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INVESTIGATION OF COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE
SAN FRANCISCO AREA-PART 3
hearinS
BEFORE THE
COMMITTEE ON UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
EIGHTY-THIRD CONGRESS
FIRST SESSION
DECEMBER 3, 1953
Printed for the use of the Committee on Un-American Activities
INCLUDING INDEX
UNITED STATES
GOVERNMENT PRINTING OmCB
41U0? WASHINGTON : 1954
Boston Public Library
Superintendent of Documents
MAR 1 6 1954
COMMITTEE ON UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES
United States House of Representatives
HAROLD H. VBLDE, Illinois, Chairman
BERNARD W. KEARNEY, New York FRANCIS B. WALTER, Pennsylvania
DONALD L. JACKSON, California MORGAN M. MOULDER, Missouri
KIT CLARDY, Michigan CLYDE DOYLE, California
GORDON H. SCHERER, Ohio JAMES B. FRAZIER, Je., Tennessee
Robert L. Kunzig, Counsel
Fraxk S. Tavenner, Jr., Counsel
Louis J. Russell, Chief Invest'Kjator
Thomas W. Beale, Sr., Chief Clerk
Raphael I. NixOn, Director of Research
II
CONTENTS
Page
December 3, 1953, testimony of —
Charles David Blodgett 3268
Lloyd Lehman 3324
Mary Pieper , 3327
Robert E. Treuhaft 3329
John Delgado 3342
Index 3345
EXHIBIT
Blodgett Exhibit No. 1 — Student Offensive, publication of the Midwest Stu-
dent Victory Assembly, volume 1, No. 1, spring 1943 (see pp. 3273-3277).
in
Public Law 601, 79th Congress
The legislation under which the House Committee on Un-American
Activities operates is Public Law 601, Y9th Congress [1946], chapter
753, 2d session, which provides :
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States
of A7nerica in Congress assembled. * * *
PART 2— RULES OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Rule X
SEC. 121. STANDING COMMITTEES
♦ ♦•»**•
17. Committee on Un-American Activities, to consist of nine members.
Rule XI
POWERS AND DUTIES OF COMMITTEES
«*«*•♦•
(q) (1) Committee on Un-American Activities.
(A) Un-American activties.
(2) The Committee on Un-American Activities, as a whole or by subcommittee,
is authorized to make from time to time investigations of (i) the extent,
character, and objects of un-American propaganda activities in the United States,
(ii) the diffusion within the United States of subversive and un-American propa-
ganda that is instigated from foreign countries or of a domestic origin and attaclss
the principle of the form of government as guaranteed by our Constitution, and
(iii) all other questions in relation thereto that would aid Congress in any neces-
sary remedial legislation.
The Committee on Un-American Activities shall report to the House (or to the
Clerk of the House if the House is not in session) the results of any such investi-
gation, together with such recommendations as it deems advisable.
For the purpose of any such investigation, the Committee on Un-American
Activities, or any subcommittee thereof, is authorized to sit and act at such
times and places within the United States, whether or not the House is sitting,
has recessed, or has adjourned, to hold such hearings, to require the attendance
of such witnesses and the production of such books, papers, and documents, and
to take such testimony, as it deems necessary. Subpenas may be issued under
the signature of the chairman of the committee or any subcommittee, or by any
member designated by any such chairman, and may be served by any person
designated by any such chairman or member.
V
RULES ADOPTED BY THE S3D CONGRESS
House Resolution 5, January 3, 1953
****** ^,
Rule X
STANDING C0MMITTEa:8
1. There shall be elected by the House, at the commencement of each Con-
gress, the following standing committees :
*******
(q) Committee on Un-American Activities, to consist of nine members.
*******
Rule XI
POWERS AND DUTIES OF COMMITTEES
*******
17. Committee on Un-American Activities.
(a) Un-American Activities.
(b) The Committee on Un-American Activities, as a whole or by subcommittee,
is authorized to make from time to time, investigations of (1) the extent, char-
acter, and objects of un-American propaganda activities in the United States,
(2) the diffusion within tlie United States of subversive and un-American propa-
ganda that is instigated from foreign countries or of a domestic origin and
attaclvs the principle of the form of government as guaranteed by our Constitu-
tion, and (3) all other questions in relation thereto that would aid Congress
in any necessary remedial legislation.
The Committee on Un-American Activities shall report to the House (or to the
CJlerk of the House if the House is not in session) the results of any such investi-
gation, together with such recommendations as it deems advisable.
For the purpose of any such investigation, the Committee on Un-American
Activities, or any subcommittee thereof, is authorized to sit and act at such times
and places within the United States, whether or not the House is sitting, has
recessed, or has adjourned, to hold such hearings, to require the attendance
of such witnesses and the production of such books, papers, and documents, and
to take such testimony, as it deems necessary. Subpenas may be issued under
the signature of the chairman of the committee or any subcommittee, or by any
member designated by such chairman, and may be served by any person desig-
nated by any such chairman or member.
VI
INVESTIGATION OF COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE
SAN FKANCISCO AEEA— PAET 3
THURSDAY, DECEMBER 3, 1953
United States House of Representatives,
SUBCX)MMITTEE OF THE COMMITTEE ON Un-AmERICAN ACTIVITIES,
San Francisco, Calif.
PUBLIC HEARING
The Subcommittee of the Committee on Un-American Activities
met, pursuant to adjournment, at 9 : 35 a. m., in the hearing room of the
board of supervisors, city hall, Hon. Harold H. Velde (chairman)
presiding.
Committee members present: Representatives Harold H. Velde
(chairman), Donald L. Jackson, Gordon H. Scherer, Morgan M.
Moulder, and Clyde Doyle.
Staff members present : Robert L. Kunzig and Frank S. Tavenner,
Jr., counsel; William A. Wheeler and W. Jackson Jones, investi-
gators ; and Juliette P. Joray, acting clerk.
Mr, Velde. The committee will be in order.
Before commencing today's hearings, the Chair wishes to make a
brief, and we trust a clear, statement relative to demonstrations of
approval or disapproval on the part of the audience. The House
Committee on Un-American Activities has a charge and obliga-
tion imposed upon it by the Congress of the United States to conduct
these and other hearings.
This charge the committee has not failed to fulfill in the past in spite
of attacks verging upon violence on occasion. It does not intend to
be swerved from its duty by organized efforts to disrupt the hearings
or by demonstrations of any kind. The audience in the hearing room
is not a captive audience in any sense, and those who desire to leave
are free to do so at any time.
Any demonstration of approval or disapproval on the part of the
audience will result in an order by the Chair for the immediate clear-
ing of the hearing room.
It is hoped that this action will not be necessary, but the Chair will
not hesitate to take whatever action is required to insure that the busi-
ness of the United States Congress is conducted with dignity and
expedition.
Mr. Counsel, will you call your witness ?
Mr. Tavenner. Yes, sir. The first witness this morning is IMr.
Charles David Blodgett. Mr. Blodgett, will you come forward,
please ?
Mr. Velde. In the testimony you are about to give before this sub-
committee do you solemnly swear that you will tell the truth, the whole
truth, and nothing but the truth, so help you God ?
Mr. Blodgett. I will.
3267
3268 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SAN FRANCISCO AREA
TESTIMONY OF CHARLES DAVID BLODGETT
Mr. Tavenner. What is your name, please, sir ?
Mr. Blodgett. Charles David Blodgett.
Mr. Tavenner. Are you accompanied by counsel, Mr. Blodgett?
Mr. Blodgett. No, sir ; I am not.
Mr. Tavenner. Are you familiar with the rule and practice of the
committee which permits every witness, if he desires, to be accom-
panied by counsel ?
Mr. Blodgett. I am.
Mr. Tavenner. And even though not accompanied by counsel, hav-
ing a right to consult counsel at any time if he so desires ?
Mr. Blodgett. I am familiar with those rules.
Mr. Tavenner. Do you desire counsel ?
Mr. Blodgett. I do not.
Mr. Tavenner. Wlien and where were you born, Mr. Blodgett ?
Mr. Blodgett. I was born on February 19, 1921, in Northfield,
Minnesota.
Mr. Tavenner. Where do you now reside ?
Mr. Blodgett. I now reside in Chicago.
Mr. Tavenner. Have you ever lived in San Francisco ?
Mr. Blodgett. Not in San Francisco ; no, sir.
Mr. Tavenner. Have you lived in the bay area?
Mr. Blodgett. I have.
Mr. Tavenner. In what sections of the bay area have you lived?
Mr. Blodgett. I have lived in Alameda and in Oakland.
Mr. Tavenner. WTiat is your business or profession ?
Mr. Blodgett. At present I am employed as a salesman.
Mr. Tavenner. Will you tell the committee, please, what your
formal educational training has been ?
Mr. Blodgett. I attended grammar school in my home, North-
field, Minn. ; high school, graduate of Northfield High School, 1939.
I then went to Carleton College.
Mr. Tavenner. Where is Carleton College located ?
Mr. Blodgett. In Northfield, Minn.; and I was graduated from
Carleton in May of 1943 with a bachelor of arts degree.
Mr. Tavenner. During the period when you were in college and
subsequent to that time were you in any branch of the military
service ?
Mr. Blodgett. Yes, sir; I was commissioned as a probationary
officer of the Navy in about August of 1942. I completed my col-
lege course in 1943 and went on active duty with the Navy July 1,
1943, so I was not on active duty while I was in college.
Mr. Tavenner. How lon^ did you remain in the Navy ?
Mr. Blodgett. I was in the Navy from July 1, 1943, until February
9, 1946.
Mr. Tavenner. Have you at any time been identified or affiliated
in any manner with the Young Communist League?
Mr. Blodgett. Yes, sir ; I was.
Mr. Tavenner. Over what period of time were you connected or
affiliated with the Young Communist League?
Mr. Blodgett. From approximately August of 1941 until I was
graduated from college and went on active duty in the Navy.
C03V1MUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SAN FRANCISCO AREA 3269
Mr. Tavenner. Then you became a member of the Yoimg Com-
munist League while at college ?
Mr. Blodgett. While at college.
Mr. Tavenner. Did you have any part in organizing the Young
Communist League in your college ?
Mr. Blodgett. Yes ; I actually took the lead with the assistance of
a Young Communist League organizer in establishing a branch of
the YCL on the campus at Carleton College.
Mr. Tavenner. Then a paid functionary of the Communist Party
assisted you in the organization of the Young Communist League in
your college?
Mr. Blodgett. That is true, sir.
Mr. Tavenner. The coimnittee would be interested to know what
led up to your decision to attempt to organize the Young Conmiu-
nist League in your college.
Would you go back and state to the committee what interested
you in that course of action ?
Mr. Blodgett. One wonders how far to go. Those things I pre-
sume, start in childhood. It relates to the training, various influ-
ences, and factors in a young person's life.
I suppose most people have a conception, somewhat stereotyped,
of the kind of background that makes young people join an organiza-
tion like the Young Commmunist League, but I think an examina-
tion, for instance, of my own life and background will show that
the Communists are able to reach people from all walks of life, from
all types of background, good homes and poor homes, from working-
class families, middle-class families.
I was bom and raised in a town of 4,500 people. My father was a
municipal court judge for many years in Northfield. My grandfather
was a very eminent businessman in Northfield. My grandfather on
my mother's side was an Episcopalian minister who was chaplain for
some time at the Stillwater Penitentiary, chaplain of the senate in
Minnesota for a number of years.
There is nothing particularly unusual about the way I was raised.
It was a good home, 6 children ; all these things may seem quite irrele-
vant, but I think in the record it should show somewhere that be-
cause
Mr. Velde. Mr. Blodgett, let me assure you — and I am sure the
members of the committee agree — we personally feel this is very rele-
vant, and we are very much interested in your story. Proceed.
Mr. Blodgett. I can remember from high school being very inter-
ested in social problems confronting the Nation and the world, and it
is from that sort of background and that sort of inclination, serious
minded young people, that the Communists can move in and make re-
cruiting material.
At the age of 17 I wanted to make over the whole world into a more
perfect sphere of beauty and goodness and found, at least thought I
had found, the answer when I met Communists, listened to their per-
suasion, and although it may seem difficult to understand how this
could be, let me assure you that their resources or arsenal of indoc-
trinating techniques have been highly refined over a period of a hun-
dred years, and they know how to take those genuine desires of young
people to make a better place for the world, make the world a better
41002— 54— pt. 3 2
3270 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SAN FRANCISCO AREA
place to live in, and take those natural inclinations and use them to
reach that person and to indoctrinate them.
Now, in my own experience the first Communist I met was in ap-
proximately December of 1939, which was my freshman year at Carle-
ton College, a small liberal arts school of about 850 enrolment. This
Communist was from Minneapolis. I met him through mutual
acquaintance. He got to talking with me and found out that I did
have certain interests in social problems and gave me material, litera-
ture to read, books like Howard Selsam's What Is Philosophy? when
he discovered that I was taking philosophy at Carleton College.
On the campus at Carleton there was a considerable Marxist move-
ment among the students, which was led by a member of the faculty
at Carleton.
Mr. Tavenner. Now, I noticed you said "Marxist" ; you did not say
"Communist." Was that deliberate on your part?
Mr. Blodgett. Yes, sir; because I think you will find this is quite
typical on the campuses. A professor will be a Marxist and espouse
Marxist theory while not being an organized member of the Com-
munist Party. In this case the professor who led the movement was
a refugee from Germany who said he fled from the Hitler regime and
came to Carleton College as a professor of economics, very outspoken
Marxist, a veiy erudite man, a man with tremendous intellectual
agility and capacity ; someone who in some other phase of endeavors,
scholastic endeavor, would be considered an outstanding scholar ; very
glamorous figure, very dynamic figure, and he did a great deal to in-
fluence a large section of the student body, to the extent that when
his contract was not renewed at the end of the year of 1939^0, the
student body rose up in protest and held meetings in the college audi-
torium and sent a delegation to the president of the school demand-
ing to know why this great scholar had been fired — just an indication
of what kind of following he was able to achieve — and he was, of
course, able to influence other members of the faculty of the college.
I became acquainted with this man — this is all prior to my joining
the Young Communist League — he made his verv extensive Marxist
library available to me, encouraged me to do reading. I spent most
of the summer of 1940 reading from his library, and there were not
only Marxist works, but official Communist Party literature, Histoiy
of the Communist Party in the Soviet Union, for example, Stalin's
Principles of Leninism.
The coincidence of meeting an avowed Communist in December of
1939 juxtaposed with the type of work that I was actually doing in
the classrooms of the college. It was like an electric shock to me
because here in the Communist books and philosophy I was getting
practically the same basic view of histoiy and the dynamics of his-
tory and the organization of society and the laws of society as the
Marxists propounded; the Communist books and the classroom dis-
cussion met.
And this had a great influence actually on convincing me of the
validity of these Marxist theories. Somehow or another the Commu-
nist Party in the Twin Cities
Mr. Tavenner. "Wliat do you mean by "Twin Cities" ?
Mr. Blodgett. That is Minneapolis and St. Paul — found out that
there was a foment on the campus at Carleton College, and certain
COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SAN FRANCISCO AREA 3271
spadework had been done, and a great deal of indoctrination had
been done in the Marxist theory in the classroom and on the campus,
and at that time they had imported from Brooklyn a Young Commu-
nist League organizer by the name of Harold Schachter.
Mr. Tavenner. Will you spell the name ?
Mr. Blodgett. That is S-c-h-a-c-h-t-e-r. Mr. Schachter was a very
capable, extremely capable, organizer. He found out about the sit-
ation there, and through a Mrs. Meridel LeSeuer
Mr. Tavenner. Will you please spell that name ?
Mr. Blodgett. M-e-r-i-d-e-1 L-e-S-e-u-e-r. Mrs. LeSeuer was the
wartime chairman of the Communist Party in Minnesota.
Mr. Velde. That is for the State of Minnesota ?
Mr. Blodgett. For the State of Minnesota ; yes.
Mr. Tavenner. Can you identify her further?
Mr. Blodgett. Mrs. LeSeuer is a profesisonal writer and a venj^
successful writer of short stories, children's historical novels, and is
still making what I understand is a very good living from her writ-
ing. She had been in attendance at Carleton by invitation of the ad-
ministration of the school to conduct a panel on vocational guidance
in the field of writing. I had met her for the first time in that connec-
tion, and later on, because I considered myself something of an
embr3^onic poet, I contacted her in Minneapolis and attended a ses-
sion of her short story class.
I -uent to her home afterwards, and Mr. Schachter, who is the
YCL organizer, was present at her home. That evening I was re-
cruited into the Young Communist League. That was in the late
summer of 19^1:1.
Mr. Schachter, getting the picture of wliat the situation was on the
Carleton campus, worked with me in organizing the chapter of the
Young Communist League at Carleton College shortly thereafter.
]Mr. Tavenner. Mr. Chairman, I suggest that I not ask the witness
questions about the membership of those in the Young Conmiunist
League at the college at this time. I think we can do that later, or
even in executive session, if necessary, but the membership there would
have little to do with our situation of the investigation we are making
here.
Mv. Velde. The suggestion of counsel is well taken, and in the
interests of saving time and revealing the information that we must
liave in the bay area, proceed with the information that j'ou have re-
garding activities of the Communist Party or any other subversive
group in the bay area.
Mr. Tavenner. Mr. Blodgett, I will not ask you questions now about
the identity of those who took part in this work along with you at
your college. But we are interested in knowing at this time just how
the Young Communist League functioned at the college and what his
activities were. Will you describe those briefly for us?
Mr. Blodgett. I think first of all it should be kept in mind that this
was 1942, 1943, the early part of World War II. Mr. Schachter's
organizational genius went to work immediately that we had this
chapter formed. He proposed that a student conference be convened
to represent as many student bodies in the Middle West as possiblj
could be gathered together at Carleton College. This was a very
convincing example to me of the effectiveness of the Young Com-
3272 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SAN FRANCISCO AREA
munist League when it set out to establish a front organization to get
across its program and do it still in a sub rosa manner so that very
few people were actually aware that the resultant conference that was
held at Carleton College in January 1943, at which there were approxi-
mately 135 student delegates from 28 Midwest colleges and universi-
ties from 6 states — Minnesota, North Dakota, South Dakota, Wis-
consin, Iowa, Illinois — very few people were aware that the YCL
had any hand in this.
It worked something like this : Mr. Schachter laid out a completely
detailed organizing plan to me. The first step was to establish a
sponsoring committee. I went to the student body president of the
Carleton College, convinced him that such a conference would be a
good thing, got authorization from him to place his name upon the
sponsoring committee list.
I went across the river to St. Olaf College and did the same thing
with the student body president at St. Olaf. Then I had a start; I
had two names of student body presidents. 1 went from there to the
University of Minnesota, McAllister College, and that was enough.
That was all that was required so we could print a letterhead, spon-
soring committee, student body presidents of these four colleges.
That later was printed
Mr. Tavenner. The purpose of that would be to show the eflScacy
of those people of the general plan and thereby obtain additional as-
sistance in carrying out your original Communist Party plan ?
Mr. Blodgett. Yes, that is right. Well, naturally it would have
been impossible for the Young Communist League to have called the
conference themselves, and this made it possible. It lent it more re-
spectability, made it possible to send out an invitation to the student
bodies that would have some force and effect. It certainly proved to
be true because they came from these 28 schools.
The next step was to convince the president of Carleton College
that such a conference should be held on the campus. This we were
able to do again because we had this committee, sponsoring committee,
set up. The administrative assistant at Carleton College was invited
to be the welcoming speaker. We tried to get prominent people to
speak. We failed to get the caliber of speakers that we wanted, but
we were able to get greetings, very warm congratulatory greetings
from people like Wendell Willkie and Eleanor Roosevelt, Harold
Stassen, Governor of Minnesota at that time.
Mr. Tavenner. Of course none of those people knew that this was
a Communist Party plan or a Communist Party-run assembly ?
Mr. Blodgett. No, sir; they would have no way of knowing, and
from the objectives that were set up for the conference — and appar-
ently it was simply a conference to rally students around behind the
war effort. What we wanted to achieve by it, of course, was to get
across the then slogan of the Communist Party, open the second front
in Europe.
In any event, we set the thing up ; Schacliter wrote a ream of reso-
lutions ; we had the panels organized in such a way that we had YCL
members at this panel responsible for seeing that those resolutions were
taken back to the general body of the convention ; passed all the reso-
lutions that we wanted, put out material, sent it around to the dif-
ferent schools, got publicity in the newspapers, so we achieved our
purpose in any event.
COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SAN FRANCISCO AREA 3273
Mr. Tavp>nner. Was this assembly known as the Midwest Student
Victory Assembly ?
Mr. Blodgett. That is correct.
Mr. Ta\'enner. I hand you this publication and ask you whether or
not it is a record of the assembly which you have ?
Mr. Blodgett. Yes, sir; this is the official record of the Midwest
Student Victory Assembly.
Most of this work was actually done by myself, preparing this
booklet.
Mr. Tavenner. You stated that the resolutions adopted at the as-
sembly were prepared by Schachter, the Communist Party organizer?
Mr. Blodgett. Young Communist League organizer.
Mr. Tavenner. What did those resolutions relate to ?
Mr. BLODGETr. Well, they related to the war, but in such a way as
to get across those points that the Communist Party wished to get
across, to open the second front, to abolish the poll tax ; the whole line
of the party at that time was contained in the body of those resolutions.
]Mr. Tavenner. Mr. Chairman, I offer the document in evidence and
ask tliat it be marked "Blodgett Exhibit No. 1."
Mr. Velde. Without objection it will be admitted at this time.
(Booklet of the Midwest Student Victory Assembly publication,
Student Offensive, vol. 1, No. 1, spring 1949, was received in e^ddence
as Blodgett exhibit No. 1.)
BLODGETT EXHIBIT NO. 1
[From Stn(l<>Dt Offensive, Midwest Student Victory Assembly, vol. 1. No. 1, Spring 1943,
pp. 3-7]
Our Best Is Needeu)
The days of the greatest war activity on the part of the American people are
upon ns. The war has reached a turning point, but victory must still be fought
for, hard, relentlessly and without complacency or overoptimism. More than
ever we must fight for national unity against all defeatism, if we are to emerge
from thi.s Peoples' War truly victorious.
One of our specific roles as students is the building of national and inter-
national student solidarity. The foundation for this policy already exists. It
was completed in the various pacts and agreements announced last June 11. The
central thought in relation to a policy for victory and the realization of this
policy is the fact that if we conduct this war as an imperialist war we are al-
ready defeated hopelessly. "We will win this war only by arming and uniting all
the peoples to fight for their own freedom, and victory results only by fighting
this kind of war.
It is on questions of policy that we reveal our weaknesses most sharply. We
seriously undertake Army welfare and USO activities but do not speak up on
an issue such as the 18-year-old vote; we conduct war relief work on a broad
scale but the even more essential development on international youth collabora-
tion does not keep pace ; we throw ourselves pellmell into civilian defense but
are not equally vocal on vital questions of legislation and policy that alTect the
whole war effort.
Certainly our chief special contribution has been one of necessity, that of be-
coming a generation in arms. And in this war, a people's war, we are proud to
be the generation which is instrumental in smashing the Fascist Axis.
But we mu.st never forget that armaments, even overshelming (sic) superiority
in armaments, are not enough for an early victory. The African victory has
offered the most recent proof of this fact, for it was not a sudden increase of
arms in relation to the Axis that gave the United Nations the initiative and
turned the situation in our favor. It was the policy for using the armaments, the
policy of the offensive, that translated already existing armaments into military
superiority over the enemy at Tunis and Bizerte.
3274 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SAN FRANCISCO AREA
For this reason, also, it is of prime concern to us young people who constitute
the backbone of our military strength, that our services to the Nation be, at all
times, guided by the correct policy which can translate armies and weapons into
the sua ran tee of victory.
With the African successes behind us and the invasion of Europe the immedi-
ate necessity, we, as students, are willing and anxious to assume the new respon-
sibilities which will be placed upon us in backing our Commander in Chief. By
our mobilization and unification we create new opportunities to aid the war
effort.
Learning from our past hesitancies, we now welcome and urge the Immediate
opening of the second front. We continue more strenuously the fight for a cen-
tralized war economy. Realizing that too many victories are being won by the
defeatists, we must participate more actively in the political and legislative
strucrgles around such vital issues as overall planning to bring about wage
stabilization, enforced price ceilings, overall rationing, rational manpower utili-
zation. Only by actively following such a correct policy can we make our max-
imum contribution to victory.
Jean Evans, Executive Secretary.
THE RESOLUTIONS
The resolutions passed by the 135 delegates at the assembly in .January are
a remarkable achievement, a job of which we can all be proud. These resolu-
tions are the voice of a broad cross section of Midwest college and university
students. In them is expressed the greatest unity. There is no diverting faction-
alism here, no petty wrangling of selfish interest groups. Rather, there is un-
swerving allegiance to the cause of victory in the war and the peace. These two
victories are as one in the resolutions.
WEAPONS
Armed with these resolutions victory is nearer, the future is brighter. We must
fight for their adoption. They are worth fighting for. as victory on the battlefield
is worth fighting and dying for. The battle on the home front for a correct
policy, a democratic policy, is our way of showing the boys at the front that we
do not intend to see military victory turned into political, economic, and moral
defeat. They have charged us with this responsibility. We will not let them
down.
RESOLUTION I
"We repledge our allegiance to the Commander in Chief of the United States,
President Roosevelt."
This is not just a formality. We students recognize the outstanding leadership
of our President. We are fully behind his decisions of policy, the Atlantic Char-
ter, the policy of unconditional surrender made at Casablanca. But we are
aware that the President is being sniped at from many sides. We have written
the President letting him know that we are behind him. He needs this expression
of support in warding off the attacks of those who are retarding the offensive,
disuniting us in our common cause. The President's policies have often been
ignored. The political fiasco in North Africa would never have come about if
President Roosevelt's policy had been put into effect. We must learn from this
lesson. It further strengthens the validity of our resolution. Let's back it up.
RESOLUTION H
"Realizing that victory in the war and i)eace is predicated upon complete unity
of the United Nations and the eradication of lack of confidence and failure of
common action, we urge the immediate setting up of a United Nations' War
Council to function now and in the immediate postwar period with supreme mili-
tary and economic power in the Interest of unity of command, rational distribu-
tion of war materials, and complete confidence among the various governments."
This is a correct and farsighted resolution. A United Nations War Council
does not exist. It is still a prime necessity to the winning of the war. Much of
the distrust among our Allies, stemming from the Goebbels propaganda machine
in Berlin in accordance with Hitler's "divide and conquer" policy, would be re-
moved overnight if such a unity of command were put into effect immediately.
Without an organized United Nations' Council we have no basis for permanent
peace. We students recognize the correctness of Mr. Willkie's proposal for such
COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SAN FRANCISCO AREA 3275
a Council, realizing that such a Council could shorten the length of the war
greatly. Let us urge our friends to write Congress and the President asking for
the formation of such a Council now. We students know that the lack of such an
organization is a weapon in the hands of the Axis.
RESOLUTION HI
•'Recognizing the need for thorough overall planning of production and supply,
manpower supply, technical and educational mobilization, economic stabiliza-
tion and all other measures w^hich might be deemed necessary to increase effi-
ciency in the prosecution of the war effort, do resolve that some such overall
planning system as proposed in the Pepper-Kilgore-Tolan bill now under considera-
tion be enacted by Congress."
