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Full text of "Investigation of Communist activities in the San Francisco area. Hearing"

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INVESTIGATION OF COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE 
SAN FRANCISCO AREA-PART 3 

hearinS 

BEFORE THE 

COMMITTEE ON UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES 
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES 

EIGHTY-THIRD CONGRESS 

FIRST SESSION 



DECEMBER 3, 1953 



Printed for the use of the Committee on Un-American Activities 
INCLUDING INDEX 




UNITED STATES 
GOVERNMENT PRINTING OmCB 
41U0? WASHINGTON : 1954 




Boston Public Library 
Superintendent of Documents 

MAR 1 6 1954 



COMMITTEE ON UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES 
United States House of Representatives 

HAROLD H. VBLDE, Illinois, Chairman 

BERNARD W. KEARNEY, New York FRANCIS B. WALTER, Pennsylvania 

DONALD L. JACKSON, California MORGAN M. MOULDER, Missouri 

KIT CLARDY, Michigan CLYDE DOYLE, California 

GORDON H. SCHERER, Ohio JAMES B. FRAZIER, Je., Tennessee 

Robert L. Kunzig, Counsel 

Fraxk S. Tavenner, Jr., Counsel 

Louis J. Russell, Chief Invest'Kjator 

Thomas W. Beale, Sr., Chief Clerk 

Raphael I. NixOn, Director of Research 

II 



CONTENTS 



Page 

December 3, 1953, testimony of — 

Charles David Blodgett 3268 

Lloyd Lehman 3324 

Mary Pieper , 3327 

Robert E. Treuhaft 3329 

John Delgado 3342 

Index 3345 

EXHIBIT 

Blodgett Exhibit No. 1 — Student Offensive, publication of the Midwest Stu- 
dent Victory Assembly, volume 1, No. 1, spring 1943 (see pp. 3273-3277). 

in 



Public Law 601, 79th Congress 

The legislation under which the House Committee on Un-American 
Activities operates is Public Law 601, Y9th Congress [1946], chapter 
753, 2d session, which provides : 

Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States 
of A7nerica in Congress assembled. * * * 

PART 2— RULES OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES 

Rule X 

SEC. 121. STANDING COMMITTEES 
 ♦•»**• 

17. Committee on Un-American Activities, to consist of nine members. 

Rule XI 

POWERS AND DUTIES OF COMMITTEES 
«*«*•♦• 

(q) (1) Committee on Un-American Activities. 

(A) Un-American activties. 

(2) The Committee on Un-American Activities, as a whole or by subcommittee, 
is authorized to make from time to time investigations of (i) the extent, 
character, and objects of un-American propaganda activities in the United States, 
(ii) the diffusion within the United States of subversive and un-American propa- 
ganda that is instigated from foreign countries or of a domestic origin and attaclss 
the principle of the form of government as guaranteed by our Constitution, and 
(iii) all other questions in relation thereto that would aid Congress in any neces- 
sary remedial legislation. 

The Committee on Un-American Activities shall report to the House (or to the 
Clerk of the House if the House is not in session) the results of any such investi- 
gation, together with such recommendations as it deems advisable. 

For the purpose of any such investigation, the Committee on Un-American 
Activities, or any subcommittee thereof, is authorized to sit and act at such 
times and places within the United States, whether or not the House is sitting, 
has recessed, or has adjourned, to hold such hearings, to require the attendance 
of such witnesses and the production of such books, papers, and documents, and 
to take such testimony, as it deems necessary. Subpenas may be issued under 
the signature of the chairman of the committee or any subcommittee, or by any 
member designated by any such chairman, and may be served by any person 
designated by any such chairman or member. 

V 



RULES ADOPTED BY THE S3D CONGRESS 

House Resolution 5, January 3, 1953 
****** ^, 

Rule X 

STANDING C0MMITTEa:8 

1. There shall be elected by the House, at the commencement of each Con- 
gress, the following standing committees : 

******* 

(q) Committee on Un-American Activities, to consist of nine members. 
******* 

Rule XI 

POWERS AND DUTIES OF COMMITTEES 

******* 

17. Committee on Un-American Activities. 

(a) Un-American Activities. 

(b) The Committee on Un-American Activities, as a whole or by subcommittee, 
is authorized to make from time to time, investigations of (1) the extent, char- 
acter, and objects of un-American propaganda activities in the United States, 
(2) the diffusion within tlie United States of subversive and un-American propa- 
ganda that is instigated from foreign countries or of a domestic origin and 
attaclvs the principle of the form of government as guaranteed by our Constitu- 
tion, and (3) all other questions in relation thereto that would aid Congress 
in any necessary remedial legislation. 

The Committee on Un-American Activities shall report to the House (or to the 
CJlerk of the House if the House is not in session) the results of any such investi- 
gation, together with such recommendations as it deems advisable. 

For the purpose of any such investigation, the Committee on Un-American 
Activities, or any subcommittee thereof, is authorized to sit and act at such times 
and places within the United States, whether or not the House is sitting, has 
recessed, or has adjourned, to hold such hearings, to require the attendance 
of such witnesses and the production of such books, papers, and documents, and 
to take such testimony, as it deems necessary. Subpenas may be issued under 
the signature of the chairman of the committee or any subcommittee, or by any 
member designated by such chairman, and may be served by any person desig- 
nated by any such chairman or member. 

VI 



INVESTIGATION OF COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE 
SAN FKANCISCO AEEA— PAET 3 



THURSDAY, DECEMBER 3, 1953 

United States House of Representatives, 

SUBCX)MMITTEE OF THE COMMITTEE ON Un-AmERICAN ACTIVITIES, 

San Francisco, Calif. 

PUBLIC HEARING 

The Subcommittee of the Committee on Un-American Activities 
met, pursuant to adjournment, at 9 : 35 a. m., in the hearing room of the 
board of supervisors, city hall, Hon. Harold H. Velde (chairman) 
presiding. 

Committee members present: Representatives Harold H. Velde 
(chairman), Donald L. Jackson, Gordon H. Scherer, Morgan M. 
Moulder, and Clyde Doyle. 

Staff members present : Robert L. Kunzig and Frank S. Tavenner, 
Jr., counsel; William A. Wheeler and W. Jackson Jones, investi- 
gators ; and Juliette P. Joray, acting clerk. 

Mr, Velde. The committee will be in order. 

Before commencing today's hearings, the Chair wishes to make a 
brief, and we trust a clear, statement relative to demonstrations of 
approval or disapproval on the part of the audience. The House 
Committee on Un-American Activities has a charge and obliga- 
tion imposed upon it by the Congress of the United States to conduct 
these and other hearings. 

This charge the committee has not failed to fulfill in the past in spite 
of attacks verging upon violence on occasion. It does not intend to 
be swerved from its duty by organized efforts to disrupt the hearings 
or by demonstrations of any kind. The audience in the hearing room 
is not a captive audience in any sense, and those who desire to leave 
are free to do so at any time. 

Any demonstration of approval or disapproval on the part of the 
audience will result in an order by the Chair for the immediate clear- 
ing of the hearing room. 

It is hoped that this action will not be necessary, but the Chair will 
not hesitate to take whatever action is required to insure that the busi- 
ness of the United States Congress is conducted with dignity and 
expedition. 

Mr. Counsel, will you call your witness ? 

Mr. Tavenner. Yes, sir. The first witness this morning is IMr. 
Charles David Blodgett. Mr. Blodgett, will you come forward, 
please ? 

Mr. Velde. In the testimony you are about to give before this sub- 
committee do you solemnly swear that you will tell the truth, the whole 
truth, and nothing but the truth, so help you God ? 

Mr. Blodgett. I will. 

3267 



3268 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SAN FRANCISCO AREA 

TESTIMONY OF CHARLES DAVID BLODGETT 

Mr. Tavenner. What is your name, please, sir ? 

Mr. Blodgett. Charles David Blodgett. 

Mr. Tavenner. Are you accompanied by counsel, Mr. Blodgett? 

Mr. Blodgett. No, sir ; I am not. 

Mr. Tavenner. Are you familiar with the rule and practice of the 
committee which permits every witness, if he desires, to be accom- 
panied by counsel ? 

Mr. Blodgett. I am. 

Mr. Tavenner. And even though not accompanied by counsel, hav- 
ing a right to consult counsel at any time if he so desires ? 

Mr. Blodgett. I am familiar with those rules. 

Mr. Tavenner. Do you desire counsel ? 

Mr. Blodgett. I do not. 

Mr. Tavenner. Wlien and where were you born, Mr. Blodgett ? 

Mr. Blodgett. I was born on February 19, 1921, in Northfield, 
Minnesota. 

Mr. Tavenner. Where do you now reside ? 

Mr. Blodgett. I now reside in Chicago. 

Mr. Tavenner. Have you ever lived in San Francisco ? 

Mr. Blodgett. Not in San Francisco ; no, sir. 

Mr. Tavenner. Have you lived in the bay area? 

Mr. Blodgett. I have. 

Mr. Tavenner. In what sections of the bay area have you lived? 

Mr. Blodgett. I have lived in Alameda and in Oakland. 

Mr. Tavenner. WTiat is your business or profession ? 

Mr. Blodgett. At present I am employed as a salesman. 

Mr. Tavenner. Will you tell the committee, please, what your 
formal educational training has been ? 

Mr. Blodgett. I attended grammar school in my home, North- 
field, Minn. ; high school, graduate of Northfield High School, 1939. 
I then went to Carleton College. 

Mr. Tavenner. Where is Carleton College located ? 

Mr. Blodgett. In Northfield, Minn.; and I was graduated from 
Carleton in May of 1943 with a bachelor of arts degree. 

Mr. Tavenner. During the period when you were in college and 
subsequent to that time were you in any branch of the military 
service ? 

Mr. Blodgett. Yes, sir; I was commissioned as a probationary 
officer of the Navy in about August of 1942. I completed my col- 
lege course in 1943 and went on active duty with the Navy July 1, 
1943, so I was not on active duty while I was in college. 

Mr. Tavenner. How lon^ did you remain in the Navy ? 

Mr. Blodgett. I was in the Navy from July 1, 1943, until February 
9, 1946. 

Mr. Tavenner. Have you at any time been identified or affiliated 
in any manner with the Young Communist League? 

Mr. Blodgett. Yes, sir ; I was. 

Mr. Tavenner. Over what period of time were you connected or 
affiliated with the Young Communist League? 

Mr. Blodgett. From approximately August of 1941 until I was 
graduated from college and went on active duty in the Navy. 



C03V1MUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SAN FRANCISCO AREA 3269 

Mr. Tavenner. Then you became a member of the Yoimg Com- 
munist League while at college ? 

Mr. Blodgett. While at college. 

Mr. Tavenner. Did you have any part in organizing the Young 
Communist League in your college ? 

Mr. Blodgett. Yes ; I actually took the lead with the assistance of 
a Young Communist League organizer in establishing a branch of 
the YCL on the campus at Carleton College. 

Mr. Tavenner. Then a paid functionary of the Communist Party 
assisted you in the organization of the Young Communist League in 
your college? 

Mr. Blodgett. That is true, sir. 

Mr. Tavenner. The coimnittee would be interested to know what 
led up to your decision to attempt to organize the Young Conmiu- 
nist League in your college. 

Would you go back and state to the committee what interested 
you in that course of action ? 

Mr. Blodgett. One wonders how far to go. Those things I pre- 
sume, start in childhood. It relates to the training, various influ- 
ences, and factors in a young person's life. 

I suppose most people have a conception, somewhat stereotyped, 
of the kind of background that makes young people join an organiza- 
tion like the Young Commmunist League, but I think an examina- 
tion, for instance, of my own life and background will show that 
the Communists are able to reach people from all walks of life, from 
all types of background, good homes and poor homes, from working- 
class families, middle-class families. 

I was bom and raised in a town of 4,500 people. My father was a 
municipal court judge for many years in Northfield. My grandfather 
was a very eminent businessman in Northfield. My grandfather on 
my mother's side was an Episcopalian minister who was chaplain for 
some time at the Stillwater Penitentiary, chaplain of the senate in 
Minnesota for a number of years. 

There is nothing particularly unusual about the way I was raised. 
It was a good home, 6 children ; all these things may seem quite irrele- 
vant, but I think in the record it should show somewhere that be- 
cause 

Mr. Velde. Mr. Blodgett, let me assure you — and I am sure the 
members of the committee agree — we personally feel this is very rele- 
vant, and we are very much interested in your story. Proceed. 

Mr. Blodgett. I can remember from high school being very inter- 
ested in social problems confronting the Nation and the world, and it 
is from that sort of background and that sort of inclination, serious 
minded young people, that the Communists can move in and make re- 
cruiting material. 

At the age of 17 I wanted to make over the whole world into a more 
perfect sphere of beauty and goodness and found, at least thought I 
had found, the answer when I met Communists, listened to their per- 
suasion, and although it may seem difficult to understand how this 
could be, let me assure you that their resources or arsenal of indoc- 
trinating techniques have been highly refined over a period of a hun- 
dred years, and they know how to take those genuine desires of young 
people to make a better place for the world, make the world a better 

41002— 54— pt. 3 2 



3270 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SAN FRANCISCO AREA 

place to live in, and take those natural inclinations and use them to 
reach that person and to indoctrinate them. 

Now, in my own experience the first Communist I met was in ap- 
proximately December of 1939, which was my freshman year at Carle- 
ton College, a small liberal arts school of about 850 enrolment. This 
Communist was from Minneapolis. I met him through mutual 
acquaintance. He got to talking with me and found out that I did 
have certain interests in social problems and gave me material, litera- 
ture to read, books like Howard Selsam's What Is Philosophy? when 
he discovered that I was taking philosophy at Carleton College. 

On the campus at Carleton there was a considerable Marxist move- 
ment among the students, which was led by a member of the faculty 
at Carleton. 

Mr. Tavenner. Now, I noticed you said "Marxist" ; you did not say 
"Communist." Was that deliberate on your part? 

Mr. Blodgett. Yes, sir; because I think you will find this is quite 
typical on the campuses. A professor will be a Marxist and espouse 
Marxist theory while not being an organized member of the Com- 
munist Party. In this case the professor who led the movement was 
a refugee from Germany who said he fled from the Hitler regime and 
came to Carleton College as a professor of economics, very outspoken 
Marxist, a veiy erudite man, a man with tremendous intellectual 
agility and capacity ; someone who in some other phase of endeavors, 
scholastic endeavor, would be considered an outstanding scholar ; very 
glamorous figure, very dynamic figure, and he did a great deal to in- 
fluence a large section of the student body, to the extent that when 
his contract was not renewed at the end of the year of 1939^0, the 
student body rose up in protest and held meetings in the college audi- 
torium and sent a delegation to the president of the school demand- 
ing to know why this great scholar had been fired — just an indication 
of what kind of following he was able to achieve — and he was, of 
course, able to influence other members of the faculty of the college. 

I became acquainted with this man — this is all prior to my joining 
the Young Communist League — he made his verv extensive Marxist 
library available to me, encouraged me to do reading. I spent most 
of the summer of 1940 reading from his library, and there were not 
only Marxist works, but official Communist Party literature, Histoiy 
of the Communist Party in the Soviet Union, for example, Stalin's 
Principles of Leninism. 

The coincidence of meeting an avowed Communist in December of 
1939 juxtaposed with the type of work that I was actually doing in 
the classrooms of the college. It was like an electric shock to me 
because here in the Communist books and philosophy I was getting 
practically the same basic view of histoiy and the dynamics of his- 
tory and the organization of society and the laws of society as the 
Marxists propounded; the Communist books and the classroom dis- 
cussion met. 

And this had a great influence actually on convincing me of the 
validity of these Marxist theories. Somehow or another the Commu- 
nist Party in the Twin Cities 

Mr. Tavenner. "Wliat do you mean by "Twin Cities" ? 

Mr. Blodgett. That is Minneapolis and St. Paul — found out that 
there was a foment on the campus at Carleton College, and certain 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SAN FRANCISCO AREA 3271 

spadework had been done, and a great deal of indoctrination had 
been done in the Marxist theory in the classroom and on the campus, 
and at that time they had imported from Brooklyn a Young Commu- 
nist League organizer by the name of Harold Schachter. 

Mr. Tavenner. Will you spell the name ? 

Mr. Blodgett. That is S-c-h-a-c-h-t-e-r. Mr. Schachter was a very 
capable, extremely capable, organizer. He found out about the sit- 
ation there, and through a Mrs. Meridel LeSeuer 

Mr. Tavenner. Will you please spell that name ? 

Mr. Blodgett. M-e-r-i-d-e-1 L-e-S-e-u-e-r. Mrs. LeSeuer was the 
wartime chairman of the Communist Party in Minnesota. 

Mr. Velde. That is for the State of Minnesota ? 

Mr. Blodgett. For the State of Minnesota ; yes. 

Mr. Tavenner. Can you identify her further? 

Mr. Blodgett. Mrs. LeSeuer is a profesisonal writer and a venj^ 
successful writer of short stories, children's historical novels, and is 
still making what I understand is a very good living from her writ- 
ing. She had been in attendance at Carleton by invitation of the ad- 
ministration of the school to conduct a panel on vocational guidance 
in the field of writing. I had met her for the first time in that connec- 
tion, and later on, because I considered myself something of an 
embr3^onic poet, I contacted her in Minneapolis and attended a ses- 
sion of her short story class. 

I -uent to her home afterwards, and Mr. Schachter, who is the 
YCL organizer, was present at her home. That evening I was re- 
cruited into the Young Communist League. That was in the late 
summer of 19^1:1. 

Mr. Schachter, getting the picture of wliat the situation was on the 
Carleton campus, worked with me in organizing the chapter of the 
Young Communist League at Carleton College shortly thereafter. 

]Mr. Tavenner. Mr. Chairman, I suggest that I not ask the witness 
questions about the membership of those in the Young Conmiunist 
League at the college at this time. I think we can do that later, or 
even in executive session, if necessary, but the membership there would 
have little to do with our situation of the investigation we are making 
here. 

Mv. Velde. The suggestion of counsel is well taken, and in the 
interests of saving time and revealing the information that we must 
liave in the bay area, proceed with the information that j'ou have re- 
garding activities of the Communist Party or any other subversive 
group in the bay area. 

Mr. Tavenner. Mr. Blodgett, I will not ask you questions now about 
the identity of those who took part in this work along with you at 
your college. But we are interested in knowing at this time just how 
the Young Communist League functioned at the college and what his 
activities were. Will you describe those briefly for us? 

Mr. Blodgett. I think first of all it should be kept in mind that this 
was 1942, 1943, the early part of World War II. Mr. Schachter's 
organizational genius went to work immediately that we had this 
chapter formed. He proposed that a student conference be convened 
to represent as many student bodies in the Middle West as possiblj 
could be gathered together at Carleton College. This was a very 
convincing example to me of the effectiveness of the Young Com- 



3272 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SAN FRANCISCO AREA 

munist League when it set out to establish a front organization to get 
across its program and do it still in a sub rosa manner so that very 
few people were actually aware that the resultant conference that was 
held at Carleton College in January 1943, at which there were approxi- 
mately 135 student delegates from 28 Midwest colleges and universi- 
ties from 6 states — Minnesota, North Dakota, South Dakota, Wis- 
consin, Iowa, Illinois — very few people were aware that the YCL 
had any hand in this. 

It worked something like this : Mr. Schachter laid out a completely 
detailed organizing plan to me. The first step was to establish a 
sponsoring committee. I went to the student body president of the 
Carleton College, convinced him that such a conference would be a 
good thing, got authorization from him to place his name upon the 
sponsoring committee list. 

I went across the river to St. Olaf College and did the same thing 
with the student body president at St. Olaf. Then I had a start; I 
had two names of student body presidents. 1 went from there to the 
University of Minnesota, McAllister College, and that was enough. 
That was all that was required so we could print a letterhead, spon- 
soring committee, student body presidents of these four colleges. 
That later was printed 

Mr. Tavenner. The purpose of that would be to show the eflScacy 
of those people of the general plan and thereby obtain additional as- 
sistance in carrying out your original Communist Party plan ? 

Mr. Blodgett. Yes, that is right. Well, naturally it would have 
been impossible for the Young Communist League to have called the 
conference themselves, and this made it possible. It lent it more re- 
spectability, made it possible to send out an invitation to the student 
bodies that would have some force and effect. It certainly proved to 
be true because they came from these 28 schools. 

The next step was to convince the president of Carleton College 
that such a conference should be held on the campus. This we were 
able to do again because we had this committee, sponsoring committee, 
set up. The administrative assistant at Carleton College was invited 
to be the welcoming speaker. We tried to get prominent people to 
speak. We failed to get the caliber of speakers that we wanted, but 
we were able to get greetings, very warm congratulatory greetings 
from people like Wendell Willkie and Eleanor Roosevelt, Harold 
Stassen, Governor of Minnesota at that time. 

Mr. Tavenner. Of course none of those people knew that this was 
a Communist Party plan or a Communist Party-run assembly ? 

Mr. Blodgett. No, sir; they would have no way of knowing, and 
from the objectives that were set up for the conference — and appar- 
ently it was simply a conference to rally students around behind the 
war effort. What we wanted to achieve by it, of course, was to get 
across the then slogan of the Communist Party, open the second front 
in Europe. 

In any event, we set the thing up ; Schacliter wrote a ream of reso- 
lutions ; we had the panels organized in such a way that we had YCL 
members at this panel responsible for seeing that those resolutions were 
taken back to the general body of the convention ; passed all the reso- 
lutions that we wanted, put out material, sent it around to the dif- 
ferent schools, got publicity in the newspapers, so we achieved our 
purpose in any event. 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SAN FRANCISCO AREA 3273 

Mr. Tavp>nner. Was this assembly known as the Midwest Student 
Victory Assembly ? 

Mr. Blodgett. That is correct. 

Mr. Ta\'enner. I hand you this publication and ask you whether or 
not it is a record of the assembly which you have ? 

Mr. Blodgett. Yes, sir; this is the official record of the Midwest 
Student Victory Assembly. 

Most of this work was actually done by myself, preparing this 
booklet. 

Mr. Tavenner. You stated that the resolutions adopted at the as- 
sembly were prepared by Schachter, the Communist Party organizer? 

Mr. Blodgett. Young Communist League organizer. 

Mr. Tavenner. What did those resolutions relate to ? 

Mr. BLODGETr. Well, they related to the war, but in such a way as 
to get across those points that the Communist Party wished to get 
across, to open the second front, to abolish the poll tax ; the whole line 
of the party at that time was contained in the body of those resolutions. 

]Mr. Tavenner. Mr. Chairman, I offer the document in evidence and 
ask tliat it be marked "Blodgett Exhibit No. 1." 

Mr. Velde. Without objection it will be admitted at this time. 

(Booklet of the Midwest Student Victory Assembly publication, 
Student Offensive, vol. 1, No. 1, spring 1949, was received in e^ddence 
as Blodgett exhibit No. 1.) 

BLODGETT EXHIBIT NO. 1 

[From Stn(l<>Dt Offensive, Midwest Student Victory Assembly, vol. 1. No. 1, Spring 1943, 

pp. 3-7] 

Our Best Is Needeu) 

The days of the greatest war activity on the part of the American people are 
upon ns. The war has reached a turning point, but victory must still be fought 
for, hard, relentlessly and without complacency or overoptimism. More than 
ever we must fight for national unity against all defeatism, if we are to emerge 
from thi.s Peoples' War truly victorious. 

One of our specific roles as students is the building of national and inter- 
national student solidarity. The foundation for this policy already exists. It 
was completed in the various pacts and agreements announced last June 11. The 
central thought in relation to a policy for victory and the realization of this 
policy is the fact that if we conduct this war as an imperialist war we are al- 
ready defeated hopelessly. "We will win this war only by arming and uniting all 
the peoples to fight for their own freedom, and victory results only by fighting 
this kind of war. 

It is on questions of policy that we reveal our weaknesses most sharply. We 
seriously undertake Army welfare and USO activities but do not speak up on 
an issue such as the 18-year-old vote; we conduct war relief work on a broad 
scale but the even more essential development on international youth collabora- 
tion does not keep pace ; we throw ourselves pellmell into civilian defense but 
are not equally vocal on vital questions of legislation and policy that alTect the 
whole war effort. 

Certainly our chief special contribution has been one of necessity, that of be- 
coming a generation in arms. And in this war, a people's war, we are proud to 
be the generation which is instrumental in smashing the Fascist Axis. 

But we mu.st never forget that armaments, even overshelming (sic) superiority 
in armaments, are not enough for an early victory. The African victory has 
offered the most recent proof of this fact, for it was not a sudden increase of 
arms in relation to the Axis that gave the United Nations the initiative and 
turned the situation in our favor. It was the policy for using the armaments, the 
policy of the offensive, that translated already existing armaments into military 
superiority over the enemy at Tunis and Bizerte. 



3274 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SAN FRANCISCO AREA 

For this reason, also, it is of prime concern to us young people who constitute 
the backbone of our military strength, that our services to the Nation be, at all 
times, guided by the correct policy which can translate armies and weapons into 
the sua ran tee of victory. 

With the African successes behind us and the invasion of Europe the immedi- 
ate necessity, we, as students, are willing and anxious to assume the new respon- 
sibilities which will be placed upon us in backing our Commander in Chief. By 
our mobilization and unification we create new opportunities to aid the war 
effort. 

Learning from our past hesitancies, we now welcome and urge the Immediate 
opening of the second front. We continue more strenuously the fight for a cen- 
tralized war economy. Realizing that too many victories are being won by the 
defeatists, we must participate more actively in the political and legislative 
strucrgles around such vital issues as overall planning to bring about wage 
stabilization, enforced price ceilings, overall rationing, rational manpower utili- 
zation. Only by actively following such a correct policy can we make our max- 
imum contribution to victory. 

Jean Evans, Executive Secretary. 

THE RESOLUTIONS 

The resolutions passed by the 135 delegates at the assembly in .January are 
a remarkable achievement, a job of which we can all be proud. These resolu- 
tions are the voice of a broad cross section of Midwest college and university 
students. In them is expressed the greatest unity. There is no diverting faction- 
alism here, no petty wrangling of selfish interest groups. Rather, there is un- 
swerving allegiance to the cause of victory in the war and the peace. These two 
victories are as one in the resolutions. 

WEAPONS 

Armed with these resolutions victory is nearer, the future is brighter. We must 
fight for their adoption. They are worth fighting for. as victory on the battlefield 
is worth fighting and dying for. The battle on the home front for a correct 
policy, a democratic policy, is our way of showing the boys at the front that we 
do not intend to see military victory turned into political, economic, and moral 
defeat. They have charged us with this responsibility. We will not let them 
down. 

RESOLUTION I 

"We repledge our allegiance to the Commander in Chief of the United States, 
President Roosevelt." 

This is not just a formality. We students recognize the outstanding leadership 
of our President. We are fully behind his decisions of policy, the Atlantic Char- 
ter, the policy of unconditional surrender made at Casablanca. But we are 
aware that the President is being sniped at from many sides. We have written 
the President letting him know that we are behind him. He needs this expression 
of support in warding off the attacks of those who are retarding the offensive, 
disuniting us in our common cause. The President's policies have often been 
ignored. The political fiasco in North Africa would never have come about if 
President Roosevelt's policy had been put into effect. We must learn from this 
lesson. It further strengthens the validity of our resolution. Let's back it up. 

RESOLUTION H 

"Realizing that victory in the war and i)eace is predicated upon complete unity 
of the United Nations and the eradication of lack of confidence and failure of 
common action, we urge the immediate setting up of a United Nations' War 
Council to function now and in the immediate postwar period with supreme mili- 
tary and economic power in the Interest of unity of command, rational distribu- 
tion of war materials, and complete confidence among the various governments." 

This is a correct and farsighted resolution. A United Nations War Council 
does not exist. It is still a prime necessity to the winning of the war. Much of 
the distrust among our Allies, stemming from the Goebbels propaganda machine 
in Berlin in accordance with Hitler's "divide and conquer" policy, would be re- 
moved overnight if such a unity of command were put into effect immediately. 
Without an organized United Nations' Council we have no basis for permanent 
peace. We students recognize the correctness of Mr. Willkie's proposal for such 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SAN FRANCISCO AREA 3275 

a Council, realizing that such a Council could shorten the length of the war 
greatly. Let us urge our friends to write Congress and the President asking for 
the formation of such a Council now. We students know that the lack of such an 
organization is a weapon in the hands of the Axis. 

RESOLUTION HI 

•'Recognizing the need for thorough overall planning of production and supply, 
manpower supply, technical and educational mobilization, economic stabiliza- 
tion and all other measures w^hich might be deemed necessary to increase effi- 
ciency in the prosecution of the war effort, do resolve that some such overall 
planning system as proposed in the Pepper-Kilgore-Tolan bill now under considera- 
tion be enacted by Congress." 

