(navigation image)
Home American Libraries | Canadian Libraries | Universal Library | Community Texts | Project Gutenberg | Children's Library | Biodiversity Heritage Library | Additional Collections
Search: Advanced Search
Anonymous User (login or join us)
Upload
See other formats

Full text of "Investigation of un-American propaganda activities in the United States. Hearings before a Special Committee on Un-American Activities, House of Representatives, Seventy-fifth Congress, third session-Seventy-eighth Congress, second session, on H. Res. 282, to investigate (l) the extent, character, and objects of un-American propaganda activities in the United States, (2) the diffusion within the United States of subversive and un-American propaganda that is instigated from foreign countries or of a domestic origin and attacks the principle of the form of government as guaranteed by our Constitution, and (3) all other questions in relation thereto that would aid Congress in any necessary remedial legislation"

rE" 



t 






^^h6.tt'^^^ 




Given By 
U. S. SUPt. OF DOCUMENTS 



^ 



INVESTIGATION OF UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ^ 
ACTIVITIES IN THE UNITED STATES 




ARINGS 

BEFORE A 

SPECIAL 

N-AMEEICAN ACTIVITIES 

EEPEESENTATIVES 

SEVENTY-FIFTH CONGRESS 

THmD SESSION 

ON 

H. Res. 282 

TO INVESTIGATE (1) THE EXTENT, CHARACTER, AND OBJECTS 
OF UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES IN THE UNITED 
STATES, (2) THE DIFFUSION WITHIN THE UNITED STATES OF 
SUBVERSIVE AND UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA THAT IS INSTI- 
GATED FROM FOREIGN COUNTRIES OR OF A DOl^IESTIC ORIGIN 
AND ATTACKS THE PRINCIPLE OF THE FORM OF GOVERNMENT 
AS GUARANTEED BY OUR CONSTITUTION, AND (3) ALL OTHER 
QUESTIONS IN RELATION THERETO THAT WOULD AID CON- 
GRESS IN ANY NECESSARY REMEDIAL LEGISLATION 



VOLUME 1 



AUGUST 12, 13, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20, 22, AND 23, 1938 
AT WASHINGTON, D. C. 



Printed for the use of the Special Committee on Un-American Activities 




UNITED STATES 

GOVERNMENT PRINTmO OFFICE 

WASHINGTON : 1938 



INVESTIGATION OF UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA 
ACTIVITIES IN THE UNITED STATES 



U HEARINGS ^ 

. 'il >^ ^ ^ n BEFORE A 

COMMITTEE ON UN-AMEKICAN ACTIVITIES u 
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES ' 

SEVENTY-FIFTH CONGRESS 

THIKD SESSION 
ON 

H. Res. 282 

TO INVESTIGATE (1) THE EXTENT, CHARACTER, AND OBJECTS 
OF UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES IN THE UNITED 
STATES, (2) THE DIFFUSION WITHIN THE UNITED STATES OF 
SUBVERSIVE AND UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA THAT IS INSTI- 
GATED FROM FOREIGN COUNTRIES OR OF A DOMESTIC ORIGIN 
AND ATTACKS THE PRINCIPLE OF THE FORM OF GOVERNMENT 
AS GUARANTEED BY OUR CONSTITUTION, AND (3) ALL OTHER 
QUESTIONS IN RELATION THERETO THAT WOULD AID CON- 
GRESS IN ANY NECESSARY REMEDIAL LEGISLATION 



VOLUME 1 



^^. 



AUGUST 12, 13, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20, 22, AND 23, 1938 
AT WASHINGTON, D. C. 



Printed for the use of the Special Committee on Un-American Activities 




UNITED STATES 
GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE 
94931 WASHINGTON : 1938 



U, S. SUPERINTENDENT OF DOCUMENTS 
FEB 17 1940 



SPECIAL COMMITTEE ON UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES, 
WASHINGTON, D. C. 

MARTIN DIES, Texas, Chairman 
ARTHUR D. HEALEY, Massachusetts NOAH M. MASON, Illinois 

JOHN J. DEMPSEY, New Mexico J. PARNELL THOMAS, New Jersey 

JOE STARNES, Alabama 
HAROLD G. MOSIER, Ohio 

ROBBET B. Stbipling, Secretary 

n 






CONTENTS 



Page 

Resolution, text of, authorizing 1 

Statements of — 

Broun, Hey wood 938 

Chaillaux, H. L., American Legion 429 

Davin, Frank. 72 

Dawson, Leo A 933, 938 

Fenlon, PJdward I 943 

Frank, Henry 860 

Frev, John P., A. F. of L 91 

Gissibl, Peter 47, 84 

Halpern, Alvin I 747, 773 

HufTman, Miss Hazel, Professional Theatrical Employees 775 

Humphrey, William Hanison 829 

Kerr, Garland 845 

Kerr, Miss Margaret A., California Better American Federation. 712, 767, 973 

Martin, Earl A 957 

Martin, Meyer 968 

Matthews, J. B 868 

Metcalfe, James J ->.. 75 

Metcalfe, John C, committee official investigator 3, 86 

Revzin, Seymour 851 

Saunders, Miss Sallie 857 

Shoemaker, 'i'homas B., Deputy Commissioner of Immigration and 

Naturalization Service 707 

Sobel, Abraham 726, 772 

Stark, Wallace 928 

Steele, Walter S., National Republic 278-455 

Verdi, Francis M 833 

Walton, Charles 839 

Communications from — 

Frey, John P. with copies of his letters to Wm. T. Bonsor, and Paul 

M. Paterson 978 



Witness 
Metcalfe, John C: 
Exhibits: 

No. 1 


INDEX TO EXHIBITS 




14 


No. 2 






14 


No. 3 






15 


No. 4 






15 


No. 5 






15 


No. 6 






16 


No. 7 






16 


No. 8_ 






16 


No. 9 






16 


No. 10 






17 


No. 11 






17 


No. 12 






19 


No. 13 






19 


No. 14 


- 




19 


No. 15 






20 


No. 16 






20 


No. 17 






20 


No. 18 






20 






nz 





jy CONTENTS 

Witness 
Metcalfe, John C. — Continued, 

Exhibits— Continued. Pag« 

No. 19 20 

No. 20 22 

No. 21 22 

No. 22 22 

No. 23 22 

No. 24 22 

No. 25 22 

No. 26 23 

No. 27 23 

No. 28 23 

No. 28>^ 23 

No. 29 - ---- 23 

No. 30 24 

No. 31 24 

No. 32 24 

No. 33 24 

No. 34 - 24 

No. 35 24 

No. 36 25 

No. 37 . 25 

No. 38 28 

No. 39 28 

No. 40 29 

No. 41 29 

No. 42 30 

No. 43-- - — 30 

No. 44 31 

No. 45 32 

No. 46 33 

No. 47 34 

No. 48 34 

No. 49 34 

No. 50 35 

No. 51 36 

No. 52 36 

No. 53 - 37 

No. 54 37 

No. 55 38 

No. 56 38 

No. 57 39 

No. 58 40 

No. 59 :_---- 40 

No. 60 41 

No. 61 41 

No. 62 42 

No. 63 42 

Nos. 64 to 81, inclusive 90 



INYESTIGATION OF UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA 
ACTIVITIES IN THE UNITED STATES 



FRIDAY, AUGUST 12, 1938 

House of Representatives, 
Special Committee to Investigate 

Un-American Activities, 

Washington^ D. C. 

_ The committee met at 10 a. m., Hon. Martin Dies (chairman) pre- 
siding. 

Tlie Chairman. The committee will come to order. 

I understand that it is customary for the chairman to make a 
preliminary statement before the committee begins to take evidence. 
The Chair will make his statement very brief. 

This special committee was created by a resolution of the House of 
Representatives, House Resolution 282, for the purpose of conduct- 
ing an investigation of the extent, character, and objects of un- 
American propaganda activities in the United States; the diffusion 
within the United States of subversive and un-American propaganda 
that is instigated from foreign countries or of domestic origin and 
attacks the principle of the form of government as guaranteed by our 
Constitution; and, all other questions in relation thereto that would 
aid Congress in any necessary remedial legislation. 

The resolution is here printed in full : 

[H. Res. 282, 75th Cong., 3d sess., Rept. No. 2319] 
RESOLUTION 

Resolved, That the Speaker of the House of Representatives be, and he is 
hereby, authorized to appoint a special committee to be composed of seven 
members for the purpose of conducting an investigation of (1) the extent, char- 
acter, and objects of un-American propaganda activities in the United States, 
(2) the diffusion within the United States of subversive and un-American 
propaganda that is instigated from foreign countries or of a domestic origiji 
and attacks the principle of the form of government as guaranteed by our 
Constitution, and (3) all other questions in relation thereto that would aid 
Congress in any necessary remedial legislation. 

That said special committee, or any subcommittee thereof, is hereby author- 
ized to sit and act during the present Congress at such times and places within 
the United States, whether or not the House is sitting, has recessed, or has 
adjourned, to hold such hearings, to recpiire the attendance of such witnesses 
and the production of such books,^papers, and documents, by subpena or other- 
wise, and to take such testimony, as it deems necessary. Subpenas shall be 
issued under the signature of the chairman and shall be served by any person 
designated hy him. The chairman of the committee or any member thereof 
may administer oaths to witnesses. Every person who, having been .summoned 
as a witness by authority of said committee, or any subcommittee thereof, 
willfully makes default, or who, having appeared, refuses to answer any ques- 
tion pertinent to the investigation heretofore authorized, shall be held to the 
penalties provided by section 102 of the Revised Statutes of the United States 
(U. S. C, title 2^ sec. 192). 

1 



2 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

The Chair wishes to reiterate what he has stated many times — 
namely, that this committee is determined to conduct its investigation 
upon a dignified plane and to adopt and maintain throughout the 
course of the hearings a judicial attitude. The committee has no 
preconceived views of what the truth is respecting the subject matter 
cf this inquiry. Its sole purpose is to discover the truth and report it 
as it is, with such recommendations, if any, as to legislation on these 
subjects as the situation may require and as the duty of Congress to 
the American people may demand. 

We shall be fair and impartial at all times and treat every witness 
with fairness and courtesy. We shall expect every witness to treat us 
in the same way. This committee will not permit any ''character 
assassination" or any "smearing" of innocent people. We wish to 
caution witnesses that reckless charges must not be made against any 
individual or organization. 

The Chair wishes to make it plain that this committee is not "after 
anyone." All that we are concerned with is the ascertainment of the 
truth, whatever it is. 

It is the hope of the committee that we can admit the public to 
the hearings. However, in the interest of a dignified and judicial 
hearing we cannot tolerate any demonstration, disorder, or interrup- 
tion on the part of those who are the guests of the committee. If 
any such demonstration, disorder, or interruption occurs, the person 
or persons responsible for it will be immediately ejected by the police 
and denied further admittance. 

The Chair wishes to emphasize that the committee is more con- 
cerned with facts than with opinions, and with specific proof than 
with generalities. Opinions, conclusions, and generalities have no 
probative force in any court of justice and they cannot be made the 
basis of any findings on the part of this committee. It is the Chair's 
opinion that the usefulness or value of any investigation is measured 
by the fairness and impartiality of the committee conducting the 
investigation. Neither the public nor Congress will have any con- 
fidence in the findings of a committee which adopts a partisan or pre- 
conceived attitude. Statements and charges unsupported by facts 
have no evidentiary value and only tend to confuse the issue. It is 
easy to "smear" someone's name or reputation by unsupported charges 
or an unjustified attack, but it is difficult to repair the damage that 
has been done. As I previously stated, this committee is determined 
to be fair and just to everyone, and when any individual or organi- 
zation is involved in any charge or attack made in the course of the 
hearings, that individual or organization will be accorded an oppor- 
tunity to refute such charge or attack. 

In investigating un-American activities it must be borne in mind 
that because we do not agree with opinions or philosophies of others 
does not necessarily make such opinions or philosophies un-American. 
The most common practice engaged in by some people is to brand 
their opponents with names when they are unable to refute their ar- 
guments with facts and logic. Therefore, we find a few people of 
conservative thought who are inclined to brand every liberal view- 
point as communistic. Likewise, we find some so-called liberals who 
stigmatize every conservative idea fascistic. The utmost care, there- 
fore, must be observed to distinguish clearly between wjiat is ob- 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 3 

viously un-American and what is no more or less than an honest 
difference of opinion with respect to some economic, political, or 
social question. 

We have four witnesses who will testify today. We intend to com- 

Elete the testimony of these four witnesses before we conclude the 
earing today. 
The first witness will be Mr. John C. Metcalfe. 

STATEMENT OF JOHN C. METCALFE, OFFICIAL INVESTIGATOR FOR 
THE COMMITTEE ON UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES 

(The witness was sworn by the chairman.) 

The Chairman, Your name is John Metcalfe ? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. John C. Metcalfe. 

The Chairman. How do you spell your name? 

Mr. John C. ]\Ietcalfe. John C. M-e-t-c-a-1-f-e. 

The Chairman. You are one of the investigators for the committee ? 

Mr. John C. Metcalee. I am a regularly appointed investigator 
for the committee. 

The Chairman. Where do you live now? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. In Chicago. 

The Chairman. How long have you lived in Chicago? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. About 10 years. 

The Chairman. Where were you born? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. I was born in Germany. 

The Chairman. What part of Germany? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. In Dresden, Germany. 

The Chair^man. In what year were you born in Germany? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. In 1904. 

The Chairman. When did you come to the United States? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. In 1914, shortly before the World War. 

The Chairman. What occupation have you been engaged in since 
you have been in Chicago ? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. Chiefly as a newspaper reporter for the 
Chicago Daily Times. 

The Chairman. While you were a newspaper reporter for the Chi- 
cago Daily Times, were you ever assigned to the task of investi- 
gating the German-American Bund of the United States ? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. I spent some 6 months last year 

The Chairman. I say, were you assigned to that task ? 

INIr. John C. Metcalfe. Yes ; I was. 

The Chairman. What did you do after you were assigned to that 
task? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. I spent 6 months investigating the ac- 
tivities of the German-American Bund during 1937. 

The Chairman. Aj^proximately vrhen did that begin? 

I\Ir. John C. Metcalfe. About April or May. 

The Chairman. In what year — 1937? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. In 1937. 

The Chairman, You completed that investigation 6 months there- 
after? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. Yes, sir ; in the fall. 



4 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

The Chairman. After you were appointed one of the investigatory 
of this committee, you renewed your investigation, and have been, 
engaged in it since that time ? 

Mr. John C. JNIetcalfe. Yes; and I was also engaged in reporting 
on subversive activities around the country since the investigation for 
the Chicago Daily Times, and I have been active in this work for a 
year. 

The Chairman. Your various investigations have carried j'ou how 
many miles, approximately ? 

Mr. John C. Metcalt. I have covered approximately 20,000 miles 
of the American-Nazi front in the United States. 

The Chairman. After you were assigned to this task by the Daily 
Times, where did you go ? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. To New York. 

The Chairman. What did you do after you got to New York? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. I joined the German-American Bund in 
Astoria. 

The Chairman. Do you have your membership card in the German- 
American Bund? 

Mv. John C. METCi^LFE. Yes, sir; I have a photostat copy of it. 

The Chairman. Let us get that at this point. 

The Chairman. Under what name did you join? 

Mr. Jo^iN C. Metcalfe. Hellmut Oberwincler. 

The Chairman. You first filed an application to join the German- 
American Bund, did you not ? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. Yes, sir; the Astoria camp. 

The Chairman. The Astoria camp? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. Yes, sir. 

The ChxViriman. Do you have photostat copies of the application 
blanks? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. Yes, sir ; they are over here. 

The Chairman. Before you made application to join this Astoria 
camp, you frequented taverns in New York where other members 
of the bund were in the habit of going? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. Yes, sir; particularly in the Yorkville 
section, in Manhattan. 

The Chairman. Who was the first official of the bund that you 
met? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe, The first official I met was Hermann 
Schwartzman. 

The Chairman. What official position did he hold with the bund? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. He was the fuehrer, the leader of the 
Astoria Post of the German- American Bund. 

The Chairman. Did he invite you to join the bund? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. He did. 

The Chairman. At the time you joined the bund, what did you 
do? Will you ex])lain to the committee what you did in connection 
with signing the application or paying any fee, or anything of that 
sort. 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. I came to the headquarters of the Astoria 
camp, in Astoria, and there was given an application blank to fill out, 
and was told that the membership fees were about 75 cents a month, 
and there was a contribution, a sort of initiation fee, of a dollar upon 



UN-A:MEKICAX rUOPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 5 

joininp-. mikI T was at the same time oiven a talk. on the aims and pur- 
poses of the oi'o-anizatioii. 

The Chaikman. By whom were you given that talk ? 

INIr. John C. IVIetcalfe. By a man by the name of Seckel; he was 
the treasurer of the Astoria post. 

The CiiAHoiAN. What did he tell you relative to the aims and pur- 
poses or objectives of the bund? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. He told me very definitely that the oro;ani- 
zation was o])posed to a democratic form of government aiid believed 
in national socialism for the United States. 

The Chairman. You speak German ? 

IVIr. John C. Metcalfe. To some extent. 

The Chairman. You had to satisfy them with reference to the fact 
that you were a German? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. Yes; I had a birth certificate. 

The Chairman. You had a birth certificate that you displayed to 
them before they achnitted you? 

Mr. John C. AIetcalf:e. Yes. 

The Chairman. After you joined, what took place within that 
camp with reference to meetings ? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. Meetings were held at the post headquar- 
ters, but the social gatherings and drills were held outdoors at various 
camps in the New York area — at Camp Sigfried, on Long Island, and 
Camp Xordland, in New Jersey. 

The Chairman. You heard speeches made at the various camps in 
German, did you not ? 

]Mr. John C. Metcalfe. Yes. 

The Chairman. And also in English? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. Yes. 

The Chairman. Some in English and some in German? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. When I originally joined, it was as a social 
member of the organization, and then later I became a storm trooper. 

The Chair:man. How long were you a social member before you 
were qualified to become a storm trooper? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. It took me only a few weeks. 

The Chairman. It was a question of convincing the organization 
or the leaders that you were qualified? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. They asked me to join several times before 
I accepted; they wanted to have me come in. 

The Chairman. What is the difference between a social member 
and a storm trooper? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. The storm-troop detachment of each post is 
the uniformed force, and ostensibly their purpose is purely as a unit 
for ushering at meetings, and so forth. However, the real purpose 
of the storm-troop division is as a strong section of the German- 
American Bund, sharply patterned after tlie Hitler troops in 
Germany. 

The Chairman. Patterned after the Hitler troops in Germany? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. Yes ; very sharply. 

The Chairman. Where did you get your uniform? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. I got a uniform on orders from the leader 
of the post in Manhattan. 

The Chairman, You were sent to a particular place ? 



Q UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. To a particular place. 

The Chairman. To get a uniform? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. Yes, sir. 

The Cpiairman. After you got a uniform, did you march with the 
other storm troops? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. Yes; there were special meetings each week 
for only storm-troop detachments, at which there were drills behind 
closed doors, and these drills were along the lines of the German 
Army regulations; all of the drilling was according to German Army 
regulations down the line. Every command was given in German; 
there was no English spoken whatsoever. 

The Chairman. Will you tell us something with reference to the 
salute of the storm troops? Was it identical with the raising of the 
right arm, used by the storm troopers in Germany? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. There are two types of salute. 

The Chairman. Will you show us the two types ? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. There is the formal salute, like this [indi- 
cating], and the informal salute is this [indicating]. 

The Chairman. How long did you remain in the Astoria post? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. I remained there for several months before 
starting out. 

The Chairman. AVliile you were a member of the Astoria post, did 
you become acquainted with Fritz Kuhn? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. Will you explain to the committee the circum- 
stances under which you met Mr. Kuhn and approximately when that 
occurred ? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. The officials of the German-American 
Bund were interested in the idea of developing me as a public speaker 
for the bund. 

The Chairman. A public speaker to be sent to the posts of the 
German-American Bund in the United States? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. To speak on national socialism and the 
propaganda of a national character. 

The Chairman. To speak on national socialism and what else? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. And other subjects of Nazi propaganda in 
the United States. 

The Chairman. You met Mr. Kuhn and he discussed that with 
you? 

l\Ir. John C. Metcalfe. I met Mr. Kuhn. I met several persons 
who discussed the matter with me, and they began to train me for 
that particular purpose. I met Mr. Kuhn at a later date, and he also 
became very much interested in that idea. 

Tlie Chairman. You say you were trained to become a public 
speaker for propairanda purposes throughout the United States? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. Yes. 

Tlie Chairman. What training were you given? Were you given 
literature ? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. Literature sent from Germany to the 
United States; literature that had been printed here in the United 
States and sent to Germany, literature that could be bought by any 
American by writing to Germany, and a good deal of other official 
Nazi literature and domestic literature of a Nazi character. 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 7 

The Chairman. "When you became a member of the German-Amer- 
ican Bund, were you required to subscribe to any oath to Hitler or the 
German Government? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. If I may say so, the matter of that oath 
has been debated a great deal around the country, particularly in New 
York, due to a certain case in Long Island where six members of the 
German-American Bund were indicted on the charge that there was 
a secret oath taken by members of the German-American Bund. I 
know definitely I did not take any oath of that kind. 

The Chairman. You did not take any oath of the kind, subscrib- 
ing fealty or allegiance to Hitler or to tlie German Government ? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. There was an entirely different ceremony. 

Tlie Chairman. I am going to come to that. I am talking about 
an express oath ; j^ou did not take that ? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. If you have in mind an oath alleged to 
have been given, according to the testimony in New York, then I 
believe that is perjury, because there is no such oath. 

The Chairman. You did go through a silent ceremony, which had 
a peculiar significance? 

Mv. John C. Metcalfe. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. Will you explain what ceremony you went through, 
to become a member of the bund, and the significance of that cere- 
mony ? 

]\Ir. John C. ]\rETCALFE. There was a meeting of the storm-troop 
division, a uniformed meeting in Astoria, at which this ceremony took 
place behind barred doors, and no one was admitted but members of 
the^ storm-troop division, where the word code was to be given to new 
members of the storm-troop division, and there were six of us who 
went through the ceremony at that time. We were lined up in drill 
formation, and Hermann Schwartzman, the fuehrer of the Astoria 
post, one of the six men under indictment in New York, was in 
charge of the ceremony that night. He explained in a speech that 
the German-American Bund no longer was permitted to give an oath 
of allegiance; no member of the bund w^as permitted to take an oath 
of allegiance. 

Mr. Heaiey. An oath of allegiance to whom? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. To Germany. He explained that in place 
of the oath of allegiance we would be asked to give our word of 
honor; and he explained that word of honor, which would be inter- 
preted by the organization, would have identically the same signifi- 
cance as if it were an oath of allegiance. 

There were no words spoken during the ceremony whatever. The 
troops were lined up in a U-formation. The nev.- members stood back 
of the U-shape, at the base of the U, and Schwartzman stood at the 
opening of the U ; there were two flags, one the American flag and 
the other the swastika, and he took hold of the ends of the tw^o flags, 
and as the new fledglings approached, the drums rolled a thurderous 
roar, and you salute in the Nazi salute, place your left hand open, 
and he places in your left hand first the edge of the American flag, 
and then at the tip of it he places the swastika. 

The Chairman. All that you testify before this committee will be 
corroborated by documentary evidence and by photograplis of you 
and other members of the bund, and by certain correspondence from 



g UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Germany to the bund, and by the testimony of witnesses who are here 
to verify a large portion of your testimony ; that is the fact, is it not? 

Mr. John C. Mektcalfe, Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. In order to clear up one more point, let me ask 
you this question: Your investigation was not directed at any race, 
but it was directed at individuals ? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. Contined entirely to the activities of cer- 
tain individuals throughout the United States alleged to be engaged 
in un-American activities. 

The Chairman. As a matter of fact, the overwhelming majority of 
people of German descent in this country you found, from your inves- 
tigation, are entirely out of sympathy with this movement? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. I would" say at least 90 percent of the 
German- American element in the United States is bitterly opposed to 
the activities of the German-American Bund and all it stands for. 

The Chairman. Will you now return to the point at which you 
were interrupted, and proceed? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. You gave the salute in holding the flag, and 
there were no words spoken at all, and Schwartzman would grip your 
hand while the drums rolled and look sharply into your eyes and try 
to impress you with tlie significance of the ceremony, and you returned 
to your position. That is all the ceremony consists of. 

Mr. Starnes. Prior to this time had there been an oath given to and 
taken by the members ? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. The. statement was made by Schartzman 
that the German-American Bund no longer was permitted to give an 
oath. 

Mr. Thomas. With regard to this word of honor, what did that 
signify to you? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. Allegiance to the swastika. 

Mr. Thomas. Why allegiance to the swastika? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. Because it was explained by Schwartzman 
that the swastika represented the post flag, that it was flying in various 
countries throughout the world, that it stood for the freedom of the 
peoj^le, for national socialistic ideals. 

Mr. Thomas. When that word of honor was given, in all the cases, 
did you ever hear of a case where the tip of the American flag was 
put over the Nazi flag? As I understand it, in your case you first 
grasped the tip of the Nazi flag. 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. The American flag. 

Mr. Thomas. And that the Nazi flag was placed on top ? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. On top of the American flag. 

Mr. Thomas. Did you ever hear of a case where the reverse hap- 
peied? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. No. I saw six instances of that on that 
evening, and in each case the ceremony was identically the same. 

In addition, I noticed in placing the flags in the corner prior to the 
ceremony, whicli I had been instructed to do, that the swastika cleared 
the American flag by at least 6 inches, was a much larger flag. 

The Chairman. After you met Mr. Kuhn, you made arrange- 
ments with Mr. Kuhn to go on this public-speaking tour throughout 
the United States ; is that a fact ? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. Yes, sir; I told Mr. Kuhn that I had a 
business trip to make, and he asked me to combine with that business 



UN-AMERICAN PItOPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 9 

tri]i the spoakin<r on<iairenionts before the German-American Bund 
posts throuoliout the country, and to speak at as many as possible. 

The Chairman. What did he tell you to say to the various posts? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. Well, he asked me to extend the greetings 
of the East to the Middle AVest and to the far West. The German- 
American Bund is divided into three sections, three divisions: The 
far West, the East, and the Middle West. He asked me to tell them 
of the work of the German-American Bund in the eastern section; 
of their camps, of their activities, of their aims, of their comrade- 
shi]). of the various activities and of their splendid camps that they 
had ; how large they were, how many people came there ; to tell 
them the complete story of the various activities of the bund and to 
tell them that they could depend upon 100 percent support in any- 
thing they were doing in other sections of the country; that they 
were marching with them, to the same end. 

Mr. Healey. Why not establish where and when this meeting 
took place? 

The Chairman. I am going to do that right now. This meeting 
between you and Mr. Kuhn was in New York, when? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. About August of 1937. It was during 
August of 1937. 

Mr. Healey. In New York? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. New York City. 

Mr. Healey. At what place? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. At the national headquarters of the Ger- 
man-American Bund, which are on Eighty-fifth Street, East Eighty- 
fifth Street. 

The Chairman. Then, following that conversation, you did make 
a trip throughout the country? 

Mr. Jt)HN C. Metcalfe. I did. 

The Chairman. Where did yen go? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. Well, I went to California, to Los Angeles. 

The Chairman. Were j^ou furnished with the names of the leaders 
or the fuehrers of the local jiunds? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. I had been attempting for a week or so 
to obtain those names, and I was successful, after this conversation, 
in obtaining permission to see a ledger which the German-American 
Bund had at its national headquarters. That ledger listed the vari- 
ous leaders throughout the conntry. It also listed the individuals 
who sold the Weckruf and Beobachter. 

The Chairman. What are the Weckruf and Beobachter ? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. It is the official newspaper of the German- 
American Bund. It is published*in the East and distributed through- 
out the United States. 

I noticed the names, as many as I thought I would be able to take 
ck)wn without creating any suspicion. I also noticed the names of the 
North German Lloyd Lines in the book, and of the German consiil 
general in Chicago, who was listed in the book. 

The Chairman. The German consul general in Chicago was listed? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. Yes. 

The Chairman. Tell us about your visits to these posts. 

Mr. JfiHN C. Mi:tcaijt:. Well, with my arrival in Los Angeles, for 
instance, and the presentation of my credentials, I had no difficulty in 
getting inside and sitting down with the various leaders on the coast 



IQ UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

and learning of their activities. Naturally, they told me of all their 
difficulties, their troubles, particularly the troubles they were having 
with the Consular Service. It seemed that in some parts of the United 
States they were not receiving the fullest cooperation from the Ger- 
man Consular Service. In other parts they were receiving very fine 
cooperation, they said. And they told me of their various difficulties ; 
the differences in policy. 

They told me of their difficulties in getting uniforms ; that they had 
sent their money to New York for a shipment of uniforms to the coast 
and the uniforms had not yet arrived. They wanted to know why. 
They asked me to check up on that, to confer with New York and to 
see what was the trouble. We diccussed these various things — litera- 
ture — they had the same difficulty there, and matters of that type were 
discussed. 

The Chaieman. You made speeches in German ? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. No ; I si)oke in English. 

The Chairman. You spoke in English ? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. Yes ; at Los Angeles. 

The Chairman. Did you in your speeches explain and applaud the 
National Socialist Party aims and principles ? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. Oh, yes ; I did. naturally. 

The Chairman. And those statements were received with en- 
thusiasm and applause? 

Mv. John C. Metcalfe. With a great deal of enthusiasm. 

The Chairman. And applause? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. Yes, sir. 

The Chaibman. How long were you gone on that tour, approxi- 
mately ? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. A month or more. 

The Chairman. Name the posts that you visited. 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. As well as I can remember, I was in Los 
Angeles. I was in San Francisco. I was in San Gabriel. They have 
a post there. They have a post in Oakland. I also contacted some 
people from San Diego, where there is another post. I was in Texas 
also, in San Antonio, where they were attempting to set up three 
posts. But they had no German-American Bund post at that time. 
I was in St. Louis and in Cincinnati; in Cleveland; in Detroit; in 
Buffalo; in Philadelphia. 

The Chairman. You were gone how long altogether? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. Approximately a little more than a month ; 
something of that kind. 

The Chairman. You returned and reported to Mr. Kuhn? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. I did, • 

The Chairman. Where were you and Mr. Kuhn when you made 
the report to him? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. Mr. Kuhn was at the national headquar- 
ters of the German-American Bund in Manhattan. 

The Chairman. Will you tell the committee what conversation took 
place between you and Mr. Kuhn at that time? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. I had several conversations with Mr. Kuhn 
relative to my trip. I did that purposely. I did not want to tell him 
everything at one time. I felt that if t would tell him a little at a 
time, at least I would have two or three opportunities for him to talk 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES H 

rather than to give him just one opportunity to explain some of the 
activities. So in the conversations I told him of the difficulties that 
various post leaders were experiencinc; throughout the country, their 
trouble about obtaining uniforms, financial support for the radio 
programs on the coast, and matters of that type. Mr. Kuhn became 
very much alarmed, very much excited. He said, "My God, I do not 
understand; what is tlie matter with these people? I have given 
them instructions. Don't they know what to do? Can't they read? 
When they have any difficulties with our consular officials, they should 
report it to me at once. "After all," he said, "I have removed the 
former (xerman Ambassador, Hans Luther. I have a secret relation- 
ship v.ith Germany. I can get anything I w^ant. I have shifted offi- 
cials. I have removed consular officials. And if they have any 
trouble, all they have to do is to tell me and the consul will be re- 
moved and another one will be put in his place until we get the kind 
of cooperation that it has been agreed in Germany we will get." 

The Chairman. After yonr conversation with Mr. Kuhn in which 
he made these statements to you relative to his ability to remove 
consuls that were displeasing to him, and relative to his past per- 
formance along that line, what did you do? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. Well, shortly after that, I returned to 
the Chicago Daily Times to assist in the preparation of a series of 
stories exposing the activities of the German-American Bund. 

The Chairman. I want you to explain at this time the difference 
between the German Bund and the German- American Bund. 

]\Ir. John C. Metcalfe. Well, there are two organizations. That 
is, generally, the German-American Bund is one large organization 
with some 80 posts in the United States. 

The Chairman. The German- American Bund has 80 posts in the 
United States? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. Approximately. 

The Chairman. Approximately 80 posts in the United States ? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. Throughout the United States. Then 
there is, in addition to the German-American Bund, an organization 
known as the Deutscher Volksbund. 

The Chairman. Right at that point, your brother, who will testify 
later, was a member of the German Bund, as distinct from the Ger- 
man-American Bund; is that right? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. He joined the storm troop division of the 
German Bund. 

The Chairman. "VVliat is the difference? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. There is this difference, that every man 
in the German Bund is a German citizen. None of them ever intend 
to become American citizens. In fact, they scoff at American ideals, 
American institutions of government; they are constantly deriding 
Americanism in general. They are under oath to Hitler, to Hitler 
alone. They take orders only from Germany. They are not re- 
sponsible to anyone else. They are drilled on American soil. They 
have been trained here. 

The Chairman. In that connection, your brother was a member of 
that organization, as will be testified to later? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. He was. 



■^2 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

The Chairman. And in these documents, there will appear photo- 
fjraphs of your brother, along with other members of the German 
Bund? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. That will be developed shortly. Now. to continue, 
what is the German-American Bund? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. The German-American Bund is made up of 
German and of American-naturalized citizens. That is contrary to 
what Fritz Kuhn contends. He says that tliere are no German citi- 
zens in the German-American Bund. But there are German citizens 
in the German- American Bund. There was an order issued from 
Germany which asked that the organization be purged of all Ger- 
mans, and this order was not carried out. We will have a witness 
to testify to that fact. 

The Chairman. At this point I want to ask you a question. You 
secured certain correspondence between people in Germany and offi- 
cials of the German-American Bund; is that a fact? 

Mv. John C. Metcalfe. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. Will you explain to the committee how you secured 
this correspondence ? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. I was in the United States district at- 
torney's office in Chicago. The United States attorney was taking 
statements, or a statement of a certain witness as to his activities in 
the German-American Bund. 

The Chairman. The witness is here today ? 

Mr, John C. Metcalfe. The witness is here. He asked this man 
whether or not he had any correspondence between himself, the 
German-American Bund, and Germany, and he said he did; that 
he had not destroyed all of it. Fritz Kulni. I might explain, shortly 
after the authorization or the creation of this connnittee, sei^.t out 
a letter to all of the bund post leaders throughout the United States, 
ordering them to destroy all evidence, whether in correspondence 
form or otlierv^'ise, which could be interpreted as being of an un- 
American character. 

Mr. Healey. You know that of your own knowledge, do you? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. We have ^^^veral affidavits as to that. 

The Chairman. That statement will be supported by i)ositive 
proofs. 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. Affidavits of members of the German- 
American Bund. This order, of course, v.ns not carried out just aa 
thoroughly as might be ex})ected, as will be shown through these 
letters, which were given to me through the witness wlio will testify 
later as to the correspondence. 

The Chairman. We will get to this correspondence a little later 
on as we develop this. I would like to take up the photograp'.is that 
were taken of yourself and various members of the bund. In that 
connection, let me develop this point. At these bund meetings cer- 
tain Fascists appenred from time to time. Black Shirts, did they not? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. Italian Black Shirts; yes, sir. 

The Chairman. They were in black shirts? 

Mr. JoitN C. IVIetcalfe. Yes. 

The Chairman. And they collaborated with the Germ.an-American 
Bund? 



UN-AJIERICAX rilOPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 13 

Mr. John C. IVIetcalfe. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. These pictures show these Fascists alono; with 
the iihmuIhms of the (Ternian-Ainerican Bund? 

Mr. Joiix C ^Metcalfe. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. The storm troopers had white shirts, I behleve? 

Mr. John C. JMetcalfe. Silver shirts. 

Tlie Chairman. Silver shirts? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. Yes. 

The Chairman. And the Fascists had black shirts? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. Black shirts. They drilled tofjether. 

The Chairman. In addition to the mutual understandino;s or meet- 
ino-s between those two groups, did the Silver Shirt members meet 
Avith the bund ? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. The Silver Shirt members ? 

The Chairman. Yes. 

Mr. John C. JMetcalfe. Yes; they met jointly. 

The Chairman. Do they have members that belonj; to each organi- 
zation; that is, a member will belong to the Silver Shirts and at the 
same time belong to the German-American Bund? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. Yes. sir ; that is correct. 

Mr. Starnes. AVliat is thei'e in common between those three organi- 
zations that caused this collaboration? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. To begin with, they both have anti-Semitic 
policies. They have attacked religions; races. They seek apparently 
to set up a dictatorship in this country; and, although they claim to 
be thoroughly American, they are opposed to a great many govern- 
mental institutions. 

The Chairman. In connection with that, you have official publica- 
tions of the German-American Bund ? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. Containing certain statements which in turn were 
published in German papers in Germany; that is a fact, is it not? 

j\Ir. John C. Metcalfe. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Thomas. You say that they attacked religions? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Thomas. All religions, or certain ones? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. Sometimes Catholicism ; and Jewish people 
at other times. 

Do you mean the general subversive groups like the Silver Shirts 
and other groups ? 

Mr. Thomas. Yes. 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. They have attacked about every religion; 
Protestantism, Catholicism. 

Mr. Thomas. Hov>' do you know that they attacked these religions ? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. I have heard them. I luive read their 
literature. 

The Chairman. You are careful in all your testimoiw to testify 
concerning things you know to be facts and not to give opinions or 
conclusions on hearsay, is that right ? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. I am. 

Mr. Thomas. Have you got some documents to shcnv that they 
attacked religion? 

]\Ir. John C. ]Metcalfe. Yes. 

949.''.l— 38 — vol. 1— — 2 



14 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

The Chairman. We will ^et to that right now. I want to take up 
these photographs at this time. 

As we present these photographs as exhibits, I want you to identify 
each photograph. These photographs have notations on the backs of 
them and they explain where they w^ere taken. 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. They are classified as to the particular type 
of activity, such as the youth movement; storm troop movements, 
and so forth. Most of the pictures have certain identifications on the 
back of them as to when and where they were taken and what they 
depict, what they portray. 

The Chairman. Some of these photograplis were taken by you? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. I took nearly ail of them. 

The Chairman. The ones that were not taken by you were taken 
by members of the bund ? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. That is right. 

The Chairman. And you secured a print? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. From the official photograplier of the 
Bund. Some were taken by other persons. 

The Chairman. Let us take this one. I hand you a photograph, 
wdiich will be marked exhibit No. 1. On the back of the photograph 
are the following words : 

They forgot tlieir orders from Kuhn. Michael Drey drills Lns Angeles storm 
troops. Knhn ranted when Times storm trooper reported this Nazi unit was 
having diflQcnlties with German consul in California city. 

Did you take that photograph? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. No; I did not. This was obtained from 
the official librarian and treasurer of the Los Angeles Post. 

The Chairman. Did you obtain it? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. Yes, sir. I know the person in this picture. 
I can identify him. 

(The photograph referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 1.") 

The Chairman. I next hand you a photograph with a notation on 
the back of it. This photograph will be marked '"Exhibit No. 2." 
(The notation on the back read as follows:) 

Astoria — Storm Trooper Otto Arndt (holding swastika flag) told Times Storm 
Trooper John C. Metcalfe (left) tliat Hitler would recall Dr. Driedhelm Draeger, 
vice consul at New York, because he was not 100 percent Nazi. 

The Chairman. Can you identify that photograph? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. Did you take it, or someone else ? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. No ; someone else took it. I am in the pic- 
ture in a storm troop uniform. 

The Chairman. What position are you in that picture? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. Right here [indicating on photograph]. 

The Chairman. Describe that for the record. 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. I am a color guard. I am in a storm troop 
uniform. This was taken, I believe, at Camp Siegfried, on Long 
Island. 

The Chairman. Identify for the record your position in the 
photograph. 

Mr. John C. Metoaijtc. The first from the left. 

(The photograph above referred to was marked "Exhibit 
No. 2.") 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 15 

The Chairman. I next liand you a photoo:raph, which will be 
marked "Exhibit No. 3." It has the date September 9 on it. Will you 
identify that pliotograph and tell us what it is? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. This is a picture taken in Chicafjo. I did 
not take this picture, but one of the witnesses who is here will testify 
about it. 

The Chahiman. You have a witness who will testify to that? 

]SIr. John C. JMetcalfe. Yes. 

The Chairman. What does that purport to be ? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. This was a celebration at Harms Park in 
Chicago of the German-American Bund. 

The Chairman. Who is seated on the platform ? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. Peter Gissibl; he was the leader of the 
Chicago Post until very recently. He is in the picture giving the 
Nazi salute while the troops parade by the stand. 

(The photograph above referred to was marked "Exhibit 
No. 3.") 

The Chairman. I next hand you a photograph which we will mark 
"Exhibit No. 4." Will you identify that, please ? 

]\Ir, John C. Metcalfe. This is a picture taken at Camp Siegfried, 
Long Island, of the storm troops, and some Black Shirts at tiie left 
side of the picture. I am in the picture right here [indicating on 
]3hotograph] . 

The Chairman. What is your position in the picture? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. I am the third behind the American flag. 
That is about the best identification I can give. 

The Chairman. This picture shows both the Black Shirts, the 
Fascists 

]\Ir. John C. Metcalfe. Just a few of them. 

The Chairman. And the storm troopers? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. Yes, sir. 

(The photograph above referred to was marked "Exhibit 
No. 4.") 

The Chairman. I hand you a picture and ask you to identify that. 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. It is a picture of Herman Schwarzman, 
the leader of the Astoria Post, saluting at the celebration at Camp 
Siegfried, Long Island. 

The Chairman. Where is Schwarzman now? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. So far as I know, he is in New York. 

The Chairman. You do not have any definite knowledge of that? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. No. 

(The photograph above referred to was marked "Exhibit 

No. ^n 

The Chairman. I will ask you to identify this photograph. 

ISIr. John C. Metcalfe. These are storm troops entering the parade 
grounds while the entire crowd is giving the Hitler salute. The 
swastika is shown. Several of them are leading the parade. 

The Chairman. Are there any American flags in that photograph ? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. I do not see any. 

The Chairman. There are a number of swastika flags, and these 
people are shown giving the Hitler salute. 

Mr. Thomas. "VVliere was that? 



IQ UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

The Chairman. Camp Siegfried. 
Mr. John C. Metcalfe. Long Island. 

(The photograph referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 6.") 

The Chairman. I hand you a picture which purports to show a, 
joint meeting between Fascists, Black Shirt Fascists, and storm, 
troopers. Will you identify that photograph, which will be marked 
''Exhibit No. 7"? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. This was also taken at Camp Siegfried, 
with the Black Shirts in the center of the picture, giving the Fascist 
t^alute and the storm troops, of the German-American Bund giving 
the Hitler salute, with the swastika in the foreground. 

(The photograph referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 7.") 

The Chairman. I will ask you to identify this photograph and tell 
us what it is. 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. This is a unit of the Astoria Post, just a 
portion of it. There are a few storm troopers here. I am at the 
extreme right in uniform. 

The Chairman. In other words, the person at the extreme right is 
yourself ? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. Yes, sir. 

(The photograph referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 8.") 

The Chairman. I hand you another photograph and ask you to 
identify that. 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. These are storm troopers from Los Angeles. 
The picture was given to me by the wife of one of the storm troopers, 
who was identified, whom I met in Los Angeles. His wife is in 
Chicago. 

(The photograph referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 8.") 

The Chairman. I hand you another photograph and ask you to 
identify that. 

]\Ir. John C. Metcalfe. This is a picture of the storm troop division"" 
and part of a crowd attending an aifair of the German-American Bund 
at San Diego, Calif. ; at the camp. 

(The photograph referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 9.") 

The Chairman. You have in addition to these large photographs a 
number of smaller ones. Who took these? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. I believe I took all of those, pretty nearly 
all of them. 

The Chairman. How did 3'ou manage to take them ? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. I have a German camera witli me. In fact,- 
the box for the camera has the revenue stamp on it. Tlie camera was 
given to me by a friend. It had been bought by him in Germany. I 
used that caniora very frequently. It was a German camei-a, and. of 
course, it was a very good one. I would take ])ictures and then give 
them })rints, extra prints, to meml)ers of the jjost. Of course, they 
encouraged me to take other pictures, and in that way I took some four 
or five hundred ]iiclnres altogether. 

Mr. Thomas. Would it be possible for a visitor to these camps to 
take pictures, just as you took them? 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 17 

Mr. John C. Metcalfk. It may be, sir. I do not know what tlio 
regulations are now. At that time there was not a great deal of 
trouble, except that I was taking different type pictures than the 
average visitor would take. 

The CiiAiR.^rAN. I hand vou this photograph and ask vou to iden- 
tify that. 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. This is a review of a parade by storm 
troops and Black Shirts at Camp Siegfried on July 4, 1937. In the 
foreground, at the left, are the fuehrers of the various sections of 
the United States. In the center, left to right, is Fritz Kuhn, the 
Bundesfuehrer, the national leader of the German -American Bund, 
and Joseph Santi. He was the commander of the Italian Black 
Shirts. At the right is Herman Schwarzman, the fuehrer of the 
Astoria Post, leading the parade in a goose step, past the reviewing 
stand. 

(The photograph referred to v^^as marked "Exhibit No. 10." 

The Chairman. I hand you a smaller photograph; some smaller 
photographs. What do they show? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. These are storm troop leaders, or a storm 
troop leader saluting a scout leader. They have a Boy Scout organi- 
sation. That is the Hitler youth movement. 

(The photograph was marked "Exhibit No. 11.") 

The Chairman. In that connection, what does the Hitler youth 
movement in the German-American Bund represent ? Is it a counter- 
l^art of the youth movement in Germany? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. Practically the same thing. 

The Chairman. What size children do they have in it? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. From very tiny tots, 6 or 7 years old, all 
the way up to about 18 years of age. 

The Chairman. Do they train them? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. They train them and drill them and rather 
thoroughly Hitlerize them in their ideals. 

The Chairman. Do they bring books from Germany over for them 
to read? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. They give them literature. They have 
their own schools. They have a school system established in the 
United States, at the various bunds in the country. They have 
motion pictures imported from Germany which are frequently 
brought over by the German Tourist Information Bureau in New 
York and shown at the bund meetings. 

Mr. Thomas. In this school system, what do they teach them? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. I attended some of the meetings. They 
teach the principles, basically the principles of national socialism. 
They glorify Hitler and all that he stands for; the Hitler youth 
movement and all that it stands for. They glorify Germany in 
general. 

Mr. Thomas. Do they have these school systems throughout the 
public school year or just in the summer time in connection with 
these camps? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. No ; they have them throughout the year. 

Mr. Thomas. Then how do they go to the public schools in this 
country? 



Ig UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr. John C. jMetcalfe. Tliey take them in these camps in th^ 
Slimmer, whei'e they drill them and give them swimming and every- 
thing else. 

Mr. Thomas. But if they have a school system throughout the year, 
do tliese children go just to these schools, or do they go to the public 
schools also ? 

Mr, John C. Metcalfe. They go to the public schools, so far as I 
know. 

Mr. Starnes. What vehicles do they use for propaganda in this 
country ? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. Well, literature of all types; radio; motion 
pictures ; speeches, by word of mouth. 

]Mr. Staenes. Do they have agents in the American Army ? Do you 
know anything about that ? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. Well, at one time in Illinois, for instance, 
the entire camp was made up of members of the German-American 
Bund. 

Mr. Healey. a company of what ? 

INIr. John C. Metcalfe. The National Guard. 

Mr. Healey. How^ do you know that? 

ISIr. John C. Metcalfe. We have a record of it, a company report 
of it. An investigation was made under the direction of the Governor 
of Illinois. I believe there was some difficulty of that same type in 
New York. 

Mr. Starnes. Did you find any members of the German Bund or the 
German-American Bund among the officers of the Reserve Associa- 
tion of the United States Army ? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. Not that I know of personally. I cannot 
testify to that. 

j\Ir. Thomas. Mr. Chairman, I would like to develop this school 
system a little further. 

The Chairman. Please proceed. 

Mr. Thomas. Are you prepared to develop this school system to 
which you have referred? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. Yes, sir ; I wnll have some material on it. 

The Chairman. In connection with that, you have photographs of 
various youth meetings ; and you will develop the matter of this school 
system further? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Starnes. Do you know definitely that Kuhn is Hitler's No. 1 
man in this country? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. You mean he is the top representative of 
the German Government? 

JNIr. Starnes. Yes. 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. I would not say that. There may be some- 
one else behind Kuhn. 

Mr. Starnes. Would you say he is in this German Bund movement 
or the German-American B'uid movement the No. 1 man? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. He is the leader of the German-American 
Bund movement, definitely. 

]Mr. Starnes. Do you know how close his relationship is with 
Hitler? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. I have a picture of him with Hitler. 



UN-AMEUICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES X9 

IMr. Starnes. His official connection; do you laiow what official 
connection of relationsliij) exists between the two? 

JMr. John C. Metcalfe. Other than his own admissions to me, of 
his relationship with Hitler and of the German Government. 

Mr. Starnes. Did he tell you that he had authority to remove con- 
suls at will in this country, and did he have sufficient influence to 
have consuls removed at will? 

INIr. John C. Metcalfe. Yes. sir; he claimed that he had actually 
had removed Consul Luther. That is, where they were not giving the 
type of cooperation that they were supposed to give. 

jNIr. Thomas. Did he name any others that he had had removed? 

IMr. Joiix C. Metc.\lfe. I do not recall. I think I have a complete 
report on that, and I will bring it in at a later date, showing the exact 
couA'ersations which took place between Fritz Kuhn and other leaders 
of the German-American Bund throughout the country. 

The Chair^ian. When you say "with others," do you mean to say 
that you made a written report or memorandum of it ? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. Yes, sir; almost immediately after I left 
the office, after a conversation of that type. I made a notation at once. 

The Chairman. Will you identify this photograph [exhibiting it] ? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. Yes, sir; tliis is a photograph of a German 
fife and bugle corps at Camp Nordland. They are members of the 
bund. 

jNIr. Healey. Is this uniform a distinctive uniform or is it patterned 
after the German uniform ? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. It is a distinctive uniform. 

Mr. Healey. What does it consist of? 

IVIr. John C. Metcalfe. Black trousers, a silver gray shirt, black 
band around the cap, silver lined, black tie, swastika on the band, and 
brown belt. 

JMr. Healey. Is it patterned after the German uniform? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. Not exactly. The uniforms of the Ameri- 
can Bund have changed from time to time. This is now the official 
uniform, not the original uniform, of the predecessors of the German- 
American Bund, known as the Friends of New Germany. 

(The photograph referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 12.") 

Tlie Chairman. Will you identify this photograph? 
Mr. John C. Metcalfe. This is a pliotograph of storm troopers 
lined up over at Camp Siegfried, at Yaphank. 

(The photograph referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 13.") 

The Chairman. I w^ill ask you to identify this photograph. 
Mr. John C. METC^iLFE. This is a section of black shirts at Camp 
Siegfried. 

(The photograph referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 14.") 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. These are storm troopers in black shirts. 
Mr. Thomas. You were asked a question about propaganda. 
Mr. John C. Metcalfe. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Thomas. Will you develop that at a later date? Will that be 
done through another witness at a later time ? 

Tlie Chairman. There is another witness who will do that. 



"20 UX-AMEKICAX PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

We will place in evidence the balance of the photographs, which are 
more or less the same as the ones already produced. We want these 
photographs of the Hitler youth organizations in the German-Ameri- 
can camps. I hand you a photograph of a boy and girl with the back- 
ground of a swastika. How did you secure this photograph? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. That picture was secured by anotlier wit- 
ness who is here and who will testify to it. 

The Chairman. Will you identify it? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. This is a photograph of an American boy 
and girl at Chicago, members of the Hitler youth movement of the 
German-American Bund. 

(The photograph referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 15.") 

The Chairman. Will you identify this picture of a boy and girl, 
the boy with hand raised in the Hitler salute, and the girl standing 
beside him? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. This is a picture taken at a youth camp, 
with a boy giving the Hitler salute. The picture was taken at Camp 
Horstswart in Pennsylvania. 

(The photograph referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 16.") 

The Chairman. I hand you a picture of two boys, one with a steel 
German helmet on, and, also, a spear in his hand : Will you identify 
that? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. I took that picture of this boy on sentry 
duty at a youth camp. That was Camp Siegfried. 

(The photograph referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 17.") 

The Chairman. The next one is a picture of three boys, one with 
a steel helmet on, and two with spears in their hands. 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. This was taken at the same location on 
another day. There is a boy with a helmet on and two others. 

(The photograph referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 18.") 

The Chairman. I hand you a picture of some girls with black 
skirts, white, blue, and black ties, with the swastika in the back- 
groinid. 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. The uniform is blue and white. That pic- 
ture was taken at Camp Siegfried, of the youth movement in the 
girls' section. 

(The photograph referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 19.") 

The Chairman. What is the result of your tours throughout the 
country, investigations of documentary evidence and other things, in 
forming an estimate of the strength of the German-American Bund, 
including the German Bund and the various Silver Shirt and other 
allied organizations, with their sympathizers, or those who attend the 
Bund camps and contribute to the movement? What is your esti- 
mate of their strength? 

IMr. John C. Metcalfe. You understand by membership 

The Chairman (interposing). I do not mean the membership of 
the Bund, but of allied organizations, and their sympathizers, or 
those who attend their meetings. 



UN-AMKKICAN ritOrAGANLrA ACTIVITIES 21 

Mr. JoHX C. IMetcalfe, Five hundred thousand — half a million. 

Mr. Thomas. In that estimate, do you divide them among the 
oriianizations'^ 

Mr. John C. IMetcalfe. I would say that the German-American 
Bund claims to have a membership of 6,500. The Department of 
Justice, after a cursory investigation, said it was 8,500. The investi- 
gation of the Chicago Daily Times showed it was closer to 20,000. I 
believe I can say at this time that a more accurate estimate Avould be 
about 25,000. The bund advertises in its public gatherings, where 
pe()i)le are willing to be seen in the camps and attending their meet- 
ings, tliat the total of such ])eople in the United States is 103,000. 

Mr. Thomas. That is the claim of the actual number of those who 
attend the bund camps. 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. When they attend camps, do they make contribu- 
tions ? 

Mr. John C. IMetcalfe. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. In uniforms, or what? 

IMr. John C. IMetcalfe. In money. 

The Chairman. They make voluntary contributions, buy beer and 
other things, and so forth, to maintain the camps. 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe, Yes, sir ; and they buy literature. I would 
say that there were at least 100,000 of them througliout the United 
States. The total, with the symi)a(hizers and others who attend their 
meetings, would run to half a million. 

Mr. Thomas. "V^Hiat is the division as between the bund member- 
ship and that of the Silver Shirts, Black Shirts, and so forth? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. They are separate organizations. Or the 
three movements, the bund movement is by far the largest of the 
three. Mr. Saulter, who attended this affair, and wliose picture is 
shown there, claims that the Black Shirt movement in the United 
States as 10,000 men in uniform, or in Black Shirt uniforms in the 
United States, with an additional 5,000 in uniform on the outside. 
In other words, in the whole Avorld the number would be 15,000. They 
were supposed to have been sent from Rome to America to further 
the Black Shirt movement in the United States. 

Mr. Thomas. Then we have about 140,000. As I understand it, 
you have approximately 25,000 bund members and 100,000 sympa- 
thizers. 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. No, sir. Your figures of bund membership 
are 25,000 members. I will draw^ a line against the total of 100,000. 
That does not include all the people who do not want to be seen 
publicW with them, but who sujjport them and aid them all the time 
privately. They are in sympathy with them. There are thousands 
of those people. 

The Chairman. Of course, this is just an estimate of the number. 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. Yes, sir. I think that is a conservative 
figure. 

Mr. Thomas. The membership of the bund 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. The registered membership of the bund 
proper is approximately 25,000. 

Mr. Thomas. It is much larger than the membership of the other 
two. 



22 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. I believe it is larger. 

The Chairman. I hand you a photograph of a group of girls carry- 
ing a swastika and banner. 

llr. John C. Metcalfe. That photograph was taken at Camp 
Nordland. 

(The photograph referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 20.") 

Tlie Chairman. Here is a photograph of a group of small girls, 
ranging, I presume, from about 6 or 7 years of age. Will you identify 
that photograph ? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. This picture was taken at Camp Siegfried, 
on Long Island. 

(The photograph referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 21.") 

The Chairman. I hand you a picture of a boy leaning against a 
tree M'ith tents in the background. Will you identify that ? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. That was taken at Camp Siegfried, on 
Long Island. 

(The photograph referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 22.") 

The Chairman. I hand you a picture of some boys marching with 
a flag, Avith the official swastika or half swastika in one corner, and 
in the middle is a skull. 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. Yes, sir; that is the insignia of various 
troops. A lot of scouts have different insignia. They have the 
swastika insignia indicating the youth movement, 

(The photograph referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 23.") 

The Chairman. I hand you a picture with someone with his right 
hand raised, speaking through a microphone. 

Mr. John C. JNIetcalfe. That picture ^^■as taken at a celebration 
at Camp Siegfried, at which the speaker is here giving the Hitler 
salute. This man is Carl Nicolay. He is giving the Hitler salute 
and an address. He is a very ardent national socialist, and he has 
been engaged in that particular work for a number of years. 

The Chairman. Did he show that to you ? 

jSIr. John C. Metcalfe. Yes, sir; he was one of the men who w^as 
trained to become a public speaker. We will tell considerably more 
about that at a later date. 

(The photograph referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 24.") 

The Chairman. There are many more photographs of the Youth 
movement, but we will pass them over for the time being. 

I hand you a picture with two men in uniform, with one in 
civilian clothes in the middle. 

]Mr. John C. Metcalfe. That is a picture of three Chicago Times 
reporters who covered the Nazi investigation, representing James J. 
Metcalfe, who was assigned to the German Bund, distinguished from 
the German-American Bund; AVilliam E. Miller, who was an ob- 
server assigned to the general field organization, and myself. 

(The photograph referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 25.") 

The Chairman. I hand vou a picture of an airplane. Will you 
please identify these two pictures. 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTlVPriES 23 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. I took those pictures of an airplane flying 
•on July 18, 1037, over Camp Nordland, N. J. From this plane there 
were dropped swastikas on the camp, to the cheers of the group. 
The flyer was not identified. 

The Chairman. Did the ]ilane have any identification marks on it? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. Not that I know about. 

Mr. Thomas. Do you happen to know whether they were dropped 
on any of the neighboring municipalities? 

]Mr.' John C. Metcalfe. I cannot testify to that directly. I did 
see this same thing happen again at Philadelphia and Detroit. 

(The photograph referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 26.") 

The Chairman. I hand you a photograph of a group of men in 
black shirts: Will you identify this photograph, and, if possible, 
identify the persons? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. This picture was taken at Camp Siegfried. 
I am in the center, w^ith a storm troop uniform. There are others 
around in black shirts. 

(The photograph referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 27.") 

The CHAiRiiAN. I hand you another photograph of a group of 
men in black shirts, with two women in the picture. 

"Slv. John C. Metcalfe. This is another picture taken on the same 
day. 

(The photograph referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 28.") 

The Chairman. I hand you a photograph of an individual appar- 
ently making a speech. 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. This man is Commander Salvatore Caridi, 
the head of the Italian World War division, who spoke to about 
10,000 persons gathered at the German camp bund celebration at Camp 
Nordland, September 12, 1937. 

(The photograph referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 28'/2.") 

The Chairman. I hand you a photograph of an individual in uni- 
form standing back with a group of magazines and books, apparently 
German literature. 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. That photograph I obtained at Los An- 
geles. It was actually taken at San Diego. The man is the manager 
of the Los Angeles Post, charged with the distribution of Nazi litera- 
ture, much of it from Germany. 

The Chairman. That picture show^s some of the literature, books, 
pamphlets, etc., being distributed to people coming up. 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. Yes, sir. 

(The photograph referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 29.") 

The Chairman. I show you a picture of two men in uniform. 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. That picture w^as taken at Camp Siegfried. 
I am in uniform there along \vith another storm trooper. These peo- 
ple are being advised where the literature is sold to visitors to the 
camp. 

Mr. Thomas. Will you develop, Mr. Chairman, whether this propa- 
ganda comes from Germany ? 

The Chairman. Yes; we will develop that the propaganda comes 
from there. 



24 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

I hand you a picture of a swastika, a large swastika, with a man in 
vniiform. 

Mr. John C. JVIetcalfe. This picture was taken at Hindenburg 
Park, Los Angeles. 

(The photograph referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 30.") 

The Chairman. You have among these photographs a picture of 
Fritz Kuhn with Adolph Hitler. 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. Yes, sir; I have. 

The Chairman. I show you a picture of five individuals. Will you 
identify that picture? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. The man on the left, or the extreme left, is 
Hitler. 

The Chairman. You say it is Hitler, but you do not know that to 
be the fact, do 3'ou ? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. Tliat picture has been distributed very 
freely among ilie members of the bund, and a man wdio was present 
gave me this. He is at the extreme right. At the foreground here 
is Fritz Kuhn speaking to Hitler. 

(The photograph referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 31.") 

The Chairman. I hand you a photograph of, apparently, a ban- 
quet, with the swastika and two American flags. 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. That is in a banquet hall of the Biltmore 
Hotel, on September 14, 1937, at the time of the reelection of Fritz 
Kuhn for 4 years. I am sitting there in the foreground, just in front 
of Fritz Kulni, and the German vice consul at New^ York is ad- 
dressing the leaders of the German-American Bund gathered from 
all over the country. 

(The photograph referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 32.") 

The Chairman. I hand you this photograph of a number of per- 
sons in uniform. 

Mr. John C. INIetcalfe. This picture was taken at Camp Siegfried, 
on the rifle range. The German-American Bund has throughout the 
country various camps and at a number of them they have shooting 
ranges. 

The Chairman. Do you have a target with you? • 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. We will come to that later. 

(The photograph referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 33.") 

The Chairman. I hand you another picture of a man in uniform 
with an American flag and some other flag: Will you identify this 
photograph ? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. This is a picture of Ulvrainian Storm 
Troops. It is a German-American Bund aflPair at Chicago, 

(The photograph referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 34.") 

The Chairman. I hand you a picture of a group of men wearing 
some uniform. 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. These are White Russians giving the Nazi 
salute. That was an affair held in New York. 

(The photograph referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 35.") 



UN-A.MEUirAX PllOPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 25 

The Chairman. I hand you another picture of men in uniform 
sahitino;. They have torches. 

]Mr. John C. Metcalfe. This was an affair lield tlirou^liout the 
country. That is the flaming swastika. It is reminiscent of the 
flamino; cross of the Klan. 

(The photograph referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 36.") 

The Chairman. I hand you a photograph of two boys: Will you 
identify it? 

jNIr. John C. Metcalfe. These are pictures of boys made in Ger- 
many. They were posed for by German Army officers, and are 
modeled that way. Then tliey were shipped to the United States, 
and sold at Yorkville. There is a sale of this stuff at Yorkville of 
children in those poses. 

(The photograph referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 37.") 

The Chair]man. "Will you tell this committee, based upon your 
actual knowledge, as a result of your membership in the bund, your 
conferences with the various members, the literature you have read, 
and so forth, what are the main ]:)urposes of the German-American 
Bund and like associations in the United States? 

Mv. John C. Metcalfe. Of course,, the German-American Bund 
claims that they are purely a social movement, and that it has no 
other purpose than preserving the identity of the German- American ; 
but we have discovered that the real aims and purposes of the Nazi 
Germans in the United States are threefold : First, the establish- 
ment of a vast spy net; second, a powerful sabotage machine; and, 
third, a German minority with the present group as a nucleus and 
to encompass as many German-Americans as possible. 

In this connection, it must be borne in mind that in 1916, prior to 
the entrance of the United States into the World War, Germany 
had practically no espionage organization or sabotage machine in 
this country. It is to avoid a duplication of this mistake that the 
bund has become active without letting even its own membership 
know the real purpose behind the movement so that they may be 
prepared for any eventuality that may arise, such as a state of war 
with America or an attempt to prevent the. United States from 
delivering arms or supplies to a Nazi enemy. We will show, as we 
go along, the activities here which will support this statement. 

The Chairman. Going back to the proposition of propaganda in 
the United States, will you tell the committee liow that propaganda 
is carried on ? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. One of the principal means of bringing 
this about has been the establishment by the Nazis in Stuttgart, 
Germany, of the Auslands Bureau, which is the foreign institute. 
This institute at the present time is manned in Stuttgart by men 
who were former leaders of the Nazi movement in this country, some 
of whom have even taken out citizenship papers. 

We refer here to such men as Walter Kappe, who was the chief 
propaganda officer in this country for several years and served as 
editor of the Nazi newspaper here; Fritz Gissibl, former national 
leader of the Nazi Bund in this country, who, incidently, was a wit- 
ness for the McCbrmack committee in 1934, and then fied the 
country; a man by the name of Schuster, a former leader of the 



26 UX-AMEKICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

eastern division of the Xazis. and nnconfirmed reports have it that 
this same institute now also employs Heinz Spanknoebel, one of the 
founders of the Nazi movement in this country, and a fugitive from 
justice, having been indicted by a Federal grand jury in Xew York. 

This foreign institute of the Nazis is actively engaged in direct- 
ing, planning, and helping to finance under various names the activi- 
ties, the plans and programs of the German-American Bund in the 
United States. 

The Ch.airmax. The correspondence which will be produced after 
dinner, and the magazines and writings, establish the connection be- 
tween the Nazi Party in Germany and the bund movement in the 
United States? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. Yes, sir; that literature will, in a way, 
be a missing link in that long-suspected connection — the corre- 
spondence to which the Congressman refers and to which I have 
referred earlier; yes. sir. 

The Chairman. You recently attended a meeting of the Silver 
Shirts, did you not? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. I did. 

The Chairman. You previously testified that they have a very 
close relationship with the German-American Bund? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. That is a fact? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. In the course of that meeting you heard certain 
things? 

Mr. John C. Metcaijpe. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. Statements made by official speakers? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. Yes; by one official speaker, the main 
speaker of the evening. 

The Chairman. From your investigation and your contacts, you 
believe, or rather know% that there is a definite relationship between 
the Silver Shirts and the German-American Bund? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. By their own admissions — the letters. 

The Chairman. When you say "by their own admissions," what 
do you mean by that? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. Publicly, at their meetings of the Silver 
Shirts. 

The Chairman. \Yliat about their aims and objectives, as an- 
nounced? Are they similar? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. They are similar. Their procedure of at- 
tack is very similar, as I think I have pointed out. 

The Chairman. Are any literature or pamphlets of the Silver 
Shirts movement reprinted in Germany ; or do you know that ? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. Yes, sir. They are not re]Drinted, but they 
can be obtained in Germany. You can write to the Foreign Insti- 
tute, for instance, and obtain from them copies of the Silver Shirt 
Weekly, which is known as Liberation. It is published by William 
Dudley Pelley. Pelley is the chief of the Silver Shirt Movement. 
He is the national headquarters of the Silver Shirts, at Asheville, 
N. C., but you can write to Germany and obtain copies of Liberation. 
You can buy it. 



UN-AMEHirAX FKOI'AUANDA ACTIVITIES 27 

Tlie Chairman. Can yoii obtain otlier magazines? 

Mr. John C. INIetcalfe. Yes, sir; yon can obtain other magazines, 
other pnbHcations, in Hamburg — material that has been printed in 
the United States and shi])ped over there and sold again. 

The Chairman. Is that true with reference to the official publica- 
tion of the German- American Bund? 

]\Ir. John C. Metcalfe. No. The official publication of the Ger- 
man-American Bund is quoted in such publications as Julius 
Streicher's "Stunner," and Julius Streicher, of course, is the top 
notch anti-Semitic in the German movement, which is a well-known, 
fact. 

The Chairman. At these various meetings that you attended did 
any vice consul ever address the audience? 

iSIr. John C. Metcalfe. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. Did that happen once or on numerous occasions? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. Oh, I think we have pictures of several 
occasions where they have attended, and we have admissions from an 
affidavit of the — of course, he is not here, but I have his affidavit that 
was taken under oath, from the United States attorney, that the 
A'arious consul generals and vice consuls attend the affairs of the- 
organization. 

The Chairman. Did you ever hear any of those speeches yourself? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. Were they in German or in English ? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. German. 

The Chairman. What was the general tenor or purport of those- 
speeches ? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. Of a desire to be of the fullest cooperation^ 
assistance, and help in the movement. 

The Chairman. Praises of Hitler and the Nazi regime? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. I think, in view of our getting into other phases^ 
which will take about an hour or an hour and a half when we get into 
the propaganda and correspondence, we will take a recess until 1 
o'clock and resume the hearing at that time. 

(Thereupon a recess was taken until 1 p. m.) 

after recess 

The Chairman. The committee Avill come to order. Mr. Metcalfe,^ 
will you resume? 

TESTIMONY OF JOHN C. METCALFE— Resumed 

The Chairman. Mr. Metcalfe, you stated this morning that you 
had your membership card in the German-American Bund ? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. Yes, sir. 

Tlie Chairman. I hand you an instrument here. Is this the mem- 
bership card? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. This is the membership card, with the sig- 
nature of Fritz Kuhn on the card itself. 

The Chairman. Tliat is a photostatic copy of the card ? 



2g UN-AMERiaAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. That is a photostatic copy of membership 
card of the German-American Bund. 

(The card referred to was received in evidence, marked 
^'Exhibit No. 38," and is filed herewitli.) 

The Chairman. In addition to that, are there some photostatic 
copies of applications, and what else? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. And various applications — here is another 
photostat of the membership card, from the front view, and this [in- 
dicating] is a receipt for the initial dues and initiation fee. The 
orifjinals are here. 

The Chairman. Tliere you have two photostatic copies of the mem- 
bership card; next is the official receipt for the membershp dues — 
well, we will set to that in a minute. 

Now, you made some general statements this morning, and we want 
to begin to tie them in now with specific proof. You testified with 
reference to some correspondence that you secured from Mr. Grissibl ; 
is that right? 

IVIr. John C. Metcalfe. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. Did you secure a letter from a Mr. Brand, treas- 
urer of the city of Chicago? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. Among the letters which were given to me 
through Mr. Gissibl there was one letter written by Gustave A. 
Brand, treasurer of the city of Chicago. 

The Chairman. I hand you this letter. Will you identify this as 
the original letter that you secured? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. Did you have that letter translated? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. The original letter is written in German? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. Yes, sir. 
. The Chairman. It is on the stationery of the office of the treasurer, 
city of Chicago, Gustave A. Brand, treasurer, dated July 9, 1937. 

(The letter referred to was marked for identification "Ex- 
hibit No. 39," and is filed herewith.) 

The Chairman. Will you read the translation of the letter? 
Mr. John C. Metcalfe (reading) : 

Dear Herh Gissihl: Very many thanks for your friendly note and the guest 
card which you sent me a few days ago. 

That is the guest card for the German-American Bund. 

It will certainly be a great pleasure to visit the dub rooms of your bund, 
and I do not doubt that your books will be of the greatest interest to me. 

I thank you again most cordially and am with a German greeting and best 
wishes. 

GusTAVEJ A. Brand. 

In this connection, the books referred to is a library 

The Chairman. Do you know this to be a fact ? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. I have the statements of a witness who 
win testify later on as to the library itself, and I have his statement. 

The Chairman. What library is it? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. A library that has been created in the 
headquarters of the German-American Bund at Chicago. 

The Chairman. How many volumes do they have? 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 29 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. They have several thousand books. 

The Chairman. Where did they secure the books ? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. Some of them in Germany ; a great many 
of them. 

The Chairman. Are they in the German language ? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. They are in the German language. 

The Chairman. Now \Yith reference to the other correspondence 
that you secured in the same way that you have heretofore testified 
about : I hand you a letter written in longhand, dated — what is the 
date in 1936 ; what month '^ 

iSIr. John C. Metcalfe. December 19, 1936. 

(The letter referred to was marked for identification "Exhibit 
No. 40," and is filed herewith.) 

The Chairman. Will you please read that letter? 

Mr. John C. :METCALrE. That is to the Deutscher Volksbund Orts- 
gruppe — that means the post of the German-American Bund — at 
Chicago, 111. [Eeading:] 

Gentlemen : I am a German- American and we have already corresponded 
(your letter 3.10.1933). 

Next spring I shall probably come over again. I should like some information 
now, as follows: I have paid here nearly 4 years in the party (U. S. D. A. P). 
Of course, I cannot take an oath here. The leader here tells me I cannot belong 
to the party as an American. Thus I should like to ask you, are in your Orts- 
gruppe or in the Deutsche Volksbund only Germans or also German-Americans? 
Then another thing, can you lind out whether there are any Jews engaged on 
the Abendpost? 

I beg you kindly to answer immediately. 

With best thanks and German-American greeting. 

Peter Kastenholz. 

The Chairman. Where was that letter sent from ? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. That letter was sent from Germany. 

The Chairman. What part of Germany? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. Cologne. 

The Chairman. Addressed to whom ? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. It is addressed to the German-American 
Bund post at Chicago. 

The Chairman. I hand you another letter — or, rather, this is a car- 
bon copy of a letter dated Chicago, January 16, 1937, written in Ger- 
man, of which you have the translation attached. Will you kindly 
read that letter ? 

(The letter referred to was marked for identification "Exhibit 
No. 41," and is filed herewith.) 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. This is the reply to the other letter. 

The Chairman. That is a reply to the letter that you have just read? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. Yes, sir. [Reading :] 

Herr Petter Kastenholz. 

Dear Sir : In answer to your letter of December 19, 1936, I wish to say : 

In the American German Volksbund (former Friends of New Germany) there 

are no members of the N. S. D. A. P. — 

The National Socialist Party — 

and no party members can join this bund. 

Besides the Amerikadeutscher Volksbund there is another organization in 
Chicago, the Duetscher Volksbund. American citizens cannot join this organiza- 
tion. In the Deutscher Volksbund are only members of the N. S. D. A. P. — 

94031—38 — vol. 1 3 



3Q UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

National Socialist Party- 
German citizens wlio have taken out their first papers— i. e., who intend ta 
become American citizens— can join the Amerikadeutscher Volksbund. These, 
of course, cannot remain members of the N. S. D. A. P., as they have forfeited 
their German citizenship 

Both groups are on friendly terms with each other. The Reichsdeutschcn 
are only given to cultural activities, while the other group is politically active. 
With regard to the Abendpost we are just not clear. The paper has largo 
ads from Jewish houses, and is naturally dependent on them. Whether Jews 
are employed by the paper or not, I do not know. The owners of the Abend- 
post are not Jews. 

Peter Gissibl, Ortsgruppenleiter. 

The Chairman. I next hand yon a letter dated Chicatjo, January 16, 
1937, signed by — well, you can read the letter and identify it. 

All these letters are the correspondence that you got in the way 
that you have previously testified ; is that right ? 

Mr. JoHX C. Metcalfe. Yes, sir. 

This is addressed to Firma Kasper Berg, Nuremberg. 

(The letter was marked for identification "Exhibit No. 42," 
and is filed herewith.) 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe (reading) : 

We wish to purchase some Rhuen bicycles for our young people. Please send 
one on receipt of this letter to the above address. The amount will be sent you 
as soon as we receive your bill. 

With German greeting. 

Signed again by Peter Gissibl, the head of the German-American 
Bund at Chicago. 

The Chairman. I next hand you a letter dated Munich, August 13, 
1937, signed "H. K. Hoffmann." Will you kindly read that letter and 
identify it? 

Mr, John C. Metcalfe (reading) : 

Dear Hebe Gissibl: In answer to your writing of 26.7 I wish to inform you 
that I shall, of course, be glad to receive the Americans recommended by you, 
Mr. Coleman and Mr. Kent A. Blakeslee, and to give them an insight into the 
up-building of New Germany. As, however, on 25.8 I shall be in Nuremberg for 
the preparations for the Reichsparteitag" — 

That' is the National Socialist Party day — 

I hope I shall not miss their visit. In any case, I shall appoint someone to 
take care of the gentlemen. 

Signed "H. R. Hoffmann." Sent from Miinchen; that is, ISIunich, 
Germany. 

The (Chairman. And that was written to whom? 
Mr. John C. Metcalfe. To Peter Gissibl. 

(The letter referred to was marked for identification "Exhibit 
No. 43," and is filed herewith.) 

The Chairman. I next hand you a letter dated Berlin. Will you 
read the letter and identify it? What stationery is the letter on? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. It is on the stationery of the Volksbund 
fiir das Deutschtiun im Ausland. That is the bund for the Germans 
in foreign lands. 

The Chairman. That is the bund for Germans in foreign lands? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. That is right. It was sent here to Peter 
Gissibl, to the German-American Bund at Chicago. 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 31 

The letter states : 

Dear Membb^i: It is a great pleasure — 

This is a point, I think, that is quite important — 

De:ar Member : — 

Sent to the German- American Bund post. 

It is a great pleasure to us to be able to send also to you as a greeting of 
loyalty of tbe old country for the coming Christmas feast a V. D. A. calendar 
"Deutsche in aller Welt"— 

That is, Grermans throughout the world — 

1937. At our expense many firms in the Reich have put at our disposal a 
large number of almanacs for Germans in foreign lands, to show them the close 
connection between the members of the same people. 

We beg you to use the calendar so as to be seen by as many as possible, as 
our 100,000.000 people live scattered over the whole earth, and in spite of cen- 
turies of separation from the Reich still hold true to German customs, lan- 
guage, and culture, although subjected to endless suppressions in many 
countries. 

We should be very glad to hear if the calendar reached you, and whether 
you would enjoy hearing more in the future from the Reich. We are especially 
anxious that tlie firm, which also published the enclosed almanac, receives an 
acknowledgment from you. We are sure that such a letter will please the 
sender. 

Tlie Chairman. Signed by whom? 

Mr. John C. IMetcalfe. Signed by the Volksbund f iir das Deutsch- 
tum im Ausland. 

The Chairman. That is the agency established by the Nazi Govern- 
ment to bring closer together the Germans throughout the world; 
is that right? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. That is right ; yes, sir. 

The Chairman. That is an official agency of the German Govern- 
ment ? 

Mr. John C. ISIetcalfe. That is an official letter. 

(The letter referred to was marked for identification "Exhibit 
No. 44," and is filed herewith.) 

The Chairman. I next liand you a letter dated October 20, 1937, 
from Stuttgart ; is that right ? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. That is right. 

The Chairman. The letter is signed "Your comrade," with the ini- 
tials underneath "b. w." Will you read that letter ? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. This is a letter from the Foreign Institute 
at Stuttgart, which I mentioned this morning. 

The Chairman. The Foreign Institute, as distinct from this other 
organization. What is this? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. The Foreign Institute is engaged in assist- 
ing the German -American Bund in the spreading of propaganda in 
this countr\\ A number of officials in the institute at Stuttgart are 
former leaders of the bund, and the brother of Fritz Gissibl.is one of 
the officials of this institute in Stuttgart. 

The Chairman. Read tlie letter. 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe (reading) : 

Dear Herr Gissibx, : We have asked repeatedly in the U. S. of A. for an ex- 
change of boys and girls in vacation with Germany. In the future we want to 
give more emphasis to this negotiation and make a permanent arrangement. 



32 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

We see that this problem, properly handled, can be of the utmost Importance 
for the development of foreign connections. I refer to a paragraph that appeared 
about 2 years ago in an article in the New Bulletin of the Institute of Inter- 
national Education : "Friendships cannot be made early enough. Youth is espe- 
cially susceptible to this. The impressions of a youth in a foreign country- 
influence hundreds of his comrades on his return." 

With this conviction, we have taken upon ourselves the task, beginning next 
year, of bringing a number of young people of German and non-German blood 
in exchange to Stuttgart, the city of the foreign Germans. The limit of the 
considered number for the above-named cities has been taken care of. With 
Chicago, as also with Detroit, the mo.st friendly feeling connects us ; that was 
fostered through the visit of our president, Herr Oberbiirgermeister — Dr. Strolin. 
Besides the German element in both cities holds a prominent place. 

The choice of Stuttgart was made, aside from the unusually adapted situa- 
tion and structure of this city, not only because of the exchange to take place, 
but also we wanted to be able to provide that the stay of our young friends 
from abroad could be made profitable to them in the Reich. That we could 
only do in our own city. It would be here only that we could get the guar- 
antee that the families for whom the exchange would be made, would be 
adaptable. Every boy and girl from abroad would, through our intervention, 
be introduced into our German family life. They would be in contact with our 
youth, in the home, at work, at play, at sport, and in the community. 

Before we begin with the separate details, we should like to know how you 
feel about oiu- plan, to which our president. Dr. Strolin also as Oberbiirger- 
meister of the city of Stuttgart, gives his full support. 

With your support we expect to attain the success we are aiming for. 

We are aware of the difiiculties before us. In the first place one is the 
expense of fares. Still I think there should be 20 families that can be won to 
give their children for exchange. Not to be forgotten is that the Reichs Railway 
gives a rateage of 60 percent, and a special rate will be granted by the German 
Steamship Co. 

I shall be especially grateful to you to be notified of your stand in this 
matter. 

Your comrade. 

(The letter referred to was marked for identification "Exhibit 
No. 45," and is filed herewith.) 

Mr. Mason. Have you a record of any ansAver to that letter? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. All the correspondence I have received is 
here. 

Mr. Mason. Is there a direct answer to that letter ? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. Apparently some of the letters were lifted. 
These were given of their own volition, and there will be a witness 
here who turned these letters over, and he can be questioned about 
them. 

The Chairman. He turned the letters over to someone else? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. He turned the letters over to Otto Willu- 
meit. Otto Willumeit is the present leader of the German-American 
Bund post at Chicago, and Mr. Willumeit simply brought them down 
as a matter of convenience, and to save Mr. Gissibl a tri]3 again to 
the United States attorney's office. 

The Chairman. I hand you a letter which you can identify. 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. This is a letter from Great Kills, N. Y., 
dated October 24, 1937. 

The Chairman. All these ori/rinal letters are written in German; 
you are reading from the translation of the German? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. Yes, sir; that is correct. [Reading:] 

Dear Hekr Gissibl: You may remember that I took care of the V. D. A. 
(Volksbund fiir das Deutschtum in Ausland, Berlin) work. 

Our book agent in Berlin would like to know whether the "Arbeitsgemeinschaft 
deutscher Verbande der Siidseite" — 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 33 

That is South Side unit — 

in Chicnso still exists. In 1934 a number of books were sent to tbis organization. 
Letters that were sent to George Ott. 11141 South Sawyer Avenue, the secretary, 
came back or were not answered. Herr Ortmann, of the Abendpost, gave a new 
address. nr)24 South Bishop Street, but letters written there were not answered. 

Unfortunately I must say that it is very hard to get an answer from Chicago. 
I have severaltimes written to the Artsgruppe of the A. V., as well as to the 
paper, but never had an answer from either. 

Now, Gault Froebose — 

That is the Middle West leader of the German -American Bund — 

tells me that I will undoubtedly get an answer from you. Let's hope so. 

Then a Herr Herbert L. Baldermann, 2541 Sunnyside Avenue, Chicago, has 
asked for books for his "organization?" Do you know him? What organization 
does he lead? 

Signed by "C. G. Orgell." 

I believe \hat INIr. Orgoll was under investigation for un-American 
activities by a former committee. 

The Chairman. That is a general statement. Do you know that 
to be a fact ? 

Mr. JoHX C. jMetcalfe. He was called before the committee. 

The Chairman. You mean he was called by a former committee? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. Do not volunteer any conclusions unless you know 
what you are saying. 

(The letter referred to was marked for identification "Exhibit 
No. 46," and is filed herewith.) 

The Chairman. I show you another letter which you may identify. 
ISIr. John C. Metcalfe. This is another letter written from the 
same person, Orgell. [Reading :] 

Dear Mr. Gissibl. Many thanks for your prompt answer. My complaint, 
that I can get no answer from Chicago, goes back to the time before May 1917. 

From your letter I gather that it is of no use to send books the Arbeits- 
gemeinschaft dt. Vereine on the South Side any more. 

The material that Herr Baldermann received came from V. D. A., it came 
through our agent (Mirbt). If he wishes he can get more any time, that is, 
if you approve. 

The 30 books for your Theodore Koerner School — 

that school is the youth-movement school in the post to which I 
referred this morning. 

The Chairman. These were sent through the German counsul 
general ? 

jSIr. John C. Metcalfe. Yes, sir. In other words, they cooperated 
in this way. 

The 30 books for your Theodore Koerner School that came this summer 
(through the German counsul general in Chicago) are also from the V. D. A. — 

And they came from the Foreign Institute — 

if you wish more primers or school books, then please write me direct, the 
refiuest goes then — without the official way through the consulate and foreign 
office — to our agent. Let me know how many you want and what you need 
besides primers and readers. I shall take care of prompt delivery. Fritz 
Kuhn must of course know of the request and give his O. K. 

The Chairman. Read that over again. I did not get it exactly. 
Mr. John C. Metcalfe (reading) : 

I shall take care of prompt delivery. Fritz Kuhn must of course know of 
the request and give his O. K. 



34 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

The Chairman. Before tliej^ can get additional books? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. Before they can get additional books. 

If yoii can get me of the following Chicago German papers a few proofs 
I should be grateful : 
Heimatbote (Donaulaender Blatt) Michael Schaut, 1543 Larrabee Street. 
Illinois Statts-Herold, 118 North La Salle Street. 
Neue Zeit, Wochenschrift fuer Politik, 3825 Pine Grove Avenue. 
Wahrheitsfreund, Menonite Publishing Co., 2812 Lincoln Avenue. 
They can be old numbers, so long as they can be used as proof. 
With German greeting, 

Carl G. Orgeix. 

(The letter referred to was marked for identification ''Exhibit 
No. 47," and is filed herewith.) 

The Chairman. What do they mean by "With German greeting"? 
Mr. John C. Metcalfe. Well, that is the familiar greeting that 
they use throughout the country. 

The Chairman. Will you identify this letter? It is a short letter. 
Mr. John C. Metcalfe. Yes; it is very brief. [Heading :] 
Gentlemen : I studied the German language — 

This is sent to the Foreign Institute in Germany, at Berlin — 

I studied the German language for a year and have corresponded with a student 
in Germany but seem to have lost track of him. Therefore, I would like to 
secure another correspondent and was referred to you. I will, therefore, be 
grateful if you will let me know if you can help me in this matter, advising me 
of the amount of your fee. I am interested particularly in economics and poli- 
tics, am 27 years old, and interested in getting the German viewpoints from 
one who is a German. 
Yours truly, 

D. D. George, 
4881 North Ashland Boulevard, Chicar/o, 111. 

(The letter referred to was marked for identification "Exhibit 
No. 48," and is filed herewith.) 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. Here is another letter connected with it. 
This letter was sent to Germany, and the institute in Germany wrote 

Mr. Gissibl in Chicago enclosing this original letter, which had come 

from Chicago. They said : 

March 17, 1938. 

DEAR Comrade Gissibl: Enclosed we send you a letter from an American in 
Chicago. Perhaps this man will be valuable to you. We have not answered his 
letter. 

Mr. Healey. Who signed that letter ? 
Mr. John C. Metcalfe. It was signed in Germany. 
Mr. Healey. By whom ? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. It is Ross, as I make it out. Perhaps a 
witness who Avill testify later will give you the exact spelling of that 
name. 

The Chairman. Will you now read this letter which I hand you, 
which is marked "Exhibit No. 49." 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. This is a letter on stationery of the Girl 
Scouts, and it reads as follows : 

Girl Scouts (Incorporated), 
Neiv York, N. Y., March 1, JOSS. 
Mr. Paul Dunsing. 

Chicago, 111. 

Dear Mr. Dunsino : As Miss Hess is not in the oflSce today, your letter and the 
book, German Folk Dances, were laid on my desk. 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 35 

They are most opportune, as we are revising all our badge material and I 
am responsible for the dancer badge. I had seen a copy of this book in some- 
one else's possession and it seemed to be just what we wanted, as I am planning 
to include a (lerman section in the new folk dancer badge. 

We will certainly review your book next fall in the Girl Scout Leader, but 
there will be no book reviews in the next three issues, because our new jirogram 
material is being published in them. However, the book will be given as a 
reference in the folk dancer badge which will appear in the June issue. I will 
see that you get a copy when it comes out. 

If you ever publish any more volumes of German Folk Dances, please let us 
know. As you say, yours seems to be the only book of German folk dances 
printed in English. I have danced with the German group in the New York Folk 
Festival Council, and have enjoyed the German dances very much indeed. 

When the book is reviewed we will send you a copy of the review also. 
Sincerely yours, 

Virginia Greene, 
Editorial Assistant, Program Division. 

The Chairman. This letter which I now hand you, which is marked 
"Exhibit No. 50," was written in Germany. AVhat is that letter? 

Mr. John C. Metcalte. That is a letter from the Foreign Institute 
in Stuttgart. 

The Chairman. Will you read that translation? 

IMr. John C. Metcalfe, It says : 

Stdttgabt, March 7, 1938. 

Dear Peter — 

That is Peter Gissibl — 

Weeks ago I wrote at length to Fritz Kuhn and suggested a trip to Germany 
for members and friends of the bund for this year. To this suggestion I have 
had no answer. I should like to ask you now to sift this plan for Chicago and 
tell me as soon as possible your opinion. I wrote in my letter to Kuhn, among 
other things, the following: 

"Can we take for granted that the bund will sponsor again this year a trip to 
Germany? 

"I hope very much that your answer will be affirmative. I can assure you 
today the fullest support of the Institute during their stay in Germany. It would 
only be neces.sary to let me know as early as possible all important details, the 
number of individuals, time and length of stay in Germany, means at disposal 
and any special desires. 

"I would then immediately make out an exact itinerary and also make 
provisions for the travelers to get special rates throughout the Reich and every 
possible opportunity for them to learn of our new industries and community 
life from personal inspection. These arrangements will be made in the closest 
cooperation with the officials in the different localities. For the special rates 
I would get in contact with the committee Kraftdurch Freude. 

"It would be desirable among the travelers to have an official at the head 
of each arts group. I should like to suggest that these, at the end of the 
tour, meet with other suitable members of their own choice for a week in 
Stuttgart of intensive schooling at the institute." 

That is the training and propaganda activities in which the insti- 
tute is engaged, training them before they return to the United 
States. The letter goes on to say : 

"I am sure of the most favorable results from such a procedure, with regard 
to our future joint work and for the end toward which we are striving. 

"I believe already now I dare say that we can make their stay here in 
Stuttgart free of charge. 

"Depending on the time the tourists are in the Reich it may be possible for 
a limited number to attend the Reichsparteitag. Also the advent of the whole 
group in Stuttgart could be used to stage a big demonstration for the Ameri- 
can-German people. Such a demonstration would surely attract a great deal 
of attention and be of a big service to our efforts." 

I am writing the same as this to Herman Schwinn, Los Angeles. 



36 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

He is the leader of the Far West section of the German-American 
Bund. 

The Chairman. Is he the same individual reported by the press 
to have addressed the convention of the bund recently in California? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. Yes, sir; that is the same man. 

The Chairman. I hand you another letter, marked "Exhibit No. 
51." dated March 15, 1938, and ask you to identify that. 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. This is a letter to the Germania Club, and 
it reads as follows : 

Chicago, March 15, 1938. 
Prof. Dr. Geoeg Scheeger, 

Germania Club, CMcago, III. 

Dear Hekb Prof. Scherger: For years tlie Amerika-deutsche Volksbnnd 
(former Friends of New Germany) has used the rooms of the Germania Club 
on all great occasions. The former manager of the building, as well as his 
predecessors, never had occasion for any complaints, on the contrary, these 
gentlemen expressed their pleasure over the model behavior of those present, 
at A. V. meetings, in words of commendation. 

Thus all the more surprising it is that the responsible director of the Germania 
Club suddenly finds it necessary to refuse to rent the clubrooms to the bund only 
because at the end of a peaceful meeting (February 23) — 

I was at that meeting — 

after the official business had been transacted, a few communistic noisemakers 
make a disturbance. 

The reasons for this action of the responsible leader, and which were given in 
writing March 9 by the receiver, Mr. Marshall Keig, to the club members, are not 
good enough to justify such a procedure. Right here we should like to state the 
following facts : 

The leader of the local group of the A. V. has for months advised the wealthier 
members of the bund to join the Germania club, thereby doing their part toward 
the upkeep of the building as a culture center for the German element in Chicago. 

2. A large number of the members of the American-German Volksbnnd and 
its subordinate groups joined the Germania Club for the same reason. 

The Germania Club, is according to its most prominent members, intended as 
a gathering place for the positive German element in Chicago, out of which a 
prosperous culture work can spring. 

As a foundation for the fulfillment of such an imdertaking, it is necessary, 
according to our opinion, that the club free itself from the influence which 
prompted the weak-kneed declaration of Mr. Marshall Keig, and, in our opinion, 
is as un-German as un-American. 

The responsible leader of the Americadeutsche Volksbnnd expects therefore 
that the next meeting of the Germania Club members will take into consideration 
the decision made and find a solution to the situation. 

We are perfectly willing to withdraw from meetings of a political nature in 
the rooms of the Germania Club, except though for celebrations of a cultural or 
social nature the rooms will be at our disposal. 

It is hardly to be expected that the members and friends of the bund will visit 
the clubrooms until this matter has been satisfactorily settled. 

That is dated March 15, 1938, and is sioned by Die Ortsgruppen- 
leitung Des Amerikadeutschen Volksbundes. 

The Chairman. Have you another letter, marked "Exhibit No. 52," 
dated March 18, 1938, al'so from Stuttgart? Will you identify that 
letter and read it? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. That is also a letter from the institute at 

Stuttgart. It says: 

M.\rch 18, 1938. 
Dear Peter — 

That is Peter Gissibl — 

I received a letter dated February 15 from your representative, Comrade 
Moller. He told me, among other things, that in this year there could be no 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 37 

oxchanpe of young people. I rogret that very much. I should have liked in 
the interest of our mutual efforts, if we could, already this year, have had some 
of the youth from your circle. Perhaps with some help this could he made 
possible. It is true, the time to get ready is very short. I quite understand 
that. 

I shall soon write you more. In the meantime, you can perhaps give me more 
details about the development of your school in the past weeks. I have anew 
given support to the fulfillment of your just wishes. Let us hope that we verj 
soon reach the goal we are striving for together. 

That letter is sig-ned bv Moshack. I think the followino; witness 
can give you the exact spelling of that. 

The Chairman. Here is a letter addressed at Berlin, dated April 
2, 1938, and marked ''Exhibit No. 53." Will you read that letter? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. This letter says : 

April 2, 1938. 

Deab Comrade Gissibl : Unfortunately, the visit of your Bf — 

That is Fritz Kuhn— 

caused by apparently all too many complications, that lie outside of my compass, 
has not yet led to any decided clearing up. I have not seen your Bf up till now. 

Nevertheless, I have taken up all your wishes and desires and worked on them. 
The same will be done in the future, only we must keep our correspondence 
strictly personal. 

I have already approached the chairman of the Reichsmusikkammer, and 
hope in the near future to report to you. 

The Enders affair is also being worked on. 

I do not know what that is. 

We have also approached a number of children's choruses and even the Berlin 
Domchor, the Thomaner-Chor, Leipzig and Bielefelder Kinderchore, of whom I 
send a group picture. 

The enclosed list of writings is now insofar worthless, as the people have 
received pamphlets. Your women's organization will in the future receive 
enclosed material from our Feranendienst. The Sangerfest authorities have 
up to now not gone along with us regarding the prize, which we are willing to 
offer. Put more pressure behind this. Costimie heads are being sent and 
will soon be over there. 

Besides, you will receive in the future regularly 2.5 numbers of our magazine 
Der Volksdeutsche. There will also be sent you a number of the big speeches 
of the Fuehrer of February of this year. 

The Chairman. I now hand yon another letter from the same or- 
ganization, marked "Exhibit No. 54," What is the date of that? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. That is dated April 11, 1938. 

The Chairman. From whom to whom? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. That is from the same institute in Berlin, 
addressed to Peter Gissibl, who was then head of the German-Ameri- 
can Bund post in Chicago. It reads : 

April 11, 1938. 

Dear Comrade Gissibl: Our preparations for the song festival have advanced 
to such an extent that we have decided to give a placard to the children of 
the children's chorus. The Bielefelder Children's Chorus, which is very well 
known here, as well as the Thomaner Chorus, Leipzig, have already promised 
their cooperation. The placards will have about the following form : As title, 
"Children's Chorus, 39 National Singer Festival, Chicago, 1938." Under that two 
musician heads, "Johann Seb. Bach and Richard AVagner." Under that, "Given 
with German Singersgreeting by (VDA) Bielefelder Children's Chorus and 
Thomaner Chorus)." "The names of the sponsors will not appear on the poster 
but, printed on colored ribbons, will be attached to the poster. 

The president of the Reichsmusikkammer, Herr Professor Dr. Raabe, will 
send, in his own handwriting, a letter of greeting, through the consulate there. 
Put yourself in connection with the consulate, so that you can fit in there. 

PuttinjT themselves in connection with the consulate. 



3g UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

The Chairman. What was that last sentence again ? 

Mr, John C. Metcalfe. It says, "Put yourself in connection with 
the consulate," in touch with the consulate, "so that you can fit in 
there." 

The Chairman. I do not get the significance of that. 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. It says : 

The president of the Reichsmiisikkammer, Herr Professor Dr. Raabe. will send, 
in his own handwriting, a letter of greeting through the consulate there. 

The Chairman. Is he going to the consulate ? 

]Mr. John C. Metcalfe. He is connected with the consulate in con- 
nection with this affair. The letter goes on to say : 

To add to the decoration of the festival programs, we would like to know 
Dr. Raabe's letter, a greeting from our bund director, Herr Burgermeister 
Behaghel, as well as greetings with short explanations of the two before- 
named children's choruses will be inserted. Also we are prepared to offer a 
prize, but only on the assurance that such a prize will be accepted. 

Wire me briefly whether the plans I have developed will find full support, sa 
that we can go ahead with everything. 

Referring to your letter of 18.3.38 with regard to the reader, I can assure 
you that the matter, as laid clear by you. will be taken care of. About this I 
shall let you know more soon after we have made contacts with the places iu 
question as to the disposal. 

Mr. Mason. Would you gather from that letter that the consulate is 
to be used as a clearing house or contact between the organization 
writing the letter in Germany and the German-American Bund in 
Chicago ? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. The letter so states directly that the con- 
sulate there is the contact point. 

The Chairman. I now hand you a letter dated April 22, 1938^ 
marked "Exhibit No. 55," and ask you to read that letter. 

Mr. John C. IMetcalfe. This is a letter again from the same insti- 
tute in Berlin addressed to "Dear Comrade Gissibl," and it says: 

April 22, 1938. 

Dear Comrade Gissibl : "We are sending you today one copy of our educa- 
tional paper Volksdeutscher Ruf, intended only for the Reich, that in July will 
appear for the American-German following. 

In this number we should like a report on the German song in the fight for 
the upholding of Germandom in America. 

Perhaps a suitable article will be found in one of the festival numbers of the 
Singerspaper. If not, perhaps you can get a suitable singer to write us such 
a report for the July number. 

That is of this year. 

The Chairman. I hand you another letter, which is dated May 20^ 
1938, from tlie same institution in Berlin, which is marked "Exhibit 
No. 56," and I will ask you to read that letter. 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. This letter says : 

May 20, 1938. 

Dear Comrade Gissibl: We wrote you yesterday that the 3,000 placards for 
the Sangerfest will reach you through Argell. 

That is the same man as referred to in the other letter; in other 
words, they are shipping them through him. The letter goes on 
to say : 

For several reasons we are having the placards packed in 10 separate parcels, 
of which 2 go to each of the following : Friedrich Schleuz, Karl Moeller, Karl 
Kraenzle, Argell, and 2 to you. 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 39 

Please inform your coworkers of the same and see that the expenses of duty 
be taken care of. Herr Argell will later reimburse you. It was the simplest 
and the only way the placards could be sent to reach you in time. 

Mr. Starnes. Wliat is the significance of that transaction? 

Mr, John C. IMetcalfe. Apparently they are breaking them up 
because they would be more difficult to trace. That Argell is reim- 
bursing these agents for paying the duty that you have to pay on 
literature tliat conies into America from Germany. So Argell is 
handlinir the financial transactions between the bund and this institute 
in Berlin, 

The Chairman. I now hand you another letter, dated June 14, 
1938, and ask you to read that letter. 

Mr. John C. IMetcalfe. This is a letter from the institute at Stutt- 
gart, addressed to Peter Gissibl, and it says: 

June 14, 1938. 

You will have received by now my letter of April 11 in regard to a INIr. Roth, 
who will go over to you this summer. I wrote you earlier that I would investigate 
Roth. I did so. No new information has come in. I repeat therefore my 
request to you, in every way, further this plan, and to write to me as soon as 
possible. 

I liave no explanation of that letter. The succeeding witness may 
explain it. 

The Chairman, I now hand vou another letter dated March 30, 
1938, marked "Exhibit No. 57."^ Will you kindly read that letter 
distinctly ? 

Mv. John C. Metcalfe. This is a copy of a letter to the German- 
American Berufsgemeinschaft, dated March 30, 1938, and it says: 

March 30, 1938. 
Detttsch-Amerikanische Berufsgemein shaft, 

21 East Seventy-fifth Street, New York, United States of America: 

About 10 days ago the Deutsche Arbeitsfront informed us of a telegram 
received from your leader, Johannsen, regarding your school in Chicago. 

As there are already several language schools in and about Chicago, some 
already started, some planned, we decided to give one man in Chicago the 
authority of supervision for all these schools. No matter what the very-to-be- 
regretted differences among the separate German-speaking and those of strong 
German feeling organizations may be, our work must not and shall not be 
influenced by such. Especially with regard to language-school conditions, that 
recently have made a noticeable progress in the United States of America, a 
unification and centralization is imperative. 

Thus we ask you, for the good of the entire German-speaking growth, to lay 
aside any differences that may have arisen between you and our confidence man 
for language schools in the district of Chicago and contact at once our man, 
Herr Friedrich Schlenz, 6226 North Paulina Avenue, Chicago, 111. 

Any financial support, as you request, is out of the question. (1) Such sup- 
port is never given by us, and (2) as your organization combines German- 
American citizens, who have close ties to German authorities, a financial sup- 
port from our side would be very dangerous, as the always watchful enemies 
of Germany would have a definite proof of our suspected financing of German 
"propagandists" in foreign countries. 

Besides such help from us would be an injustice toward so many other 
schools, who never get one cent from us, some of which have for years labored 
under the greatest difficulties. 

We cannot imagine it should be hard for your members in Chicago, consider- 
ing the size of this city, to raise the small amount of $500. 

We regretted very much that your leader during his short stay in Germany — 

That is Fritz Kulm — 

did not find the time to look us up. Doubtless, by such an opportunity, many 
things could have been talked over that would be valuable for our future work 
together. 



40 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

In conclusion let lis make this clear : Our confidential work in the United 
States of America does not confine itself to any one particular German-Ameri- 
can organization ; on the contrary, every good, reliable, and German-people- 
conscious places in the United States of America, whether it be a large or- 
ganization, a single group, or a true German pastor, they are all welcome to 
us. Then only thus is a guaranty given that as many as possible of German 
origin are taken in by us and bound to their home. 

Mr. Thomas. Who was that letter from? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. That is signed by E. A. Vennekohl. 

Mr. Thomas. Of what organization? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. The letter is addressed to the German- 
American Beriifsgemeinshaft,, in New York, and he is writing from 
Germany. It does not state here what organization he represents. 

The Chairman. Here is another letter dated March 4, 1938, which 
is market "Exhibit No. 58." 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. This is a letter addressed to the Volksbnnd 
for the Foreign Germandom, in Berlin. That is the same one I 
spoke about. It says: 

Deutsch-Amerikanische Berufsgemeinschaft (D. a. B.). 

:Ncw York, N. Y., March 4, 1938. 

VOLKSBUND FOR THE FOREIGN GeRMANDOM, 

Berlin. 

Gentlemen : The local groi;p, Chicago, of the Deutsch-Amerikanische Berufs- 
gemeinschaft, founded a German school about 2 months ago. It was started 
with a very small number of pupils and today shows the goodly number of 
100 children, who wish to have schooling. This should be definite proof that 
there is a great need for a German school in Chicago. The equipment is very 
primitive up to now. Our oi'ganization and likewise a number of friends in 
Chicago have already raised a sizeable sum of money so that these children 
can at least begin to get their schooling. It is absolutely necessary that 100 
desks be procured, that cost about $10 apiece. This necessary expenditure 
will amount to about $1,000; $.500 have already been raised, but at the moment 
there is no possibility of raising the remaining $.500. 

That other letter is an answer to this one. This letter continues : 

It is known to us that the Volksbund for Foreign Germandom has a very lively 
interest in erecting such schools and we take the liberty to ask if it would be 
possible for you to place at our disposal $500 for this work. For your further 
information, we wish to say that instruction has been arranged for children 
from G to 18 years of age. An absolutely competent German teacher will take 
over the direction and cax-e of instruction. It has already been necessary to take 
on a second teacher, and we believe that we shall be faced with the necessity of 
acquiring more teachers. In case you need more information on this school in 
Chicago, please get in contact with the German consul general in Chicago. Any 
information on the Deutsche Amerikanische Berufsgemeinschaft will be given 
you by the foreign department of the Deutsches Arbeitsfront in Berlin. 

Hoping to hear from you very soon regarding this affair. 

The Chairman. Here is another letter from the same organization 
dated April 13, 1938, marked "Exhibit No. 59." 
Mr. John C. Metcalfe. This letter reads as follows : 

April 13, 1938. 

Dear Comrade Gissibl: We sent you a few days ago a school songbook, pub- 
lished by Eher, that, in our opinion, will serve your purpose. 
Let us know your opinion on this book upon receipt of same. 

That is signed by the same man who signed the other letter. 

Mr. Starnes. Wluit kind of a school is this? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. The bund claim to tlie public is that these 
schools are purely for teaching the German language, so that they do 
not forget the language, but actually they are propaganda schools. 



UIs-AMElilCAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 41 

Mr. Starnes. Schools teacliiiig Hitlerism in America ? 

Mv. John C. Metcalfe. Yes. 

The Chairman. Do you know that to be a fact ? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. How do you know that? 

Mr. John C. INIetcalfe. Ihave attended some of the sessions. 