As the precondition for the opening of a second front in Europe and thus the
final defeat of the Fascist Axis, production is still the most ci'itical problem facing
America. Today there is a serious production lag. We have in many cases only
hesitant attempts to convert completely the Nation's industrial capacity onto a
real war basis. The reason for this failure is not the lack of ingenuity ; it is the
lack of a plan. In certain areas we have unemployed ; factories lacking sufficient
raw materials must resort to laying of (sic.) men or granting them furloughs.
With everything pointing to the immediate opening of a second front, we can no
longer afford the luxury of piecemeal planning. Confusion in production and
distribution of essential materials is used as an excuse for postponing offensive
action, lengthening the war.
STABILIZATION
In speaking of production, wages must also be considered. Production prob-
lems cannot be solved until wages are stabilized and incentive rates are given
for increased production. Wages and salaries must correspond to the rate of
production. A very obvious result of the lack of an overall setup is the recent
mine strike led by the arch-rebel, .Tohn L. Lewis. Had we had real price and
wage stabilization and a clearly defined mechanism for handling such disputes,
Mr. Lewis would have no basis for his traitorous action in misleading the miners.
Overall rationing and price control would obviate grievances and hasten victory.
THE BILL
At our MSVA we endorsed a plan for a nationwide, overall planned economy.
It is still the best solution that has been put forth for bringing some order out of
the chaos of production. We students have already shown that we realize the
necessity for uninterrupted and constantly extended production. It is our duty
to press for the realization of this objective, the forming of a real war economy.
Let's write our Congressmen asking for the passage of the Pepper-Kilgore-Tolan
bill. This bill has the backing of Minnesota's Senator Ball, one of the bill's
sponsors. This is a great piece of war legislation. It is worthy of our whole-
hearted support.
RESOLUTION IV
"The poll tax be abolished. The discrimination against racial minorities such
as the Negroes in the armed services, the war effort, and in the educational
systems of the United States be remedied. Definite measures be taken to allevi-
ate the persecution of religious and other racial groups."
By May 24 the anti-poll-tax bill, H. R. 7, will have been voted on in the House
of Representatives. A decision will have been made. It is vitally important
that the bill pass not only the House, but also the Senate. Without it America
cannot become fully mobilized behind the war effort.
THE MEANING OF THE POLL TAX
This tax prevents 5 million Negroes and an equal number of wliites from voting.
Four-fiftlis of the people in the South are prevented from voicing their opinions
through the ballot. One-fifth of the people of the South are permitted to control
their State governments ; and, furthermore, this southern minority reduces the
value of the votes of people all over the United States, because it takes 5 times
the number of votes to elect a Congressman from a State without the poll tax
as it does to elect 1 from a State with the lax. That means the value of every
vote in a poll-tax State is worth four times the vote of a man in any other State.
Your vote is being controlled by a minority. Your Congressman is hampered
3276 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SAN FRANCISCO AREA
by a small number of undemocratically elected men. Over half of the people
of the United Nations do not belong to the white race. What kind of unity
can we achieve with these people when we bar 5 million of our own Negro
ctiizens from the polls. As long as there is a poll-tax law on the books in any
State, victory for the United Nations cannot be complete !
WHAT TO DO?
If your Senator in Washington does not hear from you on this bill, he may
"forget" what you want. Write, and see that all your friends write your respec-
tive Senators. Demand that they be present and vote "Yes !" on the anti-poll tax
bill when it comes up soon in the Senate.
RESOLUTION V
"We resolve that this war in which students are risking their lives shall result
in a just and permanent peace. We realize, as do most people of this world,
that such a peace is only possible when based on internatiou cooperation, and
that all citizens of the world should become citizens of a federal union of nations.
Our purpose shall be: (1) to fully awaken student thought and action in the
field of internatiou cooperation (2) vigorously disseminate information * * *,
(3) center student thought and action toward postwar planning."
The absence of a United Nations' War Council makes active progress in the
field of international cooperation impossible. While there are hundreds of
groups thi'oughout the Nation at work discussing and discussing, the lack of a
concrete framework within which to work has frustrated student efforts. That
is the reason a great deal of emphasis is being placed on establishing the basic
conditions for further progress in this field, pressing for the United Nations'
War Council, working hard for the passage of tlie 18-year-old vote. Special
credit for this work goes to Bill Caldwell, ex-editor of the Minnesota Daily.
Bill was the framer of this resolution and led the fight in the Minnesota State
Legislature for the passage of the 18-year-old vote. Bill realized that before any
progress could be made in furthering the purpose of the resolution, something
had to be done to give young people a voice. Along with studying the problems
of the postwar world it is absolutely essential that we fight for such concrete
measures to keep our perspective straight on the tasks at hand.
RESOLUTION VI
"Be it resolved that the immediate objectives of the student victory objectives
of the Student Victory Assembly be: (1) Coordination of war activities on all
Midwest campuses; (2) promotion of interest in and information about interna-
tiou cooperation."
The message and program of the MSVA has been carried to nearly all of the
colleges and universities in the six immediate States. Eight communiques have
been sent out as part of the task charged to the continuations committee. Al-
though most of the time and effort expended has gone to building organization-
ally the committee has sponsored a program of activity designed to build up the
spirit of unity necessary to win the war.
PROJECTS
During the week of March 21-28 World Youth Week was sponsored by the
MSVA on the Midwest campuses with excellent results. It was the signal for
Youth's Spring Offensive. Special drives were carried out on a number of cam-
puses. A partial summary of the results of these drives are presented in the
section Around the Campuses. During this week our feeling of unity with the
fighting youth of the United Nations were celebrated in forums, radio skits, and
discussions. We dedicated our war efforts to the struggling youth of China,
Russia. England, Yugoslavia, France, Norway, Greece, Holland. On the legis-
lative front the MSVA has pressed for the passage of the anti-poll-tax bill, the
18-year-old vote, the Pepper-Kilgore-Tolan bill, the equal-rights bill, lend-lease
continuations, the Trade Agreements Act renewal and other win-the-war meas-
ures.
The MSVA has been named by ex-Governor Stassen the oflicial organization
for registering and recruiting students in Minnesota for volunteer farm labor
brigades. We have urged and continue to urge every campus to engage in this
project through the United States Employment Service.
COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SAN FRANCISCO AREA 3277
This is part of what has been done. It is a start and, we believe, a good
start. We must extend and expand our work. Ever greater demands are be-
ing made of us. We must meet these needs of the day with ever increasing
courage and resourcefulness.
Mr. Tavenner. Was there any other purpose of the Young Com-
munist League in the holding of this assembly? By that I mean
did it have any further purpose beyond the immediate meeting of the
assembly ?
Mr. Blodgett. Well, it was hoped, of course, that the assembly
would continue to function. We made sure that we had key control
of the continuation work of the committee, the assembly, and naturally
part and parcel with any of the work that the YCL carried on in
that manner it was hoped that it would strengthen the Young Com-
munist League; that it would impress other students on the campuses
so that where personal contacts were made between YCL members
and other students, it could be pointed out to them that this is the
Young Communist League in action; this is what the Young Com-
munist League does, and use it as a basis for assisting in the recruit-
ing program of the Young Communist League, and it did have a
great deal of effect on students at Carleton College, for example,
who might have hesitated to even be interested in the Young Com-
munist League.
We were able to follow that up after the assembly and establish
closer relationships with some of these other student contacts and
bring some of them into the YCL.
Mr. Tavenner. Was this also used as a method of expanding the
influence of the Young Communist League into other colleges and
on other campuses ?
Mr. Blodgett. Well, yes, it was. However, it could only be done
in a very indirect way because at Carleton and the University of
Minnesota — those were the only 2 schools of the 28 where there were
Young Communist League chapters, so the influence on the other
schools would be more of an indirect nature.
Mr. Tavenner. Did you receive the cooperation of any college
with the knowledge on the part of the participants from the college
that this was a Young Communist League enterprise ?
Mr. Blodgett. I think only in the case of the University of Min-
nesota delegation was there any real awareness of who was behind
this whole assembly. In fact, the president of the student body of
the University of Minnesota, or somebody, once said, "I know who
you are, but 1 will go along with you in any event because the war
is on, and we will cooperate."
But when they got to the assembly and found how stacked the
resolutions were,' the dean of students at the University of Minnesota
did his best to try to head some of the resolutions off, but he was
overwhelmed because it was too well organized in advance.
Mr. Tavenner. Mr. Chairman, I introduce this evidence in order
to demonstrate this is a perfect example of the formation of a Com-
munist-front organization and a most successful one.
You have stated that upon your graduation you went on active
<]utv with the Navy.
Mr. Blodgett. That is correct.
Mr. Tavenner. At the time you went on active duty did you retain
iiny active Communist Party membership ?
41002—54 — pt. 3— — 3
3278 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SAN FRANCISCO AREA
Mr. Blodgett. No, sir; I did not. I don't think we have in the
record yet the fact that I did join the Communist Party about March
of 1943. When I went on active duty in the Navy, prior to that
time, I was instructed to turn in my membership card as a matter
of party policy at the time.
Mr. Velde. When was it that you entered the Navy ?
Mr. Blodgett. It was July 1, 1943.
Mr. Veede. Were you an officer in the Navy ?
Mr. Blodgett. Yes, sir ; I was.
Mr. Velde. What was your rank?
Mr. Blodgett. Ensign.
Mr. ScuERER. "\Mio instructed you to turn in your Communist Party
card, Mr. Blodgett ?
Mr. Blodgett. The secretaiy of the Communist Party of Minne-
sota, Mr. Martin Mackie, M-a-c-k-i-e.
Mr. ScHEEER. With wliat group did you hold your membership at
the time you went into the party?
Mr. Blodgett. I was a member at large. I was not affiliated with
any club or chapter of the party.
Mr. ScHERER. And who issued you your Communist Party card at
the time, do you recall ?
Mr. Blodgeit'. As I recall, it was a Mr. Kobert Kelly.
Mr. SciiERER. WHiat position did he hold with the party ?
Mr. Blodcjett. I am a little vague on that point. I think he was
the chairman of the party at that time in Minnesota.
Mr. SciiERER. You said the turning in of your Communist Party
card when you went into the service was in accordance with the policy
of the party at that time?
Mr. Blodgett. Yes; as I understood it, I was instructed that this
was the policy of the party, that all members tnke a leave of absence
while they were on active duty in the armed services.
Mr. Jackson. Mr. Chairman, I think the record should show that
there is considerable testimony by previous witnesses which indicates
that that was the hard and fast policy of the party at that time, that
individual party members entering the service were in fact required
to turn in their party cards.
Mr. Doyle. Mr. Chairman, may I ask this of the witness: Even
though you turned in your card, that didn't turn you out of the party,
did it?
Mr. Blodgett. No ; it took the form of a leave of absence, temporary
leave of absence.
Mr. Doyle. In other words, but you continued in the heart and spirit
and mind of a Communist.
Mr. Blodgett. Very definitely ; yes.
Mr. Doyle. Even though you turned in your card ?
Mr. Blodgett. That is true.
Mr. Tavenner. It has been recognized as constituting a military
leave as it has sometimes been described?
]Mr. Blodgett. Yes, sir.
Mr. Tavenner. Well, at this time were you a member of the Com-
munist Party as distinguished from the Young Communist League?
Mr. Blodgett. Yes ; I was, sir.
COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SAN FRANCISCO AREA 3279
Mr. Tavenner. You were a member of the Communist Party.
Wliere did you become a member of the Communist Party, and what
were the circumstances?
Mr. Blodgett. I joined the Communist Party at a party convention
which was held in Minneapolis in approximately March of 1943.
I was one of two Young Communist League members who were to be
honored by the party, invited to join the parent group.
Mr. Tavenner. Will you tell the committee what you did after
being discharged from the Navy ?
May I delay the answer to that question for the moment? During
the time you were engaged in military service, did you observe any
Communist Party activity on the part of any individual ?
Mr. Blodgett. No, no
Mr. Tavenner. By that I mean any individual in the Armed
Forces.
Mr. Blodgett. No organized activity as such. I made personal
contacts with people who were sympathetic, but there would be no
way of knowing whether they were organized in the party in any way.
The question w^as not raised, but from time to time one would meet
someone in the armed services who was symjoathetic and interested,
and Communists know who another Communist is from just talking
to them. You had certain language characteristics, a ceritain jargon,
a certain way of explaining, approaching, different questions that
made it possible to identify each other without coming right out and
saying, "I am a member of the Communist Party."
So I did on 1 or 2 occasions meet people while I was on active duty
in the armed services. No Communist Party business was discussed ;
there was no organized activity.
Mr. Jackson. Did any of the individuals to whom you make refer-
ence identify themselves to you as members of tlie Coim:iiunist Party?
Mr. Blodgett. No, sir.
Mr. Tavenner. On your discharge from the Navy did you return
to your home in Minnesota ?
Mr. Blodgeit. Very briefly for a visit, and I moved myself and
my family to California.
Mr. Velde. Wlien were you discharged from the Navy ?
Mr. Blodgett. Well, the actual day of discharge was February 9,
1946. However, I was processed in December. The discrepancy
there is terminal leave time.
Mr. Tavenner. What was your purpose in coming to California at
that time?
Mr. Blodgett. My purpose was to attend the California Labor
School on Market Street in San Francisco.
Mr. Ta\iJnner. What were the circumstances under which you
made your decision to attend that particular school ?
Mr. BLODGEn\ I had heard about the school and understood that
it was accredited for the Veterans' Administration, the GI bill of
rights and educational program, through personal acquaintances.
One of them had preceded me to the school, and it looked like the sort
of thing I was looking for at the time, and since it could be accom-
plished under the GI bill of rights, I decided that ought to be my
first step in civilian life, to attend the California Labor School as a
full-time veteran student.
3280 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES EST THE SAN FRANCISCO AREA
Mr. Jackson. What would be the date of your entry in the school ?
Mr. Blougeit. Approximately the middle of February 1946.
Mr. Jackson. Mr. Counsel, what was the date, if you can make it
available, of the citation of the California Labor School?
Mr. Tavenner. Yes, sir ; it was on June 1, 1948.
Mr. Jackson. Thank you.
Mr. Tavfnner. Then the California Labor School was cited by the
Attorney General of the United States as an expanded Communist
Party institution for the purpose of disseminating Communist propa-
ganda; it was opened in San Francisco in the summer of 1944 to re-
place the Tom Mooney Labor School; denounced as Communist con-
trolled by the California State Federation of Labor.
Mr. Velde. Actually the Federal Government, the taxpayers, were
paying for your education at the California Labor School ; is that
right ?
]\Tr. Blodoett. That is correct, sir. They also provided me with a
library of Marxist literature.
Mr. Vei de. Do you know when the California Labor School was
taken off the list of approved schools under the GI bill of rights?
Mr. Blopgett. No, sir; I do not.
Mr. Jackson. I think for the purpose of the record that date should
be determined, however. See, Mr. Counsel, if that can be done.
Mr. TAATi:NNER. It is my recollection that we have received testi-
mony from other sources showing that it was during the year 1948
that the situation resulted in stopping the subsidy to that school
through the application of the GI bill of rights.
Mr. SciiERER. Mr. Tavenner, can we have any information as to the
number of veterans that were subsidized in this school by the Federal
Government ?
Mr. Tavenner. I believe this witness would be in a position to state
the number while he was there. I do not believe that there are any
statistics as to the total who attended the school under the GI bill of
rights, at least I do not recall it.
Mr. Scherer. Do T understand it was over a 4-year period that this
subsidization took place?
Mr. Tavenner. I do not think it began as early as 1944. May I
ask the witness the question if he knows when the first students under
the GI bill of rights attended the California Labor School?
Mr. Blodgett. No, except that I know there was a group in at-
tendance under the full-time veterans' program prior to my matricu-
lating into the California Labor School. In February there were six.
Mr. Jackson. Mr. Chairman.
Mr. Velde. Mr. Jackson.
Mr. Jackson. I think certainly that the published hearings cover-
ing the testimony of this witness should carry as a footnote or as an
appendix the information relative to the total number of GI's who at-
tended the California Labor School if it is possible that the staff could
obtain that information and put it in the hearings at this point.
Mr. Velde. Yes, I believe that is satisfactory. It is agreed that we
authorize our staff to go into such an investigation to determine the
number of students who attended the California Labor School under
the GI bill of rights.
Mr. Doyle. I would suggest, Mr. Chairman, that that notation show
the number of students who attended from the time of its opening until
COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES EST THE SAN FRANCISCO AREA 3281
it was cited by the Attorney General as a Communist front. It might
show the number of American boys that were under the Communist
Party influence directly before it was discovered it was a Communist
front.
In other words, it was cited June 1, 1948 : How many students at-
tended before June 1, 1948.
Mr. Velde. Your suggestion is well taken, Mr. Doyle, and the com-
mittee staff is directed or authorized to make that determination.^
Mr. ScHERER. I think also, Mr. Chairman, this observation should
be made for the purpose of the record : We know it is true that the
citations have been made in 1948, the citations for activities in the pre-
ceding years.
Mr. Velde. Yes, certainly ; there is no question about that.
Mr. Tavenner. Mr. Blodgett, how many students were in attend-
ance at the California Labor School under the GI bill of rights during
the period that you were there ?
Mr. Blodgett. I could only approximate the number ; probably 30
to 40 full-time, regidar students in the program while I was there.
Mr. Tavenner. Were there others who were there on a part-time
basis?
Mr. Blodgett. Yes, sir; that is my understanding.
Mr. Tavenner. What was the period of your attendance at that
school ?
Mr. Blodgett. From late February 1946 until the early part of
September of 1946.
Mr. Tavenner. Will you tell the committee, please, the qualifications
for admission to that school in addition to being a member of the
Armed Forces or a veteran of the Armed Forces ?
Mr. Blodgett. Well, basically that was the qualification, a certificate
of eligibility under the GI bill of rights. That is, it was open to all
veterans.
Mr. Ta\^nner. In other words, those who had no Communist Party
affiliations could attend this school?
Mr. Blodgett. That is correct.
Mr. Ta\t:nner. During the course of your attendance at that school
did you ascertain whether there were very many GI's who were former
Communist members in attendance at the school or whether they were
for the most part non-Communist when they entered the school?
Mr. Blodgett. It would be very difficult to say, to have any way of
placing any of them in the party directly except by the views that
they expressed and the kind of reception they made to the instruction
that was given.
All you could do was make assumptions as to that because there
was no organization of the Communist Party at the school of the
students.
Mr. Tavenner. Well, I will ask you at this time to describe the
functioning of that school to the committee to give it as complete
a history of operations as you can during the period you were there.
(Kepresentative Morgan M. Moulder left the hearing room at this
point.)
1 Information received from the Regional Office of the Veterans' Administration at
San Francisco, Calif., indicates that a total of ,388 veterans were enrolled at California
Labor School under provisions of Public Law 346 during period of approval by State
authorities which was October 8, 1945, to July 27, 1947.
3282 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SAN FRANCISCO AREA
Mr. Blodgett. "Well, I haven't too much direct knowledge on the
history of the school. I was there for a matter of 6 months, became
acquainted with a certain number of instructors and administrative
officers of the school and my fellow students at the school, and I could
tell you what the courses were that I took and who most of the teach-
ers were from whom I took instruction. Aside from that I could
throw very little light on the organization of the school or any of its
parent ties to the Communist Party.
The full-time students took a set of basic courses which ran for
approximately the 6-month period, at which time they were given a
certificate of having completed that course.
We took courses in American history, American trade-union history,
trade-union theory of practice, labor journalism, Marxism, world
politics, creative writing, public speaking, parliamentary procedure,
courses of that nature, and I did obtain a very concentrated knowledge
of Marxist approach to the trade-union movement, for example, hav-
ing attended that school, a very rigorous course of study in Marxism,
basic Marxist fundamentals.
Mr. Tavenner. "Were you given Marxist reading courses?
Mr. Blodgett. Yes, Marxism I and II were two of the courses that
were offered. Mrs. Hazel Grossman was the instructor. We used
Karl Marx's Capitalism as a basic textbook.
Mr. Tavenner. Did you study the history of communism in the
Soviet Union ?
Mr. Blodgett. I did not at the California Labor School; no, sir.
Mr. Tavenner. You had studied that before?
Mr, Blodgett. I had.
Mr. Tavenner. While you were a Young Communist?
Mr. Blodgett. That is correct.
Mr. Ta\^nner. Will you give us the names of other instructors in
that school while you were there ?
Mr. Blodgett. Dr Holland Roberts, who was administrator of the
school and instructor in history ; Jules Carson taught a course in labor
journalism.
Mr. Tavenner. Let me ask you this: If you know of your own
knowledge whether any of these instructors were members of the
Communist Party, I think you should state so, and if you have no
knowledge, you should state so, as you name these individuals.
Mr. Blodgett. Well, in the case of Jules Carson I can't say that
I attended a Communist Party meeting with Mr. Carson, but he did
confide in several of the students that he had attended the Lenin
Institute in Moscow some years ago, and I would presume one would
have to be an organized Communist to be eligible for admission to
that school.
Mr. "Velde. Do you know where Jules Carson is now?
Mr. Blodgett. No, sir ; I do not.
Mr. Velde. When was the last time that vou saw him?
Mr. Blodgett. I would say approximately 1948.
Mr. Doyle. You said he confided to several students. Did he con-
fide to you ?
Mr. Blodgett. Yes, sir; I am sorry I didn't make that point.
The only other member of the faculty of the school I could place
in a Communist Party meeting was Dr. Holland Roberts. That
COMMUNIST ACTWITIES IN THE SAN FRANCISCO AREA 3283
meeting took place in 1949 at the home of Adam Lapin in San Fran-
cisco.
Mr. Tavenner. Will you give the last name again ?
Mr. Blodgett. Lapin, L-a-p-i-n, associate editor of the Daily Peo-
ple's World at the time I was in the party in California.
The other instructors were Leon Alexander, Isobel Cerney, Irwin
Elber.
Mr. Tavenner. Isobel who?
Mr. BoDGETT. Cerney, C-e-r-n-e-y. I said Irwin Elber. Hazel
Grossman. Those were the principal instructors.
Mr. Tavenner. Did you engage in any Communist Party activities
during the period you were in attendance at the school there ?
Mr. Blodgett. Yes, sir; I did. I rejoined the party in approxi-
mately April of 1946.
Mr. Tavenner. What were the circumstances under which you re-
joined the party?
Mr. Blodgett. I was visited by Lloj^d Lehman, who at that time was
the Alameda County chairman of the Communist Party.
( Representative Morgan M. Moulder returned to the hearing room
at this point.)
Mr. Velde. I am sorry; I didn't get the name, Mr. Blodgett.
Mr. Blodgett. Lloyd Lehman, L-e-h-m-a-n. Mr. Lehman had been
apprised of the fact, through someone else, that I had been a member
of the YCL and the Communist Party prior to my entry into active
service in the Navy, and he invited me to rejoin the Communist Party
in Alameda County, which I did at that time.
Mr. Tavenner. Were you assigned to a group or unit of the Com-
munist Party?
Mr. Blodgett. Yes; I was residing at that time in the Encinal,
E-n-c-i-n-a-1, housing project in the city of Alameda, where there was
an active club of the Communist Party, which took the name of the
housing project, the Encinal Club of the Communist Party, and I
became a member of that club.
Mr. Tavenner. Did you have any position at any time in that club
as an officer?
Mr, Blodgett. Yes, sir ; I was chairman of that club the latter part
of 1946 and all of 1947, literally appointed by Mr. Lehman to that
post.
Mr. Taa^nner. Were any of the students at the California Labor
School members of this group or unit.of the Communist Party?
Mr. Blodgett. Only one, sir.
Mr. Tavenner. What was his name ?
Mr. Blodgett. Wayne Hultgren.
Mr. Tavenner. Will you spell it, please?
Mr. Blodgett. H-u-1-t-g-r-e-n. The one recruit that I was credited
with during my entire tenure in the Communist Party was recruited
at the California Labor School, and subsequently he became chair-
man of tlie Encinal Club. His name was Clarence Davis. We had
that in common, that we were students at the California Labor School
and members of the Encinal Club of the Communist Party.
Mr. Tavenner. How many members were there in this club?
Mr. Blodgett. The memberphip varied. I would say from a high
of 70 members to a low of approximately 35 members. The club was
split up. Approximately at the same time I became chairman it was
3284 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SAN FRANCISCO AREA
split into 2 additional clnbs, the Estuary Club, which was located
in Estuary Federal housing: project in Alameda, and a city club com-
posed of members who resided in the city proper of Alameda, with
a top membership of 70 to about 35 members.
Mr. Tavenner. I have asked you to note the names of all of those
that you can definitely recall as those whose names you are positive
were members of either of those particular groups. I wish you would
tell the committee, please, who the members were.
Mr. Blodgett. Wayne Hultgren, Ruth Hultgren, Jack Standish,
Ruth Standish
Mr. Tavenner. Just a moment. Will you read them a little more
slowly, please, and again, if you can identify any subsequent activity
of the individual in the Communist Party, or if you can identify them
by occupation, I wish you would do so.
Mr. Blodgett. I will attempt to. Wayne Hultgren, who became
chairman of the Alameda section of the Communist Party which was
comprised of 4 clubs. Ruth Hultgren, his wife
Mr. Tavenner. May I ask you, had you known that individual
before entering the armed services ?
Mr. Blodgett. Yes; Wayne was a fellow student, a classmate of
mine at Carleton College and was a member of the YCL at Carleton.
Ruth Hultgren, his wife, was also a Carleton College graduate, but
did not join the YCL on the college campus. Jack Standish; his
wife, Ruth Standish ; whereabouts or occupation unknown to me.
Ora Kelly; Mrs. Ora Kelly, Aram Attarian, A-t-t-a-r-i-a-n, who
later became a member of the City Club, his wife, Sally Attarian;
Mr. Newton Hill; his wife, Pearl Hill. Mr. Hill was a plasterer.
Al Brown, later dropped out of the party.
Mr. Tavenner. Yes, I would like to ask you to state, wherever you
have knowledge that an individual has withdrawn from the party,
to so state.
Mr. Blodgett. Yes, sir; I will. Al Brown was chairman of the
club prior to my becoming chairman of the Encinal Club. He later
dropped out.
Mr. Jackson. What was his occupation, if you know ?
Mr. Blodgett. I do not recall, sir. I know that he worked in
the Bethlehem Shipyards. The Encinal Club of the Communist
Party grew out of a strike at the Bethlehem Shipyards. I do not
have direct, firsthand knowledge of that, so I am not trying to cover
something I am not too familiar with, but Mr. Lehman, in giving
me a brief history of the growth in the city of Alameda of the party,
indicated that this club grew out of a strike at the Bethlehem Ship-
yards in Alameda and was composed mostly of Negroes who were
employed at the shipyard.
Sidney Claibourne, C-1-a-i-b-o-u-r-n-e ; his wife, Ethel Claibourne.
I do not know the occupation. Clarence Davis who has been men-
tioned previously in my testimony, became chairman of the club
in 1948 and was a fellow student at the California Labor School
and was employed as a laborer as a member of the Laborers' Union,
A. F. of L. : Shelly Davis, his wife; Charles Blacklock, who became
chairman of the City Club of Alameda and was an electrician by
trade: Robert Dwinnell, D-w-i-n-n-e-1-1, occupation unknown; Ken-
neth Roberts; Vera Roberts, his wife; Mrs. Fanny Lehman, wife
of Lloyd Lehman, who was a section official, Alameda section official;
COMMtTNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SAN FRANCISCO AREA 3285
Mr. Luther Morris, who at one time was the business agent of the
A. F. of L. Steamfitters' Union, employed at Bethlehem Shipyards;
Eugene Parker, also employed at Bethlehem Shipyards at that time;
and Mr. Frank Franks, F-r-a-n-k-s; Mrs. Carmen Melia, M-e-1-i-a;
Will Campbell, C-a-m-p-b-e-1-1; Walter Kirkon, K-i-r-k-o-n, car-
penter; Ernest Cook, C-o-o-k; John Smith; Ernest Boykin
]Mr. Jackson. Can you further identify John Smith before the
committee ?
