. ) 

Mr. Carmichael. Four years. 

Mr. Wheeler. Would you advise the committee of your educational 
background ? 

Mr. Carmichael. High-school graduate. 

Mr. Wheeler. Of what school, please ? 

Mr. Carmichael. Sultan LTnion High School. 

Mr. Wheeler. How were you employed prior to your employment 
by the Washington State Reformatory at Monroe? 

(The witness confers with his counsel.) 

Mr. Carmichael. By the privilege granted me under the fifth 
amendment, I decline to answer that question. 

Mr. Wheeler. On all employment prior to the time you went to 
Avork with the State or for the State of Washington? 

(The witness confers with his counsel.) 

Mr. Carmichael. For the same reason, I decline to answer. 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 323 

Mr. Wheeler. In what year did you graduate from high school ? 

(The witness confers with his counsel.) 

Mr. Caiuviichael. 1935. 

Mr. Wheeler. You are pleading the fifth amendment on the ques- 
tion of all employment from 1935 to 1951? Am I correct in that? 

(The witness confers with his counsel.) 

Mr. Carmichael. That is correct. 

Mr. Wheeler. Have you traveled outside of the United States? 

(The witness confers with his counsel.) 

Mr. Carmichael. I decline to answer for the same reasons as stated 
before. 

Mr. Wheeler. Have you served in the Armed Forces of the United 
States? 

(The witness confers with his counsel.) 

Mr. Carmichael. Yes. 

Mr. Wheeler. During what period of time ? 

(The witness confers with his counsel.) 

Mr. Carmichael. From April 1945, until August 1946. 

Mr. Wheeler. Did you receive an honorable discharge ? 

Mr. Carmichael. Yes. 

Mr. Wheeler. Have you served in the armed forces of any country 
other than the United States? 

(The witness confers with his counsel.) 

Mr. Carmichael. I will decline to answer that for the same reasons 
as stated before. 

Mr. Wheeler. Is it a fact that you were a member of the Abraham 
Lincoln Brigade in Spain ? 

(The witness confers with his counsel.) 

Mr. Carmichael. The answer is the same as before. 

Mr. Velde. Mr. Chairman, I think it would be appropriate at this 
point to place in the record that the Abraham Lincoln Brigade has 
been cited by the Attorney General and by the House Committee on 
Un-American Activities and by various other committees as being 
subversive. 

Mr. Wheeler. I hand you a passport application signed by E, Brook 
Carmichael, and it was subscribed to and sworn to on the 30th day 
of June 1937. Did you execute this application? 

(The witness examines document and confers with his counsel.) 

Mr. Carmichael. I decline to answer on the basis of the fifth amend- 
ment. 

Mr. Wheeler. Would you look at the second page and advise the 
committee whether or not that is your signature ? It is about halfway 
down. 

(The witness examines the document and confers with his counsel.) 

Mr. Carmichael. I decline to answer for the same reason. 

Mr. Wheeler. You will notice a photograph on the second page. 
Is that a photograph you submitted for the application? 
(The witness confers with his counsel.) 

Mr. Carmichael. I decline to answer for the same reason. 

Mr. Wheeler. Mr. Chairman, I would like to introduce this doc- 
ument as Carmichael Exhibit No. 1. 

Mr. Moulder. It is so admitted. 



324 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 
Cabmichael Exhtbit Xo. 1 



(The document above referred to, marked "Carmichael Exhibit 
No. 1," for identification, is filed herewith and made a part of the 
record.) 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 325 




]\Ir. Moulder. Is that a picture of you on that document ? 
(The witness confers with his counsel.) 

Mr. Carmichael. I decline to answer on the grounds stated before. 
Mr. Wheeler. Have you ever been expelled from a union for Com- 
munist Party affiliations? 



326 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 

(The witness confers with his counsel.) 

Mr. Car:michael,. I decline to answer for the same reasons. 

]Mr. Wheeler. Our records show that you were a member of the 
regional committee, Northwest Region, 12th District, Communist 
Party, as late as 1950. Is that correct? 

(The witness confers with his counsel.) 

Mr. Carmichael. I decline to answer under the protection of the 
fifth amendment. 

Mr. Wheeler. Also a member of the Sultan Section 51. Is that 
correct ? 

(The witness confers with his counsel.) 

Mr. Carmichael. I decline to answer for the same reason. 

Mr. Wheeler. Also that you have been a member of the Com- 
munist Party in this area, and a functionary on many occasions for the 
past 18 years. Is that correct? 

(The witness confers with his counsel.) 

Mr. Carmichael. I decline to answer for the same reason. 

Mr. Wheeler. When you became employed by the State of Wash- 
ington did you sign a loyalty oath of any kind ? 

(The witness confers with his counsel.) 

Mr. Carmichael. I decline to answer for the same reason. 

Mr. Wheeler, Mr. Chairman, I have no further questions. 

Mr. Moulder. Any questions, Mr. Velde? 

Mr. Velde. You have declined to answer whether or not you were 
a member of the Abraham Lincoln Brigade. Is that right? 

(The witness confers with his counsel.) 

Mr. Carmichael. I declined to answer for the same reason. 

Mr. Velde. Did you ever know Steve Nelson? 

Steve Nelson, for you information, was a member of the Abraham 
Lincoln Brigade and one of the Communist Party organizers from 
Alameda County, Calif. 

Mr. Carmichael. I decline to answer for the same reasons. 

Mr. Velde. Are you now a member of the Communist Party ? 

(The witness confers with his counsel.) 

Mr. Carmichael. I decline to answer for the same reason. 

Mr. Velde. No further questions. 

Mr. Moulder. The witness will be excused. 

(Whereupon the witness was excused.) 

Call the next witness, Mr. Wheeler. 

Mr. Wheeler. Mr. Ed Carlson, please. 

Mr. Carlsoist. Mr. Chairman, because I do have quite a headache^ 
and it bothers me very badly, I wish to refrain from those snapping 
pictures. 

Mr. Moulder. The photographers will not take pictures while he is 
testifying. 

Hold up your right hand and be sworn. 

Do you solemnly swear that the testimony which you are about to 
give before this committee will be the truth, the whole truth, and noth- 
ing but the truth, so help you God ? 

Mr. Carlson. I do. 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 327 

TESTIMONY OF EDWIN A. CARLSON, ACCOMPANIED BY HIS 
COUNSEL, JAY G. SYKES 

Mr. Wheeler. Will you state your full name. 

Mr. Carlson. Edwin A. Carlson. 

Mr. Wheeler. I see you are represented by counsel. Will counsel 
identify himself for the record? 

Mr. Sykes. Jay G. Sykes. 

Mr. Wheeler. AVhen and where were you born, Mr. Carlson? 

Mr. Carlson. I was born in Grantsburor, Wis., 1909. 

Mr. Wheeler. How long have you lived in the State of Washington ? 

Mr. Carlson. Since 1940. 

Mr. Wheeler. And where did you live prior to 1940 ? 

Mr. Carlson. At Cloverton, Minn. 

Mr. Wheeler. And what is your occuj)ation ? 

(The witness confers with his counsel.) 

Mr. Carlson. I am a machinist. 

Mr. Wheeler. Being a machinist, are you affiliated with any union, 
or are you a member of any union ? 

Mr. Carlson. Because the answer to that question may tend to in- 
criminate me, I invoke the fifth amendment of the United States Con- 
stitution, and refuse to answer it. 

Mr. Wheeler. Is it not true that you are a member of the machinists 
union, A. F. of L. ? 

(The witness confers with his counsel.) 

Mr. Carlson. Mr. Chairman, I would like to explain that there are 
3 branches of the machinists union in the city of Seattle. 

(The witness confers with his counsel.) 

Mr. Carlson. Which one do you mean ? 

Mr. Wheeler. Any one of the three. 

(The witness confers with his counsel.) 

Mr. Carlson. I must invoke the fifth amendment to that question, 
and refuse to answer. 

IVIr. AVheeler. Are you presently employed ? 

(The witness confers with his counsel.) 

Mr. Carlson. I am unemployed at the present time. 

Mr. Wheeler. I would like to read a telegram. This telegram was 
sent by one Ed Carlson, member of the machinists union, is so identi- 
fied, and appears in part 11 (appendix), page 6748, of the hearings 
held here in June 1954. It is dated Seattle, Wash., June 19, 1954, and 
addressed to the Velde committee, Seattle. 

Dear Sirs : I see by the paper that Mrs. Hartle names one Ed Carlson as a 
member of the Communist Party in the machinists union. I presume I am the 
individual referred to. So that the record is straight, let me insert this into 
the record for all to see and hear. 

It did not take me 20 years to decide that the Communist Party was not the 
answer to the problems as I see them. In fact, I am very nearly positive it was 
Mrs. Hartle who tried to persuade me to reconsider my decision to discontinue 
my affiliations, which is now approximately 5 years ago. 

I do believe that my many friends and acquaintances are entitled to this ad- 
ditional clarification of the facts. 
Sincerely, 

Ed Carlson, 
Memher of Machinists Union. 



328 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 

Did you send that telegram, Mr. Carlson ? 

(The witness confers with his counsel.) 

Mr. Carlson. Yes ; I did. 

Mr. Wheeler. Were you a member of the Communist Party ? 

(The witness confers with his counsel.) 

Mr. Carlson. Will you specify the date that you are referring 
to? 

Mr. Wheeler. Have you ever been a member of the Communist 
Party? 

(The witness confers with his counsel.) 

Mr. Carlson. Mr. Chairman, I am not a member of the Communist 
Party today. But in regards to whether I ever have been one, the 
tinswer may tend to incriminate me, and I refuse to answer. 

Mr. Moulder, In other words, during the past 5 years, as I under- 
stand the telegram, you have not been a member of the Communist 
Party? 

(The witness confers with his counsel.) 

Mr. Carlson. Yes ; that is correct, 

Mr. Moulder. In other words, 5 years ago you disassociated your- 
self from any connection with the Communist Party movement. Is 
that so ? Approximately 5 years ago ? 

(The witness confers with his counsel.) 

Mr. Moulder. It all amounts to the same thing since you answered 
the question by simply saying that during the last 5 years you have 
not been associated with the Communist Party, as I understand it 
from your attempt or your endeavor to clear yourself here. And 
that I would certainly like to see you do. 

Mr. Carlson. ]Mr, Chairman, the question of association is so veiy 
broad that I feel that you should make that question more specific. 

(The witness confers with his counsel.) 

Mr. Moulder, By disassociating yourself it is not meant by that if 
you happened to be around someone who might have been a member of 
the Communit Party. I mean did you yourself, in your belief, your 
philosophy, your way of thinking and your way of activities, disasso- 
ciate yourself from the Communist Party approximately 5 years ago ? 
Is that so? 

(The witness confers with his counsel.) 

Mr. Carlson. Mr. Chairman, I never have — ^I did not participate 
^jnowingly with the Communist Party during that period. 

Mr. Moulder. Are you now referring to the past 5 years? 

Mr. Carlson. That is correct. 

Mr. Moulder. May I ask you this question : 

Is your attitude and opinion concerning Communist Party activities 
now different than 5 years ago? 

(The witness confers with his counsel.) 

Mr. Carlson. Mr, Chairman, I can't specifically state what my 
opinions are, I just am in utter confusion. 

Mr. Moulder. It is not the purpose of this committee, it is not our 
intention, Mr. Velde and I or Mr. Wheeler, to confuse anyone or to 
commit any injustice toward you. 

I am impressed by your appearance and your endeavor to try to 
come forward and make a clean statement or explanation. And I 
think it would be to your benefit for you to do it for your own interest, 
I am sure it would be. 



COjVCVIUNIST activities in the SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 329 

You infer that maj^be at one time yon may have had some connection 
with Communist Party activities. You probably have some reason- 
able explanation for which you maybe couldn't or wouldn't necessarily 
be criticized or condemned. 

Mr. Carlson. It is very hard for me to understand what you are 
saying. Some of the words I do not catch. 

Would you speak a little louder, please ? 

Mr. ]MouLDER. May I ask you this question : 

Are you now a member of the Communist Party ? 

(The witness confers with his counsel.) 

Mr. Carlson. No. 

Mr. Moulder. Do you now believe in the Communist Party phi- 
losophy or its objectives ? 

(The witness confers with his counsel.) 

Mr. Carlson. Well, Mr. Chairman, in the light of all the testimony 
that I have read in the papers and heard, I really don't know what it 
is about, I don't really know what they do stand for. I am confused 
in my own mind. 

Mr. Velde. It is not the purpose or intention of this committee, and 
I can very well speak for all of the members of the committee, to get 
you into a position where you are in contempt of Congress. I concur 
with Mr. Moulder in his statement a few moments ago. I think that 
you do have a problem. I think that you are confused about the situa- 
tion. Nevertheless, you do have, in my opinion, some information 
which would be valuable to this committee. At the same time you 
could clear your own conscience, so to speak, if you would give us the 
benefit of the information you have regarding your Communist Party 
connections. 

So I am going to ask, Mr. Chairman, that the witness be excused 
and be given a chance to consult with his attorney and think the 
proposition over, and possibly he may decide to return and give us 
the information which we believe he has. 

Mr. Moulder. I think that is a splendid suggestion Mr. Velde has 
made. 

You will be excused until tomorrow morning. You think this over, 
and in the meantime, if you wish to talk to any of the investigators 
or counsel or any member of tlie committee, we would be happy to 
talk to you. Give it serious thought. 

You will be excused until 9 o'clock in the morning. 

(Wliereupon the witness was excused until 9 o'clock the following 
morning.) 

Mr. Moulder. Call the next witness, Mr. Wheeler. 

Mr. Wheeler. Edmund Kroener. 

Mr. Moulder. Do you solemnly sw^ear that the testimony which 
you ai-e about to give before this committee will be the truth, the whole 
truth and nothing but the truth, so help you God ? 

Mr. Kroener. I do. 



530 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 

TESTIMONY OF EDMUND D. KROENER, ACCOMPANIED BY HIS 
COUNSEL, C. CALVERT KNUDSEN 

Mr, Wheeler. Will you state your full name, please ? 

Mr. Kkoener. Edmund D. Kroener. 

Mr, Wheeler. Will counsel for the witness identify himself for 
the record ? 

Mr. Knudsen. C. Calvert Knudsen. And may the record show that 
I am, Mr. Chairman, if you please, the treasurer of the Seattle Bar 
Association, and, at the request of that association and at the request 
of this gentleman, I am undertaking to represent him at this hearing 
inasmuch as he is financially unable to obtain other counsel, 

Mr, Moulder, The record will so reflect the statement made by 
counsel, 

Mr, Velde. May I make this remark? 

In connection with our hearings last June it was mentioned several 
times that the mere fact that an attorney represents a witness who 
might be a fifth amendment witness should be no reflection whatso- 
ever on the attorney. And I am sure that is true of all the attorneys 
who have appeared here today. 

Mr. Moulder. It is your duty to be here in the capacity in which 
you appear here today, in the honor of your own profession. 

Mr. Knudsen. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, 

Mr. Wheeler. Will you spell your name, please? 

Mr. Kroener. K-r-o-e-n-e-r. 

Mr, Wheeler. Do you presently reside in Seattle ? 

Mr. Kroener. Yes. 

Mr. Wheeler. What is your occupation, Mr. Kroener ? 

Mr. Kroener. Work as a machinist. 

Mr. Wheeler. Are you presently employed ? 

Mr. Kroener. No ; I am not. 

Mr. Wheeler. Being a machinist, are you a member of any union ? 

(The witness confers with his counsel.) 

Mr. Kroener. I wish to invoke, on answering that, the fifth amend- 
ment, on the grounds that it may incriminate me. 

Mr. Wheeler. Are vou a member of the International Association 
of Machinists, A. F. of L. ? 

Mr. Kroener. Again I wish to invoke the fifth amendment. 

Mr. Wheeler. Have they instituted charges against you to remove 
you from membership in the union? 

Mr. Kroener. Again I wish to invoke the fifth amendment. 

Mr. Wheeler. What has been your educational background, Mr. 
Kroener ? 

Mr. Kroener. First half year of the eighth grade of grammar 
school. 

Mr. Wheeler. In Seattle ? 

Mr. Kroener. Yes. 

Mr. Wheeler. How have you been employed ? 

Mr. Kroener. When I was younger I worked in logging camps 
and did odd jobs in the steel mills, and as a welder. And, oh, since 
about 1941 aiid 1942 I have worked in the machine trade. 

Mr. Wheeler. In the machine trade? 

Mr. Kroener. Yes. 



COJVIMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 331 

Mr. Wheeler. For what companies have you worked as a machinist ? 

Mr. Kroener. I don't remember all of them exactly, and I couldn't 
say the times I have worked for a number of the uptown shops and 
marine yards in Seattle. Some of them have gone out of business. 
Gibson's has gone out of business. And I worked at Washington Iron 
Works and marine yards around Seattle. 

Mr. Wheeler. Do you know who just preceded you on the witness 
stand ? 

(The witness confers with his counsel.) 

Mr. Kroener. I wish to again invoke the fifth amendment on the 
grounds of self-incrimination. 

Mr. Wheeler. Were you present in the hearing room when Mr. 
Eugene Robel testified ? 

Mr. Kroener. I was present. 

Mr. Wheeler. Are you acquainted with him ? 

Mr. Kroener. Again I wish to invoke the fifth amendment. 

Mr. Wheeler. Were you present in the hearing room when Mr. 
Harold Johnston testified ? 