The Chairman. You have attended the sessions and you have heard 
them talk in a way that convinced you they were teaching propa- 
ganda ? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. How did they talk? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. They spoke along those lines and showed 
motion pictures that glorified the German Army and Navy ; films were 
shown there that were sent from Germany, that were brought in from 
Germany. 

The Chairman. I hand you another letter from, I believe, the same 
organization, dated March 31, 1938, marked "Exhibit No. 60." 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. This is to the Foreign German Institute at 
Stuttgart. 

The Chairman. Signed by Roth ? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. Yes ; Ludwig Roth, chief inspector of school 
studies. [Reading :] 

Ke visit to the German peoples group in North America. 

The unusually long Bavarian summer vacation makes it possible for me this 
year to take a trip to the United States of North America, in the company of a 
friend and colleague. We intend to join a tour of the Hapag, but in America we 
shall separate from this and travel a few weeks independently. The time at our 
disposal (from about July 20 to September 1) is of such extent that for personal 
reasons we should like to use part of it for a rest period. We should be very 
glad, during that time, to get in connection with young Germans in America. We 
are both members of the V. D. A. and on earlier trips to the Baltic lands and 
South Tyrol we always sought personal contact with the Germans living there ; 
we had then also the feeling not only of having gained something for ourselves 
but also of having done for those Germans. 

I should like to ask you to kindly tell me how I can contact the young American- 
Germans before my trip? The following possibilities are under consideration: 

1. The acquaintance of young Germans, who would be willing to travel with 
us during the time in question, preferably in one coach. We should prefer 
students about our age (26 years). 

2. Participation in a camp or in a meeting of the German youth of the 
United States of America or Canada. 

Should you not be able to make such arrangements, then I beg you to 
place my request in the proper hands or let me know to whom I should turn. 
For all your trouble let me express my warmest appreciation and thanks. 

The Chairman. I hand you hereM'ith another letter dated April 
11, 1938, a short letter, marked "Exhibit No. 61," which I will ask 
you to read. 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. This is a letter from the institute at Stutt- 
gart to Peter Gissibl, head of the Chicago post. [Reading:] 

Enclosed is a copy of a letter I received a few days ago. I am getting in 
touch with you immediately and ask you for an opinion regarding Studienas- 
sessor (chief-inspector of school studies) Roth's plan. 

The Chairman. What is Roth's plan? Do you know what it is? 
Mr. John C. Metcalfe. No. 

I do not know him, but I am having him investigated. If he should prove 
to be in every way dependable, I am ready to support his plan to the utmost. 
I beg you, in such a case, to do the same. 



42 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

You will hear from me soon again. At the moment I am much too busy to 
write more. The same is the case with Fritz. 

The Chairman. I hand you a letter dated March 16, exhibit No. 
62, a short letter, which I will ask you to read. 
Mr. John C. Metcalfe (reading) : 

DEiiR Comrade Gissibl: We are sending you registered our bronze honor 
placque with document for Herr Frank vou Friedersdorf, requesting you to 
present this to him on a suitable occasion. 

It is very much to be desired that you procure for us the life history and 
photo and negative for publication in our magazine Dor Volksdeutsch. 

E. A. Vennekohl. 

The Chairman. I hand you the last letter, dated March 31, 1938, 
exhibit No. 63, marked "Confidential." Kead it. 
Mr. John C. Metcalfe (reading) : 

Dear Comrade Gissibl : Enclosed we are sending you a copy of a writing of 
the Deutsch-Amerikanische Brufsge-Meinschaft of the 4th of March, sent us, 

and also our answer. 

Vennekohl. 

Neither was enclosed. It was lifted out of the correspondence. 

The Chairman. "We haA^e here an affidavit signed by Peter Gissibl, 
who is here to testify this afternoon, and who will follow you shortly. 
We will not go into that at this moment, as we will have his direct 
testimony. 

I have here an affidavit from Mr. Willumeit. This affidavit was 
given to the United States district attorney. Will you kindly read 
this affidavit so that it may go into the record ? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. This is a statement of Dr. Otto Willumeit, 
4344 North Sheridan Road, Chicago, 111. It was taken July 15, 1938. 

Statement of Dr. Otto Willumeit, 4344 North Sheridan Road, Chicago, III., 
Taken Friday, July 15, 193S, United States Courthouse, Chicago, III., 
Room 826 

Present: Harry N. Connaughton, assistant United States attorney; Earl C. 
Hurley, assistant United States attorney; John Metcalfe, investigator, Dies 
Committee on Un-American Activities, Dr. Otto Willumeit. 

My name is Dr. Otto Willumeit and I reside at 4344 North Sheridan Road, 
Chicago, 111. 

I took over the leadership of the German-American Bund, Chicago chapter. 
May 17, 1938. I joined the German-American Bund in September 1937. 

I became an American citizen in 1932 at Hammond, Ind. Shortly after taking 
over the leadership of the local chapter, I received a letter from Fritz Kuhn 
of New York. I carried this letter with me for about a month and recently 
tore it up as I did not believe it was important. This letter, although I do not 
remember the exact wording, advised me that in view of the coming congres- 
sional investigation of the bund, INIr. Kuhn deemed it advisable for me to 
destroy all correspondence between the local bund and Germany. He further 
pointed out that no matter how harmless it may be, the letters could be 
interpreted in a different light. 

I have never been a member of the Nazi Party. 

I was away from Chicago from 1933 to 193G. I have returned several times, 
but I resided in Austria during that period and also for a period of 6 months 
in Germany. 

I have never at any time in any speech advocated the overthrow of the 
Government or urged any antireligious movement. I am willing to turn over 
copies of m.v speeches to the congressional committee when I am so requested. 
I am also willing to cooperate with the committee on an.y official matter which 
Is in my possession or give them any information which I have. 

I am not familiar with the financial status of the bund, either local or 
national. 



UN-AMKRICAN PROrAGANDA ACTIVITIES 43 

I do not know Fritz Knhn porsonully, have not corresponded with him, nor 
have I talked witli liini over tiie teleplione, nor have I corresponded with the 
officials of the German Government in my official capacity. 

Subscribed and sworn to before me this day of July, A. D. 1938. 

, Notary Public. 

The Chairman. That is signed and sworn to before whom ? 

IVIr. John C. Metcalfe. It is signed and sworn to by Otto Willu- 
meit. 

The Chairman. I want to ask you with reference to the Silver 
Shirt movement. You had occasion to investigate it in connection 
with the German-American Bund, did you not? 

ISIr. John C. Metcalfe. I came across the Silver Shirt movement. 
I have, since the investigation of the Times, followed their activities. 

The Chairman. Did you recently attend a meeting? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. I attended a meeting of the Silver Shirts 
held in Chicago last Saturday night. 

The Chairman. Do you have a memorandum of what took place 
at this meeting? 

]\Ir. John C. Metcalfe. Yes; I have. 

The Chairman. Would you rather read this memorandum or tes- 
tif V as to what took place from your memory ? 

Mv. John C. Metcalfe. Whatever you wish, sir. 

The Chairman. Was this memorandum written immediately after 
the meeting? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. Immediately after the meeting. 

The Chairman. Suppose, then, you read the memorandum. 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. This is an account of what took place at 
the meeting of the Silver Shirts which was held at 8 o'clock, 8 p. m., in 
Gross Park Hall, 2123 Roscoe Street, Chicago. The meeting was 
opeii to members only and closely guarded by Silver Shirts in uniform. 

The Chairman. How did you get in? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. By invitation. 

The Chairman. Who invited you? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. The secretary of the Silver Shirts organi- 
zation. Do you want me to explain that? 

The Chairman. Explain how that happened. 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. Well, several months ago there was a 
meeting in Chicago at the Great Northern Hotel at which it was 
alleged that, in a speech made by William Zachary, who is the field 
marshal, so called, of the Silver Shirts — it was alleged that in this 
speech Zachary threatened to shoot President Eoosevelt. I attended 
that meeting and can testify to the fact that no such statement was 
made. 

The Chairman. Were you aware of the fact that some five or six 
people, alleged to be Communists, signed affidavits 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. Affidavits were turned in to the United 
States Secret Service claiming that these remarks were made. I ap- 
peared before an investigation held by the United States Secret 
Service and testified to the fart tliat it did not take place and shortly 
thereafter the United States Secret Service issued a statement to the 
effect that there was no evidence whatever to show that the state- 
ment had been made. Thereafter the Silver Shirts, who found no 
fault at all with my story, the story I had written about that 
meeting 



44 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr. Thomas (interposing). It is not clear to me who made that 
statement originally. 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. The statement was never actually made. 

Mr. Thomas. Who said that it was made? 

The Chairman. Some Communists. 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. It was supposed to have been made by 
Zachary. 

Mr. Thomas. Who said that it was made, though? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. A reporter for the Midwest Eecord. Gil- 
pin is his name. It was also reported in the Daily Worker. 

Mr. Thomas. The Daily Worker said it was made ? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. The Daily Worker said that it was made. 

Mr. Thomas. Do you know what date of the Daily Worker that 
ajipears in? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. I believe I have a copy of that paper. 

Mr. Thomas. I think a copy of the paper ought to go in the 
record; a copy of that particular edition, Mr. Chairman. 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. I believe I have it in my file. 

The Chairman. We will get to that and put it in. 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. Because it was not true. It did not take 
place. As a result of that the Silver Shirts since that time have sent 
me their literature ; and no matter what stories I have written since, 
they have never found any fault. They have always admitted what 
I said was true. As a result of that they sent me an invitation to this 
particular meeting, not knowing, however, that I was assigned to your 
committee. 

Approximately 200 attended the gathering, which was addressed by 
Field Marshal William Zachary, of the Silver Shirts. There is one 
witness, I believe, who is qualified to testify to those facts. He is not 
here, has not been subpenaecl, but can be produced here to testify as 
to what took place. 

Following are some quotations from the speech made by Zachary. 
There was only one speech made that night : 

It was reported following a meeting of the Silver Shirts held recently 

The Chairman. You are quoting from what? 
Mr. John C. Metcalfe. From Zachary's speech. 
The Chairman. Go ahead. 
Mr. John C. Metcalfe (continuing reading) : 

It was reported following a meeting of the Silver Shirts held recently in 
the Great Northern Hotel. Chicago, that I had threatened to shoot the President 
of the United States. This is an absolute falsehood and a statement that was 
Inspired by Communists. I want to say that at no time have I threatened the 
President of the United States. I think that anyone making such a threat would 
be nothing short of an unmitigated fool. A reporter for the Chicago Times was 
present at that meeting. He wrote a story about it the next day. He wrote 
a truthful, straightforward story of what took place the night before. Nowhere 
in his account did he refer to these alleged threats. Yet a half dozen Com- 
munists signed affidavits testifying that I had threatened to shoot the President. 
"When the matter was brought before the United States Secret Service, Times 
reporter testified that no such threats had been made. His word was taken 
against those of the Communists. I dare these Communists to bring their 
affidavits into court. 

The labor unions must purge themselves from within, and not from without, 
of the radicals and "reds" in their ranks. They must clean their own house. 
No one else can do it for them. Good members of labor imions today don't dare 
take the floor at union meetings to express their opinion for fear of gangster 
reprisals from within their own unions. 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 45 

Zacliary indicated stronn;lv that the Silver Shirts have a member- 
ship of 300 in the city of Chicaoo. He told of the orf^anization being 
harassed by Communists in meetings throughout the country at which 
he was th'e main speaker. He named the League for Peace and 
Democracy as one of the organizations which has been taking leader- 
ship in picketing and harassing Silver Shirt meetings in various 
parts of the United States. 

]\Ir. Starves. Who finances that league, do you know? 

]\Ir. John C. ^Metcalfe. What league? 

ISIr. Starnes. The League for Peace and Democracy ? 

Mr. John C. IMetcalee. I am not qualified to testify as to that. 

The Chairman. We will have considerable testimony on that later. 

Mv. John C. INIetcalfe. Zachary referred to the investigations of 
the Senate Civil Liberties Committee which was headed by Senator 
La Follette, and told how the committee had attempted to subpena 
the records of the Silver Shirts. 

Mv. Thomas. Would you mind reading that again? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. Zachary referred to the investigations of 
the Senate Civil Liberties Committee, which was headed by Senator 
La Follette, and told how the committee had attempted to subpena 
the records of the Silver Shirts. He charged that the committee 
wanted the information "simply to turn it over to the Jews"^ — that 
is a direct quotation — and said that in his statements about the Silver 
Shirts Senator La Follette had been "a dirty liar." That is a direct 
quote. 

I am quoting again from the speech. 

Thei'e is a censorship on trutli in America. The rlepartmeut store advertisers 
are controlling the press of the Nation. American newspaper editors don't dare 
to tell the truth about what is going on, even if they wanted to. If they did 
they would be fired from their jobs. These hidden interests can break any 
newspaper inside of 6 months. 

The Constitution of the United States will be heaped into the waste basket if 
President Roosevelt's reorganization bill is passed. I warn you that this bill is 
a plot to set up a dictatorship in the United States. I remind you that the 
President is boasting that he will pass that bill at the next regular session. 

When they have pas.sed all the legislation in Washington that they need for a 
dictatorship a panic will follow. Then you will see the international bankers 
and hidden sinister interests begin to put the pressure on the newspapers, 
radio, and so on, and in a short time the newspapers will be howling for some 
strong man to take over the Government. They will want some man like John 
L. Lewis. * * * 

Mr. INLason. That is a direct quotation from his speech? 
Mr. John C. Metcalfe. That is a direct quotation from his speech ; 
yes. 

It doesn't really matter who they want; the point is it will have already been 
planned before they set out to actually set up a dictatorship, and the man they 
want will already have been selected. 

The Silver Legion of America is for the Constitution of the United States, 
but it is determined that the Constitution will be restored to the people of the 
United States. Of cour.se, if a certain few changes must be made in the Consti- 
tution in order to achieve our objective legally, they will be made. We shall 
see to that. 

The Silver Shirts are determined to cru.sh the howling reds — these outlaws 
running rampant in this country. You must understand clearly what they stand 
for. I give you my own definitions of commi;nism. Communism is where the 
people surrender everything that they possess, including all their personal and 
real properties. These they turn over to the Government, under communism, 
94931— 38— vol. 1 4 



46 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

and then the Communists turn the Government over to the Jews. It is a double 
deal. 

It is an established fact that Browder and every member of the Communist 
Party in America is under direct orders from Moscow. It is therefore a fact 
that communism is a decided un-American movement. 

We will stop communism by force. It cannot be voted out. The Silver Shirts, 
and other organizations in sympathy with them, will merge into a great force. 
When we have joined together we will move forward and smash the Communists. 

And lie struck his fist [illustrating] as he made that point. 

The New Deal is a camouflage. Its true identity is the "Jew deal." The 
New Deal, no matter what it may lead the people to believe, is actually putting 
over communism in America. You know yourself that Browder said only re- 
cently that the Communist Party is for democracy. They are working hand 
in hand. 

The Silver Shirts, despite what others charge us with, are not fighting all 
the Jews. We do not hate the Jews ; we pity them. We are not against a 
little Jew who is a victim of his own race. We are fighting the big powerful 
Jewish leaders who are seeking to control the whole world. We will fight them 
to the last ditch. This ruling class among the Jews represents from S to 10 
percent of the people of the Jewish race. 

Once each year every orthodox Jew goes to his synagogue and asks his God 
to be absolved from all obligations, pledges, and debts that he will make the 
coming year to Gentiles. He gets his absolution in advance. The day is coming 
when the Silver Shirts will succeed to the point that no orthodox Jew will be 
permitted to testify in a court or cast a ballot in America. 

We don't believe in violence. We have never advocated violence. We will 
protect even the Jews against violence that might be committed upon th'^m. I 
predict that within ~t years from now Chicago Jews will be running 5 miles to 
get Silver Shirts to protect them. 

Ballots did not stop communism in Russia. Ballots did not stop communism 
in Germany. Ballots did not stop communism in Italy. Ballots ai'e not now 
stopping communism in Spain. And ballots will not stop communism in America. 
I want each of you to get your silver shirts as quickly as iwssible. I want all 
of you to go out and get guns, and I want each of you to get plenty of am- 
munition. * * * 

So far as I know this is the first time the Silver Shirts have been 
told to arm. 

I want all of you to store your guns and ammunition in your respective homes 
and prepare for the Communist revolution that is coming to America. You 
have a right to do that. Every man has a right to have guns and ammunition 
in his home. But I want to point out to you that the United States Attorney 
General, Homer Cummings, is now trying to pass a Federal law that would 
force you to register all your guns. Are you going to stand for that? Are we 
going to let them know how many guns and how much ammunition we have? 
I warn you that this law which tlie Attorney General is trying to pass is simply 
a Jewish plot to confiscate all your guns and ammunition wlien the Communisls 
get ready to seize this country. If they get our guns and ammunition, we will 
not be able to fight them. Are you going to let them pass this law? 

Of course, there was a great furor, and they followed with shouts 
of "no" from the audience. 

We are going to do all this legally. Even if we have to amend the Consti- 
tution a little here and there. There's nothing wrong in that. Tl;e Constitution 
has been amended before. Our plan is to form a huse reserve army that will 
fight behind the constituted police forces of the Nation in the revolution to 
smash communism. I predict now that within 3 years the streets of Chicago 
will be thick with Silver Shirts. There aren't many Silver Shirts here tonight. 
Don't bo disappointed by the attendance on this hot night. Many of our Silver 
Sliirts cannot be here, some for very obvious reasons. They are working for 
Jewish interests, and if the Communist and Jew spies in this audience could 
spot them they will lose their .iobs. 

So I warn you again to get your shirts quickly, and arm yourselves with guns 
and ammunition. There is no time to be lost. 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 47 

T want to say for the benefit of any spies in the audience that we have no 
connections whatever with the so-called American Nazis — the German-Americau 
Bund. However, it is true that some of the members of the bund are also mem- 
bers of the Silver Shirts, and that a niunber of bund members attend our meet- 
ings. They have a perfect right to do that, since they agree with us in many 
of our principles and plans, but let it be luiderstood that we are against the 
Nazis, Fascists, and the Conununists. We are a lOO-peirent American organiza- 
tion. We don't want any Hitler or IMu.ssolini in this country. But certainly 
we are not going to stand for a "red" dictatorship in America. At the .same time 
while we don't want any Nazis in this country we know that the bund and the 
Silver Shirts have much in common. I want to make it clear that there would 
be no need for Nazi or Fascist organizations in this country if it were not for 
the fact that there is a Communist menace. When the Conununists have been 
wiped out the Nazi and Fascist movements in America w-ill die a natural death. 
But so long as there are Communists there will be Nazis and Fascists in America 
and we shall work together to smash communism. 

Zachary concluded liis talk with statements predicting a revolution 
Avas not far off in America and repeated his remarks about the for- 
mation of a reserve army of Silver Shirts along with their allied 
groups to fight behind constituted authorities to wipe out communism. 
He ended his talk by announcing that the Silver Shirts expect to 
have 1,000,000 members by 1939. 

Nearly all of the high-light remarks by Zachary were greeted with, 
thunderous cheers from the audience. 

Hugo Eger, secretary of the Chicago post of the Silver Shirts, gave 
his residence address as 340 West Seventy-fifth Street, and liis tele- 
phone number as Stewart 8567, in obtaining the Gross Park Hall. 

In the hallway outside the meeting hall there was displayed on the 
table a large amount of violently anti-Semitic literature, most of which 
bore the authorship of William Dudley Pelley, Silver Shirt chief, 
located at the national headqtiarters in Asheville, N. C. Police officers 
from the thirty-ninth district who were in and out of the meeting are 
Lieutenant Brennan and Detectives Patrick O'Malley and Stanley 
Tronsell. The thirty-ninth district station is located at 3801 North, 
Damen Avenue, telephone Lakeview 6640. Lieutenant Brennan's resi- 
dence phone is Rogers Park 0081. Detective O'Malley's home phone 
is Lincoln 7816 and Detective Tronsell's phone is Ardmore 5696. 

The Chairman. We have a great deal of data here on the Silver 
Shirts, but we will pass it up for the time being and go into it at a 
later date. 

We will defer the examination of the witness until later in order 
to hear Mr. Peter Gissibl, a witness who is under subpena. 

TESTIMONY OF PETER GISSIBL 

(The witness was duly sworn by the chairman.) 

The Chairman. Mr. Gissibl, I want you to talk very distinctly 
and I will talk very distinctly to you. If you do not hear me, do not 
hesitate to ask me to repeat, because we want to be perfectly fair with 
3'ou. I understand that sometimes you have some difficulty in under- 
standing what is being said. I am going to speak slowly, and you 
ask me to repeat if you do not understand, because we want to*^ be 
entirely fair with you. All we are concerned with is the truth. 

Mr. Gissibl. O. K. 

The Chairman. Your name is Peter Gissibl ? 

Mr. Gissibl. Correct. 



4g UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

The Chairman. That is spelled G-i-s-s-i-b-1 ? 

Mr. GissiBL. Yes. 

The Chairman. You were born in Germany; is that right? 

Mr. GissiBL. Yes. 

The Chairman. I will follow your affidavit here, which you gave 
to the assistant district attorney. 

You were born in Germany on October 2, 1900? 

Mr. GissiBL. Yes. 

The Chairman. You came to this country on May 10, 1923? 

Mr. GissiBL. Correct. 

The Chairman. You have been a citizen of the United States since 
April 29, 1929? 

Mr. GissiBL. Correct. 

The Chairman. You reside at 1846 Barry Avenue, Chicago? 

Mr. GissiBL. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. You joined the Teutonia Society in February 
1925? 

Mr. GissiBL. Yes. 

The Chairman. That society was afterward changed to Friends 
of New Germany, and later to the German- American Bund; is that 
true ? 

Mr. GissiBL. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. You were an active member since February 1925; 
is that correct ? 

Mr. GissiBL. That is correct. 

The Chairman. In the Teutonia Society you were on the press 
committee which printed a newspaper at that time ? 

Mr. GissiBL. Yes. 

Tlie Chairman. That is correct, is it? 

Mr. GissiBL. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. You were an officer in the Teutonia Publishing 
Society ; is that correct ? 

Mr. GissiBL. Yes. 

The Chairman. That organization known as the Friends of New 
Germany ? 

Mr. GissiBL. Yes. 

The Chairman. Since 1935 you were president of the German- 
American Business League, and president of the Teutonia Publish- 
ing Co. ? 

Mr. GissiBL. Correct, sir. 

The Chairman. And president of the Concordia Male Chorus; is 
that right ? 

Mr. GissiBL. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. You were local leader of the German-American 
Bund in Chicago from May 1, 1937, until May 18, 1938? 

Mr. GissiBL. Correct. 

The Chairman. Your brother's name is Fritz Gissibl? 

Mr. GissiBL. Yes. 

The Chairman. Is that correct? 

Mr. Gissibl. Yes. 

The Chairman. He was founder of the Teutonia Society in Octo- 
ber 1924; that is correct? 

Mr. Gissibl. Yes. 



UN-AMEPilCAN PKOPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 49 

The Chairman. He was later president of the Friends of New 
Germany ? 

Mr. GissiBL. Yes. 

The Chairman And left this country in 1936 because American 
citizensliip papers were refused him? 

Mr. GissiBL. Correct. 

The Chairman. Do you know why American citizenship papers 
were refused him ? 

Mr. GissiBL. On account of that investigation that was pending. 
There was an investigation of un-American 

The Chairman (interposing). You do not understand me. Do 
you understand why they would not give him his papers, his citizen- 
ship papers? 

]Mr. GissiBL. I do not know why. 

The Chairman. You do not know why ? 

Mr. (tissibl. No. 

The Chairman. He left the United States on account of the inves- 
tigation which was then jDending? 

Mr. GissiBL. No ; he did not. 

The Chairman. I do not Avant to misquote you. 

Mr. GissiBL. He was after that 2 more years in the United States. 

The Chairman. After the investigation? 

]Mr. GissiBL. Yes. 

The Chairman. Did he leave about the time of the investigation? 

Mr. GissiBL. No. 

The Chairman. He never left at all ? 

Mr. GissiBL. No. 

The Chairman. He was in the United States for approximately 
2 years ? 

Mr. GissiBL. After the investigation. 

The Chairman. After the investigation ? 

Mr. GissiBL. Correct. 

The Chairman. He left this country, then, in 1936? 

Mr. GissiBL. Yes. 

The Chairman. And he is now with the foreign department of 
the National Socialist Party in Germany at Stuttgart? 

Mr. GissiBL. Correct. 

:Mr. Healey. Why did he leave the United States? 

The Chairman. He testified he does not know why he left the 
United States — well, I beg your pardon. He left the United States 
because citizenship papers were denied him, is that right? 

Mr. GissiBL. That is right. 

Mr. Healey. Is that the only reason why he left the United States ? 

Mr. GissiBL. That is the only reason, yes. He could not be active 
any more in this organization in this country, because he was a 
German citizen. 

Mr. Thomas. Is that why he left, because he could not be active 
any more in this organization ? 

Mr. GissiBL. That is why he left, yes. He could not get a job 
any more. He was working for the Chicago Daily News, and after 
his activity in the bund he could not get a job in his profession any 
more, so he had to leave the countrv'. 

Mr. Healey. What is his profession? 



50 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr. GissiBL. A printer. 

The Chairman. About that time an order came from Germany to 
the effect that German citizens were not to belong to the German- 
American Bund ; is that correct ? 

Mr. GissiBL. That is correct. 

The Chairman. And that made it necessary for him to get out of 
the organization? 

Mr. GissiBL. Yes ; that is right. 

The Chairman. Because, not being able to take out his citizenship 
papers, he was not eligible to membership in the German-American 
Bund; is that correct? 

Mr. GissiBL. Yes ; that is correct. 

The Chairman. So far as you are concerned, and your activities 
are concerned, have you ever advocated the commission of any acts 
against the Government of the United States? 

Mr. GissiBL. No, sir ; I never did. 

The Chairman. You never have? 

Mr. GissiBL. No. 

The Chairman. At your various meetings, while you presided over 
the bund, what did you advocate with reference to any changes in the 
Constitution of the United States ? 

So that you may understand this a little more clearly, you say in 
your affidavit: 

At my meetings I have preached that if any changes have to be made in the 
Constitution of the United States they have to come by tlie action of American 
citizens who have been born in this country, not naturalized citizens. 

ISIr. GissiBL. That is right. That is the attitude I took. 

The Chairman. Did you personally know Fritz Kuhn? 

Mr. GissiBL. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. When did you first become acquainted with Fritz 
Kuhn ? 

Mr. GissiBL. I think it was in 1935. 

The Chairman. In 1935? 

Mr. GissiBL. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. Where did you meet him? 

Mr. GissiBL. At Chicago. 

The Chairman. Did you and Fritz Kuhn agree with each other 
as to the way of propagandizing in the United States ? 

Mr. GissiBL. When I became local leader of the German-American 
Bund in Chicago I had several times conferences with Kuhn as to 
the policy of the bund. Of course, there were many plans on which 
I did not agree. 

The Chairman. What did you not agree with Fritz Kuhn on, as 
to the policy to be adopted by the German-American Bund? 

Mr. GissiBL. Well, I advocated a more liberal policy in Chicago, 
as the local leader of the group in Chicago. 

The Chairman. You disagreed with the membership policy that 
Kuhn had ? 

Mr. GissiBL. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. What do you mean by "liberal"? 

Mr. GissiBL. I did not want to be so radical on some points. 

The Chairman. What points were those? 

Mr. GissiBL. For instance, the Jewish question. 



UN-AMERICAN PROrAGANDA ACTIVITIES 51 

The Chairman. Oh what other questions? 

Mr. GissiBL. The question of other German-American organi- 
zations. 

The Chairman. On working together with other German-Ameri- 
can organizations? 

Mr. GissiBL. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. You wanted to work with them, and he did not? 

]Mr. GissiBL. I wanted to work with other German-American or- 
ganizations. 

The Chairman. And he did not want to ? 

Mr. GissiBL, He did not in the East. 

The Chairman. Do you know why he woukl not work with other 
German-American organizations, or did he tell you why he would 
not? 

Mr. GissiBL. No, sir. 

The Chairman. You do not know? 

Mr. GissiBL. No, sir. 

The Chairman. What other disagreements did you have with Fritz 
Kuhn besides the fact that he did not want to work with other 
German-American organizations and the Jewish question? Were 
there any other disagreements between you and Fritz Kuhn ? 

Mr. GissiBL. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. There were other points of disagreement, 

Mr. GissiBL. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman, Just tell the committee the full truth and the facts 
about it. 

Mr. GissiBL. I think it was not right to have children, for instance, 
wearing uniforms so close to the uniforms used in Germany. 

Tlie Chairman. You did not believe that it was right or proper for 
German-American children or American children to wear uniforms 
so closely resembling uniforms worn by the children in the Hitler 
youth movement. 

Mr. GissiBL. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. Then, is it not a fact that you did not believe it 
"Was right to undertake to build up in this country a separate and 
distinct organization for the cliildren? In other words, you wanted 
them to assimilate with the American people. 

Mr. GissiBL. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. You did not think it was right to propagander 
them with reference to national socialism or the doctrines and objec- 
tives of Germany, 

Mr. GissiBL. Yes, sir ; that is true. 

The Chairman. But he wanted you to do that. 

Mr. GissiBL. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. You had some difference there. 

Mr. GissiBL. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. Then, witli respect to close relationship with Ger- 
many, did you have any disagreement with reference to that ? 

Mr. GissiBL. Yes, sir. I think that our relations with Germany 
should be in the cultural way. 

The Chairman. You did not tliink there should be a political rela- 
tionshi]:) between the Nazi Government of Germany and the German 
people in the United States. 

Mr, GissiBL. No, sir ; that is right. 



52 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

The Chairman. Then, you do not believe that Nazi propaganda or 
political propaganda should be distributed among German-Americans 
in this country — is that the fact? 

Mr. GissiBL. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. On account of your difficulties and disagreements 
with Fritz Kuhn you resigned as fuehrer of the post. 

Mr, GissiBL. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. You resigned on May 18, 1938 ? 

Mr. GissiBL. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. I want to ask you this : Do you know a man named 
Kessler ? 

Mr. GissiBL. In St. Louis? 

The Chairman. Yes. 

Mr. GissiBL. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. You have met him ? 

Mr. GissiBL. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. What position does he fill in the St. Louis Bund? 

Mr. GissiBL. He was the local leader. 

The Chairman. Do you call them fuehrers, or how does the word 
you use translate ? 

Mr. GissiBL. It translates local leader. 

The Chairman. Do you know whether or not Kessler is still in 
the United States? 

Mr. GissiEL. No, sir ; I think he is in Germany. 

The Chairman. When did he go to Germany ? 

Mr. GissiBL. I cannot give the exact date, but about 6 weeks ago. 

Tlie Chairman. Do you know whether or not he left to avoid this 
committee ? 

Mr. GissiBL. I cannot tell you. 

The Chairman. That woukl l)e a conclusion, and you do not know? 

Mr. GissiBL. No, sir ; I do not know. 

The Chairman. He left after this committee was formed? 

Mr. GissiBL. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. Do you know William Kunze ? 

]\Ir. GissiBL. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. He was in New York? 

Mr. GissiBL. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. Was Kessler a citizen of the United States ? 

Mr. GissiBL. I cannot tell you. I do not think so. 

The Chairman. He has a brother by the name of Cleveland Kessler? 

Mr. GissiBL. No, sir ; he is not a brother. 

The Chairman. ^Vliat is the relation? 

Mr. GissiBL. He is no relation at all. 

The Chairman. Going back to Kunze, he lives in New York ? 

Mr. GissiBL. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. Was he an American citizen ? 

Mr. GissiBL. Yes, sir ; he was born in this country. 

The Chairman. He left the country, too ? 

Mr. GissiBL. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. He went to Germany ? 

]VIr. GissiBL. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. After the committee was formed ? 

Mr. GissiBL. Yes, sir. 



ux-a:mkuican propaganda activities 53 

Tlie CHAiinrAx. Do you mean to say that he was not avoiding a 
subpena from the committee? 

]Mr. GissiBL. I do not think so, because he will be back by Sep- 
tember 1. 

Tlie CiiAiRMAX. Do you know George Froboese? 

Mv. GissiBL. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. He is the Middle West leader, is he not ? 

Mr. GissiBL. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. Do you know whether or not he has been planning 
to leave the country? 

Mr. GissiBL. I heard that he wants to leave in September or October. 

Tlie Chairman. That is merely hearsay, is it not ? 

Mr. GissiBL. I cannot say. 

The Chairman. You cannot swear to it ? 

ISlr. GissiBL. No, sir. 

The Chairman. Did you get that from a reliable source ? 

]\Ir. GissiBL. He mentioned himself that if he did not get a job he 
would go back to Germany. 

The Chairman. The membership of the Chicago Bund consists of 
about 300 regular members, 40 members of the concordant male group, 
66 members of the war veterans' group, and 200 members of the youth 
movement. 

Mr. GissiBL. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. And a hundred children in school and 200 business- 
men of the businessmen's league. 

Mv. GissiBL. Yes. sir. 

The Chairivian. There is a duplication in the members of the differ- 
ent groups ; is that true ? In other words, one may belong to one group 
and another group. 

Mr. GissiBL. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. There are approximately 1,000 members all together 
of the Chicago bund. 

Mr. GissiBL. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. Consisting only of American citizens, or citizens of 
the United States. 

Mr. GissiBL. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. In addition to that number, you have the German 
Bund. 

Mr. GissiBL. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. Which is composed entirely of citizens of Germany. 

]Mr. GissiBL. Yes, sir. 

Tlie Chairman. Do they sometimes meet together ? 

Mr. GissiBL. No, sir ; they used to. 

The Chairman. They used to meet together? 

Mr. GissiBL. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. When the order came from Germany, or from 
Adolph Hitler — did it come from Hitler direct ? 

Mr. GissiBL. No, sir ; from the foreign department. 

The Chairman. When the order came for German citizens to with- 
draw from the German-American Bund, then they formed a separate 
organization — is that correct ? 

Mr. GissiBL. Yes, sir ; only in Chicago, though. 

The Chaibman. That is all you know of. 



54 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr. GissiBL. Yes, sir. 

Tlie Chairman. You do not know as to that with reference to other 
places ? 

Mr. GissiBL. The German element did not withdraw from other 
groups that I know of. 

The Chairman. Chicago was the only post where German citizens 
withdrew from the German- American Bund in obedience to the order 
from Germany. 

Mr. GissiBL. They did. 

The Chairman. So far as other posts are concerned, they dis- 
obeyed the order. 

Mr. GissiBL. Yes, sir. 

The Chairma:p^, And they continued to meet together? 

Mr. GissiBL. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. When this order came from Germany, did it come 
in the form of a letter ? 

Mr. GissiBL. No, sir ; my brother brought it back. 

The Chairman. Fritz Gissibl? 

Mr. Gissibl. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. What position does he hold with the Nazi Gov- 
ernment ? 

Mr. Gissibl. He is in the foreign department. 

The Chairman. And he came to the United States and brought the 
order with him. 

Mr. Gissibl. At that time he was not in the foreign department. 
He was in the United States. He went over for a visit, and he came 
back and said that German citizens should resign from the bund be- 
cause Germany did not want to be involved with the United States. 

The Chairman. He did not have any written order ? 

Mr. Gissibl. No, sir. 

The Chairman. It was simply a verbal message that he was au- 
thorized to bring to the United States. 

Mr. Gissibl. As I remember, the German Ambassador gave a 
statement to the press at that time. 

The Chairman. At that time the German Ambassador made the 
statement that the German Government did not want German citizens 
to belong to the German-American Bund. 

Mr. Gissibl. That is right. 

The Chairman. Now, in the German Bund, you are not eligible 
to membership if you ever intend to become an American citizen, 
are you ? 

Mr. Gissibl. I know that they cannot be American citizens if they 
want to join the bund. 

The Chairman. Is it a fact that before you become a member of 
the German Bund you must promise never to become a citizen of the 
United States? 

Mr. Gissibl. No, sir ; I cannot say that. 

The Chairman. You cannot say that that is the fact? 

Mr. Gissibl. No, sir; I cannot say that is true. 

The. Chairman. You would not say that it is not true, but you do 
not know. 

Mr. Gissibl. I do not know. 

The Chairman. What we are interested to know is the truth 
about it. 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 55 

As to the German Bund, one who belongs to the German Bund 
regards himself as subject to the orders of the German Government, 
does he not ? 

Mr. GissiBL. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. And he believes that if an order is issued by the 
German Government he must obey that order regardless of the fact 
that he lives in the United States — is that true? 

Mr. GissiBL. I suppose so. 

The Chairman. Now, the German Bund is under the leadereship of 
Fritz Heberlein? 

Mr. GissiBL. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. And he lives in Chicago ? 

]Mr. GissiBL. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. They meet twice a month at the Germanic Club, in 
Chicago ? 

Mr. GissiBL. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. Those meetings take place on the second and fourth 
Mondays of each month? 

Mr. GissiBL. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. Your organization, the German-American Bund in 
Chicago, meets at 3853 Northwestern Avenue, in a building which is 
leased for 3 years from the Lakeview Trust & Savings Bank ? 

Mr. GissiBL. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. For a corporation that issues a weekly German 
newspaper ? 

iVIr. GissiBL, Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. While a member of the bund, or leader of the 
bund, you yourself would not make a sweeping statement against 
any other race, would you? 

Mr. GissiBL. No, sir ; I never did. 

The Chairman. You might disagree with individuals in a race, 
but you yourself would not make a denunciation of an entire race. 

Mr. GissiBL, No, sir. 

The Chairman. Nor an entire religion. 

Mr. GissiBL. I never did that. 

The Chairman. And because you would not do that, you got into 
a disagreement with Fritz Kuhn, who wanted a different policy. 

Mr, GissiBL. I would not say that. 

The Chairman. This was the beginning, or a part of your dis- 
agreement with Mr. Fritz Kuhn, was it not ? 

Mr. GissiBL. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. You believed in the principles of your Govern- 
ment. 

Mr. GissiBL. Yes, sir ; for upholding the Constitution of the United 
States. I am for that. 

The Chairman. You would have no part in any movement aimed 
against this Government or the Constitution, 

Mr. GissiBL. That is correct. 

Mr. Mason. And you would have no part in trying to defame or 
destroy any one's religion in this country whose rights are guaran- 
teed under the Constitution? 

Mr. GissiBL. Absolutely not. 

The Chairman. Each member of the German-American Bund 
pays a membership fee or an initiation fee. 



56 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr. GissTBL. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. And then you charge them a monthly fee. 

]\Ir. GissiBL. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. Forty percent of the membership dues collected by 
your local bund is sent to New York. 

Mr. GissiBL. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. Sent to Fritz Kuhn? 

Mr. GissiBL. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. Did he ever render to this local post an accounting 
showing- what he did with this money? 

Mr. GissiBL. No, sir. 

The Chairman. At no time ? 

Mr. GissiBL. No, sir. 

The Chairman. Did you ever request such an accounting? 

Mr. GissiBL. I do not know. I am for it — ^yes, sir. 

The Chairman. If you asked Kuhn for an accounting, you have 
not had it ? 

Mr. GissiBL. No, sir. 

The Chairman. Then, you yourself do not know what became of 
the money that was sent to Fritz Kuhn in New York, do you? 

Mr. GissiBL. I do not know. 

The Chairman. You do not know for what purpose he used the 
money ? 

Mr. GissTBL. No, sir. 

The Chairman. But you do know that in one case $2,000 was sent 
to Germany ? 

Mr. GissiBL. Yes, sir. That was a special collection made when 
Kulm went to Germany to the Olympic Games. He took $2,500. 

The Chairman. That was given him to take to Germany? 

Mr. GissiBL. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. So far as your local bund is concerned, you never 
sent any money directly to Germany ? 

Mr. GissiBL. No, sir. 

The Chairman. Did you ever receive any money directly from 
Gei-many ? 

Mr. GissiBL. No, sir. 

The Chairman. Did you ever receive any money indirectly from 
Germany ? 

Mr. GissiBL. No, sir. 

The Chairman. Did you ever confer with German consuls here as 
to the policies of your organization, or anything having to do with 
the organization in the United States? 

Mr. GrssiBL. No, sir. 

The Chairman. Do you know the German consul at Chicago? 

Mr. GissiBL. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. Did he attend the bund meetings? 

Mr. GissiBL. When there was a big celebration; yes, sir. 

The Chairman. Did he make any speeches? 

Mr. GissiBL. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. Was there contact at all times between the mem- 
bers of the German-American Bund and the German consul in 
Chicago? 

Mr. GissiBL. No, sir. 

The Chairman. But you do not know that to be the fact? 



UN-AMEUICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 57 

Mr. GissiBL. No, sir. 

The Chairman. Do you know that it is not a fact? 

Mr. GissinL. It is not the fact. 

The Chairman. Do otlier members of the bund go to see him at 
various times? 

Mr. GissiBL. That is possible, but I do not know. 

The Chairman. Various officials of the bund, from time to time, 
have made trips to Germany, have they not? 

Mr. GissiBL. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. And the expenses of those trips were paid for by 
the German Govermnent? 

Mr. GissiBL. I do not know. 

The Chairman. Do you not know^ it to be a fact that the German 
Government has paid the expenses of the members of the bund to 
Germany? Have they not given them free transportation? 

Mr. GissiBL. I do not know. They only gave my brother free 
transportation. 

The Chairman. Do you know that when your brother went to 
Germany he got free transportation? 

Mr. GissiBL. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. So far as the others are concerned, you are not in 
a position to say whether they got free transportation or not? 

INIr. GissiBL. No, sir. 

The Chairman. Do you know that many of them w^ent to Ger- 
many ? 

Mr. GissiBL. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. A number went when your brother went? 

Mr. GissiBL. Yes, sir. They did not pay for it, either. They fixed 
it in a different way. They got the steamship line in New York to 
tix it up for them. 

The Chairman. Anyway, it did not cost the men who took the trip 
anything. 

Air. GissiBL. I am not so sure about that, but I do know that some 
of them went free. Some of them went there without paying for it. 

The Chairman. You know that some went without paying for it? 

Mr. GissiBL. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. When they went over there, did they go to some 
sort of school for propaganda purposes while over there? 

Mr. GissiBL. I cannot say — I do not know. 

The Chairman, While over there, did they send back any literature 
in reference to the Nazi Party that you know of ? 

]\Ir. GissiBL. I do not know. 

The Chairman. When they came back, did they bring any books 
and pamplilets dealing with the National Socialist Party and its 
objectives? 

Mr. GissiBL. I do not know because I was in Chicago at that time. 
Nobody went there from Chicago. I do not know about it. I am 
not in a position to say. 

The Chairman. Do you know of anyone who can tell the committee 
about that? 

Mr. GissiBL. I do not know. 

The Chairman. You have no hesitancy in telling everything you 
know about it? 

Mr. GissiBL. That is true. I will tell everything I know. 



58 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr. Thomas. When you asked Fritz Kuliii what he did with the 
money received from you, what did he say to yovi ? 

Mr. GissiBL. We go to the yearly meeting. Once a year they have 
a bund meeting in New York and he gives a report there. 

Mr. Thomas. Did he make a report at that meeting? 

Mr. GissiBL. I was not at that meeting. I did not receive any regu- 
lar report. 

Mr. Thomas. You do not know about it then ? 

Mr. GissiBL. No, sir. 

The Chairman. It is general information, but I do not know, that 
when they made those trips it was arranged for by the Red Star Line. 

]Mr. GissiBL. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. Some of them were listed as helpers on the boat. 

Mr. GissiBL. That is what I heard in New York. 

The Chairman. That was general talk among those who went. 

Mr. GissiBL. I could not swear to it, or say that it was true. 

The Chairman. Of course, w^e do not want you to swear to some- 
thing you do not know, but that was general talk among those who 
went over there? 

Mr. GissiBL. That is right; yes, sir. 

The Chairman. You made one trip to Germany in January 1938? 

Mr. GissiBL. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. At that time you had very little income? 

Mr. GissiBL. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. You were receiving only $40 per month for man- 
aging a building, and $20 from the German-American Business 
Men's League? 

Mr. GissiBL. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. Why were they giving you $20 per month? 

Mr. GissiBL. I was president of an organization that was doing a 
lot of work. 

The Chairman. You were doing a lot of work for the organiza- 
tion, and they compensated you by paying you $20 per month? 

Mr. GissiBL. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. The various groups contributed approximately 
$400 for your visit to Germany ? 

Mr. GissiBL. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. What groups? 

ISIr. GissiBL. The German-American Business Men's League and 
the German-American Bund. 

The Chairman. They made a contribution of $400 to send you 
to Germany? 

Mr. GissiBL. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. Why did you go to Germany? 

Mr. GissiBL. I went over there on account of my child. I have 
a cliild over there. 

Tlie Chairman. You went to see your child ? 

Mr. GissiBL. Yes, sir; the child is in a sanitarium. 

The Chairman. How long were you in Germany? 

Mr. GissiBL. Two weeks. 

The Chairman. While there you made a speech, did you not? 

Mr. GissiBL. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. And that speech was incorrectly reported in the 
newspapers of the United States. 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 59 

Mr. GissiBL. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. They reported you as Imving made a violent at- 
tack ui>on a certain race of the United States. 

Mr. GissiBL. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. When, as a matter of fact, yon did not make such 
an attack. 

Mr. GissiBL. I only made an attack on several individuals in this 
country. 

The Chairman. Whom you designated as Communists. 

Mr, GissiBL. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. While you were in Germany, did you meet with 
or talk with the party leaders over there? 

^Nlr. GissiBL. I spoke to this oentleman, when I received letters 
from Mr. Metcalfe liere. I spoke to Mr. Wenekoll. 

The Chairman. Did you meet anyone else over there? 

Mr. GissiBL. I met my brother, of course. 

The Chairman. When you went over there, he had been connected 
officially Avith the Nazi Government. 

Mr. GissiBL. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. Did you meet anyone else? 

Mr. GissiBL. I met Mr. Moshack, the chairman of the Foreign 
Institute at Stuttgart. 

The Chairman. Did you meet anyone else besides them? I mean 
some officials in the Nazi Govermnent. 

Mr. GissiBL. No, sir. 

The Chairman. While you were in Germany you conferred with 
your brother, and he told you that the German Government wanted 
all Germans to leave the bund because they were afraid that it would 
jeopardize tlie relationship between the United States and Germany. 
That is the fact, is it? 

Mr. GissiBL. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. When the order came that all Germans must leave 
the bund. Fritz Kuhn merely made them auxiliaries and called them 
i:)art.icipating members of the bund, instead of closing all connection 
with the bund. 

jMr. GissiBL. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. So he evaded the order. 

Mr. GissiBL. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. But he did it in such a way that it appeared that 
he had carried out the order. 

Mr. GissiBL. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. In your conversations with your brother, you dis- 
cussed the matter of Kuhn's standing in the United States, did you 
not? 

]\Ir. GissiBL. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. You discussed that with your brother. 

Mr. GissiBL. Yes. sir. 

The Chairman. Did you discuss it with anyone else? 

Mr. GissiBL. No, sir. 

The Chairman. Was he in a position to speak definitely as to what 
the German Government's attitude was with respect to Fritz Kuhn? 

Mr. GissiBL. I suppose he was quite informed about the whole 
matter, but he did not have any authority to say. 



go UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

The Chairman. So far as you know, you do not know what the 
attitude of the German Government was with respect to Fritz Kuhn 
and his activities in the United States. 

INIr. GissiBL. That is true. 

The Chairmax. But you do know your brother told you he did not 
stand very high with the German Government. 

Mr. GissiBL. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. They feared that his activities in the United States 
would do infinitely more harm to the relationship between the two 
countries than good. 

]\Ir. GissiBL. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. In addition, you have a fear yourself of such 
activities, as has been indicated in your own case, a fear of great 
injury to a great number of good loyal German citizens in this coun- 
try who have no sympathy with those methods. 

Mr. GissiBL. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. That is one of your great fears. 

Mr. GissiBL. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. You would not want an entire class of people to 
suffer on account of the misdeeds and shortcomings of a few. 

Mr. GissiBL. That is right. 

The Chairman. Do you j^ourself know whether Fritz Kuhn advised 
that all records, letters, and documents should be destroyed after this 
committee was formed? 

Mr. GissiBL. No, sir; because I was not the local leader any more 
when the order came in. 

The Chairman. So far as you are concerned, you did not destroy 
any of your correspondence. 

Mr. GissiBL. No, sir. 

The Chairiman. When the correspondence was requested, j'ou vol- 
untarily surrendered it to the investigating committee? 

Mr. GissiBL. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. Were some of the letters removed from the corre- 
spondence ? 

Mr. GissiBL. I do not know — I do not think so. 

The Chairman. Let us get the exact facts : Did you surrender the 
letters to the representative of the committee, or surrender them to 
someone else? You surrendered them to someone else, did you not? 

Mr. GissiBL. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. Who was that? 

]Mr. GissiBL. Dr. Willumeit. 

The Chairman. Why did you surrender the letters to him before 
you gave them to the agent of this committee ? 

Mr. GissiBL. Because he had a sub])ena to see the United States 
district attorney, and I gave him the letters and told him to take them 
up the next morning. 

The Chairman. Are you in a position to state definitely that none 
of those letters were taken from the files? Do you not know it to 
be a fact that Dr. Willumeit took what he considered the most dam- 
aging letters out of that file? If that is the fact, I want to know it. 
Is it the fact that he took letters out of the file that you gave liim? 
He was the local leader, and you did not know what to do about it. 

Mr. GissiBL. I cannot say as to the letters. There were 25 letters. 

The Chairman. You counted the letters? 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES (31 

^fr. Gtssirl. Yes, sir. 
Tlie Chairman. Were there 25 letters? 

Mr, GissiRL. There were 25 letters that I gave Dr. Willumeit. 
The Chairman, Then, if that is a fact, you know that no letters 
were lifted? 

Mr. GissiBL, I do not know how many are there. 
The Chairman. I mean, at the time they were given to the agent, 
did you check up on them? 

Mr. GissiBL, No ; I did not know how many there were. 
Mr. Healey. You simply turned them over to Willumeit? 
Mr. GissiBL. That is right. 
Mr. Healey. That was all you had? 
Mr. GissiBL, That is right, 

Mr, Starnes, You say you did not receive any instructions from 
Fritz Kuhn to destroy any letters or documents whatsoever? 
Mr. GissiBL, No, sir. 

Mr. Starnes. Didn't you receive tliem through Willumeit? 
Mr. GissiBL, I heard from Willumeit, but I did not read the letter, 
Mr. Starnes. Didn't you read the letter from Kuhn to Willumeit? 
Mr. GissiBL. No. 

Mr. Starnes, But did not Willumeit tell you he received that 
letter? 
Mr. GissiBL. Yes. sir. 

Mr. Starnes. Telling you to destroy all letters, membership lists, 
and especially all correspondence with Government agents. 
Mr. GissiBL. Willumeit told me that. 
Mr. Thomas. Willumeit told you he did ? 

Mr. GissiBL. Willumeit told me nothing. He was not going to 
destroy anything, because he was only local agent when he received 
that letter ; because I was local leader in Chicago, and I kept that in 
my file, 

'Mr, Starnes, Do you think Willumeit would obey Kuhn's orders 
in a case like that? 

Mr. GissiBL. I don't know. But I still have correspondence in my 
oflBce. 

The Chairman. Wlio made arrangements for that speech at Stutt- 
gart? 

Mr. GissiBL. My brother did that. 

The Chairman. How long had you been in Germany before you 
made that speech? 

Mr. GissiBL, Two days. 

The Chairman, Where was your home in Germany prior to that? 
^Ir, GissiBL. Niirnberg, Bavaria, 
The Chairman, How far is that from Stuttgart? 
ISIr. GissiBL, About 200 miles. 

The Chairman. You say you have a child in Germany ? 
Mr. GissiBL, Yes, sir. 
The Chairman. How old. 
Mr. GissiBL, Eight years. 
The Chairman. Where in Germany? 
Mr. GissiBL, In Niirnberg, in a sanatorium. 

The Chairman. You made a speech 200 miles away from that point 
2 days after you arrived in Germany ? 

94931— 38— vol. 1 5 



Q2 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr. GissiBL. Yes, sir. 

The iCHAiRMAN. Was that speech written before you went to 
Germany ? 

Mr. GissiBL. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. One reason you went to Germany was to get books 
in the German language to bring back to German children in the 
United States; is that right? 

Mr. GissiBL. That is right. 

The Chairman. You wanted to get the best possible German books 
in Germany, and bring them back? 

Mr. GissiBL. Yes. sir. 

The Chairman. Now, while you were in Germany you picked out 
the books which you thought were best suited for the children? 

Mr. GissiBL. Yes. 

The Chairman. These books were edited before the Hitler regime^ 
is that right ? 

Mr. GissiBL. Correct; yes, sir. 

The Chairman. These books were shipped to you by the German 
Foreign Institute; is that correct? 

Mr. GissiBL. Yes. 

The Chairman. The German Foreign Institute is a cultural insti- 
tute that was established in Germany many, many years ago; is 
that it? 

Mr. GissiBL. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. So far as you know, does it have any official con- 
nection with the Nazi Party? 

Mr. GissiBL. No. 

The Chairman. Upon your return, a book was also compiled, with 
the assistance of a professor at Northwestern University, Dr. 
Z-i-e-g-e-1-s-c-h-m-i-d; how do you pronounce that? 

IVfr. (ttssibl. Ziegelschmid. 

The Chairman. That book has not been completed yet ? 

Mr. GissiRL. No. 

The Chairman. Is that right? 

Mr. Gissibl. Yes. 

The Chairman. But it contains excerpts from various German 
and American authoi*s? 

Mr. Gissibl. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. Including such persons as Coulin Ross? 

Mr. Gissibl. Yes. 

The Chairman. Do you know that to be a fact? 

Mr. Gissibl. Yes. 

The Chairman. Do you know as a fact that Coulin Ross is an 
admitted Fascist? 

Mr. Gissibl. No; I know he is not, because his wife is Jewish, 
and he is not so much in favor of Hitler, even though he lives over 
there. I know that ])ersonally. 

The Chairman. You know that from what he has told you ? 

Mr. Gissibl. Yes. 

The Chairman. How many books are there in the library in Chi- 
cago maintained by the German-American Bund? 

Mr. Gissibl. There are several thousand. 

The Chairman. Those books are accessible to any member of the 
bund ? 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 63 

Mr. GissTBL. Yes, sir. • ^i t:^ ^ 

The Chairman. Most of tlic trouble of the bund was m the H^ast, 

\vas it not ? 

Mi*. Gissibl. That is rio^ht. , , ■ r^^ ■ o 

The Chairman. You had very little internal trouble m Chicago^ 

Mr. Gissibl. No. . 

Mr. Healey. What kind of books are maintained m the bunds 

library in Chicago? .. . , • ^^^. 

Mr.^ Gissibl. Some stories, books on political science, military 
science, and of course, some books of the modern German writers. 

Mr. Healey. On socialism? 

Mr. Gissibl. Also those books ; yes. 

Mr. Healey. Many of them? 

Mr. Gissibl. Not so many. They hayen't got so many ; possibly 250 
of the modern writers of Germany. 

Mr. Mason. You haye more of the old writers of Germany than ot 
the new writers of Germany? 

Mr. Gissibl. Yes, sir. 

Mr. I^Iason. The old culture rather than the new dispensation? 

Mr. Gissibl. Yes. 

The Chairman. In your various bund meetings you had various- 
speakers at different times, did you ? 

Mr. Gissibl. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. Would you name some of the most prominent speak- 
ers that you had ? 

Mr. Gissibl. You mean Germans or Americans ? 

The Chairman. Well, Americans. 

Mr. Gissibl. I would have to look up my list. I have several of 
them. Dr. Williams— Rev. Dr. Williams, of Chicago, and, of course, 
I don't remember their names. 

Mr. Starnes. What types of membership do you have in your or- 
ganization ? I mean by that, are there different classes or grades of 
membership in it ? Do you have what they call storm troopers ? 

]\Ir. Gissibl. Yes, sir ; we have got them, too, 

Mr. Starnes. What is the first step in it ? 

Mr. Gissibl. First, they become a member, and after they are a 
member for 3 months then they can join the O. D. — what you call 
storm troopers. 

Mr. Starnes. Do they receive military training? 

Mr. Gissibl. No. Of course, we just have them for the protection 
of our meetings. We used them several times when Communists 
started to break up our meetings. We train them, all right. 

Mr. Starnes. What type of training do you use? 

Mr. Gissibl. Jujitsu. 

The Chairman. Did you have Mr. Raymond Healey to speak at 
any of your meetings? 

Mr. Gissibl. Yes, sir; only once. 
^ The Chairman. Mr. Donald Chase spoke at your meetings? 

Mr. Gissibl. Yes, sir. He is sitting right there [indicating]. 

The Chairman. Could you name any other people who spoke at 
your meetings? 

Mr. Gissibl. A fellow by the name of Lee. He claimed to be a de- 
scendant of Gen. Robert Lee, but that was a fake. 



g4 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

The Chairman. Wlien you resigned from the bund you still had 
the confidence of the members, did you not ? 

Mr. "GissiBL. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. You had a vote taken, and 90 percent of them 
voted confidence in you and in the work that you had done? 

Mr. GissiBL. Correct. 

The Chairman. Have you had occasion to read this correspondence 
that has been introduced here; the letters that were introduced? 

Mr, GissiBL. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. JSIany of these letters were written to you, were 
they not? 

Mr. GissiBL. That is right. I read all of them. These letters were 
all written to me, and I gave the answers myself. 

Mr. Thomas. Right on that point here is a letter to you from Mr. 
Venekohl, which was read here this afternoon, but the meaning of it is 
not clear to me. Would you tell us what it means and also tell us a 
little bit about your answer [handing a paper to the witness] ? 

Mr. St.u{nes. Identify that by date, Mr. Gissibl, please. 

Mr. Gissibl. April 2, it was. 

Mr. Thomas. Whom was it sent from? 

Mr. Gissibl. It came from the bund for the Germans in Foreign 
■Countries. It was sent April 2, 1938. 

Mr. Thomas. From Berlin? 

Mr. Gissibl. From Berlin; yes, sir. [After examining letter:] 
Yes. When I was in Berlin I had some conversation with Venekohl, 
because the Germans in Chicago — the German singers in the United 
States had their tliirty-ninth German-American sing festival in the 
Ampitheater in Chicago. It was on June 27, and when I spoke to 
Mr. Venekohl about that. I told him that it would be advisable to 
do something for the German singers in the United States on a day 
like that, when the German sing festival would be at the Ampitheater 
in Chicago. He is referring to that letter he received from me. 

Mr. Thomas. In the first part of the letter it refers to Mr. Kuhn, 
does it not ? 

INIr. Gissibl. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Healey. What does it say in reference to him ? 

Mr. Gissibl. He says he did not see it ; he could not tell me anything 
of what Kuhn has done so far in Germany. I asked him what was 
going on, because Kuhn was there about 6 weeks and we never heard 
anything from him. 

Mr. Thomas. Does he say that Kuhn was having some trouble? 

Mr. Gissibl. He says there were some complications. 

Mr. Thomas. What did he mean by that? 

Mr. Gissibl. I don't know, mj'self. I could not tell you. I don't 
understand it, myself, correct. 

Mr. Thomas. What was your answer to that letter? Your answer 
is not there. You said you answered the letter. 

Mr. Gissibl. Yes; I answered the letter. Not in that Kuhn affair. 
I didn't know anything. I asked him for information. He could not 
give me any. I answered the letter about that sing festival of the 
Germans in Chicago on June 27. 

Mr. Thomas. Did you hear from anyone else about what complica- 
tions IMr. Kuhn was having over there ? 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 65 

Mr. GissiBL. Why, I hoard from my brother; yes. 

Mr. Thomas. And what did he say? 

Mr. Gij-sinL. He said that the Gcrlnan Govemment expects that all 
the German element, the German citizens which still belong to the 
GermanrAmerican Bund, will liave to resign, because the whole matter 
came up again in January, and the German consuls got the informa- 
tion from out there that they have to tell the German citizens to 
resign as members of the bund. 

ISIr. Tiio:mas. And you said your brother told you of the complica- 
tions that Kuhn was having in Germany? 

Mr. GissiBL, Yes, sir. 

Mr. Thomas. What complications did he tell you about? 

Mr. GissiBL. He told me that — I don't know what you mean — you 
know, Kuhn was over there ; he wanted to straighten that thing out, 
that Germans can stay in the bund. So my brother told me that he 
did not have anj' success in that thing, because Germany don't want 
any German citizens to be members of the German- American Bund. 

The Chairmax. In connection with your statement that tlie Eed 
Star Line arranged the transportation of these members who went 
to Germany — some of them went as helpers — did they not realize that 
that was a violation of the law? Did you ever hear anything in con- 
nection with its having been done secretly in order to get around 
the law ? 

Mr. GissiBL, No ; I did not know that. 

The Chairman. You did not know anything about that ? 

Mr. GissiBL. No. 

Mr. Thomas. You probably know that in this Congress we passed a 
law which permitted the exportation of helium gas ? 

Mr. GissiBL. Yes. 

Mr. Thomas. As I understand it, at a meeting that you attended the 
question was discussed. 

Mr. GissiBL. Correct. 

Mr, Thomas. Could you tell the committee a little bit about what 
was said at that meeting in regard to the exportation of helium gas? 

Mr. GissiBL. Well, of course, a law was passed in the United States 
Congress that Germany can get that helium gas from the United 
States. The German Zeppelin Corporation rebuilt that old airship 
because they depended on getting that helium gas, and you in the 
United States were making propaganda against selling that helium 
gas to Germany. So finally Secretary of the Interior Ickes refused to 
let that go into effect — to sell that helium gas. So we called that 
meeting in Chicago, and Rev. Dr. Williams was addressing the meet- 
ing, and a fellow by the name of Sawyer. 

Mr. Starnes. Who is Dr. Williams ? 

Mr. GissiBL. I do not know who he is. He is an American-born 
man — a priest. 

Mr. Thomas. Did you propose to take any action on this question? 

Mr. GissiBL. Yes. We sent a letter of protest to the President and 
to Secretary of the Interior Ickes, and I had several organizations 
sign up that letter of protest — about 28 in Chicago — German-Ameri- 
can organizations. 

Mr. Thomas. And did you get any word from Germany at all about 
this, or from the steamship company in New York ? 



gg UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr. GissiBL. No. 

Mr. Thomas. While you ^\'ere in Germany, did you discuss this 
question of helium gas ? 

Mr. Starnes. What other cities did you visit in Germany besides 
Berlin, Niirnberg, and Stuttgart? 

Mr. GissiBL. No ; that is all. 

Mr. Starnes. Whom did you visit in Berlin ? 

Mr. GissiBL. I saw my brother there. My brother was in Berlin. 

Mr. Starnes. Do you know who Mr. Kuhn called on when he went 
to Germany on the visit when he had these complications ? 

Mr. GissiBL. No. I asked him, but he did not tell me anything 
about it. 

Mr. Starnes. Do you have any information that would be helpful 
to the committee in that connection, as to whom he talked to, or whom 
he conferred with? 

Mr. GissiBL. I will have to find out. 

Mr. Starnes. Will you find out and let us know ? 

Mr. GissiBL. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Healey. You have been pretty active in the education of school 
children in Chicago, have you not? 

Mr. GissiBL. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Healet. In activities of school children? 

Mr. GissiBL. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Healey. Those children are mostly all born in this country ? 

Mr. GissiBL. Yes. 

Mr. Healey. Of German parents ? 

Mr. GissiBL. That is right. 

Mr. Healey. Were these activities outside of their regular school 
attendance ? 

Mr. GissiBL. Yes. 

Mr. Healey. That is, they would go to the public school and then 
also, in addition, attend these schools? 

Mr. GissiBL. Yes, I can explain you that thing. 

Mr. Healey. AVill you explain it to the committee ? 

Mr. GissiBL. Yes. Tliere are so many schools in the city of Chicago. 
They used to teach the German language before Hitler came in power 
in Germany. So after that it was the Jewish influence in Chicago 
which stopped the teaching in the public schools and in the high 
schools. 

Mr. Healey. That is your opinion? 

Mr. GissiBL. That is my opinion; O. K. So we started a school, an 
evening class, to learn the German children tlie German language and 
history. 

Mr. Healey, How old were these children ? 

Mr. GissiBL. From 10 to 18. 

Mr. Healey. And they went to school at night; evening school? 

Mr. GissiBL. No; Saturday. They went Saturday and Wednesday. 
The larger ones went to school on Wednesdays, at the age of 14 or 15 
up to 18; and the smaller ones came to school Saturday. 

Mr. Healey. What Avas taught them in the schools ? 

Mr. GissiBL. The German language. 

Mr. Healey. Is that all ? 

Mr. GissiBL, That is all. They were not shown any foreign moving 
pictures so long as I was in Chicago. 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 67 

Mr. IIealey. Were these textbooks printed in Germany? 

Mr. GissiBL. Yes. 

Mr. Healey. And they were shipped, of course, here? 

Mr. GissiBL. Yes. 

Mr. Heaij:y, And, of course, these textbooks were all censored 
by the German Government? 

Mr. GissiBL. They may be. I don't know. 

Mr. Healey. They were passed upon by the authorities, the edu- 
cational authorities in Germany, were they not? 

Mr. GissiBL. 1 tell you, these books are not used in Germany any 
more; these books that I brought over to this country. 

Mr. Healey. Are these books passed on? Are they approved by 
the present educational authorities in Germany ? 

Mr. GissiBL. I don't think so, because they don't use them in 
Germany any more. 

Mr. Healey. Well, they are printed; they are published in Ger- 
many now, are they not ? 

Mr. GissiBL. Yes. 

Mr. Healey. They are published in Germany now; they are cur- 
rent publications? 

Mr. Gissibl. No; they do not print them in Germany now. 

Mr. Healey. Can you tell the committee how old they were? In 
what year were they published? 

Mr. Gissibl. I don't know; but I know that it was before Hitler 
came to power, because I know the books. I used to have them w^ien 
I was in school yet. 

Mr. Healey. Have the textbooks changed now? Do they have 
different books in Germany now from what they had when you 
were a boy? 

Mr. Gissibl. Yes, sir; quite different. 

Mr. Healey. Nevertheless, these came from educational sources in 
Germany ? 

Mr. Gissibl. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Healey, Present educational sources in Germany; is that 
right? 

Mr. Gissibl, Yes, sir. 

Mr. Healey. And they were shipped over here to you? 

Mr, Gissibl. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Healey. And you distributed them to these classes that you 
established here for German children; is that correct? 

Mr. Gissibl. That is correct. 

Mr. Healey. Were these children taught any English at all in 
those schools? 

IVIr. Gissibl. No ; because it was only 2 hours a week. 

Mr. Healey. They were not taught anything but the German lan- 
guage and German history? 

Mr. Gissibl. Yes, sir, 

Mr. Healey. Anything about the German Government, or the 
policy of the German Government, or the philosophy of it? 

Mr. Gissibl. No, 

Mr. Healey, You are certain as to that? 

Mr, Gissibl. I am sure. 

Mr. Healey. But you were not present all the time, were you ? 



gg UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr. GissiBL. But I know my teacher would not advocate it. I 
could not get any lady to teach my school like that. 

Mr. Healet. But your idea in doing that was to keep these children 

of German parents together, and perhaps away from assimilating 

with other children with whom they attended school; is that right? 

Mr. GissiBL. No. The purpose was only to teach these children the 

German language. That was the purpose, and that still is. 

Mr. Starxes. And for what purpose? 

Mr. GissiBL. It is always well for anybody in this country to know 
a second language. 

Mr. Thomas. Is that also the purpose of the classes conducted in 
the East here? 

Mr. GissiBL. I don't know. 

Mr. Healey. Don't they teach German in the high schools in Chi- 
cago ? 

Mr. GissiBL. In some of them they do not. 

Mr. Healey. Do you want to tell the committee that children, on 
their own election, in the public schools in Chicago cannot study the 
German language? 

Mr. GissiBL. I do not know how that is ; but I know many public 
schools where German children go to school that they don't have the 
opportunity. 

Mr. Healey. Is that true in the high schools of Chicago? 
Mr. GissiBL. I don't know. I could not say that. 
Mr. Healey. You know that is not so, don't you? 
Mr. GissiBL. Wliy, I don't know. 

Mr. Mason. May I ask a question or two along this line of school- 
ing? 

The Chairman. Certainly. 

Mr. Mason. I have been a school man for 30 years, and, of course, 
I am interested a bit. Is it not true that you want to teach the 
German language to the German children when they are young, and 
long before they get to high-school age? 
Mr. GissiBL, Yes, sir. 

Mr. Mason. You feel that that is the proper time for them to learn, 
and after they do get to high-school age, then they will have the 
foundation necessary to grasp the German culture and all that goes 
with the higher German teaching? 
Mr. GissiBL. That is correct; yes, sir. 

Mr. Mason. It is true, of my own knowledge, that German is not 
taught in some high schools, because there is not demand enough for 
it in that particular community. 
Mr. GissiBL. I see. 

Mr. Mason. In Chicago and in many other schools. 
Mr. GissiBL. Yes. 

Mr. Mason. I think that if you can vouch for the fact that you 
taught the German language to these youngsters at these schools on 
Saturday for 2 hours, or in the evening", AVednesday evening or what- 
ever it is, and not any propaganda 

Mr. GissiBL (interposing). Not any whatsoever. 
Mr. Mason. Not anything of the principles of the present Govern- 
ment in Germany? 

Mr. GissiBL. No; nothing at all. 



UX-AMEHICAN rilOPAGANDA ACTIVITIES QQ 

The Chairman. You do know it to be a fact, don't you, Mr. Gissibl, 
that in your bunds you had toys brought from Germany, did you not? 

Mr. Gissibl. Yes. 

The Chaikman. INfodeled after Hitler? 

Mr. Gissibl. I saAv it in tlie paper ; yes, sir. 

The Chairman. That is the fact? 

]\Ir. Gissibl. Yes. 

The Chairman. Have you seen these photographs? 

Mr. Gissibl. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. They are all true, are they not? 

Mr. GissrBL. That is correct; yes. 

The Chairman. It is true that the Black Shirt Fascists met with 
you, is it not ? 

Mr. Gissibl. That is right. 

The Chairman. That they were Fascist organizations? 

Mr. Gissibl. Yes. 

The Chairman. They were in sympathy with you? 

Mr. Gissibl. That is right. 

The Chairman. Do these photographs correctly show the scenes 
that took place? 

Mr. Gissibl. Absolutely; that is right. 

Mr. Thomas. Did you have a member in your post out there by the 
name of Ernest Koerner? 

Mr. Gissibl. Koerner? I don't remember. 

]\Ir. Thomas. You have not heard that name before — of Ernest 
Koerner ? 

Mr. Gissibl. No. 

Mr. Thomas. Would you know the names of the bund who reside 
in Milwaukee? 

]Mr. Gissibl. Koerner? Yes, sir. I think he is from Milwaukee. 

INIr. Thomas. He is a member of the bund ? 

Mr. Gissibl. I could not tell you for sure. I have heard that name 
before : but I do not think he is a member of the group in Chicago. 

jSIr. Thomas. You do not know whether he is a member of the bmid 
or not? 

IMr. Gissibl. I don't know. 

The Chairman. To be perfectly frank about this, you are afraid 
that your testimony before this committee might result in a great 
many injurious consequences to you later on, are you not? In other 
words, you are afraid that you will be branded as a traitor, and that 
there may be some danger to you in the future? Is that a fact? 

Mr. Gissibl. "Well, I am not afraid of the fact. I do not care. I 
tell you the truth and nothing but the truth. 

The Chairman. But is there any likelihood of that happening? 

Mr. Gissibl. ]\lay]^.e. 

The Chairman. You are testifying under the subpena of this com- 
mittee and under the protection of this Government ; you understand 
that, do you not ? 

Mr. Gissibl. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Starnes. Who is Colen Ross ? 

Mr. Gissibl. He used to be with German nevvspapers, writing about 
this country. 

Mr. Starnes. Is he in tliis country now ? 



YQ UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr. GissiBL. No ; he is in Berlin. 

Mr. Staknes. Does he write any articles about this country? 

Mr. GissiBL. In several ne^Yspapers. 

Mr. Staenes. Were those articles published in this country? 

Mr. GissiBL. No — yes; several times he wrote articles for our news- 
paper. 

Mr. Starves. On government and economics? 

]\Ir. GissiBL. I could not tell you ; I do not know. 

Mr. Starnes. Who is Froboese? 

Mr. GissiBL. He is from Milwaukee. 

Mr. Starxes. Does he hold a position with the bund? 

Mr. GissiBL. He is a district leader of the German-American Bund 
of the Middle West. 

Mr. Starnes. Do you know Tove Miller ? 

Mr. GissiBL. Yes. 

Mr. Starxes. Is he a member of the Chicago bund? 

Mr. GissiBL. Yes. 

Mr. Starnes. What is his position? 

Mr. GissiBL. He has a certain district as a leader there. 

Mr. Starnes. He was a leader there? 

Mr. GissiBL. Yes. 

Mr. Starnes. A leader of storm troops, too ? 

Mr. GissiBL. No. 

Mr. Starnes. Was he a storm trooper? 

Mr. GissiBL. No. Several groups were under his supervision in 
territory surrounding Chicago. 

Mr. Starnes. Will you describe the organization of the bund? 
You speak of different types of leaders. There is a man who is the 
head of the German-American Bund. 

Mr. GissiBL. Yes; they have three district leaders, East, Middle 
West, and West. 

Mr. Starnes. Who are the leaders? 

Mr. GissiBL. In the district East, it is Rudolph Markmann. 

Mr. Starnes. Where does he live? 

IVIr. GissiBL. I think in Brooklyn. 

Mr. Starnes. Who is the leader in your district? 

Mr. GissiBL. George Froboese. 

Mr. Starnes. Where does he live? 

Mr. GissiBL. In Milwaukee. 

Mr, Starnes. Who is the leader in the West ? 

Mr. GissiBL. Hermann Schwimm. 

Mr. Starnes. Where does he live? 

Mr. GissiBL. In Los Angeles. 

]VIr. Starnes. In the organization, after these three district leaders, 
what is the next step ? 

Mr. GissiBL. We have certain smaller districts ; always five groups 
have a district leader, and then there are leaders of smaller groups 
or locals. 

Mr. Starnes. That you call districts ? 

]\Ir. GissiBL. Yes. 

Mr. Starnes. Then you have leaders under the district leaders? 

Mr. GissiBL. These posts have diiferent gi^oups. We have about five 
in Chicago. 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 71 

Mr. Starnes. You Avork on tlie fiirure "5"? 

ISh: GissiBL. No. It is just accordinjx to how many dilferent groups 
locally Ave have. In Chicago we have five in groups. 

Mr. Starxes. Who decides matters of policy in your bund? 

Mr. GissiBL. Only headfiuarters. 

Ml'. Starnes. Who compose headquarters? 

Mr. GissiBL. Kuhn. 

Mr. Starnes. He is "it"? 

Mr. GissiBL. He is "it." 

Mr. Starnes. He is the whole show? 

Mr. (tissibl. Of course, we have a yearly convention and we decide 
the i^olicy for the year again there. 

Mr. Starnes. Until the next convention meets your chosen leader 
decides all questions of policy ? 

Mr. GissiBL. That is correct. 

Mr. Starnes. Is tliere any appeal from his decision to any other 
person ? 

Mr. GissiBL. No ; only to the national convention. 

Ml'. Starnes. What relation does Kulm have with the German 
Government ? 

Mr. GissiBL. As far as I know, nothing at all, because, as I explained 
before, the German Government does not want to be involved. 

Mr. Starnes. It is only the German Bund, you say, that has direct 
connection ? 

Mr. GissiBL. Yes; the German Bund has direct connection. 

Mr. Starnes. What connection does the German-American Bund 
ha^e with the German Bund? 

Mr. GissiBL. None. We used to work together. 

Mr. Starnes. You used to take orders together? 

Mr. GissiBL. Yes. 

Mr. Starnes. That no longer takes place? 

Mr. GissiBL. Pardon me. 

Mr. Starnes. You no longer have any connection with each other? 

Mr. GissiBL. No. 

Mr. Starnes. Are you permitted, as a member of the German- 
American Bund, to attend meetings of the German Bund? 

Mr. GissiBL. No. 

Mr. Starnes. Outside of the city of Chicago you say members of 
the German Bund still attend meetings of the German- American 
Bund ? 

Mr. GissiBL. It does not exist like it does in Chicago. In the East 
there is no special organization for German citizens only. 

Mr. Starnes. Who finances the Foreign Institute ? 

Mr. GissiBL. Which one ? 

Mr. Starnes. The one that has been referred to here. 

Mr. GissiBL. I do not know. 

Mr. Starnes. How is it financed ? 

Mr. GissiBL. I do not know. 

Mr. Starnes. Is it financed by the German Government in any 
way? 

Mr. GissiBL. I do not know. The Foreign Institute was founded 
through the King of Wiirttemberg in 1913 or 1914, and he gave 



72 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

donations to keep in cultural connection with all Germans who were 
living abroad. 

Mr. Starnes. It was financed at that time by the German Govern- 
ment ? 

Mr. GissiBL. Yes. 

Mr. Starnes. And presumably is today? ♦ 

Mr. GissiBL. I suppose so. 

The Chairman. We will excuse you for the present so that we may 
hear another witness. 

TESTIMONY OF FKAITK DAVIN, CHICAGO, ILL. 

(The witness was sworn by the chairman.) 

The Chairman. What is your name? 

Mr. Davin. Frank Davin. 

The Chairman. You live in Chicago? 

Mr. Davin. I do. 

The Chairman. How long have you lived in Chicago ? 

Mr. Davin. I was born in Chicago in 1905. 

The Chairman. What business are you in, and have you been in, 
during the past few years ? 

Mr. Davin. Public relations counsel. 

The Chairman. What does that consist of ? _ 

Mr. Davin. Public relations is a job of defining objects or policies. 
It is the selling, you might say, to the public at large of a progi^am 
in connection with industrial organization, which has been used to 
promote better understanding of objectives, commonly referred to as 
publicity, through the use of newspapers, magazines, or radio. 

The Chairman. Or it might be termed "propaganda"? 

Mr. DA\aN. In the better sense of the word "propaganda," that 
would cover the job. 

The Chairman. You have been engaged in that work for some 
time ? 

Mr. Davin. I have. 

The Chairman. And have been known to be in that work ? 

Mr. DA^^N. That is true. 

The Chairman. Did you ever meet the city treasurer of Chicago, a 
man by the name of Gustave Brand. 

Mr. Davin. I have on several occasions in the past. 

The Chairman. Did he approach you with reference to doing prop- 
aganda work for the Nazi government in the United States? 

Mr. Dam^n. Perhaps I ought to clarify that. 

The Chairman. Suppose you tell us in your own language. 

Mr. Davin. Eather than he ap]>roached me, sometime in March I 
would say I approached him. My thought was at the time — I had 
heard through casual remarks and upon information that I had — 
that as city treasurer of Chicago he would be in a position to be inter- 
ested in the job of public relations work relative to what I had pri- 
marily in mind, and I approached him because I had made a study of 
the Chicago foreign-language situation. I had specifically had that 
in mind. 

In Chicago approximately three out of four people within the 
city limits there speak or understand a language other than English. 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 73 

That is a peculiarity not confined to Chicaoo but to all larj^e met- 
ropolitan areas, and, frankly, I had handled that type of work in 
the 193(3 campaign as radio assistant for the Republican National 
Connnittee and was familiar with the various groups. 

You understand, my attitude was that of a salesman selling to 
the public rather tlian selling a i)olitical program. 

I had lunch with Mr. Brand, and after some time the conversation 
seemed to be — I was trying to get at one point I could not quite 
understand, which seemed to me ought to be very clear. At any rate 
he mentioned to me he was not a political leader; he was an artist 
and had been, which is true. He is a very famous artist, a connois- 
seur of the arts in Chicago. 

He spoke of the strained relationships between the German manu- 
facturers — this is the substance of it; I do not recall the word he 
used, but it is a word that connotes industrial relations, or trade, or 
something like the steel people have in their Steel Institute, and 
mentioned the sale of Christmas toys and various other items that 
had dAvindled down, and where now the newspapers were savagely 
attacking the German people, and he felt something ought to be done 
at that time, and I asked him, I said, "Are you interested in the 
Xazi organization — that is, the industrial set-up?" He said, "No." 
"Of course," he said, "I have some contacts there." He said, "I think 
you would be the type of person we could use, or rather that could 
be used, and I would be very happy to see you advanced," and so on. 

I mentioned at that time the peculiarity of a business in whicli 
you had to devote the rest of your life, and how you would not w'ant 
to get out on a limb with one group of Fascists, or a Nazi group, or 
a Communist group, either right or left; I was not interested. 

I told him I was only interested in American public relations and 
that if I understood him correctly that type of job would bring me 
in contact with various diplomatic surroundings, and I did not be- 
lieve I could afford to do it. Anyway, he told me I was mistaken, 
that my information probably came from reading articles and news- 
paper stories which were largely lies, and that "You cannot believe 
anything you read in the newspapers," because, he said, "After all, 
these newspapers are so controlled that they all tell the same story." 
He went on to mention something about writers, if I recall correctly, 
although I may need a little help with my statement there. I did 
not at that time make any particular discovery that I was solicited 
to be a Nazi agent. 

I went home and talked it over with my wife. She insisted that 
I stay out of the job of monkeying around with any foreign govern- 
ment. That was the sum and substance of the matter. 

In closing when I left I told him I Avould be very much interested in 
a publicity program that would not bring me in contact with anything 
of that kind, with a foreign government. He said, "Well, it is too bad 
you did not have the opportunity of speaking to Dr. Draeger." He 
said, "You would have opened your eyes." He said, "You are like all 
newspaper reporters, taking everything with the snap of the fingers." 

At the time we talked over some of the newer books. I do not have 
a list, but I can get it. In passing, I had several references at the 
time which proljably brought national socialism up to date. That is 
the sum and substance of what I had to say. I was practically offered 



74 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

a spot at least with industrial or<2:anizations, German industrial organi- 
zations, for the promotion of better trade relations, as it appeared 
to me. 

Mr. Starnes. That offer was made to you by Dr. Brand, Dr. Gus- 
tave Brand? 

Mr. Davin. Yes. 

Mr. Starnes. Is that the same man whose correspondence has been 
before the committee? 

Mr. Davin. It was the same name. 

Mr. Thomas. Did he make an actual offer or just discuss it? 

Mr. Davin. He did not say he could give me a job, but he thought 
if I could be brought into contact with the proper organization he 
would use his influence. 

Mr. Thomas. In other words, he was just sounding you out as to 
whether or not you would take anything of that kind? 

Mr. Davin. I suppose so. 

Mr. Starnes. Did he ever give you the names of any parties? 

Mr. Davin. No; but he said, "Of course, you know I belong to so 
many organizations as a German leader." I said, "Yes," because I 
know quite a few German leaders. 

Mr. Starnes. Do you know what organizations he did belong to ? 

Mr. Davin. I do not think there is a German organization in Chi- 
cago that he does not belong to. I think he belongs to the Germania 
Club. I do not know whether he belongs to any other organization 
now, but he is a leading speaker at German affairs. 

Mr. Thomas. You do not know whether he is a member of the 
German-American Bund? 

Mr. Davin. I do not know, 

]Mr. Starnes. He is an American citizen? 

Mr. Davin. To the best of my knowledge, he is. 

Mr. Mason. You only had one meeting with him ? 

Mr. Davin. In regard to this. I have met him on many occasions. 

Mr. Mason. But not since that meeting. 

Mr. Davin. No. 

Mr. Mason. That was a luncheon meeting? 

Mr. Davin. Yes. 

Mr. Mason. You were his guest? 

]\Ir. Davin. Yes. 

The Chairman. It was clear to you that he was approaching you 
to do propaganda work for the Nazi Party in Germany? 

Mr. Davin. Yes; because my mind was running along entirely 
different lines. 

The Chairman. Did he give you any idea as to what kind of 
propaganda work he wanted specifically? 

]\Ir. DA■\^N. In passing he said that the German people had been 
brought up in degradation, you might say, in and after the post-war 
de])ression, and that such a government had some good points, and 
as I listened to him, I gathered rather inferentially from his remarks, 
that the industrial angle was just one of the factors that would enter 
into such em])loyment. 

Mr. Starnes. What did he stress relative to industrial relations in 
Germany that w\as worth while? 

Mr. Davin. He told of the falling off of German trade with Amer- 
ica and mentioned in a sort of plaintive way the fact that we had 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 75 

an abundance and other countries were starvino;, and told me that 
it pained liini as an artist and cuUnral leader to see those thinos, and 
he thon<j[ht it Avould be the very kind of propaganda that would be 
"worth Avhile. 

j\Ir. Starnes. He did not say anythino; abont the abundance of 
things that they had a scarcity of that they ccndd excliange? 

]Mr. Davin. No. 

iVIr. Staunes. It Avas a question of our a]:»nnchince lielping the other 
fellow's scarcity. Did he discuss with you the relations between 
eni])Ioyers and employees? 

Mr. Davin. He said they had no labor problems, but the job here 
■would be rather difficult because of various factors. 

i\Ir. Starnes. Did he give any reasons why they had no labor 
j)roblems ? 

Mr. Davin. No ; but I assumed there were reasons. 

TESTIMONY OF JAMES J. METCALFE 

(The witness was sworn by the chairman). 

The Chairman. Your name is James Metcalfe ? 

Mr. James J. Metcalfe. My name is James J. Metcalfe. 

The Chairman. You are a brother of John Metcalfe, who pre- 
viously testified today ? 

Mr. James J. JNIetcalfe. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. You were born in Germany, also? 

Mr. Metcalfe. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. AVhen did you come to the United States? 

Mr. James J. jSIetcalfe. In 1914. 

The Chairman. When did you become a citizen of the United 
States ? 

Mr. James J. Metcalfe. In 1930. 

The Chairman. Did you become at any time a member of the 
German Bund? 

Mr. James J. Metcalfe. Yes, sir; I did, in 1937. 

The Chairman. We have a photostat copy of your membership 
card ? 

Mr. James J. Metcalfe. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. And your application blank and other papers in 
connection therewith? 

Mr. James J. ^Ietcalfe. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. They will be inserted in the record later. 

Will you explain to this committee what happened when you 
joined, and how you joined. Tell us in your own language. 

Mr. James J. Metcalfe. I went to the headquarters of the Ger- 
man-American Bund and the Germand Bund; they were together 
at 3854 Northwestern Avenue. 

Mr. Starnes, What was the date, Mr. Metcalfe? 

]Mr. James J. Metcalfe. The first day I went there, the first public 
meeting which I attended, was on July 7, 1937, Previous to that 
time, about 2 or 3 days before, I had called at the headquarters 
and talked to Peter Gissibl, who had invited me to come to a public 
meeting held every Wednesday night. I will correct that. The 
public meeting date was July 14, 1937. That was the first public 
meeting which I attended. 



76 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

However, it was not until Saturday night, July 17, at the weekly 
dance, when a serious discussion came up about my becoming a 
member of one or the other organizations. On that occasion I talked 
to both Mr. Gissibl and to Fritz Heberlein, the leader of the German 
Bund. 

The question of my citizenship arose. I explained the facts relat- 
ing to my life to Fritz Heberlein, the leader of the German Bund, 
and he told me that in his opinion I was a citizen of Germany and 
not a citizen of the United States. I did not, of course, tell him 
I had already obtained citizenship papers, and I was going under a 
different name at that time. 

He told me that evening he would discuss the facts in regard to 
my case with the German consul in Chicago and obtain from him 
a decision as to whether or not I was a German citizen. Subse- 
quently, on July 20, 1937, I talked again with Mr. Heberlein, and 
he tolcl me at that time that the German consul had advised him that 
I was, in fact, a German citizen, and that consequently I was eligible 
to become a member of the German Bund. 

He asked me then if I cared to file my application for membership 
in the German Bund. I told him I did. He asked me if I had 
any intention of becoming an American citizen at any time, and I 
said I did not. He stressed that point very strongly and made it 
very plain that if I had any intention at any time of becoming an 
American citizen they did not want me in the German Bund, that 
they wanted only those who had the intention of remaining German 
citizens. He brought that up again on several occasions. He wanted 
to make very sure that I knew my own mind on that matter. 

Subsequently I filed my application and paid my initiation fee 
and my monthly dues. My application was accepted and approved, 
and I iiad presented my birth certificate, and I was admitted to mem- 
bership, pending final approval, after a period of several months. 

Thereafter I was instructed as to where I could purchase various 
parts of the uniform worn by the storm troopers of the German Bund. 
I was informed by Fritz Heberlein that it was compulsory as a mem- 
ber of the German Bund to belong to the storm-troop organization 
and to drill with them and obey all the orders implicitl3^ 

I then obtained my uniform, and thereafter I attended all the 
public meetings, dances, and all social entertainment, and listened to 
their speeches and j^articipated in their drills and marches and vari- 
ous parades on public occasions. 

Mr. Starnes. Do they actually have military drill ? 

Mr. James J. Metcalfe. Yes. sir; they do. They had a weekly 
drill every Tuesday night in the hall at the bund headquarters in 
Chicago, in the assembly hall that was called the House Fatherland. 

They drilled there every Tuesday night, not in uniform, and then 
when the occasion arose for their appearance in public every member 
was instructed to wear his uniform and they were compelled to march 
in the parade, and they were very strict about that. 

The CiiAiR^rAN. Do they openly preach belief in the Nazi Party 
program in Germany? 

Mr. James J. Metcalfe. Yes, sir; they did. 

The Chairman. They do that openly? 

Mr. James J. Metcalfe. They clo that openly at their meetings. 



rX-A:\IERICAN PUOPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 77 

Tho CiiAiR:\rAN. Xoiie of them liave any intention, as you have 
liearil them express it, of ever hecomino: American citizens? 

]\rr. James J. Metcalfe. That is correct. 

The Chairman. What do the}^ talk about in connection with the 
Nazi Govermnent as compared with the American Govermnent? 

jSIr. Jainies J. ]\Ietcalfe. The views most expressed by botli leaders 
and indivi(hial members, and when I say leaders I mean Fritz Heber- 
lein and his assistants, such as Fritz Mattis, the leader of the uni- 
formed Storm Troopers, and other assistants — they specifically state 
tliat they are dissatisfied with the form of fxovernment in this coimtry 
and tliat they lielieve the only kind of government is the national 
socialistic form of orovernment that they have in Germany, and that 
in this country they should have one leader such as in the Hitler 
org:anization to operate the various departments of the Government. 

The Chairman. In connection with what you said a while ago, will 
you explain to the committee the different salutes they have in the 
"German Bund and demonstrate them to the committee. 

Mr. James J. IVIetcalfe. They have the full Nazi salute, which 
differs slifrhtly from that of the German-American Bund, because in 
the German-American Bund they put their hands on their belt, but 
in the German Bund they hold their left arm straight to the sky 
and put their right arm up like that [indicating], and then the 
informal salute is like that [indicating]. 

Mr. Starxes. These military drills, do they give you instructions 
on the salute, military courtesy, and military discipline? 

]Mr. James J. Metcalfe. Yes, sir; they do. They teach you how 
to salute, how to stand at attention, how to go through the various 
formations. They drill, incidentally, in the German style. For 
example, when thej^ give you a right face, they turn on the left foot. 
When they make an about fact they also turn on the left foot, and 
they swing around to the left rather than to the right, as they 
would in the American Army. 

The Chairman. Do they goose step ? 

Mr. James J. Metcalfe. They goose step. That was formerly 
called the parade step. They employ that at the time of coming to a 
halt after marching and also at the time of passing a reviewing stand 
in a parade, such as the one at Soldiers' Field on German Day, when 
they passed the reviewing stand where the German consul sat. At 
that time they go into the parade step with their left hand on their 
belt buckle and their right arm stiffly held to their side and their eyes 
turned to the right or left. 

The Chairman. Did you take any oath when you went into that 
organization ? 

]\Ir. James J. Metcalfe. No, sir ; I did not ; because I had not gone 
through the entire period of waiting. 

The Chairman. What was the period of waiting before you became 
a full-fledged member? 

Mr. James J. Metcalfe. I was informed that the period of waiting 
was 3 months, during which time Fritz Heberling, the German Bund 
leader, told me, "It was necessary to investigate you not only in Ger- 
many but in this country as well. You are required to give a refer- 
ence in this country and in Germany, preferably someone who is 
related to you and residing over there." 

94931—38 — vol. 1 6 



yg UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

The Chairman. Before you became a full-fledged member ? 

Mr. James J. Metcalfe. And they thoroughly checked that infor- 
mation before you could become a full-fledged member. 

The Chairman. Were you taught that you had to obey orders di- 
rectly from Germany? 

Mr. James J. Metcalfe. Yes, sir. You were told that the organi- 
zation and every member was strictly under Hitler and the German 
Government ; that all orders to be coniplied with by that organization 
had to emanate from Germany, they being taken through the Ger- 
man consul at Chicago. Fritz Heberling told me himself, on the night 
of July 17, 1937 — to quote him directly — that '"we are under one man 
only— Hitler." He says, "We take all our orders from him and we 
deal strictly with the German consul here in Chicago." 

The Chairman. What did he say v^ere the aims and objectives of 
this organization I What was said by leaders in speeches and in con- 
versations as to the aims and objectives of the organization? 

Mr. James J. Metcalfe. The aims and objectives of the German 
Bund in Chicago as distinguisiied from the other organization were 
simply to grow as much as possible and to cooperate with the Ger- 
man-American Bund; to carry out all orders from Germany; to 
spread propaganda as and how they were told to do and to carry out 
any orders which they might be given. 

The Chairman. Was anything said with reference to the necessity 
of building up a minority bloc in the United States in the event of 
war or any other trouble ? 

Mr. James J. Metcalfe. No, sir ; not with reference to the German 
Bund. You see, I was informed that that was the only organization 
of its kind in the United States and it was comparatively small, but 
they hoped to increase it. 

The Chairman. As to the Germans belonging to the German-Ameri- 
can Bund, there was no distinction, is that correct? 

Mr. James J. Metcalfe. That is true. Also Mr. Heberling told me 
that he did not feel that a German should belong to the German- 
American Bund. If he were a true German, he should belong to 
the German Bund, his organization, because he could not understand 
how a man could be loyal to two countries at one time. Therefore 
he could not see how the members of the German-American Bund 
could be honest with themselves, because they were, in fact, trynig to 
be loyal to two countries at one and the same time. 

Mr. Starnes. What did he say the object was in giving you military 
training? 

Mr. James J. Metcalfe. He had no specific explanation on that 
point except that he pointed out to me that any time you might be 
recalled to Germany, being a subject of Germany, and as such you 
would be qualified to proceed with your military training over there. 
And, of course, you would have that added advantage of having been 
trained over here. 

The Chairman. So that the members of that organization really 
believe in the Nazi form of government? 

Mr. James J. Metcalfe. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. And they openly profess that belief? 

Mr. James J. Metcalfe. Yes, sir; they do. 



UN-AMERICAN I'KOPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 79 

. The Chairman. And do tlioy explain Avliy, believino- in the Nazi 
form of irovernnient, they do not go over there; why they continue to 
reside in the United States? 

Mr. James J. Metcalfe. No, sir; they do not exphiin why they do 
that, except that they are free to express themselves; that they enjoy 
the freedom accorded them here and also the positions which they 
hold ; the fact that they are able to make more money here than they 
Avould over there. 

Mr. ^Iason. Then* in tliat particular they are not any more con- 
sistent than the members of the German-American Bund? 

Mr. James J. Metcalfe. That is correct, sir. 

The Chairman. Did you know of any direct contacts between the 
German Bund and the consular service, or the consulate? 

Mr. James J. Metcalfe. Only insofar as Fritz Heberling told me 
he was in constant communication with the German consul in Chi- 
cairo; that as a matter of fact he took up all matters with him, ob- 
tained his advice and approval, consulted him in everything, and if 
any questions arose he always took them up with him. Also he said 
the relationship was so close that he could communicate with the 
German consul in Chicago at any hour of the day or night as occasion 
might arise. 

The Chair:man. Did he ever say anything with reference to money 
being sent from Germany to aid the cause of the German Bund in 
the United States? 

Mv. James J. Metcalfe. No, sir. 

The Chairman. Do you know^ of your ow^n knowledge of any in- 
stance where any German money was spent by any member of the 
German Bund for propaganda purposes or otherwise? 

Mr. Jamks J. Metcalfe. No, sir; I do not. 

The Chairman. You do not know of that ? 

Mr. James J. Metcalfe. No, sir. 

The Chairman. What became of the dues you paid into the organi- 
zation? 

Mr. James J. Metcalfe. The dues were paid in by the members of 
the German Bund and went to the treasurer of that organization. His 
name was Bamberg. H. Bamberg. Aside from being used for the 
operation of the organization, and also for the purpose of erecting a 
camp, and things of that kind, providing entertainment and the like — 
aside from those things, if there was any other purpose for wdiich 
money was used, I did not know for what it was used. 

The Chairman. You have seen these photographs here. You ap- 
pear in some of them ? 

Mr. James J. Metcalfe. That is correct, sir. 

The Chairman. Did 5'ou secure those photographs yourself? 

Mr. James J. Metcalfe. Where I am in the picture, I did not, of 
course, myself. 

The Chairman. I mean you secured the photographs from someone 
else? 

Mr. James J. Metcalfe. Yes, sir ; I did. 

The Chairman. Who w^as that party? 

Mr. James J, Metcalfe. I obtained the photographs from several 
individuals. I took a number of them myself. The picture, for ex- 



gQ UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

ample, of the boy and girl in uniform which was brought out before — 
the large picture — was taken in the lobby of the House Fatherland in 
Chicago by a photographer named Norman Dingier, a member of the 
German Bund. I obtained a copy of that picture from him. 

The Chairman. Were you acquainted with the Hitler Youth move- 
ment in connection with the organization ? 

Mr. James J. Metcalfe. Yes, sir ; I was. The children of the mem- 
bers of the German Bund, there was no distinction made as between 
them and the children of the German-American Bund. They went to 
camp together; they marched and drilled together. They all wore 
uniforms. The girls had their style of uniform and the boys had their 
own, and they were trained along military lines, taught to obey orders 
in all things. They were encouraged to adhere to all German tradi- 
tions ; to speak the German language ; to sing German songs ; and not 
to associate with American children and to stay away from strangers 
who might come up to them and speak English. 

On August 1, 1937, at Camp Hindenburg, which is near Milwaukee, 
Wis., I had occasion to be present and I tried to talk to some of the 
children, particularly some of those from Milwaukee. I was not in 
uniform and I spoke in English to them, and thej' refused to speak to 
me. On later occasions, when I had my uniform and I Avas wearing it, 
I would talk to some of these children, and even though I spoke in 
English they did not liesitate to speak to me, because, of course, it was 
obvious to them that I was a member of the organization. 

The Chairman. Did they disseminate any literature direct from 
Germany among the members at that time, especially among the 
children ? 

Mr. James J. Metcalfe. I do not recall any literature being dis- 
seminated among the children. 

The Chairman. What was the extent of the propaganda efforts 
among the children with reference to the Nazi socialistic ideas? 

Mr. James J. Metcalfe. I was informed by Fritz Heberling that 
the school which is maintained in the bund in Chicago for teaching the 
children German was also conducted for the purpose of instilling in 
tliem the ideals of the present Germany. 

IVIr. Mason. Is that the same school that the former witness testified 
about ? 

Mr. James J. Metcalfe. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Thomas. What was your statement there? 

Mr. James J. Metcalfe. My statement is that Fritz Heberling 
informed me that in the conduct of that school the children were 
instructed in the ])rinciples and ideals of the National Socialistic 
Government in Germany. 

The Chairman. Did you ever see, yourself, any evidence of that ? 

Mr. James J. Metcalfe. No, sir ; I did not. 

The Chairman. Did you ever hear of any speeches made directly 
to the children or while the children were present with reference to the 
Nazi Government ideals or ideology ? 

INIr. James J. Metcalfe. Not with reference to national socialism. 
Hovrever, all speeches which were made to them were along the Inies 
of keeping them German children rather than American children. 

The Chairiman. Did they sell toys of Hitler— modeled after Hitler? 

Mr. James J. Metcalfe. They "did not in Chicago, sir. 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 81 

The Chairman. You did not see tlisit ? 

Mr. James J. Metcalfe. No, sir; not in Chicago. I made an exten- 
sive search there. 

The Chairman. To what extent was the swastika used as a flag? 

Mr. James J. IMetcalfe. The swastika was used by the German 
Bund and the German-American Bund as a flag. It was always 
present on every occasion. In the youth organization they carried a 
half swastika flag. 

The Chairman. What did that signify ? 

]Mr. James J. Metcalfe. It signified simply the symbol of the youth 
organization, which was a special design wliich they had. You could 
call it a half swastika, or something like a streak of lightning. The 
children wore belt buckles which were inscribed in German with the 
words "Blood and Honor." And they also carried hunting knives 
with the swastika on the handle — ^many of the boys did. 

Mr. Thomas. What was the purpose of those hunting knives? 
What were they going to use them for? 

^Ir. James J. IMetcalfe. I suppose to chop down trees ! 

The Chairman. Like the Boy Scouts ? 

Mr. James J. IMetcalfe. Like the Boy Scouts. The knives were 
imported from Germany. 

The Chair:man. While you were there, there never was any arming, 
or effort to arm, or anything of tliat sort ? 

Mr. James J. JMetcalfe. No, sir ; there was not. 

The Chairman. Were you ever present at any target practice? 

]Mr. James J. Metcalfe. No, sir; outside of a carnival, where you 
compete for prizes and the like. 

The Chair:man. Well, I am not talking about that. 

Mr. Thomas. You heard the testimony this afternoon in regard to 
the action that the German-American Bund took on the question of 
the exportation of helium gas. Did Fritz Heberling ever discuss that 
question with you or take it up at any of the meetings of the German 
Bund? 

Mr. James J. Metcalfe. No, sir; he did not discuss that publicly. 
Privately, his only comment on that subject was that he thought the 
German Government should be permitted to have the helium gas 
which it wanted. 

^Ir. Thomas. Were there any resolutions passed or any action taken 
at any of the meetings of the German Bund relative to the question of 
helimn gas? 

Mr. James J. Metcalfe. Not to my knowledge during the time I 
was with the organization. 

Mr. Thomas. You have not anything more you want to say in 
regard to the subject of helium gas, or anything along those lines ? 

Mr. James J. ]Metcalfe. No, sir. 

The Chairman. Do you have other statements there that you wish 
to make? 

Mr. James J. Metcalfe. I just wanted to explain one mbre thing 
about this salute. There has been a general impression that when 
they give this salute in public they do not say "Heil Hitler!" They 
do not say "Heil Hitler!" but the manner of execution is like this: 
The leader will appear before the troop or a group of children, as 
the case may be, and he will say in German, "We will now give three 



32 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

heils. You say one for the leader," meaning Adolf Hitler, but the 
name is not mentioned, "one for the fatherland, and one for the 
homeland." Then, after he calls for each heil, he uses the word "Sieg," 
and everybody saluted and called "Heil !" They will say that three 
times. Naturally, the word "Hitler" is not mentioned ; yet that is what 
they are actually cloing, giving this "Heil !" for Hitler. 

At the time that Fritz Heberling told me "We are under one man 
only — Hitler"— he said. "We deal with the consuls general of Ger- 
many here in this country. We take orders from Hitler, no one else. 
We are stronger, more powerful than the others," meaning the Ger- 
man-American Bund, "but we work with them and get along to- 
gether." 

He explained to me that he meant, by being stronger and more 
powerful, that so far as the ties with Germany were concerned, sa 
far as political consequences in Germany were involved, they were 
stronger, more powerful, than the German- American Bund. 

The Chairman. Did the Fascists ever meet with the German Bund 
while you were there? 

Mr, James J. Metcalfe. No, sir; only the Ukrainians. 

The Chairman. What is the Ukrainian Fascist movement? 

Mr. James J. Metcalfe. I am not familiar with the Ukrainian 
movement. The only thing I know is that the members of their 
organization appeared in uniform in Harms Park with German 
Bund and the German-American Bund, on the occasion of a Labor 
Day celebration, on September 5, 1937, and marched and paraded 
with them, took part in the activities. I also understood that there 
was close cooperation between the organizations in matters of mutual 
interest. 

I might mention the fact that at the time I w^as first joining the 
organization, an announcement was made by Fritz Matthes, the 
leader of the uniformed storm troops, to the effect that the German 
Bund was giving its members an opportunity^ to compete for a chance 
to become aviation pilots; that this had been arranged through the 
Ukrainian organization, and that the members who were selected for 
this training were to receive a free course at the hands of the United 
States Army pilots. To wdiat extent that was carried out I do not 
know, because the plans were still under way at the time I left the 
organization. 

The Chairman. Was there any fear ever expressed among these 
people that they might be deported; and any precautions taken by 
them to prevent deportation ? 

Mr. James J. Metcalfe. Yes, sir; Mr. Heberling told me that the 
members of the organization were instructed to conduct themselves 
in such a way as not to lay themselves open to possible deportation at 
any time; that they should be careful not to announce too publicly 
the fact that they were aliens; that in the event of any disturbance 
at any ])ublic occasion they were not to take part in any fight or 
retaliate if anyone from the outside started a fight, unless they had 
specific orders from the leaders. 

The Chairman. To what extent do they obey the leaders? For 
instance, on one occasion when Fritz Heberling had married, tell us 
how he obeyed some orders. 

Mr. James J. Metcalfe. He had just been married. This was the 
day after the marriage and he had planned to go on his honeymoon. 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES g3 

But tlie celebration of that day was in liis hands, and it was his duty 
to be there and c'()nse(pently he could not be Avith his wife. 

On another occasion — tins Mas just prior to the German Day cele- 
bration — Fritz INIatthes instructed the storm troopers that they were 
to be present at Soldiers' Field on German Day and that nothing but 
death would be acce])ted as an excuse. 

The Chairman. Nothing but death? 

Mr. James J. JNIetcalfe. Nothing but death; that if you are dead, 
you do not have to be there. 

The Chairman. That was a concession ! 

Mr. James J. Metcalfe. Also Fritz Heberling made it very plain 
at all times that every order had to be obeyed and the members of the 
German Bund very blindly obeyed all instructions. Also, if the_y 
came late to a drill, they had first to salute the leader and to receive his 
permission to join the ranks, thereby being excused for being late. 