Mr. Blodgett. I appreciate the difficulty there. No, sir, except
that he was a Negro. I don't know what his occupation was. He
lived in the Encinal housing project.
Mr. Jackson. Approximately what age would he have been ?
Mr. Blodgett. Thirty-five.
Mr, Jackson, About 35 at that time ?
Mr. Blodgett. At that time. Ernest Boykin, Bethlehem Ship-
yards employee who lived in the Encinal project; James LeAvis,
L-e-w-i-s; his wife, Veda Lewis, who resided in the Webster housing
project which lay between the Encinal and Estuary housing projects,
occupation unknown. Joe Terry ; his wife, Opal Terry, who were also
in the Webster housing project; a Mrs. Maddox, M-a-d-d-o-x, lived in
the Estuary project and became a member of the Estuary Club; Mr.
Albert Legard, L-e-g-a-r-d, who was an official of the Estuary Club
of the Communist Party; Mr. Cleveland Hearn, H-ea-r-n, became
chairman of the Estuary Club of the Communist Party ; his wife, Inez
Hearn; and Mr. Lloyd Lehman, who was Alameda County member,
chairman of the party, and member of the Estuary Club.
Those are all the names that I can recall.
Mr. Jackson. Those were all individuals known to you personally
to have been members of the Communist Party ?
Mr. Blodgett. That is correct, sir.
Mr. Velde. At this point the committee will take a recess for 10
minutes,
(Whereupon, at 10 : 39 a. m., the hearing was recessed, to reconvene
at 10:49 a. m.)
(The hearing reconvened at 11 : 02 a. m.)
Mr, Velde. The committee will be in order. Proceed, Mr. Counsel.
Mr. Ta\tenner. Mr. Blodgett, how long were you a member of the
Communist Party cell which you have just described ?
Mr. Blodgett. I believe your reference is to the Encinal Club ?
Mr. Ta\t:nner. Yes.
Mr. Blodgett. Of the Communist Party. I was a member of the
Encinal Club from approximately April 1946 to November 1948.
Mr. Ta%t:nner. During that period of time did you have occasion to
become acquainted with functionaries of the Communist Party on a
higher level ; that is. State and county or section level ?
Mr. Blodgett. As a club chairman, of course, T was in attendance
regularly at section executive meetings comprised of the various offi-
cers of the four clubs which made up the Alameda section of the
party,
Mr. Tavenner. Wliat were the names of the four clubs which made
up the Alameda section of the Communist Party?
Mr. Blodgett. The Encinal Club, the Estuary Club, City Club, and
the William Z. Foster Club, which was composed of members working
41002—54 — pt. 3' 4
3286 COMJMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SAN FRANCISCO AREA
in the steel industry. The steel industry was the concentration in-
dustry for the Alameda section, so although the members of the Wil-
liam Z. Foster Club resided throughout Alameda County, that club
was a part of the Alameda section to further the concentration work
of the section.
Mr, Tavenner. What was the numerical strength of the clubs other
than your own, if you know? Or the approximate strength?
Mr. Blodgett. I would say the approximate membership of the
Alameda section was about 100 ; that is, the 4 clubs, the total of the 4
clubs. The E'ncinal Club was the largest of the four.
Mr. Tavenner. Was there a professional club or group of the Com-
munist Party in Alameda County?
Mr. Blodgett. Yes; there was a professional section of the party
in Alameda County. I know very little about it because by nature of
the organization of that section other members of the party — very few
of them knew who those members were. They were pretty well under-
ground.
Mr. Tavenner. Mr. Chairman, you will recall the testimony of Mr.
Harold Ashe before this committee in which he described the purpose
of the formation of professional groups or clubs of the Communist
Party, and the purpose being to protect and to secure the identity of
the members of the professions, even from other Communist Party
members. Was that plan maintained in this area ?
Mr. Blodgett. Yes, to the best of the ability of the party in Alameda
County that same plan was adopted for the professional section.
Mr. Tavenner. Who were the chairmen of the respective clubs
with whom you met in section meetings from time to time between
1946 and November 1948 ?
Mr. Blodgett. Well, of course I was chairman of the Encinal Club,
I identified Mr. Blacklock as chairman of the City Club and INIr. Cleve-
land Hearn as chairman of the Estuary Club, and Mr. Don McLeod
as chairman of the Austin Club.
Mr, Tavenner. Would you spell it, please?
Mr. Blodgett. I am not too sure of the spelling. I believe it is
M-c-L-e-o-d,
Mr, Tavenner, Wlio was the county chairman of the Communist
Party during that period of time from 1946 to 1948, or were there
more than one during that period ?
Mr. Blodgett. No ; as best I can recall, Mr. Lehman was chairman
of the Communist Party of Alameda County throughout my member-
ship in that body.
Mr. Tavenner. Did you have occasion to come in contact with mem-
bers of the Communist Party on a higher level than that which you
have described ?
Mr. Blodgett. Yes, through my association and employment by the
Daily People's World as East Bay reporter I met with higher bodies
of the party in Alameda County,
Mr, Tavenner. I think at this point we should go back to the time
that you terminated your training at the workers' school. Will you
tell the committee, please, what your next work or assignment was?
Mr, Blodgett, Through the assistance of the labor school I was
placed on the staff of the Daily People's World as East Bay reporter
in approximately, well, September of 1946.
COIVIMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SAN FRANCISCO AREA 3287
Mr. Tavenner. What were your duties with that paper ?
Mr. Blodgett. Well, my official title was staff writer. Of course,
I covered a narrow segment of news in the East Bay.
Mr. Moulder. Mr. Chairman.
Mr. Velde. Mr. Moulder,
Mr. Moulder. Could you give us more information about the Daily
People's World ? I, of course, have no knowledge of that newspaper
myself. Is it a Communist newspaper, and could you give us some
information about it?
Mr. Blodgett. It is not an official organ of the Communist Party,
Mr. I^Ioulder. However, it does hew to the line of the party very
religiously, and for all intents and purposes it is a Communist organ,
while not an official organ of the Communist Party.
Mr. Doyle. Mr. Chairman, may I ask this at this point ?
Mr. Velde. Mr. Doyle.
Mr. Doyle. You said through the assistance of the people at the
labor school you obtained this position. Who at the labor school got
you that position ? I mean who specifically.
Mr. Blodgett. It was Mr. Jules Carson who taught the course in
labor journalism at the California Labor School, and he suggested to
the staff of the People's World to give me a tryout on the paper, and
at that particular time a vacancy developed in the East Bay, and I
was hired to fill that vacancy.
Mr. Ta\'enner. How long did you remain employed with the paper ?
Mr. Blodgett. From September of 1946 until October 1949.
Mr. Tavenner. Will you tell the committee, please, who constituted
the staff of the Daily People's World during the period you were em-
ployed by it ?
Mr. Blodgett. Mr. Al Eichmond, of course, was the executive ed-
itor of the Daily People's World.
Mr. Tavenner. Let me interrupt you a moment. In identifying
those employed by the Daily People's World, will you state whether
or not you knew them to be members of the Communist Party, and
if you name those that you did not know to be members of the Com-
munist Party, will you also so state that fact? In other words, give
us all the information you can about those who were members of that
staff and the extent of their participation, if any existed, in Com-
munist Party activities.
Mr. Blodgett. To the best of my knowledge, all members of the
editorial department of Daily People's World and the business office
were members of the Communist Party. That was a prerequisite for
employment.
Mv. Jackson. That was a must, was it not ?
Mr. Blodgett. That was a must, yes. I can further substantiate
that by the fact that we did hold regular meetings of the staff, both
editorial and business, which were conducted as Communist Party
educational meetings, and members of the State executive board of
the party were often in attendancee, giving the staff the line, strategy,
and tactics of the party to be applied by the party.
Mr. Jackson. That is to say, it was a closed meeting; the State
commander of the American Legion or a member of this committee
would have a hard time getting in ?
3288 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SAN FRANCISCO AREA
Mr. Blodgett. It would necessarily be a closed meeting. Mr. Al
Richmond, who was executive editor; Mr. Adam Lapin, L-a-p-i-n,
who was the associate editor ; Doug Ward, who at one time
Mr. Tavenner. Douglas Ward ?
Mr. Blodgett. Well, I only knew him as Doug Ward. I presume
it was Douglas. Ward was political editor for a time. Mr. Lee Coe,
C-o-e, was labor editor. Mr. Steve Murdock, who worked on the copy
desk and was feature editor, magazine editor ; Mr. Louis Green, who
was slot man on the copy desk ; Ralph Izzard, I-z-z-a-r-d, who was a
staff writer ; Miss Jane Gilbert, reporter ; Pele Edises, E-d-i-s-e-s, was
the artist of the newspaper; Mr. Mason Roberson, R-o-b-e-r-s-o-n, a
columnist for the paper; Mrs. Eva Lapin, L-a-p-i-n, was a stajff
writer, reporter.
In the business office was Mr. Harry Kramer, K-r-a-m-e-r, business
manager; Mr. Leo Baroway, B-a-r-o-w-a-y, circulation manager.
There were other people who did clerical work in the business office,
including Mrs. Helen Lima, L-i-m-a; Mrs. Juanita "Wheeler,
W-h-e-e-1-e-r. There was a Sid Partridge who did circulation work
for the paper. Barbara Bick, B-i-c-k, was the librarian; Norman
Canright was the feature editor, C-a-n-r-i-g-h-t. His wife, Mar-
jorie Canright, was a librarian.
I probably have forgotten a few of the names and have not included
them in the list. It is pretty general information who were the staff
members of the newspaper.
Mr. Taatsnner. Will you describe to the committee, please, how
that paper functioned, to what extent the Communist Party influ-
enced the editorial policy and the reporting of news by that paper
and any other matters showing the effect of the control of the Com-
munist'Party upon that paper from your own experience while work-
ing for it?
In other words, give us a word description of the operation of that
paper from the Communist Party standpoint as nearly as you can
out of your own experience.
Mr. Blodgett. Well, as a preliminary statement on that, of course
it should be understood that the Communist Party considers a daily
newspaper, if possible, a weekly newspaper, some type of newspaper,
as absolutely indispensable for the purposes of the party, not only
for dissemination of propaganda, but actually to give guidance to
members. It is a "must."
I mean, that is classical Leninist theory on the role of the press.
You must have a newspaper. Now, as I said before, attempts were
made to make it appear, at least, that the Daily People's World was
not an official organ of the party. In other words, the party would
disavow responsibility for the contents of the paper, and if the party
wants to use the paper for official announcements, those announce-
ments made over the signature of some official of the party. In that
way, that is the distinction between the Daily People's World and the
Daily Worker, for example, in New York, which is an official organ of
the Communist Party, and the connection is made there very directly,
and there is no question about it.
There are peculiar reasons for this different type of arrangement
in California which goes into the whole political history of the region.
The Daily People's World has always had a larger non-Communist
COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SAN FRANCISCO AREA 3289
leadership than the Daily Worker, and that is the reason for making
that rather transparent separation between the paper and the party,
but when the staff of the paper met, and William Schneiderman, who
was the chairman of the party of California, or Celeste Strack, who
was State official of the party, or Archie Brown, State official of the
party, or Mr. Lehman, state official of the party, w^as in attendance at
that meeting and was giving us the line of the party as it should be
applied in the press, then it becomes pretty obvious that the Com-
munist Party considers the Daily People's World its own and directs
what the contents shall be, what kind of coverage there shall be, and
the editorial policies.
In my own experience, of course, in Oakland where I had an office
at 1723 Webster Street, down the hall from the Communist Party
office in the same building, I was very often given specific instructions
by the county chairman, Mv. Lehman, as to what my activities should
be as far as my work as a reporter for the Daily People's World.
I think that covers the basic question related to between the party
and the press.
Mr. Jackson. Is that the freedom of the press the Communist
Party talks about so much, of which they are such great defenders
when it comes to the activities of other newspapers ? That was actu-
ally direction of the press, was it not ?
Mr. Blodgett. Well, yes, it was very specific direction on just
what the contents should be and what type
Mr. Jackson. In other words, the Communist Party in effect writes
the Daily People's World?
]\Ir. Blodgett. Yes, certainly.
Mr. Jackson. Was the Daily People's World serviced by a national
news-gathering service of any kind ?
Mr. Blodgett. They had United Press wire service.
Mr. Jackson. But there was no specific news-gathering service
nationally for the Communist Party?
Mr. Blodgett. Not to my knowledge; no, I mean, I worked in
Oakland and East Bay, and I was not involved in the actual putting
out of the newspaper, sources of news and
Mr. Jackson. The Daily Worker, the Michigan Worker, the Daily
People's World, and so forth.
Mr. Blodgett. They subscribed to the Federated Press and other
news services.
Mr. Jackson. These newspapers^ are actually used for sending
down to all levels of the party the directives of the Communist Inter-
national, is that correct?
Mr. Blodgett. Ultimately, yes; although the connection becomes
a little tenuous at points, ultimately that is true.
Mr. Jackson. Whatever the Soviet foreign policy happens to be
from day to day with its right-angle turns and somersaults and re-
versals. Was it rather difficult for you as a writer on the paper to
keep up with these sharp turns, and what did you do, for instance,
when an occasion came along like tlie Duclos letter, which caught
everyone off stride? "WHiat position did the paper take immediately?
Or did it wait for instructions as to what position to take ?
Mr. Blodgett. Well, I was on the staff of the paper at the time
of the Duclos letter.
3290 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SAN FRANCISCO AREA
Mr. Jackson. I mention that only as an example. Were you there
during any of the riglit angle turns?
Mr. Blodgeit. Well, it was no great problem for me because, as I
say, I was not an editor in the newspaper. When there was a change
in the line as to how to apply the party's program, we simply held a
meeting, and I Avas told what the new line would be.
Actually my work on the newspaper was that as a reporter, not
as editor. Although I can give you an answer, it wouldn't be from
direct knowledge.
Mr. Jackson. Yes, I understand that. Looking back to your own
experience, the Soviet party line was dictated in Moscow, would in
turn be picked up by the Communist Daily Worker, and then within
the space of time necessary to transmit that news to the other Com-
munist organs or transparencies, let us say, that line would then be
picked up as the official party line?
Mr. Blodgett. That is correct. We did use the Worker as our
model as far as what to emphasize in the news.
Mr. Jackson. And the membership of the clubs and branches were
expected to follow the line that w^as laid down in the local Communist
organ as representing the official position of the Communist Party?
Mr. Blodgett. That is correct.
Mr. Jackson. Thank you.
Mr. Tavenner. Will you tell the committee, please, whether or not
it was the policy of the management of this paper to report facts
accurately or to report incidents that occurred in such a way as to
work out to the advantage of the Communist Party or to aid the Com-
munist Party in some issue that it was endeavoring to raise?
Mr. Blodgett. Well, this was a matter of natural course. As an
organ which was a semiofficial organ of the Communist Party and a
propaganda medium, of course editorial policy is dictated by interests.
It is true of other new^spapers as well, but it was carried out very much
to a fine point with a newspaper like the Daily People's World. It
involved me in all kinds of difficulties with my conscience at times, let
me put it that way.
I would write a story, for example — this is relatively insignificant,
but it is symptomatic of wliat goes on. I would write a story about an
open-air meeting, say, on the campus at Berkeley. Mv estimate of
the gathering, the size of the crowd, might be 400 or 500 people, and
I would so state in the news story. When I saw it in print that num-
ber might be 2.000 or 5,000. I was not even consulted on it.
Wliy? Well, because the Communist press must take any mani-
festation of support for a Communist cause or a Communist-sponsored
cause and blow it up, make it appear a great deal more, exaggerated,
out of proportion.
Why? Simplv to generate a whole movement behind that par-
ticular issue. We did that. You can do that simply on how you
estimate the size of a crowd at a gathering. Maybe it was a Wallace
meeting ; the students were gathered on the campus.
Mr. Dori>E. That is a deliberate misrepresentation of fact to the
reading public.
Mr. Blodgett. Well, that is true, Mr. Doyle, but the role of the Com-
munist press is not necessarily to adhere strictly to facts. It certainly
was not in the case of this, as you can see.
COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SAN FRANCISCO AREA 3291
That was not tlie sort of thing that annoyed me the most. There
were other things which annoyed me much more, errors of omis-
sion, commission, in the work that I did myself ; things that I had to
write that I couldn't stomach.
If the committee is interested in some of those actual incidents, I
would be happy to go into them.
Mr. ScHEREK. Mr. Doyle, we have seen that same thing happen with
reference to accounts of the hearings of this committee when they are
published in the Daily Worker. You can't recognize them as
having •
Mr. Doyle. I realize that, Mr. Scherer, but it certainly is a terrible
thing to have it stated here. I mean, it is good to have the fact, what-
ever it is, but it is certainly shocking to realize that the American
public is getting habitually a deliberate misrepresentation of fact.
That certainly is a fraud on the public either in this paper or any
other publication, deliberately lies. You can't call it less than delib-
erately lying in my book.
Mr."^ Jackson. The section of the American public that reads the
Daily Worker and thinks it is getting the truth, I think, is probably
very', very minute in any case. I doubt much that there is any con-
siderable amount of misleading done.
Mr. Doyle. But, Mr. Jackson, this witness has stated that the reason
that this paper followed the policy it does, of having its editorial
policy as it is, is because, as I understood him to testify, this paper
has more non-Communist readers than the other papers.
Mr. Jackson. Yes ; that is true.
Mr. Doyle. In that case it is exceedingly more dangerous.
Mr. Tavenner. Mr. Blodgett, I think the committee would be
interested in knowing the manner and the extent to which this paper
attempted to color incidents which you no doubt have in mind. You
referred to certain incidents. I think you should state to the com-
mittee what they are.
Mr. Blodgett. I can recall several actual stories that I worked on
which were stories in which I was very directly involved, in whicli
I had a sympathetic interest as well, not just as a reporter, but as
a person.
I can recall, for instance, the case of the Vallejo Navv employee
by the name of Ernest Hall. Word came to us that Ernest Ilall
was a victim of an attempted lynching by the father of a 13-year
old white girl. She had accused Hall of attempted rape, and on the
identity of the girl shortly after the alleged incident occurred, the
father did take measures into his own hand.
That was brought out in the subsequent court trial of Hall.
On the basis of Hall's story when I intel'^''iewed him in jail in
Solano County, I assumed that he was telling the truth. This again
goes back to the Communist approach toward intersocial relation-
ships among the peoples of various groups in this country.
If a Negi'o was accused of something, and there was any doubt
at all about it, the Negro is right. Xow, I am not saying this because
I have any anti-Negro feeling. I never have, and I never will. We
are all God's children. But you can go overboard on something like
that, and it is dangerous, very dangerous, and it became so apparent
to me as the case developed and unfolded, as the post-trial develop-
ments unfolded.
3292 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SAN FRANCISCO AREA
But I wrote blazing stories in the Daily People's World about this
man who had been nearly lynched and the false accusations of this
white girl who had a grudge — the 13-year-old girl who was supposed
to have a grudge against this man and made up this story ; tried to
get him into trouble.
During the court proceedings in Solano County the girl was on
the stand. That was the first time I began to have some doubts about
the position that I had taken and that the Daily People's World had
taken and the Communist Party had taken and the Civil Rights
Congress had taken. It was one of the most concentrated defense
efforts that the party in the Bay area certainly put on in all the time
I was in the party in Alameda County. A great deal was stiiTed up.
The Negro population of Vallejo was stirred up; a chapter of the
Civil Rights Congress was forming down there, all kinds of activities.
Bail money was raised to get him out of jail.
When I heard the story of the girl, I began to have doubts. I mean,
if she were a highly imaginative child, she might possibly have made
up the story, but it just was incredible that she could have. Still we
took this tack : Hall was not lynched, it was an attempted lynching.
He was bruised from this episode with the girl's father.
He had good defense ; excellent defense. The courtroom was packed
by a mixed group of Negro and white people who were supplied by the
Civil Rights Congress, actually taken to this little town in Solano
County from East Bay to be there in that courtroom to influence the
outcome of the trial, to influence the jury — not by applause, but by
smiles, things like that, so it became obvious to the jnry that the sym-
pathies of the audience were with the defendant.
While the Civil Rights Congress would never admit that was a tac-
tic, the tactic is to pack that courtroom so it will indicate support for
the defendant.
It was a hung jury, and Hall — two hung juries. There were two
trials. The case was finally dismissed, and it was a great victory sup-
posedly for the rights of the Negro people and a great victory for the
Civil Rights Congress, and I was praised for my role in it.
Now, we had encouraged this man, Ernest Hall, to bring felonious
assault charges against the girl's father. That would be the natural
thing to do, although he was not convicted. The case was dismissed
because of two hung juries, so it was set on the calendar.
Mr. Hall did not show up to press this felonious assault charge.
There was notliing in the Daily People's World about this. Subse-
quently Mr. Hall was arrested and put in prison on felonious assault
charges brought against him by his wife. His wife had stood by him
very loyally and worked hard and actually had gotten up before
groups of people and spoken about her husband, never having spoken
before a group of people in her life. She stood by him all through the
trials, and within a matter of a few months after Hall's case was dis-
missed in court, he was arrested because of felonious assault charges
brought by his wife.
Now, it doesn't prove that Hall was guilty at the outset, but it cer-
tainly did raise doubts, and the Daily People's World, you know, in all
honesty as a newspaper should report these facts, and I knew that I
couldn't. If I did carry my doubts in print in the Daily People's
World, I would be subjected to charges of white chauvinism, put on
trial and run out of the party for it.
COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SAN FRANCISCO AREA 3293
That is to me a very good example of the Lack of morality as far as
reporting the news is concerned that I had to engage in as a reporter
for the Daily People's World.
There were other cases. There is the whole story of supposed police
brutality in Oakland against Negro people, which the party and the
Daily People's World hug close to their chests.
You see, they were supposedly interested in stopping this sort of
thing from going on in OaKland. I was certainly interested in it, and
I am convinced to this day that there were actual cases of police bru-
tality in Oakland. There were individuals on the police force — the
police department knew this; they were aware of it. Well, when you
go to the county hospital, jail hospital, and see a man wdio has had his
bladder ruptured, caused by a severe blow, and all the circumstances in-
volved point to an incident of brutality, everyone in this audience
would be concerned about it; you wouldn't want it to happen; you
don't like that sort of thing to happen.
I was genuinely concerned about it. But now the Communist Party
and the Civil Rights Congress, the Daily People's World take up
something like this. They make it their own issue. Why? To stop
police brutality ? The Communist Party cannot stop police brutality.
They would go directly to the chief of police; the Daily People's
World would make demands on the chief of police of Oakland.
Could the chief of police do anything on the basis of the demands
made by the Communist Party without acceding to the Communist
Party? Without surrendering to them? The result of it would be
actually to encourage the Communist Party, Of course he could not.
But the Communists hug those things so close to their chest that
nothing could have been accomplished. The chief of police at that
time w^as Lester J. Devine. He had just taken over from a man
named Tracy, and he had inherited most of these series of incidents
that the party was making so much fuss about.
I went in, and I had an interview with Mr. Devine, a young, intelli-
gent, very efficient and well trained police administrator, and I spent
probably an hour or hour and a half with him, and he told me what
the police department was going to do about it, what his plans were,
what he could do, what he couldn't do, and when I left that interview,
as a reporter for the Daily People's World I was convinced that that
man was absolutely sincere, and what do you do in a case like that?
Well, of course, you try to encourage this, if you are interested in
stopping police brutality.
So I reported this to the party, to Lloyd Lehman, the chairman, my
editor. Their point was that the man has not acceded to the demands,
and therefore let us raise the slogan of "Fire chief of police of Oak-
land." This was supposedly a campaign to get rid of police brutality,
but this became the slogan, to fire Chief of Police Devine and to label
him party to the murder of innocent people.
Now, that is exactly the language that was used — murder. A
young policeman, admittedly without training, shoots and kills a
Negro. I attended the coroner's inquest. This man maybe had no
business handling a gun; wasn't trained properly to make an arrest;
but he was no murderer. He was no murderer.
So the Communist Party cries "murder," you see, and the police
department, of course, responds. How can the police department
41002— 54— pt. 3 5
3294 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SAN FRANCISCO AREA
respond and something actually be accomplished to rid them of in-
competents if the Comminiist Party hugs this thing so closed So, I
mean, it was so apparent at this point that the Communist Party was
interested in what ^ Recruits for the Communist Party and readers
for the Daily People's World, They were not interested in stopping
and preventing further incidents of police brutality.
Now, if I had raised that question in the party, I couldn't do it ; I
absolutely couldn't. Could I write stories like that for the Daily
People's World that Chief of Police Lester Devine was actually try-
ing to do something? No, I could not. It was morally debasing to
me to be put in that position, and it was one of the factors of course^ —
one among many — which caused me to become completely disaffected
with the party newspaper.
Mr. SciiERER. These charges of police brutality were made all over
the country a few years ago. We had a similar situation in Cincin-
nati where a series of charges against the police department were made
along the line about which you have just testified.
Investigation followed, and it was conclusively proven that the
negatives of films taken of persons alleged to have been beaten by the
police were tampered with, so that when those pictures were published
in a left-wing paper — it showed stripes, presumably from police clubs
on the victim's back — when the original negative was obtained, it was
proven, as I say, that they were put there when published, so I know
that those things do exist.
Mr. Blodgett. This is one of the most popular issues the Com-
munists have, attacking the police department.
Mr. Velde, In fact they attack all authority, all persons in author-
ity, in order to destroy the form of government under which we op-
erate; isn't that true?
Mr. Blodgett. That is true, of course.
Mr. Jackson. As long as there is constituted authority, the chances
of the creation of the proletariat state is made increasingly difficult,
is it not, under constitutional forms where you do have elected officials,
where you have a free ballot, where you have a free press, where those
things exist: Is there not a constant drive against the very things
which make it possible for the party to operate today in the manner
in which it operates?
Mr. Blodgett. Oh, for my own part I would agi^ee with that state-
ment.
Mr. Jackson. How long, in your opinion, would there be a free
press in this country if the Communist Party ever came to power?
Mr. Blodgett. Well, if you mean by a "free press" the freedom to
print and put out a newspaper
Mr. Jackson. I mean freedom to print the facts objectively and
honestly.
Mr. Blodgett. Well, in answer, when the Communist Party takes
over control — I mean in the pattern of revolution — it becomes a dic-
tatorship of the proletariat. The Communists say that. Dictator-
ship of the proletariat means complete control of all production, in-
cluding the production of news, of newspapers.
Mr. Jackson, Isn't it accurate to say that out of your own ex-
perience you were told what to write; how to write it; to put aside
any moral scruples; to put aside your conscience in the interest of
the directives of the Communist Party ?
COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SAN FRANCISCO AREA 3295
Mr. Blodgett. It was more oblique than that. If somebody had
come to me and told me, "Put aside your morals and the way we tell
you to," no, they couldn't get anybody to work for them. It is not
that direct a thing. It is done obliquely ; it is done by inference and
implication and approval when one does exaggerate the size of the
crowd and this sort of thing, you see.