Mr. Kroener. I was present. 

Mr. Wheeler. Are you acquainted with Mr. Harold Johnston ? 

Mr. Kroener. Again I wish to invoke the fifth amendment. 

Mr. Wheeler. Is it a fact that the three individuals I just men- 
tioned, along with you and other people, were members of a cell within 
the machinists union ? 

Mr. Kroener. Again I wish to invoke the fifth amendment on the 
grounds of self-incrimination. 

Mr. MotTLDER. Do you have any knowledge as to the action taken 
by a machinists union referred to by Mr. Wheeler in expelling mem- 
bers from that union where there is evidence of their Communist 
aiRliations? 

Mr. Kroener. I believe there may be some such program going on, 
but I am not too well acquainted with it. So I couldn't answer it too 
•clearly. 

Mr. Moulder. Is the reason why you refuse to answer because of the 
fear you might be expelled from the union ? 

(The witness confers with his counsel.) 

Mr. Kroener. Again I wish to invoke the fifth amendment on the 
ground that the answer may tend to incriminate me. 

Mr. Moulder. Do you have knowledge and information that the 
union referred to is exercising its efforts to rid its ranks of persons 
who are Communists ? 

Mr. Kroener. Again I wish to invoke the fifth amendment. 

Mr. Moulder. I liope the witness has contributed to the union's 
effort. 

Mr. Wheeler. When and where you were born, Mr. Kroener ? 

Mr. Kroener. Seattle, Wash., April 8, 1920. 

Mr. Wheeler. Are you acquainted Avith Mrs. Barbara Hartle ? 

Mr. Kroener. Again I invoke the fifth amendment. 

Mr. Wheeler. Did you know that Mrs. Hartle, in her testimony as 
a witness before this committee in June 1954, identified you as a mem- 
ber of the Communist Party ? 



332 COjMjX'IUNIST activities in the SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 

Mr. Kroener. Again I invoke the fifth amendment on the grounds 
of self-incrimination. 

Mr. Wheeler. Have no comment other than that concerning her 
testimony ? 

Mr. Kroener. No. 

Mr. Velde. Mr. Wlieeler, do you have the testimony of Mrs. Hartle 
there? 

Mr. Wheeler. I do, sir. 

Mr. Velde. Will you read it for the record, please? 

Mr. Wheeler. Mrs. Hartle, during a portion of the testimony dis- 
cussing the industrial branch of the Communist Party, was questioned 
by Mr. Tavenner : 

Will you tell the committee, please, whether or not there was any important 
function that Elmer Thrasher performed in the industrial section of the party? 

Mrs. Hartle. He was chairman of a branch in the industrial section, in the 
building trades. He was a member of one of the building-trades unions — the 
carpenters union. 

Another one whom I recall is Ed Kroener. He lived in the Duwamish Bend 
area, in the Duwamish Bend housing project, with his wife, Donna Kroener, who 
was a member of the south King region and the Duwamish Bend Club, but he 
was a member of the industrial section inasmuch as he was a member of the 
Machinists Union, Local No. 79. 

Do you wish to comment on that testimony, Mr. Kroener ? 

Mr. Kroener. No. 

Mr. Velde. To what period of time was Mrs. Hartle referring? 

Mr. Wheeler. To what period of time, Mr. Kroener, was she 
referring ? 

Mr. Kroener, Again I wish to invoke the fiftli amendment on the 
grounds of self-incrimination. 

Mr. Wheeler. Mr. Kroener, did you at any time participate as an 
individual within the Progressive Party in 1948 in the State of 
Washington ? 

Mr. Kroener. Again I wish to invoke the fifth amendment on the 
grounds of self-incrimination. 

Mr. Wheeler. Are you a member of the Communist Party today? 

Mr. Kroener. Again I wish to invoke the fifth amendment on the 
grounds of self-incrimination. 

Mr. Wheeler. I have no further questions, Mr. Chairman. 

Mr. Moulder. Mr. Velde? 

Mr. Velde. I have just one brief question. How could your ac- 
quaintanceship with Mrs. Hartle or Mr. Johnston or the other wit- 
nesses whom you were asked about tend to incriminate you ? 

(The witness confers with his counsel.) 

Mr. Kroener. The answer to that question may open up a whole 
field of other questions, and, therefore, I wish to invoke the fifth 
amendment on the grounds of self-incrimination. 

Mr. Moulder. Do you have anything else you wish to say in 
explanation of your presence or your appearance here? 

Are you married ? 

Mr. Kroener. Yes. 

Mr. Moulder. Do you have a family ? 

Mr. Kroener. Yes. 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 333 

Mr. Moulder. Did you serve in the Armed Forces of tlie United 
States? 

Mr. IvROENER. Yes. 

Mr. Moulder. In what capacity and what branch ? 

Mr. Kroener. I was in the Marine Corps, 1944, 1945, and 1946, 
South Pacific and China. 

Mr. Moulder. Is there anything further you wish to say ? 

Mr. Ivroener. That is all. 

Mr. Moulder. The witness is excused. 

(Whereupon the witness was excused.) 

The committee will stand recessed until tomorrow morning at 9 
o'clock. 

(Whereupon, at 4 : 57 p. m., the committee was recessed, to he recon- 
vened at 9 a. m., Friday, March 18, 1955.) 



INVESTIGATION OF COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE 
SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 



FKIDAY, MARCH 18, 1955 

United States House of Representatives, 

Subcommittee of the 
Committee on Un-Americax Activities, 

/Seattle, Wa^sh. 

PUBLIC HEARING 

A subcommittee of the Committee on Un-American Activities met,, 
pursuant to recess, at 9 a. m., in Room 402, County- City Building, 
Seattle, Wash., Hon. Morgan M. Moulder (chairman) presiding. 

Committee members present : Representatives Morgan M. Moulder 
(chairman) and Harold H. Velde (appearance as noted). 

Staff members present: Frank S. Tavenner, Jr., counsel; William 
A. Wheeler, staff investigator. 

Mr. Moulder. The subcommittee will be in order. 

Mr. Counsel, call the witness you wish to examine. 

Mr. Tavenner. Mr. Chairman, I would like to recall Mr. Dennett 
at this time. 

TESTIMONY OF EUGENE VICTOR DENNETT, ACCOMPANIED BY HIS 
COUNSEL, KENNETH A. MacDONALD— Resumed 

Mr. Tavenner. It is noted, Mr. Dennett, that your counsel is not 
with you. Do you prefer to wait until he arrives before ])roceeding ? 

Mr. Dennett. It doesn't make any particular difference. I am 
sure my counsel intends to be here as soon as he can get here, but there 
is no need to delay. 

Mr, Tavenner. I understand he is in the corridor, so we will wait 
until he arrives. 

(At this point Kenneth A. MacDonald, counsel to the witness, 
entered the hearing room.) 

Mr. Tavenner. When you left the stand yesterday, Mr. Dennett, we 
were speaking of your experience in the Communist Party at Belling- 
ham. Will you please describe to the committee what additional 
activities of the Communist Party you engaged in while at Bellingham. 

Mr. Dennett. I believe, sir, that I recounted that the Communist 
Party was active in the unemployed movement, and our membership 
grew from 7 to approximately 160 in the course of a year's time, and 
that we had proceeded to reorient that membership in the party from 
exclusive work in the unemployment councils to working in an organ- 
ization known as the People's Councils, which was organized by non- 
party people. 

335 



336 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 

The two leaders of that organization at that time were Mr. M. M. 
London and Mr. George Bradley. 

The Communist Party was quite disturbed that there was such an 
effective organization in existence which was not directly under our 
leadership. 

Mr. Tavenner. What was the name of that organization ? 

Mr. Dennett. The People's Councils. Consequently, one of our 
major objectives was to win that leadership to support the party posi- 
tion one way or another. We had had previous experience with Mr. 
London and we considered that it was not possible to win Mr. London 
back to — or to support the party. Therefore, w^e concentrated our 
attention on Mr. Bradley, and ultimately won him to support the party 
and the party position in opposition to Mr. London. 

Mr. Tavenner. When you say you won Mr. Bradley to the support 
of the Communist Party position, do you mean to indicate that he 
became a member of the Communist Party ? 

Mr. Dennett. Yes ; he did. He became a m.ember of the Communist 
Party after my constant agitation with him had convinced him that 
the Communist Party program was a sounder program and a better 
progi'am than the one that they were pursuing in the People's Councils. 

And Mr. Bradley was unable to convince Mr. London, and they 
became at some conflict in point of view on that. 

Mr. Tamsnner. The organization there known as the Unemployed 
Councils, if I understood your testimony correctly, was a Communist- 
organized group ? 

Mr. Dennett. That is true. The Unemployed Council was organ- 
ized by the Communist Party, and it was our policy throughout that 
entire period to insist that all unemployed organizations, if they were 
to truly represent the unemployed, had to affiliate with the Unem- 
ployed Councils. 

Now in the case of the People's Councils, we tried to get them to 
affiliate with the National Unemployed Councils. They never did. 
Even after we won Bradley to our support the rest of the membership 
still would not agree to direct affiliation wdth the National LTnem- 
ployed Council. Instead, they felt that they had a greater kinship 
and association with the Unemployed Citizens Leagues, which had 
been organized in the city of Seattle and in various parts of the State 
of Washington under the leadership of anti-Communists who had 
originally come from the labor movement in the city of Seattle. 

There were three particular leaders of the Unemployed Citizens 
League who organized it at the outset. 

And I am not sure that I related yesterday how serious the uneni- 
ployment problem was in the city of Seattle, but I am sure that if 
anyone w^ould take the trouble to look up the records they would find 
that at one time there were over 90,000 families in the city of Seattle 
who were dependent upon public assistance to maintain themselves 
and their families. 

There was no private employment in the city. The only pereons 
who were receiving paychecks were those who were working for either 
the State, Federal, or city governments. And under those circum- 
stances the problem was A'^ery, very acute. The tax rolls were over- 
taxed. I mean by that that the tax burden was greater than the 
city was able to bear. The city treasury was soon exhausted trying 



COJVIMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH,, AREA 337 

to maintain the citizens who were unemployed through no fault of 
their own. 

Soon the county budget was exhausted, and they were perplexed. 
The problem was far more serious and far more acute than the 
average person today can possibly comprehend unless he looks at the 
statistics, which are available, 1 am sure, in some of the research 
libraries. 

I sj)eak of that about the city of Seattle because I have some knowl- 
edge of it from personal experience. The same situation existed in 
nearly every small city in the State of Washington at that time. I 
cannot testify as to what the condition was in other parts of the 
country. 

But it was that condition which opened the door for widespread 
organization on the part of workers and unaffiliated and disaffiliated 
people, and it was when they came into these organizations that it be- 
came possible for the Communists to begin to hammer away with 
the class-struggle line of tactics and the insistence that a relentless 
fight must be waged against the capitalist system and blame the 
capitalist system for this condition of unemployment. 

It created a problem, too, for those who held public office because 
they did not know what to do about it. And, frankly, it wasn't pos- 
sible for any local people to solve the problem. It had to be dealt 
Avith on a national scale, on a national basis. 

It was not until after the new administration took office in 1933 
that steps were taken which made it possible to start the wheels of 
industry in motion again. And as those wheels of industry got started 
in motion it was possible for these workers to find jobs. And when 
tliey started finding jobs they left the unemployed organizations. 
When they left the unemployed organizations they got out from under 
the immediate influence of the Communists who had entered those 
organizations, and, in many instances, obtained control. 

1 am speaking specifically of the Unemployed Citizens League, the 
People's CounciJs, and I think that there were some other organizations 
around here that I have forgotten the names of. 

I think that there was one called the United Producers of Washing- 
ton that was created over in Pierce County which was affiliated with 
the Unemployed Citizens League. 

There were many different names of these organizations, and they 
assumed different forms. But essentially they all performed the same 
function. They provided a center around Avhich people could begin 
to develop their own ideas and listen to other people's ideas. 

I would certainly like to make certain that everj^one understands 
that that kind of problem has to be dealt with also with ideas. 

Mr. Tavexxer. You made reference to unemployment citizens' 
leagues. Were there such organizations in Bellingham^ 

Mr. Dennett. No, there were not. The People's Councils per- 
formed all the functions which the Unemployed Citizens Leagues 
would do, pins the fact that the People's Councils also developed some 
political aspirations. I mean they did embark upon an indep ident 
political campaign, and they did run candidates for public office. 
That was largely due to the influence of the Communist Party there. 
Remember 1932? We were insistent that they not support either the 

62222— 53— pt. 1 7 



338 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 

Democratic or Republican Parties because we branded them as capi- 
talist parties, and we insisted that the only way it was possible for the 
workers to obtain what they wanted was through their own party. 

We succeeded in prevailing upon the People's Councils to run their 
independent candidates, and some of them came very close to election 
to office. They didn't quite make it. 

Mr. Tavenner. Mr. Dennett, I think it would be of value to the 
committee to understand as fully as possible the methods used by the 
Communist Party in that period in causing the Unemployed Councils 
to take various courses of action in Bellingliam and Seattle, and to 
understand to what extent the Communist Party was successful in 
using other organizations which it did not control. 
Mr. Dennett. I can think of two very graphic illustrations of that- 
One occurred in the city of Seattle at the time the unemployed oc- 
cupied this building for 3 solid days. The Unemployed Citizens 
Leagues in the city of Seattle were anti-Communist; their leadership 
was anti-Communist. But they were confronted with the budget run- 
ning low, the city funds exhausted, and the county commissioners were 
confronted with the dilemma of what to do with their funds diminish- 

The county commissioners at that time ordered a cut in the amount 
of relief which would be allowed. When they did that it placed the 
anti-Communist leadership in the Unemployed Citizens Leagues in 
a most embarrassing position because we in the Communist Party 
and in the Unemployed Councils had been very critical of everything 
which the Unemployed Citizens Leagues had been doing and which 
their leaders had been doing. 

When this cut occurred we blamed the leaders of the Unemployed 
Citizens Leagues for permitting it. We didn't know that these leaders 
had been opposing the cut. We didn't know what their actual atti- 
tude was. But we very soon found out because these leaders were so 
desperate that they decided to make a march on the County-City 
Building where the commissioners were to meet in a room similar to 
this one. And it was their intention to demand at that time that the 
cuts not be put into effect. 

However, the demonstration proved to be much larger and had much 
more support than the leaders of the Unemployed Citizens Leagues 
^anticipated, and the Communists — I remember it very well because 
I was on the district bureau at that time — and we found ourselves 
not in the leadership of a militant action, and we were embarrassed 
and fearful that if we didn't get into the act that we would be blamed 
by the national leadership. 

And we didn't have any contacts in the Unemployed Citizens League 
leadership, and we didn't know what to do. So we debated the ques- 
tion for about 30 hours in 1 continuous bureau meeting. Following 
that meeting we decided that it was best for us to join the demonstra- 
tion regardless, whether we had contact or not, and we issued leaflets 
and called upon our members to join in the demonstration. 

(At this point Representative Harold H. Velde entered the hearing 
room). 

Mr. DENNET'r. In the process of doing so we received a bigger re- 
sponse than we expected. In other words, the need was more acute 
than even the most closest observers realized. Consequently, there 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 339 

were about 6,000 people down here in this building. They couldn't 
all get into the chambers. They crowded the hallways, they crowded 
several floors of the building. And some of the commissioners got so 
scared of the demonstration that they tried to run out. They tried 
to avoid meeting the leaders. 

As a result, the demonstrators decided they would stay until they 
did meet the leaders, until they met the commissioners. And it took 
over 3 days before the commissioners finally agreed to meet with the 
committee of this group. 

I happened to be the secretary of that committee at that time, and I 
am sorry that those records that I kept of that demonstration are 
records which I do not have today. They would be quite valuable 
to understand all the things that happened, the chronology of why one 
thing followed another. 

But I am quite convinced and I am quite certain that the account 
I have just given you can be verified by checking the newspaper files 
of that period. 

Mr. Tavenner. Now is it correct to say that the general objectives 
of the Unemployed Councils, which was organized by the Communist 
Part}^, and the general objectives of the Unemployed Citizens Leagues, 
which were anti-Communist in character, were the same in that their 
purpose was to alleviate suffering from unemployment ? Is that true ? 

Mr, Denxett. I think that is generally true with this possible 
exception, that the Communist Party was never satisfied to resolve 
the alleviation of immediate suffering. That was a tactic to win 
wider support and to pursue their further objective of political con- 
trol. 

But, on the other hand, the Unemployed Citizens T^eagues were 
concerned only with the question of getting some relief for the imme- 
diate situation and not fundamentally altering the economic system. 

The Unemployed Councils did strive to change the economic system. 

Mr. Tavenner. That is the point I wanted made clear. This ap- 
pears to be an excellent example of the Communist Party using a situa- 
tion in which all people were interested from the humanity standpoint 
and endeavoring to turn it to its own advantage in developing its 
general objectives. 

Mr. Dennett. I think that is true. 

And while we speak of that point I think that all political parties 
do the same thing. They try to turn things to their own advantage. 
That is the way the Communists try to do it. 

Mr. Ta\'enner. Was there any other development at that period of 
time which would demonstrate how the Communist Party by its or- 
ganizational efforts turned unfortunate situations of this character 
to its own advantage? 

Mr. Dennett. There was another example which seems rather devi- 
ous when you look at it from this perspective, but at that time we 
thought it was quite skillful. 