The Chairman. Will you say, from your contacts with this organi- 
zation, and what you have heard, and so forth, whether it is not a fact 
that the great majority of the people of German descent are not sym- 
pathetic to this movement in any respect, and that they are making no 
headway among the old-stock German citizens, those people of Ger- 
man descent ? Is not that a fact ? 

Mr. James J. IMetcalfe. That has been my impression ; yes, sir. 

Now, quoting from Fritz Heberling, on September 3, 1937, he said 
that national socialism was the only kind of government for any coun- 
try to have and that they should have it in the United States: "They 
do not run things right here," he said. "Some day the people will 
wake up." 

The Chairman. These are notes that you took at the time? 

Mr. James J. JMetcalfe. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. So that you might preserve the record ? 

Mr. James J. Metcalfe. He also said : 

I would like to go back to Germany. I do not like it here. There is no order 
here. You can do anything. All there is here is cheating and graft and crime. 
I would like to go back and stay there. 

He reviewed for me the history of the German-American Bund in 
Chicago and how the German Bund came about. This is on August 
9, 1937, in the home of Fritz Heberling, the leader of the German 
Bund. Here is a direct quote from him. He said : 

In 1935 when Fritz Gissibl was here he made a lot of trouble. He was 
always ready for a fight and he liked to make a big show. So the German 
Government called him back and they told him, "You are making too much 
trouble over there, you will make it bad for us, you must stay here from 
now on." So they gave him time to come back here and get his things ar- 
ranged and then he had to go back. Then the German Government ordered all 
German citizens to go out of the bund in America. We did that here in 
Chicago, and I organized the Deutscher Volksbund — for German citizens only. 
All the German citizens then left the bunds in America, but only for a while. 
After a while they let them come back. It was not good, but they did it. 
They should not do it. Some day it may cau.se them a lot of trouble. 

The Chairman. You yourself were born in Germany? 

Mr, James J. Metcalfe. That is right. 

The Chairman. Do you not know it to be a fact from your observa- 
tion and contact with German people that the great majority of them 
are such that we have no more patriotic or loyal citizens in America 



34 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

than the overwhehning majority of the people of German descent 
here ? 

Mr. James J. Metcalfe. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. And \Yhat you are telling us about now deals only 
with a very small minority ; is not that correct ? 

Mr. James J. JVIetcalte. That is correct, sir. 

The CiiAiRMAx. Do you think this organization is growing? 

Mr. James J. Metcaue. I have not kept abreast of their activity, 
but from what I have heard here and there, I believe it is growing 
in size. 

The Chairman. We want to recall Mr. Gissibl for a few moments. 

FURTHER TESTIMONY OF PETEE GISSIBL— Recalled 

The Chairman. I believe Mr. Thomas had some questions he 
wanted to ask j^ou, Mr. Gissibl. 

Mr. Thomas. Did you know Mr. Brand? 

Mr. Gissibl. The city treasurer of Chicago? 

Mr. Thomas. Yes. 

Mr. Gissibl. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Thomas. Was he a member of your post, the German- Amer- 
ican Bund, out in Chicago? 

Mr. Gissibl. No. He never has been a member of the bund, but 
since a few years I know him well ; I met him several times and talked 
things over with him. 

Mr. Thomas. Do you want to tell us a little bit about some of the 
conversation you had with him? 

Mr. Gissibl. Just one thing. I am kind of surprised to have this 
man dragged into this investigation, because the man always was 
like a father to German- American citizens in Chicago ; and, as a fact, 
he was really the man who quieted us down whenever we lost our 
temper, the young fellows. He never was a member of the bund. 
He never did agree with the form of government they have in Ger- 
many over there. He was a real and honest American citizen who 
lives — I don't know — I think 50 years, more than 50 years already 
in this country. I respected that man, and always took his advice 
whenever he had to give me one. I just want to say that because 
this witness before me stated something about Mr. Brand, and I 
really am surprised that this man is dragged into this investigation. 

The Chairman. You understand we have no desire to drag any- 
body into it. It is just a question of trying to develop the truth 
here. 

Mr. Gissibl. Yes. That is wliy I made that statement, because 
this man is in a high position in the city of Chicago and is very 
reliable. 

The Chairman. Is there any other statement you Avant to make? 
We want to be perfectly fair and accord you a full opportunity. 

Mr. Gissibl. Yes; there is another thing I want to say about our 
school. One of the witnesses made a statement here that we were 
making Nazi ]:)ro]:)aganda in that school. When I consulted that 
professor of the Chicago Northwestern University in Evanston to 
have somebody to be a teacher for the children in our organization, 
I told him what it was all about. He did not want to teach the chil- 
dren on accomit of that propaganda that was going on against the 



rX-AMEllICAN PKOrAGANDA ACTIVITIES 85 

Geniian-American Bund. So I told him that it will be actually a 
teaching!; of the Geniian language and nothing else. And then under 
these circumstances the wife of that professor who graduated as a 
teacher in American schools, she took charge of our school in Chi- 
cago. I know that there was never showed any moving picture or 
any Xazi propaganda in our school in Chicago. 

Mr. Thomas, You are only speaking for the school in Chicago. 
You cannot speak for the schools in the East here? 

Mr. GissiBL. Xo. 

Mr. Thomas. Do vou know what is taught in the schools in the 
east? 

Mr. GissiBL. No; I do not know. 

Mr. Thomas. Who determines tlie policy — that is, the educational 
policy — of the various schools of the German-American Bund in this 
country? 

Mr. "Gissihl. I do not know. It goes through the headquarters in 
New York. 

Mr. Thomas. 'Mr. Kuhn's headquarters? 

Mr. GissiBL. Yes. 

Mr. Thomas. He determines, then, what you are to teach out in 
your school, does he not? 

Mr. GissiBL. Yes — no — I tell you, I started that school in my local 
first, before he started the other locals. We built up a nice school 
there in a short time, so I did not have to take any advice of any- 
body. I do it the way I think it is the best. 

The Chairman. With reference to the schools, this is one point 
I do not understand. You have admitted that these photographs are 
authentic. 

Mr. GissiBL. What? 

The Chahimax. You have seen these photographs. You say these 
photographs are authentic. 

Mr. GissiBL. Yes. 

The Chahjmax. True photographs? 

Mr. GissiBL. Yes: that is right. 

The Chairman. One of these photographs that I have in mind 
shows a table loaded down with Nazi propaganda, books and photo- 
graphs of Hitler and the swastika, and so forth. The children are 
in the post. They are around all of this propaganda, and it is 
accessible to them. Is not that a fact? 

Mr. GissiBL. Well, there is a difference between the school and the 
youth movement of the organization. 

The Chapman. I am talking about the youth movement. That 
reaches the same children, does it not? 

Mv. GissiBL. No. There are many children in our school which 
do not belong to the youth movement. 

The Chairman. What percentage of the children belong to the 
youth movement? 

Mr. GissiBL. I cannot give you the exact number. 

The Chairman. Was there a great many? 

Mr. GissiBL. I am quite sure that more than 50 percent of the 
children in the schools do not belong to the youth movement. 

The Chairman. But those who do not belong to the youth move- 
ment are subject constanth' to the propaganda. 

Mr. GissiBL. Yes, sir. 



gQ UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

The Chairman. You do not know what contact they have with 
the other children. 
Mr. GissiBL. No, sir. 

Mr. Starnes. Who or o:anized the youth movement in Chicago ? 
Mr. GissiBL. Carl Miller. 

Mr. Starnes. As part of the organized movement? 
Mr. GissiBL. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Starnes. And the bund sponsored the organization. 
Mr. GissiBL. Yes, sir. 
The Chairman. That is all. 

ADDITIONAL TESTIMONY OF JOHN C. METCALFE 

The Chairman. Here is a file containing Nazi propaganda matters, 
covering bund meeting dates, anti-Conmiunist committee; bund prop- 
aganda; radio propaganda; bund anti-Semitic propaganda, with 
translations; bund posters, bund propaganda, Edmonston; bund 
propaganda from Germany, Russian National Revolutionary Party ; 
Bund American Association Against Communism, and so forth. Are 
all of these original documents that you procured, Mr. ]\Ietcalf e ? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. And all of these documents bear upon your testi- 
mony, or support your testimony. 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. For instance, explain to the committee what this 
document is. 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. This material was obtainecl from the 
California Bund headquarters or the German-American head- 
quarters. It is material attacking Russia, and was distributed at 
the bund headquarters. The authors of this publication are the 
Russian National Revolutionary Party, at Putnam, Conn. 

Mr. Starnes. That is German propaganda against the Russian Gov- 
ernment distributed here in the United States. 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. This is propaganda put out by the Russian 
Revolutionary Party in the United States and distributed through the 
bund lieadquai'ters at Los Angeles, Calif., although the material is 
published in Connecticut. 

The Chairman. I hand you what appears to be a document entitled 
"The American Association Against Communism," Brooklyn, N. Y. 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. That is a membersliip application that I 
picked up in the New York headquarters of the Gorman-American 
Bund. The material found its way there for distribution there. 

The Chairman. Do you know of any connection betAveen that organ- 
ization and the bund? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. No, sir; except that I just picked up that 
material, 

Mr. Thomas. Do you know Ernest Koerner, of Milwaukee ? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. I do not know him personally. 

The (^hairman. Here is a series of pictures relating to Mayor 
LaGuardia. AYliere did you obtain them? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. The originals, I believe, are in this file. 

The Chairman. This is written in the German language ? 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 87 

Mr. Joiix C. Mktcaife. Yes, sir; it is attackino^ Mayor LaGiiardia 
for his anti-Nazi attitude. It was distributed by the bund, and the 
paper was published in Germany. 

The Chairman. You have the oriixinJil paper? 

Mr. Joiix (^. JSrETCALFE. Yes, sir; I have it in this file. 

This is the Stuernier, Julius Streicher's newspaper. Julius Streicher 
is perhaps the most violent anti-Semitic official in the German Gov- 
ernment. 

The Chair:max. Does this paper contain any quotations from any 
publication of the German Bund in the United States? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. Not this particular issue. 

The Chairman. This issue contains pictures and cartoons that ap- 
pear in this copy? 

jNIr. John C. Metcalfe. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. Is there any translation available of this material ? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. I do not know. 

The Chairman. "\Ve will place all this material in the record. 

I wish you would show me a copy of a German paper that contains 
quotations from the German-American Bund publication. 

Mr. John C. jVIetcalfe. This is a copy of the Stuermer, or the 
same newspaper, of the issue of June 1938. On the second page there 
is an article that appeared in the German-American Bund newspaper 
at a time previous to that. 

The Chairman. Those two papers exchange news? 

]Mr. John C. Metcalfe. Yes, sir; that is shown from this. These 
are some programs for theaters in Yorkville, N. Y. Here is a program 
of a film of the German Army. Officials of the German-American 
Bund are employed at the theater, and are operating it. 

The Chairman. This is the program of a picture made in Ger- 
many. 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. The film was produced in Germany. 

The Chairman. You wei-e present at the exhibition of this picture ? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. What was the picture about ? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. It was glorifying the German Army under 
Hitler. This is one of the German Navy. 

The Chairman. This is an announcement of the program of a 
picture dealing with a German picture made in Germany, relating to 
the German Navy. 

JNIr. John C. Metcalfe. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. You saw that picture, also. 

Mr. John C. ISIetcalfe. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. Where was it shown? 

Mr. John C. IMetcalfe. At the Eightv-sixth Street Casino Theater, 
280 Tenth Street, Yorkville. 

This is a copy of a short-wave radio broadcast from Germany. This 
material was distributed from the bund headquarters. 

The Chairman. This is announcing a radio program from Ger- 
many, distributed to bund members so that everybody who wants to 
listen may be advised of it, 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. Yes, sir. These are Nazi programs sent 
out all over the world. These are translations, showing attacks upon 
Catholicism. 



88 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

The Chairman. These are from official publications of the German 
Government. 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. Which contain attacks upon the Catholic Church 
and officials of the Catholic Church. 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. Yes, sir. This is material with reference 
to the EdmoihHtoni case. Tliis is distributed from bund headquarters 
to camps, and may be obtained by anyone who visits the camps. 

The Chairman. You have a number of copies of the official publi- 
cation of the German-American Bund. 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. Yes, sir. There is anti-Semitic propa- 
ganda in here. This is another publication, published in New York, 
called the American Wacht. This relates to the social policy of 
Germany. 

The Chairman. This paper defends the Nazi re<^ime. 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. Yes, sir. These are posters taken from 
public affairs of the German-American Bund. 

The Chairman. These are posters announcing proceedings of the 
German-American Bund. 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. Yes, sir. This is official Nazi Party in- 
formation. These are releases from Germany and distributed by the 
bunds. 

The Chairman. They are issued by the Nazi Government. 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. Your statement about that is positive, and you 
know that they were distributed. 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. Yes, sir; I picked them up myself. 

The Chairman. These came from Germany, and were distributed 
by members of the German-American Bund. 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. And this [indicating] is the same thing? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. This is a copy of a speech made by Hitler 
in Germany. 

Mr. Starnes. Will you tell us what are the subjects referred to 
chiefly in these articles and speeches? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. The political and governmental beliefs of 
the German Government. 

Mr. Starnes. Do any of tliem touch on the racial question? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Starnes. And social and economic conditions. 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Starnes. As well as political conditions. 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. Yes, sir; and on Soviet activities. 

Mr. Starnes. And on religious activities. 

]\Ir. John C. Metcai,fe. Yes, sir. Here is a piece of literature by 
Frichte Bard, from Hamburg, Germany. This material is distrib- 
uted through the bund, just as other nniterial from the same source. 

The Chairman. They are all German publications distributed in 
the United States? 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. Yes, sir. Here is the "New Germany Under 
Hitler." 

The Chairivian. In this publication they defend the new Germany 
under Hitler? 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 89 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. Yes, sir. Here is some more material 
from Humburo-, distributed from the bund headquarters. 

The Chaikman. This is literature Avritten in the German langua<!;e, 
coming over from Germany? 

Mr. John C. Metcaij<"e. Yes, sir. This is a booklet entitled "Ger- 
mans Abroad."' On the flyleaf appears a notation that it is not 
for sale and is for members only. Among many other things it 
contains on page 746 an article written by Walter Kappe, former 
propaganda chief of the bund of the United States, formerly editor 
of the Weckruf and Boebachter, official bund newspapers. This 
article stresses the fact that all efforts should be spent to convert 
German-Americans into American Germans and to keep that tie 
intact always. That is an effort to tie them closely to the father- 
land, tlie same as in the case of the Sudeten Germans. Instead of 
making German Americans they would make American Germans. 
This is from the American Nationalist Confederation, showing 
the swastika openly on its face. This material is dated July 9, 1938. 
Thei-e are a large number of publications here that should be referred 
to for reading purposes. 

The Chairman. Here is a file containing Nazi propaganda, show- 
ing membership applications, bund tickets, certificates, bund mem- 
bership applications, identification receipts, and so forth. 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. Some of that relates to the Business Men's 
League, to which Mr. Gissibl referred, and of Avhich he said there 
were several hundred members in Chicago, That is an organization 
that is engaged in furthering the purchase of Gennan merchandise 
as against other merchandise. There is a certain number of mem- 
beis that belong to it. That is an active unit within the German- 
American Bund. It is known as the Boycott League. 

The Chairman. All these documents listed in the file are docu- 
ments that were obtained by you over a long period of time, begin- 
ning from the time you began the investigation, over a period of 
about a year. 

Mr. John C. jMetcalfe. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. And they are all authentic documents? 
Mr. John C. Metcalfe. Yes, sir. 
The Chair:man. Generally, what do they show? 
Mr. John C. Metcalfe. They show in a general way the type of 
tickets for the various public affairs, raffles, and so forth. There 
are also copies of the insignia that they wear, the membership appli- 
cations for the German Bund, the meetings, the announcements of 
meetings, and so forth, which were sent to me. There is also a list 
of some bund leaders throughout the United States with the dollar 
donations, certificates of donations, with statements of the various 
programs of public affairs of the bund. There are all sorts of an- 
nouncements and stickers placed at some of the rifle ranges, with 
the rifle targets. Sometimes the bund has a rifle range hidden out 
on a farm, and they go out in the evening and shoot. Announce- 
ments are made in this newspaper. Of course, no one is permitted 
out there except members of the bund. 
Mr. Starnes. Where do they obtain rifles and ammunition? 
Mr. John C. Metcalfe. I do not know. Rifle-range targets are 
regulation supplies that may be purchased anywhere. Under the law 



90 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

you can always set up a rifle club and you can obtain guns direct fioni 
the Government. 

The Chairman. Later on we will go into that in more detail. At 
some future hearing we will go in more detail into these various 
excerpts from the publications. You have submitted to the com- 
mittee documentary evidence to support your various statements and 
allegations. 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. Showing the relationship between our Government 
and the bund organization in the United States, and the vast amount 
of propaganda activities that they are engaged in in the United States. 
You have shown the general nature of the organization, its ideals, 
objectives, and so forth. 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. You have done that to give us a right picture of 
the entire activity as it relates to the Nazi Government. 

Mr. John C. Metcalfe. That is right. 

The Chairman. The documents you have submitted will be marked 
as exhibits and filed with the committee. 

(The documents above referred to were marked as "Exhibits 
Nos. 64 to 81," both numbers inclusive.) 

The Chairman. We will adjourn to meet at 9 : 30 tomorrow morn- 
ing. 

(Thereupon, the committee adjourned to meet tomorrow, Saturday, 
August 13, 1938, at 9 : 30 a. m.) I 



INVESTIGATION OF UN-AMERICAN PEOPAGANDA 
ACTIVITIES IN THE UNITED STATES 



SATURDAY, AUGUST 13, 1938 

House of Representatives, 
Special Committee to In\'estigate 

UN-AMERiCAisr Activities, 

Washington^ D. C. 

The committee met at 9 : 30 a. m., Hon. Martin Dies (chairman) 
presiding. 

The Chairman. The committee will come to order. Before we 
hear from the witness this morning, the Chair wishes to reiterate his 
statement of yesterday that this committee is solely concerned with 
the truth; that we are not concerned with any jurisdictional disputes 
between labor organizations; that we are not after any labor organi- 
zation; that if any labor organization is involved in any charge, or 
is attacked in the course of these hearings, that labor organization 
will be accorded a full opportunity to refute the charge or attack. 

I am sure, as Mr. Frey knows, that what we are primarily con- 
cerned with is specific proof and not generalities. We want facts and 
not conclusions. When a witness makes a statement, we shall expect 
that witness to have the facts to sustain that statement. 

Our first witness will be Mr. Yvi^y. 

TESTIMONY OF JOHN P. FREY, PRESIDENT OF THE METAL TRADES 
DEPARTMENT OF THE AMERICAN FEDERATION OF LABOR 

(The witness was duly sworn by the chairman.) 

The Chairman. Mr. Frey, give your name and your official posi- 
tion for the record. 

Mr. Frey. John P. Frey, president of the metal trades department 
of the American Federation of Labor. 

Gentlemen of the committee, 20 years ago the Third International, 
popularh^ knov.ii as the Red International, endeavored to establish 
its program and its purpose in the United States. It failed com- 
pletely because of the activities of the American Federation of Labor. 

It is only within the last 3 years that communism has secured an 
official foothold in an American labor movement. 

It is evident from press reports of the last week or so that the 
hearings which your committee is to hold and the knowledge that 
they would examine into communism, has led to a revival of the 
American spirit of resentment against all that communism stands 
for. 

91 



92 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

And so, within the last week or so, the press has been filled with 
the efforts of red-blooded Americans to rid their labor organizations 
of Communist control. 

That is true of the national maritime workers, particularly in 
the city of New York. It is true, in part, in what is taking place 
in the automobile industry in Micliigan. 

It is also true in the resignation of certain C. I. O. unions from 
the Industrial Council of Los Angeles, because of its Communist 
control, under the direction of Mr. Harry Bridges. 

Gentlemen, generally I prefer to speak without manuscript, but I 
want my statements to be accurate and I want to weigh the words 
more carefully than when I am speaking extemporaneously. So, if 
the committee will joardon me and will allow me, I would like to 
read a part of the statements which I desire to present. 

There can be no adequate understanding of the purposes and poli- 
cies of the Communist Party in the United States, without a knowl- 
edge of Communist activities in other countries. 

Immediately after the Bolshevik revolution the Communist Party, 
through the Third International which it controls, launched vigor- 
ous propaganda campaigns in the oriental as v\ell as the occidental 
countries. In occidental countries the definite objective was to 
secure a controlling position within the national trade-union move- 
ments. 

Even before the armistice was signed. Communists had succeeded 
in becoming a definite factor in the Italian labor movement. After 
the armistice they became a controlling influence in a ]iumber of 
Italy's industrial centers. It was their seizure of the large industrial 
establishments which gave to Mussolini the opportunity of becoming 
Italy's dictator. His plea to the nation was that he was saving Italy 
from those conditions which had followed the Bolshevists' victory in 
Russia. 

The Third International made particular efforts to infiltrate within 
the German trade-union movement, the democratically controlled 
trade-union movement which had been the principal factor in estab- 
lishing and maintaining the German Republic. It was the fear 
created by the rapid growth of communism among German workers 
which gave to Hitler and his associates the opportunity of claiming 
their purpose was to save Germany from communism. As in the 
case of Mussolini, this plea of patriotism was the stepping stone 
which enabled the Nazis to set up their dictatorship. 

The obvious conclusion is that the Communists are as responsible 
for the plague of Fascist and Nazi dictatorship as they are for the 
destruction of free institutions in Russia through their dictatorship 
created there. 

Fascism and nazi-ism in the beginning were launched through op- 
position to the spread of communism. This is one of the reasons why 
Connnunists in every country, our own included, are so vitriolic in 
their attacks upon the dictatorship in Italy and in Germany, while 
approving of the dictatorship in Russia. 

It is also one of the reasons why leading Connnunists in every coun- 
try outside of Russia favor pacifism and oppose military prepared- 
ness, while at the same time giving hearty approval and every sup- 
port to the strengthening of Russia's military machine. 



UN-AMERICAN PROrAGANDA ACTIVITIES 93 

Preparedness in Russia is justified and applauded, but preparedness 
by any other country, even the preparedness now ^oing on by the 
remaininc: democracies to protect their free institutions, meets with 
constant and active attack. 

It is not my intention to analyze communism as such, or engage in 
any academic consideration of the principles which are involved. 
My purpose is to present evidence to this committee which will in- 
dicate the eiforts the Comnnniist Party in the United States is making 
to carry out the purpose of Moscow and of the Third International. 

The evidence to be presented will indicate a measure of the extent 
to Mhicli they are accomplishing their purpose. 

In the official Communist records, which will be given to you, terms 
will be found with which we are familiar. 

We will find "democracy" meeting with official Communist ap- 
proval. We will find that Comnnniists are charged with the responsi- 
bility of establishing "unity" in the ranks of labor. But the term 
"democracy" as used by Communists has an entirely different meaning 
than our understanding of democracy and free institutions as Ameri- 
cans. Democracy as practiced in the one country where Communists 
are in control, is the very opposite of the free institutions of our 
country. In Russia it is dictatorship with all that form of govern- 
ment involves, including the purges. 

Communist claims indicate that less than 2 percent of the people of 
Russia are members of the Comnuinist Party. But under the dictator- 
ship, there can be no opposition party. This small percentage of 
Communists in Russia believe that the so-called dictatorship of the 
proletariat can only be maintained by the suppression of free institu- 
tions, and by centralizing of authority in the hands of a dictator. 
When Communists refer to democracy in Russia, they have reference 
to a condition which is the very antithesis of democracy and free in- 
stitutions as we understand and apply them in th? United States. 

The same difference exists in the term "unity" as applied to labor. 
The purpose of the Communist Party in the United States from the 
beginning has been to divide labor. In connection with their effort 
to establish themselves they have preached unity while endeavoring 
to secure control of the American trade-union movement. Under the 
term "unity" they scheme to secure controlling positions within the 
American trade-union movement. The term "unity" as they apply it 
is the unity which exists in Russia under Stalin's dictatorship. 

The committee will have presented to it ample evidence from offi- 
cial Communist records to indicate the revolutionary methods by 
which the Communists seek to achieve their objective; revolutionary 
memocis which involve the use of force; revolutionary methods which 
scorn the use of the democratic method in a country of free men 
who carry on their local and national activities through a representa- 
tive form of government. 

The American Federation of Labor in its form and structure, in its 
policy and methods, has closely adhered to the American form of 
government and the democratic base upon which it rests. The Ameri- 
can Federation of Labor has never been satisfied with the industrial 
condition under which labor is employed. I sincerely hope it never 
will be, for satisfaction would mean an end to constructive eiforts. It 

94931 — 38 — vol. 1 7 



94 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

would mean that labor had nothing more in which to be vitally 
interested. 

What is important is that the American Federation of Labor has 
believed in evolutionary instead of revolutionary methods. It has 
believed that labor, through voluntary association in trade-unions, 
must build up the structure of protection step by step and stone by 
stone. The leaders of the American Federation of Labor have been 
convinced from the study of history that the evolutionary and educa- 
tional method is the only constructive one. It has been applying these 
methods for over 50 years, and the record of accomplishment is im- 
pressive. 

Only a generation ago many wage earners worked from sunrise to 
sunset and purchased the necessities of life from company stores. 
It is only the present generation which has seen the 12-hour day 
replaced by the 10-hour day, the 9-hour day, the 8-hour day, and the 
40-hour week. 

Through the evolutionary process, which is the educational method, 
many of labor's most serious handicaps have been removed through 
legislation. Only a few years ago equity courts issued injunctions 
which restrained labor from going on strike, which restrained our 
unions from paj'ing strike benefits, and which even restrained our 
unions from endeavoring to organize the employees of the firm secur- 
ing the injunction. The use of the labor injunction, in tlie manner 
labor had complained about so vigorously, was terminated by the 
passage of the Norris-LaGuardia anti-injunction bill. 

Only a few years ago the so-called yellow dog contract, which was 
intended to make trade-union organization impossible, was used so 
widely that employers' attorneys notified our unions that the firms 
they represented had entered into individual contracts with all of 
their employees, and that any attempt on the unions' part to organize 
them would be an effort to prevail u])on these unfortunate workmen 
to breach their contract and would lead to immediate legal action. 
The so-called yellow dog contract has been declared null and void by 
the legislatures of a number of States. This provision is also incor- 
porated in the Norris-LaGuardia anti-injunction bill. 

The American Federation of Labor has been successful in overcom- 
ing labor's most serious handicaps through the use of educational and 
evolutionary methods. The so-called company unions have been out- 
lawed. 

Tlie Communists heap ridicule upon the progress made by the 
American Federation of Labor. They jeer at its constructive evolu- 
tionary methods. They preach revolution. Within the last 2 or 3 
years they have seized every sit-down strike, every mass-picketing 
venture, as a means of stimulating their revolutionary tactics. 

The sit-down strike and mass picketing have been used by the Com- 
munists in our country as a training camp in which Communists can 
become familiar with the tactics they are to apply when their revolu- 
tionary program is put into action". The sit-down strike and mass 
picketing have been used as front-line trenches in which the mass 
revolutionists of the future are to receive experience and training to 
equi[) them for the day when the signal for revolution is given. 

The American Federation of Labor in its structure, its policy, and 
its methods has been made to conform as closely as possible to the 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 95 

principles iinderlyintr onr American form of govermiient and our 
American institutions of lunnan liberty. Because of its understand- 
ing of American institutions and methods, it vigorously set itself in 
opposition to the theories and apparent purposes of socialism. As a 
result the Socialists' attempts to determine the policies of the Amer- 
ican Federation of Labor met with complete failure., 

The American Federation of Labor learned its lessons in the prac- 
tical and sometimes costly school of experience. 

It was to be expected that it would vigorously resist the efforts of 
the Communist Party in this country to bore from within. 

As the success of'^the Communist Party in any country depends 
primarily upon its ability to infiltrate into the national trade-union 
movements and control tlieir policy making, the American Federation 
of Labor has vigorously defended its affiliated unions from Commu- 
nist propaganda and Communists boring from within. 

Because of this the Communist Party made no real progress in 
the L^nited States. 

It failed to secure a foothold in an American trade-union movement 
until the C. L O. was organized. 

Since then the Communist Party has become a definite factor in 
the American labor movement. 

It will be my purpose to indicate the policy and the progress of 
the Communis^ Party in the years gone by and in more recent days, 
from official records. 

Evidence will be presented indicating that the Communist Party 
in the United States completely scrapped its program in 1935 so 
that it could secure a controlling position within the C. I. O. 

Evidence will be presented that numbers of prominent Commu- 
nists secured key positions in the C. I. O. and were placed upon that 
organization's pay roll. 

Evidence will be introduced showing that the Communists are now 
actively engaged in carrying out their united front and their people's 
front program in this country in the same manner as they have 
already done in a number of European countries, Spain and France 
in particular. 

Evidence will be presented showing that the industrial and politi- 
cal program of the C. I. O. has the hearty endorsement of the Com- 
munist Party. 

Evidence will be presented showing that the C. I. O. and its chair- 
man, Mr. John L. Lewis, have been officially endorsed. 

Evidence will be presented indicating that Mr. John L. Lewis has 
had a thorough knowledge of the danger to the United Mine Workers 
and to the American Federation of Labor which existed because of 
Communist activities. 

Evidence will be introduced showing that violent industrial dis- 
turbances in connection with the automobile and the steel strike were 
fostered by Communist leaders and members. 

Evidence will be introduced showing that the Communist Party 
took much credit for organizing the steel and the automobile work- 
ers, and in applying a directive part in the strikes which followed. 

In connection with the evidence indicating Communist activities 
within the C. I. O., it must be said, in all fairness to the majority 
of the membership, that they are not Communists, and that they are 



96 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

opposed to communism. In many local instances these members of 
the C. I. O. have arisen in revolt against the Communist leadership 
Avhich had secured control. 

The C. I. O. is not yet a Communist organization, so far as the 
great majority of the rank and file is concerned. The fact seems to 
be that the C. I. O. membership unwittingly became a carrier for the 
virus of communism because of the attitude of its leadership. 

Before I proceed further, let me remove one herring from the path. 
It is the practice of Communists to refer to every opponent and critic 
as a "red baiter." Introduction of the ^yords "red baiter" into a con- 
flict between communism and democracy constitutes one of the best 
publicity efforts undertaken by anyone. The words definitely are a 
Communist product, and they have spread their use to such good 
purpose that every opponent and critic is so described. I am called 
a "red baiter." 

To describe a person as a "red baiter" is to imply that he speaks 
out of prejudice, that he is a sort of argumentative gadfly, without 
logic or facts; perhaps a professional opponent of impure motive. 

There is a broad and clear distinction between communism and 
democracy, and we who defend democracy must be prepared for the 
"red baiter" epithet in return. But it seems to me high time that the 
public became aware of the origin of the term and the reason for its 
use. It is used to cloud the issue, to serve in the absence of facts, and 
to impugn the motives of those who cannot be dragged into the Com- 
munist net. 

We could say that the Communists are democracy baiters, or 
America baiters. But I have no such purpose. My case is a fact 
case. It is factual to the hilt, and it will require something more 
than cunningly contrived and misplaced adjectives in answer. 

I would now like to present to the committee a statement which 
will give you the names of Communists who are presidents or other 
prominent officers of C. I. O. organizations. 

The Chairman. In that connection, Mr. Frey, what evidence do 
you have that that is true? 

Mr. Frey. I have some of it right here. 

The Chairman. Generally, you have evidence to support that state- 
ment, have you? 

Mr. Frey. I will make no statement to this committee which I have 
not evidence to support. 

The Chairman. All right. 

Mr. Frey. After presenting tliis statement of fact, I will give to 
the committee photostats of Harry Bridges' Communist book. I will 
give them photostats of Joe Curran's receipts for payment of dues 
in the Communist Party. 

I will present to the committee the names of some 280 organizers 
in C. I. O. unions, under salary, who are members of the Communist 
Party. 

I will present a somewhat briefer list of those who are prominent 
and active in the National Maritime Union. And I will give the 
committee the record of William Sentner, who was in charge of the 
Maytag strike in Newton, Iowa, until he was taken out a few days 
ago, only to be replaced by another Communist, by his national 
union. 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 97 

I will ^ive you the names of 185 of the leading Communists in 
our country, and I ^yill give the committee the names of the new 
national connnittoe of the Communist Party in the United States 
which takes the place of the old central connnittee of the Communist 
Party. And in presenting them, 1 shall want to make brief com- 
ment as I come to certain names. 

The first one I want to refer to is Mr. John Brophy. He is the 
director of the C. I. O. He is the gentleman who was expelled from 
the United Mine Workers some j^ears ago by Mr. John L. Lewis for 
disloyal activities inside of the union. Mr. Brophy, so far as I know, 
is not a member of the Comnnniist Party, but he consorts with Com- 
munists continually; and in the dual movement he launched in the 
Mine Workers' Union, he was assisted by such a well-known Com- 
munist as Pat Touhy, now active in tlie Communist Party; Tom 
Myerscough, now active in the Communist Party, and others. 

Mr. Brophy was the leader in the ''The Save the Union Committee" 
organized within the United Mine Workers of America, several years 
ago. This organization was dual to the United Mine Workers and 
was intended to supersede it. The May 1^ 1928, issue of the United 
Mine Workers' Journal, the official organ of the United Mine Workers 
of America, said: 

For months past "The Save the Union Committee" under the leadership of 
John Brophy, Powers Hapgood, and a few others has been doing its dirtiest to 
capture the United Mine Workers and to transfer that splendid union into a 
Communist organization. In carrying out this campaign "The Save the Union 
Committee" has had the full and complete support and assistance of the entire 
Communist element in America and foreign countries, including Russia. 

The Chairman. What was the date of that? 

Mr. Frey. That was May 1, 1928, 10 years ago. 

Sometimes afterward Brophy was a member of a delegation to 
Russia, which was sponsored by the Communist Party of the United 
States, and approved by Moscow. After his return to the United 
States the United Mine Workers' Journal accused him of being a paid 
agent of the Soviet Government, saying editorially : 

"The Save the Union Committee" became extremely busy in its efforts to 
wreck the United I\Iine Workers shortly after John Brophy returned from 
Russia — the very minute he came back — it seemed to have plenty of money. 
It should not be difficult to guess where part of the money came from to 
finance the campaign of destruction. 

Shortly after his return, Brophy, attending a meeting in New 
York City, is quoted as having said that : 

The conditions of the workers in Russia ought to shame us. The general 
situation in the Soviet Union .should be a source of inspiration to the workers 
of America, and the whole world. 

In his efforts to organize union miners into "The Save the Union 
Committee" Brophy had the active assistance of one Pat Touhy, 
widely known as an active member of the Communist Party. 

We' know the reasons which led John L. Lewis to expel Mr. Bro])hy 
and some of his associates from membersliip in the United Mine 
Workers' Union, for these are matters of record in the convention 
proceedings of the United Mine Workers' Union, 

We cannot know the motives which afterward led John L. Lewis 
to appoint Mr. Brophy as his director for the C. I. O., but from the. 



9§ UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

record it is evident that if Mr. Lewis wanted someone as a director 
who couhl maintain the necessarv contact with the Comminiist Party 
in this country, and its membership, he could not have made a better 
selection. 

I will now take up the United Textile Workers. iSIay I say, before 
I read this, that I prepared this statement a couple of days after 
Mr. Gorman had resiii'ned as president of the Textile "Workers Union. 
He is no longer the president. He informed the press that he would 
have a statement to make as to the reasons for his resignation. That 
statement has not yet been made. 

Francis Gorman is the international president of this C. I. O. affil- 
iate. Gorman is a close associate of Louis Budenz, formerly organ- 
izer for the Full Fashioned Hosiery Workers Union, an affiliate of 
the C. I. O. Bndenz is now the editor of the Midwest Daily Record, 
publislied in Chicago, 111., which is the official Communist Party 
journal in that area. Gorman, it is reported, a few months ago mar- 
ried a Communist and for the past 3 years he has associated himself 
with Communist activities to such an extent that most of his friends 
believe that he is a member of the party. A short time ago, at 
Woonsocket, R. I., the Communist Party under the leadership of 
Anna Burlak (known as the "red flame"), held a secret meeting which 
the police raided and arrested three of the leaders, including Anna 
Burlak. They were later heavily fined and one of the first persons 
to go to the defense of these Communists was Francis Gorman, who 
protested to Gov. Robert Quinn. of Rhode Island. 

Gorman also made a visit to Spain and while there addressed the 
Loyalist troops known as the Abraham Lincoln Brigiide. This brigade 
is com]30sed of American boys who were recruited by the Communist 
Party and sent to Spain. 

The next C. I. O. organization is the United Furniture Workers of 
America. 

This organization, which is a C. I. O. affiliate, has as its president, 
Morris Muster. Muster in Xew York City is known as a Communist 
and participates in Communist events. At the writing of these notes 
he is one of the leaders on the special committee for the August 6 
peace parade in New York City, which is being sponsored bv the 
Communist groups. Other members on this committee are James 
Lustig, an organizer in District No. 4, which comprises New York 
City for the United Electrical Radio and Machine Workers of America. 
Another Communist on the Committee is Sam Sorkin, general man- 
ager of Local No. 1, State, County and Municipal Workers of America, 
a C. I. O. organization. 

Passing from the manuscript for the moment, you may recall that 
I just read the name of James Lustig. James Lustig is the Com- 
munist who was sent to Newton, loAva. when the other Communist had 
to be taken out, by this Radio Workers' L^nion. 

Mr. Starnes. Was that in connection with the Maytag aifair? 

Mr. Fret. Yes. I will go into that in more detail this morning. 

The secretary of the United Furiiiture W^orkers of America is 
Emil Costello, of Kenosha, Wis., who was expelled from the AVis- 
consin State Federation of Labor because of his communistic activi- 
ties. 

I will later on read you the statement of the Wisconsin State Fed- 
eration of Labor, not only relative to Costello, but the whole effort 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES QQ 

of the Communist Party to gain control of the Wisconsin State Fed- 
eration of Lahor. 

Another indivichial hioh in the ranks of this union is Max Perk)w, 
of New York City, who has heen a member of the district committee, 
district No. 2, of the Communist Party in New York City. Both 
Muster and Pei'h)w Avere the leaders of the Furniture Workers In- 
(histrial Union when it was one of the o;roups workino; under the 
jurisdiction of the Trade Union Unity League, which was formed 
by the Communist Party headed by William Z. Foster. 

Fish and Cannery Workers International Union, another C. I. O. 
affiliate. This C. I. O. affiliate maintains its headquarters at Seattle 
and it is active in the salmon industry. 

The president of this union is one Georoe Woolf, who is one of 
the chief lieutenants of Harry Bridges on the west coast. Woolf 
is a prominent Communist. 

International Wood Workers of America, another C. I. O. affJiate. 
The president of this organization is Harold Pritchett, a Canadian 
Communist. This man, who has been before the United States De- 
partment of Labor, Immigration Division, on charges, is now in 
this- country on a permit. He acknowledged that he was a member 
of the Communist Party, and consequently, efforts have been made 
to have him deported. 

On the east coast this organization maintains several locals and 
one especially is No. 105. The general organizer for the east coast 
and particularly this local is Sam Nesin, who is one of the well- 
known Communist leaders in New York City. Nesin is one of the 
charter members of the ]:)arty, also one of the founders of the Trade 
L^nion Unity League. He headed the special department of that 
organization on trade-union strategy and tactics. He Avas a mem- 
ber of the National Committee for the International Labor Defense, ■ 
1930 and 1931, and a member of the executive committee of the 
Communist controlled unemployed councils of New York City, 
which has since affiliated with the Workers' Alliance. The council 
leader, a prominent Communist, Herbert Benjamin, is now general 
organizer for the alliance. 

United Cannery, Agricultural, Packing, and Allied Workers of 
America. This C. I. O. affiliated organization is one of the most out- 
standing Communism-controlled organizations. The Connnunist-con- 
trolled Agricultural Workers Industrial Union and the Share Crop- 
pers Union of the South, as well as the Southern Tenant Farmers 
Union, which is also radical, were bunched together with the Com- 
munist-controlled groups in the Inq^erial Valley section of California. 
This organization is so impregnated with Communists that one can 
almost say that it is 100-percent controlled. Its president is Prof. 
Donald Henderson, who was discharged for radical activities from 
Columbia I'niversity at New York. Henderson is also a member of 
the national agrarian committee of the Communist Party of the United 
States. He has been associated with the American Committee to Wel- 
come Soviet Flyers, American Committee for Struggle Against War, 
United States Congress Against War, American League Against War 
and Fascism, and a member of the Friends of Soviet Union. 

This union had their first national convention in Denver, July 9 to 
12, 1937. They maintain their international headquarters, room 50, 
Rust Building,' 1001 Fifteenth Street NW., Washington, D. C. 



100 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

The international vice president of this organization elected at that 
time was George Woolf, also at the head of the Alaskan Fish and 
Cannery C. I. O. Union. 

In checking over the list of delegates at this convention one almost 
Avas led to believe that the Communist Party had simply moved in, 
bag and baggage. Some of the leading Communists in Colorado, 
California, Florida, and New Jersey are tied up with this organization. 
On July 20, 1938, a big strike was called on the employees of the 
King Farms Co., which is in southern New Jersey. The C. I. O. coun- 
cil, through its organizer, Leif Dahl, the regional director for the 
Agricultural Workers, moved in and formed a council. This man 
Dahl is the chief lieutenant for Donald Henderson. Dahl, a member 
of the Communist Party in southern New Jersey, has on several occa- 
sions appeared at Federal milk hearings in up-State New York, and, 
after being sworn in, testified that he was representing the Communist 
Party in giving testimony. 

United Office and Professional Workers of America, another CIO. 
affiliate. This organization has as its basic background the Office 
Workers' Union, which was started and kept going by the Trade 
Union Unity League of the Communist Party. Its president is Lewis 
Merrill, a member of the Communist Party in New York City. He 
has attended numerous conventions of the A. F. of L. as a delegate 
from one of the Bookkeepers, Stenographers and Office Workers Local 
of the A. F. of L. At the Federation of Labor conventions he asso- 
ciated with and voted with the known Communists. Ever since then 
he has been giving aid and comfort to Communist comrades wherever 
he possibly could. The headquarters of this union, which is a C. I. O. 
affiliate, is in New York City. It is also active in Chicago and St. 
Louis, and in the latter district members of the union have associated 
with the following persons, who are connected with the C. I. O. groups 
and who are also members of the Communist Party : 

Prof. Lucien Koch, formerly head of the Commonwealth College 
at IVIena, Ark., now educational director, or was in February, for the 
United Electrical and Radio Workers of America, a C. I. O. affiliate. 
In the fall of 1937 Koch acted as organizer for the Independent Ship- 
yard Workers in the Boston and Quincy area. At that time, in one of 
the meetings, he was accused of being a Communist and he said, 
"I am proud of it." 

Other C. I. O. leaders and organizers in St. Louis who are affiliated 
with the Communist Party are: John Doherty, regional director, 
S. W. O. C. ; Robert Logsdon. secretary-organizer. United Radio and 
Electrical Workers; Julius H. Klyman, vice president. Newspaper 
Guild ; Ralph Shaw, S. W. O. C. organizer ; Christ Menikoph. S. W. 
O. C. organizer; William Sentner, regional director, United Radio 
and Electrical Workers; Max Michelson, regional director. Clothing 
Workers; Richard Brazier, organizer, Clothing Workers; Norman 
Smith, organizer, Auto Workers. 

In a moment we will get to the record of Sentner. I referred to him 
before. 

Department Store Employees, affiliated with C. I. O. 
This organization, now carrying on an intensive campaign in New 
York City, has as its general organizer one Clarina Michelson, a 
Communist, and she has been connected with the Communist move- 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES IQl 

ment for the past 13 years. During that time she was a member of 
the Xalional Committee of the Workers International Relief, member 
of National Connniltee of the Emergency Strike lielief group in 1928, 
and acted as executive in 1927. For a time she was a director of the 
Garland fund and also connected with the prisoners' relief fund of the 
International Labor Defense, and later on a member of the national 
conunittee of the International Labor Defense. She is now a C I. O. 
organizer. 

Fur Workers International Union, headquarters New York City. 

This organization, affiliated with the C. I. O., is one of the outstand- 
ing Communist groups. For years everyone connected with the labor 
movement has been aware that a majority of the officials connected 
with this organization have been in the Communist movement. The 
president of the organization is Ben Gold, one of the best-known 
Communists in the United States. Gold for a number of years was a 
member of the central committee of the Communist Party and we find 
that the general manager of the joint board, Irving Potash, is also a 
well-known Communist. Other Communists connected in an official 
capacity with the union are Harry Begoon, Julius Berger, Jack Bern- 
stein, Frank Brownstein, Maurice H. Cohen, Nathan Fishkoff, Julius 
Fleiss, Gus Hopman, Max Kochinsky, Jack Schneider, Maurice 
Bracher, Sol Charkin, Leo Hyman, Syman Kass, and at least 30 
others. 

Mine, Mill and Smelter Workers Union is a union of metalliferous 
miners affiliated with the C. I. O. This organization was formerly 
known as the Western Federation of Miners and has been more or less 
tied up with radicals for quite some time. 

At the present, William Dunn, a member of the central committee 
of the Conmiunist Party and now in charge of party work in district 
No. 30, Montana, is located at Butte and among those close to the 
organization the claim is that Dunn just about controls the union. 
However, Reid Robinson is the president of the union, and some de- 
clare that Robinson is more or less opposed to communism; but there 
are many of the organizers who are members of the Communist Party, 
one of the leading organizers, Jess Gonzales, who carries C. I. O. cre- 
dentials, has been a prominent member of the Communist Party for a 
mimber of years. 

Another Communist connected with this organization is Paul 
Peterson, of Park City, Utah. In the past he was the contact man 
between the Communists and the mine workers. 

Federation of Architects. Engineers, Chemists, and Technicians. 

This C. I. O. organization was created by a group of Communists 
in New York City. The actual leader of the group is Marcel Scheer, 
who maintains an office at 116 East Sixteenth Street, New York City. 
He has been one of the leaders of the Communist Party in this coun- 
try. For a number of years he was the national secretary of the 
Friends of Soviet Russia, and his scope of activities extended through 
many branches of the party movement. 

There will be read into the record later on some letters which this 
gentleman has written. 

Transport workers: The Transport Workers Union is headed by 
four leading members of the Communist Party, who are working 
under orders of Moscow to sovietize the American transit industry. 



102 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

This statement may appear extreme. It is no exaggeratio'a, how- 
ever, and is supported by affidavits and indisputable facts. 

In recent weeks the transport workers have secured a stranglehold 
on New York city traction and taxicab companies. They are at the 
present time affiliated with the Committee for Industrial Organiza- 
tion. Here are the four communistic heads of the Transport 
Workers' Union : 

Michael J. Quill, president of the T. W. U., who assumed this office 
at the dictation of the Communist Party of the United States, suc- 
ceeding Thomas O'Shea, who was ordered by the Communist Party 
late in 1934 to relinquish the office in favor of Quill. 

Austin Dilloughery, alias Hogan, secretary of the T. W. U. 

John Santo — an assumed name — general manager of the T. W. U. 

Thomas McMahon, Brooklyn organizer for the T. W. U. 

O'Shea, the former president of the transport workers, who since 
has renounced communism, has signed an affidavit naming these men 
and their connections with the "red" party of Russia. 

Eeferring to Quill, Hogan, Santo, and McMahon, O'Shea declares : 

Durins: all this time I was well acquainted with every one of these men, and 
I was a member of the Communist Party of the United States of America (sec- 
tion of the Connnunist Internationale with headquarters in Moscow), district 2, 
section 1!4, city of New York, State of New York, and each and every one of 
the above mentioned was also a member of the same Connnunist organization. 

Sonto at the time was the organizer of section 15 of the Communist Party of 
the New York district in the Mid-Bronx Coimty. 

O'Shea, in his affidavit, then goes on to describe how the Com- 
munists made Quill head of the Transport Workers Union. 

Just previous to 1935 — 

He declares — 

orders were issued to me by the Communist Party that I must relinquish my 
oflJce as president of the Transport Workers Union to Michael J. Quill. This I 
did, and Quill became president of the Transport Workers Union in January 
1935, and all the others above mentioned retained their positions along with him 
as members of the "leading fraction" of the Communist Party in the Transport 
Workers Union. 

"Leading fraction," by the way, is a Communist term. They are 
divided into various groups, and one of the groups is called a fraction. 

The term "leading fraction" refers to Communist undercover men 
and espionage agents. The "leading fractionists" are those who carry 
out Moscow's instructions to "bore from within" the American labor 
movement. They are the spies, the disrupters, the agents provacateur, 
who pave the way for the "reds" to take over organizations. They are 
the "secret service" of the Communist Party. 

They have special dispensation to join anticommunistic and non- 
communistic, groui)s or unions. They are picked for their ability to 
attain leadership and key positions in these organizations singled 
out for attack or to further the "revolution." When they attain tlieir 
objective, control of the organizations, they then are ready to turn 
them to the ends of the Communist Party. 

According to Communist rules, those who constitute the "leading 
fraction" nnist be careful to abide by the following: 

1. They must be sure not to admit any connection with the Com- 
munist Party. In other words, they must act under cover. 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 103 

2. They must pain control of important positions in various unions. 

3. Each union must be examined for weak points and openings, so 
that the workings of the Connnunists will fit the situation. 

PLOT TO CONTROL TRACTION WORKI RS 

The Ti-ansport Workers T^nion was established by Communists to 
control the destinies of American traction workers. 

Proof of this is contained in the May 26 issue of a Communist organ 
known as the Party Builder. The Party Builder is publislied for 
the benefit of Conununist leaders and for members of the "leading 
fraction." 

"Traction is one of the industries chosen by the district of our 
party for concentration," the article in the Party Builder declares. 
"To "build the Transport Workers Union and root the party in this 
industry is, therefore, no ordinary task. Building the [Communist] 
party in traction is basic. Let's do it." 

United Retail Employees of America : Sam Xesin is acting as or- 
ganizer for the eastern group of the woodworkers' union. However, 
it is quite evident that Nesin has some spare time on his hands, be- 
cause he is acting as chief organizer of one of the largest locals of 
this group in New York City. 

United Automobile Workers of America : The ]:)resent internal 
fight that Homer Martin, president of this organization, has with the 
Communists is in itself enough information without going into detail. 
However, there is one angle which we want to dwell on, and that has 
to do with Wyndham Mortimer who is — he is not now — a vice presi- 
dent of this union and now under charges bv Martin. Mortimer was 
elected as a member of the central committee of the Communist 
Party at the recent convention held in New York City. During the 
convention he used the name of George Baker as the party name. 

I depart for a moment from my prepared statement to say tliat 
for some reason Communists like to have a party name. Lenin's 
name was not Lenin. Trotsky's name was not Trotsky. And that 
goes for the leaders of the Communist Party in Russia. It is the 
popular method in this country, so that a large number of active 
Communists have their party name and are known by their party 
name, inside of the party and for records in the party's books, carry 
their party name and not their real name. Some are even more ambi- 
tious than that and have five or six aliases as well. 

National Marine Workers Union : Joseph Curran is its presidei'L 
Find attached photostat copies of his receipts for money paid to 
the Communist Party as a member. I will give those to the com- 
mittee in a moment. 

This organization is the rebirth of the Marine Workers Indus- 
trial Union, which was formerly presided over by Roy Hudson — 
of whom the committee will hear much more before I finish sub- 
mitting evidence — and George Mink, both Communist Party leaders. 
Mink served 2 years' sentence in Sweden as a Comnumist spy and 
is now reported to be in Mexico trying to figure a plan whereby they 
can assassinate Leon Trotsky. 

Roy Hudson is a member of the central committee of the Com- 
munist Party, and he directs the activities of this organization. It 



JQ4 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

is definitely known that practically every day Eoy Hudson and Joe 
Curran meet at the Welcome Inn on Sixth Avenue between Ninth 
and Tenth Streets in New York City. 

Otliers in leadership along with Curran who are Communists are 
Freddy Myers, known as "Blackie" Meyers, and Thomas Ray. 

Following is a copy of an application card that was distributed at 
the various seaports which indicate how closely allied these two organi- 
zations are — that is, the Maritime Workers and the Communist Party. 
And I have set forth a copy of this application. It is as follows : 

I, (book No. ), desire to become a member of the 

Communist Party. 

We, the membership of the National Maritime Union, have pledged our fullest 
support to the cause of communism for the purpose of recruiting new members 
throughout the United States of America and its possessions. 
Approved, executive committee. 

Fkedekick Meyers. 
Thomas Ray. 
Roy Hxjdson. 
Kindly fill in this card and forward to above address. 

Following is an extract taken from the Massachusetts Communist 
investigation conducted in 1937 and 1938. The following article 
appears on pages 337 and 338 and it reads as follows : 

The Communist leadership of the National Maritime Union maintains "goon 
squads." These are strong-arm and gun men. Known in party circles by the 
more refined name of "Direct Action arid Disciplinary Squad," its national head- 
quarters has been at 35 East Twelfth Street. New York City, separate from those 
of the union, in June of 1937, when the American Federation of Labor leader- 
ship attempted to recover control of the International Seamen's Union, which the 
Communisc leadership had taken over, one of the "goon squads" was sent into 
Boston to resist any such attempt. In some instances local union officials have 
wired to Communist Party representatives in other parts that certain crews were 
"hot," which meant that they were to be "dumped." The goon squad's duty of 
"dumping" was to beat or intimidate members of the crew so that new crews, 
more to N. M. U. liking, could be put aboard. 

A school for sabotage conducted outside the Commonwealth, but attended by 
certain Communist seamen from the port of Boston, was organized by the secre- 
tary of the Commimist Party. 

Curriculum : 

1. The kind of foreign matter which, if dropped in paint, will cause it to peel 
and create corrosion. 

2. The effect of dropping phonograph needles in dynamos. 

3. How steel dust placed in oil damages bearings. 

4. Burning out bearings by failure of oil supply. 

5. The best way to burn out boiler tubes. 

6. How to disable the steering gear. 

Maritime Union of the Pacific : Controlled by Harry Bridges, party 
name Harry Dorgan. Pliotostat of his Commimist card accompanies 
the list. 

With regard to American Communications Association, a few days 
ago, Richard D. Hallett, chairman on the Washington local of the 
American Connnunications Association, resigned because he declared 
that the organization has too much of a tie-up with the Communist 
Party. 

The president of this organization is Mervyn Ratliborne. a Com- 
munist. There has been considerable argument in regard to the status 
of this man, but so much information has come in in the past 6 months 
in regard to his communistic connections that one cannot be in doubt 
as to how he stands. 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 105 

This union just completed their annual convention, and the two 
persons who sat behind the screen and directed the activities were 
Harry Bridges, of San Francisco, and Mike Quill, head of the Trans- 
port Workers Union. 

Now, referriuii- to the United Shoe Workers of America, this C. I. O. 
organization is headed by Powers Hapgood, who is a combination of 
a radical, possibly a Conununist, and everything else that composes 
someone who likes to make trouble in the labor world. 

The main facts, however, are that this organization when it became 
affiliated with the C. I. O., took into membership all of the members 
of the United Shoe Workers, the membership of which was largely 
communistic. 

Among them are Jean A. Bellefeuile, who is a vice president, and 
also an official of the International Workers Order at Boston. In 
1937 he was one of the instructors in the summer district school 
organized by the Communists of Boston. Another Communist con- 
nected with' the organization is Sidney Jonas, who is quite promi- 
nent in the Boston area. 

Powers Hapgood was one of the organizers of the Ohio and Penn- 
sylvania Miners Relief Committee, which later formed itself into 
tile National Miners Union, It was with this union and this group 
that Hapgood and John Brophy were connected. 

With regard to the United Radio, Electrical and Machine Work- 
ers Union. C. I. O. affiliate, this organization has on its pay roll a 
number of Communist leaders. 

A preliminary check up of this union, lists some of the Communists 
who are officially connected with this organization. James Matles, 
New York City, national organization director; James Lustig, Brook- 
lyn, N. Y., organizer; Charlie Rivers, Brooklyn, N. Y., organizer; 
Neil Brant, Newark, N. J., organizer; Mike Petanavitch, New 
Britain, Conn., organizer; Coleman Taylor, Cleveland, Ohio, or- 
ganizer. 

Note. — Taylor, whose real name is M. Szabo, Is one of the officials of the 
Cleveland C. I. O. Industrial Council. He has just finished a training course 
in the Communist Workers School at New York City. Taylor has on several 
occasions acted as a delegate representing Federal unions of Cleveland at 
A. F. of L. conventions. During the time that he was present at the A. F. of L. 
conventions, he was ore of the Communist Party spokesmen on the floor and 
the officials of the A. F. of L. had him tagged for vphat he actually was. Infor- 
mation has also reached us that Taylor has been in constant communication 
with investigators of the La FoUette committee, who are now in Cleveland and 
he is supposed to be rendering them valuable aid. 

Mr. Thomas. Do 3'ou have proof of that statement ? 

Mr. Fret. I will submit proof to the committee. 

Information has also reached us that Jack Statchel, who is one 
of the leaders in the central committee in the Communist Party, 
has been in Cleveland for the past several weeks in contact with 
Taylor and other Communist leaders and part of the time spent was 
in instructing Communists as to their future work. 

On that point, I will go into the matter later. Here [indicating] 
is a photograph of one of the men. It is a newspaper photograph. 

The Chairman. In order to identify this 

Mr. Fret (interposing). I will make a statement about it noAv: 

Vincent Favorito, of Cleveland, was a witness before the La Fol- 
lette committee, and this is the picture [indicating]. He was one of 



106 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

the star witnesses who appeared before the La Follette committee 
durino; the week of July 25, 1938. 

There have been numerous reports of close contacts between in- 
vestigators for this committee and members of the Communist Party, 
especially in Cleveland. However, the deal involving Favorito ex- 
posed him at the start of their investigations as an undercover 
operative, or, in plain words, "a labor spy," for the McGuffin Detec- 
tive Agency, with headquarters at Youngstown, Ohio. Favorito was 
working in Cleveland at the time and a check of the La Follette 
committee records will reveal his name among the list of operatives 
on the pay roll of McGufRn. 

Shortly after this expose the Steel Workers Organizing Committee 
l^lacecl him on their pay roll and at the same time he was a member 
of the Communist Party. 

Now we find that this gentleman testified before the La Follette 
committee last week and his testimony was given as an organizer 
of the S. W. O. C. 

In our estimation, this is one of the most rotten angles of the 
La Follette committee that has ever been brought to the public's 
attention. 

The Chairman. At this point, let me state that we will run until 
1 o'clock, and then stop for the rest of the day, to meet Monday 
morning at 10 : 30. 

Mr. Frey. If it is agreeable to the committee, I will go on with 
the material I have here until 12 o'clock. 

The Chairman. The material you have now concerns just what? 

Mr. Fret. This [indicating] is a list of some 280 members of the 
Communist Party who are now or have been on the pay roll of the 
C. I. O. organizations as organizers. 

The Chairman. In connection with that, it is only fair that we 
should find out how authentic or how reliable this data is. 

Mr. Fret. First of all, it is impossible to get at the books of the 
Communist Party. These names are the result of more than one 
careful check-up. Many of them are verified by reference to files 
of the Daily Worker, which is the official organ of the Communist 
Party, and other sources. 

The Chairman. It is probable that photostatic cards of a large 
number of members of the Comnuniist Party in the United States 
will be available in the future, and they can be checked against this 
information. 

Mr. Frey. That depends on wliat the committee is willing or able 
to do. 

The Chairman. I think it is going to be available in photostatic 
form, showing the membership throughout the United States, and we 
will be able to check this information against those membership 
cards, 

INIr. Frey. We have the name of Harry Dorgan, a Communist 
leader, Init Harry Dorgan is the party name for Harry Bridges. 

The Chairman. There are some notations here. I think we can 
bring this out. Does it contain fingerprints? 

Mr. Frey. I cannot tell whether those are fingerprints or not. 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 107 

The CiiAiRiMAN. These are copies of the same thing [indicating] ? 

Mr. Frey. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. This may go into the record. It bears the numbers 
137 and 54793; the name is Harry Dorgan, State of California, 
county of San Francisco. It may be marked as an exhibit and 
inserted in the record. 

The Chairman. What does the lower section purport to be? 

INIr. Fkey. I do not know. It says, "The Communist International 
Party." 

Here are photostats of receipts for dues paid by Joe Curran, who is 
president of the maritime union I referred to. This is the party 
name. His party name is not Joe Curran, but it is Jose Narruc. 
"Jose" is Spanish for Joseph, and if you read Curran backward, it 
will give Narruc. 

The Chairman. Just for the sake of the record, in connection with 
Harry Bridges; Harry Bridges is not a citizen of the United States, 
is he*? 

JSIr. Frey. No, sir. 

The Chairman. Has there been any effort to deport him, so far as 
you know? 

Mr. Frey. The necessary papers for deportation were made out 
some 3 years ago, and are now in the hands of the Labor Department, 
and have been ever since. 

JVIr. Starnes. Do you know why he has not been deported ? 

Mr. Frey. I cannot answer that question. 

Mr. Starnes. It has been brought to the attention of the Labor 
Department and is in their hands at the present time. The Senate 
took such an interest in it last year that they had the Secretary of 
Labor come before the committee to testify with reference to the 
matter. 

Mr, Frey. I have this list. 

Mr. Thomas. If that testimony was given by the Secretary of 
Labor and a record was made of it, I think we ought to get a copy 
of the record for the committee to at least look at it. 

Mr. Starnes. That is possible. 

Mr. Frey. The Solicitor of the Labor Department has the com- 
j^lete evidence that has been given to the Department. 

The Chairman. I am sure that the entire file in connection with 
the whole matter will be submitted to the committee by the Labor 
Department. In addition to that, I think the committee will have 
access to many other letters in connection w^ith the whole matter. 

Mr, Frey. Now, Mr. Chairman, I have here some 10 pages con- 
taining the names of Communists who are members of the National 
Maritime Union, either members of the Waterfront Section, the 
Young Communist League, or members of other units or factions 
of the Seamen's Union. Some of these men are organizers and 
some of them are keymen on board ships. There is a little brief 
statement relative to most of them. I can read all of it, but it is 
a long list of names. If it is agreeable to the committee, I will 
read it, or put it in the record. 

The Chairman. You might put it in the record. You might 
state briefly for the record what it contains. 



108 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 



Mr. Fret. This list contains the names of Communist Party mem- 
bers within the National Maritime Union, either members of the 
Waterfront Section, the Young Communist League, or members of 
other units or factions, and active in one way or another on the 
water front. 

The Chairman. Now that particular union is one from which cer- 
tain members have recently withdrawn on the ground that Com- 
munists were in control. 

JNIr. Fret. No, sir ; that is the union where in a recent election the 
membership got rid of a number of officers who were Communists. 
Joe Curran had no opposition, so he was elected. 

There has been an internal struggle in that union for the last 6 
months or so, because of resentment against the Communist con- 
trol that had been secured, and they have been trying, through 
this recent election, to purge their organization of Communist officers. 

The Chairman. For your benefit and the benefit of others, I may 
say that the names of each man that you submit to us as a Com- 
munist will be checked against photostatic copies of membership 
cards in the possession of police departments throughout the coun- 
try, which will be made available to this committee. 

Mr. Frey. Yes, sir. Might I call the committee's attention to the 
fact that in submitting this list of names I cannot tell whether it is 
• the party name or the Christian name. I have been unable 

The Chairman (interposing). In the police records 

Mr. Frey (interposing). They will have them all. 

The Chairman. The police records have fingerprints, by means 
of which they can identify definitel}^ a man, regardless of what name 
he is under in the party. 

Mr. Frey. Oh, yes. 

The Chairman. Those records have been kept over a long period 
of time, especially by certain police headquarters that I happen to 
know something about, and will furnish an accurate means of check- 
ing the authenticity of every statement that you are making here. 

Mr. Frey. I will just turn that list over. 

(The list referred to is as follows:) 

Known Communist Party members tciiliin the N. M. U., either menihcrft of the 
tcatcrfront section, the Yonvg Con)iini>iist Lear/ue. or members of other units 
or faetiovs, and active in one icay or another on the waterfront 



Name 


Department on 
ship and union 
book 


Otlier known data 


Ray Kirby .. 


? 




John Macintosh 


E 5410 




J. Repp,c__ 


Eloctrician 7503... 

S ? 

D? 

D? 




Martin 




James Rush 




Elmer Hr.llbeck 


Organizer for Young Communist League, New York City. 


Irvi.ig Gold 


D? 




Patsy Pelina . . . 


E 

D 




E. Bruin 


Water-front organizer for Waterfront Section 28, of the 


Lawrence. 


E 


Communist Party of Xew York City. 
(Xot Jack Lawrenson of District Committee.) 


■ Krustangle 


E 


Formerly on board S. S. Westnn ^^'o^ld. 


• Campbell 


D 




Eugene Williams 


E 


National ^Maritime I'nion pilot. 
Returned veteran of the International Brigade with Spanish 






Loyalists and a political commisar to his company while 
in Spain. 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 



109 



K}wini CoDiniiDiist Party members within the N. .1/. U., either members of the 
waterfront section, the Young Communist League, or membei's of other nnits 
of factions, and active in one way or another on the waterfront — Continued 



Name 


Department on 
ship and union 
book 


Other known data 


"Beevo" Miller 


E 


Formerly organizer, engine fraction New York; water- 


Kenneallv. 


D 


front section. 


Richard 'Watterson 


s 


Did time in Atlanta, Federal charge of counterfeiting. 


Frank Jones 


S 


Joined party during last strike in order to insurj his job in 


Robert Afills 


D 


the National Maritime Union. 
Formerly figent, Deck Department at Boston. 


Phillips 




Young fellow. Dailv Worker salesman in front of N-itional 


Alexander Bell 


E 


Maritime Union Hall. New York. 
Suspected on water front of being illegal entry and of 


■ Flaherty 


E 


being under an alias; either Scotch or Irish descent. 
Alias Lambert; of Irish or Scotch descent; criminal record 


Al Rothbart 


S 


in Massachusetts; present secretary, water-front section; 
was engine delegate after strike until fall of 1937. 
Formerly business manager National Maritime Union; 


Ed. Braun . 


s 


pilot; has only 13 months and 27 days sea service before 
joining S. S. President Rooserelt. 
Was in Pilot mailing room until June 1938. 


if.^. Merril 


D 


Somewhere in gulf. 


Lester C. Ames 


D 


Reasonable doubt as to this man's present membership in 


Denver Campbell 




the party. 


Scotty Henderson 

Red Spenctr . - 


D 


A. B. on S. S. American Banker. 


Harold Johnson 


D . 


C. I. 0. longshoremen's organizer under Albert Lannon. 


Coe 


E 


Agent for engine department in Philadelphia after last 


George Anderson 


o 


strike for few months. 


F. Conway 


E 


Was kicked of! S. S. Susan Lvckenbach by crew for at- 
tempting to force crew to donate to various party causes. 
Former engine department delegate, S. S. Santa Rosa. 


George Mercer. 


E 


Morrisay 


D 


Has hammer and sif'le tattooed on right arm; is on S. S. 


Terra Sutka 


E 


Scandinavian States. 
Patrolman in port of Baltimore. 


Eddy Gordon .. . 


S 


Do. 


• Murphy 


s 


Agent in port of Baltimore. 


Angelo Salze 


E 


Patrolman in port of Baltimore. 


Ogden 

Blackwell 

Otto Kallas 


S 

(E. V. orE. S.)--- 
D 


Daily Worker salesman. 

Former International Seamen's Union official; finked 


Charles Geers 


D 


during winter strike, joined party, and now backed by 
party on union ballot. 
Chief boatswain on S. S. Washington; immigrant wife in 


Melton.. 


D 


jail in Germany as a Communist. 
Was on S. S. Washington; fired for aiding a stowaway going 

to Spain. 
On S. S. Washington. 
Do. 


Van der Gugten 


D 


Whitnev Mevers 


D 


L. Goode 


S 


Do. 


Hoffman 


s 


Was on S. S. Washington, fired same as Melton. 


Robert McElroy. . 


D 


— O'Dav ._ 


D 


These 4 men were on the S. S. Western norld together 


Southwick 


D 


> until vessel tied up and were entirely responsible for the 


Fin Fineberg . 


E 


attempts to checkerboard the crew on that ship. 


George Rodwav. 




National Maritime Union organizer on Great Lakes. 


Jesus .\renas 




Frank Mertens, Chas. 




Very little known in New York about these men; they 
are presimiably in the Gulf. 

Organizer for Inland Boatmen Division on the Mississippi 
River. 


Anderson, Jules Jeau- 
man, Howard Finn. 
— — ■ — Carabedian 




Piehert 




John Fonge 






Richard E. Keefle 






J. L. Thompson 






John McDonald.. 






Roy Rotter 






Leo Ruberio 






Al Geigu 






Joe Fox . .. 






M. Brelowslv 






Leo Barrett 






Isaac Jacobson 






Murrev Wino 






Colin 


E 


Now on S. S. President Harding. 


J. Conway 


E5626 





949.31— 38— vol. 1- 



110 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 



Knoion Communist Party members ivithin the N. M. U., either members of the 
waterfront section, the Young Communist League, or members of other units 
of factions, and active in one way or another on the waterfront — Continued 



Name 



Al Burkhardt. 



Charles P. Mertz.. 
D. James Gavin.. 



Chas. Rubin. 



Sanborn 

C/hristy 

"Whitey" Bowen... 

Lopez 

Fitzsimmons. 

John Martin 

Forhan 

— Howard _ 

Albert Lannon 



Robert A. Alcoba. 

Harold Rerfkus 

Robert Bergen 



Jesse Brooks 

H. G. Harvey.. 
S. R. Havens. .- 
Pat Lawrenson. 



Department on 
ship and union 
book 



D. 
D. 



D. 

S.. 
S.. 
E. 
D. 



D. 
D- 
D- 

D. 
D_ 
D- 
D. 



Roland Peery 


D 


J. R. White 


D 


Oliver Boutte ... ... _ 


1431 S 


Joseph Chaves 


S 


E. Gonzales 


112 S . . 


Jack Noone... 


2059 S 


Chas. Williams 


4777 S 


Howard McKenzie 


113 E.. 


Robert Meers 


120 E 


Reginald Atwell 


997 E 


Conrad Jones.. 


119 E 


M. Hedley Stone 


D 


Richard "Red" Graham 


D 


Thomas Ray . 


D . 


Felix Siren 


D 


Corby Paxton 




Arthur Lynn 


E 


Pappa George 


E 


Matt Ryan 





Other known data 



Alias Al Burke; National Maritime Union pilot photog- 
rapher. 

Alias Harold Sergeant. 

Alias Dominique Quinn, alias Joseph D. Quinn; at present 
agent for National Maritime Union in Savannah, Oa. 

Alias Charles Robin, alias Chas. Rubenstein, alias Chas. 
Robbins, alias Chas. Robiner; active for many years 
for Communist Party on east and Gulf coasts; was editor 
for mimeo. International Seamen's Union Pilot and 
later agent for port of Philadelphia. 



Lately boatswain S. S. Santa Rosa. 
On S. S. Manhattan. 

Alias Vetteri; presently chairman I. L. A. Organizing Com- 
mittee, C. I. O. at 10 Bridge St., New York City; was 
sent to Russia some years ago to stiudy in workers school. 

Patrolman in New York; is Jamaican or Barbadian. 

Sails A. B. 

Not much of a sailor; has been fired from most companies 
in New York. 

American Negro. 

American-born lad. 

Reputedly a degenerate. 

Sailed some time in Standard Oil of New York; is brother 
of Jack Lawrenson; some doubt as to Pat's legal entry; 
purportedly in Irish Guards in 1915 and 1916 and rumored 
to have been in Black and Tans in Ireland though he 
claims to have been active in Irish Republican army; 
rumored to have been born in London under name of 
Finly or Finley. 

Son of very famous painter; joined party to get a job in the 
National Maritime Union. 

Was killed on steamship by falling in hold. 

Stewards' delegate in New York; a part-blood Negro. 

Philippine. 

Spaniard; claims to be born in San Francisco, Calif., Pre. 
190f), but is known to have been born in Spain; legality 
of entry in doubt. 

Irish Catholic; reasonable doubt as to his membership in 
party, but is strong sympathizer. 

Formerly gambler on tankers; was blackballed from many 
oil companies for his gambling; is now strong party 
worker. 

Was agent in New Orleans until recently suspended by 
rank and file of seamen; has an alias but alias is not known 
in New York; is thought to be Russian by birth. 

Patrolman in New York; common-law wife is strong 
party worker, using her questionable sex appeal to re- 
cruit members for party; she works as waitress and 
stewardess under name of . 

Was engine department delegate for months after strike; 
lately has been chairman of Seamen's Relief Committee 
for union in New York. 

Organizer for National Maritime Union on Great Lakes; 
alias H. Murrey Stein. 

Alias "Red" Moser; agent for National Maritime Union 
in port of Norfolk, Va. 

Chairman of .so-called Maritime Council in the port of 
New York; is the real brains of the Communist Party 
in the National Maritime Union and is next to Roy 
Hudson in importance on water front. 

Inland Boatmen's Union organizer in New Orleans; re- 
cently in jail over current taxi strike in New Orleans; 
wa.s also mixed up in shooting scrape at 70 South St., 
New York City, last fall with a man named Harris. 

Business manager for National Maritime Union pilot; 
formerly editor of Voice of Labor in Honolulu in 1935 
or 1936." 

Formerly organizer on water-front section. 

Greek descent. 

Night watchman at National Maritime Hall in New York. 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 



111 



Knorcnt Communist Party members irithin the N. M. U., either members of the 
iratrrfrout sectiou. the Young Vomminiist League, or members of other units 
of faetions, and aetive in one way or another on the waterfront — Continued 



Name 



John Raftner. 



John O. Robinson. 
Stanley Lebosky.. 

Frank Martens 

Thomas Lenos 

George Kuck. 



Ralph Rogers. 



Rudie Ward 

"Whitey" Boehm_ 



Ben Jones. 



Chas 

Cyril Lynott 



Hailing 

Warden 

Scottv HalL- 
P. Mertz 



Cecil Meade. 
John Kitson. 



McCabe. 

John Sheehan.. 



MacClean. 

Tony Traumeni.. 

Phil Curran. 

Scotty Edwards.. 



Chas. Walker. 
Marcus Siler.. 



Sam Waddell. 



Sam Kay. 



Al Yates 

■"Rifraf" Rolfe. 



Chas. McCarthy. 
Gethyn Lyons 



Clemmons. 

Angelo Leto 

Ferdinand Smith. 



Jack Lawrenson... 
Frederick Meyers. 



Ted Lewis 

Moe Byne 

Smith Hopkins 



Department on 
ship and union 
book 



E. 



D. 
D. 



D. 



D. 



D. 



S.. 
E. 
S-. 
D. 

E. 



E.... 
101 S. 



104 E. 
103 D. 



104 S.. 

102 E-, 
4516 E 



Other known data 



Member United Office and Professional Workers Union; 

C. I. O. bookkeeper in National Maritime Union at 

New York; Jewish descent. 
Section organizer for C. P. No. 28. 



Is in Baltimore. 

In charge of National Maritime Union Hall in San Pedro, 
Calif. 

Formerly delegate for Seamen's Union Party until kicked 
out; then was organizer for National Maritime Union 
on Great Lakes; now in charge National Maritime 
Union Hall in San Francisco, Calif. 

Organizer for Young Communist League. 

Was stabbed in union fight on a Luckenbach ship last 
summer; now in New Orleans. 

International Labor Workers" Union organizer for Harry 
Bridges in New York. 
Do. 

National Maritime Union member in Boston. 
Do. 

Previously listed. 

Formerly stewards' joiner on S. S. Southern Cross; now 
ship's carpenter on S. S. American, Republic Litie. 

In the Inland Boatsmen's Union. 

Alias John Madden; has long record in American Export 
Line, including assault with gun on a chief oflBcer; sailed 
on S. S. Manhattan in 1935 and 1936; has been interna- 
tional despatch carrier for Communist Party for 8 years; 
now claims to be expelled, but recently made trip on 
Excambian carrying despatches to Alexandria. 

Organizer on Great Lakes. 

Was longshore organizer for International Labor Workers' 
Union. 



Sails only carpenter; last ship, S. S. Sagebrush; now charged 
with mutiny on that ship. 

Was National Maritime Union delegate in New York. 

Janitor in Communist Party Hall at 230 7th Ave., New 
York City. 

Was longshore organizer for International Labor Workers' 
Union; now has National Maritime Union book and is 
sailing. 

Marine Firemen, Oilers, Watertenders, and Wipers' Union 
of Pacific Coast. 
Do. 

Is now on S. S. Washington; is college lad and is a known 
degenerate. 

Is nor actual party member, but openly pledges his support 
to the party; is known as mentally unbalanced; old em- 
ployee of International Mercantile Marine. 

Formerly trustee of steward's division of National Mari- 
time Union; is Welshman, or English by birth; very 
little known of his past before the last strike. 

Formerly Houston agent for National Maritime Union. 

American Negro; many years chief steward in Lucken- 
bach Line; sailed all during 1934 strike on west coast; is 
strong party man running unopposed for vice president. 

Brother of Pat; one time editor of antiuliion paper; put 
out by Seamen's Church Institute in New York; selcured 
citizenship in summer 1937 in New York. 

Chairman, district committee, National Maritime Union; 
now doing 30 days in New Orleans; formerly did time 
under an alias in Ohio State Prison at Columbus during 
time of big fire; has a record in Puerto Rico, and was de- 
ported from Republic of Colombia in 1933 on board the 
S. S. Santa Paula. 

Has record as speakeasy operator during prohibition; 
English born; secured citizenship about January or Feb- 
ruary 1938 in New York. 

Treasurer, engine division. National Maritime Union; 
has a record in Michigan State Prison. 

Organizer for gulf district; arrested for violation of Mann 
Act, 1937, in gulf. 



112 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Knovm Communist Party members ivithin the N. M. U., either members of the 
loatcrfront section, the Young Communist League, or members of other units 
of factions, and active in one way or another on the icaterfront — Continued 



Name 


Department on 
ship and union 
book 


Other known data 


Thomas McOowan 


107D. 


Agent in Boston for National Maritime Union. 


Charles DeGress 


102 D 


Trustee, deck division,; mentallv unbalanced. 


Robert Hawkes ... 


1632 S 


Was delegate in Boston; now in New York. 


Jack Moatal .. 


25251 E 


Delegate in Boston. 


Wallace M. Walker 


2201 E 


Do. 


Sifinev Stern 


2292 E 




Amos Viosnet - 


3406 E 


A degenerate. 


James Edwards 


128 D 




Maurice Burnstine 


621 S- 


Philadelphia. 


Neal Al. Eanley 


1727 E 


Marcus Hook. 


Raye Voung 


550 S 




John Rogers 


109 D 


Brother to Ralph Rogers. 


Patrick B. Whalen. 


125 E 


Agent in Baltimore for National Maritime Union; is out 


Chas. Booth 


8086 E 


on bond for gun charge in New Jersey. 


Harry Alexander 


6236 E 


Agent in Mobile; a well-known Communist worker for 


James Drury ._ 


3710 D 


many years on the United States water fronts. 


Ed. A. Irizarry 


2311 D . . 


Porto Rican. 


Jas. X. Jackson - .. 


8477 E. .. 




John Caldes- - 


10205 D 




Maurice Ferragut 


1867 D 




Mack Lee 


1867 B- . 




Joseph Rose 


6522 E 




K. K. Owen 


3300 E 


Former agent at Mobile. 


Fred Halestrap 


2307 S 




Lloyd Phillips 


1035 D .. 


Organizer in the Gulf for the National Maritime Union. 


Virgil McRae 


2853 D 




Louis Stein 


2440 E 




Roosevelt Vest. 


2625 E -. 




Lester C. Amos 


1401 D 




Adrisn Duffy 


141 D 

7630 E - 




A. Peterson 




John Morrison... _. 


3S:01 E 




H. Van Arsdale 


6130 E 




John Seiro 


7012 E . 




Santos Morales .. 


D 


With Halbeck & Simpson (Lawrence Simpson) was on 


Theodore Payne 


S .. 


S. S. Pan America. 


McDermott... . 


D 


Was in Commy Beef Squad with Tony Licio around 


Tony Lucio.. ... 


D 


Chelsea district rolling drunks. 
For some reason cannot sail A. B.; is supposed to be tough 


J. L. Regan . . 


2755 E.... 


guy and knife artist. 
S. S. Santa Rosa. 


Davis . 


D 


0. S. on S. S. Santa Rosa. 


Sigmund Pegalis 


D 

D 


Santa Rosa. 


Guy Oglesby 

Harrv Weinstack.. 




Clement Cubae.. _. 






John Manuel 






Juan Lestor 

Ray Kirbv 


D.. 


Was master at arms and boatswain on Munson Line. 


James Bush.. 


D 

I. L. W. U 




I. R. Magee.-- 

Ted R. Laurimore 


Lives at 1370 Bayshore Blvd., San Francisco. 
National Maritime Union and confidant of Magee. 


Archie Brown 




An American seaman now in Spain in the I. B. 


Frank Carlson 




California president of the Young Communist League; 


James Branch 




now city organizational secretary of Communist Party 
for San "Francisco. 
Party member who is now in London, England. 









Mr. Fret. These are the two-hundred-and-eighty-odd members of 
the Communist Party who are now or have been on C. I. O. organi- 
zation pay rolls. There are one or two who have not been on the pay 
roll, but I will call attention to them. 

If it is the committee's desire, I will read all these names and turn 
them over. They are all numbered "1," "2," "3," "4," "5," and^ so 
forth ; and I will comment on those which are of a more interesting 
or important character. 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACT.IVITIKS 113 

Mr. Starnes. Mr. Chairman, I suggest that the witness read those 
that he wishes to comment on and file the others for the record. 

The Chairman. ]Mr. Starnes lias siiii-oested that you read those that 
jou wish to connnent on and file the otliers for the record. But before 
you do that let me ask you this: Before you secured this information 
did you make very careful investigation to determine whether, as a 
matter of fact, there was reliable evidence that these individuals were 
Communists ? 

Mr. Frey. Two individuals, who, I think, are as expert in keeping 
a record of Communist activities and Communists, have checked and 
rechecked all of these. 

The Chairman. Do you know whether they compared that with 
police records? 

IMr. Frey. I know in some instances they have because I have the 
police record here. 

The Chairman. You have some of the police records? 

Mr. Frey. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. The reason I say that is because that is definite 
pi'oof. If you have a photostatic copy of a membership card, finger- 
printed, that has been checked by the police, that is definite proof that 
a man is a Communist ; or if you have testimony of witnesses who 
know that he was in Communist meetings, or admitted that he was a 
Communist. Otherwise, of course, it becomes a conclusion merely to 
say that some one is a Communist. 

Mr. Frey. I have been exceedingly careful, and I will be, in using 
the term "Communist" to refer to a person who is a member of the 
Communist Party; not to a sympathizer; not one who believes in 
communism without, perhaps, thoroughly knowing what it is; but 
•when I use the term "Communist," it will mean to the committee a 
member of the Communist Party. 

JNIr. Starnes. An active member? 

Mr. Frey. An active member of the Communist Party. 

Mr. Healey. I am sure Mr. Frey has been around here long enough 
not to make accusations unless he can back them up. 

The Chairman. I have no doubt of that ; but, of course, the com- 
mittee wants to have full and complete authorization and evidence. 

IMr. Frey. I do not stand before the committee in making these 
statements unaware of my personal responsibility. I have been com- 
l^elled to assume responsibility for many years. 

The Chairman. We do not question that at all, Mr. Frey. 

Mr. Frey. And some of the statements which I have made here I 
liave made in conventions of the American Federation of Labor. At 
our convention in Denver last year I made the definite statement that 
I then had the names of 165 members of the Communist Party who 
were on C. I. O. pay rolls; that I had the names of 230 Communists 
who were serving as volunteer organizers w' ith those getting a salary ; 
that I made that statement ujion my responsibility ; that I had the 
names with me, and no one challenged me, although there were mem- 
bers of the central committee of the Communist Party in convention 
hall. 

The Chairman. The American Federation of Labor has for years 
been fighting the Communists, has it not; from its inception? 

Mr. Frey. From the very beginning. 



114 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

The Chairman. And. of course, in that long period of time you 
have naturally collected information that perhaps no other organiza- 
tion in America has; that is true, is it not? 

Mr. Frey. I should think we have some that is not generally 
known. 

Mr. Starxes. That is true of communistic activities in labor organ- 
izations? 

Mr. Frey. Yes, sir. The material that I have, wliich will come to 
you in time, will give 3'ou something on comnuniistic activities that 
has never been brought to the surface at all. 

Shall I take this list now? 

The Chairman. Yes. 

Mr. Frey. 1. William Gebert, Pittsburgh, Pa. He is not on the 
C. I. O. pay roll. He is a member of the central committee of the 
Comnumist Party. He is the chairman of the Communist Party's 
steel organizing campaign, and chairman of the fraternal group 
assisting in the campaign. This fraternal group is composed of the 
non-English-speaking fraternal organizations among the steel work- 
ers wliich Gebert brought together for the purpose of building up 
the steel organizing campaign. 

Gebert has had the use of office space used by Phillip Murray in 
the Steel Workers Organizing Committee's headquarters in Pitts- 
burgh, and all expenses involved in the fraternal conferences are 
borne by the S. W. O. C. 

Gebert is now stationed in Detroit, replacing William Weinstone, 
concerning whom the committee will hear something later, in that 
area. 

2. Jack Johnstone, Chicago, 111., member of the central committee 
of the Communist Party, U. S. A., directs all S. W. O. C. activities 
in Chicago and Gary area where Communist organizers are involved, 

3. Ben Carrauthers, Pittsburgh Pa., section organizer for the 
Communist Party, district No. 5. Pittsburgh; now on the pay roll 
of the S. W. O. C. as organizer among the colored groups. This 
man has been in Russia and was the American delegate to the 1935 
Communist Congress held in Moscow. 

4. Maude White, Cleveland, Ohio (colored). She is now in charge 
of agitation work among tlie Negroes in the Cleveland area. She 
works under the guidance of Art Landy, who has charge of all 
agitation work in district No. 6 of the Connnunist Party, which 
com})rises all of the State of Ohio. White is a close associate of 
William Z. Foster, and she was one of the original founders of the 
Trade Union Unity League. She has visited Russia twice, and 
in New York was a member of the district committee of district 
No. 2, Comnumist Party. She also acted as organizer for the Needle 
Trade Workers Industrial Union. Has also assisted Ben Gold in 
the Fur Workers Industrial Union. 

5. William E. Hill, Pittsburgh, Pa., section organizer for Com- 
munist Part}', colored organizer for S. W. O. C. 

6. Henry ,1. Johnston, Gary, Ind. ; close associate of William Z. 
Foster; S. W. O. C. organizer for the Gary district. 

Mr. Starnes. These that you are reading now are on the pay roll of 
the C. I. O.? 

Mr. Frey. No ; I made the statement that they are or were. I have 
no way of knowing what the books of the C, I. O. look like. For the 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 115 

information of the committee, it is an interesting condition. The 
C. I. O. has l)een in existence ahnost 3 years. They have had one 
conference but have never had a convention. They have no constitu- 
tion. The oflicers were elected by the little group in the beginning, so 
that ihe mei!ihersl\ip has never had a vote in electing those who now 
control the C. I. O., and in the 8 years they have made no financial 
report to their membership. 

Mr. Starxes. Have they made any other financial reports that you 
know of? 

Mr. Fkey. Well, we know the financial reports of some of the affili- 
ated unions. For instance, the United Mine Workers make reports, or 
representatives of the United Mine Workers make reports. For in- 
stance, there is the report, or the filing of the expenses, of Tom 
Kemiedy, avIio was candidate for Governor in Pennsylvania. We find 
there that Mr. Kennedy reported expenses of some $483,000; and the 
Labor Nonpartisan League, which is the political party for the C. I. O., 
reported an expense of some $23,000 — all told, an expenditure in that 
primary cami)aign of $503,750. And perhaps the most painful part 
of it all is that the heaviest vote against Mr. Kennedy came from the 
two largest mining counties in the State. 

Here is one of an interesting character : 

9. Maurice Sugar, Detroit, Mich. : He is an attorney for the United 
Automobile Workers Union. He has been a member of the Com- 
munist Party for many years and has been the legal adviser for prac- 
tically every Communist group in the Detroit area, known as district 
No. 7. He has been a candidate for recorders judge in Detroit, in 1936, 
on the Comnumist ticket. 

Now, that may not be proof that he is a Communist, but he was a 
candidate on the Communist ticket. 

The Chairman. If he was not a Communist, they were satisfied that 
his ideas were all right, were they not ? 

^Ir. Frey. Probably. I know the gentleman personally. 

14. George Powers, of whom the committee will hear more in detail 
later on, is one of the district directors for the S. W. O. C. 

25. Tom iNIeyerscough, Pittsburgh, Pa. : A member — or was — of the 
United Mine Workers L^nion; formerly president of the National 
Miners L^nion. That vras the dual union which he helped to organize, 
along with Pat Touhy, Powers Hapgood, and John Brophy. 

Has been — or was — on the S. W. O. C. pay roll. He is famous, or 
notorious, among some groups for an alleged biography that he wrote 
of Mr. John J. Lewis, which was intended to be uncomplimentary. 

At present I know that he is not on the S. W. O. C. pay roll, be- 
cause he was looking for a job and sold a gold brick, until it was found 
out, and last week he lost that job. They didn't know who they had 
picked up. He was going to do some trade-union work. 

It seems that the C. I. O. organizations have a number of attorneys 
who are members of the Communist Party. Here is one : 

65. Michael Evanoff, of Flint, Mich., represents the C. I. O., and 
several of the leading Communists in Michigan declare he is a mem- 
ber of the Communist Party. 

81. John Schmies, formerly assistant to William Foster, is the De- 
troit representative of the Fraternal Orders Committee, organized 
by William Gebert and the C. I. O. to line up the various radical 



llg UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

fraternal organizations to throw their support to the C. I. O. and its 
affiliated organizations. 

100. Eniil Costello, State chairman of the Wisconsin C. I. O., ex- 
l^elled from the Wisconsin State Federation of Labor because of his 
communistic activities. Judge PadAvay, general counsel for the Amer- 
ican Federation of Labor, can furnish the committee with a detailed 
history of this man's activities if the committee wants it. 

135. Walter Reuther, Detroit, Mich: He is one of the leaders of the 
Automobile Workers Union, and President Martin has preferred 
charges against him. He has been to Russia several times and made 
reports as a result. 

151. J. Lovestone, New York City and Detroit, who is said to be 
influential in the Automobile Workers Union : J. Lovestone at one 
time was national secretary of the Communist Party. He had a fall- 
ing out with Moscow, and he lost his job, and it was taken by the 
present secretary. Earl Browder. 

Now, it happens that the Communists are divided among them- 
selves. There are the so-called regulars. They are the Stalinites; 
they recognize the authority of Moscow and of Stalin. Then there 
are the Trotskyites, who believe that the Stalinites have sold com- 
munism down the river ; and then there are the Lovestoneites ; and in 
the Automobile Workers LTnion all three groups add to the very 
unfortunate conditions that exists in that organization. 

The membership of the Automobile Workers Union are almost 
wholly American in their attitude toward our institutions, but they 
are cut up not only with Communist control, but they are cut up 
with a bitter fight between Communist groups to oust the other. 

172. J. Montall, alias Montell, alias Jack Moutall, Boston, Mass.: 
Member of the Communist Party ; gave much of his time to organiz- 
ing the ]\Iarine Workers Union in Boston, and even tried to get a 
job v/orking for A. F. of L. organizations. 

189. Edward Norman, Tampa, Fla., secretary and treasurer, Dis- 
trict No. 6, of the Agricultural Workers Union, a C, I. O. affilliate. 
He had something to do, I believe, in pulling off a little humorous 
stunt at the convention of the A. F. of L. held in Tampa in 1937. 

I think I might as well show this to the committee now. 

The Chairman. Yes. 

Mr. Fkey. The seal of the American Federation of Labor is clasped 
hands — two hands clasped together. The sign of the Comnumist 
is the raised fist. Now, when conventions of the A. F. of L. are 
held, the local committee gets out cards of welcome and puts them 
in the windows. I happened to reach Tampa before most of the 
delegates, and I saw one of the welcoming cards, and I stopped, and 
as a result of my activity they were all taken up. 

Now, Tampa has a number of Communists, and someone, some 
of the Communists, secured an artist to ]")aint the two closed fists 
over the seal of the A. F. of L. and these were posted in the windows 
[exhibiting a poster]. Now, copies of these, so I learned afterward, 
were sent to Moscow to show the control that the Communist Party 
■was getting over the A. F. of L. That is a part of the way they 
perhaps get some money from America, showing they are doing a 
good job. I would like that back. 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 117 

I think that I will merely turn these over, without reading any- 
more, to the recorder, because I Avant to get into some of these com- 
munications that I spoke of. 

The CiiATK.AiAN. And in that connection, again, I want to make 
clear, Mr. Fre}^, that that list and those names will be checked against 
accurate and definite information from records that this conniiittee 
is going to have. 

Mr. Fret. Yes. 

The Chairman. And, of course, the committee's findings will be 
based upon definite facts and proof in connection with them. 

(Further records submitted by JSIr, Frey are as follows:) 

7. Joseph Howard, Birmingham, Ala. (Negro), paid organizer, Steel Workers 
Organizing Committee, organizer for Communist Party at Birmingham, Ala., 
District No. 17, attended 1934 convention Communist Party as a delegate from 
Alahama. Police record, Cincinnati, Ohio. 

8. Lloyd Brown, Pittsburgh, Pa., part-time organizer for Steel Workers Or- 
ganizing' Committee, coimected with Communist Party as organizer for past 2 
years. 

9. Jack Russak, Gary, Ind. (white), paid Steel Workers Organizing Commit- 
tee organizer, member Communist Party ; member of district committee. Com- 
munist Party. 

11. Joe Weber, South Chicago, 111., member Communist Party, paid Steel 
Workers Organizing Couunittee organizer. This man is now chiei organizer for 
the Farm Implements Organization Committee which has just been created by 
the C. I. O., under the direction of Van Bittner. 

C. I. O. SETS UP FARM MACHINE CAMPAIGN 
[From C.I.O. News, July 30, 1938] 

Chicago. — Plans for an organizing drive among the 250,000 workers in the 
farm equipment industry were made at a conference in Chicago, called to set up 
the Farm Equipment Workers Organizing Committee of the C. I. O. 

Van A. Bittner, western director of the S'teel Workers Organizing Committee, 
opened the conference with a speech in which he gave C. I. O. authorization for 
the establishment of the new organizing committee, as a step in the direction 
of an international union for all farm equipment w^orkers. 

He wished the delegates all success in conducting their own affairs and spread- 
ing union organization throughout the industry. 

59 delegates present 

The conference was attended by 59 delegates representing some 50,000 work- 
ers in plants where the Steel Workers Organizing Committee has established 
organization. The delegates came from the International Harvester and other 
big plants in Chacigo, from Milwaukee, Peoria, Rock Island, East Moiine, 
Waterloo, and Des Moines, la., and from other centers of the industry. 

Fraternal delegates were also present from some locals of farm-equipment 
W'Orkers organized in the United Automobile Workers. 

C. I. O. authorization for setting up the committee was expressed in a wire 
from Director John Brophy to Bittner. 

"Acting upon the petition of various C. I. O. locals and lodges in the farm- 
equipment industry and with the approval of the executive officers of the 
S. W. O. C, the Committee for Industrial Organization herewith authorizes 
the establishment of a Farm Equipment Workers Organizing Committee," Brophy 
said. 

"Farm-equipment lodges affiliated at present with S. W. O. C. will constitute 
the initial group. Transfer of farm-equipment locals from other national unions 
will have to be a matter of conference and agreement between the parties 
affected before they can affiliate with the Farm Equipment Organizing 
Committee." 



11^ UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

OAKES IS CHAIRMAN 

Grant Oakes was elected chairman of the Farm Equipment Workers Organ- 
izing Committee; Frank Miller, vice chairman; and Gerald Fielde, secretary- 
treasurer. 

Frank Sliva was elected director, after Joseph Weber had declined the nom- 
ination, and the conference voted to ask Director Bittner for the release of 
Weber, of the Steel Workers Organizing Committee, organizing to serve the 
committee. George Kitka and Georke Skinner were elected to the office of pub- 
licity and educational director. 

Resolutions, were passed commending the assistance given by Director Bittner 
and other officers of the Steel Workers Organizing Committee organizing the 
farm-efiuipment workers; in support of President Roosevelt's recovery pro- 
gram ; and backing the C. I. O. 100 percent in its fight against wage cuts. 

12. Ethel Stevens, Gary, Ind.. secretary, Communist Party, being paid part 
time by Steel Workers Organizing Committee to do organizing work among the 
women. 

13. Jack Tayback, Chicago, 111., Communist, working among younger steel 
workers, paid part time Steel Workers Organizing Committee organizer. 

15. Jess Gonzales, Donora, Pa., Mexican, member of the Communist Party, 
formerly active as organizer in district No. 19, Denver, Colo., now paid organizer 
for Steel Workers Organizing Committee, working among Mexicans in Pitts- 
burgh area. 

16. Eleanor Rye, Chicago, 111., woman organizer for National Negro Congress, 
now doing organizational work among Negroes in the steel industry and being 
paid part time by Van Bitner of Chicago. 

17. Clarence Iiwin, Pittsburgh and Farrell, Pa. This man set up the rank- 
and-file committee that fought Mike Tighe of amalgamated for 2 years. He 
was financially assisted by the Connnunist Party in New York, and on March 4, 
1937, at Pittsburgh acted as chairman of the secret meeting of the National 
Communist Faction in Steel, combined with the district bureau of the Com- 
munist Party. This meeting was held at IStH) Center Avenue, and Irwin, who 
is now a paid organizer for the Steel Workers Organizing Committee, is acting 
as adviser to Martin Young, district organizer of the Communist Party, district 
No. 5, Pittsburgh. 

18. Louis Majors, New Castle, Pa., Communist, paid organizer for the Steel 
Workers Organizing Committee ; attended the same meeting on March 4 at 
Pittsburgh which Irwin did, and Majors sjioke at length on the present situation 
in steel. 

Note. — George Powers also spoke at this meeting. 

19. Tom Shane, Homestead. Pa., member of Communist Party, spoke at the 
same meeting as Majors did ; is a paid organizer for the Steel Workers Or- 
ganizing Committee. 

(Note. — Jack Johnston, from Chicago, who is heading the Communist com- 
mittee, spoke at this same meeting.) 

20. Staver, Calumet region, Chicago, part-time organizer for the Steel 

Workers Organizing Committee. 

21. liiain Owen (alias Boris Israel), and his right name is Israel Berenstein. 
Berenstein's father is the representative of the Amtorg Co. on the Pacific coast. 
The central committee of the Connnunist Party sent Owen to Pittsburgh to work 
with B. K. Gebert, and through him an effort is being made to have Owen 
appointed on the Steel Workers Organizing Committee organizer's staff, working 
under Clinton Golden. This information is 3 weeks old, and it is not known for 
a certainty that he is as yet on the pay roll. 

22. Doyle (Jlormer, Pennsylvania, reporter for the I'eoples Press; this man is 
a member of the Communist Party and is doing part-time work for the Steel 
Workers Organizing Committee. 

23. John Schesov'sk, McKeesport, Pa., member of the Comnnmist Party, part- 
time organizer for Steel Workers Organizing Committee. 

24. John Dutchman, I.ordsville. Pa., member of the Comnnmist Party, part- 
time organizer for Steel Workers Organizing Committee. 

35. Charles Henry. South Chicago (colored), member of the Communist Party, 
receiving pay from Steel Workers Organizing Committee for part-time work. 

34. Hansen, T'liicago Heights, 111. This man has attended several closed 

meetings of the Connnunist group and is listed as a comrade. Reports have it 
that he is a full-time organizer for Steel Workers Organizing Committee. 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES HQ 

33. Alfredo Abilla. South Chicago, 111., member of the Communist Party, on 
tlic pay roll of the Steel Workers Organizing Committee, doing worlv among 
the Mexicans. 

32. John Steuben. Youngstown, Ohio, section organizer for the Communist 
Party in this district, and in open meeting he stated that he has received pay 
for doing Steel Workers Organizing Committee work. 

31. Joe Mankin, Pittsburgh, Pa. : This man is the official representative of 
the I. W. O., which is the Connnunist Party fraternal insurance group. He is 
speaking at meetings for the Steel Workers Organizmg Committee and reports 
have it that they are paying him part-time salary. 

30. Mayor Lowery, Homestead, Pa. : This man is a Communist Party mem- 
ber, and is a part-time paid organizer for the Steel Workers Organizing Com- 
mittee. 

29. Rutli Chapa, Chicago, 111. : This is the wife of Peter Chapa, and she is 
being paid by the Steel Workers Organizing Committee and doing work among 
the Spanish women whose hubands and brothers are employed in the steel 
plants. 

28. Peter Chapa, Gary. Ind., district, for years has acted as a Communist 
organizer, and now is a full-time Steel W'orkers Organizing Committee organ- 
izer working among the Spanish steel workers. According to information 
secured he reports direct to Van Bituer. 

26. Orhotos, Johnstown, Pa., member of the Communist Party and 

paid Steel Workers Organizing Committee organizer. 

36. Helen Anderson, Indiana Harbor : This woman has been secretary of 
several Communist Party imits, and was and is supposed to be at pre.sent a 
clerk in the office of Regional Director Nick Fantacchio, who is in charge of 
the Gary district for the Steel Workers Organizing Committee. 

37. Norman Ross, Buffalo. N. Y. : This man has too many contacts with the 
Communist Party membership over a period that he has been a paid organizer 
for the Steel Workers Organizing Committee. Ross is permitted to go into 
Canada and organize in that country for the Steel Workers Organizing Com- 
mittee. 

38. Sally Winters, Youngstown, Ohio : This woman worked as secretary in 
the Steel Workers Organizing Committee office, is a member of the Communist 
Party, but it is not known if she is doing this type of work just at present, but 
she is very active. 

39. Mike Ostroski, Chicago and Gary district : This man is a good active 
member of the Communist Party, and is on the pay roll of the Steel W^orkers 
Organizing Committee. 

40. George A. Patterson, South Chicago, 111. : This is one of the most active 
Steel Workers Organizing Committee organizers and he is one of the Com- 
munist Party members who contacts directly with members of the central 
committee of the Communist Party. 

41. Joe Cook, South Chicago, 111., Communist Party member receiving pay 
from the Steel W'orkers Organizing Committee as organizer. 

42. Ralph Shaw, Granite City, III., member of the State committee, Com- 
munist Party, district No. 8. He is on the pay roll of the Steel Workers 
Organizing Committee and very recently attended a Communist Party meeting 
which was held by the members of the central committee for the purpose of 
furthering the work in the steel organization campaign. This meeting was held 
February 20 in Chicago. 

43. Mrs. Mineola Ingersoll, South Chicago : This woman is doing work for 
the Steel Workers Organizing Committee. Is a member of the Conmiunist 
Party, and her husband, Jerry Ingersoll, is also known by the name of Craig. 
He is working in some plant in South Chicago and is handling the Steel 
Workers Organizing Committee situation from inside the plant. 

44. Dave Doran, Pittsburgh, Pa. : This man is a district organizer for the 
Young Communist League, and is doing special work among the younger steel 
workers. He often meets personally with Phillip Murray in the Grant Build- 
ing, Pittsburgh. 

45. McKinnie, Youngstown, Ohio : Member of the Communist 

Party and a special paid organizer for the Steel Workers Organizing Committee 
who is working among the colored steel workers. This man is colored himself. 

46. Tom Shane, Pittsburgh, Pa., a trusted member of the Communist Party 
and a trusted paid organizer for the Steel Workers Organizing Committee. 



J 20 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

47. Jack Thompson, Pittsburgh, Pa. : Member of the Communist Party, part- 
time organizer for the Steel Workers Organizing Committee. 

48. John Chorey, Braddock, Pa. : Member of the Communist Party and the 
International Workers Order. Is doing part-time work for the Steel Workers 
Organizing Committee. 

A NEW COMMUNIST C. I. O. UNION 

49. And now the farming-implement industry is passing into "red" labor 
control through the organization of the Farm Equipment Workers Organizini? 
Committee of the C. I. O. on Sunday, July 24, at a meeting in Chicago. National 
officers elected were Grant Oakes, chairman; Frank Miller, vice chairman; 
Frank Silva, temporary director; Gerald Fielde, secretary-treasurer; Stanley 
Kitka, publicity director; and George Skinner, educational director. None of 
these are known to us as Communist Party members and all claim to be 
working in the implement industry. The actual organizer of the new union, 
however, is Connnunist Joe Weber, of the Steel Workers Organizing Committee. 

50. Sam Abbott. Chicago, 111. : This man is a member of the Communist 
Party, secretary of the Workers Alliance. Is one of the leaders who is trying^ 
to bring about the joining of the alliance with the C. I. O. 

51. Alfredio Abillo, Chicago : This man is a member of the Communist Party 
and an organizer for the steel workers (C. I. O.) among the Mexicans in 
Chicago. 

52. Vance Ambrose, Chicago ; This man is a Communist and is now chairman 
of the strike committee of Agricultural Workers Union, No. 20221, at Stockton,. 
Calif. 

53. Arthur Anderson, Communist, employed as Steel Workers Organizing Com- 
mittee organizer at Gary, Ind. 

54. Helen Anderson, Communist, worked in Steei Workers Organizing Com- 
mittee office at Gary, Ind., and also acted as organizer. 

W. C. Calvin, secretary of metal trades department, American Federation of 
Labor, Washington, D. C., had quite an experience with this woman on Labor 
Day 2 years ago. 

55. John W. Anderson, C. I. O. organizer, candidate on Communist Party 
ticket in Michigan. 1934. Elected president of Local No. 155, Auto Workers 
Union, February 23, 1938. 

56. Robert Brown, Chicago, Communist, Steel Workers Organizing Committee 
organizer at Chicago. 

57. James Burns, Indiana Communist, part-time Steel Workers Organizing 
Committee organizer in northern Indiana section. 

58. Tony Candreva, Indiana Communist, part-time Steel Workers Organizing 
Committee organizer, Gary, Ind. 

59. Ruth Chapa, Chicago and Indiana Communist: This woman, the wife of 
Peter Chapa, has been paid by the Steel Workers Organizing Committee on 
numerous occasions to do missionary work in homes of Spanish steel workers. 