It doesn't have to be done by direct order.
Mr. Jackson. Well, it is accomplished, in any event.
Mr. Bi.ODGETT. It is accomplished in any event, certainly. I mean,
in the first place, a newspaper like the Daily People's World — how
much news can they cover ? Just by completely ignoring news, which
physical limitations of the paper dictate, they cannot give their
readers any news of actually what is going on; only hit those things
which the party knows are important to its own program. So to
call it a newspaper, as such, is probably a misnomer. It is a propa-
ganda organ; it is an or^an for actually directing both the Com-
munist movement and giving instruction to the fringe of the Com-
munist movement. In fact, that is where it is very effective, especially
for the People's World more so than the Worker.
Mr. Tav-exner. I understood you to say that in performance of
your duties as a reporter for the JDaily People's World that you were
given directions from the chairman of the Communist Party of Ala-
meda County, Lloyd Lehman, as to how you should perform your
duties as a reporter. Am I correct in that?
Mr. Blodgett. Yes, although this is not systematic. Whenever
Mr. Lehman thought that a certain activity of the party should be
covered, then he would tell me to do that. We would collaborate on
editorials, for instance. He would instruct me to draft an editorial
on a certain subject which would appear over his signature, or he
would write an editorial and want me to go over it and smooth it
out, so we worked on it in that way, so there was a direct linkage
between the East Bay editorial staff of the Daily People's World and
myself and the chairman of the Communist Party of Alameda Coun-
ty, Mr. Lehman.
]Mr. Tavenner. During all this period of time you were a member
of the club or cell of the Communist Party which you described at an
earlier part of your testimony ?
Mr. Blodgett. That is correct, sir.
Mr. Tavenner. Did you take part while employed by the Daily
People's World in any particular activity of the Communist Party
outside of the publication field ?
Mr. Blodgett. Oh, yes. Unlike most working reporters — I hesitate
to say that I was one because I am afraid the members of the press
would snicker about that — a staff member of the Daily People's World
being a member of the working press. But I was required to speak
at meetings of the party for raising funds for the Daily People's
World. It was 16-hour-a-day. 7-day-a-week job. and of course I was
required to be familiar with sources of news at they developed in
Alameda County that were of left-wing nature, and for that reason and
in the capacity as reporter for the Daily People's World I sat in on
meetings of the Alameda Countv Political Affairs Committee of the
Communist Party.
3296 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SAN FRANCISCO AREA
Mr. Taatenxer. Mr. Chairman, before going into that subject, I
believe this would be a convenient place for a break, because that will
take rather a long time.
Mr. Velde. All right. At this time, before we recess for the noon
hour, I would like to thank the various people who have written and
sent wires to this committee congratulating it on the work it is doing
here in San Francisco.
The committee will be in recess for an hour and a half. We will
reconvene at 1 : 30.
(Whereupon, at 11 : 50 a. m., the hearing was recessed, to reconvene
at 1 : 30 p. m. of the same day.)
ArTERNOON SESSION
(At the hour of 1 : 40 p. m. of the same day, the hearing was re
sumecl, the following committee members being present : Representa-
tives Harold H. Velde (chairman), Donald L. Jackson, Gordon H.
Scherer, Morgan M. Moulder, and Clyde Doyle.)
Mr. Velde. The committee will please be in order.
TESTIMONY OF CHAELES DAVID BLODGETT— Eesumed
Mr. Tavenner. Mr. Blodgett, at the close of your testimony this
morning you mentioned the fact that you had knowledge of the exis-
tence of a committee of the Communist Party known as the political
affairs committee, am I correct in that?
Mr. BoDGETT. Yes, sir ; that is correct.
Mr. Tavenner. Would you tell the committee, please, what the
function of the Political Affairs Committee of the Communist Party
was?
Mr. Blodgett. The Political Affairs Committee of Alameda Coun-
ty of the Communist Party was a key committee of the party as far
as all political activity in the county is concerned. It was not a policy-
making body of the party at which members were elected, but it was
charged with the responsibility of actually carrying out the line of
the party in every phase of the party's work in Alameda County,
whether it was during election campaign, the influencing of the selec-
tion of candidates, the influencing of swinging support of trade unions
to certain candidates, raising of funds for political campaigns. Com-
munist Party campaigns. Independent Progressive Party campaigns,
and in some instances where Democratic Party candidates were sup-
ported, the actual arranging of support for those candidates.
They brought together the key people as far as the functioning of
the Communist Party is concerned in all its front activities with
representatives on the committee from trade unions, from Negro or-
ganizations. Independent Progressive Party.
I was not a member of the committee but sat in on meetings as an
observer for the Daily People's World so that I would know what
was developing politically in the county for story material.
Mr. Ta\^nner. How did you receive information as to the time and
place of the meetings of the Political Affairs Committee of the Com-
munist Party?
Mr. Blodgett. My notifications were directly from the chairman
of the Alameda County Communist Party, Mr. Lehman, who was,
however, not chairman of this committee.
I
COIVIMimiST ACTIVITIES IN THE SAN FRANCISCO AREA 3297
Mr. Tav'enner. In referring to Mr. Leliman, is that Mr. Lloyd
Lehman ?
Mr. Blodgett. Mr. Lloyd Lehman. I sat in meetings of this com-
mittee over a period of approximately 2i/2 years. Those meetings
were held as often as twice a week, depending upon the tempo of
activity in the county or as seldom perhaps as once every 3 weeks.
But throughout this entire period, 2 or £1/2 years, I sat as obser\'er on
that committee.
JSIr. Tavenner. Were any security arrangements made regarding
the secrecy of the meetings?
Mr. Blodgett. More than I encountered anywhere else in my activi-
ties with the party. Meetings were shifted around; they were held
at private homes ; attempts were made not to have any two consecutive
meetings at the same home, but the meetings were held in the day-
time ; cars were parked at some distance away from the home, and so on.
If members of the committee were seen about to enter the place, you
would wait until they had gone in before you approached the place
of the meeting.
This was, of course, to protect certain members who should not be
seen and could not afford to be seen with known Communist Party
officials.
Mr. Tavenner. You stated that the chairman of Alameda County
Communist Party was not the chairman of this committee.
Who was the chairman of the committee?
Mr. Blodgett. The chairman of the committee was Mrs. Mary
Pieper, Berkeley housewife.
Mr. TA^^ENNER. Will you spell the last name, please ?
Mr. Blodgett. P-i-e-p-e-r.
Mv. Tavenner. Were there other persons who held the position
of chairman of the Political Affairs Committee of the Communist
Party in addition to the person you just mentioned?
Mr. Blodgett. Not while I sat in on those meetings. Mrs. Pieper
was chairman throughout that period of time.
Mr. Tavenner. Will you explain to the committee what the general
conTj:)Osition of the committee was ?
Mr. Blodgett. The committee was composed normally of Mrs.
Pieper, who made arrangements for the meetings, handled notifica-
tions, set up an agenda for the meeting; Mr. Lehman, Lloyd Lehman,
county chairman of the party ; Mr. Wesley Bodkin, who was county
organizational secretary of the party, who would quite likely be in
attendance; Mr. Carroll Barnes, who was also secretary of the party
of Alameda County ; Mr. George Edwards, who was chairman of the
west Oakland section of the party, so that one or more of those top
party officials was always present.
There were also trade union people, key people in trade unions in
the East Bay : Mr. Paul Heide of the Warehousemen's Union, Local 6,
vice president at that time, was in quite regular attendance at those
meetings; his wife, Mrs. Ruby Heide, as well : Mr. Goodman Brudney,
who was with the CIO public workers, attended quite frequently, as did
Mr. Bernard Young.
Mr. Velde. Will you spell the name of Brudney ?
Mr. Blodgett. B-r-u-d-n-e-y. Goodman is his first name, G-o-o-d-
m-a-n ; the CIO council secretary, Paul Schlipf, S-c-h-1-i-p-f , and his
successor, Mr. Ole Fagerhaugh, F-a-g-e-r-h-a-u-g-h, and his successor.
3298 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SAN FRANCISCO AREA
Mr. Paul Chown, C-h-o-w-n. One of those gentlemen of the CIO
council secretary was almost always present at those meetings.
Mr. ScHERER. Pardon me; were these persons that you mentioned
all members of the Communist Party ?
Mr. BlodCtETT. These were closed meetings of the Communist Party.
Mr. ScHERER. These were closed meetings ?
Mr. Blodgett. Yes, sir.
Mr. Scherer. I believe you said greater secrecy and security was
attached to these meetings than almost any other meetings or func-
tions of the party tliat you attended.
Mr. Blodgett. That I attended, yes, sir.
Mr. Tavenner. What was the purpose of your attendance at these
meetings. You described it in a general way, but can you particu-
larize it more definitely ?
Mr. Blodgett. Well, in general, as I said, merely as an observer: I
had no voice in the affairs of the committee. I did work with the
committee in providing them with information which they did not
have access to, which I did, or could go out and get for them on which
they could base their judgments on political candidates and political
races.
Aside from that, merely as an observer for the Daily People's World,
so I would know what story material was developing in the county.
Mr. Tavenner. So you would know what ?
Mr. BLODGETr. What story material was developing or in the process
of being developed and would be able to cover it properly in the Daily
People's World.
Mr. Tavenner. How many meetings of that organization did you
attend in your 2i/> years in which you were in attendance on this
committee ?
Mr. Blodgett. Well, that would be very hard to say. They were,
as I said, during crucial periods of election campaigns held very
frequently. It could be held as many as 2 or 3 times a week. Then
we would go without a meeting for several weeks, periods of less
activity. Over a period of 2 years it probably was upwards of a
hundred meetings.
Mr. Tavenner. I understood you to say that these meetings were
held in the homes of various members of the committee. Can you
name the homes in which the committee met ?
Mr. Blodgett. Well, I can recall very definitely five homes that
at one time or another housed the meeting of the Political Affairs
Committee.
]Mr. Tavenner. At which you were present ?
Mr. Blodgett. At which I was present, that is correct. Meetings
were held in Mrs. Pieper's home in Berkeley ; in the home of Katlileen
Griffin, who was also very active in the affairs of the committee, also
in Berkeley.
Mr. Tavenner. Let me ask you this : In giving tlie names of these
people in whose homes the Political Affairs Committee of the Com-
munist Party met, would you, in giving their names, also give any
other definite information that you have of your own knowledge re-
garding the Communist Party activity affairs, if you know ?
Mr. Blodgett. Yes, sir. Katlileen Griffin's home is also in
Berkeley, near the Oakland border. We met in the home of John
Delgado.
COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SAN FRANCISCO AREA 3299
Mr. Tavenner. Will you spell the last name, please ?
Mr. Blodgett. D-e-l-<i-a-d-o, who also served on the committee in
his capacity as official of the Progressive Citizens of America. We
met at the home of Paul Chown in east Oakland. At that time Mr.
Chown was secretary of the Alameda County CIO Council; and we
met at the home of Gordon Williams, also in east Oakland in the hills.
Mr. Williams was very active in the affairs of the committee. Pie
was the East Bay director of the California Labor School.
Mr. Tavenner. Were you acquainted with his wife?
Mr. Blodgett. Yes; at least on 1 or 2 occasions his wife, Joy Wil-
liams, was at those meetings, not as a member of the connnittee, but
she w^as present.
Mr. Tavenner. Will you give the committee at this point a bird's-
eye picture of what transpired normally at these meetings, and what
length of time did the meetings usually consume; any information
that you can give the committee about the character of these meetings
is desired.
]\Ir. Blodgett. These meetings usually lasted from 2 hours to all
day on into the night and come back the next day and meet because
you might be coming close to the deadline for filing of a candidate for
political office, and attempts were made to get the right candidate, and
of course there were divergences of opinion on tliis among the members
of the committee, and committee members had to take assignments of
arranging for contacts to be made with potential candidates through
some mutual party so that they could be encouraged to file, particularly
true for somebody the committee would have liked to have seen run
as a Democratic Party candidate. Endless discussion around these
questions and the details of working out these campaigns can be very,
very difficult, as all you gentlemen know. That was the high point
of the political activity of the committee.
They did direct the general activity of the party and organization,
push the party influence or control as far as putting the Independent
Progressive Party on the ballot. They were responsible for conduct-
ing those campaigns in Alameda County for w^orking out the petition
campaign, obtaining signatures to qualify the Independent Progres-
sive Party for the ballot, a meeting generally of that nature of key
importance. Following the so-called Oakland general strike, for in-
stance, in 1946, end of the year, there was a tremendous amount of
political foment in the city of Oakland, and the Political Affairs Com-
mittee of the Communist Party was instrumental with the spring-
board from which a joint labor committee, Alameda County Joint
Labor Committee, was established, a committee composed of repre-
sentatives from the A. F. of L. and CIO unions, and that committee
was successful in the Oakland city election campaign of electing 4 out
of 5 of the candidates that they had placed on the ballot.
Some of those candidates were actually selected in the Political
Affairs Committee of the Communist Party.
Mr. Velde. Mr. Blodgett, how were the people who attended these
meetings notified, if you know?
Mr. Blodgett. Well, my notification, Mr. Velde — and that is the
only thing I have any firsthand knowledge of — was directly from Mr.
Lehman.
Mr. Velde. By telephone or by card?
3300 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SAN FRANCISCO AREA
Mr. Blodgett. No ; directly. Our offices were right down the hall
from one another, and he would tell me if a meeting was scheduled.
How the other notifications were made, I do not know.
Mr. Tavenner. Do you recall any incident where Communist Party
members were criticized or disciplined in any manner at one of these
meetings for failure to properly carry out Communist Party
directives ?
Mr. Blodgett. Yes, I was given quite a demonstration of the tech-
nique of what the party called self-criticism at a series of meetings
which were held in the home of Paul Chown, before mentioned, in
east Oakland, and the person under criticism was Kathleen (n-iffin,
who at that time was secretary of the Alameda County Joint Labor
Committee, and Miss Griffin had come under considerable criticism.
Mr. Tavenner. Wliat was that ?
Mr. Blodgett. Miss Griffin had come under considerable criticism
from the party officials for failing to carry out directives of the
Political Affairs Committee, and as I say, it was a very interesting
experience for me to sit through this.
Mr. Tavenner. Can you identify the persons who were present or
some of them who were present on that occasion ?
Mr. Blodgett. Well, because it was a rather key committee, a key
committee politically, the joint labor committee, and a great deal of
concern about it, we had pretty full meetings, as I recall, during those
criticism sessions with Miss Griffin.
I remember Bertram Edises was present on one occasion. Of course
I have a very definite recollection of that because he more or less
assumed the role of defense attorney for Miss Griffin, which was quite
unheard of in party circles.
When one is subjected to critisim, it is assumed that because one is
subjected to criticism, that criticism is justified. That is the assump-
tion at the outset.
Then the problem for the person who is under criticism is to dig
into himself and find out, "What is M-rong inside of me, with my
political thinking, that could allow me to have made that error or
to have failed to carry out that directive?" And that is the pro-
cedure that those criticism sessions are supposed to take. That person
is supposed to acknowledge the mistake, find out why that mistake
was made and make a pledge that it would not happen again and
take steps to make sure it doesri't happen again.
On this particular occasion Mr. Edises, as I say it was a rather
unusual thing, actually got up and accused the party leadership of
subjecting Miss Griffin to an unjustified attack and so on and so
forth. That is why I remember that very definitely on that occasion.
Mr. Chown was there, of course ; Mr. Heide, I believe. There were
invited into the meeting officers of the professional section of the
party, because Miss Griffin was a member of the professional section
in her clubs, and they were invited in to take part in these criticism
sessions. She had not actually been brought upon charges, and I
don't know whether she ever was. That is something else again.
This was preliminary to that if she did not respond properly to that
cathartic treatment.
I remember Herschel Alexander was present. He was east Bay
director of the Civil Rights Congress. John Morgan was present.
COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SAN FRANCISCO AREA 3301
John Morgan was an official at one time, at least ; was business agent
of the CIO Steelworkers' Union, a local of it, in the east Bay.
Mr. Velde. Did you give the approximate date of this meeting?
Mr. Blodgett. Well, it was late in the summer, I presume, of 1949,
as close as I could place it.
Mr. Moulder. In what year?
Mr. Blodgett. 1949.
Mr. Tavenner. Do you recall having seen Mr. Edises at more than
one meeting of the Political Affairs Committee of the Communist
Party ?
Mr. Blodgett. Yes. Mr. Edises, of course, was assigned by the
party to work with the Civil Rights Congress in the east Bay, and
in that capacity and in other capacities did attend meetings of the
Political Affairs Committee, as well as did Mr. Robert Treuhaft, his
law partner. Mr. Treuhaft w^as in attendance at those meetings on
occasions.
Mr. Tavenner. How frequently did Mr. Treuhaft attend these
meetings, if you know ?
Mr. Blodgett. Not with great frequency, but he was in attendance
at meetings of the Political Affairs Committee; I could not say off-
hand how many.
Mr. Tavenner. If you can recall that any of these individuals whom
you have mentioned took any particular part in these meetings, I
would like you to tell the committee about it. You have described
what occurred in this one meeting in which Mr. Edises expressed
liimself in regard to Miss Griffin. Now, can you recall any other
instances where individuals took an active part in the meetings?
Mr. Blodgeti'. Well, let me describe a meeting preparatory to be-
coming involved in an election tampaign, for example. I can recall
that in, oh, early 194S. This was tlie year that the Independent
Progressive Party became (|ua]iiied for the ballot, where Henry Wal-
lace was the national standard bearer of the third party movement.
We had a series of emergency meetings revolving around the con-
gressional district, as I recall, where it apparently would be necessary
for the party to become involved to more or less influence the political
content of the campaign of the Democratic candidate, George P.
Aliller, who was running for Congress at the time. That was in the
t)th Congressional District wliicli included Contra Costa and pai-ts of
Alameda County. There were a series of meetings, emergency meet-
ings, held around the problems of that campaign, in which Comnumist
Party leaders from Contra Costa County had to be called in because
thei-e was an overlapping between the 2 counties in that Congressional
district and had to be consulted because the political campaign af-
fected the party in both Contra Costa and Alameda Counties.
One of those meetings was held at the Williams' home in east Oak-
land. I have a very definite recollection of that.
Mr. Tavenner. Can you fix the approximate date?
Mr. Blodgett. Before filing deadline, 1948. That is about all I can
say ; before the primaries. I know it must have been ])retty close to
that because they were emergency meetings.
Mr. Yelde. Can the gentlemen from California
Mr. Jackson. By the "final deadline" you mean the deadline for
the filing of nominating petitions?
41002— 54— pt. 3 6
3302 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SAN FRANCISCO AREA
Mr. Blodgett. That is correct.
Mr. Velde. What is the date of that, if you know, either of you ?
Mr, Jackson, I defer to Mr. Doyle. I think it varies. I don't
think it is a fixed date any year, but generally I should imagine it is
about a month before or 2 months before the actual primary election.
Mr. DoTiuE. Yes, early in April.
Mr. Jackson. I believe that is the case. It would be in March or
April, I think.
Mr. Blodgett. Well, that is about the only way I could fix the time
of the meeting, with relationship to the filing of the nominating
petition.
Mr. Tavenner, Can you recall definitely who were present at the
meeting to which you have just referred ?
Mr. Blodgett. I can give a pretty close approximation. I don't
think I could name everyone who was there and make sure that that
person was there that particular night,
Mr. Tavenner. Will you tell the committee, please, the names of
those that you are positive in your own mind were there, and in doing
that, state, as you did before, what connection, if any, they had in the
Communist Party other than the attendance at this meeting, if you
know,
Mr. Blodgett. As I recall, the representatives from the Contra Costa
party were — officials of the party, were
Mr, Tavenner, Wliat do you mean by "party" ?
Mr. Blodgett. The Communist Party — were Cleophas Brown
Mr. Tavenner. Will you give us the first name again ?
Mr. Blodgett. C-1-e-o-p-h-a-s Brown. Mildred Bowen, B-o-w-e-n.
Our committee as regularly constituted was there, I would say almost
100 percent turnout — Mrs. Pieper, Mr. Lehman, Mr. Bodkin, Mr.
Edwards, Mr. Paul Heide, John Morgan, Mr. Chown, Miss Griffin,
Mr. Gordon Williams, Mr. Edises or Mr. Treuhaft — I remember one
of them was represented there,
Mr. Tavenner. But you are not certain which one?
Mr. Blodgett. I am not certain right now which one it was.' I
tliink Mr. Treuhaft, and another member of that law firm, Mr.
Robert L. Condon, was present because it was a very special emergency
meeting; something had to be done promptly to get the question
settled, and he was called in also to be consulted on it,
Mr. Tavenner. Do you recall any further circumstances about that
meeting?
Mr. Blodgett. No, except that I think some conclusion was reached
at that meeting as to what action should be taken; resulted, I think,
in the filing of a candidate in the Democratic primary — cross filed in
the Independent Progressive Party, which actually opposed Mr. Miller
in the election campaign. That candidate, as I recall, was Mr. Luther
Morris, M-o-r-r-i-s.
Mr. Tavenner. You stated Mr. Robert L. Condon was one of those
who attended this meeting. Did he attend any other meeting of
the Political Affairs Committee of the Communist Party to your
knowledge ?
Mr. Blodgett. No, sir ; that was the only meeting at which he was
in attendance. Mr. Condon, of course, resided in Contra Costa Coun-
ty. "V^Hiether he attended meetings in Contra Costa County I do not
COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SAN FRANCISCO AREA 3303
loiow, but as I said, this was an emergency meeting where officials,
party members of both parties were involved in discussions, probably
because it did affect both counties.
Mr. Tavenner. Did you ever meet in a Communist meeting with Mr.
Condon on any other occasion other than this one time that you have
mentioned ?
Mr. Blodgett. No, I have never been at another Communist Party
meeting with Mr. Condon. I was a little surprised to see him there
frankly because he was a candidate for office himself, and I thought
it was rather risky to have him there because it was a closed meeting
of the Communist Party members; it had to be. I, of course, had
known him before in my work as a reporter for the Daily People's
World, had interviewed him as a candidate, and worked with him
when he was a defense attorney, for instance, for Wesley Bodkin and
Walter Green, who were two Communist Party officials brought to
trial in Emeryville, Calif., on a public disturbance charge, using the
loudspeaker without permit.
Mr. Condon defended them, and at that instance I worked with him
because I was covering it for the Daily People's World. I knew him
very well because of course I was in the office, the law office, of Edises,
Treuhaf t, and Condon on numerous occasions to get story information
for the Daily People's World.
Mr. Jackson. Mr. Chairman.
Mr. Velde. Mr. Jackson.
Mr. Jackson. Did you on the occasion of this meeting have an op-
portunity to have any conversation with Mr. Condon ?
Mr. Blodgett. No, sir, I did not. I actually did not take part in
those meetings. I just sat there as
irjlMr. Jackson. I mean just a social interchange.
Mr. Blodgett. Oh, probably greeted him ; yes.
Mr. Jackson. Did you express any surprise at his presence?
Mr. Blodgett. Not overtly ; no. I was surprised.
Mr. Tavenner. Was the business on which that meeting was en-
gaged finally terminated at that particular meeting ?
Mr. Blodgett. As I recall, the matter was settled at that time; yes.
Mr. Tavenner. Had there been more than one meeting on the
subject ? •
Mr. Blodgett. Yes, there had been more than one meeting.
I recall another meeting at the home of Kathleen Griffin on the
same subject.
Mr. Tavekner. From your testimony, that means it must have been
held prior to the holding of the one you have just described?
Mr. Blodgett. That is coiTect.
Mr. Tavenner. Can you identify with any further particularity
the holding of the prior meeting ?
Mr. Blodgett- No, except that it was conclusive. I remember
definitely Mr. Cleophas Brown was there, and Louise Todd, who was
the State official of the Commujiist Party, was present.
Mr. Doyle. May I ask, Mr. Chairman, this question ?
Mr. Velde. Mr. Doyle.
Mr. Doyle. Did I understand you to say that at this meeting it was
decided to put in a candidate against the candidacy of George Miller?
Mr. Blodgeit. Yes, sir ; that is correct.
3304 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SAN FRANCISCO AREA
Mr. Doyle. And they did put in the candidate against him; did
they?
Mr. Blodgett. Yes, although there was disagreement on the com-
mittee, as I recall, about whether it should or should not be done.
The purpose of doing that was — that is not an uncommon thing —
from the party's point of view George P. Miller sort of slipped away ;
he was not someone they could have any influence over whatsoever
any more, so to force him to take a position a little closer to that of
the party's on certain issues, they would run this candidate — I sup-
pose a typical practice you would run into in other places — who will
be a left candidate and will appeal to that segment of voters who
would otherwise probably vote for George Miller.
It was a pressure group to get him to take a more leftist position.
Mr. Doyle. As a matter of fact, in that election generally in Cali-
fornia the Communist Party did that, didn't they ? Put in candidates
against what they figured were more or less liberal candidates that
they couldn't control or have any influence over ?
Mr. Blodgett. Yes, I think that became part of" the significance
of the Independent Progressive Party, its role in election campaigns.
Mr. Doyle. You mentioned Mr. Condon, and you have made it
clear that you knew him well. Did he participate in the meeting?
Mr. Blodgett. Oh, yes, of course.
Mr. Doyle. In what way?
Mr. Blodgett. Well, I don't remember what position he did take.
Mr. Doyle. You said you were surprised to see him there, so no
doubt you took notice of what part he took in the meeting. That
would be logical for you to do, wouldn't it ?
Mr. Blodgett. Yes. Well, I say yes. I couldn't quote the man,
what he said. Generally I recall that his position was that the party
should not run a candidate against George P. Miller. At that time
Mr. Condon was, well — he collaborated in this political campaign
with George Miller, Jr., of Contra Costa County, was teamed up with
him pretty much; George Miller, Jr., running for the State Senate,
and Mr. Condon, as I recall, took the position that a third party candi-
date posing as a Democrat should not be placed in opposition to
George P. Miller.
Mr. Tavenner. Can you recall the names of any other persons who
attended meetings of the Political Affairs Committee, persons whose
names you have not already given ?
Mr. Blodgett. I really don't know whose names I have given
already. I have, at your suggestion, made a list of those I could
remember.
I think I named Mrs. Mary Pieper who was chairman ; Lloyd Leh-
man ; Wesley Bodkin ; Herschel Alexander.
Mr. Tavenner. Just a moment. Will you identify Hei*schel
Alexander ?
Mr. Blodgett. I mentioned him previously.
Mr. Tavenner. I understand you have.
Mr. Blodgett. He was Civil Rights Congress organization secre-
tary.
Mr. Tavenner. Yes.
Mr. Blodgett. Paul Chown, whom I identified; Paul Heide, also
identified; Ruby Heide, his wife; Paul Schlipf I mentioned: Lyn
Hames, H-a-m-e-s, was with the CIO utility workers; Ole Fager-
COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SAN FRANCISCO AREA 3305
haiigh I mentioned ; Barney Young ; Goodman Brudner ; John Bitt-
man I did not mention.
Mr. Tavenner. Spell that, please.
Mr. Blodgett. B-i-t-t-m-a-n. He was an international representa-
tive for the United Electrical Workers Union and was a candidate
for office, assembly. Sandra Martin, who was business agent of CIO
United Electrical Workers Union.
Mr. Tavenner. Will you spell the name, please?
Mr. Blodgett. M-a-r-t-i-n. Joseph Melia, who was secretary of
the Alameda County Independent Progressive Party organizing com-
mittee ; John Delgado whom I mentioned in connection with a meeting
in his home. He was secretary of the Progressive Citizens of America.