In the city of Seattle after this embarrassing financial crisis arose 
it became quite clear to everyone that to finance the relief load was 
a problem greater than cities or counties could bear. It r.^quired 
State and Federal assistance. But the State was not helping at that 
time. The State was not doing anything. And the Communists con- 
-ceived the idea of hunger marches. I remember there were national 



340 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES EST THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 

hunger marches. There were also State hunger marches. There were 
county hunger marches. There were hunger marches within cities. 
Wherever the need was acute there were hunger marches. 

And we had more than our share of them here. 

In one, in particular, on one occasion, the Communists raised a de- 
mand for a march on Olympia to demand that the State finance the 
relief load for localities. Our request was for a big bond issue. 

The unemployed councils in the city of Seattle did not have a very 
large following, and it was a hopeless task unless some means could 
be found to prevail upon the unemployed citizens' leagues to take part 
in such a march. But the Unemployed Citizens' League leadership 
was hostile to the Communist leadership in the unemployed councils. 
But through the people's councils we were able to exert some influence 
because we had a considerable Communist leadership developing in 
the ranks of the people's councils in Whatcom County. Strangely 
enough, that organization was in a position where its top leadership 
was friendly with and collaborated with the unemployed citizens' 
leagues in Seattle while those of us in the Communist Party, in the 
ranks of the organization, naturally were following the leadership 
of the national unemployed councils and were friendly with and work- 
ing with the unemployed councils in the city of Seattle. 

Consequently, when the unemployed councils in the city of Seattle 
issued a call for a march on Olympia, that call was transmitted to 
Bellingham where we entered into the people's councils and won a 
majority vote in support of such a march, and with the further request 
that they call upon the unemployed citizens' leagues in Seattle to join 
the march, which they did. They prevailed upon the unemployed 
citizens' leagues to join in the march. 

Consequently, we had two somewhat hostile groups participating in 
the same event, marching on Olympia. 

But when they got to Olympia there was a split. There were two 
demonstrations. And there is a gentleman in this room who sujffered 
as a casualty of one of those demonstrations because at that particular 
time he was a leader in the unemployed citizens leagues. 

The unemployed councils people wanted to chase the leadership of 
the unemployed citizens leagues and the people's councils away from 
the head of that demonstration. And Mr. Jess Fletcher was a cas- 
ualty on that occasion. He was pulled down off of one of the — I for- 
get what you would call it — one of those approaches to the steps. 
And he had a badly crushed ankle as a result of that occasion. 

I was called upon by the district leadership of the party at that 
time to make a speech. I was instructed to expose Mr. London and 
to otherwise denounce the Social-Fascist leaders of those organiza- 
tions. And, of course, being a thoroughly disciplined Communist, I 
did precisely what I was instructed. 

It had some repercussions because when we returned to Bellingham 
I had some other unfortunate experiences about it. 

I should say that in this demonstration in Olympia the Unemployed 
Citizens League people did wait out the Governor and did get a com- 
mittee in to see the Governor, whereas the unemployed councils peo- 
ple left Olympia without seeing the Governor and without accom- 
plishing their objective. 

Mr. Tavenner. If I correctly understand these two illustrations 
which you have described, in one instance the Communist Party 



COI^OiUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 341 

occupied this very building, joined in the activity of the unemployed 
citizens leagues, and attemjDted to obtain for its own credit whatever 
credit could be obtained, wdiereas in the other instance, by devious 
means, they got the other organizations to cooperate with the un- 
employed councils in the march on Olympia. 

^Ir. Dennett. That is true. 

Mr. TA^'l:NNER. The Communist Party reversed its tactics. 

]\Ir. Dennett. That is true. We Avere very flexible people. We 
could do almost anything with our tactics. 

Mr. Tavenner. Therefore, the Communist Party's objectives were 
accomplished in both instances. 

?Ir. Dennett. That is right. And what was even more important 
tf> the party was to be able" to carry a great big newspaper story in 
the Daily Worker to the effect that the revolution was starting be- 
cause the workers had seized the County-City Building in King 
County, State of Washington, and held it for 3 days. 

Mr. Tavenner. Was that used as Communist propaganda over the 
entire United States? 

Mr. Dennett. It was. 

Mr. Taatenner. Up until the time you made that speech at the 
direction of the Communist Party it appears to me that this was a 
cooperative effort between the unemployed councils and the unem- 
ployed citizens leagues in the march on Olympia. Am I correct in 
that? 

Mr. Dennett. It was ; through the people's councils. 

Mr. Taa'enner. But manipulated through the people's councils 
where you had influence ? 

Mr. Dennett. Correct. 

Mr. Ta\'enner. Then after arriving on the scene, you, at the direc- 
tion of the Communist Party, made this attack on the leadership of the 
unemployed citizens leagues. 

Mr. Dennett. And the people's councils. 

Mr. Tavenner. Was the purpose of this attack to utterly destroy 
any effectiveness of those organizations in the accomplislunent of the 
general purpose of the march ? 

Mr. Dennett. Looking back on it from this distance, it certainly 
appears to me that that was its objective. 

Mr. Tavenner. When you returned to Bellingham what reception 
did you receive from these organizations which had in good faith sup- 
ported this march on Olympia ? 

Mr. Dennett. There was a great deal of tension ; open threats were 
made that if I showed my head around anywhere I would have my 
head knocked off. 

However, I was not so easily scared as that. So I showed my head. 
The people's councils had a practice of, which I considered to be most 
democratic, reporting to their membership. 

Following the hunger march they called a mass meeting for the 
purpose of reporting what had been happening, what their success was. 
And these ver}^ leaders of the people's councils w^hom I had denounced 
in Olympia presented tliemselves and reported to their membership. 
In the process of reporting naturall}' they reported my part in the 
affair, and their report aroused a great deal of bitterness among the 
members of the organization. 



342 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 

When I appeared in attendance at the meeting those who were pres- 
ent near me moved about 6 or 8 feet away, leaving me a conspicuous 
figure out in the open spaces. And some of the remarks were directed 
toward me in that meeting. 

I felt at the time that something was Avrong with the situation, of 
what I had done. But I wasn't sure what. I knew, however, that if 
I didn't face it all would be lost. So I chose to face it and take what- 
ever consequences might happen. 

The consequences came very soon. When the meeting adjourned, 
as I attempted to leave the building four members of the organization 
surrounded me and marched me around behind the building where 
they proceeded to give me a physical beating. 

I never have been much of a fighter as such. Physically I am not 
equipped to do so. So I merely rolled up into a ball and let them 
do as best they could. 

In the meantime some of my friends came to my assistance, and 
the police intervened to stop anything from proceeding too far. 

However, I did surprise everyone by appearing and I did unnerve 
them because they didn't believe that I had the nerve to show up after 
what I had done in Olympia. And as a total consequence of it all, 
I finally recruited most of the people who beat me up into the Com- 
munist Party. 

I felt they were good, militant people, and they were the kind of 
people we wanted. 

Mr. Tavenner. How long was that before you left Bellingham? 

Mr. Dennett. Right now I can't fix a real date on that. I would 
have to look at the newspaper files to be certain of the date. It wasn't 
too long, however, because our influence had grown, and it wasn't 
very long after that. 

Mr. Tavenner. Was there any other activity of the Communist 
Party while you were at Bellingham which would be of value to this 
committee as far as you know in making the committee aware of 
the tactics and methods used by the Communist Party to advance its 
objectives? 

Mr. Dennett. Offhand, right now I think of nothing further with 
respect to Bellingham. 

Mr. Tavenner. I see before me several pamphlets which appar- 
ently relate to the various hunger marches which are among the 
documents which you made available to the staff. Will you examine 
these, please, and state whether or not thej^ were used in any connec- 
tion with the matters you have been describing ? 

(Documents handed to the witness.) 

Mr. Dennett. Yes. These were what we called popular pamphlets, 
to popularize the hunger marches. They were brief penny pamphlets 
which we tried to sell in mass lots. In other words, if we could find 
someone who would contribute a dollar we would make a hundred 
of these things available and try to hand them out in large numbers. 
They were given to nearly all persons who participated in hunger 
marches, and they were an elementary introduction to the orientation 
which the Communist Party had to the whole economic situation. 

Mr. Tavenner. The purpose is not clear of the use of those docu- 
ments by the Communist Party. 

Here were those members who had agreed to take part in the hunger 
marches. Why was it necessary for them to have such material? 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 343 

Mr. Dennett. Because in many instances people would participate 
in these events because they were in need of relief themselves, but 
they had no conception of what the economic problems were, and 
they had no conception of the political objectives that we had. 

.Vnd we were quite anxious to take that occasion, when they were 
rul)bing elbows with us, to make certain that they took some ele- 
mentary steps of understanding in our direction. 

Mr. TA\rEN]srER. Mr. Chairman, I would like to introduce in evi- 
dence three pamphlets entitled "The March Against Hunger," by I. 
Amter, "The Highway of Hunger," by Dave Doran, and "Our Chil- 
dren Cry for Bread," by Sadie Van Veen, and ask that they be marked 
"Dennett Exhibits 5, 6, and 7" respectively, with the understanding 

Dennett Exhibit No. 5 

ey.D. 

THE MARCH ^, 
AGAINST 



HUNGER 



By \. AMTER 




344 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES EST THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 



Read! 



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that only the front cover and the back cover of each be incorporated 
in the transcript of the record. 

Mr. Moulder. They will be so marked and admitted. 

Mr. Tavenner. In other words, you were going beyond the real 
immediate purposes of the hunger march, and were trying to sell the 
participants a bill of goods through these pamphlets. 

Mr. Dennett. That is true. 

Mr. Tavenner. Will you hurriedly look through these documents, 
please, and call the committee's attention to a few items which would 
substantiate your testimony on that point? 

Mr. Dennett. Well, here is this one on the March Against Hunger, 
by Israel Amter, in which some of the subheadings tell the story. 

There is one, "Struggles Force Relief." The implication is very 
plain that the only way they can get the relief is to engage in mass 
struggles. And in too many instances that was true from their own 
experience. 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 345 
Dennett Exhibit No. 6 



— m\ E.v.n. 



|{ONI£LESS 




"Large Bodies of Workers Kepresented" : There was always a tend- 
ency to exaggerate the number wlio actually participated. 

"Marchers Enter Washington": the inference that the workers 
could get to Washington and be represented by marching on Wash- 
ington ; not by trying to be elected. 

"Marchers Hold Conference Surrounded by Police" : referring to 
the attempt to thwart the efforts of the workers. 

"Workers' Congress v. Bankers' Congress" : the meeting of the un- 
employed representatives in Washington, trying to hold a comparison 
between their efforts and that of the Congress itself. 

"Mass Action, Basis of Struggle" : a repeat of an earlier i)oint. 



346 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 



Kead and Subscribe to 
The 

YOUNG WORKER 

THE YOUNG WORKER, 

as the official paper of the 
YOUNG COMMUNIST LEAGUE 

exposes all of the boss-class 
attacks of- the working youth, 
and rallies the young workers, 
jobless youth and students for 
the only way out — 

ORGANIZATION and 
MASS STRUGGLE. 

Subscription Rates : 
$1.00 per year, 60c for six months. Single Copy, 2i. 



YOUNG WORKER 

Box 28, Station D, New York, N. Y. 



"Workers' Demands Can Be Realized." 

"Crisis Deepens." 

"Broadest United Front Must Be Set Up." 

"No Unemployment in the Soviet Union." 

"Our Next Step." 

"Expose Starvation Conditions." 

"Unemployment Insurance Will Be Won." 

Those are some of the subheads in this pamphlet. 

There is another pamphlet here, The Highway of Hunger, Story 
of America's Homeless Youth, by Dave Doran. There is a subhead, 
"Why the Boss Class 'Worries' About the Starving Youth": their 
point being that the only interest the Government had in the youth 
was to make soldiers of tliem, not to feed them or educate them. 

Another subhead: "Unemployment Cannot Be Abolished Under 
Capitalism." 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 347 
Dennett Exhibit No. 7 

OUR CHILDREH 

CRY FOR 

BREM 




'SAME VAN VEEN 



"The Young Communist League Leads the Fight." 

"The Only Way Out for the Unemployed Youth." 

"For Cash Relief ! Not Military Camps !" They branded the CCC's 
as military camps at the outset. Unfortunately, later on some people 
tried to make military camps of them, and that did not succeed either. 

Here is another pamphlet: Our Children Cry for Bread. And it 
was certainly true. Children did cry for bread when their families 
didn't have it to give them. And they have a subhead on "The Home- 
less Youth." 



I 



348 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 



MISSOURI 

1243 Garrison St. 

St. Louis, Mo. 

910 W. 21st St. 

Kansas City, Mo. 
MONTANA 

P. O. Box 3 3 

Butte, Mont. 
NEBRASKA 

1410 W. 20th St. 

Omaha, Neb. 
NEW JERSEY 

3 85 Springfield Ave. 

Newark, N. J. 
NEW MEXICO 

P. O. Box 143 

Rosswell, N. M. 
NEW YORK 

10 East 17th St. 

New York City 

476 William St. 

Buffalo, N. Y. 
NORTH CAROLINA 

P. O. Box 654 

Charlotte, N. C. 
OHIO 

1426 W. 3rd St. 

Cleveland, O. 
OKLAHOMA 

7 Broadway 

Oklahoma City, Okla. 
OREGON 

245 1/2 Alder St. 

Portland, Ore. 



PENNSYLVANIA 

919 Locust St. 

Philadelphia, Pa. 

2203 Center St. 

Pittsburgh, Pa. 
RHODE ISLAND 

15 Snow St. 

Providence, R. I. 
SOUTH DAKOTA 

P. O. Box 15 

Frederick, S. D. 
TENNESSEE 

P. O. Box 219 

Chattanooga, Tenn. 
TEXAS 

1310 Walker St. 

Houston, Tex. 
UTAH 

225 Ness Bldg. 

Salt Lake City, Utah 
VIRGINIA 

200 E. Main St. 

Richmond, Va. 
WASHINGTON 

617 University 

Seattle, Wash. 
WISCONSIN 

1207 N. 6th St. 

Milwaukee, Wis. 
WYOMING 

P. O. Box 3 54 

Torrington, Wyo. 



t'neniplojment Series No. 2 

Issued by National Committee Unemployed Councils, Room 436i 80 East 
11th Street, New York City. Published by Workers Library Publishers, 
P. O. Box 148, Sta. D (50 East 13th St.), New York City. March 1933. 



Remember, if you please, there were more than a million young 
people in their 'teens who were wandering aromid this Nation of ours, 
just hoboes. They had no homes ; they had no food ; they had no jobs. 
So such a heading has great appeal to them because it holds for the 
hope that some otlier form of existence would provide a better life for 
them, and the inference always being the Soviet Union was doing 
that. The Soviet Union had solved that problem. Little did the people 
know how they solved it. And now, of course, there is a great deal of 
evidence coming into public attention which indicates that many of 
those young people in the Soviet Union, while some of them certainly 
did receive education as a way out, others also wound up in prison 
camps, vast prison camps, enormous prison camps. And we must not 
forget that that did actually happen. 

Here these pamphlets try to present the idea that the children in 
the Soviet Union live in a paradise. And at that time there was no 
contravening or contradicting evidence to change anyone's knowledge 
about it. Today I think there is. 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 349 

Mr. Ta\t:nner. Apparently the Communist Party did not lose 
any opportunities it had to promote its own objectives. 

Mr. Dennett. That certainly is true. 

Mr. Tavenner. Will you tell the committee, please, the circum- 
stances under which you were transferred away from Bellingham. 

Mr. Dennett. Yes. 

I referred to Mr. Alex Noral as the district organizer at the time 

1 came into the district. He was fresh from the Soviet Union, and 
it was presumed that he would give the most astute leadership be- 
cause he had spent considerable time in the Lenin School in Moscow 
between 1928 and 1931. However, Mr. Noral's attitude and methods 
of work were so arbitrary that the average person could not stand 
them, not even the most devoted Communists here. And he ran into 
political difficulties with them. 

Reports of these difficulties reached the central committee in New 
York City, and they decided that Mr. Noral had to have some help. 
So they sent some more people out here to help him. 

Mr. Tavenner. Do you mean Communist Party functionaries were 
sent from New York to this area ? 

Mr. Dennett. Communist Party functionaries, people who fall into 
the category of professional revolutionists, people who devote their 
lives and dedicate themselves to the Communist cause and do as they 
are told without question. 

At that particular time 2 outstanding people came to the North- 
west. In fact, 3 came at one time. One of them was another 
person who had just returned from the Soviet Union having spent 

2 years' study at the Lenin Institute. His name was Hutchin R. 
Hutchins, a Negro who had done some outstanding work here before 
going to the Soviet Union. But when he returned here he ran into 
difficulty. 

Then there was INIr. Lowell Wakefield, who had achieved national 
prominence for having discovered the Scottsboro case in the South, 
and had carried a large part of the responsibility of conducting the 
organization of the defense of the Scottsboro boys. 

It was Lowell Wakefield who got hold of the mothers of these boys 
and prevailed upon them to go on national speaking tours in behalf of 
their boys under the auspices of the Communist Party. 

Mr. Lowell Wakefield was an especially able man because he could 
raise finances and organize mass meetings and do almost impossible 
tasks, at least tasks which the rest of us seemed to be very inept at. 
He was very skillful. 