60. Robert Cling, Chicago Communist : Has been on the pay roll of Steel 
Workers Organizing Committee as organizer at Chicago. 

61. Harry Connor, Indiana Communist : On pay roll of Steel Workers Organ- 
izing Committee, northern Indiana. 

62. Robert L. Crudden, Michigan and Indiana : This man is a Communist. 
Has written numerous articles for Daily Worker and also acted as correspondent 
for the Federated Press. He has received compensation on numerous occasions 
from the Steel Workers Organizing Committee. 

63. Fred P. Danielson, alias Donaldson, Communist, financial secretary, Lodge 
No. lOOS, A. A. I. S. T. W. at Yomigstowu Sheet & Tube Co., in South Chicago. 
Chairman of strike strategy committee. 

64. Herman Enkuist, Indiana Communist, part-time organizer at Gary, Ind. 

65. Michael Evanoff, attorney at Flint. Mich. : This man represents the C. I. O. 
and several of the leading Communists in Michigan declare he is a member of 
the Connaunist Party. 

66. Abraham Feinglass, Chicago Communist: Manager of Chicago branch of 
International Fur Workers Union, C. I. O. 

67. Paul Glaser, Chicago, Communist : This man is one of the high-ranking 
Communists of Chicago, and acts as attorney for C. I. O. He is a full-salaried 
member of Steel Workers Organizing Committee, and spends much time with 
Van Bittner in Chicago. 



UN-AJIERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 121 

68. Ben Green, Chicago Communist, part-time Steel Worlcers Organizing 
Committee organizer at Cliicago. 

6S). Robert Hall, Birmingliam, Ala. : Tliis man is tlie district organizer for 
district No. 17, Comnumist Party in Alabama and Mississippi, as well as 
Cieorgia. He is doing everything he possibly can to boost the C. I. O. and 
reports from Al.-ibaina state detinilely that he has received funds acting as a 
Steel Workers Organizing Committee organizer in Birmingham area. 

TO. R. W. Hanson: This man is a Communist and acts as Steel Workers 
Organizing Committee organizer and also for the C. I. O'. at Chicago Heights, 111. 

71. Frank Herron, Gary, Ind., Communist: Acts as part-time organizer for 
the Steel Workers Organizing Committee. 

72 Dladimer Janawicz, Chicago Communist, on pay roll of Steel Workers 
Organizing Committee as organizer. 

73. Sarraiue Loewe, Chicago Communist, organizer for United Rubber Work- 
ers at Chicago; vice chairman Illinois Labor Party; first vice president in 
labor party in Chicago and Cooke County. 

74. Leonides McDonald, Negro Communist, Steel Workers Organizing Com- 
mittee organizer at Monroe, Mich. ; Warren, Ohio : and Indiana Harbor, lad. 

75. John Marsh, Chicago Communist: Part-time organizer for Steel Workers 
Organizing Ctunmittee. 

76. Dave Mates, one of the leading Chicago Communists; was also in Spain. 
Has been a part-time organizer for C. I. O. and Steel Workers Organizing 
Committee. 

77. Miles Morton, alias Zaliski, Chicago Communist, has been on pay roll 
of Steel Workers Organizing Committee as organizer. 

78. Frank P. O'Brien, Chicago Communist, has been on pay roll of Steel 
Workers Organizing Committee as organizer 

79. Michael Ostroski, Chicago Communist, Steel Workers Organizing Com- 
mittee organizer, Gary, Ind., and North Chicago, 111. 

SO. Tom Perry, alias Parrot, Detroit Communist, active in Local No. 174, 
United Auto Workers of America. 

82. Ralph Shaw, Illinois Communist : This man, well known throughout State 
as Communist section organizer for Steel Workers Organizing Committee in 
the Calumet district, Chicago. 

83. Hilliard Smith, Minneapolis Communist and C. I. O. organizer in that 
district. 

84. Jack Statchel, one of the leading Communists of United States, a mem- 
ber of Central Committee and has supervision over all Communists in Pennsyl- 
vania, Ohio, and part of Indiana, who are on the C. I. O. and Steel Workeis 
Organizing Committee pay roll. 

85. Sam Stone: This man, a Communist, is playing a prominent part in 
Local No 212 of the United Auto Workers of America. 

86. Mary Heaton Vor.se, directing organization of C. I. O. women's auxiliaries. 
At one time was alleged to be the secretary of William Z. Foster. She wrote 
her red memoirs while publicity agent in the Indian Bureau in United States 
Department of the Interior. "Reported on leave from Department of Interior 
while operating for C. I. O." She has just published a book which is strictly 
C. I. O. in character and she was one of the active "red" leaders at the 1936 
Tampa A. F. L. convention. 

87. Robert Washington, Negro Communist, Birmingham, Ala. : Has been on 
the pay roll of the Steel Workers Organizing Committee. Washington has been 
educated in the Lenin School at Moscow. 

88. Maria Correa, San Francisco, Communist, organizer for Cannery Workers 
Union, San Francisco area : This woman is a close associate of Donald Hender- 
son and Lem Harris and she has been mixed up in radical activities for the past 
5 years. 

89. John Lopez, Greeley, Colo., Communist : This man is committee chairman 
of the United Cannery and Agricultural. Packing, and Allied Workers. This is 
a C. I. O. outfit. 

PEA PICKEE8 WIN STRIKE, GET PACT 

Greeley, Colo. : Pea pickers, members of Local 158, United Cannery, Agricul- 
tural, Packing and Allied Workers, won union recognition and a closed-shop 
contract following a strike against Glen Hubbell, Idaho contractor and processor. 

Hubbell. who hired his pea pickers from the Colorado State Employment 
Service, at first refused to bargain with the local committee, calling the sheriff 
to drive the committee members away when they tried to confer with him. 



122 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

LEADER JAILED 

Later he had John Lopez, committee chairman, tlirown in jail, where lie was 
held without charges until J. Austin Beasley, district president of the C. I. O. 
cannery union and Wendell Phillips, special organizer, secured his release. 

Picketing wa« broken up by the sheriff, and 16 workers were arrested. The 
local tiled charges against Hubbell with the Labor Board, and the Board sent in 
a representative, who, after conferences with the union attorney and Hubbell, 
arranged for negotiations resulting in the signed agreement. 

90. Herman Suyvellar, San Francisco, secretary San Francisco Industrial 
Union Council: Sometime ago the central committee of the Communist Party 
sent Harrison George, a well-known member of the central committee, to San 
Francisco to act as editor of the People's World, which is the official Communist 
organ for the western part of the United States. 

On June 28, 1938, at San Francisco^ this member of the central committee was 
given a party on his fiftieth birthday. Personal greetings were sent to him by 
William Z. Foster and at the party a number of well known C. I. O. leaders on 
the west coast wei-e present and extended personal greetings to him. Among 
these were Herman Suyvellar, secretary, San Francisco Industrial Union 
Council. 

Note. — See Issue of People's World for June 30, 1938, for confirmation of this 
story. 

91. Louis Goldblatt, northern California director for C. I. O. : Some time ago 
the central connnittee of the Connnunist Party sent Harrison George, a well- 
known meml)er of the central committee, to San Francisco to act as editor of the 
People's World, which is the official Connnunist organ for the western part of the 
United States. 

On June 28, 1938 at San Francisco, this member of the central committee was 
given a party on his fiftieth birthday. Personal greetings were sent to him by 
William Z. Foster and at the party a number of well-known C. I. O. leaders on 
the west coast were present and extended personal greetings to him. Among 
these were Louis Goldblatt, northern California director for C. I. O. 

(Note. — See issue of People's World for June 30, 1938, for confirmation of this 
story. ) 

92. Frank Drumm, vice president of Steel Workers Organizing Committee, 
Lodge 16S-1 : Some time ago the central committee of the Communist Party sent 
Harrison George, a well-known member of the central committee, to San Fran- 
cisco to act as editor of the People's World, which is the official Communist organ 
for the western part of the United States. 

On June 28, 1938, at San Francisco, this member of the central committee was 
given a party on his fiftieth l)irthday. Personal greetings were sent to him by 
William Z. Foster and at the party a number of well-known C. I. O. leaders on the 
west coast were present and extended personal greetings to him. Among these 
were Frank Drumm, vice president of Steel Workers Organizing Committee, 
Lodge 1684. 

(Note. — See issue of People's World for June 30, 1938. for confirmation of this 
story. ) 

93. William Gratton, San Francisco, editor. C. I. O. Labor Herald: Some time 
ago the central committee of the Communist Party sent Harrison George, a well- 
known member of the central committee, to San Francisco to act as editor of the 
People's World, which is the official Communist organ for the western part of the 
United States. 

On June 28, 1938, at San Francisco, this member of the central committee was 
given a party on his fiftieth birthday. Personal greetings were sent to him by 
AVilliam Z. Foster and at the party a number of well-known C. I. O. leaders oil 
the west coast were present and extended personal gr(>etings to him. Among 
these were AVilliam Gratton, S:in Francisco, editor. C. I. O. I>a)>or Herald. 

(Note.— See issue of People's World for June 30, 1938, for confirmation of this 
story.) 

94. Clifford Daggett, San Francisco, acting secretary of New England Boat- 
men's Union : Some time ago the central committee of the Communist I'arty sent 
Hari-ison George, a well-known member of the central committee, to San Fran- 
ci.sco to act as editor of the P(>oi)le"s World, which is the official Communist organ 
for the western part of the United States. 

On June 28, 1938. at San Francisco, this member of the central committee was 
given a party on his fiftieth birthday. Personal greetings were sent to him by 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIKS 123 

William Z. Foster, and at the party a number of well-known C. I. O. leaders on 
the west coast were present and extendt'd personal greetings to him. Among 
those were Ci:iTord Daggett, San Francisco, acting secretary of New England 
Boatmen's Union. 

(Note. — See issue of People's World for June 30, 1938, for confirmation of 
this story.) 

9;"). Henry Schmidt, San Francisco, president. International Longshoremen's 
and Warehousemen's Union. Local 1-10: Some time ago the central committee 
of the Communist Party sent Harrison George, a well-linown member of the 
central connnittee, to San Francisco to act as editor of the People's World, which 
is tlie official Communist organ for the western part of the United States. 

On June 28, 1938, at San Francisco, this member of the central committee was 
given a party on his fiftieth birthday. Personal greetings were sent to him by 
William Z. Foster, and at the party a number of well-known C. I. O. leaders on 
the west coast were present and extended personal greetings to him. Among 
these were Henry Schmidt, San Fi-anci.sco. president, International Longshore- 
men's and Warehousemen's L'nion, Local 1-10. 

(Note. - — See issue of People's World for June 30, 1938, for confirmation of 
tliis story.) 

96. Germain Bulcke, San Francisco, vice president. Longshoremen's and Ware- 
liousemen's Union. Local 1-10. 

Some time ago the central committee of the Communist Party sent Harrison 
George, a well-known member of the central committee, to San Francisco to act 
as editor of the People's World, which is the official Communist organ for the 
western part of the United States. 

On June 28. 1938, at San Francisco, this member of the central committee was 
given a rarty on his fiftieth birthday. Personal greetings were sent to him by 
William Z. Foster, and at the party a number of well-known C. I. O. leaders on 
the west coast were present and extended personal greetings to him. Among 
these were Germain Bulcke, San Francisco, vice president, Longslioremen's and 
Wareliousemen's Union. Local 1-10. 

( Note. — See issue of People's World for Juue 30, 1938, for confirmation of 
this story.) 

97. John Shoemaker, San Francisco, business agent, Longshoremen's and 
Warehou.semen's Union, Local 1-10. 

Some time ago tlie central committee of the Communist Party sent Harrison 
George, a well-known member of the central committee, to San Francisco to act 
as editor of the People's World, which is the official Communist organ for the 
western part of the United States. 

On June 28, 1938, at San Francisco, this member of the central committee 
was given a party on his fiftieth birthday. Personal greetings were sent to him 
by William Z. Foster, and at the party a number of well-known C. I. O. leaders 
vn the west coast were present and extended personal greetings to him. Among 
these were John Shoemaker, San Fi'ancisco, business agent. Longshoremen's 
and Warehousemen's Union. Local 1-10. 

( Note — See issue of People's World for June .30, 1938, for confirmation of 
this story.) 

98. Eugene Patton, San Francisco, president, Longshoremen's and AVarehouse- 
men's Union, Local 1-6. 

Some time ago the central committee of the Communist Party sent Harrison 
George, a well-known member f)f the central committee, to San Francisco to act 
as editor of the People's World, which is the official Communist organ for the 
western part of the United States. 

On June 28, 1938, at San Francisco, this member of the central committee 
was given a party on his fiftieth birthday. Personal greetings were sent to 
him by William Z. Foster, and at the party a number of well-known C. I. O. 
leaders on the west coast were present and extended personal greetings to him. 
Among these were Eugene Patton, San Francisco, president. Longshoremen's 
and Warehousemen's Union, Local 1-6. 

( Note. — See issue of People's World for June 30, 1938, for confirmation of this 
story. ) 

99. Gunnar Michelsen, Milwaukee, Wis., State C. I. O. director. This man 
has been listed as a Communist for the past 10 years. 

Note. — See attached clipping. 



124 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

250 MEET TOMORROW AT STEEL WORKERS ORGANIZING COMMITTEE CONVENTION 

Milwaukee, Wis., July 29. — Over 250 Steel Workers Organizing Committee 
delegates of northern Illinois and Wisconsin will meet here Sunday, July 31, 
for the fifth convention of ofiicers of lodges affiliated with the Steel Workers 
Organizing Committee. 

The convention will open at 9 a. m. at Bonk's Hall, 1835 South Sixth Street, 
when Emil Costello, State chairman of the Wisconsin C. I. O., will welcome the 
delegates. Gunnar Mickelsen, State C. I. O. director, will discuss the needs for a 
labor press and the role of the C. I. O. News in the job of organizing the unor- 
ganized. 

The convention will concern itself with developing a program for strengthen- 
ing unions, developing the responsibility of officers, maintaining wages, and 
the administration of contracts and grievance procedure. 

According to latest ad\ices, Harold Christuftel, militant leader of Allis Chal- 
mers Local 248, United Automobile Workers of America, and chairman of the 
Milwaukee County Industrial Union Council, will explain the program of 
coordinating C. I. O. union activity and will greet the delegates in the name of 
the council. 

Lx\DIES auxiliary 

The Wisconsin-Illinois Ladies Auxiliary of the Steel Workers Organizing 
Committee is taking a major part in the program by preparing a noon lunch 
for "conventioners." Van A. Bittner, regional director of the Midwest district 
of the Steel Workers Organizing Committee, has made arrangements to be 
present and will be on the speaker's program. 

Nathaniel S. Clark, director of the twelfth regional office of the National 
Labor Relations Board, will explain the purposes and administration of the 
National Labor Relations Act in the functions of the Board and its officers. 
Student and apprentice problems will be discussed by Prof. W. J. Hibbard, 
director of industi'ial relations at Marquette University, and a national authority 
on the problems of student and apprentice training. 

CALIjn) BY ADELMAN 

The convention was called by Meyer Adelman, district director of the Steel 
Workers Organizing Committee, who will outline a program for consolidation, 
coordination, and responsibility. W. O. Sonnemann, Steel Workers Organizing 
Committee counsel and field representative, will speak on the Menace of Union 
Incorporation and general legal problems affecting unions and union members. 

The last month field representatives, Oakley Mills, Walter Burke, and Mike 
Ostrowski, have been busy organizing the convention and its program at the 
subdistrict headquarters at Waukegan, 111., Fond du Lac, Wis., and Sterling, 111. 

101. Leif Dahl, Trenton and A^ineland, N .J., district president of the Agri- 
cultural Workers Union (C. I. O. affiliate). This party was section organizer 
for the Communists in southern New Jersey, and with Lem Harris, Hal Ware, 
Donald Henderson, and others, formed the Farmers Committee of Action, which 
created so much trouble in the Philadelphia milkshed and in the New York 
State milkshed. At the Federal hearing on a proposed milk order, held in 
Syracuse, N. Y., February 1935, Dahl appeared as an appointed representative 
of the Communist Party of United States and read a brief protesting against 
the proposed milk order. 

Nos. 102 to 132, inclusive. 

In regard to the National Maritime Union, national headquarters in New York 
City, this C. I. O. affiliated group is controlled by the Communist Party of the 
United States. 

The president of the organization is one Joseph Curran, who is a member of 
the Communist Party, and we have presented receipts to show his payments to 
said party. 

Other leaders, organizers, delegates, field men, and office men associated with 
Curran in the National Maritime Union, and who are absolutely members of 
the Communist Party, are as follows : Thomas Raye, Hayes Jones, Ferdinand D. 
Smith, Jack Lorenson (Frederick M. (Blackie) Meyers (this man was recently 
arrested in a C. I. O. riot at New Orleans, La.), Ted Lewis, M<>e Byne, Smith 
Hopkins, Charles DeGraffe, James Gavin, Charles Reuben, Patrick Whalen, 
Baltimore, Harry Alexander, K. K. Owens, Adrian Duffy, Frank Jones, I'elix 



UN-AMEltlCAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 125 

Siren, Albeit Laimoii, Phihulelphia, Howard McKenzio, Robert (Killer) Meers, 
New Orh'aus, Conrad Jones. Roland A. Perry, Joseph Chavez, Pat Lawrenson, 
Alex Pell, Al Rotliard. L. Chamberlain (see attached Conununi.st Party receipts 
for Chamberlain and McKenzie), Corby Tahton, James Edwards. 

Vm. Gi'orge Woolf. San Francisco and Seattle: This is one ol' the Communists 
who oai the west coast, is considered a rijiht-hand lieutenant of Harry Bridges. 
Woolf is one of the leaders of the C. I. O. Cainiery Workers Union and played a 
very prominent part in the communistic activities at the Tampa, Fla., convention 
of the American Federation of Labor in 193(>. 

i;%4. Walter Rent her, Detroit. Mich.: This fellow is one of the leaders of the 
Auto Workers I'uion and President Martin has preferred charges against him. 
He visited Soviet Russia and sent hack a lettei' to this country which included 
the following paragraph : 

"Carry on the fight for a Soviet America." 

13U. Nat Ganley. alias Nat Kaplan, Detroit. Mich. : Has for years been a 
national figure iii the Communist organizatnm. He once held the important 
position as district organizer in Boston, and was such an effective agitator that 
he was made national organizer of the National Textile Worker.s' Union, a Com- 
munist afliliate. Then William Z. Foster appointed him genei'al organizer for 
the Trade Union Unity League and sent him to Detroit to build the " 'red' indus- 
trial union" movement. Among the organizations he formed were the Chicken 
Pickers' Union, the Fur Workers' Industrial Union, and the Sausage Workers' 
Union. Even now he is an instructor at the Red People's School in Deti'oit. 

He has been active in practically all of the C. I. O. strikes around Detroit and, 
olficially, is recording secretary of Anderson's United Automobile Workers Local 
155. 

137. Saul C. Waldbaum, attorney, Philadelphia, Pa. : This Communist, who is 
closely associated with Pat Toohey, district organizer for district No. 3, Phila- 
delphia, was employed as strike counsel by the United Radio, Electrical and 
Machine Workers at their strike on the Radio Corporation of America works at 
Camden, N. J. 

138. Abraham J. Isserman, Newark, N. J., communist attorney : This man has 
acted as attorney for Communist Party, district No. 14, New Jersey, and also has 
handled cases for the International Labor Defense and the Americ;!n Civil Liber- 
lies Union. He is employed by the Radio and Electrical Workers Union, as well 
as for the C. I. O. and Labor's Non-Partisan League unit in New Jersey. 

This man is one of the lenders of the radical forces in stirring up trouble in 
Jersey City for the so-called freedom of speech. 

139. Ciebel, Detroit, Mich. : This Comnuniist was sent from New York 

City to Detroit to assist in the automobile strike carried on by the Auto Workers 
Union of Michigan. 

140. J. Woolfson, Detroit, Mich. : A Communist organizer who also acted as 
organizer for the Auto Workers I'nion in the Detroit area. 

141. Lucien Koch. Boston and St. Louis, Mo. : This man, who proudly claimed 
that he was a Connnunist at a meeting in Boston, acted as organizer for the 
United Ship Yard Workers in the Boston and Quincy, Mass., area. This is a 
C. I. O. affiliated group. Later on he acted as organizer for the Radio and 
Electrical Workers and also acted as part-time educational director. 

Koch at one time was president of the radical Commonwealth College located 
at Mena, Ark. 

142-149. R(j George Bundas, Arthur Scott, John Borawiac, Arba Halberg alias 
Gus Hall, Charles Byers. Andrew Marsh. Joe Orawiec. and Sidney Watkins. 

These are the Communists who were employed by the Steel Workers Organizing 
Committee ofl^icials and led by Halberg as the dynamite crew in and about War- 
ren, Ohio. The local police at Warren, Ohio, can give full details as to their 
activities and history. 

1.50. Joseph A. Salerno, Boston, Mass.: Representative of Amalgamated Cloth- 
ing Workers of America, C. I. O., New England leader. Tliis man has been 
associated with Communist groups, giving his aid, time, and funds. 

The Massachusetts Communist Vt'as investigated by a State committee and he 
is mentioned on page 212 of that report. 

1.55. Tom John.son, Los Angeles, Calif. : I'ublisher of the C. I. O. labor paper. 

Tom Johnson has been one of the leading Communists in the United States, is 
frequently mentioned in the Fish committee report ; was formerly district or- 
ganizer. District No. 17, Alabama, and is also an ex-convict, serving a sentence 
at Columbus, Ohio, after being convicted in Blair County for criminal syndicalism. 

949.31— .58— vol. 1 9 



126 LN-AMEKKJAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVPriES 

156. .Tosepli Costcllo. Haverhill, Mass;.: This man is section organizer for th«^ 
Communist Party in tliat area and is also organizer for the United Shoe Workers 
Union, which is a C. I. O. outfit. . 

157. Charlotte Sugar, Rocksbury, IMass.. 128 Honiboll Avenue: This woman 
is a member of the Communist Party. District No. 1, Boston, and is also an or- 
ganizer in the Rubber Workers Union. Sh(> was formerly instructor in the Trade 
X'nion Unity School at i'.oslon. (See p. 31.'], ^Massachusetts State Commission to 
Investigate Comnuniism.) 

158. I'lorence Lu.'^comb, Roston, Mass.: Organizer and othcial for Othce and 
Professional Workers of America. She is a member of the Communist Party. 
Friends of Soviet Union, and American League for Peace and Freedom. At one 
time slie was connected with the Hookkeeijers, Office Workers, and Stenographers, 
which is an A. F. L. federation, and later on transferred to C. I. O. (See p. 318 
of Massachu.sijtts state Commission io Investigate ('ommunism.) 

159. Paul Salaggi, Roston : This member of the Communist Party is acting as 
an organizer for the C. I. O. United Shoe Workers Union. (Boston sommittee, 
see p. 310, Massachusetts State Commission to Investigate Communism.) 

160. Sam Sandburg. Boston, Mass. : This member of the Communist Party is 
also on rhe pay roll of the C. I. O. through the Toy and Novelty Workers Union. 
(See p. 319 of Mas.sachusetts State Commission to Investigate Communism.) 

161 to 17U. The following Communists in district No. 1, Boston, are on the 
pay roll of the National :Maritime Union in Boston as agents and delegates: 
Thomas McGowlan, Robert Mills, Clarence Wardell, Paul PJmerson, Frank Gaff- 
ney, Ramos Santos, I-^ishman. — Manago. John Pahner. 

171. Ju.stine O'Connor. 265 Bolton Street, South Boston: This Communist is 
employed in the office of the National Maritime Union at Boston. (See p. 329 
of Mas.sachusetts State Commission to Investigate Communism.) 

173. J. Walsh, New Bedford ar.d Boston, Mass. : This Communist organizer was 
sent first to Boston by Roy Hudson to work the maritime union, and now he is 
located at New Bedford and a paid organizer for the C. I. O. and National Mari- 
time Union. (See p. 332, Massachusetts State Commission to Investigate Com- 
munism. ) 

174. Sidney Stern, 204 Norwell Street. Norchester, Mass. : This Communist is 
very active in agitation and also acting as organizer for the National Maritime 
Union in the Boston area. He later was sent to Fall River, Mass., then to New 
Bedford, and from there to Providence. (See p. 336, Massachusetts State Com- 
mission to Investigate Communism.) 

175. .loe Alberts, 112 Borden Street, Fall River. Mass. : Communist Party mem- 
ber, working under directions of Phil Frankefeld and Roy Hudson, as well as 
Joe Cnrran, of New York City. Alberts works in Fall Ri\er, New Bedford, and 
Providence, and last year was assigned to woi-k as paid organizer in the Interna- 
tional Longshoremen and Warehousemen's Union, which is a C. I. O. outfit 
controlled by Harry Bridges. 

176. Mrs. Coburii. alias Miss Lee, Fall River, IMa.ss. : This active Communist 
worker is emi)loyi'd in the office of the National Maritime Union at Fall River 
as bookkeeper. (See p. 3:57 of Massachusetts State Connnittee to Investigate 
Communism.) 

177. 178. 170. Elizabeth Ilawes, Alton Lawrence, Miles Horton : These three 
people have becMi in (he past, and probably now are, paid organizers for the 
Textile Workers ()rganiz;ition Committee. They have been active in radical 
work in the South and a few years ago attended a secret convention in North 
Carolina, at which time plans were made for spreading the revolutionary theories 
throughout the South. 

In connection with this we might mention that the Highlander Folk School at 
Monteagle, Teiui., was mixed up in this secret convention, in which these three 
C. I. O. organizers took a very prominent part. 

ISO. Joe Wright, State of Texas: Organizer for the oil workers' union and 
reported to be a member of the executive hoard. This man is a member of 
the Communist Party in good standing and at the same time on the pay roll of 
the C. I. O. union. 

181. Robert Warren, New London. Tex.: This man is active in the oil workers' 
uin'on. special writer for the Conununist Daily Worker, New York City, and 
al.so prepares articles for the Comnuuiist Party proper. 

182. Harry Scher, New York City: This man has been an instructor in the 
Communist Workers' School. 56 Ea.st Thirt(>enth Street, it is reported. He is 
also connected with the (ransi)ort workers' union, which is a C. I. O. outfit. 



UN-AME1U(\\N PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 127 

183 Robert Sivert. Lornin. Ohio: Tliis niiui now acts as ovganizor iuul contact 
man for the Steel Workers Organizing Conuniltee and C. I. O. Ho has bepn a 
Connnunist for a number of years and hails from down in the coal country 
around P.ridsienort, Ohio. lie is one of the original founders and leaders of the 
National Miners' Union, which was set up by the Trade Union Unity League, 
which in turn was controlled by the Comnuuiist Party of the United States. 

184 Seymour Siporin, Chicago, 111.: This chap formerly belonged to the 
Young Communist League and was one of its Chicago leaders. He later was 
transferred to the pan-nt body of the Communist body and is now organizer for 
the C. I. O. outfit known as the United Cannery and Agricultural Workers 

Union. ^. .,, ^, i-. T r» 

He has also done a limited amount of work in connection with the C. 1. O. 

controlled packinghouse workers organization committee in Chicago. 

18G. Mel Pi^zie, New York City and Boston: This promhient Communist has 

been on the pay roll of the C. I. O. as organizer in shoe workers and furniture 

workers. . ci. i 

187. Thomas Pate, Birmingham, Ala.: Pate, acting as organizer for Steel 
Workers Organizing Committee and C. I. O.. has associated himself with the 
Communist groups. We cannot definitely say that he is a party member, but 
his actions certainly would indicate same. 

In 103S we received a letter from Alabama which claimed that Pate was 
secretly acting as an organizer for the Communist Party as well. 

188. "William O'Donald. Camden, N. J. : Several years ago a member of the 
New Jersey State police, left the services of that body and became associated 
with the Communist-controlled Farmers Committee of Action. This organiza- 
tion is now known in part as the Agricultural and Cannery Workers Union, 
a C. I. O. outfit. 

However, one William O'Donald appeared on the scene as a paid organizer for 
the Independent Ship Builders Union, which is also a C. I. O. outfit. This 
organizer moved into Jersey City when the situation became tense at that 
point, and practically- his whole time was spent with radicals who were trying 
to stir up trouble in that city. One can draw his own conclusion as to this 
party and just exactly the type of work he has been doing for the past few 
months. 

190. John Mayo, Youngstown and Pittsburgh area : This man has been acting 
as a general organizer for the Steel Workers Organizing Committee and O. I. O. 
He is a Communist, and has been one for quite some time. 

191. James Lustig, Brooklyn. N. Y. : Organizer for district No. 4, United 
Electrical Radio and Machine Workers Union, which is the C. I. O. outfit. 

Lu.stig was a forruer national officer of the Steel and Metal Workers Independ- 
ent Union, an affiliate of the Trade Union Unity League, which was organized 
and controlled by the Communist Party under William Z. Foster. Left New 
York August 6 to take charge of Maytag strike. 

192. Jim Casper, Cleveland, Ohio : This man is a member of the Commuuisti 
Party and an accredited delegate from the Steel Workers Organizing Committee 
in Cleveland, Ohio. 

193. Sam Cantor, Brooklyn, N. Y. : Member of the Communist Party, Brooklyn 
section. Organizer for Local No. 1225 of United Radio and Eleeti'ical Workers. 
Arrested July 2, 1938, sentenced for 5 days for disturbing the peace. 

194. A. Q. Johnson, Birmingham, Ala. : This man, a Negro, is a paid organizer 
for the C. I. O. and Steel Workers Organizing Committee. He is also a member 
of Communist Party, working under directions of Robert Hall, the district 
organizer. 

195. Clarence Irwin, New Castle and Farrell, Pa. : In the first place, this man 
is a Communist, and was paid large sums of money by New York Communists 
at the time he, along with other radicals, broke iip the Amalgamated Steel 
Workers and formed a rank-and-file committee. 

Since the inception of the C. I. O. he has been on the pay roll of the Com- 
munist Party as well as the C. I. O. 

193. Jose Hernandez, Riverside, Calif. : This man Is the vice president of Agri- 
cultural Workers Union, receives pay as organizer, and is a member of the 
Communist Party, United States of America. 

197. Paul Green, New York City : Business agent for United Furniture Work- 
ers Union, which is a C. I. O. affiliate. 

This man was a member of the Communist Party and .suspended for infrac- 
tion of the party program. 



128 UN-AMEKICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

198. Harry Glazer, New Orleans, La. : Thi.s man, a C. I. O. organizer, is (.ne 
of the lon(lor.s of the New Orleans riot. It is reported that he was arrested 
June 1938 and deported from New Orleans for his radical activities. 

190. James Eagen, Pittsburgh, Pa. : This man is the State chairman of the 
Communist Party of I'enn.sylvania. He was only recently elected to that posi- 
tion at Uieir convention held in IIarri.><l)urg. He has been continually working 
for the success of the Steel Workers Organizing Committee and C. I. O., and at 
times has been on the pay roll. 

200. Vivian Dahl, Minneapolis, Philadelphia, Trenton, and Vineland, N. J.: 
This woman is the wife of Leif Dahl. and she is on the pay roll of the Agricul- 
tural and Cinnery Workers. C. I. O. union. 

201. Ida Dales, State of Texas: This woman has been connected with Com- 
imniist work for past 6 years. 

She is a paid organizer working in the State of Texas for C. I. O. and Agricul- 
tural Workers. 

202. John L. Donovan, Denver, Colo. : Donovan operates out of post-office box 
1491 at Denver and edits a Spanish-speaking radical paper. 

It is not known for sure that he is a member of the party, but he has contin- 
ually associated with people that are 100-percent Communist. 

203. Elmer Cope, State of Pennsylvania : Tliis fellow hails from Warren, Ohio, 
and has been mixed up with the radical movement for the past 11 years. He 
graduated from a right-wing Socialist to a left-wing Socialist and now into the 
Conununist Party. He has been one of the mainstays of the C. I. O. and Steel 
Workers Organizing Committee, and has been continually on the pay roll of those 
organizations. 

204. Robert Burke, Youngstown, Ohio: This Columbia University student was 
dismissed for his radical activities. He went to Youngstown, joined the Young 
Communist League and was soon an organizer for the C. I. O. groups. He was 
convicted September 29, 1937, of rioting on June 10 of same year during the 
;Steel strike. 

20.1. Fred Beidenkapp, Boston, Lynn, New Bedford. ]Mass. : Here is one of the 
best known Conununists in the United States and he was one of the leaders 
in the famous New Bedford strike in the textiles a number of years ago. He 
has occupied numerous offices in the Connnuuist Party from the central com- 
mittee on down and has been acting as a paid C. I. O. organizer in the United 
Shoe Workers Unions, and the Textile Workers Organization Committee. 

20i3. Gregory Bardeke, Herkimer, N. Y. : This man is an organizer for the 
Lady Garment Woikers. which is a C. I. O. affiliate. He was a student at 
Syracuse University and was known as one of the radical leaders in that school. 
lie was also mixed up in the activities in the Students Union, which is a Com- 
munist outfit. 

207. Wm. T. Bonsor, San Francisco, Calif., 1G5 Kenwood Way: This man is 
a Trotskyite Connnuuist and has been connected with the Office & Professional 
Workers Union, which is C. I. O. 

208. Sue Adams, alias Sue Evans, Denver, Colo. : This woman is one of the 
officials of the Federal Employees Union of the C. I. O. Her husband is also 
a Communist employed by the Reclamation Division of the United States De- 
partment of Connnerce. 

Both are l(K)-percent Conununists, and we know of secret meetings she 
attended in East Denver, at which time it is said that John Brophy was in at- 
tendance at one of these meetings. This was at the time that the first national 
convention of the Agricultural Workers was held in Denver and the Communist 
elements in that outfit met in East Denver at the conclusion of one of the sessions. 

209. Ben Shanberg, Springfield, Mass.: Active in behalf of Communist Party 
candidates in T.loG elections in Massachusetts. Has worked as a paid organizer 
for the International Lady Garment Workers and with headquarters in Spring- 
field. ]\Iass., office of the Amalgamated Clothiug Workers Union. In 1937 he 
was detailed to organizing the clerks. 

Non:. — This man is listed as a Cfnnmunist in the Massachusetts report of the 
State conuniltee investigating Coniniunism. 

210. Don West, Louisville, Ky. : This man, formerly in charge of Atlanta, Ga., 
for Communist Party, is a preacher and a graduate of Vanderbilt University. He 
sneaked out of Atlanta on a truck, under a load of gunny sacks, when Assistant 
Solicitor (JencM-al Ilutson swore out warrants for his arrest. After a short period 
in New York City, he was sent to Kentucky and there made organizer. 



UN-AMEIilCAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 129 

It has been reported on luinierous occasions that he was a part-time employee 
of the Textih> Workers Union, a C. I. O. atiiliato and at the same time was dis- 
trict orsanizer of district No. 23, Conunnnist I'arty. 

211. Francis J. Gorman: This man is president of United Textile Workers 
Union and in partial charge of the present campaign. Goiman for the past 3 
years has been associating with Comnnuiists. It is reiRirted that he has spoken 
at Communist nuH>tings and a few months ago he made a trip to Loyalist Spain 
and it is reported that he addressed the members of the Abraham Lincoln Brigade, 
whicli was recruited by the Communists in the United States. 

In a copy of Dairy Worker, August 11)37, Gorman in a lengthy article 
praised the Loyalists and he said : "Spain fights for world's workers." This 
interview was given just following his return to this country. 

212 and 213. Re Oil \\'orkers Union, C. I. O. affiliate. State of Texas. Down 
at Houston, Tex., at 10091/2 Congress Street is the headquarters of Homer 
Brooks, the district organizer for district No. 20 of the Communist Party. 

Located at El Paso, is Milton ORourke, and contidential information that is 
undisputed, states that both of them liad been closely connected with the 
C. I. O. in the Oil Workers organizatii)n movement. 

215 and 216. Al Nygren and John Eldemar, Juneau, Alaska : Both of these 
men, who in 1935 were chairman and secretary of local No. 203 of the Mine, 
Mill and Smelter Workers, went out and collected money for the defense of 
Anglo Herndon, the Communist, and later on caused resolutions to be drawn 
up in behalf of Herndon and these resolutions were sent to Governor Talmadge 
of Georgia. 

217, 218, 219, and 220. The Transport Workers Union is one of the strong 
C. I O. units, and am<mg the officials is Michael J. Quill, president: Austin 
Dilloughery, alias Hogan, secretary: John Santo (an assumed name), general 
manager of the union ; and Thomas McMahon, of Brooklyn, an organizer for 
this union. 

All of these men have been named in affidavits by the former president, 
O'Shea of the Transport Workers Union, as being Communist and under con- 
trol of the Communist Party. These accusations appear in the August 1937 
issue of the Motorman, Ciinductor and Motor-Coach Operator, wiiich is pub- 
lished at Detroit. Mich., by the Amalgamated Association of Street Electric 
Railway and Motor-Coach Employees of America. This is an A. F. L. outfit 
and they carefully made a check-up of this situatoin. 

We are attaching a copy of this story which appeared in October issue 1937 
of The Carpenter, which is the official journal of the carpenters' union, affiliated 
with the A. F. of L. 

221. Clarina Michelson, New York City : This Communist woman agitator. 
who has been at the forefront in Communist Party work for years is now a 
paid organizer of the United Retail Employees of America. She is located 
in New York City and mixes Communi.sm in with C. I. O.'ism. 

222. James Matles, New York City : This man is national organizational 
director of United Radio and Electrical Workers, nad he is one of the leading 
Communists of New York City. He was formerly a national officer of the 
Radio and Electrical W^orkers Industrial Union, which is controlled by the 
Trade Union Unity League and the Conmiunist Party. 

223. Neil Brandt, Nevv' York and New Jersey : Here is a Communist that's on 
the pay roll of the United Electric and Radio Workers and is classified as au 
intellectual Communist. He is a graduate of Cornell University, is an archi- 
tect, and has written movie sceneries. Brandt has been quite active in various 
radical activities in New Y'ork City. 

224. Coleman Taylor, alias Sazbo, Cleveland, Ohio : This man is district 
secretary for United Radio and Electrical WoT-kers of C. I. O. 

He has been a Communist for years, is a Communist now, and only recently 
completed the Communist Party training school course at New York Citv. 

225. 22G. 227, and 228. On December 18, 1937, in the Communist Party office 
at East Pittsburgh, at 11 a. m., the leading members of the Communist faction 
of the W^estinghouse workers met in session. Those present were : 

Fred Gardner, Fred Hough, and Tom Malloy. These men were C. I. O. 
organizers. In addition, Logan Burkhart, international vice president of the 
Electrical and Radio Workers Union : Theodore Wright, vice president of West- 
inghouse Air-Brake local : and Carl Close, section organizer for Communist 



230 UN-AMEKICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Party, along with Martin Young, the district organizer for Communist Party 
in Pittsburgh, known as district No. 5, met and outlined future plans for 
active work in this C. I. O. organization. ^ „ ,. 

229, 231 >, and 231. The Westiughouse workers executive board, C. I. O., Radio 
and Electrical Workers, in February 1938 consisted of Jones, Cole, Lord, Senter, 
Holmes, Provinic, Nick Storko, Pat Fallon, Catherine Beech. John Martello, 
and Theodore Wright. Wright, Storko, and Provinic are Communist Party 
members. Holmes. Lord, Cole, and Jones are Communist Party sympathizers. 

232. Charles liivers, Brooklyn, N. Y. : This man has been a Communist for 
years and has done organizational work in all typos of organizations. He is 
now the paid organizer for tlie United Radio and Electrical Workers in the 
Brooklyn district. 

233. ]\Iike Petanavitch, New Britain, Conn.: This man is a member of the 
Conmiunist Party and also a paid organizer for the United Radio and Electrical 
Workers Union. 

234. Harry Kolner, Philadelphia and New York : This man is a Communist 
leader among the shipyard workers and he has received part-time work from 
the Independent Union from Marine and Shipbuilding Workers of America, 
which is a C. I. O. outfit. 

Very recently a bad squabble was had at Philadelphia and Kelner played 
a prominent part. 

235. Louis Basis. New York City: This man is manager of Local No. lO.j, 
International Woodworkers of America, a C. I. O. affiliate, located in New 
York City. It is reported that he is a Communist and he works very close 
with Sam Nessin, who is general organizer of the same local. Nessin is one 
of the Communist leaders and a member of the district committee of the 
Communist Party, New York, district No. 2. 

236. 237, 238, 239, 240, 241, 242, and 243. The following C. I. O. leaders and 
organizers in the St. Louis district have been vouched for from three separate 
individuals as being definitely connected with the Communist Party in St, 
Louis : 

John Doherty, regional director, Steel Woi-kers Organizing Committee. 

Robert Logsdon, secretary and organizer for United Electrical and Radio 
Workers. 

Julius H. Klymau, vice president, Newspaper Guild, C. I. O. outfit. 

Christ Meinkoph. Steel Workers' Organizing Committee organizer. 

Max Michc'lson, regional director. Amalgamated Clothing Workers. 

Richard Biazier. organizer for Amalgamated Clothing Workers. 

Norman Smith, organizer for United Auto AVorkers. 

Miss Clara Wernich : This woman is the district organizer of the Young Com- 
munist League, and her husband is the business agent of the C. I. O. Radio and 
Electrical Workers. 

There is another man by the name of Fering, who is a leader in the Young 
Communist League and is connected on a salary with the C. I. O. Electrical 
Workers' Union of St. Louis. 

244. Jacoby. Pittsburgh, Pa.: This man is a paid organizer for the Archi- 
tects, Engineers, and Draftsmen's Union of the C. I. O. He is a member of the 
Communist Party of Pittsburgh. 

24ii. Abraham Flaxor, New York City, in-esident, State, County, and Municipal 
Workers of America : This man, the head of a powerful C. I. O. union, is sus- 
pected of being a Conimuiiist, and he had continuously associated himself with 
the Communist groups, and on several committee tasks he lined up with Com- 
munist groups. 

24(>. McKinney, Negro, Youngstown, Ohio: This man is a prominent 

Communist in that city, and at times has been on the pay rolls of C. I. O., or- 
ganizing among Negroes in that area. 

247. Joo Cook, Soufh Chicago. HI.: This is another Communist Party member, 
who at times has been able to be placed on the pay roll of the Steel Workers' 
Organizing Committee and got some C. I. O. money. 

2 18. Louis Ma.iors. New Castle. Pa. : Another prominent Communist in Pitts- 
burgh area, who has boon associated with Tom Meyerscough and others and is 
now one of the leaders in the Steel Workers' Organizing Committee. 



UN-AAIEUICAN rROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 131 

■J49. Bruce Osborne, Chicago : This member of the Communist I'arty has man- 
ured from time to time to secure fiu\ds from the C. I. (). unci Steel Workers' 
Organizing Connnitieo. acting as a part-time organizer. 

250. Fred West. CalitVirnia and Oregon: Tliis prominent C'onmiunist is one of 
the leaders in the Alaska Cannery Workers' Union, which is now a C. I. O. 
outfit. It formerly was L'ederal Local 2100"i of the A. F. of L. 

251. Marcella Ryan. Cjilifornia: This woman is State secretary of the State 
Cannery Workers' Union : she is also a pr(>inin(Mit member of the Communist 
I'arty in California. 

2r)2. Matt Savola, Ironwood. Midi. : This man is president of the Timber 
Workers' Union of ui)per Michigan. He has .iust been elected as president of 
ihe Labor Non-1'artisan Political League, which is a C I. O. stooge. Reports 
from upper Michigan state tliat Matt is supposed to be a prominent Commimist 
also. 

253. Mei'rill Jackson, U. S. A. : This party is an organizer for tlie Agricultural 
Workers' Union and is a prominent Comnnuiist of long standing. 

25-i, 255, 25G. and 257. Jame's .7. (Seottie) Mitchel, New York City; Fredo 
Casso. New York City: Frank Farrell, New York City; H. Levin. Philadelphia: 
Tliese men are reported to be on the pay roll regularly for the United Shoe 
Workers' Union, which is a C. I. O. outlit. Sometime ago they were candidates 
on the Communist rank-and-lile ticket of the Shoe Workers, New York district. 

258, 259, and 2G0. George Carter, U. S. A.; Agapito Vigil, U. S. A.; J. T. 
Hardee, U. S. A. : These men are Communists and are on the pay roll as part- 
time organizers for the Agricultural and Cannery Workers Union, the C. I. O. 
unit that is Communist controlled. 

261. Angie Gonzales, Tampa, Fla. : This woman is president of the Tampa 
Cannery Workers local and the Tampa, Fla., police department can verify the 
fact that she is a Communist. 

263, 264, and 265. Fete Zeuara, Cleveland ; Al Balint, Cleveland ; Pete Saline, 
Cleveland : These men. until a short time ago, were on the pay roll of the 
C. I. O. and Steel Workers Organizing Committee as organizers. They worked 
under Damich, the C. I. O. leader, at Cleveland. They are Commimist Party 
members, and Balint is one of the leaders in Cleveland. 

266. Matt Meehan, home, Portland, Oreg. : This man is secretary-treasurer of 
the International Longshoremen and Warehousemen's Union. This is a C. I. O. 
outfit, and there are those in the Northwest who claim that Meehan is a 
Communist. This we cannot state definitely, but on June 22, 1938, quite an 
article appeared in the Communist People's World praising him. Before get- 
ting into the waterfront work he was mixed up in some radical work in con- 
nection with New England textile industry. 

267, 268, and 269. George Stafford, New York City : Organizer, Local 80, Agri- 
cultural Workers. 

Paul Arias, Colorado, editor, Spanish paper : Organizer for Agricultural 
Workers. 

Henry B. Garcia, Fort Morgan. Colo. : Organizer, Agricultural Workers. 

All three of these men at one time or another have admitted in public 
gatherings that they are members of the Communist Party. 

270. Warren G. Denton, San Francisco, Calif. : Prominent in Longshoremen 
and Warehou.semen's Union, C. I. O. outfit. 

This man has just been elected president of the California group of the 
International Workers Order, which is the Communist insurance group. This 
election occurred July 24, 1938. 

271. Harry Wohl, Chicago, 111. : President Chicago Chapter, Newspaper Guild. 
Reports from Chicago have it that he is a member of the intellectual group of 
Communists. 

272. Irving Meyers, Chicago. 111. : Chicago representative Locals 24 and 78 
of United Office and Professional Workers of America. This is a C. I. O. 
outfit and Meyers has attended secret Communist Party meetings. 

273. Meyer Cohen, Chicago and San Francisco : This man is a Communist and 
has been a member of the instructor's staff of the Summer School for Office 
Workers, in San Francisco. Is on the staff of the School of Social Studies. 



232 UN-AMIORICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

274. Irwin Elber, Chicago : This man is Communist Party member. During- 
the latter part of July he attended a Communist Party gathering relative to 
social topics. 

275. Abe Corman, Chicago, 111.: Here is a man who will probably deny he is 
a Cnmmunist, but reports from Chicago are such that it is said that he is a 
Communist. Corman is president of the Chicago Public Library Employees 
Union, Local 188, fe'tate, County and IMunicipal Workers of America, C. I. O. 
outfit. 

27G. John Steuben, Youugstown, Ohio : One of the heading minor Communists 
of the United States. Has been on the Steel Workers Organizing Committee 
pay roll on several occasions. 

Recently testified before the La FoUette committee. 

276. Walter Stack, San Francisco : Official of Marine Firemen and Engineers. 
Prominent member Communist Party. 

277. Pat Callahan, California: Acting C. I. O. regional director of agricul- 
ture, northern California district. This man is a prominent party member. 
Delegate to Conununist Party State convention, ]\Lay 14-15'. 1938, San Francisco. 

278. Marie Gagnon, San Francisco, Calif. : Communist Party member. Rep- 
resentative of Cannery and Preserve Union, of San Francisco, Calif. 

279. Roy Noflz, Oakland, Calif. : Member Communist Party. Handles Agri- 
cultural workers' press. 

280. Sonia Baltrum, San Francisco, Calif. : Member Communist Party. Offi- 
cial in Textile Workers Union, C. I. O.. San Francisco, Calif. 

281. Jack Beralla, San Francisco, Calif. ; Member Communist Party. Organ- 
izer, Cannery Workers, C. I. O. 

282. William Sessions, Nanning, Calif. : Member Communist Party. Violated 
party rules; expelled December 1937. Organizer for INline. Mill and Smelter 
Workers Union, C. I. O. outfit. 

288. Joseph Magliacano. New York City. This man is a member of the Com- 
munist Party of District No. 2, New York City, and he is aiso business agent 
of Local No. 140 of the Furniture Workers of America, which is the C. I. O. 
outfit. 

Mr. Frey. I spoke to the committee, when I was reading over the 
list of C. I. O. organizations with Comminiist officers, of a man named 
Scherer. I want to read two letters, one to Scherer and one which 
he wrote. 

The Chairman. Arc those original letters, or copies? 

Mr. Frey. These are not the original letters. These are copies, but 
I have seen the originals. 

The Chairman. And you can state that those are true and correct 
copies of the original letters ? 

Mr. Frey. The originals are in the building of the American Fed- 
eration of Labor, in the safe, at this time. 

The Chairman. All right. 

Mr. Frey. Now, Mr. Scherer wrote this letter on the letterhead of 
the national office. Friends of the Soviet Union, October 14, 1931 : 

National Oifiok Friends of the Soviet Union 

{united states section) 

Rnnm 335, 80 East llth Street 

New York City 

October 14, 1931. 
Dear Friend: We received your letter of October 9 and were glad to learn 
that the central labor union aiipointed a committee to secure additional infor- 
mation about the i)roposed lecture. 

It will be possible for me to speak at such a meeting. I returned several 
months ago from the Soviet Union and took pictures during my tour. I will be 
able to speak on the live year plan, working conditions, living condi-tions and 



UN-AMKIiU'AN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIKS 133 

will he glad to answer all (luestioiis raised. II' the lecture is arranged, I have 
a small projector machine which I will take with me. No hootli or operator is 
needed. All that 1 want is that yon provide a curtain — any white sheet will do. 

There is no char.nc for the h'ctnre outside of flic fare from New York. TJiis 
can hv taken up tlirongh a coUectitm <ir provided for in advance, or any other 
way that you may suggest. I believe this can he worked out. 

As to myself: I am at present the national secretary of the Friends of the 
Soviet Union. In 1029 I was organizer for the Union of Technical Men, a luiiou 
of engineers, draftsmen, (^tc, organized under the A. F. of L. 

We are especially interested in arraiiging a talk in Newport becau.se we have 
been asked by the Kussian trades unions that when sending our delegation to 
secure a delegate elected by the workers of Newport. We were not able to 
arrange this for the delegation that has just left to be at the celebration of the 
fourteenth anniversary of the Russian revolution, but we will certainly try to 
arrange a campaign for the May 1 delegation. I)i this way a delegate will be 
elected by the workers of Newport to tour the Soviet Union at the invitation of 
the Russian trade unions and then to come back and report on the conditions 
that he found. This meeting can be a start for such a campaign. 

Will you phase fake this up and let us know if you can arrange this meeting. 
The money matter is not the most important. 

If you will work with your committee to popularize the meeting through 
leaflets, publicity in the press and announcements at union meetings, we may be 
able to take care of the fare. 

Please let me hear from ycui. 
Fraternally yours, 

Friends of the So\t[et Union, 
Makcel Scherek, Secretary. 

Note. — Letter sent to Newport, R. I., arranging for lecture to proselyte in the 
interest of Soviet Russia. 

Mr. Thomas. Mr. Frey, who was that letter sent to ? 

]Mr. Fket. The name is not here. 

Mr. Thomas. Who was it signed by ? 

Mr. Fret. By Mr. Sclierer. There are some cases, members of the 
committee, in wliich I should not give the name, because I am not 
going to put in the name of anybody who is leaving the Communist 
Party or who is not now a member of the Communist Party, to be 
placed in jeopardy by revealing their name either to the public or to 
their secret police, and they have a small but mighty Ogpu in this 
country. 

Here is a letter which Mr. Sclierer received, and the original of this 
letter is also at the A. F. of L. headquarters. It was written by Helen 
Allison, of whom I will make no comments. It says : 

June 6, 1J)3G. 

M. SCHERER. 

Dear Mauoel : In regards to the A. F. of I. Engineers Union in Cincinnati, 
Levicson is okay to communicate with, and he should be able to give you full 
details about everything. He is with us and a member of the leading p. com- 
mittee there. If you want an official report from the party on the Cincinnati 
outfit, I would suggest that you write to Phil Bart, 540 IMaiii Street, No. 2, Cin- 
cinnati, Ohio, and ask him to forward answer through us. I think you should do 
this also because Levinson, while one of our leading people, does not always 
respond to such requests quickly enough. I have been unable to get the name 
and address of the post-office fellow as yet. They are hesitant to give this 
information and. therefore, have to work out with them some way that they can 
receive the mail properly. 

Helen Allison. 

I have also here two letters Avhich make it quite evident that Mr. 
Scherer was a very active man. In connection witli the American 



134 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Communications Association, it is important because the policy of the 
Third International in infiltrating into a trade-union movement is to 
get control of the key industries. They believe that if they can con- 
trol conununications and the radio, suddenly they will close that fist of 
theirs and we will be unable to communicate with each other. They 
want transportation and they want the key industries. 

Their first effort to organize another key industry was to get control 
of the United Mine Workers Union, of which Mr. John L. Lewis was 
president at the time. 

He realized the danger and he made a terrific fight. He was able to 
liave the constitution of the organization amended so that a meml>er of 
the Communist Party cannot be a member of the United Mine Work- 
ers Union, and that provision is still in the constitution. 

Perhai)S no one made a more thorough study of Communist activi- 
ties than Mr. Lewis did at that time, from 1920 to 1924, when he saw 
what it meant to the United Mine Workers. Some of that will be 
brouglit to tlie committee's attention on Monday. 

The American Communications Association is not made up of a 
Communist membership, although they have Comnnniist members. 
The trouble is that the control — that is, of ship radio — has come under 
the Communist group. 

Li this city there is a man named Hallett, Richard D. Hallett. 
When lie discovered wliat this organization was, he resigned; and I 
want to put into the record IVIr. Hallett's letter of resignation, which 
is addressed to Mr. Rathborne, the president of the association, whom 
I am informed, so far as tlie evidence indicates, outside of the Com- 
munist records themselves, is a member of the party. 

When Mr. Hallett gave this letter to the press, the press did not 
reproduce all of it, and I want to put all of it into this record. I 
want the committee to have the full letter. It reads : 

An Open Letter to — 
Mr. Mer\tn Rathborne, 

President, American Communications Association. C. I. O., 

New York, N. Y. 

Dear Sir: Kindly consider this my resignation, not only as chairman but also 
as member of the American Communications Association, effective immediately. 

Since I have been most active in the interest of A. C. A. since the very begin- 
ning of its organizing campaign in Washington, D. C, and since I was the 
second Western Union man in the entire country to join A. C. A., this action calls 
for some explanation. 

W^hen I signed my application for membership in A. C. A. on April 23, 1937, 
I bargained for unionism and unionism only. I dctinitely did not bargain to 
aid or comfort, or to support in any way, financially or otherwise, communism 
or any communistic agencies. However, during the 14 months of my chair- 
manship of Local 3;j-b, A. C. A., I have not only received communications from 
numerous pseudo-patriotic organizations asking support but have been strongly 
urged by luunerous representatives of national office of A. C. A. to support these 
organizations. These aforementioned representatives of A. C. A. include Messrs. 
John Austin, William Pomerance, Ted Zittel, .Toseph Kehoe, and Dan Driesen. 

The "p.seudo-patriotic organizations" previously referred to include the 
American League for Peace and Democracy, formerly known as the American 
League Against War and Fascism, which organization, by its very name, whicli 
con.spicuously omits commvuiism. apjjcars to be of necessity, communis! ic. 
Moreover, among (lie national officers of this organization, are prominently 
mentioned the names of Earl Browder. presidential candidate of the Com- 
munist Party of America, and Clarence Ilatliaway, editor of the Daily Worker, 
official organ of the Communist Party of America. 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 135 

Another organization with which we are urged to closely cooperate is the 
Workers' Alliance of America, whose president and secretary are David Lasser 
and Ilerhert Benjamin, both well-known Communists. 

Commenting on this, I think Mr. Hallett is mistaken. I have no 
evidence that David Lasser, the president of the Workers' Alliance, 
is a Comnmnist. I have no proof that he is a Communist, but Her- 
bert Benjamin, tlie secretary, is a well-known Communist. 

Mr. Thomas. In regard to that, are j^ou going to submit evidence 
in any detail at a later time in regard to the activities of the Workers' 
Alliance ? 

Mv. Fret. I v»-ill give you the material on that bye-and-bye. Mr. 
Hallett's letter goes on to say : 

Yet another group with which wc are urged to be friendly, is the Inter- 
national Labor Defense, the president of which, is Vito Marcantonio, former 
Democratic (?) Congressman from New York, who has contributed mucli ma- 
terial to the Di-iily Worker, and who is the author of Labor's Martyrs, a booklet 
which undertakes to extoll the virtues of the notorious Sacco and VanzetM, 
Communists, who were executed some years ago. The introduction to Labor's 
Mariyrs, is written by William Z. Foster, former Communist Party candidate 
for President of the United States. 

Still other organizations, which I place in the same category as the afore- 
mentioned Communist-led groups include. The Washington Friends of Spanish 
Democracy, the New Theater Group, ajid otliers, all of which would have us 
support what they quaintly choose to call "Spanish Democracy," as exemplilied 
by Loyalist Spain. 

Any informed- person, knows full well, that the current war in Spain is noth- 
ing more or less than a struggle between communism and fascism and I con- 
sider communism much the greater of the two evils. 

Communism, as you are probably well aware, Mr. Rathborne, is built around 
the program of Karl M-irx, its founder, which program sets forth as one of 
its major objectives, government control of communications, which corresponds 
to the letter with the ultimate pr(igram of American Communications Associa- 
tion, and, in view of the above-mentioned communistic tendencies of American 
Communications Association, I hardly feel that it can be termed a "mere 
coincidence." 

It is incorrect to assume that I have only recently become aware of these 
tendencies toward communism on the part of American Communications Asso- 
ication. I have opposed them from the very inception of the organizing cam- 
paign, and have on numerous occasions been taken to task by American Com- 
munications Association organizers for doing so. 

One particular occasion which comes to mind in connection with my being 
taken to task because of my anticommunistic attitude is that occasion some 
months ago. when I stayed until 5 o'clock in the morning, in the room in the 
Ambassador Hotel, of Mr. Ted Zittel, former editor and whistle blower of the 
American Communications Association, editor of Peoples Press, arguing on the 
subject of commnnism — he in favor of it, and myself against it. During the dis- 
cussion he warmly defended every communistic point brought up by me, but 
concluded the discussion by advising me that I was not to think of him as a 
Communist, but only as a "student" of communism. My own opinion is that he 
is not only a "student" but a "graduate cum laude" of communism, and I wish 
to state that although I cannot agree with any Communist, I have infhiitely 
greater respect for a real honest to goodness arm-waving capitalist-hating Com- 
munist who proudly admits his identity, than I can possibly maintain for a 
left-wing radical, who to all intents and purposes, is a Communist, but who, 
because (jf his ulterior motives doesn't dare to sail under his true colors. 

As I have previously stated, I have known these things for some time, but 
have not disclosed them, simply because I felt that if I ignored the attempts of 
the aforementioned organizations to sow the seeds of radicalism in local 3.5-B, 
and stuck strictly to unionism, along really democratic lines, then we in local 
35-B could make progress and radicalism could not take root. 

However, I have fovnid that my beliefs with regard to holding radicalism in 
check were erroneous, as witness the case of Mr. C. W. Gravely, financial secre- 
tary of local 35-B, who has been the object of the rabble-rousing abilities of 



136 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 



Mr. Dan Dricsen, kgi.^hitive representatives of American Communications Asso- 
ciation, to sucli an extent tliat I now believe tiim to be a fanatic on the subject 
of unionism of tlie American Communications Assoication brand. 

Mr. (iravely lias for montlis been conducting a whispering campaign within 
local oa-B against me, and malcing statements inspired by Mr. Driesen to the 
effect tliat I am too conservative to be chairman of the American (Jommunica- 
tions Association, local S5-B, and has oppo.sed me and my policies to such an 
extent that I am convinced he tried to 'tix'" our recent election of delegates to 
the American Connnunications Association convention which will open in New 
York July 18, 19:icS. The circumstances are as follows: 

After we decided to hold the election at a meeting to be held on June 24, 
Mr. Gravely, prior to the meeting, actively campaigned for another member to 
run against me, for the delegateship. I do not quarrel over his right to 
campaign for the election of any member whom he sees fit to support, but I 
most certainly do questi<ni his tactics, in canvassing the member.ship as to how 
they intended voting, and, having discf)vered that many members intended to 
A-ote for me, in opposition to his wishes, seeing to it that these members did 
not receive a notice advising them when and where the meeting was to be 
held, thereby denying them their right to vote. 

It is significant to note, that of our entire membership only eight people 
attended the meeting. I was defeated in the election by a vote of 5 to 3. 
When the results of the election became known, many of the members who 
had not l>cen notified of the meeting registered complaints, both verbal and 
written. 

Being at a loss as to what procedure to follow in ordering a new election 
held, I wrote to Mr. Dan Driesen, explaining the situation in full. 

His answer of July 5, condones Mr. Gravely's tactics, and describes them as 
"An old American custom." Mr. Driesen's letter also states, and I quote him 
verbatim, "According to these same (national office) records, you have not 
paid your dues for November. December, January, February, March, May, and 
June." YoTi have only paid dues for the month of April of this year. Your 
own standing therefore is deficient and I do not see how. under these circum- 
stances you could have been a candidate. The rules governing this are very 
strict and the credentials conunittee at the convention certainly would not 
have seated you as an accredited delegate." 

One quick glance at my union card reveals that I am in good standing, and 
that I have actually paid up six of the seven dollars which national office records 
show that I still owe. For your information, should you desire to check this 
statement, my membership card for 1937 .shows me as paid up for Noveiuber and 
December, and carries stamps Nos. r53.")S and 8359 for these months. My 1938 
card shows me as paid up for January, February, March, and April, and carries 
stamps Nos. 7065. 7860, 9824. and 9854. 

Briefly then. Mr. Gravely's tactics and Mr. Driesen's letter were the final 
straws that broke the camel's back, and 1 feel that I can no longer continue 
either as local chairman or member of the American Communications Associa- 
tion, hence my action. 

Now, Mr. Chairman, I Avanted to show you some posters of an 
antireli^ious cliaracter which come from Russia before the noon ad- 
journment. 

The Chairm.vn. Will 3^ou take the first one that is posted on this 
board and ex])laiu it to the committee, and then proceed to explain 
the remaindei'? 

Mr. Frey. This poster [itidicatino: ])oster] was prepared at Moscow 
and w-as widely circulated in oriental countries. It was designed to 
stir up a Connnunist spirit. 

This one [indicating] was used and was the most successful one 
in the cam))aion that led to the organization of so many Chinese in 
the Communist Party. 

This one | indicating] sj)eaks for itself. I cannot read Russian but 
I have had it ti'anslated. It is the Red Army, showing the saving of 
the world fiom the foes of comnumism and the Roman Catholic 
Church. Russian cartoonists for some reason seem to stress special 



UN-AMEUU'Ax\ PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 137 

interest in slunviiio- His Hi<2:hness the Pope, and you see liini there. 
This one is a combination of the Russian idea of hu.nior. There is 
a screen ^vhich screens the head of Catholicism, sticking out its head, 
and with the military on which it depends for help, then you see 
these fio-ures on the top of the screen | indicatinoj. The fioure here 
[indicatino-] is the Virgin Mary and this is the Infant Christ, 
with two of the Wise Men brinoing gifts, and here you see the 
hand of that figure moving them to capitalism, that figure meaning 
capitalism. 

There is a Catholic priest swinging a censor. 

There is also a cleric [indicating], who does not appear to be 
very happy, and that might indicate the Russian idea of a New^ 
England psalm singer. 

This one [indicating] represents the Bolshevik liberation of women. 
They claim they are the ones who liberated women. 

Here [indicating] is a woman enslaved by the Greek Church, 
by the Roman Catholic Church, and by other churches, and the man 
who designed that probably saw the frescoes hang in the chapel of 
ihe cathedral in Padua. 

This one [indicating] shows the Easter egg. The Easter egg also 
was a great feature in the Greek Church. Here is the Bolshevik 
breaking the Easter egg [indicating]. Out of it flies His Holiness 
the Pope and capitalism and militarism. I do not know who the 
other figures are. 

The smaller posters are much worse. As a matter of fact, I hesi- 
tate to show these to anyone, especially these two [indicating]. 

This shows [indicating] the consternation caused in heaven by the 
progress of the Red Army. 

This [indicating] is the 5-year plan. This is the effect it had on 
Jehovah or on God [indicating]. 

The next one is the most frightful thing I have ever seen. The 
mind whicli could conceive such a horrible thing as that is a diseased 
mind [indicating]. That is one trouble with the Communists; they 
have become mentally diseased. I want you to look at that. This, 
in my opinion, is the most horrible thing that has ever been put on 
paper in connection with the Disciples [indicating], and yet the 
people who produced that, since their last convention, have extended 
the right hand of fellowship to Christian denominations in this 
country, claiming that as both the Communists and Christians have 
certain' principles in common they should now solidify their ranks. 

This shows the incident where Christ turned water into wine at 
the wedding feast at Cana. Not satisfied with wine apparently they 
have put a little still there. The translation of this language shows 
that it says the worst and wickedest man is Jesus Christ, that his 
name is Jesus Christ, the drunkard maker. 

This one is not so much [indicating]. It is simply one dealing 
with mechanized Russia. 

Here is one [indicating] showing God Almicfhty flying out in 
terror. Here is one [indicating] showing His Holiness the Pope, 
with the triple crown falling off of his head. There is capital and 
there is God [indicating]. 

This one is rather striking [indicating]. This shows modern 
Russian industry, and they are sweeping out God. 



138 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

This one pattern here [indicating] was designed by the same artist 
and has the same general idea. 

The committee has been wondering whether I had any evidence, 
and I am just beginning to show you what you will get before I get 
through. 

There is the one showing the Red Army [indicating] clearing the 
world of God and of His Holiness the Pope, 

Mr, Chairman, I would like to touch on the subject of communism 
and religion. 

The sacrilegious and blasphemous posters of Eussian origin just 
shown the committee justify brief reference to official statements made 
by Comnumists in Russia and in this country relative to morals and 
ethics and to religion. 

In 1920 Lenin defined communistic ethics in a speech before the 
Young Communist League. His speech is reported in Religion (In- 
ternational Publishers) . On page 44 we quote from Lenin's statement : 

But is there such a thing as Communist ethics? Is there such a thing as Com- 
munist morality? * * * lu what sense do we deny ethics, morals? In the 
sense in which they are preached by the bourgeoisie, which deduces those morals 
from God's commandments. * ♦ * We say that our morality is wholly sub- 
ordinated to the interests of the class struggle of the proletariat. We deduce 
our morality from the facts and needs of the class struggle. 

And again we quote from Lenin: 

Everything is moral which can serve the Communist Party. We hate Chris- 
tianity and Christians. Even the best of them must be regarded as our worst 
enemies. 

This conception of morals and ethics holds that the end justifies the 
means; that in communistic activities deception becomes a virtue. 

It is not our purpose of discuss at an}^ length the antireligious char- 
acter of communism; but as the Communist Party is cooperating 
with the C. I. O. in every possible manner, and as the Communist 
Party has recently made a bid for Christian support, there is justifica- 
tion in calling attention to the record. 

During the tenth national convention of the Communist Party of 
the United States, held in New York City, May 1938, it was decided 
to increase the membership by the enrollment of the members of the 
RomaTi Catholic Church, particularly those of the working class. 
Earl Browder said, in part : 

Within the camp of democracy are included the great majority of the members 
of the Catholic Church. We Communists extend the hand of "brotherly coopera- 
tion" to them and express our pleasure of finding ourselves fighting shoulder 
to shoulder with them for the same economic and social aims. 

He then referred to conditions in Spain and declared that — 

The Comnumists are not against the Catholics of Spain. On the contrary, 
they are with them in their opposition to their disloyal shepherds and exploiters. 

The people who issue that type of antireligious material now have 
the hardihood to extend the right hand of fellowship to Christian 
clergyman in this country on the ground that because they now be- 
lieve that democracy, and the church does, and so on and so forth, 
there is a common bond of interest. 

Mr. Starnes. They are also professors and lovers of peace in 
this country, are they not? 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 139 

Mr. Frey. Well, in our experiences, as American Federation of 
Labor Trades Unions, we know just what their peaceful methods 
are. 

To continue: Does Earl Browder foro;et the statement made in a 
recent issue of the Russian Comnninist newspaper "Pravada." In 
part Yaroslavsky, leader of the AVorld Union of the Godless w'rote: 

An inrernational antirellgious center must be created with a view to assist 
the Communist Parties of each country in their increasing class struggle against 
religion and the priests — this struggle is a class struggle and is absolutely 
necessary. 

Stalin has said : 

Communism will bring about the natural death of religion. Religion is the 
opium of the people. Christianity and socialism have nothing in common. 

Again Stalin says : 

We carry on and will continue to carry on our propaganda against religious 
prejudices. The Communist Party can not be neutral toward religion and does 
conduct antireligious propaganda against all and every religious prejudice 
because it stands for science, while religious prejudices run counter to science, 
because all religion is something opposite to science. The party cannot be 
neutral toward the bearers of religious prejudices, toward the reactionary 
clergy who poison the minds of the toiling masses. Have we suppressed the 
reactionary clergy? Yes, we have. The unfortunate thing is that it has not 
been completely liquidated. Antireligious propaganda is the means by which 
the complete liquidation of the reactionary clergy must be brought about. 

Bukharin, leader of the Comminiist International and editor of 
Pravada, in his book The A. B. C. of Communism says, in part : 

All religions are one and the same poison, intoxicating and deadening the 
mind, the will, the conscience. 

A fight to the death must be declared upon religion. 

Oar task is not to reform, but to destroy all kinds of religion, all kinds of 
morality. 

There are some soft-hearted Commimists who say that their religion docs 
not prevent them from being Communists. They say that they believe both in 
God and in communism. Such a view is fundamentally wrong. Religion and 
communism do not go together either in theory or in practice. Between the 
precepts of communism and those of the Christian religion there is an impos- 
sible barrier. 

In a booklet on religion recently issued from the Communist head- 
quarters, New York City, it is said that — 

The priests of every cult have their own way of deluding the masses ; the 
Jewish rabbi, the Roman Catholic priest, the Russian Orthodox priest, the 
Mohammedan mullah, the Evangelist, the Baptist, and other ministers of 
religion, each has his own way of fooling the people. We must therefore con- 
vince the masses that communism and religion cannot go together, that it is 
not possible to be a Communist and at the same time believe in devils, or gods, 
in heavenly creatures, in the saints. It is impossible to be a Commimist and 
at the same time go to church and listen to the lies of the priests and take 
part in the performance of religious rites, that is, give support to this religious 
hokns-pokus. 

In the face of all this, Earl Browder, secretary of the Communist 
Partv of the United States, now offers to Roman Catholics the hand 
of fellowship and cooperation, and tells them there is nothing in 
communism contrary to Catholic teachings. In the same manner 
Mr. Browder and his official associates are endeavoring to sell com- 
munism to the clergymen of Protestant denominations. 



-[^40 UN-AMEKICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

It seems impossible tliat clergymen of any religious denominations 
could be deceived by any cunning Communist blandishments. The 
great moral precepts which have been taught by all Christian de- 
nominations, and by the Jewish Church, their beneficial influence in 
building up and strengthening personal character and in establish- 
ing ethical standards; the freedom for religious worship in the United 
States, as compared with religious liberty in Russia, are all so im- 
portant to civilization, even-handed justice between men, and the 
maintenance of free democratic inslitutions that the i)urpose of com- 
munism nnist be understood clearly and definitely. 

In bringing this reference to connnunism and religion to a close I 
want to place before the conmiittee evidence that the purpose and 
machinations of commu.nism as they relate to religion and religious 
institutions are well understood by tliose in responsible authority. 

I desire to quote briefly from two outstanding authorities, one a 
great scholar, a teacher, and an administrator, and the other the 
venerable head of a great Christian denomination. 

In an address at the University of Detroit, delivered June 7, 1938, 
by the Rev. Edmund A. Walsh, S. J., vice president of Georgetown 
University, this profound student of communism said in part : 

The final objectives — overthrow of the American democracy in favor a mi- 
nority dictatorship of one class and the gradual abolition of all religious belief — 
are to remain unchanged but masked behind copious olive branches heaped like 
a perfumed camouflage before the implacable visages of the concealed slu.ick- 
troops. Entrance having thus been obtained into the inner citadel of confidence, 
the defenders thereof are to be intellectually disarmed by warmly commending 
their activities for the reform of acknowledged abuses. They are then to l»e 
cautiously enrolled to the banners of disguised collectivism by invoking the 
menace of fascism, and so persuaded to advance shoulder to shoulder with the 
exulting IMarxists. Thus, the 65,000 members of the Communist Party of 
America hope to sway the emotions, organize the resentments and profit by the 
momentum of the millions of discontented and unemployed in the United States 
who normally would have small sympathy with the communist manifesto. But 
your experienced propagandist knows that an empty stomach has no ear.s — 
only a gnawing hunger for bread. 

AH this is in perfect keeping wilh Leuiu"s strategy. Did he not hate both 
democracy and Christianity, and so express himself unequivocably in many 
imssages of those cherished instructions to his followers, deviation from which 
means disaster, even execution, for the dissenter? But, realist as he was, he 
foresaw that coufpiest of the world to his messianic vision of a despiritualized 
and mechanized Inunanity was impossible without the help of dupes and credu- 
lous liltertils among his o])ponei!ts. Therefons in his Collected Works, volume 
XVIII, section 2. pages 44-4.5, he outlined the steps to he taken : 

'•To build a Communist society by the l-ands of Communists — this is a childish 
idea. The C'onununists are a drop in the ocean, a drop in the ocean of the 
people. They will only be able to lead the people along their path if they cor- 
rectly define the p:itli in the sense of a world historical direction. We shall be 
in a position to direct economic develoianent if the Connnunists are able to build 
up this economic system by other hands, while they themselves will learn of 
this bourgoisie and direct it along the path which they wish it to go." 

Communist tactics have for years received the Vatican's attention. 
In his encyclical letter (Divini Redemptoris), His Holiness Pope Pius 
XI, in discussing the methods applied by Communists to win over the 
unthinking, luider the subhead, "Distrust of Communist Workers," 
said : 

On this point we have already insisted in our allocution of May 12 of last 
year, but we believe it to be a duty of special urgency, venerable brethren, to call 
your nttention to it once again. In the beginning comminiism showed itself 
ff>r wliiit it \v;is in ,ill ils pcrversitv ; but very soon it realized that it was thus 



UN-AMEIUCAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 141 

alienating the pooiile. It hns. tlioreforo, chiiiigcd its tactics aiul strives to entice 
the umltitiKies liy trickery of various forms, liidiiig its real designs beliind ideas 
that in themselves are good and attra<'live. Thus, aware of the universal desire 
for peace, the leaders of communism pretend to be the most zealous promoters 
and propagandists in the movement fov world amity. Yet at the same time they 
stir up a class warfare which causes rivers of blood to tiow, and realizing that 
tlieir system oli\>rs no internal gnaiantee of peace, they have recourse to 
mdimited armaments. 

Under vari(ms names which do not suggest connuunism they establish organi- 
zations and periodicals with the sole purpose of carrying their ideas into quarters 
otherwise inacce.ssible. They try perfidiously to worm their way even into pro- 
fessedly Catholic and religious organizations. Again, witJiout receding an inch 
from their subversive principles, they invite Catholics to collaborate wiih tliem 
in the realm of so-called humanitarianism and charity; and at times even make 
proposals that are iu perfect harmony with the Christian spirit and the doctrine 
of the cliurch. Elsewhere they carry their hypocrisy so far as to encour;ige the 
belief that communism, in countries where faith and culture are moi-e strongly 
entrenched, will assume anothei- and nuich milder form. It will not interfere 
with the practice of religion. It will respect liberty of conscience. There are 
some even who refer to certain changes recently introduced into soviet legislation 
as proof that communism is about to abandon its program of war against God. 

See to it. venerable brethren, that the faithful do not allow themselves to be 
deceived. Communism is intrinsically wrong, and no one who woidd save Cliris- 
tian civilization may collaborate with it in any undertaking wliatsoever. Those 
who permit themselves to be deceived into lending their aid toward the triumph 
of comnnniism in their own country will be the first to fall victims of their error ; 
and the greater the antiquity and the grandeur of the Christian civilization iu 
the regions where communism successfully penetrates, so much more devastating 
will be the hatred displayed by the godless. 

Tlie Chairman. You have read there from one of the Russian 
leaders, Bukharin ? 

Mr. Frey. Yes. 

The Chairman. Do you know whetlier it is a fact that h.e was one of 
the princi])al defendants in the last big Moscow purge or trial and was 
subsequently shot ? 

Mr, Frey. That is the record. 

Now. Mr. Chairman and members of tlie committee, tliis brings one 
part of the matter that I desire to bring to your attention almost to a 
close. I have not completed reading a number of other letters having 
a bearing on that. It seemed to me that the subject tliat I desire to 
bring before the committee divides itself naturally into four divisions 
or four portions. 

One, with the American Federation of Labor the reasons for its 
objection to the growth of communism — its activities to overcome 
communism. 

Second, with the official policy of the Third International, so far as 
trade unionism is concerned and political action. 

Third, the activities of the Communist Party in this country in 
their eiforts to put the program of the Third International into effect. 

And, fourthly, the extent to whicli the records will show that they 
have made progress. 

Now, I would like, if I am to come before the committee Monday 



morning- 



The Chairman. Yes; at 10:30 o'clock. 

Mr, Frey. To complete the matter that should have followed that 
first presentation. 

Mr. Starnes. Mr. Frey. ^\■ill you be prepared to give us any data 
on the program of communism with reference to education and 



94931— 38— vol. 1 10 



142 UN-AMEKICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

government? You have given it to us briefly on the question of 
labor policies, or trade-unionism, and upon religion. I, as a member 
of this committee, am particularly interested in getting some infor- 
mation on (heir educational program in this country, on their atti- 
tude toward education, and on some of their activities in that field, 
in schools and colleges. 

Mr. Frey. I have given attention to their educational activities, 
principally as a trades-unionist and a former president of a board 
of education. I shall bring before the committee the record of Com- 
munist control of the teachers' union in New York City, and name^ 
the names. 

Mr. Starnes. We want that, and also their methods followed here 
in obtaining a foothold in the educational system in this country. 

The CiiAiR]MAN. In that connection, Mr. Thomas of this committee 
has had charge of considerable investigation of the committee in 
the New York area, and some time after your testimony, there will 
be given very specific information on that whole question, the ques- 
tion of Ihe schools, to which you have referred. 

Mr. Thomas. It will also show the progress that Communists have 
made in the lower schools and in the colleges in and about New York 
City. 

Mr. Fret. Because of my interest in some of these subjects, I oc- 
casionally go around to universities and even discuss economics with 
the students. 

I have sat with members of the Communist cells in those universi- 
ties. I know something about the extent to which the Conmiunists 
have succeeded in winning the most loyal support of the young 
Americans who are going through our American educational insti- 
tutions. 

Mr. Starnes. Therein lies the greatest danger, the greatest menace, 
in my judgment. 

There is another phase of communism which I wish to bring to the 
attention of the committee, and that is their attitude toward peace 
and war. On the one hand they preach peace, and league themselves 
with peace societies in this country, and yet they maintain in Hussia 
the greatest army in the history of the world. 

Mr. Frey. That evidence is not in Communist records. That evi- 
dence is more in foreign offices ; it comes more from special writers. 
The Communists are probably as clever, if not more clever, propa- 
gandists than any who existed in the })ast. They have organized or 
helped to organize a large number of associations in this country. 
Just as Pope Pius XI calls attention to it, the purpose of the asso- 
ciation seems to be a laudable one. They get in and build themselves 
up and gradually instill their own purpose into the association. 

Mr. Starnes. That is the point that we want to develop. 

They preach peace in this country and actively support these socie- 
ties in this country because it is a laudable ambition of mankind to 
live in peace. Yet at the same time, in Russia, they maintain the 
largest and most powerful army probably in the history of tlie 
world. 

INIr. Frey. Yes. They have preached unity from the beginning in 
the labor movement, and their idea of unity was to split the trade- 
union movement. 



UN-AMEIIICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 143 

Mr. Starnes. With reference to their effect m government, is it not 
true that by the propajianda that they preach and the practices that 
they follow, in many instances they lay the groundwork for fascism 
and naziism as an antithesis to communism ? 

Mr. Frey. In my opening statement I called attention to the fact 
that it was the seizure of the manufacturing plants, particularly in 
the Milan region, by the Communists, which gave JSIussolini the 
opportunity 

Mr. Starnes, Or the excuse. 

Mr. Frey. Of saying, "I am the one who will save Italy from what 
followed in Russians a result of the revolution." 

It was the Connnunists who gave Mussolini his opportunity and 
enabled him to maintain, more than any other power, the hold he has. 

The same thing is true in Germany. *It was the infiltration of Com- 
munists among the German workers that led the large industrialists 
and the bankers to create Hitler, because Hitler did not create himself. 
It was all this fear of communism. So that the reaction to the inter- 
national efforts of Communists has been dictatorship and the totali- 
tarian state in other countries. 

;Mr. Starnes. And therein lies one menace to this democracy of ours. 

Mr. Frey. And a very real menace. The Communist Party has 
acquired more power in the last 3 years — a thousandfold compared 
with what it had until it was able to use the C. I. O. The C. I. O. is 
not a Communist organization. Its chairman, John L. Lewis, is op- 
posed to communism. But they hold a controlling part — not the 
majority — but they hold a very definite control over the policies and 
the methods and the tactics of the C. I. O. organizations at the present 
time, all of which will be submitted to you in the form of evidence. 

Mr. Starnes, And that leads to a movement of our people in this 
country toward a strong-man government, or a stronger centralized 
government, or the placing of power in the hands of one person in 
order to combat the inroads of communism, thereby menacing consti- 
tutional representative democracy. 

Mr. Frey, It menaces the structure and the form of our Government 
as we have become familiar with it, as I see it. 

Mr. Chairman, if there is nothing more this morning, I shall return 
on Monday. 

The Chairman. We will recess until Monday morning at 10 : 30. 
(WHiereupon a recess was taken until 10 : 30 a. m. Monday, August 
15, 1938.) 



INVESTIGATION OF UN-AMERICAN PEOPAGANDA 
ACTIVITIES IN THE UNITED STATES 



MONDAY, AUGUST 15, 1938 

House of Representatives, 
Special Committee to Investigate 

Un-American Activities, 

Washington^ D. G. 

The committee met at 10 : 30 a. m., Honorable Martin Dies (chair- 
man) presiding. 

The Chairman. The committee will come to order. 

The Chair wishes to state that at the conclusion of the testimony of 
Mr. Frey the other witnesses who Mill appear for organizations will 
have to understand that this committee has 25 or 30 witnesses under 
subpeiia on the way here. Those witnesses will come from a long 
distance to testify with reference to specific facts, and after the 
conclusion of ISIr. Frey's testimony the representatives of other 
organizations who have requested an opportunity to appear will have 
to give way to those other witnesses that will appear in order that 
we may dispose of them so that they may return to their homes as 
promptly as j)ossible. There will be no definite order of procedure 
as to that in view of the fact that we do not know when the witnesses 
Avill arrive, but Ave will have to take them up when they do appear. 

The Chair wishes to state that he has an important engagement 
at 11 o'clock and will have to leave at that time. However, Mr. 
Frey may go ahead with his testimony before the other members of 
the committee. 

Mr. Frey, you may resume your testimony. 

TESTIMONY OF JOHN P. FREY. PEESIDENT OF THE METAL TRADES 
DEPARTMENT OF THE AMERICAN FEDERATION OF LABOR— 
Resumed 

Mr. Frey. Mr. Chairman, on Saturday I did not complete the 
introductory statement I liad. I desired to discuss the question of 
communism and religion with the committee, and I would like now 
to complete what I had begun on Saturday afternoon, and then go 
into the major argument I desire to present. 

I have here a letter written by Anthony C. Uccello. of New 
Britain, Conn., which was published in the National Republic. It 
was sent to the editor of tliat ))ublication. I would like the oppor- 

145 



146 UN AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

tunity to read it into the record as supplementary to the evidence 

I submitted here Saturday. The letter is as follows : 

New Britain, Conn., October 11, 1937. 

National Republic, 

W(ishinf/to)i, D. C. 

D&\R Siiis: In resigning the presidency of Local 232, C. I. O., American 
Harchvare Corporation. I felt it was my duty as an American citizen to stop 
being part of this Connnuuist movement in New Britain. 

In the beginning it was my belief that I had joined a bona fide American 
labor organization, but I have since awakened to the fact that the C. I. O. 
has on its pay roll Soviet agents hired to betray American laboring men and 
women. 

The Communist Party of New Britain brought the C. I. O. here. I am con- 
vinced that it had some purpose In mind .in doing so. For the first 6 weeks of 
the C. I. O. organization drive for members they expended money to start the 
movement until a member of the Communist Party was put on the pay roll 
as a full-fledged C. I. O. organizer. A week after I became president of Local 
232 I was shocked to find that I was the recipient of the Communist Daily 
Worker. I received this paper for a period of 27) days, uritil I put an end to 
receiving it. This is further proof that the C. I. O. is working hand in hand 
with the Communist Party to betray the American people. 

At one of our meetings a few weeks ago the speaker for the evening was none 
other than the great Connecticut agitator and Communist, Dr. Emily Pearpou, 
of Cromwell. This is more proof that the Communists are trying to build a 
Soviet America. 

At a State meeting I attended recently I had the misfortune to meet a 
C. I. O. organizer for office workers in New Haven, who tried to sell me the 
idea of holding a Conmiunist school in my home. Up until that time we had 
been great friends, but when he proposed this plan our frieudsliip ceased. 

I want to say that there is an ulterior motive in the move to organize 
American hibor under the C. I. O. I will never become a party lo such a sub- 
versive force which is trying to destroy the labor movement in New Britain 
and our country, and I am going to fidit this power as long as I have life in me. 
I know that any of you who are former members of the C. I. O. will aid me in 
my fight. 

I heartily approve of Gov. Wilbur L. Cross in his endorsement of the move 
on the part of the American Federation of Labor in Its stand against the 
C. I. O. 

Anthony C. Uccello. 

I miojht add that ]\Ir. Uccello has not only resigned as president of 
the local union, but has also resigned as a member of the State com- 
mittee of the C. I. O.'s Labor Nonpartisan League. 

I also made the statement that William Sentner, who was the man 
who had charge of the United Electrical, Radio, and Machine Work- 
ers of America in the Maytag strike at Newton, Iowa, was a Com- 
munist. I have a little of his record here, but it will be enough for 
the ])urpose. He was ex-district organizer for the Communist Party, 
district No. 21, Missouri, and is now the organizer for the United 
Radio and Electrical Workers Union, affiliated with the C. I. O. His 
membership in the Communist Party dates back a number of years^ 
and for a time lie acted as section organizer in district No. 8 for the 
Communist Party. His activities covered Missouri and St. Louis in 
particular. He Avas organizer for the Food Workers Industrial 
ITnion, which was affiliated with the Trade Union Unity League, an 
organization formed by the Communist Party in this country a num- 
ber of years ago with the object of burrowmg from within and cap- 
turing the American trade-union movement. He has a police record 
because of his activities in connection with strikes. I am informed 
that lie has just been taken out of Newton, Iowa, in charge of the 
Maytag strike, and that another Communist leader, James Lustig, 
has replaced him. 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIV[TIES 147 

The Chaiuman. In connection with that, the committee is request- 
ing the names of all knoM-n Communists in the United States, and 
we will Imve pliotostatic records of them obtained from police officers 
and other sources. Those photostatic records will be placed in the 
record so the public will have access to this information as to every 
known or definitely established Communist in the United States. 

Mr. Frey. In connection with that statement, I have been asked 
why I did not submit a longer list of the members of the Communist 
Party who are serving as representatives of the C. I. O. organization. 
I did not submit the entire list. I have simply submitted up to this 
time the names of those I had best reason to believe were active 
members of the Communist Party. 

I will now complete the first section of the introductory part of my 
statement by presenting the names of the new members of the national 
committee of the Comnumist Party in this country. 

(The list referred to is as follows :) 

Re New National Committee, Commmiist Party of United States of America. 
Selected May 193S at the National Convention of Commnuist Party, 
United States of America, held in New York City. 

1. William Z. Foster, national chairman of the Communist Party of the 
United States of America. 

2. Earl K. Browder, general secretary of the Communist Party of the 
United States of America. 

3. Alexander Bittlemann. 

4. Roy Hudson, in charge of organization among marine workers. 

5. Jack Statchel, in charge of trade-union work. 

6. James W. Ford, in charge of Negro work. 

7. Charles Krumbein, State .secretary for New York. 

8. Israel Amter, State organizer for New York. 

9. Clarence A. Hathaway, editor of the Daily Worker. 

10. Max Bedacht, national secretary of the International Workers Order. 

11. A. J. Berry, Negio organizer for Harlem. 

12. Margaret Cowl, wife of Krumbein and head of the women's department 
at the national office. 

13. Gene Dennis, formerly of Milwaukee but now head of the legislative 
committee of the national office. 

14. Phil Frankfeld, State secretary for Massachusetts. 

15. Rebecca Grecht, formerly New Jersey organizer but now working in 
the organization of the national office. 

16. Anna Burlak, State secretary for Rhode Island and leader of textile 
workers. She is the daughter of a Ukranian steel worker living in Beth- 
lehem, Pa. 

17. Robert Minor, well-known Communist correspondent. 

18. Fred Brown. 

19. Ella Reeve Bloor. 

20. Patrick Toohey, organizer at Philadelphia. 

21. IMartin Young, organizer in Pittsburgh. 

22. John Williamson, State secretary for Ohio. 

23. Roh?rt Hall, State secretary for Alabama. 

24. Homer Brooks, State secretary for Texas. 

25. W. J. Binkley, State secretary for Louisiana. 

26. William W. Weinstone, State secretary for Michigan. 

27. B. K. (Bill) Gebert, in charge of work among automobile workers for 
the national committee. 

28. Wyndham Mortimer, vice president of the United Automobile Workers 
Union (C. I. O.), generally referred to during the convention sessions as Com- 
rade Baker. 

29. ]\Torris; Childs, State secretary for Illinois. 

30. Jack Johnstone, of Chicago, in charge of organizational work in the steel 
industry. 

31. Angelo Herndon, Negro who gained wide notoiiety in the so-called 
Georgia Insurrection case. 

32. Karl Ross, national secretary of the Young Communist League. 



148 



UN-A3IERTCAX PROPAGANDA ACTIVPriES 



33. Sam Darcy, who is engaged on special work among farmers in Minnesota, 
as well as repreWntntive of the national committee in the Northwest. 

34. Herbert Benjamin, national secretary of the Workers Alliance of America, 
who specializes on work among the unemployed. 

35. V. J. Jerome, editor of the party monthly magazine The Communist. 

36. William F. Dunn, State secretary for Montana. 

37. Thomas Nahried, Negro of Philadelphia, now employed as an organizer 
by the C. I. O. 

38. Ray Hansborough, former Chicago Negro preacher. 

39. Morris Raport, district organizer for the States of Oregon and Wash- 
ington. 

40. William Schneidermann, State secretary for California. 

41. Rose Wortis, a garment worker in charge of trade-union work in the New 
York district. 

■ 42. Steve Nelson, formerly section organizer in Wilkos-Barre, Pa., and recently 
returned from service with the Loyalist forces in Spain. 

43. Maude Wliite, Chicago Negress, now doing party work in Cleveland. 

44. Nat Ross, State secretary for Minnesota. 

45. Harry Winston (Negro), executive secretary of the Young Communist 
League. 

40. Gil Green, national chairman of the Young Communi.st League. 

47. Joe Clark, S'tate secretary for Oklahoma, who claims to Vie part Cherokee 
Indian. 

48. Robert Wood, organizer for the State of Oklahoma. 

49. Moissaye J. Olgin, editor of the New York Jewish Communist daily news- 
paper Freiheit. 

50. Alfred Wagonknecht, State secretury for Missouri. 

51. J:m Porter, State secretary for Iowa. 

.52. Max Saltzmann, organizer, Kansas City, Mo. 

53. Peter Cacchione, organizer for Brooklyn, N. Y. 

54. Alex Markoff, director of the New York Workers School, a former dentist. 

55. Mindell, also a former dentist nnd a Tlirertor of the Communist 

National Training School. 

56. Earl A. Welch (Negro), State secretary for Tennessee. 

57. Alexander W. Trainor, State secretary for Florida, a former war objector 
and General Electric Co. worker in Schenectady, N. Y. 

58. Louise Thompson (Negress), former teacher in the Y. W. C. A. in New 
York City. 

59. John Sloan, Carbondale, 111., organizer among coal miners and in charge 
of the Carbondale Communist section. 

60. Harrison George, brother-in-law of Earl R. Browder, and editor of the 
Communist daily newspaper, the People's World, of San Francisco. 

In presentiii<i tliese names, I wish to add a word of comn^ent as to 
some of them. 

First, William Z. Foster, the national chairman of the Communist 
Party of tlie United States of America: This William Z. Foster was 
once a representative of the American Fedeiation of Labor. Twenty 
years or inore a<;;"0 he did some work for the federation in Chica^^o, 
and in 1919 he was made chairman of the steel-strike committee for 
the American Federation of Labor, which had oriianized the steel 
workers. There was a strike. The strike was lost. Tliere were 
several contributin<>- reasons, one of them bein^ that William Z. 
Foster at that time made the strike headquarters of the steel workers 
a Connnnnist center. 

P^arl K. Browder is the secretary of the Communist Party of the 
United States, and I will ^o into documentary evidence with refer- 
ence to Browder later on. 

The ne.xt is Koy Hudson, who has been in charoe of the orfjaniza- 
tion of the Marine Workers Union. He is a Comnninist, and they 
have had their way so far as oroanizin<j those maritime workers 
were concerned. Later I will quote from JNIr. Hudson to some extent, 



UN-A.MEllICAX PKorAGANDA ACTIVITIES 149 

and I doubt wliethor any (inostion will be raised as to the accuracy 
of the quotations, because they will come from the Daily Worker, 
which is the official or<ian of the Connnunist Party. 

Jack Stachel, in char<ie of trade-union work for them, has been 
in Cleveland recently. He has been in contact tliere with member* 
of the Connnunist Parly who testified later on before the La Follette 
committee. He has also been present at meetings of the American 
Federation of Labor. He is a representative of the Communist Party 
doing; trade-union work for them. 

James W. Ford is in charge of Negi'o work, and was nominated 
for vice president by the Communists. 

Charles Krumbein is the Communist Party's State secretary for 
New York, and Israel Amter is State organizer for Xew York. 

Clarence A. Hathaway is the editor of the Daily Worker, and 
Max Bedacht is the national secretary of the International Workers 
Order. That organization has quite a large membership and carries 
on a ])art of the propaganda work of the Communist Party. 

A. J. Berry is the Negro organizer of the Connnunist Party for 
Harlem. 

Gene Dennis, formerly of Milwaukee, is now head of the legislative 
com.mittee of the national office of the Communist Party. 

Patrick Toohey is an organizer at Philadelphia. For some time he 
was actively associated with John Brophy during the time they were 
trying to build up the dual union of the United Mine Workers. Later 
on I will quote fiom a statement he made in Pennsylvania recently 
having marked political significance. 

William W. Weinstone is the State secretary of the Communist 
Party for Michigan. He has never received or held any position that 
I know of with the United Automobile Workers Union, and he has 
never been on the pay roll of tlie C. I. O., but he was in charge of all 
the Communists who w^orked as organizers of the United Automobile 
Workers LTnion. 

B. K. Gebert was also in charge of work among the automobile 
workers for the National Communist Committee, and later you will 
hear more concerning him. 

Wyndham ]Mortimer became a member of the naiional committee 
of the Communist Party while still one of the vice presidents of the 
United Automobile Workers Union committee, and mentioned in 
press reports as having been ex])elled recently, among several others. 

Morris Childs. a^State secretary for Illinois at Chicago, was actively 
in charge of organizing steel workers, so far as the Communist group 
of organizers was concerned. 

Angelo Herndon, as you may recall, figured in the famous case that 
arose in Georgia. He was foinid guilty of seditious activities. 

Karl Ross is the national secretary of the Young Communist League. 

Herbert Benjamin is tlie national secretary of the Workers Alli- 
ance of America, which specializes in work among the unemployed. 
Later on I will submit to the committee some detailed material con- 
cerning the Communist element that has apparently secured domi- 
nance of the Workers Alliance of America. 

Moissaye J. Olgin is the editor of the New York Jewish Communist 
daily newspaper, the Freiheit, published at New York City. 



l^Q UN-A.MEKICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Alex Markoff is the director of the New York Workers School, and 
was formerly a dentist. 

The next one is Mr. Mindell. I do not have his first name. He is 
also a director of the Communist National Training School. 

Alexander W. Trainor is the State secretary for Florida. 

Harrison George, who is a brother-in-law of Earl R. Browder, is 
editor of the Communist daily newspaper called the People's World, 
published at San Francisco. 

Referring to the secretariat of the national committee of the Com- 
munist Party of the United States, three members of the national 
committee compose this special connnittee which is, without a doubt, 
the highest go\'erning group in the party work. This committee is 
composed of Earl Tirowder, William Z. Foster, and Max Bedacht. 

The political bureau of the general committee of the Communist 
Party is a group of 11 members of the general committee. This is 
the strongest large unit committee that handles party work. It is 
composed of the following: William Z. Foster, Earl R. Browder, 
Alexander Bittlemann, Roy Hudson, Jack Stachel, James W. Ford, 
Charles Krumbein, Israel Amter, Clarence A. Hathaway, Max 
Bedacht, and Arthur J. Berry. 

The central control commission of the national committee of the 
Communist Party handles all of the discipline and matters pertaining 
to the same among the thousands of members of the party in this 
country. The neAv commission is composed of Charles Dirba, Alex- 
ander Trachtenberg, Abe Bimba, William Weiner, and Sam Don. 

Margaret Cowl is the head of the women's department of Uie na- 
tional committee. 

The American Federation of Labor recognized the menace of com- 
munism since it first showed itself in this country. It had long been 
familiar with the danger of socialism. When the Connnunists came, 
with their more active propaganda and much more thorough organi- 
zation, the American Federation of Labor informed its membership 
as best it could as to what the Communist Party meant, what its pur- 
pose was, and what the result would be if it secured control. 

Mr. Mason. INIr. Chairman, I understand that two of the investiga- 
tors for the La Follette committee are here, and, in view of the fact 
that the people in tlie back of the roona cannot liear the testimony, it 
seems to me only proper that you should invite them to the front 
wliere they can get the full import of what is being given. 

The Chairman. Of course, they are welcome to sit in the front row 
if they desire. 

Mr. Feet. Continuing my statement, those convictions were ex- 
pressed by President Gompers, then president of the American Feder- 
ation of Lalwr, through the American Federationist publication and 
through publications of the international unions. Perhaps the most 
complete statement which was submitted was prepared by the United 
Mine Workers of America, and it was printed as Senate Document 
No. 14 of the Sixty-eighth Congress. Because I find this statement 
as satisfactory as any which has come to my attention, I want to read 
excerpts from the statement contained in tliis Senate document [r?ad- 
ing from the document] : 

Tho United Mino AVoi-kcis of Amorion with this article bo^ins an expose of the 
Communist rovoliitiouary movement in America, as promoted and fostered by 
the Communist International at Moscow, and dealing with it as it involves the 



UN-AAIEIUCAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 151 

welfare of the miners' union, and otiier similar labor organizations, and the 
interests of the American people as a whole. 

The purpose and object of the United Mine Workers of America in bringing to 
the attention of the American people the far-reaching and intensive activities of 
tlie Communist organization in this country is twofold. The United Mine Work- 
ers of America wants the public to know what this thing is. It wants the public 
to know something about the tight which the miners' union is waging to stamp it 
out. First, it desires to reveal and make known the sinister and destructive 
groups and elements attempting to '"bore from within" its own ranks and mem- 
bership and to seize possession of the organization, and through such seizure to 
later gain possession of all legitimate trade unions ; second, to inform tlu? Ameri- 
can people of the iscope and purport of the ho.stile and inimiial movement being 
carried on within their midst. * * * 

The major points in this revolutionarj'- program of tlie Communists as aimed 
against the United Mine Workers of America and other legitimate trade-unions 
and the people of the United States and Canada are: 

1. Overthrf)w and destruction of the Federal, State, and Provincial govern- 
ments, witli the elimination of existhig constitutional forms and foundations. 

2. Establisliment of a Soviet dictatorship, absolute in its exercise of power, 
owing allegiance to and conceding the authority only of the Communist or 
Third Internatir)nal at Moscow as a "governmental" substitute. 

3. Destruction of all social, economic, and political institutions as they exist 
at this time. 

4. Seizure of all labor unions through a process of b;iring from within 
them, and utilizing tb.em as a strategic instrument in fulfillment of their revolu- 
tionary designs upon organized and constitutional government. 

G. Invasion of the United Mine Workers of America, with the ouster of its 
present officials and leaders and the substitution of a leadership of Communists, 
that it may be used as an instrumentality for seizing the other labor unions of 
America, and for eventually taking possession of the coimtry. 

6. A well-organized movement is being promoted within the 4 railroad brother- 
hoods and 16 railroad trade-unions to amalgamate all railroad workers into 
"one departmentalized industrial union" controlled by a single leader of Com- 
munist principles and affiliation and owing allegiance to the Communist organi- 
zation. 

7. Seizure of the American Federation of Labor, with the ouster of its officials, 
and through such seizure gaining control of all its affiliated units and trade- 
unions. 

Mr. Mason. Mr. Frey, is it because of the ease witli which Com- 
munists can bore from within in industrial unions that it attempts 
to sabotage industrial unions and substitute another form of union 
for them ? 

Mr. Frey. Not all together. There are various reasons, one being 
the fact that in the mass-production industries, a majority of the 
workers being the so-called semiskilled and common-labor class, if 
they can be gathered in a convention, with a majority, the skilled 
workers would be forced to go along with them, willy-nilly. 

The eighth point in this report is prophetic. It was written in 
1924, as follows : 

8. Conversion of all craft trade-unions into single units of workers within 
an industry known as "industrial unions," v.'ith coordination under a super- 
Soviet union owing allegiance to, and accepting the mandates of, the Communist 
International and its subsidiary, the Red Trade Union International, at Moscow. 

At that time the N. R. A. had not invented the term "vertical" as 
applied to the industrial form of union. That "vertical" and this 
industrial union are the same. 

Now, reading further from the report: 

Immediately before the start of the miners' strike on April 1, 1922, the sum 
of $1,110,000 was sent into the United States, by way of Canada, from Moscow 
for the purpose of enabling the Communist agents to participate in the strike. 
Behind this move was the scheme to overthrow the leadership of the union and 



152 UX-A.MERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

tJieii convert the strike into an "armed insurrection" against the Government 
of the United States. 

The massacre of the strikehreakers at Herrin, III., was engineered by these 
Communist agents "boring from within" the miners' union. According to their 
own statements, they were engaged for 7 weeks beforehand In tlieir preparations 
for a tragic occurrence of this kind at s<mic point in southern Illinois as a means 
to "arousing the workers to revolutionary action." Details of this incident will 
be disclosed in a subsequent article of this series. 

In the coal fields of southwestern Pennsylvania, where the strike started by 
orderly process, mine plants, tunnels, and power-transmission lines were blown 
up, the homes of miners were wrecked, and men were beaten or injured by these 
CJommunist agents in an effort, under the instructions of Gregory Ziuoviev, 
president of the Communist International, to arouse "the revolutionary spirit of 
the workers and prepare them for the coming revolution in America." All of 
these things sb.ow what American empU)yers would have to deal and contend 
with if the Communist plans were to succeed and the present legitimate Amer- 
ican labor movement were weakened or destroyed. 

Three times in 3 years the Bolshevik leaders at Moscow have attempted 
armed insurrection and revolution in the United States. The first instance 
was in connection with the steel .strike in 1919 ; the second was in the "out- 
law" .switchmen's strike in 1920; and the third was in the railroad and coal 
strikes in 1922. In the strikes of 1922 these Communist agents were arrayed 
as much against tlie leaders and ofMcials of the miners' and railroad unions 
as they were against other loyal citizens of the Nation. 

In each of these strikes the Communist agents, working iinder instruction 
which originated at Moscow, have sought to turn them into revolutionary up- 
risings that would accomplish the overthrow of government in America and 
establish in its place a proletarian dictatorship that recognized and accepted 
only the mandates of the Communist International. 

The "thesis of tactics," adopted by the Third World Congress of tlie Com- 
munist International, at Moscow, says : 

''From the very lirst day of its establishment, the Communist International 
has distinctly and unambiguously devoted itself to the purpose of participating 
in the trade-unions and in the struggles of the laboring masses, and of con- 
ducting this struggle on a Communist basis, and of erecting during the struggle 
great revolutionary Communist mass parties, waiving the idea of the formation 
of small Communist sects for the attainment of influence upon the working 
class solely b.v agitation and propagiinda." * * * 

They have been particularly active in trying to "bore from within" the 
United Mine Workers of America for the i-easons that it is the largest single 
labor organization in the country, includes a larger numbcM- of races and 
nationalities among its members, and is the nearest approach, in their opinion, 
to a one big union, which is their ideal conception of a lalior union, and their 
objective for all labor miions. 

Mr. Mason. The part yoii have just read is the answer to the 
question I propouncled a while ago, as to the reason for Connnunists 
seizing upon United Mine Workers of America and taking that as 
their first major objective. 