Rose Segure, S-e-g-u-r-e, who was also associated with PCA; Kath-
leen Griffin I mentioned ; George Edwards ; Louise Todd, who was a
State official of the party; Ralph Johnson, who was in charge of the
petition campaign for the Independent Progressive Party in Berk-
eley ; Allen Johnson, who was with the A. F. of L. CarDenters Union ;
Bertram Edises; Robert Treuhaft; Cleophas Brown, mentioned;
Mildred Bo wen, county ; Gordon Williams ; and John Morgan ; that
is the best of my recollection.
Mr. Tavenner. John who ?
Mr. Blodgett. Morgan, also mentioned.
Mr. Velde. Who was John Morgan, Mr. Blodgett ?
Mr. Blodgett. At the time I knew liim he was with the CIO Steel-
workers' Union as a business agent. That was a local, although I
don't recall the number. I think it was 1304, machinists local. He
has been mentioned in previous testimony.
Mr. Tavenner. Do you know of any instance during the 2^ years
of your attendance upon the Political Affairs Committee of the Com-
munist Party when a person other than a member of the Communist
Party was invited to it ?
Mr. Blodgett. Not to my knowledge, sir. It would be a mutually
exclusive problem because those people could not be known as Com-
munists, and if an outsider was called into those meetings, they would
be exposed.
Mr. Jackson. Mr. Chairman.
Mr. Velde. Mr. Jackson.
Mr. Jackson. Do you know of any instance where a candidate or
one who had been selected by the Political Affairs Committee to be a
candidate had ever personally appeared before the Political Affairs
Committee ?
Mr. Blodgett. Only Mr. Luther Morris, who was a member of the
Communist Party and who was running for office ; also John Bittman
who was also running for office.
Mr. Jackson. Were they running as Communists ?
Mr. Blodgett. No, sir. They were not. Morris as a Democrat
crossfiled in the IPP, and John Bittman was running as a Democrat
crossfiled in the IPP, and they are interested in any other than Com-
munist Party members who were candidates to take part in the affairs
of the committee.
Mr. Velde. What office were these two gentlemen running for ?
Mr. Blodgett. Luther Morris was running for Congress, 6th Dis-
trict, and Mr. Bittman was running for State assembly.
Mr. Moulder. Mr. Chairman.
3306 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SAN FRANCISCO AREA
Mr. Velde. Mr. Moulder.
Mr. Moulder. Do I understand the Eobert L. Condon whom you
have named in your testimony to be the Robert L. Condon who is
now serving in tlie House of Representatives in Congress ?
Mr. Blodgett. That is correct.
Mr. Moulder. This meeting that you have referred to where you
allege that he was present was in the year of 1948 ?
Mr. Blodgett. Yes, as I recall, early 1948.
Mr. Moulder. And during the spring period of tliat year ?
Mr. Blodgett. Yes.
Mr. Moulder. Probably during the month of April, according to
your best recollection ?
Mr. Blodgett. Somewhere in that area.
Mr. Moulder. The meeting was held at whose home ?
Mr. Blodgett. Home of Gordon Williams.
• Mr. Moulder. And at what address is that ?
Mr. Blodgett. I don't recall the address.
Mr. Moulder. Can you give the approximate location of the home?
Mr. Blodgett. I could identify the home, the area.
Mr. Moulder. Was it here in San Francisco ?
Mr. Blodgett. No, it was in east Oakland, the hills in east Oak-
land.
Mr. Moulder. You don't know
Mr. Blodgett. Oakland has a section
Mr. Moulder. Did you ever attend any other meetings there ?
Mr. Blodgett. Yes.
Mr. Moulder. You can't give us the address or the street where the
home is located ?
Mr. Blodgett. I could determine it, I suppose. I could deter-
mine that address. I cannot give it to you now because I do not
have it.
Mr. Moulder. Approximately how many people were present there
at that meeting ?
Mr. Blodgett. If it were a full meeting, probably as many as 12
or 15 people.
Mr. Moulder. Do you recall who was present when you arrived?
Mr, Blodgett. No, sir ; I do not.
Mr. Moulder. Can you describe in what part of the house you held
your meeting ?
Mr. Blodgett. The meeting was held in the living room of the house.
Mr. Moulder. In the living room of the house ?
Mr. Blodgett. Yes, sir.
Mr. Moulder. Was the house a 2-story house, 1-story house, or
frame house, brick, or what kind of a house ?
Mr. Blodgett. It was a frame house, an older home that they had
done a very nice job of remodeling on ; I remember there was a very
beautiful living room, large fireplace; they were still in the process
of doing over a part of the rest of the house at the time we were meet-
ing there; entrances from up above, came down the road up above-- —
Mr. Moulder. About what time was it during the evening or during
the daytime this meeting was held ?
Mr. Blodgett. This is an evening meeting.
Mr. Moulder. Approximately what time was it when you arrived?
COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SAN FRANCISCO AREA 3307
Mr. Blodgett. I would say approximately 8 o'clock in the evening.
Mr. Moulder. Wlio notified you of this particular meeting?
Mr. Blodgett. Mr. Lehman.
Mr. Moulder. Orally, by telephone, or how ?
Mr. Blodgett. Orally.
Mr. Moulder. Did you go over there by yourself, or did you go
with someone else ?
Mr. BLODGET'r. As I recall, Mr. Lehman drove us.
Mr. Moulder. He, himself, drove you over there ?
Mr. Blodgett. Yes, sir.
Mr. Moulder. When you arrived at the house you say you can't
remember who was present in the room ?
Mr. Blodgett. No, sir; I cannot remember who those people were
at that meeting that were present as of the moment I walked in the
door ; I cannot recall.
Mr. Moulder. Was Mrs. Williams there ?
Mr. Blodgett. I do not recall that.
Mr. Moulder. Gordon Williams was married, was he?
Mr. Blodgett. Yes.
Mr. Moulder. You don't remember whether or not she at any time
came into the room or out of the room ?
Mr. Blodgett. No, sir ; I do not recall.
Mr. Moulder. You say that Robert L. Condon was at that time a
candidate himself for some public office. Do you recall what office?
Mr. Blodgett. State Assembly of California.
Mr. Moulder. In what comity was that ?
Mr. Blodgett. Contra Costa County.
Mr. Moulder. This meeting wasn't held in that county?
Mr. Blodgett. No, sir ; it was held in the house
Mr. Moulder. As I recall your testimony, you say it was a special
meeting where they invited some other people from some other county
to this meeting in the Williams home ?
Mr. Blodgett. Yes, sir ; that is correct.
Mr. Moulder. In connection with the candidacy for the office of
Congress?
Mr. Blodgett. Yes.
Mr. Moulder. Who was the candidate for Congress at that time?
George P. Miller?
Mv. Blodgett. George P. Miller.
Mr. Moulder. And one of the main purposes of the meeting was
then to decide whether or not there would be a candidate proposed
and supported by yourself and other Communist Party members
against the candidacy of George Miller, is that so?
Mr. Blodgett. George P. Miller, yes.
Mr. Moulder. While you were going over there with this chair-
man— you mentioned his name a moment ago, that took you over in
the car — what was his name?
Mr. Blodgett. Lloyd Lehman.
Mr. Moulder. Did he discuss with you any special invitations that
were sent out to other people that evening for this meeting?
Mr. Blodgett. No, sir ; he did not.
Mr. Moulder. At the meeting I believe you stated a moment ago
that the apparent purpose of Mr. Condon's presence there was to try,
3308 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES EST THE SAN FRANCISCO AREA
as attorney, to persuade you and others not to oppose the candidacy
of George P. Miller ?
Mr. Blodgett. I don't recall that that was his purpose, stated pur-
pose, in being at the meeting, no. I say, as I recall, that was the posi-
tion he took at that meeting.
Mr. Moulder. Well, that was the only subject which he discussed
while he was present at the meeting ?
Mr. Blodgett. Yes, I think that was the only subject of the meeting.
Mr. Moulder. Do you intend to indicate by your testimony that
by his presence there at that meeting for that particular purpose and
on that occasion that he would be a member of the Communist Party ?
Mr. Blodgett. No, sir ; I don't make any such inference. AH I can
say is that I have never known of a non-Communist in a meeting of
the Political Affairs Committee of the Communist Party. This is
simply circumstantial.
Mr. ScHERER. I didn't get that answer.
Mr. Blodgett. I said I never knew of a non-Communist in attend-
ance at a Communist Party closed meeting.
Mr. ScHERER. This was a meeting of one of the public affairs com-
mittees ?
Mr. Blodgeti\ Political Affairs Committee.
Mr. Scherer. The kind that you
Mr. Moulder, May I pursue with my questions, please ?
Mr. Scherer. I am sorry.
Mr. Moulder. Then I will yield to the gentleman from Ohio. Do
you know of your own knowledge, your own personal knowledge, of
anything which would show or prove or indicate that Robert L. Con-
don was a Communist at that time ?
Mr. Blodgett. Would show, prove, or indicate?
Mr. Moulder. Yes ; I would say yes, to definitely show whether or
not he was a Communist. You have testified about your being very
active in the Communist Party affairs over a long period of time.
During all of those years and during that period had you ever come
in contact with Robert L. Condon in any manner before in connection
with Communist Party affairs?
Mr. Blodgett. No, not as such; only in my relationship with him
as a reporter for the Daily People's World, which was pretty well
known to be a Communist organ.
Mr. Moulder. What do you mean by your relationship with him ?
Mr. Blodgett. In covering news stories.
Mr. Moulder. You as a reporter?
Mr. Blodgett. As a reporter, going to him as a member of the law
firm of Edises, Treuhaft and Condon.
Mr. Moulder. My question, though, is directed to you in this manner,
for this purpose, to get your answer as to whether or not at any time
before, during all Communist Party affairs, had you ever any evi-
dence of coming in contact with Robert L. Condon as a Communist?
Mr. Blodgett, No; I wouldn't be too likely, Mr. Moulder, because
he lived in a different county.
Mr. Moulder. I believe that is all at this time,
Mr. Velde. I believe at this point we will declare a recess for 10
minutes.
(Whereupon, at 2: 30 p. m., the hearing was recessed, to reconvene
at 2: 40 p.m.)
COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SAN FRANCISCO AREA 3309
(The hearing reconvened at 2 : 55 p. m.)
(Representatives Harold H. Velde and Gordon H. Scherer left the
liearing room during the recess.)
Mr. Jackson. The committee will be in order. The chairman has
been called away on official business. The subcommittee for the bal-
ance of this hearing will be constituted by Messrs. Scherer, Moulder,
Doyle, with Jackson as acting chairman.
Are you ready to proceed, Mr. Counsel ?
Mr. Tavenner. Yes, sir.
Mr. Blodgett, in response to a question in the earlier part of your
testimony you stated that you were transferred from a club of the
Communist Party, the Encinal Club, in November of 1948 to a club
in Oakland. Am I correct about that ?
Mr. Blodgett. That is correct, yes.
Mr. Tavenner. Wliat was the purpose of your transfer to Oakland ?
Mr. Blodgett. I moved my household from Alameda to Oakland.
Mr. Tavenner. Will you tell the committee, please, of the activities
of that group or cell of the Communist Party ?
Mr. Blodgett. My transfer w^as to the Anita Whitney Club of the
Communist Party. It was located near east Oakland, Calif.
(Representative Gordon H. Scherer returned to the hearing room
at this point.)
INIr. Tavenner. Will you tell the committee what the chief activi-
ties of that club were during your membership in it?
Mr. Blodgett. Well, they were typical of the Communist Party
club activities. It is just that it consisted of holding club meetings,
cell meetings, conducting educationals on Marxist subjects, doing
concentration work in the automobile industry; a Chevrolet plant
was in east Oakland which we concentrated on as far as distributing
leaflets, getting the party's point of view across.
I was becoming less and less active at this point. I was literature
director of the club, was the squad leader of the club.
Mr. Tavenner. What do you mean by "squad leader" ?
Mr. Blodgett. Clubs were broken into small groups, 5, 6, 7 people,
to try to reduce the inner party contacts to a minimum of preparation
for an underground, illegal party.
Mr. Tavenner. When did that first begin to be the practice ?
Mr. Blodgett. Well, that practice, as I recall, commenced in 1948.
Mr. Tavenner. Do you know of any particular incident or occur-
rence which brought about that decision in the Communist Party ?
Mr. Blodgett. No; I don't think it was precipitated by any one
incident. It was precipitated by the general attack, successful attack,
on the party, the trials of the top Communist leaders, the activities
of committees such as this, which meant that the party was trying to
tighten its security measures, which were always something of a farce
to me because it was perfectly apparent to me they meant nothing
and were simply deluding — and I think very, very deceitfull}' — a
large number of recruits in the party who were assured that the party
w^ould protect them and keep their identity as Communists confiden-
tial, and could do this, when actually most of us who held any leader-
ship position in the party realized that this was a farce, but with the
exception of the squads — the objective there, of course, was to have
units which would still function, even if the club as such couldn't
3310 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SAN FRANCISCO AREA
meet, even if the club as such — a larger group could not conduct and
cany on the work of the party.
The more responsible members and disciplined members of the club
executives were elected as head squad leaders, and they each were
responsible for a small group of rank and file members as far as noti-
fication, handling meetings, and they conducted the cell as you would
a miniature chib of tlie Communist Party. Notifications were then
j)ossib]e by word of mouth of meetings, and that eliminated com-
pletely telephone notification of meetings and so on, reduced success-
fully inner party contact.
Mr. Doyle. Mr. Chairman.
Mr. Veldk. Mr. Doyle.
Mr. DoTLE. I think it is important that the witness give his co-
operation on this question. There apparently is some confusion
or could well be confusion as to George P. Miller, and the Repre-
sentative of CongTess from Alameda County representing the 8th
District, and the fact that there is a George P. Miller, Jr. of Mar-
tinez, Calif., who is the State chairman of the State Democratic
Party in California, and I tliink it important at this point, as
long as I now have the information, that the record speak whatever
the fact is, if the witness knows.
Do you know, Mr. Blodgett, George P. Miller, the Representa-
tive in Congress from the 8th District in Alameda County, is not
the George P. Miller who was the State chairman of the Democratic
Party in California, is he?
Mr. Blodcjeit. No, they are two different people. George P. Mil
ler— I knew the name George Miller, Jr., not George P. Miller, Jr.
George Miller, Jr. is the man from Martinez who was the State sen-
ator, and I understand that he is State Democratic central committee
chairman.
George P. Miller, Congressman, is an entirely different person.
Mr. Moulder. It wasn't the George Miller referred to in your tes-
timony awhile ago ?
]\Ir. Blodgett. I think I referred to both of them.
Mr. Doyle. Now that that is cleared up, may I take a minute or
two at this point, befoi'e we drop the matter of Representative Condon.
He is not here in person, and it would seem to me that perhaps as long
as I have a question or two in mind as to what the facts may be, that
the record should speak the facts, whatever they are, in addition to
the facts that have been brought out.
I want to state this, however, in asking these questions, for fear
that I might as a California Congressman, member of the Democratic
Party, be charged later on with trying to defend a man who may or
may not be a member of the Communist Party. I will say he is not
as far as I know, but in asking these few questions of the witness 1
want the record to speak very clearly, I am not undertaking to defend
him if he is a member of the Communist Party.
I merely want the record to speak whatever the facts are. But may
I ask, therefore, Mr. Blo<lgett, your further cooperation in helping
the record speak whatever the facts are in answer to these 2 or 3 ques-
tions that I want to ask of you.
You have stated in answers to the questions by my colleague, Mr.
Moulder, from Missouri, that in your testimony you did not mean to
COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SAN FRANCISCO AREA 3311
infer that Representative Condon was a Communist, didn't you ^ I
understood you to say in answer to him that you did not mean to in-
fer by anything; you said that Congressman Condon was known to
you to be a Communist.
Mr. Blodcjeit. Well, I think that by the nature of my testimony
that inference is there. You said that it does not prove Mr. Condon
is a Communist. It certainly does not do that. I said it is within
the realm of possibility that a non-Connnunist could be at that meet-
ing, although to my knowledge it was unprecedented.
Mr. Doyle. Now, what other similar meetings had you ever at-
tended where a bunch of candidates were present who were running
for the State assembly, and they were discussing candidates for the
assembly or for Congress ? What other meeting of this Political Af-
fairs Committee did you ever attend where candidates were present
for the assembly ?
Mr. Jackson. Does the gentleman refer to non-Communist can-
didates?
Mr. Doyle. I refer to any candidates.
Mr. ScHERER. Do you understand the question ?
Mr. Blodgett. I think so. If I understand the question, I said
earlier in testimony that the only candidates, that is, who ran as
other than Communist Party candidates who were at political affairs
committee meetings at Avhich I was in attendance were Luther Morris
and John Bittman. I have never attended a meeting of the Political
Affairs Committee of Alameda County of the Communist Party at
which other candidates were present.
Mr. Doyle. Thank you.
Mr. Blodgett. Excej^t in the case of Mr. Condon, who actually was
a candidate. I wouldn't say that what I inferred or what flows from
my understanding of the composition of the political affairs com-
mittee and attendance at the political affairs committee would ipso
facto prove that Mr. Condon was a Communist.
Mr. DoTLE. I am trying to avoid, believe me, being technical. I
am not trying to cross-examine you, Mr. Blodgett ; that is not my pur-
pose, but being a lawyer myself it is hard to get out of phrasing my
questions as a lawyer might in cross-examination. I am trying to
avoid that because all I want is the facts, because Mr. Condon is not
here, and I think he is entitled to have the record speak whatever it
may be fully.
You don't know whether or not IMr. Condon was invited to be
present to discuss the candidacy of Congressman Miller, do you?
He might have been invited to be present, and you never have
known of it and yet not be a member of the Communist Party. He
could have been, in other words. You didn't shape up the invitations
to that meeting?
Mr. Blodgett. That is correct.
Mr. Doyle. You had no control over who was to be present at that
meeting?
Mr. Blodgett. No, sir.
Mr. DoYEE. You had no knowledge in advance who was invited to
that meeting?
Mr. Blodgett. That is correct.
Mr. Doyle. Or why they were invited ?
3312 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SAN FRANCISCO AREA
Now, as I recall it, I think you testified that you thought that some
of tlie law partners or associates of Mr. Condon were members of
the Communist Party ; is that correct ?
Mr. Blodgett. I stated that they were present at several meetings
of the Political Affairs Committee of the Communist Party and that
those meetings were closed meetings of the members of the Communist
Party.
Mr. Doyle. Was the attendance at these meetings limited to mem-
bers of the Political Affairs Committee?
Mr. Blodgett. The Political Affairs Committee did not have a set
membership. It was a fluid membership. It was not a policymaking
body. It was a body to implement policy, to carry out so that at any
one meeting that committee would have a different set of individuals
with the exception of the chairman of the committee and the officials
of the Communist Party. Then would come under discussion who
would be present at those meetings, so it did not have a regularly
constituted membership.
Mr. DoTLE. Now, in your duties as reporter for the Daily People's
World I think you indicated that you frequently got news from the
law office of which Mr. Condon was a member ; is that correct ?
Mr. Blodgett. That is correct.
Mr. Doyle. You frequently dealt with his partners, both of whom
you said frequently attended the political affairs committee meetings?
Mr. Blodgett. That is correct.
Mr. Doyle. And that was over a period of about 2 years ?
Mr. Blodgett. That is correct.
Mr. Doyle. During that 2 years of dealing with Mr. Condon's law
partners you never learned that he was a member of the Communist
Party ; did you ?
Mr. Blodgett. No, sir ; I did not.
Mr. Doyle. And yet you spoke with him frequently and dealt with
him frequently. You dealt with his law partners frequently ?
Mr. Blodgett. That is correct.
Mr. Doyle. Right in the same office ?
Mr. Blodgett. Yes, sir.
Mr. Doyle. You never had anyone in authority tell you he was
a member of the Communist Party ?
Mr. Blodgett. That is correct.
Mr. Doyle. In the two years and a half that you dealt with him?
Mr. Blodgett. No one told me that Robert L. Condon was a member
of the Communist Party ; that is correct.
Mr. Doyle. I think you said that it was the practice of the Com-
munist Party to discipline their members who differed with their
policy, to discipline them severely. You related an occasion when
some woman was being disciplined; isn't that correct?
Mr. Blodgett. Yes ; that is correct. First of all, there would have
to have been a policy or decision made by the body of the party which
was violated or not carried out by a member before that discipline
would be invoked.
Mr. Doyle. Well, now, I don't know where — of course from the
actions of the Communist Party, they are well known to you, not to
me, but I did note that you said that Mr. Condon opposed the Com-
munist Party putting in any opposition to Congressman Miller, George
Miller of the Eighth District, for Congress, and he spoke against it,
COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SAN FRANCISCO AREA 3313
and yet he was outvoted, apparently. Was he in any way criticized
for that action or that attitude by the Communist authorities after-
ward ?
Mr. Blodgett. I have no direct knowledge whether he was or was
not criticized for taking that position.
Mr. DoTLE. You would have known of it ; wouldn't you ?
Mr. Blodgett. No; not necessarily.
Mr. DovLE. You stayed as reporter of the Daily People's World
about a year after that ?
Mr. Blodgett. That is correct.
Mr. DoTLE. You never heard of any discipline or any criticism of
Mr. Condon taking that position?
Mr. Blodgett. I do not recall any such — it was quite possible that
he was criticized.
Mr. Doyle. I think I am not quite clear, you correct me — but I
think you indicated, didn't you, that Mr. Condon had defended two
known Communists?
Mr. Blodgj:tt. I didn't mean to infer anything by that whatsoever.
That is true.
Mr. Doyle. I was afraid that your relating of the fact that he had
represented two Connnunists as lawyer might infer that because he
did that he might be taken to be a Communist, and of course we
members of the legal profession have a duty to represent any man.
Mr. Blodgett. I appreciate that fully.
Mr. Doyle. That is the American way of life, thank God.
On that particular suit — and I only mention this particular suit
because you mentioned it — I want the record to speak whatever you
know about the record in that case. That was the case, was it not,
where 2 men whom you say were Communists — and I never met the
men, know nothing about them — were cleared. The case, where they
were found guilty in the lower court, involved a suit to test the con-
stitutionality of the sound ordinance ; didn't it?
]\lr. Blodgett. As I recall, that was exactly what the substance of
the case was.
Mr. Doyle. The High Court found those 2 men innocent?
Mr. Blodgett. Yes.
Mr. Doyle. That is correct ?
Mr. Blodgett. Yes.
Mr. Doyle. So that when Mr. Condon represented these men pro-
fessionally, while he lost in the lower court, he won in the High
Court?
]\Ir. Blodgett. Yes ; that is correct.
Mr. Doyle. And I presume the High Court was right in its under-
standing of the law.
IMr. Blodgett. I think they were ; yes, sir.
Mr. Doyle. Now, I did make a note here, as you spoke and gave us
the facts, that at some meeting that Mrs. Williams came ; Mrs. Wil-
liams attended, and she is not a member of the Political Affairs Com-
mittee. Now, she may have been a member of the Communist Party.
I don't remember what your testimony was, but I did note that you
said she was not a member of the committee, and yet she attended
the meetings, and that would indicate to me that at least at one meeting
you attended there was a person present who was not a member of the
Political Affairs Committee. Do j^ou remember that ?
3314 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SAN FRANCISCO AREA
Mr. BoDGETT. Yes ; it was a meeting held at the Williams' home.
Mr. Doyle. Yes; but she was not a member of the political affairs
committee, you said, and yet you said she attended the meeting.
Mr. Blodgett. That is true.
Mr. Doyle. I am only trying to get the basic facts.
Mr. ScuERER. Would you yield to a question, Mr. Doyle ?
Mr. Doyle. No; not yet, please. Let me finish my questioning.
Mr. Blodgett. I might have one point there, if 1 may, Mr. Doyle.
Of course as I said, membership in the Political Affairs Committee
was not a set thing; it was not duly constituted membership, either
elected or appointed. It was flexible. A person could attend a meet-
ing only once in his life.
Mr. Doyle. That is right. Well, I am sure we don't want to convict
any jDerson by association of any crime.
I think, Mr. Chairman, while that is all the questions I have right on
that point, I do have 2 or 3 other questions of the witness that I believe
are important, and I marked them. They are in connection with his
testimony this morning, and may I say again, for fear I will be mis-
understood by some — because I am a Member of Congress and hope
to be for several years 3'et — but I know I will be misunderstood because
I have questioned this witness rather carefully to bring out more
facts. I want the record to show that I am not trying to defend a
man that is known to me as subversive or as a member of the Com-
munist Party, but I am interested in having the record speak because
he is not here to speak for himself.
Now, let me have this 1 minute, Mr. Chairman.
I notice, Mr. Blodgett, in this very fine book you gave us this
morning. Midwest Student Victory Assembly, that on page 11
thereof — and you said this morning that Mr. Wendell Willkie, Harold
Stassen, Eleanor Roosevelt, and Ed Thye, the former Governor of
Minnesota, had endorsed this student victory assembly — and I see
they have, and I want to just read one sentence from each of their
endorsements and then ask you how in the world you got these. You
didn't state that this morning. For instance, Mr. Wendell Willkie
said, "Keep up the good w^orks. Kindest regards."
Harold E. Stassen, ex-Governor of Minnesota, said, "I commend
you highly for your program of victory student conference"; and
Eleanor Roosevelt said, "I am glad to hear the student victory assem-
bly at Carleton College is hokling a convention" ; and Ed Thye said,
while he was governor, "I agree we need to start developing now the
kind of leadership necessary to win the peace."
How did you get from those four patriotic, distinguislied Ameri-
cans those commitments approving that assembly ?
Mr. Blodge^pt. The best I can recall, Mr. Doyle, it was done by
correspondence. Of course I described the letterhead that we had
been able to concoct by getting the sponsorship of the student body
presidents of various colleges, universities. The letter was directed
to these people, among others, asking them to speak, stating the sup-
posed aims and objectives of the victory assembly, and when they
replied that they were unable to make a commitment to appear there
as speaker, we came back and asked them would they then please,
since we were deprived of their presence as speakers, send a message
to the victory assembly that could be read to the delegates and help
COMJMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SAN FRANCISCO AREA 3315
give the assembly a successful finish, and of course they had no way
of knowing the Young Communist League had organized it.
Mr. Doyle. Didn't they inquire, any of them? Didn't they ques-
tion who was sponsoring this assembly ?
Mr. Blodgett. No, sir ; not to my knowledge. There were no ques-
tions raised as to who the sponsor was. They knew who the sponsor
was; the names of the sponsors were on the literature.
Mr. Doyle. The reason I bring that out, Mr. Chairman, is just to
shoAv that even before the committee was in existence almost, promi-
nent, distinguished Americans were being misled by reason of the
fact that they didn't investigate who they were dealing with,
Mr. Jackson. Mr. Scherer.
Mr. Scherer. Now, Mr. Blodgett, Mr. Doyle asked you about Mrs.
Williams' presence at one of the meetings of the Political Affairs Com-
mittee of the Communist Party, I understand that particular meet-
ing was held in the Williams home; was it not?
Mr. Blodgett. Yes, sir.
IVIr. Scherer. And Mrs. Williams, while she was not a member of
the Political Affairs Committee, was a Communist. Did I understand
your testimony to be that ?