Another person who came at that time was Mr. Alan Max. I noticed 
from the masthead of tlie Daily Worker a couple of years ago that 
Mr. Alan Max was the editor of the Daily Worker. Mr. Alan Max 
spent considerable time here then. 

I became very well acquainted with each of the men. However, 
they were unable to solve the problems that were rising here in this 
district, and the central committee was not satisfied with even their 
efforts. 

Following a national hunger march some time in 1933 a Mr. Morris 
Rappaport,^ better known to us as Rapp or Rapport. 

Mr. Tavenner. Will vou spell his last name, please. 



Also known as Rapport, Morris. 



350 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 

Mr. Dennett. Our use of it was R-a-p-p-o-r-t, and I believe the 
full spelling is R-a-p-p-a-p-o-r-t or something like that. 

Mr. Eappaport came into the district with a gi'eat deal of suspicion 
and alarm on the part of us local people because we thought he was 
an easterner who didn't understand the ways of the West. We were 
quite surprised to find that he had originally come from the West. 
He came from California. And he, like Mr. Noral, had been a part 
of the Foster delegation or a part of the Foster faction. Although 
he had not been a delegate to the Sixth World Congress in Moscow, 
he learned a great deal more about it than Mr. Noral did because 
when he came here he had an unlimited reserve of energy and tre- 
mendous flexibility in application of the party line and party policy. 
He was not the least bit afraid of anything. When a veterans' organ- 
ization here in town tried to raid a school and destroy it here, Mr. 
Rappaport had the courage to be among those present when it was 
attacked, and he caused a great deal of publicity. 

That publicity attracted the attention of people who didn't like 
invasion of civil rights. Mr. Rappaport capitalized on that quite 
beautifully. 

Mr. Tavenner. Wliat was it about the functioning of the Commu- 
nist Party in the Northwest which presented unusual problems to 
the national organization in New York, causing it to send these top 
functionaries of the party to aid in the solution of its problems in this 
area? 

Mr. Dennett. I think it was because our party had already reached 
masses of people that were larger proportionately than they found in 
other places. 

Mr. Tavenner. Do you mean that the organizational effort had 
been so successful in this area that it presented immediate problems 
to the Communist Party ? 

Mr. Dennett. It certainly did. As a matter of fact, you see, there 
is a period, following the national elections in 1932, when the new 
administration began to take those steps which caused industry to 
resume functioning, in which there was a change taking place in the 
composition of our organizations. People were not all unemployed; 
some were leaving the unemployed organizations. Our problem was : 
How can we continue to exercise influence on them when they cease to 
be unemployed. And we were confronted with the necessity of enter- 
ing the trade unions. We had to get into the trade unions one way 
or another or we were going to lose completely our influence among 
these people. 

So the problem was, and the national office or central committee 
was continually asking : What progress are you making entering these 
unions ? 

Mr. Foster, of course, was naturally very much concerned because of 
his prior experience in trade-union work. And our reports were quite 
unsatisfactory. We were not able to make the progress that they de- 
manded. They thought it was a matter of inadequate leadership 
here, and when they sent Mr. Rappaport they certainly picked a good 
one because he did lead us in that direction. He did know what to do. 

Mr. Ta\t5nner. How did the arrival of these (Communist Party 
functionaries influence or affect your activities at Bellingham? 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 351 

Mr. Dennett. As soon as Mr. Kappaport got here he used a very 
simple technique of determining what had to be done by way of shake- 
up. He started changing section organizers in every section in the 
area, jarring people loose from their established positions, making 
them get a new orientation, making them begin to do new things. He 
was quite pleased with the successes I had in Bellingham, and, feel- 
ing that he was in need of a district agitprop director and knowing that 
I had once been a district agitprop director, knowing also that there 
was beginning to be a little ground swell of opposition to me in the 
Bellingham area, he thought it wiser to take me out of there. So he 
ordered me back to Seattle as district agitprop director, and I was 
replaced by some of the newer elements which I had recruited in 
Bellingham. 

Mr, Ta\-enner. I have found among the documents which you have 
made available to the staff a "Statement Issued by the Communist 
Party of Bellingham Section on the Immediate Questions Facing the 
Working Class." It is signed by V. Haines, section organizer. 

Was that your party name? 

Mr. Dennett. That is true. 

Mr. Tavenner. Examine this document, please, and state whether 
or not there is anj^thing in it which has a bearing on the organizational 
setup from the standpoint we are now discussing. 

(Document handed to the witness.) 

Mr. Dennett. Yes. I have my original copy of that here. 

This was an effort on my part to provide orientation to the mem- 
bers, to take the official party line and apply it to the local conditions. 
It was an effort to give the Communists in the Bellingham area some- 
thing by way of interpretation so that they would know hoAv to apply 
the party line and have confidence that they were following the Com- 
munist Party line. 

I don't know how much detail you want to go into on that. But that 
was the general purpose of the statement. 

Mr. Tavenner. I desire to introduce the document in evidence, ]\Ir. 
Chairman, and ask that it be marked "Dennett Exhibit Xo. 8.'' 

Dennett Exhibit No. 8 

Statement Issued by the Communist Party of Bellingham Section on the 
Immediate Questions Facing the Working Class 

The present epoch through which the class struggle is now passing is a "Transi- 
tion period." It is a period in which the International Proletariat must prepare 
to embark upon the second round of wars and revolutions. A period in which the 
working class will definitely settle the conflict between the exploiting class and 
those who are exploited, in a number of nations, and it is necessary that the 
workers of all nations unite their efforts in this i)eriod so as to conserve the 
strength of the working people. 

The End of Capitalist Stabilization has been reached. There is nothing 
left for the Capitalist Class except to waue a more vicious attack on the living 
standards of the Working People. Profits can only be obtained by wrinaing them 
from the lifeblood of the toiling masses. The living standards of the workers 
has reached such a low level that huire masses would sa'Ter extinction 'should 
this level be reduced. And yet such is the program of World Imperialism. That 
is all it has to offer. But the class consciousness of millions and niili- ais of 
toilers has been awakened to such a degree that they will openly resist any fur- 
ther attack on their living standards. They will burst forth in open rel)ellion. 

To meet this condition of World Revolt, the Ruling Classes throughout the 
world are turning more and more to Fascism — a system of open dictatorship of 
the present group of exploiters — a system more brutal, more ruthless, and exceed- 



352 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 

ingly more destructive of the materials needed for tbe sustenance of human life. 
Fascism is therefore the main enemy of the Workers of the World. 

A system of Fascism will not bring about a stabilization of Capitalism, but will 
instead bring a whole train of persecutions, and inflict the most abject misery 
upon the toiling masses. It will mean the continuous lowering of the living 
standards of the working people, and with them large sections of the petty bour- 
geoisie. The inexborable laws of Capitalist Development will continue to bring 
new crises in spite of the repressive measures of Fascism. During the Present 
Economic Crisis tbe Fascist nations have suffered along with the other Capitalist 
Nations, and they are now staggering under the strain, thereliy intensifying the 
present World Crisis of Capitalism. Only in the Soviet Union where there is the 
open dictatorship of the Workers and Farmers, where Socialism is being defi- 
nitely planned and organized and put into operation is there any escape from 
Economic Crises. The experiences of the Soviet Union during the World Crisis 
of Capitalism stands out as a Beacon Light to the toiling masses throughout the 
world as a living example of the Working Class way out of the Crisis. 

In contrast to the Soviet Union, the Capitalist nations are attempting to intro- 
duce Fascism in various forms of FORCED LABOR CAMPS and Peonage sys- 
tems. A notable example of which is proposed for the United States by the 
Roosevelt Government in the name of Unemployment Reserves, which in reality 
are Forced Labor Camps designed as ARMY RESERVES in preparation for a new 
Bloody Conflict among the Imperialist nations for a re-division of world markets 
and for a war of intervention against the Workers and Farmers Government, 
the Soviet Union. 

This program is that of Fascism the world over, and it reached such a degree of 
misery to millions and millions of workers in Germany that the Social-Demo- 
cratic Parties there appealed to the Communist International to cease its attacks 
on the Social Democrats and join in a struggle against Fascism. 

The Executive Committee of the Communist International answered this appeal 
by making a statement that, during this period of struggle against Fascism, it 
will be the policy of the Communist Parties to refrain from attacking the Social 
Democratic Parties and other Political groups which join the United Front, so 
long as they actively struggle against Fascism. 

In issuing this answer tbe Communist International called attention to the 
fact that it has consistently urged a United Front of all working class groups 
so as to carry on a more powerful resistence to the spread of Fascism. The 
answer contained an appeal to all sections of the Communist International to 
take steps to build tbe United Front of the International Proletariat in their 
respective nations. Accordingly the Central Committee of the Communist Party 
of the U. S. A. has further appealed to all districts of the Communist Party to 
carry out this new policy of the Communist International. 

Therefore the Communist Party of the Bellingham Section of District 12, 
issues this call and appeal to the Socialist Party, and all organizations de.siring 
to enter the Class struggle on the side of the working class in a solid United Front 
and actively struggle against the forces of Fascism. 

To do this the Communist Party proposes that joint meetings be held between 
the various groups and the Communist Party, from which meetings or confer- 
ences, programs of struggle can be adopted which will be designed for the better- 
ment of the conditions of the Working Class. 

This appeal is made by the Communist Party with the purpose of arresting the 
spread of Fascism and pushing forward the cause of the International Prole- 
tariat. 

Issued by the Section Buro of the Bellingham Section of the Communist Party 
U. S. A., District 12. 

V. H.4.INES, 

Section Orffanizer. 
Fob the Reorganization of the Section 

1. The method for reorganizing tbe Party in the Sections of the Communist 
Party has been tersely put by stating "turn the face of the Party to mass work." 

In the mass work are to be found the political problems which are facing the 
workers. There will be found the material which will make possible the "all- 
sided political exposures" which are a necessary prerequisite to good Party-Mass 
work. 



t 



COMJMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 353 

2. In order to accomplish a reorientation of the party in Whatcom County, 
it is necessary that Party Units be organized in the most natural manner pos- 
sible at the present time. 

This can be done by neighborhood groupings, consequently it will be the policy 
here to organize the Party on the basis of geographical position. But this will not 
do away with the orientation to other forms of organization, that is the shop 
unit, and fractions. 

3. The Unit meetings should be at regular times at regular places for the 
present until the units are closer knit together. But for this policy to be a suc- 
cess, the meetings must be kept secret. Loose talk about unit meetings in the 
presence of other persons must stop. 

4. Each week the Section Committee will discuss the most important political 
problem before the Section and will issue material which will serve to bring 
written discussion before the membership and point out the Party line on each 
question. 

5. At each Unit meeting some leading comrade should lead the discussion — 
that is, bring the report from the Section, open up the subject similar to what 
was done in the Section Buro. 

6. The discussion in the Unit should be organized in such manner that each 
member of the Unit will participate, raising such problems as suggest themselves 
to him. 

7. The Unit organizer should sum up the discussion at the close. (This is 
not ironclad. It may sometimes be better for the comrade from the Section 
Euro or Section Committee to make the summary. The main thing is that a sum- 
mary is made in which the Party Line is again made clear. This will fix the 
Party line in each comrade's mind so as to last. 

"The Communist's ideal should be a tribune of the people, able to react to 
every manifestation of tyranny and oppression, no matter where it takes place, 
no matter what stratum of class of the people it affects. He must explain the 
historical role of the Proletariat" (Lenin) . 

INSTRUCTIONS FOR UNITS 

Hold Meeting on Friday, April 14, to consider the following : 

1. The Reorganization Program for the Section — (Special Outline enclosed). 

2. Elect Buro — Three most politically and theoretically developed comrades 
in Unit. 

3. Political discussion on the meaning of the New Policy of the Communist 
Parties in regards to the Socialist Party and other Social-Democratic groups. 

NOTE OF EXPLANATION 

The Party organization is flexible. Forces can be shifted from place to place, 
etc. But the Party line is quite well defined and there are sharp differences 
between that which is approved by the Party Line and that which is disapproved 
by the Party Line. The Party line does not change except under rare and un- 
usual occasions. 

The Sharp change in the International Situation has brought forth a change 
in the attitude of the Communist Parties to the Social-Democratic Groups, this 
includes the Socialist Party of America. 

The whole membership of the section should have read the statement of the 
ECCI in the Daily Worker some two to three weeks ago where the change of 
policy was explained. 

The Communist Party will maintain vigilance against those who attempt to 
break the United Front and thereby betray the position of the working class by 
complete and ruthless exposure. But there is a truce existing at the present time 
between the Communist Parties and the Social Democrats. The Bellamy Club 
.«hould be included with the Social-Democrats. 

ON THE ORGANIZATION OF THE BURO 

Departmentalize the work into the following categories which are indispens- 
able now. 

1. Unit Organizer — The most dependal)le person. — Come to Liberal Club Sat. 
at 2 P. M. 



62222— 55— pt. 1- 



354 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 

2. Dues Secretary — Know list of membership — Come to Liberal Club Sat. at 
1 P. M. 

3. Fraction Secretary — Get list of all organizations to which the membership 
belongs. Come to Liberal Club Sat. at 3 P. M. 

Comradely yours, 

Sec. Org. 

Mr. Tavenner. Is there any further comment you desire to make 
concerning that document ? 

Mr. Dennett. Evidently I only have part of that document in my 
own copy. 

Mr. Tavenner. I believe there is a resolution appearing at the end 
of the document which you apparently do not have. 

Mr. Dennett. There is one note of explanation at the bottom, 
which reads as follows, and I think it speaks for itself : 

The party organization is flexible. Forces can be shifted from place to place, 
etc. But the party line is quite well defined and there are sharp differences 
between that which is approved by the party line and that which is disapproved 
by the party line. The party line does not change except under rare and unusual 
occasions. 

The sharp change in the international situation has brought forth a change 
in the attitude of the Communist Parties to the social-democratic groups. This 
includes the Socialist Party of America. 

The whole membership of the section should have read the statement of the 
ECCI in the Daily Worker some 2 or 3 weeks ago 

Mr. Tavenner. What is ECCI ? 

Mr. Dennett. Executive Committee of the Communist Inter- 
national — 

where the change of policy was explained. 

The Communist Party will maintain vigilance against those who attempt to 
break the united front and thereby betray the position of the working class by 
complete and ruthless exposure. But there is a truce existing at the present 
time between the Communist Parties and the Social-Democrats. The Bellamy 
Club should be included with the Social-Democrats. 

That was a local organization in the Bellingham area which I had 
not mentioned before. It was a group who had studied Edward Bel- 
lamy's Looking Backward and his other Socialist books and pam- 
phlets. 

I believe that statement sufficiently illustrates what we were under- 
taking to do, and it is consistent with what was going on all over the 
country. The only thing is we met with more success than others did. 

Mr. Tavenner. You described the activities of the unemployed 
councils in Bellingham, and you have told us that they were 
Communist-organized groups. Will you tell the committee, please, 
who tlie Communist Party members were who took the lead in that 
work, in addition to yourself, of course ? 

Mr. Dennett. Well, I think I mentioned earlier — if I didn't, I 
should at this time — that there was a young woman by the name of 
Helen Quist who represented the Young Communist League, who 
went to Bellingham at approximately the same time I did, and who 
gave invaluable help in the organization of both the Young Com- 
munist League and the Communist Party. She was a member of 
both, and she was my closest and ablest assistant for quite a period 
of time in Bellingham. 

Mr. Tavenner. Will you spell the name, please ? 

Mr. Dennett. Q-u-i-s-t, Helen Quist. 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 355 

When I arrived, the local leadership of the Communist Party con- 
sisted of a person by the name of Martin Olson. And I hope that if 
there are any Martin Olsons who hear of that that they will not worry 
too much because there are so many Martin Olsons in this area. 

But this particular Martin Olson was an unemployed logger at that 
time. 

Mr. Tavenner. In light of your statement then, can you give fur- 
ther identifying information in regard to Mr. Olson so that there will 
be no confusion as to the "Olson" referred to ? 

Mr. Dennett. All I can say is that he was a man of small stature, 
was an unemployed logger at that time. That is about all I can use 
for description. 

There was a person by the name of George Smith in Bellingham. 
He at that time operated a little hotel which he owned. 

Mr. Tavenner. "What was his activity ? 

Mr. Dennett. He was just a member of the sectarian group that 
just sat around and were satisfied that as long as they had a pure line 
everything was rosy. The fact that they didn't do anything about it 
didn't seem to disturb them too much. They were satisfied that they 
were following the straight and narrow path. 

Mr. Tavenner. Wliat do you mean by straight and narrow path ? 

Mr. Dennett. They sat around and agreed among themselves that 
the Communist Party line was absolutely right. 

Mr. Tavenner. I wanted to be sure that the path you mentioned 
was the Communist Party path. 

Mr. Dennett. True. There was another person by the name of 
Arthur Sinclair. I have heard since that he subsequently was de- 
ported to Canada. 

There was an older fellow by the name of Engstrom, but I do not 
recall his first name. 

Mr. Tavenner. Let me suggest this to you : If any of the persons 
whose names you are giving withdrew from the Communist Party, 
or if you have any facts indicating a change of affiliation, I think you 
should give those facts to us. 

Mr. Dennett. Well, I have no knowledge of any of these people 
whom I have mentioned having done so. 