Mr. Frey. Yes, sir. [Reading further:] 

In this attempt these Communists have met with the determined oppositio)i 
of President Lewis and other strong leaders of the miners' union, who are 
determined that the union shall not be converted into a P>olshevik institu- 
tion. * * * 

In these unions they have recognized an opportunity to get in close contact 
with the labor masses, establish relations and connections with them, and 
imbue them with hatred and hostility toward the existing orders of things. 
For this reason, the Communist Party of America, with its allies — the Workers 
Party of America, the Trade Union Educational League, and the Friends of 
Soviet Russia, under the instructions of the Communist International and its 
subsidiary, the Red Trade Labor Union International — is using all of its in- 
dustrial contacts to s(>gregate and restrict the control and management of the 
trade-unions in the hands of its leaders and official groups. * * * 

The program of action of the United Connnunist Party, which was accepted 
and aflirmed in slightly diluted form by tlu^ Communist Party of America 



UN-AMEKICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES I53 

in Xhv convt'iitiou at Woodstutk, X. Y., in 1921, and later accopti'd with slight 
variations by the Workers i'arty of America known as the "legal branch" says: 

■'The United Conununist Party considers as one of the most serions and 
immediate problems liie (]iieslion of tlie best method of l)reaking ni) the 
bureaucratic control and transforming the union structure into a machine of 
revolutionary action. The United Communist I'arty confirms the present neces- 
sity of militant workers remaining with the large mass of organized workers, 
regardless of the reactionary aims of the unions, and, by determined and 
coordinated strength, turning these unions to the revolutionary cause. The 
United Communist I'arty. section of the Communist International, is the instru- 
ment or that cooi'dinatiou of the revolutionary work within the unions." 

Compulsion and force is to be applied to industrial workers to move them 
to become Communists, according to the doctrines of the Communist Party of 
America. Its adherents are told: 

"Obviously, many nonrevolutionary workers must be taken into the most 
revolutionary of unions, even compelled to join against their wills." 

Conducting and promoting the revolutionavy campaign in the United States 
is a secret party orgardzation, directed and controlled by representatives of 
the Communist International. This is the Communist I'arty of America. It 
is purely a revolutionary organization, and makes no pretence at legality. 
It boldly proclaims to its members that it is the "illegal" party, and designates 
itself as such. Technically, it is known as the 'underground" party. This 
party lias at its head the supreme executive revolutionary committee in 
America, responsible only to Lenin, Zinoviev, and other officials of the Com- 
munist International. It does not recognize any superior power or agency 
in the United States. Its work is done secretly ; the identities of its officials 
and leaders are concealed behind assumed names. Its letters and records are 
in code letters and numerals. Its members are accepted only after investiga- 
tiozi and examination, and remain on probation for a period of 6 months 
before they are received into full membership. Its meetings are held secretly, 
with the participants gathering at a ]treliminary rendezvous and proceeding 
to an assembly room known in advance only to the leader. 

On the surface, working partly in the open, is another revolutionary oi'ganiza- 
tion, known as the Workers Party of America, and created, under instructions 
from the Communist International, by the Communist Party of America. 
It is known as the "legal" party. Its primary purpose is to shield the "under- 
ground" or "illegal" party, and conceal the revolutionary activity of the real 
Soviet agents in America. The mission of this party is fundamentally the same 
as that of the Communist Party of America, i. e., to overthrow the Govern- 
ment of the United States, and establish a Bolshevik regime. 

Joined with these two revolutionary parties, and assisting them as one of 
their direct subsidiaries, is an alleged labor-union movement, "boring from 
within" the American Federation of Labor and seeking to seize and destroy 
it, and enmesh the trade-unions of the United States in the Bolshevik move- 
ment, and conquest of the United States. This organization is the Trade 
Union Educational League, headed by William Z. Foster, with headquarters 
at Chicago. 

This league is cultivated and promoted by the organizers and agents of the 
Communist and Workers Parties, and is the direct instrumentality of Lenin and 
Zinoviev, of the Communist International, and Losovsky, of the Subsidiary 
Red Trade Labor Union International, for amalgamating the labor unions into 
the world revolutionary movement of the Communists. 

Through this organization the revolutionary leaders in America are making 
a Nation-wide attempt to obtain control of the American Federation of Labor, 
reorganize the craft linions on the basis of "one big union" in an industry, 
and weld them into the central revolutionary agency in America. 

Working in conjunction with the two Communist parties is another politico- 
industrial instrumentality, the Friends of Soviet Russia, an organization whose 
aim is to give free lectures to dsseminate and propagate communistic and 
disloyal doctrines, designed to undermine the American Government, destroy 
the confidence of the people in its principles and foundation, and prepare the 
way for a Soviet, or "proletarian" dictatorship. 

The Friends of Soviet Russia is purely a communistic enterprise reorganized 
from the American Labor Alliance, and through the latter agency controlled 
and directed by the central executive committee of the Communist Party of 
America. It has been, and is, one of the effective agencies of the Communist 



154 UN-AMEKICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

groups distributing disloyal and revolutionai-y doctrines and propaganda among 
the immigrant masses in America, promoting labor unrest and discord, and 
seeking to induct the foreign residents of the country into the Trade Union 
Educational League, the Workers Party of America, or other revolutionary 
agencies and instrumentalities under the control of the Communist Party of 
America. 

Active among the "intellectual" classes of the country, and posing as a 
champion of the "liberties of speech, press, and assembly," is the American 
Civil Liberties Union at New York. This organization is working in harmony 
and unity with the Communist superstructure in America, engaged in the dis- 
semination of radical utterances and propaganda, and conducting a Nation- 
wide campaign for the liberation of Bolshevik agents and disloyal agitators who 
have been convicted under the wartime laws, or the syndicalist laws of different 
States, for unpatriotic or revolutionary activities. It is the successor of the 
American Union Against Militarism, which consistently opposed the Military 
Draft Act during tlie war and gave comfort and assistance to the conscientious 
objectors who resisted military service. 

While offering aid to scores of individuals who have been arrested or con- 
victed for violation of national or State laws, it has not in any single instance 
come to the assistance of a man or woman wlio did not profess radical senti- 
ments, or who was not allied with the Communist, the anarchist, the revolu- 
tionary, or the radical movements in America. 

Fifty-two persons, holding a total of 325 directorates in 4.5 organizations, are 
in control of the radical and revolutionary campaigns now being waged in this 
country. A systematic examination of the directorates of these organizations 
reveals the fact that they interlock into almost a single whole. While the 
ultraradical and discreet "liberal" groups meet occasionally, there is no real 
gap or breaking point, and in their general aspects they are fused into a 
united effort, giving mutual support to each other in their numerous activities. 
It is in this interlocking arrangement and mutual cooperation that the most 
insidious and dangerous aspect of the Commiuiist movement in America is 
found. 

The key to tlie ultraradical movement in America, as promoted and fostered 
by the Communist leaders at Moscow, is found in this interlocking arrangement. 
Through this mechanism these Communist groups interlock also with the Com- 
muni.st International and tlie Red Trade Labor Union International at Moscow, 
so that the revolutionary movement in America is the direct offspri;;,? and 
agency of the Communist regime in Russia for the purpose of seizing and 
possessing themselves of the American Continent through the mediumship of 
revolution inspired and conducted from the stronghold of bolshevism on the 
other side of the Atlantic. 

The details of this interlocking arrangement, together with the details of 
the Communist activities in this country as they relate to the United Mine 
Workers of America and to other labor organizations, will be set forth in the 
succeeding articles. 

******* 

Officials of the miners' union had known for a long while that the time was 
approaching when the strength and cohesion of their organization would be 
sorely tried. It was recognized by them that if a condition arose before April 
1, which made it seem reasonably likely that a strike would wreck the miners' 
union, it would not be unwelcome to some of the nonunion and otlun- interests 
in the coal industry. In fact, if responsibility for the upheaval could be shifted 
to the shoulders of the union, they might quietly agitate matters so that a 
strike would result. 

Some of the coal-producing interests were chafing under the existing agree- 
ment with the union, and it was manifest that they would welcome any move 
that promised to put them on an open-shop basis. 

These facts were well known to the officials of the Communist International 
at Moscow, and to their American advisers and emissaries who were visiting 
them frequently for purposes of consultation about industrial and political 
matters in America. 

It is not surprising, tlierefore. to find Gregory Zinoviev, president of the 
Conununist International, secretly instructing his American agents early in 
1022 to foster and encourage the threatened breach between the operators and 
the mine workers. With the strategy of a field marshal Zinoviev sent the 
following instructions from Moscow to Communist agents in the United States 
a few weeks b(>fore the start of the miners' strike on April 1, 1022: 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES I55 

(Quoting now from Zinoviev:) 

"The ceutral executive committee of the Commniiisl Piuly of America must 
direct its particuUir attentiou to the progress of the strike of the miners of 
America. 

"Ajiilators and propagandists must be sent to the strike regions. 

'•It is nece.s!<ary to arouse striking coal minors to the point of armed insur- 
recliou. Let tliem blow up and Hood the shafts. Shower the strike regions 
with proclamalions and appeals. This arouses the revolutionary spirit of the 
workers and prepares them for the coming revolution in America." 

These brief instructions contain tlie whole Conniuniist atlitude toward the 
strike. Tliey show that the prime purpose was to bring about disorder, vio- 
lence, and riot whicli cimld be charged up against the United Mine Workers 
of America. 

May I say that -svliat I have just read of Zinoviev's instructions 
seems to apply foursquare witli the activities of the Communist 
representative of the Kadio Workers Union in connection with the 
Maytag strike in Newton, Iowa 

Mr. Mason. And, Mr. Frey, may we also ask whether the prophe- 
sies and the policies as outlined in that Senate document, and pre- 
pared by the United Mine Workers of America, have not come true 
in the methods, in the manner, in the objectives of the C. I. O. in 
1937 and 1938? 

Mr. Frey. Very largely, where Communists were able to secure 
directive position. 

I quote again : 

Participation of the Communists in the strike started with their going 
quietly into the coal regions and pretending to cooperate with the officials of 
the union until it was manifest that the cessation of work was complete. 
Tlien they started broadcasting these regions with incendiary and inflammatory 
circulars, many of which were designed to breed distrust and suspicion of union 
officials among their followers. The more revolutionary of these documents 
originated at Cleveland, where the Communist organization had concentrated 
the sum of $1,110,0(10, sent into the country by Zinoviev and his associate.s, for 
the purpose of financing the participation of their agents in the strike. 
******* 

Late in 1920 the Communist coterie at Moscow decided to launch a new 
movement in America to capture the trade-unions. Their effort through their 
political branches to bring about an uprising in conjunction with the steel strike 
in 1919 and the "outlaw" switchmen's strike in 1920 had resulted in failure. 
Samuel Gompers, with stinging denunciation, had driven back the wave of 
communism in the unions. In only one industry, the so-called needle trades, 
had the Connnunist movement met with any degree of success, but these organi- 
zations were isolated fmm the rest of the labor movement. 

It was therefore manifest that victory in America could not be achieved solely 
through the mediumship of the existing Communist political units. A readjust- 
ment was necessary, and it was made. A separate organization, fashioned as a 
national labor movement, intended to work within the unions as a part of them — 
employing the process of "boring from within" — was put into the field. Samuel 
Gompers, they hoped, would be overwhelmed by it. for it was apparent that 
with his unyielding opposition the American Federation of Labor could never be 
seized or controlled by them as long as he remained in it. 

Witli these objects in view, Zinoviev, Losowsky, and Lenin pro- 
ceeded during the next 12 months to organize the Trade Union Educa- 
tional League. This project was put under the control of and made 
amenable, as far as its work w^as concerned, to the central executive 
committee of the Communist Party of America, and it remains so to- 
day. William Z. Foster was selected to lead this movement. In the 
spring of 1921 he went to Eussia. and the understanding was that he 
went there to get his instructions for the organization of the Trade 



j^g UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Union Educational League, gather facts about tlie Communist work in 
Soviet Ilussia, the functioning of Connnunist ideas and theories, and 
learn hoAv the officials of the Communist International wanted these 
ideas and theories applied in America through the Trade Union 
Educational League. 

In Moscow, Foster was officially dt'signatetl, according to Lenin's confidential 
messages to the central executive connuittee of the Communist Party of America, 
to lead the new 'boring from within" movement in America. Their ol)ject was 
twofold. The Connnunist drive against the labor unions in America would be 
fortified and strengthened, and they would be put on a more practical and 
effective basis for taking advantage of a coal strike, if it took place in the 
spring, to bring about the armed insurrection than they had been in the steel 
and switchmen's strike. 

Foster began to exploit the Trade Union P]ducational League immediately 
on his return in November 1!J21, saying that its purpose was to ''assist in hasten- 
ing the natural evolution of the labor movement from a craft to an industrial 
basis." He said that the purpose of his new venture was to lay the foundation 
for the reorganization of all labor unions into an industrial "one big union." 

Foster called his first meeting of the Trade Union Educational League in 
Chicago on October 31, 1921, and there presented the mandate of the Red Trade 
Labor Union International, empowering him to form a strong political revolu- 
tionary union in the United States, promoted through the agency of the shop 
steward conmiittees. This plan is diametrically opposed to the policy of the 
American labor movement. His activity, he said, would not be confined to 
general Communist propaganda but to special work in the formation of the 
activities of the American section of the Red Trade Labor Union International. 
He announced that he would launch a new revolutionary publication in the 
English language to aid him in his work. 

Foster's fii'st official announcement, a revolutionary document attacking the 
craft-union idea, and calling for the formation of a new movement to snppljint 
existing craft unions with industrial unions, or a one big union, was issued 
on February 10, 1J)22. One week later Foster issued a second letter, with a 
"Call to action." He said that existing unionism is ob.^olete and backward, and 
that "militants must definitely and fintiUy rid themselves of the dual union 
secessional movement that has negated their elforts for so long," and, further, 
that "they must thoroughly organize themselves within the trade unions for 
the effective application of their boundless energies and dynamic programs." He 
said th;it the Trade Union Educational League proposed to develop craft imions 
from "their present antifpiated and stagnant condition into modern, powerful 
labor organizations capable of waging successful warfare against capital." 

When the miners' strike started on April 1, 1922, Foster and his coterie were 
ready to inject themselves into the situation and start their militant campaign 
as it had been outlined in Moscow, and developed in detail by himself and the 
Communist organization in this country. Foster was now the great industrial 
organizer of the Communist movement in America, with direct connection and 
contacts with the Connnunist International and its field general in command of 
the campaign to capture the American unions. 

lioyal assistance was forthcoming from the central executive committee of 
the Connnunist Party of America. Instructions sent out on the eve of the coal 
strike were — 

And the Senate document now quotes the Communist instructions, 
which I read : 

"In view of the threatened strike of the miners, the central executive com- 
mittee has worked out the following plan of activity for the organization. The 
national industrial organizer has been placed in complete charge of all phases 
of the coal situation. He is to utilize to the fullest extent all his open con- 
nections in the union with the view of uniting all the left elements for co- 
ordinated support of the miners in the event of a strike. In this emergency the 
national industrial organizer has authority to appoint assistants without wait- 
ing for the confirmation of the C. E. C. (Central Executive Committee). All 
party channels are at the disposal of the industrial organizer for this purpose. 
All district organizers must carry out instructions without delay. Through 
our legal organ we will wage a campaign to win the railroad workers to the 



UN-AIMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 157 

idea of refusing to carry scab coal. Throushont the struggle all onr papers 
in No. 1 (Communist Party) and No. 2 (Workers Party) will be kept fully 
informed of the activities and developments of the situation. The national 
industrial organizer is preparing a leaflet and a detailed plan of operation for 
all our nuclei. 

******* 

The United Mine Workers of America in continuing the revelations of the 
■Communist revolutionary movement in America as it relates to the miners' 
union and other labor organizations, presents here the facts in the conspiracy 
which caused the loss of the lives of 22 men at Herrin, 111., on June 21, 1922. 

The United Mine Workers of America, as an organization, has been merci- 
lessly attacked and condemned for the Herrin massacre when, in fact, the 
miners' union was in no manner respon.sible for what took place. This revolt- 
ing, inexcusable, terrible crime was fomented, promoted, and caused solely by 
■Communists. It was a carefully planned affair, schemed with all of the dia- 
bolic cruelty and disregard for law that characterizes the activities of the 
Communist movement. 

Participating in the events which led to the slaughter of these men were 67 
members — virtually all of them of Lithuanian nationality — of the local chapter, 
in the town of Herrin, of the Communist Party of America, together with 19 
other Communist agents and organizers who had been sent in from Chic'go 
by the Connnunist organization for the purpose of arousing the local Com- 
munists, and precipitating an attack upon the strip mine of the Southern 
Illinois Coal Co. 

All of the 67 local Communists, as well as the 19 imported agents, were 
members of what is known as the Bolshevik Lithuanian branch of the Com- 
munist Party of America. They accept the decisions of the Communist Inter- 
national, proclaim allegiance to the Communist Party of America, and adhere 
to its mandates and party principles. 

For more than 7 weeks preparations had been in progress in Franklin and 
Williamson Counties, in southern Illinois, to bring about the attack upon the 
strike breakers and armed guards who were at the strip mine after the coal 
strike started on April 1. Violence, disorder, and trouble were rampant in 
southwestern Pennsylvania. Communist groups in New York, Cleveland, and 
Chicago were active in their efforts to cause the strike in southwestern Pennsyl- 
vania to expand and grow into a great revolutionary movement in which the 
original causes for the cessation of work in the mines would be lost sight of, 
and an armed insurrection, having for its purpose the establishment of a 
Bolshevik regime or dictatorship in this country, and enforced recognition of 
the Russian dictator.ship and the Communist International, would be brought 
about. 

The plan was to have simultaneous uprising in southern Illinois, and. if pos- 
sible, in the vicinity of Bellaire, Ohio, which was also a hotbed of Communist 
agitation and propaganda, and in the region surrounding Uniontown, Pa. 

A telegram sent to the local union oflicials at Herrin by President John L. 
Lewis, of the United Mine Workers, placing the workers of the strip mines in 
the category of "strike breakers," was shrewdly twisted and distorted, accord- 
ing to the boast of the Communist leaders at Chicago, into an "invitation" to 
attack the strip mines and the workmen employed there. 

Officials of the United Mine Workers had no intimation that an attack upon 
the strip mines was contemplated, or that a conspiracy within the Communist 
Party of America existed at the time to precipitate a tragedy, such as took 
place on the day after the telegram of President Lewis was received. 

Headquarters for the participation of the Communists in the miners' strike 
in Illinois, Indiana, and northern and central Ohio was at Chicago. 

W^illiam Z. Poster was the dominating figure in the situation. Through the 
medium of the strike he proposed to gain a strong foothold in the miners' union 
for the recently organized Trade Union Educational League, and to convert the 
miners' union into a "one big union" center around which would gradually be 
mobilized the trade unions of America, reorganized in accordance with this 
idea. 

******* 

Collection of money from the American people for the promotion of the revo- 
lutionary movement in this country has become an organized industry in the 
last 2 years. 

94931— 38— vol. 1 11 



258 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

The sum which is beiug annually derived in this manner runs into millions of 
dollars, with only an approximate idea as to its aggregate. In addition, mil- 
lions of dollars are being sent over from Moscow and other Bolshevik centers 
in European capitals. 

The United Mine Workers learns from an authoritative source that the money 
from abroad is coming in through the usual international banking channels, 
originating in Moscow, Berlin, or S'tockholm, and that it is distributed to the 
accounts of various individuals in different banks after it reaches this covintry. 

Part of the money with which the Communists have attempted to get control 
of the United Mine Workers has been collected from the miners themselves in 
the belief that it was to be used in the upbuilding and strengthening of their 
organization, and for entirely legitimate purposes. 

One such collection agency as this is known as the Miners' Relief Conference, 
a Communist enterprise that has been operating in the Pittsburgh region since 
last August. The conference has been one of the most important channels 
through which money had filtered into the Communist organization for destruc- 
tive work within the miners' union. 

:): * * 91: !): 4: * 

The scheme by which it was proposed to set this strike going was to induce 
President Lewis to reestablish the strike of 1922 in the coke-producing region 
of Pennsylvania. Under the agitation of the Communists it would be spread 
to the other coal fields by April 1. Behind this plan was a scheme of Foster's 
to spread the strike to other industries and bring about a g^'ueral tie-up of 
industry during the summer. 

Simultaneously with the conference at Pittsl)urgh the Comnmnist publications 
started a campaign to discredit President Lewis among the miners of the 
union and to force him to reestablish the strike in the coke region as a means 
of protecting his influence with the miners there. J. Louis Engdahl, member 
of the central executive committee of the "legal" Communist Party and editor 
of the "legal" Communist organ, the Worker, .said : 

"Every militant trade unionist must stand aghast at the tyrannous measures 
used by the high officialdom of the United Mine Workers of America in driving 
the Fayette County strikers back under the slave whips of the Standard Oil 
Co. and of the United States Steel Corporation." 

(End statement from the Communist Party.) 

Nationalization of the mines was decided upon at the conference as the prin- 
cipal issue of the Communists in driving their wedge into the miners' union. 
In the official platform which was adopted there, nationalization was made the 
chief issue. On this question the platform says : 

"To meet this situation of demoralization a radical change must be made in 
the coal industry. There is only one solution at this moment that is possil)le, 
and that is nationalization of coal mines. 

"Against this plan will be marshalled all the forces and resources of pluto- 
cratic America. The capitalist press and its journalistic hirelings, together with 
an army of retainers composed of the intellectual and political pi'o.stitutes of 
Wall Street, are flooding the country with an avalanche of lies, slander, and 
misrepresentation against nationalization. Corrupt and reactionary labor lead- 
ers are also opposing this plan, and every honest trades-unionist who espouses 
tliG cause is marked for persecution. 

In advocating nationalization of coal mines, the Progressive Coal Miners mean 
the operation of the coal mines under the direction of competent union miners, 
and not under a commission composed of tlie usual lawyers, bankers, and politi- 
cians. A political bureaucracy sitting at Washington as directors of the coal 
industry would be a monstrosity worse even than the abortion known as tlie 
Railroad Labor Board 

Mr. Starnes. From whom are you quotinf]^ now? 

Mr. Fret. I am quoting now from the official phitform adopted by 
the Communist Party in 1922 on the question of nationalization of 
the coal mines. [Continuing:] 

and would never be tolerated l)y tlie rank and file of the United Mine Workers 
of America. 

Natidiialization of coal mines, as a political program, will be a failure unless 
it includes genuine democratic management of the mines. Since the efficient 
operation of the coal mines is only possible by those who have had experience 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 159 

in dljrging coal, wo demand that the pro.a:ram of nationalization of coal mines 
shall in-ovido for the operation of the mines entirely under the direction of union 
miners, who alone are possessed of the technical, mechanical, and manual skill 
necessary for the successful operation of the mines. 

The Communist Party of America was created for the purpose of taking pos- 
session of the Ignited Mine Workers of America, the American Federation of 
Labor, and the labor unions of the country, and, through them, overthrowing 
the Government of the United States. 

This has been its continuing purpose since the days in May 1921, when it was 
brought in existence on the top of Overlook Mountain, in the Catskills, near 
Woodstock. N. y. 

The decision of the Communist International to organize a secret or "under- 
ground'' party in America was due to the fact that its manifestos and commu- 
nications to this country, as well as the program of action of its political units 
and groups, advocated the overthrow of the Government by force, violence, and 
armed insurrection, and made its members subject to prosecution in many of 
tlie States or to deportation at the hands of the Federal Government. 

The courts of the country had judicially held that the purpose of the Com- 
munist International, on its own declarations, was to overthrow the Government, 
which made membership of an alien in the Communist Party grounds per se for 
deportation. 

The United Mine Workers of America is in possession of original and authenti- 
cated copies of the manifestos and communications that were sent to America 
by the Connuunist International at the time the Communist Party of America 
was brought into existence. These documents establish clearly what the pur- 
pose of the party was. And the manifestos and communications that have 
been received from Moscow since that time show that its intent and purpose 
has continued to be the same that it was when it was organized. 

Seventy Communist leaders, representing the two factions of the Communist 
Party, and the United Connnunity Party, gathered in the ancient hotel on the 
top of Overlook Mountain on the morning of May 15, 1921, to compose their 
differences and unite in a single group, to be known as the Communist Party 
of America. This assembly was not only at the command of Lenin and Zinoviev, 
of the Communist International, but it was accompanied with the threat that 
if the factional differences were not put aside and a united front presented for 
invading the labor unions of the United States, no more money would be forth- 
coming from Moscow for financing the revolutionary movement in this country. 
Up to that time Moscow had contributed money to both of these factions, but 
had decided that their hostility to each other was neutralizing the results of 
their work. 

Charles E. Scott, member of the Pan-American Bureau, or supreme Com- 
munist agency in the Western Hemisphere at that time, appeared at the con- 
vention as the personal emissary of Lenin and Zinoviev. Scott possessed the 
power to break deadlocks and force an amalgamation of the two factions. 

Scott was essentially a tighter. He was a practical man, and a man of few 
words. There was nothing of the theory propounding radical about him. He 
wanted action in America rather than words, and his mission at Overlook Moun- 
tain was to see to it that the two Communist factions established themselves 
on a basis for aggressive action. 

Scott had been a resident of the United States and Canada for more than 2 
years. He was then making his home in Boston. The other members of his 
bureau were Sen Katayama. alias "I'avki," an elderly Japanese then living 
in Mexico City, and Louis C. Fraina. who was spending his time in Berlin as an 
agent for the American Communists. 

Scott's real name was Jakor Davidovith Janson. He had formerly been a 
representative of the Connnunist commissariat for foreign affairs at Irkutsk. 
He saw military service on the Polish front in 1919. and fought with the Bol- 
shevik forces in the Caucasus early in the same year. From August 1920 to the 
beginning of 1921 he was chief of the eastern department of the Soviet regime 
in Russia, and was sent to China early in 1921. 

Silent and taciturn in his bearing, Scott met the 70 delegates in the vicinity- 
of Kingston. They were conveyed to the foot of Overlook Mountain in automo- 
biles. Guards saluted them as they passed along the road. For more than :i 
weeks these guards had been stationed in the vicinity of Fort Montgomery, Tan- 
nersville, Saugerties, and Kingston. Trains arriving at these towns were ob- 
served by sentinels. A guard remained behind the delegates to watch the village 



160 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

marshal in Woodstock. Other guards were scattered around the country as 
farm hands. There were guards also in the Grand Central Station in New York. 
Scott broke his silence to sa.v that the prospective convention could only be 
raided by a squadron of cavalry, and that, with his guards on the alert, its 
presence would be known when 30 miles away. 

Alighting from their automobiles, the delegates climbed in single file up the 
mountain. Other guards were encountered along the trail. 

When the.v reached the Overlook Mountain Inn, on the top of the mountain, 
they were assigned two in a room. Two of the delegates were women. A 
steering committee forbade anyone to go beyond 200 feet from the hotel unless 
they were going to the meeting of a committee, or of the convention, in 
the woods. The delegates were all searched, and every scrap of paper or other 
evidence that would be incriminating If the place was raided was taken from 
them. They were forbidden to write letters or to make notes unless they 
were in the committee or convention room, and then only for the purpose of 
speaking on the question under discussion. These scraps of paper were to be 
given to the committee as soon as the delegate had finished his remarks. Twice 
each day the persons of the delegates were searched, as were their rooms. 

As night approached, guards could be seen signaling each other with flash- 
lights from the mountain tops that all was well. 

I think that is all of the data that I will submit from this report. 
Tliere is more of it, but it is in detail. 

Mr. Thomas. Mv. Frey, have you the names of these other delegates 
who were present? 

Mr. Frey. At this meeting? 

ISlv. Thomas. Yes. 

Mr. Frey. No; I only have the matter which is contained in Sen- 
ate Document No. 14 of 1924, from which I am quoting. There are 
some names, however, which will come in now. This report goes on to 
say: 

A few months after this convention was held the Workers Party was organ- 
ized under the specific instructions of Lenin at a Communist convention in 
Brooklyn as the 'legal" branch of the Communist Party of America. 

The program of action adopted by the Overlook Mountain convention was, in 
its essential aspects, the some as liad already been proclaimed by the United 
Communist Party. It called for mass action by the workers, seizure of labor 
unions, and converting them into "militant" enterprises, "boring from within" 
the American Federation of Labor, and, in particular, the seizure of the United 
Mine Workers of America. 

The chief aim of the Communist Party of America, as developed in the Over- 
look Mountain convention, was to put the control of the revolutionary movement 
in America in the hands of a definite group of leaders, functioning as one com- 
mittee, and exercising authority over all Connnunist activity in this comitry 
Ihrough a specific grant of authority from Lenin and the Communis!: Interna- 
tional. It is interesting, therefore, to find that when the Workers Party was 
organiztHl nine of the members of the central executive committee of the Com- 
munist Party were named as members of its central executive committee also. 

These nine were Jay Lovestone, alias "Wheat" — 

That was his party name at that time — 

executive secretary of the Communist Party; Earl Browder, alias "Ward" and 
"Dixon," editor of the organ of the Trade Union Educational League ; and James 
P. Cannon, nlias "Cook," chairman of the Workers Party; Ludwig Lore, alias 
"Young," editor of a Comnmnist organ in New York City; Robert Minor, alias 
"Ballister," representative of the Communist International in America; A. Bit- 
telman. nlias "Rnphael," Communist organizer in New York; Alexander Trach- 
tenberg. Communist writer and author in New York ; William W. Weinstone, 
alias "Lewis," natioi'al official of the Workers Party: and C. E. Ruthenburg, 
alias "Damon," executive secretary of the Workers Party. 

When Delegate Tyrosowsky. alias "Stepan," alias "Wallace," returned from 
the Congress of the Comnnuiist International early in 1922 he appeared before 
the central executive committee of the Communist Party and made a report 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 161 

concerning the Workers Party and the work in America, which was quoted to the 
Communist leaders by the committee in the following language : 

"During the congress the greatest leaders of the Comintern (Communist Inter- 
national) held an interview with the whole American delegation. In his opinion 
the American comrades do not utilize all of the opportunities of the struggle. 
Among other means of utilization of opportunities for legal communist work, 
Comrade L. (Lenin) advised us to take the necessary steps to establish a legal 
Connnunist organization. The legal organization should be the camp in which 
the revolutionary workers who cannot very well be admitted to the underground 
will be mobilized." 

I will bring evidence before the committee of there being two sepa- 
i-ate — there are many groups in the Communist activities, but there 
is a legal group who carry on the public activities and make public 
statements, and then there is what they themselves call the illegal 
group, which does work which the legal group could not do without 
getting into trouble. 

The report goes on to say : 

There are 2(X) organizations in the United States actively engaged in or 
sympathetic with the Communist revolutionary movement as directed and 
conducted by the Communist Party of America. Some of them are local 
in their scope and work; others are Nation-wide. Forty-five of these organi- 
zations of either "pink" or radical structure are engaged in the Communist 
effort to seize control of the labor unions in this country and convert them 
to the revolutionary movement. In virtually every instance these organiza- 
tions have direct contact, through the mechanism of interlocking directorates, 
with the central executive committee of the Communist Party of America, 
or with its "legal" branch, the Workers Party of America. 

Fifty-two persons hold 325 directorates in these 45 organizations. A study 
of the interlocking arrangement shows that all of these organizations are fused 
into a single whole. The extreme radicals are promoting the revolutionary 
movement, and a dozen intermediate degrees of "liberal" radicals and "parlor 
pinks" are cooperating with them intimately and closely, so that the contact 
is complete from end to end of the scale. There is no gap or breaking point. 
Ten of the directors appear in radical as well as "liberal" groups, and at the 
same time the "civil liberties" or "intellectual pink" groups. 

Illustrative of this arrangement is the executive committee and the national 
committee of the American Civil Liberties Union, at New York, posing as the 
champion of free speech and civil liberty, but serving as a forerunner and 
trail blazer for the active and insidious activities of the Communists among 
labor organizations. Harry F. Ward, born in London in 1873, and chancellor 
of the Union Theological Seminary, is chairman of this organization. The 
managing director is Roger Baldwin, who served a term as a draft evader in 
the Essex County Jail in New Jersey in 1918 and 1919. 

Other members on the national committee include Norman M. Thomas, who 
is connected with six other organizations, and who is a clergyman combining 
intellectual radicalism with religion ; Peter Poscal Cosgrove, of Boston, a Nova 
Scotian who has recently been a recruiting agent for AVilliam D. Haywood's 
industrial unit, the Kuzbas, in Russia ; Felix Frankfurter, n. ember of the law 
faculty at Harvard University; Elizabeth Gurley Flynn, a solicitor of funds 
for the I. W. W. ; William Z. Foster, born in Massachusetts in 18S-, and heading 
the Trade Union Educational League; John Haynes Holmes, member of the 
League for Amnesty of Political Prisoners — an enterprise to obtain the release 
of the potential Commvanist leadership from the Federal and State prisons; 
Norman Hapgood, a newspaper writer ; Arthur Garfield Hayes, a New York 
attorney ; Robert Morss Lovett, former professor at the University of Chicago, 
and first president of the Federated Press ; Judah L. Magnes, head of the Jewish 
Kehillah in New York City ; and Oswald Garrison Villard, a New York publisher. 

The major propaganda distributing agency of the Communists is the Federated 
Press. This is an alleged newspaper service with headquarters at Chicago. It 
has been financed and promoted through the central Communist organization, 
under instructions of the Communist International at Moscow. It serves approxi- 
mately 200 newspapers, publications, and agencies in America and about 120 
newspapers in Europe. It also supplies an "economic service," described by 
William Z. Foster as "consisting of statistics upon the actual condition of our 
industrial system," to local labor unions that can be induced to subscribe for it. 



IQ2 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr. Mason. Mr. Frey, in connection ^vitll those organizations that 
are listed as subsidiary Wganizations of the Communist Party in this 
country, was the League for Peace and Democracy listed ? 

Mr. Frey. The League for Peace and Democracy had not been 
organized at the time this Senate document was printed. 

Mr. Mason. May I ask if the League for Peace and Democracy is 
not a part of the United Front of Communism today ? 

Mr. Frey. It is one of the agencies througli which the Communist 
Party carries on its propaganda work. 

Mr. Mason. Your statement concerning Harry F. Ward, as the 
president of the Civil Liberties League, is interesting because of the 
fact that that same Harry F. Ward is the chairman of the League for 
Peace and Democracy today, and it is all very interesting because of 
this meeting that is scheduled for Washington tonight, at which the 
radical young labor leader of Mexico, Toledano, is to speak. That 
meeting has been sponsored by Government officials, most of whom 
liave aclmittecl that they are members of the League for Peace and 
Democracy. The sponsors of that meeting tonight are Government 
officials. 

Mr. Frey. The committee might well, if it had the investigators to 
do the work, start some of this investigation in the Federal depart- 
ments in this city. 

Mr. Mason. That has been done, and many of these sponsors have 
admitted that they are members of this League for Peace and Democ- 
racy, a subsidiary of the great Communist Party of America. 

Mr. Frey. I think, members of the committee, that I have quoted 
sufficiently from this Senate report to indicate what the facts are. I 
would like to say that the financial statements of the United Mine 
Workers make it evident that it cost the United Mine Workers much 
more money to have this investigation made and this report prepared 
than Congress was willing to give your coimnittee for the all-important 
duty you are undertaking. 

There are a few minutes left before 12 o'clock, Mr. Chairman, and 
I would like to have the pennission of the committee to have a few 
minutes to present what I have to present now. 

Mr. Starnes (presiding). Wliat have you in mind now? 

Mr. Frey. I want to say that 2 years after Senate Document No. 14 
was published, Mr. John L. Lewis made a statement in the conven- 
tion of the American Federation of Labor which substantiates or 
proves what is said in the Senate report, a full recognition on his 
part of the menace of communism. Mr. Lewis is not a Communist, 
but as he was responsible for having that record prepared, he had a 
thorough knowledge not only of the intention of Communists, but of 
the ways and means used. 

Mr. Mason. May I ask if some of the men quoted in that Senate 
document, plus others, by John L. Lewis, have not been since then 
emploj^ed by John L. Lewis as organizers of the C. I. O.? 

ISlr. Frey. I submitted to the committee the names of certain men, 
one of them John Brophy, who was expelled from the United Mine 
AVorkers. I do not believe that John Brophy is an active member 
of the Communist Party; if he is, he keeps it secret. But I quoted 
from the United Mine Workers Journal as to his communistic con- 
nection, in any event. 



UN-AMEllICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 163 

I referred to Powers Hapoood as haviiio- also been aiiion<^- the num- 
ber expelled by John L. Le.wis. I did not bring in the names of any 
others. 

But it seems peculiar that the first man appointed by the chairman 
of the Connnittee for Industrial Or<>anization was among those hs 
had previously expelled from the United Mine Workers of America. 

There have been many statements made about communism in the 
American Federation of Labor. Perhaps in my very feeble and halt- 
ing way, I have expressed my own opinion. 

But no stronger statement was ever made than that by Delegate 
John L. Lewis at the 1926 convention of the American Federation of 
Labor, and I would like to read some excerpts from that statement, 
and then later, with the permission of the committee, insert the whole 
statement. 

Mr. Starnes. How long will it take you to read those excerpts? 

INIr. Frey. It will only take me about 5 minutes, if I read rapidly. 

Mr. Starnes. Proceed. 

Mr. Frey. This is taken from the minutes of the convention, ver- 
batim. It reads : 

Delegate Lewis (president. United Mine Workers). I did not intend to take 
part in this discussion except and until in the debate certain matters con- 
nected with the committee's report which has to do with the welfare of the 
United Mine Workers of America were mentioned. I question and seriously 
doubt that the average trade-unionist is particularly concerned with the man- 
ner in which the people of Russia govern themselves and direct their own 
destiny. We are fundamentally concerned, however, when that interest which 
now exerts a dictatorship over 130,000,000 people in -Russia systematically and 
persistently attempts to impose their philosophy and impose their theories of 
government and impose their own particular machinery and their own specritlc 
ideas upon the workers of all the other countries of the civilized world. 

And there is the precise hub of this entire situation. When it comes to 
pass, as it has come to pass and as it now exists, that the people of Russia are 
being taxed and their moneys are taken from them to flnance and pay for 
expensive propaganda in America for the precise purpose of controlling the 
basic trade-union movement, then it is indeed time for thr^ trade-unionists of 
this country to awaken to the necessity of the protection of their own affairs 
and the maintenance of the institutions which they erected throughout the 
land. 

This is not the first experience of the United Mine Workers with Communist 
activity. For years past oiir union has been subject to their deceitful attacks, 
to the intrigues and to their conspiracy. Many of you will remember that 
3 or 4 years ago the United Mine Workers of America published a resume of 
Communist activities in America — 

That is with reference to the document from which I have just 
quoted — 

and in no one instance has any statement that was made in that pamphlet 
ever been disproved by the men who were named therein. 

In many sections of the mining industry, times without number, the repre- 
sentatives of the United Mine Workers have lieen compelled to combat the 
activities of the agents of the Communists in Russia. In our Nova Scotia min- 
ing fields they were successful in persuading a convention representing an 
entire district organization of some 12,000 men to ask for formal affiliation 
with the Red Trade Union Internationale. 

I don't know how many of you have read the constitution or the articles of 
faith of the Red Trade Union Internationale, but to those of you who have not 
I say to you here today that it is predicated entirely upon the philosophy and the 
hope of destroying the trade-union movement of the world as it is organized 
today; and to attain that objective they justify slander, abuse, the circulation 
of untruths, the destruction of the confidence of the membership in the officers 



164 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

they elect, to strike down the honor and the reputation for integrity of every 
man who presumes to oppose their philosophy, and to bring about through anjr 
manner of means the accomplishment of this one object. They justify disorder, 
riots, and violence, and any man who believes in the least degree in the philosophy 
of communism and who lends that philosophy support of any character is simply 
driving a knife into the heart of his own organization and striking a death blow 
at the trade-union movement in America. 

Our international union was compelled in the Nova Scotia and Cape Bietou 
fields to serve notice upon the men who had petitioned for affiliation with the Red 
Trade Union Internationale to either withdraw it or get out of the United Mine 
Workers of America. The petition was withdrawn, but for more than a year the 
entire membership were in a continual turmoil because of the activities of the 
paid agents of the Russian Communist Party. 

Why, the leaders of the Red Trade Union Internationale in Russia would sit 
down at their desks and write a statement addressed to the mine workers of 
Nova Scotia directing them what to do in every detail, criticizing and denouncing 
the officers of that organization, calling them crooks and every epitliet that 
could be applied to a man, and mailed the statement either to them direct or 
had it put in their doors at night by some agent of this Communist band. That 
work was done at great expense, and what has been done in Nova Scotia— -and 
we were able to successfully combat it and restore order in that field — has been 
done in other mining fields of the country. 

This sinister activity was responsible for the destruction of an organization 
of 9.(X)0 coiil miners in the northwest Provinces of Canada, because these agents 
finally used the slogan to the miners of those Provinces that it was essential to 
them to withdraw from and abandon their affiliation with the United Mine 
Workers of America and form a Canadian organization of mine workers. They 
played every racial and religious prejudice they can find in order to delude 
men who have not the opportunity to discover their course of action. Their 
object is to destroy the United Mine Workers of America wherever they may not 
control it. 

It is high time the American Federation of Labor cease this weeping and this- 
wailing over the fancied wrongs of someone in Russia and that we give atten- 
tion and consideration to things here at home. It was well brought out by 
the distinguished chairman of the convention the other day at the conclusion of 
the address by Dr. Eddy that the workers of Russia were paid the munificent 
sum in wages of about $1 a day. There may be those in America who would 
like to change their situation and pass their days under circumstances approxi- 
mate to those imposed upon the Russian people by the Russian Government, 
but I cannot imagine that any sane, intelligent man who has given any con- 
sideration to these things will desire for one moment to abandon that which 
we have, and wliich we have secured through sacrifice in years of effort, and 
throw it away merely for a will-o-the-wisp that someone with a silver tongue 
paints as being now existent in Russia. Let them first put their own house in 
order. If their form of government is the ideal form to be followed by civilized 
nations, let them demoii.strate that in their own land before they undertake to 
ram it down the throats of those who say nay. 

I was a delep:ate to that convention. 

Mr. Mason. Mr. Frey, the same man who made tliat speech at the 
convention and Mho prepared the material of that Senate document is. 
the very man who. after pointing out all the danjiers of communism 
borino- from witliin. in the labor movement, invited the leaders of 
the Connnunist Party as helpers in organizing his present industrial 
union. 

JVIr. Frey. The documents which I will read to this committee, I 
think, will bear that statement out completely. 

At this moment in the convention, Mr. Lewis, who has a rare gift 
for the dramatic, gazed into the gallery and saw a man there, and 
in his characteristic manner, when he desires to make a point, said 
the following: 

Yes ; today there comes from some distant city on the morning train one of 
the arch disciples and the high priest of communism in America, and he has sat 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES IQ^ 

iu the gallery of this convention of the American Federation of Labor all day 
long. And I refer to none other than the nMlonhtable William Z. Foster, who 
i\\l this afternoon has been sitting in the gallery. Why comes he here? Who 
pays his passage? A few short days ago he was in Russia. He makes a trip 
to Russia every year since he left the steel-strike committee. What for? For 
no other reason than to receive his oi'ders and make his annual report to the 
high priest of connnuiiism in Russia. Now he is here to see how faithfully his 
lieutenants are doing his work and how Albert F. Coyle has organized sentiment 
in this convention to put across the ideals and the objects for which they stand. 
And so I say to those who are prone to weep for Rvissia while ignoring the 
suffering in America that it is time to come to their senses and rally to the de- 
fense of the solid, the substantial, the tried, and true policies of the American 
Federation of Labor so ably enunciated iu the report of the distinguished com- 
mittee this afternoon. 

At that moment he was in complete accord with the secretary of 
that committee, who happens to be the one testifying before your 
€onnnittee. 

Mr. Chairman, I would prefer to recess now, with the approval of 
the committee. 

]Mr. Starnes (presiding). You would prefer a recess now, Mr. 
Frey? 

Mr. Frey. Yes; because I go into a new phase of my presentation 
from here. 

Mr. Starxes. The field of education ? 

ISIr. Frey. No. I would like to say this to the committee — that I 
have tried to prepare my material so that it will have a sequence, a 
connection, which will make it clear. 

What I presented Saturday was merely something that I hoped 
would interest the committee. I want to arouse the committee's in- 
terest. This morning I have placed before you from the records the 
reasons why the American Federation of Labor has been opposed to 
communism and the methods which we knew the Communists were 
applying. 

I now want to go to the highest authorities in Ritssia to indicate 
what their policy is, from official records. 

Then I want to go into Avhat the Commimist Party in this country 
has done as an evidence that they are carrying out the official program 
of Russia. 

Then I hope to present voluminous records indicating the extent 
to which they have succeeded in accomplishing their purpose, and 
name names, regardless of whether I am called a liar, as I already 
have been. And I desire to furnish the committee with sources of 
information which, for the first time, I think, will receive ptiblicity 
in this country. 

Mr. Starnes. The committee will take a recess until 1 : 15 p. m. 

(Whereupon a recess was taken until 1 : 15 p. m.) 

after recess 

The hearing was resumed at 1 : 30 p. m., Hon. Martin Dies (chair- 
man) presiding. 

The Chairman. The committee will be in order. We will resume 
our hearings. Mr. Frey, will you proceed? 



IQQ UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

TESTIMONY OF JOHN P. PREY— Resumed 

Mr. Frey. Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, this 
morning I presented from Senate records and from an address made 
in the convention of the American Federation of Labor by Mr. John 
L. Lewis reasons why the American trade-union moveinent was 
opposed to the extension of commnnism in this country, indicating 
that the purpose of commnnism was to secure a control in the trade- 
union movement. 

This afternoon I want to submit some official Communist evidence 
indicating that the American trade-union movement had every rea- 
son for fearing the purjjose of the Communist Party so far as this 
country is concerned. 

I want to place into the record the constitution of the Third Inter- 
nationale, but it would take up considerable time to read; and with 
your permission, I will merely turn it in as a part of the record. 

The Chairman. In the case of a document like that, we will allow 
it to go in the record without the necessity of reading it. 

Mr. Frey (reading) : 

One of the points laid clown at the thirteenth plenum of the executive com- 
mittee of the Communist International, of which the Communist Party of the 
Unied States is an integral part, held in Moscow, December 1933, and published 
by Workers Library Publishers on March 1934 was : 

"* * * The third condition is the ability to combine methods of legal and 
semilegal work with methods of underground work. * * * 

"* * * For the period which is openly before us, we do not need simply 
Communists but Communist underground workers. They must he people tried 
and tested in every respect; they must know how to conduct themselves under 
cross-examination, how to behave at trials, making use of the deck as a tribune 
for exposing the class enemy. * * *" 

I have quoted from an official Commu.nist document. 

From a book published by the Communist Workers Library Pub- 
lishers of New York, by Johannes Buchner, under the title of "The 
Agent Provocateur in the Labor Movement," I quote from page 51 
of that book as follows : 

"The general and fundamental rule for all Communists is : Make no state- 
ment. Of course, this does not mean that all questions are simply to be met 
witli the answer: 'I refuse to make any statement.' * * * But the funda- 
mental principle remains the same." No statements incriminating any com- 
rade, no names, no addresses, not a single fact which would possibly be used 
directly or indirectly against the party, its organs, or individual mem!)ei-s of 
the organization. * * * Absolute denial even when personally confronted 
with tlie persons and despite the evidence. * * * Whoever infringes, even 
but a little, these fundamental rules must instantly and mercilessly be ejected 
from the party. 

"(In certain situations) * * * since a categorical refusal * * * 
would convict you of being a Communist, you may permit yourself a few short 
statements calculated to obtain credence. * * * We must always conceal 
our plans and our ways of work from the class enemy. Political expediency 
here is everything." 

I submit that those are splendid instructions to give to men who 
are members of the Communist Party, with their disregard for any 
moral ethics, such as are understood to be the standard in western 
Christian civilizations. 

If tliey carried out those instructions, if they carried out the 
statement made by Lenin which I put in the record Saturday, their 
oath as a witness would not mean very much, and it indicates that 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 167 

the expediency of the Coinniuiiist Party means more to them when 
they are nnder oath than any other consideration. 

At this stage, I want to have the record contain the constitution 
and rules of the Communist International. 

Mr. Stakxes. Is it your purpose to read those, or would you just 
have them set out in the record? 

Mr. Frey. This constitution I will not read, because it is rather 
lengtliy, but it is important for the conmiittee's information. There 
is but "one statement of a couple of pages which I do tliink should 
be read at this time. 

(The document referred to is as follows:) 

Constitution and Rules of the Communist Intessnational 

1. The Communist International — the International Workers' Association — 
is a union of Conuuunist parties in various countries; it is a world Communist 
Party. As the leader and organizer of the world revolutionary movement of 
the proletariat and the upholder of the principles and aims of communism, 
the Communist International strives to win over the majority of the working 
class and the broad strata of the propertyless peasantry, fights for the estab- 
lishment of the world dictatorship of the proletariat, for the establishment of 
Uie World Union of Socialist Soviet Republics, for the complete abolition 
of classes, and for the achievement of socialism — the first stage of Communist 
society. 

2. Each of the various parties affiliated to the Communist International is 

called the Communist Party of (name of country) (section of the 

Communist International). In any given country there can be only one Com- 
munist Party affiliated to the Communist International and representing its 
section in that country. 

3. Membership in the Communist Party and in the Communist International is 
open to all those who accept the program and rules of the given Communist 
Party and of the Communist International, who join one of the basic units of 
a party, actively work in it. abide by all decisions of the party and of the Com- 
munist International, and regularly pay party dues. * * * 

5. The Communist International anri its sections are built up on the basis of 
democratic centralism * * * (c) decision of superior party committees to be 
obligatory for subordinate committees, strict party discipline and prompt execu- 
tion of the decisions of the Conmiunist International, of its leading committees, 
and of the leading party centers. 

Party questions maj* be discussed by the members of the party and by party 
organizations until such time as a decision is taken upon them by the competent 
party committees. After a decision has been taken by the congress of the Com- 
munist International, by the congress of the respective sections, or by leading 
committees of the Comintern, and of its various sections, these decisions must 
be unreservedly carried out even if a section of the party membership or of the 
local party organizations are in disagreement with it. * * * 

6. In all nonparty workers' and peasants' mass organizations and in their 
leading committees (trade unions, cooperative societies, sport organizations, ex- 
service men's organizations, and at their congresses and conferences) and also 
on municipal bodies and in parliament, even if there are only two party members 
in such organizations and bodies, Communist factions must be formed for the 
purpose of strengthening the party's influence and for carrying out its policy in 
these organizations and bodies. * * * 

13. The decisions of the executive committee of the Communist International 
are obligatory for all the sections of the Communist International and must be 
promptly carried out. * * * 

14. The central committees of the various sections of the Communist Inter- 
national are responsible to their respective party congresses and to the executive 
committee of the Communist International. The latter has the right to annul 
or amend decisions of party congresses and of central committees of parties and 
also to make decisions which are obligatory for them. 

15. The executive committee of the Communist International has the right 
to expel from the Communist International, entire sections, groups and indi- 
vidual members who violate the program and rules of the Communist .Interna- 



IQg UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

tional or the decisions of the World Congress and of the executive committee of 
the Communist International. * * * 

16. The program of the various sections of the Communist International must 
be endorsed by the executive committee of the Communist International. * * * 

17. The leading organs of the press of the various sections of the Communist 
International must publish all the decisions and official documents of the execu- 
tive committee of the Communist International. These decisions must, as far as 
possible, be published also in the other organs of the party press. * * * 

19. The executive committee of the Communist International elects a pre- 
sidium responsible to the executive committee of the Communist International 
which acts as the permanent body carrying out all the business of the executive 
committee of the Communist International in the interval between the meetings 
of the latter. * * * 

21. The sections must carry out the instructions of the permanent bureaus of 
the executive committee of the Communist International. * * * 

22. The executive committee of the Communist International and its pre- 
sidium have the right to send their representatives to the various sections of the 
Communist International. Such representatives receive their instructions from 
the executive committee of the Communist International or from its presidium, 
and are responsible to them for their activities. Representatives of the execu- 
tive committee of the Communist International must carry out their commis- 
sion in close contact with the central committee of the section to which they are 
sent. They may, however, speak in opposition to the central committee of the 
sjiven section, at congresses and conferences of that section, if the line of the 
central committee in question diverges from the instructions of the executive 
committee of the Communist International. * * * 

25. The presidium elects the political secretariat, which is empowered to take 
decisions, and which also prepare questions for the meeting of the executive 
committee of the Communist International and of its presidium, and acts as 
their executant body. 

28. The international control commission investigates matters concerning the 
unity of the sections ofiiliated to the Communist International, and also matters 
connected with the Communist conduct of individual members of the various 
sections. * * * Audits the accounts of the Communist International. * * * 

30. Resignation from office by individual members or groups of members of 
central committees of the various sections are regarded as disruptive of the 
Communist movement Leading posts in the party do not belong to the occupant 
of that post, but to the Communist International as a whole. Elected members 
of the central leading bodies of the various sections may resign before their 
time of office expires only with the consent of the Executive Committee of the 
Communist International. Resignations accepted by the central committees of 
sections without the consent of the Executive Committee of the Communist 
International are invalid. 

31. The sections affiliated to the Communist International must maintain 
close organizational and informational contact with each other, arrange for 
mutual representation at each other's conferences and congresses, and, with the 
consent of the Executive Committee of the Communist International, exchange 
leading comrades. * * * 

3S. The sections of the Comintern must regularly pay affiliation dues to the 

Executive Committee of the Communist International, the amount of such dues 

to be determined by the Executive Committee of the Communist International. 
♦ * * 

3.'i. Tlie International League of Communist Youth (Communist Youth Inter- 
national) is a section of the Communist International with full rights and is 
subordinate to the Executive Committee of the Communist International. 

86. The Communist parties must be prepared for transition to illegal condi- 
tions. The Executive Committee of the Communist International must render 
the parties concerned assistance in their preparation for transition to illegal 
conditions. 

37. Individual members of sections of the Communist International may pass 
from one cnmifry to another only with the consent of the central committee of 
the section of which they are members. 

Communists changing their domicile must join the section in the country of 
their new domicile. Communists leaving their country without the consent of 
the central committee of their section must not be accepted into other sections 
of the Communist International. 



UN-AIMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES l^Q 

Mr. Fret. Recently the Coiniiuniist International issued a confi- 
dential document written by B. Vassiliev, central committee of the 
Communist Party, United States of America. I am merely quoting 
extracts from this official statement to the members of the party in 
this country : 

The party should fight to the very hist for retaining all existing forms of the 
legal working class movement, for the legal existence of the Communist Party, 
for legal Communist literature, for legal trade-unions, for legal unions of mass 
organizations * * * ^l^^, Communist parties * * * must at the same 
time construct and strengthen their illegal apparatus from top to bottom. All 
legal parties are now under the greatest responsibility in respect to the creation 
and strengtheniiig of an illegal party apparatus. All of them must immediately 
undertake measures to have within the legally existing party committees an 
illegal directing core. 

The illegal part of the party apparatus must be separated from the legal 
apparatus of the party committee (addresses, archives, definite part of tlie 
correspondence and so on) and a part of the members of the party committee 
must already now be made illegal * * * prominent leaders of the Com- 
munist parties must have the possibility of quickly passing underground 
at the necessary moment, must have the necessary living accommodations for 
this, must have facilities for quickly changing their names and all other means 
of swiftly avoiding the pursuits of the police so that the police should look 
for them in quite a different location to the one in which they have 
gone * * * bring into leading work workers who are unknown to the wide 
masses and to the police * * * good conspirators and completely devoted 
to the cause of communism * * * those sections of the party apparatus 
which are most susceptible to repression should be handed over to their charge, 
as well as the most important party documents, etc. * * * if this work is 
properly arranged, then the police * * * will seize only the premises in 
which there are no party documents and only those comrades who do not any 
longer hold in their hands the important threads of the party apparatus. The 
party apparatus carried underground in such cases, at once begins to function, 
guaranteeing uninterrupted direction of party work. 

* * * it is a question of creating under the cover of a legal party com- 
mittee, legal labels and premises, an illegal apparatus, preparing the illegal 
party cadres beginning with the party committee and extending this work 
to the mass organizations, bearing in mind that when reaction begins, not only 
leaders of the party committees will be arrested but also leaders of party 
activity in the mass legal organizations. So within the trade-unions, within the 
International Labor Defense and other legal revolutionary organizations, cer- 
tain cadres of an illegal apparatus must be prepared. 

* * * all parties must now without fail have illegal printing presses pre- 
pared for the production of illegal party literature * * * have arrange- 
ments ready beforehand for the distribution of illegal party literature * * ■'. 
The workers look upon illegal party paper as a document of special im- 
portance * * *. 

The most important and fundamental legal or semilegal cover for an illegal 
Communist Party is the trade-union. * * * 

Another rule * * * discontinue using in party work the real christian 
names and surnames of members of the party committee and of party active 
workers in general. 

The Chairman. Right at that point, let me ask you a question. It 
is a practice among Communists to have an assumed name, in many 
instances, is not that true? 

Mr. Frey. It began with Lenin, whose name was UUinoff, or some- 
thing like that. It began with Trotsky, whose reai name is Bron- 
stein. It runs down through almost the whole record of tlie leaders 
of the Communist Party in Russia. It is copied here. This morn- 
ing's testimony indicated the party names under which a number of 
well-known Communists go within the party. 

The Chairman. You know that over a long period of time the 
police, in raiding Communist headquarters, have seized their mem- 



I'jQ un-a:\ierican propaganda activities 

bership cards and have had their records photostated and have also 
taken fingerprints, so that there is a very definite way of determin- 
ing who the thousands are that do belong. Those records, of course, 
will be available to this committee, and, as I said this morning, they 
will be incorporated in the record in such a way that it will be known 
irrefutably who are members of this Communist organization. That 
Avill be checked as against the names submitted to us on Saturday. 

Mr. Frey. 1 was aware, Mr. Chairman, that the police departments 
in a large number of cities have for many years kept a record of 
Communists. 

The Chairman. Of course, attorneys demand the return of those 
documents, and have been doing that for many years. But they evi- 
dently did not know that the police were making photostatic copies of 
the membership cards and fingerprinting the Communists, so those 
records are absolutely accurate and reliable. 

Mr. Frey. Being aware of that, and because I have been discussing 
communism in conventions of the American Federation of Labor for 
many years, I have carefully avoided any discussion with any minor 
representative of any police department in an effort to secure infor- 
mation. The information I bring before the committee is entirely 
free from any connection with any police department or any govern- 
mental agency. I would like to make that clear and definite. I would 
not cooperate with police departments for the purpose of getting this 
information. 

May I add one word more as a matter of personal privilege ? I am 
being attacked, and I expected to be, from liberal and Communist 
sources. This is the first time outside of the American Federation of 
Labor conventions that I have ever discussed the question of com- 
munism and the trades-union movement. I have previously declined 
every invitation received from patriotic groups to take part in mass 
meetings where this question of communism was discussed. I have 
always taken the position that if the Eussians want the form of gov- 
ernment they have, that is their right ; that so far as communism Avas 
concerned, I would not criticize or attack it except insofar as I found it 
impinging against the trade-union movement, and it is because of that 
trade-union attack and the effort to undermine and control the union 
that I have brought myself to come before your committee and give 
you the information that I am presenting. 

Continuing the quotation which I was reading : 

We must begin to use party names instead and also stop publishing good 
lifelike portraits of leading party workers. 

* * * At the meeting of the party committee * * * at which repre- 
sentatives of the rank and file party activities take part, those members must 
not be present in whose hands are the connections with party organizations, 
addresses, etc. 

It is necessary that at least one comrade who keeps the addresses, connections, 
etc., should not come to the meetings of the party committee. * * * 

One of the members of the committee should undertake the duty of the organi- 
zation of proletarian self-defense. 

* * * During recent demonstrations * * * the comrades from the .sec- 
tions of self-defense do not have the slightest conception of any kind of self- 
defense. When the police attacked them they did not know how to resist. They 
don't understand the tactics of street fighting, don't even know how to box. and 
as a result in certain cases one policeman broke up dozens of sections of prole- 
tarian self-defense because our comrades waived their arms about aimlessly. 



rX-A.MERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 171 

wliilst till' policomon were qnito confident juid used all the rules of well-trained 
boxi-rs. In many eases the comrades from the proletarian self-defense niMts de- 
fended themselves with stones. But again hei-e is evidence from those who were 
present at these operations sliowing that our comrades don't l<now how to throw 
stones. It is not enough to pick up a stone and throw it, hut it is important that 
the stone should hit its tarj;et, and nt)t merely hit its target, but that some effect 
should he seen from the blow. * * * 

Then one of the members of the party committee should be in charge of organi- 
zation of work in the army. 

Finally, one of the members of the party connnittee should represent the party 
in the Young Conununist organization. 

At present the cpu^stion of proper arrangements for learning * * * the 
plans of the police with regard to breaking up demonstrations, etc., assumes 
very great importance. Every party committee should clearly look at this side of 
everyday party work; should place on one of its members the special duty df 
organizing work in this direction, and should systematically check how this work 
is being carried out. * * * 

* * * Live communication is kept going by the help of the system of 
so-called appearing or reporting places. This system of appearing places must 
without fail be established in all parties without exceptions, legal and 
illegal. * * * 

* * * When arranging safety signals for reporting places it is necessary 
to arrange them in such a way that they don't strike the eyes of the police and 
that they can be taken away without being noticed by the police. 

Besides flats for reporting points, connecting-link flats are also needed for 
communication by letter, and these flats must in no case coincide. And, finally, 
there must be fiats for the sheltering of illegal comrades, comrades whom the 
police are looking for, comrades who have escaped from prison, etc. * * * 

* * * The open text of such letters must be made perfectly blameless ; for 
example, a son writing to his mother that he is alive and well and of the good 
things he wishes her. Not a word about revolution. The police must guess, 
first of all, that under this apparent innocent text there is a hidden text. 

Shortly after the 1936 election, in which the Communist Party took 
a very decided interest, Browder explained the policies of the party. 
We are now getting to the political, as well as the trade-union, angle. 
In a statement under the title "The Kesults of the Elections and the 
People's Front," which is published by the Workers Library Pub- 
lishers, a Communist publishing house in New York, I quote now 
from page 39. This is from Earl Browder, the secretary of the Com- 
munist Party : 

Some comrades are still infiuenced by the idea that tUfe party vote is the only 
correct measure of our achievements. 

* * * However, the urgent need for a united front, which everyone felt, 
was realized in another and less satisfactory way under such circumstances that 
we could not fight against it — the united front of the labor and progressive 
forces. * * * 

We foresaw, before the campaign opened, that our separate vote would register 
only our irreducible minimum and not our maximum influence. This was inher- 
ent in the situation and our strategy. * * * Weaknesses there were aplenty 
In our campaign, but they must not be sought in this question of the relation 
of our influence and our vote. There is no direct relation between them at all. 
Not to understand this is to have a very narrow understanding of the whole 
strategy for a whole period. * * * We made greater advances with the 
lower vote in New York with the American Labor Party in the field than we 
could have made with a higher vote and the American Labor Party not in 
existence. 

Up until this time I have been dealing solely with the activity of the 
Communist Party in the economic-industrial field — the trade-union 
movement. From now on I will be unable to avoid reference to their 
parliamentary and their political tactics. Here is Mr. Browder's 



2^72 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

statement that the Communist Party shaped its political procrram to 
work with the American Labor Partj^ in New York State. That does 
not mean that the Labor Party in New York State is in any way a 
Communist organization. I know to the contrary. But it does indi- 
cate the method by whicli the Communist Party rides in or makes a 
carrier of any labor party or other political party which they think 
will serve their ends. 

Mr. Thomas. Is it not true, though, that certain people now promi- 
nent in tlie American Labor Party in New York were formerly 
prominent in the Communist Party in New York? 

Mv. Frey. Oh, that is true ; oh, yes. 

Mr. Thomas. And is it not true also that many of the policies of 
the American Labor Party in New York are at the present time domi- 
nated by people who were well-known Communists in the past ? 

JVIr. Frey. Well, I would put it this way : Many of the policie'"- of 
the American Labor Party in New York are adopted because of the 
insistence of the Communists that they should be, and the desire of 
the Labor Party to secure the largest possible vote it can by including 
the vote of the Communists. 

Mr. Thomas. May I add one more thing right there? Is it not 
also true that certain candidates for office, endorsed by the American 
Labor Party in New York City, were formerly active in the Com- 
munist Party? 

Mr. Frey. Oh, yes; that is true. I also think in many instances 
the endorsement of the American Labor Party in New York State 
was most unwelcome to the endorsee. 

Mr. Thomas. Yes; but also in the case of some, very welcome? 

Mr. Frey. Both welcome and unwelcome. 

Mr. Thomas. Yes. 

Mr. Fret. Continuing with this quotation: 

* * * we drive in the center of a national political storm toward a definite 
goal, without losing sight of it, and without allowing our forces to be broken 
up, dispersed or demoralized, but rather gaining strength and clarity out of 
it all. This ability is the hall mark of bolshevism and to the degree that our 
party demonstrated this ability, we can say that we are in the process of 
becoming a real Bolshevik Party. 

* * * No one can deny that we thoroughly established our party as an 
American party, that our slogan — Communism is Twentieth Century Ameri- 
canism — registered deeply with the American people. This was a great achieve- 
ment. This is also a sign of bolshevism. 

* * * We reached millions with our message nationally, and in many 
districts also on a local scale. This must by all means be followed up and 
made a permanent part of our technique. 

Our campaign literature was upon a higher political level, more effective, 
and was distributed in far greater quantities than ever before in the history 
of our party. 

* * * our policy was built on Leninism correctly applied to the present 
situation. 

One time William Z. Foster was candidate for President of the 
United States on the Communist ticket, and during the campaign in 
1932 he said : 

We Communists are unscrupulous in our choice of weapons. We allow no 
consideration of legality, religion, patriotism, honor, duty, etc., to stand in 
our way to the adoption of effective weapons. We propose to develop, and are 
developing, regardless of capitalistic conceptions of legality, fairness, right, etc., 
a greater power and then wrest from them, by force, the industries. 



UN-AMKllICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 173 

During the Presidential campaign of the Communist Party in 
1932 Mv. Foster published a book, Toward Soviet America, and 
from this I want to read a few brief quotations. 

(p. 128:) The final aim of tlio Communist International is to overthrow 
world c;ii)italisni and replace it by worUl conununism. 

(P. 130:) The road to this social development can only be opened by revo- 
lution. 

[V. 131): Lenin thus defines a state: "The state is a particular form of 
organization of force; it is the organization of violence for the holding down of 
some class." 

(P. 135:) Engels (he was collaborator with Marx in the Communist Mani- 
festo and in Das Kapital) states in his 18<S8 preface to the Communist Mani- 
festo: "One thing especially was proved by the (Paris) commune, viz, that 
the working class cannot simply lay hold of the ready-made state machinery 
and wield it for its own purpose." The capitalist state must be broken down 
and the workers' state built from the ground up on entirely different principles, 
and this was done in the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. 

(P. 212:) On the contrary, as Lenin has stated, no matter how difiicult the 
capitalist crisis becomes "there is no complete absence of a way out" for the 
bourgeoise until it faces the revolutionary proletariat in arms. 

(P. 213:) To put an end to the capitalist system will require a consciously 
revolutionary act by the great toiling masses, led by the Communist Party; 
that is. the conquest of the state power, the destruction of the state machine 
created by the ruling class, and the organization of the proletarian dictator- 
ship. The lessons of history allow of no other conclusion. 

It is the historical task of the proletariat to put a last end to war. Never- 
theless, the working class cannot itself come into power without civil war. 

"Force," says Marx, "is the midwife of every old society when it is pregnant 
with the new one ; force is the instrument and the means by which social move- 
ments hack their way through and break up the fossilized political forms." 
The program of the Communist International thus puts the matter : 

"The conquest of power by the proletariat does not mean peacefully 'captur- 
ing' the ready-made bourgeois State machinery by means of a parliamentary 
majority. The bourgeois resort to every means of violence and terror to .safe- 
guard and strengthen its predatory property and its political domination. Like 
the feudal nobility of the past, the bourgeoisie cannot abandon its historical 
position to the new one without a desperate and frantic struggle." 

(P. 216:) But the history of the American capitalist class offers ample evidence 
that the toilers can defeat the ruling call only in an open struggle. The 
American bourgeois revolution of 177C, even as the Russian Bolshevik revolution 
of 1917, was carried through on the basis of armed struggle. 

In The Ultimate Aim, published by International Publishers, in 
their political education series — the International Publishers is a Com- 
munist publishing house — I quote briefly from page 8 : 

(P. 8:) The replacement of one social system by another, that is the replacing 
of the rule of one class by the rule of another, is only achieved by means of 
the violent overthrow of the ruling class, by means of revolution. It is impos- 
sible for the working class to come to power in any other way than * * * 
by the method of proletarian revohition. 

(P. 19:) * * * Socialism takes the place of capitalism only as a result 
of the proletarian revolution and the dictatorship of the proletariat. * * * 

(P. 22:) The whole history of the proletarian revolution in the Union of 
Soviet Socialist Republics is a clear refutation of the theory of the Socialist 
about the "peaceful" achievement of .socialism. The bourgeoisie can only be 
overthrown by means of revolution, by means of the armed revolt of the 
working class. * * * The resistance of the overthrown classes can only be 
suppressed by the most merciless class struggle. 

I could submit hours of evidence indicating the methods advocated 
by the Communist Party to accomplish its purposes. I will introduce 
no more. The volumes would almost fill a library. I sat in a library 

94931— 38— vol. 1 12 



274 UN-AMERICAxV PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

last week in which there were some 300 volumes containing much of 
the same material that I have just laid before the committee. 

My only purpose in presenting this brief reference to the official 
declaration of the Communist International and of the Communist 
Party in this country, was to show that the United Mine Workers 
and the American Federation of Labor understood ihe danger which 
they faced, as well as the danger to our country; and that none 
recognized that more clearly than Mr. Lewis when he made the ad- 
dress in our convention in 1926, from which I quoted this morning. 

My purpose now will be to take up the activities of the Communist 
Partv in this country. Before reading these, I would call the com- 
mittee's attention to the fact that the policy of the Communist Party 
in this country as a result of conferences held in Moscow by the le^id- 
€rs of the Communist Party, led to a complete change of political 
program. Up until 1935 the Communist Party as such was cam- 
j^aigning. It was endeavoring to elect Communist Party members 
to public office. It was holding itself definitely as a separate politi- 
cal party. Up to that time it had indulged in the "boring-from- 
within" tactics with which the American trade-union movement had 
become familiar. 

In 1935 the party changed its policy so that it could take full acl- 
vantage of the division which had come in the ranks of the Ameri- 
can Federation of Labor through the organizing of the C. I. O. 

I have here some cjuestions and answers issued by the Communist 
Party of the United States in 1936, and I would like to read them or 
put them in the record. I believe they are rather illuminating. I 
leave that, however, to the committee. 

The Chairman. Could you tell us the substance of them, Mr. Frey ? 
I do not want to be in the attitude of hurrying you, but we have a 
number of other witnesses to be heard. 

Mr. Frey. I will read a few of them, but will ask to put all of 
these in. 

Question. Is the idea of the labor party a new development in Communist 
work? 

That refers to a united front. May I explain to the committee 
the terms popular front and united front? Communists use the term 
"united front"' as a movement to unite farmers and trade unions, 
and the popular front as the political movement including all leading 
groups. 

Answer. The idea of the labor party has long been accepted as a basic part 
of the activity of the Communist Party. As far back as 1921, the Communist 
Party of the United States had the most thorough discussions with the (Com- 
munist International on this question. At these discussions, in which T<enin 
participated din^ctly, there was adopti'd the policy of furthering a labor party 
as iiart of the work of developing the class struggle in the United States. 

The party carried on agitation and propaganda for a labor party from 11)21 
right up to 1!»29. During the period from 1!)21 to 1924, the party actively 
participated in the organization of a lab(n- party. At that time and now the 
party had a clear conception of the kind of labor party it would support- - 
a labor i)arty with a wide working-class liase and a class-sn viggle program. It 
would not support a third capitalist party disguised as a ''progressivt'" nn)ve- 
ment. 

During this jx-riod the inirty's activities for a labor party were carried on at 
the time of the effctrts of La Follette and others to create a third capitalist 
party. Tlie jiarty fought then and tried to win the workers away from tlicir 
intluence and bring them into a class-struggle labor-party movement. This 



rX-A:MEUICAN rUOPAGANDA ACTIVITIES I75 

work iho party continued until 1924. It was prepared in the Presidential 
elections of that year to put forward candidates on a labor party ticket which 
the Connnunist Party could support. 

With the nomination of La Follette, however, on the Progressive ticket, it 
became clear that it would not be possible to give the labor party a broad mass 
character. To have run labor party candidates under such conditions would 
merely have served to conceal the face of the Communist Party. The Com- 
munist Party withdrew its support of tlie labor party candidates and went into 
the election with Communist candidates who sharply opposed La Follette and 
his progressive program. 

After that election the Communist Party continued to propagandize for a 
labor party. It carried this slogan into the unions and did its best to create a 
labor-party movement. But from 192-1 to 1929 there was a gradual decline in 
the workers' sentiment for a labor-party movement. At the end of this period 
there was no mass support for such a movement, other than that given by the 
Communist Party. 

At that time the Communist Party decided to hold in abeyance the slogan 
of a labor party. But it stated very definitely under what conditions it would 
again be brouglit forward. In 1923 tlie Communist International in agreement 
with the American delegation to the Sixth World Congress of the Comintern 
stated that : 

■'The Congress resolves that the party concentrate its attention on the work 
in the trade unions, on orgarjizing the unemployed, etc., and in this way lay the 
basis for the practical realization of the slogan of a broad labor party organized 
from below." 

This meant that it was not possible at that time to widen the influence of the 
Communist Party and advance the class struggle in the United States by playing 
around with a slogan that had no broad appeal for the workers. It would have 
distracted the workers from the immediate struggles of the day to have pushed 
an abstract slogan which at that time had no practical content. 

Today the scene has changed. Millions of workers have been disillusioned 
with the old capitalist parties in the last 2 years. They are breaking away from 
the two-party system and swinging left. By building a class struggle iubor 
party now, it will be possible to further the development of the class struggle 
as a whole, sharpen the class consciousness of the American woi'king class, and 
lead these workers to the revolutionary program of the Communist Party. 

Question. AVhy was the question of the labor party raised by Comrade Brow- 
der before there was any discussion in the party? Was this a violation of inner 
party democracy? 

Answer The political bureau of the party thought that the unemployment 
and social insurance congress presented a golden opportunity of presenting the 
question to 2,500 delegates from all over the country. It was a springboard 
from which to launch the idea to workers, who would carry back to their 
organizations the idea of a class-struggle labor party as opposed to a third 
capitalist progressive party or a reformist party differing from the progressive 
one only in demagogy. 

The enthusiasm with which the party membership and the nonparty masses 
have received the announcement of the labor party is proof of the correctness 
of the decision of the political bureau. It demonstrated once again that the 
Communists exercise political initiative in all fields. 

There was no violation of party democracy. The widest discussion is being 
carried on within the party on all phases of the question. Action and dis- 
cussion is being carried on simultaneously. The central committee at its last 
plenum made decisions concerning the policies of the party with respect to 
the labor party movement. This decision is being carried out throughout the 
country. At the same time party discussions are going on which can modify 
or elaborate this decision as can be done with all other decisions of the central 
committee. 

The political bureau could act because it was piitting forward a basic 
principle of the party. This decision like all other decisions is based on the 
mutual confidence of the membership and the leadership, and its correctness is 
established by the collective experiences of the entire party. It should be 
emphasized that the Communist Party, at those times when immediate deci- 
sions are necessary, acts and discusses at the same time. 

Question. Will the Communist Party be the leaders of the labor party? 

Answer. When such a labor party is formed the leadership will be based 
on proportionate representation. The Communists propose a democratic form. 



I'JQ UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

with delegates from the trade unions and workers' mass organizations actively 
participating in the leadership. The Communist Party will be represented in 
this leadership to the extent that the party represents mass organizations and 
their membership. 

Mr. Thomas. Did you give the year when those questions were 
l^ublished ? 

Mr. Frey. 1935. 

Mr. Thomas. I thought 3'ou said 1936. 

Mr. Frey. That was the year when the C. I. O. was organized. 

Question. Will the labor party be reformistic? If not, why do we need twO' 
revolutionary parties? 

Answer. There is only one revolutionary party and that is the Communist 
Party, which fights for the emancipation of the working class from the ex- 
ploitation and oppression of capitalism. This does not mean that the labor 
party that the Conmiunists propose would be reformist. It would be a labor 
party based on class struggle principles that would fight for the immediate 
needs and demands of the workers. Such a labor party, while not accepting 
the full program of the Communist Party, would he advancing the revolutionary- 
understanding of the workers, and consequently would lead them to the 
Communist Party. 

Question. If a Communist is elected to office on a labor party ticket, is his 
allegiance to the Communist Party or the labor party? 

Answer. There is no clash of interests. The labor party must lead the 
masses in their struggles for immediate demands. This is in line with the 
Communist policy of fighting for all the immediate needs of the woi'kers. 

Communists will point oiTt to the workers that their revolutionary program is 
the further development of the minimum policy of the labor party. They will 
always advocate the full revolutionary program of the Communist Party and will 
attempt to win support for this ultiment. Tlirough the experiences of the 
workers in the struggles for the minimum program of the labor party the Com- 
munists will teach them to realize that the revolutionary way out is the only 
sol'itinn for the ci'isis of capitalism. 

Question. In bringing forward the slogan of a labor party, will the Com- 
munist Party abandon its slognn for a soviet America? 

Answer. The Communist Party will continue more than ever to agitate and 
propagandize about the necessity of fighting for a soviet America. Far from 
dropping the slogan, the Communist Party will talk even more about soviet 
America. It will carry the slogan into the ranks of the workers xmtil they 
recognize it as their own slogan and, under the leadership of the Communist 
Party, overthrow capitalism and actually set up a soviet America. 

The proposal for the labor party is not a substitute for the slogan "For a 
soviet America." On the contrary, the fight for a labor party is a struggle to 
draw millions more morkers under the influence of the Communist Party, and in 
this way set them on the road to the seizure of power and the establishment 
of soviet America. Through developing the struggles around the class-struggle 
issues of the labor party the Communist Party is taking an important step toward 
rallying the working masses around the fundamental revolutionary slogan of 
the Communist Pnrty and the American working class, "For soviet America.*' 

Question. Will the labor party be only a front for the Communist Party and its 
sympathizers and supporters? 

Answer. No. The Connnunist Party does not propose such a labor party. It 
does not want a labor party unless it involves masses of workers who are not 
now in contact with the Communist movement. From the very beginning the 
labor party should be based on many, many more workers than the number 
which at present are grouped around Communist organizations. 

The Communist Party wants a labor party only if it will bring millions of 
workers into independent political struggle for their immediate demands and 
needs. Unless the Inbor party can lead n political struggle for a class struggle 
program on a far wider scnle than the Communist Party can organize under its 
leiidersliip. it will nnt be the kind of labor ])nrty that the Communists are striving 
to build up. 

Question. Whnt will be the relation of the Communist Party to the Farmer 
Labor Party, the I'rogressive Party, and other such groups? 

Answer. The Communist Party, in tliose States where movements such as are- 
mcnfioned above have been organized, will adopt policies which will further 



UN-AiMKRICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 177 

the class differentiation in tliese sjronps and parties. It will develop the strnggle 
of the workers and the poor farmers against the class collaboration policies of 
the leadership. 

In Minnesota, for example, the central committee has given directives to the 
members of the Comnuniist Party there, to do their best to develop the united 
front based on class struggle issues. On the basis of this united struggle the 
Connnunists will attempt to build a united labor party ticket which will fight 
the present mayor of jSIinneapolis, who is a tool of the reactionary Citizens' 
Alliance. By building the united front of the workers on the basis of class 
struggle policies, it will be possible to effectively expose Flo.\d B. Olson and tlie 
other leaders of the Farmer-Labor Party who aided in breaking the teamsters' 
strikes of last year. 

Question. If the Communist Party supports the candidates of the labor party, 
does this mean that it will not put forward its own candidates? 

Answer. In tho.se places where the labor party puts forward candidates the 
Couununist Party will not put forward candidates in opposition. It will sup- 
port these labor party candidates, putting them on it sown ticket. But it will 
protect its position on the ballot by putting forward its own candidates in those 
places where the labor party has none, and will appear on the ballot in one 
form or other. 

The Conununist Party would contiiuie to conduct independent political cam- 
paigns. While throwing its support to the candidates of the labor party in 
which it was parricipating, it would not disappear from the ballot nor discon- 
tinue political activity. 

The Communist Party would always be on the alert against any labor party 
leader or candidate who gave signs of betraying the workers. It would not sup- 
j)ort any candidate who came out with antiworking-class slogans or fought 
against the true interests of the workers. That is why it is so important for 
the labor party to be organized on a mass trade-union base. Communists and 
other militants cannot permit such a labor party to be dominated by self- 
appointed leaders who will be lukewarm about fighting for the interests of the 
"workers. 

Mr. Healey. To whom do you understand tliey refer, what organ- 
izations, as the hibor party, vvlien they refer generally to the labor 
l^arty ? 

Mr. Frey. One is specific. That is the Farmer Labor Party in 
Minnesota. The other is any labor party ticket without differentia- 
tion. Here and there and in several States there are labor parties. It 
is known as the American Labor Party in New York. That is a State 
party movement. In many of the States there are State's farmer 
labor movements, and the general reference is to any of those. 

Mr. Thomas. In other words, they would refer to tlie present Amer- 
ican Labor Party in New York City. 

Mr. Frey. Definitely. 

Mr. Healey. Or they could refer to any other labor party in any 
other State? 

Mr. Frey. Any other; jes. 

Question. "Will the participation of Communists prevent the labor party from 
■developing into a broad mass movement? 

Answer. Communists created the broad united front fight for the workers 
unemployment and social insurance bill and the wide strviggle against war and 
fascism. They will bring a more generalized political struggle to the workers in 
the form of a labor party, and it will be the Communists who will keep the 
reformists and misleaders from having a free field to themselves. 

Far from limiting the mass movement the participation of the Communists 
will be a guaranty that a genuine fight will be made to build the broadest labor 
party which will be a genuine working-class party, and which will lead the 
workers forward to the realization of their class interests. 

Question. Might not certain members of the Labor Party refu.se to associate 
with the Communist Party on the grounds that it would "smear them with 
red?" 

Answer. In the course of the developments toward a mass labor party it is 
possible that attempts will be made by reactionary leaders to expel the Com- 



J78 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

munists. The Communists would fight against tliis, but there is no assurance 
that they would be successful against the "red baiters." Those who would lead 
the fight for the expulsion of the Communists would have to lean so heavily upon 
the La Follcttes and their type that their party would end up as a third cap- 
italist party. Those who would try to exclude the Communists from the Labor 
Party would be betraying the interests of the workers and negating the very 
purpose for which the party was formed. 

Question. If the Communist Party is against having a labor party controlled 
by the present leadership of the Socialist Party, then why does it propose a 
united front with the Socialists? 

Answer. The Communist Party is constantly striving to establish unity of 
action within the Socialist Party. But there is no contradiction between its 
proposals for a class-struggle labor party. In fact the Communist Party pro- 
poses to establish the same kind of program for the labor party as it urges 
for the united front. 

It must be emphasized that the Communist Party has repeatedly made united 
front proposals to the Socialist Party around specific issues that would benefit 
the workers. The reason that the united front has not been achieved so far 
is that the leaders of the Socialist Party refuse to accept such a class-struggle 
policy. They make a united front with the reactionaries in the A. F. of L. 
They reject the Communists' offer to build the united froiit struggle, but unite 
with the white guards, in their campaign of slander against the Soviet Union. 

When the Conunmusts fight against the conception of the labor party put 
forth by Waldman and Oneal, it is because the party that they would lead 
would be a strike-breaking outfit. It would be used against the interests of the 
workers ; it would be used against the Soviet Union ; it would be a third 
capitalist party. 

The Communists invite the Socialist Party to come into a genuine labor 
party with a class-struggle program. Such a party would really fight for the 
best interests of the workers. It would further the workers. It would further 
the united activity of the workers in the elections and in every other field. On 
both the issues of the labor party and the united front the Communist Party 
is fighting for policies that are beneficial to the workers as against the policies 
of the bureaucrats and labor fakers whose policies have proven harmful to the 
working class. 

Question. What are the difi^erences between the British Labor Party and 
the labor party which the Communists propose to the worker!--? E. O. B. 

Answer. The British Labor Party is under the leadership of reformists. They 
practice cla.ss collaboration, and in every way hinder and sabotage the class 
struggle of the working class. 

These reformist leaders are in the forefront of the fight against the united 
front of the workers. They attack the British Communist Party and its efforts 
to develop united working class actions. Wit'iin Englnnd, and internationally, 
they block the fight of the workers against the developing menace of fascism 
and war. 

The Communist Party will do its best to keep the movement for a labor party 
here from being sidetracked into class collaboration by such reformist leaders. 
It will fight for a labor party with as broad a base as the British Labor Party — 
the trade-unions and all workers' mass organizations. 

But in the very fight to establish such a party to conduct independent working- 
class political action, we must defeat the class collaboration ideas of the re- 
foi-mists. We must keeji them from putting themselves at the head of the labor 
party and steering it into "safe" channels. By stressing class-struggle principles, 
by participating in every class battle of the workers, the militants, including the 
Communists, can lead the workers to a labor party which will not produce the 
\merican equivalent of Ramsay MacDonald. 

Question. Is it an admittance of defeat by the Communist Party to retire from 
the field in favor of a labor party sympntliizer? 

Answer. The Communist Party is not retiring from the field as a political 
party. On the contrary, by participating in a broad labor party with a class- 
struggle program, the Conununist Party will be able to spread its influence and 
principles among millions of workers, and lay the basis for winning these masses 
to its own revolutionary position. 

As Coinrailc Browder has pointed out, "We camiot win millions of worker.^ 
directly into the Conununist Party overnight. But the time is ripe to launch a 
labor party that will fight for the immediate demands and interests of the work- 
ers. In the struggles around these immediate issues, the workers will soon learn 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 179 

from tlu>ir own exi)i'rieiK'es that it is the Coiniuviuists who carry Ihese struggles 
forward in the interests of the workers. 

"They will come to understand that in addition to fi^'htins for the realization 
of innnediate (Unnands. tliey nnist organize and i)repare for the overtlirow of 
capitalism as the oidy real solution for their problems. Tlieir (experience and 
activity, in the struggles around the class-struggle issues raised by the labor 
party, will lead them to the Communist Party and its program as the only way 
out for the American working class." 

I might add that the British tiade-tmion movement had much the 
same experience as the American Federation of Labor with Com- 
munism. Tiiey Avere able to prevent the Communist movement in 
Enghmd from capturino- the British trade-union movement in the 
same manner and as effectively as the American Federation of Labor 
prevented them from getting control over here. 

Now, this is the first official statement issued by the members of 
the central committee of the Communist Party after the C. I. O. 
was organized. On November 16, 1935, Jack Stachel sent the fol- 
lowing directive, or instructions, to the districts — not to the mem- 
bership, but to the district organizers of the Communist Party: 

1. The fifty-fifth convention marked the beginning of the decline of the 
extreme right wing of the executive council of the A. F. of L. The forced 
resignation of WoU from the Civic Federation, the ll.OUO votes cast for the 
industrial form of organization, and the final vote for a labor party showed 
that the militancy of the rank and file is cracking through the hard crust of 
upper officialdom precisely in tlie decisive sections of organized labor, and is 
aggravating the contradiction in which the top bureaucrats are involved. Al- 
though the bureaucrats are fighting among themselves for power upon the 
control of the executive council, their struggles, at times verging on savagery, 
are in response to tlie tremendous pressure being brought to bear upon tliem 
by the rank and file, led by an increasingly more conscious and more efficient 
rank and file leadership which in turn is forcing to the fore the most advanced 
progressive forces — (local officials). 

This condition alone is responsible for tlie militant character and progressive 
moods of the convention. The fifty-fifth convention was diffei'ent from any 
other convention of the A. F. of L. since 1917 in that its struggles were based 
on principles — supplied by the rank and file — and that for the first time in 
the history of the A. F. of L. its delegates assembled in convention got down 
to bedrock issues — the organization of the unorganized. 

Although Green succeeded in having an amendment voted to the constitu- 
tion — an amendment so weakened that it cannot have any effect on any Com- 
munist or militant not devoid of a modicum of common sense — even this 
amendment, entirely for face-saving purposes — must be acted upon by the local 
and State councils, a majority of wliom in the basic industries have gone on 
record against any such amendment. 

That amendment adopted by the convention made it impossible 
for any member of the Communist Party to be a delegate to a con- 
vention of the American Federation of Labor representing a Federal 
labor union, a central labor union, or a State federation of labor. 

The old, conservative leadership of the A. F. of L. is tottering. Although 
reelected for another year, its power to sabotage the leftward swing of organized 
labor has been paralyzed. Henceforth organized labor is definitely on the road 
toward bitter and gigantic class battles — becoming consciously aware of its 
increasing revolutionary role. 

This set of circumstances opens new far-reaching perspectives for the party, 
particularly on the question of united front. The party and the districts must 
immediately set about to exploit this unprecedented favorable situation (oppor- 
tunity) by winning over to the party program and tactics (trade-union field) 
all of the best elements in the A. F. of L.. including State officials. 

Tlie districts must set themselves the tasks of forging working united fronts 
witli all progressive officials — and those officials who for whatever reason show 



I go UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

leftward and (or) progressive tendencies — regardless of their past record — on 
the following main issues : 

1. Labor party. 

2. Industrial form of organization. 

At the same time, the struggle to win over the rank and file — united front 
from below — mu.><t become the main task of the factions. 

The districts, sections, and units must take special care to integrate all their 
campaigns for united fronts from below and above into their present local and 
national control tasks — the struggle against fascism and Vvar. 

I want you to get this, members of the committee. This shows 
how they try, what they intended to do inside of the American Fed- 
eration of Labor. I will read it again : 

The districts, sections, and units must take special care to integrate all their 
campaigns for miited fronts from below and above into their present local and 
national control tasks — "the struggle against fascism and war" ; "hands off 
Ethiopia"; "defend the Soviet Union"; "the fight for a labor party"; "United 
labor tickets" ; "the struggle to organize the unorganized" ; "100-percent union 
towns" ; and the organization of the relief workers — "A local for every W. P. A. 
project." 

The ORG-DEPT deems it imperative that detailed reports on the manner in 
which the above directives are being carried out should be sent in weekly to the 
•Center. 

This is signed by J. Statchel. 

Now, tliat is the first official record which I have indicating the 
policy of the Communist Party immediately after the C. I. O. was 
organized. 

In 1935 the central committee of the Communist Party meeting 
in New York City drew up a statement of the immediate tasks of 
the Communist Party, its units and members, with the role to be 
played by Communists in building-trade unions. 

Mr. Starnes. What was that date? 

Mr. Frey. The date is January 1935. It was a meeting of the 
•committee from January 15 to January 18. 

Mr. Mason. What committee was that? 

Mr. Frey. The central committee of the Communist Party, or the 
board of directors of the Communist Party. I will put this state- 
ment in the record as a document. I doubt whether there is any 
part of it that I desire to take up the time of the committee with. 
Tt is all corroborative of what has been and will be presented in the 
official record of the party. 

(The matter referred to is as follows:) 

Immediate Tasks of Communist Party, Units, and Members 

(Resolution.^ adopted at central committee meeting January 15-18, 1935, 

New York City) 

ROLE TO BE PLAYED HY THE COMMT^NISTS IN BUILDING THE TRADE UNIONS AND 

LEADING MASS STKUGGLES 

I'rofound changes have taken place in the United States of America in the 
recent period. The transition of the crisis into a depression of a special kind, 
lasting already 2 years, did not bring prospects of an upsurge in the economy 
of the country. Instability and lack of assurance in the morrow remain the 
dominating fo;itures of the entire economic life in the United States of America. 
The New Deal policy and the N. R. A. in the conditions of depres.«;iou helped 
American capitalism to pass through the difficult period of 1933. But, at the 
same time, it aided to a certain (^xtont to let loose those economic and political 
tendencies of capitalism which are growing out of the entire development of 
the crisis and the depression and the intensification of the general crisis of 



UN-A.MEUICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES Jgl 

caiiitnlisin (the accok>r;ition of the concentration of capital in the hands of 
monopolist corporations which are condncting a still harsher policy toward 
the masses, the strenjjthening of Fascist tendencies, etc.). At the same time, 
there is a leftward swing of the working class and an npsnrge of a mass strike 
movement — with the still weak develoi)ment of the class consciousness and or- 
ganization of the masses — the growth of the workers' organizations, especially 
the A. F. of L. unions, the strengthening of the desire of the mas.ses for the 
united front and for a big consolidation of their ranks, the growth of sentiments 
in favor of a mass labor party, with the sinniltancons increase in the activity 
of the bourgeois and petty-bourgeois elements toward the formation of a third 
bourgeois party and increased activity of social reformism. 

The influence of the Communist Party grew, its work has improved, the 
party organizations have been strengthened, but the party did not yet overcome 
serious shortcomings in the trade-union work, in its participation in the strike 
movement, in the work of the lower party organizations among the broad 
masses of workers and toilers. All this in its en.tirety very strongly empha.sizes 
the necessity of organizationally and politically strengthening the party in 
every possible way. of overcoming the weaknesses of its work, of recruiting new 
workers into its ranks, overcoming tliQ excessive fluctuation, of increasing and 
improving the party press, of developing a wide propaganda of the tactics and 
program of the party, of strengthening its independent leading role in all the 
struggles of the working class and all the toilers of the United States of 
America. With these aims in view, the party must lay down its tasks on three 
most important questions — the trade-union question, the united front, and the 
question of the possible formation of a mass labor party. 

I. The Trade-Union Question 

The influx of hundreds of thousands of new workers from basic industries 
and mass production plants into the A. F. of L. unions and the growing radicali- 
zation of the main mass of its membership make the A. F. of L. unions more 
militant and mass unions in character, opening up new and greater possibilities 
of revolutionary mass work within them. 

(1) In view of this, the main task of the party in the sphere of trade-union 
work should be the work in the A. F. of L. unions so as to energetically and 
tirelessly mobilize the masses of their members and the trade unions as a whole 
for the defense of the everyday interests of the workers, the leadership of 
strikes, carrying out the policy of the class struggle in the trade-unions. It is 
necessary for the party, overcoming the resistance of the trade-union bureau- 
cracy and sectarian remnants in the ranks of the party and adherents of the 
revolutionary trade-union movement, to achieve by all means real work in 
the unions of the A. F. of L. The Communists and other advanced workers 
must develop a wide strike movement, fighting on the basis of trade-union de- 
mocrary for the leadership of the struggle, in spite of the sabotage and the 
treachery of the trade-union bureaucrats, for the demands of the workers, for 
the recognition of the trade-unions, against wage cuts and for higher wages, 
especially in view of the rise of prices, for the reduction of the working day 
without a reduction in earnings, for insurance, unemployment relief, etc. 

(2) The party mu.st take the initiative in the struggle for the unity of the 
trade-unions, for their industrial structure, the organization of the unorganized 
and amalgamation on the basis of trade-union democracy, the autonomy of 
individual trade-unions in their internal affairs within the framework of gen- 
eral affiliation to the A. F. of L. simultaneously struggling to destroy the policy 
of company unionism. 

(3) The party fractions must win the revolutionary unions for a struggle 
for trade-union unity by methods which correspond to the concrete condition? 
in each industry. The existing revolutionary trade-unions and their locals 
join the A. F. of L. or its unions wherever there exists parallel mass A. F. of L. 
trade-unions, or the "red" trade-unions can join the A. F. of L. directly. The 
form of such fusion depends upon the relationship of forces between the revo- 
lutionary trade union and the A. F. of L. union. However, in all conditions, 
the revolutionary unions and their branches, collectively deciding their action, 
should attempt to join the A. F. of L. unions as organized units, not weakening 
their mass work, but, on the contrary, utilizing their entrance into the A. F. 
of L. as a means of more widely mobilizing the working masses arcund the 
revolutionary leadership, organizing and distributing their forces so as to have 
the possibility of exercising a maximum amount of ii;fluence on the work of the 



j^g2 UN-AMEltlCAN PROPACJANDA ACTIVITIES 

A. F. of L. unions. In those cases wlien collective joining is not possible, 
members of the "red" unions should join the unions of the A. F. of L. indi- 
vidually. When adopting a decision for any particular "red" trade-union to 
enter the A. F. of L. or for a "red" trade-union to fuse with some A. F. of L. 
union, it is necessary to carry on advance serious explanatory work among 
the trade union masses, so that members of the "red" trade union will under- 
stand the necessity for such a political step, so that after fusion there will be 
an increase in the revolutionary activity of the members of the "red" union in 
the A. F. of L. union. 

(4) Only those revolutionary unions whose entrance into the A. F. of L. 
-at the present time is impossible in practice, will temporarily continue to exist 
independently, extending their mass basis, energetically recruiting new workers ; 
at the same time, they should carry out the united front with the A. F. of L. 
unions and the independent unions, struggling consistently for trade-union unity 
and their entrance into the A. F. of L. and helping in the general strengthening 
of the position of the revolutionary trade-union movement. 

FOR TEADE-UNION UNITY 

When raising as the chief task the work in the trade-unions of the A. F. of L., 
at the same time Communists must not to any extent weaken the work in the 
independent unions, as was pointed out in previous decisions. However, in 
view of the changing conditions of trade-union work, which demand that the 
center of the work be transferred to the A. F. of L., it is now inadvisable to 
put the question of forming an independent federation of labor. Inside inde- 
pendent trade-unions. Communists, taking into consideration specific conditions, 
in each case, should carry out the same tactic of struggle for trade-union unity 
and affiliation to the A. F. of L. 

(5) The tone used in the press with regard to the A. F. of L. must be 
changed, criticizing and exposing the reactionary leaders of the A. F. of L. 
in a manner convincing for the rank and file, but treating the A. F. of L. 
locals and unions as mass worker.s' organizations in which we are carrying on 
a struggle, drawing in all honest functionaries, fighting for our influence, for 
winning the trade-union posts, and being ready to take on ourselves responsi- 
l)ility for their work. 

(6) It is necessary to give the maximum amount of attention to the correct 
organization of the work of the factions in the trade-unions, taking into 
account that, in connection with the transfer of the chief attention to work in 
the A. F. of L., the work of the Comnnniist faction becomes of decisive im- 
portance for insuring the correct work of all the Communists in the trade- 
amion movement and in carrying out the party line. Without strong and well- 
tirganized factions, the Communist Party cannot carry out the necessary flexible 
tactic and carry out its revolutionary line. Carrying out decisions through 
factions, the party organizations must act throTigh convincing the members of 
the party who work in the trade-unions, by means of help and example, thus 
forming and strengthening internal discipline. Everyday leadership on the 
chief questions of the work of our factions in the trade-unions, especially in 
respect to strike leadership, must be concentrated directly in the central com- 
mittee at the center and in the appropriate party committees in the localities. 

MUST LEAD WORK 

For a correct approach to the work in the A. F. of L., it is necessary from 
the very outset to come out against the limitation of the tasks of this work 
to the creation of a "minority movement," or "opposition" being limited to the 
most militant elements that are close to the Communists, and not striving to 
become a real trade-union force winning the trade-unions, their locals, various 
elected posts in the trade-union organs, etc. In order to be a leading force for 
all the discontented workers who are swinging to the left, in order to be a 
mass force, the Communists, fighting for the interests of the workers, strength- 
ening their class positions in the A. F. of L., and in all the trade-unions, increas- 
ing the offensive on the bureaucracy, must work like real trade-unionists, look- 
ing after the affairs of their union, seeing to its strengthening and widening, 
lighting for evei'y elective post in the trade-unions and whole unions, actively 
participating in the training of new cadres of revolutionary trade-unionists. 

In energetically c.-uTying out this reorganization of the work of the party 
in the trade-unions, which has partially already been started, it is necessary 



UN-AMERICAN PROPxVGAKDA ACTIVITIES 183 

to carefully explain inside the party the tasks of the reorganization of trade- 
union work, avoiding taking steps without preparation, which can only hinder 
matters. 

2. The United Front 

The movement for the united front is expressed in the growth of the influence 
of the Communist Party among the workers, in the striving of the workers to 
carry out joint activity, overcoming craft and other barriers (the movement 
for general strikes) in the rebuff to Green's letter on the expulsion of Com- 
munists by the A. F. of L. locals, in the attraction of the local organizations of 
the Socialist Party into the united front movement, in the wide movement of 
the united front against fascism and war. AVhile overcoming its shortcomings 
in conducting the tactics of the united front, a sectarian and formal approach 
to the question of a united fr(!nt and also opportunist mistakes, the party 
must insistently continue the campaign for the united front, placing the struggle 
for the united front at the basis of all its mass policy. 

(1) First of all, the party must explain in its own ranks the significance of 
the united front in the condition of the United States of America. The efforts 
of the Socialist Party to base itself on the trade-unions and on the movement 
tor a labor party shows tliat social reformism is trying to create a broad mass 
proletarian basis for itself, fusing itself even more completely with the leaders 
of the reformist trade-unions of the A. F. of L. Therefore, a most important 
peculiarity of the struggle against social reformism and the problem of the 
united front in the United States of America is the fact that the development 
of the united front now rests primarly on the capable and energetic work of 
the Communists in the A. F. of L. unions. This should be done on the grounds 
of the defense of the general class interests and immediate needs of the work- 
ing masses, on the winning of positions in the A. F. of L. unions by the Com- 
munists, in order to win the confidence of the membership of the A. F. of L. 
by exemplary participation in the current work of the union, as well as in the 
strike movement, so that the masses of the A. F. of L. members support the 
policy of the class struggle and look upon the Communist Party as their 
own party. 

(2) A most important condition for the successful and correct carrying out of 
the united front in face of the fact that the idea of an independent proletarian 
party is very poorly developed among the workers, is the explanation of the role 
of tlie party, its tactics, and principles. But it is necessary to have in mind that 
the working masses will only understand the leading role of the party and ac- 
cept the party leadership when they see by experience that the party is leading 
them to successes in the struggle against capital. 

(3) A very serious obstacle on the path of the organization of a wide fighting 
united front "of the working class by the party consists of the still strong sectarian 
features of the work of the party. This sectarianism cannot be eliminated merely 
by an ideological campaign, nor by the correcting of various isolated mistakes in 
the press or in practical work. In order to eliminate sectarianism, to come out 
on the broad political arena, putting before the masses all the questions of the 
American labor movement, win influence in the big mass organizations of the 
American proletariat, and draw into the party the basic strata of the American 
workers, the party should earnestly and energetically, from top to bottom, carry 
into life the tasks put by this resolution, and representing concrete proposals to 
aid the party to realize the turn to mass work and to overcome the remnants of 

■sectarianism. 

(4) An immediate practical task of the party is the further development of 
the united front with the local organization of the Socialist Party, continuing 
to make united front proposals to the national leaders. The party press and the 
party agitators must bring forward more convincing arguments in the polemic 
against the policy and leaders of the Socialist Party avoiding the replacement 
of arguments by abuse. This requires an increase of a convincing struggle of 
principles against social reformism in the press, strengthening the agitation 
and propaganda, while maintaining a comradely attitude to the reformist work- 
■ers. with the most patient analysis of their arguments and mistakes. 

In the approach to the various groupings in the Socialist Party, the party 
must direct particularly among strong and intensive fire against the right wing 
of the Socialist Party, exposing its cynically conciliatory policy toward the 
bourgeoisie and the A. F. of L. bureaucrats, appealing to the indignation of the 
proletarian rank and file of the Socialist Party against the leaders. At the 
same time an extremely intensive struggle must be carried on against the middle 



184 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

trend represented by Thomas, the ideological of the Socialist Party pointing out 
its capitulation to the right wing, its practical incapability of carrying on a 
policy differing in essence from the right wing in the party. In respect to the 
left tendency, we should carry on more explanatory work in relation to the 
proletarian "elements, pointing out their mistakes, inconsistency, and half- 
heartedness, both of principles and in respect to the double nature of their posi- 
tion in the party— on the one hand left declarations, and on the other hand the 
right policy of the party as a whole, for which the left tendency bears responsi- 
bility and in essence carries it out in practice — at any rate in some cases. In 
rebition to the leading elements of the left current, it is necessary to carry on 
such a policy that the working masses, on the basis of their relations to the 
important current questions of the class struggle, will be able to see the in- 
sincerity of those who only play at being left in order to deceiye the masses, 
at the same time drawing more closely into joint work all sincere functionaries. 
The party organizations must get into contact with the left groups, especially 
in important States like Illinois, Michigan, Wisconsin, where a large majority 
of the votes of the referendum were cast for the Detroit declaration. Every 
possible encouragement should be given to the group which supports the united 
front, as well as to all sincere supporters of the united front. In respect to the 
declaration itself, while recognizing it as a step to the left in compar;st n with 
the former position of the Socialist Party and the position of the rishts. it is 
necessary to point out both its shortcomings and the fact that on the whole It 
is a compromise reformist platform. 

The successful operation of the united front is only possible if the position 
of the party on this question and the experience of conducting the united front 
is systematically explained in the party press. 

3. The Laboe Party 

Tlie political changes which have taken place among the masses demand that 
the Communist Party should review its attitude toward the reviving mass senti- 
ments in favor of a labor party and in respect to such a party if it should be- 
formed on a mass scale. The correct approach to this question was formulated, 
on the whole, by the Sixth World Congress in 1928 in the following form : 

"On the question of the organizing of a labor party, the Congress resolves: 
That the party concentrate its attention on the work in the trade unions, on 
organizing the unorganized, etc.. and in this way lay the basis for the practical 
realization of the slogan of a broad labor party organized from below." 

Since 1929, until now, this correct orientation has necessitated unqualified 
opposition by the party to the current proposals to organize a labor party which, 
in this period, could only have been an .i.ppendnge to the existing bourseois 
parties. However, the events in 19.'^4 are beginning to place this question in a 
new light. The mass disintegration of the tiaditional party system has begun, 
and a new mass party may come forward in the near future. 