As the precondition for the opening of a second front in Europe and thus the 
final defeat of the Fascist Axis, production is still the most ci'itical problem facing 
America. Today there is a serious production lag. We have in many cases only 
hesitant attempts to convert completely the Nation's industrial capacity onto a 
real war basis. The reason for this failure is not the lack of ingenuity ; it is the 
lack of a plan. In certain areas we have unemployed ; factories lacking sufficient 
raw materials must resort to laying of (sic.) men or granting them furloughs. 
With everything pointing to the immediate opening of a second front, we can no 
longer afford the luxury of piecemeal planning. Confusion in production and 
distribution of essential materials is used as an excuse for postponing offensive 
action, lengthening the war. 

STABILIZATION 

In speaking of production, wages must also be considered. Production prob- 
lems cannot be solved until wages are stabilized and incentive rates are given 
for increased production. Wages and salaries must correspond to the rate of 
production. A very obvious result of the lack of an overall setup is the recent 
mine strike led by the arch-rebel, .Tohn L. Lewis. Had we had real price and 
wage stabilization and a clearly defined mechanism for handling such disputes, 
Mr. Lewis would have no basis for his traitorous action in misleading the miners. 
Overall rationing and price control would obviate grievances and hasten victory. 

THE BILL 

At our MSVA we endorsed a plan for a nationwide, overall planned economy. 
It is still the best solution that has been put forth for bringing some order out of 
the chaos of production. We students have already shown that we realize the 
necessity for uninterrupted and constantly extended production. It is our duty 
to press for the realization of this objective, the forming of a real war economy. 
Let's write our Congressmen asking for the passage of the Pepper-Kilgore-Tolan 
bill. This bill has the backing of Minnesota's Senator Ball, one of the bill's 
sponsors. This is a great piece of war legislation. It is worthy of our whole- 
hearted support. 

RESOLUTION IV 

"The poll tax be abolished. The discrimination against racial minorities such 
as the Negroes in the armed services, the war effort, and in the educational 
systems of the United States be remedied. Definite measures be taken to allevi- 
ate the persecution of religious and other racial groups." 

By May 24 the anti-poll-tax bill, H. R. 7, will have been voted on in the House 
of Representatives. A decision will have been made. It is vitally important 
that the bill pass not only the House, but also the Senate. Without it America 
cannot become fully mobilized behind the war effort. 

THE MEANING OF THE POLL TAX 

This tax prevents 5 million Negroes and an equal number of wliites from voting. 
Four-fiftlis of the people in the South are prevented from voicing their opinions 
through the ballot. One-fifth of the people of the South are permitted to control 
their State governments ; and, furthermore, this southern minority reduces the 
value of the votes of people all over the United States, because it takes 5 times 
the number of votes to elect a Congressman from a State without the poll tax 
as it does to elect 1 from a State with the lax. That means the value of every 
vote in a poll-tax State is worth four times the vote of a man in any other State. 
Your vote is being controlled by a minority. Your Congressman is hampered 



3276 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SAN FRANCISCO AREA 

by a small number of undemocratically elected men. Over half of the people 
of the United Nations do not belong to the white race. What kind of unity 
can we achieve with these people when we bar 5 million of our own Negro 
ctiizens from the polls. As long as there is a poll-tax law on the books in any 
State, victory for the United Nations cannot be complete ! 

WHAT TO DO? 

If your Senator in Washington does not hear from you on this bill, he may 
"forget" what you want. Write, and see that all your friends write your respec- 
tive Senators. Demand that they be present and vote "Yes !" on the anti-poll tax 
bill when it comes up soon in the Senate. 

RESOLUTION V 

"We resolve that this war in which students are risking their lives shall result 
in a just and permanent peace. We realize, as do most people of this world, 
that such a peace is only possible when based on internatiou cooperation, and 
that all citizens of the world should become citizens of a federal union of nations. 
Our purpose shall be: (1) to fully awaken student thought and action in the 
field of internatiou cooperation (2) vigorously disseminate information * * *, 
(3) center student thought and action toward postwar planning." 

The absence of a United Nations' War Council makes active progress in the 
field of international cooperation impossible. While there are hundreds of 
groups thi'oughout the Nation at work discussing and discussing, the lack of a 
concrete framework within which to work has frustrated student efforts. That 
is the reason a great deal of emphasis is being placed on establishing the basic 
conditions for further progress in this field, pressing for the United Nations' 
War Council, working hard for the passage of tlie 18-year-old vote. Special 
credit for this work goes to Bill Caldwell, ex-editor of the Minnesota Daily. 
Bill was the framer of this resolution and led the fight in the Minnesota State 
Legislature for the passage of the 18-year-old vote. Bill realized that before any 
progress could be made in furthering the purpose of the resolution, something 
had to be done to give young people a voice. Along with studying the problems 
of the postwar world it is absolutely essential that we fight for such concrete 
measures to keep our perspective straight on the tasks at hand. 

RESOLUTION VI 

"Be it resolved that the immediate objectives of the student victory objectives 
of the Student Victory Assembly be: (1) Coordination of war activities on all 
Midwest campuses; (2) promotion of interest in and information about interna- 
tiou cooperation." 

The message and program of the MSVA has been carried to nearly all of the 
colleges and universities in the six immediate States. Eight communiques have 
been sent out as part of the task charged to the continuations committee. Al- 
though most of the time and effort expended has gone to building organization- 
ally the committee has sponsored a program of activity designed to build up the 
spirit of unity necessary to win the war. 

PROJECTS 

During the week of March 21-28 World Youth Week was sponsored by the 
MSVA on the Midwest campuses with excellent results. It was the signal for 
Youth's Spring Offensive. Special drives were carried out on a number of cam- 
puses. A partial summary of the results of these drives are presented in the 
section Around the Campuses. During this week our feeling of unity with the 
fighting youth of the United Nations were celebrated in forums, radio skits, and 
discussions. We dedicated our war efforts to the struggling youth of China, 
Russia. England, Yugoslavia, France, Norway, Greece, Holland. On the legis- 
lative front the MSVA has pressed for the passage of the anti-poll-tax bill, the 
18-year-old vote, the Pepper-Kilgore-Tolan bill, the equal-rights bill, lend-lease 
continuations, the Trade Agreements Act renewal and other win-the-war meas- 
ures. 

The MSVA has been named by ex-Governor Stassen the oflicial organization 
for registering and recruiting students in Minnesota for volunteer farm labor 
brigades. We have urged and continue to urge every campus to engage in this 
project through the United States Employment Service. 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SAN FRANCISCO AREA 3277 

This is part of what has been done. It is a start and, we believe, a good 
start. We must extend and expand our work. Ever greater demands are be- 
ing made of us. We must meet these needs of the day with ever increasing 
courage and resourcefulness. 

Mr. Tavenner. Was there any other purpose of the Young Com- 
munist League in the holding of this assembly? By that I mean 
did it have any further purpose beyond the immediate meeting of the 
assembly ? 

Mr. Blodgett. Well, it was hoped, of course, that the assembly 
would continue to function. We made sure that we had key control 
of the continuation work of the committee, the assembly, and naturally 
part and parcel with any of the work that the YCL carried on in 
that manner it was hoped that it would strengthen the Young Com- 
munist League; that it would impress other students on the campuses 
so that where personal contacts were made between YCL members 
and other students, it could be pointed out to them that this is the 
Young Communist League in action; this is what the Young Com- 
munist League does, and use it as a basis for assisting in the recruit- 
ing program of the Young Communist League, and it did have a 
great deal of effect on students at Carleton College, for example, 
who might have hesitated to even be interested in the Young Com- 
munist League. 

We were able to follow that up after the assembly and establish 
closer relationships with some of these other student contacts and 
bring some of them into the YCL. 

Mr. Tavenner. Was this also used as a method of expanding the 
influence of the Young Communist League into other colleges and 
on other campuses ? 

Mr. Blodgett. Well, yes, it was. However, it could only be done 
in a very indirect way because at Carleton and the University of 
Minnesota — those were the only 2 schools of the 28 where there were 
Young Communist League chapters, so the influence on the other 
schools would be more of an indirect nature. 

Mr. Tavenner. Did you receive the cooperation of any college 
with the knowledge on the part of the participants from the college 
that this was a Young Communist League enterprise ? 

Mr. Blodgett. I think only in the case of the University of Min- 
nesota delegation was there any real awareness of who was behind 
this whole assembly. In fact, the president of the student body of 
the University of Minnesota, or somebody, once said, "I know who 
you are, but 1 will go along with you in any event because the war 
is on, and we will cooperate." 

But when they got to the assembly and found how stacked the 
resolutions were,' the dean of students at the University of Minnesota 
did his best to try to head some of the resolutions off, but he was 
overwhelmed because it was too well organized in advance. 

Mr. Tavenner. Mr. Chairman, I introduce this evidence in order 
to demonstrate this is a perfect example of the formation of a Com- 
munist-front organization and a most successful one. 

You have stated that upon your graduation you went on active 
<]utv with the Navy. 

Mr. Blodgett. That is correct. 

Mr. Tavenner. At the time you went on active duty did you retain 
iiny active Communist Party membership ? 

41002—54 — pt. 3— — 3 



3278 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SAN FRANCISCO AREA 

Mr. Blodgett. No, sir; I did not. I don't think we have in the 
record yet the fact that I did join the Communist Party about March 
of 1943. When I went on active duty in the Navy, prior to that 
time, I was instructed to turn in my membership card as a matter 
of party policy at the time. 

Mr. Velde. When was it that you entered the Navy ? 

Mr. Blodgett. It was July 1, 1943. 

Mr. Veede. Were you an officer in the Navy ? 

Mr. Blodgett. Yes, sir ; I was. 

Mr. Velde. What was your rank? 

Mr. Blodgett. Ensign. 

Mr. ScuERER. "\Mio instructed you to turn in your Communist Party 
card, Mr. Blodgett ? 

Mr. Blodgett. The secretaiy of the Communist Party of Minne- 
sota, Mr. Martin Mackie, M-a-c-k-i-e. 

Mr. ScHEEER. With wliat group did you hold your membership at 
the time you went into the party? 

Mr. Blodgett. I was a member at large. I was not affiliated with 
any club or chapter of the party. 

Mr. ScHERER. And who issued you your Communist Party card at 
the time, do you recall ? 

Mr. Blodgeit'. As I recall, it was a Mr. Kobert Kelly. 

Mr. SciiERER. WHiat position did he hold with the party ? 

Mr. Blodcjett. I am a little vague on that point. I think he was 
the chairman of the party at that time in Minnesota. 

Mr. SciiERER. You said the turning in of your Communist Party 
card when you went into the service was in accordance with the policy 
of the party at that time? 

Mr. Blodgett. Yes; as I understood it, I was instructed that this 
was the policy of the party, that all members tnke a leave of absence 
while they were on active duty in the armed services. 

Mr. Jackson. Mr. Chairman, I think the record should show that 
there is considerable testimony by previous witnesses which indicates 
that that was the hard and fast policy of the party at that time, that 
individual party members entering the service were in fact required 
to turn in their party cards. 

Mr. Doyle. Mr. Chairman, may I ask this of the witness: Even 
though you turned in your card, that didn't turn you out of the party, 
did it? 

Mr. Blodgett. No ; it took the form of a leave of absence, temporary 
leave of absence. 

Mr. Doyle. In other words, but you continued in the heart and spirit 
and mind of a Communist. 

Mr. Blodgett. Very definitely ; yes. 

Mr. Doyle. Even though you turned in your card ? 

Mr. Blodgett. That is true. 

Mr. Tavenner. It has been recognized as constituting a military 
leave as it has sometimes been described? 

]Mr. Blodgett. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Tavenner. Well, at this time were you a member of the Com- 
munist Party as distinguished from the Young Communist League? 

Mr. Blodgett. Yes ; I was, sir. 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SAN FRANCISCO AREA 3279 

Mr. Tavenner. You were a member of the Communist Party. 
Wliere did you become a member of the Communist Party, and what 
were the circumstances? 

Mr. Blodgett. I joined the Communist Party at a party convention 
which was held in Minneapolis in approximately March of 1943. 
I was one of two Young Communist League members who were to be 
honored by the party, invited to join the parent group. 

Mr. Tavenner. Will you tell the committee what you did after 
being discharged from the Navy ? 

May I delay the answer to that question for the moment? During 
the time you were engaged in military service, did you observe any 
Communist Party activity on the part of any individual ? 

Mr. Blodgett. No, no 

Mr. Tavenner. By that I mean any individual in the Armed 
Forces. 

Mr. Blodgett. No organized activity as such. I made personal 
contacts with people who were sympathetic, but there would be no 
way of knowing whether they were organized in the party in any way. 
The question w^as not raised, but from time to time one would meet 
someone in the armed services who was symjoathetic and interested, 
and Communists know who another Communist is from just talking 
to them. You had certain language characteristics, a ceritain jargon, 
a certain way of explaining, approaching, different questions that 
made it possible to identify each other without coming right out and 
saying, "I am a member of the Communist Party." 

So I did on 1 or 2 occasions meet people while I was on active duty 
in the armed services. No Communist Party business was discussed ; 
there was no organized activity. 

Mr. Jackson. Did any of the individuals to whom you make refer- 
ence identify themselves to you as members of tlie Coim:iiunist Party? 

Mr. Blodgett. No, sir. 

Mr. Tavenner. On your discharge from the Navy did you return 
to your home in Minnesota ? 

Mr. Blodgeit. Very briefly for a visit, and I moved myself and 
my family to California. 

Mr. Velde. Wlien were you discharged from the Navy ? 

Mr. Blodgett. Well, the actual day of discharge was February 9, 
1946. However, I was processed in December. The discrepancy 
there is terminal leave time. 

Mr. Tavenner. What was your purpose in coming to California at 
that time? 

Mr. Blodgett. My purpose was to attend the California Labor 
School on Market Street in San Francisco. 

Mr. Ta\iJnner. What were the circumstances under which you 
made your decision to attend that particular school ? 

Mr. BLODGEn\ I had heard about the school and understood that 
it was accredited for the Veterans' Administration, the GI bill of 
rights and educational program, through personal acquaintances. 
One of them had preceded me to the school, and it looked like the sort 
of thing I was looking for at the time, and since it could be accom- 
plished under the GI bill of rights, I decided that ought to be my 
first step in civilian life, to attend the California Labor School as a 
full-time veteran student. 



3280 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES EST THE SAN FRANCISCO AREA 

Mr. Jackson. What would be the date of your entry in the school ? 

Mr. Blougeit. Approximately the middle of February 1946. 

Mr. Jackson. Mr. Counsel, what was the date, if you can make it 
available, of the citation of the California Labor School? 

Mr. Tavenner. Yes, sir ; it was on June 1, 1948. 

Mr. Jackson. Thank you. 

Mr. Tavfnner. Then the California Labor School was cited by the 
Attorney General of the United States as an expanded Communist 
Party institution for the purpose of disseminating Communist propa- 
ganda; it was opened in San Francisco in the summer of 1944 to re- 
place the Tom Mooney Labor School; denounced as Communist con- 
trolled by the California State Federation of Labor. 

Mr. Velde. Actually the Federal Government, the taxpayers, were 
paying for your education at the California Labor School ; is that 
right ? 

]\Tr. Blodoett. That is correct, sir. They also provided me with a 
library of Marxist literature. 

Mr. Vei de. Do you know when the California Labor School was 
taken off the list of approved schools under the GI bill of rights? 

Mr. Blopgett. No, sir; I do not. 

Mr. Jackson. I think for the purpose of the record that date should 
be determined, however. See, Mr. Counsel, if that can be done. 

Mr. TAATi:NNER. It is my recollection that we have received testi- 
mony from other sources showing that it was during the year 1948 
that the situation resulted in stopping the subsidy to that school 
through the application of the GI bill of rights. 

Mr. SciiERER. Mr. Tavenner, can we have any information as to the 
number of veterans that were subsidized in this school by the Federal 
Government ? 

Mr. Tavenner. I believe this witness would be in a position to state 
the number while he was there. I do not believe that there are any 
statistics as to the total who attended the school under the GI bill of 
rights, at least I do not recall it. 

Mr. Scherer. Do T understand it was over a 4-year period that this 
subsidization took place? 

Mr. Tavenner. I do not think it began as early as 1944. May I 
ask the witness the question if he knows when the first students under 
the GI bill of rights attended the California Labor School? 

Mr. Blodgett. No, except that I know there was a group in at- 
tendance under the full-time veterans' program prior to my matricu- 
lating into the California Labor School. In February there were six. 

Mr. Jackson. Mr. Chairman. 

Mr. Velde. Mr. Jackson. 

Mr. Jackson. I think certainly that the published hearings cover- 
ing the testimony of this witness should carry as a footnote or as an 
appendix the information relative to the total number of GI's who at- 
tended the California Labor School if it is possible that the staff could 
obtain that information and put it in the hearings at this point. 

Mr. Velde. Yes, I believe that is satisfactory. It is agreed that we 
authorize our staff to go into such an investigation to determine the 
number of students who attended the California Labor School under 
the GI bill of rights. 

Mr. Doyle. I would suggest, Mr. Chairman, that that notation show 
the number of students who attended from the time of its opening until 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES EST THE SAN FRANCISCO AREA 3281 

it was cited by the Attorney General as a Communist front. It might 
show the number of American boys that were under the Communist 
Party influence directly before it was discovered it was a Communist 
front. 

In other words, it was cited June 1, 1948 : How many students at- 
tended before June 1, 1948. 

Mr. Velde. Your suggestion is well taken, Mr. Doyle, and the com- 
mittee staff is directed or authorized to make that determination.^ 

Mr. ScHERER. I think also, Mr. Chairman, this observation should 
be made for the purpose of the record : We know it is true that the 
citations have been made in 1948, the citations for activities in the pre- 
ceding years. 

Mr. Velde. Yes, certainly ; there is no question about that. 

Mr. Tavenner. Mr. Blodgett, how many students were in attend- 
ance at the California Labor School under the GI bill of rights during 
the period that you were there ? 

Mr. Blodgett. I could only approximate the number ; probably 30 
to 40 full-time, regidar students in the program while I was there. 

Mr. Tavenner. Were there others who were there on a part-time 
basis? 

Mr. Blodgett. Yes, sir; that is my understanding. 

Mr. Tavenner. What was the period of your attendance at that 
school ? 

Mr. Blodgett. From late February 1946 until the early part of 
September of 1946. 

Mr. Tavenner. Will you tell the committee, please, the qualifications 
for admission to that school in addition to being a member of the 
Armed Forces or a veteran of the Armed Forces ? 

Mr. Blodgett. Well, basically that was the qualification, a certificate 
of eligibility under the GI bill of rights. That is, it was open to all 
veterans. 

Mr. Ta\^nner. In other words, those who had no Communist Party 
affiliations could attend this school? 

Mr. Blodgett. That is correct. 

Mr. Ta\t:nner. During the course of your attendance at that school 
did you ascertain whether there were very many GI's who were former 
Communist members in attendance at the school or whether they were 
for the most part non-Communist when they entered the school? 

Mr. Blodgett. It would be very difficult to say, to have any way of 
placing any of them in the party directly except by the views that 
they expressed and the kind of reception they made to the instruction 
that was given. 

All you could do was make assumptions as to that because there 
was no organization of the Communist Party at the school of the 
students. 

Mr. Tavenner. Well, I will ask you at this time to describe the 
functioning of that school to the committee to give it as complete 
a history of operations as you can during the period you were there. 

(Kepresentative Morgan M. Moulder left the hearing room at this 
point.) 



1 Information received from the Regional Office of the Veterans' Administration at 
San Francisco, Calif., indicates that a total of ,388 veterans were enrolled at California 
Labor School under provisions of Public Law 346 during period of approval by State 
authorities which was October 8, 1945, to July 27, 1947. 



3282 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SAN FRANCISCO AREA 

Mr. Blodgett. "Well, I haven't too much direct knowledge on the 
history of the school. I was there for a matter of 6 months, became 
acquainted with a certain number of instructors and administrative 
officers of the school and my fellow students at the school, and I could 
tell you what the courses were that I took and who most of the teach- 
ers were from whom I took instruction. Aside from that I could 
throw very little light on the organization of the school or any of its 
parent ties to the Communist Party. 

The full-time students took a set of basic courses which ran for 
approximately the 6-month period, at which time they were given a 
certificate of having completed that course. 

We took courses in American history, American trade-union history, 
trade-union theory of practice, labor journalism, Marxism, world 
politics, creative writing, public speaking, parliamentary procedure, 
courses of that nature, and I did obtain a very concentrated knowledge 
of Marxist approach to the trade-union movement, for example, hav- 
ing attended that school, a very rigorous course of study in Marxism, 
basic Marxist fundamentals. 

Mr. Tavenner. "Were you given Marxist reading courses? 

Mr. Blodgett. Yes, Marxism I and II were two of the courses that 
were offered. Mrs. Hazel Grossman was the instructor. We used 
Karl Marx's Capitalism as a basic textbook. 

Mr. Tavenner. Did you study the history of communism in the 
Soviet Union ? 

Mr. Blodgett. I did not at the California Labor School; no, sir. 

Mr. Tavenner. You had studied that before? 

Mr, Blodgett. I had. 

Mr. Tavenner. While you were a Young Communist? 

Mr. Blodgett. That is correct. 

Mr. Ta\^nner. Will you give us the names of other instructors in 
that school while you were there ? 

Mr. Blodgett. Dr Holland Roberts, who was administrator of the 
school and instructor in history ; Jules Carson taught a course in labor 
journalism. 

Mr. Tavenner. Let me ask you this: If you know of your own 
knowledge whether any of these instructors were members of the 
Communist Party, I think you should state so, and if you have no 
knowledge, you should state so, as you name these individuals. 

Mr. Blodgett. Well, in the case of Jules Carson I can't say that 
I attended a Communist Party meeting with Mr. Carson, but he did 
confide in several of the students that he had attended the Lenin 
Institute in Moscow some years ago, and I would presume one would 
have to be an organized Communist to be eligible for admission to 
that school. 

Mr. "Velde. Do you know where Jules Carson is now? 

Mr. Blodgett. No, sir ; I do not. 

Mr. Velde. When was the last time that vou saw him? 

Mr. Blodgett. I would say approximately 1948. 

Mr. Doyle. You said he confided to several students. Did he con- 
fide to you ? 

Mr. Blodgett. Yes, sir; I am sorry I didn't make that point. 

The only other member of the faculty of the school I could place 
in a Communist Party meeting was Dr. Holland Roberts. That 



COMMUNIST ACTWITIES IN THE SAN FRANCISCO AREA 3283 

meeting took place in 1949 at the home of Adam Lapin in San Fran- 
cisco. 

Mr. Tavenner. Will you give the last name again ? 

Mr. Blodgett. Lapin, L-a-p-i-n, associate editor of the Daily Peo- 
ple's World at the time I was in the party in California. 

The other instructors were Leon Alexander, Isobel Cerney, Irwin 
Elber. 

Mr. Tavenner. Isobel who? 

Mr. BoDGETT. Cerney, C-e-r-n-e-y. I said Irwin Elber. Hazel 
Grossman. Those were the principal instructors. 

Mr. Tavenner. Did you engage in any Communist Party activities 
during the period you were in attendance at the school there ? 

Mr. Blodgett. Yes, sir; I did. I rejoined the party in approxi- 
mately April of 1946. 

Mr. Tavenner. What were the circumstances under which you re- 
joined the party? 

Mr. Blodgett. I was visited by Lloj^d Lehman, who at that time was 
the Alameda County chairman of the Communist Party. 

( Representative Morgan M. Moulder returned to the hearing room 
at this point.) 

Mr. Velde. I am sorry; I didn't get the name, Mr. Blodgett. 

Mr. Blodgett. Lloyd Lehman, L-e-h-m-a-n. Mr. Lehman had been 
apprised of the fact, through someone else, that I had been a member 
of the YCL and the Communist Party prior to my entry into active 
service in the Navy, and he invited me to rejoin the Communist Party 
in Alameda County, which I did at that time. 

Mr. Tavenner. Were you assigned to a group or unit of the Com- 
munist Party? 

Mr. Blodgett. Yes; I was residing at that time in the Encinal, 
E-n-c-i-n-a-1, housing project in the city of Alameda, where there was 
an active club of the Communist Party, which took the name of the 
housing project, the Encinal Club of the Communist Party, and I 
became a member of that club. 

Mr. Tavenner. Did you have any position at any time in that club 
as an officer? 

Mr, Blodgett. Yes, sir ; I was chairman of that club the latter part 
of 1946 and all of 1947, literally appointed by Mr. Lehman to that 
post. 

Mr. Taa^nner. Were any of the students at the California Labor 
School members of this group or unit.of the Communist Party? 

Mr. Blodgett. Only one, sir. 

Mr. Tavenner. What was his name ? 

Mr. Blodgett. Wayne Hultgren. 

Mr. Tavenner. Will you spell it, please? 

Mr. Blodgett. H-u-1-t-g-r-e-n. The one recruit that I was credited 
with during my entire tenure in the Communist Party was recruited 
at the California Labor School, and subsequently he became chair- 
man of tlie Encinal Club. His name was Clarence Davis. We had 
that in common, that we were students at the California Labor School 
and members of the Encinal Club of the Communist Party. 

Mr. Tavenner. How many members were there in this club? 

Mr. Blodgett. The memberphip varied. I would say from a high 
of 70 members to a low of approximately 35 members. The club was 
split up. Approximately at the same time I became chairman it was 



3284 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SAN FRANCISCO AREA 

split into 2 additional clnbs, the Estuary Club, which was located 
in Estuary Federal housing: project in Alameda, and a city club com- 
posed of members who resided in the city proper of Alameda, with 
a top membership of 70 to about 35 members. 

Mr. Tavenner. I have asked you to note the names of all of those 
that you can definitely recall as those whose names you are positive 
were members of either of those particular groups. I wish you would 
tell the committee, please, who the members were. 

Mr. Blodgett. Wayne Hultgren, Ruth Hultgren, Jack Standish, 
Ruth Standish 

Mr. Tavenner. Just a moment. Will you read them a little more 
slowly, please, and again, if you can identify any subsequent activity 
of the individual in the Communist Party, or if you can identify them 
by occupation, I wish you would do so. 

Mr. Blodgett. I will attempt to. Wayne Hultgren, who became 
chairman of the Alameda section of the Communist Party which was 
comprised of 4 clubs. Ruth Hultgren, his wife 

Mr. Tavenner. May I ask you, had you known that individual 
before entering the armed services ? 

Mr. Blodgett. Yes; Wayne was a fellow student, a classmate of 
mine at Carleton College and was a member of the YCL at Carleton. 

Ruth Hultgren, his wife, was also a Carleton College graduate, but 
did not join the YCL on the college campus. Jack Standish; his 
wife, Ruth Standish ; whereabouts or occupation unknown to me. 

Ora Kelly; Mrs. Ora Kelly, Aram Attarian, A-t-t-a-r-i-a-n, who 
later became a member of the City Club, his wife, Sally Attarian; 
Mr. Newton Hill; his wife, Pearl Hill. Mr. Hill was a plasterer. 
Al Brown, later dropped out of the party. 

Mr. Tavenner. Yes, I would like to ask you to state, wherever you 
have knowledge that an individual has withdrawn from the party, 
to so state. 

Mr. Blodgett. Yes, sir; I will. Al Brown was chairman of the 
club prior to my becoming chairman of the Encinal Club. He later 
dropped out. 

Mr. Jackson. What was his occupation, if you know ? 

Mr. Blodgett. I do not recall, sir. I know that he worked in 
the Bethlehem Shipyards. The Encinal Club of the Communist 
Party grew out of a strike at the Bethlehem Shipyards. I do not 
have direct, firsthand knowledge of that, so I am not trying to cover 
something I am not too familiar with, but Mr. Lehman, in giving 
me a brief history of the growth in the city of Alameda of the party, 
indicated that this club grew out of a strike at the Bethlehem Ship- 
yards in Alameda and was composed mostly of Negroes who were 
employed at the shipyard. 

Sidney Claibourne, C-1-a-i-b-o-u-r-n-e ; his wife, Ethel Claibourne. 
I do not know the occupation. Clarence Davis who has been men- 
tioned previously in my testimony, became chairman of the club 
in 1948 and was a fellow student at the California Labor School 
and was employed as a laborer as a member of the Laborers' Union, 
A. F. of L. : Shelly Davis, his wife; Charles Blacklock, who became 
chairman of the City Club of Alameda and was an electrician by 
trade: Robert Dwinnell, D-w-i-n-n-e-1-1, occupation unknown; Ken- 
neth Roberts; Vera Roberts, his wife; Mrs. Fanny Lehman, wife 
of Lloyd Lehman, who was a section official, Alameda section official; 



COMMtTNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SAN FRANCISCO AREA 3285 

Mr. Luther Morris, who at one time was the business agent of the 
A. F. of L. Steamfitters' Union, employed at Bethlehem Shipyards; 
Eugene Parker, also employed at Bethlehem Shipyards at that time; 
and Mr. Frank Franks, F-r-a-n-k-s; Mrs. Carmen Melia, M-e-1-i-a; 
Will Campbell, C-a-m-p-b-e-1-1; Walter Kirkon, K-i-r-k-o-n, car- 
penter; Ernest Cook, C-o-o-k; John Smith; Ernest Boykin 

]Mr. Jackson. Can you further identify John Smith before the 
committee ? 