There were a couple of women who were certainly the most re- 
liable people for us in the sense that — remember we were in difficult 
times, and eating was a difficult problem. And both of these women 
did work outside, and they had a loyalty to their neighbors and 
friends. Bellingham, you have to understand, is a comparatively 
small town. People in it live much closer together than they do in 
a larger city. Neighbors are a little better acquainted with each other. 
Consequently, any suffering in the neighborhood arouses a deeper 
response among people who are better acquainted than it does among 
total strangers. 

And these women extended themselves greatly to aid those of us 
who didn't have any adequate income or any adequate subsistence. 
I understand that both of these women have since left the Communist 
Party. Do you want me to name them now ? 

Mr. Tavenner. Was that in 1932 ? 

Mr. Dennett. Yes ; it was. 

Mr. Tavenner. Mr. Chairman, I suggest we take that testimony 
in executive session, if he is convinced that they have left the party. 



356 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 

Mr. Moulder. I suggest that you witliliold the names and not 
announce them; this information ^Yill be given to the committee in 
executive session. 

Mr. Dennett. That answers all about the persons who were there 
at the time of my arrival. 

Before I left the following persons were developed into leader- 
ship 

Mr. Tavenner. Before telling us about that, have you given us 
the names of all others in the Communist Party group who were there 
when you arrived ? 

Mr. Dennett. Yes ; all of those whom I have named were officers. 
They held functioning positions. 

Mr. Tavenner. Will you proceed, then, with a description of the 
identity of those who were developed into leadership after you arrived. 

Mr. Dennett. I should preface that by remarking that upon my 
arrival in Bellingham the Ku Klux Klan was very active in ^Vliatcom 
County. It was a practice for them at that time to burn the fiery cross 
frequently in various places of the county. And I was informed that 
they had a very considerable membersliip in the county. 

I learned that some of those Klansmen were quite disillusioned with 
the activities of the Klan. I made a practice of trying to contact 
various persons whom I learned had been disillusioned by their activi- 
ties in the Klan. And I have been trying my level best to think of the 
name of a particular man who was an officer in the Klan whom I did 
succeed in recruiting into the Communist Party. But I have been 
unable to remember that man's name. I can only give this description, 
that he was in the Sumas area and that he was a sheet-metal worker. 
And that is the best that I can recall about him. It is quite possible 
that if some of the other persons I mention, if they were asked, they 
probably would remember him because he was a neighbor of theirs. 

In this connection 2 very fine young men, one John Brockway 
and another one, Harold Brockway, were working out on their father's 
farm. Nothing to do. And they were quite intrigued by the prospect 
which we held forth as the new life which would come mider a Soviet 
rule. 

There was a young man at that time by the name of Mel Luddington. 

There was a very old man by the name of A. A. Johnson. I would 
expect that because of his advanced age at that time he may not still 
be alive. 

Mr. Tavenner. May I suggest that if you have information as to 
any of the persons being deceased that you not give us their names, 
unless they performed some outstanding service for the Coimnunist 
Party which we should know about. 

Mr. Dennett. I do not know. 

Then, of course, I have mentioned George Bradley. 

Mr. Tavenner. I should have asked you to spell some of these 
names, the spelling of which may be uncertain. Will you go back, 
please ? 

Mr. Dennett. Yes. 

Mr. Tavenner. "Wliat is the spelling of Brockway ? 

Mr. Dennett. B-r-o-c-k-w-a-y. 

Mr. Tavenner. Luddin<rton ? 



COMIVIUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 357 

Mr. Dennett. Luddington, L-u-d-d-i-n-g-t-o-n. 

Mr. Tavenner. Johnson ? 

Mr. Dennett. J-o-h-n-s-o-n. 

Mr. Ta\t:nner. Bradley ? B-r-a-d-1-e-y ? 

Mr. Dennett. Yes. 

Mr. Dennett. There was one other person I see that I have omitted, 
a fellow by the name of Ed Hanke. I think he had a brother, too, 
that was in. But I do not recall the brother's name. 

Mr. Tavenneb. Will yon spell the name, please, 

Mr. Dennett. H-a-n-k-e. 

Mr. Tavenner. You mentioned a little earlier that several people 
from this area were trained in Moscow and attended the Lenin Insti- 
tute. I believe you named 2 of them from this area. Wlio were the 
2? 

Mr. Dennett. One was Alex Noral. The other was Hutchin K. 
Hutchins. 

Mr. Tavenner. Were there any others? 

Mr. Dennett. Yes. 

James Bourne, B-o-u-r-n-e. 

I think there were more than that, but I cannot at this moment 
place them. 

I remember that in 1932 there was an organization known as the 
Friends of the Soviet Union, which was inspired by and under the 
leadership of the Communist Party, and its purpose was to take dele- 
gations to the Soviet Union to win their support and approval of the 
Soviet Union and what it was doing. And I recall one experience 
with a longshoreman from Tacoma. I cannot for the life of me think 
of his name. But he went to the Soviet Union on one of these 
Friends-of-the-Soviet-Union tours, came back, made the prepared 
speeches which the Friends of the Soviet Union asked him to make, 
and proceeded afterward to go around and make speeches contradict- 
ing his original speeches, stating that he did not realize how much 
harm he was doing by presenting the Soviet Union as the land of 
paradise, that he was quite disappointed with what he found when 
he found all the women doing the heavy work. And that seemed to 
be the chief thing that he objected to. 

Mr. Tavenner. ^Yhiit was the date of your transfer back to Seattle? 

Mr. Dennett. It was some time late in 1933. 

Mr. Tavenner. How long did you remain as agitprop, agitation 
propagandist in Seattle? 

Mr. Dennett. Not very long. It seems to be an office in which 
there are many casualties because one, to fill that position, has to 
have a broad knowledge of the theoretical works of the party. And 
I can assure this committee that there is a great deal of written ma- 
terial on the subject which it takes a lifetime to study. I did the best 
I knew how at mastering a knowledge of it, but I then found out 
that the things which I had learned in the theoretical sense were not 
always respected by those who were in the administrative positions 
of the party, and frequently they would disregard my knowledge of 
the theoretical work and try to make it appear as though I was far 
off the line. 

And there was constant conflict. Rappaport, when he came into 
the district, found many practical problems that didn't lend them- 
selves to the theoretical solutions which I found, and he, being a man 



358 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 

of a great deal more experience and much more authority, made short 
work of me. 

Mr. Tavenner. Can you tell us the approximate period of time 
that you remained in that position? You said not long. But give 
us a more adequate idea. 

Mr. Dennett. It was only a couple of months, I believe. I do not 
recall the exact circumstances which arose. But there was some 
conflict, some specific conflict in which Eappaport convinced me that 
I was completely wrong, and required that I submit a statement to 
the party in which I admit that I was completely wrong. 

I believe that you have a copy of that. I cannot put my finger on 
a copy now. 

I did precisely what I was requested to do as a sign of my obedience. 

I have found my own statement. I think I could put it in. 

Mr. Tavenner. May I see it, please. 

(Document handed to Mr. Tavenner.) 

Mr. Tavenner. Will you state to the committee, please, what the 
error was which you were induced to confess? 

Mr. Dennett. I have been trying to think what it is. I can't even 
recall now what it was. In fact, I had completely forgotten the 
incident until Mr. Wheeler ran across it and asked me what it was. 

Mr. Tavenner. Will you read it in evidence, please. 

Mr. Dennett (reading) : 

Statement of V. Haines * * * Eugene Dennett 

To the District Buro, District 12, CPUS A : 

I have made a political error, in consequence of which I have been removed 
from the functions of district agitprop director. 
I agree with the decision. 

It is my responsibility to the party to prove myself by correct rank-and-file 
activity. 

Comradely submitted, 

V. Haines * * * Eugene Dennett. 

Mr. Tavenner. I desire to introduce the paper in evidence, and ask 
that it be marked "Dennett Exhibit No. 9." 

Mr. MoirLDEK. The above statement will be identified as "Dennett 
Exhibit No. 9" in the record. 

Mr. Tavenner. Will you tell the committee, please, what the organi- 
zation setup was of the Communist Party in Seattle during the 2 
periods when you served here as agitprop ? 

Mr. Dennett. Well, the first period the party consisted almost 
exclusively of what we called a skidroad branch. Almost all the 
membership of the party was transient workers who lived on or about 
the skidroad. And when Rappaport came in — speaking now of the 
second period — Eappaport raised cain over the fact that the member- 
ship was all transient, insisting that the party must root itself in the 
neighborhoods. It must become acquainted with the permanent citi- 
zens, not those who were called the boomers or the floaters, those who 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 359 

used Seattle as a mail headquarters and holed up during the winter 
or off season but left the city during their construction work, which 
most of them followed. 

And he used the technique of developing neighborhood branches 
out of those who were members of the unemployed citizens leagues or 
unemployed councils, and from those, as people went to work in 
industry, he tried to develop shop or factory, what we call nuclei. 

Most of the success in that field occurred among the lumber workers 
because they were among the first to get out and get back to work 
out in the woods, the loggers. 

So we had still the problem of maintaining contact with them. It 
was very difficult to do. 

Mr. Tavenner. Will you tell the committee, please, who were the 
functionaries of the Communist Party in Seattle during those two 
periods. 

Mr. Dennett. The first one I think we have covered, when we 
mention Mr. Alex Noral, Fred Walker, Jim Bourne, B-o-u-r-n-e, Mr. 
John Lawrie. I think that is L-a-w-r-i-e. John Lawrie, Sr. 

There was a Mr. Ed Leavitt, L-e-a-v-i-t-t. 

They were the leading functionaries with whom I worked at that 
time. 

Mr. Tavenner. After you were removed as agitprop what was your 
next activity in the Communist Party ? 

Mr. Dennett. I had to become a good rank-and-file member and 
work in the unemployed-citizens leagues. Yes; by that time the 
Communists had taken over a number of the locals of the unemployed- 
citizens leagues in the city of Seattle, and were making a strong bid 
to take over the top leadership, the central UCL. And I was working 
in the skid-road local of the unemployed-citizens leagues, and was 
living in the soup line. 

Mr. Tavenner. How long did that continue? 

Mr. Dennett. That continued until I went into the CCC's. 

Mr. Tavenner. Can you give us the approximate date? 

Mr. Dennett. I think it was in April 1934. 

Mr. Moulder. In what capacity did you go into the CCC? 

Mr. Dennett. As an enlisted man. 

Mr. Moulder. Wasn't that a program where there was a chairman 
in each community or county ? Or section of a city ? 

Mr. Dennett. No. This is the Civilian Conservation Corps. 

Mr. Moulder. Yes; I know. And they were given so much em- 
ployment in each county or each section of the city, and someone 
had to pass upon those. Is that the program where you were paid 
so much and the parents would receive so much ? 

Mr. Dennett. That is true. That is the program. I think you 
are correct, sir, in saying there was a quota allotment for each com- 
munity. I think you are right. 

But in this particular case that was not involved in mine because 
the camps that we were recruited to were known as LEM's or local 
experience man camps. We were making new camps. We were 
doing the heavy construction work and making camps that would 



360 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 

later be taken over by the young people that you are thinking of that 
were assigned by quota. You are quite correct. That is the program. 
I had forgotten that part of it. 

And that evidently is what happened, an allotment had been made 
as to the number that could come out of the Seattle soup line, and I 
was one of those that was able to volunteer and got into it. 

Mr. Taatenner. How long did you remain a member of the Civilian 
Conservation Corps ? 

Mr. Dennett. Until July of 1935. 

Mr. Tavenner. Did you engage in any Communist Party activities 
during that period ? 

Mr, Dennett. That is a question that is open to dispute. I didn't 
think that I did. But the company commander thought that I did. 
So he proceeded to have me expelled from the CCC. 

Mr. Tavenner. What was the nature of the activity in which you 
did engage and which resulted in your expulsion? 

Mr. Dennett. When I became a member of the CCC there was 
provision for the Army to administer the camps, the Forest Service 
to administer the work, and for an educational director to supervise 
the training. And there was provision for an educational director 
to have an assistant who could be selected from among those enlistees 
who were a part of the company. I was chosen as the assistant educa- 
tional director. 

Mr. Tavenner. Were you advised by the Communist Party to get 
into the CCC camps for any propaganda purpose ? 

Mr. Dennett. No ; I was not. On the contrary, in my instance, they 
said, "You had better stay away from that Fascist outfit because it 
is just a place where they are going to give military training and get 
ready for the next imperialist war, and we don't want you to be in it." 

Mr. Moulder. Wasn't it in the nature of a relief program? 

Mr. Dennett. Yes. 

Mr. Moulder. And naturally the Communist Party was opposed to 
the relief program, and wanted people generally to stay in the depres- 
sion. ^Vasn't that the policy or wishes of the Communist Party? 

Mr. Dennett. That would be one way of putting it, and probably 
the way that many people viewed it. I didn't look at it that way 
myself at that time. But I can't dispute that point of view. The 
point that I started to speak of w^as that I was selected as the assistant 
educational director, and, frankly, I took quite seriously the literature 
which was sent from the United States Office of Education to the 
camps. 

And among the points which were emphasized in this literature 
was the necessity of teaching the democratic process of government. 
But it has always been my experience that when you try to carry out 
the teaching of the democratic process of government and you come 
in contact with the military, sometimes they don't quite agree with 
you. And in this particular instance my efforts to carry out the 
literature and carry out the educational program which came from 
John W. Studebaker's office, the United States Office of Education, 
met with considerable resistance on the part of the company com- 
mander. He just didn't like the idea. It sounded to him as though 
it was communistic for people to be talking about democracy and 
talking about having some way of resolving grievances and difficulties 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH,, AREA 361 

and that sort of thing through the democratic legislative method. 
And we came into sharp conflict over that. 

Of course, I finally gave him the excuse which he was looking for. 
Some of these workers in the camp were from the soup line with me — 
most of them were. They knew me around Seattle and they knew 
that I had been an agitator on the waterfront and on the skidroad. 
I had held many meetings on the skidroad. So I was well known to 
these men. And the}^ asked me to conduct a course in sociology. I had 
some knoA^ledge on the subject, and I had some textbooks of my 
own which I had used, which I had studied when I was going to 
the university. One of those was a book entitled "Contemporary So- 
cial Movements" by Jerome Davis. I had that book. And, of course, 
that book attempts to survey all the then current social, political, and 
economic philosophies that were occupjdng the attention of various 
people throughout the world, including the Communists and the 
Fascists, the Soviet Union and what was going on in Italy, and that 
sort of thing, and also in Germany. So I proceeded to answer the 
request of these workers to have a class in contemporary social 
movements. 

The company commander attended two sessions of the class. And 
he attendee! those two sessions where I was using this text to describe 
the Communist system in the Soviet Union and the Fascist system in 
Italy. And he decided that that was subversive propaganda and 
should not be conducted, and he accused me of spreading subversive 
propaganda in the camp. 

Mr. Moulder. Then were you expelled ? 

Mr. Dennett. Yes. 

Mr. Tavenner. Wasn't his accusation correct? 

Mr. Dennett. I think that his accusation was misplaced. I was 
making as honest an effort as I knew how to make an objective study. 
A nd there seems to be a great deal of difficulty in these days, as there 
was then, to determine the difference between an objective presenta- 
tion of a factual situation with respect to a controversial subject with- 
out being accused of propagandizing for it. It is a difficult point. 

Mr. Ta\ti:nner. In what work after your removal from the Civilian 
Conservation Corps did you engage? 

Mr. Dennett. That is when 1 was shanghaied on to a boat here on 
the waterfront in Seattle. 

Mr. Tavenner. Now I think, Mr. Chairman, that is a subject that 
we will reserve discussion for until later. But I w^ould like to ask at 
this time, if the chairman will issue a subpena duces tecum requiring 
the witness to present to the staff all of the documents which he now has 
in his possession. By that I do not mean the committee is going to 
remove them in such a way that tlie witness will not have access to 
them, but in order that we may keep those documents intact until the 
committee staff' has been able to fully examine them. 

Mr. Moulder. The subpena will be issued. 

Mr. Tavenner. Is there any objection to that on your part? 

(The witness confers with his counsel.) 

Mr. Dennett. I have just conferred with my counsel, and we won- 
dered whether or not you included books. 

Mr. Tavenner. There may be some books which the committee 
would like to have included. However, the committee would not be 
interested in those books which it already has in its possession. 



362 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 

Mr. Moulder. Wliatever counsel will require will be set forth in 
the subpena. 

Mr. Tavenner. I wanted to be certain that the witness is agreeable 
to it. "We could do it without his agreement, but I prefer to find out 
if he is agreeable. 

(The witness confers with his counsel.) 

Mr. Dennett. I have conferred with my counsel, and he has raised 
the question with me : Can I provide adequate protection for the doc- 
uments which seem to have such importance. And, frankly, I have 
some misgivings as to whether I can furnish as good protection for 
them as perhaps the committee can. So I am agreeable to whatever 
the committee wishes to do. 

Mr. Tavenner. Thank you, sir. 

Mr. Moulder. The committee will stand in recess. However, I 
wish to announce that immediately after the recess Mr. Johnston and 
Mr. Carlson should make themselves available for recall appearances 
before the committee. 

The committee will stand in recess for a period of 10 minutes. 

(Whereupon, a short recess was taken.) 

Mr. Moulder. The committee will be in order. 

The committee is informed that the witness Jerry O'Connell has 
counsel appearing for him. 

Mr. Hatten. Yes. 

Mr. Moulder. Please come forward. 

STATEMENT OF C. T. HATTEN, ATTORNEY AT LAW, SEATTLE, WASH. 