FOUE DIFFERENT TYPES 

As for the nature of the new mass party, the greatest probabilities reflecting 
the two chief political tendencies of this movement — the class struggle or class 
collaboration — are: (a) A "popular" or "progressive" party based on the La 
Follette, Sinclair, Olson, and Long movements, and typified by these leaders 
and their programs: (b) a "farmer-labor party" with a predominantly trade- 
union basis, with a program consisting of immediate demands (possibly with 
vague demagogy about the "cooperative commonwealth," a la Olson), dominated 
by a section of the trade-union bureaucracy, assisted by the Socialist Party and 
excluding the Communists; (c) a "farmer-labor" or "labor" party of the same 
character, differing only in name and the degree of its demagogj' ; (d) a labor 
party built up from below on a trade-union basis but in conflict with the bureau- 
cracy, putting forward a program of demands closely connected with mass strug- 
gles, strikes, etc.. with the leading role iilayed by the militant elements, includ- 
ing the Communists. These variations can develop also parallel or in com- 
bination. 

Tl)e major ta.^^k of the Communist Party is to build and strengthen its own 
direct influence, to increase the numlier of its members, and in every way te 
strengtlipn the authority of the party among the masses, to struggle for its 
principles and tactics. For the very reason that life itself raises the question 
of the Labor Party, we must strengthen our party as the only real independent 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 185 

proletarian party whicli cannot be replaced by any other organization in tlie 
ptrngiile of tiie worlciug class for its liberation. The party cannot expect, how- 
ever, that it will be able ro bring directly and immediately under its own 
banner the millions who an> breaking away from the old parties. At the same 
time, it caimot remain indifferent or passive to the further development of these 
millions nor toward the organized form which their political activity will take. 

(1) In these changed conditions the Connuunist Party must change its nega- 
tive position toward the labor-party question. It should declare its s\ii)port for 
the movement of a labor party and light in this movement for the policy of the 
class struggle, resisting all attemi)ts to bring the movement under the control of 
social reformism. It must ally itself with all elements that are ready to work 
loyally toward a similar aim. The Communist Party must carry on a syste- 
matic struggle against all attempts to direct this movement along the channel of 
a "popular" or "progressive" party or along the lines of a party of the same 
character, masquerading as a "labor"' party. This is also a practical basis for 
the struggle against bureaucratic control of the mass movement from above by 
the right reformists who want to expel the Communists and the revolutionary 
rank and file members of the organization. 

FOR CLEAR DIFFERENTIATION 

Therefore, every effort must be made to bring a clear differentiation of these 
two camps which are trying to direct the mass movement into various chan- 
nels, <in the one hand, that of a moderate, liberal, and social-reformist oppo- 
sition masking class collaboration and the subordination of the woi'kers to the 
interests of capital, of profits, and private property, and. on the other hand, that 
of an e.<isentially revolutionary mass struggle for immediate demands which go 
beyond the limits of the interests of capital. In this struggle for differentiation, 
care must be taken to avoid all sectarian narrowness, which would only play 
into the hands of the reformists. This means, first of all, that the basis of 
gathering together of the working class must be the immediate demands with 
the broadest mass appeal, not allowing the reformist leaders to split the masses 
by speculating on the fact that a part of the workers accept the program of the 
proletariat, while another part supports the policy of class struggle only for the 
partial demands of the workers, but are not yet ready to go farther on this 
path. 

(2) In this situation, the simple slogan "for a labor party," which expresses 
such conflicting tendencies, of itself is not sufficient to be an effective banner 
under which the class forces of the workers can be rallied. The Communists 
enter the movement for the labor party only with the purpose of helping the 
masses to break away from the bourgeois and social-reformist parties and to find 
the path to the revolutionary class struggle. 

All premature organizational moves should be carefully avoided. The Com- 
munist Party must not now take the initiative in the organization of a labor 
party on a national scale. B'lt in the various States this problem will present 
itself in various ways according to the relationship of forces. It will be neces- 
sary to study the situation carefully in each case and the tempo of develop- 
ment, adjusting our practical position and tactics in accordance with these 
differences. In those States ar.d localities where the conditions have matured 
for the formation of a mass labor party, the party then should itself, or 
through people and organizations close to the Communist Party, take the 
initiative in giving organizational form to this movement, for a labor party 
will only then serve as a weapon for the unfolding of the class struggle of 
the proletariat and facilitate its liberation from the influence of reformism, 
when, from the very outset, our party will play an active role and show 
initiative, and by working energetically in the A. F. or L. will win important 
positions and will achieve successes in the organization of the united front 
with socialist and reformist workers. It is also in this manner that our party 
will be in a position to seriously exerci.se its revolutionary influence on the 
broad masses, participating in the movement for a labor party and winning 
them for a real revoluationary policy. 

MUST BE INDEPENDENT FORCE 

The struggle for the political leader.ship of the masses who are breaking 
away from the Democratic and Republican Parties depends at all its stages 
on the constant growth and strengthening of the Communist Party as an in- 



l^Q UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

dependent revolutionary force for which purpose it is necessary to popularize 
the party program to ever broader masses. The chief means to this aim is 
the bold and energetic development of our work for the united front in all 
spheres, but above ail in the trade unions, especially those affiliated to the 
A. F. of L. 

The results of the elections showed that Roosevelt's infiueuce upon the 
masses, while weakened and even shaken to some extent, still remains pre- 
dominant. The Communist Party has insufficiently utilized the opportunities to 
politically enlighten the masses who are disillusioned in the New Deal. Bour- 
geois reformists of the type of Sinclair, the Progressives wiih La Follette, the 
Farmer-Labor Party with Olson, etc., were able to draw in their wake the 
great majority of those who broke with Roosevelt and the Republicans. This 
brings forward the necessity of improving and strengthening the political 
agitation of the party and more convincingly and firmly exposing Roosevelt's 
policies, his bourgeois fellow travelers and opponents from the Left. While 
conducting an intense campaign against the extreme right Fascist and semi- 
Fascist representatives of finance capital, the Republican Party, the American 
Liberty League, etc., it is necessary to show the class kinship of Roosevelt's 
policy with the policy of his opponents from the right, explaining to the masses 
that Roosevelt with the New Deal and N. R. A. policy does not embarrass or 
hinder the carrying out of the policy of finance capital, of Wall Street, but, 
on the contrary, resorting to more skillful methods, rather makes easier the 
carrying out of this policy. Only the class struggle against the entii-e policy 
of the bonrgeoise can defend the interests of the masses ai^d crush the plans 
of finance capital and fa.scism. 

In order to strengthen the woi'k of the party, it is necessary to further 
improve the Daily Worker, which has achieved a number of succes:ses. The 
political agitation in the paper, and the propaganda of the tactics and prin- 
ciples of the party, must be improved, strengthening by every means the strug- 
gle against sorhil-reformism. At the present stage of development the party 
and the paper must most urgently be given more of a mass character, both 
as to contents and form, so as to make it reach hundreds of thousands of 
readers. 

The party must further develop its publishing activity, improving its propa- 
gandist work, and greatly increasing the issue of propagandist literature. 

Work must be intensified on the training of cadres for the party. The sys- 
tem of instructors, which has justified itself in practice as an effective fonn 
of closer contacts and help for the lower party organizations by the leading 
bodies, must be extended and improved on the basis of the use of experience. 
Simultaneously, the initiative of the lower party organizations must be devel- 
oped in every way, giving them leadership more on the basis of conviction, 
examples, and assistance. 

Mr. Frey. Ill 1937 there was a conference or convention of the 
Young Comiininist Party. This is taken from the Party Organizer, 
which is a piihlication of the Communist Party, and serves as informa- 
tion and instrnctions to party organizers. The statement I am reading 
from is from the March 7, 1937, issue, as follows : 

One or two years ago, when we began to entrench ourselves in the A. F. of L. 
unions, our comrades had to work carefully. But today our comrades are known, 
their work is appreciated. The question now is to come out more boldly with the 
independent role of the party, to make known to the masses what the party is 
doing, what the party role is. By properly mobilizing owv forces inside the 
A. F. of L. unions we shall be able to strengthen our ranks by the thousands. 

In order to coordinate our work in the unions we are organizing a trade-union 
commission, as follows: All party members who are delegates to the Central 
Labor Council, and one member from each union that is not represented on the 
council, to meet every 2 weeks as a body to take up the in-oblems in the Central 
Tjabor Council and the unions at the same time. From this body we will elect a 
})ureau of three to function lietween me(>tings. In this way we will be able to 
cliniinate unnecessary meetings and take up all problems in the Central Labor 
Council and carry them back to the unions with nmch less difficulty. 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 187 

I have here a oaiechism sent out by the Communist Party, and I will 
read only one paragraph for the record. I desire to read this ninth 
question. 

What is the structure of the Communist Party? 

Tlie basic organization is the shop, plantation, or street unit. All the units in 
a certain territory — say, a city or half a city — are under the leadershi]) of a sec- 
tion. A number of sections in a given teri-itory (a State or several States) are 
under the leadership of the district. All the districts are under the leadership 
of the party's center in New York. There is a Communist Party in every country, 
all of them belonging to and led by the Communist International, with head- 
quarters in Moscow. The unit is led by the unit buro ; the section by the section 
committee : the party, as a whole, by its highest body, the central committee. 
Example: The Birmingham district. This is led by a district committee (buro). 
In the Birmingham district are many sections ; for instance, city sections X and 
Y in Birmingham, then tiie Atlanta section, tlie black-bell section, the New 
Orleans section, and so on. 

I am emphasizing that because at its convention in May the Com- 
munist Party came out with the statement that commtmism was 
twentieth century Americanism; that they were an independent party 
in this country, and that they did not accept instrtictions or directions 
from Moscow, They stated that when they followed them out, as 
they had been doing up to the present time, it was simply because 
those instructions met with the approval of the Communists here. 

(The matter referred to is as follows:) 

To each party member : Read, study, and keep this outline. 

1. Whom does the Communist Party represent? 

The Communist Party represents the working class. It is the only political 
party which represents and fights for the interest of the workers and poor 
farmers, and the Negro people. It represents the workers just as the Republi- 
can and Di'mocratic Parties represent the big employers, landlords, and l)ankers. 
On every question, the Communist Party is on the side of the best interests 
of the working class as a whole. 

2. What is the final aim of the Communist Party? 

The final aim of the Communist Party is to lead the toiling masses to take 
over for themselves the factories, the mines, and laud. The Communist Party 
says that the working class, which produces everything, should own everything. 
The taking over of power by the workers will come in the course of a revolu- 
tion, in which the employing class will be overthrown. The toilers will theu 
set up a workers and farmers' government, like the one in the Soviet Union. 
This will eventually lead to the abolition of all classes. 

3. Does the Communist Party have any everyday, immediate demands besides 
its final aim? 

The Communist Party struggles every day for the most immediate and burn- 
ing needs of the workers and toiling farmers. At the present time this means 
a struggle against Roosevelt's hunger and war program. The most im]7ortant 
immediate demands are: (1) No wage cuts. Increased wages and increased 
relief to meet rising prices. (2) Unemployment and social insurance at the 
expense of the employers and the Government. (3) No taxes on the poor far- 
mers, no evictions, no foreclosures. Right of the croppers to sell their own 
crops. (4) Equal rights for Negroes and self-determination lor Black Belt. (-5) 
Defense of the Soviet Union, tl'.e only workers' country in the woi'ld, against 
imperialist war. (6) For the right of the workers and toiling farmers to meet^ 
organize, and petition. 

4. How does the Communist Party work to carry out these demands and 
its final aim? 

The Communist Party organizes the working class, wherever workers are, 
and the toiling farmers. The most advanced of the toilers it takes into its 
ranks. It is the leader in the organization of the toilers into militant groups 
that meet everyday needs — left-wing unions, defense organizations, such as the 
International Labor Defense, farmers organizations, unemployed councils, and 



288 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

so on. The Communist Party educates the working class as a whole to its aims 
and its program. It does this by constant agitation, propaganda, and by actual 
leadership in the struggle. 

5. What position does the Communist Party hold in relation to the working 
class as a whole? 

The Communist Party is part and parcel of the whole working class. It has 
no interests apart from the workers as a whole. It is made up of the most 
advanced people in the working class — the most alert to their interests, the 
most devoted, the most loyal, the most tested in the struggles of the workers. 
It is the advance guard of the working class in its struggle with the employers. 

6. Who can be a member of the Communist Party? 

Any worker, farmer or other person, white or Negro, who accepts sincerely 
the party's program, stands ready to work for this program, accepts party 
discipline, and becomes active in a unit and pays his dues, can be a member of 
the Communist Party. 

7. What are the duties of a party member? 

A party member must accept and understand the party program and try to 
put it into practice. He must explain the program to other workers and draw 
them into the party. He must become a leader of the workers, wherever he may 
be — in the factory, on the farms, relief gangs, neighborhood, etc. He must — and 
this is very important — recruit new members into the party. 

8. How does a unit of the Communist Party work? 

A unit of the Communist Party is the basic organization of the party. It is 
made up of all the members of the party working in a certain shop or mine or 
plantation (in which case it is called a shop, mine, or plantation unit) or of 
all the members living in a certain territory (in which case it is called a 
neighborhood or street unit). The units have regular weekly meetings of all 
members, in which all take part in the discussions and the planning of the work. 
It is the duty of the unit to be the political leader of the workers in the shop or 
neighborhood where it is. It leads the workers in all matters — struggles against 
wage cuts, against evictions, against di.scrimination against Negros, etc. 

9. What is the structure of the Commiuiist Party? 

The basic organization is the shop, plantation, or street unit. All the units 
in a certain territory — say, a city or half a city — are under the leadership of a 
section. A number of sections in a given territory (a State or several States) 
are under the leader.^hip of the district. All the districts are mider the leader- 
ship of the party's center in New York. There is a Communist Party in every 
country, all of them belong to and led by the Comnuinist International, with 
headquarters in Moscow. Tlie unit is led by the unit buro : the section by the 
section committee ; the party as a whole by its highest body, the central com- 
mittee. Example : The Birmingham district. This is led by a district committee 
(buro). In the Birmingham district are many sections: for instance, city 
sections X and Y in Birmingham, then the Atlanta section, the black-belt section, 
the New Orleans section, and so on. 

For more information and for literature, write to "Box ISl.S, Birmingham, 
Ala." 

Mr. Frey. Later on, we will go into more detail witli reference to 
Roy Hudson, who has been so active in the affairs of the Maritime 
Workers. Instead of taking np the committee's time, I am ]iutting 
in the record the instructions which Rov Hudson sent to all the lake 
ports in connection with the efforts the Communist Partv was making 
to organize the seamen and longshoremen. It is dated March 2. 1937, 
as follows: 

To All Lnlcc Ports. 

Dear Comrades : This is to inform you that in accordance with the discussion 
and agreement that we arrived at in regard to work among the Great Lakos 
seamen, wo are in a few days sending a force from hero to help assist in getting 
the work organized and started. The comrade we are sending up is named 
Duffy. Ho has ])een in the party for 4 or T^ years, and is very well equipped 
to handl(> the job, is capable and experienced. If given the proper cooperation 
I am sure that he can be of considerable assistance. He will arriA'e in Buffalo 
in 4 or H days, and probably will notify the other ciri(>s as to what time he can 
be expected to be there. 



UN-AMKKICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 189 

We are also takiuR steps to insure that all progressives and party members 
who will be leaving the coast to sail on the Great Lakes this se:ison will estab- 
lish contact as soon as they arrive on the Lakes. Please see to it that attention 
is fiiven to any of the people who show up there, as they can be of considerable 
help. 

For the purpose of check-up and to guide our activities in each port. I wish to 
briefly formulate the general agreement we arrived at on the basis of the 
discussion all of us had here. 

1. That through agitation and calling of meetings in each port, we should 
attempt to set up in each port organizational committees. 

2. On the basis of this activity we should attempt to within a few weeks, 
and especially before the season starts, call a conference to discuss the question 
of an organizational campaign to organize those companies that form the Lake 
Carriers' Association. 

3. In our preliminary work we raise the question of establishing organiza- 
tional committees to prepare for an organizational campaign, and that we 
request the participation of the International Seamen's Union in launching such 
a drive, and also try to get the endorsement or backing of this campaign to 
organize the Great Lakes seamen. 

4. Our immediate task is to attempt to create the spirit and mobilize the 
workers to launch an organizational campaign. This is to be achieved especially 
establishing organizational committees in the various ports, activizing the 
seamen, etc. 

As to the general form of organization, that will depend upon developments 
in the coming few weeks or months. In order to get things moving in this 
direction it was agreed that each district should immediately attempt to call 
a meeting of all party members we may have among the seamen to discuss the 
initial steps in this work, and attempt to organize the work of the fraction 
in each ])ort, and to assign some comrade as fraction secretary in each port. 

In addition to that, we were to send in someone from here for a period of 
a few months to help coordinate the work and get it started. Likewise while 
much of our activity will be centered at this time, in view of the organizational 
weaknesses of the International Seamen's Union, among the unorganized sea- 
men and in the establishment of these organizational committees, we at the 
same time must take steps to try and get groups organized inside the Inter- 
national Seamen's Union, demanding the calling of official meetings to discuss 
the question of an organizational campaign. Where such meetings are called, 
we should attempt to get these meetings to go on record in favor of an organiza- 
tional drive, reduction and initiation fees to a dollar or two, the calling of 
mass meetings, the setting up of organization committees, etc. 

This program of course is rather general, but we agreed then that the mahi 
thing to do was to attempt to get some activity started and as a result of 
this activity the situation would develop and we would be able then more 
clearly to formulate our task and perspectives. 

We" trust that the districts keep us informed of what steps have already 
been taken and as to what the response is. 
Comradely yours, 

Roy Hudson. 

The Chairman. In brief, what were those instructions that were 
given ? 

Mr. Frey. I will go into that in more detail in a moment. The 
statement contains only three pa^'es, and I will read it. This is a 
guide for Communist work aboard sliip, and it is issued by waterfront 
section 230, Seventh Avenue, New York City. It reads as follows : 

The Party Is the Leader 

Tlie campaign and mobilization of the workers for struggle must be carried 
out by all party organizations * * * above all by the factory nuclei (unit) 
* * * the factory (ship or dock) must be the center for carrying on our 
party and trade-union work in carrying on for the struggle. 

It is on the ship that we must root ourselves. Abstract agitation around 
general issues that may be meaningless to the average seamen will gain us 
nothing. 

94931 — 38 — vol. 1 13 



IQO UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Work ill the union meetings only will not solve the issues. 

We must prove that our party deserves their supi)ort and loyalty by giving 
correct leadership in their day-to-day struggles and demands. 

A L'NIT ABOARD EVERY SHIP 

To accomplish the rooting of the party aboard the ships is the duty of every 
party member. He must build a unit by recruiting aboard his ship and estab- 
lishing his prestige as a capable seaman and fighter for the crew's interests. 
He must have a long-range view of the need of the party being the leader of 
the workers in the ultimate struggle for power. The presence of party units, 
leaders of the rank and file, are our only guaranty of response to strikes and 
actions. To build units means that comrades will have to stick to ships. We 
have to overcome the natural tendency for turn-over. 

ORGANIZATION AND ACTIVITY OF THE UNIT 

Comrades working in mills and factories do not think of leaving their jobs 
(unless fired) without party permission. We must have tiie same feeling of 
responsibility. Every ship and factory must become a stronghold for our party. 

It takes three or more comrades to form a unit. These units belong to the 
waterfront section, but are independent of the shore unit. They are furnished 
with their own dues, stamps, etc. 

The unit needs an organizer, educational director, literature agent, and dues 
payment (finance) secretary. In other words, this unit functions like a shore- 
side sliop unit. 

PARTY IS NOT A CRAFT ORGANIZATION 

Every comrade aboard the ship will belong to the unit. Craft functions have 
nothing to do with party organization. 

The organizer will see to it that the unit carries out the work decided upon. 
The educational director is responsible for the general pres:^ntaiion of the party 
to the crew (agitation, etc.) and for the political study and devclopmei:! of the 
members and sympathi::ers, arranges forums, etc. 

If membership is large enough several units can be organized on a watch 
basis, with coordination through the organizers. 

KEEP IN TOUCH WITH THE SHORE SIDE 

Before sailing, the unit must meet with a section representative. These meet- 
ings will be for the purpose of reporting on the functioning of the unit, planning 
future work, correction of work, etc. 

MEET REGULARLY ABOARD SHIP 

While meeting regularly, care must be taken not to expo.se the party as such. 
A little thinking will determine how to go about this, depending on the individual 
ship. Generally, two things expose the party : 

1. Carelessness. 

2. Poor work. 

The first gives the spies an easy indication of the party membership and 
apparatus. The second gives "red baiters" and backward workers a chance to 
giipe at the party. 

ELECT THE UNIT LEADERSHIP 

Be frank and self-critical in getting the unit organized and electing the 
leadership, because, once elected, the leadership must be respected and obeyed. 

YOUR FIRST MEETING 

Discuss the general conditions aboard ship and .select a common grievance as 
the first ta.sk of the delegates of the departments. This lor mobilizing the crew 
and getting an opi)ortunily to "classify"' the members of it. 

Organize Iho nuH-tiiig times and ])laces. 

Plan a d'.'fhiitc campaign of activity in all the divisions of the work on the 
basis of a discussion as to what seems the most proper methods of work, in 
the union, political education, etc. 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES IQl 

ISSUE A ship's PAPEIR 

This paptT shonkl be h.uulwritton, typed, or niimeoed, depending on the 
ship situation, lenjith of trips, etc The paper should retlect ship and company 
news and should also raise issues for the crew. 

Establish contact with "Sparks'" and if he is willing and capable he can be 
of great help in getting out timely leaflets, bulletins, etc. He can also give 
careful interpretations of news in his regular bulletin. 

LITERATUBE 

Establish our literature in the regular library, if possible. Have it aboard and 
in circulation at any event. 

If possible, get contacts to subscribe to the cost of it. Don't throw the "pulp" 
junk overboard. This is sectarian and plays into the hands of the "red 
baiters." 

CLASSES AND FOPvUMS 

The unit leadership should determine the type of classes and study groups 
that can be established. A union class in current maritime problems and union 
strategy is generally possible. Smaller political study groups can be organized 
among the members and sympathizers. "Where possible, organize forums and 
lectures, using people from the passengers, etc. 

Develop any type of activity along these lines that will involve any number 
of the crew in it. If some of the men want to study a language, etc., and 
if there is someone aboard who can help them, get it going, 

WE ARE THE PARTY FRACTION IN THE UNION 

We must see to it that union work is carried on in the correct manner. 
But we must not become a substitute for it. We should always try to develop 
honest, capable nonparty forces in the work. We must not function as only 
a progressive union group. We are not wobblies. We are revolutionary workers 
preparing for the decisive struggle to end capitalism. We have to exist as an 
independent and influential force in our own right, not just be the "tail" for 
the union work. 

FRATERNIZE WITH THE SHORE-SIDE WORKEHS 

When a.shore in the home port, particularly, we should see to it that as 
many members of the crew as possible get acquainted with the longshoremen 
and fraternize with them. In union meetings aboard ship, a report on the 
current I. L. A. situation should be made. This information can be secured 
by reading the rank and tile paper of the longshoremen and by inquiring at the 
section. 

It also goes as a matter of course that we should be informed as to the 
current situation in the licensed men's unions. 

Proper attention to the above two points will speed the actual building of 
the federation spirit in the industry. 

IN FOREIGN COUNTRIES 

We should try to establish the broadest fraternal relations with the foreign 
workers and people. Where the workers' movements are legal this can be done 
very effectively and on a mass scale by arranging for dances, shows, etc., in 
their halls. In Fascist countries we cannot operate so easily. Each unit should 
decide on what is to be done in this case. 

It is not wise for individual members to act on their own in these countries. 

REPORT TO PARTY REGULARLY 

When ashore, if a party organization exists, report to it. Write to your 
home port party organization regularly if on extended trips. 

Each party member should feel at liberty to write articles for the union 
and party papers, discuss any problems or questions with party leaders, etc. 

From the day you get your party book you have a full vote and all rights 
of a member. You also carry the responsibility of forming the party's policies 
and carrying them out. 



192 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Try to study systematically. The educational committee comrades and more 
experienced comrades will always be srlad to help you plan a course of study 
while asea or ashcre. But try to establish the habit of reading the Communist, 
which is the monthly scientific nia.iiazine of our party : the Communist Interna- 
tional, the monthly magazine of the Communist International ; and the Party 
Organizer, which monthly gives concrete examples of work and experiences of 
party organizati-ns that will be of help to you. 

You can get literature credit before sailing. 

Here is a list of the major party headquarters or bookshops on both coasts 
and the Lakes : 

Boston. S Beach Street ; Buffalo, fit West Chippewa ; Cleveland, 1^)22 Prospect 
Avenue; Dnlu<h. 28 East First Street: Milwaukee, 419 W. State Street; New 
Orleans, 1.10 Chartres Street ; Oakland, 567 Twelfth Street ; Portland, Oreg, 314 
AVest South Mnlison; Sacramento. 1024 Sixth Street: St. Louis, 3.')0 Franklin 
Avenue; San Francisco. 121 Haight Street; Seattle, TlSy^ Pine Street; Taconia, 
1315 Tacoma Avenue: Baltimore. r>t!lA North Eutaw Street; Chicago, 200 West 
Van Buren Street; Detroit. 3.537 Woodward Avenue; Los Angeles, 230 South 
Spring Street; Newark, 33 Halway Street; New York, 35 East Twelfth Street; 
Philadelphia. 101 South Ninth Street ; Providence, 335 Westminster Street 
(room 42): San Diego, 635 East Street; San Pedro, 244 West Sixth Street; 
Superior, noi Tower Avenue ; Toledo. 214 Michigan Street. 

If you have any questions, come to the section ; also write to the following 
address : J. Robinson, 50 East Thirteenth Street. 

Mr. Starnes. Let me ask yon about the Communists on board ship. 
Have yon any personal Ivnowledge of any Communists being aboard 
the ship that President Hoover was on? 

Mr. Frey. No, sir ; I have none. 

There was an important meeting of the leaders of the Connnunist 
Party called in Xew York by the chairman, W. Z. Foster, about 
the middle of INTay 1937. It was for the purpose largely of receiving 
a report from Mr. Browder and others on the people's front. Mr. 
Browder and others had been over in April of that year, attending 
an international conference in Paris, France, at which problems and 
policies of Communist groups were discussed. 

At this meeting of the central committee of the Communist Party 
there were present among others, Clarence HathaAvay, Jack Stachel, 
Isreal Amter. Fred Brown (real name Alpi), Roy Hudson, Lena Davis 
(read name Chernenco), John Williamson, Pat Toughy — the name 
as I have it here is wrong, it should be Toohy; I have referred to 
that previously — Morris Childs (real name Chilovski), William 
Weinstone, Harry Cannes, Harry Eavmond. and some representa- 
tives of the editorial staff of the Daily Worker. 

T want to read from the report which I received of this meeting. 
This is in part the report that Browder made. 

The Paris Conference was unanimous in agreeing that the American Com- 
munist Party's conception of the people's front was too narrow, that it is no 
longer possible to assume that a real people's front can be raised in the 
Ignited States simply by trying to l)uihl farmer-labor parties. It i.s necessary 
to bro.nden the jjeople's front policy so that the Communists can have an 
immediate perspective, as they cannot wait for the organization of a farmer- 
labor party but must begin now to work toward a people's front. That 
means that the Communist Party must take advantage of the present favorable 
conditions and work inside of the Democratic Party because there are ele- 
ments in that party that are anti-Fascist, progressive, and really democratic. 

Mr. Chairman, T would have called the committee's attention to 
this, but I have such a mass of documents that I did not know there 
Avas such a reference to what they were doing, or I would have 
brought that up. 

The Chairman. We are concerned with the truth. 



UN-A5IEKICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 193 

Mr. Frey. I know you are. 

The Chairman. This comniittee wants to be absohitely fair, and 
all we want is proof of the facts. We are nonpartisan so far as 
we are dealin<; with this subject. 

Mr. Frey. I am fortunate. Mr. Chairman, in being thorouohly 
nonpartisan. I am not now a member of any political })arty; I 
have never been a member of any political party; and so lonjj as I 
hold an American Federation of Labor position I never will be. 
(Continuing:) 

Developments to date show that such iienetration of the D.nnocratic 
Party in the United States is possible and produces good results. This is 
shown in the results of the last elections in tlie State of Wasliington — 

Remember, this is 1937 — 

where the Coninmuist Party candidates ran with otliers in the primaries on 
the Commonwealth Federation ticket, and four Communist legislative candi- 
dates were elected. By combining with other progressive forces in the State 
of Washington, the Communist Party lias shown in a small way what a people's 
front will be able to do. These Communist Party candidates in tlie State 
of Washington were elected as Democrats and the same thing can be done 
in many other States. 

The Communist Party must work with Labor's Non-Partisan League, headed 
by Maj. George L. Berry, recently appointed United States Senator from 
Tennessee. The Communist Party can al-o do some effective worlc in certain 
places in the United States in the R?publican Party, especially in tho:'.e States 
like Wisconsin and Minnesota where the Republican Party has left-wing 
elements. 

I am glad we have balanced it now. 

Mr. Hi:aley. You do not discriminate at all. 

Mr. Frey. No; it is 50-50 now, so it is all right. [Continuing:] 

The decision of the Paris Conference was that each case in the United States 
must be decided upon its merits, with particular consideration given to the 
special local situation. 

In other words, the Communist Party is a chameleon politically 
in the United States. 

In those States where the Communist Party cannot enter candidates of its 
own, it can and must support the candidates who are real progressives. One 
of the most effective means of getting Communist Party candidates into ofSce 
is to utilize the unions organized by John L. Lewis' Committee for Industrial 
Organization and get the latter to endorse Communist Party candidates on 
old-party tickets. 

Labor's Ncn-Partisan League can become the main stream heading to class 
political action, just as the C. I. O. is now the main stream for organiz?d 
labor. It mu-^t be said quite frankly that the Communist Party shall not spend 
time trying to build up labor parties and farmer-labor parties until the Ameri- 
can labor movement is ready for it. By working with Labor's N )n-P.irtisan 
League, the Communists can be in a position to play a leading part in launching 
a Nation-wide farmer-labor party when conditions develop to such an extent 
that the masses of the workers realize that they can progress no further by 
staying in the old political parties. 

The possibility of, and the opportunity for building a "people's front" in this 
country in th.e immediate future is and may be never better. To the extent 
that the Communists are able to penetrate and influence the elements that still 
support the D:'mocratic Party. To that extent also, the party will be able 
to push President Roosevelt and his administration more to the left, obtain 
more social legislation, carry further the organization of the unions in the 
basic industries and lay the basis for a powerful class party that can be 
launched at the proper moment. 



194 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Now, remember that we are inside of the meeting of the central 
committee of the Communist Party. This was not prepared or said 
for publication. This is a conference. I am reading now from what 
was said in that conference [continuing] : 

Browder's report 

Which I have just read — 

of the decisions of the Paris conference shocked many of his hearers because 
it was more or less of a reversal of American Communist Party strategy. It 
was accepted, however, without adverse comment, as an order from higher 
authority. 

What higher autliority? We were told by the Communist Party 
in their convention that they were the highest authority. Well, this 
is the highest authority in the country, and the highest authority 
over them, of course, is Moscow. [Continuing:] 

Privately, a number of those present remarked that such a proposal, if sub- 
mitted a year ago, would have resulted in the expulsion for opportunism of 
those suggesting it. Touhy — 

and the name is spelled wrong; it should be Toohy; Patrick Toohy, 
of Pennsylvania — 

Brown, Hudson, Davis, Williamson, and Weinstone discussed Browder's report 
and endeavored to show how excellently that policy would work in given 
localities. 

I am turning the whole report over, without reference, and I want 
to quote briefly from William Z. Foster — 

William Z. Foster reported on the trade union question saying in substance that 
the Communist policy immediately after the Tampa convention of the American 
Federation of Labor last fall — 

That was in 1936— 

had been one of the urging unity between the Committee for Industrial Organi- 
zation and the American Federation of Labor but that since then conditions 
have changed. The center of gravity has shifted from the American Fedeiation 
of Labor to the Committee for Industrial Organization as a result of the in- 
tensive organizational drive of the Committee for Industrial Organization and 
its successes in the automobile and steel industries. The Communists must 
now take a more positive stand in support of the Committee for Industrial 
Organization, at the same time strengthening the party force and bcgimiing a 
differentiation as far as tendencies to compromise and set up strike machinery 
are concerned. 

Now, let us jret this 



Mr. Thomas (interposing). Mr. Frey, before you go on, that 
document that you have there is a very interesting document, and 
very persuasive, but as for me, I would like to have some little proof 
as to the authenticity of that document. 

Mr. Frey. I made the statement when I began to testify before 
this committee that if the question of authenticity was raised over 
any of the statements or documents I read here, I would agree to 
meet j)ri\ately and confidentially with the chairman of the commit! ee, 
and if I then failed to convince him as to the authenticity, I would 
withdraw all that I had presented. I cannot openly give the source 
of my information. 

Mr. Thomas. I understand that; but you yourself are convinced 
that that document is authentic, and you are also convinced that you 
can supply the committee with the proof that they ask for of its 
authenticity ? 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 195 

Mr. Frey. As a man who has held office in the trades-union move- 
ment for 42 years consecutively, and lias a little respect for himself, 
I certainly would not come before this committee aud present any 
matter unless I was absolutely convinced of its authenticity. 

I think I will repeat: 

The Communists must now take a more positive stand in support of the 
Committee for Industrial Organization, at the same time sti'engthening the 
party force and bogiuning a dillorontiation as far as tendencies to compromise 
aud set up strike machinery are concerned. 

This is the Communist Party now, setting up strike machinery. 

The Communists must be very careful not to go too far aud isolate themselves 
from the Committee for Industrial Organization leadership. They must proceed 
cautiously, for they cannot afford to go to the other extreme and accept un- 
critically everything done by the Committee for Industrial Organization leader- 
ship, nor must they become carping critics. The Communists can diffei'entiate 
themselves from the Committee for Industrial Organization leadership only 
by being the best organizers, and each individual Communist must show by his 
own example what real militant leadership actually is. Then when their 
reactionaries act to discredit the Conniiunists, it will not be possible for them 
to do so. However, if the attempt is made, the reactionaries will only expose 
themselves before the workers. While the center of gravity has shifted to the 
Committee for Industrial Organization, the Communists cannot neglect work 
in the American Federation of Labor, and in cases where reactionary American 
Federation of Labor leaders act against the interests of the workers, the Com- 
mtmists must try to isolate them from the masses so that they will have no 
influence. 



Quence. 
(The copy of report referred to is as follows :) 



COMMUNIST 

New York. May 1, 1937. 

A special meeting of the leading elements of the Commtmist Party of the 
United States of America was called in New York by National Chairman William 
Z. Foster and National Secretary Earl R. Browder to discuss the decisions 
made at the Paris conference of the several Communist Parties throughout the 
world. This Paris conference was held in that city during the third week of 
April and was attended by Communist leaders from quite a number of nations. 

The New Y'ork meeting of the American party leaders was held on Saturday, 
May S, on the ninth floor of 35 West Twelfth Street, New York City, and was 
attended by Clarence Hathaway, Jack Stachel, Isreal Amter, F. Brown (real 
name Alpi), and Roy Htidfon, members of the central executive committee of 
the Communist Party of the United States of America; Lena Davis (real 
name Chernenko), district organizer from New Jersey; John Williamson, dis- 
trict organizer for Ohio; Pat Toughy, of Philadelphia; Morris Childs (real 
name Chiloviski), di.strict organizer for Illinois; William Weinstone, district 
organizer for Michigan; Harry Cannes and Harry Raymond (the latter two 
on the editorial stalf of the Daily V\'orker), and several others who were not 
identified. 

Foster and Browder laid down four matters for consideration by the group, 
to wit : 

"1. The people's front. 

'2. The trade union qtie.stion. 

"3. The peace movement. 

"4. Building of the Comnuunst Party of the United States of America." 

Earl K. Browder reported on the "people's front" proposition. In substance 
his remarks were as follows: That he, William Z. Foster, Robert Minor, and 
James Ford were the official American representatives to the international 
conference held in Paris last month ; that the i^rincipal Communist Parties 
of the world were represented at the conference; and that the Soviet Govern- 
ment and the Communist International were represented by Kossoir, Manuilski, 
Kuusinen, Bela Kun (former Communist director of Hungary) ; Kisrsonova 
(wife of Yaroslovsky) ; Stassova (international head of the M. O. P. R., or Inter- 
national Labor Defense) ; Palmer Butt of England and Pieck of Germany. 
Robert Minor and James Ford stayed in Europe and are now in Spain helping 



296 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

to improve the spirit of the American section of the International Brigade 
fighting for the loyalist Government of Spain. 

The Paris conference was unanimous in agreeing that the American Com- 
munist Party's conception of the 'people's front" was too narrow, that it is no 
longer possible to assume that a real ''people's front" can be raised in the 
United States simply by trying to build Farmer-Labor parties. It is necessary 
to broaden the "people's front" policy so that the Communists can have an 
immcdi- te perspective, as they cannot wait for the organization of a Farmer- 
Labor Party but must begin now to work toward a "people's front." That 
means that the Communist Party must take advantage of the present favorable 
condiiions and work inside of the Democratic Party because there are elements 
in that party that are anti-Fascict, progressive and really democratic. De- 
■< elopments to date show that such penetration of the Democratic Party in the 
United States is possible and r.roduces good results. This is shown in the results 
of the last elections in the State of Washington where the Communist Party 
candidates ran with others in the primaries on the Commonwealth Federation 
ticket, and four Communist legislative candidates were elected. By combin- 
ing with other progressive forces in the State of Washington, the Communist 
Party has shown in a small way what a "people's front" will be able to do. 
These Communists Party candidates in the State of Washington were elected as 
Democrats and the same thing can be done in many other States. 

T" e Communis t Party mu; t work with Labor's Non-Partisan League, headed 
by Maj. Geo'-ge L. Berry, recently appointed United States Senator from 
Tennessee. The Communist Party can also do some effectl'^e work in certain 
]ilace« in the United States in the Republican Party, especially in those States 
like Wisconsin and Minnesota where the Republic Party has left-wing elements. 

The dec'sion of the Paris Conference was that each case in the United 
States m'lst be decided upon its merits, v.'ith particular consideration given to 
the srecial local sitiiation. In those States where the Communist Party cannot 
enter candidates of its own, it can and must support the candidates who are 
real p'ogre^.-ive;:. One of the most effective means of getthig Communist Party 
cam^Hlates into offi-e is to utilize the unions organized by John L. Lev.is' Com- 
mittee for Iidustrial Organization and get the latter to endorse Communist 
Party candif^'a^^es on old-party tickets. 

Labor's N >n-Partisan League can become the main stream heading to class 
poMt'cal action. j"st as the Committee for Industrial Organization is now the 
main stream for organized labor. It must be said cpiite frankly that the Com- 
mrnist Party shall not spend time trying to build up labor parties and Farmer- 
Li bor partie"-! until the iSmerican labor movement is ready for it. By working 
witli Labor's Nor-Partisan League, tlie Communists can be in a positi(m to 
play a leading part in launching a Nation-wi(U' Farmer-Lab:>r Party when con- 
ditions develop to such an extent that the masses of the workers realize that 
they can progress no farther by staying in the old political parties. 

The possiliility of, and the opportunity for buihling a "people's front'' in 
this country in the immediate future is and may be never better. To the ex- 
teit that the Communists are able to penetrate and influence the elements that 
ftill support the Democratic Party. To that extent also, thr party will be able 
to push Pre>~idei'.t Rjo: evelt and his aihniristraMon more to the left, obtain 
more social legislation, carry furtlier the organization of the unions in the basic 
industries and lay the basis for a powerful class party that can be launched at 
the proper m<mieni. 

Browder's report of the decisions of the Paris Conferen.cc shocked many of 
liis liearers hecaure it v»'as more or less of a r(>versal of American Communist 
Party strategy. It was accepted, however, without adver't comment, as an 
ordcT from liigler autliority. Privately, a number of those present remarked 
that such a proposal, if submitted a year ago, would have resulted in tlie ex- 
pulsion for opportunism of those suggesting it. Touhy. Brown. Hudson, Davis, 
William on, and Weinstone discu'-'sed T?rowder's report and endeavored to show 
h(-w cxcel'(>'tly that policy would work in given localities. 

Touhy made the statement that William Leader of the Hosiery Workers Union 
was one o." <he most prominenr people in tlie Republican city administration of 
Mayor S D^-is W'lson of Pliiladeliihia, and was also active in Labor's Non- 
partisan League. Tiaihy said that tlie Conununists could snpi)ort Mayor Wilson 
aid try to get Communists on. the Rejjublican ticket for lesser offi -es in that 
city. He also said that in the anthracite coal region the Communists can cer- 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 197 

tainlv get thoir iioopU" in many officos by entering the Democratic primaries 
in sni)i)ort of the machine of the Democratic Governor, George H. Earle, of 

Pennsylvania. . ••14. 

William Z. Foster reported on the trade-nnion qnestion, saymg ni substance 
that the Comnnmist policy, immediately after the Tampa convention of the 
A F of L. last fall, had been one of nrging unity between the C. I. O. and the 
A F of L. but that since tlien conditions hav(> changed. The center of gravity 
has shifted from the A. F. of L. to the C. I. O. as a result of the intensive 
organizational drive of the C. I. O. and its successes in the automobile and 
steel industries. The Communists must now take a more positive stand in 
support of tlu^ C. I. O.. at the same time strengthening the party force and 
boiiinning a diffm-Attiation as far as tendencies to compromise and set up strike 
macliinery are concerned. The Communists must be very careful not to go too 
far and isolate themselves from the G. I. O. leadership. They must proceed 
cautiouslv, for thev cannot afford to go to the other extreme and accept 
uncriticailv everything done by the C. I. O. leadership, nor nnist they become 
carping critics. The C«nnmunists can differentiate themselves from the C. I. O. 
leadership only by being the best organizers, and each individual Communist 
must show by his "own example what real militant leadership actually is. Then 
when their actionaries act to discredit the Communists, it will not be possible 
for them to do so. However, if the attempt is made, the reactionaries will 
only expo.se themselves before the workers. While the center of gravity has 
shifted to the C. I. O., the Communists cannot neglect work in the A. F. of L., 
and in cases where reactionary A. F. of L. leaders act against the interests of 
the workers, the Communists must try to isolate them from the masses so that 
thev will have no influence. 

In discussing Foster's remarks. District Organizer Childs, of Chicago, stated 
that he had noted a marked change in the attitude of some of the C. I. O. 
leaders recently ; that he liad just received word from Chicago that at a 
regional meeting of the C. I. O. forces, someone from the Pacific coast had tried 
to raise the "red scare," and that Van A. Bittner, S. W. O. C. regional director 
in Chicago, had defended the Communists by saying they were his best organ- 
izers and that anyone who tried to raise the ''red scare" was doing no real 
service for the C. I. O. Childs said that this is a decided change from several 
v.'eeks ago. when the Chicago Communists thought that Bittner was one of 
the chief enemies of the party. 

William Weinstone, of Detroit, said there is considerable red baiting in the 
United Automobile Workers Union in his district, but that he thought that 
John Brophy, director of the C. I. O., would soon intervene in the Detroit situ- 
ation and put a stop to the redbaiting. Weinstone said that it is probable 
Homer Martin, president of the United Automobile W'orkers, would either 
abandon his attitude toward First Vice President Wyndham Mortimer and 
other radical leaders of the U. A. M. U.. or be disciplined by the C. I. O. lender- 
ship. The inference drawn from W^einstone's report was that the disciplinary 
action would come from John L. Lewis. 

On the trade-union sitiiation it w^as decided tbnt William Z. Foster will spend 
some time in Detroit and then proceed to Chicago. "While in Chicago, he will 
work with the organizational drive. While there he will also give special atten- 
tion to the development of an organizational campaign in the Chicago Stock 
Yards. 

Earl R. Browder resumed the floor to discuss the peace movement. He said, 
in substance, that the European Communist comrades are very much disai> 
pointed with the United States peace policy, especially inasmuch as the American 
Commimist Party did nothing to defend the League of Nations as an instrument 
that can be used for peaceful purposes. It is necessary to try to coordinate the 
American peace movement with the European peace movement and to utilize 
esiecially the Kellogg-Eriimd Pact of 102S, as that pact is the property of the 
League of Nations and an American Secretary of State played a leading part in 
its formation. The Communist Party must also carry on agitation to define an 
aggres'or in case of war and to do everything possible in the event of war to 
liberalize the Government. The peace movement, therefore, can also be made an 
important part of the general di'ive for a "People's Front" government. Much 
more must be done for Spain than has been accomplished. A decision was made 
to .set aside the week of May 30 to June 6 to be known as "International Sol- 
idarity W'eek," during which time a campaign will oe put on to raise funds for 



]^98 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

the Loyalist government of that country and every effort must be put forth to 
make a success of this drive. 

F. Brown discussed the P>uildiiig: the Communist Party proposal. He presented 
a gloomy picture saying in substance that the Communist Party membership in- 
creases very slowly, that its organizational strength is only an insignificant 
fraction of its actual influence and that the circulation of the Daily Worker and 
other Communist papers does not increase because most of the Communist Party 
members now working as trade-union organizers forget that they are Communists 
as well as trade unionists. One of the reasons for the slow growth of the 
Communist Party is that local campaigns are not fieveloped so that the masses 
see the Communist Party in action. It is, therefore, necessary that all districts, 
sections, and units be activized. The general impression of all present seemed 
to be that the governing body of the Communist International is issuing orders 
in the foim of a revolutionary policy and that the American Communists have 
nothing to do but to carry them out irrespective of their own individual ideas and 
wisl es. 

The Chairman. To understand that a little more fully, that is the 
report of the meeting, is it? 

Mr. Frey. That is a report of the meetinc; of the central commit- 
tee of the Communist Party held in New York City. 

The Chairman. Made by a responsible person; made under such 
circumstances that there is no question about his responsibility? 

j\Ir. Frey. I have as much reason to believe 

The Chairman (interposine;). I can appreciate this situation, and 
the committee can appreciate it — that in dealing with this subject 
many people want to give information, but they wish to withhold 
tlieir names, for obvious reasons, and yet at the same time, of course, 
the committee must exercise care and caution, becau.se we cannot 
predicate a finding upon something that is not established as being 
thorouglily authentic; and I know you can appreciate that position 
on the part f>f tlie committee. For that reason I asked you if you 
were thoroughly familiar with tlie circumstances, and whether that 
report was made through very responsible sources. 

Mr. Frey. It was made throuf^h a vevy responsible source; and I 
will say this now, and I will call attention to other meetings of the 
central committee of the Communist Party, and will read as I have 
now. 

TTp until a few weeks ago I was not at liberty to read what I have 
just read, and another matter which I will present to the committee. 
I took the question up with a responsible source of information, 
whom T have known for years, and in view of the importance of the 
committee's hearings, I was told to go ahead without permission. 

In May of 1987 I did what is usually impossible for me — repeated 
almost three paragraphs of a meeting that had just taken place — the 
one I have just read to you. That led to the preferring of charges 
against certain parties inside of the executive committee. 

The Chairman. T nm sure we can appreciate that fact, and that 
point is the most difficult point that naturally confronts the com- 
mittee. We have our sources of information, but in many instances, 
in order to get the information, the party who gives it declines to 
have his name used, and exacts a promise that his name will not 
be used, for many reasons. Many of them fear personal harm; 
some of them fear exposure, Miiich will reveal the source of the 
information. But that document seems to be very important, and 
at a later date we will discuss the question of the authenticity of 
it. You and I will discuss the question, and members of the com- 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 199 

mittee who are interested, and I am sure that whatever is told to 
this committee in confidence will be treated that way. 

^Ir. Frey. May I add this : It is not a question of fear altogether. 
It is a certain question of loyalty that you develop toward an in- 
dividual whom you become intunately acquainted with and with 
whom you work. It is, secondly, this : That I have been interested 
in these subversive activities. I have been actively opposed to 
everything the Communist Party stands for. I have tried to secure 
information. I have established a certain reputation for judgment. 
I have been fearful in the last 2 or 3 years, owing to statements I 
would make in conventions in the American Federation of Labor, 
that my source of information would be dried up. Now that this 
connnittee is in session, I do not care whetlier I am able to get any 
more or not. "\Yliat I have is going in the record. They can dry 
up on me and shut me off, if they are able to. 

Mr. Starnes. Who is Mr. Toohy? 

Mr. Frey. Pat Toohy is a coal miner. He was actively associated 
with John Brophv. He was appointed director of the C. I. O. by 
John L. Lewis. He was associated with Hapgood and a number of 
others who were dissatisfied with John L. Lewis as president of 
the Mine Workers, and was active in trying to organize a dual 
organization among the miners. Mr. Toohy was then a member of 
the Communist Party. He is not only a member but, as I read you 
this morning, he is noAv — I can't recall now, but I think he is a 
member of the national committee. 

Mr. Star>"es. Wlio is this Lena Davis that you have referred to 
in your testimony, who was at those meetings? 

Mr. Frey. Well, I am not certain. I would have to go back over 
the list. I think she is, or was, a school teacher. I am not positive 
about that. 

Mr. Starnes. Is she a social worker? 

Mr. Frey. No; I think she is a school teacher. I am not positive 
about. 

Now, I am filing with the committee instructions sent out by the 
central executive committee under date of June 24, 1937, to be read 
by all unit functionaries and unit bureaus, and the whole thing 
deals with how a member of the party is to be transferred, or how 
he can transfer himself, from one part of the country to the other ; 
and it deals with leave of absence — that is interesting. [Il?ading:] 

Leave of absence to the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics or to any othei- 
country is granted for 2 months only. 

2. Applications for leave of absence must be made out on the regular ap- 
plication blank provided for this purpose. (See the enclosed form.) If you 
do not have a supply of these, please notify us at once and we will send you 
the desired number. 

3. These applications for permission for leave of absence must be signed 
by the unit, section, and district organizers before they are forwarded to the 
central committee for fir.al approval. 

4. After the comi-ade is notified personally or through the district that his 
leave hfis been granted by the central committee he or she may begin to make 
preparations (purchase of ticket, securing of visa, etc.) to leave. 

Then, of course, it recommends the purchase of all transportation 
through the World Tourists offices, which are controllecl by the 
Communists. 

I want to have the whole of that in the record. 



200 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

(The statement referred to is as follows:) 

Communist 

New York, N. Y., June 24, 1937. 
To Be Re.\d by All Unit Functionaries and Unit Euros 

DIRECTIVES ON TRANSFERS 

1. All transfers must be made out on the transfer cards provided for by the 
central committee of which you should have a supply. (If not, let us know 
and we shall send you a supply.) 

2. Fill out information on the cards. (It is particularly necessary to have 
the address where the comrade will stay in his new district, since many 
comrades fail to call at the district office, and we haA'e no way of contacting 
the transf(>rred member, and in some cases members have been lost to the party 
because of this.) 

3. See that both the party name and real name of the comrade is given. 
Otherwise, the address is of no value, and the letters are returned. 

4. The comrades should keep their books. Do not take books away. 

5. The following information must be indicated on the transfer card : district 
number, section number, unit number, name of unit organizer, and book 
number. We will return all requests lacking this information. 

6. Print tlie comrade's name, because it is fre(piently impossible to read the 
handwriting. 

7. The transfer card should be endorsed by the section and district organ- 
izers, space for which is provided on the other side of the transfer card. 

I.EAVES OF ABSENCE 

1. Leave of absence to the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics or to any 
other country is granted for 2 months only. 

2. Applications for leave of absence must be made out on the regular ap- 
plication blank provided for this purpose. (See the enclosed form.) If you 
do not have a supply of these, please notify us at once and we will send you the 
desired number. 

3. These applications for permission for leave of absence must be signed by 
the unit, section, and district organizers before they are forwarded to the 
central committee for final apiu-oval. 

4. After the comrade is notified personally or tlirough the district that his 
leave has been granted b.v the central committee he or she may begin to 
make preparations, (purchase of ticket, securing of visa, etc.) to leave. 

5. We recommend that all passenger tickets should be purchased through 
the World Tourists. In the event that there is no World Tourist agency in a 
given city or town, bookings may be made by communicating with the World 
Tourist office in New York City, at 175 Fifth Avenue, New York City. 

6. Dues shall be paid up in the district by the comrade, to include the time 
covering the period of leave. 

7. All conu-ades going abroad must report to the national office here in New 
York before sailing to leave his or her membership boolv, with dues fully paid 
up as stated above. 

8. Comr;id(<s sjoing on a 2-month leave of al>soi;ce to the I^nion of Soviet 
Sociali.st Republics shall nbsolutely make no effort to have this leave extended 
or to sef'ure jolis in order to achieve such extension when they arrive in the 
Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. 

Mr. Fret. In December 1937, the central committee desired to se- 
cure an accurate record of all of the leadinc: functionaries in the 
party; that is, the orsjanizers, district, snbdistrict, and other officers; 
nud they sent out a questionnaire. Tins letter was sent to the proper 
official of the Communist Party in Chicaijo : 

Illinois St\te Committeh?. 
Communist Party. United States of America. 

Chirnr/n, Til, T)ocrw'brr 7, 19^1. 
Dk\r Com7?vd: Enclosed you will find a questionnaire issued by the central 
coni'iiittee. Yon are to brinu your written life history, based on the ques- 
tionnaire, to the State committee to be held Saturday, December 11. 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 201 

Any conirad(^ who doos not have this task complete by that time will be 
asked to take time off at the State committee meeting itself in order to com- 
plete it. 

We urge, therefore, that you make every effort to complete this before you 

come. 

You are to submit your history to E. Brown, and no one else. 

Comradely yours, 

State Burg. 

(Under no circumstances are you to mail your history to the district office. 
In case you are not present at the State committee meeting, write us informing 
us as to when we can expect your history and we will give you information 
as to how and where to send it.) 

Mr. Frey. I will file with the committee a photostat of this ques- 
tionnaire, and add that I received a copy of this questionnaire be- 
fore it was received by the Communist functionaries west of the 
Mississippi River. 

(The questionnaire is as follows:) 

Questionnaire 

ON the life and activities or LE.\DING PARTY FUNCTIONARIES 

The following questions must be answered in full detail, point by point, in 
order that a full and complete picture of your life and activities shall be given 
to the party. 

Every effort must be used to give correct and exact information. No vital 
points must be omitted. 

Use separate letter-size sheets, the first of which shall start out as follows: 

[Date] 



Party and life history of 

(Real name in full) 

:Main office or function in the party at the present time 

A. SOCIAL POSITION AND ORIGIN 

State date and place of birth. Date and place of birth of parents. If not 
born in the U. S. A., state when they came to this country and whether or 
not naturalized. 

Is father living? If so. what is his age, occupation, now. and what was 
his occupation in the past. (Answer in detail.) If dead, how old at the 
time of death, and what was his occupation. 

Is mother living? If so, what is her age? What is she doing at the present 
time? State social background of mother, whether or not a worker: what 
category: did .she work after marriage? 

What was economic status of family? What sources of income did it have? 
Describe your home environment. How many children in family, your place 
in family"? Did you have a religious training? Do you have any religious 
affiliation? To what political parties did your parents belong? 

When did you begin work? At what kind of work? Give complete history 
of the various jobs you have held, length of time at each job. etc. State name 
of company for which yoii worked, where located. State why you changed 
jobs ; if you were fired from jobs, state reason. Hnve you ever had any other 
income except your wages? If so, from what source? 

Have you had military service? In what branch? Reason for enlistment? 
Rank in' service? What is the extent of your military knowledge? Did you 
play any part in the World War 1914-18? If not, what were you doing at this 
time? 

If you are married, give brief biography of your wife (or husband), social 
background, political status, economic position, field work, when married, 
etc. If divorced, state when and for what reason. If married more than once, 
give details. 

State number of brothers and sisters living. Their occupation, economic 
position, political afiiliation, economic position of wife or husband, number of 
children in each family, etc. 



202 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

How many children have you? State age and sex. Are they members of 
the Pioneers, U. C. L. or party. State whether or not in school or worlsing. 
If worliing, state details, kind of work, place, etc. Are they members of any 
other organizations? If so, what kind. Are any members of your family 
sympathetic to the Communist Party? State details, whether or not they read 
the party press, vote the party ticket, etc. Have any of your relatives 
(parents, brothers, sisters, uncles, aunts, cousins) ever worked for the Gov- 
ernment in any capacity? Have you ever traveled outside of the United States 
of America? If so, for what purpose? 

B. INTEXLECTUAL DEVEI.OPMENT AND EDUCATION 

Give full details about your education (nonpolitical). When did you enter 
school? How many years did you attend? Did you finish' grammar school? 
High school? University? How many years in university? Have you 
attended evening classes or taken correspondence courses? State reasons for 
leaving school. What party education have you had? Evening classes? In- 
dependent study? Party schools? What literature have you read? In 
answering this question differentiate between what you have read and what 
you have studied. What propaganda work have you done in the party? What 
agitation? What have you written? With what languages, other than Eng- 
lish, are you familiar? State extent of your knowledge, i. e., can you read, 
write, speak? 

C. POLITICAL LIFE 

When did you enter the revolutionary movement? Where? State fully 
your activities. Were you a member of the Socialist Party? The International 
Workers of the World? The Socialist Labor Party? Give full details. To 
what youth organization did you belong? Wlien did you join the Communist 
Party? Where? Under what recommendation? Who was the district organ- 
izer? With what recommendation did you join? With whom were you asso- 
ciated in the party at the time you joined? State fully your activities from 
the time you joined until the present date. What mass work have you done? 
Where? What factory work? Have you ever been out of the party? Under 
what circumstances? For how long? When were you reinstated? State full 
details. What conventions, conferences of the party have you attended? Give 
full details. In what district have you l)een a member? In what cities, sec- 
tions, units? AVhat work did you do in each place? How many workers 
have been recruited into the party tliroiigh your efforts? What position did 
you take in the chief periods of party life? State fully your position in the 
inner struggles of the party. Have you at any time associated yourself with 
an opposition group outside of the party? If so, state details, length of 
association, etc. 

D. PARTICIPATION IN TRADE UNIONS AND OTHER ORGANIZATIONS 

To what trade union have you belonged? Name of local? When did you 
join? Whore? How long in iniion? What offices did you hold in union? 
What paid positions? Present status in union? Date and extent of member- 
ship? What have been your union activities? What is your present union 
status? 

To what other workers' organizations have you belonged, and wiiat offices 
in them have you held? Give dates, whether paid or voluntary service, other 
details. Give the same information as of tlie present time. 

Have you ever participated in Government bodies? Give dates, description 
of i)Osts, other details. 

E. REPRESSIONS AND PERSECUTIONS 

Have you taken part in strikes and demonstrates? Give dates, places, and 
other details. Have you ever been arrested? On what occasion? For what 
cause? Have you ever been convicted? When? On what charge? What 
prison sentences have you served? Length of time in jail. Where? Were 
you tortured while in jail? 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 203 

F. SUPPLEMENTAUY INFORMATION 

State chief party and ma.ss orjiauizations paid positions and places of work. 
"NVlio can contirm the truth of the above statements? Name responsible parly 
members familiar with the various phases of your activities as stated above. 

EETL'BN THIS QUESTIONNAIRE WITH YOUR ANSWHIRS PROMPTLY — SIGN THE STA'n':MENT 

Mr. Frky. Now, it is an interesting document, because it is in- 
tenv^led to give the party a fairly good line on the functionaries. 
There are the usual questions: Is your father living? If he is dead, 
when did he die? Is your mother living? What was the social 
background of the mother? What was the economic status of the 
family ? What sources of income did it have ? What was the home 
environment? How many children? When did you begin to work? 
Type of work. History of the various jobs held; length of time on 
each job; names of companies for which 3"ou worked; where located; 
why jobs were changed. If you were discharged, slate the reason. 
Have you any other income except wages? If so, from what source? 
Have you had military service? In what branch? Reason for en- 
listment? Rank in service? What is the extent of your military 
knowledge? Did you play any part in the World War 1914-18? If 
not, what were you doing at that time? If you are married, give 
brief biography of wife or husband, social background, political 
status, economic position, field of work, when married, etc. If di- 
vorced, state when and for what reason. If married more than once, 
give details. Number of brothers and sisters living. 

Now, here is some interesting information, if this were properly 
filled out. 

"State number of brothei*s and sisters living. Their occupation, 
economic position, political affiliation," and so forth. That is not 
l^articularly interesting. They want to find out how many Govern- 
ment jobs are held. This information would be most valuable in 
securing knowledge of what was going on in Government depart- 
ments and what was going into the record files which might be of 
service to the Communist Party. 

"How many children have you? State age and sex. Are they 
members of the Pioneers, Y. C. L. or party? State whether or not 
in school or working. If working, state details, kind of work, place, 
and so forth. Are they members of any other organizations? If 
so, what kind? Are any members of your family sympathetic to the 
Communist Party?" Then they ask how the members of the family 
A'ote. 

Then, under the head of "Intellectual Development and Education," 
that is, nonpolitical education, they ask whether they have any school 
or university degree, how many years they were in the university; 
whether they have taken correspondence courses and so on. 

Then, under the head of "Political Life," they ask, "When did you 
enter the revolutionary movement ? Where ? State fully your activ- 
ities." Then they ask whether they have ever been suspended, and. 
if so, when they were reinstated. Then they ask, "State fully your 
position in the inner struggles of the party. Have you at any time 
associated yourself with an opposition group outside the party? If 
so, state details, length of association, and so forth." 



204 UN-AMEKICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Then they ask if they liave belonged to a trade nnion, and if so, 
what union; how long they were members, and whether they held 
office. 

Then they ask, "To what other workers' organizations have you 
belonged and what offices in them have you held? Have you ever 
participated in Government parties? Give dates, description of 
posts, and other details." Then they ask whether they have taken 
any part in strikes and demonstrations and ask for the details. Then 
they also ask, "Have you ever been convicted^ And if so how long 
they served as a result. 

Mr. Chairman, I was asked to bring in some statement concerning 
the activities in our public schools and colleges. I am holding in 
my hand a report of a committee appointed by the American Fed- 
eration of Labor, a committee of three, consisting of Mr. Thomas 
E. Burke, who was secretary of the Associated Plumbers and Steam- 
fitters ; Mr. G. M. Bugniazet ; and myself, to listen to a dispute that 
had arisen in School Teachei-s' Union No. 5 of New York City, 
affiliated with the American Federation of School Teachers. As 
I am probably held to be without bias, I have no hesitation in bring- 
ing to you tliis one picture of an A. F. of L union which has lost its 
control to the Communist Party. 

I make the request that much of this not go into the record, that is, 
this report, because I think it is wholly unnecessary to publish it in 
the record, although you are, of course, at liberty to use all of it. 

What I want to call to your attention is that the School Teachers' 
Union, which was either the largest or the second largest in the na- 
tional organization — that is the New York union — iiad liitle by 
little lost control to the Communist Party, and the Communist Party 
has secured control in the executive board, and those who were 
opposed to communism were unable to overcome the Connnunist con- 
trol group, and they withdrew, they seceded and formed another 
organization. 

Mr. Healey. AVhen you say it was the second largest of the or- 
ganizations, do you mean the second largest in the American Federa- 
tion of Labor? 

Mr. Frey. No; I meant the second largest in membership. 

Mr. Healey. In what? 

Mr. FuEY. In the American Federation of School Teachers. 

We had representatives of both groups, because there were two 
Communist groups in control of the union who divided up the terri- 
tory between themselves. 

We also had the president, Dr. Henry L. Linville, who had been 
the president of the union until the Communist control took place. 

Tliis is what came out in the hearing, that the executive board of 
this local No. 5 of the American Federation of School Teachers was 
composed of 33 members, and on this board there were 10 members 
who belonged to the rank and file committee. The rank and file com- 
.mittee is one of the Comnnmist groups. 

Cai-e is taken in the appointment of committees to see that tlie rank 
and file group and the united progressive group are represented 
fiiirly. Tlie two main committees, that is, the membe)"ship committee 
and fhe academic freedom connnittee. have cochairman, one cliairman 



rN-A.MKinCAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 205 

bciiiii" trtkoii from tlie rank and iik' <rr()U]) and the other from the 
united progressives. 

If my memory serves me correctly, the rank and file committee 
was the Stalinite connnittee and the united progressive group were 
the Lovestonite connnittee. 

At that time — tliis report was made in 1936 — the union was con- 
sidering increasing the membership of their executive committee to 
34. I do not know whether that meant one from each school or not, 
but I take it for granted that there was one member of the executive 
board from each school, and they had reached this agreement that 
on the council 15 members should be nominated by the rank and file 
grou}), and that meant they would be elected, and that 13 members 
should be nominated by the united progressives, and that 6 posi- 
tions shoukl be left open for independents. In other words, with 
the Stalinite Communists and the Lovestonite Communists on a 
council of 34. room was to be left for 6 independents. 

]Mr. Starnes. Who is Lovestone? 

Mr. Frey, Lovestone was at one time secretary of the Communist 
Party. He fell out with Moscow and was replaced by Earl Browder. 
He has been spending much of his time in Michigan and is very 
hostile to the group of officers in the United Automobile Workers, 
wdio have had charges preferred against them and who have been 
expelled. 

Mr. Starxes. Was he a teacher by profession or not? 

Mr. Frey. I do not know his antecedents. This was in 1936. 

I now come to 1938. The names have changed a little bit. They 
now call one group a majority slate and the other the independent 
slate. 

I have here a copy of the Xew York Sun for Wednesday, June 15, 
1938. which gives the result of the election of the members of the 
executive committee, and the majority group are those who were 
on the ticket of the Stalinites and the minority group are those 
marked in red. The minority group were on the ticket put up by 
Lovestonites, and there were perhaps one or two independents. 

(The article in the Xew York Sun submitted by Mr. Frey is as 
follows:) 

Hendley Elected by Big Majority — ^Defeats "Progressive"' Slate in 

Teachers Union 

r'harles .T. Hpndley. president of tlie Teachers Union, has been overwliehnin^ly 
reelected for another year, it was ainioiinced today by the orijanizatio!!. In the 
annua] ballotinjr Mr. Hendley and other candidates of the "administration" ticket 
scored airninst the opposition, or "jirofrres^ive" ticl^et. 

The voting' vrent as follows, the name of the "administration" candidate being 
piven first : 

President: Charles J. Hendley, 2,884; Layle Lane, 3.52. 

Vice president, elementary schools: Dale Zysman. 2.697; Florence Gitlhi. 498. 

Vice president, high schools : Eugene Jackson, 2,720 ; Max Landau, 483. 

Vice president, private schools: Rose Riegger, 2,697; Elsie Gluck, 484. 

LegLslative representative: Bella V. Dodd, 2,860; Simon Beagle, 3.")7. 

Recording secretary : Floretta K. Andrews. 2,619 ; Ruth Schechter, r"80. 

Secretary-treasurer: Louis .7. Rosenthal. 2,70.5; Milton L. Hanauer. 4.59. 



94931— .S8— vol. 1 14 



206 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

On the executive board are — 

Adler Irving^ Mazen, Benjamin 

Begun, Isidore^ Metz, Julius "^ 

Citron, Alice ^ Olson, Ro>e 

Diamond, Mux^ Prendergast, L. ^ 

Fichandler, A. ^ Price, Melva ^ 

Flacks, David ^ • Riohei', Clara ^ 

Greenfield. S. C. ' Rubinzahl, Bertha^ 

Hayctt, William ^ Kyan, Glarys ^ 

Kassel, Morris^ Shapiro, Rebecca^ 

Kelter, Leonore Spenco, Lucille ' 

Lederman, Abraham ^ Squire, Abraham ^ 

Lewis, Cel'a ^ Stern, Edna ^ 

Lieberman, Esther I'holfsen, Erling^ 

Mr. Frey. I want to say it does not follow that each one of those 
elected was a Communist, but it does follow that they had to run on 
the ticket which was prepared bj^ agreement between the two factions 
of the Communist Party quarreling for control in Teachers Union 
No. 5 of New York City. 

'J'hat union, which was a very splendid organization at one time, 
lias been disrupted very largely, and it has lost much of its member- 
ship, and we have the teachers who believe in a union of their own, 
who cannot stand for this Commtinist control, now trying to function 
as an independent, local organization. 

Mr. Healey. AVliat is the present status of union No. 5, with whom. 
jtre they affiliated? 

Mr. Frey. They are affiliated with the American Federation of 
School Teachers, which, in turn, is affiliated with the American Fed- 
eration of Labor, and, I think, if my memory serves me right, that 
Professor Davis, at one time a professor in Yale University, is now 
president of that organization. It is involved in a very difficult 
situation, created by Communist control in committees, and the 
dissatisfaction with conditions that exist. 

Mr. Healey. Is the jurisdiction of that particular union confined 
to New York City? 

Mr. Frey. There are local unions all over the country. 

Mr. PIealey. I mean that particular union. 

Mr. Frey. Local No. 5 of New York City is confined to the metro- 
politan area. 

Mr. Starnes. Are yon prepared to give the names of schools and 
colleges in New York City or elsewhere in which it is known that 
there are teachers Avho are members of the Connnunist Party? 

Mr. Frey. At the present time I am not prepared to submit that 
list, but if the committee desires me to secure it, I think I will be able 
to present it to you. 

Mr. Thomas. Mr. Frey, can you give the committee the strength of 
local No. 5 in New York City today, that is, the approximate 
strength? 

Mr. Frey. No; I am without those figures at the time we referred 
to, in 193C; they previously had a nuMubersliip of 2,300, and after 
the division came, because of Communist control, their membership 
di-()l)ped to around 1.500. 

Mr. Thomas. As I understand it, there is a re])resentative on this 
executive committee from each one of the schools in New York? 



1 Indicates names referred to above marked in red. 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAG.VNPA ACTIVITIES 207 

INIr. Fret. I am assiimino; that ; that is my memory, that tlie nimi- 
l)er of members of the executive board of No. 5 was determined by 
the number of schools that had members of the union in them. 

Mr. Thomas. You assume from your statement that a majority of 
the members of the executive connnittee were either members of the 
Communist Party or were very friendly to the cause? 

Mr. Frey. The majority of the members of the conmiittee in 1936 
were tliose wlio had been on the skite, either of the Stalinite fjroup or 
the Lovestonite f>:roup. 

Mr. Thomas. And those members on the slate are selected by the 
entire membership of the local, each member of the executive commit- 
tee is selected by the members of the local in the particular school he 
comes from ^ 

Mr. Frey. No; the slate was made up by the Stalinite group and 
the Lovestonite group. 

Mr. Thomas. Who selects the slate; who elects the slate? 

Mr. Frey. The teachers do. 

Mr. Thomas. The teachers do, themselves? 

Mr. Frey. Yes. 

Mr. Thomas. So they were, then, in effect, either electing Stalinite 
group members or members of the Lovestonite group? 

Mr. Frey. They had no option. 

Mr. Healey. I am sure it is very interesting to the committee to 
have you develop this, and it will be interesting if you will develop 
it further and spend a little time on it. 

Is that particular union. No. 5, made up of teachers of the public 
schools in the city of New York? 

Mr. Frey. It is made up principally of teachers in the public 
schools. 

Mr. Healey. That is, in the graded schools, the high schools, the 
public schools of the city of New York? 

Mr. Frey. Yes. 

Mr. Healey. When these slates were submitted to the union, I pre- 
sume at the time they elected their officers, was there no other oppor- 
tunity for members of that organization who were not Communists, 
to elect other officials of their union, other than those selected ? 

Mr. Frey. My understanding was that the Stalinite group and the 
Lovestonite group reached an agreement as to the number that each 
were to place on their ticket. They then became nominating commit- 
tees, and as nominating committees in other organizations do not 
bring in a large number of names to be acted on, as you know, they 
merely bring in one name for each position. 

jSIr. Healey. They controlled the election machinery. 

Mr. Frey. They controlled the election machinery, and it was be- 
cause of that control that so many teachers resigned from local No. 5 
and organized an independent union of their own. 

Mr. Thomas. Does not the same condition exist among some of the 
colleges in New York City, where Connnunists control the election 
machinery ? 

Mr. Frey. It is my understanding, but I have never made a careful 
study of the conditions in the colleges of New York City or elsewhere. 

Mr. Thomas. I think you will find that there will be witnesses 
before the committee within the next week or 10 days who will bring 
that out. 



208 UN-AIMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr. Frey. They probably will. 

IVIr. Starnes. We will be very ^lad if you will submit to the com- 
mittee the names of educational institutions where they have Com- 
munist teachers or members of the faculties. If you can designate 
them I cannot imagine anything of more vital importance than to 
have that knowledge. 

Mr. Frey. I think it is information that the taxpayers ought to 
have. 

Mr. Starnes. I do, too. 

Mr. Healey. As to this particular group you are referring to. are 
you in a position to furnish the conmiittee with the names of those 
slates tliat were submitted by the conmnuiistic groups? 

jNIr. Frey. I feel reasonably sure I can secure that, because I am 
in correspondence with the former president of No. 5. Professor I^in- 
ville, an outstanding educator and American citizen, and I am quite 
certain lie will be very glad to give us that information. 

]Mr. Healey. Do you contend, Mr. Frey, that all of the members 
of that union whose names appear on those slates are Communists? 

Mr. Frey. I hope I made myself clear that it does not follow that 
the names listed in the copy of the New York Sun which I have sub- 
mitted are members of the Communist Party. But it does folloAv that 
they could not have been elected unless the Communist Party had put 
their names on the ticket. 

In connection with their activities, colleges do quite a few things. 
I have some reports, and I know who sent them, but there is such a 
thing as having your files rifled, and I do not want to lose certain 
sources of information. 

I have this report here which I will read. It is dated Chicago, July 
26, 1938. I am reading this to show what has been going on and how, 
apparently. Communists have been at work. It says : 

On July 22cl and 23d, a conference was held at Ida Noyes Hall of the I'ni- 
versity of Chicago, 1212 East Fifty-ninth Street, for the pnrpoi-e of discin^sing 
changing problems facing white-collar organizations. This conference was 
under the auspices of the summer school for oHice workers and a group of 
white-collar union organizations. A cojiy of the program, which is attaclied 
hereto, will show that the deliberations of the conference were more or less 
directed by Communist I'arty members. One of those in attendance at the 
conference was Mar.lorie P. Pollit, an Englishwoman and wife of Harry 
PoUit, who is a member of the executive committee of the Communist Inter- 
national and secretary of the Communist Party of Great P>ritain. 

I may say that Harr}^ Pollit is one of the most active leaders of 
the Communist Party in Great Britain, and has been for a number 
of years. I liad to cross swords with him once or twice on the other 
side. 

This report goes on to say : 

Mr.s. pollit is in this country as an exchange student and is attending sessions 
at the sununer school of the University o1 Chicago. This woman has the repu- 
tation of Iteing what is known as a "professional student;" that is to say, she 
takes special courses at universities in various parts of the world. It is under- 
stood among Connnunists that she really is engaged in Cfmimunist propaganda 
work for the Comnnuiist International. 

Mr. Starnes. Have you any definite proof that she is engaged in 
such work, that you can offer the committee? 

INIr. FifEY. No; I have nothing that she has written, and I have no 
record of anything that she has said. I merely have the record that 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 209 

is contained there, that she is a professional exchange student, and 
attends chisses in universities all over the world. 

Mr. Starnes. Have you any record of her having delivered any 
lectures in this country? 

Mr. Fkky. No; I have no record of that. 

I am liling with the committee, for the record, the legislative pro- 
gram of the Conmiunist body adopted by the central committee^ at 
its plenary session November 1930. It deals with the trade-union 
and i)olitical program and other matters. 

(The document referred to is as follows:) 

Le»islative Program of Communist Party of the United States of America 
Adoi>teu 15Y Central Committee Plenary Session November 1936 

On November 3 the people voted overwhelmingly against Wall Street and for 
a better life. This vote was a mandate to the Roosevelt Government to achieve 
very definite social improvements during the coming 4 years. 

But the setback given to reaction will not bring any benefits for the workers, 
farmers, and middle-class people, unless these masses follow it up by develop- 
ing enforcing a concrete program for labor action, social legislation, and peace. 

During the election campaign President Roosevelt made many promises to the 
impoverished masses. But the people must not rely upon the Government of 
itself to fulfill these promises. To translate the people's mandate into flesh and 
blood, the masses generally must build up and use their economic and political 
power in the mouths to come. Higher living standards, greater democracy 
world peace, cannot be won without mass pressure upon the Government and 
the employers. 

The workers must push forward their demands for higher wages and ini- 
pi'oved conditions, organize the great masses of unorganized workers, re-iuiite 
the American Federation of Labor. 

The people must formulate their own regislative program, and exert pressure 
upon the Government to enact this into life. They must hold broad state and 
national legislative conferences. Tliey must organize a progressive bloc in Con- 
gress and in the State legislatures. T'ley must build the Farmer-Labor Party 
and lay the foundation for the People's Front against Wall Street, reaction, 
and fascism. Only '^y vigorous independent organization and action on the 
economic and political fields can the people carry through their mandate. 

The destiny of the people is in their own hands Now is the time for the big 
push against reaction, fascism, and war. Now is the time to prit the people's 
election mandate into effect. 

trade-union program 

1. Labor iniitii. — Build a strong and united American Federation of Labor 
leased on industrial unionism. Prevent the A. F. of L. split, provoked by the 
executive council, from spreading. Support the Committee for Industrial Organ- 
ization. Re-unite the trade-union movement. Unify the working class. Unite 
the organized workers with the millions of unorganized. 

2. W(if/rs n)id conditions. — Demand higher wages to meet tlie rising cost of 
living. Demand shorter hours, better working conditions, rest periods, vaca- 
tions with pay ; abolish speed-up. Demand equal pay for equal work for 
Negroes, women, and youth. 

3. Orr/nnizatiori. — Organize the millions of workers in steel, auto, rubber, 
agriculture, and all mass production industries. Bring the Negroes, women, and 
youth into every union. Support the organizing drives of the Committee for 
Industrial Organization. Organize every shop, craft, and industry. End the 
sliame of yellow-dog contracts and company unionism. Every worker a union 
worker. Every city a union stronghold. 

LEGISLATIVE PROGRAM 

1. Thirty-hour tceel-. — Without reduction in pay and with trade-union wage 
rates. An adequate minimum annual wage to all workers. (Support the 
Connery bill with amendments as above.) 



210 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

2. Collective harr/aining, with right to organize and strike. — Abolish company 
unions, spy and stoolpigeon systems. Impose penalties on employers guilty of 
di^fclmrging workers for political and union activities. (Amend National Labor 
Relations Act to compel employers to recognize labor unions.) 

3. Social insurance. — For the unemployed, the aged, the disabled, and the 
sick, based on the workers' unemployment, old-age and social-insurance bill, 
with compensation to all unemployed, and pensions for those 60 years or over, 
equal to former earnings but not less than $1.5 per week; maternity and health 
insurance for all expectant mothers and all injured workers or victims of 
occupational diseases. Extend the drive for the workers' bill while support- 
ing amendments to Social Security Act to cover all workers now excluded, 
repeal present tax on wages, and to put the entire cost on the Government and 
employers. 

4. Civil liberties. — Repeal all Federal legislation infringing upon political 
rights and freedom of assemblage, guarantee freedom of press and radio. 
Outlaw the Black Legion, Ku Klux Klan, vigilante gangs, and other terrorist 
organizations. Release all political prisoners. Repeal all sedition, criminal 
syndicalist, and teachers' oath legislation. Put teeth into the Federal anti- 
injunction law to prevent judges, sheriffs, and employers from breaking 
strikes and curbing labor organization. Abolish poll taxes and all other anti- 
democratic interference with the right to vote. Full political rights for women. 

5. Supreme Court. — Reaffirm the constitutional power of Congress to pass all 
labor and social legislation without interference from the Sirpreme Court. 
Amend the Constitution to deny the Supreme Court power to nullify social 
and labor legislation. 

6. Negro people. — Equal rights to jobs, the full right to organize, vote, serve 
on juries, hold public office. Abolish segregation and discrimination. Establish 
heavy penalties against floggers, kidnappers, with the death penalty for lynch- 
ers. Enforce the thirteenth, fourteenth, and fifteenth amendments to the Con- 
stitution. (Support the Wagner-Costigan antilyinching bill, \vith appropriate 
ameixlments. ) 

7. Unemployment re??>/.— Provide moneys to the States and municipalities 
to maintain adequate relief standards. Expand the W. P. A. Increase the 
W. P. A. wages by 20 percent ; establish a $40 monthly minimum. Grant the 
right of collective bargaining and trade-union rates to W. P. A. workers. Place 
repr(\sentatives of the unemployed on all W. P. A. policy l)oards. 

8. Farm, mortgages. — End farm evictions and foreclosures. E'ltablish a long- 
term moratorium on all needy farmers' debts. Relief for needy and drought- 
stricken farmers. Refinance farm loans at nominal interest with a fund of 
$R )n O0O,CO0, raised by taxes on high incomes, inheritances, and corporate 
wealth. 

9. Cost of prodnction. — Guaranteed to the farmer, which would give him 
a higher standard of living. All Government boards to be under the demo- 
cratic control of farmers, labor and consumers. (Support amended Thomas- 
Ma ssingale bill.) 

10. Tenant farmers and .'sharecroppers. — To be provided with land by the 
Government, and long-term loans for seed, farm implements, feed, etc. Make 
every tenant a landowner with right to home, chattels, and guaranteed stand- 
ard of living. 

11. Soil covservafion. — Amend the Soil Coi^servation Act; prevent crop re- 
dtiction ; put program under the supervision of farmers' organizations. 

12. Taxation. — Sharply graduated taxes on incomes over $-5 000 a year. In- 
crease the tax on corporate profits and surpluses. Tax all tax-exempt securities 
and large gifts and inheritances Repeal all con.sumers' sales taxes. 

13. IT'orAv'jir/ conditions. — Abolish sweatshops, curb the speed-up and child 
labor, furnish adequate protection for women, erer-t proper safeguards against 
industrial accidents and diseases. (Sunport appronriate amendments to the 
Walsh-Healy law and the Connery and OMaboney bills.) 

14. Public trorks program. — Appropriate Jf6.000.0n0.O0O for a Federal public 
works program to provide io'is for the uneitiployed, to clear the .';lums. furnish 
housing nt low reiitnls. build schools, hospitals, provide health and recreational 
facilities, rural eVctrification, etc. 

1.5. Banks. — Nationalize the entire banking system. Guarantee the savings 
of small depositors. Lower rates on loans to .small business men. Democratize 
banking control through representatives of labor, consumers, farmers, and 
small business men. 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 211 

IG. Monopolies. — Curb monopolistic practices harmful to labor, consumers, 
and small business people. License all corporations through the Federal 
(iovornnuMit and compel them to observe mininunn hour and wage regulations. 
Grant long-term credits and loans to small business men. (Support the 
O'^lahonej' licensing bill with appropriate amendments.) 

17. Hou-shui. — Create a national housing authority. Build dwellings available 
to families of low income. Establish trade-union rates and conditions on all 
construction. Protect tenants from discrimiiuation because of race or political 
opinion. Furnish grants of money and loans to small home owners for n(>w 
dwellings and prevent foreclosures. 

IS. Foj///i. —Maintain, extend, and democratize the National Youth Adminis- 
tration. Provide work, opportunity, and education, through the American 
Youth Act. Abolish child labor. (Support the child-iabor amendment to the 
Constitution.) 

19. i-'or<'///»-?/oni.— Re-establish the traditional American right of asylum for 
political refugees. Stop deportations. Penalize anti-Semitic propaganda. 

20. Veterans. — Provide them with uniform and adequate pension allowances 
and hospitalization. 

21. A*H //rot«/6-.— Stop the consolidation policy until the jobs of hundreds ^of 
thousands of railroafl workers are protected ; demand full crews and the 30- 
hour week. (Support the Wheeler-Crosser bill with amendments proposed 
above.) 

22. Marine. — Repeal provisions of Copeland "tink book" bill allowing perman- 
ent discharge book and unlimited power to revoke seamen's certilicates. Amend 
ship-subsidy bill to take away arbitrary powers of marine commission which 
can be u.sed against labor organizations and marine workers. 

23. Election laws. — Make Federal election machinery uniform throughout 
the country. Abolish antiquated electoral college and elect President directly. 

24. Education. — Appropriate $500,000,000 for a Federal program to extend 
the public educational system. Guarantee free education and tinam ial assist- 
ance to youth and children through Federal and State aid, with control 
remaining in the lower communities. 

PEACE PEOGRAM 

1. Peace policy. — Develop a consistent peace policy based on the principle 
that the United States can be kept out of war only by keeping war out of the 
world. 

2. Spain. — The Government shoiild permit the sale of supplies and arms to 
the legal and friendly Spanish government. No supplies shruld be sent to the 
Fascist rebels. The people must give full support to Spanish democracy and 
build the organizations which are actively supporting the struggle against the 
fascists. 

A. Latin America. — Abolish the Monroe Doctrine; recognize the complete 
equality of the Latin American countries; no intervention in the internal 
affairs of the small nations of the Western Hemisphere. Work for the collabora- 
tion of the American nations, for peace in the Western Hemisphere, based on 
collective security and collaboration with the peace forces of the world. 

4. Far East. — Develop a genuine peace policy in the Pacific in close col- 
laboration with the Soviet Union and the Chinese people, to stop the aggression 
of the .Japane.se militarists. 

5. General.— Prohibit the sale and delivery of goods and the granting of loans 
to nations engaged in a foreign war contrary to the provisions of the KoUogg 
Peace Pact. Strengthen all meastires for collective security and pa.ss effective 
measures to this end which will lead to cooperation with the Soviet Union, 
tlie L-ague of Nations, and all peace forces of the world, against the aggressions 
of Germany, Italy and Japan. (Amend the present Neutrality Act to keep 
America out of war by keeping war out of the world.) 

6. Imperialist intervention.— FAid American intervention in the internal affairs 
of the Latin American countries and the Philippines. Free Puerto Rico and 
gi\e it complete independence. No recognition of the Japanese conquests in 
Manchuria and China and the Italian rape of Ethiopia. 

7. Armaments. — Divert the billions spent for war preparations to support the 
suffering unemployed and to finance needed social, health, and educational 
legislation. 

8. Military training.— KhoMiih compulsory military training of youths, the 
Reserve OflScers' Training Corps and the Citizens' Military Training Camps. 



212 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

End military control in the Civilian Conservation Corps. (Support tlie Nye- 
Kvale bill). 

9. Munitions industry. — Nationalize the entire munitions industry. 

10. Build a great people's peace movement of trade unions, farmers" organiza- 
tions, churches, youth societies, fraternal orders, women's clubs, and all other 
mass organizations, to check the advance of American reactionary and Fascist 
war-makers, and to bring pressure upon the Government to adopt such policies 
as will make America an effective force for peace throughout the world. 

The foregoing is a practical program of demands and action for the people. 
The Communist Party, as the tighter for socialism, the only real way out of 
the chaos of capitalism, supports these demands of the people. It pledges to 
work with all progressives for their realization. 

The Communist Party (alls on all workers, farmers, and middle-class people, 
who wish to strengthen the forces of labor and the independent power of the 
people, to join the Communist Party, the party of peace, progress, and socialism. 

Build the People's Front against reaction, fa.scism, and war. 

Join the Communist Party. 

Wii.LiAM Z. Foster. Chairman. 
Earl Bbowdee, General Secretary. 

Mr. Frey. I will file with the committee for the record a report 
on a meetino; of the central committee of tlte Communist Party held 
in New York City December 4 and 6, 1936. In it there is consider- 
able self-examination of the weaknesses that had developed in carry- 
ing out their program, and statements made by Browder and by 
Gebert, who was doing special work in steel organizing, and others. 

(The document referred to is as follows:) 

Communist Central Committee, 

New York, December S, 1936. 

I quote below a rather long but important summary of the meeting of the 
central committee of the Communist Party lield in New York last Friday, 
Saturday, and Sunday, December 4 to 6, inclusive. This summary gives a very 
clear idea of the labor program of the Communist Party, the Committee for 
Industrial Organization, and the Steel Workers Organizing Committee: 

"The meeting of the Central Committee of the Commiuiist Party (plenum) 
began about 11 a. m., Friday, December 4, and ended shortly after 11 p. m, 
Sunday morning, December 6. There were five sessions in all. Three Friday — 
morning, afternoon and evening; two Saturday — morning and afternoon; and a 
banquet Saturday evening; and three Sunday sessions. All except the Friday 
evening session were held on the third floor of 50 East Twelfth Street. The 
Friday evening session was held at Stuyvesant Casino, Ninth and Second 
Avenue. The banquet was held at Manhattan Lyceum, 66 East Fourth Street. 

"All sessions Friday were taken up with reports and discussion. Browder 
opened tlie session with a report on election results and tasks l.efore the party. 
In nearly 3 hours he went over results and analyzed the outsonie of the elic- 
tiou along the line of his article, which is to be published in the Communist 
International, and the statement of the central committee on the elections, 
published in the current number of the Conununist. He claimed that the defeat 
administered to London was a victory for 'the people' of the coiuitry and a 
definite setback to fascism. T'ne victory of Roosevelt can be followed up by 
developing mass strr.ggles in the basic industries of tiie country; tlie growing 
determination of the masses to resist the effects of tiie crisis can be seen in 
the developing strike wave. Strike action is taking new forms (sit-down 
strikes, sympathetic movements of worivers in support of strikes that do not 
dir(>ctly affect them). These new forms develop spontaneously, and it is up 
to the Communists to function as a coordinating force and direct this spon- 
taneous movement into eff(>ctive channels that will lead to united action iu a 
number of industries. Th(> election campaign showed that labor can throw 
its forces effectively into political action and iiilluence the course of American 
political life. The American Labor Party in Nev.' York can and must be 
nnide the starting point for developing h(>re a p^nverful independent po'itical 
labor movement. The IMinnesota Farmer-I>abor Party, the Iowa Farnu>r-I>abor 
Party (the only two in the country organized on a State scale) will play an 
increasing role in mobilizing sentiment in the Middle West for a national 
Farmer-Labor Partv movement. 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 213 

"The groatost weakness in the Communist campaign, Browder declared, was 
the fact that there was not one mass struggle develoiKHl during the whole 
course of the campaign. Consequently we cannot boast of having really taken 
full advantage of the campaign for the simple reason that one of the funda- 
mental tasks of any party calling itself Connnunist must be to use political 
campaigns. Now we have the task of throwing our full forces into the drive 
for organization of the luiorganized, fully supporting the C. I. O. campaign 
and strengthenin.g our position, already strong, in Ivcy positions — Pittsburgh,. 
Cleveland, Chicago. Cary, the iron range in steel; Detroit, (Cleveland, in auto; 
Akron, in rubber. Special attention must be given to the South, esi)ecially in 
Birmingham and vicinity. As to coal, it is essential that tlie greatest efforts 
be made to prepare for action April 1. Roy Hudson will make a special report 
on marin(\ but no one can possibly underestimate the need of winning the 
demands of the maritime workers. There were but 10 of the central committee 
who participated in discussing l>rowder"s report on Friday afternoon. 

"In the evening (Friday), Jack Stachel made a 2-hour report on the A. F. of 
L. convention in Tampa. He explained liow the party group worked at Tampa. 
Out of 2r)() resolutions introduced at the Tampa convention, SO of them were 
'ours.' The number of party members wlio were delegates this year were 
about the same as last year. But we should not regard that as standing still, 
because last year many of our party members who were delegates came from 
unions that are now with the suspended C. I. O. group. Hence the fact tliat, 
in spite of these suspensions, tlie Communist strength was equal to that of last 
year, shows a definite advance of our forces in the labor movement. 

"However, there v.-as no improvement in tlie work of the party members. 
There was no fraction meeting of the party delegates until Thursday evening 
(2 days after the convention opened). Then later that same evening there was 
a meeting of progressive attended by approximately 70 delegates. There were 
21 party members who were delegate.^. During the convention 2 more dele- 
gates were recruited to the party, making a total of 2.3. However, another weak- 
ness was the fact that few party members were from international unions (only 
one. in fact) and only two from central labor unions. 

"There were 18 party members from Federal locals (small locals consisting of 
people belonging to trades and occupations not covered by any international 
union), and 9 were from the Agricultural Workers Union. But this does not 
really reflect the strength of our party in the A. F. of L., but rather ^h-jws that 
the district organizations, and first the district organizers, did not make si fiicient 
effort to get delegates from central labor bodies. Also some were elected from 
central bodies, but since the organizations did not have money enough to serd 
them they did not get to Tampa. Hence, with but 23 members — IS of whom 
were froni Federal locals and .5 from workers' locals — the party fraction could 
not make much of an impression upon the A. F. of L. convention. 

"The whole emphasis was put upon presenting a split at Tamna. P-esident 
Howard, of the International Typrographical Union, did not arrive until sev- 
eral days after the convention had started, and we Communists consider he 
made a very grave mistake in not attending the sessions as he was entitled to do. 
J. C. Lewis, of Iowa, put ui) a fairly good fi'iht. but our peojile could make no 
headway with attempts to influence him in support of the Farmer-Labor Party 
movement. George L. Berry, of the Pressmen's Union, did not fight for the 
su.snei'ded unions as well as he might have done. Frank INIartell, of the Detroit 
Federation of Labor, made some goods in favor of the C. I. O. 

"Our tasks now are to do everything possible in the local unions, in the cen- 
tral labor bodies, and internationals to prevent a split. The door is left open 
for negotiations. The executive council of the A. F. of L. can lift the suspen- 
sions, but it cannot expel without calling a snecial convention. At the same 
time, members of the suspended unions can still have representations in State 
federations of labor and in central labor bodies. 

"There are two possibilities for the C. I. O. : (1) To launch a new labor 
federation, and (2) to campaign for unity. This latter we proposed to aid in 
every possible way. Our ta^k is to fight for unification, and ^^hrough our work 
we have shown very good resnlts. Our work in steel is producins residts, and 
our organizers ha^e the confidence of the C. I O. leaders and the Steel Workers 
Organizing Committee leaders, particularly Clinton Golden, who. in Pittsburgh, 
confers regularly with Comrades Gebert, Powers, Ben Carruthers (Negro or- 
ganizer). aiHl o'^her partv members active in the drive. Other comrades will 
deal with this phase of the work. 



214 UN-AMERICAiC PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

"We have got to overcome weaknesses of work in central labor unions and 
actually insist upon our members workins; as a fraction. For instance, in the 
New York Ceritral Labor Union we have al)out 100 party members who are 
deleates, but half of them tlo not attend, which shows an underestimation of this 
work. In Chicago Federation of Labor we have some 20, and there is not one 
floor leader in the group, which shows that we do not seriously approach the 
problem of developing leaders in the unions and in the central bodies. 

"Next, B. K. Gebert (Bill), who is doing special work in the Pittsburgh steel 
region, spoke, reporting on the Pittsburgh district. The steel campaign started 
5 months ago, and there are now more than 100,000 enrolled in the union. But 
the locals are only beginning to function. Our party members in many places — 
Johnstown, McKeesport, Monessen, McKees Rocks — are leaders of the locals, 
and in those places there is considerable vitality in the steel drive. We are 
taking action to strengthen the wliole work in these weak spots and will hold 
a conference of party members active in the drive in that section within the next 
few weeks — not later than the first or second week in January. 

"At a special steel conference held by the Steel Workers Organizing Committee 
with leaders of the C. I. O. the deadline was set for February 15, to get 
a majority of steel workers in the union. Jo]mstov\'u had already passed 
this 50-percent mark. In McKeesport in 2 weeks recently we recruited, 2,400 
jnembers ; in Monessen in 2 weeks we recruited 1,100. Reports from Birming- 
ham show that we are recruiting at the rate of approximately 250 a week. 

"One of the weaknesses that prevailed in the past is being overcome ; that is, 
we are attracting many native and skilled elements, but still the greater jjart 
of our recruits are from the foreign-born, unskilled, and semi-skilled workers. 
Now the tide is turning and we can expect a big influx of native skilled workers. 

"Further decisions made by Steel Workers Organizing Committee were to 
hold a national steel conference in March, embracing the Steel Workers Organ- 
izing Committee proper (that is, the amalgamated locals) representatives from 
company unions, draw up final demands, chief of which are the 30-hour week, 
with $5-a-day basic wage. These demands will meet with response, according 
to Gebert, because the lO-percent increase granted by the steel trust, far from 
satisfying the men, only convinced them that with further organization they 
can get mucli more ; hence these demands will appear realistic and attainable to 
the ma.ioriTy of the steel workers. 

"In addition to the steel action there is also the preparations of the miners for 
action April 1. With steel reaching a climax on that date and with textile mov- 
ing toward a conference for a new national agreement, and with rubber and 
auto developing new forms of struggle, the perspective for a mass strike move- 
ment is very good. It is too early yet for us defiuicely to set a date, but gener- 
ally our aim is to try to bring the present drive to a climax about April 1. 

"Many of our section organizers are now working for the Steel Workers 
Organizing Committee, and we have the confidence of the leadership generally 
because we have shown an example of good work. 

"Other speakers on this point were Rose Wortis, of the Needle Trades, one 
Stone, of Chicago (who is active on the South Side). The next discussion was 
taken up by section organizers. John Steuben, of Youngstown, talked boastfaliy 
about achievements there, stating that they were closely approaching the 50- 
percent figures and that by February 15 they would make the grade. 

"The first thing done the next day (Saturday) was to select commissions for 
various industries to prepare detailed proposals for approval of the Politit-l)ureau 
(Political Bureau of the Communist Party), and to be submitted to the district 
for action. Tb.ese commissions are (1) steel, (2) aiito, (3) textile, (4) rubber, 
(5) marine. Most of the day was taken up with meetings of these commissions. 
All of them v.ere calculated to get the maximum avdon of the party organiza- 
tions, the mass ovganizations, etc., in the various drives. The steel commission, 
under Gebert's cliairmanship, aims to see that the delegates to the steel confer- 
ence in March are inilitant and that they press for common action with the coal 
miners. Other commissions worked along the same line and representatives of 
tlie central committee are to be assigned districts so they can aid in developing 
the work until spring. 

"More details will be sent tomorrow regarding further actions of the 
plenium— such as organization reports; report on war and the summary by 
Browder." 

Mr. FiiFA'. I have a report of a meetiiio; of the leading elements, the 
leading groups of the Communists in New York City, May 8, 1937, 



UN-AMERICAN rROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 215 

at which the main questions considered were the peoples' front, the 
trade-union question, the peace movement, and the building of the 
Communist Party in America. 

In this you will lind reference to the Paris conference of last year. 

(The document referred to is as follows:) 

Communist 

New York, N. Y., Maij 15, 1931. 

A special mootina: of the loading elements of the Communist Party of the 
United States of America, was called in New York by National Chairman Wil- 
liam Z. Foster and National Secretary Earl R. Browder to discuss the decisions 
made at the Paris conference of the several Communist parties throughout the 
world. This Paris conference was held in that city during the third week of 
April and was attended hy Communist leaders from quite a number of nations. 

The New York meeting of the American party leaders was held on Saturday, 
May S. on the ninth floor of 35 East Twelfth Street, New York City, and was 
attended by Clarence Hathaway, Jack Stachel, Israel Amter, F. Brown (real 
name Alpi), and Roy Hudson, members of the central executive committee of 
the Communist Party of the United States of America: Lena Davis (real name 
Chernenko), district organizer for New Jersey; John Williamson, district organ- 
izer for Ohio; Pat Touhy. of Philadelphia ; Morris Childs (real name Chilovski), 
district organizer for Illinois; William Weinstone, district organizer for Mich- 
igan; Harry Cannes and Harry Raymond (the latter two on the editorial staff 
of the Daily Worker) ; and several others who were not identified. 

Foster and Browder laid down four matters for consideration by the group, 
to wit : 

1. The people's front. 

2. The trade-union question. 

3. The peace movement. 

4. Building of the Communist Party of the United States of America. 

Earl R. Browder reported on the people's front proposition. In substance, his 
remarks were as follows : That he, William Z. Foster, Rol»ert Minor, and James 
Ford were the oflicial American representatives to the international conference 
held in Paris last mouth ; that the principal Communist parties of the world 
were represented at the conference ; and that the Soviet Government and the 
Communist International were represented by Kossoir, Manuiiski, Kuusinen, 
Bela Kun (former Communist director of Hungary) ; Korsonova (wife of 
Yaroslovsky) ; Stassova (international head of the MOPR, or International 
Labor Di-fence) ; Palmor Butt, of England, and Pieck, of Germany. Robert 
Minor and James Ford rtayed in Europe, and are now in Spain helping to 
improve the spirit of the American section of the International Brigade fight- 
ing for the Loyalis;t Government of Spain. 

The Paris conference was unanimous in agreeing that the American Com- 
munist Party's conception of the people's front was too narrow ; that it is no 
longer possible to assume that a real people's front can be raised in the 
United States simply by trying to build farmei'-labor parties. It is necessary 
to broaden the people's front policy so that the Communists can have an im- 
mediate perspective, as they cannot wait for the organization of a Farmer- 
Labor Party but mu-^t begin now to work toward a people's front. That 
means that the Communist Party must take advantage of the present favorable 
conditions and work inside of the Democratic Party because thei*e are ele- 
ments in that party that are anti-Fascist, progressive, and ideally democratic. 
Developments to date show that such penetration of the Democratic Party 
in the United States is possible and produces good results. This is shown 
in the results of the last elections in the State of Washington, where the 
Communist Party candidates ran with others in the primai-ies on the Com- 
monwealth Federation ticket, and four Communist legislative candidates were 
elected. By combining with other progressive forces in the State of Wash- 
ington, the Communist Party has shown in a small way what a people's front 
will be able to do. These Communist Party candidates in the State of Wash- 
ington were elected as Democrats, and the same thing can be done in many 
other States. 

The Communist Party must work with Labor's Non-Partisan League, headed 
by Maj. George L. Berry, recently appointed United States Senator from 



215 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Tennessee. The Communist Party can also do some effective work in certain 
places in the United States in the Republican Party, especially in those States 
like Wisconsin and Minnesota, where the Republican Party has left-wing 
elements. 

The decision of the Paris conference was that each case in the United 
States nuist he decided upon its merits, with particular consideration given to 
the special local situation. In those States where the Communist Party 
cannot enter candidates of its own, it can and must support the candidates 
who are real progressives. One of the most effective means of getting Com- 
munist Party candidates into ofBce is to utilize the unions organized by 
John L. Lewis' Committee for Industrial Organization and get the latter to 
endorse Communist Party candidates on old-party tickets. 

Labor's Non-Partisan League can become the main stream heading to class 
political action, just as the C. I. O. is now the main stream for organized 
labor. It must be said quite frankly that the Communist Party shall not 
spend time trying to build up labor parties and farmer-labor parties until 
the American labor movement is ready for it. By working with Labor's Non- 
partisan League, the Communists can be in a position to play a leading 
part in launching a Nation-wide Farmer-Labor Party when conditions develop 
to such an extent that the masses of the workers realize that they can 
progress no further by staying in the old political parties. 

■fhc^ possibility of, and the opportunity for building a people's front in this 
country in the immediate future and may never be better to the extent 
that the Communists are able to penetrate and iiifluence the elements that still 
support the Democratic Party. To that extent also the party will be able to 
push President Roosevelt and his administration more to the left, obtain more 
social legislation, carry further the organization of the unions in the basic 
irdustries and lay the basis for a powerful class party that can be launched at 
the proper moment. 

Brov^der's report of the decisions of the Paris conference shocked many of 
his bearers because it was more or less of a reversal of American Communist 
Party strategy. It was accepted, however, without adverse comment, as an 
order from higher authority. Privately, a number of those present remarked 
that such a proposal, if submitted a year ago, would have resulted in the ex- 
pulsion for opportunism of those suggesting it. Touhy, Brown, Hudson, Davis, 
Williamson, and Weinstone discussed Browder's report and endeavored to show 
how excellently that policy would work in given localities. 

Touhy made the statement that William Leader, of the Hosiery Workers 
Union, was one of the most prominent people in the Republican city adminis- 
tration rf Mayor S. Davis Wil-son of Philadelphia and was also active in 
I>abor"s Non-Partisan League. Touhy said that the Communists could support 
Mayor Wilson and try to get Commnnists on the Republican ticket for leaser 
ofiices in that City. He also said that in the anthracite-coal region the Com- 
munists can certainly get their people in many offices by entering the Demo- 
cratic primaries in support of the machine of the Democratic Governor, G.'orge 
H. E^rle. of Pennsylvania. 

William Z. Foster reported on the trade-union question, saying in substance 
that the Commuuist p'ii"- immediately after the Tampa convention of the 
A. F. of L. last fall had been one of urging unity between the C. I. O. a;id the 
A. F. of L., but that since then conditions have changed. The center of gravity 
has shifted from the A. F. of L. to the C. I. O. as a result of the intensive 
organizational drive of the C. I. O. and its successes in the automobile and 
stee! industries. The Communists must now take a more positive stand in sup- 
port of the C. I. O., at the same time strengthening the party force and beginning 
a differertiation as far as tendencies to compromise and set up strike machinery 
are concerned. 

The Comnnuiist must be very careful not to go too far and isolate themselves 
fiom t!;e C. I. O. leadership. They must procecnl cautiously, for they cannot 
afford to go to the other extreme and accept uncritically everything done by the 
C. I. O. leadershi]!, nor must they become carping critics. The Communists 
can differentiate themselves from the C. I. O. leadersh.i)) only by being the best 
organizers, and each individual Communist must show by his own example 
what r<al mililatit leadership actmilly is. Then when their actionaries act 
to discredit the Communists, it will not be possible for them to do .so. How- 
ever, if the attempt is made, the reactionaries will only expose them'-elves 
before the workers. While the center of gravity has shifted to the C. I. C 
the Communists cannot neglect work in the A. F. of L., and in cases where 



UN-AMERICAN rilOPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 217 

reactionary A. F. of L. loadors act against the intci'ests of the workers, the 
Comnninists must try to isohite them from the masses so that they will have 
no iiitluence. 

In discussinj; Foster's remarks, District Organizer Ciiilds, of Chicago, stated 
that he had noted a marked change in tlie attitude of s(ime of the ('. I. (). leaders 
recently; that he had just received word from Chicago that at a regional meeting 
of the C. I. O. forces some one from the Pacific Coast had tried to raise the 
"red scare" and that Van A. Bittner, Steel Workers Organizing Committee 
regional director in Chicago, had defended the Communists |iy sayit.g they were 
his l)est organizers and tliat anyone who tried to raise th'- "red scare" was 
doing no real service for the C. I. O. Childs siiid that this is a decided change 
from several weeks ago when the Chicago Communists thought that Bittuer was 
one of the chief enemies of the party. 