Mr. Blodgett. I appreciate the difficulty there. No, sir, except 
that he was a Negro. I don't know what his occupation was. He 
lived in the Encinal housing project. 

Mr. Jackson. Approximately what age would he have been ? 

Mr. Blodgett. Thirty-five. 

Mr, Jackson, About 35 at that time ? 

Mr. Blodgett. At that time. Ernest Boykin, Bethlehem Ship- 
yards employee who lived in the Encinal project; James LeAvis, 
L-e-w-i-s; his wife, Veda Lewis, who resided in the Webster housing 
project which lay between the Encinal and Estuary housing projects, 
occupation unknown. Joe Terry ; his wife, Opal Terry, who were also 
in the Webster housing project; a Mrs. Maddox, M-a-d-d-o-x, lived in 
the Estuary project and became a member of the Estuary Club; Mr. 
Albert Legard, L-e-g-a-r-d, who was an official of the Estuary Club 
of the Communist Party; Mr. Cleveland Hearn, H-ea-r-n, became 
chairman of the Estuary Club of the Communist Party ; his wife, Inez 
Hearn; and Mr. Lloyd Lehman, who was Alameda County member, 
chairman of the party, and member of the Estuary Club. 

Those are all the names that I can recall. 

Mr. Jackson. Those were all individuals known to you personally 
to have been members of the Communist Party ? 

Mr. Blodgett. That is correct, sir. 

Mr. Velde. At this point the committee will take a recess for 10 
minutes, 

(Whereupon, at 10 : 39 a. m., the hearing was recessed, to reconvene 
at 10:49 a. m.) 

(The hearing reconvened at 11 : 02 a. m.) 

Mr, Velde. The committee will be in order. Proceed, Mr. Counsel. 

Mr. Ta\tenner. Mr. Blodgett, how long were you a member of the 
Communist Party cell which you have just described ? 

Mr. Blodgett. I believe your reference is to the Encinal Club ? 

Mr. Ta\t:nner. Yes. 

Mr. Blodgett. Of the Communist Party. I was a member of the 
Encinal Club from approximately April 1946 to November 1948. 

Mr. Ta%t:nner. During that period of time did you have occasion to 
become acquainted with functionaries of the Communist Party on a 
higher level ; that is. State and county or section level ? 

Mr. Blodgett. As a club chairman, of course, T was in attendance 
regularly at section executive meetings comprised of the various offi- 
cers of the four clubs which made up the Alameda section of the 
party, 

Mr. Tavenner. Wliat were the names of the four clubs which made 
up the Alameda section of the Communist Party? 

Mr. Blodgett. The Encinal Club, the Estuary Club, City Club, and 
the William Z. Foster Club, which was composed of members working 

41002—54 — pt. 3' 4 



3286 COMJMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SAN FRANCISCO AREA 

in the steel industry. The steel industry was the concentration in- 
dustry for the Alameda section, so although the members of the Wil- 
liam Z. Foster Club resided throughout Alameda County, that club 
was a part of the Alameda section to further the concentration work 
of the section. 

Mr, Tavenner. What was the numerical strength of the clubs other 
than your own, if you know? Or the approximate strength? 

Mr. Blodgett. I would say the approximate membership of the 
Alameda section was about 100 ; that is, the 4 clubs, the total of the 4 
clubs. The E'ncinal Club was the largest of the four. 

Mr. Tavenner. Was there a professional club or group of the Com- 
munist Party in Alameda County? 

Mr. Blodgett. Yes; there was a professional section of the party 
in Alameda County. I know very little about it because by nature of 
the organization of that section other members of the party — very few 
of them knew who those members were. They were pretty well under- 
ground. 

Mr. Tavenner. Mr. Chairman, you will recall the testimony of Mr. 
Harold Ashe before this committee in which he described the purpose 
of the formation of professional groups or clubs of the Communist 
Party, and the purpose being to protect and to secure the identity of 
the members of the professions, even from other Communist Party 
members. Was that plan maintained in this area ? 

Mr. Blodgett. Yes, to the best of the ability of the party in Alameda 
County that same plan was adopted for the professional section. 

Mr. Tavenner. Who were the chairmen of the respective clubs 
with whom you met in section meetings from time to time between 
1946 and November 1948 ? 

Mr. Blodgett. Well, of course I was chairman of the Encinal Club, 
I identified Mr. Blacklock as chairman of the City Club and INIr. Cleve- 
land Hearn as chairman of the Estuary Club, and Mr. Don McLeod 
as chairman of the Austin Club. 

Mr, Tavenner. Would you spell it, please? 

Mr. Blodgett. I am not too sure of the spelling. I believe it is 
M-c-L-e-o-d, 

Mr, Tavenner, Wlio was the county chairman of the Communist 
Party during that period of time from 1946 to 1948, or were there 
more than one during that period ? 

Mr. Blodgett. No ; as best I can recall, Mr. Lehman was chairman 
of the Communist Party of Alameda County throughout my member- 
ship in that body. 

Mr. Tavenner. Did you have occasion to come in contact with mem- 
bers of the Communist Party on a higher level than that which you 
have described ? 

Mr. Blodgett. Yes, through my association and employment by the 
Daily People's World as East Bay reporter I met with higher bodies 
of the party in Alameda County, 

Mr, Tavenner. I think at this point we should go back to the time 
that you terminated your training at the workers' school. Will you 
tell the committee, please, what your next work or assignment was? 

Mr, Blodgett, Through the assistance of the labor school I was 
placed on the staff of the Daily People's World as East Bay reporter 
in approximately, well, September of 1946. 



COIVIMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SAN FRANCISCO AREA 3287 

Mr. Tavenner. What were your duties with that paper ? 

Mr. Blodgett. Well, my official title was staff writer. Of course, 
I covered a narrow segment of news in the East Bay. 

Mr. Moulder. Mr. Chairman. 

Mr. Velde. Mr. Moulder, 

Mr. Moulder. Could you give us more information about the Daily 
People's World ? I, of course, have no knowledge of that newspaper 
myself. Is it a Communist newspaper, and could you give us some 
information about it? 

Mr. Blodgett. It is not an official organ of the Communist Party, 
Mr. I^Ioulder. However, it does hew to the line of the party very 
religiously, and for all intents and purposes it is a Communist organ, 
while not an official organ of the Communist Party. 

Mr. Doyle. Mr. Chairman, may I ask this at this point ? 

Mr. Velde. Mr. Doyle. 

Mr. Doyle. You said through the assistance of the people at the 
labor school you obtained this position. Who at the labor school got 
you that position ? I mean who specifically. 

Mr. Blodgett. It was Mr. Jules Carson who taught the course in 
labor journalism at the California Labor School, and he suggested to 
the staff of the People's World to give me a tryout on the paper, and 
at that particular time a vacancy developed in the East Bay, and I 
was hired to fill that vacancy. 

Mr. Ta\'enner. How long did you remain employed with the paper ? 

Mr. Blodgett. From September of 1946 until October 1949. 

Mr. Tavenner. Will you tell the committee, please, who constituted 
the staff of the Daily People's World during the period you were em- 
ployed by it ? 

Mr. Blodgett. Mr. Al Eichmond, of course, was the executive ed- 
itor of the Daily People's World. 

Mr. Tavenner. Let me interrupt you a moment. In identifying 
those employed by the Daily People's World, will you state whether 
or not you knew them to be members of the Communist Party, and 
if you name those that you did not know to be members of the Com- 
munist Party, will you also so state that fact? In other words, give 
us all the information you can about those who were members of that 
staff and the extent of their participation, if any existed, in Com- 
munist Party activities. 

Mr. Blodgett. To the best of my knowledge, all members of the 
editorial department of Daily People's World and the business office 
were members of the Communist Party. That was a prerequisite for 
employment. 

Mv. Jackson. That was a must, was it not ? 

Mr. Blodgett. That was a must, yes. I can further substantiate 
that by the fact that we did hold regular meetings of the staff, both 
editorial and business, which were conducted as Communist Party 
educational meetings, and members of the State executive board of 
the party were often in attendancee, giving the staff the line, strategy, 
and tactics of the party to be applied by the party. 

Mr. Jackson. That is to say, it was a closed meeting; the State 
commander of the American Legion or a member of this committee 
would have a hard time getting in ? 



3288 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SAN FRANCISCO AREA 

Mr. Blodgett. It would necessarily be a closed meeting. Mr. Al 
Richmond, who was executive editor; Mr. Adam Lapin, L-a-p-i-n, 
who was the associate editor ; Doug Ward, who at one time 

Mr. Tavenner. Douglas Ward ? 

Mr. Blodgett. Well, I only knew him as Doug Ward. I presume 
it was Douglas. Ward was political editor for a time. Mr. Lee Coe, 
C-o-e, was labor editor. Mr. Steve Murdock, who worked on the copy 
desk and was feature editor, magazine editor ; Mr. Louis Green, who 
was slot man on the copy desk ; Ralph Izzard, I-z-z-a-r-d, who was a 
staff writer ; Miss Jane Gilbert, reporter ; Pele Edises, E-d-i-s-e-s, was 
the artist of the newspaper; Mr. Mason Roberson, R-o-b-e-r-s-o-n, a 
columnist for the paper; Mrs. Eva Lapin, L-a-p-i-n, was a stajff 
writer, reporter. 

In the business office was Mr. Harry Kramer, K-r-a-m-e-r, business 
manager; Mr. Leo Baroway, B-a-r-o-w-a-y, circulation manager. 
There were other people who did clerical work in the business office, 
including Mrs. Helen Lima, L-i-m-a; Mrs. Juanita "Wheeler, 
W-h-e-e-1-e-r. There was a Sid Partridge who did circulation work 
for the paper. Barbara Bick, B-i-c-k, was the librarian; Norman 
Canright was the feature editor, C-a-n-r-i-g-h-t. His wife, Mar- 
jorie Canright, was a librarian. 

I probably have forgotten a few of the names and have not included 
them in the list. It is pretty general information who were the staff 
members of the newspaper. 

Mr. Taatsnner. Will you describe to the committee, please, how 
that paper functioned, to what extent the Communist Party influ- 
enced the editorial policy and the reporting of news by that paper 
and any other matters showing the effect of the control of the Com- 
munist'Party upon that paper from your own experience while work- 
ing for it? 

In other words, give us a word description of the operation of that 
paper from the Communist Party standpoint as nearly as you can 
out of your own experience. 

Mr. Blodgett. Well, as a preliminary statement on that, of course 
it should be understood that the Communist Party considers a daily 
newspaper, if possible, a weekly newspaper, some type of newspaper, 
as absolutely indispensable for the purposes of the party, not only 
for dissemination of propaganda, but actually to give guidance to 
members. It is a "must." 

I mean, that is classical Leninist theory on the role of the press. 
You must have a newspaper. Now, as I said before, attempts were 
made to make it appear, at least, that the Daily People's World was 
not an official organ of the party. In other words, the party would 
disavow responsibility for the contents of the paper, and if the party 
wants to use the paper for official announcements, those announce- 
ments made over the signature of some official of the party. In that 
way, that is the distinction between the Daily People's World and the 
Daily Worker, for example, in New York, which is an official organ of 
the Communist Party, and the connection is made there very directly, 
and there is no question about it. 

There are peculiar reasons for this different type of arrangement 
in California which goes into the whole political history of the region. 
The Daily People's World has always had a larger non-Communist 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SAN FRANCISCO AREA 3289 

leadership than the Daily Worker, and that is the reason for making 
that rather transparent separation between the paper and the party, 
but when the staff of the paper met, and William Schneiderman, who 
was the chairman of the party of California, or Celeste Strack, who 
was State official of the party, or Archie Brown, State official of the 
party, or Mr. Lehman, state official of the party, w^as in attendance at 
that meeting and was giving us the line of the party as it should be 
applied in the press, then it becomes pretty obvious that the Com- 
munist Party considers the Daily People's World its own and directs 
what the contents shall be, what kind of coverage there shall be, and 
the editorial policies. 

In my own experience, of course, in Oakland where I had an office 
at 1723 Webster Street, down the hall from the Communist Party 
office in the same building, I was very often given specific instructions 
by the county chairman, Mv. Lehman, as to what my activities should 
be as far as my work as a reporter for the Daily People's World. 
I think that covers the basic question related to between the party 
and the press. 

Mr. Jackson. Is that the freedom of the press the Communist 
Party talks about so much, of which they are such great defenders 
when it comes to the activities of other newspapers ? That was actu- 
ally direction of the press, was it not ? 

Mr. Blodgett. Well, yes, it was very specific direction on just 
what the contents should be and what type 

Mr. Jackson. In other words, the Communist Party in effect writes 
the Daily People's World? 

]\Ir. Blodgett. Yes, certainly. 

Mr. Jackson. Was the Daily People's World serviced by a national 
news-gathering service of any kind ? 

Mr. Blodgett. They had United Press wire service. 

Mr. Jackson. But there was no specific news-gathering service 
nationally for the Communist Party? 

Mr. Blodgett. Not to my knowledge; no, I mean, I worked in 
Oakland and East Bay, and I was not involved in the actual putting 
out of the newspaper, sources of news and 

Mr. Jackson. The Daily Worker, the Michigan Worker, the Daily 
People's World, and so forth. 

Mr. Blodgett. They subscribed to the Federated Press and other 
news services. 

Mr. Jackson. These newspapers^ are actually used for sending 
down to all levels of the party the directives of the Communist Inter- 
national, is that correct? 

Mr. Blodgett. Ultimately, yes; although the connection becomes 
a little tenuous at points, ultimately that is true. 

Mr. Jackson. Whatever the Soviet foreign policy happens to be 
from day to day with its right-angle turns and somersaults and re- 
versals. Was it rather difficult for you as a writer on the paper to 
keep up with these sharp turns, and what did you do, for instance, 
when an occasion came along like tlie Duclos letter, which caught 
everyone off stride? "WHiat position did the paper take immediately? 
Or did it wait for instructions as to what position to take ? 

Mr. Blodgett. Well, I was on the staff of the paper at the time 
of the Duclos letter. 



3290 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SAN FRANCISCO AREA 

Mr. Jackson. I mention that only as an example. Were you there 
during any of the riglit angle turns? 

Mr. Blodgeit. Well, it was no great problem for me because, as I 
say, I was not an editor in the newspaper. When there was a change 
in the line as to how to apply the party's program, we simply held a 
meeting, and I Avas told what the new line would be. 

Actually my work on the newspaper was that as a reporter, not 
as editor. Although I can give you an answer, it wouldn't be from 
direct knowledge. 

Mr. Jackson. Yes, I understand that. Looking back to your own 
experience, the Soviet party line was dictated in Moscow, would in 
turn be picked up by the Communist Daily Worker, and then within 
the space of time necessary to transmit that news to the other Com- 
munist organs or transparencies, let us say, that line would then be 
picked up as the official party line? 

Mr. Blodgett. That is correct. We did use the Worker as our 
model as far as what to emphasize in the news. 

Mr. Jackson. And the membership of the clubs and branches were 
expected to follow the line that w^as laid down in the local Communist 
organ as representing the official position of the Communist Party? 

Mr. Blodgett. That is correct. 

Mr. Jackson. Thank you. 

Mr. Tavenner. Will you tell the committee, please, whether or not 
it was the policy of the management of this paper to report facts 
accurately or to report incidents that occurred in such a way as to 
work out to the advantage of the Communist Party or to aid the Com- 
munist Party in some issue that it was endeavoring to raise? 

Mr. Blodgett. Well, this was a matter of natural course. As an 
organ which was a semiofficial organ of the Communist Party and a 
propaganda medium, of course editorial policy is dictated by interests. 
It is true of other new^spapers as well, but it was carried out very much 
to a fine point with a newspaper like the Daily People's World. It 
involved me in all kinds of difficulties with my conscience at times, let 
me put it that way. 

I would write a story, for example — this is relatively insignificant, 
but it is symptomatic of wliat goes on. I would write a story about an 
open-air meeting, say, on the campus at Berkeley. Mv estimate of 
the gathering, the size of the crowd, might be 400 or 500 people, and 
I would so state in the news story. When I saw it in print that num- 
ber might be 2.000 or 5,000. I was not even consulted on it. 

Wliy? Well, because the Communist press must take any mani- 
festation of support for a Communist cause or a Communist-sponsored 
cause and blow it up, make it appear a great deal more, exaggerated, 
out of proportion. 

Why? Simplv to generate a whole movement behind that par- 
ticular issue. We did that. You can do that simply on how you 
estimate the size of a crowd at a gathering. Maybe it was a Wallace 
meeting ; the students were gathered on the campus. 

Mr. Dori>E. That is a deliberate misrepresentation of fact to the 
reading public. 

Mr. Blodgett. Well, that is true, Mr. Doyle, but the role of the Com- 
munist press is not necessarily to adhere strictly to facts. It certainly 
was not in the case of this, as you can see. 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SAN FRANCISCO AREA 3291 

That was not tlie sort of thing that annoyed me the most. There 
were other things which annoyed me much more, errors of omis- 
sion, commission, in the work that I did myself ; things that I had to 
write that I couldn't stomach. 

If the committee is interested in some of those actual incidents, I 
would be happy to go into them. 

Mr. ScHEREK. Mr. Doyle, we have seen that same thing happen with 
reference to accounts of the hearings of this committee when they are 
published in the Daily Worker. You can't recognize them as 

having • 

Mr. Doyle. I realize that, Mr. Scherer, but it certainly is a terrible 
thing to have it stated here. I mean, it is good to have the fact, what- 
ever it is, but it is certainly shocking to realize that the American 
public is getting habitually a deliberate misrepresentation of fact. 
That certainly is a fraud on the public either in this paper or any 
other publication, deliberately lies. You can't call it less than delib- 
erately lying in my book. 

Mr."^ Jackson. The section of the American public that reads the 
Daily Worker and thinks it is getting the truth, I think, is probably 
very', very minute in any case. I doubt much that there is any con- 
siderable amount of misleading done. 

Mr. Doyle. But, Mr. Jackson, this witness has stated that the reason 
that this paper followed the policy it does, of having its editorial 
policy as it is, is because, as I understood him to testify, this paper 
has more non-Communist readers than the other papers. 
Mr. Jackson. Yes ; that is true. 

Mr. Doyle. In that case it is exceedingly more dangerous. 
Mr. Tavenner. Mr. Blodgett, I think the committee would be 
interested in knowing the manner and the extent to which this paper 
attempted to color incidents which you no doubt have in mind. You 
referred to certain incidents. I think you should state to the com- 
mittee what they are. 

Mr. Blodgett. I can recall several actual stories that I worked on 
which were stories in which I was very directly involved, in whicli 
I had a sympathetic interest as well, not just as a reporter, but as 
a person. 

I can recall, for instance, the case of the Vallejo Navv employee 
by the name of Ernest Hall. Word came to us that Ernest Ilall 
was a victim of an attempted lynching by the father of a 13-year 
old white girl. She had accused Hall of attempted rape, and on the 
identity of the girl shortly after the alleged incident occurred, the 
father did take measures into his own hand. 

That was brought out in the subsequent court trial of Hall. 
On the basis of Hall's story when I intel'^''iewed him in jail in 
Solano County, I assumed that he was telling the truth. This again 
goes back to the Communist approach toward intersocial relation- 
ships among the peoples of various groups in this country. 

If a Negi'o was accused of something, and there was any doubt 
at all about it, the Negro is right. Xow, I am not saying this because 
I have any anti-Negro feeling. I never have, and I never will. We 
are all God's children. But you can go overboard on something like 
that, and it is dangerous, very dangerous, and it became so apparent 
to me as the case developed and unfolded, as the post-trial develop- 
ments unfolded. 



3292 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SAN FRANCISCO AREA 

But I wrote blazing stories in the Daily People's World about this 
man who had been nearly lynched and the false accusations of this 
white girl who had a grudge — the 13-year-old girl who was supposed 
to have a grudge against this man and made up this story ; tried to 
get him into trouble. 

During the court proceedings in Solano County the girl was on 
the stand. That was the first time I began to have some doubts about 
the position that I had taken and that the Daily People's World had 
taken and the Communist Party had taken and the Civil Rights 
Congress had taken. It was one of the most concentrated defense 
efforts that the party in the Bay area certainly put on in all the time 
I was in the party in Alameda County. A great deal was stiiTed up. 
The Negro population of Vallejo was stirred up; a chapter of the 
Civil Rights Congress was forming down there, all kinds of activities. 
Bail money was raised to get him out of jail. 

When I heard the story of the girl, I began to have doubts. I mean, 
if she were a highly imaginative child, she might possibly have made 
up the story, but it just was incredible that she could have. Still we 
took this tack : Hall was not lynched, it was an attempted lynching. 
He was bruised from this episode with the girl's father. 

He had good defense ; excellent defense. The courtroom was packed 
by a mixed group of Negro and white people who were supplied by the 
Civil Rights Congress, actually taken to this little town in Solano 
County from East Bay to be there in that courtroom to influence the 
outcome of the trial, to influence the jury — not by applause, but by 
smiles, things like that, so it became obvious to the jnry that the sym- 
pathies of the audience were with the defendant. 

While the Civil Rights Congress would never admit that was a tac- 
tic, the tactic is to pack that courtroom so it will indicate support for 
the defendant. 

It was a hung jury, and Hall — two hung juries. There were two 
trials. The case was finally dismissed, and it was a great victory sup- 
posedly for the rights of the Negro people and a great victory for the 
Civil Rights Congress, and I was praised for my role in it. 

Now, we had encouraged this man, Ernest Hall, to bring felonious 
assault charges against the girl's father. That would be the natural 
thing to do, although he was not convicted. The case was dismissed 
because of two hung juries, so it was set on the calendar. 

Mr. Hall did not show up to press this felonious assault charge. 
There was notliing in the Daily People's World about this. Subse- 
quently Mr. Hall was arrested and put in prison on felonious assault 
charges brought against him by his wife. His wife had stood by him 
very loyally and worked hard and actually had gotten up before 
groups of people and spoken about her husband, never having spoken 
before a group of people in her life. She stood by him all through the 
trials, and within a matter of a few months after Hall's case was dis- 
missed in court, he was arrested because of felonious assault charges 
brought by his wife. 

Now, it doesn't prove that Hall was guilty at the outset, but it cer- 
tainly did raise doubts, and the Daily People's World, you know, in all 
honesty as a newspaper should report these facts, and I knew that I 
couldn't. If I did carry my doubts in print in the Daily People's 
World, I would be subjected to charges of white chauvinism, put on 
trial and run out of the party for it. 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SAN FRANCISCO AREA 3293 

That is to me a very good example of the Lack of morality as far as 
reporting the news is concerned that I had to engage in as a reporter 
for the Daily People's World. 

There were other cases. There is the whole story of supposed police 
brutality in Oakland against Negro people, which the party and the 
Daily People's World hug close to their chests. 

You see, they were supposedly interested in stopping this sort of 
thing from going on in OaKland. I was certainly interested in it, and 
I am convinced to this day that there were actual cases of police bru- 
tality in Oakland. There were individuals on the police force — the 
police department knew this; they were aware of it. Well, when you 
go to the county hospital, jail hospital, and see a man wdio has had his 
bladder ruptured, caused by a severe blow, and all the circumstances in- 
volved point to an incident of brutality, everyone in this audience 
would be concerned about it; you wouldn't want it to happen; you 
don't like that sort of thing to happen. 

I was genuinely concerned about it. But now the Communist Party 
and the Civil Rights Congress, the Daily People's World take up 
something like this. They make it their own issue. Why? To stop 
police brutality ? The Communist Party cannot stop police brutality. 
They would go directly to the chief of police; the Daily People's 
World would make demands on the chief of police of Oakland. 
Could the chief of police do anything on the basis of the demands 
made by the Communist Party without acceding to the Communist 
Party? Without surrendering to them? The result of it would be 
actually to encourage the Communist Party, Of course he could not. 

But the Communists hug those things so close to their chest that 
nothing could have been accomplished. The chief of police at that 
time w^as Lester J. Devine. He had just taken over from a man 
named Tracy, and he had inherited most of these series of incidents 
that the party was making so much fuss about. 

I went in, and I had an interview with Mr. Devine, a young, intelli- 
gent, very efficient and well trained police administrator, and I spent 
probably an hour or hour and a half with him, and he told me what 
the police department was going to do about it, what his plans were, 
what he could do, what he couldn't do, and when I left that interview, 
as a reporter for the Daily People's World I was convinced that that 
man was absolutely sincere, and what do you do in a case like that? 
Well, of course, you try to encourage this, if you are interested in 
stopping police brutality. 

So I reported this to the party, to Lloyd Lehman, the chairman, my 
editor. Their point was that the man has not acceded to the demands, 
and therefore let us raise the slogan of "Fire chief of police of Oak- 
land." This was supposedly a campaign to get rid of police brutality, 
but this became the slogan, to fire Chief of Police Devine and to label 
him party to the murder of innocent people. 

Now, that is exactly the language that was used — murder. A 
young policeman, admittedly without training, shoots and kills a 
Negro. I attended the coroner's inquest. This man maybe had no 
business handling a gun; wasn't trained properly to make an arrest; 
but he was no murderer. He was no murderer. 

So the Communist Party cries "murder," you see, and the police 
department, of course, responds. How can the police department 

41002— 54— pt. 3 5 



3294 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SAN FRANCISCO AREA 

respond and something actually be accomplished to rid them of in- 
competents if the Comminiist Party hugs this thing so closed So, I 
mean, it was so apparent at this point that the Communist Party was 
interested in what ^ Recruits for the Communist Party and readers 
for the Daily People's World, They were not interested in stopping 
and preventing further incidents of police brutality. 

Now, if I had raised that question in the party, I couldn't do it ; I 
absolutely couldn't. Could I write stories like that for the Daily 
People's World that Chief of Police Lester Devine was actually try- 
ing to do something? No, I could not. It was morally debasing to 
me to be put in that position, and it was one of the factors of course^ — 
one among many — which caused me to become completely disaffected 
with the party newspaper. 

Mr. SciiERER. These charges of police brutality were made all over 
the country a few years ago. We had a similar situation in Cincin- 
nati where a series of charges against the police department were made 
along the line about which you have just testified. 

Investigation followed, and it was conclusively proven that the 
negatives of films taken of persons alleged to have been beaten by the 
police were tampered with, so that when those pictures were published 
in a left-wing paper — it showed stripes, presumably from police clubs 
on the victim's back — when the original negative was obtained, it was 
proven, as I say, that they were put there when published, so I know 
that those things do exist. 

Mr. Blodgett. This is one of the most popular issues the Com- 
munists have, attacking the police department. 

Mr. Velde, In fact they attack all authority, all persons in author- 
ity, in order to destroy the form of government under which we op- 
erate; isn't that true? 

Mr. Blodgett. That is true, of course. 

Mr. Jackson. As long as there is constituted authority, the chances 
of the creation of the proletariat state is made increasingly difficult, 
is it not, under constitutional forms where you do have elected officials, 
where you have a free ballot, where you have a free press, where those 
things exist: Is there not a constant drive against the very things 
which make it possible for the party to operate today in the manner 
in which it operates? 

Mr. Blodgett. Oh, for my own part I would agi^ee with that state- 
ment. 

Mr. Jackson. How long, in your opinion, would there be a free 
press in this country if the Communist Party ever came to power? 

Mr. Blodgett. Well, if you mean by a "free press" the freedom to 
print and put out a newspaper 

Mr. Jackson. I mean freedom to print the facts objectively and 
honestly. 

Mr. Blodgett. Well, in answer, when the Communist Party takes 
over control — I mean in the pattern of revolution — it becomes a dic- 
tatorship of the proletariat. The Communists say that. Dictator- 
ship of the proletariat means complete control of all production, in- 
cluding the production of news, of newspapers. 

Mr. Jackson, Isn't it accurate to say that out of your own ex- 
perience you were told what to write; how to write it; to put aside 
any moral scruples; to put aside your conscience in the interest of 
the directives of the Communist Party ? 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SAN FRANCISCO AREA 3295 

Mr. Blodgett. It was more oblique than that. If somebody had 
come to me and told me, "Put aside your morals and the way we tell 
you to," no, they couldn't get anybody to work for them. It is not 
that direct a thing. It is done obliquely ; it is done by inference and 
implication and approval when one does exaggerate the size of the 
crowd and this sort of thing, you see. 