Mr. Hatten. I was in attendance all day yesterday. However, I 
was not authorized to speak for Mr. O'Connell. I understood that he 
had wired and otherwise contacted the chairman of this committee, 
Representative Walter, and had expected to receive word from him. 

The reason for Mr. O'Connell's not appearing here is the fact that 
he has had an acute heart attack, and has had a heart condition for a 
considerable period of time. 

I have with me a letter from Dr. Harry McGregor, Great Falls, 
Mont., which gives the results of an examination made on March 15, 
and which concludes that 

Mr. Moulder, Will you read the letter into the record ? 

Mr. Hatten. I can hand the letter over and make it a part of the 
record if the chairman wishes. I merely wanted to state that it con- 
cludes that he is advised not to attend, or to withhold from the duties 
set forth in the subpena. 

Of course, I appreciate that the committee may want to have him 
examined by an independent physician, and I am sure that whatever 
the committee's desires are in that regard will be agreeable with Mr. 
O'Connell, or in the event that the committee should desire to examine 
him in Great Falls, Mont., at some later continued hearing. One of 
the problems is the distance that he would have to travel under his 
condition. He would either have to come by plane, or, in the absence 
of that, travel over the mountain passes, which would seriously aflfect 
his health. 



COMMUlSriST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 363 

Mr. Velde. I do not want to violate any of your rights as to attor- 
ney-client relationship, but have you talked to Mr. O'Connell person- 
ally? 

Mr. Hatten. No, I did not. 

Mr. Velde. You mentioned that he had previously requested Mr. 
Walter, the chairman of the full committee 

Mr. Hatten. I understand that he has communicated with Repre- 
sentative Walter, yes. 

Mr. Velde. Do you know the date of that? 

Mr. Hatten. I do not. 

Mr. Velde. Mr. Chairman, I think it should be made a matter of 
record that Mr. O'Connell was duly subpenaed on — what was the date? 

Mr. Moulder. The eighth of March. 

Mr. Velde. The 8th day of March and up until this moment we have 
not received any type of communication from Mr. O'Connell. 

While, of course, we always have been very lenient as far as the 
witnesses who have medical ailments are concerned, however, it has 
always been the custom — and I think probably Mr. O'Connell knows 
about this, too — for a medical affidavit to be filed promptly. In this 
case it certainly hasn't been prompt. 

Mr. Hatten. That depends upon the period of time when he had 
the attack. He certainly couldn't advise the committee on the date 
of the subpena of his inability to attend if the reason why he couldn't 
attend was an attack which occurred later. 

Mr. Tavenner. Is that the situation ? 

Mr. Hatten. I couldn't advise the committee. The committee will 
undoubtedly go into this further, and the exact dates and situations 
will be discovered. 

I have not been in Great Falls, Mont., and I don't want to make any 
representations. 

Mr. Moulder. You aren't making an appearance ? You are simply 
presenting this letter ? 

Mr. Hatten. That is correct. 

Mr. Moulder. Very well. 

Will you call Mr. Johnston as a witness? 

TESTIMONY OF HAROLD JOHNSTON, ACCOMPANIED BY HIS 
COUNSEL, JAY G. SYKES— Resumed 

Mr. Moulder. Mr. Johnston, you were on the stand yesterday to 
testify in answer to questions propounded to you by Mr. Wheeler, and 
the Chair asked you the question or a similar question, as to whether 
or not you approved or disapproved of Communist infiltration, influ- 
ence, and domination of the labor union of which you are a member. 
And you said that you hadn't had time to give the question any thought 
or consideration. We felt that by giving you sufficient time and re- 
calling you today you could give us an answer to that question. 

(The witness confers with his counsel.) 

Mr. Johnston. Mr. Chairman, I feel that the wording of that you 
just now mentioned was not the wording of the question yesterday. 
It was a little different. 

But, in answer to the question you just now raised to me, there is 
only one thing I can do under that, and that is to — if I answer that 



364 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 

either way it would tend to incriminate me, and I have to invoke 
the fifth amendment. 

Mr. Moulder. We will rephrase the question in this way : 

Do 3"ou approve or disapprove of Communist domination of any 
union ? 

(The witness confers with his counsel.) 

Mr. Johnston. Purely as a matter of opinion, I do not approve of 
any group, whether it be to control the trade-union movement — I feel 
it should be a free union. Whether it is Communist, Fascist, National 
Manufacturers Association or what-have-you. That is purely my 
opinion on it. 

Mr. Moulder. Do you object to a Communist holding an official 
position in any labor union ? 

Mr. Johnston. On that one I will have to, as in the past, invoke 
the fifth amendment. 

Mr. MoLTLDER. Would you vote for or against a candidate seeking 
office in a local laborers' union if he were a Communist? 

Mr. Johnston. Mr. Chairman, I feel that, under our rights — and I 
know the majority of unions, as I understand them — we vote by secret 
ballot, the same as in our elections for the honorable representatives' 
elected by your people in your district, by secret ballot. And that 
is a right that we are able to keep to ourselves. 

Mr. Moulder. Any questions ? 

Mr. Tavenner. No, sir ; I have no questions. 

Mr. Moulder. The Avitness is excused. 

Mv. Sykes. Can I make a short statement here? I think it might 
be helpful to the committee. It will take about a half minute. 

Mr. Johnston. Is that in regard to me ? 

Mr. Sykes. No. 

STATEMENT OE JAY G. SYKES, ATTORNEY AT LAW, 
SEATTLE, WASH. 

Mr. Sykes. Several witnesses liere have invoked the fifth amend- 
ment upon being asked the question: "Have you ever been a mem- 
ber of a labor union?" And I know that the use of the fifth amend- 
ment in answer to that question may have created some misunder- 
standing in the mind of the public and the mind of the committee. 

I would like to make it clear that the invoking of the fifth amend- 
ment to this particular question is not meant to imply, nor should it 
be implied, that I or my clients think there is anything at all incrim- 
inating, in itself, in membership in a labor union. 

But, as you gentlemen know, there are some labor unions in Seattle 
that are having what are commonly known as Communist problems. 
Charges of communism and countercharges are being filed, and mem- 
bers charged with Communist activity 

Mr. Moulder. We were to hear a short statement. 

Mr. Sykes. I will shorten the statement by saying that the use of 
the fifth amendment by these witnesses in answer to the question, 
"Have you ever been a member of a labor union?" is not meant in any 
way to incriminate labor unions as such. But the refusal is based 
solely on legal and technical grounds. 

Mr. Moulder. All right, that will be all. 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 365 

At this time I would like to read a letter which was addressed to 
the committee from the International Association of Machinists : 

Dear Sib : Because of repeated reference to the Macliinists Union, AFL, before 
your committee on Thursday, March 17, 1955, we respectfully request that the 
following information be made part of the record so that all may be aware of the 
true facts with respect to the attitude of the International Association of 
Machinists and the participation by its members in the Communist Party, ita 
front organizations, or the giving of support to such organizations. 

Since 1925 the International Association of Machinists has had prohibitions 
in its laws against such activities on the part of any of its members. A diligent 
and unending effort has constantly been made to rid our organization of persons 
having Communist or Fascist Party membership or sympathies. 

Testimony before your committee in 1954 indicated that several persons, 
members of our organization, might at the same time be members of, or giving 
support to, the Communist Party. Our own investigations, since that time, have 
resulted in the expulsion from our organization of four persons named by wit- 
ness, Barbara Hartle, before your committee in 1954. Among these four persons, 
so expelled, was Harold Johnston, witness before your committee on Thursday, 
March 17, 1955. 

Investigations are continuing with respect to others and if it is found that they 
also are guilty of the conduct charged to them by witnesses before your com- 
mittee, they likewise will be tried and expelled in accordance with the provisions 
of our constitution. 

The evidence before your committee has been most helpful and we are certain 
you will find our union in the forefront, cooperatively and aggressively opposed 
to communism, fascism, or any totalitarian philosophies. 
Yours very truly, 

R. H. Powell, 
I. A. Peck, 
Grand Lodge Representatives, 
International Association of Machinists, AFL. 

Is Mr. Carlson in the hearing room ? 

Call Mr. Carlson, please. 

You have been sworn. Please be seated. 

TESTIMONY OF EDWIN A. CARLSON, ACCOMPANIED BY HIS 
COUNSEL, JAY G. SYKES— Resumed 

Mr. Moulder. Mr. Carlson, during the course of your testimony 
yesterday it appeared from your appearance on the witness stand 
that there was a desire on your part to reconsider and testify in 
answer to questions which were propounded to you by Mr. Wheeler, 
and also make more clear an explanation concerning a letter which 
was addressed to the chairman, (Jhairman Vekle, when he was chair- 
man of the full committee on Un-American Activities, dated June 
19, 1954. The letter reads as follows : 

Deak Sirs: I see by the pai>er that Mrs. Hartle names one Ed Carlson as a 
member of the Communist Party in the machinists union. I presume I am the 
individual referred to. So that the record is straight, let me insert this into 
the record for all to see and hear. 

It did not take me 20 years to decide that the Communist Party was not the 
answer to the problems as I see them. In fact, I am very nearly positive it was 
Mrs. Hartle wlio tried to persuarle me to reconsider ray decision to discontinue 
my affiliations, which is now approximately 5 years ago. 

I do believe that my many friends and acquaintances are entitled to this 
additional clarification of the facts. 
Sincerely, 

Ed Carlson, 
Member of Machinists Union. 



366 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 

During the course of the testimony yesterday we tried to emphasize 
clearly it is not the purpose of this committee to try to confuse or 
entrap anyone in these proceedings, or incriminate them in any way. 

We thought after you had given serious consideration to this sub- 
ject, and being recalled as a witness, that you would answer our ques- 
tions which are directed to you concerning your past Communist 
Party affiliations and your association and severance from any con- 
nection with the Communist Party. 

Do you wish to do so now ? 

(The witness confers with his counsel.) 

Mr. Carlson, I would prefer, Mr, Chairman, to have specific ques- 
tions directed at me, if I may. 

Mr. Moulder. Very well. 

Are you now a member of tlie Communist Party ? 

(The witness confers with his counsel.) 

Mr. Carlson. No, sir. 

Mr. Moulder, Were you a member of the Communist Party a year 
ago? 

Mr. Carlson. No, sir. 

Mr. Moulder. Were you a member of the Communist Party in 
1951? 

Mr. Carlson. To the best of my recollection ; no, sir. 

Mr. Moulder. During the year of 1950 were you a member of the 
Communist Party? 

Mr. Carlson, I believe that answer also holds there, I was not, 
to the best of my recollection. 

Mr. Moulder. In the year of 1949 were you a member of the Com- 
munist Party? 

(The witness confers with his counsel.) 

Mr. Carlson. That is the time, I am quite sure, that I dropped the 
party. 

Mr, Moulder. That you left the party ? 

Mr, Carlson, Yes. 

Mr, Moulder, Will you tell us the circumstances as to why you left 
the Communist Party and severed your connections with them ? 

(The witness confers with his counsel.) 

Mr. Carlson. Well, to take a certain date or specific period, it is 
quite impossible. 

Mr. Moulder. We don't expect you to be specific as to the exact 
date. That is immaterial. 

Mr. Carlson. Let me answer that by making probably a comparison 
with somebody else. 

I think we are all acquainted with Senator Morse's record in Oregon. 
He was once a Republican, and lie has turned Democrat. 

I don't think there is any specific time in his mind that he ever turned 
from a Republican to a Democrat. It probably took over a period of 
time. And that, I believe, Mr. Chairman, could be applied to me. 

(The witness confers with his counsel.) 

Mr, Carlson. As a specific time, at the time the Korean war started 
I certainly didn't approve of that war starting by anybody. And I 
might say, likewise, that I didn't approve of our participation in it 
eitlier. That is my conviction, sir. 

Ml. Moulder. Referring to the Communist Party, it has been de- 
cided by the courts that it is not a political party as such ; that it is 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 367 

really an international conspiracy. And, therefore, your comparison 
or reference to the Democratic Party or the Republican Party has no 
application in comparison to the Communist Party, because it is not, 
in fact, a political party. 

(The witness confers with liis counsel.) 

Mr. Moulder. Has your philosophy and your opinion concerning 
the Communist Party, then, changed from what it was at one time? 
(The witness confers with his counsel.) 

Mr. Carlson. Well, Mr. Chairman, I have a definite idea of my 
own what things should be, and what my beliefs are. And I believe 
it might help you to understand what I think, if I could give you an 
answer here. 

The best thing that I could do w^ould be to read it out of the booklet 
that I have. I believe that it would be helpful to both of us. 

Mr. Moulder. How long is it ? 

Mr. Carlson. It is probably a couple of hundred words, I believe. 

Mr. Moulder. What is the title of it? 

Mr. Carlson. It is the preamble to our machinists' constitution. 

Mr. Moulder. Yesterday I believe you said you didn't even know 
what the Communist Party stood for or what it was all about, and led 
us to believe that you were maybe innocently hooked into and taken 
into the Communist Party movement at one time, still not having any 
opinion toward it or approval of it. 

Mr. Carlson. The popular conception of the Communist Party 
being a subversive organization, an organization looking for the over- 
throw of the Govermnent, and so on and so forth, I can't say that I 
ever believed that. And I don't think that I know anybody that does, 
that I think believes that. 

Mr. Moulder. Are you a married man, Mr. Carlson ? 

Mr. Carlson. Yes, I am. 

Mr. ]Moulder. Do you have a f amilj^ ? 

Mr. Carlson. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Moulder. How many children do you have? 

Mr. Carlson. I have two. Two grandchildren, by the way. 

Mr. Moulder. Were you born in iGnerica? 

Mr. Carlson. That is right. 

Mr. Moulder. You are desirous, of course, for your children to 
enjoy the benefits of living in the greatest nation in the world ? 

Mr. Carlson. That is right. 

Mr. Moulder. What I am coming to is, do you approve then, of 
the Communist Party movement or the international conspiracy of the 
Communist Party ? 

Mr. Carlson. I don't approve of what it is reported to be. Now, to 
the best of my knowledge, I don't know that the Communist Party 
stands for such things. 

Mr. Moulder. Any questions, Mr. Velde? 

Mr. Velde. I would like to ask the witness to be a little bit more 
specific about the way in which he got out of the Communist Party. 
We have heard a lot of witnesses here in the same situation who have 
told us that it has taken quite a long while for that conversion from 
communism back to Americanism. While you were in the Communist 
Party did you attend meetings of the Communist Party? 

(The witness confers with his counsel.) 



368 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 

Mr. Carlson. Congressman, as to any activity in the Communist 
Party prior to, say, 1950, I will have to invoke the fifth amendment 
on the gi'ounds that it might incriminate me. 

Mr. Velde. Then you refuse to give us the benefit of the Imowledge 
of the Communist Party which you acquired while you were a member 
of the party ? 

Mr. Carlson. On the ground that it may incriminate me, I refuse to 
answer. 

Mr. Velde, Do you think, Mr. Carlson, that is in good faith with 
Americanism ? 

Mr. Carlson. Mr. Congressman, if I recollect my history correctly, 
there have been many, many people in the past that have been con- 
victed and thrown into jail for purely political reasons. 

And it's been proven afterward that they were only political rea- 
sons, that the}^ had no real basis for throwing them in jail. That is 
my understanding of history. And I am not sure but what this is the 
same thing. 

Mr. Velde. No, Mr. Carlson, this is not the same thing at all, and 
I am sure that you are aware of that. 

As a matter of fact, during the entire history of this committee 
there has not been one single witness who appeared before this com- 
mittee who answered questions truthfully who has ever been prose- 
cuted in any way, shape, or form. That is all you have to do, in my 
opinion — to answer questions truthfully — instead of refusing to 
answer. 

Mr. Carlson. Mr. Chairman, I would like to insert into the record 
a sort of a statement here that fully covers my beliefs, and I am sure 
that these have always been my beliefs. 

Mr. Moulder. You may file it. It will be made a part of the record. 

Mr. Carlson. Could I read that so the public here themselves 
would know? 

Mr. Moulder. If it is not too long. How long is it ? 

Mr. Carlson. About 1 minute. 

Mr. Moulder. Very well Proceed. 

Mr. Carlson. Mr. Chairman, this is the preamble to the constitu- 
tion of the Machinists Union, lAM : 

Believing that the right of those who toil to enjoy to the full extent the wealth 
created by their labor is a natural right, and realizing that under the changing 
Industrial conditions incident to the enormous growth of syndicates and other 
aggregations of capital it is impossible for those who toil to obtain the full 
reward of their labor other than through united action; and recognizing the 
fact that those who toil should use their rights of citizenship intelligently, 
through organizations founded upon the class struggle and acting along co- 
operative, economic, and political lines, using the natural resources, means of 
production and distribution for the benefit of all the people, with the view of 
restoring the common wealth to all those performing useful service to society; 

Now, therefore, we, the International Association of Machinists, pledge our- 
selves to labor unitedly in behalf of the principles herein set forth, to perpetuate 
our association on the basis of s liidarity and justice, to expound its objects, to 
labor for the general adoption of its principles, to consistently endeavor to bring 
about a higher standard of living among the toiling masses." 

ISIr. Moulder. Probably you know, Mr. Carlson, that the greatest 
enemy of organized labor would be Communist domination. In 
Soviet Russia organized labor, as we know it over here where free 



COMMUNIST ACTRITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 369 

and collective bargaining is pennitted, labor unions and organization 
are prohibited and not tolerated whatsoever in the Soviet Union. 