Mr. Blodgett. Only by inference. Now, you say that might raise
a question of guilt by association, but a meeting was held in their
home. She was president of the closed meeting of the Communist
Party. I never attended a meeting of the club of the Communist
Party, never saw her party membership card, but she was present at a
closed meeting of the Communist Party. That is all I said.
Mr. Scherer, I am sorry, I go back to the first part of your testi-
mony in which you pointed out so clearly that the meetings of the
Political Affairs Committee of the Communist Party were the most
secret meetings that you attended ; didn't you say that ?
]Mr, Blodgett. That is true,
Mr, Scherer, The greatest amount of security was placed upon
those meetings?
fe'^
Mv. Blodgett, Yes ; that is true.
Mr, Scherer, And they naturally then were confined to members
of the Communist Party ?
Mr. Blodgett. To the best of my knowledge they were,
Mr. Jackson. During Mr. Doyle's remarks he mentioned that Mr.
Condon was not here, I think it would be apropos at this time to
read into the record the provision which is made in the rules of pro-
cedure of the committee for redress by any person who feels that he or
she has been adversely affected by testimony, and I will read from
the rules of procedure :
10. THE RIGHTS OF PERSONS AFFECTED BY A HEARING
(a) Where practicable, any person named in a public hearing before the com-
mittee or any subcommittee as subversive, Fascist, Communist, or aflSliated with
one or more subversive-front organizations who has not been previously so named
shall, within a reasonable time tliereafter, be notified by registered letter to the
address last known to the committee of such fact, including (1) a statement
that he has been so named: (2) the date and place of said hearing; (3) the
name of person who so testified; (4) the name of the subversive. Fascist, Com-
munist, or front organization with which he has been identified; and (5) copy
of the printed rules of procedure of the committee.
3316 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SAN FRANCISCO AREA
(b) Any person so notified who believes that his character or reputation has
been adversely affected or to whom has been imputed subversive activity may,
within 15 days after receipt of said notice (1) communicate with the counsel of
the committee aud/or (2) request to appear at his own expense in person before
the committee or any subcommittee thereof in public session and give testimony
in denial or afiirmation relevant and germane to the subject of the investigation.
(c) Any such person testifying under the provisions of (b) (2) above shall be
accorded the same privileges as any other witness appearing before the com-
mittee and may be questioned concerning any matter relevant and germane to
the subject of the investigation.
Mr. INIouLDER. Mr. Chairman, may I have one question ?
Mr. JACKSOisr. Mr. Moulder.
Mr. Moulder. Ak)ng with Mr. Doyle, my colleague, I wish to say
that I personally have never met Mr. Condon, even though he is a
member of Congress as I am, and I am sure that all members of this
committee are equall}^ anxious to expose communism and communistic
activity wherever it may exist, but we are also just as anxious, of course,
to get the true facts in conection Avith such accusations or inferences.
I want to compliment you upon what I observe to be your honesty
and the sincerity of your testimony.
However, I recall a few moments ago when the question was asked
about Mrs. Williams, I believe, when I was interrogating you, you
stated that you didn't see Mrs. Williams at the Williams home at the
meeting you referred to.
Mr. Blodgett. I do not recall her being at that meeting. We held
several meetings at the Williams home. I do recall her being present
at the other meetings.
Mr. Moulder. I see. That was at another meeting?
Mr. Blodgett. Yes, sir.
Mr. Moulder. I see. When did your sever your relations or affilia-
tion with the Communist Party ?
Mr. Blodgett. Wlien I left California in January of 1950.
Mr. Moulder. When you came to California?
Mr. Blodgett. Wlien I left California.
Mr. Moulder. In January of 1950. Kef erring again to Mr. Con-
don, was he a candidate for election to Congress — that was 1952, wasn't
it — or do you know ?
Mr. Blodgett. I believe that is true. I have no
Mr. Moulder. Do you know whether or not Eobert L. Condon knew
that the political affairs committee meeting was a closed Communist
Party meeting, the meeting which was held at the Williams house?
Mr. Blodgett. I have no way of knowing what he knew ; no.
Mr. Moulder. You do not know?
Mr. Blodgett. I do not know whether he knew.
Mr. Moulder. You don't know whether he knew that or not ?
Mr. Blodgett. No.
Mr. Moulder. That is all.
Mr. Jackson, Proceed, Mr. Counsel.
Mr. Ta\t:nner. Will you advise the committee, please, who were
the principal leaders in the new club of the Communist Party to which
you were assigned in Oakland, the Anita Wliitney Club ?
Mr. Blodgett. The club chairman was a Mr. Carl Hanson; Mrs.
Ann Yanish, Y-a-n-i-s-h, educational chairman of the cliib; a Richard
Younce, Y-o-u-n-c-e, was treasurer of the club. I was literature di-
rector of the club at that time. Those are the principal officers of the
club.
COJVIMUNIST ACTIVITIES EST THE SAN FRANCISCO AREA 3317
Mr. Tavenner. Will you give the committee, please, the names of
the other members of the club that you can recall ?
Mr. Blodgett. Nat Yanish was a member of the club ; Bill Danzig,
D-a-n-z-i-g.
Mr. Jackson. Do you know the occupations of any of these indi-
viduals? If you do, I wish you would state them, please.
Mr. Blodgett. I do not recall the occupations of Carl Hanson ; Ann
Yanish was a housewife ; Dick Younce I do not recall ; Nat Yanish
was at one time that I knew advertising manager for the Daily People's
World. I do not know Bill Danzig's occupation. He was Jewish
IWO secretary, East Bay; Mrs. Evalyn Hanson, H-a-n-s-o-n, house-
wife; Mrs. Gertrude Warwick; Mr. Art Wolstenholme had a little
cleaner shop in East Oakland.
Mr. Tavenner. Will you spell the name, please ?
Mr. Blodgett. W-o-l-s-t-e-n-h-o-l-m-e ; his wife, Beckie Wolsten-
holme; Robert Black, he was in the printing trades; Gladys Black,
his wife; Mrs. Eleanor Smith, housewife; Leila Thompson; William
Eeich, R-e-i-c-h, who was editor of some farm publication the name
of which I do not recall ; a Joe Eisler, E-i-s-1-e-r. I do not know his
occupation. His wife, Marjorie Eisler; and an Edith Sharpe,
S-h-a-r-p-e. I do not know her occupation.
Those are the names of the Anita Whitney Club members that I
recall.
Mr. Tavenner. I would like to take you back in your testimony for
just a moment to the labor school which you attendeed under the GI
bill of rights. "V^^iat was the name of the head of that school ?
Mr. Blodgett. The head of the labor school was a Mr. David Jen-
kins ; educational director was Mr. Holland Roberts.
Mr. Tavenner. Did you identify either or both of those persons
definitely as members of the Communist Party?
Mr. Blodgett. I believe I
Mr. Tavenner. I want to clarify the testimony regarding those two
people.
]NIr. Blodgett. I believe I identified Dr. Holland Roberts as a
member of the party, but I can't place the other party.
Mr. Tavenner. On what do you base your identification ?
Mr. Blodgett. Again attendance at a meeting, closed party meet-
ing, in the home of Adam Lapin, associate editor of the Daily People's
World. It was a meeting of instructors of the Marxist Institute which
was conducted late in 1949. Dr. Roberts — American history was one
of the subject matters of the course, and he was present at the meet-
ing, helped in preparation of outlines and materials for the conduct
of those classes. The State educational director of the Communist
Party was present as well as others who were teachers in the Marxist
Institute.
Mr. Taa-enner. You have previously identified David Jenkins as
having attended the meeting that you referred to, have you not?
Mr. Blodgett. No.
Mr. TA^'ENNER. You have not ?
^Ir. Blodgett. No, sir.
INIr. TA^-ENNER. Do you have any knowledge on the subject of his
Communist Party membership?
Mr. Blodgett. No direct knowledge. T have never attended a
Communist Party meeting as such with David Jenkins.
3318 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SAN FRANCISCO AREA
]\Ir. Tavenner. You have testified in connection with your work on
the People's World that you attended these various meetings of the
Political xVffairs Committee of the Communist Party and that from
time to time when problems in union matters were involved, that per-
sons from those unions were present. I want to enlarge upon that and
ask you whether you can recall any specific instances when this political
affairs committee took action regarding any sti'ictly union matters, if
you recall any such thing as that having happened.
Mr. Blodgett. I am having a little difficulty with the term "strictly
union matter," counsel. All of the meetings of the Political Ailairs
Committee 1 attended dealt in one way or another with the method in
in which the unions in which we had some influence or control would
fit into a particular campaign.
Now, this may or may not be construed to be a strictly union matter.
It was usually a political matter, matter of getting a union to support
a resolution, support a campaign, support the Independent Progres-
sive Party with funds, with volunteers. It might be a matter of asking
local 6 of the warehousemen to provide pickets to man a Civil Rights
Congress picket line, generally matters of that nature. Of course, in
the formation of the Alameda County Joint Labor Committee, which
was the key in the successful Oakland city council election, the Politi-
cal Affairs Committee of the Communist Party played a very major
role in directing the members of the committee who were also officials
of the union on how to effect unity with the A. F. of L., how to conduct
the affairs of that joint labor committee, and what that committee
should do, and they were instructed by the Political Affairs Committee
just how to conduct themselves in the affairs of the joint labor connnit-
tee, and of course Kathleen Griffin was the secretary of that joint
labor committee and took direction from the Political Affairs Com-
mittee of the party.
Mr. Tavenner. Have you identified all those who attended the
political affairs committee meetings of the Communist Party who were
representatives of labor?
Mr. Blodgett. Yes, sir ; I believe I have.
Mr. Tavenner. Can you identify any other persons in the field
of labor who were active as Communist Party members, irrespective
of their attendance or nonattendance upon this committee?
Mr. Blodgett. No officials, union officials; that is, I cannot state
mider oath that other officials other than those I named were in
attendance at a Communist Party meeting with me.
Mr. Moulder. Mr. Chairman.
Mr. Jackson. Mr. Moulder.
Mr. Moulder. At this point in the proceedings, due to the fact that
from some sources there has been criticism of this committee and its
functions concerning organized labor, I feel it is proper at this time to
make this statement, especially in view of what I believe to be the
functions, the objectives of this committee.
First, I want to say as to myself that I am sure that no person could
honestly criticize my voting record in Congress affecting the rights of
organized labor. My services on this Committee of Un-American
Activities have never been prejudicial or harmful to labor; on the con-
trary, this committee has tried at all times to expose Communist
activities and to consistently assist labor to free its organizations of
Communist control and domination and because communism, in my
COlVmiUNIST ACTIVITIES INT THE SAN FRANCISCO AREA 3319
opinion, is one of the most dangerous enemies of a labor union and their
bargaining power, and Communist control would ultimately, in my
opinion, destroy the functions of labor unions and the great benefits
now enjoyed by members of labor unions in America as we know them.
And this is clearly shown by the fact that free and independent labor
unions are not tolerated in the Soviet Union. Realizing this to be true,
I would say almost 100 percent of all organized labor is bitterly op-
posed to communism, and therefore I want to reiterate that the Coni-
mittee on Un-American Activities has and does render a great service
to labor unions when it exposes Communist control or influence in its
organizations, and I also believe that the rank and file membership
should take an active interest in such action as may be necessary to
see to it that no Communist or Communist-controlled person is ever
elected to an office or position of influence in the labor unions, and I am
quite sure that tlie other members of this committee concur in this
statement that I have made in that respect.
Mr. Doyle. Mr. Chairman, may I join in that statement and say
I heartily concur.
But at this point may I also add that I saw in the paper yester-
day or day before a statement by some person who claimed to be
speaking for some branch of organized labor, stating that this hearing
now was planned to be in conflict with negotiations down in Hono-
lulu involving some sugar organization, negotiations with organized
labor.
In order that the record may be straight and honest, may I state
that the gentleman that made that statement is absolutely in error
for the fact is that these hearings that we are in this week here in
San Francisco were arranged and agreed to and specifically pro-
vided for before the 5th of August 1953 at Washington; secondly,
the first subpena for a witness at this hearing was dated, I am told by
our staif, on November 3, 1953, so whatever the gentleman stated —
claiming to represent some labor union — as to this hearing deliberately
being set in order to interfere with union negotiations purportedly
going on in Honolulu at this time — that the gentleman is simply all
wet. I want the record to show what the fact is.
Mr. Tavenner. Were you acquainted with a person by the name of
Louis Gonick, G-o-n-i-c-k?
Mr. Blodge'it. Yes; I was acquainted with him, I can't state that
he was a member of tlie Communist Party, however. I knew him as a
friend acquaintance, at local 6 of the CIO Warehousemen's Union.
I^Ir. Tavexner. You testified with respect to John Morgan, have
you ?
INIr. Blodgetf. I have,
Mr, Tavenner. Donald McLeod?
Mr. Blodgett. Yes, sir.
Mr. Tan-enner. You had testified as to the circumstances which
led up to your interest in the Communist Party and your joining
the Connnunist Party. The committee is interested in knowing the
circumstances under which you withdrew from the Communist Pai-ty.
AVill you tell the committee, please, when you withdrew, if you did,
and what were the circumstances?
Mr. BLODGET-r. I decided to leave the Communist Party in the late
suMimer of 1940. I actually left the Connnunist Party when I left
3320 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SAN FRANCISCO AREA
California in January of 1950. The reasons for my disaffection from
the Communist Party are many. There was no single flash of dis-
affection. It was a cumulative thing over the 3i/^ years, approxi-
mately, that I became acquainted with the Communist Party in action.
When I first joined the Communist Party in 1943, in April, I was
a Communist by intellectual conviction. I was convinced that the
Communist Party was the last and best hope for the world; it was
an answer to all of the problems confronting society; that it was
the vanguard party of history; that its philosophy was without a
loophole; that its methodology and historical perspective raised it
above anything that had previously been developed by the mind of
man.
I had a very romantic notion about the coming of this great mil-
lenium, the paradise on earth, heaven on earth — that is the promise of
communism to the potential recruit — end of all war and poverty, end
of man's inhumanity to man.
This is the promise that was held out to the recruit, and as I
say, I was a Communist because I read books and studied, and I was
convinced intellectually. However, I was not a Communist by prac-
tice until after the war, until I joined the party in California. Then
I found that the practice of the party was antithetical to the promise
that it held out to the future ; it could not indeed achieve that, that
it was in practice the opposite.
I related briefly in previous testimony some of the problems that
were confronting me as a reporter for the Daily People's World, prob-
lems that went deep into the question of personal integrity and honesty.
It did not take long for this disillusionment to set in. It did take me
a wliile to get out because the party does have a very strong hold on
its people. The party will tell members, especially someone who has
been an open member, that they cannot escape from tlie party, that
society will not accept them again as respectable members of society.
I have put down some of my thoughts on paper on this whole gen-
eral subject, Mr. Counsel. I know it is not the policy of the committee
to allow statements to be read, but that statement in writing that I
have prepared pretty well covers the whole story of my leaving the
party and my feeling about tlie party today.
The question of loyalty — this doesn't bother a Communist because
loyalty is equated in class: class structure is based on Marxism. You
are loyal to the working class, which becomes the group assigning the
Communist theory. He cannot be loyal to an entity such as America
or the United States and its Government and still be a good Com-
munist. The two are mutually exclusive under the setup which the
Commuuist himself will aclcnowledge, based on their theory that
governments are instituted for domination of one class over another.
In the Soviet Union the working class, according to the Communist,
has a power. "My loyalty is to the working class first, and then my
loyalty must be to the Soviet Union — this is the worker's motherland."
The Communists do not face this question squarely. They refuse
(o. They rationalize it. They say, "We are loyal to the best interests
of the Amei-ican people, although the American people seem to have
rather a basic disagreement with that. But ultimately that is the
only truth that the Communists themselves have; they must acknowl-
edge it ; loyalty is loyalty to class. The working class has taken power
COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SAN FRANCISCO AREA 3321
in the Soviet Union; loyalty is first to the Soviet Union. America
is under the control of the capitalist class, and it follows from their
own theory that they cannot be a Communist and also be loyal
Americans."
Atheism — I think this was the starting point as far as I was con-
cerned, my own personal experience, that had to do with the commis-
sion of the main sin that any of us commit, those of Christian faith —
the sin of pride, the feeling that Man can be sufficient unto himself,
that he can do without a Supreme Being, that in fact a Supreme Being
does not exist. This is not only the road to communism ; this is the
road to all secularisms, and secular communism is the religion to me
of secularism, of denying the existence of God and the subsequent
desecration, moral debasement, that must ensue.
This is our hope and our salvation. I mean this very strongly. I
once rejected a God that I did not know, and I rejected a church that I
knew nothing about because I had only immature understanding of
God and the church. I have corrected this. And secularism, no mat-
ter what its form, will lead to communism. Atheism is one of the
things, the stumbling blocks, that helped propel me out of the party.
There are many, many other reasons that I could go on and spend
hours and houi-s and point by point, example by example, on why it
became so apparent that I could not stay in the Communist Party,
no matter what the consequences would be ; I would have to get out.
I could not live, I could not raise my family. I certainly could not
maintain a family.
Actually I was told by the Communists when they had an indica-
tion that I was leaving — my first step was to resign from the Daily
People's World in October of 1949. I was told I was not open-faced,
that I was not completely honest with the Communists. I did not tell
them the reason I was leaving, and I was leaving California to break
all my ties with communism. They blamed it on my wife and told
me I should divorce my wife, that the party comes first, and that is
another basic principle of communism, that the party is first; the
party is worshiped. They don't have a God; they don't believe in
God. They are atheists, but they do make a substitute god of the party,
make a substitute parent of the party, a slavish insubordination to this
concept of the partyist worship.
Although they do not believe in the Great Man theory of history, they
do worship Joseph Stalin and worship Lenin ; its adulation is some-
thing that is completely foreign to the basic spiritual foundations of
our country.
I don't know if that begins to answer. I left the party, as I say,
when I left California. I actually took a transfer with me in the
form of a $1 bill with a serial number on it. That was the method of
transferring at the time. I never used that transfer, and I reestablished
my life in Chicago and am trying to start over again, and I found
that the main hold that the party has on people is absolutely ground-
less. This is more true day after daj^, that employers are not vindic-
tive. They are not punishing people because they have left the party
and renounced their former beliefs and associates. I found that
this committee and the Federal Bureau of Investigation are not what
the party pictures them to be, and I hope, I hope from the very depths
of my being, that others can see their way clear to recognize that they
3322 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SAN FRANCISCO AREA
cannot build a life in the Communist Party, the kind of life that
means nothing but sordidness and children who are distorted, who are
abused, children who are destined to lead unhappy lives, and T plead
with those of my former associates whom I have absolutely no hatred
for — I have no antipathy at all, except for what they stand for and
what they are doing.
They can follow, and they can get out, and there is no reason why
they shouldn't absolutely, none Avhatsoever, and there are so many
reasons why they should, so many reasons.
I don't know if there are other — there are many, many things that
could be said on this subject, and I don't want to bore the connnittee.
I would very strongly urge that the committee recognize something —
I don't want to be presumptuous about this; I don't want you to think
that I am being a smart a leek to tell the committee what it should
do or shouldn't do, but this is not just a criminal conspiracy of people ;
these are people who are committed; they are people who have a
religion, a belief that they are doing things on the basis of those be-
liefs, and ideas and beliefs are the wellsprings of movements his-
torically.
You can't defeat them before a congressional committee. You
can't defeat them in courts of law. You can't defeat them m jails.
The hard-core Communists who feed on a diet of underground activity
and jails and courts become hardened persons. You will find, reading
Marxist theory and reading Lenin, that he says that you cannot have
a successful prorevolutionary leader unless they have gone through
this sort of thing, been steeled by struggle.
Being anti-Communist is not enough. We have to be for some-
thing, and we cannot fall into the trap of secularism because this,
to me, is the basis of the whole problem, and it starts in the child-
hood. The point of greatest importance in the development of a
person is the high-school and college level. I don't have statistics,
but I am sure that most recruiting is done at the college level, and
who is recruited? That young person who has developed a social
conscience; the Communists are looking for people like that. That
young person who is serious-minded, who is interested in the prob-
lems of the world and doing something about them — they are the
material that the Communists take and develop. The skillful Com-
munist recruiter can make such a picture for this person of this
glittering future, he can show them exactly how to go about creat-
ing; he can prove to them, after he has gotten them receptive, that
the people of the Soviet Union and China are marching toward this
glorious future. He can do all these things with those receptive
young minds, and if those young people do not have a firm founda-
tion of belief in God and in their church, the Communists will succeed
with those people.
There are none of my acquaintances at Carleton College — and the
story of Carleton College is a very interesting one — there are none
of my acquaintances who evidenced the same type of social conscience
and perplexity about life and the meaning of life and a wish to do
something about it to create this better world — but there were none
of those people who had a sure belief in God and tied themselves to
the church who were recruited by us. We could not recruit them.
COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SAN FRANCISCO AREA 3323
We have to make that first step, and the committee can't do this.
They can provide the material, case studies; they can synthesize it
and analyze it and summarize it in such a form that could be really
useful to college presidents, administrators, and high-school prin-
cipals. Give them the kind of material that will make them realize
that this natural radicalism of youth, these natural yearnings and
urges, must be channeled properly or the Communists will take those
young people, and will never defeat them by being anti-Communist
because young people, as you know, are rejecting an adult world, are
not affected by prohibitions. Prohibition did not stop alcoholism;
prohibitions will not stop young people from entertaining these ideas
that are the opposite of the adult world. The committee can do this;
they can do it with other organizations. I know they have been; I
know they have been doing it with labor. They can tell them how
to spot these people, to stop them from their recruiting activities.
The Communists will have to renew their membership ; they have to
get new recruits. This is a necessity, and that is where to cut them
off; that is where to cut them off.
As you can tell, I think, from my testimony, I feel very strongly
on this, and I want to enlist myself when and wherever I can in
this fight.
Mr. Jackson. Mr. Blodgett, I believe you said that you had a
prepared statement. If you care to file that with the committee, and
following the rules of procedure of the conmiittee, upon committee
vote it will be included in the conclusion of your testimony in addi-
tion to the remarks which you have made respecting your decision
to leave the party and the reasons therefor and the suggestions which
you have made.
Mr. Blodgett. Thanlv you.
Mr, Ta\'enner. I have no further questions. .
Mr. Jacksox. Mr. Scherer.
Mr. Scherer. I have no questions.
Mr. Jackson. Mr. Moulder.
Mr. Moulder. No questions.
Mr. Jackson. Mr. Doyle.
j\fr. Doyle. I want to thank Mr. Blodgett very, very much for this
very informative and inspiring cooperation on his part. It is simply
magnificent.
Mr. Jackson. Mr. Blodgett, on behalf of the committee, since my
tenure on the committee, which has been relatively short compared
with some of the other members, I have never heard finer testimony
nor a finer summation of what communism does and the emotional
and physical experience passing through it.
The committee is very grateful to you for your cooperation. It is
a difficult ordeal, perhaps as difficult an ordeal as any human being
is called upon to undertake. What you have had to say relative to
the American business community and its relationship to those who
have seen fit and seen it as their American duty to break with the
Communist Party is very true in the experience of the committee.
There are very few cooperative witnesses today who have come for-
ward with their stories in honesty and in sincerity and with that
quality of trustAvorthiness of which the chairman spoke yesterday
who have not been received back and given every assistance in social
and political reliabilitation.
3324 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SAN FRANCISCO AREA
There is only one point which I should like to touch upon in con-
clusion relative to your summation, relative to the point you made.
You made the statement that we must stand for something. It is
my personal opinion that millions of Americans believe in standing
for the Republic. They are standing for perhaps the greatest order
of things that was ever created; the Republic was founded on a belief
in God; the Constitution was born out of what Winston Churchill
called the blood, sweat, and tears of generations of loyal Americans
standing for human dignity and for self-determination.
I believe that in standing for that that this committee, that the
courts of the land, that the Supreme Court — in making its findings
on the Smith Act — have been taking a positive position in favor of
something. I don't think that we have any fundamental disagree-
ment on that score.
Again may I say on behalf of all the members of the committee how
deeply we appreciate your splendid cooperation, and we wish you
Godspeed.
Mr. Blodgett. Thank you, Mr. Jackson.
Mr. Jackson. Is there any reason why the witness should not be
excused ?
Mr. Tavenner. No, sir.
Mr. Jackson. The witness is excused.
Tlie committee will take a 10-minute recess.
( Wliereupon, at 4 : 05 p. m., the hearing was recessed, to reconvene
at 4: 15 p. m.)
(The hearing reconvened at 4 : 21 p. m.)
Mr. Jackson. The committee will be in order.
Mr. Counsel, are you ready to proceed ?
Mr. Ta\tenner. Yes, sir.
Mr. Jackson. Call your next witness, please.
Mr. Tavenner. Mr. Lloyd Lehman, will you come forward, please?
Mr. Jackson. Do you solemnly swear in the testimony you are
about to give to tell the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the
tnith, so help you God?
Mr. Lehman. I do.
TESTIMONY OF LLOYD LEHMAN, ACCOMPANIED BY HIS COUNSEL,
RAYMOND MARSH
Mr. Tavenner. Wliat is your name, please, sir?
Mr. Lehman. My name is Lloyd Lehman.
Mr. Tavenner. Are you accompanied by counsel ?
Mr. Lehman. I am.
Mr. Tavenner. Will counsel please identify himself for the record?
Mr. Marsh. Certainly. My name is Raymond Marsh, attorney at
law. My office address is 976 B Street, Hayward, Calif.
Mr. Tavenner. Will you please state for the committee, Mr. Leh-
man, when and where you were born ?
Mr. Lehman. Could you finish with the photographers first, please ?
Mr. Tavenner. Yes, sir.
Mr. Lehman. I was born in Hollister, Calif., April 11, 1914.
Mr. Tavenner. What is your occupation, Mr. Lehman ?
Mr. Lehman. Mr. Chairman and counsel, I am going to refuse to
answer questions that have to do with my occupation, that have to
COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SAN FRANCISCO AREA 3325
do "with my associations, or that have to do with my beliefs, and I
have a number of reasons for refusing to answer those questions, and
I will state them now.
Mr. Jackson. Mr. Lehman, you do decline to answer as to your
occupation ?
Mr. Lehman. I decline to answer all the categories that I have just
mentioned, including occupation.
The first reason is because this committee is practicing McCarthyism
and is trying to substitute a Bed issue for the issue of the income of
the farmers and the working people. The second reason that I refuse
to answer these questions is that this is a trial by slander. We are
faced with witnesses, no possibility of cross-examination, and caught
in a condition where it is impossible for the truth to come forward.
The third reason is that this is an indictment by suspicion with
the stable of stool pigeons that you have to draw on who can say
anything they want, distort facts to their own use, and create a type
of suspicion that makes it tantamount to an indictment as far as the
people are concerned.
The fourth reason is that this committee practices conviction by
accusation. It is simple to understand that, that people are fired the
day after they are accused, and that is tantamount to conviction by
accusation.
The fifth reason, that this committee functions on the principle
that war is inevitable and does everything it can with these illegal
unconstitutional type of — I should say, this debasement of the legal
process in this country — to bring forward stool pigeons
Mr. Moulder. May I ask you, what is a stool pigeon ?
Mr. Lehman. Mr. Chairman, I am trying to answer the question
that was asked me. I haven't finished answering the first question.
I wish that I would not be interrupted until I finish, please.
Mr. Jackson. Quite obviously you have not finished answering the
question. However, there is a question pending from a member of
the committee. If that could be answered, it would be appreciated
by the Chair.