It doesn't have to be done by direct order. 

Mr. Jackson. Well, it is accomplished, in any event. 

Mr. Bi.ODGETT. It is accomplished in any event, certainly. I mean, 
in the first place, a newspaper like the Daily People's World — how 
much news can they cover ? Just by completely ignoring news, which 
physical limitations of the paper dictate, they cannot give their 
readers any news of actually what is going on; only hit those things 
which the party knows are important to its own program. So to 
call it a newspaper, as such, is probably a misnomer. It is a propa- 
ganda organ; it is an or^an for actually directing both the Com- 
munist movement and giving instruction to the fringe of the Com- 
munist movement. In fact, that is where it is very effective, especially 
for the People's World more so than the Worker. 

Mr. Tav-exner. I understood you to say that in performance of 
your duties as a reporter for the JDaily People's World that you were 
given directions from the chairman of the Communist Party of Ala- 
meda County, Lloyd Lehman, as to how you should perform your 
duties as a reporter. Am I correct in that? 

Mr. Blodgett. Yes, although this is not systematic. Whenever 
Mr. Lehman thought that a certain activity of the party should be 
covered, then he would tell me to do that. We would collaborate on 
editorials, for instance. He would instruct me to draft an editorial 
on a certain subject which would appear over his signature, or he 
would write an editorial and want me to go over it and smooth it 
out, so we worked on it in that way, so there was a direct linkage 
between the East Bay editorial staff of the Daily People's World and 
myself and the chairman of the Communist Party of Alameda Coun- 
ty, Mr. Lehman. 

]Mr. Tavenner. During all this period of time you were a member 
of the club or cell of the Communist Party which you described at an 
earlier part of your testimony ? 

Mr. Blodgett. That is correct, sir. 

Mr. Tavenner. Did you take part while employed by the Daily 
People's World in any particular activity of the Communist Party 
outside of the publication field ? 

Mr. Blodgett. Oh, yes. Unlike most working reporters — I hesitate 
to say that I was one because I am afraid the members of the press 
would snicker about that — a staff member of the Daily People's World 
being a member of the working press. But I was required to speak 
at meetings of the party for raising funds for the Daily People's 
World. It was 16-hour-a-day. 7-day-a-week job. and of course I was 
required to be familiar with sources of news at they developed in 
Alameda County that were of left-wing nature, and for that reason and 
in the capacity as reporter for the Daily People's World I sat in on 
meetings of the Alameda Countv Political Affairs Committee of the 
Communist Party. 



3296 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SAN FRANCISCO AREA 

Mr. Taatenxer. Mr. Chairman, before going into that subject, I 
believe this would be a convenient place for a break, because that will 
take rather a long time. 

Mr. Velde. All right. At this time, before we recess for the noon 
hour, I would like to thank the various people who have written and 
sent wires to this committee congratulating it on the work it is doing 
here in San Francisco. 

The committee will be in recess for an hour and a half. We will 
reconvene at 1 : 30. 

(Whereupon, at 11 : 50 a. m., the hearing was recessed, to reconvene 
at 1 : 30 p. m. of the same day.) 

ArTERNOON SESSION 

(At the hour of 1 : 40 p. m. of the same day, the hearing was re 
sumecl, the following committee members being present : Representa- 
tives Harold H. Velde (chairman), Donald L. Jackson, Gordon H. 
Scherer, Morgan M. Moulder, and Clyde Doyle.) 

Mr. Velde. The committee will please be in order. 

TESTIMONY OF CHAELES DAVID BLODGETT— Eesumed 

Mr. Tavenner. Mr. Blodgett, at the close of your testimony this 
morning you mentioned the fact that you had knowledge of the exis- 
tence of a committee of the Communist Party known as the political 
affairs committee, am I correct in that? 

Mr. BoDGETT. Yes, sir ; that is correct. 

Mr. Tavenner. Would you tell the committee, please, what the 
function of the Political Affairs Committee of the Communist Party 
was? 

Mr. Blodgett. The Political Affairs Committee of Alameda Coun- 
ty of the Communist Party was a key committee of the party as far 
as all political activity in the county is concerned. It was not a policy- 
making body of the party at which members were elected, but it was 
charged with the responsibility of actually carrying out the line of 
the party in every phase of the party's work in Alameda County, 
whether it was during election campaign, the influencing of the selec- 
tion of candidates, the influencing of swinging support of trade unions 
to certain candidates, raising of funds for political campaigns. Com- 
munist Party campaigns. Independent Progressive Party campaigns, 
and in some instances where Democratic Party candidates were sup- 
ported, the actual arranging of support for those candidates. 

They brought together the key people as far as the functioning of 
the Communist Party is concerned in all its front activities with 
representatives on the committee from trade unions, from Negro or- 
ganizations. Independent Progressive Party. 

I was not a member of the committee but sat in on meetings as an 
observer for the Daily People's World so that I would know what 
was developing politically in the county for story material. 

Mr. Ta\^nner. How did you receive information as to the time and 
place of the meetings of the Political Affairs Committee of the Com- 
munist Party? 

Mr. Blodgett. My notifications were directly from the chairman 
of the Alameda County Communist Party, Mr. Lehman, who was, 
however, not chairman of this committee. 



I 



COIVIMimiST ACTIVITIES IN THE SAN FRANCISCO AREA 3297 

Mr. Tav'enner. In referring to Mr. Leliman, is that Mr. Lloyd 
Lehman ? 

Mr. Blodgett. Mr. Lloyd Lehman. I sat in meetings of this com- 
mittee over a period of approximately 2i/2 years. Those meetings 
were held as often as twice a week, depending upon the tempo of 
activity in the county or as seldom perhaps as once every 3 weeks. 
But throughout this entire period, 2 or £1/2 years, I sat as obser\'er on 
that committee. 

JSIr. Tavenner. Were any security arrangements made regarding 
the secrecy of the meetings? 

Mr. Blodgett. More than I encountered anywhere else in my activi- 
ties with the party. Meetings were shifted around; they were held 
at private homes ; attempts were made not to have any two consecutive 
meetings at the same home, but the meetings were held in the day- 
time ; cars were parked at some distance away from the home, and so on. 
If members of the committee were seen about to enter the place, you 
would wait until they had gone in before you approached the place 
of the meeting. 

This was, of course, to protect certain members who should not be 
seen and could not afford to be seen with known Communist Party 
officials. 

Mr. Tavenner. You stated that the chairman of Alameda County 
Communist Party was not the chairman of this committee. 

Who was the chairman of the committee? 

Mr. Blodgett. The chairman of the committee was Mrs. Mary 
Pieper, Berkeley housewife. 

Mr. TA^^ENNER. Will you spell the last name, please ? 

Mr. Blodgett. P-i-e-p-e-r. 

Mv. Tavenner. Were there other persons who held the position 
of chairman of the Political Affairs Committee of the Communist 
Party in addition to the person you just mentioned? 

Mr. Blodgett. Not while I sat in on those meetings. Mrs. Pieper 
was chairman throughout that period of time. 

Mr. Tavenner. Will you explain to the committee what the general 
conTj:)Osition of the committee was ? 

Mr. Blodgett. The committee was composed normally of Mrs. 
Pieper, who made arrangements for the meetings, handled notifica- 
tions, set up an agenda for the meeting; Mr. Lehman, Lloyd Lehman, 
county chairman of the party ; Mr. Wesley Bodkin, who was county 
organizational secretary of the party, who would quite likely be in 
attendance; Mr. Carroll Barnes, who was also secretary of the party 
of Alameda County ; Mr. George Edwards, who was chairman of the 
west Oakland section of the party, so that one or more of those top 
party officials was always present. 

There were also trade union people, key people in trade unions in 
the East Bay : Mr. Paul Heide of the Warehousemen's Union, Local 6, 
vice president at that time, was in quite regular attendance at those 
meetings; his wife, Mrs. Ruby Heide, as well : Mr. Goodman Brudney, 
who was with the CIO public workers, attended quite frequently, as did 
Mr. Bernard Young. 

Mr. Velde. Will you spell the name of Brudney ? 

Mr. Blodgett. B-r-u-d-n-e-y. Goodman is his first name, G-o-o-d- 
m-a-n ; the CIO council secretary, Paul Schlipf, S-c-h-1-i-p-f , and his 
successor, Mr. Ole Fagerhaugh, F-a-g-e-r-h-a-u-g-h, and his successor. 



3298 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SAN FRANCISCO AREA 

Mr. Paul Chown, C-h-o-w-n. One of those gentlemen of the CIO 
council secretary was almost always present at those meetings. 

Mr. ScHERER. Pardon me; were these persons that you mentioned 
all members of the Communist Party ? 

Mr. BlodCtETT. These were closed meetings of the Communist Party. 

Mr. ScHERER. These were closed meetings ? 

Mr. Blodgett. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Scherer. I believe you said greater secrecy and security was 
attached to these meetings than almost any other meetings or func- 
tions of the party tliat you attended. 

Mr. Blodgett. That I attended, yes, sir. 

Mr. Tavenner. What was the purpose of your attendance at these 
meetings. You described it in a general way, but can you particu- 
larize it more definitely ? 

Mr. Blodgett. Well, in general, as I said, merely as an observer: I 
had no voice in the affairs of the committee. I did work with the 
committee in providing them with information which they did not 
have access to, which I did, or could go out and get for them on which 
they could base their judgments on political candidates and political 
races. 

Aside from that, merely as an observer for the Daily People's World, 
so I would know what story material was developing in the county. 

Mr. Tavenner. So you would know what ? 

Mr. BLODGETr. What story material was developing or in the process 
of being developed and would be able to cover it properly in the Daily 
People's World. 

Mr. Tavenner. How many meetings of that organization did you 
attend in your 2i/> years in which you were in attendance on this 
committee ? 

Mr. Blodgett. Well, that would be very hard to say. They were, 
as I said, during crucial periods of election campaigns held very 
frequently. It could be held as many as 2 or 3 times a week. Then 
we would go without a meeting for several weeks, periods of less 
activity. Over a period of 2 years it probably was upwards of a 
hundred meetings. 

Mr. Tavenner. I understood you to say that these meetings were 
held in the homes of various members of the committee. Can you 
name the homes in which the committee met ? 

Mr. Blodgett. Well, I can recall very definitely five homes that 
at one time or another housed the meeting of the Political Affairs 
Committee. 

]Mr. Tavenner. At which you were present ? 

Mr. Blodgett. At which I was present, that is correct. Meetings 
were held in Mrs. Pieper's home in Berkeley ; in the home of Katlileen 
Griffin, who was also very active in the affairs of the committee, also 
in Berkeley. 

Mr. Tavenner. Let me ask you this : In giving tlie names of these 
people in whose homes the Political Affairs Committee of the Com- 
munist Party met, would you, in giving their names, also give any 
other definite information that you have of your own knowledge re- 
garding the Communist Party activity affairs, if you know ? 

Mr. Blodgett. Yes, sir. Katlileen Griffin's home is also in 
Berkeley, near the Oakland border. We met in the home of John 
Delgado. 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SAN FRANCISCO AREA 3299 

Mr. Tavenner. Will you spell the last name, please ? 

Mr. Blodgett. D-e-l-<i-a-d-o, who also served on the committee in 
his capacity as official of the Progressive Citizens of America. We 
met at the home of Paul Chown in east Oakland. At that time Mr. 
Chown was secretary of the Alameda County CIO Council; and we 
met at the home of Gordon Williams, also in east Oakland in the hills. 
Mr. Williams was very active in the affairs of the committee. Pie 
was the East Bay director of the California Labor School. 

Mr. Tavenner. Were you acquainted with his wife? 

Mr. Blodgett. Yes; at least on 1 or 2 occasions his wife, Joy Wil- 
liams, was at those meetings, not as a member of the connnittee, but 
she w^as present. 

Mr. Tavenner. Will you give the committee at this point a bird's- 
eye picture of what transpired normally at these meetings, and what 
length of time did the meetings usually consume; any information 
that you can give the committee about the character of these meetings 
is desired. 

]\Ir. Blodgett. These meetings usually lasted from 2 hours to all 
day on into the night and come back the next day and meet because 
you might be coming close to the deadline for filing of a candidate for 
political office, and attempts were made to get the right candidate, and 
of course there were divergences of opinion on tliis among the members 
of the committee, and committee members had to take assignments of 
arranging for contacts to be made with potential candidates through 
some mutual party so that they could be encouraged to file, particularly 
true for somebody the committee would have liked to have seen run 
as a Democratic Party candidate. Endless discussion around these 
questions and the details of working out these campaigns can be very, 
very difficult, as all you gentlemen know. That was the high point 
of the political activity of the committee. 

They did direct the general activity of the party and organization, 
push the party influence or control as far as putting the Independent 
Progressive Party on the ballot. They were responsible for conduct- 
ing those campaigns in Alameda County for w^orking out the petition 
campaign, obtaining signatures to qualify the Independent Progres- 
sive Party for the ballot, a meeting generally of that nature of key 
importance. Following the so-called Oakland general strike, for in- 
stance, in 1946, end of the year, there was a tremendous amount of 
political foment in the city of Oakland, and the Political Affairs Com- 
mittee of the Communist Party was instrumental with the spring- 
board from which a joint labor committee, Alameda County Joint 
Labor Committee, was established, a committee composed of repre- 
sentatives from the A. F. of L. and CIO unions, and that committee 
was successful in the Oakland city election campaign of electing 4 out 
of 5 of the candidates that they had placed on the ballot. 

Some of those candidates were actually selected in the Political 
Affairs Committee of the Communist Party. 

Mr. Velde. Mr. Blodgett, how were the people who attended these 
meetings notified, if you know? 

Mr. Blodgett. Well, my notification, Mr. Velde — and that is the 
only thing I have any firsthand knowledge of — was directly from Mr. 
Lehman. 

Mr. Velde. By telephone or by card? 



3300 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SAN FRANCISCO AREA 

Mr. Blodgett. No ; directly. Our offices were right down the hall 
from one another, and he would tell me if a meeting was scheduled. 
How the other notifications were made, I do not know. 

Mr. Tavenner. Do you recall any incident where Communist Party 
members were criticized or disciplined in any manner at one of these 
meetings for failure to properly carry out Communist Party 
directives ? 

Mr. Blodgett. Yes, I was given quite a demonstration of the tech- 
nique of what the party called self-criticism at a series of meetings 
which were held in the home of Paul Chown, before mentioned, in 
east Oakland, and the person under criticism was Kathleen (n-iffin, 
who at that time was secretary of the Alameda County Joint Labor 
Committee, and Miss Griffin had come under considerable criticism. 

Mr. Tavenner. Wliat was that ? 

Mr. Blodgett. Miss Griffin had come under considerable criticism 
from the party officials for failing to carry out directives of the 
Political Affairs Committee, and as I say, it was a very interesting 
experience for me to sit through this. 

Mr. Tavenner. Can you identify the persons who were present or 
some of them who were present on that occasion ? 

Mr. Blodgett. Well, because it was a rather key committee, a key 
committee politically, the joint labor committee, and a great deal of 
concern about it, we had pretty full meetings, as I recall, during those 
criticism sessions with Miss Griffin. 

I remember Bertram Edises was present on one occasion. Of course 
I have a very definite recollection of that because he more or less 
assumed the role of defense attorney for Miss Griffin, which was quite 
unheard of in party circles. 

When one is subjected to critisim, it is assumed that because one is 
subjected to criticism, that criticism is justified. That is the assump- 
tion at the outset. 

Then the problem for the person who is under criticism is to dig 
into himself and find out, "What is M-rong inside of me, with my 
political thinking, that could allow me to have made that error or 
to have failed to carry out that directive?" And that is the pro- 
cedure that those criticism sessions are supposed to take. That person 
is supposed to acknowledge the mistake, find out why that mistake 
was made and make a pledge that it would not happen again and 
take steps to make sure it doesri't happen again. 

On this particular occasion Mr. Edises, as I say it was a rather 
unusual thing, actually got up and accused the party leadership of 
subjecting Miss Griffin to an unjustified attack and so on and so 
forth. That is why I remember that very definitely on that occasion. 

Mr. Chown was there, of course ; Mr. Heide, I believe. There were 
invited into the meeting officers of the professional section of the 
party, because Miss Griffin was a member of the professional section 
in her clubs, and they were invited in to take part in these criticism 
sessions. She had not actually been brought upon charges, and I 
don't know whether she ever was. That is something else again. 
This was preliminary to that if she did not respond properly to that 
cathartic treatment. 

I remember Herschel Alexander was present. He was east Bay 
director of the Civil Rights Congress. John Morgan was present. 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SAN FRANCISCO AREA 3301 

John Morgan was an official at one time, at least ; was business agent 
of the CIO Steelworkers' Union, a local of it, in the east Bay. 

Mr. Velde. Did you give the approximate date of this meeting? 

Mr. Blodgett. Well, it was late in the summer, I presume, of 1949, 
as close as I could place it. 

Mr. Moulder. In what year? 

Mr. Blodgett. 1949. 

Mr. Tavenner. Do you recall having seen Mr. Edises at more than 
one meeting of the Political Affairs Committee of the Communist 
Party ? 

Mr. Blodgett. Yes. Mr. Edises, of course, was assigned by the 
party to work with the Civil Rights Congress in the east Bay, and 
in that capacity and in other capacities did attend meetings of the 
Political Affairs Committee, as well as did Mr. Robert Treuhaft, his 
law partner. Mr. Treuhaft w^as in attendance at those meetings on 
occasions. 

Mr. Tavenner. How frequently did Mr. Treuhaft attend these 
meetings, if you know ? 

Mr. Blodgett. Not with great frequency, but he was in attendance 
at meetings of the Political Affairs Committee; I could not say off- 
hand how many. 

Mr. Tavenner. If you can recall that any of these individuals whom 
you have mentioned took any particular part in these meetings, I 
would like you to tell the committee about it. You have described 
what occurred in this one meeting in which Mr. Edises expressed 
liimself in regard to Miss Griffin. Now, can you recall any other 
instances where individuals took an active part in the meetings? 

Mr. Blodgeti'. Well, let me describe a meeting preparatory to be- 
coming involved in an election tampaign, for example. I can recall 
that in, oh, early 194S. This was tlie year that the Independent 
Progressive Party became (|ua]iiied for the ballot, where Henry Wal- 
lace was the national standard bearer of the third party movement. 

We had a series of emergency meetings revolving around the con- 
gressional district, as I recall, where it apparently would be necessary 
for the party to become involved to more or less influence the political 
content of the campaign of the Democratic candidate, George P. 
Aliller, who was running for Congress at the time. That was in the 
t)th Congressional District wliicli included Contra Costa and pai-ts of 
Alameda County. There were a series of meetings, emergency meet- 
ings, held around the problems of that campaign, in which Comnumist 
Party leaders from Contra Costa County had to be called in because 
thei-e was an overlapping between the 2 counties in that Congressional 
district and had to be consulted because the political campaign af- 
fected the party in both Contra Costa and Alameda Counties. 

One of those meetings was held at the Williams' home in east Oak- 
land. I have a very definite recollection of that. 

Mr. Tavenner. Can you fix the approximate date? 

Mr. Blodgett. Before filing deadline, 1948. That is about all I can 
say ; before the primaries. I know it must have been ])retty close to 
that because they were emergency meetings. 

Mr. Yelde. Can the gentlemen from California 

Mr. Jackson. By the "final deadline" you mean the deadline for 
the filing of nominating petitions? 

41002— 54— pt. 3 6 



3302 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SAN FRANCISCO AREA 

Mr. Blodgett. That is correct. 

Mr. Velde. What is the date of that, if you know, either of you ? 

Mr, Jackson, I defer to Mr. Doyle. I think it varies. I don't 
think it is a fixed date any year, but generally I should imagine it is 
about a month before or 2 months before the actual primary election. 

Mr. DoTiuE. Yes, early in April. 

Mr. Jackson. I believe that is the case. It would be in March or 
April, I think. 

Mr. Blodgett. Well, that is about the only way I could fix the time 
of the meeting, with relationship to the filing of the nominating 
petition. 

Mr. Tavenner, Can you recall definitely who were present at the 
meeting to which you have just referred ? 

Mr. Blodgett. I can give a pretty close approximation. I don't 
think I could name everyone who was there and make sure that that 
person was there that particular night, 

Mr. Tavenner. Will you tell the committee, please, the names of 
those that you are positive in your own mind were there, and in doing 
that, state, as you did before, what connection, if any, they had in the 
Communist Party other than the attendance at this meeting, if you 
know, 

Mr. Blodgett. As I recall, the representatives from the Contra Costa 
party were — officials of the party, were 

Mr, Tavenner, Wliat do you mean by "party" ? 

Mr. Blodgett. The Communist Party — were Cleophas Brown 

Mr. Tavenner. Will you give us the first name again ? 

Mr. Blodgett. C-1-e-o-p-h-a-s Brown. Mildred Bowen, B-o-w-e-n. 
Our committee as regularly constituted was there, I would say almost 
100 percent turnout — Mrs. Pieper, Mr. Lehman, Mr. Bodkin, Mr. 
Edwards, Mr. Paul Heide, John Morgan, Mr. Chown, Miss Griffin, 
Mr. Gordon Williams, Mr. Edises or Mr. Treuhaft — I remember one 
of them was represented there, 

Mr. Tavenner. But you are not certain which one? 

Mr. Blodgett. I am not certain right now which one it was.' I 
tliink Mr. Treuhaft, and another member of that law firm, Mr. 
Robert L. Condon, was present because it was a very special emergency 
meeting; something had to be done promptly to get the question 
settled, and he was called in also to be consulted on it, 

Mr. Tavenner. Do you recall any further circumstances about that 
meeting? 

Mr. Blodgett. No, except that I think some conclusion was reached 
at that meeting as to what action should be taken; resulted, I think, 
in the filing of a candidate in the Democratic primary — cross filed in 
the Independent Progressive Party, which actually opposed Mr. Miller 
in the election campaign. That candidate, as I recall, was Mr. Luther 
Morris, M-o-r-r-i-s. 

Mr. Tavenner. You stated Mr. Robert L. Condon was one of those 
who attended this meeting. Did he attend any other meeting of 
the Political Affairs Committee of the Communist Party to your 
knowledge ? 

Mr. Blodgett. No, sir ; that was the only meeting at which he was 
in attendance. Mr. Condon, of course, resided in Contra Costa Coun- 
ty. "V^Hiether he attended meetings in Contra Costa County I do not 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SAN FRANCISCO AREA 3303 

loiow, but as I said, this was an emergency meeting where officials, 
party members of both parties were involved in discussions, probably 
because it did affect both counties. 

Mr. Tavenner. Did you ever meet in a Communist meeting with Mr. 
Condon on any other occasion other than this one time that you have 
mentioned ? 

Mr. Blodgett. No, I have never been at another Communist Party 
meeting with Mr. Condon. I was a little surprised to see him there 
frankly because he was a candidate for office himself, and I thought 
it was rather risky to have him there because it was a closed meeting 
of the Communist Party members; it had to be. I, of course, had 
known him before in my work as a reporter for the Daily People's 
World, had interviewed him as a candidate, and worked with him 
when he was a defense attorney, for instance, for Wesley Bodkin and 
Walter Green, who were two Communist Party officials brought to 
trial in Emeryville, Calif., on a public disturbance charge, using the 
loudspeaker without permit. 

Mr. Condon defended them, and at that instance I worked with him 
because I was covering it for the Daily People's World. I knew him 
very well because of course I was in the office, the law office, of Edises, 
Treuhaf t, and Condon on numerous occasions to get story information 
for the Daily People's World. 

Mr. Jackson. Mr. Chairman. 

Mr. Velde. Mr. Jackson. 

Mr. Jackson. Did you on the occasion of this meeting have an op- 
portunity to have any conversation with Mr. Condon ? 

Mr. Blodgett. No, sir, I did not. I actually did not take part in 

those meetings. I just sat there as 

irjlMr. Jackson. I mean just a social interchange. 

Mr. Blodgett. Oh, probably greeted him ; yes. 

Mr. Jackson. Did you express any surprise at his presence? 

Mr. Blodgett. Not overtly ; no. I was surprised. 

Mr. Tavenner. Was the business on which that meeting was en- 
gaged finally terminated at that particular meeting ? 

Mr. Blodgett. As I recall, the matter was settled at that time; yes. 

Mr. Tavenner. Had there been more than one meeting on the 
subject ? • 

Mr. Blodgett. Yes, there had been more than one meeting. 

I recall another meeting at the home of Kathleen Griffin on the 
same subject. 

Mr. Tavekner. From your testimony, that means it must have been 
held prior to the holding of the one you have just described? 

Mr. Blodgett. That is coiTect. 

Mr. Tavenner. Can you identify with any further particularity 
the holding of the prior meeting ? 

Mr. Blodgett- No, except that it was conclusive. I remember 
definitely Mr. Cleophas Brown was there, and Louise Todd, who was 
the State official of the Commujiist Party, was present. 

Mr. Doyle. May I ask, Mr. Chairman, this question ? 

Mr. Velde. Mr. Doyle. 

Mr. Doyle. Did I understand you to say that at this meeting it was 
decided to put in a candidate against the candidacy of George Miller? 

Mr. Blodgeit. Yes, sir ; that is correct. 



3304 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SAN FRANCISCO AREA 

Mr. Doyle. And they did put in the candidate against him; did 
they? 

Mr. Blodgett. Yes, although there was disagreement on the com- 
mittee, as I recall, about whether it should or should not be done. 
The purpose of doing that was — that is not an uncommon thing — 
from the party's point of view George P. Miller sort of slipped away ; 
he was not someone they could have any influence over whatsoever 
any more, so to force him to take a position a little closer to that of 
the party's on certain issues, they would run this candidate — I sup- 
pose a typical practice you would run into in other places — who will 
be a left candidate and will appeal to that segment of voters who 
would otherwise probably vote for George Miller. 

It was a pressure group to get him to take a more leftist position. 

Mr. Doyle. As a matter of fact, in that election generally in Cali- 
fornia the Communist Party did that, didn't they ? Put in candidates 
against what they figured were more or less liberal candidates that 
they couldn't control or have any influence over ? 

Mr. Blodgett. Yes, I think that became part of" the significance 
of the Independent Progressive Party, its role in election campaigns. 

Mr. Doyle. You mentioned Mr. Condon, and you have made it 
clear that you knew him well. Did he participate in the meeting? 

Mr. Blodgett. Oh, yes, of course. 

Mr. Doyle. In what way? 

Mr. Blodgett. Well, I don't remember what position he did take. 

Mr. Doyle. You said you were surprised to see him there, so no 
doubt you took notice of what part he took in the meeting. That 
would be logical for you to do, wouldn't it ? 

Mr. Blodgett. Yes. Well, I say yes. I couldn't quote the man, 
what he said. Generally I recall that his position was that the party 
should not run a candidate against George P. Miller. At that time 
Mr. Condon was, well — he collaborated in this political campaign 
with George Miller, Jr., of Contra Costa County, was teamed up with 
him pretty much; George Miller, Jr., running for the State Senate, 
and Mr. Condon, as I recall, took the position that a third party candi- 
date posing as a Democrat should not be placed in opposition to 
George P. Miller. 

Mr. Tavenner. Can you recall the names of any other persons who 
attended meetings of the Political Affairs Committee, persons whose 
names you have not already given ? 

Mr. Blodgett. I really don't know whose names I have given 
already. I have, at your suggestion, made a list of those I could 
remember. 

I think I named Mrs. Mary Pieper who was chairman ; Lloyd Leh- 
man ; Wesley Bodkin ; Herschel Alexander. 

Mr. Tavenner. Just a moment. Will you identify Hei*schel 
Alexander ? 

Mr. Blodgett. I mentioned him previously. 

Mr. Tavenner. I understand you have. 

Mr. Blodgett. He was Civil Rights Congress organization secre- 
tary. 

Mr. Tavenner. Yes. 

Mr. Blodgett. Paul Chown, whom I identified; Paul Heide, also 
identified; Ruby Heide, his wife; Paul Schlipf I mentioned: Lyn 
Hames, H-a-m-e-s, was with the CIO utility workers; Ole Fager- 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SAN FRANCISCO AREA 3305 

haiigh I mentioned ; Barney Young ; Goodman Brudner ; John Bitt- 
man I did not mention. 

Mr. Tavenner. Spell that, please. 

Mr. Blodgett. B-i-t-t-m-a-n. He was an international representa- 
tive for the United Electrical Workers Union and was a candidate 
for office, assembly. Sandra Martin, who was business agent of CIO 
United Electrical Workers Union. 

Mr. Tavenner. Will you spell the name, please? 