I Avas trying to distinguish a moment ago as to your cause for dis- 
associating yourself from the Communist Party. Was it because you 
thought the party was a failure; or was it because of the necessity, for 
practical purposes— but still retaining in your mind the beliefs in 
the Communist Party movement? 

I think you should make a clear statement concerning your opposi- 
tion, as an American citizen, believing in our American way of life, 
in contrast to and against the Communist Party international con- 
spiracy. Would you care to make any comment on it ? 
(The witness confers with his counsel.) 

Mr. Carlson. Mr. Chairman, my only comment on that is that I 
don't believe in the current, popular opinion of the Communist Party. 
I don't believe in that. 

Mr. Moulder. In my opinion, I think it is for your best interests to 
take a different position than you are taking. 

Mr. Carlson. Maybe I misunderstand you or vou misunderstand me, 
Mr. Chairman. I don't believe in the principle that is commonly 
accorded to the Communist Party, that they are subversive. I don't 
Avant anything to do with that. "^ That tliey are ready to overthrow 
the Government, I don't believe in that. Certainly not. 

(The witness confers with his counsel.) 

Mr. Carlson. Mr. Chairman, further, if I thought that they did 
believe m that, or ever believed in that, I certainly never would have 
had anything to do with them, and I would be most bitterly in opposi- 
tion. 

Mr. Moulder. Mr. Tavenner, proceed with the interrogation of the 
witness. 

Mr. Tavenner. Mr. Carlson, I understood you to say that in 1950 
you were not a member of the Communist Party. Is that correct ? 

(The witness confers with his counsel.) 

Mr. Carlson. To the best of my knowledge, that is right. 

Mr. Taatsnner. But in 1949 you withdrew from the Communist 
Party ? Is that correct ? 

(The witness confers with his counsel.) 

Mr. Carlson. There was no formal act of withdrawal. 

Mr. Tavenner. You did not hand in a written resignation « 

Mr. Carlson. That is right. 

Mr. Ta\tnner. Did you notify any functionary in the Communist 
Party that you were withdrawing from the Communist Party? 

(The witness confei-s with his counsel.) 

Mr. Carlson. I failed to reregister. 

(The witness confers with his counsel.) 

Mr. Tavenner. Did any member of the Communist Party ask you 
to reregister, and you refused to do it ? 

Mr. Carlson, that I believe, is correct. I did not reregister pur- 
posely ; I did not intend to reregister. 

But just exactly if that is what happened I am not quite so sure 
about tiiat. I mean whether somebody came and asked me to rereo-is- 
ter ; I don't remember. I am not sure about that. "^ 

Mr. Tavenner. Was that in 1949? 



370 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 

Mr. Carlson. That was about that time. It was at the time of 
the 

(The witness confers with his counsel.) 

Mr. Carlson. It was right in there, yes. 

Mr. Tavenner. Wliat was the date of the last meeting of the Com- 
munist Party you attended ? 

(The witness confers with his counsel.) 

Mr. Carlson. I have to invoke the fifth amendment on that. 

Mr. Ta\'enner. Mr. Chaimian, I am inclined to think that the wit- 
ness, by the answers he has given, has opened the door for examination 
of what he knows about Communist Party activities during the period 
when he was a member. Therefore, I request that the chairman direct 
the witness to answer. 

Mr. Moulder. The Chair directs the witness to answer the question. 

(The witness confers with his counsel.) 

Mr. Carlson. Will you restate the question ? 

Mr. Tavenner. Will you read the question, please ? 

(The pending question was read by the reporter.) 

(The witness confers with his counsel.) 

Mr. Carlson. I invoke the fifth amendment, Mr. Chairman. 

Mr, Tavenner. How many people composed the group or branch 
of the Communist Party to which you belonged ? 

(The witness confers with his counsel.) 

Mr. Carlson. The answer is the same, Mr. Chairman, the fifth 
amendment. 

Mr. Moulder. The Chair directs the witness to answer the question. 

(There was no response.) 

Mr. TaveiNNer. What was the name of the unit or group of the 
Communist Party of which you were a member ? 

Mr. Carlson. I again invoke my rights under the fifth amendment, 
Mr. Chairman. 

Mr. Moulder. The Chair directs the witness to answer the question. 

(There was no response.) 

Mr. Ta\^nner. Will you tell the committee, please, what the Com- 
munist Party was endeavoring to accomplish in the group of the 
Communist Party with which you were affiliated ? 

(The witness confers with his counsel.) 

Mr. Carlson, I again invoke the fifth amendment, Mr. Chairman. 

Mr. Moulder. The Chair directs the witness to answer the question. 

(There was no response.) 

Mr. Velde. Just a minute. I don't think the record shows any 
answer to that. Do you want the record to show that you do not 
answer, that you remain silent? 

Mr. Carlson. I wish to invoke the fifth amendment, 

Mr, Tavenner, Will you tell the committee, in what activities did 
the group of the Communist Party of which you were a member 
engage ? 

Mr. Carlson, I again invoke the fifth amendment, 

Mr. Moulder. The Chair directs the witness to answer the question. 

(There was no response.) 

Mr. Tavenner. Will you tell the committee, please, whether the 
Communist Party group with which you were affiliated was organized 
within any industry, within any labor union, or whether it was a street 
group of the Communist Party, or, sometimes referred to as, a neigh- 
borhood group of the Communist Party? 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 371 

Mr. Caklsox. Again, on the gronncls of possible self-incrimination 
I refuse to answer. 

Mr. Moulder. You are directed to answer the question propounded 
to you by Mr. Tavenner, counsel for the committee. 

Mr. Carlsox. On the grounds of the fifth amendment, I refuse to 
answer. 

Mr. TA^'ENNER. Over how long a period of time does your knowledge 
of Communist Party activities exist? 

Mr. Carlson. I again invoke the fifth amendment. 

Mr. Moulder. You are advised and directed to answer the question. 

(There was no response.) 

Mr. Ta%t;nner. When did you become a member of the Communist 
Party? 

Mr. Carlson. The answer is the same as the one previous. 

Mr. Moulder. Again the Chair advises and directs you to answer 
the question. 

(There was no response.) 

Mr. Taat^nner. What methods were used by the Communist Party 
in order to induce you to become a member ? 

Mr. Carlson. I again invoke the fifth amendment. 

Mr. Moulder. You are advised and directed to answer the question. 

(There was no response.) 

Mr. Tavenner. You have told the committee that you withdrew 
from the Communist Party in 1949. AVliat were the circumstances 
which led you to the decision to withdraw from the Communist Party ? 

(The witness confers with his counsel.) 

Mr. Carlson. I believe, Mr. Chairman, the immediate thing was 
the outbreak of the Korean war. 

(The witness confers with his counsel.) 

Mr. Tavenner. Will you tell the committee, please, just how the 
outbreak of the Korean war affected you in your decision ? 

Mr. Carlson. My opinion, Mr. Chairman, was that that war was 
uncalled for. I didn't agree with it, no more than I agreed with our 
participation in it. 

Mr. Tavenner. Do you mean to say that the Communist Party was 
in favor of the war, and, therefore, inasmuch as you disagi-eed with 
it, you got out of the Communist Party ? 

(The witness confers with his counsel.) 

Mr. Carlson. I was against the invasion by the North Koreans of 
South Korea. That is my position. I didn't approve of that at all. 
In fact, I don't approve of war really of any kind. 

Mr. Tavenner. I misunderstood your answer entirely. 

You believed that tlie North Koreans invaded South Korea ? 

Are you assigning the Korean Avar as your reason for getting out 
of the Communist Party? ^VAHiat I am getting at is: What was the 
Comminiist Party doing about the Korean war with which you dis- 
agreed? That is the point I am trying to develop. (The witness 
confers with his counsel.) 

Mr. Carlson. I am not really in a position, I don't think, to say 
what the Communist Party did about that. Officially. There was a 
period of time when I suppose I was— Well, I don't know what word 
to use — probably losing faith, or disagreeing, or something with the 
activities. And that was the real change in my mind. That was the 
thing, the straw that broke the camel's back, you might say. 



372 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 

Mr. Tav-enxek. Do you mean the Korean war ? 

Mr. Carlson. Yes. 

Mr. Tavenner. What was the Communist Party doing about the 
Korean war that made this matter so important it affected your de- 
cision about breaking your connection with the party ? 

(The witness confers with his counseL) 

Mr. Carlson. My decision was made right then in my own mind 
when that war broke out. 

Mr. Tavenner. I am not talking about the time ; I am talking about 
what the Communist Party did to create such a situation which pre- 
vented you from continuing as a member of the Communist Party. 

(The witness confers with his counsel.) 

Mr. Carlson. My impression was that they favored the North Ko- 
reans, and I didn't. 

Mr. Tavenner. How did the Communist Party handle that ques- 
tion in its meetings? 

(The witness confers with his counsel.) 

Mr. Tavenner. Now actually the Korean war began in June 1950, 
didn't it? 

INIr. Carlson. As near as my recollection, I was thinking it was 
1949. 

Mr. Tavenner. And you say you withdrew from the Communist 
Party in 1949? 

(The witness confers with his counsel.) 

Mr. Carlson. I am sure in my mind that it was in the fall of 1949 
that I failed to reregister in the Communist Party. 

Mr, Tavenner. But the only reason you have assigned for your 
withdrawal from the Communist Party in 1949 is the Korean war, 
which did not begin until nearly a year later. 

Now it is rather difficult for the committee, I am sure, to understand 
whether or not your reasons for withdrawing from the Communist 
Party are being gi ven in good faith. 

Mr. Carlson. Mr. Chairman, I was quite active in my union and 
in my shop as a good trade union member, and, to tie one thing with 
another, I don't have anything to go by except that Korean war. I 
remember that was about the time. 

Mr. Tavenner. Then you must have been mistaken as to the year 
in which you withdrew from the Communist Party. 

(The witness confers with his counsel.) 

Mr. Carlson. That is possible. 

Mr. Tavenner. I would much rather believe that you were mistaken 
than believe you are trying to deceive the committee. 

Mr. Carlson. No. That is not the case. 

Mr. Ta\^nner. The committee has been interested for quite a pe- 
riod of time in learning all it can about the method used by the Com- 
munist Party to oppose the Korean war. By opposing the Korean 
war I mean opposing the foreign policy of the United States in con- 
nection with that war. What position did the Communist Party take 
with which you disagreed ? 

(The witness confers with his counsel.) 

Mr. Carlson. I think it is quite common knowledge that, even from 
our daily papers, the Communists did support the North Koreans. 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 373 

Mr. Tavenner. Yes; but the daily papers do not tell us what was 
done in your particular cell or group of the Communist Party, and 
that is what we want to know. 

Mr. Carlson. Well, after that war broke out, Mr. Chairman, I 
did not participate. I can't tell what they done because I don't know. 

Mr. Tavenner. Then why did you disagree with them if you didn't 
know what they were doing ? 

Mr. Carlson". Well, you remember, as history shows — according to 
the papers, anyway — that in the time before the First World War 
broke out, I remember — it just comes to my mind — the papers printed 
that the Communist Party members of France tore up their Commu- 
nist cards immediately when Russia signed some sort of a pact with 
Germany. You probably recall that in your own mind. I think that 
is a historical fact. At least the paper files will show that. I recall it 
that way. Now the same situation was mine, although I might add, 
as I have said before, that was the straw that broke the camel's back 
as far as I am concerned. 

Mr. Tavenner. Did you attend any meeting of the Communist 
Party after you wrote the letter on June 19, 1954, to this committee? 

(The witness confers with his counsel) . 

Mr. Tavenner. Did you attend any meeting of the Communist 
Party after the outbreak of the Korean War? 

Mr. Carlson. Not to the best of my recollection ; I don't believe so. 

Mr. Tavenner. I understand you will not tell this committee any- 
thing about the activities of the Communist Party during the period 
when you were a member. Is that correct ? 

Mr. Carlson. Because the answer to those questions might tend to 
incriminate me, and, on advise of my counsel, I refuse to answer those 
questions. 

Mr. Tavenner. I have no further questions. 

Mr. Moulder. Any questions ? 

Mr. Velde. Yes, Mr. Chairman. Since the witness is unwilling to 
give us any of the information which we are certain he has regarding 
his activities in the Communist Party while he was a member, pos- 
sibly he would tell us what motivated him to get into the Communist 
Party, to join the Communist Party in the first place. 

(The witness confers with his counsel.) 

Mr. Carlson. Could I answer that question, Mr. Congressman, and 
not go into other questions regarding it ? 

Mr. Velde. Yes, certainly. I would like to have you answer. 

(The witness confers with his counsel.) 

Mr. Carlson. I was looking for an answer to the problems that 
beset many, many workers besides myself. And I really had a rough 
time during the depression. 

Mr. Velde. Did you join the party, then, during the depression ? 

(The witness confers with his counsel.) 

Mr. Carlson. My understanding was that if I answered the pre- 
vious question there would not be any more regarding that. 

Mr. Velde. I did not understand it that way at all. I am sorry if 
you misinterpreted my question. And I don't mean to treat you 
unfairly in any way or try to trap you. It seems to me that if anybody 
is being trapped you are being trapped by your own unwillingness to 
answer questions that are put to you about your activities in the Com- 
munist Party. I think, Mr. Chairman, the record should show during 



374 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 

the course of the examination by Mr. Tavenner and by you that the 
witiiess has been conferring with his counsel regarding the answers 
to the questions. 

Mr. Moulder. The record will reflect conferences with counsel in 
that regard. 

Mr. Ta\t:nner. I have no further questions. 

Mr. Moulder. The witness is excused. 

At this time the committee will read a letter which was just received, 
addressed to myself as chairman. The letter is from the Musicians' 
Association of Seattle, Local 76, A. F. of M. 

Dear Sik: I am distressed to learn that our member. Mrs. Helen Taverniti, 
has not made herself available for service of the subpena from the House Un- 
American Activities Committee. 

I wish to point out that since 1940 the American Federation of Musicians has 
persistently carried on a sustained effort to remove from our membership per- 
sons proven to be affiliated with organizations of a subversive nature. In fact, 
our bylaws specifically provide that membership in the Communist Party or any 
Communist "front" organization is cause for immediate expulsion from member- 
ship. 

The executive board of local 76 has deemed it necessary to send a registered 
letter to Mrs. Helen Taverniti at her last known address, citing her to appear 
before the board for interrogation relative to this matter. 
Very truly yours, 

Leslie R. Martin, President. 

Mr. Tavenner. Mrs. Margaret Elizabeth Gustafson. 

Will you come forward, please. 

Mr. Moulder. Hold up your right hand and be sworn, please. 

Do you solemnly swear that the testimony which you are about to 
give before this committee will be the truth, the whole truth and 
nothing but the truth, so help you God ? 

Mrs. Gustafson. I do. 

Mr. Moulder. Be seated. 

TESTIMONY OF MAEGARET ELIZABETH GUSTAFSON, ACCOM- 
PANIED BY HEE COUNSEL, KENNETH A. MacDONALD 

Mr. Tavenner. Will you state your name, please ? 

Mrs. Gustafson. Margaret Elizabeth Gustafson. 

Mr. Tavenner. It is noted that you are accompanied by counsel. 

Will counsel please identify himself for the record? 

Mr. MLicDoNALD. Kenneth A. MacDonald, a lawyer of the city of 
Seattle. 

Mr. Tavenner. When and where were you born, Mrs. Gustafson? 

Mrs. Gustafson. I was born February 9, 1912, in the city of Seattle^ 

Mr. Ta\tenner. Will you spell j^our last name, please ? 

Mrs. Gustafson. G-u-s-t-a-f-s-o-n. 

Mr. Ta\tenner. Where do you now reside ? 

Mrs. Gustafson. In Bremerton, Wash. 

Mr. Tavenner. How are you employed ? 

Mrs. Gustafson. As a schoolteacher. 

Mr. Ta\^nner. Will you tell the committee, please, what your 
formal educational training has been? 

Mrs. Gustafson. I graduated from San Diego State College in 
1933, attended Mills for graduate work the following year. I havB 
had summer school at the Western Washington College of Education, 
at the University of Washington, extension courses 



YOUTH CANTtEN-Cyr.l Glus~Oncc .. ,r,onth-(April 
11. May y and June 6)— with music, tnterlainment, and 
lood arrjnf;<-d under mature supervision, by and for 


youth. 




JUNIOR TOWN HALL-Cyril Gius-A monthly hvely 
.,„d ,limulat.n,: discussion on questions of the day ol 
|..i,lKuiar interest to youth. Fridays-April :\ May 2>. 


and June 20. 




Jl.sofor tliesix se«io 


,c or s-ic a session 


CHILDREN'S WORKSHOP 

byCilcsu llrooksand Marth. 


Ruth Bilterman - assisted 
Smyser. Saturday, 10 a.m.- 


IJ noon- Ajies <<-\2. 




A workshop for children <>■! 
desire to create, to help them 
and color in their eseryday ii 


• encourajiin^ therr natural 
ind and express the beauty 
e, usin,. simple art skills. 


and to help them to be cooperative individuals in their 


.troup 




Kce: J Villi 





WHO RUNS YOUR SCHOOL? 