Mr. LEHivrAN. Well, I will keep it in mind until after I finish what
I am presently involved in answering.
Mr. ScHERER. I ask the chairman to direct the witness to answer
the question asked him by the gentleman from Missouri, Mr. Moulder.
Mr. Jackson. Actually there is a question pending, Mr. Moulder,
and if the gentleman would withdraw it
Mr. Moulder. I will withdraw the question at this time.
Mr. Jackson. In order that we may expedite the many reasons why
the witness is refusing to answer.
(At this point Mr. Lehman conferred with Mr. Marsh.)
Mr. Jackson. Proceed, Mr. Lehman.
(By order of the chairman and subcommittee, certain remarks of
the witness were ordered stricken from the record.)
Mr. Jackson. Proceed, Mr. Lehman.
Mr. Lehiman. The next ground that I stand on for refusing is on
the first amendment of the Constitution which guarantees a citizen's
right to his political beliefs and associations, and I think that the
type of question propounded here is properly refused of answer on that
grounds, despite court decisions to tlie contrary, and I think it is
time that that was challenged again, if necessary, in the courts.
3326 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SAN FRANCISCO AREA
I also refuse to answer the question on the basis of the fifth amend-
ment, which holds that I do not have to bear witness against myself.
That is all.
Mr. ScHEREJR. Was that the answer to the question of where he lives ?
Mr. Jackson. No, I believe that was the answer to the question as
to what his occupation was.
That was a declination to answer the question as to his occupation.
Proceed, Mr. Counsel.
Mr. Tavenner. Mr. Lehman, I recall especially what you said about
not being confronted by witnesses and inferences drawn fi-om state-
ments. Let me ask you a direct question. The witness who just pre-
ceded you on the stand was Mr. Charles David Blodgett. He testified
under oath that you, as chairman of the Alameda County Communist
Party gave him directions and instructions when to attend the meet-
ings of the Conmiunist Political Afl'airs Committee of the Communist
Party off and on over a period of 21/9 years. Was he telling the truth
or not? You now have an opportunity to meet those things face to
face.
Mr. Lehman. Well, Mr. Chairman, in taking the opportunity to
meet those things face to face, I would appreciate if this committee
would provide the possibility of my counsel cross-examining such a
witness. And as far as my answering the question is concerned, I
stand on my rights on the fifth amendment not to answer the question.
Mr. Tavenner. On the ground that to do so might tend to incrimin-
ate you, is that the ground you are relying on ?
(At this point Mr. Lehman conferred with Mr. Marsh.)
Mr. Lehman. My counsel advises me that in regards to the fifth
amendment that it is available to the innocent as well as the guilty.
Mr. Taa'enner. Will you answer the question ?
Mr. Lehman. I refuse to answer the question on the grounds of the
fifth amendment.
Mr, Jackson. The Chair would like to state that if the witness is
purely concerned about having the previous witness cross-examined,
the best way that that could be accomplished is by, at this time, deny-
ing the validity or the truth of the witness' statements, in which case
it is quite likely that the matter would be referred to the Attorney
General of the United States seeking a perjury complaint, and the
full process of law will then be available to the witness for examination
and cross-examination.
Mr. Lehman. In other words, if I will crawl on my belly like he
did, you will let me cross-examine him ?
Mr. Jackson. I don't know how you crawl.
Mr, Moulder. Mr. Chairman, what was the name of the witness
referred to?
Mr. Taat:nner, Charles David Blodgett, the previous witness.
Mr. Jackson. I was merely telling the method by which that cross-
examination, of which he appears so enamored, could be arranged.
Proceed, counsel,
Mr. Tavenner. Did you recruit Mr, Blodgett into the Communist
Party in San Francisco or the bay area ?
(At this point Mr. Lehman conferred with Mr, Marsh,)
Mr. Lehman. I refuse to answer on the grounds of the fifth amend-
ment.
COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SAN FRANCISCO AREA 3327
Mr. Taa^nner. Have you at any time been a functionary of the
Communist Party in Alameda County ?
Mr. Lehman. I claim the same grounds for refusing to answer that
question.
Mr. Tavenner. Are you now a member of the Communist Party ?
Mr. Lehman. I claim the same grounds for refusing to answer that
question.
Mr. Ta\'enner. Have you ever been a member of the Communist
Party?
Mr. Lehman. I claim the same grounds for refusing to answer that
question.
Mr. Ta\t:nner. I have no further questions, Mr. Chairman.
Mr. Jackson. Mr. Scherer.
Mr. Scherer. No questions.
Mr. Jackson. Mr. Moulder.
Mr. Moulder. Just one question. A few moments ago you used
the words "stool pigeon." What do you understand that term to ordi-
narily mean?
Mr. Lehman. The disgusting exhibit that was put on here by the
witness that preceded me will define it sufficiently for my — for your
and my use.
Mr. Moulder. Ordinarily a stool pigeon is one who betrays a co-
conspirator, those who were jointly engaged in the commission of
some crime, wrong-doing, and when one betrays to other people what
they are jointly about to do, then he is called a stool pigeon, is that
the way you used the term ?
Mr. Lehman. There are lots of definitions of stool pigeon.
Mr. Jackson. Are you finished, Mr. Moulder?
Mr. Moulder. Yes.
Mr. Jackson. Is there any reason why the witness should not be
excused ?
Mr. Tavenner. No, sir.
Mr. Jackson. The witness is excused.
Will the record show at this point that the subpena covering the
previous witness, Mr. Charles David Blodgett, will be extended in-
definitely.
Mr. Tavenner. Mary Pieper.
Mr. Jackson. Do you solemnly swear in the testimony you are
about to give to tell the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the
truth, so help you God ?
Mrs. Pieper. I do.
TESTIMONY OF MARY PIEPER, ACCOMPANIED BY HER COUNSEL,
JAMES C. PURCELL
Mr. Tavenner. Wliat is your name, please?
Mrs. Pieper. Mrs. Mary Pieper.
Mr. TA^'ENNER. Are you accompanied by counsel, Mrs. Pieper?
Mrs. PraPER. I am.
Mr. Tavenner. Will counsel please identify himself for the record ?
Mr. Pieper. My name is James C. Purcell. My office is at 990
Geary Street.
INIr. Ta^t:nner. Where do you reside, Mrs. Pieper ?
Mrs. Pieper. At 2490 Encinal Drive in Walnut Creek.
3328 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SAN FRANCISCO AREA
Mr. Tavenner. Where were you born ?
Mr. PiEPER. I was born in Philadelphia.
Mr. Tavenner. When did you move to San Francisco ?
Mr. PuRCELL. I think you are in error, counsel ; she lives not in San
Francisco.
Mr. Tavenner. Well, in the bay area which you described.
(At this point Mrs. Pieper conferred with Mr. Purcell.)
Mr. Purcell. The witness desires to exercise her rights under the
fifth amendment.
Mr. Tavenner. My question was directed at the witness. She is
perfectly capable of replying, I am sure.
Mrs. Pieper. Well, I want to decline as an American citizen to
answer these questions, and I intend to stand upon the fifth amend-
ment, which states that no person need be forced to testify against
themselves.
Mr. Jackson. Mrs. Pieper, you want to decline. Do you so decline
to answer ?
Mrs. Pieper. I do so decline.
Mr. Moulder. Mr. Chairman, may I ask counsel to identify himself
for the record ?
Mr. Jackson. Counsel has identified himself.
Mr. Purcell. I did, sir. My name is Purcell.
Mr. Jackson. Proceed, Mr. Counsel.
Mr. Tavenner. I am not certain that you intend to claim the im-
munity of the fifth amendment in answering the question which I just
proposed to you, that of w^hen you came to the State of California.
Mrs. Pieper. Yes, I wish to so claim that immunity.
Mr. Scherer. Mr. Chairman, I respectfully suggest that you direct
the witness to answer that question because I can't possibly see how
answering that question could incriminate her in any way. It is
obviously improper use of the fifth amendment.
(At this point Mrs. Pieper conferred with Mr. Purcell.)
Mr. Jackson. I think it is a matter of proper identification. It is
desirable, and the witnass is directed to answer the question.
Mrs. Pieper. Well, I still claim the privilege of standing on my
constitutional rights.
Mr. Jackson. And decline to answer the question ?
Mrs. Pieper. And so decline to answer.
Mr. Tavenner. You are contending then, as I understand it, in
good faith that to answer that question of when you came to the
State of California might tend to incriminate you, is that the basis
Mrs. Pieper. That is correct.
Mr. Tavenner. That is the basis upon which you refuse?
Mrs. Pieper. Yes, that is correct.
Mr. Tavenner. Were vou in tlie hearing room during the period
that Mr. Charles David Blodgett testified ?
Mrs. Pieper. I was here during a portion of that testimony, not all
of it.
Mr. Tavenner. Were you here during the portion of the testimony
this afternoon when Mr. Blodgett described the activities of the Com-
munist Political Affairs Committee of the Communist Party?
Mrs. Pieper. I was in the room and heard him mention that com-
mittee. I am not, of course, positive that I heard all his mention of
it since I was not here all of the time.
COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SAN FRANCISCO AREA 3329
Mr. Tavenner. Let me repeat this portion of it to you in the event
you may not have heard it : Mr. Blodgett testified that you were chair-
man of "the Political Affairs Committee of the Communist Party dur-
ing a period possiblv of as much as 21/2 years, from 1947 to the neigh-
borhood of 1949. Were you the chairman of that group at any time
during that period?
Mrs. PiEPER. I decline to answer the question on the grounds of the
fifth amendment.
Mr. Tavenner. Are you now a member of the Communist Party ?
Mrs. PiEPER. I again decline to answer the question on the same
grounds as before, namely the fifth amendment.
Mr. Tavenner. I have no further questions.
Mr. Jackson. Mr. Scherer.
Mr. Scherer. If you were not a member of the Communist Party,
would you so state ?
Mrs. PiEPER. I decline to answer the question on the same grounds.
Mr. Scherer. No questions.
Mr. Jackson. Mr. Moulder.
Mr. Moulder. Just one question, Mr. Chairman : Would you refer
to Mr. Blodgett as a stool pigeon ?
(At this point Mrs. Pieper conferred with Mr. Purcell.)
Mrs. Pieper. I don't want to pass on the testimony of any other
witness in this particular hearing.
Mr. Moulder. You heard the witness testify preceding your testi-
mony. He said he was a stool pigeon. I merely want to comment
that he isn't denying the testimony of Mr. Blodgett; he is merely
complaining about it because he has, so he says, been a stool pigeon
against him.
That is all.
Mr. Jackson. Mr. Doyle.
Mr. Doyle. No questions.
Mr. Jackson. Is there any reason why the witness should not be
excused, Mr. Counsel?
Mr. TA^^:NNER. No, sir.
Mr. Jackson. The witness is excused.
Mr. Tavenner. Mr. Robert Treuhaft.
Mr, Jackson. Do you solemnly swear in the testimony you are
about to give to tell the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the
truth, so help you God?
Mr. Treuiiaet. I do,
TESTIMONY OF EOBEET E. TREUHAFT
Mr. Tavenner. What is your name, please, sir?
Mr. Treuhaft. My name is Robert E. Treuhaft, T-r-e-u-h-a-f-t.
Mr. Tavenner. Are you accompanied by counsel?
Mr. Treuhaft. Just a moment, please. Lawyers have this prob-
lem, you know.
Mr. Jackson. We don't want audible comments. The Chair has
heard several in the immediate vicinity and would appreciate it if
no audible comment is made during the course of testimony.
Mr. Treuhaft. Mr. Tavenner, I am obliged to appear as^a witness
before this committee
3330 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SAN FRANCISCO AREA
Mr. Tavenner. Will yovi aiiswer the question, please, sir?
Mr. Treuhaft. I am answering the question.
Mr. Jackson. Mr. Treuhaft, will you please answer the question,
sir, following which you will be given every opportunity to
explain
Mr. Treuhaft. I am answering the question.
Mr. Jackson. I fail to hear an answer to the question. I heard
you begin to explain that you were obliged to appear as a witness,
which is quite an obvious fact.
Mr. Treuhaft. I was asked whether I had counsel.
Mr. Jackson. That is correct.
Mr. Treuhaft. I am answering that question.
Mr. Jackson. Do you have counsel ?
Mr. Tavenner. His answer is not responsive.
Mr. Treuhaft. May I be permitted to answer the question ?
Mr. Jackson. I wish you would answer the question.
Mr. Treuhaft. I am obliged to appear before this committee with-
out assistance of counsel, Mr. Tavenner, because of the fact that the
repressive activities of this committee have made it impossible for me
to secure the assistance of attorneys of my choice. This is a serious
charge for a lawyer to make. I am compelled, however, to make it
because the state of affairs that I have found to exist in this regard
is truly shocking.
A month ago I received a subpena calling for my appearance before
this committee. My law partner and I have been, for many years,
and are now, general counsel for the East Bay Division of Warehouse
Union Local 6, ILWU, a labor oiganization which is one of the
principal targets under attack by this committee. In fact, I am sure
this was well known to the committee's investigators, and I cannot
down the suspicion that my representation of this union had some-
thing to do with the fact that my law partner and I are the only East
Bay lawyers subpenaed before the committee at these hearings so
far as I know.
I readily agreed to represent four East Bay members of this union
as their attorney, who likewise were subpenaed, despite the fact that I,
myself, had been subpenaed as a witness.
Upon receipt of my subpena I immediately began to make diligent
efforts to secure counsel to represent me. I compiled a list of the 7
leading East Bay lawyers whom I would want to represent me because
of their known ability in their profession and because all of them had,
from time to time, shown themselves to be champions of the right of
advocacy. All had a sound understanding of due process of law and
of the other constitutional rights and immunities which are daily
trampled upon by this committee.
And I would like to say that in making these references to certain
members of this committee I do not wish to reflect upon Congress as
a whole, as some members of this committee have, by making accusa-
tions by inference against one of their own members.
I have respect for elected Members of Congress, and I would not
attack them by im])utation or inference if I didn't know the facts.
Mr. Jackson. Mr. Treuhaft, may I ask you at this point, sir, if you
are reading a prepared or written statement ?
Mr. Treuhaft. I am referring to notes.
COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SAN FRANCISCO AREA 3331
Mr. Jackson. You are referring to notes ?
Mr. Treuhaft. Yes.
Mr. Jackson. May the Chair be furnished with a copy of his
statement ? Very well, proceed.
Mr. Treuhaft. That statement was for the press.
Mr. Jackson. I know; I now have it. That is freedom of the
press.
Mr. Treuhaft. The first lawyer, whom I will call lawyer No. 1,
holds high office in the Alameda County Bar Association. When I
first approaclied this lawyer, he told me that he could see no reason
why he could not represent me. The next day, however, he informed
me that lie felt that he could not do so because of the controversial
nature and the publicity attendant upon hearings before this commit-
tee and because of his position in the county bar association.
The second lawyer I consulted out of this list, lawyer No. 2, is a
former judge who has an active practice on both sides of the bay. I
discussed with him the position which I intended to take before this
connnittee; that is, to uphold the Constitution and to rely upon the
first and fifth amendments to the Constitution as they might apply to
every question that this committee might put to me.
This attorney, who is highly placed in the bar, agreed fully with
me in principle and stated that it was his opinion that my decision
Avas sound and wise. He told me that he would like to represent
me.
After conferring with his associate, however, he called me in again,
and he said that he was very sorry that he could not because repre-
senting me with the attendant publicity or representing any witness
before this committee would involve financial hardship. He said that
he regretted very much to give me this answer because we have been
on friendly terms. He said to me, although he is a well-established
lawyer, and older than I am, "Why don't you find some older lawyer,
someone who is in a better financial position, to take this risk?"
The third lawyer I went to see and offered a retainer to represent
me before these hearings was an older lawyer, and he was a better fi-
nancially established lawyer so far as I know. He formerly held
high office in the American Bar Association, and he, too, has been
a champion of the right of advocacy. He told me, "Try to find a
younger lawyer. The activities before this committee would be too
strenuous," he thought, the publicity would be harmful.
The fourth lawyer I went to is a leading criminal lawyer in the
East Bay. We have been on very friendly terms, and he readily
agreed to represent me without any hesitation at all. When I offered
him a retainer, he said that he would not accept a retainer from a
fellow lawyer. He took the subpena, and we proceeded to discuss
the position I was going to take, and he agreed with me fully that
anybody who had represented unpopular causes as a lawyer, as I have,
would face grave clangers in answeriug any questions put by this
committee. Three days ago I — I consulted him 2 weeks ago — 3 days
ago, the day before — 3 days before I was supposed to come here, he
called me, and he told me that his partner liad just returned from out
of town and had learned that he had undertaken to represent me. He
said that his partner represented a bank, and that his partner felt
that the attendant publicity would be so harmful to them that he in-
sisted that they could not represent a witness before this committee.
3332 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SAN FRANCISCO AREA
He told me this with very personal regret. He also expressed the
view — his partner did — that any attorney who represented a witness
before this committee might find himself in a position where he was
persecuted by other governmental agencies, as was Vincent Hallinan,
against whom reprisals were taken, because he had the courage and
temerity to represent a client who, in some eyes, was considered un-
popular.
Lawyer No. 5 is one of the most distinguished members of the bar
of Contra Costa County. He has held high office in the bar associa-
tion there, and he is a leading lawyer in every sense of the word.
He has also been a fighter for the right of advocacy. He told me with
very great regret that he had discussed with some of his corporate
clients the advisability or his intention to represent a witness before
this committee. Tliese clients told him that they would consider it
an unfriendly act if he were to represent a witness before this com-
mittee. He said that although he was well established, he had very
high overhead and that he didn't want to subject his organization
to the financial hardship and risk of losing clients that would be in-
volved in representing anyone before this committee. I told him
that I intended to take this matter up with the bar association and
also to make a statement to this committee on my experiences in at-
tempting to obtain counsel, and that I intended to keep the names of
the individuals that I had consulted confidential. He said, "Bob,
a fact is a fact. I feel rotten about telling you what I have to tell
you, but a fact is a fact; you state the facts, and I authorize you
to use my name and to give the reasons that I have given you."
This man had real courage.
Mr. ScHERER. He didn't appear, though, did he?
Mr. Treuhaft. No; he authorized me to say that he couldn't ap-
pear because these slanderous accusations by committees like this
made it dangerous financially.
Mr. Scherer. That is the man you say had real courage ?
Mr. Treuhaft. Yes ; he had real courage, and all of these lawyers
that I named had real courage. I went to them because they were
courageous. I am not condemning nor criticizing the lawyers. I
am condemning this committee for trying its cases in the newspapers
and over the radio. I am condemning this committee for depriving
me of right to counsel by its slanderous attacks, attacks by inference,
which even repel and revolt some of the Democratic members of this
committee when they saw the performance that was put on today with
respect to a Member of Congress.
Mr. Scherer. That is your law partner?
Mr. Treuhaft. Who is ?
Mr. Scherer. The man you referred to ?
Mr. Treuhaft. The man I am referring to is one of the leading
lawyers in Contra Costa County. Hp is not any law partner of mine.
He represents banking and industrial interests.
Mr, Scherer. That wasn't the man I was referring to.
Mr. Jackson. Very well. Will the witness continue with his notes?
Mr. Treuhaft. I also consulted a couple of other leading lawyers in
the same category. These lawyers had reasons which I respect,
special reasons which I respect, for not wanting to be in this particu-
lar position at this time.
COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SAN FRANCISCO AREA 3333
However, their position was also connected with the fear of ad-
verse publicity that would be attendant upon representing as counsel
somebody before this committee.
Now^, the canon of ethics of the American Bar Association, as I
think Representative Moulder has referred to, states, and this is law
for lawyers, that no lawyer shall, for reasons personal to himself, re-
ject any cause because it is unpopular. All of the lawyers that I
consulted did reject this cause for reasons personal to themselves,
but for reasons created by the hysteria engendered by this committee
in the public mind, the fear that anybody who appears before this
committee is labeled as a spy or something subversive, and that the
taint may rub off onto the lawyer.
In this bleak picture, there is, how^ever, a ray of hope because cour-
ageous counsel have come forward to represent some of the witnesses
here, and I must pay a tribute to tliem for so doing because I am
sure they do it at the risk of personal financial hardship. They may
lose clients. The National Lawyers' Guild has published a state-
ment saying that it would furnish counsel to witnesses here who could
not otherwise obtain counsel.
Why haven't I gone to these lawyers and said, "Represent me, too" ?
The reason is that I as a lawyer think it would be unfair to place an
added burden upon these people who have come forward already
courageously and made sacrifices. I don't want to place upon them
any additional financial burden or danger by representing me before
this committee, and I think the committee should know that one of the
lawyers who did have the courage to come here and to agree to repre-
sent a client here was fired from the law firm that he is a member of
two days ago because of his agreement to represent a client, a witness,
before this committee.
I don't want to place that added burden on any of the lawyers who
have already come forward to represent clients here. This whole
situation is "McCarthyism. President Truman recently described it
as such. He said that it is the use of the big lie and the unfounded
accusation against any citizen in the name of Americanism — in
quotes— and security — in quotes. It is the use of the power of the
demagogue who lives on untruth, and I am reading here, Mr. Jack-
son, because I am quoting, and I don't want to be inaccurate :
"It is the spread of fear," President Truman said, "and the de-
struction of faith at every level of our society. This horrible can-
cer," he said, "is eating at the vitals of America, and it can destroy
the great edifice of freedom."
Mr. Truman went on to say that this situation should serve to
alert the people to the terrible danger that our Nation and each citi-
zen faces and urge his fellow countrymen to "be aroused and fight this
evil at every level of our national life."
I am prepared to fight this evil at every level, and I intend to ask
the State bar to look into a situation which I think is truly disgrace-
ful, where lawyers with real courage and standing are afraid to come
forward and represent clients before this committee. I think it is
symptomatic that even Congressman Doyle — who in certain respects
I differentiate from other members of this committee — had to be
somewhat fearful and cover himself because he wanted to get at the
truth of a witness that appeared to be lying and attempting to mislead
3334 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SAN FRANCISCO AREA
this committee. Perliaps Mr. Doyle will some day be called as a wit-
ness before McCarthy's committee.
Mr. Jackson. Very well, and for those reasons you are not repre-
sented by counsel. I think the record should show at this time that
the American Bar Association, acting through its house of delegates,
has endorsed the work of this committee, and without objection the
endorsement and resolution of the American Bar Association will
be placed in the record at this point.
(The endorsement and resolution of the American Bar Associa-
tion to be furnished is as follows :)
Report of the Special Committee To Study Communist Tactics, Strategy,
AND Objectives, and the Recommendations Adopted by the House of Dele-
gates OF the American Bar Association on February 25, 1952
resolution II
The congressional committees investigating communism, and in particular
tlie House Un-American Activities Committee, have been attaclved on the ground
that they have engaged in smear campaigns and have invaded the constitutional
rights of persons investigated. Your committee is impressed with the fairness
with which hearings before that committee have been conducted during the
period of time indicated by our study of the published testimony. We are
satisfied that the witnesses called to testify before the committee are being
treated fairly and properly in all respects, and we also feel satisfied that each
witness is accorded full protection so far as his constitutional or other legal
rights are involved ; moreover, the confidential communications between attorneys
and clients have been fully respected.
It is the view of your committee that current attaclis on the House Un-
American Activities Committee are unjustified. Whether deliberate or mis-
guided, such unwarranted attacks result in reducing the effectiveness of that
committee's great service to the American people.
Mr. Jackson. The witness has also mentioned the National Law-
yers' Guild and the brave fight they are putting up. Without ob-
jection I should like to have the citations on the National Lawyers'
Guild Avritten into the record at this point, and I believe that they
are significant enough that they will stand repetition at this point.
Mr. Doyle. AVhat citation was it, Mr. Jackson ? In what book ?
]\Ir. Jackson. In the Guide to Subversive Organizations and Pub-
lications published May 14, 1951.
Mr. Doyij:. By what governmental agency or authority ?
Mr. Jackson. By the Congressional Committee on Un-American
Activities and the California committee.
The chair has on several occasions requested the audience to refrain
from demonstrations. It is to be hoped that the audience will cooper-
ate in this matter. The Chair would not want to order the hearing
room cleared at this late hour in the day. However, if it is found
necessary to proper conduct of the hearings, the Chair will have no
hesitation in so ordering the officers to clear the hearing room.
The National Lawyers' Guild was cited as a Communist front by
the Special Committee on Un-American Activities report of March 20,
1944, page 149. It was also cited as a Communist front which is "the
foremost legal bulwark of the Communist Party and its front organ-
izations and controlled unions" and which "since its inception has
never failed to rally to the legal defense of the Communist Party and
COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SAN FRANCISCO AREA 3335
individual members thereof, including known espionage agents" in the
Congressional Committee on Un-American Activities Report on the
National Lawyers Guild, H. Kept. No. 2123, September 21, 1950,
originally released September 17, 1950.
There are several other citations which without objection I would
like to have included in the record at this point.
( Citations of National Lawyers Guild from Guide to Subversive Organizations
and Publications of May 14, 1951, are as follows : )
1. Cited as a Communist front (Special Committee on Un-American Activities,
report, March 29, 1944, p. 149) .
2. Cited as a Communist front which "is the foremost legal bulwark of the
Communist Party, its front organizations, and controlled unions" and which
"since its inception has never failed to rally to the legal defense of the Com-
munist Party and individual members thereof, including known espionage agents"
(Congressional Committee on Un-American Activities, report on the National
Lawyers Guild, H. Kept. No. 3123, September 21, 1950, originally released Sep-
tember 17, 1950).
3. It "came into being early in 1937" and "on June 5, 1940, A. A. Berle, Jr.,
Assistant Secretary of State, resigned from the National Lawyers' Guild, charg-
ing that the leadership of the organization is not prepared 'to take any stand
which conflicts with the Communist Party lines.' "
Cited by the committee as a "Communist front for attorneys" (California
Committee on Un-American Activities, reports, 1943, p. 98; 1947, p. 48).
4. "The late Frank P. Walsh, Comptroller Joseph D. McGoldrick, Judge Fer-
dinand Pecora, Hon. Adolph Berle, Assistant Secretary of State; Nathan Mar-
gold, Solicitor to the Department of the Interior, and others have resigned
from the organization with the ground that it is Communist-dominated" (New
York City Council committee investigating the municipal civil-service com-
mission).
Mr. Jackson. Proceed, Mr. Counsel.
Mr. Treuh^vft. If representation of such persons is considered
subversive
Mr. Jackson. There is no question. Proceed, Mr. Counsel.
Mr. Tavenner. Is it your position that you would desire your ap-
pearance continued until you have an opportunity to consult other
counsel ?
Mr. Treuhaft. I would desire to have my appearance continued
until such time as the hysteria engendered by this committee has abated
to such an extent that it is possible for me to have counsel of my choice
and to such time as it is possible for me to have one of these advocates
that I consulted represent me. The Constitution says that I am en-
titled to counsel of my choice, not counsel of your choice.
Mr. Tavenner. My question is tliis : Are you asking this committee
to postpone your appearance until you can obtain counsel ?
Mr. Treuhatt. Yes, and that postponement would have to await
the time that this committee changes its rules so that it conforms with
due process of law so that lawyers can appear here with dignity and
without fear of reprisal.
Mr. Tavenner. Well, in light of that type of an answer, I will pro-
ceed with my questioning.
You referred to unfounded accusations that are made by people who
appear before this committee. The committee at the present time is
very much interested in ascertaining the facts regarding the operations
of the Communist Party in the bay area. It has received testimony
indicating that there was a group of high ranking members of the
Connnunist Party who constituted a committee entitled the political
affairs committee. Our information is that you may have some knowl-
edge of that organization.