Mr. Blodgett. M-a-r-t-i-n. Joseph Melia, who was secretary of 
the Alameda County Independent Progressive Party organizing com- 
mittee ; John Delgado whom I mentioned in connection with a meeting 
in his home. He was secretary of the Progressive Citizens of America. 
Rose Segure, S-e-g-u-r-e, who was also associated with PCA; Kath- 
leen Griffin I mentioned ; George Edwards ; Louise Todd, who was a 
State official of the party; Ralph Johnson, who was in charge of the 
petition campaign for the Independent Progressive Party in Berk- 
eley ; Allen Johnson, who was with the A. F. of L. CarDenters Union ; 
Bertram Edises; Robert Treuhaft; Cleophas Brown, mentioned; 
Mildred Bo wen, county ; Gordon Williams ; and John Morgan ; that 
is the best of my recollection. 

Mr. Tavenner. John who ? 

Mr. Blodgett. Morgan, also mentioned. 

Mr. Velde. Who was John Morgan, Mr. Blodgett ? 

Mr. Blodgett. At the time I knew liim he was with the CIO Steel- 
workers' Union as a business agent. That was a local, although I 
don't recall the number. I think it was 1304, machinists local. He 
has been mentioned in previous testimony. 

Mr. Tavenner. Do you know of any instance during the 2^ years 
of your attendance upon the Political Affairs Committee of the Com- 
munist Party when a person other than a member of the Communist 
Party was invited to it ? 

Mr. Blodgett. Not to my knowledge, sir. It would be a mutually 
exclusive problem because those people could not be known as Com- 
munists, and if an outsider was called into those meetings, they would 
be exposed. 

Mr. Jackson. Mr. Chairman. 

Mr. Velde. Mr. Jackson. 

Mr. Jackson. Do you know of any instance where a candidate or 
one who had been selected by the Political Affairs Committee to be a 
candidate had ever personally appeared before the Political Affairs 
Committee ? 

Mr. Blodgett. Only Mr. Luther Morris, who was a member of the 
Communist Party and who was running for office ; also John Bittman 
who was also running for office. 

Mr. Jackson. Were they running as Communists ? 

Mr. Blodgett. No, sir. They were not. Morris as a Democrat 
crossfiled in the IPP, and John Bittman was running as a Democrat 
crossfiled in the IPP, and they are interested in any other than Com- 
munist Party members who were candidates to take part in the affairs 
of the committee. 

Mr. Velde. What office were these two gentlemen running for ? 

Mr. Blodgett. Luther Morris was running for Congress, 6th Dis- 
trict, and Mr. Bittman was running for State assembly. 

Mr. Moulder. Mr. Chairman. 



3306 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SAN FRANCISCO AREA 

Mr. Velde. Mr. Moulder. 

Mr. Moulder. Do I understand the Eobert L. Condon whom you 
have named in your testimony to be the Robert L. Condon who is 
now serving in tlie House of Representatives in Congress ? 

Mr. Blodgett. That is correct. 

Mr. Moulder. This meeting that you have referred to where you 
allege that he was present was in the year of 1948 ? 

Mr. Blodgett. Yes, as I recall, early 1948. 

Mr. Moulder. And during the spring period of tliat year ? 

Mr. Blodgett. Yes. 

Mr. Moulder. Probably during the month of April, according to 
your best recollection ? 

Mr. Blodgett. Somewhere in that area. 

Mr. Moulder. The meeting was held at whose home ? 

Mr. Blodgett. Home of Gordon Williams. 
• Mr. Moulder. And at what address is that ? 

Mr. Blodgett. I don't recall the address. 

Mr. Moulder. Can you give the approximate location of the home? 

Mr. Blodgett. I could identify the home, the area. 

Mr. Moulder. Was it here in San Francisco ? 

Mr. Blodgett. No, it was in east Oakland, the hills in east Oak- 
land. 

Mr. Moulder. You don't know 

Mr. Blodgett. Oakland has a section 



Mr. Moulder. Did you ever attend any other meetings there ? 

Mr. Blodgett. Yes. 

Mr. Moulder. You can't give us the address or the street where the 
home is located ? 

Mr. Blodgett. I could determine it, I suppose. I could deter- 
mine that address. I cannot give it to you now because I do not 
have it. 

Mr. Moulder. Approximately how many people were present there 
at that meeting ? 

Mr. Blodgett. If it were a full meeting, probably as many as 12 
or 15 people. 

Mr. Moulder. Do you recall who was present when you arrived? 

Mr, Blodgett. No, sir ; I do not. 

Mr. Moulder. Can you describe in what part of the house you held 
your meeting ? 

Mr. Blodgett. The meeting was held in the living room of the house. 

Mr. Moulder. In the living room of the house ? 

Mr. Blodgett. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Moulder. Was the house a 2-story house, 1-story house, or 
frame house, brick, or what kind of a house ? 

Mr. Blodgett. It was a frame house, an older home that they had 
done a very nice job of remodeling on ; I remember there was a very 
beautiful living room, large fireplace; they were still in the process 
of doing over a part of the rest of the house at the time we were meet- 
ing there; entrances from up above, came down the road up above-- — 

Mr. Moulder. About what time was it during the evening or during 
the daytime this meeting was held ? 

Mr. Blodgett. This is an evening meeting. 

Mr. Moulder. Approximately what time was it when you arrived? 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SAN FRANCISCO AREA 3307 

Mr. Blodgett. I would say approximately 8 o'clock in the evening. 

Mr. Moulder. Wlio notified you of this particular meeting? 

Mr. Blodgett. Mr. Lehman. 

Mr. Moulder. Orally, by telephone, or how ? 

Mr. Blodgett. Orally. 

Mr. Moulder. Did you go over there by yourself, or did you go 
with someone else ? 

Mr. BLODGET'r. As I recall, Mr. Lehman drove us. 

Mr. Moulder. He, himself, drove you over there ? 

Mr. Blodgett. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Moulder. When you arrived at the house you say you can't 
remember who was present in the room ? 

Mr. Blodgett. No, sir; I cannot remember who those people were 
at that meeting that were present as of the moment I walked in the 
door ; I cannot recall. 

Mr. Moulder. Was Mrs. Williams there ? 

Mr. Blodgett. I do not recall that. 

Mr. Moulder. Gordon Williams was married, was he? 

Mr. Blodgett. Yes. 

Mr. Moulder. You don't remember whether or not she at any time 
came into the room or out of the room ? 

Mr. Blodgett. No, sir ; I do not recall. 

Mr. Moulder. You say that Robert L. Condon was at that time a 
candidate himself for some public office. Do you recall what office? 

Mr. Blodgett. State Assembly of California. 

Mr. Moulder. In what comity was that ? 

Mr. Blodgett. Contra Costa County. 

Mr. Moulder. This meeting wasn't held in that county? 

Mr. Blodgett. No, sir ; it was held in the house 

Mr. Moulder. As I recall your testimony, you say it was a special 
meeting where they invited some other people from some other county 
to this meeting in the Williams home ? 

Mr. Blodgett. Yes, sir ; that is correct. 

Mr. Moulder. In connection with the candidacy for the office of 
Congress? 

Mr. Blodgett. Yes. 

Mr. Moulder. Who was the candidate for Congress at that time? 
George P. Miller? 

Mv. Blodgett. George P. Miller. 

Mr. Moulder. And one of the main purposes of the meeting was 
then to decide whether or not there would be a candidate proposed 
and supported by yourself and other Communist Party members 
against the candidacy of George Miller, is that so? 

Mr. Blodgett. George P. Miller, yes. 

Mr. Moulder. While you were going over there with this chair- 
man — you mentioned his name a moment ago, that took you over in 
the car — what was his name? 

Mr. Blodgett. Lloyd Lehman. 

Mr. Moulder. Did he discuss with you any special invitations that 
were sent out to other people that evening for this meeting? 

Mr. Blodgett. No, sir ; he did not. 

Mr. Moulder. At the meeting I believe you stated a moment ago 
that the apparent purpose of Mr. Condon's presence there was to try, 



3308 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES EST THE SAN FRANCISCO AREA 

as attorney, to persuade you and others not to oppose the candidacy 
of George P. Miller ? 

Mr. Blodgett. I don't recall that that was his purpose, stated pur- 
pose, in being at the meeting, no. I say, as I recall, that was the posi- 
tion he took at that meeting. 

Mr. Moulder. Well, that was the only subject which he discussed 
while he was present at the meeting ? 

Mr. Blodgett. Yes, I think that was the only subject of the meeting. 

Mr. Moulder. Do you intend to indicate by your testimony that 
by his presence there at that meeting for that particular purpose and 
on that occasion that he would be a member of the Communist Party ? 

Mr. Blodgett. No, sir ; I don't make any such inference. AH I can 
say is that I have never known of a non-Communist in a meeting of 
the Political Affairs Committee of the Communist Party. This is 
simply circumstantial. 

Mr. ScHERER. I didn't get that answer. 

Mr. Blodgett. I said I never knew of a non-Communist in attend- 
ance at a Communist Party closed meeting. 

Mr. ScHERER. This was a meeting of one of the public affairs com- 
mittees ? 

Mr. Blodgeti\ Political Affairs Committee. 

Mr. Scherer. The kind that you 

Mr. Moulder, May I pursue with my questions, please ? 

Mr. Scherer. I am sorry. 

Mr. Moulder. Then I will yield to the gentleman from Ohio. Do 
you know of your own knowledge, your own personal knowledge, of 
anything which would show or prove or indicate that Robert L. Con- 
don was a Communist at that time ? 

Mr. Blodgett. Would show, prove, or indicate? 

Mr. Moulder. Yes ; I would say yes, to definitely show whether or 
not he was a Communist. You have testified about your being very 
active in the Communist Party affairs over a long period of time. 
During all of those years and during that period had you ever come 
in contact with Robert L. Condon in any manner before in connection 
with Communist Party affairs? 

Mr. Blodgett. No, not as such; only in my relationship with him 
as a reporter for the Daily People's World, which was pretty well 
known to be a Communist organ. 

Mr. Moulder. What do you mean by your relationship with him ? 

Mr. Blodgett. In covering news stories. 

Mr. Moulder. You as a reporter? 

Mr. Blodgett. As a reporter, going to him as a member of the law 
firm of Edises, Treuhaft and Condon. 

Mr. Moulder. My question, though, is directed to you in this manner, 
for this purpose, to get your answer as to whether or not at any time 
before, during all Communist Party affairs, had you ever any evi- 
dence of coming in contact with Robert L. Condon as a Communist? 

Mr. Blodgett, No; I wouldn't be too likely, Mr. Moulder, because 
he lived in a different county. 

Mr. Moulder. I believe that is all at this time, 

Mr. Velde. I believe at this point we will declare a recess for 10 
minutes. 

(Whereupon, at 2: 30 p. m., the hearing was recessed, to reconvene 
at 2: 40 p.m.) 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SAN FRANCISCO AREA 3309 

(The hearing reconvened at 2 : 55 p. m.) 

(Representatives Harold H. Velde and Gordon H. Scherer left the 
liearing room during the recess.) 

Mr. Jackson. The committee will be in order. The chairman has 
been called away on official business. The subcommittee for the bal- 
ance of this hearing will be constituted by Messrs. Scherer, Moulder, 
Doyle, with Jackson as acting chairman. 

Are you ready to proceed, Mr. Counsel ? 

Mr. Tavenner. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Blodgett, in response to a question in the earlier part of your 
testimony you stated that you were transferred from a club of the 
Communist Party, the Encinal Club, in November of 1948 to a club 
in Oakland. Am I correct about that ? 

Mr. Blodgett. That is correct, yes. 

Mr. Tavenner. Wliat was the purpose of your transfer to Oakland ? 

Mr. Blodgett. I moved my household from Alameda to Oakland. 

Mr. Tavenner. Will you tell the committee, please, of the activities 
of that group or cell of the Communist Party ? 

Mr. Blodgett. My transfer w^as to the Anita Whitney Club of the 
Communist Party. It was located near east Oakland, Calif. 

(Representative Gordon H. Scherer returned to the hearing room 
at this point.) 

INIr. Tavenner. Will you tell the committee what the chief activi- 
ties of that club were during your membership in it? 

Mr. Blodgett. Well, they were typical of the Communist Party 
club activities. It is just that it consisted of holding club meetings, 
cell meetings, conducting educationals on Marxist subjects, doing 
concentration work in the automobile industry; a Chevrolet plant 
was in east Oakland which we concentrated on as far as distributing 
leaflets, getting the party's point of view across. 

I was becoming less and less active at this point. I was literature 
director of the club, was the squad leader of the club. 

Mr. Tavenner. What do you mean by "squad leader" ? 

Mr. Blodgett. Clubs were broken into small groups, 5, 6, 7 people, 
to try to reduce the inner party contacts to a minimum of preparation 
for an underground, illegal party. 

Mr. Tavenner. When did that first begin to be the practice ? 

Mr. Blodgett. Well, that practice, as I recall, commenced in 1948. 

Mr. Tavenner. Do you know of any particular incident or occur- 
rence which brought about that decision in the Communist Party ? 

Mr. Blodgett. No; I don't think it was precipitated by any one 
incident. It was precipitated by the general attack, successful attack, 
on the party, the trials of the top Communist leaders, the activities 
of committees such as this, which meant that the party was trying to 
tighten its security measures, which were always something of a farce 
to me because it was perfectly apparent to me they meant nothing 
and were simply deluding — and I think very, very deceitfull}' — a 
large number of recruits in the party who were assured that the party 
w^ould protect them and keep their identity as Communists confiden- 
tial, and could do this, when actually most of us who held any leader- 
ship position in the party realized that this was a farce, but with the 
exception of the squads — the objective there, of course, was to have 
units which would still function, even if the club as such couldn't 



3310 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SAN FRANCISCO AREA 

meet, even if the club as such — a larger group could not conduct and 
cany on the work of the party. 

The more responsible members and disciplined members of the club 
executives were elected as head squad leaders, and they each were 
responsible for a small group of rank and file members as far as noti- 
fication, handling meetings, and they conducted the cell as you would 
a miniature chib of tlie Communist Party. Notifications were then 
j)ossib]e by word of mouth of meetings, and that eliminated com- 
pletely telephone notification of meetings and so on, reduced success- 
fully inner party contact. 

Mr. Doyle. Mr. Chairman. 

Mr. Veldk. Mr. Doyle. 

Mr. DoTLE. I think it is important that the witness give his co- 
operation on this question. There apparently is some confusion 
or could well be confusion as to George P. Miller, and the Repre- 
sentative of CongTess from Alameda County representing the 8th 
District, and the fact that there is a George P. Miller, Jr. of Mar- 
tinez, Calif., who is the State chairman of the State Democratic 
Party in California, and I tliink it important at this point, as 
long as I now have the information, that the record speak whatever 
the fact is, if the witness knows. 

Do you know, Mr. Blodgett, George P. Miller, the Representa- 
tive in Congress from the 8th District in Alameda County, is not 
the George P. Miller who was the State chairman of the Democratic 
Party in California, is he? 

Mr. Blodcjeit. No, they are two different people. George P. Mil 
ler— I knew the name George Miller, Jr., not George P. Miller, Jr. 
George Miller, Jr. is the man from Martinez who was the State sen- 
ator, and I understand that he is State Democratic central committee 
chairman. 

George P. Miller, Congressman, is an entirely different person. 

Mr. Moulder. It wasn't the George Miller referred to in your tes- 
timony awhile ago ? 

]\Ir. Blodgett. I think I referred to both of them. 

Mr. Doyle. Now that that is cleared up, may I take a minute or 
two at this point, befoi'e we drop the matter of Representative Condon. 
He is not here in person, and it would seem to me that perhaps as long 
as I have a question or two in mind as to what the facts may be, that 
the record should speak the facts, whatever they are, in addition to 
the facts that have been brought out. 

I want to state this, however, in asking these questions, for fear 
that I might as a California Congressman, member of the Democratic 
Party, be charged later on with trying to defend a man who may or 
may not be a member of the Communist Party. I will say he is not 
as far as I know, but in asking these few questions of the witness 1 
want the record to speak very clearly, I am not undertaking to defend 
him if he is a member of the Communist Party. 

I merely want the record to speak whatever the facts are. But may 
I ask, therefore, Mr. Blo<lgett, your further cooperation in helping 
the record speak whatever the facts are in answer to these 2 or 3 ques- 
tions that I want to ask of you. 

You have stated in answers to the questions by my colleague, Mr. 
Moulder, from Missouri, that in your testimony you did not mean to 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SAN FRANCISCO AREA 3311 

infer that Representative Condon was a Communist, didn't you ^ I 
understood you to say in answer to him that you did not mean to in- 
fer by anything; you said that Congressman Condon was known to 
you to be a Communist. 

Mr. Blodcjeit. Well, I think that by the nature of my testimony 
that inference is there. You said that it does not prove Mr. Condon 
is a Communist. It certainly does not do that. I said it is within 
the realm of possibility that a non-Connnunist could be at that meet- 
ing, although to my knowledge it was unprecedented. 

Mr. Doyle. Now, what other similar meetings had you ever at- 
tended where a bunch of candidates were present who were running 
for the State assembly, and they were discussing candidates for the 
assembly or for Congress ? What other meeting of this Political Af- 
fairs Committee did you ever attend where candidates were present 
for the assembly ? 

Mr. Jackson. Does the gentleman refer to non-Communist can- 
didates? 

Mr. Doyle. I refer to any candidates. 

Mr. ScHERER. Do you understand the question ? 

Mr. Blodgett. I think so. If I understand the question, I said 
earlier in testimony that the only candidates, that is, who ran as 
other than Communist Party candidates who were at political affairs 
committee meetings at Avhich I was in attendance were Luther Morris 
and John Bittman. I have never attended a meeting of the Political 
Affairs Committee of Alameda County of the Communist Party at 
which other candidates were present. 

Mr. Doyle. Thank you. 

Mr. Blodgett. Excej^t in the case of Mr. Condon, who actually was 
a candidate. I wouldn't say that what I inferred or what flows from 
my understanding of the composition of the political affairs com- 
mittee and attendance at the political affairs committee would ipso 
facto prove that Mr. Condon was a Communist. 

Mr. DoTLE. I am trying to avoid, believe me, being technical. I 
am not trying to cross-examine you, Mr. Blodgett ; that is not my pur- 
pose, but being a lawyer myself it is hard to get out of phrasing my 
questions as a lawyer might in cross-examination. I am trying to 
avoid that because all I want is the facts, because Mr. Condon is not 
here, and I think he is entitled to have the record speak whatever it 
may be fully. 

You don't know whether or not IMr. Condon was invited to be 
present to discuss the candidacy of Congressman Miller, do you? 

He might have been invited to be present, and you never have 
known of it and yet not be a member of the Communist Party. He 
could have been, in other words. You didn't shape up the invitations 
to that meeting? 

Mr. Blodgett. That is correct. 

Mr. Doyle. You had no control over who was to be present at that 
meeting? 

Mr. Blodgett. No, sir. 

Mr. DoYEE. You had no knowledge in advance who was invited to 
that meeting? 

Mr. Blodgett. That is correct. 

Mr. Doyle. Or why they were invited ? 



3312 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SAN FRANCISCO AREA 

Now, as I recall it, I think you testified that you thought that some 
of tlie law partners or associates of Mr. Condon were members of 
the Communist Party ; is that correct ? 

Mr. Blodgett. I stated that they were present at several meetings 
of the Political Affairs Committee of the Communist Party and that 
those meetings were closed meetings of the members of the Communist 
Party. 

Mr. Doyle. Was the attendance at these meetings limited to mem- 
bers of the Political Affairs Committee? 

Mr. Blodgett. The Political Affairs Committee did not have a set 
membership. It was a fluid membership. It was not a policymaking 
body. It was a body to implement policy, to carry out so that at any 
one meeting that committee would have a different set of individuals 
with the exception of the chairman of the committee and the officials 
of the Communist Party. Then would come under discussion who 
would be present at those meetings, so it did not have a regularly 
constituted membership. 

Mr. DoTLE. Now, in your duties as reporter for the Daily People's 
World I think you indicated that you frequently got news from the 
law office of which Mr. Condon was a member ; is that correct ? 

Mr. Blodgett. That is correct. 

Mr. Doyle. You frequently dealt with his partners, both of whom 
you said frequently attended the political affairs committee meetings? 

Mr. Blodgett. That is correct. 

Mr. Doyle. And that was over a period of about 2 years ? 

Mr. Blodgett. That is correct. 

Mr. Doyle. During that 2 years of dealing with Mr. Condon's law 
partners you never learned that he was a member of the Communist 
Party ; did you ? 

Mr. Blodgett. No, sir ; I did not. 

Mr. Doyle. And yet you spoke with him frequently and dealt with 
him frequently. You dealt with his law partners frequently ? 

Mr. Blodgett. That is correct. 

Mr. Doyle. Right in the same office ? 

Mr. Blodgett. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Doyle. You never had anyone in authority tell you he was 
a member of the Communist Party ? 

Mr. Blodgett. That is correct. 

Mr. Doyle. In the two years and a half that you dealt with him? 

Mr. Blodgett. No one told me that Robert L. Condon was a member 
of the Communist Party ; that is correct. 

Mr. Doyle. I think you said that it was the practice of the Com- 
munist Party to discipline their members who differed with their 
policy, to discipline them severely. You related an occasion when 
some woman was being disciplined; isn't that correct? 

Mr. Blodgett. Yes ; that is correct. First of all, there would have 
to have been a policy or decision made by the body of the party which 
was violated or not carried out by a member before that discipline 
would be invoked. 

Mr. Doyle. Well, now, I don't know where — of course from the 
actions of the Communist Party, they are well known to you, not to 
me, but I did note that you said that Mr. Condon opposed the Com- 
munist Party putting in any opposition to Congressman Miller, George 
Miller of the Eighth District, for Congress, and he spoke against it, 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SAN FRANCISCO AREA 3313 

and yet he was outvoted, apparently. Was he in any way criticized 
for that action or that attitude by the Communist authorities after- 
ward ? 

Mr. Blodgett. I have no direct knowledge whether he was or was 
not criticized for taking that position. 

Mr. DoTLE. You would have known of it ; wouldn't you ? 

Mr. Blodgett. No; not necessarily. 

Mr. DovLE. You stayed as reporter of the Daily People's World 
about a year after that ? 

Mr. Blodgett. That is correct. 

Mr. DoTLE. You never heard of any discipline or any criticism of 
Mr. Condon taking that position? 

Mr. Blodgett. I do not recall any such — it was quite possible that 
he was criticized. 

Mr. Doyle. I think I am not quite clear, you correct me — but I 
think you indicated, didn't you, that Mr. Condon had defended two 
known Communists? 

Mr. Blodgj:tt. I didn't mean to infer anything by that whatsoever. 
That is true. 

Mr. Doyle. I was afraid that your relating of the fact that he had 
represented two Connnunists as lawyer might infer that because he 
did that he might be taken to be a Communist, and of course we 
members of the legal profession have a duty to represent any man. 

Mr. Blodgett. I appreciate that fully. 

Mr. Doyle. That is the American way of life, thank God. 

On that particular suit — and I only mention this particular suit 
because you mentioned it — I want the record to speak whatever you 
know about the record in that case. That was the case, was it not, 
where 2 men whom you say were Communists — and I never met the 
men, know nothing about them — were cleared. The case, where they 
were found guilty in the lower court, involved a suit to test the con- 
stitutionality of the sound ordinance ; didn't it? 

]\lr. Blodgett. As I recall, that was exactly what the substance of 
the case was. 

Mr. Doyle. The High Court found those 2 men innocent? 

Mr. Blodgett. Yes. 

Mr. Doyle. That is correct ? 

Mr. Blodgett. Yes. 

Mr. Doyle. So that when Mr. Condon represented these men pro- 
fessionally, while he lost in the lower court, he won in the High 
Court? 

]\Ir. Blodgett. Yes ; that is correct. 

Mr. Doyle. And I presume the High Court was right in its under- 
standing of the law. 

IMr. Blodgett. I think they were ; yes, sir. 

Mr. Doyle. Now, I did make a note here, as you spoke and gave us 
the facts, that at some meeting that Mrs. Williams came ; Mrs. Wil- 
liams attended, and she is not a member of the Political Affairs Com- 
mittee. Now, she may have been a member of the Communist Party. 
I don't remember what your testimony was, but I did note that you 
said she was not a member of the committee, and yet she attended 
the meetings, and that would indicate to me that at least at one meeting 
you attended there was a person present who was not a member of the 
Political Affairs Committee. Do j^ou remember that ? 



3314 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SAN FRANCISCO AREA 

Mr. BoDGETT. Yes ; it was a meeting held at the Williams' home. 

Mr. Doyle. Yes; but she was not a member of the political affairs 
committee, you said, and yet you said she attended the meeting. 

Mr. Blodgett. That is true. 

Mr. Doyle. I am only trying to get the basic facts. 

Mr. ScuERER. Would you yield to a question, Mr. Doyle ? 

Mr. Doyle. No; not yet, please. Let me finish my questioning. 

Mr. Blodgett. I might have one point there, if 1 may, Mr. Doyle. 
Of course as I said, membership in the Political Affairs Committee 
was not a set thing; it was not duly constituted membership, either 
elected or appointed. It was flexible. A person could attend a meet- 
ing only once in his life. 

Mr. Doyle. That is right. Well, I am sure we don't want to convict 
any jDerson by association of any crime. 

I think, Mr. Chairman, while that is all the questions I have right on 
that point, I do have 2 or 3 other questions of the witness that I believe 
are important, and I marked them. They are in connection with his 
testimony this morning, and may I say again, for fear I will be mis- 
understood by some — because I am a Member of Congress and hope 
to be for several years 3'et — but I know I will be misunderstood because 
I have questioned this witness rather carefully to bring out more 
facts. I want the record to show that I am not trying to defend a 
man that is known to me as subversive or as a member of the Com- 
munist Party, but I am interested in having the record speak because 
he is not here to speak for himself. 

Now, let me have this 1 minute, Mr. Chairman. 

I notice, Mr. Blodgett, in this very fine book you gave us this 
morning. Midwest Student Victory Assembly, that on page 11 
thereof — and you said this morning that Mr. Wendell Willkie, Harold 
Stassen, Eleanor Roosevelt, and Ed Thye, the former Governor of 
Minnesota, had endorsed this student victory assembly — and I see 
they have, and I want to just read one sentence from each of their 
endorsements and then ask you how in the world you got these. You 
didn't state that this morning. For instance, Mr. Wendell Willkie 
said, "Keep up the good w^orks. Kindest regards." 

Harold E. Stassen, ex-Governor of Minnesota, said, "I commend 
you highly for your program of victory student conference"; and 
Eleanor Roosevelt said, "I am glad to hear the student victory assem- 
bly at Carleton College is hokling a convention" ; and Ed Thye said, 
while he was governor, "I agree we need to start developing now the 
kind of leadership necessary to win the peace." 

How did you get from those four patriotic, distinguislied Ameri- 
cans those commitments approving that assembly ? 

Mr. Blodge^pt. The best I can recall, Mr. Doyle, it was done by 
correspondence. Of course I described the letterhead that we had 
been able to concoct by getting the sponsorship of the student body 
presidents of various colleges, universities. The letter was directed 
to these people, among others, asking them to speak, stating the sup- 
posed aims and objectives of the victory assembly, and when they 
replied that they were unable to make a commitment to appear there 
as speaker, we came back and asked them would they then please, 
since we were deprived of their presence as speakers, send a message 
to the victory assembly that could be read to the delegates and help 



COMJMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SAN FRANCISCO AREA 3315 

give the assembly a successful finish, and of course they had no way 
of knowing the Young Communist League had organized it. 

Mr. Doyle. Didn't they inquire, any of them? Didn't they ques- 
tion who was sponsoring this assembly ? 

Mr. Blodgett. No, sir ; not to my knowledge. There were no ques- 
tions raised as to who the sponsor was. They knew who the sponsor 
was; the names of the sponsors were on the literature. 

Mr. Doyle. The reason I bring that out, Mr. Chairman, is just to 
shoAv that even before the committee was in existence almost, promi- 
nent, distinguished Americans were being misled by reason of the 
fact that they didn't investigate who they were dealing with, 

Mr. Jackson. Mr. Scherer. 

Mr. Scherer. Now, Mr. Blodgett, Mr. Doyle asked you about Mrs. 
Williams' presence at one of the meetings of the Political Affairs Com- 
mittee of the Communist Party, I understand that particular meet- 
ing was held in the Williams home; was it not? 

Mr. Blodgett. Yes, sir. 

IVIr. Scherer. And Mrs. Williams, while she was not a member of 
the Political Affairs Committee, was a Communist. Did I understand 
your testimony to be that ? 

Mr. Blodgett. Only by inference. Now, you say that might raise 
a question of guilt by association, but a meeting was held in their 
home. She was president of the closed meeting of the Communist 
Party. I never attended a meeting of the club of the Communist 
Party, never saw her party membership card, but she was present at a 
closed meeting of the Communist Party. That is all I said. 