BOARD OF DIRECTORS: This is the governing body of 
the School and its decisions are binding upon the school in 
matters of organization and policy. It is comprised of trade 
union members and representatives of the city at large, 
elected on the following basis: Trade unions affiliating to 
the school through payment of an affiliation fee elect one 
member to the Board. Trade union councils endorsing the 
school also elect one member to the Board. These elect 
additional members from the city at large up to one third 
of their number. Thus, the Board of Directors, always repre- 
sentative of labor, also includes people who can bring broad 
educational experience to the school. 



you. 



Our aim is lo do what YOU want done I 
classes and activities in the center, we will 
Does your union need a special course to help in buildin 
the union, in developing new forces!-' Are there fiftee 
people in your neighborhood \c ho want some special class 
Do you need help in planning parties, song-fests, show 
meetings— the Public Affaiis Dept. is organized to hel 
you. Give us a call and well work out what you need. 



PACIFIC NORTHWEST LABOR SCHOOL 

309 - 2nd Avenue North 

GArfield 5404 



SPRING TERM 

Week of April 7, 1947 

• 

Register Now! 

Pacific Northwest Labor School 

309 2nd Are. North 
GA. S404 

I want to enroll in the NORTHWEST LABOR SCHOOL 
in (please print plainly) 

CLASS No Day 

CLASS No Day 

Enclosed find $ for my registration fee. 

NAME 

ADDRESS PHONE 

UNION ..-- 



line Cooks ind Sicwii 



NaiioG 


1 N.dco ConjiCTi 






Pilnin 


LO..I Union. No. )00 




ShIpKiko. Drydoclc .rd 




The Nt« VCorld 






Unilrd OIlKC ind Piofn 


lonil 


Workers 


Uniied 


Public VXoricr. o 


Am 


crici 


W..h.r, 


lion Ptniion Un.on 




Windo 




No. 


" 






FRATERNAL 


Nonh, 


„ VC.,hin„on DiMiic, 


Countil. 



REGISTER NOW 



Spring li already with us, so sign up for the course ihat 
our needs NOW! The tuition fee for a single course is 
ot 10 weeks. If your trade union or community organizati 
ffiliated with the Northwest Labor School the fee is $J.OQ 
n investment that will pay off in new satisfactions and pr. 
ding. This is education to make democracy work. 



SPRING TERM OPENS WEEK OF APRIL 7, 1947 




Saturday, April 5th 

THE PACIFIC NORTHWEST 
LABOR SCHOOL 



OPEN HOUSE 

DANCE - REFRESHI^ENTS - FUN TO START THE SPRING TERM 



VACATION TIME 



Spend yiiur 



the Labor School Summer Camp — 
rest, play — and learn. 

LAKE HATZIC 
BRITISH COLUMBIA 

Sponsored jointly by the Northwest Labor School and the 
British Columbia Workers Education Association. Inex- 
pensive, facilities for youngsters (even babies) — lots of fun 
for a week or more of vacation. Get full information jjnd 
application blanks at the Labor School office. 



PACIFIC 
NORT 
LAB 
SC 




SPRING 



MAKE SUNDAY NIGHT 

FORUM 
NIGHT 

7:00 P. M. 

Beginning March 23, 1947 

Every Sunday a Forum on an issue of current and 
vital importance to labor and the Seattle com- 
munity. We will tackle the most important develop- 
ments on the local, national and international scene. 
Make the FORUM a weekly habit. 

ADMISSION FREE 

SEATTLE LABOR FORUM 

309 • 2nd Ave. N. 

6tZ22 O - 55 - pl. 1 ( Face p. 174) No. 1 



TRADE UNIONISM 

)(I4 Union Meeting Procedure 

Mondjy. 8:3010:00 P.M. 
Herman Oti 

Huw to nr/janiit: and run a union mtcling. Discuss and 



SOCIAL SCIENCES 



204 — FacH Behind the Newi 

Thundav. 8:.W-I0:00 P.N 
AJbcH M. Oiienheimer 



A critical discu: 
Analysis of fast i 
affairs. 



the nrtts behind the headlines 



215 — Development of Socialist Thought II 

Wednesda). 8:JO-10:00 P.M. 
Bert MacLecch 



WORKSHOPS 



304— Swing Your Pardncr 



real labor flavor — wilt 
Indi'viduli 






lot — History of American Labor 

Friday. 1:00.3:00 P.M. 
Friday, 8:3010:00 P.M. 



special emphasis on events from World War 



108 — Tride Union Organizational Problems 

Wednesday. 6:45-8:15 P.M. 
Harve)' Jackins 



109— Psychology for Unionists 

Wednesday. 8 JO- 10:00 P.M. 

Dr. Ralph Gundlach 
Prublem of making a dues. payer into a union 
Psychological approach to such topics as handling f 



110 — Labor's Experience in Political Action 

Friday. 6:458:15 P.M 

H. Richard Seller 

Thomas C. Rabbitt 
Analysis of labor's success and failures in political jction. 
Includes practical information on government and how 



itrenglh to safeguard democracy. 



Mow to buy. what to buy. and what not to buy. Provides 
' shopping to save" techniques. Class members will co- 
operate in field work to determine good and bad buys in 



'18— The Truth About Unioni 

Thursday, 6:45-1:15 P.M. 

Richard Bcnur 
This course is for everyone— but especially for rank and 
tilers who want correct answers on the structure and role 
ol the unions. Here is an opportunity for those outside 
of otganiied labor to deal with the facts— rathei than the 
liclions which circulate about unions. 



'JO— Labor News Reporting 

Monday, 6:45-8:15 P.M. 

Terry Pettus 

H. Richard Seller 



205— Science and the Problems of Race 

Tuesday. 6:45-8:15 P.M 
Dorothy . 



Will help supply 
and contribution! 
origin of racial i 
to Combat them 



ific understanding of background« 
various peoples. Deals with the 
ligious prejudices, and give^ fact^ 



209— Child Psycholosy 

Tuesday, 8:30-lU:UU P 
Dr. Sylvia Mac CoK 



other— with pMCtical application 

tearing healthlv, normal childn 
nt of healthly parent-child relatio 



210 — Science of Society 

Monday, 1:00-3:00 P.M. 

Monday, 6:45-8:15 P.M. 

Bert MacLecch 

A scientific analysis of the basic forces at work in the 
world today. Covers a study of the origin and develop- 
ment of capitalism, the rise of modern imperialism and 
theory and practice of socialism. 



214— World Polifict 

Friday, 645-8:15 P.M. 

John Daschbach 

This course deals with the major trends in i 
relations, with special attention to relations bet% 
the Soviet Union, and the United States 



216 — Political Economy I 

Monday, 8:30-10:00 P.M. 

Harry Fugl 

Course deals with basic la« 
relationships o 
special emphasis 
I these relationships. 



217 — Political Economy II 

Monday. 6:45-8:15 P.M. 
Harry Fugl 



219 — Problems Facing the Negro People 

Tuesday, 8:30-10:00 P.M. 
Carl Brooks 

( 

which divide and 



220— What is Philosophy 

Thursday, 6:45-8:15 P.M. 

Prof. H. J. Phillips 

Treats philosophy in terms of its relation to the principal 
needs and interests of men today. Get acquainted with 
some of the maior thinkers of the past and present. 



312 — Everyone Can Draw 



SCHEDULE OF CLASSES — PACIFIC NORTHWEST LABOR SCHOOL 



Monday 

DAY CLASSES 
1:00.} :00 P.M 


Tuesday 

10:£\'^„^!i*:S¥.„ 
«.,,.,„. U.de„MpTr.,„,„. 


Wednesday 

DAY CLASSES 


Thursday 

DAY CLASSES 


Friday 

DAY CLASSES 


■ 20-Ubor New. Rcponin. 
210-So~« o( Sodny 


.0,-^::: ;l:,i .,. 




220-Wh.. 1. PhilOKiph, 


110— Ubor and Polilteal Aajoo 
2l*-World Politic. 
M5-Ubo, Sio,. 


«:».10:00 P.M. 
IO<-Unioo MmiKf P.ocrfu,. 


nw-Child Plycholon 
219-Probi™.. o( N.„o P«.pk 


»A-Swin, Your P.,dn« 


• :3a-IO:00 P.M. 


Junior Town HM and 
Youlh Canton 

April II) ' ' 



SATURDAY, 10-12 — CHILDREN'S WORKSHOP SUNDAY NIGHT: FORUM NIGHT, 1:00-3:00 P.M. 



enjoy It. The course ' 



Sings 

Friday. 6:45-8:15 P.M 
Hazel Johnson 



320 — Recreation as Leadership 

Wednesday. 1:00-3:00 P.M. 
Ruth MacLecch 

I plan and arrjn>:e rccreal 






'.u'! i:^:^ 



Urouns. 



these ! 



planning progiams around 



321 — Recreation as Union Leadership 

Wednesday, 6:458:15 P.M. 
Ruth MacLcech 

How recreation can be used to activate the union member- 
ship. Deals especially with simple uses of music, crafts 
and other recreational techniques. Source material avail- 
able for unionists planning activities in these fields. 

• 

322— Craft Workshop 

Thursday, 10:00 A.M.-I2:00 P.M. 
Tnidi Hirshman 
Simple projects for the home and trade union hall, using 
erials. A chance to learn new 
producing what interests you. 



Meet and Eat Club (No Fee Charged) 

Thursday, Noon to 2:00 P.M. 
Edith Coley 



provided. No fee charged. 



NOTE: REGISTRATION IS OPEN NOW FOR CLASSES 
BEGINNING APRIL 7. 1947 

62222 O - 55 - pt. I ( Face p. 374) No. 2 



mmm 30/ 



■•^t^ kfioit* 



■A ifi^ililc^ ni s>>r' 



COISOIUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 375 

Mr. Ta\-enner. Wlien were you at the University of Washington? 

Mrs. GusTAFSON. 1940, the summer session. 

Mr. Tavenner. I interrupted you. You were in the course of 
giving some further extension work. 

Mrs. GusTAFSON. I have had extension courses; I just finished one 
a few weeks ago. 

Mr. Taa^nner. How have you been employed since 1940 ? 

(The witness confers with her counsel.) 

Mrs. GusTAFSON. In 1941 1 taught kindergarten. Eight after Pearl 
Harbor I went into the Puget Sound Naval Shipyard. And when 
I left there I organized and supervised the war emergency nursery 
schools in Bremerton, the after-school-care program for the children 
of working mothers. Then I worked for the Kitsap County Welfare 
Department. 

Mr. Tavenner. "Wlien was that, please ? Approximately. 

Mrs. GusTAFSON. My first child was bom in 1945. So it was the 
year of 1945, maybe the latter part of 1944. I don't recall exactly. 

Then in the fall of 1947 I went back to teaching in the Bremerton 
public schools, and have been there ever since. 

Mr. Tavenner. Mrs. Gust af son, do you have any knowledge of the 
operation of the Northwest Labor School in Seattle ? 

(The witness confers with her counsel.) 

Mrs. GusTAFSON. I shall have to avail myself of the privilege 
granted me by the fifth amendment of the Constitution of the United 
States, which protects me from giving testimony which might incrimi- 
nate me. 

Mr. Moulder. The question asked was : Do you possess any informa- 
tion or knowledge concerning the school referred to by counsel? 

(The witness confers with her counsel.) 

Mr. Moulder. He did not ask you for any specific information. He 
just asked you if you had such information, if you knew about the 
school. Do you refuse or decline to answer ? 

(The witness confers with lier counsel.) 

Mrs. GusTAFSON. I shall have to avail myself of the privilege of 
invoking the fifth amendment for the reasons given before. 

Mr. Ta-\t:nner. Did you attend the Pacific Northwest Labor School 
at any time ? 

(The witness confers with her counsel.) 

Mrs. Gustafson. I refuse to answer on the grounds previously given. 

Mr. Tavenner. Quite apparently, Mr. Chairman, it would be a use- 
less waste of time to ask any further questions regarding the operation 
of the school. 

(The Spring 1947 Catalogue of the Pacific Northwest Labor School 
is hereby made a part of the transcript, and appears herewith.) 

Mr. Tavenner. During the period of time that you have been en- 
gaged in teaching have you been a member of the American Federa- 
tion of Teachers unions ? 

(The witness confers with her counsel.) 

Mr. Tavenner. And I should add, for your information, that the 
American Federation of Teachers unions has never been cited as a 
communist front organization. 

(The witness confers with her counsel.) 

Mrs. Gustafson. Yes ; I have been. 



376 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 

Mr. Tavenner. Over what period of time have you been a member ? 

(The witness confers with her counseL) 

Mrs. GusTAFsoN. Oil and on since I became eligible in 1937, when- 
ever I was in the public schools. 

Mr, Tavenner, The investigation which this committee has con- 
ducted within the past few years has developed information in several 
diilerent parts of the country, and I refer particularly to New York, to 
Harvard University, to the general area of Los Angeles, and, I believe, 
also in Michigan, that the Communist Party made a very strong effort 
to get in a position to control the activities of the teachers unions 
affiliated with the American Federation of Teachers. Do you have 
any knowledge as to whether or not the Communist Party made an 
effort to infiltrate the American Federation of Teachers union here? 

(The witness confers with her counsel.) 

Mr, Tavenner, I think I should say, and it may be of some help to 
you in answering the question, that I have no information of any 
Communist Party activities within the American Federation of 
Teachers union here. But I want to know whether there were, 

(The witness confers with her counsel,) 

Mrs, GusTAFsoN. My counsel advises me that I must say "No." I 
am sorry but I have to answer. 

Mr. Tavenner. And what is your answer ? 

Mrs. GusTAFsON. My answer is "No." 

Mr. Tavenner, That you do not have any such knowledge? 

Mrs, Gtjstafson, Absolutely not. 

Mr. Tavenner. Have you held any office or position in the Amer- 
ican Federation of Teachers unions ? 

(The witness confers with her counsel.) 

Mrs. Gustafson. Yes. I held the office of treasurer. 

Mr. Tavenner. Over what period of time ? 

( The witness confers with her counsel. ) 

Mrs, Gustafson. I think it was a portion of 1948 and a good share 
of 1949, 

Mr, Tavenner. Were you a member of the Communist Party at 
any time during the years 1948 and 1949 ? 

(The witness confers with her counsel.) 

Mrs. Gustafson. No ; I was not. 
^ Mr, Tavenner, Were you a member of the Communist Party at any 
time while you were a member of the American Federation of Teach- 
ers unions? 

(The witness confers with her counsel.) 

Mrs. Gustafson. I shall have to invoke the fifth amendment, for the 
reasons previously given. 

Mr, Tavenner. Are you a member of the Communist Party now? 

(The witness confers with her counsel.) 

Mrs. Gustafson. No. 

Mr. Tavenner. Were you a member of the Communist Party in 
1947? 

(The witness confers with her counsel.) 

Mrs. Gustafson. I shall have to invoke the fifth amendment to 
the Constitution, for the reasons previously given. 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SEATTLE, WASH., AREA 377 

Mr. Tavenner. According to your testimony, you were at the 
University of Washington for 1 year in 1940. 

Mrs. GusT^vrsoK. I beg your pardon. That was the summer session. 

Mr. Tavenner. Were you a member of the Communist Party at 
that time ? 

(The witness confers with her counsel.) 

Mrs. GusTAFsoN. I shall have to invoke the fifth amendment for the 
reasons previously given. 

Mr. Tavenner. Were Communist Party meetings held at any time 
in your home during the year 1947 ? 

(The witness confers with her counsel.) 

Mrs. Gustafsgn. I shall have to invoke the fifth amendment, for 
the reasons previously given. 

Mr. Tavenner. Were you at any time a member of the Victory Club 
of the Communist Party in Bremerton ? 

(The witness confers with her counsel.) 

Mrs. Gtjstafson. I shall have to invoke, for the reasons previously 
given. 

Mr. Tavenner. Mr. Chairman, inasmuch as the witness refuses to 
answer as to the period 1940-47, it is hardly necessary to ask any 
further questions. So that is all I have. 

Mr. Moulder. Mr. Velde? 

Mr. Velde. Do you intend to invoke the fifth amendment on any 
question we might ask you touching upon your activities as a member 
of the Communist Party ? 

(The witness confers with her counsel.) 

Mrs. Gustafsgn. I refuse to answer the question on the grounds 
previously given. 

Mr. Velde. It is obvious to m.e that we cannot get any information 
whatsoever from this witness. 80 I have nothing further to ask. 

Mr. Moulder. Would you answer a question concerning any infor- 
mation or knowledge you may have of Communist Party or subversive 
activities in which you yourself were in no way whatsoever personally 
connected ? Tf you had such knowledge and information, would you 
answer the question concerning such information or knowledge? 

(The witness confers with her counsel.) 

Mrs. GusTAFSON. I am sorry, Mr. Chairman, but I have to invoke 
the fifth amendment, for the reasons previously given. 

Mr. Moulder. I want to make myself clear, that I am not proposing 
to ask you questions concerning any matter or any fact which would 
tend to incriminate you personally. 

I say would you answer any question concerning any fact or infor- 
mation you may have concerning subversive, communistic, or un- 
American activities which you yourself were not related to, but which 
you have knowledge of concerning someone else. Would you answer 
such a question ? 

(The witness confers with her counsel.) 

Mrs. GusTAFSON. I am sorry, sir, but I shall have to invoke the 
fifth amendment. 

Mr. Moulder. You are excused as a witness. 

The committee will stand in recess until 1 : 30. 

(Whereupon, at 12 : 03 p. m., the subcommittee was recessed, to be 
reconvened at 1 : 30 p. m., this same day. Remainder of this hearing 
is printed in pt. 2 of this series.) 



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