3336 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SAN FRANCISCO AREA
I am asking you to tell this committee, if you will, what you know
about its operations.
Mr. Treuhaft. Well, I have to disagree with your premise, Mr.
Tavenner, that this committee is here for the purpose of investigating
subversive activities because the committee has stated in its press re-
leases that it is interested in harming people by exposing them as one
thing or other. I would say that it is the object of this committee to
get headlines, and that is why I am here, and that is why Bob Condon
was so prominently mentioned here.
Mr. Jackson. Until such time as the witness produces for the com-
mittee a statement that this committee is interested in harming people
by exposure, and without objection, it will be stricken from the record
as not a statement of fact, not based on any fact.
Mr. Treuhaft. I will cite to this committee a statement that it gave
to the San Francisco Examiner or one of the
Mr. ScHERER. There is no question, Mr. Chairman.
Mr. Jackson. Just produce the statement at some future date.
Mr. Treuhaft. I will produce it now for you if you like.
Mr. Jackson. Produce any statement which says that this commit-
tee is interested in harming people, and we will accept it for the
record.
Mr. Treuhaft. This committee has stated that it is not inter-
ested
Mr. Jackson. I am going back to your original statement. I should
like to have the production of the article in question.
Mr. Treuhaft. If you will give me 2 minutes, I will give it to you.
Mr. Jackson. Very well.
Mr. Scherer. Out of the Daily Worker ?
Mr. Treuhaft. Out of the San Francisco Examiner, not to be con-
fused with the Daily Worker.
I believe I was asked a question about evidence of the purposes of
this committee.
Mr. Jackson. No, you were asked a question relative to a direct
statement which you attributed to the press.
Mr. Treuhaft. Yes.
Mr. Jackson. Let us have
Mr. Treuhaft. I will read from the San Francisco Examiner.
Headline : "100 Top Bay Area Reds Face Exposure in Probe." It
says — this is in quotes
Mr. Scherer. From whom ?
Mr. Treuhaft. The reporter here says that it is from a spokesman
for the committee. It says of those people who are called as witnesses :
Thus identified, their Communist activities will be neutralized. They will
become valueless to the party. In effect the committee hopes to leave them high
and dry on the beach. The total result, it is hoped, vrill be to pull out com-
mimism by the roots in this area.
If that is a legislative purpose, Mr. Jackson, I can't-
Mr. Jackson. That is hardly a statement of hurting persons. It
may hurt them as far as the Communist Party is concerned, and it may
very well.
Mr. Treuhaft. It says "neutralize their effectiveness in this area,"
and what does that mean to someone who is working?
Mr. Jackson. I would certainly say that one of the prime purposes
of this committee is to neutralize the effectiveness of the Communist
COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SAN FRANCISCO AREA 3337
Party, in this area and everywhere else. So far as that is concerned,
that is a correct statement of fact.
Mr. Treuhaft. If that is the fact, I might as well go home, be-
cause the purpose of this committee has to be legislative, and that is
not a legislative purpose.
Mr. Jacksox. Stay around just a little bit, Mr. Treuhaft, because
counsel has some questions.
Mr. Tavennee. My question to you was that you tell the conmiittee
what knowledge you have regarding the functioning of the committee
to which I refer, the committee known as the Political Affairs Com-
mittee of the Communist Party.
Mr. Treuhaft. I decline to answer any question that deals with
associations, beliefs, ideas, rights guaranteed under the first amend-
ment to the Constitution. I decline to answer any such question be-
<^ause of the fact that, as in the case of Mr. Condon, accusation is made
by inference. Why should a person who is called here as a witness
be called upon to clear himself when he doesn't have adequate means
to bring witnesses in his behalf, can't even get a lawyer in some cases,
and can't even cross-examine the witnesses who appear and spill names
by the dozen.
Mr. ScHERER. Is Mr. Condon your law partner ?
Mr. Treuhaft. I am confident that one of the reasons I was called
here was because some of the headline hunters here very well knew
that he is a former law partner of mine. He is not a law partner at
this time.
Mr. Jackson. The principal reason you were called here, Mr. Treu-
haft, is because the committee has identification of you as a member
of the Communist Party and felt that perhaps it was within your
knowledge to be of help to the committee in disclosing the nature and
the extent and the objectives of the Communist Party in the bay area.
It has nothing to do with your law partner. You are here on your
own.
Mr. Treuhaft. I wouldn't dignify those accusations as testimony.
Mr. Jackson. Is there a question pending?
Mr. Tavenner. Well, then, will you give us your own testimony
as to the activities
Mr. Scherer. Just a minute. He hasn't answered the question.
He hasn't invoked any but the first amendment. I am going to ask
the Chair to direct him to answer the question. Let us get the record
on this straight, gentlemen.
Mr. Jackson. I believe the witness said that Mr. Condon was a
former law partner.
Mr. Scherer. He hasn't answered Mr. Tavenner's question at all.
Mr. Jackson. What question is pending?
Mr. Tavenner. I though he relied on the fifth amendment but I
may be mistaken.
My question to the witness was to tell the committee what he knows
of the activities of the group known as the Political Affairs Com-
mittee of the Communist Party in Alameda County ; what he knows
of the operations of that committee.
Mr. Treuhaft. I decline to answer that question for the reasons
given.
Mr. Tavenner. What are those reasons ?
3338 COMAIUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SAN FRANCISCO AREA
Mr. Treuhaft. Right of association, danger of guilt by association,
any lawyer who has represented Communists or persons otherwise
identified with unpopular causes faces that danger. I rely on the
rights granted me under the fifth amendment not to be a witness
against myself.
Mr. Tavenner. Well, Mr. Chairman, if the witness will not discuss
the matters which we are here to investigate, I have no further
questions.
Mr. Jackson. Mr. Scherer.
Mr. Scherer. Are you a member of the Communist Party ?
Mr. Treuhaft. I decline to answer that question for the reason
stated.
Mr. Scherer. Have you ever been a member of the Communist
Party?
Mr. Treuhaft. Same answer.
Mr. Jackson. For the same reasons ?
Mr. Treuhaft. Yes, for the same reasons.
Mr. Jackson. Is that all, Mr. Scherer?
Mr. Scherer. That is all.
Mr. Jackson. Mr. Moulder.
Mr. Moulder. The newspaper clipping you were reading from a
moment ago, what is the date of that issue of that paper?
Mr. Treuhaft. It came out the day after I got my subpena. I don't
have the date on it. I will be glad to leave the clipping with you. It
is about November 4 or
Mr. Jackson, Is that all, Mr. Moulder ?
Mr. Moulder. Yes.
Mr. Jackson. Mr. Doyle.
Mr. Doyle. Yes. May I make this clear to you : I think you mis-
judge— I am sure you do — why I questioned Mr. Blodgett. Just a
minute ago you said that I questioned because he was lying or I felt
he was. Now, that is not true. I did not feel that Mr. Blodgett war.
lying. I tried to make my position clear when I began questioning
Mr. Blodgett that I wanted all the material facts which could be pre-
sented before the committee with reference to Mr. Condon who was
identified as a member of the United States Congress, of which body
this committee are all members, and while I realize that I was taking
more time to question Mr. Blodgett as to the identity of Mr. Condon
than we Members of Congress were taking on other individual names,
I felt that the fact that he is a Member of Congress and is not here and
not having been positively identified as a Communist by Mr. Blodgett,
made it my duty as a Member of Congress to get whatever facts in
addition to what Mr. Blodgett had testified to before the committee.
So may I make it clear that you may have assumed that the reason I
was questioning was because I questioned Mr. Blodgett's veracity.
That is not a fact.
May I make that clear ?
Mr. Treuhaft. I want to compliment you, Mr. Doyle, for acting
in a very lawyerlike wa}' by refusing to accept guilt by inference
and guilt by suspicion.
Mr. Doyle. I am never going to do it if I can help myself, but
Mr. Treuhaft. I hope
Mr. Doyle. May I say this further, and this hasn't been brought
out, Mr. Chairman, yet, and I think as long as this member of the
COMMUNIST ACTWITIES EST THE SAN FRANCISCO AREA 3339
bar is criticizing tlie function of the committee, as he does, on basic
grounds, that possibly it is right for me as a member of the bar also
of the State of California to reply on the basis of grounds.
For instance, this committee is not a special committee. This com-
mittee is one of the permanent committees of your Congress and mine,
and it operates under Public Law 601, passed in the 79th Congress,
and I think it appropriate to read it for the benefit of everyone who
has heard this discussion between us.
I read :
The Committee on Un-American Activities as a whole or by subcommittee
is authorized to malie from time to time investigations of the extent, character,
and objects of un-American propaganda activities in the United States, the
diffusion within the United States of subversive and un-American propaganda
that is instigated in foreign countries or of domestic origin and attacks the
principles of the form of government as guaranteed by our Constitution, and in
all other matters in relation thereto that would aid Congress for necessary
or remedial legislation. The Committee on Un-American Activities shall report
to the House, or to the clerk of the House if the House is not in session, the
results of any such investigation, together with such recommendations as it
may deem advisable.
I will not read the balance of it because it goes on into other detail.
Now, therefore, may I mention to you as a member of the bar also,
I want to emphasize that I think every member of this committee
feels as I do, that this committee had a very big and a very strenuous
assignment, and some of us were on that committee without having
sought appointment. We were placed there to do a job. That job is
to ferret out the subversive people and organizations in our country.
Now, we are not interested in ferreting out people that may disagree
on political philosophy, but we are interested in uncovering sub-
versive people or subversive organizations, and there is no question,
may I say, in my judgment but that the Communist Party in Amer-
ica— at least ever since the Duclos letter — has been subversive increas-
ingly. That is, I think, in May 194.5, and therefore no matter how
I may question a witness to bring out the facts, may you and all others
understand that I am just as anxious as anj^ other member of the
committee possibly could be to uncover the activities of any person
in America wlio is subversive. But I do feel, as I said before, that
my duty called me to get what material facts I could in the absence
of a fellow Member of Congress. May I take one minute more, Mr.
Chairman ?
I hadn't mentioned this fact in this hearing before, but I feel this
group probably is entitled, in view of the fact that my activity in
questioning about Mr. Condon was called attention to, it may be later
understood, as I anticipated it might when I questioned Mr. Blodgett,
for political or other purposes.
I have just returned from Europe, Mr. Attorney. I was over there
on an official trip of the United States Congress. Because I am on
this committee and on the Committee of Armed Services, it was my
privilege to interview certain intelligence people in Portugal, in Spain,
in Italy, in France and Germany and Austria and Norway and other
places. I inquired over there as to the functioning of the Communist
Party in Europe, and I came back more convinced than ever that
the Communist Party's subversive program in the United States has
been, at least since the Duclos letter in April 1945, and now is part
and parcel of the same world conspiracy on the part of the Soviet
3340 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SAN FRANCISCO AREA
Union to take over economic, political, and sole control of the world,
if not by military, then by subversive activities. That is why I am
serving on this committee.
One further statement. As Mr. Jackson, our acting chairman, has
said, the American Bar Association passed resolutions of endorsement
of the functioning of this committee. May I add, Mr. Jackson, that
that was done after thorough investigation of the methods used by this
committee.
Mr. Treuhaft. Of course, yesterday the Young Democrats de-
nounced it in the newspapers.
Mr. Doyle. Well, I am sorry the Young Democrats, Inc., of San
Francisco denounced it because they didn't know what they were
doing in my book, and I am a Democrat, too, and proud of it. They
could not speak officially for young Democrats of California.
Mr. Treuhaft. Mr. Truman denounced it also.
Mr. Dotx,e. Neither does he know exactly how we now function
when he did it. I also criticize some of our procedures at times.
Mr. Treuhaft. The Presbyterian Church has denounced it; the
Methodist Church has denounced it.
Mr. Jackson. The Communist Party has denounced it.
Mr. Treuhaft. Right.
Mr. Moulder. I don't recall that President Truman denounced this
committee.
Mr. Treuhaft. He defied it.
Mr. Doyle. May I just finish my further statement very briefly ?
Mr. Treuhaft. He stood on the same Constitution that I stand on.
Mr. Scherer. I agree with you.
Mr. Doyle. I have this one further statement, Mr. Chairman. I
know that this committee is maligned, is lied about in every possible
way and will continue to be, but the great burden of the malignment
and the falsehood and misrepresentation for the purpose of this com-
mittee stems from subversive propaganda and subversive organiza-
tions in this country. I know that. I am sure of it.
When the American Bar Association — and I stress this because you
are an attorney also, as I am — when the American Bar Association
thoroughly investigated the methods used by this committee and its
functioning and paassed that resolution unanimously about a year
ago, I take it for granted that there is no reason in the world why any
member of the California bar who really wants to follow his code of
ethics need hesitate to appear before this committee and represent any
client.
Mr. Scherer, If he wants to.
Mr. Doyle. If he wanted really to do so and follow his code of
ethics which requires him to; and with that I am through, Mr.
Chairman.
Mr. Treuhaft. Mr. Doyle, you have been very courteous. As a
fellow lawyer I would like to make just one statement about the Con-
don testimony. I listened rather attentively, and the only subversive
activity that I heard attributed to Mr. Condon was his espousal of
the candidacy of a fellow Democrat, George Miller.
Now, perhaps in the eyes of Mr. Jackson that is subversive, but I
trust that in your eyes it is not.
Mr. Jackson. No. As long as Mr. Jackson has been mentioned,
let me say that the only subversive activity with which I am particu-
COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SAN FRANCISCO AREA 3341
larly concerned is the case of anyone who has been identified as having
been present at a closed meeting of the Communist Party, which is
quite a different thing. That is subversive. This defense of acting as
counsel on behalf of two Communists is certainly not subversive, and
it is ridiculous to impute to me or to any Member of the Congress that
we consider that to be subversive activity.
Mr. Treuhaft. Your Bible is guilty by association, and you so try
to impute guilt to him.
Mr. Jackson. We are trying to impute nothing to him. He will be
given every opportunity to affirm or deny what appeared in public
testimony. The committee didn't say it. A witness placed him in a
closed party meeting of the Communist Party.
Mr. Treuhaft. Wliy should a Member of Congress have to conie
before this body in order to clear himself? He can go before his
electorate.
Mr. Jackson. He does not have to come before this body, and he
is quite capable of making the decision
Mr. Treuhaft. I don't think he should dignify this body by com-
ing before it.
Mr. Jackson. Is there any reason why this witness should not be
excused ?
Mr. Tavenner. No, sir.
Mr. Jackson. The witness is excused.
Will you call your next witness, and will the officers clear the hearing
room?
Mr. Tavenner. John Delgado.
Mr. Jackson. That will include the balance of the subpenaed wit-
nesses inasmuch as this is the last witness we can take today.
(The hearing room was cleared at 5 : 25 p. m.)
Mr. Jackson. The committee will be in order. The chairman,
with the permission of the other committee members, has made an
exception in the case of several attorneys in the room who, I under-
stand, may be appearing before the committee. For that reason and
in order to observe the committee procedure, that exception has been
made, and without objection. For the record, the Chair regrets the
necessity for clearing the hearing room. However, on no less than 6
or 8 occasions the audience in the hearing room has been advised that
any demonstration would result in that action. The committee has
made every effort to accommodate the public here, and the hearing
room W'ill, of course, be open tomorrow for the appearance of the
witnesses then.
Are you ready to proceed, Mr. Counsel?
Mr. Tavenner. Yes, sir.
Mr. DoTUE. Mr. Chairman, may I supplement your statement by
saying this, that the disturbance manifestly did not come from the
whole room. It came from a concentrated area in the rear of the
room, evidently a planted group planned to disturb. I wouldn't want
the record to indicate that it was general throughout the whole room.
Mr. Jackson. No, it was necessary to exclude a ^reat many people
who took no part in the demonstration, and that is particularly re-
grettable.
Mr. Counsel, will you proceed ?
Mr. Tavenner. Mr, Delgado.
3342 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SAN FRANCISCO AREA
Mr. Jackson, Do you solemnly swear in the testimony you are
about to give to tell the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the
truth, so help you God ?
Mr. Delgado. Yes, sir.
TESTIMONY OF JOHN DELGADO, ACCOMPANIED BY HIS COUNSEL,
JOSEPH LANDISMAN
Mr. Tavenner. Wliat is your name, please?
Mr. Delgado. John Delgado.
Mr. Tavennt:r. Spell your last name, please.
Mr. Delgado. D-e-1-g-a-d-o.
Mr. Tavenner. Are you accompanied by counsel ?
Mr. Delgado. Yes, sir.
Mr. Tavenner. Will counsel please identify himself for the record ?
Mr. Landisman. Joseph Landisman, member of the bar of the State
of California ; offices in Richmond, Calif.
Mr. Tavenner. When and where were you born, Mr. Delgado ?
Mr. Delgado. I was born in Hilo, Hawaii, August 19, 1913.
Mr. Tavenner. When did you come to California ?
Mr. Delgado. When I was a child ; I guess I was around 18, I am
just not sure; somewhere in there.
Mr. Tavenner. What is your occupation ?
Mr. Delgado. Truck driver.
Mr. Tavenner. The committee has information based on sworn tes-
timony that you are in position to know of the operations of a group
or committee of the Communist Party which has been referred to in
testimony as the Political Affaii^ Committee of the Communist Party.
I would like for you to tell the committee all you know about the
activities of that group.
Mr. Delgado. I decline to answer the question on the basis of the
fifth amendment.
Mr. Tavenner. There has been testimony that this group met from
time to time in your home. The witness who made that statement
under oath was Mr. Charles David Blodgett. Was he telling the truth
about that or not ?
(At this point Mr. Delgado conferred with Mr. Landisman.)
Mr. Delgado. I decline to answer on the basis of the fifth
amendment.
Mr. Tavenner. Did the meetings take place at your home?
(At this point Mr. Delgado conferred with Mr. Landisman.)
Mr. Delgado. I decline for the same reason.
Mr, Tavenner, Are you acquainted with Mr. Blodgett?
(At this point Mr. Delgado conferred with Mr. Landisman.)
Mr. Delgado, I decline for the same reason.
Mr. Tavenner. Are you now a member of the Communist Party?
Mr. Delgado. Decline for the same reason,
Mr. Tavenner. Have you ever been a member of the Communist
Party?
Mr. Delgado. Same answer.
Mr. Tavenner. I have no further questions.
Mr. Jackson. Mr. Scherer.
Mr. Scherer. No questions.
COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SAN FRANCISCO AREA 3343
Mr. Jackson. Mr. Moulder.
Mr. Moulder. No questions.
Mr. Jackson. Mr. Doyle.
Mr. Doyle. No questions.
Mr. Jackson. Is there any reason why the witness should not be
-excused ?
Mr. Tavenner. No, sir.
Mr. Jackson. The witness is excused,
I At this time the committee will stand in recess until 9 : 30 tomorrow
morning.
(Whereupon, at 5:38 p. m., the hearing was recessed until 9:30
:a. m., Friday, December 4, 1953.)
INDEX
Individuals
Page
Alexander, Herschel 3300, 3304
Alexander, Leon 3283
Ashe, Harold 3286
Attarian, Aram 3284
Attarian, Sally 3284
Barnes, Carroll 3297
Baroway, Leo 3288
Berle, A. A., Jr 3335
Bick, Barbara 3288
Bittman, John 3305, 3311
Black, Gladys 3317
Black, Robert 3317
Blacklock, Charles 3284, 3286
Blodgett, Charles David 3267,
3268-3324 (testimony), 3326, 3328, 3329, 3338, 3339, 3342
Bodkin, Wesley 3297, 3302-3304
Bowen, Mildred 3302, 3305
Boykin, Ernest 3285
Brovi^n, Al 3284
Brown, Archie 3289
Brown, Cleophas 3302, 3303, 3305
Brudney, Goodman 3297, 3305
Caldwell, Bill 3276
Campbell, Will 3285
Canriffht, Marjorie ^ 3288
Canrisht, Norman 3288
Carson, Jules 3282, 3287
Cerney, Isobel 3283
Chown. Panl 3298-3300, 3302, 3304
Churchill, Winston 3324
Claibourne, Ethel 3284
Claibourne, Sidney 3284
Coe, Lee 3288
Condon. Robert L 3302-3304, 3306-3308, 3310-3313, 3315, 3316, 3330-3340
Cook, Ernest 3285
Danzig, Bill 3317
Davis, Clarence j 3283, 3284
Davis, Shelly 3284
Delgado. John 3298, 3305, 3341, 3342-3343 (testimony)
Devine, Lester J 3293. 3294
Duclos 3289, 3339
Dwinnell, Robert! 3284
Edisos. Bertram 3300-3303, 3305, 3308
Edises. Pele 3288
Edwards .3302
Edwards. George 3297, 3305
Eisler, Joe 3317
Eisler. IMarjorie 3317
Elber, Irwin 3283
Evans. Joan .3274
Fagerhau2h. Ole .3297. .3304
Foster. William Z 3285, 3286
Franks. Frank 3285
Gilbert. Jane 32-88
3345
3346 INDEX
Page
Gonick, Louis 3319>
Green, Louis 3288
Green, Walter 3303
Griffin, Kathleen 3298, 3300-3303, 3305, 3318
Grossman, Hazel 3282, 3283
Hall, Ernest 3291, 3292
Hallinan, Vincent 3332
Hames, Lyn 3304
Hanson, Carl 3316, 3317
Hanson, Evalyn 3317
Hearn, Cleveland 3285, 3286
Hearn, Inez 3285
Heide, Paul 3297, 3300, 3302, 3304
Heide, Ruby 3297, 3304
Hill, Newton 3284
Hill, Pearl 3284
Hultgren, Ruth 3284
Hultsjren, Wayne 3283, 3284
Izzard, Ralph 3288
Jenkins, David 3317
Johnson, Allen 3305
Johnson, Ralph 3305
Kelly, Ora 3284
Kelly, Mrs. Ora 3284
Kelly, Robert 3278
Kirkon, Walter 3285
Kramer, Harry 3288
Landisman, Joseph 3342-3343
Lapin, Adam 3283, 3288, 3317
Lapin, Eva 3288
Legard, Albert 32^5
Lehman, Fanny 3284
Lehman, Lloyd 3283-328G, 32S9,
3293, 3295, 3296, 3297, 3299, 3302, 3304, 3307, 3324-3327 (testimony)
LeSeuer, Meridel 3271
Lewis, James 3285
Lewis. John L 3275
Lewis, Veda 3285
Lima, Helen 3288
Mackie. Martin 3278
Maddox, Mrs 3285
Marsold, Nathan 3335
Marsh, Raymond 3324-3327
Martin, Sandra 3305
McGoldrick, Joseph D 3335
McLeod. Don 3286
McLeod, Donald 3319
Melia, Carmen 3285
Melia, Joseph 3305
Miller, George 3303, 3311, 3312, 3340
Miller, George, Jr 3304, 3310
]\Iiller, George P 3301, 3302, 3304, 3307, 3308. 3310
IMorsan, John 3300, 3301, 3302, 3305, 3319
Morris, Luther 3285, 3302, 3305, 3311
Murdock, Steve 3288
Parker. P^ugene 32S5
Partridge, Sid 3288
Pecora, Ferdinand 3335
Pieper, Mary 3297, 3302, 3304, 3327-3329 (testinionv)
Purcell. James C 3327-3329
Reich, William 3317
Richmond, Al 3287, 3288
RoV>erson, Mason 3288
Roberts, Kenneth 3284
Roberts, Holland 3282. 3317
INDEX 3347
Page
Roberts, Vera 3284
Roosevelt, Eleanor 3272, 3314
Roosevelt, President 3274
Schachter, Mr 3271-3273
Schlipf, Paul 3297, 3304
Schneiderman, William 3289
Segure, Rose 3305
Selsam, Howard 3270
Sharpe, Edith 3317
Smith, Eleanor 3317
Smith, John 3285
Standish, Jack 3284
Staudish, Ruth 3284
Stassen, Harold 3272, 3276, 3314
Strack, Celeste 3289
Terry, Joe 3285
Terry, Opal 3285
Thompson, Leila 3317
Thye, Ed 3314
Todd, Louise 3303, 3305
Treuhaft, Robert E 3301-3303, 3305, 3308, 3329-3341 (testimony)
Truman, President 3333, 3340
Wallace, Henry — 3290, 3301
Walsh, Frank P 3335
Ward, Doug 3288
Warwick, Gertrude 3317
Wheeler, Juanita — 3288
Whitney, Anita 3309, 3316, 3317
Williams, Gordon 3299, 3301, 3302, 3305-3307, 3314
Williams, Mrs. Gordon 3307, 3313-3316
Williams, Joy 3299
Willkie, Wendell — 3272, 3274, 3314
Wolstenholme, Art 3317
Wolstenholme, Beckie 3317
Yanish, Ann — 3316, 3317
Yanish, Nat 3317
Younce, Dick 3317
Younce, Richard — 3316
Young, Barney 3305
Young, Bernard 3297
Organizations
Alameda County Bar Association 3331
Alameda County CIO Council 3299
Alameda County Independent Progressive Party 3305
Alameda County Joint Labor Committee 3299, 3300, 3318
American Bar Association 3331, 3333, 3334, 3340
American Federation of Labor . 3285, 3299, 3305, 3318
Army 3273
Bethlehem Shipyards 3284, 3285
California Labor School 327^3284, 3287, 3299
California State Federation of Labor 3280
Carleton College 3268-3272, 8277, 3284, 3322
Carpenters Union, A. F. of L 3305
Civil Rights Congress 3292, 3293, 3300, 3301, 3304, 3318
Communif^t International 3289
Congress of Industrial Organizations 3285, 3298, 3299, 3304, 3305, 3319
Department of the Interior 3335
Federal Bureau of Investigation 3321
Federated Press 3289
Independent Progressive Party 3290, 3299, 3301, 3302, 3304, 3305, 3318
International Longshoremen's and Warehousemen's Union, Local 6, east
bay division 3330
International Workers' Order 3317
Laborer's Union, A. F. of L 3284
3348 INDEX
Page
McAllister College 3272
Midwest Student Victory Assembly 3273, 3275, 3276, 3314
National Lawyers' Guild 3333-3335
Navy 3268, 3278, 3279, 3283
Political Affairs Committee of the Communist Party 3205,
3299, 3301, 3302, 3305, 3308, 3312, 3315, 3318, 3328, 3337, 3342
Progressive Citizens of America 3299, 3305
St. Olaf College 3272
Steamfitters' Union, A. F. of L . 3285
Steelworkers' Union, CIO 3301, 3305
Tom Mooney Labor School 3280
United Electrical Workers Union . 3305
United Electrical Workers Union, CIO 3305
United Nations 3274, 3276
United Press 3289
University of Minnesota 3272, 3277
United Service Organizations 3273
Veterans' Administration 3279, 3281
Warehousemen's ITniou, CIO 3319
Warehousemen's Union, Local 6 3297
Young Communist League 3268, 3269, 3271-3273, 3277-3279, 3283, 3284, 3315
Young Democrats 3340
Young Democrats, Inc., of San Francisco 3340
Ptjblications
Daily People's World 8283, 3286-3290,
3292-3296, 3298, 3303, 3308, 3312, 3313, 3317, 3318, 3320, 3321
Daily Worker 3288, 3289, 3290, 3291, 3336
Michigan Worker 3289
Minnesota Daily . 3276
San Francisco Examiner 3336
Student Offensive 3273
Worker 3295
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