Mr. Scherer, I am sorry, I go back to the first part of your testi- 
mony in which you pointed out so clearly that the meetings of the 
Political Affairs Committee of the Communist Party were the most 
secret meetings that you attended ; didn't you say that ? 

]Mr, Blodgett. That is true, 

Mr, Scherer, The greatest amount of security was placed upon 
those meetings? 



fe'^ 



Mv. Blodgett, Yes ; that is true. 

Mr, Scherer, And they naturally then were confined to members 
of the Communist Party ? 

Mr. Blodgett. To the best of my knowledge they were, 

Mr. Jackson. During Mr. Doyle's remarks he mentioned that Mr. 
Condon was not here, I think it would be apropos at this time to 
read into the record the provision which is made in the rules of pro- 
cedure of the committee for redress by any person who feels that he or 
she has been adversely affected by testimony, and I will read from 
the rules of procedure : 

10. THE RIGHTS OF PERSONS AFFECTED BY A HEARING 

(a) Where practicable, any person named in a public hearing before the com- 
mittee or any subcommittee as subversive, Fascist, Communist, or aflSliated with 
one or more subversive-front organizations who has not been previously so named 
shall, within a reasonable time tliereafter, be notified by registered letter to the 
address last known to the committee of such fact, including (1) a statement 
that he has been so named: (2) the date and place of said hearing; (3) the 
name of person who so testified; (4) the name of the subversive. Fascist, Com- 
munist, or front organization with which he has been identified; and (5) copy 
of the printed rules of procedure of the committee. 



3316 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SAN FRANCISCO AREA 

(b) Any person so notified who believes that his character or reputation has 
been adversely affected or to whom has been imputed subversive activity may, 
within 15 days after receipt of said notice (1) communicate with the counsel of 
the committee aud/or (2) request to appear at his own expense in person before 
the committee or any subcommittee thereof in public session and give testimony 
in denial or afiirmation relevant and germane to the subject of the investigation. 

(c) Any such person testifying under the provisions of (b) (2) above shall be 
accorded the same privileges as any other witness appearing before the com- 
mittee and may be questioned concerning any matter relevant and germane to 
the subject of the investigation. 

Mr. INIouLDER. Mr. Chairman, may I have one question ? 

Mr. JACKSOisr. Mr. Moulder. 

Mr. Moulder. Ak)ng with Mr. Doyle, my colleague, I wish to say 
that I personally have never met Mr. Condon, even though he is a 
member of Congress as I am, and I am sure that all members of this 
committee are equall}^ anxious to expose communism and communistic 
activity wherever it may exist, but we are also just as anxious, of course, 
to get the true facts in conection Avith such accusations or inferences. 

I want to compliment you upon what I observe to be your honesty 
and the sincerity of your testimony. 

However, I recall a few moments ago when the question was asked 
about Mrs. Williams, I believe, when I was interrogating you, you 
stated that you didn't see Mrs. Williams at the Williams home at the 
meeting you referred to. 

Mr. Blodgett. I do not recall her being at that meeting. We held 
several meetings at the Williams home. I do recall her being present 
at the other meetings. 

Mr. Moulder. I see. That was at another meeting? 

Mr. Blodgett. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Moulder. I see. When did your sever your relations or affilia- 
tion with the Communist Party ? 

Mr. Blodgett. Wlien I left California in January of 1950. 

Mr. Moulder. When you came to California? 

Mr. Blodgett. Wlien I left California. 

Mr. Moulder. In January of 1950. Kef erring again to Mr. Con- 
don, was he a candidate for election to Congress — that was 1952, wasn't 
it — or do you know ? 

Mr. Blodgett. I believe that is true. I have no 

Mr. Moulder. Do you know whether or not Eobert L. Condon knew 
that the political affairs committee meeting was a closed Communist 
Party meeting, the meeting which was held at the Williams house? 

Mr. Blodgett. I have no way of knowing what he knew ; no. 

Mr. Moulder. You do not know? 

Mr. Blodgett. I do not know whether he knew. 

Mr. Moulder. You don't know whether he knew that or not ? 

Mr. Blodgett. No. 

Mr. Moulder. That is all. 

Mr. Jackson, Proceed, Mr. Counsel. 

Mr. Ta\t:nner. Will you advise the committee, please, who were 
the principal leaders in the new club of the Communist Party to which 
you were assigned in Oakland, the Anita Wliitney Club ? 

Mr. Blodgett. The club chairman was a Mr. Carl Hanson; Mrs. 
Ann Yanish, Y-a-n-i-s-h, educational chairman of the cliib; a Richard 
Younce, Y-o-u-n-c-e, was treasurer of the club. I was literature di- 
rector of the club at that time. Those are the principal officers of the 
club. 



COJVIMUNIST ACTIVITIES EST THE SAN FRANCISCO AREA 3317 

Mr. Tavenner. Will you give the committee, please, the names of 
the other members of the club that you can recall ? 

Mr. Blodgett. Nat Yanish was a member of the club ; Bill Danzig, 
D-a-n-z-i-g. 

Mr. Jackson. Do you know the occupations of any of these indi- 
viduals? If you do, I wish you would state them, please. 

Mr. Blodgett. I do not recall the occupations of Carl Hanson ; Ann 
Yanish was a housewife ; Dick Younce I do not recall ; Nat Yanish 
was at one time that I knew advertising manager for the Daily People's 
World. I do not know Bill Danzig's occupation. He was Jewish 
IWO secretary, East Bay; Mrs. Evalyn Hanson, H-a-n-s-o-n, house- 
wife; Mrs. Gertrude Warwick; Mr. Art Wolstenholme had a little 
cleaner shop in East Oakland. 

Mr. Tavenner. Will you spell the name, please ? 

Mr. Blodgett. W-o-l-s-t-e-n-h-o-l-m-e ; his wife, Beckie Wolsten- 
holme; Robert Black, he was in the printing trades; Gladys Black, 
his wife; Mrs. Eleanor Smith, housewife; Leila Thompson; William 
Eeich, R-e-i-c-h, who was editor of some farm publication the name 
of which I do not recall ; a Joe Eisler, E-i-s-1-e-r. I do not know his 
occupation. His wife, Marjorie Eisler; and an Edith Sharpe, 
S-h-a-r-p-e. I do not know her occupation. 

Those are the names of the Anita Whitney Club members that I 
recall. 

Mr. Tavenner. I would like to take you back in your testimony for 
just a moment to the labor school which you attendeed under the GI 
bill of rights. "V^^iat was the name of the head of that school ? 

Mr. Blodgett. The head of the labor school was a Mr. David Jen- 
kins ; educational director was Mr. Holland Roberts. 

Mr. Tavenner. Did you identify either or both of those persons 
definitely as members of the Communist Party? 

Mr. Blodgett. I believe I 

Mr. Tavenner. I want to clarify the testimony regarding those two 
people. 

]NIr. Blodgett. I believe I identified Dr. Holland Roberts as a 
member of the party, but I can't place the other party. 

Mr. Tavenner. On what do you base your identification ? 

Mr. Blodgett. Again attendance at a meeting, closed party meet- 
ing, in the home of Adam Lapin, associate editor of the Daily People's 
World. It was a meeting of instructors of the Marxist Institute which 
was conducted late in 1949. Dr. Roberts — American history was one 
of the subject matters of the course, and he was present at the meet- 
ing, helped in preparation of outlines and materials for the conduct 
of those classes. The State educational director of the Communist 
Party was present as well as others who were teachers in the Marxist 
Institute. 

Mr. Taa-enner. You have previously identified David Jenkins as 
having attended the meeting that you referred to, have you not? 

Mr. Blodgett. No. 

Mr. TA^'ENNER. You have not ? 

^Ir. Blodgett. No, sir. 

INIr. TA^-ENNER. Do you have any knowledge on the subject of his 
Communist Party membership? 

Mr. Blodgett. No direct knowledge. T have never attended a 
Communist Party meeting as such with David Jenkins. 



3318 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SAN FRANCISCO AREA 

]\Ir. Tavenner. You have testified in connection with your work on 
the People's World that you attended these various meetings of the 
Political xVffairs Committee of the Communist Party and that from 
time to time when problems in union matters were involved, that per- 
sons from those unions were present. I want to enlarge upon that and 
ask you whether you can recall any specific instances when this political 
affairs committee took action regarding any sti'ictly union matters, if 
you recall any such thing as that having happened. 

Mr. Blodgett. I am having a little difficulty with the term "strictly 
union matter," counsel. All of the meetings of the Political Ailairs 
Committee 1 attended dealt in one way or another with the method in 
in which the unions in which we had some influence or control would 
fit into a particular campaign. 

Now, this may or may not be construed to be a strictly union matter. 
It was usually a political matter, matter of getting a union to support 
a resolution, support a campaign, support the Independent Progres- 
sive Party with funds, with volunteers. It might be a matter of asking 
local 6 of the warehousemen to provide pickets to man a Civil Rights 
Congress picket line, generally matters of that nature. Of course, in 
the formation of the Alameda County Joint Labor Committee, which 
was the key in the successful Oakland city council election, the Politi- 
cal Affairs Committee of the Communist Party played a very major 
role in directing the members of the committee who were also officials 
of the union on how to effect unity with the A. F. of L., how to conduct 
the affairs of that joint labor committee, and what that committee 
should do, and they were instructed by the Political Affairs Committee 
just how to conduct themselves in the affairs of the joint labor connnit- 
tee, and of course Kathleen Griffin was the secretary of that joint 
labor committee and took direction from the Political Affairs Com- 
mittee of the party. 

Mr. Tavenner. Have you identified all those who attended the 
political affairs committee meetings of the Communist Party who were 
representatives of labor? 

Mr. Blodgett. Yes, sir ; I believe I have. 

Mr. Tavenner. Can you identify any other persons in the field 
of labor who were active as Communist Party members, irrespective 
of their attendance or nonattendance upon this committee? 

Mr. Blodgett. No officials, union officials; that is, I cannot state 
mider oath that other officials other than those I named were in 
attendance at a Communist Party meeting with me. 

Mr. Moulder. Mr. Chairman. 

Mr. Jackson. Mr. Moulder. 

Mr. Moulder. At this point in the proceedings, due to the fact that 
from some sources there has been criticism of this committee and its 
functions concerning organized labor, I feel it is proper at this time to 
make this statement, especially in view of what I believe to be the 
functions, the objectives of this committee. 

First, I want to say as to myself that I am sure that no person could 
honestly criticize my voting record in Congress affecting the rights of 
organized labor. My services on this Committee of Un-American 
Activities have never been prejudicial or harmful to labor; on the con- 
trary, this committee has tried at all times to expose Communist 
activities and to consistently assist labor to free its organizations of 
Communist control and domination and because communism, in my 



COlVmiUNIST ACTIVITIES INT THE SAN FRANCISCO AREA 3319 

opinion, is one of the most dangerous enemies of a labor union and their 
bargaining power, and Communist control would ultimately, in my 
opinion, destroy the functions of labor unions and the great benefits 
now enjoyed by members of labor unions in America as we know them. 
And this is clearly shown by the fact that free and independent labor 
unions are not tolerated in the Soviet Union. Realizing this to be true, 
I would say almost 100 percent of all organized labor is bitterly op- 
posed to communism, and therefore I want to reiterate that the Coni- 
mittee on Un-American Activities has and does render a great service 
to labor unions when it exposes Communist control or influence in its 
organizations, and I also believe that the rank and file membership 
should take an active interest in such action as may be necessary to 
see to it that no Communist or Communist-controlled person is ever 
elected to an office or position of influence in the labor unions, and I am 
quite sure that tlie other members of this committee concur in this 
statement that I have made in that respect. 

Mr. Doyle. Mr. Chairman, may I join in that statement and say 
I heartily concur. 

But at this point may I also add that I saw in the paper yester- 
day or day before a statement by some person who claimed to be 
speaking for some branch of organized labor, stating that this hearing 
now was planned to be in conflict with negotiations down in Hono- 
lulu involving some sugar organization, negotiations with organized 
labor. 

In order that the record may be straight and honest, may I state 
that the gentleman that made that statement is absolutely in error 
for the fact is that these hearings that we are in this week here in 
San Francisco were arranged and agreed to and specifically pro- 
vided for before the 5th of August 1953 at Washington; secondly, 
the first subpena for a witness at this hearing was dated, I am told by 
our staif, on November 3, 1953, so whatever the gentleman stated — 
claiming to represent some labor union — as to this hearing deliberately 
being set in order to interfere with union negotiations purportedly 
going on in Honolulu at this time — that the gentleman is simply all 
wet. I want the record to show what the fact is. 

Mr. Tavenner. Were you acquainted with a person by the name of 
Louis Gonick, G-o-n-i-c-k? 

Mr. Blodge'it. Yes; I was acquainted with him, I can't state that 

he was a member of tlie Communist Party, however. I knew him as a 

friend acquaintance, at local 6 of the CIO Warehousemen's Union. 

I^Ir. Tavexner. You testified with respect to John Morgan, have 

you ? 

INIr. Blodgetf. I have, 
Mr, Tavenner. Donald McLeod? 
Mr. Blodgett. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Tan-enner. You had testified as to the circumstances which 
led up to your interest in the Communist Party and your joining 
the Connnunist Party. The committee is interested in knowing the 
circumstances under which you withdrew from the Communist Pai-ty. 
AVill you tell the committee, please, when you withdrew, if you did, 
and what were the circumstances? 

Mr. BLODGET-r. I decided to leave the Communist Party in the late 
suMimer of 1940. I actually left the Connnunist Party when I left 



3320 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SAN FRANCISCO AREA 

California in January of 1950. The reasons for my disaffection from 
the Communist Party are many. There was no single flash of dis- 
affection. It was a cumulative thing over the 3i/^ years, approxi- 
mately, that I became acquainted with the Communist Party in action. 

When I first joined the Communist Party in 1943, in April, I was 
a Communist by intellectual conviction. I was convinced that the 
Communist Party was the last and best hope for the world; it was 
an answer to all of the problems confronting society; that it was 
the vanguard party of history; that its philosophy was without a 
loophole; that its methodology and historical perspective raised it 
above anything that had previously been developed by the mind of 
man. 

I had a very romantic notion about the coming of this great mil- 
lenium, the paradise on earth, heaven on earth — that is the promise of 
communism to the potential recruit — end of all war and poverty, end 
of man's inhumanity to man. 

This is the promise that was held out to the recruit, and as I 
say, I was a Communist because I read books and studied, and I was 
convinced intellectually. However, I was not a Communist by prac- 
tice until after the war, until I joined the party in California. Then 
I found that the practice of the party was antithetical to the promise 
that it held out to the future ; it could not indeed achieve that, that 
it was in practice the opposite. 

I related briefly in previous testimony some of the problems that 
were confronting me as a reporter for the Daily People's World, prob- 
lems that went deep into the question of personal integrity and honesty. 
It did not take long for this disillusionment to set in. It did take me 
a wliile to get out because the party does have a very strong hold on 
its people. The party will tell members, especially someone who has 
been an open member, that they cannot escape from tlie party, that 
society will not accept them again as respectable members of society. 

I have put down some of my thoughts on paper on this whole gen- 
eral subject, Mr. Counsel. I know it is not the policy of the committee 
to allow statements to be read, but that statement in writing that I 
have prepared pretty well covers the whole story of my leaving the 
party and my feeling about tlie party today. 

The question of loyalty — this doesn't bother a Communist because 
loyalty is equated in class: class structure is based on Marxism. You 
are loyal to the working class, which becomes the group assigning the 
Communist theory. He cannot be loyal to an entity such as America 
or the United States and its Government and still be a good Com- 
munist. The two are mutually exclusive under the setup which the 
Commuuist himself will aclcnowledge, based on their theory that 
governments are instituted for domination of one class over another. 

In the Soviet Union the working class, according to the Communist, 
has a power. "My loyalty is to the working class first, and then my 
loyalty must be to the Soviet Union — this is the worker's motherland." 

The Communists do not face this question squarely. They refuse 
(o. They rationalize it. They say, "We are loyal to the best interests 
of the Amei-ican people, although the American people seem to have 
rather a basic disagreement with that. But ultimately that is the 
only truth that the Communists themselves have; they must acknowl- 
edge it ; loyalty is loyalty to class. The working class has taken power 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SAN FRANCISCO AREA 3321 

in the Soviet Union; loyalty is first to the Soviet Union. America 
is under the control of the capitalist class, and it follows from their 
own theory that they cannot be a Communist and also be loyal 
Americans." 

Atheism — I think this was the starting point as far as I was con- 
cerned, my own personal experience, that had to do with the commis- 
sion of the main sin that any of us commit, those of Christian faith — 
the sin of pride, the feeling that Man can be sufficient unto himself, 
that he can do without a Supreme Being, that in fact a Supreme Being 
does not exist. This is not only the road to communism ; this is the 
road to all secularisms, and secular communism is the religion to me 
of secularism, of denying the existence of God and the subsequent 
desecration, moral debasement, that must ensue. 

This is our hope and our salvation. I mean this very strongly. I 
once rejected a God that I did not know, and I rejected a church that I 
knew nothing about because I had only immature understanding of 
God and the church. I have corrected this. And secularism, no mat- 
ter what its form, will lead to communism. Atheism is one of the 
things, the stumbling blocks, that helped propel me out of the party. 

There are many, many other reasons that I could go on and spend 
hours and houi-s and point by point, example by example, on why it 
became so apparent that I could not stay in the Communist Party, 
no matter what the consequences would be ; I would have to get out. 
I could not live, I could not raise my family. I certainly could not 
maintain a family. 

Actually I was told by the Communists when they had an indica- 
tion that I was leaving — my first step was to resign from the Daily 
People's World in October of 1949. I was told I was not open-faced, 
that I was not completely honest with the Communists. I did not tell 
them the reason I was leaving, and I was leaving California to break 
all my ties with communism. They blamed it on my wife and told 
me I should divorce my wife, that the party comes first, and that is 
another basic principle of communism, that the party is first; the 
party is worshiped. They don't have a God; they don't believe in 
God. They are atheists, but they do make a substitute god of the party, 
make a substitute parent of the party, a slavish insubordination to this 
concept of the partyist worship. 

Although they do not believe in the Great Man theory of history, they 
do worship Joseph Stalin and worship Lenin ; its adulation is some- 
thing that is completely foreign to the basic spiritual foundations of 
our country. 

I don't know if that begins to answer. I left the party, as I say, 
when I left California. I actually took a transfer with me in the 
form of a $1 bill with a serial number on it. That was the method of 
transferring at the time. I never used that transfer, and I reestablished 
my life in Chicago and am trying to start over again, and I found 
that the main hold that the party has on people is absolutely ground- 
less. This is more true day after daj^, that employers are not vindic- 
tive. They are not punishing people because they have left the party 
and renounced their former beliefs and associates. I found that 
this committee and the Federal Bureau of Investigation are not what 
the party pictures them to be, and I hope, I hope from the very depths 
of my being, that others can see their way clear to recognize that they 



3322 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SAN FRANCISCO AREA 

cannot build a life in the Communist Party, the kind of life that 
means nothing but sordidness and children who are distorted, who are 
abused, children who are destined to lead unhappy lives, and T plead 
with those of my former associates whom I have absolutely no hatred 
for — I have no antipathy at all, except for what they stand for and 
what they are doing. 

They can follow, and they can get out, and there is no reason why 
they shouldn't absolutely, none Avhatsoever, and there are so many 
reasons why they should, so many reasons. 

I don't know if there are other — there are many, many things that 
could be said on this subject, and I don't want to bore the connnittee. 
I would very strongly urge that the committee recognize something — 
I don't want to be presumptuous about this; I don't want you to think 
that I am being a smart a leek to tell the committee what it should 
do or shouldn't do, but this is not just a criminal conspiracy of people ; 
these are people who are committed; they are people who have a 
religion, a belief that they are doing things on the basis of those be- 
liefs, and ideas and beliefs are the wellsprings of movements his- 
torically. 

You can't defeat them before a congressional committee. You 
can't defeat them in courts of law. You can't defeat them m jails. 
The hard-core Communists who feed on a diet of underground activity 
and jails and courts become hardened persons. You will find, reading 
Marxist theory and reading Lenin, that he says that you cannot have 
a successful prorevolutionary leader unless they have gone through 
this sort of thing, been steeled by struggle. 

Being anti-Communist is not enough. We have to be for some- 
thing, and we cannot fall into the trap of secularism because this, 
to me, is the basis of the whole problem, and it starts in the child- 
hood. The point of greatest importance in the development of a 
person is the high-school and college level. I don't have statistics, 
but I am sure that most recruiting is done at the college level, and 
who is recruited? That young person who has developed a social 
conscience; the Communists are looking for people like that. That 
young person who is serious-minded, who is interested in the prob- 
lems of the world and doing something about them — they are the 
material that the Communists take and develop. The skillful Com- 
munist recruiter can make such a picture for this person of this 
glittering future, he can show them exactly how to go about creat- 
ing; he can prove to them, after he has gotten them receptive, that 
the people of the Soviet Union and China are marching toward this 
glorious future. He can do all these things with those receptive 
young minds, and if those young people do not have a firm founda- 
tion of belief in God and in their church, the Communists will succeed 
with those people. 

There are none of my acquaintances at Carleton College — and the 
story of Carleton College is a very interesting one — there are none 
of my acquaintances who evidenced the same type of social conscience 
and perplexity about life and the meaning of life and a wish to do 
something about it to create this better world — but there were none 
of those people who had a sure belief in God and tied themselves to 
the church who were recruited by us. We could not recruit them. 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SAN FRANCISCO AREA 3323 

We have to make that first step, and the committee can't do this. 
They can provide the material, case studies; they can synthesize it 
and analyze it and summarize it in such a form that could be really 
useful to college presidents, administrators, and high-school prin- 
cipals. Give them the kind of material that will make them realize 
that this natural radicalism of youth, these natural yearnings and 
urges, must be channeled properly or the Communists will take those 
young people, and will never defeat them by being anti-Communist 
because young people, as you know, are rejecting an adult world, are 
not affected by prohibitions. Prohibition did not stop alcoholism; 
prohibitions will not stop young people from entertaining these ideas 
that are the opposite of the adult world. The committee can do this; 
they can do it with other organizations. I know they have been; I 
know they have been doing it with labor. They can tell them how 
to spot these people, to stop them from their recruiting activities. 
The Communists will have to renew their membership ; they have to 
get new recruits. This is a necessity, and that is where to cut them 
off; that is where to cut them off. 

As you can tell, I think, from my testimony, I feel very strongly 
on this, and I want to enlist myself when and wherever I can in 
this fight. 

Mr. Jackson. Mr. Blodgett, I believe you said that you had a 
prepared statement. If you care to file that with the committee, and 
following the rules of procedure of the conmiittee, upon committee 
vote it will be included in the conclusion of your testimony in addi- 
tion to the remarks which you have made respecting your decision 
to leave the party and the reasons therefor and the suggestions which 
you have made. 

Mr. Blodgett. Thanlv you. 

Mr, Ta\'enner. I have no further questions. . 

Mr. Jacksox. Mr. Scherer. 

Mr. Scherer. I have no questions. 

Mr. Jackson. Mr. Moulder. 

Mr. Moulder. No questions. 

Mr. Jackson. Mr. Doyle. 

j\fr. Doyle. I want to thank Mr. Blodgett very, very much for this 
very informative and inspiring cooperation on his part. It is simply 
magnificent. 

Mr. Jackson. Mr. Blodgett, on behalf of the committee, since my 
tenure on the committee, which has been relatively short compared 
with some of the other members, I have never heard finer testimony 
nor a finer summation of what communism does and the emotional 
and physical experience passing through it. 

The committee is very grateful to you for your cooperation. It is 
a difficult ordeal, perhaps as difficult an ordeal as any human being 
is called upon to undertake. What you have had to say relative to 
the American business community and its relationship to those who 
have seen fit and seen it as their American duty to break with the 
Communist Party is very true in the experience of the committee. 
There are very few cooperative witnesses today who have come for- 
ward with their stories in honesty and in sincerity and with that 
quality of trustAvorthiness of which the chairman spoke yesterday 
who have not been received back and given every assistance in social 
and political reliabilitation. 



3324 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SAN FRANCISCO AREA 

There is only one point which I should like to touch upon in con- 
clusion relative to your summation, relative to the point you made. 
You made the statement that we must stand for something. It is 
my personal opinion that millions of Americans believe in standing 
for the Republic. They are standing for perhaps the greatest order 
of things that was ever created; the Republic was founded on a belief 
in God; the Constitution was born out of what Winston Churchill 
called the blood, sweat, and tears of generations of loyal Americans 
standing for human dignity and for self-determination. 

I believe that in standing for that that this committee, that the 
courts of the land, that the Supreme Court — in making its findings 
on the Smith Act — have been taking a positive position in favor of 
something. I don't think that we have any fundamental disagree- 
ment on that score. 

Again may I say on behalf of all the members of the committee how 
deeply we appreciate your splendid cooperation, and we wish you 
Godspeed. 

Mr. Blodgett. Thank you, Mr. Jackson. 

Mr. Jackson. Is there any reason why the witness should not be 
excused ? 

Mr. Tavenner. No, sir. 

Mr. Jackson. The witness is excused. 

Tlie committee will take a 10-minute recess. 

( Wliereupon, at 4 : 05 p. m., the hearing was recessed, to reconvene 
at 4: 15 p. m.) 

(The hearing reconvened at 4 : 21 p. m.) 

Mr. Jackson. The committee will be in order. 

Mr. Counsel, are you ready to proceed ? 

Mr. Ta\tenner. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Jackson. Call your next witness, please. 

Mr. Tavenner. Mr. Lloyd Lehman, will you come forward, please? 

Mr. Jackson. Do you solemnly swear in the testimony you are 
about to give to tell the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the 
tnith, so help you God? 

Mr. Lehman. I do. 

TESTIMONY OF LLOYD LEHMAN, ACCOMPANIED BY HIS COUNSEL, 

RAYMOND MARSH 

Mr. Tavenner. Wliat is your name, please, sir? 

Mr. Lehman. My name is Lloyd Lehman. 

Mr. Tavenner. Are you accompanied by counsel ? 

Mr. Lehman. I am. 

Mr. Tavenner. Will counsel please identify himself for the record? 

Mr. Marsh. Certainly. My name is Raymond Marsh, attorney at 
law. My office address is 976 B Street, Hayward, Calif. 

Mr. Tavenner. Will you please state for the committee, Mr. Leh- 
man, when and where you were born ? 

Mr. Lehman. Could you finish with the photographers first, please ? 

Mr. Tavenner. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Lehman. I was born in Hollister, Calif., April 11, 1914. 

Mr. Tavenner. What is your occupation, Mr. Lehman ? 

Mr. Lehman. Mr. Chairman and counsel, I am going to refuse to 
answer questions that have to do with my occupation, that have to 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SAN FRANCISCO AREA 3325 

do "with my associations, or that have to do with my beliefs, and I 
have a number of reasons for refusing to answer those questions, and 
I will state them now. 

Mr. Jackson. Mr. Lehman, you do decline to answer as to your 
occupation ? 

Mr. Lehman. I decline to answer all the categories that I have just 
mentioned, including occupation. 

The first reason is because this committee is practicing McCarthyism 
and is trying to substitute a Bed issue for the issue of the income of 
the farmers and the working people. The second reason that I refuse 
to answer these questions is that this is a trial by slander. We are 
faced with witnesses, no possibility of cross-examination, and caught 
in a condition where it is impossible for the truth to come forward. 

The third reason is that this is an indictment by suspicion with 
the stable of stool pigeons that you have to draw on who can say 
anything they want, distort facts to their own use, and create a type 
of suspicion that makes it tantamount to an indictment as far as the 
people are concerned. 

The fourth reason is that this committee practices conviction by 
accusation. It is simple to understand that, that people are fired the 
day after they are accused, and that is tantamount to conviction by 
accusation. 

The fifth reason, that this committee functions on the principle 
that war is inevitable and does everything it can with these illegal 
unconstitutional type of — I should say, this debasement of the legal 
process in this country — to bring forward stool pigeons 

Mr. Moulder. May I ask you, what is a stool pigeon ? 

Mr. Lehman. Mr. Chairman, I am trying to answer the question 
that was asked me. I haven't finished answering the first question. 
I wish that I would not be interrupted until I finish, please. 

Mr. Jackson. Quite obviously you have not finished answering the 
question. However, there is a question pending from a member of 
the committee. If that could be answered, it would be appreciated 
by the Chair. 

Mr. LEHivrAN. Well, I will keep it in mind until after I finish what 
I am presently involved in answering. 

Mr. ScHERER. I ask the chairman to direct the witness to answer 
the question asked him by the gentleman from Missouri, Mr. Moulder. 