William Weinstone. of Detroit, said there is considerable "red baiting" in the 
United Automobile Workers Union in his district, but he thought that John 
Brophy, director of the C. I. O., would soon intervene in the Detroit situation 
and put a stop to the "red baiting." Weinstone said that it is probable Homer 
Martin, president of the United Automobile Workers, will either abandon his 
attitude toward First Vice President Wyndham Mortimer and otlier radical 
leaders of the United Automobile Workers Union or be disciplined by the 
C. I. O. leadership. The inference drawn from Weinstone s report was that 
the disciplinary action would come from John L. Lewis. 

On the trade-ui:iou situation it was decided that William Z. Foster will 
rpend some time in Detroit and then proceed to Chicago. While in Chicago, 
he will work with the organizational drive. While there he will also give 
special attention to the development of an organizational campaign in the 
Chicago Stock Yards. 

Earl R. Browder resumed the floor to discuss the peace movement. He said, 
in substar.ce, tliat the European Communist comrades are very much disap- 
pointed with the United States peace policy, especially inasmuch as the American 
Communist Party did nothing to defend the League of Nations as an iui tru- 
ment that can be used for peaceful purposes. It is necessary to try to co- 
ordinate the American peace movement with the European peace movement 
and to utilize especially the Keliogg-Briand Pact of 1928, as that pact is the 
property of the League of Nations and an American Secretary of State played 
a leading part in its formation. The Communist Party must also carry on 
agitation to define an aggressor in ca.se of war and to do everything possible 
in the event of war to liberalize the Government, as the only guarantee for 
real peace is an anti-imperalist government. The peace movement, therefore, 
can also be made an important part of the general drive for a people's-frout 
government. Much more must be dcjne for Spain than has been accomplished. 
A decision was made to set aside the week of May 80 to June 6 to be known as 
International Solidarity Week, during which time a campaign will be put on 
to rai.se funds for the Loyalist Government of that country and every effort 
must be put forth to make a success of this drive. 

F. Brown discussed the building-the-Communist Party proposal. Pie presented 
a gloomy picture, saying in substance that the Communist Party membership 
increases very .slowly, that its organizational strength is only an insignificant 
fraction of its actual influence and that the circulation of the Daily Worker 
and other Communist papers does not increase because most of the Communist 
Party members now working as trade-union organizers forget that they are 
Communists as well as trade-unionists. One of the reasons for the slow 
growth of the Communist Party is that local campaigns are not developed so 
that the mas.ses see the Communist Party in action. It is, therefore, neces- 
sary that all districts, sections and tinits be "activized." 

The general impression of all present seemed to be that the governing body 
of the Communist International is issuing orders in the form of a revolu- 
tionary policy and that the American Communists have nothing to do but to 
carry them out, irrespective of their own individual ideas and wishe.s. 

Mr. Fret. I have here a report of a plenary session of the central 
committee of the Communist Party held on Friday, June 18, and 
continuing over the 19th and 20th, 1937, in New York City. Among 
those in attendance were William Z. Foster, Earl Browder. Jack 
Stachel, Robert Minor, Ella Reeves Bloor, Frank Brown, Charles 
Krumbein, and Israel Amter; Phil Frankfield, Pat Toohey — that is 



218 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

the same Toohy that we hear so much about, ahhough he is not as 
important as he might seem to be from the frecjuent reference to him. 

Mr. Thomas. What is Mr. Amter doing at the present time ? 

Mr. Fret. Well, I think in the membership of the national com- 
mittee of the Communist Party submitted this morning I read Israel 
Amter as one of the members and gave special work to which he was 
assigned. 

Others present here were Ned Sparks, Paul Crouch, William Wein- 
stone, Morris Childs, Jack- Johnstone, Max Bedacht, William F. 
Dunne, John Steuben, V. J. Jerome, William Schneidermann, Robert 
Hall, James W. Ford, Ben Carreathers, Margaret Cowl, and Alfred 
Wagenknecht. 

At the plenary session there was a long consideration given to the 
great changes that were taking place in the Democratic Party and 
the fact that the Communists must find a way to combine the exist- 
ing Farmer-Labor parties with the growing progressive movements 
inside the Democratic Party and, to some extent, inside the Republi- 
can Party. I feel the members of the committee should read, even 
though I am not doing so at this moment, this record of this plenary 
session, because it has a very important bearing on what I am 
eventually coming to. 

I have not come to that part yet. 

Mr. Thomas. Is it very long ? 

Mr. Frey. It is somewhat lengthy. There are six pages of it. 

(The document referred to is as follows:) 

Communist 

New York. June 2J,, 1937. 

The central committee of the Commnnisjt Party of the United States of Amer- 
ica held a plenary session in Beethoven Hall. 6G East Fonrth Street, New Yoi'k 
City, beginning at noon on Friday, Jnne 18, and continning through Saturday 
and Sunday, June 19 and 20, until 11 p. m. on the latter date. Most of the 
members of the central executive committee were present, and in addition there 
were a number of leading Communists who were sjiecially invited. Among those 
in attendance were: William Z. Foster, national chairman; Earl II. Browder, 
national secretary ; .Tack Stachcl, Robert Minor, Ella Reeves Bloor, Frank 
Brown, Charles Krumbein, and Israel Amter, all of New York ; Phil Frankfield, 
district organizer, Boston : Pat Toohey. district organizer, Philadelphia ; Ned 
Sparks, district organizer, Pittsburgh : Paul Croueh. district organizer in the 
Carolinas: William Weinstone, district organizer. Detroit; Morris Childs, dis- 
trict organizer, Chicago; .Tack Johnstone, in charge of trade-union work, Chi- 
cago; Max Bedacht; AVilliam F. Dunne, now assigned to Montana ; John Steuben 
(correct name, Rijak), district organizer, Youngstown : V. J. Jerome, of Los 
Angeles; William Schneidermann, district organizer. San Francisco; Robert 
Hall, district organizer, Birmingham; James W. Ford, New Y'ork ; Ben Carre- 
athers, of Pittsburgh : Margaret Cowl, wife of Mrunibein. but herself a Lithnnian 
whose maiden name was Unjus ; Lena Davis (correct name, Chernenko), district 
organizer, Newark, N. J.; and Alfred Wagenknecht, district organizer, St. Louis. 

The only report made at the Friday afternoon session was that of Browder. 
It dealt with the "Building of the peop](>'s front in the United States of Amer- 
ica." Browder consumt d .'ibout .IV.' hours, and his report was the only order 
of business at the opening session. 

The sessions of Saturday and Sunday wer(> h(>ld at the national headquarters 
of the Communist Party, 8.") East Twelfth Street, New York City. 

In the report made by Brf)wder, he dealt at length wilh the experience of the 
French and Spanish people's front nio'vements and also discussed the recent 
Soviet treason trials, stating that these trials indicate that the Fascist powers 
would resort to any means possible to weaken the Soviet Union, which is the 
bulwark of peace throughout the world. Browder was not very clear on the 
meaning of the "purge" of the Soviet Red Army high command, and ridiculed 



un-a:\ip:rican propaganda activities 219 

reports thnt tlu-TV is di-r.irrooinent bctwtu'ii Josef Stalin niul thp Soviet Com- 
missar of War. Vorosliilov. 

Urowder said it was necessary for Connnnnist Party members everywhere to 
pursne an nneomproniisinj: position against Tiotskyists. He eitert tlie fact tliat 
the Commnnity Party members in Cliicago who are working as Steel Workers 
Orgar.iziiig Connnitlee organizers had taken a proper stand against Trotskyism. 
Two Steel Workers Organizing Committee organizers in Chicago are Trotskyists, 
and innnediately after the South Chicago shooting on May 'AO took the position 
that it was th(> fault of the Communists that the massacre occurred because the 
Comnumists insisted upon the march on the Republic Co., South Chicago plant. 
Browder said that Steel Workers Organizing Committee organizers, Joe Weber 
and Jack Rusak (both Communists), and others took the floor at a meeting of 
the Chicago district Steel Workers Organizing Committee organizers and stated 
plainly that tliey would have nothing to do with the Trotzyists or any, others 
on the organizers' staff who repeated the slanders of the Chicago Tribune and 
other Steel Trust sheets, nor would they sit on a committee that had on it 
people putting forth such police propaganda. Browder said that non Communist 
Steel Workers Organizing Committee organizers followed the lead of tb.e Com- 
nuinist organizers, and finally Regional Director Van A. Bottner, of Cliicago, 
stated that anyone who followed a policy of repeating the "red bating" of the 
Tribune could send in his resignation at once and it would be accepted. 
Browder said that the Trotzyists among the organizers then backed down, but 
they are on their way out. 

This experience in the Chicago district, Browder said, shows that it is neces- 
sary for Communists to speak plainly and to expose people wiio are always 
trying to split the forces of labor, even to the extent of doing the work of the 
Liberty Leaguers in order to gain their ends. 

Browder praised the progress of the Committee for Industrial Organization 
and said that this leads directly to a consideration of the "people's front" in 
the United States. He said that the Farmer-Labor Party, conceived as the 
American equivalent of the "people's front"" in France, is taking shape before 
our eyes and is growing within the disintegrating two old parties. He said even 
John L. Lewis supported Hoover as late as 1932. and Lewis also supported 
Hoover in 1928 and Coolidge in 1924. This Farmer-Labor Party, however, will 
not spring up over night, he said. Its base nmst lie the Coinmittee for Industrial 
Organ.ization union.s. Mary of the Committee for Industrial Organization unions 
are in the transition period between the two old parties and the Farmer-Labor 
Party. 

Browder .said consideration must be given to the great changes taking place 
in the Democratic Party and the Communists must find a way to combine the 
existing Farmer-Labor parties with the growing progressive movements inside 
the Democratic Party and, to some extent, inside the Republican Party. In 
the elections the Communists can sometimes enter the Democratic primaries — 
and sometimes even enter the Republican primaries — and then when Com- 
munists are nominated on these tickets, they can wage successful campaigns 
to place them in State legislatures, in aldermanic seats and even in the United 
States Congress. In places where the Communists enter the primaries they 
cannot, of course, allow the Democratic \ote to be split by supporting small, 
ineffective farm-labor or labor party movements. Some people may try to set 
up such ineffective parties for the pui-pose of embarrassing the main movement 
of the Communist Party. Such ventures the Communists must resist and, if 
necessary, openly fight against them, as the Communists realize that carrying 
on campaigns in opposition to real progres.sives on old party tickets has gotten 
them nowhere. 

Contiiniiug, Browder said that of late the Socialist Party is again beginning 
to develop the basis for closer unity of action wath the Communists, and, in 
cooperation with Lal)or's Xon-Partisan League committees, the two workers 
political parties (Communist and Socialist) can wield great influence in the 
1938 congressional elections. 

Browder also dealt at some length on the need of building the Connnnnist 
Party and increasing the circulation of the Daily AVorker. He qu.oted figures 
showing how the party membership lags behind the general advance of the 
labor movement as expressed in recent strikes. 

At the Saturday morning session, held in the party headquarters in New 
York, William Z. Foster expressed his misgivings that everything would work 
out as well as was pictured by Browder on tlie previous day. Foster said that 
the most necessary thing is to build up the Communist Party, and not to forget 



220 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES . 

the need for differentiating between tlie Commnnist Party and the Committee 
for Industrial Organization. Communists should not be deceived, he said, by 
the fact that the threat of some Committee for Industrial Organization leaders 
to make a "red purge" a coui)le of months ago has been set aside. John L. 
Lewis is still John L. Lewis and only the movement of the workers compels 
Lewis to adopt other tactics for the moment. Communists can and must sup- 
port Lewis now, but they can have no guaranty from him or anyone else 
that they will not be made the goats at some future time. Foster said that 
many copies of the Daily Worker now look like Committee for Industrial 
Organization publications and they can be read in vain for any semblance of 
Communist leadership in the labor struggles or directions as to mass struggles. 

Clarence Hathaway, editor of the Daily Worker, who came in late, disagreed 
with Foster and defended the Daily Worker. 

William Weinstone discussed the situation in the Detroit area, particularly 
with reference to the strikes in the automobile industry and the situation in 
the State of Michigan, as an example of how the "people's front" is developing 
there. He said Governor ]\Iurphy is trying to put into eff(>ct the people's man- 
date given to President Roosevelt and the Democratic Party at the last elec- 
tion. Murphy is in such a position that he can dominate the progressive 
political movement in the State. Weinstone said that Murphy does not seem 
to be the same Murphy who, as Mayor of Detroit, aided Henry Ford's strike- 
breaking policy in every way. Because of the situation in Michigan, he said, 
the Communist Party is experiencing a good growth and if all places were 
like Detroit there would not be such alarm about the slow growth or, as in 
some places, the decline of the Communist Party. 

William F. Dunne, who is now stationed in Butte, Mont., stated that there 
is a deep .schism in the Democratic Party of that State. He said that Senator 
Burton K. Wheeler was put in the Senate by the Silver Bow, Mont., leaders of 
the Trades Council in cooperation with the friends of former Socialist Mayor 
Duncan of Butte. Senator Wheeler's attacks on President Roosevelt's Supreme 
Court program, he said, have lost him much support. He said that he was going 
to consolidate that opposition inside the Democratic Party and put up a full 
slate of candidates in the next election to defeat the Wheeler crowd. 

Binkiey, of New Orleans (who arrived late), stated that the remnants of the 
Huey P. Long machine in Louisiana were being reached by the Communists in 
the cities of New Orleans and Baton Rouge: that in the South the only hope 
for the Communists to get in office is through the Democratic machinery inas- 
much as Louisiana, like other Southern States, is a one-party State. If one 
is not a Democrat, he does not amount to anything there. 

Others in attendance at the session of the central committee d(>alt with local 
conditions in their respective localities and attempted to show how favorable 
the sitiiation is in their districts for putting into effect the policy of boring from 
within the Democratic Party. 

Charles Krumbein, Israel Amter, and Max Bedacht and a number of leaders 
of the needle trade unions — among them Rose Wortis, Ben Gold, and Irving 
Potash — discussed the situation in New York. They all showed how it was nec- 
e.ssary to support Labor's Non-Partisan League and the American Labor Party 
(composed of right-wing Socialists), who are all behind the reelection of Mayor 
La Guardia. They stated it is iniderstood that Senator Wagner will not be a 
Tammany candidate for mayor, inasmuch as President Roosevelt does not want 
the Federal administration involved in a local New York election. 

Piit Toohey. of Philadelphia, and Ned Sparks, of Pittsburgh, talked at great 
length, praising Governor Earle of Pennsylvania in much the same manner 
th.-it Weinstone praised Governor Murphy of Michigan. 

The whole group attended a part.v on Saturday night, and many of them 
got very intoxicated and admitted that a lot of what they stated was said to give 
lij) service to the policy of the American Connnunist Party — that it is unques- 
tioiuibly dictated to conform to the interests of Soviet Russia. They admitted 
that Josef Stalin does not want to antagonize any of the great democracies nor 
eff'Mid President Roosevelt, Premier Chautemps of France, or Great Britain. 

In the linal session of Sunday, Earl R. Browder summarized the discussion 
and jiniised the comrades for beginning to put into effect the policy of the "peo- 
I)l(>'s front" in the United States. The central committee made only one decision, 
and that was to start daily Communist papers in Chicago and San Francisco 
by January 1 next. The Chicago paper will be known as the Mid-West Edition 
and the one in San FrancLsco as the Pacific Coast Edition. The central com- 



UN-AMEUICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 221 

inittee considered that by makins these papers organs of the "people's front" 
support niisiht be obtiiiiiod from many sources— the implication being that even 
the Democratic political machine might aid in such ventures. 

Mr. Frey. Now, Mr. Chairman, I do not know jvtst what my duty, as 
a witness before tliis committee, and my responsibility as an American 
Avith a knowledo-e of international coniplications, should prompt me 

to do. 

I have here a rei)ort which was made at a special meeting of the 
political bodies of the Communist Party held at party headquarters 
January 6, by an individual. It has to deal with the report made to 
the central connnittee of the Connnunist Party by a representative who 
had been sent to Mexico and deals with the unhappy situation there. 

I shall not read it or put it in the record. I wnll turn it over to you 
to make such use of as your judgment justifies. 

The Chairman. The committee will receive it and decide later 
whether to make it a part of the record or not. 

Mr. Frey. I have reports of three meetings of the district committee 
of the Connnunist Party of western Peinisylvania. In them I am 
particularly interested in the statements that Martin Young, Com- 
miniist Party district organizer, made. One is dated July 5; one is 
dated July it ; and one July 29; I would like briefly to read from each 
one and then file all of it for the record, with the committee. 

(Mr. I'rey read from the document which, in full, is as follows:) 

Communist 

PiTTSBUEGH, PA., July 5, 1935. 

The Communist Party in district No. 5, I'ittsburgh, Pa., held a picnic in 
Adams Grove, with about 4,000 present. Negro and white workers from mines, 
mills, and shops participated in this picnic. 

Martin Young, the Connnunist Party district organizer, called the Com- 
munist rally to order and reported on thfe C. F. activities in this district; 
that the Communist Party is growing fast now, organizationally and 
politically, and that a number of new members were recruited from trade- 
unions and fraternal orders, due to the fact that the Communist Party is 
supporting the C. I. O. and helping to strengthen other trade unions. The 
Communists are not only helping the C. I. O. to organize, but are directing 
other organizations, fraternal and trade-unions, and company unions, in or- 
ganizing the workers into the C. I. O. unions ; also helping and directing steel 
strikes for the C. I. O. We Communists believe trade unions should be used 
for one piirpose, to protect and defend the interests of the workers; and we 
Communists don't want to capture or control the trade unions, but we hope 
to exercise our influence in all the trade-unions and fraternal orders and win 
the workers confidence and respect of trade-union and fraternal-orders mem- 
bership !>ecause the millions of workers organized in the trade-unions have, 
not only economic strength, but political strength and we can become a major 
factor in determining what kind of government there shall be in the United 
States, and with their support, fascism will never find roots in our Nation. 

Jim Egan was introduced as a C. I. O. organizer and member of the central 
committee of the Communist Party. He reported that all the workers organ- 
izing in the C. I. O. unions and the workers from all trades coming to the 
C. I. O. want to be organized, while others are forming C. I. O. unions without 
C. I. O. organizers, and before long there will be only one C. I. O. luiion for 
all the workers in the U. S. A. supported by the progressive and Communist 
Party forces in building a popular front of the American people against 
reaction, and for the unity of white and Negro, native and foreign born, 
against facism and a real standard of American living. 

Tolentire was introduced next. He stated that to become a better fighter 
v.e must join the Connnunist Party and arm ourselves with the revolutionary 
1 cachings to guarantee our happiness, safety, and security. This country, with 
its institutions, belongs to the people here, and whenever they grow weary of 

94931— 38— vol. 1 1.5 



222 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

the existing government they can exercise their constitutional right of amend- 
ing it or their revolutionary right to dismember or overthrow it and institute 
a new government. We can direct toward this end wlieu tlie majority of the 
American people desire to do so. We Communists have this right. 

Next was Earl Browder. He stated that because of the Communist activities 
in trade unions a number of workers joined the Communist Party. We Com- 
munists must continually support the drive of the C. I. O. to unionize not 
only the steel workers but all workers in all trades and industries under the 
C. I. O. leadership. But the economic royalists are trying to raise the "red 
/icare" to drive a wedge into the C. I. O. It is unfortunate that Governor 
Earle should have fallen for their propaganda by asking the C. I. O. to drive 
communism from its ranks. We, also, are committed against violence in the 
steel union drive, but this violence was not committed by Communists, but by 
the economic royalists to throw the blame on us. We ask them to arrest the 
Communist who blew up the water line, but they can arrest nobody, because if 
they arrest anybody they must arrest themselves, and they won't do that. 
Bj' them the slander was often emitted that the Communists want to wreck 
the trade unions, but this no longer gets much attention from trade-union 
members, because the workers know that members of the central committee 
of the Communist Party are elected as local union organizers and officials, and 
they know that we don't want to use -the unions for our own purpose. It is 
true that we Communists believe in the revolution and workers' government, 
but we are more interested in building strong unions first and getting higher 
wages and better conditions, and in building a powerful Farmer-Labor Party, 
a party that would be neither Socialist or Communist, but would have the 
support of all the trade unions and all progressive Democrats, the farmers 
and small businessmen, the Socialists and the Communists. This is our new 
aim and plan of work toward the Communists and people's front, to seize 
political power and destroy the Fascists, and the day will come when the 
laboring people will take over all the industries and will abolish exploitation 
and profits, and will run industry in the interests of all who work. This is 
now what the Communist Party proposes to do. Also, increase Conuuunist 
literature to the workers and Communist Party recruitment in trade unions. 

Speaking then adjourned. 

(Mr. Frey read in part from the document which is in full as 

follows :) 

Communist 

Pittsburgh, Pa. July 11', 1931. 

The district committee of the Communist Party of western Pennsylvania, 
with the approval of the central committee, called a district Communist Party 
conference, on July 17 and IS, at 805 James Street, N. S. Pittsburgh, Pa., with 
about 250 delegates present. 

Meeting was called to order by Martin Young, a district organizer for the 
Communist Party in Pittsburgh, Pa. 

Ben Careathers was proposed as conference chairman, and called the meeting 
to order at 11 : 30 a. m. 

The report was that there is a big improvement and gigantic progress being 
made by the Communist Party in Pittsburgh district, under the leadership of 
Martin Young; that the Communist Party is Americanized, as 90 percent of 
the Coannunist I'ai'ty delegates Avere young Americans, who can provide leadei*- 
ship for the Communist Party and to the working class people here ; through 
their leadership the Communist Party can recruit American-born workers that 
will actively participate in the struggles of the workers under Communist 
leadership in the Pittsburgh district. The foreign workers and the members 
of the Communist Party are looking for American-born Communist 
leadership, and the native-born workers will not follow foreign-born Com- 
munist leaders as they would native-born Communist leadership. They are 
discussed by the workers in mines, mills, and shops. 

Martin Young, ("omminiist Party district organizer, made a report that the 
Communist Party is progressing in tbe Pittsburgh district; that they have a 
Communist Party membership of l.HOO here and new members are recruited 
every day. The Communist Party penetrates all trade unions, political, and 
other organizations, in developing the people's front in the United States of 
America. The political role is far from being fully developed ; it is only taking 
shape in tlie C. I. O. and the D(>mocratic Party, and will lead up to the Farmer- 
Labor Party. The Communist Party supports the C. I. O. 1(K> percent, and the 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 223 

Democratic Party agaiust the reactionary Republicans. Tliey will support all 
progressives iu the Democratic Party and work against reactionary Democrats, 
Therefore, the Communist Party is asking all Communists, Progressives, and 
liberals and labor movement to register Democratic, because the Communist 
Party adopted the policy to work through the Democratic Party for the 
control of that party through its members. The C. I. O. is less inclined now 
than before the 1930 election to launch a new party now. The Communist 
Party will make the fullest possible use of the Democratic Party in the primary 
election by giving full support to all anti-Fascist and Progressive candidates 
that are for progressive social and labor legislation. 

But to perform these growing tasks we first have to recruit increasing 
numbers of new members and keep them actively engaged in Communist Party 
work so that they will not drop out but be the guiding force in political and 
trade-union work. To further strengthen the Communist Party we must over- 
come the '"red scare" from the among the "reds," which weakens the recruiting 
into the party. The most important fields for recruitment today are the unions 
of the C. I. O., the I. W. O., Negroes, and farmers. We will have to establish, 
prestige and authority among the masses and grow in influence and member- 
ship. We will also have radio broadcasts to explain to the workers what 
progressives we will support on the Democratic ticket in the final election, for 
the people's front in America, as tlie sui-est way of defeating fascism and war. 

In discussion, all delegates reported improvement in recruiting into the 
Communist Party local union officers and other native-born active workers, 
in steel and shops, who now participate in Communist activities in trade unions, 
and in the Democratic Party, where numbers of Communists and Communist 
sympathizers will run for offices in the coming elections on the Democratic 
Party ticket to carry out the workers' demands, in the name of the Progressive 
Democratic Party. 

The meeting adjourned at T p. m. 

(JSIr. Frey read from the document which in full is as follows:) 

Communist 

PiTTSBTJBGH, PA., JllllJ 29, 1937. 

A party conference was held on the North Side, Pittsburgh, Saturday and 
Sunday ; the chairman of the meeting being Tony Minerich ; Martin Young gave 
the main report ; 300 were present. Young's report said : 

The steel corporations are di.screditing the C. I. O. by various means, through 
their propaganda and agitation. They are trying to break down the morale of 
the steel workers and the C. I. O. intends to win the strike by holding out the 
key men from the mills and by keeping the miners on strike to avoid shipment 
of coal. He said that the party people within the C. I. O. have been quibbling 
on small issues — $15 to $40 organizing jobs — that tliis must stop and they 
should give full cooperation and make a real drive to bring these people into 
the union who have not joined. 

In Johnstown there is being organized a citizens' organization and in the 
ads put in the papers it was titled "Common Sense." Those people who have 
been doing that are forces like Mayor Shields, of Johnstown, who is a criminal 
and was iu jail — he is the direct force behind organized vigilantes in Johnstown 
of small-business people and farmers. 

The conference passed a resolution to print 50,000 leaflets to be put in the 
hands of the workers exposing the "Common Sense" organization. 

He also spoke on the coming election and primaries, stating that this year 
more than ever they are going to put aggressive forces into office. The C. I. O. 
intends to elect the Governor of Pennsylvania and capture all key cities by 
putting in mayors like Scully, of Pittsburgh, and eliminating fellows like 
Shields, of Johnstown, and the Governor of Ohio, Davey. In McKeesport 
the party regards Joe Baron and Chuck Davis for the candidacy for mayor. 
Through this way they are going to put in a lot of aggressive leaders and 
pass bills such as the McGinnis bill, which would do away with organizations, 
fighting unions and stop scabs from taking jobs. That this year they had no 
aggressive forces to force this bill through, but next year they hope to have. 

This year the party must change its leadership in the units, sections, and 
districts ; they want to put in leadership of the party people working in the 
mills, presidents of lodges, etc. They don't want the old leadership to argue 
with the new leadership, because of the change, but they should give the new 



224 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

leadership aid. Tlie new leadership must be put in because they have the 
masses of workers with them and we must work with them. 

In discussion, Andy Novak, of IMcKeesport, stated that in McKeesport, since 
they took George Powers out, they have been vv'ithout a leader of the party, 
but the party has been growing and they have been doing good work. They 
have 40 recruits in the mill where he works. (Don't know offhand where he 
works.) They have leading people in the lodge and they are starting a real 
campaign there to put Davis and Baron into office. The party membership is 
growing and every day, due to workers being socialized, the party is becoming 
more of a real force in McKeesport. 

Another discussion was a report from a delegate who just returned from 
Spain. He was wounded in battle over there. His name was Shamrock. He 
was asking for the support of the boys in Spain, for cigarettes and money. 
He told of quite a few incidents, one where 3.0C0 volunteers, with 1,500 shot- 
guns and rifles, stood off a well-equipped Italian Army ; when one man fell 
another i^icked up his gun and continued. He made a very effective speech 
on giving aid to the Spanish Loyalists. 

Tliere is going to be a meeting of the Western Pennsylvania Democratic 
League on Friday evening, July 2o, at 8 : 15 p. m., daylight saving time, in the 
Mayfair Hotel, Penn Avenue, Pittsburgh, in preparation for flliug papers 
for offices for candidates in the coming election. 

Mr. Frey. I have here a copy of an affidavit — ^because there have 
been questions raised as to what was being said — made by lieese J. 
Highfield, dated the iTth of September 1936, in which Mr. Highfield 
reports on what Earl Browder said at a meeting which he attended 
in Akron. It is very interesting politically, brings in the Farmer- 
Labor Party movement, and I will file that for the record without 
reading, if it is agreeable. 

(The affidavit referred to is as follows :) 

Akron, Ohio, 

Summit County, ss: 

Personally appeared before me a notary in and for the county of Summit, 
one Reese J. Highfield, who, being duly sworn according to law, deposes and 
says that he is of legal age, that he resides at 775 Excelsior Avenue in Akron, 
Ohio ; that he is a member in good standing of the Akron Typographical Union 
and that on or about January 15, 1036, he was invited to attend ii private 
conference at the Portage Hotel, Akron, Ohio, held in a room occupied by one 
Earl Browder, secretary of the Communist Party in the United States, that at 
approximately 4 p. m. he did attend this conference at which, to the best of 
his recollections, the following persons were present : Lloyd Holmes, member 
of Firestone Local, No. 7, United Rubber Workers ; Leslie Cutler, member of 
Akron Typographical Union. No. 182 ; Harry Eagle, president of Mohawk Local 
United Rubber Workers ; Earl Bro\\der, secretary for the Communist Party 
in the Ignited States ; James Keller, Akron district organizer for the Com- 
munist Party ; a Mr. Williams believed to be from Cleveland, raid the Com- 
nninist organizer from Canton, Ohio, whose name he does not recall. 

That this meeting was continued until about 6:15 p. m. and that at this 
meeting plans were made and outlined by Mr. Browder for the formation of a 
farmer-labor party. That Mr. P>rowder said the Comnuuiist Party over a 
I)('riod of years tried to form, thi'ough its own ranks, an organization which 
could hater be turned into a farmer-labor party but that they had met with 
defeat, but tliat he had arrived at a new conclusion whereby he proposed to 
use the lal)or unions to form the nucleus for the formation of such an organi- 
zation to be known as tlie farmer-labor party, the Communist Party to remain 
in tlie liackground but to guide and control the organization. 

That his plan was that a resolution be introduced in the Central Labor 
Union at Akron inasmuch as this was virgin territory due to the rapid formation 
of trade-unions amnng the rubber workers: tiiat he went on to explain that by 
having the Central Labor Union adopt tliis resolution, which Mr. Keller would 
prepare, once this was accepted a commilete would be appointed at the Central 
Labor Union for the purpose of calling a conference or convention of trade- 
unions in the district and then set up at the conv(>ntion a slate of candidates 
who would nni for the various county offices on the Farmer-Labor ticket ; that 
a later convention could be called throughout the State. Mr. Browder further 
stated that he was contacting trade-unions throughout the entire country and 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 225 

setting up through central labor uuIdhs this farmer-labor organization, such 
as he proposed in this conference shouhl hv done with the aid of the persons 
named herein. After the district convention was held in Akron and a slate 
of candidates named, a like convention could be held in other sections of the 
State, provided they were successful with other central labor unions in Ohio. 
That about August they should be able to call the State convention, at which 
time. Mr. Browder said, they could in all probability still be able to select 
candidates to run from the district for the office of Congressman and United 
States Senator, and if they worked fast enough might be able to put a Presi- 
dential candidate in the field on the Farmer-Labor ticket. 

That the same evening Mr. Browder held a meeting in the ballroom of the 
Portage Hotel at which approximately 100 persons, members of the trade-unions, 
were present by invitation ; that he himself was present but that because of the 
large number he is unable to recall who they were at this meeting ; that at this 
meeting iNIr. Browder talked on the support the Communist Party had given the 
trade-unions through the publications owned and controlled by the Communist 
Party, and pointed out that space in these publications could be used freely 
to promote the Farmer-Labor Party. 

That Mr. Browder later spoke at a public meeting in Central High School 
Auditorium at which he himself was present; that Mr. Browder spoke on 
Craft Unions v. Industrial Organization, or WilUani Green v. John L. Leicis, 
and that he said he believed Green was wrong and that the craft unions should 
go along with the Lewis set-up and that eventually one big union should be 
formed for everybody. 

That he made a number of statements against the Republican and the Demo- 
cratic Parties but did not mention the Socialists, and dwelt extensively on the 
Farmer-Labor Party stating that by this means all the ills of the country would 
be cured, as it would bring about the equal distribution of wealth. 

Affiant further states that it is a matter of record in the Central Labor Union 
at Akron, Ohio, that Lloyd Holmes and Harry Eagle have been the promoters of 
the Farmer-Labor Party and that the exact plan and resolution as proposed by 
Ml-. Browder was carried out, which the records of the Central Labor Union 
will show. 

That when he was fully aware that this movement was nothing more than 
a new method whereby the Communists sought to use the trade-labor movement 
as a tool to seize control of the United States Government, he washed his 
hands of the entire matter; that he has since been offered a 3 months' trip to 
Russia with all expenses paid by the Communist Party so that he might learn, 
first hand about the Soviet Government, become better informed and be more 
useful to the Communist Party ; that this offer was made in the presence of 
witnesses by a representative of the Communist Party and that it was declined. 

Further the affiant saith naught. 

(Signed) Rees J. Highfield. 

Sworn to and subscribed in my presence this 17th day of September, 19.36. 

[SEAL] Margaret C. Moss, Notary Piihlic. 

My commission expires February 10, 1939. 

Mr. Fr.EY. Mr. Chairman, I do not think I shall finish with my 
material tonight, because I feel that some of it should be read. 

This document has to do with part of the Communist Party activ- 
ity in connection with the organizing the steel workers and the steel - 
workers strike. It contains some of Foster's comments as publislied 
in the Daily Worker, the official organ of the Communist Party. 

It has a brief list of Communist organizers on the C. I. O. pay roll. 
I put that in before I had completed the list that you already have. 

It has two important documents. One is the outline for organi/irjg 
steel, prepared b}^ W. Z. Foster; and the other instructions by the 
Communist Party to the young Communist League in connection 
with carrying out Foster's steel-organizing program. 

Mr. Thomas. Mr. Frey, you said very little about the Workers 
Alliance over the last few days ; are you going to get into the Work- 
ers Alliance? 



226 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr. Frey. Yes : I am working that way. I have been tr^dng to lay 
a documentary foundation for what is coming and I am just begin- 
ning to give you what is coming now. 

Mr. Starnes. In that connection you made a statement this morn- 
ing with reference to the fact that money was coming to this country 
from Russia, through regular international banking channels; funds 
from the Russian Government or from Russian Government sources 
for use by individuals in this country in furthering Communistic 
propaganda ? 

Mr. Frey. Yes. 

Mr. Starnes. Can 3^ou supply this committee with the names of the 
banks and of the individuals to whom this money was sent? 

Mr. Frey. No; unfortunately I cannot. My authority for that 
statement is Mr. John L. Lewis, and I read from Senate Document 
14, Sixty-eighth Congress, 1924, as evidence that that was so. The 
document goes on to say that they have all of that, and I presume 
Mr. Lewis would gladly give to the committee the information which 
the United Mine Workers have, indicating that his statements, as in- 
troduced by Senator Lodge and made a Senate document, were 
backed up by evidence. 

I realize, Mr. Chairman, that for one individual to stand up hour 
after hour before a committee is very wearisome. 

Now, I have here a mimeograph copy of Outline of Organizing 
Methods in the Steel Campaign, by William Z. Foster. 

Note. — These propositions are to be taken in connection with the general 
organizing strategy and tactics outlined in the pamphlet, Unionizing Steel. 

That was prepared by Mr, Foster. 

I do not know that I will read any of this. I may read a few lines, 
call your attention to certain sections. It deals generally with or- 
ganizational forms and functions; how to operate, and calls attention 
to the use of central labor bodies and supporting committees formed 
among fraternal organizations, churches, and elsewhere. 

Included in that was the organizing of the foreign-language fra- 
ternal organizations. That is not the official name of the organiza- 
tion, but in the steel towns there are a large number of fraternal 
organizations of foreign stock and using their native tongue. Those 
were felt of great importance to the steel organizing campaign. 

A member of the central committee of the Communist Party who 
used Phillip Murray's organizing headquarters in Pittsburgh, Pa., 
but without receiving compensation from the C. I. O., organized this 
fraternal group. This document refers to that. It deals with mass 
agitation and the methods they use. 

It gives instructions on the use of printed matter and its distribu- 
tion, and the wearing of buttons and the use of the radio; the forming 
of radio listeners' clubs with mass meetings and demonstrations, and 
how these meetings should be worked up; how they should be con- 
ducted; how important it is to get prominent out-of-town speakers 
to address the workers. 

It calls attention to the necessity for mill-gate meetings and 
parades and music. 

It deals with individual recruitment under the mass organization 
program and establishing a chain system of organizing. It deals 
with open recruiting and how to work upon the steel workers to 
arouse their interest; and how local demands made by the workers, 



un-ajnierican propaganda activities 227 

uhether <:?ranted or rejected by the company, can be turned to good 
organizational material. 

What to do in case of members discharged for union activity and 
it has to do with special group work among American whites and 
Negroes. It gives considerable attention to how the foreign-born 
sliould be worked with, in particular, and how what they call youth 
and the young connnerce league can be made of direct value in con- 
nection with organizing the workers in the mills. 

It deals with how the women can be used and how the most militant 
among them should be drawn into all union activities of the general 
organizing force. 

It discusses company unions and deals with special organization 
work among the unemployed and the W. P. A. 

How to make use of fraternal organizations in steel towns. 

It deals with the churches, and I quote briefly : 

In many instances strongly favorable sentiment to the organization cam- 
paign will be found among the churches in the steel to\yns. This should be 
carefully systematized and utilized. 

Organizers should be sent to the churches to speak from the pulpits. If 
possible, labor Sundays should be organized, with organizers speaking in many 
churches simultaneously throughout the whole community. 

Sympathetic priests and preachers should be invited to speak at meetings 
in the organization campaigns. 

It is interesting that this document which must have received much 
attention was the Communist Party contribution to the organization 
of steel. As a matter of fact, they began the organization of steel 
and had set up organization committees before the C. I. O. did. 
They anticipated what was coming and like practical men they got 
in on the ground floor and have tried to stay in ever since. 

My secretary calls attention to the fact that I said this was a 
mimeographed copy. It is a photostat copy and I offer the whole 
of it for the record. 

(The document referred to is as follows :) 

Outline of Organizing Methods in the Steei. Campaign 

By William Z. Foster 

Note. — These propositions are to be taken in connection with the general 
organizing strategy and tactics outlined in the pamphlet Unionizing Steel. 

I. General 

1. The steel workers cannot be organized by agitation alone; it requires 
thorough organization work to unionize them. 

2. The work must be coordinated and planned — per organizer, per locality, 
per day, per week, etc. 

3. Not mechanical blueprint tactics, but flexibility. The degree to which 
the propo.sals below can be applied depends on local conditions, the workers' 
mood and strength of organization, the attitude of the bosses and the Govern- 
ment toward the campaign, etc. 

4. The work must be carried on upon the basis of an energetic drive, not 
spontaneously and spasmodically. Sags in activity and loss of momentum are 
very dangerous in the drive. 

5. A strong discipline should prevail all through the campaign, but each 
unit must develop a healthy iniative, based on a healthy trade-union democracy. 

6. A central aim must always be to draw the largest possible masses into 
participation in all the vital activities of the union ; membership recruitment, 
formulation of demands, union elections, strike votes, strike organization, etc. 

7. Self-criticism at all times is absolutely indispensable to the working out of 
proper tactics. 



228 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

8. High morale among the organizers and enthusiasm and confidence among 
the worlvers are indispensable conditions to the success of the work. 

9. Organizers do not know how to organize by instinct, but must be carefully 
taught. 

10. Every organizer and unit in the campaign must be activized at all times, 
the whole organizing force moving forward as one machine to the accomplish- 
ment of its goal of building the union. 

11. Hard work and sobriety are basic essentials for success. Chair warmers 
and irresponsibles should be made to feel unwelcome in the organizing crew. 

12. P^very step taken in the campaign must have as its definite purpose the 
recruitment of new members. The main slogan now is "Join the Union." 

II. Organizational Forms and Functions 

1. STRUCTURE OF ORGANIZING FORCKS 

The organizing forces of the steel campaign should be organized on the fol- 
lowing general basis : 

(a) The paid organizers in the localities and districts should be formed into 
definite committees, each with a secretary and subcommittees for publicity, 
Negro, youth, women, and defense. They should hold regular weekly meetings 
at established times and places. 

(b) A corps of volunteer organizers should be created. Each paid organizer 
should be commissioned as a captain of a crew of volunteer organizers and be 
immediately responsible for their work. 

(c) Each local of the Amalgamated Association should appoint an organizing 
committee of several members. 

(d) In the company unions informal organizing committees should be set 
up to organize the company union membership into the Amalgamated Associa- 
tion. 

(e) Organizing committees should be set up in the various steel mills and 
their departments, functioning either openly or privately as conditions dictate. 

if) The central labor unions and other unions (especially the railroad organ- 
izations) should set up local committees to support the steel drive and to organ- 
ize their own trades. The steel drive should aim at 100 percent organization of 
all workers in the steel towns. 

(ff) Similar supporting committees should also be formed among fraternal 
organizations, churches, and elsewhere, where active sympathizers can be 
found for the steel campaign. 

(h) These local union, mill, and other organizing committees should meet 
together weekly (so far as it is practical) jointly with the paid and volunteer 
organizers. 

(/) One or more national conferences of all the local unions and organizing 
forces should be held to coordinate the whole campaign of organization. 

(/) Periodic meetings of organizers should be held to study concrete methods 
of mass agitation and organization. 

2. STRUCTURE OF UNION 

(o) Local unions should be foi-med on the principle of one mill, one union. 
In large mills the local union should be subdivided into branches according to 
main departments, but the local union branches kept linked together by a broad 
representative committee. 

(h) In localities and districts the local unions shoidd be joined together into 
steel councils based upon a broad rank and file representation. 

(c) The obsolete constitution of the Amalgamated Association should be 
adapted in practice to permit of this form of industrial luiion. 

3. FUNCTIONS AND TASKS 

(a) Organizers should not work haphazardly. They should each be given 
very .specific tasks and held responsible for their fulfillment, specified indi- 
viduals being charged with the work in certain mills, language groups, company 
unions, etc. 

(b) The principles of Socialist competition should be introduced to stimulate 
the work of the organizers, to create friendly organizing rivalry between worker 
and workers, department and department, mill and mill, town and town. 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 229 

((■) The greatest care should he taken to jinard ajjainst spies and provoca- 
teurs entrenchiii.c: themselves in the orsanizinf;" crew and official leadership of 
the union, hut the organizers should avoid starting a "spy scare." 

id) Care should he taken to protect all lists of memhers and other important 
documents. Loss of such lists to company sources is highly demoralizing to 
the workers, and careless organizers should he disciplined. 

(e) An ahsolutely strict control should he maintained over the finances, as 
loose financial methods always constitute a grave danger in large organizing 
campaigns. 

if) The headquarters of the organizing committee and the imion should be 
located convenient to the mills, hut not directly under the eyes of the mill 
office. 

{(f) Organized protection of organizers, officers, local headquarters, etc., 
should he provided for in local situations of acute struggle. 

(/() All organizers should submit detailed weekly reports on the activities. 

III. MASS AGITATION 

The main objectives of the educational work should be to liquidate the fear 
and pessimistic moods among the workers ; to convince them of the necessity for 
trade-unionism to win their demands, and the possibility for success in the 
present campaign ; to rouse the enthusiasm, confidence, and fighting spirit of 
the workers ; to win public sentiment behind the campaign. 

1. SLOGANS 

The mass of workers support the drive and join the union in order to im- 
prove their conditions by securing the satisfaction of their most urgent eco- 
nomic dtnnands. This elementary fact should never be lost sight of. The whole 
campaign of agitation must be based upon the popularization of the sloganized 
major demands of the workers, together with their local demands. The whole 
steel industry .should be saturated with these slogans. The economic demands 
of the union should be finally formulated and adopted at a broad national rank 
and file conference and then ratified by huge local mass meetings everywhere 
in the steel areas. 

2. PUBLICITY — PRINTED MATTER 

The publicity material should he short and concrete, with concise facts about 
conditions in the industry and arguments for organization. Occasionally it 
should be printed in the most important foreign languages, the foreign-born 
workers liking to read their native languages even when they speak and 
understand English. 

(ff) Handbills should be is.sued regularly by the local organizing committee 
and upon occasion by the A^arious local unions. 

(ft) Bulletins should be issued regularly by the loal organizing committee, 
giving local news of the movement, and especially stressing the progress of 
the campaign in other localities. 

(c) House-to-house distribution on a mass scale should be organized for 
handbills, bulletins, and other literature. 

(d) A circulation as extensive as possible should be secured for the weekly 
paper, Steel Labor. 

(c) Advertisements in the local papers are valuable and .should be used 
regularly for important announcements to the steel workers. 

{f) Every means should be exercised to secure favorable write-ups in the 
local press on the campaign. 

(g) Stickers are effective, but care must be exercised that they do not 
become a nuisance and antagonize public opinion, by being stuck up indis- 
criminately. 

(h) The wearing of union buttons in the plants is a very important organiz- 
ing force, but care must be taken to see that it is not introduced until there 
is sufficient mass support and that the proper time is seized upon for its 
introduction, in order to prevent discharges of workers. 

(/) Advertisements in movies in .small towns are often practical. 

(;■) Posters and window-cards should also be utilized on special occasions. 



230 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

3. RADIO 

The radio is an extremely important means for organizing workers in an 
industry such as steel, where the company maintains terrorism against the 
workers attending open meetings. The radio takes the union message directly 
into the workers' homes, avoiding the censorship of the bosses' spies. 

(a) Local broadcasts should be organized weekly or semiweekly as one of 
the basic means of mass agitation. 

( 5 ) Where radio time cannot be secured in the given steel localities, often the 
objective can be gained by using the radio in nearby towns. 

(c) Radio listeners' clubs should be sy.stematically organized on a wide scale, 
as many steel workers have no radios. 

(d) Radio speeches should be carefully prepared and should give a direct 
stimulus to joining the union. 

4. MASS MEETINGS, DEMONSTRATIONS, ETC. 

The actual gathering together of workers in mass meetings and demonstra- 
tions is fundamental to the carrying on of a successful organization campaign. 
It gives the workers confidence bred of their own numbers, and it enables the 
organizers to reach them personally with their educational appeal and organiza- 
tion methods. But such meetings, to achieve the best success, must be of the 
broadest mass character. This means that they have to be thoroughly pre- 
pared, and all the batteries of publicity, organizers, etc., should be coordinated 
and devoted to their organization. The entire agitation among the workers 
should aim directly at holding such mass meetings. One good mass meeting is 
better than two dozen bad ones. 

(a) The general mass meetings should be called not only under the auspices 
of the local organizing committees, but also on a mill or department scale of 
the local steel unions and in special cases by the Central Labor Unions and other 
sympathetic organizations. 

(6) Meetings should be held especially in the popular neighborhood halls, 
where the workers' fraternal lodges meet, where they dance, where their 
weddings take place, and where they are generally accustomed to going. 

(c) Great effort should be made to bring the maximum mimber of women 
and children to the mass meetings. 

id) The question of mass meetings in company towns and in localities where 
the right of assembly is curtailed presents special problems. The danger of 
discharge of the workers makes it necessary that if mass meetings are held in 
such localities they must first have a broad basis of organization among the 
workers, and a wide preliminary publicity. 

(e) At mass meetings, it is important to get prominent out of town speakers 
to address the workers. 

(f) Mill gate meetings should be held regularly at noontime and at change- 
shifts where local conditions permit. 

(g) Very effective can be small delegations of steel workers from one town 
or district to another, and large mass delegations of workers from organized 
mills to visit unorganized mills. 

(h) Parades in steel towns are very effective in arousing the workers, pro- 
vided they are well organized and have real mass support. Auto demonstra- 
tions are easily organized and are effective agitational means. 

(i) Music is important in a mass organizing campaign. Sound trucks should 
be freely employed in the mill gate and street meetings. An extensive use 
should be made' also of bands in mass meetings and street demonstrations. 
Platform singing should also be employed and mass singing wherever possible. 

0) Social affairs such as smokers, boxing matches, card parties, dances, 
picnics, various sports, etc., should be organized to establish contacts with the 
workers, especially in localities where more open mass work is difficult. 

IV. Mass Organization 

1. iNorviDUAi, recruitment 

Individual recruiting is the base of all iiivniediate organizational work in the 
steel industry. It is fundamentally important in every steel center and may 
be the only form for the time being in company union towns and elsewhere 
where terroristic conditions prevail. An elementary aim in the campaign should 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 231 

be to activize the greatest uumbers of workers to do this individual button-hole 
work. The tendency conunon in organization campaigns to leave the organi- 
zation work solely to the organizers or to recruitnaent in open meetings should 
be combateJ. 

(ft) The chain system of organization is one of the best means of individual 
recruitment. By this method, workers undertake personally to organize their 
friends or to furnish the names of their friends so that they can be approached 
by other organizers. There should be a check-up on all this work. 

(b) The list system can also be effective in difficult situations. By this 
method trusted workers, volunteer organizers, women, etc., will get lists upon 
which to collect the signatures and fees of workers in various organizations, etc. 

(c) Individual recruitment should be organized, so far as possible, according 
to department and mill. 

(d) Thorough organizational arrangements should be made for signing up 
new members at social affairs, radio listening groups, small home meetings, 
in fraternal lodges, etc. 

(e) Key men in shops, fraternal organizations, etc., should be given close 
attention and all efforts made to sign them up, but tliis work shall not be done 
at the expense of broad organization work amongst the masses. 

2. OPEN EECRUITING 

(a) Open recruitment should be carried on at all mass meetings, except 

where special conditions prevail that may expose the workers to discharge. Well- 

' organized crews of clerks should be on hand to sigTi up the new members, issuing 

i-eceipts on the spot. Often large numbers of potential members are lost 

through neglecting this elementary preparation. 

(&) Locals should hold mass meetings in their respective jurisdictions and 
sign up new members. There should also be special meetings held for the 
various crafts, where necessary. Often workers will join at such meetings 
when they will not sign at large, open mass meetings. It is very important 
from an organizational standpoint that the local unions and their branches 
be set up as soon as practical and regular dues systems established. This 
im'presses the workers with the seriousness and stability of the movement. 

3. RECRUITMENT IN STRUGGLE 

(a) The presentation of local demands to the company can be utilized to 
facilitate organizational work. If the demands are granted, the workers feel 
they have won the victory and can easily be brought into the unions by 
aggressive organization work ; if on the other hand, the demands are rejected, 
the resultant anger amongst the workers can also be translated readily into 
organization. 

(&) Departmental and local strikes in this early stage in the organization 
campaign may be very dangerous. They should be avoided, especially in mills 
of the biggest steel corporations now when the union is still weak. Where 
strikes occur, no time should be lost in formally enlisting all the workers into 
the union. 

(c) Discharge cases for union activity should be taken care of immediately. 
Delay is very injurious to the workers' morale. While a vigorous fight for the 
reinstatement of the discharged workers goes on, these workers must be given 
relief in some form. Care should be exercised in the development of the 
organization work in the shops not to provoke discharges. 

(d) Defense cases should also receive imra-ediate attention, as it is demoral- 
izing to the mass of workers to see their militant elements go to jail and 
nothing done for them. Especially vigorous campaigns must be made against 
all attempts at deportation of foreign-born workers. This emphasizes the need 
to build the I. L. D. in the steel centers. 

(e) In case of a stubborn suppression of the right of assembly in steel towns, 
the union forces, in addition to using every legal channel for the restoration of 
their rights, should not hesitate at opening a free speech fight on the streets 
to force the city authorities to grant the workers halls. Such activity greatly 
awakens the workers and prepares them for organization and it should be 
supported by a very active recruitment drive. 

if) The boycott can often be effectively used against hostile businessmen 
and professionals in steel towns and thereby to stimulate the organization 
campaign. In districts where the Amalgamated Association is strong (and 



232 UN-AMERICAN I'ROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

there are other well established unions of miners, railroad men, etc.) the 
boycott can also be successfully applied against antiunion newspapers, chambers 
of commerce, and city administrations. 

(.(/) In the election campaign, all candidates should be called upon to state 
their position regarding the steel campaign In their public meetings. 

(h) The organization forces should take up concretely the question of placing 
demands upon the city and State authorities in connection with civic rights, etc. 

V. Special Group Wokk 

1. AMERICAN WHITES 

This group is highly strategical in the industry, comprising most of the skilled 
workers, and also in the social life of the steel communities. Special efforts 
must be made to fight against employer-cultivated craft union, company union, 
antiforeigner, anti-Negro, and anti-red tendencies amongst these workers. Active 
work should be carried on in their many organizations such as the American 
Legion, various fraternal orders, etc. Among the organizing crew there should 
be many American-born skilled steel workers. 

2. NEGROES 

It is absolutely essential that the large number of Negroes in the industry be 
organized. For this, special Negro organizers are imperative. Prominent 
Negro speakers, including those of the National Negro Congi-ess, should be 
brought into the steel districts to address the meetings. When necessary, special 
meetings of Negroes should be called. The Negroes should become members 
of the regular local unions witli full rights. Close attention should be paid to 
bringing them into responsible posts in the unions and in the organizing crew. 
There should also be immediately developed an active campaign all the prevalent 
Jim Crow practices in the town and local steel industry. Special demands for 
Negroes must be formulated and widely popularized. Local organizations of 
Negroes should be enlisted in support of the campaign. 

3. FOREIGN-BORN 

The foreign-born workers still form a very large mass of the steel workers 
and require special methods by the organizers. There should be organizers 
speaking the principal foreign languages of the mills. Literature must be 
Issued in these main languages. Special methods shall be put forth to organize 
the militants amongst the foreign-born workers and systematic recruitment 
work in the many fraternal and other organizations that exist amongst this 
groupt of workers. 

4. YOUTH 

In order to organize this highly important section of the working masses 
in the steel industry, it is necessary to use certain special methods in addition 
to the system of the general campaign. Youth demands should be formulated 
and widely popularized. A corps of youth organizers should be developed. 
Youth committees should be set up in the organizing crew and in the local 
unions. Special meetings and mass delegate conferences of the youth should 
be held and attention given to cultivating sports activities of various kinds 
amongst the youth. Systematic organization campaigns should be directed 
to the youth "members of the Young Men's Christian Association and such 
organizations. The connections of the American Youth Congress should be 
utilized to organize the youth throughout the steel industry. 

5. WOMEN 

The women relativ(>s of the steel workers are a vital factor in the steel 
industry. They should be organized into ladies' auxiliaries of the Amalgamated 
Association. The most militant among them should be drawn into all the 
miion activities of the general organizing force. Special meetings and mass 
delegate conferences of women should bo held with prominent speakers, special 
literature dealing with women's problems, etc. There should be a corps of 
women organizers in the field, and the women's clubs and other organizations 
in the steel industrv should be stirred into activity in the campaign. 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 233 

G The steel corporations will make every effort to destroy the solidarity 
between the various groups of workers in the steel industry and thus to defeat 
them all by attempting to divide them upon political, racial, religious, and 
national lines. In order to combat this campaign, the most essential thing 
is to keep the question of the economic demands and the need for a solid 
trade-union aggressively in the forefront. Under no circumstances should the 
campaign leadership allow itself to be dragged from this main line. 

VI. Company Unions 

The company unions can be developed into a strong force for building the 
Amalgamated Association. In doing this the work should be based upon the 
following general principles: 

(a) The organizing crew and Amalgamated Association must maintain a 
strong initiative in the industry by an intense advocacy of its slogans and 
very active organization work. In this manner the union must he made the 
center of all movements of the workers against the employers. To maintain 
such an initiative by the union forces is fundamental. Only in this way can 
the union crystallize the discontent of the workers into organization and reap 
the full advantage and credit of such concessions as may be given by the 
companv either direct to the workers or through the company unions. Other- 
wise such concessions can have the effect of checking the campaign, as the 
employers plan them to do. 

(6) All activities within the company unions should be undertaken with 
flexible tactics in the sense of utilizing the company unions as an auxiliary 
force to the building of the trade-union, with the aim of eventually incorporating 
the company union membership itno the Amalgamated Association. 

{<■) The general policy in the company union should be directed toward 
bringing the masses into conflict with the bosses, to awaken the workers' fight- 
ing spirit, to demonstrate to even the most backward workers the insufficiency 
.•f company unionism, and thus to give a stimulus to the campaign to organize 
the Amalgamated Association. This should be the policy rather than to make- 
important settlements through the company union with the bosses and thus 
create illusions that the company unions are effective and that the trade- 
union is not necessary. 

{(I) In submitting major demands to the companies, therefore, the company 
union should put forward the main union demands and stand by them firmly, 
thus identifying themselves with the union organizing campaign and making 
clear to all the need of the trade-union to back up these elementary demands. 
So far as possible all important concessions from the company should be won 
directly by the union or under its immediate leadership, in order to avoid the 
strengthening of company-union illusions. 

(c) Minor shop demands should be freely submitted by the company unions, 
efforts being made at the same time to develop the local company-union forces 
into shop grievance committees of a semitrade-union character and in close 
cooperation with the Amalgamated Association. Local strikes should be 
avoided, especially in the early stage of the campaign and in the major 
steel plants. 

(/) The organizing crew and the Amalgamated Association should give ac- 
tive support to all the major and minor demands submitted by the company 
unions to the employers. Only in this manner can the workers be made to 
understand that whatever concessions they may .secure through the company 
union are due to the activity and strength of the trade-union organizing 
campaign. 

(/() Efforts .shonld be constantly made to have tbe company unions in prac- 
tice break with their narrow constitutions by holding mass local and district 
conferences. l>y issuing independent papers and bulletins, by meeting off com- 
pany property, etc. 

(/) In cases where the organization campaign is strong and the workers are- 
in a militant mood, trade-union speakers should be invited to company-union 
meetings and vice versa. .Joint trade-union company conferences should even- 
tually become possible and necessary. 

(;■) In all this wf»rk in the company unions the basic conditions for success 
are, first, for the organizing forces to maintain in the company union an active 
campaign of education, exposing the maneuvers of the companies and stressing 
tbe need for trade-unionism ; and secondly, to prosecute in the company unions 
an aggressive campaign of organization, by recruiting keymeu, .setting up of 



234 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

organizing committees in shops, activizing of company-union members, drawing 
in of company-union representatives into trade-union conferences, meetings, etc. 
(k) In working out the company-union policy the great danger to avoid is 
that of the organizing forces of tlie trade-union losing the iiJtiative and hence 
the leadership of the masses of the company unions. The main source of this 
danger would be, first, failure of the union to come forward militantly with the 
advocacy of its demands and active organization work ; and second, to take a 
stand-off attitude toward the company unions and fail to give them the 
necessary leadership. 

VII. Special Organization Work 

1. unemployed WORKS PROGRESS ADMINISTRATION 

It is important that the strongest bond of solidarity be developed betvreen the 
employed and unemployed steel workers. This is necessary in order to help 
the organization work at present and to establish a complett; solidarity in the 
eventuality of a strike. 

(a) The organizing forces of the Amalgamated Association should give active 
support to the demands of the unemployed and Works Progress Administration 
workers, and should extend support in building the Workers Alliance and other 
organizations of the unemployed and relief workers. 

(b) Representative unemployed workers should be engaged as organizers 
and brought into all the trade-union organizing committees. Volunteer workers 
should also be recruited from among the unemployed and relief workers. 

(c) Mass conferences, demonstrations, etc., of the unemployed should be 
stimulated to popularize the steel campaign. 

(d) Representatives of the organizing crew should visit all organizations and 
meetings of the unemployed in order to make direct connections in behalf of 
the organizing campaign. 

2. FR.\TEBNAL ORGANIZATIONS 

These organizations play a vital role in the steel towns, especially among the 
foreign-born workers. It is very important to develop a strong educational and 
organizational campaign among them. Among the measure.:; necessary are the 
following : 

(a) There should be national and local mass conferences held, in which these 
orgain'zations should recruit members for themselves as well as for the 
Amalgamated Association. 

(&) There should be committees set up in the local organizations of these 
fraternal bodies in order to systematically recruit the steel-worker members 
into the Amalgamated Association. 

(c) There should be an exchange of speakers between the meetings of the 
fraternal orgajiizations and the union. They should send fraternal delegates 
to each other's conferences and gatherings. 

(d) The fraternal organizations should assign organizers to the steel 
campaign. 

(p) The organization campaign should make free use tf the halls of the 
fraternal organizations : and in cases of suppression of civil rights, these may 
be the only halls availal)l(>. 

(/) Educational material on the steel drive .should be systematically fur- 
nished to the press for the fraternal organizations. 

3. CHURCHES 

In many instances strongly favorable sentiment to the organization campaign 
will be found among the churches in the steel towns. Tliis shouUl be carefully 
systematized and utilized. 

(a) Organizers should be sent to the churches to speak from the pulpits. 
If possible. Labor Sundays should be organized, with organizers speaking in 
many churches sinuiltaneously throughout the whole community. 

(b) Sympathetic priests and preachers should be invited to speak at meetings 
in the organization campaign. 

(r) Active work of recruitment should be developed in the local religious 
organizations, articles should be prepared for publication in the religious press, 
etc. 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 235 

id) In case of suppression of civil rights, meetings may sometimes be held 
ill church premises. 

4. arHER ORGANIZATIONS 

Steel organizing work along similar linos to the, above can, and should be, 
carried on effectively in local branches of such organizations as the American 
Legion, the National Union for Social Justice, the Townsend movement, farmers' 
organizations, cooperatives, etc. 

In the steel towns the organizing crew should pay special attention to sending 
speakers into all organizations and meetings of professional and business men, 
in order to break down so far as possible the opposition of those elements to 
the organization of the steel workers. 

Mr. Frey. I liave here a photostat of instructions sent out shortly 
after this steel organizin<j program had been issued by Foster, by the 
Communist Party to the Young Communist League. I will just quote 
a brief sentence : 

Comrade Foster, in his pamphlet on organizing the steel workers and in his 
outline for organization campaign, has already taken up all the vital questions 
for the successful organization of the steel workers. Here we only supplement 
some specific party tasks. 

Then it goes on to tell what these specific tasks are for the Young 
Communist League. 

(The document referred to is as follows:) 

The Pakty and the UCL in the Sti:el Campaign 

From the time of its formation the Communist Party has stood in the fore- 
front in the fight for the organization of the unorganized. The outstanding lead- 
ers of the party are identified with the most important campaigns to organize 
the unorganized in the last two decades. The chairman of our pary, Comrade 
Foster, was the leader of the last big campaign to organize the steel industry, 
the outstanding campaign in the history of the American labor movement. It 
is therefore no accident that our party is today giving major attention to mobiliz- 
ing support to the organization of the steel workers. In this campaign our 
party, in the spirit of its traditions, better equipped than ever to give real 
assistance to the struggles of the workers, realizing the historic importance of 
this campaign, can and must play an important role in the steel campaign. And 
only if our party does play this role can the campaign be successfully carried 
through in the interests of the steel workers and of the entire labor movement. 

The interests of the Communists and the interests of the labor movement 
as a whole is inseparable. This is to increasing circles of the masses already 
a well-known truth. It will, through our further activities and the experiences 
of the masses, become the truth for the majority of the people, for the millions. 
It is in this spirit that v»'e must approach and work out the tasks of the party 
in the steel campaign. 

Comrade Foster, in his pamphlet on organizing the steel workers and in his 
outline for the organization campaign, has already taken up all the vital 
questions for the successful organization of the steel workers. Here we only 
supplement some specific party tasks. 

Our party as the revolutionary party of the working class naturally has 
tasks that, at the present stage of the development of the labor movement, 
are far in advance of the tasks that the labor movement as a whole is now 
undertaking. Our tasks are twofold. First, to utilize our knowledge, experi- 
ence and our forces to assist the w'orkers in their everyday struggles for their 
economic demands, for the civil liberties, their rights, in the struggle against 
fascism and war, in the building of the united front and the people's front to 
achieve these immediate aims. Second, to educate the masses and through 
their experience to convince them of the necessity to struggle for the abolition 
of capitalism, to fight for sccialism as the only possible means to achieve a full 
and lasting solution of their problems. 

The successful carrying through of the first task and, of course, the fight 
for socialism, both of which are organically connected, are impossible without 
a strong Communist Party. The stronger the Communist Party is among the 
steel workers, the more the chance for a successful organizing campaign and 



236 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

the winning of the immediate demands of tlie steel workers. And the fight for 
socialism is inconceivable without the steel workers, the most susceptible to 
our program because of their position in capitalist society, being in the very 
forefront in the struggle. 

What greater opportunity has ever opened up before us to build our party 
than the present situation in steel. The workers always more approachable 
with out program in periods of their greatest activity, the steel workers the 
most basic section of the American working class — this offers to us the opportu- 
nitiy to root ourselves in this important section of the American working class. 
Success here will inevitably increase our strength and influence among wide 
circles of other sections of the working class. 

The test of our material assistance to the successful steel campaign, the 
building of the united and people's front against reaction and war, in the fight 
to make our party the party of the American working class, will to a large 
extent be measured by the extent of the strengthening of the party in the 
steel industry. And this in turn \\ill depend on how we carry through our 
tasks in the steel campaign, and by the conscious efforts that we make to build 
the party in the course of these activities. 

1. (a) The party in the steel districts must organize all of its work with the 
steel campaign in the very center. This means the following districts : Pitts- 
burgh, Philadelphia-Baltimore, Cleveland-Youngstown, Chicago-Gary, Buffalo, 
West Virginia, Alabama, as well as in the steel sections of Wisconsin, Minnesota, 
Colorado, etc. 

(ft) The party committees (district, section) should have a plan for the 
campaign mapped out, to be regularly checked as to progress, assign special 
organizers from among its best forces. 

(c) Periodic conferences of the party organizers directly involved in the 
campaign as union organizers, together with the party organizers in the steel 
areas, should be held regularly, on a section and district scale. Regular con- 
ferences on a national scale will also be called. 

(d) Special party literature dealing with the steel drive, for miion build- 
ing, on popularizing the demands ; the issues should be published regularly. 
In this manner the steel workers will see in our party their own organizatioii 
that helps them, even though they may not yet accept the Communist program 
in general. Literature should also be published on the general issues of the 
labor movement with specific application to the steel workers and their cam- 
paign for unionization, as well as literature of a more advanced but popular 
nature dealing with the program of the party. 

The Daily and Sunday Workers, the language pi'ess, as well as shop papers, 
special leaflets, should be used to reach the steel workers. 

Our literature should not fail to make a special appeal to the various sec- 
tions of the steel workers, answering their special problems, such as those of 
the native American, Negro, foreign-born, and young workers. 

2. Special attention should be paid by the party to build the united front of 
the Communists and Socialists for joint action in the steel campaign. Though the 
forces of each may be small, joint action will greatly multiply their strength and 
make the left forces a big factor in the campaign. 

3. Tasks of the party in the steel areas: 

(a) First of all tasks is the full mobilization of our forces to help in the 
campaign of the steel organization campaign. Unless this is done we will be 
unable to reach the steel workers with the other issues successfully, aside 
from the fact that it will weaken the campaign of organization. Ilere the 
outline of Comrade Foster should be made available to all active woi'kers and 
should guide them in their work. 

(I)) Fight for the unity of the American Federation of Labor — the fight 
for the unity of the trade-iniion movement, the exposure of the splitting policy 
of the American Federation of Labor, the fight to maintain the unity of the 
local labor movement even in the face of the suspension of the Committee for 
Industrial Organization miions, is one of the essential tasks that must be 
carried through by our party in the steel districts, in the interests of a suc- 
cessful mobilizing of full support for the steel campaign, and to overcome 
apatliy among steel workers resulting from the threatened split in the labor 
movement. 

(r) The party's election campaign, the c(>ntral issues of the campaign, the 
struggle against reaction, the policy of the people's front — the building of the 
Farmer-Lalior Party should be skillfully and systematically brought to the steel 
workers. This should be made as much as possible a part of the steel campaign 



un-a:\ierican propaganda activities 



237 



itself. The issues raised, the economic demands, the lij;ht lor the rij?ht of 
organization, for civil liberties, etc., should ho brought to th(> steel worlvcrs in 
a manner that it becomes part of their struggle against comi'.any unions, the 
company town domination, the spy system, etc. Special attention should be 
given to the local conditions running on Avorkers or labor and Farmer-Labor 
Party tickets. 

(rf) Party building shoidd be organized and systematically approached. In 
addition to' party meetings, literature, and other mass approaches, there should 
be developed systematic personal contact work, with a specific aim to influence 
and win for the party definite workers to the party. In this work the organizers 
engaged full time in the steel campaign, who are party members, can and must 
play an important role in wi'ining the best workers to the party. 

Different methods applicable to the various situations shoe.ld be used 
in the party recruitment. This includes classes for nonparty workers, special 
conferences on a small scale, work through the fractions in the various mass 
organizations consisting primarily of steel workers, house-to-house work espe- 
cially through canvassing during the election campaign. 

Mr. Frey. Last year the Steel Workers Oroaiiizing Committee held 
their first convention, and I have a list of 59 delegates to that con- 
vention vv^io were members of the Communist Party, including Vin- 
cent Fovorito to whom I called your attention this morning. 

Four of them were subregional directors in the Communist Party. 

ISIr. Thomas. What is that document again? I did not hear wdiat 
you said. 

Mr. Frey. This is a list of 59 delegates to the last convention of 
the Steel Workers Organizing Committee last year who went there as 
members of the Connnunist JParty and who had received instructions 
as to how they were to carry out the Communist program. 

(The list referred to is as follows :) 

Communistic Delegates to S. W. 0. C. Convention 



Name 



Balint, Ales ^. 

Balint, David 

Blumber<r, Leon 

Barron, Joe 

Cook, Joseph 

Clowes, Phil 

Cope, Elmer 

Chandler, Joe 

Church, H. R 

Carlton, B. T 

Curtiss, A. E 

Dorwalski, John (subregional director)- 

Downing, James 

Favorito, Ben 

Favorito, Vincent 

Furline, Jack 

Fagan, Charles 

Garjciar, John \V 

Gaileghar, James 

Harper, Harry 

Irwin, Clarence 

Kimbly, George (colored) 

Kozlowski,'Ma.\ 

Mrxywonos (organizer) 

Koval, Joseph 

Kuschuer, George 

Kiki, Steve 

Leonard, James 

Lewis, Leo 

Lepola, Nick 

Malis, Victor 

Morgan , Don 

Martin, Mike (subregional director). __ 

Moore, Thomas 

Napoli.- 

Patterson, George 



Lodge 



1068 
'i029" 



1340 
"l2ii" 



73 
"1657" 



1066 
1445 



1403 



1014 



1338 
1072 
1167 



1181 



Place 



Cleveland, Ohio. 

Do. 
South Chicago, 111. 
McKeesport, Pa. 
South Chicago, IlL 



Warren, Ohio. 
Do. 
Do. 

Chicago, 111. 

Cleveland, Ohio. 

Do. 

Do. 
Youngstown, Ohio. 
Warren, Ohio. 
Youngstown, Ohio. 
South Chicago, 111. 

Garv, Ind. 
Joliet, 111. 

Do. 
McKeesport, Pa. 

Do. 

Do. 
Gary, Ind. 

Niles, Ohio. 
Gary, Ind. 
South Chicago, 111. 
Chicago, 111. 
Youngstown, Ohio. 
Cleveland, Ohio. 
South Chicago, 111. 



94931— .38— vol. 1- 



-IG 



238 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Communistic delegates to S. W. O. C. convention — Continued 



Name 



Rusak, John.. 

Salopek, Anthony 

Slanie, Peter 

Schuan, Elmer 

Sturrnr, Henry 

St. Mary, George 

Stewart, Janies 

Sorrocco, R. (subre^ional director). 
Shambalos, E. L. (organizer) 



Steuben, John... 

Scarapine, Dom inic 

Tracy, George 

Vaughn, Theodore 

Walker, Preacher 

Weber, Joseph R. (subregional director) . 

Wines, Harry 

Yurotovich, Gus 

Danko, John 

Gebert, George 

Powers, George 

Shane, Tom . 

Comorre, Pat 

Scharbo, Charles 



Lodge 



1066 



1066 
65 



65 
1066 



2006 



1033 
1147 



' 1669 



Place 



Gary, Ind. 
Duquesne, Pa. 
Cleveland, Ohio. 

Do. 

Do. 
Gary, Ind. 
South Chicago, 111. 
Roseland, 111. 
Chicago Heights, 

111. 
Youngstown, Ohio. 

Do. 
South Chicago, 111. 
Gary, Ind. 
Cleveland, Ohio. 
Chicago, 111. 
Warren, Ohio. 
South Chicago, 111. 



Los Angeles. 



'Cambridge. 

Mr. Frey. I have here a copy of a call for the steel workers con- 
ference to be held in Slovenian Hall, Fifty-seventh and Butler 
Streets, Pittsburgh, Pa., October 25. The main speaker was Philip 
Murray, chairman of the S. W. O. C. 

On the steering committee was B. K. Gebert, who is a member of 
the central committee of the Communist Party and the head of the 
Communist steel committee under W. Z. Foster. 

On the general committee in connection with that meeting was 
Max Bedacht, general secretary and one of the members of the 
secretariat of the central committee of the Communist Party, which 
is composed of Bowder, Foster, and Bedacht. So the Communists 
were breaking into that meeting addressed by Mr. Phil Murray with 
a reasonable amount of success. 

(The document referred to is as follows:) 

Cau, for Dhe Stekl Workers CoNFEREaiiCE 



SLOVENIAN HALL, PITTSBURGH, PENNSYLVANIA 

October 25tli, 1936, 1 : 00 P. M. 
57th and Butler Street. 

The main speaker will be Philip Murray. 

Steering committee: B. K. Gebert, John Gasiunas, George Witkowicz. 

General committee: This committee will call the conference of delegates — 
Organizations repre.sented ; additions to be made to this committee: Croat 
Benefit Union, John D. Butkiewicz, president ; Slovak Association, Nick Movac, 
president; Slovenian Evangelical Alliance, St. Seman, president; Lithunian 
American Grand League, John Gasiunas, president; Slav Benefit A.ssociation ; 
Western Pennsylvania Federation, An Horvat, An Bavilar. delegates; Serbian 
Federation, B. K. Pekich, general secretisry: Slovenian Catholic Union, John 
Dechman, delegate; International Workers Order, Max Bedacht, general secre- 
tary: Cooperative Distributors, Inc., E. J. Lever, president; South Slovenian 
Catholic Union, Dr. F. J. Arch, delegate. 

Mr. Fret. Here is a photostatic co]3y of a circular issued by the Lake 
County Communist Party in connection with the beginning of the or- 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 239 

ganiziiig of the steel workers with Communist participation. I will 
file this for the record. 

(The matter referred to is as follows :) 

INFOKMATION ON THE StEEL FkONT 

We greet the agreement of the Amalgamated Association and the Committee 
for Industrial Organization (John L. Lewis, president) to organize the steel 
workers on the industrial union basis. We are confident that the steel workers 
will greet this agreement by joining the Amalgamated Association (A. A.) by 
the thousands. The A. A. lodges in Lake County can become the driving force 
In beginning the organizing campaign by setting up joint councils of action that 
will direct the activity of this drive. The Central Labor Union of Lake 
County and all locals of the American Federation of Labor should be invited to 
take part in the present drive by giving financial and other assistance. P'ore- 
ward to the unionization of the steel industry. 

The momentous agreement, by which the Amalgamated Association of Iron, 
Steel and Tin Workers agreed to enter the Committee for Industrial Organiza- 
tion and to give the C. I. O. control of the campaign to organize the steel 
industry, reads in full as follows : 

1. AFFILIATION 

"The Amalgamated Association of Iron, Steel and Tin Workers hereby agrees 
to affiliate with the Committee for Industrial Organization. 

2. STEEL WORKERS ORGANIZING COMMITTEE 

"The Steel Workers Organizing Committee shall be composed of such persons 
as are named by the chairman of the Committee for Industrial Organization, 
in accordance with authority granted to him by the Committee for Industrial 
Organization. The Steel Workers Organizing Committee shall consist of a 
chairman and secretary-treasurer and such additional members as are deemed 
necessary by the Chairman of the Committee for Industrial Organization, 
two of whom shall be from the Amalgamated Association of Iron, Steel and Tin 
Workers. 

3. POWERS 

"The Steel Workers Organizing Committee shall be a policy committee, to 
meet periodically at the call of the chairman of the committee as conditions 
and circumstances warrant. 

"The Steel Workers Organizing Committee shall have power to handle all 
matter relative to the organizing campaign, other than the issuance of charters. 
The committee and the officers of the Amalgamated Association shall have 
exclusive power to deal with the steel companies in order to reach agreements, 
but this shall not abridge the rights of the Amalgamated Association in the 
execution of current wage agreements. 

"The Amalgamated Association shall not take any action affecting the or- 
ganizing campaign without first consulting and obtaining the sanction of the 
chairman of the committee. The committee shall not interfere with nor attempt 
to direct the other duties of the officers of the Amalgamated Association. 

"The Steel Workers' Organizing Committee may establish such advisory com- 
mittees, consisting of representatives of labor organizations who may contribute 
funds to the committee for prosecution of the campaign. 

4. FINANCES 

"The Committee for Industrial Organization shall contribute such sums of 
money, up to $;jOO,OCO, as conditions of the organizing campaign warrant. 
The disbursement of funds shall be made by the secretary-treasurer, subject 
to rules promulgated by the Steel Workers' Organizing Committee. 

5. DUES AND INITIATION FEES 

"The Steel Workers' Organizing Committee shall have power to grant dis- 
pensation from the payment of initiation fees to all persons joining the Amal- 



240 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

gamated Association during such time as it deems advisable. If the com- 
mittee changes this policy all initiation fees collected shall be placed in its 
treasury for campaign purposes. 

"Dues shall be fixed at $1 monthly per member, and dues payments shall 
begin upon a date fixed by the committee. If deemed necessary by the com- 
mittee monev collected as dues shall be used in the campaign. 

"Nothing contained in this paragraph shall abridge the rights of the Amal- 
gamated Association in its relations with lodges now working under wage 
agreements with employers. 

6. TERMINATION OF CAMPAIGN 

"The details incident to the termination of the campaign of organization and 
the disbanding of the committee shall be within the province of the Steel 
Workers' Organizing Committee and the Committee for Industrial Organiza- 
tion, acting jointly. 

"For the Committee for Industrial Organization : John L. Lewis, chairman ; 
John Brophy, director ; Philip Murray, Thomas Kennedy. 

"For the Amalgamted Association of Iron, Steel and Tin Workers: Thomas 
G. Gillis, vice president ; Edward W. Miller, vice president ; Joseph K. Gaither, 
vice president, and Louis Leonard, secretary-treasurer." 

Information bulletin issued by the Lake County Communist Party, 1634 
Broadway, Room 202. 

Mr. Frey. I am filing for the record an article appearing in tlie 
Daily Worker, of March 1, 1936, which is William Z. Foster's com- 
ment on the unionizhig of the steel industry. I will introduce that 
article without reading it. 

(The matter referred to is as follows:) 

April 17, 19.36. 

William Z. Fosiee's Comment on Unionizing Steel Ineustky 
[Note. — This article appeared in the Daily Worker, issue of March 1, 1936] 

The proposal of the Conunittee for Industrial Organization, headed by John 
L. Lewis, to contrilnite half a million dollars and the services of trained organ- 
izers to a campaign to organize the steel workers is of vast significance. It 
represents the sliarpest challenge to the policies of William Green and other 
craft union bureaucrats of the American Federation of Labor, as well as to 
the Steel Trust and to open-shop industry in general. 

The United Mine Worker's of America is playing a leading role in the Com- 
mittee for Industrial OrganizatioiL The committee's proi)osal shows that the 
miners' union at last realizes the necessity for organizing the steel industry, 
the central fortress of the open-.shop interests of the United States. The United 
]\Iine Workers of America realizes now that neither it nor any other union 
is safe while the steel industry remains unorganized. This is real progress, 
and had the United Mine AVorkers in 1019 understood the importance of 
organizing the steel workers as well as it does now, that job would have been 
easily successful. 

In understanding the work of organizing the steel workers, attention should be 
paid to the lessons of the 1919 strike as well as to those that the steel workers 
have learned since. 

organizational basis of campaign 

The first fundamental to bear in mind is that the workers must be organized 
upon the principle of one industry, one union. They must never forget that 
the steel bosses won in 1919 because tliey fought as a unit, while the workers' 
.'-olidarity was weakened by their division into the 24 unions participating in 
the cami)aign. This must not hapiien again. The steel workers must resist 
every «>froi-t to divide them into craft unions. Green, president of the American 
Federation of Labor, is now proposing an organizing campaign in steel on the 
basis of many unions. This would be disjistrous and nun the campaign at the 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 241 

outset. The whok' liiltor nioveuuMit must absolutely iusist, as well as the steel 
workers themselves, that the steel workers be organized in or.e union. 

The proper approach to the campaign is on the basis of organizing the work- 
ers into the Amnhiganiated Association of Iron, Steel and Tin Worker.s. It is 
true that this union is dominated by the Tighc-Leonard cliciue, who betrayed 
the 1919 strike, and who have been a constant barrier in the way of the organi- 
zation of the steel workers ever since. But these ultra reactionaries can, and 
must be circumvented. They must under no circumstances be allowed to control 
-and wreck the organizing campaign. 

STEIX WORKERS LEADEKSHIP 

To prevent this misleadership from destroying the steel workers' movement, 
two things are necessary: Firstly, the organizing campaign must be built on 
the basis of local committees of steel workers, including the company unions, 
these to be linked together on a national scale in a committee that will direct 
the whole movement. Secondly, the Committee for Industrial Organization 
should itself pay special attention to the campaign, and see to it that no inter- 
ference is permitted from the Tighe-Leonard wreckers. At the coming con- 
vention of the Amalgamated Association these unspeakable fakirs should be 
dumped altogether, unceremoniously, if no means can be found to get rid of 
them sooner. 

Thes Committee for Industrial Organization should hold itself directly respon- 
sible for the success of the organizing work. Not a cent, and not an organizer 
should he turned over to the control of the Tighe-Leonard machine, or any 
chair-warming organizing crew that may be sent in by the American Federation 
of Labor. If the American Federation of Labor organizers attempt to split the 
workers into crafts the Committee for Industrial Organization and steel workers 
organizing committees should appeal to the industrial solidarity of the workers, 
and call upon them to refuse to join only the Amalgamated Association. 

The selection of good organizers is of great importance. Live wires must be 
picked out. There are plenty of potentially capable organizers among the ranks 
of the steel workers themselves, who will show real results in a vigorous organ- 
ization campaign. There must be a real break made with the chair-warming, 
hotel-sitting methods of usual American Federation of Labor campaigns. 

AN AGGRESSrVE SIMULTANEOLTg NATIONAL CAMPAIGN 

So much for the question of the type of unionism to be built. Now for the 
second important consideration, how to carry on the campaign. 

The whole nature of the problem of organizing the steel workers dictates 
that the work nmst be carried on simultaneously in all the principal steel 
centers : Pittsburgh. Bethlehem, Chicago, Gary, Birmingham, Pueblo, etc. At 
the outset of the campaign in 1918 I proposed such a sweeping national organiza- 
tional drive. If it had been adopted the steel industry would have been suc- 
cessfully organized in a few weeks' time. But it was not adopted, as the 24 
organizations gave our committee the ridiculous sum of $100 and told us to 
go to work in one city. Briefly stated, the campaign which I proposed in 1918 
was the setting up of local committees in every important steel center. These 
committees should then simultaneously call a series of mass meetings during 
the same week in practically every steel center in America. These meetings 
to be highly publicized by parades, full-page newspaper advertisements, movies, 
Luge literature distribution and every other known means of agitation on a 
mass scale. 

RE\-ERT TO TERROR 

This general plan holds equally good for today, and if applied vigorously must 
result in setting the whole mass of steel workers into motion within a few 
weeks" time, and in making the organization of the steel workers a reality. The 
steel workers want organization, and if appealed to properly will respond in 
mass. The Committee for Industrial Organization and steel workers' organizers 
should absolutely reject the usual stupid American Federation of Labor policy 
(which wrecked the 1919 campaign) of starting to work in one locality '"to 
show the workers what we can do." It is the basic necessity of tlie organization 
campaign that the movement be carried through on this national basis with 



242 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

the utmost vigor, utilizing every known means, of mass agitation all over the 
country at one time. 

It is more than likely that the steel barons will revert to their policy of 
191S-19 of suppressing free assembly in the steel towns in order to check 
the growth of the organization. If so, the proper way to meet this suppression 
is by a direct violation of the anti-free speech i-egulations of the petty autocrats 
in the steel towns. 

A FIGHTING MOVEMENT 

The third major consideration to be borne in mind in organizing the steel 
workers is that the movement must be based upon a perspective of active strug- 
gle. Organizing the steel industry is a serious proposition. It means to assault 
the main industrial fortress of finance capital in America. It is criminally 
stupid to believe that such a task can be accomplished by mean of a slick 
maneuver with Rocsevent or some other so-called capitalist politician friend 
of labor. The workers must get into this campaign with a definite under- 
standing that they have a fight ahead of them, and they can only win through 
by virtue of the solidarity of labor. 

In the 1919 campaign President Wilson, a "friend of labor" showed by his 
refusal to insist upon Judge Gary meeting with the steel committee, and by 
his attempts to postpone the strike, that he was against the organization of the 
steel workers. President Roosevelt in 1934, when he destroyed the splendid move- 
ment of the steel workers at that time by having the whole matter referred 
to his conciliation committee, where it was quietly slaughtered and the steel 
campaign wrecked, showed no less clearly than President Wilson beforehand, that 
he is a hostile influence to the organization of the steel workers. 

The steel workers, therefore, at the outset must write on their banners, "No 
reliance on Roosevelt." They must rely only on themselves and on organized 
labor, in general. 

MINERS, RAILROAD WGRKE^JS IN FIGHT 

It is necessary that the masses of workers, especially organized labor be 
mobilized to back up the steel workers. In first line, this means that the 
United Mine Workers of America must put everything it's got into the fight. 
It must be prepared to strike if necessary with the steel workers in order to 
insist on recognition of their union and the settlement of their demands. It 
is also of the most A'ital importance that the railroad workers be drawn into the 
struggle. So that when the steel workers strike there will not be a ton of coal 
or iron ore going into the mill, or a ton of finished steel coming out. There 
must be no more stupid business of the miners and the railroad workers standing 
aside as they did in 1919, and allow the steel workers to be cut to pieces by 
all the forces of the Government and the Steel Trust. Tlie miners and the 
railroad workers should be drawn into the organizing committees of the steel 
industry from the beginning. 

THE ROLE OF THE COMMUNISTS 

The Communists have many differences with John L. Lewis and other leaders 
in the Committee for Industrial Organization. We disagree with their propa- 
gation of capitalist illusions among the workers, their lack of a class-struggle 
policy, their reliance on Roosevelt, their failure to support the formation of a 
Farmer-Labor Party, etc. But we will give them 100-percent cooperation and 
support, as we would any other trade-union leaders, in a militant campaign 
to organize the steel industry. This is such a fundamentally necessary task that 
every worker, regardless of his political opinions, has the duty to lend every 
assistance for its success. 

The Communist Party, on the basis of many years of active struggle on 
behalf of the unemployed and for the organization of the workers in the mills, 
has developed a wide following among the steel workers. It calls upon these 
to participate with all their forces in the campaign to organize the steel workers 
that is now being developed. The Communists' interests are inseparable from 
those of the masses of the workers. Their enemies are the same. They will 
show this in the steel campaign. 

Mr. Fret. I would like to introduce a brief quotation from an 
article in the Sunday Worker of August 16, 1936. I think it is the 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 243 

Sunday edition of the Daily Worker. It has to do with the steel 
workers organizing, and the part I would like to quote is this : 

COMMUNISTS FOR DRI\^ 

The Communist Party calls on you to join the union. It asks your support 
for the (lri\e of the Couunittee fur Industrial Urganizaliou and the Steel 
Workers Organizing Committee. The Communist Party says that the organiza- 
tion of the steel workers means more bread in your homes and better education 
for your children. 

The Communist Party makes this appeal to you without any apologies. It 
is the party of the workers, and a part of the American labor movement. 
The bosses, in their attempt to stop the union movement, raise the "red 
scare," talking about the Communists as though they are some foreign force 
injurious to the workers. Who are the Communists, anyway? The great majority 
of the members of the Communist Party of the U. S. A. are native-born Amer- 
ican workers, with the same hopes that you have — the same desire to better 
their conditions. 

The Communist Party always fights for the demands of the working people. 
Long ago, it raised the banner of industrial unionism for the steel workers. 
For years, it has fought for the right to organize, for the abolition of the vicious 
spy systems, for the improvement of wages. That is why the steel bosses 
and their stool pigeons raise the cry of "red." 

Of the railroad workers, we ask that they rally to the support of the steel 
workers. To the miners we make the same appeal. Already have they shown 
their deep interest in this drive. We ask them to intensify their cooperation. 
To all American workers we request the fullest aid to the great steel campaign. 

The language I have just quoted indicates that the Communist 
Party was the one that was organiziug the steel workers, and that 
they had assumed the whole responsibility. To a great extent they 
did assume some responsibilit3\ 

Now, Mr. Chairman, it is 20 minutes past 4 o'clock, and I have 
been talking continuously now for about 6 hours. If the commit- 
tee will permit, I would like to end my testimony for today at this 
point. 

The Chairman. The committee will meet at 10 o'clock in the 
morning. Mr. Frey will conclude his testimony by noon, and our 
next witness will appear at 1 o'clock, tomorrow afternoon. 

The committee stands adjourned until 10 o'clock tomorrow 
morning. 

(Thereupon, at 4:30 p. m., the committee adjourned until to- 
morrow, Tuesday, August 16, 1938, at 10 a. m.) 



INVESTIGATION OF UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA 
ACTIVITIES IN THE UNITED STATES 



TUESDAY, AUGUST 16, 1938 

House of Representatives, 
Special Committee to In\t:stigate Un-American Activities, 

Washinc/ton, D. C . 

The committee met at 10 a. m., pursuant to adjourmnent, Hon. 
Martin Dies (chairman) presiding. 

The Chairman. The committee will come to order. Mr. Frey, you 
may proceed. 

TESTIMONY OF JOHN P. FREY, PEESIEENT, METAL TEADES 
DEPARTMENT, AMERICAN FEDERATION OF LABOR— Continued 

Mr. Frey. Mr. Chairman, when the committee adjourned I was 
offering evidence of the active and prominent part which the Com- 
munist Party took in the steel organizing campaign and the steel 
strike. 

To complete that, I am submitting three statements from the Daily 
Worker, the official publication of the Communist Party, by William 
Z. Foster, in connection with the same subject. For the purpose of 
the record, I merely want to have those portions that are marked on 
the sheets reproduced. 

(The matter referred to is as follows :) 

[Strike Movement in Mass Production Industries — Daily Worker, January 6, 1937] 
Foster Stresses Unity in Steel Fight Strategy 

******* 
The industrial form of the C. I. O. unions conducting tlie struggle in these 
industries lays a solid foundation for a unified command and the vital strike 
unity ; nevertheless a danger threatens from the craft-union leaders of the 
American Federation of Labor. These reactionaries, although they, themselves, 
for years have done nothing to organize the mass-production industries, are 
extremely antagonistic toward the Committee for Industrial Organization doing 
the job. They assume a dog-in-the-manger attitude. It is more than likely, 
therefore, that they will inject themselves into the situation and ti-y to inveigle 
a fringe of the skilled workers into their many disconnected craft unions. 

Such an action would be a crime against the steel, auto, and other workers, 
as it would seriously split their ranks and weaken their fighting force. But no 
one familiar with the shady history of the reactionary A. F. of L. leaders would 
be surprised to see them adopt such a disruptive course. They have done it time 
and again in the strikes of independent unions. The danger is all the greater 
inasmuch as the trust magnates, happy to see the workers dissipate their 
strengtli fighting each other, would greet and encourage the craft-union leaders 
and their splitting tactics. Nor would such a development be unwelcome to the 
Roosevelt administration as offering a prolific source of slippery compromises. 

245 



246 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

The introduction of craft lurionism into the mass production industries by 
the A. F. of L. leaders should ,be resisted militantly by every progressive 
force in the whole labor movement as a strike-breaking policy. This resistance 
should be supported by an aggressive campaign to educate the unorganized 
masses as to the historical failure of craft unionism in the mass production 
industries, and by a call to these workers not to join the craft unions but to 
affiliate themselves with the C. I. O. industrial unions. 

If, nevertheless, the craft unions should succeed in establishing themselves 
by the time the strike takes place, they must be dealt with on a united front 
basis, and unity of action sought in this manner. They should be drawn into 
the strike on a full cooperative basis with the industrial unions. This means 
that they ought to be allowed and induced to send regular delegates to the 
strike committees, and likewise to their subcommittees for relief, defense, 
publicity, etc., and that they should al.so participate in the mass picketing 
and other mass strike activities. The craft leaders would object to this, so 
it would have to be done over their heads by direct appeal to the members. 
Only in the uidikely event, however, that the craft unions should become real 
factors in a given industry would it be practical to make the resultant trade 
union agreement of a united front character. 

In the developing great strike movement at all cost there must be prevented 
the shameful but all too common spectacle of union strikebreaking ; that Is, 
of one or more unions striking while the others work. The solidarity of labor 
demands that the craft unions stay out of the mass production industries 
and leave the field to the industrial unions. For them to enter these industries 
at this time could serve the interests of no one but the great trust magnates 
and reaction generally. 

[Strike Movement in Mass Production Industries — ^Daily Worker, January 10, 1937] 

Methods of Okganization Vital to Winning Strike 

By William Z. Foster 
******* 

In previous pages I have di.scussed various forms of cultivating a high degree 
mass strike activity — the holding of democratically elected local, district, and 
national rank and file prestrike conferences to formulate and popularize the 
workers' demands and to elect the union officials, the taking of a national mass 
strike vote, democratic participation in the broad strike committees, general 
voting upon all settlement proposals, etc. To these measures should be added 
the necessity of holding frequent mass meetings during the strike ; mass 
parades of strikers ; mass marches of men, women, and children from district 
to district and mill to mill; the .sending of small delegations, or flying squads 
of workers, from one area or industry to another ; the teaching of the strikers 
to sing labor songs in their meetings and demonstrations: the development of 
sports activities for the youth ; the holding of social affairs, etc. 

But the mo.st important of all forms of mass strike activities is mass picket- 
ing. Good picketing is a decisive factor in every big strike — that is why em- 
ployers are so rabidly opposed to it. Picketing is usually grossly neglected 
in the ordinary A. F. of L. strike, only a few of the workers carrying it on, 
and then merely in a desultory fashion. The consequence is a great loss in the 
holding power of the strike. The best way to conduct picketing is on a mass 
basis. Not only should all the strikers be mobilized for picketing, but their 
women and children as well. In addition, prominent liberals and others 
should be brought into the strike areas from the outside to march in the 
picket lines. Where one or more industries are striking, joint picketing should 
be organized. The unemployed can play a most important role in picketing, 
and the members of nonstriking unions should also be systematically drawn 
into the work. Women's and children's picket lines should be organized on 
special occasions. This system of broad mass picketing raises enormously the 
political level, enthusiasm, and resistance power of the strikers. It has been 
used effectively in many I. W. W. and T. U. U. L. strikes, by the more pro- 
gressive A. F. of L. unions, and by many unions in foreign countries. If and 
when the steel strike comes the progressive C. I. O. should adopt the modern, 
effective system of mass picketing. 

The picket line should be well organized, not mere crowds of workers. It 
should be under the control of the picket committee, which is a section of the 
strike committee. The picketers should be organized into squads, each squad 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 247 

headed by a carefully selected captain. All strikers should be required to do 
their bit at picketing. The youth especially should play a big role in the 
organization of the picket lines. The picket committee must maintain pickets 
around the mills at all times, whether or not they are trying to operate with 
scabs. Especially must there be great mass picket lines on Monday mornings 
and upon all occasions when attempts are being made to bring scabs into the 
mills. Often the difference between bad picketing and good picketing is the 
difference between a lost and a won strike. 

[Strike Movement in Mass Production Industries — Daily Worker, Jan. 13, 1937] 

Toward a People's Fkont — Histoeic Tasks are Facing Progressive Labor 

Lelvders 

By William Z. Foster 



role of the c. I. o. 

The C. I. O., led so progressively by John L. Lewis, is doing a historically 
important thing in carrying on its vigorous campaign to organize the armies 
of exploited workers in the mass-production industries. As we have seen, 
this campaign has within it possibilities for a fundamental strengthening and 
reorganization of the whole American labor movement. 

The C. I. O. has become the actual leader of the trade-union movement. The 
executive council of the A. F. of L. has shown itself opposed to this vital organ- 
ization work and, because of its narrow craft union and personal interests, has 
refused for many years past to do the organizing that the C. I. O. is now 
undertaking. Had it so desired, the A. F. of L. could have easily organized the 
steel workers during the war. or during the Coolidge period of prosperity, or 
during the strike upheavals under the N. R. A. in 19.3.3-34. But the A. F. of L. 
wanted nothing to do with the organization of the steel workers. And worse 
yet, now that the C. I. O. unions, which are awake to the basic importance of 
this task to themselves, and all other workers, are proceeding to accomplish 
the organizing work that the executive council has so long neglected or pre- 
vented, the executive council actually suspends them, one-third of the whole 
labor movement, from the A. F. of L., and thus traitorously splits labor's forces 
in the face of the enemy. Never, even in the shady history of the A. F. of L., 
has misleadership sunk to lower levels. The A. F. of L. executive council has 
surrendered the actual leadership of the trade unions into the hands of the 
C. I. O. 

The Communist Party heartily supports the C. I. O. organizing campaigns 
in steel, automobile, rubber, glass, textile, etc., and it mobolizes all its forces to 
assist in this work. It extends this aid for the same reason that it supports 
every forward movement of the workers wherever it may originate or what 
form it may take, whether it be a strike, an organization campaign, the carry- 
ing on of independent working class political activity, or what not. The Com- 
munist Party has no interests apart from those of the working class, and every 
victory of the workers is a victory for the Communist Party. 

Mr, Frey. It is my understanding that Mr. Homer Martin, the pres- 
ident of the United Automobile Workers, is to testify as to Commu- 
nist activities within that organization. For that reason I will intro- 
duce but little matter, leaving to Mr. Martin a more complete state- 
ment. 

I will say, however, that the International in Moscow is very much 
interested in the part that the Communist Party took in the automo- 
bile and steel organizing campaign and the automobile and the steel 
strike, and for the record I am introducing a clipping from the New 
York Tribune of March 22, 1937. It was published in the Commu- 
nist International Magazine No. 2 and says, among other things: 

During the entire strike Communists were active in a leading role. They 
conducted many-sided work in helping strikers, collected money, and carried 
out demonstrations of solidarity. 



248 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

(The newspaper clipping referred to is as follows:) 

From New York Tribune, March 22, 1937 
Moscow Praises Reds for Aid in Auto Strike 

Moscow, March 21 (U. P.). — K. Redmill, writmg in The Commnnist Inter- 
national Magazine, No. 2, today praised the "work of Communists in the 
General Motors strike" at Detroit and Flint, Mich. 

"During the entire strike," he said, "Communists were active in a leading 
role. They conducted many-sided work in helping strikers, collected money, 
and carried out demonstrations of solidarity. 

"The Communist Party, through its central organ, The New York Daily- 
Worker, gave advice on how to conduct the struggle and in many instances 
this advice was adopted." 

Mr. Feet. Mr. Martin will testify as to the part they played ; so I 
will use but little of that. 

The Communist Party took a very active part in the last conven- 
tion, the second convention, of the 

Mr. MosiER (interposing). Mr. Frey, pardon me a minute. Refer- 
ring back to the steel strike, do I recall correctly that yesterday you 
offered a list of names of some of the alleged Communists who 
participated in the steel strike in Ohio ? 

Mr. Frey. Saturday I submitted a lengthly list of some 280 Com- 
munists who had been on the pay roll of C. I. O. organizations as 
organizers. They are designated, and those that worked in connec- 
tion with organizing the steel campaign and the strike were all desig- 
nated as S. W. O. C, and that is the record. 

Mr. MosiER. All right ; thank you very much. 

Mr. Frey. There are two angles to the present unhappy situation 
in the automobile workers' union. One is due 

Mr. Thomas (interposing). Mr. Frey, may I interrupt for just a 
minute ? 

Mr. Frey. Yes. 

Mr. Thomas. You mentioned just a few seconds ago Homer Martin. 

Mr. Frey. Yes. 

Mr. Thomas. I would like to ask whether you have been in confer- 
ence with Homer Martin in the recent past. 

Mr. Frey. I have not been in conference with Homer Martin. I 
have met the gentleman only once, and that was when he and I 
debated the question of the C. I. O. and the A. F. of L. before the 
Town Hall in New York many months ago. 

There are two disrupting factors in the automobile workers at the 
present time. One consists of the bulk of the membership who very 
much resent the Communist control that was secured of national 
offices. The other is an internal fight between two factions of the 
Communist Party. With that I do not want to deal. Mr. Martin 
will. All that I desire to call your attention to is a complete report 
of their last meeting, which I am submitting — my report of what 
went on. I merely read this to the committee [reading] : 

Before the United Automobile Workers Union convention opened in Mil- 
waukee, the Communist Party members held a fraction meeting or caucus at 
Eagles Hall in that city. There were present at this caucus Wyndham Morti- 
mer, Ed Hall. Walter Keuther, and about DO delegates to the convention who 
were actual Communist I'arty members. Also present were William Weiustone, 
Michigan secretary of tlie Communist Party ; Jack Stachel, of New York, a 



UN-AMEKICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 249 

member of the central committee of tlie Commimist Party; Rlorris Childs, of 
Chicago, 111., secretary of the Commuuist Party ; Ned Sparks, district organizer 
in Milwaukee of the Comnmnist Party; Jack Johnstone, of Chicago, a member 
of the central committee; Roy Hudson, of New York, a member of the central 
commit lee; P.. K. Gebert and Louis Budenz, the latter a member of the edi- 
torial staff of the Daily Worker. 

(The report referred to is as follows :) 

SECOND ANNUAL CONVENTION, UNITED AUTOMOBILE WOKKEKS OF AMERICA 

New York City, Scptcmhcr 1, 1937. 

Below are a few sidelights on the second convention of the United Automo- 
bile Workers of America held last week in Milwaukee: 

From beginning to end the real convention took place behind the scenes, in 
caucuses, hotel rooms, and tap rooms. I'resident Homer Martin, of the United 
Automobile Workers Union, and Organizational Director Richard Franken- 
steen, leaders of the administration or progressive group in the union, were 
the beneficiaries of the advice of Jay Lovestone, of New York, leader of the 
so-called Trotskyist radical group in this country. Lovestone was present in 
^Milwaukee during the entire convention with his trade-union expert, George F. 
]Miles. Both Miles and Lovestone attended most of the caucuses of the Martin- 
Frankeusteen group. 

Since Martin controlled a majority of the delegates to the convention, which 
he had lined up before the opening day, Lovestone advised a drive to eliminate 
the regular Communist Party members in the leadership of the so-called unity 
faction, led by Vice Presidents Wyndham Mortimer, of Flint, Michigan; Ed 
Hall, of Milwaukee, Wis. ; and Walter Reuther, head of the west side local of 
the union in Detroit. Lovestoue's policy was to eliminate Mortimer, Hall, and 
Renter and thus strengthen the position of the Trotskyist group behind 
Martin. There is no question that Martin and Frankensteen, influenced by 
Lovestone, were prepared to clean house of the Communist group, and it is 
equally true that up to a month before the convention the Mortimer-Hall- 
Reuther faction was trying to get rid of President Martin. 

The first fight between the two factions in the United Automobile Workers 
Union dates from a series of sit-down strikes last winter and spring. At that 
time President Martin advocated a jiolicy of legality and was opposed to 
sporadic .strikes. Martin urged careful organizational preparations in the 
shops and the mobilization of a citizenry of towns where automobile plants 
were located to secure their sympathetic support of the strike movement when 
and if the workers left the plants. Vice President Wyndham Mortimer, who is 
a member of the central committee of the Communist Party of the United 
States, working under the direction of the Communist Party and more especially 
under that of William Weinstone, Michigan secretary of the Communist Party, 
urged a policy of developing sit-down strikes as a means of more quickly and 
effectively organizing the automobile workers. 

It will' be recalled that at the height of the General :Motors strike President 
Martin was sent on a roving tour of sm;ill towns in Indiana and Oliio with 
the full approval, if not the connivance, of John L. Lewis. Being sent away 
from the scene of the strike at such a critical time alarmed President Martin 
and he immediately made peace with John Brcphy. director of the C. I. O., who 
had been sent to Detroit by John L. Lewis to establish a sort of receivership 
over the top leader.ship of th-' Automobile Workers Union. When Martin 
became reconciled to Brophy, Lewis himself then seemed satisfied to have 
Martin continue as president of the union. However, Lewis wanted some 
guarantees that President ^Martin would rot become unruly by leaning toward 
more careful strike action. Lewis and Brophy, to secure these guarantees, 
then supported the launching of a drive against President IMartin by the 
Communist group led by Mortimer, Hall, and Reuther. The idea was not to 
scuttle Martin at the Milwaukee convention but to surround him with vice 
pi-esidents all with equal power to that of ?*Iartin so that the clique would be 
able to tell him what to do and when to do it. 

When President ^Martin, much to the surprise of John L. Lewis and the 
]\Iortimer-Hall Reuther faction, lined up a majority of the delegates to the 
convention, the latter faction was forced to change its policies. As stated 
before, the Mortimer-Hall-Reuther faction is Communist-controlled but disguised 



250 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

that fact by calling themselves the "Unity Group," as, under the guise of 
unity, they thought they could save their own necks and possibly build a fire 
under Martin during the course of the convention. 

When the central committee of the Communist Party in New York learned 
about a month ago that Martin controlled a majority of the delegates to the 
convention, the Communist leadership then began what they called an "exam- 
ination" of the party's policies and called Weinstone, the Michigan secretary 
of the party, on the carpet charging him with "leftist excesses," etc. The 
fact is, Weinstone was only carrying out the policy of the central committee 
of the Communist I'arty, but it did not work out, so Weinstone had to take 
"the rap." 

Before the United Automotive Workers' Union convention opened in Milwau- 
kee, the Communist Party members held a faction meeting or caucus at Eagles 
Hall in that city. There were present at this caucus Wyndham Mortimer, Ed. 
Hall, Walter Reuther, and about 90 delegates to the convention who were 
actual Communist Party members. Also present were William Weinstone, 
Michigan secretary of the Communist Party; Jack Stachel, of New York, a 
member of the central committee of the Communist Party ; Morris Childs. of 
Chicago, 111., secretary of the Communist Party ; Ned Sparks, district organizer 
in Milwaukee of the Communist Party ; Jack Johnstone, of Chicago, a member 
of the central committee ; B. K. Gebert and Louis Budenz, the latter a member 
of the editorial staff of the Daily Worker. 