Mr. Jackson. Actually there is a question pending, Mr. Moulder, 
and if the gentleman would withdraw it 

Mr. Moulder. I will withdraw the question at this time. 

Mr. Jackson. In order that we may expedite the many reasons why 
the witness is refusing to answer. 

(At this point Mr. Lehman conferred with Mr. Marsh.) 

Mr. Jackson. Proceed, Mr. Lehman. 

(By order of the chairman and subcommittee, certain remarks of 
the witness were ordered stricken from the record.) 

Mr. Jackson. Proceed, Mr. Lehman. 

Mr. Lehiman. The next ground that I stand on for refusing is on 
the first amendment of the Constitution which guarantees a citizen's 
right to his political beliefs and associations, and I think that the 
type of question propounded here is properly refused of answer on that 
grounds, despite court decisions to tlie contrary, and I think it is 
time that that was challenged again, if necessary, in the courts. 



3326 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SAN FRANCISCO AREA 

I also refuse to answer the question on the basis of the fifth amend- 
ment, which holds that I do not have to bear witness against myself. 
That is all. 

Mr. ScHEREJR. Was that the answer to the question of where he lives ? 

Mr. Jackson. No, I believe that was the answer to the question as 
to what his occupation was. 

That was a declination to answer the question as to his occupation. 
Proceed, Mr. Counsel. 

Mr. Tavenner. Mr. Lehman, I recall especially what you said about 
not being confronted by witnesses and inferences drawn fi-om state- 
ments. Let me ask you a direct question. The witness who just pre- 
ceded you on the stand was Mr. Charles David Blodgett. He testified 
under oath that you, as chairman of the Alameda County Communist 
Party gave him directions and instructions when to attend the meet- 
ings of the Conmiunist Political Afl'airs Committee of the Communist 
Party off and on over a period of 21/9 years. Was he telling the truth 
or not? You now have an opportunity to meet those things face to 
face. 

Mr. Lehman. Well, Mr. Chairman, in taking the opportunity to 
meet those things face to face, I would appreciate if this committee 
would provide the possibility of my counsel cross-examining such a 
witness. And as far as my answering the question is concerned, I 
stand on my rights on the fifth amendment not to answer the question. 

Mr. Tavenner. On the ground that to do so might tend to incrimin- 
ate you, is that the ground you are relying on ? 

(At this point Mr. Lehman conferred with Mr. Marsh.) 

Mr. Lehman. My counsel advises me that in regards to the fifth 
amendment that it is available to the innocent as well as the guilty. 

Mr. Taa'enner. Will you answer the question ? 

Mr. Lehman. I refuse to answer the question on the grounds of the 
fifth amendment. 

Mr, Jackson. The Chair would like to state that if the witness is 
purely concerned about having the previous witness cross-examined, 
the best way that that could be accomplished is by, at this time, deny- 
ing the validity or the truth of the witness' statements, in which case 
it is quite likely that the matter would be referred to the Attorney 
General of the United States seeking a perjury complaint, and the 
full process of law will then be available to the witness for examination 
and cross-examination. 

Mr. Lehman. In other words, if I will crawl on my belly like he 
did, you will let me cross-examine him ? 

Mr. Jackson. I don't know how you crawl. 

Mr, Moulder. Mr. Chairman, what was the name of the witness 
referred to? 

Mr. Taat:nner, Charles David Blodgett, the previous witness. 

Mr. Jackson. I was merely telling the method by which that cross- 
examination, of which he appears so enamored, could be arranged. 
Proceed, counsel, 

Mr. Tavenner. Did you recruit Mr, Blodgett into the Communist 
Party in San Francisco or the bay area ? 

(At this point Mr. Lehman conferred with Mr, Marsh,) 

Mr. Lehman. I refuse to answer on the grounds of the fifth amend- 
ment. 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SAN FRANCISCO AREA 3327 

Mr. Taa^nner. Have you at any time been a functionary of the 
Communist Party in Alameda County ? 

Mr. Lehman. I claim the same grounds for refusing to answer that 
question. 

Mr. Tavenner. Are you now a member of the Communist Party ? 

Mr. Lehman. I claim the same grounds for refusing to answer that 
question. 

Mr. Ta\'enner. Have you ever been a member of the Communist 
Party? 

Mr. Lehman. I claim the same grounds for refusing to answer that 
question. 

Mr. Ta\t:nner. I have no further questions, Mr. Chairman. 

Mr. Jackson. Mr. Scherer. 

Mr. Scherer. No questions. 

Mr. Jackson. Mr. Moulder. 

Mr. Moulder. Just one question. A few moments ago you used 
the words "stool pigeon." What do you understand that term to ordi- 
narily mean? 

Mr. Lehman. The disgusting exhibit that was put on here by the 
witness that preceded me will define it sufficiently for my — for your 
and my use. 

Mr. Moulder. Ordinarily a stool pigeon is one who betrays a co- 
conspirator, those who were jointly engaged in the commission of 
some crime, wrong-doing, and when one betrays to other people what 
they are jointly about to do, then he is called a stool pigeon, is that 
the way you used the term ? 

Mr. Lehman. There are lots of definitions of stool pigeon. 

Mr. Jackson. Are you finished, Mr. Moulder? 

Mr. Moulder. Yes. 

Mr. Jackson. Is there any reason why the witness should not be 
excused ? 

Mr. Tavenner. No, sir. 

Mr. Jackson. The witness is excused. 

Will the record show at this point that the subpena covering the 
previous witness, Mr. Charles David Blodgett, will be extended in- 
definitely. 

Mr. Tavenner. Mary Pieper. 

Mr. Jackson. Do you solemnly swear in the testimony you are 
about to give to tell the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the 
truth, so help you God ? 

Mrs. Pieper. I do. 

TESTIMONY OF MARY PIEPER, ACCOMPANIED BY HER COUNSEL, 

JAMES C. PURCELL 

Mr. Tavenner. Wliat is your name, please? 
Mrs. Pieper. Mrs. Mary Pieper. 

Mr. TA^'ENNER. Are you accompanied by counsel, Mrs. Pieper? 
Mrs. PraPER. I am. 

Mr. Tavenner. Will counsel please identify himself for the record ? 
Mr. Pieper. My name is James C. Purcell. My office is at 990 
Geary Street. 

INIr. Ta^t:nner. Where do you reside, Mrs. Pieper ? 
Mrs. Pieper. At 2490 Encinal Drive in Walnut Creek. 



3328 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SAN FRANCISCO AREA 

Mr. Tavenner. Where were you born ? 

Mr. PiEPER. I was born in Philadelphia. 

Mr. Tavenner. When did you move to San Francisco ? 

Mr. PuRCELL. I think you are in error, counsel ; she lives not in San 
Francisco. 

Mr. Tavenner. Well, in the bay area which you described. 

(At this point Mrs. Pieper conferred with Mr. Purcell.) 

Mr. Purcell. The witness desires to exercise her rights under the 
fifth amendment. 

Mr. Tavenner. My question was directed at the witness. She is 
perfectly capable of replying, I am sure. 

Mrs. Pieper. Well, I want to decline as an American citizen to 
answer these questions, and I intend to stand upon the fifth amend- 
ment, which states that no person need be forced to testify against 
themselves. 

Mr. Jackson. Mrs. Pieper, you want to decline. Do you so decline 
to answer ? 

Mrs. Pieper. I do so decline. 

Mr. Moulder. Mr. Chairman, may I ask counsel to identify himself 
for the record ? 

Mr. Jackson. Counsel has identified himself. 

Mr. Purcell. I did, sir. My name is Purcell. 

Mr. Jackson. Proceed, Mr. Counsel. 

Mr. Tavenner. I am not certain that you intend to claim the im- 
munity of the fifth amendment in answering the question which I just 
proposed to you, that of w^hen you came to the State of California. 

Mrs. Pieper. Yes, I wish to so claim that immunity. 

Mr. Scherer. Mr. Chairman, I respectfully suggest that you direct 
the witness to answer that question because I can't possibly see how 
answering that question could incriminate her in any way. It is 
obviously improper use of the fifth amendment. 

(At this point Mrs. Pieper conferred with Mr. Purcell.) 

Mr. Jackson. I think it is a matter of proper identification. It is 
desirable, and the witnass is directed to answer the question. 

Mrs. Pieper. Well, I still claim the privilege of standing on my 
constitutional rights. 

Mr. Jackson. And decline to answer the question ? 

Mrs. Pieper. And so decline to answer. 

Mr. Tavenner. You are contending then, as I understand it, in 
good faith that to answer that question of when you came to the 
State of California might tend to incriminate you, is that the basis 

Mrs. Pieper. That is correct. 

Mr. Tavenner. That is the basis upon which you refuse? 

Mrs. Pieper. Yes, that is correct. 

Mr. Tavenner. Were vou in tlie hearing room during the period 
that Mr. Charles David Blodgett testified ? 

Mrs. Pieper. I was here during a portion of that testimony, not all 
of it. 

Mr. Tavenner. Were you here during the portion of the testimony 
this afternoon when Mr. Blodgett described the activities of the Com- 
munist Political Affairs Committee of the Communist Party? 

Mrs. Pieper. I was in the room and heard him mention that com- 
mittee. I am not, of course, positive that I heard all his mention of 
it since I was not here all of the time. 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SAN FRANCISCO AREA 3329 

Mr. Tavenner. Let me repeat this portion of it to you in the event 
you may not have heard it : Mr. Blodgett testified that you were chair- 
man of "the Political Affairs Committee of the Communist Party dur- 
ing a period possiblv of as much as 21/2 years, from 1947 to the neigh- 
borhood of 1949. Were you the chairman of that group at any time 
during that period? 

Mrs. PiEPER. I decline to answer the question on the grounds of the 
fifth amendment. 

Mr. Tavenner. Are you now a member of the Communist Party ? 

Mrs. PiEPER. I again decline to answer the question on the same 
grounds as before, namely the fifth amendment. 

Mr. Tavenner. I have no further questions. 

Mr. Jackson. Mr. Scherer. 

Mr. Scherer. If you were not a member of the Communist Party, 
would you so state ? 

Mrs. PiEPER. I decline to answer the question on the same grounds. 

Mr. Scherer. No questions. 

Mr. Jackson. Mr. Moulder. 

Mr. Moulder. Just one question, Mr. Chairman : Would you refer 
to Mr. Blodgett as a stool pigeon ? 

(At this point Mrs. Pieper conferred with Mr. Purcell.) 

Mrs. Pieper. I don't want to pass on the testimony of any other 
witness in this particular hearing. 

Mr. Moulder. You heard the witness testify preceding your testi- 
mony. He said he was a stool pigeon. I merely want to comment 
that he isn't denying the testimony of Mr. Blodgett; he is merely 
complaining about it because he has, so he says, been a stool pigeon 
against him. 

That is all. 

Mr. Jackson. Mr. Doyle. 

Mr. Doyle. No questions. 

Mr. Jackson. Is there any reason why the witness should not be 
excused, Mr. Counsel? 

Mr. TA^^:NNER. No, sir. 

Mr. Jackson. The witness is excused. 

Mr. Tavenner. Mr. Robert Treuhaft. 

Mr, Jackson. Do you solemnly swear in the testimony you are 
about to give to tell the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the 
truth, so help you God? 

Mr. Treuiiaet. I do, 

TESTIMONY OF EOBEET E. TREUHAFT 

Mr. Tavenner. What is your name, please, sir? 

Mr. Treuhaft. My name is Robert E. Treuhaft, T-r-e-u-h-a-f-t. 

Mr. Tavenner. Are you accompanied by counsel? 

Mr. Treuhaft. Just a moment, please. Lawyers have this prob- 
lem, you know. 

Mr. Jackson. We don't want audible comments. The Chair has 
heard several in the immediate vicinity and would appreciate it if 
no audible comment is made during the course of testimony. 

Mr. Treuhaft. Mr. Tavenner, I am obliged to appear as^a witness 
before this committee 



3330 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SAN FRANCISCO AREA 

Mr. Tavenner. Will yovi aiiswer the question, please, sir? 

Mr. Treuhaft. I am answering the question. 

Mr. Jackson. Mr. Treuhaft, will you please answer the question, 
sir, following which you will be given every opportunity to 
explain 

Mr. Treuhaft. I am answering the question. 

Mr. Jackson. I fail to hear an answer to the question. I heard 
you begin to explain that you were obliged to appear as a witness, 
which is quite an obvious fact. 

Mr. Treuhaft. I was asked whether I had counsel. 

Mr. Jackson. That is correct. 

Mr. Treuhaft. I am answering that question. 

Mr. Jackson. Do you have counsel ? 

Mr. Tavenner. His answer is not responsive. 

Mr. Treuhaft. May I be permitted to answer the question ? 

Mr. Jackson. I wish you would answer the question. 

Mr. Treuhaft. I am obliged to appear before this committee with- 
out assistance of counsel, Mr. Tavenner, because of the fact that the 
repressive activities of this committee have made it impossible for me 
to secure the assistance of attorneys of my choice. This is a serious 
charge for a lawyer to make. I am compelled, however, to make it 
because the state of affairs that I have found to exist in this regard 
is truly shocking. 

A month ago I received a subpena calling for my appearance before 
this committee. My law partner and I have been, for many years, 
and are now, general counsel for the East Bay Division of Warehouse 
Union Local 6, ILWU, a labor oiganization which is one of the 
principal targets under attack by this committee. In fact, I am sure 
this was well known to the committee's investigators, and I cannot 
down the suspicion that my representation of this union had some- 
thing to do with the fact that my law partner and I are the only East 
Bay lawyers subpenaed before the committee at these hearings so 
far as I know. 

I readily agreed to represent four East Bay members of this union 
as their attorney, who likewise were subpenaed, despite the fact that I, 
myself, had been subpenaed as a witness. 

Upon receipt of my subpena I immediately began to make diligent 
efforts to secure counsel to represent me. I compiled a list of the 7 
leading East Bay lawyers whom I would want to represent me because 
of their known ability in their profession and because all of them had, 
from time to time, shown themselves to be champions of the right of 
advocacy. All had a sound understanding of due process of law and 
of the other constitutional rights and immunities which are daily 
trampled upon by this committee. 

And I would like to say that in making these references to certain 
members of this committee I do not wish to reflect upon Congress as 
a whole, as some members of this committee have, by making accusa- 
tions by inference against one of their own members. 

I have respect for elected Members of Congress, and I would not 
attack them by im])utation or inference if I didn't know the facts. 

Mr. Jackson. Mr. Treuhaft, may I ask you at this point, sir, if you 
are reading a prepared or written statement ? 

Mr. Treuhaft. I am referring to notes. 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SAN FRANCISCO AREA 3331 

Mr. Jackson. You are referring to notes ? 

Mr. Treuhaft. Yes. 

Mr. Jackson. May the Chair be furnished with a copy of his 
statement ? Very well, proceed. 

Mr. Treuhaft. That statement was for the press. 

Mr. Jackson. I know; I now have it. That is freedom of the 
press. 

Mr. Treuhaft. The first lawyer, whom I will call lawyer No. 1, 
holds high office in the Alameda County Bar Association. When I 
first approaclied this lawyer, he told me that he could see no reason 
why he could not represent me. The next day, however, he informed 
me that lie felt that he could not do so because of the controversial 
nature and the publicity attendant upon hearings before this commit- 
tee and because of his position in the county bar association. 

The second lawyer I consulted out of this list, lawyer No. 2, is a 
former judge who has an active practice on both sides of the bay. I 
discussed with him the position which I intended to take before this 
connnittee; that is, to uphold the Constitution and to rely upon the 
first and fifth amendments to the Constitution as they might apply to 
every question that this committee might put to me. 

This attorney, who is highly placed in the bar, agreed fully with 
me in principle and stated that it was his opinion that my decision 
Avas sound and wise. He told me that he would like to represent 
me. 

After conferring with his associate, however, he called me in again, 
and he said that he was very sorry that he could not because repre- 
senting me with the attendant publicity or representing any witness 
before this committee would involve financial hardship. He said that 
he regretted very much to give me this answer because we have been 
on friendly terms. He said to me, although he is a well-established 
lawyer, and older than I am, "Why don't you find some older lawyer, 
someone who is in a better financial position, to take this risk?" 

The third lawyer I went to see and offered a retainer to represent 
me before these hearings was an older lawyer, and he was a better fi- 
nancially established lawyer so far as I know. He formerly held 
high office in the American Bar Association, and he, too, has been 
a champion of the right of advocacy. He told me, "Try to find a 
younger lawyer. The activities before this committee would be too 
strenuous," he thought, the publicity would be harmful. 

The fourth lawyer I went to is a leading criminal lawyer in the 
East Bay. We have been on very friendly terms, and he readily 
agreed to represent me without any hesitation at all. When I offered 
him a retainer, he said that he would not accept a retainer from a 
fellow lawyer. He took the subpena, and we proceeded to discuss 
the position I was going to take, and he agreed with me fully that 
anybody who had represented unpopular causes as a lawyer, as I have, 
would face grave clangers in answeriug any questions put by this 
committee. Three days ago I — I consulted him 2 weeks ago — 3 days 
ago, the day before — 3 days before I was supposed to come here, he 
called me, and he told me that his partner liad just returned from out 
of town and had learned that he had undertaken to represent me. He 
said that his partner represented a bank, and that his partner felt 
that the attendant publicity would be so harmful to them that he in- 
sisted that they could not represent a witness before this committee. 



3332 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SAN FRANCISCO AREA 

He told me this with very personal regret. He also expressed the 
view — his partner did — that any attorney who represented a witness 
before this committee might find himself in a position where he was 
persecuted by other governmental agencies, as was Vincent Hallinan, 
against whom reprisals were taken, because he had the courage and 
temerity to represent a client who, in some eyes, was considered un- 
popular. 

Lawyer No. 5 is one of the most distinguished members of the bar 
of Contra Costa County. He has held high office in the bar associa- 
tion there, and he is a leading lawyer in every sense of the word. 
He has also been a fighter for the right of advocacy. He told me with 
very great regret that he had discussed with some of his corporate 
clients the advisability or his intention to represent a witness before 
this committee. Tliese clients told him that they would consider it 
an unfriendly act if he were to represent a witness before this com- 
mittee. He said that although he was well established, he had very 
high overhead and that he didn't want to subject his organization 
to the financial hardship and risk of losing clients that would be in- 
volved in representing anyone before this committee. I told him 
that I intended to take this matter up with the bar association and 
also to make a statement to this committee on my experiences in at- 
tempting to obtain counsel, and that I intended to keep the names of 
the individuals that I had consulted confidential. He said, "Bob, 
a fact is a fact. I feel rotten about telling you what I have to tell 
you, but a fact is a fact; you state the facts, and I authorize you 
to use my name and to give the reasons that I have given you." 

This man had real courage. 

Mr. ScHERER. He didn't appear, though, did he? 

Mr. Treuhaft. No; he authorized me to say that he couldn't ap- 
pear because these slanderous accusations by committees like this 
made it dangerous financially. 

Mr. Scherer. That is the man you say had real courage ? 

Mr. Treuhaft. Yes ; he had real courage, and all of these lawyers 
that I named had real courage. I went to them because they were 
courageous. I am not condemning nor criticizing the lawyers. I 
am condemning this committee for trying its cases in the newspapers 
and over the radio. I am condemning this committee for depriving 
me of right to counsel by its slanderous attacks, attacks by inference, 
which even repel and revolt some of the Democratic members of this 
committee when they saw the performance that was put on today with 
respect to a Member of Congress. 

Mr. Scherer. That is your law partner? 

Mr. Treuhaft. Who is ? 

Mr. Scherer. The man you referred to ? 

Mr. Treuhaft. The man I am referring to is one of the leading 
lawyers in Contra Costa County. Hp is not any law partner of mine. 
He represents banking and industrial interests. 

Mr, Scherer. That wasn't the man I was referring to. 

Mr. Jackson. Very well. Will the witness continue with his notes? 

Mr. Treuhaft. I also consulted a couple of other leading lawyers in 
the same category. These lawyers had reasons which I respect, 
special reasons which I respect, for not wanting to be in this particu- 
lar position at this time. 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SAN FRANCISCO AREA 3333 

However, their position was also connected with the fear of ad- 
verse publicity that would be attendant upon representing as counsel 
somebody before this committee. 

Now^, the canon of ethics of the American Bar Association, as I 
think Representative Moulder has referred to, states, and this is law 
for lawyers, that no lawyer shall, for reasons personal to himself, re- 
ject any cause because it is unpopular. All of the lawyers that I 
consulted did reject this cause for reasons personal to themselves, 
but for reasons created by the hysteria engendered by this committee 
in the public mind, the fear that anybody who appears before this 
committee is labeled as a spy or something subversive, and that the 
taint may rub off onto the lawyer. 

In this bleak picture, there is, how^ever, a ray of hope because cour- 
ageous counsel have come forward to represent some of the witnesses 
here, and I must pay a tribute to tliem for so doing because I am 
sure they do it at the risk of personal financial hardship. They may 
lose clients. The National Lawyers' Guild has published a state- 
ment saying that it would furnish counsel to witnesses here who could 
not otherwise obtain counsel. 

Why haven't I gone to these lawyers and said, "Represent me, too" ? 
The reason is that I as a lawyer think it would be unfair to place an 
added burden upon these people who have come forward already 
courageously and made sacrifices. I don't want to place upon them 
any additional financial burden or danger by representing me before 
this committee, and I think the committee should know that one of the 
lawyers who did have the courage to come here and to agree to repre- 
sent a client here was fired from the law firm that he is a member of 
two days ago because of his agreement to represent a client, a witness, 
before this committee. 

I don't want to place that added burden on any of the lawyers who 
have already come forward to represent clients here. This whole 
situation is "McCarthyism. President Truman recently described it 
as such. He said that it is the use of the big lie and the unfounded 
accusation against any citizen in the name of Americanism — in 
quotes— and security — in quotes. It is the use of the power of the 
demagogue who lives on untruth, and I am reading here, Mr. Jack- 
son, because I am quoting, and I don't want to be inaccurate : 

"It is the spread of fear," President Truman said, "and the de- 
struction of faith at every level of our society. This horrible can- 
cer," he said, "is eating at the vitals of America, and it can destroy 
the great edifice of freedom." 

Mr. Truman went on to say that this situation should serve to 
alert the people to the terrible danger that our Nation and each citi- 
zen faces and urge his fellow countrymen to "be aroused and fight this 
evil at every level of our national life." 

I am prepared to fight this evil at every level, and I intend to ask 
the State bar to look into a situation which I think is truly disgrace- 
ful, where lawyers with real courage and standing are afraid to come 
forward and represent clients before this committee. I think it is 
symptomatic that even Congressman Doyle — who in certain respects 
I differentiate from other members of this committee — had to be 
somewhat fearful and cover himself because he wanted to get at the 
truth of a witness that appeared to be lying and attempting to mislead 



3334 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SAN FRANCISCO AREA 

this committee. Perliaps Mr. Doyle will some day be called as a wit- 
ness before McCarthy's committee. 

Mr. Jackson. Very well, and for those reasons you are not repre- 
sented by counsel. I think the record should show at this time that 
the American Bar Association, acting through its house of delegates, 
has endorsed the work of this committee, and without objection the 
endorsement and resolution of the American Bar Association will 
be placed in the record at this point. 

(The endorsement and resolution of the American Bar Associa- 
tion to be furnished is as follows :) 

Report of the Special Committee To Study Communist Tactics, Strategy, 
AND Objectives, and the Recommendations Adopted by the House of Dele- 
gates OF the American Bar Association on February 25, 1952 



resolution II 



The congressional committees investigating communism, and in particular 
tlie House Un-American Activities Committee, have been attaclved on the ground 
that they have engaged in smear campaigns and have invaded the constitutional 
rights of persons investigated. Your committee is impressed with the fairness 
with which hearings before that committee have been conducted during the 
period of time indicated by our study of the published testimony. We are 
satisfied that the witnesses called to testify before the committee are being 
treated fairly and properly in all respects, and we also feel satisfied that each 
witness is accorded full protection so far as his constitutional or other legal 
rights are involved ; moreover, the confidential communications between attorneys 
and clients have been fully respected. 

It is the view of your committee that current attaclis on the House Un- 
American Activities Committee are unjustified. Whether deliberate or mis- 
guided, such unwarranted attacks result in reducing the effectiveness of that 
committee's great service to the American people. 

Mr. Jackson. The witness has also mentioned the National Law- 
yers' Guild and the brave fight they are putting up. Without ob- 
jection I should like to have the citations on the National Lawyers' 
Guild Avritten into the record at this point, and I believe that they 
are significant enough that they will stand repetition at this point. 

Mr. Doyle. AVhat citation was it, Mr. Jackson ? In what book ? 

]\Ir. Jackson. In the Guide to Subversive Organizations and Pub- 
lications published May 14, 1951. 

Mr. Doyij:. By what governmental agency or authority ? 

Mr. Jackson. By the Congressional Committee on Un-American 
Activities and the California committee. 

The chair has on several occasions requested the audience to refrain 
from demonstrations. It is to be hoped that the audience will cooper- 
ate in this matter. The Chair would not want to order the hearing 
room cleared at this late hour in the day. However, if it is found 
necessary to proper conduct of the hearings, the Chair will have no 
hesitation in so ordering the officers to clear the hearing room. 

The National Lawyers' Guild was cited as a Communist front by 
the Special Committee on Un-American Activities report of March 20, 
1944, page 149. It was also cited as a Communist front which is "the 
foremost legal bulwark of the Communist Party and its front organ- 
izations and controlled unions" and which "since its inception has 
never failed to rally to the legal defense of the Communist Party and 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SAN FRANCISCO AREA 3335 

individual members thereof, including known espionage agents" in the 
Congressional Committee on Un-American Activities Report on the 
National Lawyers Guild, H. Kept. No. 2123, September 21, 1950, 
originally released September 17, 1950. 

There are several other citations which without objection I would 
like to have included in the record at this point. 

( Citations of National Lawyers Guild from Guide to Subversive Organizations 
and Publications of May 14, 1951, are as follows : ) 

1. Cited as a Communist front (Special Committee on Un-American Activities, 
report, March 29, 1944, p. 149) . 

2. Cited as a Communist front which "is the foremost legal bulwark of the 
Communist Party, its front organizations, and controlled unions" and which 
"since its inception has never failed to rally to the legal defense of the Com- 
munist Party and individual members thereof, including known espionage agents" 
(Congressional Committee on Un-American Activities, report on the National 
Lawyers Guild, H. Kept. No. 3123, September 21, 1950, originally released Sep- 
tember 17, 1950). 

3. It "came into being early in 1937" and "on June 5, 1940, A. A. Berle, Jr., 
Assistant Secretary of State, resigned from the National Lawyers' Guild, charg- 
ing that the leadership of the organization is not prepared 'to take any stand 
which conflicts with the Communist Party lines.' " 

Cited by the committee as a "Communist front for attorneys" (California 
Committee on Un-American Activities, reports, 1943, p. 98; 1947, p. 48). 

4. "The late Frank P. Walsh, Comptroller Joseph D. McGoldrick, Judge Fer- 
dinand Pecora, Hon. Adolph Berle, Assistant Secretary of State; Nathan Mar- 
gold, Solicitor to the Department of the Interior, and others have resigned 
from the organization with the ground that it is Communist-dominated" (New 
York City Council committee investigating the municipal civil-service com- 
mission). 

Mr. Jackson. Proceed, Mr. Counsel. 

Mr. Treuh^vft. If representation of such persons is considered 
subversive 

Mr. Jackson. There is no question. Proceed, Mr. Counsel. 

Mr. Tavenner. Is it your position that you would desire your ap- 
pearance continued until you have an opportunity to consult other 
counsel ? 

Mr. Treuhaft. I would desire to have my appearance continued 
until such time as the hysteria engendered by this committee has abated 
to such an extent that it is possible for me to have counsel of my choice 
and to such time as it is possible for me to have one of these advocates 
that I consulted represent me. The Constitution says that I am en- 
titled to counsel of my choice, not counsel of your choice. 

Mr. Tavenner. My question is tliis : Are you asking this committee 
to postpone your appearance until you can obtain counsel ? 

Mr. Treuhatt. Yes, and that postponement would have to await 
the time that this committee changes its rules so that it conforms with 
due process of law so that lawyers can appear here with dignity and 
without fear of reprisal. 

Mr. Tavenner. Well, in light of that type of an answer, I will pro- 
ceed with my questioning. 

You referred to unfounded accusations that are made by people who 
appear before this committee. The committee at the present time is 
very much interested in ascertaining the facts regarding the operations 
of the Communist Party in the bay area. It has received testimony 
indicating that there was a group of high ranking members of the 
Connnunist Party who constituted a committee entitled the political 
affairs committee. Our information is that you may have some knowl- 
edge of that organization. 



3336 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SAN FRANCISCO AREA 

I am asking you to tell this committee, if you will, what you know 
about its operations. 

Mr. Treuhaft. Well, I have to disagree with your premise, Mr. 
Tavenner, that this committee is here for the purpose of investigating 
subversive activities because the committee has stated in its press re- 
leases that it is interested in harming people by exposing them as one 
thing or other. I would say that it is the object of this committee to 
get headlines, and that is why I am here, and that is why Bob Condon 
was so prominently mentioned here. 

Mr. Jackson. Until such time as the witness produces for the com- 
mittee a statement that this committee is interested in harming people 
by exposure, and without objection, it will be stricken from the record 
as not a statement of fact, not based on any fact. 

Mr. Treuhaft. I will cite to this committee a statement that it gave 
to the San Francisco Examiner or one of the 

Mr. ScHERER. There is no question, Mr. Chairman. 

Mr. Jackson. Just produce the statement at some future date. 

Mr. Treuhaft. I will produce it now for you if you like. 

Mr. Jackson. Produce any statement which says that this commit- 
tee is interested in harming people, and we will accept it for the 
record. 

Mr. Treuhaft. This committee has stated that it is not inter- 
ested 

Mr. Jackson. I am going back to your original statement. I should 
like to have the production of the article in question. 

Mr. Treuhaft. If you will give me 2 minutes, I will give it to you. 

Mr. Jackson. Very well. 

Mr. Scherer. Out of the Daily Worker ? 

Mr. Treuhaft. Out of the San Francisco Examiner, not to be con- 
fused with the Daily Worker. 

I believe I was asked a question about evidence of the purposes of 
this committee. 

Mr. Jackson. No, you were asked a question relative to a direct 
statement which you attributed to the press. 

Mr. Treuhaft. Yes. 

Mr. Jackson. Let us have 

Mr. Treuhaft. I will read from the San Francisco Examiner. 

Headline : "100 Top Bay Area Reds Face Exposure in Probe." It 
says — this is in quotes 

Mr. Scherer. From whom ? 

Mr. Treuhaft. The reporter here says that it is from a spokesman 
for the committee. It says of those people who are called as witnesses : 

Thus identified, their Communist activities will be neutralized. They will 
become valueless to the party. In effect the committee hopes to leave them high 
and dry on the beach. The total result, it is hoped, vrill be to pull out com- 
mimism by the roots in this area. 

If that is a legislative purpose, Mr. Jackson, I can't- 



Mr. Jackson. That is hardly a statement of hurting persons. It 
may hurt them as far as the Communist Party is concerned, and it may 
very well. 

Mr. Treuhaft. It says "neutralize their effectiveness in this area," 
and what does that mean to someone who is working? 

Mr. Jackson. I would certainly say that one of the prime purposes 
of this committee is to neutralize the effectiveness of the Communist 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SAN FRANCISCO AREA 3337 

Party, in this area and everywhere else. So far as that is concerned, 
that is a correct statement of fact. 

Mr. Treuhaft. If that is the fact, I might as well go home, be- 
cause the purpose of this committee has to be legislative, and that is 
not a legislative purpose. 

Mr. Jacksox. Stay around just a little bit, Mr. Treuhaft, because 
counsel has some questions. 

Mr. Tavennee. My question to you was that you tell the conmiittee 
what knowledge you have regarding the functioning of the committee 
to which I refer, the committee known as the Political Affairs Com- 
mittee of the Communist Party. 

Mr. Treuhaft. I decline to answer any question that deals with 
associations, beliefs, ideas, rights guaranteed under the first amend- 
ment to the Constitution. I decline to answer any such question be- 
<^ause of the fact that, as in the case of Mr. Condon, accusation is made 
by inference. Why should a person who is called here as a witness 
be called upon to clear himself when he doesn't have adequate means 
to bring witnesses in his behalf, can't even get a lawyer in some cases, 
and can't even cross-examine the witnesses who appear and spill names 
by the dozen. 

Mr. ScHERER. Is Mr. Condon your law partner ? 

Mr. Treuhaft. I am confident that one of the reasons I was called 
here was because some of the headline hunters here very well knew 
that he is a former law partner of mine. He is not a law partner at 
this time. 

Mr. Jackson. The principal reason you were called here, Mr. Treu- 
haft, is because the committee has identification of you as a member 
of the Communist Party and felt that perhaps it was within your 
knowledge to be of help to the committee in disclosing the nature and 
the extent and the objectives of the Communist Party in the bay area. 
It has nothing to do with your law partner. You are here on your 
own. 

Mr. Treuhaft. I wouldn't dignify those accusations as testimony. 

Mr. Jackson. Is there a question pending? 

Mr. Tavenner. Well, then, will you give us your own testimony 
as to the activities 

Mr. Scherer. Just a minute. He hasn't answered the question. 
He hasn't invoked any but the first amendment. I am going to ask 
the Chair to direct him to answer the question. Let us get the record 
on this straight, gentlemen. 

Mr. Jackson. I believe the witness said that Mr. Condon was a 
former law partner. 

Mr. Scherer. He hasn't answered Mr. Tavenner's question at all. 

Mr. Jackson. What question is pending? 

Mr. Tavenner. I though he relied on the fifth amendment but I 
may be mistaken. 

My question to the witness was to tell the committee what he knows 
of the activities of the group known as the Political Affairs Com- 
mittee of the Communist Party in Alameda County ; what he knows 
of the operations of that committee. 

Mr. Treuhaft. I decline to answer that question for the reasons 



given. 



Mr. Tavenner. What are those reasons ? 



3338 COMAIUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SAN FRANCISCO AREA 

Mr. Treuhaft. Right of association, danger of guilt by association, 
any lawyer who has represented Communists or persons otherwise 
identified with unpopular causes faces that danger. I rely on the 
rights granted me under the fifth amendment not to be a witness 
against myself. 

Mr. Tavenner. Well, Mr. Chairman, if the witness will not discuss 
the matters which we are here to investigate, I have no further 
questions. 

Mr. Jackson. Mr. Scherer. 

Mr. Scherer. Are you a member of the Communist Party ? 

Mr. Treuhaft. I decline to answer that question for the reason 
stated. 

Mr. Scherer. Have you ever been a member of the Communist 
Party? 

Mr. Treuhaft. Same answer. 

Mr. Jackson. For the same reasons ? 

Mr. Treuhaft. Yes, for the same reasons. 

Mr. Jackson. Is that all, Mr. Scherer? 

Mr. Scherer. That is all. 

Mr. Jackson. Mr. Moulder. 

Mr. Moulder. The newspaper clipping you were reading from a 
moment ago, what is the date of that issue of that paper? 

Mr. Treuhaft. It came out the day after I got my subpena. I don't 
have the date on it. I will be glad to leave the clipping with you. It 
is about November 4 or 

Mr. Jackson, Is that all, Mr. Moulder ? 

Mr. Moulder. Yes. 

Mr. Jackson. Mr. Doyle. 

Mr. Doyle. Yes. May I make this clear to you : I think you mis- 
judge — I am sure you do — why I questioned Mr. Blodgett. Just a 
minute ago you said that I questioned because he was lying or I felt 
he was. Now, that is not true. I did not feel that Mr. Blodgett war. 
lying. I tried to make my position clear when I began questioning 
Mr. Blodgett that I wanted all the material facts which could be pre- 
sented before the committee with reference to Mr. Condon who was 
identified as a member of the United States Congress, of which body 
this committee are all members, and while I realize that I was taking 
more time to question Mr. Blodgett as to the identity of Mr. Condon 
than we Members of Congress were taking on other individual names, 
I felt that the fact that he is a Member of Congress and is not here and 
not having been positively identified as a Communist by Mr. Blodgett, 
made it my duty as a Member of Congress to get whatever facts in 
addition to what Mr. Blodgett had testified to before the committee. 
So may I make it clear that you may have assumed that the reason I 
was questioning was because I questioned Mr. Blodgett's veracity. 
That is not a fact. 

May I make that clear ? 

Mr. Treuhaft. I want to compliment you, Mr. Doyle, for acting 
in a very lawyerlike wa}' by refusing to accept guilt by inference 
and guilt by suspicion. 

Mr. Doyle. I am never going to do it if I can help myself, but 

Mr. Treuhaft. I hope 

Mr. Doyle. May I say this further, and this hasn't been brought 
out, Mr. Chairman, yet, and I think as long as this member of the 



COMMUNIST ACTWITIES EST THE SAN FRANCISCO AREA 3339 

bar is criticizing tlie function of the committee, as he does, on basic 
grounds, that possibly it is right for me as a member of the bar also 
of the State of California to reply on the basis of grounds. 

For instance, this committee is not a special committee. This com- 
mittee is one of the permanent committees of your Congress and mine, 
and it operates under Public Law 601, passed in the 79th Congress, 
and I think it appropriate to read it for the benefit of everyone who 
has heard this discussion between us. 

I read : 

The Committee on Un-American Activities as a whole or by subcommittee 
is authorized to malie from time to time investigations of the extent, character, 
and objects of un-American propaganda activities in the United States, the 
diffusion within the United States of subversive and un-American propaganda 
that is instigated in foreign countries or of domestic origin and attacks the 
principles of the form of government as guaranteed by our Constitution, and in 
all other matters in relation thereto that would aid Congress for necessary 
or remedial legislation. The Committee on Un-American Activities shall report 
to the House, or to the clerk of the House if the House is not in session, the 
results of any such investigation, together with such recommendations as it 
may deem advisable. 

I will not read the balance of it because it goes on into other detail. 

Now, therefore, may I mention to you as a member of the bar also, 
I want to emphasize that I think every member of this committee 
feels as I do, that this committee had a very big and a very strenuous 
assignment, and some of us were on that committee without having 
sought appointment. We were placed there to do a job. That job is 
to ferret out the subversive people and organizations in our country. 

Now, we are not interested in ferreting out people that may disagree 
on political philosophy, but we are interested in uncovering sub- 
versive people or subversive organizations, and there is no question, 
may I say, in my judgment but that the Communist Party in Amer- 
ica — at least ever since the Duclos letter — has been subversive increas- 
ingly. That is, I think, in May 194.5, and therefore no matter how 
I may question a witness to bring out the facts, may you and all others 
understand that I am just as anxious as anj^ other member of the 
committee possibly could be to uncover the activities of any person 
in America wlio is subversive. But I do feel, as I said before, that 
my duty called me to get what material facts I could in the absence 
of a fellow Member of Congress. May I take one minute more, Mr. 
Chairman ? 

I hadn't mentioned this fact in this hearing before, but I feel this 
group probably is entitled, in view of the fact that my activity in 
questioning about Mr. Condon was called attention to, it may be later 
understood, as I anticipated it might when I questioned Mr. Blodgett, 
for political or other purposes. 

I have just returned from Europe, Mr. Attorney. I was over there 
on an official trip of the United States Congress. Because I am on 
this committee and on the Committee of Armed Services, it was my 
privilege to interview certain intelligence people in Portugal, in Spain, 
in Italy, in France and Germany and Austria and Norway and other 
places. I inquired over there as to the functioning of the Communist 
Party in Europe, and I came back more convinced than ever that 
the Communist Party's subversive program in the United States has 
been, at least since the Duclos letter in April 1945, and now is part 
and parcel of the same world conspiracy on the part of the Soviet 



3340 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SAN FRANCISCO AREA 

Union to take over economic, political, and sole control of the world, 
if not by military, then by subversive activities. That is why I am 
serving on this committee. 

One further statement. As Mr. Jackson, our acting chairman, has 
said, the American Bar Association passed resolutions of endorsement 
of the functioning of this committee. May I add, Mr. Jackson, that 
that was done after thorough investigation of the methods used by this 
committee. 

Mr. Treuhaft. Of course, yesterday the Young Democrats de- 
nounced it in the newspapers. 

Mr. Doyle. Well, I am sorry the Young Democrats, Inc., of San 
Francisco denounced it because they didn't know what they were 
doing in my book, and I am a Democrat, too, and proud of it. They 
could not speak officially for young Democrats of California. 

Mr. Treuhaft. Mr. Truman denounced it also. 

Mr. Dotx,e. Neither does he know exactly how we now function 
when he did it. I also criticize some of our procedures at times. 

Mr. Treuhaft. The Presbyterian Church has denounced it; the 
Methodist Church has denounced it. 

Mr. Jackson. The Communist Party has denounced it. 

Mr. Treuhaft. Right. 

Mr. Moulder. I don't recall that President Truman denounced this 
committee. 

Mr. Treuhaft. He defied it. 

Mr. Doyle. May I just finish my further statement very briefly ? 

Mr. Treuhaft. He stood on the same Constitution that I stand on. 

Mr. Scherer. I agree with you. 

Mr. Doyle. I have this one further statement, Mr. Chairman. I 
know that this committee is maligned, is lied about in every possible 
way and will continue to be, but the great burden of the malignment 
and the falsehood and misrepresentation for the purpose of this com- 
mittee stems from subversive propaganda and subversive organiza- 
tions in this country. I know that. I am sure of it. 

When the American Bar Association — and I stress this because you 
are an attorney also, as I am — when the American Bar Association 
thoroughly investigated the methods used by this committee and its 
functioning and paassed that resolution unanimously about a year 
ago, I take it for granted that there is no reason in the world why any 
member of the California bar who really wants to follow his code of 
ethics need hesitate to appear before this committee and represent any 
client. 

Mr. Scherer, If he wants to. 

Mr. Doyle. If he wanted really to do so and follow his code of 
ethics which requires him to; and with that I am through, Mr. 
Chairman. 

Mr. Treuhaft. Mr. Doyle, you have been very courteous. As a 
fellow lawyer I would like to make just one statement about the Con- 
don testimony. I listened rather attentively, and the only subversive 
activity that I heard attributed to Mr. Condon was his espousal of 
the candidacy of a fellow Democrat, George Miller. 

Now, perhaps in the eyes of Mr. Jackson that is subversive, but I 
trust that in your eyes it is not. 

Mr. Jackson. No. As long as Mr. Jackson has been mentioned, 
let me say that the only subversive activity with which I am particu- 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SAN FRANCISCO AREA 3341 

larly concerned is the case of anyone who has been identified as having 
been present at a closed meeting of the Communist Party, which is 
quite a different thing. That is subversive. This defense of acting as 
counsel on behalf of two Communists is certainly not subversive, and 
it is ridiculous to impute to me or to any Member of the Congress that 
we consider that to be subversive activity. 

Mr. Treuhaft. Your Bible is guilty by association, and you so try 
to impute guilt to him. 

Mr. Jackson. We are trying to impute nothing to him. He will be 
given every opportunity to affirm or deny what appeared in public 
testimony. The committee didn't say it. A witness placed him in a 
closed party meeting of the Communist Party. 

Mr. Treuhaft. Wliy should a Member of Congress have to conie 
before this body in order to clear himself? He can go before his 
electorate. 

Mr. Jackson. He does not have to come before this body, and he 
is quite capable of making the decision 

Mr. Treuhaft. I don't think he should dignify this body by com- 
ing before it. 

Mr. Jackson. Is there any reason why this witness should not be 
excused ? 

Mr. Tavenner. No, sir. 

Mr. Jackson. The witness is excused. 

Will you call your next witness, and will the officers clear the hearing 
room? 

Mr. Tavenner. John Delgado. 

Mr. Jackson. That will include the balance of the subpenaed wit- 
nesses inasmuch as this is the last witness we can take today. 

(The hearing room was cleared at 5 : 25 p. m.) 

Mr. Jackson. The committee will be in order. The chairman, 
with the permission of the other committee members, has made an 
exception in the case of several attorneys in the room who, I under- 
stand, may be appearing before the committee. For that reason and 
in order to observe the committee procedure, that exception has been 
made, and without objection. For the record, the Chair regrets the 
necessity for clearing the hearing room. However, on no less than 6 
or 8 occasions the audience in the hearing room has been advised that 
any demonstration would result in that action. The committee has 
made every effort to accommodate the public here, and the hearing 
room W'ill, of course, be open tomorrow for the appearance of the 
witnesses then. 

Are you ready to proceed, Mr. Counsel? 

Mr. Tavenner. Yes, sir. 

Mr. DoTUE. Mr. Chairman, may I supplement your statement by 
saying this, that the disturbance manifestly did not come from the 
whole room. It came from a concentrated area in the rear of the 
room, evidently a planted group planned to disturb. I wouldn't want 
the record to indicate that it was general throughout the whole room. 

Mr. Jackson. No, it was necessary to exclude a ^reat many people 
who took no part in the demonstration, and that is particularly re- 
grettable. 

Mr. Counsel, will you proceed ? 

Mr. Tavenner. Mr, Delgado. 



3342 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SAN FRANCISCO AREA 

Mr. Jackson, Do you solemnly swear in the testimony you are 
about to give to tell the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the 
truth, so help you God ? 

Mr. Delgado. Yes, sir. 

TESTIMONY OF JOHN DELGADO, ACCOMPANIED BY HIS COUNSEL, 

JOSEPH LANDISMAN 

Mr. Tavenner. Wliat is your name, please? 

Mr. Delgado. John Delgado. 

Mr. Tavennt:r. Spell your last name, please. 

Mr. Delgado. D-e-1-g-a-d-o. 

Mr. Tavenner. Are you accompanied by counsel ? 

Mr. Delgado. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Tavenner. Will counsel please identify himself for the record ? 

Mr. Landisman. Joseph Landisman, member of the bar of the State 
of California ; offices in Richmond, Calif. 

Mr. Tavenner. When and where were you born, Mr. Delgado ? 

Mr. Delgado. I was born in Hilo, Hawaii, August 19, 1913. 

Mr. Tavenner. When did you come to California ? 

Mr. Delgado. When I was a child ; I guess I was around 18, I am 
just not sure; somewhere in there. 

Mr. Tavenner. What is your occupation ? 

Mr. Delgado. Truck driver. 

Mr. Tavenner. The committee has information based on sworn tes- 
timony that you are in position to know of the operations of a group 
or committee of the Communist Party which has been referred to in 
testimony as the Political Affaii^ Committee of the Communist Party. 
I would like for you to tell the committee all you know about the 
activities of that group. 

Mr. Delgado. I decline to answer the question on the basis of the 
fifth amendment. 

Mr. Tavenner. There has been testimony that this group met from 
time to time in your home. The witness who made that statement 
under oath was Mr. Charles David Blodgett. Was he telling the truth 
about that or not ? 

(At this point Mr. Delgado conferred with Mr. Landisman.) 

Mr. Delgado. I decline to answer on the basis of the fifth 
amendment. 

Mr. Tavenner. Did the meetings take place at your home? 

(At this point Mr. Delgado conferred with Mr. Landisman.) 

Mr. Delgado. I decline for the same reason. 

Mr, Tavenner, Are you acquainted with Mr. Blodgett? 

(At this point Mr. Delgado conferred with Mr. Landisman.) 

Mr. Delgado, I decline for the same reason. 

Mr. Tavenner. Are you now a member of the Communist Party? 

Mr. Delgado. Decline for the same reason, 

Mr. Tavenner. Have you ever been a member of the Communist 
Party? 

Mr. Delgado. Same answer. 

Mr. Tavenner. I have no further questions. 

Mr. Jackson. Mr. Scherer. 

Mr. Scherer. No questions. 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SAN FRANCISCO AREA 3343 

Mr. Jackson. Mr. Moulder. 

Mr. Moulder. No questions. 

Mr. Jackson. Mr. Doyle. 

Mr. Doyle. No questions. 

Mr. Jackson. Is there any reason why the witness should not be 
-excused ? 

Mr. Tavenner. No, sir. 

Mr. Jackson. The witness is excused, 
I At this time the committee will stand in recess until 9 : 30 tomorrow 
morning. 

(Whereupon, at 5:38 p. m., the hearing was recessed until 9:30 
:a. m., Friday, December 4, 1953.) 



INDEX 



Individuals 

Page 

Alexander, Herschel 3300, 3304 

Alexander, Leon 3283 

Ashe, Harold 3286 

Attarian, Aram 3284 

Attarian, Sally 3284 

Barnes, Carroll 3297 

Baroway, Leo 3288 

Berle, A. A., Jr 3335 

Bick, Barbara 3288 

Bittman, John 3305, 3311 

Black, Gladys 3317 

Black, Robert 3317 

Blacklock, Charles 3284, 3286 

Blodgett, Charles David 3267, 

3268-3324 (testimony), 3326, 3328, 3329, 3338, 3339, 3342 

Bodkin, Wesley 3297, 3302-3304 

Bowen, Mildred 3302, 3305 

Boykin, Ernest 3285 

Brovi^n, Al 3284 

Brown, Archie 3289 

Brown, Cleophas 3302, 3303, 3305 

Brudney, Goodman 3297, 3305 

Caldwell, Bill 3276 

Campbell, Will 3285 

Canriffht, Marjorie ^ 3288 

Canrisht, Norman 3288 

Carson, Jules 3282, 3287 

Cerney, Isobel 3283 

Chown. Panl 3298-3300, 3302, 3304 

Churchill, Winston 3324 

Claibourne, Ethel 3284 

Claibourne, Sidney 3284 

Coe, Lee 3288 

Condon. Robert L 3302-3304, 3306-3308, 3310-3313, 3315, 3316, 3330-3340 

Cook, Ernest 3285 

Danzig, Bill 3317 

Davis, Clarence j 3283, 3284 

Davis, Shelly 3284 

Delgado. John 3298, 3305, 3341, 3342-3343 (testimony) 

Devine, Lester J 3293. 3294 

Duclos 3289, 3339 

Dwinnell, Robert! 3284 

Edisos. Bertram 3300-3303, 3305, 3308 

Edises. Pele 3288 

Edwards .3302 

Edwards. George 3297, 3305 

Eisler, Joe 3317 

Eisler. IMarjorie 3317 

Elber, Irwin 3283 

Evans. Joan .3274 

Fagerhau2h. Ole .3297. .3304 

Foster. William Z 3285, 3286 

Franks. Frank 3285 

Gilbert. Jane 32-88 

3345 



3346 INDEX 

Page 

Gonick, Louis 3319> 

Green, Louis 3288 

Green, Walter 3303 

Griffin, Kathleen 3298, 3300-3303, 3305, 3318 

Grossman, Hazel 3282, 3283 

Hall, Ernest 3291, 3292 

Hallinan, Vincent 3332 

Hames, Lyn 3304 

Hanson, Carl 3316, 3317 

Hanson, Evalyn 3317 

Hearn, Cleveland 3285, 3286 

Hearn, Inez 3285 

Heide, Paul 3297, 3300, 3302, 3304 

Heide, Ruby 3297, 3304 

Hill, Newton 3284 

Hill, Pearl 3284 

Hultgren, Ruth 3284 

Hultsjren, Wayne 3283, 3284 

Izzard, Ralph 3288 

Jenkins, David 3317 

Johnson, Allen 3305 

Johnson, Ralph 3305 

Kelly, Ora 3284 

Kelly, Mrs. Ora 3284 

Kelly, Robert 3278 

Kirkon, Walter 3285 

Kramer, Harry 3288 

Landisman, Joseph 3342-3343 

Lapin, Adam 3283, 3288, 3317 

Lapin, Eva 3288 

Legard, Albert 32^5 

Lehman, Fanny 3284 

Lehman, Lloyd 3283-328G, 32S9, 

3293, 3295, 3296, 3297, 3299, 3302, 3304, 3307, 3324-3327 (testimony) 

LeSeuer, Meridel 3271 

Lewis, James 3285 

Lewis. John L 3275 

Lewis, Veda 3285 

Lima, Helen 3288 

Mackie. Martin 3278 

Maddox, Mrs 3285 

Marsold, Nathan 3335 

Marsh, Raymond 3324-3327 

Martin, Sandra 3305 

McGoldrick, Joseph D 3335 

McLeod. Don 3286 

McLeod, Donald 3319 

Melia, Carmen 3285 

Melia, Joseph 3305 

Miller, George 3303, 3311, 3312, 3340 

Miller, George, Jr 3304, 3310 

]\Iiller, George P 3301, 3302, 3304, 3307, 3308. 3310 

IMorsan, John 3300, 3301, 3302, 3305, 3319 

Morris, Luther 3285, 3302, 3305, 3311 

Murdock, Steve 3288 

Parker. P^ugene 32S5 

Partridge, Sid 3288 

Pecora, Ferdinand 3335 

Pieper, Mary 3297, 3302, 3304, 3327-3329 (testinionv) 

Purcell. James C 3327-3329 

Reich, William 3317 

Richmond, Al 3287, 3288 

RoV>erson, Mason 3288 

Roberts, Kenneth 3284 

Roberts, Holland 3282. 3317 



INDEX 3347 

Page 

Roberts, Vera 3284 

Roosevelt, Eleanor 3272, 3314 

Roosevelt, President 3274 

Schachter, Mr 3271-3273 

Schlipf, Paul 3297, 3304 

Schneiderman, William 3289 

Segure, Rose 3305 

Selsam, Howard 3270 

Sharpe, Edith 3317 

Smith, Eleanor 3317 

Smith, John 3285 

Standish, Jack 3284 

Staudish, Ruth 3284 

Stassen, Harold 3272, 3276, 3314 

Strack, Celeste 3289 

Terry, Joe 3285 

Terry, Opal 3285 

Thompson, Leila 3317 

Thye, Ed 3314 

Todd, Louise 3303, 3305 

Treuhaft, Robert E 3301-3303, 3305, 3308, 3329-3341 (testimony) 

Truman, President 3333, 3340 

Wallace, Henry — 3290, 3301 

Walsh, Frank P 3335 

Ward, Doug 3288 

Warwick, Gertrude 3317 

Wheeler, Juanita — 3288 

Whitney, Anita 3309, 3316, 3317 

Williams, Gordon 3299, 3301, 3302, 3305-3307, 3314 

Williams, Mrs. Gordon 3307, 3313-3316 

Williams, Joy 3299 

Willkie, Wendell — 3272, 3274, 3314 

Wolstenholme, Art 3317 

Wolstenholme, Beckie 3317 

Yanish, Ann — 3316, 3317 

Yanish, Nat 3317 

Younce, Dick 3317 

Younce, Richard — 3316 

Young, Barney 3305 

Young, Bernard 3297 

Organizations 

Alameda County Bar Association 3331 

Alameda County CIO Council 3299 

Alameda County Independent Progressive Party 3305 

Alameda County Joint Labor Committee 3299, 3300, 3318 

American Bar Association 3331, 3333, 3334, 3340 

American Federation of Labor . 3285, 3299, 3305, 3318 

Army 3273 

Bethlehem Shipyards 3284, 3285 

California Labor School 327^3284, 3287, 3299 

California State Federation of Labor 3280 

Carleton College 3268-3272, 8277, 3284, 3322 

Carpenters Union, A. F. of L 3305 

Civil Rights Congress 3292, 3293, 3300, 3301, 3304, 3318 

Communif^t International 3289 

Congress of Industrial Organizations 3285, 3298, 3299, 3304, 3305, 3319 

Department of the Interior 3335 

Federal Bureau of Investigation 3321 

Federated Press 3289 

Independent Progressive Party 3290, 3299, 3301, 3302, 3304, 3305, 3318 

International Longshoremen's and Warehousemen's Union, Local 6, east 

bay division 3330 

International Workers' Order 3317 

Laborer's Union, A. F. of L 3284 



3348 INDEX 

Page 
McAllister College 3272 

Midwest Student Victory Assembly 3273, 3275, 3276, 3314 

National Lawyers' Guild 3333-3335 

Navy 3268, 3278, 3279, 3283 

Political Affairs Committee of the Communist Party 3205, 

3299, 3301, 3302, 3305, 3308, 3312, 3315, 3318, 3328, 3337, 3342 

Progressive Citizens of America 3299, 3305 

St. Olaf College 3272 

Steamfitters' Union, A. F. of L . 3285 

Steelworkers' Union, CIO 3301, 3305 

Tom Mooney Labor School 3280 

United Electrical Workers Union . 3305 

United Electrical Workers Union, CIO 3305 

United Nations 3274, 3276 

United Press 3289 

University of Minnesota 3272, 3277 

United Service Organizations 3273 

Veterans' Administration 3279, 3281 

Warehousemen's ITniou, CIO 3319 

Warehousemen's Union, Local 6 3297 

Young Communist League 3268, 3269, 3271-3273, 3277-3279, 3283, 3284, 3315 

Young Democrats 3340 

Young Democrats, Inc., of San Francisco 3340 

Ptjblications 

Daily People's World 8283, 3286-3290, 

3292-3296, 3298, 3303, 3308, 3312, 3313, 3317, 3318, 3320, 3321 

Daily Worker 3288, 3289, 3290, 3291, 3336 

Michigan Worker 3289 

Minnesota Daily . 3276 

San Francisco Examiner 3336 

Student Offensive 3273 

Worker 3295 

o 



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