This Communist group decided they should make a fight to maintain the 
positions of Vice Presidents Mortimer and Hall ; to place the five vice presidents 
of the United Automobile Workers' Union on a salary basis, and to provide 
salaries for all members of the executive board. This would place 24 people 
on the pay roll of the United Automobile Workers" Union. This Communist 
plan was carried out in the convention, but not without a fight. 

After the first Communist Party caucus in Milwaukee it was decided to call 
together in another caucus all supporters of the Mortimer-Hall "Unity" faction. 
This group numbered more than 400, the great majority of whom, however, were 
not Communist Party members but sympathizers with the program proposed by 
the Communist or "Unity" group. 

Mortimer, Hall, and Reuther worked closely with Ora Gassaway, a personal 
representative of John L. Lewis ; Ray Edmundson, president of the Illinois dis- 
trict of the United Mine Workers and C. I. O. director in that State; and 
David Dubinsky, president of the International Ladies' Garment Workers' 
Union. On the evening of August 25, Charles S. Zimmermann, president of the 
powerful New York Local No. 22 of the International Ladies' Garment Workers' 
Union and a leading Trotskyite and follower of Lovestone, arrived in Milwau- 
kee to use his influence on Dubinsky. 

On the same day (Wednesday) a load of Communist leaders came from 
Chicago, among them Joe Weber, Steel Workers Organizing Committee organ- 
izer in South Chicago ; Harry Shaw and Jack Johnstone, who had in the interim 
returned to Chicago. Upon the arrival of the Chicago group, another Com- 
munist Party caucus was called, to which only the top elements were invited. 
Those present were Jack Stachel, Roy Hudson, William Weinstone, Ned Sparks, 
Vv'yndham Mortimer, Ed Hall. Walter Reuther, and B. K. Gebert. They met in 
a private home near the auditorium where the convention was being held. At 
this Communist caucus it was decided that Vice Presidents Mortimer ard Hall, 
of the United Automobile Workers' Union, should have a plain talk with Gassa- 
way and Edmundson, of the United INIine Workers, and insist that the latter 
two persuade John L. Lewis, who was to address the convention on Friday, the 
27th, to openly plead for the retention of the Communists Mortimer and Hall on 
the executive committee and as vice presidents of the United Automobile Work- 
ei-s' Union at full pay. The same evening Mortimer contacted Edmundson and 
Gassaway and secured from them a promise to talk to Lewis. 

On Friday morning Lewis' appearance was the signal for a staged demon- 
stration, each faction trying to outdo the other in a noisy reception. President 
Martin, who knew that Lewis was originally involved in the scheme to relieve 
him of his oflice, introduced Lewis as "the world's greatest labor leader." 

Lewis in a long speech worked up to a climax by assailing President William 
Green, of the A. F. of L., landing on Henry Ford and making an appeal for unity. 

It is expected that there will be repercussions as a result of the maneuvering 
of the two factions during the convention, due to the fact that .lohn L. Lewis' 
stepping into an inner conflict in one of the C. I. O. affiliated organizations 
demonstrated that he is assuming the role of dictator. Already some of the 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 251 

A.. F. of L. leaders are heginning to take advantage of the situation, and it is 
probable that disclosines made by them will tend to slow up afniiatiou with 
the C. I. O. on the part of unions now excluded from the A. F. of L. 

Official Family- — Auto Workers Union 

Note: Those marked "unity" are in the Communist camp, or are strongly 
supported by Communists. 

Homer Martin, president, progressive. 

George F. Addes, secretary-treasurer, unity. 

Wyndham Mortimer, vice president, unity. 

Ed. Hall, vice president, unity. 

Richard T. Frankensteen, vice president, progressive. 

R. J. Thomas, vice president, progressive. 

Edward N. Wells, vice president, progressive. 

MEMBERS OF EXECUTIVE BOARD 

Walter Routher, Michigan, unity. 
Leo La ^lotte, Michigan, unity. 
Morris Fields, Michigan, progressive. 
Loran Ilauser, Michigan, progressi\e. 
Tracy Doll, ilichigan, progressive. 
Lester Washburn, Michigan, progressive. 
C. E. Madden, Michigan, progressive. 
Ellsworth Kramer, Toledo, Ohio, unity. 
Paul E. Miley, Cleveland, Ohio, unity. 
R. E. Reisinger, Cleveland, Ohio, unity. 
F. J. Michel, Racine, Wis., progressive. 
C. H. Millard, Oshawa, Ontario, progressive. 
Michael Gallo, Baltimore, unity. 
Russell B. IMerrill, South Bend, progressive. 
Frank Tucci, Tarrytown, N. Y., progressive. 
Delmond Clarey, Los Angeles, progressive. 

Mr. Frey. These names were included in the report of the Com- 
munist leaders endeavoring to direct the Communist's activities 
They were the representatives of the central committee of the Com- 
munist Party meeting in the convention city, so that they could use 
their influence to have things go their own way. 

Mr. MosEER. Mr. Fre}', may I ask you a question just out of curi- 
osity? Do you have any figures on what percentage of the con- 
trolling element of the Communist Party are citizens of the United 
States? 

]Mr. Frey. No; I have not. 

Mr. MosiER. Well, it is true it is not, that some of them in control 
are not citizens of the United States? 

Mr. Frey. It is true. 

I will not submit for the record — because my time is short — a re- 
port of a meeting of the political bureau of the central committee 
of the Communist Party held in Cleveland, Saturday, April 17, 
1937. ]\Iy only comment on this document, which I file for ])ublica- 
tion. is that unfortunately I read that while we were having our 
conference in Cincinnati, while I hurriedly sipped a cup of coffee in 
the morning, and quite accidentally — because I am without that type 
of memory — I quoted three paragraphs of that report from memory 
when I took the floor in our convention. There was a member of 
the central committee of the Communist Party there in the hall. 
He rushed to the telephone. All I know is that he called up Xew 
York; but what I do know is that charges of treason were field 
against an individual in the office of the central connnittee. It hap- 



252 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

pened, however, that the individual was not the one that they were 
hunting for. 

(The statement referred to is as follows:) 

Communist 

New York, April 23, 1937. 

The political l)iiro of the contral committee of the Communist Party of the 
United States called a special meeting in Cleveland for Saturday, April 17. 
Due to the delay in the arrival of some of the leaders invited, the meeting 
did not convene until 9 a. m., Sunday, April IS. It was held in the Jewish 
Labor Center, Fifty-fifth and Scoville Streets, Cleveland. Among those present 
were Jack Stachel, F. Brown (real name Alpi), Clarence Hathaway. Elizabeth 
Lawson, and Harry Raymond (of the Daily Worker staff), from New York; 
"William Weinstone, district secretary for Michigan ; John Williamson, district 
organizer for Ohio ; Ned Sparks, district organizer for Pittsburgh ; John Steuben 
(real name, Martin Rijak), section organizer for Youngstown ; June Croll, from 
the women's department of the ]iational office in New York ; Morris Childs, 
district organizer for Illinois ; I. Amter and Charles Krumbein, district or- 
ganizer and district secretary, respectively, for New York ; and Jack Johnstone 
and Rober Minor, members of the central executive committee of the Com- 
munist Party. There were several others present, who were not identified. 

Elizabeth Lawson (whose real name is Elsa Block) was formerly a student 
of the University of Minnesota and recently was editrn- of the Southern W^orker, 
using the pen name of "Jim Mallory" ; June Croll, of the women's department 
(whose real name is Sonia Croll), was formerly the wife of Carl Reeve, son of 
"Mother" Ella Reeve Bloor, but is now the wife of Langston Hughes, radical 
Negro poet of Boston. Quite a number of others were invited but could not 
be present because of the pressure of work in their respective communities. 

In opening the session Stachel stated that the piarpose of the meeting was to 
endeavor to clarify a number of problems, among them : 

(1) The political situation in the light of the Supreme Court decision on 
the Wagner Act; (2) the pro-spect for further work by the Communist Party 
in the C. I. O. and the A. F. of L. ; and (3) the party position today on the 
Negro question. Despite the poor attendance, because of the short notice, it was 
decided to discuss these matters and then direct the political buro to prepare a 
letter to district and section committees on the results of the discussion. The 
first reports on the political situation were made ))y S'tachel and Brown. 

Stachel stated that while the Supreme Court, by a five to four vote, iipheld the 
Wagner Labor Relation Act, it is not possible to rely upon the whims of one 
judge, and therefore tlie campaign to support President Roosevelt's proposals to 
enlarge the Supreme Court must go on. It is necessary even to go further and 
demand legislation curbing the power of the Court, (>ven if enlarged, by remov- 
ing from it the power to review social legislation when passed by a two-thirds 
vote of both Houses of Congress. He further said that it is necessary to cover 
certain ])hases of the second point under discussion (work in the C. I. O. and 
A. F. of L. ) in connection with the Court's decision. It is necessary to recognize 
that reactionaries in Congress will begin a barrage against the labor movement 
by trying to interpret certain sections of the Wagner Act as legalizing com- 
pulsory arl)itration, outlawing strikes, and railroading to prison without trial 
those who refuse to abide by unsatisfactory decisions. Under the present i)rac- 
tice anyone viohiting provisions of the decisions of the Federal courts can be 
brought in for contempt and denied a jury trial. There is not much danger 
of this happening at present, he said, but tliere are forces trying to amend the 
act right now so that it will be a more effective weapon against labor. 

The Communist I'arty job is to try to introduce amendments in Congress that 
will strengthen the prolabor sections, and some of the leading comrades have 
recently had conferences with Senator Lundeen. of Minnesota, on the possibility 
of such amendments. While Senator Lnndei'u w;is in the lower House he 
introduced llie Unemployment and Social Security Act tliat was written by the 
political buro of the Ct nimunist Party and presented to him through the 
unemployment councils. It may be possible to get such amendments introduced 
by some .such roundabout method at this time. Congressman INIaury Maverick 
is also amenable to inllucuce by groups close to the Connnunist Party, and be 
can be used to aid in putting over the program in the House of Ropresentai ives. 

Instead of discussing each report separately, it was at this point decided that 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 253 

all reports would be rendered and thereafter the group assembled would enter 
into a general discussion of them. 

Brown (Alpi) then submitted his report, stating substantially that he would 
have to deal principally with the second point (concerning further work in the 
C. I. O. and A. F. of L. ) , stressing the reactionary possibilities of the Wagner Act 
and the need for arousing great mass protests against such Fascist legislation 
as the Shoppard-Hill industrial mobilization plan. He characterized the Shep- 
pard-Hill bill as a great threat to labor. It must be understood that some of 
the top leaders of the C. I. O. — certainly Van A. Bituer, regional director of 
Chicago, and probably even John L. Lewis, aided by Sidney Hillman, of the 
Amalgamated Clothing Workers, and Charles Howard, of the Typographical 
Union — will back President Roosevelt's interpretation of the Wagner Act as 
something guaranteeing industrial peace. Homer Martin, president of the 
United Automobile AVorkers Union, is talking that way and is trying to pro- 
voke a fight with any of the officers or members of his union suspected of 
aflaiiation with the Communist Party, especially Vice President Wyndham 
Mortimer and the latter's supporters in the new United Automobile Workers 
Union in Detroit and Flint. There are also reportes that the C. I. O. leaders 
working in St. Louis and vicinity have started attacks against known 
Communists. 

This means that the time may not be far distant when the C. I. O. leaders 
will join President Roosevelt in an antistrike move, declaring that the organ- 
izational drive of the C. I. O. and the victories in the steel and auto in- 
dustries and the advance in other industries, combined with the legalization 
of the Wagner Act, make it unnecessary to carry on further strike action. 
This is a great danger to the Communist Party and it is not prepared for such 
a move at this time. That is why this political conference was deemed neces- 
sary. The Communist Party must be able to devise ways and means of differ- 
entiating itself from such tendencies ; otherwise the workers will be caught 
unawares and in a situation where the C. I. O. and the Government will work 
together against strike action by the workers. Thus far the Communist Party 
has gone along with the C. I. O. in working to build the organizations, and 
the party organizers have become trade-union people pure and simple and have 
neglected to bring the campaigns of the party to the membership of the unions. 
The Communist Party must be brought forward as such. That does not mean 
that it should expose its members working as organizers or those employed in 
the shops and mills, but it does mean that these party members must work 
closely with the section and district committees of the Communist Party and 
that realistic and convincing literature must be put out to counteract reacionary 
tendencies. 

The party must be more energetic about party recruiting and must be free 
to bring into the party the best workers with whom it comes in contact in 
the course of organization work. It is essential that these policies be kept as 
secret as possible because if Lewis, Hillman, and the others were to learn 
of them it might sharpen the situation in an unpleasant fashion. Hence those 
present at this meeting of the political buro must exert the utmost care in 
carrying this part of our proposals to leading party members in the districts. 
While there are always dangers involved in correcting such abuses of party 
life, it would be a much greater danger to let things go as they have been 
going lately. 

While Brown was speaking Vice President Wyndham Mortimer of the 
United Automobile Workers Union arrived and Weinstone announced that it 
w-ould be advisable to have Mortimer participate at once in the discussion, 
iimsmuch as both he and Mortimer must be back in Detriot by Sunday eve- 
ning. Hence it was decided to discuss the two reports made and take up the 
Negro question later. 

Mortimer confirmed Brown's statements regarding President Homer Martin 
of the United Automobile Workers Union and said that Martin had proved 
himself to be very weak and would get little support, if any, from John L. 
Lewis; that Lewis had little respect for any leader who could not control his 
own union. Mortimer said that he was sure Martin could be defeated by his 
own membership if it came to a show-down. He said further that there is 
developing a sharp situation in Flint and that is why it is essential that Com- 
munist Party leaders from Detroit return as quickly as possible, because when 
they are absent for any length of time suspicion is aroused. He gave this as 
a reason why it is necessary to keep the time and place of Communist Party 

94931— 38— vol. 1 17 



254 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

meetings secret. In many instances in Michigan they find it necessary to hold 
meetings after midnight. Mortimer agreed with Brown that Communist Party 
members doing organizational work for tahe C. I. O. must realize first that 
they are Communist Party members with additional responsibilities. He thought 
the differentiation could be made on issues that immediately concerned the 
workers and that we need not fear bringing the most energetic and class- 
conscious workers into the party because then, if a break does come, the Com- 
munists will be in a position to obtain wide support and possibly defeat 
any attempt to victimize the Communists, who have unquestionably done the 
best work and borne the l>runt of the hard knocks up to this point. 

Weiustone, in discussing the situation, said he did not think that any open 
break would come so long as Green and the A. F. L. are attacking John L. Lewis 
and the C. I. O. — and there are no indications that this fight will end soon. 
However, he favored the beginning of a differentiation, saying that some talk 
is heard that "we have settled with the extremists among the industrialists, 
now we must deal with the extremists in our own camp as we do not want 
any extremists on one side or the other." Weinstoue said that this talk comes 
from people not very eminent in the councils of the C. I. O., but it does show 
that there must be some such talk going on above or it would not be voiced 
down below. He also criticized the calling of this Cleveland conference, saying 
that those in the party headquarters in New York out to know that tlie tasks 
in the districts throughout the country are such that it is impossible to func- 
tion if one has to be on call at a moment's notice whenever it pleases the com- 
rades left in the central office. It would be better if more members from the 
central headquarters in New York spent most of their time in the districts 
and let the clerical workers in New York take care of national ofiice routine. 
He favored political buro meetings in places nearer the center of mass activity 
than New York, but said that there must be more time given to arrange to 
attend such meeting. 

John Steuben (INIartin Rijak) agreed with the last statement of Weinstone 
and said that conditions in Youngstown are such that he should not have been 
expected to leave there. 

Jack Johnstone, discussing the situation in the Chicago district, said that 
that area is a most difficult one; that in his whole territory, which includes 
several States, he is having difiiculty in making comrades working in the 
unions remember that they have Communist Party duties to perform as well. 

John Williamson, from Ohio, and Ned Sparks, from Pittsburgh, stated that 
conditions in their respective districts were similar to those in Johnstone's 
Chicago district. 

Robert Minor gave a long agitational talk on war and and industrial con- 
scription and also agreed with everything everybody else had said, including the 
need for more careful preparation for meetings called by the political buro. 

Others made statements agreeing with the policy of making a fight to amend 
the Wagner Act, and directed attention to the fact that the reactionary 
tendencies of that act have been understated. They looked upon the Wagner 
Act as a bigger advance in the hands of reactionaries in the direction of legis- 
lation that will make effective industrial mobilization which can be used even 
if the Sheppard-Hill bill is never passed. The opinion was expressed that it is 
an old trick of those who introduce Fascist measures to cloak them with pro- 
fessions of friendship for labor. It was also stated that so far as John L. 
Lewis and Charles Howard are concerned, they have spent most of their lives 
breaking strikes and there is no reason to believe tliat they would not resume 
those roles the moment they think it is safe to do so and at the same time 
insure the retention of their leadership. 

Hathaway disagreed with some of the.se latter statements by saying that 
the Communist Party cannot ba.se its attacks upon what certain people did in 
the past, but must realize that such persons mig?it have learned lessons : and 
the best guaranty that they will not break strikes is to strengthen the rank 
and file of the union with the understanding that they have secured their 
concessions through struggles and they can only liold these concessions and 
gain more through more struggles. He said that so far as the mobilization 
plans were concerned the Government does not need to pass any special laws, 
but will merely set aside everything in the way of laws favorable to labor in 
case war should come; and that is why the Communist Party must wage a 
special struggle against war and not shout that every move is in the direction 
of war. because if war really does come no one will really believe the party. In 
brief, Ilathaway's argument was agains crying "Wolf." 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 255 

The report on the Negro question was made by Elizabeth Lawson after the 
luncheon recess. She said that many have demanded to know what has hap- 
pened to tlie slogan of the Communist Party, "Self-determination for the 
Black Belt of the South," but they must realize that although that slogan 
is still correct as propaganda the party cannot gain much now by making it 
a slogan of action. There are 3!)2 contiguous counties extending from South 
Carolina to Louisiana where the Negroes are in absolute majority and thus 
constitute an oppressed nationality. At this time the Communist Party work 
in the South must be toward the unity of the Negro and the white man, 
especially in agricultural areas. It must struggle against segregation, Jim 
Crowism, and lynching. The party must still use this self-determination slogan, 
but it must not make the mistake that self-determination means the Negroes 
in the South must rule themselves. She said this mistake was made by 
Comrade Jim Allen, who did considerable work in the South. (Jim Allen, 
whose real name is Sol Auerbach, was a former teacher in the University 
of Pennsylvania, but was discharged about 1927 or 1928 for negligence in 
his classes.) The self-determination slogan means that since the Negroes are 
in the majority in the southern counties they should rule the white minority 
as well. Self-determination of the Negroes is not today a slogan of action, 
but it can readily become such in case of war, when the imperialists try to 
conscript Negroes. It must be remembered that in the last war Negroes 
were hanged in Brownsville, Tex., for mutiny. The Negroes do not want 
to go to war, and under such conditions the slogan of self-determination would 
be a revolutionary one inasmuch as it would seriously impair the military 
plans of the imperialists. 

There was very little discussion of Miss Lawson's report, as nearly every- 
one present took it for granted that what she stated was right. Elizabeth 
Lawsoxi (Elsa Block) is not a member of the central committee of the 
Communist Party. She has worked for years among Negroes. She was 
formerly the wife of a student of the University of Minnesota named George 
Megler or Melcher. The latter has been a party member for many years 
and is now assigned to very secret work in one of the Government depart- 
ments. It is understood he has held this Government position since 1928. 
Elizabeth Lawson, then his wife, boasted so much about Megler's secret 
activities that in 1929 she was shipped to Moscow for fear she would endanger 
his work. While there she studied the Negro question, and since that time 
has worked continuously among the Negroes. It was reported that whatever 
mysterious work George Megler is doing, it is of such a character that it will 
take a number of years for him to complete it. While his place of employ- 
ment was not mentioned, the inference from remarks made is that he is in 
one of the executive departments in Washington. 

The sessions of the political buro adjourned at 7 o'clock Sunday night. 

Mr. Fret. The only material in connection with the Automobile 
Workers' Union which I want to file w^ith the committee is a publica- 
tion known as "The Great Sit-Down Strike." It was prepared by 
William Weinstone, who is a member of the central committee. He 
has an impressive record. His name is William Wolf Weinstone, and 
he is district organizer of district No. 7, Communist Party, head- 
quarters, Detroit. He has had direct charge of party activities within 
the Auto Workers' Union from the beginning. Among those report- 
ing to him are Maurice Sugar, who is the comisel for one group of the 
auto workei^. and has been a candidate for office in Detroit on the 
Communist ticket; also active with him are Roy Reuther, Walter 
Reuther, William Raymond, and Wyndham Mortimer. 

He was born in Russia ; joined the Socialist Party in this country in 
1915 : one of the first members of the executive committee of the Com- 
munist Party. When the central committee was created, he became 
one of the leaders, and has remained in that capacity since. He was 
one of those arrested at the Bridgeman, Mich., raid, in 1922. He or- 
ganized the International Workers' Aid, becoming its first secretary. 
The group is now known as Friends of Soviet Russia. 



256 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

He is a member of the educational committee of the AVorkers 
School. He was a candidate on the Ked Party ticket in New York 
City in 1932. At one time he served as editor of the Daily Worker, 
the Communist Party daily. He is a director of the Communist Hold- 
ing Co., which covers the properties at 50 East Thirteenth Street and 
35 East Twelfth Street, New York City. These addresses are the na- 
tional headquarters of the Communist Party. 

Naturally a man in that position speaks with authority. 

In connection with his report on the automobile organizino- cam- 
paign and the automobile strike, if time permitted, I would like to 
read more than I will be able to. I merely quote now from page 36 : 

In the first place must be mentioned the work of the Communist members of 
the union as well as the work of the Communist Party itself. 

What were the activities of the Communists? The Comnuuiists and the Com- 
munist Party gave the most loyal hacking and support to the strike, to the 
aims, policies, and activities of the union and the C. I. O. The Communists 
worked ardently and earnestly in helping to build up the union and tried in 
every way possible to properly prepare the strike so that it would rest upon a 
strong foundation. In the strike itself the Communists sought to imbue the 
strikers and the workers generally with the greatest discipline, organization, 
and perseverance. There is no doubt that where the Communists were active 
and took an outstanding part, particularly at the most decisive points of the 
struggle, there the strike was strongest, and this made for the success of the 
whole battle. 

I quot again from page 38: 

The existence of groups of Communists within the shops was undoubtedly of 
great help because thereby a core of experienced people were in the shops 
to help in the solution of the new problems connected with the sit down. The 
shop form of organization, the shop groups (units), has more than .justified 
itself. Where the party organization paid attention to these units, there the 
efforts of many years of work were fully rewarded. 

Page 45 : 

In conclusion, the strike of the automobile workers reveals the new forces 
that are at work within the country, forces which are driving toward an ext(m- 
sion and strengthening of the labor movement and which are welding also the 
unity of the working class and of all progressive-minded people, a process which 
is giving rise to the growth of a real people's movement — a real people's united 
front — a movement which will embrace also the most aggressive revolutionary- 
minded section of the working class — the Conununists and the Communist 
Party. 

This is guarded language, but in view of the evidence I have 
already submitted, the committee will imderstand what Mr. Wein- 
stone meant when he spoke of the assistance given. The assistance 
was partly the introduction of the sit-down plants of the trained 
officers of the Communist Party — ^trained to carry on that kind of 
work ; also the mass picketing was partly carried on by the trained 
representatives of the Comnumist Party, trained in those methods 
of mass demonstrations, which have already been placed before the 
committee. 

Mr. MosiER. Mr. Frey, could I ask you a question ? 

INIr. Frey. Yes. 

Mr. MosiER. Do you think that the Communists were responsible 
for the sit-down strikes? 

Mr. Frey. Probably more than any other group. They were in- 
fluenced by what had taken place in France. In France there had 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 257 

been a trade-union movement, a part of the International Federa- 
tion of Labor. There "svas a hir<>e outside group of Connnunists. 
The Connnunists endeavored to break into the French trades-union 
movement innnediately after the armistice in 1918. It was not until 
recentl}' that they Avere able to bring about a united front, so that 
the Communists who led groups of the organized workers in France, 
who were more numerous than the trade-union groups, now dominate 
the policy of labor in France, and almost dominate what the Cham- 
ber of JDeputies can do in connection with France's principal 
problems. 

The Chairman. In that connection, the growth of the Communists 
in France was \evy sudden and unexpected, was it not? It did not 
occur until after the World War, and it was ridiculed for a long time 
in France? 

Mr. Frey. Ridiculed with one exception. The president of the 
IVIetal Workers' Division, occupying much the same position in the 
French trade-union movement as I do here, was keenly aware of 
what the introduction of communism in France would mean to a 
legitimate trades-union movement. He was the outstanding trades- 
union official in French labor who, all the time, day in and day out, 
warned French labor. 

The Chairman. Was not he the one that they designated "Red 
Baiter?"' 

Mr. Frey. Oh, they called him worse things than that. That was 
a mild term. 

The Chairman. Are the Communists practically in control of the 
labor movement in France now ? 

Mr. Frey. I would say this: That the officers of the French Fed- 
eration of Labor are not in the position to take any decisive action 
on policy until they have found that the Communist leadership will 
go along with them. 

The Chairman. What is the situation in Great Britain? Have 
they been able to keep the Communists out ? 

]Mr. Frey. The British trades-union movement has from the be- 
ginning taken much the same position as the American Federation 
of Labor, and while there is a Communist Party in England, some 
of the members of which even get into Parliament, outside of being 
A^ery noisy, the}' are unable to attract a sufficient following to make 
them a definite factor. 

My purpose has been princi])ally to indicate the Socialist or the 
Communist infiltration into unions, both A. F. of L. and C. I. O. 
I have three publications here. One of them is a Trotskyite publi- 
cation; another is a Communist publication; and the other is an 
anarchist publication. All of them deal with one subject — the method 
by which the Communist Party was able to secure control of the 
Office and Professional Workers' Union of the C. I. O. I have been 
unable to mark all of these items. I think that the reporter should 
go over merelj^ those sections which deal with that specific thing, 
so far as the record is concerned. 

The Chairman. Yes. 

Mr. Frey. There is no use in putting it all in. 

The Chairman. No ; we must cut it down. 



258 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

(The matter referred to is as follows:) 

Re: OflSce & Professional Workers Union, C. I. O. affiliate. 

Find attached a page from the July 9 issue of the New Leader. In the 
marked column it shows that the large group of office workers belonging to this 
organization and residing in San Francisco, withdrew and affiliated with the 
A. F. of L. The reasons given for this withdrawal from the C. I. O. group, 
was that the Office Workers Union was completely dominated by the Communist 
Party. 

CP FOUGHT ON THREE FRONTS BY C. I. O. UNIONS 

C. I. O. Office Workers Union in San Francisco deserts to A. F. of L., charging 
"Communist Domination" — Martin firm on expulsions. 

Washington, D. C. — Upheaval on three fronts in tlie C. I. O. in California, 
Michigan, and upper Minnesota, on the issues of alleged undemocratic practices 
and Communist Party domination, is the story of chief interest this week in 
the split labor movement. 

In San Francisco the C. I. O. Office Workers Union deserted to the A. F. of L. 
on this issue ; in Michigan President Martin of the United Automobile Workers 
reaffirmed his determination to drive the Communist Party agents from the 
union, and in Minnesota timber workers regaingd their old A. F. of L. charter 
after, they assert, their organization was nearly destroyed by C. I. O. organizers. 

As a result of these experiences over a iiundred representatives from every 
organized house in San Francisco voted unanimously to affiliate with the 
A. F. of L. "The experience of the office workers in battling this dictatorship 
has been an excellent laboratory in which to see the Communist Party in 
operation," the document concludes. 



July 23, 1938. 

Find attaclied a page from the Socialist Appeal of June 11, 1938. 
This is the Trotsky section of the Communist Party paper, and marked 
article has to do with the Communist control over the Office Workers Union. 



Office Union Session Sti^jile Undi<3i Gag Rule 

Stalinist leadership concentrates on keeping opposition silenced at Wash- 
ington Office Workers' session. 

The Stalinist-controlled United Office and Professional Workers' Union, 
C. I. O., held its second national convention at Washington, D. C, May 18 
to 22. Tlie Stalinists made it plain beforehand that they intended to achieve 
"unity" at the convention. It developed tliat "unity" was to be achieved by 
the systematic exclusion of anyone who might take exception to their 
reactionary program. 

This aim was carried out so effectively, and the meeting became so sterile 
and devoid of dissent, that President Merrill found it necessary to persuade 
the delegates to comment on the various canned proposals. Taking him at his 
word, some of tlie delegates took the floor. But when they naively dared to 
raise objections they found themselves caustically rebuked by tlie same Merrill. 
One proposal after another went through with record speed. Sporadically, 
however, the embarrassing quietude would be broken by some hardy soul — in 
correction of a typographical or grammatical error. The chairman repeatedly 
sluri'ed through requests of negative votes, knowing it was a waste of breath. 

Tlie tragic rubber stamp character of the convention once more confirmed 
the aims of the Stalinists in the United Office and Professional Workers of 
America and in every union cursed with the blight of tlieir control. Minorities, 
however substantial their numbers, are consistently denied representation in 
the leading l)odies of the union. Every obstacle is placed in the path of a 
minority member seeking participation in tlie organizational and general life 
of the union. 

Nevertheless, beneath the surface of complete Stalinist domination, impor- 
tant opposition forces are developing. The revolt in the insurance agents, 
largest section of the International, presages important developments in the 
future. The formation of the National Progressive League with its paper gives 
the Progressives an opportunity to crystallize the opposition that exists in the 
ranks of the union and rally to its support all those elements working for the 
building of a healthy iirogressive office workers union. 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 259 

July 23, 1938. 
Find attac'hod a copy of Challcngo, New York and San Francisco, which is an 
an anarchist paper, of Saturday, June 25, li)38. It also has to do with tlie 
United Office and Professional Workers Union. 

C. P. "Strategists" Among Office Professional Workers 

The "rule or ruin" policy of the Stalinists in the trade unions is nowhere more 
apparent than in the United Office and Professional Workers of America. This 
was evident at the Union's May convention in Washington, where after includ- 
ing the dissident element, a convention of mutual praise and self-admiration 
was indulged in rather than a session devoted to critical evaluation. Thus 
President Lewis Merrill announced that in one short year the United Office and 
Professional Workers of America had grown from 8,000 to 4.5,000. 

However, he failed to note that the treasurer's report showed only a paid 
membership of 16,00(1 

The convention was the epitome of unity. This was obtained by the simple 
expedient of the use of the credential committee. The resolutions committee 
did not report to the floor a single resolution that was not administration- 
backed. Full power to revoke charters was granted to the general executive 
board. 

REORGANIZED LOCAL HAS 20 MEMBERS 

Immediately a special meeting of local 34 voted 95-5 to drop the affiliation 
with the United Office and Professional Workers of America. Faced with stand- 
ing alone or affiliating with the A. F. of L. with full autonomy, the local chose 
the latter and obtained a federal charter from the A. F. of L. 

The G. E. announces that local 34 has been reorganized and is functioning 
again. What is not announced is that the functioning membership numbers 
forty. 

And what is not perceived is that the C. I. O. union, born because of the 
undemocratic tactics on the part of the A. F. of L. leadership, cannot survive if 
the same undemocratic tactics are used. 

Mr. Fkey. I did want to read an affidavit. I will not, but will 
merely put it in the record. It was made by Herbert Hunt Searl, 
who is a professional aviator who went over to Spain, and who had 
some interested contacts with Communist leaders here before he 
sailed, and interesting ones after he arrived in Spain. 

I am informed that if the committee so desires, Mr. Searl will be 
very glad to come before your committee and testify. 

(The affidavit referred to is as follows :) 

State of New .Jersey. 

County of Hudson, ss: 

Herbert Hunt Searl of full age, being duly sworn according to law, upon 
his oath deposes and says: 

I am at the present time a resident of the city of Jersey City, where I reside 
with my cousins at 634 Garfield Avenue. 

In May 1937, having returned from the Mid-Pacific islands, where I had 
been employed with the Pan-American Airways, I was scouting about San 
Francisco to get myself connected in a flying capacity, the profession I have 
been forced to give up as a result of serious injuries sustained in an air 
cra.sh in the Orient. I spent the next two months touring about the United 
States and returned to San Francisco to settle down. During the month of 
August while out dining in a cabaret or night club with a guest, an old ac- 
quaintance stepped over to my table and asked me to join with his party of 
young officers from the Merchant Service, he was host to. This old acquahitance 
was Eddie Crabtree, a man who had served in the Shanghai International 
Police Force and later entered the Dollar Steamship Co., rising to the rank 
of second officer of the trans-Pracific steamer President Hoover. I had 
known Eddie for the past 7 years. He had been my host in China, I his 
host in the Philippines. Eddie was extremely popular among all the Maritime 
officers of the Dollar Line and known by the executives to be a bright and up- 
coming officer. They had big things cut out for him. It was due to a change 
in the captains of that steamer that Eddie, through his work, forced himself 



260 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

from the Dollar Line. The International Mates and Pilots Association was 
at that time seeking to gain a foothold among the marine woi'kers of the Pacific 
coast and immediately grasped this opportunity to get one who was so popular 
among his fellow officers, known as a leader. He was placed in the position 
of dispatcher of the local in San Francisco. He served as a negotiator in the 
1936 Maritime Strike between the officers and executives of the steamship 
company. His activities in this capacity brought the Communists and the 
C. I. O. organizers to him. 

He was selected to enter the Workers' School of the Communist Party in 
Sau Francisco and be trained to take over the Master Mates and Pilots under 
C. I. O. leadership in an attempt to break the American Federation of Labor 
Association. At the time of my meeting Eddie again he was then enrolled 
in the Workers' School, being supported by the Communist Party and also 
slated to start activities in organizing the master mates and pilots under the 
C. I. O. within the month. 

While seated at his table, Eddie inquired as to what venture I was in now. 
I explained that I was contemplating accepting a position ofEered me in 
China. He questioned me with regard to Spain. I asked him if there was 
any money in it and how reliable the contacts in the United States were, 
as this Chinese thing looked a bit shaky, as I didn't want to go tripping off 
and get Shanghaied and come back with my pockets empty. AVe agreed to 
meet the next evening in his apartment on Polk Street, in San Francisco, 
where he would present me to the influential people. I arrived at 8 : 30 p. m. 
Eddie explained that the party would not be there until 9 p. m. as he had to 
get rid of his wife first — he sent her out to a movie and at 9 o'clock, I was 
introduced to a Mr. Specter. 

Mr. Specter, I was told, was the influential party. Mr. Specter questioned 
me as to my political stand and position. I explained to him that I was neutral 
in this matter as I was mercenary and made my living flying for those who 
paid. He gave me a great talk on the movement in Spain and its effect upon 
workers in America. I learned that Mr. Specter was the Communist Party 
organizer for San Francisco and County. Mr. Specter addressed a note on a 
piece of scratch paper, of introduction, explaining that lie was behind me and 
that I was O. K. It was then arranged that Eddie would present this note 
and myself to a man who was to supply me with transportation, necessary 
papers, etc., to the New York representatives. We met that man the next after- 
noon in the sporting editor's office in the Union Recreation Center, just off the 
Embarcadero, 32 Clay Street, San Francisco. He questioned me as to the pre- 
vious military training, also inspected my pilot's log book and licenses, which 
Mr. Specter had requested that I present to him, as Mr. Specter was not fully 
versed on military matters but, his position was to endorse me politically as 
they had had trouble with aviators deserting with equipment to Franco's side. 
I was then informed that funds to send me to Spain were being supplied by the 
North American Committee to Aid Spanish Democracy; that my pay and con- 
tract would be supplied me by representatives of the Spanish Government when 

I would contact in Paris. The date for my departure was set. I was pre- 
sented with a ticket for bus transportation to New York, expense money and a 
small slip of paper with a name "Hai-ry" and the address 236 West Fortieth 
Street in New York. I was told that I was not to explain to "Harry" my 
mission to Spain but simply explain that I wanted my passport fixed and a 
ticket, also the address of the contact in Paris. 

Arriving in New York, I asked at this address for "Harry," was ushered into 
a small office, explained to him I had just arrived from San Francisco, had 
my passport with me and that I wanted to go to France and I wanted him 
to fix it. He explained he would take my passport, asked me if I had sufficient 
expense funds, I told him I could do with more, was given same, signed a 
receipt on the blank receipt book for it, was told to report back again at 

II a. m. the next day and everything would be in order. At 11 o'clock the next 
day I was handed my passport with a French visa and inquired after the 
Spanish visa and he told me that would also be supplied me in Paris. He 
handed me a ticket on the steamship Bercvr/aria. funds with which to tip the 
waiters and incidental expenses that might arise on the journey, signed a 
receipt for the ticket, also receipt for the funds, on similar blank receipt book. 
I was then told to meet him at 1:30 that afternoon at the address he gave me. 

This turned out to be the office of the Communist Party located at 50 East 
Thirteenth Street, New York City. I was introduced to a comrade and it was 
explained that he was secretary for the Communist Party in New York. For 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 261 

4 hours, several other chaps who were already there ahead of me and myself 
were given a talk on the Spanish political situation in detail. We were told 
of the strife hetween the Anarchist Party of Catalonia and the Communist 
Party, who were then seeking to unify all the forces in Spain in one common 
cause. We were explained the caution we would have to use while traveling to 
France, also the procedure for getting aboard the steamship Bcrcnr/aria without 
attracting the attention of the United States State Department inspectors but, 
should we be required to present our passports, never to let them from our owti 
hands, simply show the picture, and then our French visa. The tickets we were 
supplied with had been secured through the Russian Tourists' Bureau. My visa 
was also secured from the same agency from the French authorities and too, 
had managed to avoid getting the stamp of the United States Government, 
prohibiting me from visiting Spain or any other country then engaged in war. 
I remarked the manner which all this had been arranged. It was explained 
that we have our connection and many of the people in Government employ 
are among our ranks. There is nothing impossible for us, I was told. 

These remarks were passed by the speaker that afternoon who was previously 
introduced as the secretary of the Communist Party in New York. I sailed 
the first week in September 1937, on the steamship Berevgaria. My passage 
was booked under my own name, tourist class. There were eight others whom 
I was introduced to before the meeting adjourned. These were all sailing 
on the same ship. We were only to strike up a shipboard acquaintance with 
each other. All the others were paired off in rooms together. I was left to 
myself. The leader of that group was Doolittle, another young boy by the 
name of Bob Thwing. The rest I only knew by their first names. Doolittle 
explained to me in private the first night out that his principle concern was 
to watch the other seven members and that if I should overhear them shooting 
off their mouth or drinking too much, he would appreciate it if I notify him 
of their whereabouts, also to watch and see that they did not get mixed 
up with any women. I did not question Doolittle as to his purpose in going 
to Spain and he explained to me that he and his party were going to join 
the American Unit of the International Brigade under the Loyalists' Govern- 
ment. We parted in Paris, he taking his group to one hotel while I proceeded to 
make contact. 

The contact established, I was put up in the Selector Hotel. I was told 
that I need not worry about the bill as that would be taken care of by the 
party, that I would remain in my hotel from 6 to 8 in the evening so that 
contact could be established should they need me, in the meantime they would 
make the necessary arrangements with the military attaches in Paris, represent- 
ing the Air Ministry of the Spanish Republican Government. Nine days later 
contact was made and I was told there was my ticket, additional expense money 
and that I would proceed to the destination contained in the envelope. I called 
with regard to my contract and they explained that all those ari'angements 
had been made, that I would enter Spain and report to the international delega- 
tion headquarters in Albacete. Once across the Spanish border I would be 
well escorted there so I need have.no worries as to how to find the delegation. 
I proceeded to Perpiguan, took a cab to the hotel, explained to the madam that 
I would like a room and was expecting a caller. I remained in Perpignan 
for 3 days, as my caller explained there was difficulty running the blockade across 
the Pyrenees Mountains. I explained to him I had a free passport and saw 
no reason why I should not proceed through the regular channels. He ex- 
plained that I v.-as an aviator and that the nonintervention patrol were watching 
for such and would make it very awkward should they discover my identity and 
the propaganda which would follow would be very harmful to the cause. I 
was smuggled across the border with about S.j other men of all nationalities. 
All these men seemed to be destined for the International Brigade. 

Arriving in Albacete, the padre officer there explained that there was some 
dispute between the Communist Party and the Senor Preito, the minister of 
war for the republican forces, and that I would have to proceed to a rest camp 
before I could be sent to the Air Ministry, as my endorsement was Communist 
Party endorsement, and Preito did not think much of it at that time, as he was 
desirous of keeping Communists out of his air forces. I explained in clear 
language that I was not a Communist, that I came purely to Spain as a pro- 
fessional soldier ; that I did not give a hoot and hang about their politics ; 
that I was fed up on riding in third-class coaches, missing meals, and did not 
like the riff-raff I was obliged to associate with. He discussed at length with 
me what was going on in Spain ; that we had no such thing as sectarianism ; 



262 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

that we were all workers and comrades fighting for one common cause, who 
did I think I was, any better than these others from all over the world? I told 
them frankly I was a professional soldier, and was only there because I had 
been offered good money to come, and I wanted to see something in writing 
pretty darn quick. I sent by car the letter of introduction to the training base 
of the Anglo-American Fifteenth Brigade. 

The commandant, a Maj. Allen Johnson, recognized my name, and asked me if 

1 was in any way related to Lieutenant Searl of the Air Corps, who had served 
in the Philippines in 1922, 1923, and 1924. He mentioned that he had been an 
officer in the United States Army during those years with the Thirty-first In- 
fantry and had met this lieutenant, in fact worked with him. I explained this 
was my father but that he had been killed while in service shortly after his 
return from the Philippines. He was delighted to find someone who had 
military experience, explained his necessity for such, and asked me if while I 
was waiting on the air force assignment if I would oblige him by assisting in 
the instruction of the machine guns, rifles, and in general the United States 
Army Infantry Manual. After serving under Commandant Johnson for about 

2 weeks I became doubtful of his military experience. I learned through 
hearsay that he had been a commissioned officer in the United States Army 
service, as a paymaster, but was wanted by the United States Government 
authorities to answer a few questions with regard to funds, that he had fortu- 
nately just gotten into Spain in time. He had a good front and was definitely 
against the United States Government and was a Communist. 

In fact in his office hung the United States Stars and Stripes with a ham- 
mer and sickle done in yellow sewed into those Stars and Stripes. I ques- 
tioned Johnson with regard to this flag and asked why he, a former United 
States Army officer would tolerate such a thing. He explained to me that soon 
the Congress of America would have that sewed into all our American flags, 
as this war in Spain was only the beginning, we were training men here to 
go home and organize workers of America into the C. I. O. Union, to teach 
them how to bear arms against the National Guard and anybody else who 
tried to break their strikes or prevent them from carrying forth their demands 
on the capitalists. 

On October 20, 1937, the Plaza was bedecked in this small town with ban- 
ners, the Spanish republican flag and the flag of the Soviet Union. A sm.all 
reviewing stand built and the troops paraded about practicing for a review 
before the United States Representatives Jerry O'Connell and John T. Ber- 
nard, who were reviewing this Anglo-American Brigade at their training base 
on that memorable day which was the anniversary of the beginning of the 
Russian Revolution. We were to have a song fest that evening ; in general it 
was a day of celebration. The troops were paraded before the reviewing stand ; 
the honored guests, Representatives O'Connell and Bernard arrived at about 
3 : 30 p. m. with a newsreel camera escort and photographers. The review was 
called and about 1,500 men marched past the reviewing: stand. 

At that time the brigade's color guard carried the red flag of the Soviet 
Union past and the guests on the reviewing stand, including Representative 
O'Connell and also the woman of the party, whom I believe was Mrs. Ber- 
nard, gave the Russian military salute to the flag by raising the right closed 
fist to the right forehead. 

The mayor of Tarazona who is head of the Parte Communissimo, the Com- 
munist Party, greeted the representatives, then called before the platform the 
girls of the "Jnventud" (youth movement) then came forward bearing a ban- 
ner to be presented to our commander, Walter Garland, a Negro captain. The 
banner, a Spanish flag with a pennant of red representing the red army. Wal- 
ter Garland then addressed Representatives Jerry O'Connell and Bernard, the 
assembled groups and explained that he was relinquishing his command of 
the brigade to Commandant Johnson who had been appointed commandant of 
the base, as well as commandant of the brigade, that he was departing to parts 
unknown. Two months later workers' papers from the United States pic- 
tured him as the brave and heroic Negro worker who had just returned from 
the front line trenehes of Spain to lead liis race to freedom under the Com- 
munist Party. 

Major Johnson placed the battalion at rest, speeches followed by the mayor 
in which he stated that he hoped Comrades O'Connell and Bernard would 
return to the United States and impress upon th;it great President the im- 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 263 

portauce of lifting the arms embargo so that the workers of Spain might 
seciiro arms witli whicli to fight tlie Fascist invaders. Bernard was the first 
speaker. He explained to us the fact tluvt his sympathies were with us, the 
Internntional Brigade volunteers in our heroic struggle against fascistism. 
O'Connell was the showman of the afternoon. He rose to his feet and was 
greeted by applause, as the majority of the Communist Americans in that 
group had known him through their organizations in the United States, He 
explained to us his history, he is just a poor simple man, a worker who had 
been elected by the miners of Montana to i-epreseut them in Congress as a 
progressive and a labor man. He concluded his speecli by raising his closed 
fist in that salute of the front popular in the Communist Party, crying "Viva 
Russo" (live Russia) Viva Espana, Viva Los Brigadis Internacional Y Viva 
La I'artido Communismo." After each expression the crowd joined in the same 
Russian salute given by O'Connell. 

That night on quesiioning, Nat Wolf, our political commissary, an American 
boy with regard to the actions of Representative O'Connell, his speech, etc., I 
was informed that this representative was one of the originals, that is to say 
a Communist of long standing in America and that it was the Communist 
Party, through the mine workers that were responsible for his being elected 
to Congress. 

After seeing this demonstration of loyalty on the part of Members of Con- 
gress on the United States to the Communist Party and the Soviet Union I 
stated to several American boys who were part of the International Brigade 
that if I ever returned to the United States I should make it my business to 
make these facts known to the American people immediately upon my return 
to the United States. On May 31 of this year, when I arrived at Philadelphia 
from Gibralter I happened to pick up a Philadelphia paper and read the ac- 
count of O'Connell's attemiit to speak in Jersey City. Thereupon I immediately 
obtained an interview with Bill Read, staff writer for the Philadelphia Bulle- 
tin and Associated Press and related to him all of the incidents contained in. 
this affidavit. 

I also made known these facts to other newspaper men. 

While associated with this group of Anglo-Americans in training in Tarazona 
I became acquainted with the workings of the men of the Communist Party 
units in the United States. Nat Wolf, our political commissary, expressed to me 
the great C. I. O. movement in America, C. I. O. representing to the public 
and workers, Committee for Industrial Organization, I'epresenting to its founders 
the Communist Party, the communistic international organizations. Nat ex- 
plained how he had been schooled in the Workers' School of New York and 
then paid $35 a week by the central committee of the Communist Party to 
organize workers in beauty shops, into the C. I. O., that all 0. I. O. organ- 
izers throughout the United States were first schooled by the Communist Party 
in the Workers' School, paid the same salary and sent throughout industries 
to organize, that is to take over the organizations from the workers them- 
selves and organize their respective trades under the C. I. O. The Com- 
munist Party sends out its own Communists into trades. These men neces- 
sarily do not have to be workers of those trades but are simply professional 
organizers drawing wages from the Communist Party. Their expense accounts 
for board and keep are supplied them by the local organizations. I met many 
of these former organizers, one from Flint, Mich., where he had organized 
in General Motors, another from the Garment Workers. These men had all 
taken active part in the C. I. O. organization in the States and had been 
sent to Spain by the Communist Party to be returned later for further organi- 
zation and propaganda. There were sent there for the purpose of acquiring 
color and providing an arguing point with the workers along the line that 
these men have fought for their cause in Spain and are here now to fight in 
their cause in the United States and to guide the workers in their flight here. 

Later that night, as directed, I proceeded to 40 East Seventh Street, Central 
Plaza Annex, New York City and upon inquiry from the doorman for this 
mysterious "Harry" I was directed to the committee room No. 3 where were 
gathered the eight other men who were to be my companions on the voyage 
to France. "Harry" and several other men I later met in Spain. We were 
given our final warning and instructions. Each man was given a carton of 
Lucky Strike cigarettes, one Gillette razor and blades, two bars of Palmolive 
and two bars of Ivory soap and a large can of G. Washington coffee. We were 



254 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

told we could leave our baggage and clothing in France, but soap, razors, and 
the little trench mirror were to be conserved and carried with us into Spain, 
as there was a definite shortage of these articles there. 

Hebbe^jt Hunt Shiarl. 

Sworn to and subscribed before me this 14th day of June 1938. 

Ann G. Hogan, 
Notary Public of New Jersey. 

Mr. Frey. The Wisconsin State Federation of Labor has been 
known for years as one of the most progressive in the American 
Federation of Labor. In fact, they frequently accused the Federa- 
tion of Labor of being too conservative and too slow. But they are 
cut up with communism in their State. Early this year they met, 
through their general executive board, and as a result very thoroughly 
purged themselves of communism in their oflicial family and in their 
activities. Among those they eliminated was that Emil Costello, to 
whom I have already made reference. 

This is so important, particularly coming from the State of Wis- 
consin, where there are industrial as well as political issues occupy- 
ing the citizens' minds, that I want that in the record. 

(The statement referred to is as follows:) 

Statement of Wisconsin State Fedeeation of Labor 

The general executive board of the Wisconsin State Federation of Labor, in 
session here all day Saturday, after considering statements from various sources 
charging certain persons active in the Wisconsin provisional committee of the 
C. I. O., with disruptive tactics, asked Emil Costello of Kenosha, a member of 
the general executive board, who is also State c'aairman of the C. I. O. to 
resign from the board or stand trial for having violated the principles and 
constitution of the federation. 

The motion demanding the resignation was passed by a vote of nine for, one 
opposed and one not voting. Costello cast the vote in opposition. After passage 
of this motion Costello informed the board that he would not resign. A trial 
on formal charges will be held some time in the near future. 

In connection with this matter, the board made its position clear that the 
action was not of a general nature against the C. I. O. organizations, but was 
based on the individual actions of Costello, C. I. O. organizer in connection with 
communist groups. 

The general executive board of the AVisconsin State Federation of Labor 
herewith issues a solemn warning to all labor and farmer unions and their 
friends to beware of a conspiracy of treachery which has been set in motion 
against the legitimate movement. This conspiring opposition does not operate 
in the open. Its methods are astute and devious. It glibly talks of a "united 
front," but in reality is engaged in promotion division and destruction. It 
shouts "democracy," but pursues bold dictatorial practices. It purrs of "unity" 
and "cooperation," but usurps the functions of democratically constituted bodies. 
It seeks to control the labor movement not for rational progress, but to promote 
the type of leadership which, through wild tactics, has led nations into the 
mire of facism. We sound this warning to prevent workers from being misled 
into aiding further encroachments on the Wisconsin movement. 

These astute destructionists who are openly or secretly Communists or hench- 
men under their command, have succeeded to confuse the minds of many 
workers. Through emotional appeal and false presentations of issues they 
have enticed some workers into their camp. No villification is outside the 
scope of treachery employed by them. Constructive criticism has no place 
in their tactical practices. Men in the Wisconsin State Federation of Labor 
and the American Federation of Labor who have faithfully served the workers 
are constantly being attacked and lied about, with the plain intent to cause 
desertions from the ranks and to build up a gullible followership for "the 
revolution." 

These conspiring destructionists operate variously. Some of them are direct 
emissaries of the Communists. Others may be free-lance individuals who have 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 265 

acquired membership in some union, usually but recently. Still others repre- 
sent the C. I. O. Some of thorn are all three of these. 

Wisconsin has been invaded by p(>rsons, many of doubtful connections, who 
attempt to organize without regiird to reason or practicality. The invasion of 
our State by those who would effect a dual movement should find no support 
anions; sincere, intelligent unionists. 

This message is not a criticism of those who believe in industrial unionism 
when that plan of organization is practical. It is, rather, a letter of caution 
to the workers not to be misled by willful persons with ulterior motives. In 
their desperation to control the movement, these enemies of unity have suc- 
ceeded in dividing several unions in the State, disregarding bargaining agree- 
ments secured by and through the efforts of central bodies. State federations 
of labor, district and State councils, international unions, and the American 
Federation of Labor, during many years of effort. 

One of the most menacing activities of this group of conspirators from the 
camp of communism is the effort to take over the legislative functions of the 
Wisconsin State Federation of Labor, one of the primary functions of the 
State labor body. Two years ago they helped kill our labor disputes bill, 
they instigated "the calling of a conference to "consider labor legislation." 
They countered the program of the Wisconsin federation and made a futile 
attempt by promoting most impossible measures. 

The latest attempt to take over the control of labor and legislative functions 
now vested in the State federation and place it into irresponsible hands is evi- 
denced by the issuance of a call for a "people's conference for social and labor 
legislation * * * fov the purpose of uniting all labor, farm, and liberal 
organizations in a State-wide mass campaign." The name of the Farmer- 
Labor Progressive Federation was used without authority to bolster up the 
nefarious game of these destructionists. The Farmer-Labor Progressive Fed- 
eration has denied any connection with the call. 

In the list of sponsors of the call appear names of men who are closely 
identified with the Communists. Others have been inveigled into permitting 
their names to be used under the impression that it was sponsored by the 
bona fide labor movement. The appearance of the name "Emil Costello, assem- 
blyman, Kenosha, general executive board, Wisconsin State Federation of 
Labor," must not be taken as approval or sponsorship by our federation. On 
the contrary, it is plainly a misrepresentation with the intent of unauthor- 
itatively using the prestige of legitimate organized labor. The Wisconsin 
State Federation of Labor denies any participation or previous knowledge of 
the call. The general executive board wishes all to know that we consider 
this latest move another attempt on the part of a rump group to displace 
the recognized legislative agency of Wisconsin and to usurp its functions. 

We wish to impress upon all labor, farmers, and friends that no one has a 
right to speak for our federation except those so designated. Whenever the 
Wisconsin State Federation of Labor undertakes to issue a call or to participate 
in any event, it will do so over the signatures of the proper officers. 

Organized labor in Wisconsin, as represented by the Wisconsin State Federa- 
tion of Labor, has been extremely liberal and tolerant. But this acknowledged 
liberalism and tolerant attitude must not be mistaken as surrender of our trust 
to disruptive forces. The democratic nature of our federation has never been 
questioned. Supression of ideas is foreign to our code. Those who disagree, or 
be it even one, nevertheless are accorded the right of free expression and oppor- 
tunity to convert others. Our federation cannot, however, remain silent in the 
face of treachery to those who have reposed in us their confidence. 

By the general executive board, Wisconsin S'tate Federation of Labor. 

Henry Ohl, Jr., 

President. 
J. J. Handley, 
Secretary-Treasu rer. 

March 8, 1937. 

Mr. Frey. ]\Ir Chairman, I want to turn over to von a number of 
documents. I do not want to burden the record. These inckide the 
shop papers issued by the Communists ; that is, the papers published 
as shop papers. There is a large number of them. 

Thesis of the thirteenth plenum of the E. C. C. I. to all districts 
and party press, July 18, 1934. 



266 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Jack Stachel's report to the twelfth plenum, 1932. 

Report of S. Guser, leader of the American Secretariat, twelfth 
plenum, 1932. 

Activise the shop nuclei, 1936. 

Outline of reports on decisions of the eighth party convention. 

Who are the Americans? — by Earl Browder. 

(The documents referred to were filed with the committee.) 

Mr. MosiER. Was Earl BroAvder born in the United States? 

M. Frey. I believe he was ; yes, sir. 

Both for the sake of economy as well as time, I have no desire to 
read the report which Jack Stachel made to the central committee of 
the Communist Party on the Tampa convention of the Federation of 
Labor in 1936, and I have no desire to burden the record with the 
report which he made to the readers of the Daily Worker. I will 
merely leave these with the committee, and they will indicate how an 
officer of the Communist Party can report one thing to the official 
membership, the official family, and report quite another to the 
readers. 

(The documents referred to were filed with the committee.) 

Mr. Feet. The Communists made their main attempt to get some- 
wdiere in the American Federation of Labor at this Tampa conAen- 
tion. They were able to muster some twenty-odd delegates, all of 
whom %vere elected either by Federal labor unions or central labor 
unions. This Emil Costello, to whom reference was made a moment 
ago, was one of those delegates. They carefully prepared a number 
of resolutions which sounded very well. We were all for peace. We 
were all opposed to war; we were all opposed to burdening the Na- 
tion with a tremendous debt for military preparedness; we were all 
fearful of too much preparedness, giving the military groups too 
much control in a democratic country, and so on. They all sounded 
very well. Unfortunatel}', I was secretary of the committee on reso- 
lutions, and had been dealing w^ith such resolutions for many years. 
They failed to get Avhat they wanted, but they did secure the intro- 
duction of a very large number of resolutions. 

Now, here again I have no desire to burden the record, but I be- 
lieve the committee shoidd have a record of the Communist activity 
and attempts in the convention in Tampa. ^Ir. Jack Stachel, whom 
the committee is familiar with now, spent all of his time in Tampa. 
He arrived before the convention. There were several gentlemen 
representing the Communist press at the press table. Their dis- 
patches were passed on by Mr. Stachel before they went over the 
wire or went by mail. They called a large meeting of Communists, 
particularly among the Spanish-speaking group in the city, and 
prided themselves that while they were there they won over two of 
the delegates to party meml)ership. They had a very well organ- 
ized grou]:), and they tried to confuse the issues in the convention 
as much as possible, and to use our convention as a sounding board 
for their propaganda, and they were able to secure more publicit}' 
than they otherwise would. 

Your have asked me to tell you something about the Workers' 
Alliance. 

The Chairman. I understand that organization has 800,000 mem- 
bers. 

Mr. Fret. Yes, sir. 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 267 

The CHAiRivr AN. Do you know that to be a fact ? 

Mr. Frkv. Somethiiiij like that. 

Just before doinjr that, I want to add to the list of prominent 
Communists on C. I. O. pay rolls the name of Albert Stomkus, or 
Stokus. lie was an original leader in the I. W. W. and a charter 
member of tlie Communist Party. He was a fjeneral organizer and 
at present holds an official position in the utilities workers' division 
of the C. I. O. 

As to the Workers' Alliance, I have a list of the delegates to their 
convention last year. A hurried check-up indicates a number of 
well-known Communists who were among the delegates. The check 
is not complete. I will have another list, but there is the check-up 
as I have been able to make it since you spoke the other day. 

(The document referred to was filed with the committee.) 

Mr. Thomas. JMr. Frey, how many names are here of delegates 
whom you have checked, and as to whom you have proof that they 
are members of the Communist Party ? 

INIr. Frey. I did not count them. 

Mr. Thomas. I mean approximately. 

Mr. Fret. I did not count them. 

Mr. Thomas. I tliink, for the record, if there are not too many of 
them, and you have actual proof, those names ought to be read. I 
am quite convinced that the Workers Alliance is at the present time 
one of the real front organizations of the Communist Party in this 
country, and one of the most dangerous organizations of any affiliated 
with the Communist Party. 

Mr. Frey. That is it. 

The Chairman. You have about 28 or 29 names marked here. 

Mr. Frey. There is a very much larger number than that, but, as 
I say, I have been unable to make the complete check. 

]\ir. Thomas. As to the 28 or 29 that you have marked here, have 
you got proof that those people are members of the Communist 
Party? 

Mr. Frey. Oh, yes ! undoubtedly. 

]SIr. Thomas. Then, Mr. Chairman, I would like to have Mr. Frey 
read those, please. 

Mr. Frey. Oh, I have no objection to reading those names, except 
this — that there are many more that I have not yet been able posi- 
tively to identify. 

JNIr. Thomas. That will give us a start, anyway. 

Mr. Frey. All right. 

Mr. Healy. Mr. Frey, before you read them, I think this commit- 
tee ought to jealously guard the reputation of any persons in this 
country, and I know you will not put into evidence names that you 
have not absolutely checked, and as to which you have not some 
source of accurate information that these people are definitely con- 
nected with the Communist movement. 

Mr. Frey. I can assure you. Congressman Healey, that I have been 
as careful as a man can who knows that most of his statements are 
going to be contradicted ; that he is going to be accused of being a 
falsifier, and he is going to be called upon to produce evidence. 

Mr. Healey. One of the names that you submitted the other day, 
as I read in a news item, was that of John Brophy, and the news 
item said that he ^vas a member of the Catholic religion and has a 



2(38 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

son, as a matter of fact, in the seminary studying for the priesthood. 
Now, of course, no Catholic can possibly subscribe to the principles 
of communism; and I wish you would take that up, Mr. Frey, and 

inform the committee 

The Chairman (interposing). At this point let me interject this. 
I have a telegram recei^'ed from two Catholic priests, which, in 
justice, should be read — Eev. Charles Owen Rice and Kev. Carl P. 
Hensler : 

As Catholic priests conversant with labor problems, national and local, who 
take no sides in labor's international war, we ask you to include in the record 
the fact that we know John Bropliy intimately and certify him no Communist, 
but thoroughly and enlightenedly Catholic in philosophy and action. 

Now, if I understood your testimony the other day, you did not 
charge that John Brophy was a member of the Communist Party. 

Mr. Frey. I did not. Mr. Chairman. 

The Chairman. What you said was that at one time he had been 
selected as a candidate — or what was your statement? 

Mr. Frey. I said that he hnd been one of the members of a labor 
mission sent to Russia. The Communist connection was not mine. 
I quoted the official journal of the United Mine Workers Union, 
and they charged him with being tied up with communism and en- 
deavoring to sell the miner's union. It is the testimony of the offi- 
cials of the United INIine Workers, and not mine. I merely intro- 
duced their testimony. 

As to the names of the Communists delegates to the convention 
of the Workers Alliance : 

Jerry Baccari. 

A. Beffa. 

Herbert Benjamin. 

I tliink there is no doubt of that, because Herbert Benjamin is 
the secretary of the organization and a widely known Communist. 

Dave M. Benson. Paul Crouch. 

Ben Berger. Michael Davidow\ 

Rosetta Bona. Ben Davis. 

Edolmire Borras. Frank Duty. 

J. Austin Besley. Mrs. Pearl Estep. 

Donald Burk. Sam Gordon. 

Pali Cagmo. Ted Graham. 

Max Cohn. Ben Gray. 

I will come to his name in a moment, in another connection. 
O. V. Hantell. 
Angelo Herndon. 

There is no doubt about that, is there? 
Frieda Jackson. 
Merrill Jackson. 
Eunice Kamavars. 
Alex Noral. 

We will come to his name again in a moment, in another connection. 
Bill Spain. 

Mr. Thomas. Referring to this man Spain that you have just men- 
tioned, is not Spain the one that conducted some of these sit-ins at 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 269 

some of the State capitols, along with David Lasser and a fellow 
by the name of Cook; for instance, the sit-in that was held out in 
Wisconsin, and in New Jersey, and in Pennsylvania, I believe? 

]Mr. Frey. I believe that he was. 

I desire to submit for the record two statements issued by the 
Workers' Alliance of America in 1937, one in May, previous to their 
convention, and one in July, after their convention. All I desire 
for the record is the reproduction of the names of the officers of tJie 
national executive board, the vice presidents. 

Previous to the election, among the well-known Communists who 
Avere members of the national executive board were Angelo Herndon, 
Sam Weisman, Alex Noral, whose name has just been mentioned, 
M. C. Work, and Ben Gray. They are all active, well-known mem- 
bers of the Communist Party. 

The secretary at that time was Herbert Benjamin. 

After the convention Benjamin was still the general secretary- 
treasurer, so that the official family included Herbert Benjamin, a 
Communist; Alex Noral, from California, a Communist; Eugene 
Poulnot, of Florida, a Communist; Willis Morgan and Sam Weis- 
man, both Communists; Horace Davis, a Communist; and also an 
interesting character, Emma Tenayuca. 

Emma Tenayuca is in the same congressional district, or is in the 
congressional district formerly represented by Mr. Maury Maverick, 
and to be represented by Mr. Paul Kilday. This member of the 
executive committee of the Workers' Alliance is now a candidate on 
the Communist ticket, running in opposition to Mr. Kilday. 

In addition to that, this lady is the contact, or one of the official 
contacts, between the Communist Party in the United States and 
the Communist Party in Mexico. 

The Chairman. Is the Workers' Alliance now busily engaged in 
organizing the W. P. A. workers? 

Sir. Frey. Yes. 

Mr. Mason. That is where they liave made most of their progress. 

Mr. Thomas. You will find when the Federal theater project 
comes before us that the Workers' Alliance have been taking a very 
active part in it. 

Mr. ]\Iason. May I interrupt Mr. Frey a moment? Reverting to 
the Tampa meeting, how many regularly elected delegates were at 
that meeting for the A. F. of L. approximately ? 

Mr. Frey. I will say approximate!}^ 450. 

Mr. Mason. Of the 450, you testified that 20 of them were 
Communists ? 

Mr. Frey. Yes. 

Mr. Mason. Would you say that was a high-water mark of the 
number of Communists that have been regularly elected as delegates 
to an A. F. of L. convention? 

Mr. Frey. That was by far the high-water mark. 

Mr. Mosier. You have handed the chairman a clipping dated 
August 10 concerning the Texas convention of the Communist Party. 
That is August 10th of this year, this month? 

Mr. Frey. Yes; that just came to me from San Antonio. 



94931— 38— vol. 1 IS 



270 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr. MosiER. In this clipping it is stated : 

Communists urged all fellow Communists to stand back of the policies of 
President Roosevelt, and blame ignorance for the recent primary defeats of 
progressives, such as Maury Maverick, of San Antonio. 

That is actually what happened, is it? 

Mr. Frey. Here is the carrying letter in which that came [pre- 
senting letter.] 

I did not want to burden the record with that, but the committee 
had better read it. 

To again avoid burdening the record, but at the same time to 
indicate the purposes of the Communist Party, I have here a state- 
ment of the central committee of the Communist Party as to the 
tasks of the Communist Party convention. This was issued in 1936. 
It is a call for the ninth convention of the Party. 

I want to read just one brief item because it brin^^s the political 
angle into the picture. It brings the political angle into the results 
which have followed the industrial infiltration of the C. I. O. by 
the Communist Party. I am going to read just one paragraph, as 
follows : 

The national election campaign of 1986 is already in full swing. The reac- 
tionary circles of monopoly capital, the Morgan-duPout interests, operating 
through the Liberty League, Hearst, and other reactionary agencies, are des- 
perately trying to put into office an administration that will systematically use 
all reactionary and brutal measures of oppression against the masses to make 
them carry tlie burden of the crisis. These reactionary monopoly interests 
are seeking to establish such methods of governmental rule as will enable 
tliem to resort also to fascism in order to keep the American masses enslaved. 
This is the chief source of the danger of fascism in the United States. 
This calls for the widest mass mobilization into a united front and for a 
farmer-labor party. For it is clear, as established by the November meeting 
of the central conimittee, that the toiling masses cannot depend upon Roosevelt 
and his administration to stave off the growing danger of reaction and 
fascism. 

The Chairman. Of course, no political party or officer can help 
someone endorsing them or coming out in favor of them. That is 
no indication that the party or the officer favors the tenets of the 
political group that endorses them. 

Mr. Frey. This is not an endorsement of anyone; this is calling 
attention to the fact that the united front must be pressed, and the 
popular front, the Farmer -Labor Party, must be pressed because 
there is no saving ourselves from fascism unless the Communist 
Partv does this thing. 

Still dealing witli the political angle, I am going to quote from 
the issue of the New York Times of April 24, 1937. This is a special 
cable to the Times from its Moscow representative. It says : 

IMoscow. April 2.3. — The C. I. O. strike activities in the United States are 
described as a militant labor movement which the American Communist Party 
is energetically sup])orting. in a long article by Moissaye .7. Olgin, the New 
York co'-respeiident of Pravda, just published in that newspaper. 

Mr. Olgin added that the success of that movement is of great political 
significance. He said that large numbers of workei's are being organized 
for the tlrst tini(> and that the proletariat is resorting to strikes as part of 
the class strn,!:;gle. 

"The Communist Party is taking a very active part in the work of uniting 
the workers of the basic branches of industry," wrote Pravda's correspondent. 
"It is helping to prepare direct mass strikes. It is energetically struggling 



UN-AMEUICAN PROPxVGANDA ACTIVITIES 271 

fl£?ainst the disintegrating policy of labor union bureaucracy and for the unifi- 
<>ation of lal.or unions into a single powerful organization on the basis of 
the committee's program." 

That is the E. C. C. I. 

I liave here a copy of a circular issued by the Communist Party 
in San Francisco in connection with the general strike in that city. 

The ]H'ovisional committee for support of the San Francisco gen- 
eral strike was largely made up of Communists. There are only 
six members of the committee that are not members of the Communist 
Party. 

The members of the Communist Party who issued this circular in 
connection with the support of the general strike are : 

B. Davidoif, M. Lurie, N. Rosenberg, F. Elmer Brown, I. Rosen- 
berg, J. Baxter, J. Perlow, L. Weinstock, W. Bliss, Ben Gold, J. 
Lx^gtig — this is the Lustig who has replaced Sentner in Newton, 
Io^^'a — Andrew Overgard, I. Redler, Frank Wedl, and Charles 
Krumbein. 

This is merely evidence, and that is why it is being submitted, of 
the activity and shrewdness on the part of Communist leaders to 
work themselves into responsible positions when wage-earners are 
involved in an industrial controversy. 

Your attention has already been called to the Communist set-up in 
the National Maritime Workers Union, and I have already referred 
to the fact that Roy Hudson, a member of the central committee, now 
of the national committee of the Communist Party, had been one of 
the organizers of the original group of maritime workers who were 
recruited largely from the Communists. 

I have here a copy of the Daily AVorker of Wednesday, July 29, 
1936, in which west coast events were summed up by Mr. Hudson 
at the Communist Party convention. 

I do not want to put all of this into the record, but I would like 
to read a little of it, if you would like to hear it. 

The Chairman. Read short extracts from it. 

Mr. Fret. It says : 

Take, for instance, the New York seamen's strike, in which our work led to a 
growth of the party and to au increase in its prestige. 

You see how they use their activity industrially to increase the 
prestige of the Communist Party. 
He goes on to say : 

We have had rich experiences in combating the red scare and in united-front 
activities. Yet we were slow in analyzing the nature of the growth of certain 
tendencies among many influential progressive forces of definite syndicalist 
or antipolitical tendencies. Consequently we have not sufficiently developed 
a united-front approach nor conducted an educational campaign and political 
struggle to prevent these tendencies from taking a more organized form. 

That merely indicates what was in ]Mr. Hudson's mind. If the 
committee is interested, I will be very glad to turn this over to you 
after the record is printed. 

Here also is material I desire to leave with the committee and not 
burden the record with it. It is the Ohio Comnnniist Year Book, 
which is marked, "See page 66." It is a statement made by Eric 
Foss, with copies of the Communist Party Organizer for June and 
July 1936. The Party Organizer goes to the active agents of tlie 



272 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Communist Party in the field, and from it tliey are supposed to 
derive information to use. I will leave that with the committee. 

Gentlemen of the committee, there is but one more document I 
desire to refer to. That does not mean I have no more. It means 
that there must be a limit to all things. I want to say, before intro- 
ducing this for the record, that I am at the service of the committee 
and will supply them with much more matter if they so desire, much 
more than I have presented. 

The Chairman. We appreciate that, and I want to say that Mr. 
Frey has disclosed to me the source of his information, and I have 
gone over it very carefully. I can readily understand why the source 
of this information would not want to be made public, but it is a 
reliable source. All of this will be checked by reference to records 
that will be available to the committee. 

Mr. Starnes. The chairman is convinced of the authenticity of the 
documents ? 

The Chairman. I am convinced that it comes from a reliable 
source. 

Mr. Fret. Now, gentlemen, my purpose in using all of the time 
that I have occupied was to indicate, first, that the American Fed- 
eration of Labor was actively opposed to the growth and the policies 
and the pui-poses of communism in this country; that it resents the 
idea that an imported theory and an imported idea of government 
should be brought to our country with its free institutions so that 
we would be led to give up many of our liberties and our democratic 
institutions for what they call greater security, to exchange human 
liberty for that alleged type of security which exists in Russia, or 
any other dictatorially controlled country. 

i have believed, and I believe so now, that the great majority of the 
membersliip of the C. I. O. organizations are as much opposed to the 
Communists who have secured controlling positions in their organi- 
zations as the membership of tlie American Federation of Labor. 

I have believed that if sufficient evidence of a character which 
would assure credence was presented before this committee, that the 
membership of the C. I. O. organizations would take upon themselves 
the task of ridding their organizations of the Communists who have 
secured control. The committee already has evidence that that is 
under way. 

There is evidence from Michigan, there is evidence of the fact that 
four large unions in Los Angeles, within a week, have withdrawn 
from the district council which had been organized by Harry Bridges.. 

There is also evidence of that in the vote for officers just taken 
by members of tlie National INLaritime Union. 

I am convinced that communism cannot live in the United States 
if it is exposed to the light of day. Sunlight kills the virus, kills the 
germ. 

Evidence lias been presented to you indicating the careful training^ 
that the Communist leaders have before they go into the field to carry 
out the more responsible work of the organization. 

I have submitted some evidence, and I am confident that much more 
will come before this committee, indicating the large number of or- 
ganizations with attractive sounding names whose purpose seems to 
be to bring about what all Americans believe in, but which are, none- 
the less, used by the Communist Party; they are organized or their 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 273 

organization is assisted by the Communist Party. Responsible mem- 
bers of the Communist Party have occupied leading positions in those 
organizations. 

Part of the tactics of the Communist Party is to bring about a so- 
called people's front, and part of those tactics are the methods they 
are using now. 

They are using the same methods in the United States today that 
they used in France in building up the so-called popular front, and 
that they used in Spain to build up the popular front there. 

I am interested partially because I am primarily, first of all, an 
American citizen, more interested in guarding human liberty as we 
have it in our country than I am in anything else. 

The Chairman. Mr. Frye, does not one thing strike you as rather 
peculiar about this whole matter? There seems to be so much an- 
tagonism between the communistic elements in the United States and 
the Nazi elements and the Fascist elements. Yet, when you study 
the actual happenings in those respective countries in Europe, what 
has resulted from these philosophies? — they have one thing in 
common, namely, dictatorship. 

Mr. Fret. They have that in common. 

The Chairman. They have different names and apparentlj^ differ- 
ent theories; but when you get down to the real thing, it is nothing 
but dictatorship, in which the people lose their liberties, surrender 
them to someone in exchange for some promise of economic security. 

Mr. Fret. That is correct. Now, I went into no documentary evi- 
dence, not wanting to burden the record or to take up your time, to 
prove the statement that I made at the opening day of my testimony, 
that fascism in Italy was the reaction to communism in Italy. 

The Chairman. And is not that the real danger in the United 
States — that while this country would never tolerate communism, it 
might lead to a fascistic system in the United States? 

Mr. Fret. It might lead to a control so far-reaching, that we 
could not exercise our liberties as American citizens as we have 
been accustomed to do up to the present time. 

Now, I have pointed out that the Communist Party made no real 
progress in this country because it could not infiltrate into the Ameri- 
can Federation of Labor. Many of the records I have presented to 
this committee will indicate that when the C. I. O. was organized, 
they forced themselves into that organization. 

The leaders of the C. I. O., when it was organized, I am convinced, 
were as much opposed to communism as any other representatives 
in the American Federation of Labor. Only yesterday I read 
length}^ excerpts from a statement from the United Mine Workers 
and from a statement made by Mr. John L. Lewis, indicating op- 
position, intelligent opposition, opposition based upon known facts, 
of the grave danger that communism would be to the workingmen 
of our country. 

The Communists, however, worked their way in. The records I 
have submitted show that the presidents and other responsible officers 
of a number of C. I. O. unions are also active members of the Com- 
munist Party. 

It is serious enough to have our industrial problems, our trade- 
union problems, confused and made more difficult because a dual 
movement has disrupted our forces. 



274 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 



» 



It is unfortunate that in connection with that this oj^portunity was 
given to the Communist Party, and that they took such prompt ad- 
vantage of it. But in another way, the Communist infihration into 
the C. I. O. has created an equally difficult, and perhaps in some 
respects a much more difficult one than that of the industrial 
condition. 

Wage earners are organized to protect their interests. They can 
be led bj^ demagogues for awhile. They can be led by promises of 
wdiat is going to be done for them. But in the end they judge the 
merit of the organization with which they are affiliated, not by the 
statements of the officers but by the results that those officers are able 
to secure for them. 

So those of us who have lived for awhile with other radical labor 
movements were quite convinced that the day would come when the 
majority of the membership in the C. I. O. unions would adopt more 
and more the principles, the policies, and the methods which have 
enabled the American Federation of Labor to make progress. 

Now, in addition to this industrial problem which is caused by the 
activity of the Communists within the C. I. O., comes a more difficult 
one. The political problem is now squarely before us, and we find 
that political problem intensified. Just as the Communist Party 
changed its whole American policy in 1935, evidence of which Avas 
presented to you in the official records yesterday, so they have 
scrapped their political policy and have adopted a new one. 

The American public should understand that today the Communists 
use party tickets merely as a blind ; that they are not now so actively 
interested in electing Communists to office as they are in injecting 
themselves into the everyday political activities of the American 
people. 

I have said nothing intentionally critical of the C. I. O. What I 
say now is critical, but I believe justified, in view of the political 
problem we are now facing as a people. 

At the Atlantic City convention of the American Federation of 
Labor in 1935, Mr. John L. Lewis and his associates believed there 
should be a change in our policy of organization covering mass- 
production workers. He doubted whether the delegates would agree 
with him, and so he threatened the convention that if it failed to give 
him what he wanted, there would be division within the American 
Federation of Labor. And he put that threat into effect immediately 
after the convention had adjourned, and organized the C. I. O. 

About a little over a year ago the industrial strength of the C. I. O. 
began to slip. The machinery did not work so smoothly. The mem- 
bership were asking more questions. And apparently Mr. Lewis be- 
lieved the time had come to bring a new feature into his movement, to 
arouse continued interest. And so his political activities increased. 

Not long ago 

The Chairman (interposing). Now, Mr. Frey, is this going to deal 
with tile question of communism? 

IMr. Frey. This is coming directly to the question of communism; 
and this one document I desire to put in the record will 

The Chairman. I know you appreciate the fact that that is what 
this committee is interested in. 

Mr. Fret. That is Avhat I am coming to. 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 275 

The Chaikman. We naturally have no concern with the other mat- 
ter. 

Mr. Frey. I know ; but I am ])reparino; the wav for a very definite 
Communist procram, indicatin<»:, of course, how the Communists take 
advantage of every opportunity. 

So Mr. Lewis and the political activities of the C. I. O. came for- 
ward. One of the places where he went was the State of Pennsyl- 
vania. He wanted to name candidates for certain high offices. The 
State committee of the Democratic Party did not approve of those 
he wanted to name. He threatened the members of the State com- 
mittee of the Democratic Party with division unless they gave him 
what he wanted, and then he did identically the same thing to the 
State Democratic Party in Pennsylvania that he did to our convention 
in Atlantic City. He put his threat into effect. 

The reports of the expenses of candidates indicate that over a half 
a million dollars were spent in the State of Pennsylvania in Mr. 
Lewis' effort to have his own way. 

Now, we come to the advantage which the Communists have taken 
of that situation. I want to read this document. It is just a page 
long, and then I will be through with my testimony. 

Pittsburgh, Pa., July 31, 1938. 

The Pittsburgh district committee of the Communist Party held a district 
committee meeting at 10 a. m. today at the Workers' School, Grant Street, 
Pittsburgh, Pa. The proposed order of business for the district committee is as 
follows : 

1. Preparations for the November New Deal election. 

2. The building of the Communist Party. 
Chairman, Jim Egan. 

Martin Young, district organizer of the Communist Party in western Pennsyl- 
vania, made the report to the district committee and about 50 leading function- 
aries in tlie Communist Party units, in trade-union movement and in fraternal 
organizations. He stated that to assure victory for the New Deal in the Novem- 
ber 1938 election we must organize meetings on the economic and political issues 
confronting the people and organize them into Democratic labor blocks of 
C. I. O., A. F. of L., and fraternal members, to establish New Deal election 
Communist Party campaign committees to defeat the Republican Party and save 
Pennsylvania for a 100-percent New Deal State. 

This election will be a major test of strength between the two main political 
camps in the country, of reaction and democracy, and the outcome will de- 
termine the immediate direction of New Deal policy of the United States and 
clearly influence the Presidential election of 1940 ; thereby the whole future 
of the workers in America will depend : and if the victory is to be won by 
the people we must mobilize to secure the results, by organizing meetings of 
the leading peoples in trade-unions, fraternal orders, farmers, and other organ- 
izations to establish workers and farmers' Democratic clubs in all townships. 
We must carry through our correct policy to assure victory for the New 
Deal in Pennsylvania, and we must also involve the rank and file of the 
United Mine Workers of America, the A. F. of L., the fraternal and other 
organizations for political New Deal demonstrations to defeat the Republican 
Party. 

The unity of labor in the 1938 election is absolutely necessary to defeat 
the economic royalists, who want to destroy our democracy and peace. We 
will withdraw the Communist Party candidates to support the New Deal 
candidates, and we must raise $2,000 for our New Deal election campaign 
and bring our program to the people through leaflets and radio broadcasts, 
where we will outline our position on the 1938 election, and to be able to 
do this our Communist Party units must help to raise $500 and over per 
Communist Party unit and also expose the corrupt Republican Party who 
want to investigate the Pennsylvania New Deal government. 

We Communists want them to be investigated, but not by the corriipt 
Republican Party who is in control of the economic royalists. The 1938 



276 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

election especially must be utilized to build our party on a national scale, 
particularly in the basic industrial towns and in the chief agricultural regions. 
We must work systematically for winning a leading position and be cautious 
in these organizations. The Communist Party members in these organizations 
must assume more than their share of all responsibility involved in building 
and promoting these organizations to win the complete trust and confidence 
of the progressive leaders and all members of these organizations. We must 
not wait to be asked to do this, because we Communists know how to do it, 
to defeat i-eaction in the United States of America. 

A number of the district committeemen and other loading comrades took 
the floor in the discussion and outlined the progress the party is making in 
recruiting workers into the Communist Party in their sections, also in building 
a political machine to support the New Deal candidates in the 1938 election. 
How they are setting up election campaign committees of the leading Com- 
munist Party members in trade-unions, the C. I. O., and the A. F. of L. The 
organizing of Democratic workers' clubs and the Labor Non-Partisan League. 
The sections will call Communist Party membership meetings in August to 
outline the Communist Party position in tlie 19.38 election with the slogan. 
''Defeat the Republican Party at any cost in 1938." 

I would not have been willing to read this had I not previously and at great 
length indicated the methods of the Communist Party. They are willing today 
to stand for a Communist Party ticket. Tomorrow they are willing to instruct 
their members to "throw your political strength wherever you think you can 
gain an advantage." 

This sort of statement which Martin Young 

The Chairman (interposing). Let its inquire into that statement. 
Is that a copy of an authentic document? 

Mr. Fret. This is a copy of the meeting at which Martin Young, 
Ihe district organizer of the Communist Party, made this statement. 
If the committee desires, I think I can produce the person who was 
there and made the report. 

What I want to point out is that it is not the Democratic Party ; it 
is not the Republican Party; it is the methods the Communists are 
using to build themselves so strongly politically and industrially that 
they will be able more or less to have their own way, and to their 
way the American Federation of Labor is in unalterable opposition. 

Mr. Healey. Mr. Frey, as you pointed out, those methods are 
indirect methods. 

Mr. Fret. Yes. 

Mr. Healey. They infiltrate into any existing organization. 

Mr. Frey. Yes. 

Mr. Healey. And the first line of attack has been the labor 
organization. 

Mr. Frey. Yes. 

Mr. Healey. And the American Federation of Labor, through vigi- 
lance, constant vigilance, has had to defend its position from them, 
from the infiltration of Communists, is that true ? 

Mr. Frey. Yes, Mr. Healey. What I have been trying to say is 
this. First, the American Federation of Labor had to protect itself 
and defend itself from the cunning and the skill of the Communist 
infiltration. What has just been presented to you is evidence that 
the Democratic Party and the Republican Party will be compelled 
to do the same thing. 

Mr. Healey. They must do the same thing. 

Mr. Frey. I now want to thank the committee for having given 
me this opportunity of presenting a little of the evidence which I 
have. I want to express my appreciation of the consideration which 
you have shown to me during many hours when you must have been 
wearied listening to my voice. 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 277 

The Chairman, Thank you, Mr. Frey. 

There are some witnesses present who want an opportunity to pre- 
sent evidence with reference to fascism in the United States. I will 
confer with those witnesses after we recess, because we intend to 
resume at an early date the consideration of the Nazi angle and the 
Fascist angle of this whole question. 

This afternoon we will reconvene at 1 o'clock and hear from a 
representative of a number of organizations. Then we have some 
25 or 30 witnesses who will be presented to the committee, beginning 
probably Thursdaj^ morning, and we will run right on through 
with these witnesses as fast as we can. 

A great many organizations have requested an opportunity to be 
heard and we would like to grant that request if possible. Natu- 
rally we cannot because we have a great many witnesses whom we 
have subpenaed to testify with reference to specific facts in con- 
nection with the Communist, the Fascist, and the Nazi angle of 
this investigation. 

At this time we will recess until 1 o'clock, to resume and hear 
representatives of the various organizations. 

(Whereupon, at 11:20 a. m., a recess was taken until 1 p. m.) 

AFTER RECESS 

The committee reconvened at 1 o'clock, p. m,, Hon. Martin Dies 
(chairman) presiding. 

The Chairman. The committee will come to order. 

Before we hear from the first witness, the Chair would reiterate 
what he said at the opening of these hearings, that the committee is 
prmiarily concerned with facts and with specific proof. Of course, 
we realize that the representatives of organizations naturally have 
more latitude in presenting their vievv's than in the case of witnesses 
subpenaed by the committee, but we want the representatives of or- 
ganizations to be careful about what they say, and that they have 
a factual basis for their remarks, not involving personalities unless 
they have definite proof to sustain their charges. Otherwise, some 
innocent person may be done irreparable harm, and it would be 
difficult to repair the injury done them. 

As the Chair stated this morning, we cannot grant the request 
of all organizations who want to be heard, but Mr. Steele, the first 
witness, will be the spokesman of a large group of patriotic organ- 
izations. 

Mr. Steele, let me ask that you eliminate as much as you can docu- 
mentary evidence of a lengthy nature. We have to watch the record 
here because we have only a limited fund at our disposal, as you 
know, and we have to pay for the transcription of the record. There- 
fore, we are running under tremendous difficulties in our effert to 
conduct this investigation. Therefore, we hope you will abbreviate 
it as much as you can by putting in only the important matters for 
the consideration of the committee. We may not be able to go into 
as much detail as we would like, and if we had the funds, or if our 
resources would permit a more exhaustive discussion, it would be 
welcomed, but, as I have said, necessarily we must protect our record. 
Therefore, I am sure the committee would be grateful to you to 
eliminate as much as you can, giving us the principal points, and 



278 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

that you will be very careful about involving any persons in your 
discussion. As I have said previously, in the case of organizations, 
we naturally assume that they have a definite responsibility them- 
selves to the country, and that they will be careful in their remarks. 
Where individuals or organizations have been brought into the dis- 
cussion, the committee is determined to be absolutely fair, and will 
accord those individuals and organizations an opportunity to refute 
any charges. Still, that does not always repair the damage that has 
been done. The Chair wants to ask you to be careful in that respect, 
because we are determined not to have a smearing campaign. Of 
course, in the case of witnesses we subpena, we discuss matters with 
them in advance, and have some control over the presentation, but 
when we have an organization appearing, through its official repre- 
sentatives, we must trust to a certain extent to their discretion, 
judgment, and sense of responsibility. 

TESTIMONY OP V/ ALTER S. STEELE, NATIONAL EEPTJBLIC, CHAIR- 
MAN OF THE AMERICAN COALITION COMMITTEE ON NATIONAL 
SECURITY, REPRESENTING VARIOUS ORGANIZATIONS 

(The witness was duly sworn by the chairman.) 

The Chairman. You may state your name. 

Mr. Steele. Walter S. Steele. 

The Chairman. And you speak for whom? 

Mr. Steele. For the National Republic, and as chairman of the 
American Coalition Committee on National Security, and 114 organi- 
zations that are listed in my statement, and I am appearing at the 
special request of the Veterans of Foreign Wars and the R. O. T. C. 
Association of the United States. 

The following organizations are the additional 114 organizations 
that have authorized me to speak for them in my testimony before 
your committee: 

Aeronautical Association of America, Inc. 

Allied Patriotic Societies, Inc. 

American Coalition of New York 

American Coalition of Washington 

American Defense Council 

American Vigilant Intelligence Federation 

American Women Against Coumiunism 

American Women's League 

American Women's Legion of the World War 

Associated Chapters, Order of DeMolay of Pennsylvania 

Associated Farmers of California 

Auxiliary, Sens of Union Veterans of the Civil War 

Better America Federation of California 

California Society, Order of P'ounders and Patriots of America 

Colonial Order of the Acorn, New York Chapter 

Congress of States Societies 

Dames of the Loyal Legion of the United States 

Daugliters of America, National Council 

Daughters of America. District of Columbia Council 

Daughters of the Defenders of the Republic 

Daughters of Union A'eterans of the Civil War, 1S61-65 

Defenders of the Constitution of the United States 

Disabled American Veterans of the World War 

District of Columl)ia Society, Order of Founders and Patriots of America 

First Motor Corps, Unit No. 12, Massachusetts State Guard Veterans 

General Court, Order of the Founders and Patriots of America 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 279 

General Coiirt ol' Patriotic Societies of America 

General I'ersliing CluuJter, Order of tl'.e Founders and Patriots of America 

General Society of INIayllower Descendants 

General Society of the War of 1812 

Imniitrration Study Comnnssion 

Junior American Vi.irilant Intelliaonce Federation 

Junior Order, United American Mechanics, New Jersey 

Ladies of the Grand Army of the Republic 

Larchmont Colony, National Society of New England Women 

Louisiana Coalition of Patriotic Societies 

Massachusetts Society. Order of Founders and Patriots of America 

Massachusetts Women's Constitutional League 

Metropolitan New York Jurisdiction, Order of DeMolay 

Military Order of Foreign Wars of the United States, National Commandery 

ililitary Order of the Loyal Legion of the United States, Commandery-in-Chief 

Military Order of the Loyal Legion of the United States, Commandery of 

District of Columbia 
Military Order of the Loyal Legion of the United States, Commandery of the 

State of New York 
Military Order of the Loyal Legion of the United States, Commandery of the 

State of Pennsylvania 
Military Order of the World War 
Minute Men of America, Inc. 

National Auxiliary. United Spanish War Veterans 
National Camp, Patriotic Order Sons of America 

National Commandery, Naval and INlilitary Order of the Spanish-American War 
National Constitution Day Committee 
National Council, Sons and Daughters of Liberty 
National Patriotic Association 
National Patriotic League 
National Security League. Inc. 
National Society. Daughters of the Revolution 
National Society, Daugliters of the L'nion, 1861-65 
National Society, 1917 World War Registrars 
National Society, Sei-vice Star Legion 
National Society Sous and Daughters of the Pilgrims 
National Society, Sons of the American Revolution 
National Society, United States Daughters of 1812 
National Society, Women Descendents of the Ancient and Honorable Artillery 

Company 
National Woman's Relief Corps 
New England Protestant Action League 

New Jersey Society of the Order of the Founders and Patriots of America 
New Jersey State Society, Daughters of the Revolution 
New York City Colony, National Society of New England Women 
New York Society, Order of Founders and Patriots of America 
Old Glory Ai^sociation 
Old Glory Club of Flatbush, Inc. 
Order of Colonial Lords of Manors in America 

Order of Independent Americans, State Council of Pennsylvania 
Order of Three Crusades, 1096-1192, Inc. 

Pennsylvania Society. Order of tlie Founders and Patriots of America 
Protestant AVomen's National Civic Federation 
R. O. T. C. Association of the United States 
Rhode Island Association of Patriots 
Rhode Island Daughters of the American Colonists 

Rhode Island Society of the Order of Founders and Patriots of America 
Rochester District, American Coalition 
Society for Constitutional Security 
Society of Colonial Wars (California) 
Society of Colonial Wars in District of Columbia 
Society of Colonial Wars in State of New York 
Society of New York State Women 
Society of the Daughters of the United States Army 

Society of the Sons of the Revolution of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts 
Sons of the LTnion Veterans of the Civil War 
Southern Vigilant Intelligence Association 



2§Q UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

State Council (District of Columbia) Sons and Daughters of Liberty 

Tax Evils Committee of Council Bluffs, Iowa 

Tlie American Indian Federation 

The Christian American Crusade 

The Federation of Huguenot Societies in America 

The Wheel of Progress 

Union to Preserve American Ideals and Institutions 

United Daughters of the Confederacy, New York Chapter 

United States Aviation Cadets, Inc. 

Veterans of Foreign Wars 

Veterans of Foreign Wars of United States, Department of Delaware 

^'eterans of Foreign Wars of United States, Morley S. Gates Chapter 701 

Westchester Security League 

Wisconsin Chapter, Daughters of Founders and Patriots 

Woman Patriot Corporation 

Woman's Pioneer Aircraft Association of Chicago, Inc. 

Women's Natiinal Defense Committee of Philadelphia 

Women of Army and Navy Legion of Valor, United States of America 

The Chairman. You may proceed. 

Mr. Steele. I have letters of authorization from the organizations, 
but I presume that you do not wish to chitter your record with them. 

The Chairman. You are speaking for organizations representing 
approximately 20,000.000 people ; is that right ? 

Mr. Steele. Approximately that ; yes, sir. I want to make a brief 
summary of the things and important points I want to bring out in 
this testimony. 

The Chairman. You may proceed. 

Mr. Steele. For the information of your committee, the press, and 
the public, it is deemed advisable, because of the extensiveness of my 
testimony, to point out at the outset some of the most important 
disclosures that will appear in this testimony. 

An effort will be made to prove to you that the un-American forces 
in the United States have attained a membership and direction of 
over 6,500.000 people; that the emphasis in the drive at present is to 
win the following and allegiance of the 20,000.000 alien born within 
our country, and that these and other activities are carried on by 
80 or more internationals abroad having hundreds of national move- 
ments within our borders, which in turn are organized down to the 
grass roots in every nook and corner of our land; that there is 
expended for this activity here more than $10,000,000 annually. 

You will be shown that these movemeiits are hia'hly centralized 
in control and direction, and that although the Communists have 
made much whoopie over the effects of the book. Sixty Families Kule 
America, that in fact "sixty families rule communism" in the United 
States and that "sixty families rule communism" from ISloscow. 
It will be shown that, while communism viciously denounces Wall 
Street they are not adverse to using Wall Street's families in their 
scheme, and that they play with more money annually than many 
a Wall Street banker. 

It will be shown that while denouncing what they term the "capital- 
ist controlled press," Communists have the largest monopolized 
press in the world. That while they agitate the worker against the 
employer, that they state that "when concessions are made by em- 
ployers, the workers' demands are pitched to a higher key so that 
continued turmoil will exist; and that the revolutionary will accept 
a refoi-m only in order to use it as a means wherewith to link legal 
work with illegal work, in order to use it as a screen behind w^hich 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 281 

illegal activities for the revolutionary preparation of the masses for 
the overthrow of the bourgeoise may be intensified," and they state 
further that "the misery and oppression of the workers must be 
intensified to an extraordinary degree" so that he will be fully class- 
minded. 

The Chairman. I notice your statement that an effort will be 
made to prove the statement that the un-American forces in the 
United States have obtained a membership and direction of over 
6.500,000 })e()ple. Do you charge that to be true i 

Mr. Steele. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. That is a positive assertion. 

Mr. Steele. Yes, sir. 

It will be shown that while they give outward support to "paci- 
fism," the state, "The dictatorship of the proletariat is the fiercest 
and most merciless war;" that while many of these movements strive 
against fascism they promote and defend communism; that their 
two chief objectives at present is to organize every movement possible 
into a "united front," this in harmony with the orders of the last 
International Congress in Moscow; to adopt the Trojan horse 
method in further penetrating mass movements here, and to organize 
the workers and aliens. 

We will show that over 25,000,000 pieces of propaganda has been 
let loose in the United States during the last 2 years by the Com- 
munists and their mass movements, and this does not include their 
many periodicals; that the Communists' central committee alone has 
spent over $700,000 in the United States of America during the past 
2 years and that there are over 800 other national movements with 
thousands of locals directly or closely working with the party which 
have also expended huge amounts. It will be shown that these alto- 
gether maintain over 600 regularly issued newspapers, magazines, and 
bulletins in the United States. Tl^e exhibit before you (a board 60 
feet wide and 8 feet high, literally plastered w^ith radical litera- 
ture) containing some 1,000 pieces of such is only an example of wliat 
I am picturing to you. The exhibit contains only a small propor- 
tion of the whole that has been produced and distributed in the 
United States during the past 2 years. 

We will show you that the 75,000 composing the members of the 
Communist Party direct are but a small portion of all the Com- 
munist forces in the United States, and that they have a direct 
following and influence of over 800,000 in the New York district 
alone. 

It will be demonstrated to you that there are six major un-Ameri- 
can menaces in the United States today; that these can be classified 
as chiefly alien in design, guidance, and following and that these 
six menaces can be further classified as communism, socialism, nazi- 
ism, anarchism, ultra-pacifism, and atheism. It will be shown that 
with the exception of one of these, nazi-ism. that tliere is a grave 
danger that they may find a common ground on which to con?-- 
plete a "united front" as they have done in other countries, under 
which our people might be forced to confront an exceedingly more 
dangerous situation than exists even today. The Communists have 
made considerable progress in this direction as will be shown. 

It will be shown that representatives of certain foreign govern- 
ments are in attendance at many meetings of these forces in our coun- 



282 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

try and that at least in one instance a gathering was held in one of 
the embassies with some of our government officials present and that 
a change in our foreign policies was considered at this gathering. 
(Evidence submitted.) 

It will be shown that considerable propaganda is being distributed 
in our country which propaganda comes from Russia and Germany; 
that many of the movements in this country have direct connections 
with movements abroad. 

It will be shown that the Communist offices in New York and 
California are clearing houses for instructions from abroad for revo- 
lutionary activities resulting in revolutions in Latin South America, 
and certain other countries and that not only are these activties 
redirected from here, but that money is sent from here for such 
purposes. 

It will be shown that there are over 1,000 pacifist movements in the 
United States, many of them branches of Internationals which are 
as determined to destroy the so-called "capitalist" system of our 
country as are the Communists, Socialists, and anarchists, and that 
many of these are following, if not connected indirectly with, the 
Tliird Communist International or its party line of action. 

Although the Communists claim publicly that they "do not take 
orders from Moscow," we will endeavor to show that they do take 
orders from Moscow and that they carry out these orders to the 
letter. We will show contrary to their recent public statements that 
they intend to use violence in destroying our system of government 
and that their lip service in defense of clemocracy and peace is but a 
sham. 

It will be shown that un-Americanism lias imbedded itself deeply 
into many of our educational institutions; that it is imbedded in many 
of the relief centers; that its ugly head shows up in certain labor 
movements, youth movements, certain movements parading as church 
movements, in pacifist movements, theater, sports, movie, publishing, 
camps, clubs, federations, leagues, societies, and the like. 

We will show that, while there are certain movements agitating the 
people of our coimtry to revolutionary action, there are many other 
movements closely allied whose program is to rush to the defense, 
legally and otherwise, of those who are caught in the clutches of the 
law because of revolutionary activities. We will show that there is 
a concerted effort of these united forces to use our institutions for 
protection while attempting to destroy them. 

We will show that a whispering cam])aign was launched against the 
banks during a period of instability and uncertainty and that this 
caused the bank runs in onr country several years ao-o and that Com- 
munists were instructed by Russia to prevent the "restabilization of 
cai^italism" by keeping constant turmoil rife (evidence submitted) . 

We will show that the Communists have in existence a "Manual 
for Armed Revolution" (evidence submitted) ; and that they pay 
tribute and allegiance to Stalin and Russia and that Nazis are pay- 
ing tribute to Hitlerism and Germany and that each of these move- 
ments maintains a wide propaganda machine, camps, organized forces,, 
etc., in the United States. 

Mr. Starnes. Mr. Steele, I assume that you intend to follow in logi- 
cal sequence the charges made in your statement. 

Mr. Steele. Yes, sir. 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 283 

Mr. Starnes. You will lake eacli of them up in turn, and discuss 
them. 

Mr. Steele. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Starnes. And as you discuss them you will be ready to answer 
any questions with regard to them. 

Mr. Steele. Yes, sir. 

]Mr. Starnes. Mr. Chairman, the statement was made here yester- 
day by one of our colleagues that certain Government officials were 
sponsoring a movement or meeting here in Washington last evening 
which was to be addressed by a radical leader from the Republic of 
Mexico. In a sense, that is a blanket charge against all Government 
officials, and I think that, in all fairness, the names of those officials 
should be furnished this committee for the record, in order to clarify 
the record. 

The Chairman. Of course, the matter I presume my colleague has 
reference to was a meeting that occurred June 24, in Washington, ad- 
dressed by the Mexican leader, concerning which liaymond Clapper 
reported that 10 Government officials were present as members of the 
League for Peace and Democracy. There was nothing other than a 
newspaper report. The question would be raised, in regard to mem- 
bership, whether it necessarily follows that this League for Peace and 
Democracy is a Communist organization, nor does it necessarily fol- 
low that Government officials belonging to it were in any sense 
Communists. 

Mr. Mason. But the essence of it is that this League for Peace and 
Democracy is an adjunct of the American Communist movement, and 
it is one of the organizations that is being used by the Communist 
movement for propaganda purposes, and, therefore, any Government 
officials belonging to that league, because of their membership in that 
league, are, indirectly at least, connected with the communistic move- 
ment, and as directly, at least, as the League for Peace and Democracy 
is a part of the whole program. 

Mr. Starnes. Does that newspaper article contain the names? 

Mr. Mason. Yes; the newspaper article contains the names. 

Mr. Starnes. In all fairness, since that matter has been brought 
out in the hearings, and made a statement of fact, those names 
should be set out in the record. 

The Chairman. Of course, it must be remembered that we have 
no proof that this League for Peace and Democracy is a Com- 
munist organization. It may be or may not be, but there is no proof 
before the committee that it is. and, on the assumption that it is 
not, such a statement would not be wholly fair, because many people 
belong to it who are, apparently. Government officials. I want to 
correct that. I do not mean many, but some. There may be a few. 
It would be predicated on two assumptions: First, that it is a Com- 
munist organization, of which we would have to have proof, and, 
second, that those who belong to it are Communists, bearing in mind 
that many people join these organizations without knowledge that 
they are communistic. 

Mr. Starnes. That may be true. Therefore, I raise the point at 
this time, before we proceed further with the hearing, because I 
think an erroneous impression was created, in that, it seems to me 
it was a blanket indictment. 



284 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

The Chairman. Your point is that this report of INIr. Raymond 
Clapper should be included in the record. 

Mr. Starves. Yes. Further, we should have as definite proof as 
possible that this organization is a communistic organization. 

The Chairman. Then, why include the names? I suggest that 
we wait to see what proof there is with reference to it. 

Mr. Mason. The names of these people are public property. They 
are contained in this article, and anybody can get them. 

Mr. Thomas. Mr. Chairman, along that same line, perhaps in fair- 
ness to some others, and certainly in fairness to the public officials 
that haA'e been mentioned, I would like to refer to a statement given 
to the committee and to the press which is called the Report of 
Edward Sullivan, investigator. On page 4 of this report, Sullivan 
says this : 

Evidence is also available to show that Bridges received aid and advice 
from tlio officials of the Labor Department while patriotic citizens were try- 
ing to have him deported for his communistic activities. Witnesses can be 
produced who can name the day and date when an official of the Immigration 
Service contacted Hari'y Bridges and called him to his office, where he read 
him a confidential letter of instructions on his future behavior written by an 
outstanding ofiicial of the Labor Department. 

In view of that statement, which is certainly in itself almost an 
indictment, I move that, in view of that statement I have just read, 
that this committee, without delaj^, secure the evidence referred to, 
and that Ave as soon as possible subpena witnesses who are alleged 
to be able to testify that Bridges received aid and advice from an 
official of the Labor Department while patriotic citizens were trying 
to have him deported for his alleged communistic activities and 
alleged illegal existence in this country. I make that motion. 

The Chairman. I might say for the benefit of the gentleman from 
New Jersey that that is being done. The committee will undoubt- 
edly hold hearings on the west coastj and these witnesses will be more 
available there than by trying to bring them to "Washington. 

Mr. Ti-iOiVrAS. I understand that. Some of the witnesses may be 
out there, but the officials of this Department that this statement 
refers to are right here in Washington. 

The Chairman. I am sure that the Department will be glad to 
submit any evidence the}' have in the way of files and records. That 
is a matter that we can take up later. 

Mr. Thomas. Right on that point, are you sure that the Depart- 
ment here in Washington would be very willing to submit any evi- 
dence which they may have? I have had two or three things up 
with tliem, some during the last few days, but the Department is 
not willing to submit the evidence. I have in mind two or three 
things in particular. I have been trying to get a confidential report 
of the Federal Bureau of Investigation. I have been trying to get 
that report through my secretary, but they give us the run-around. 
First, they could not find the report, and after that they were not 
certain whether they would give it. Also, we have tried to get copies 
of the transcript of the Federal theater project, of the Works Prog- 
ress Administration, and we had to finally subpena them in New 
York. I do not knoAV even now whetlier, witli the subpena, that we 
have been able to get them. The last word I had last night was that 



UX-AMKRICAN PROrAGANDA ACTIVITIES 285 

jDerhaps avc avouIcI <iet them, but yesterday we Avere unable to get 
them. I have two or three other thin<>s that I do not want to brinf; 
up at tliis tiuie. but I think we shoukl do something about this 
Bridges matter. I think we shoukl do it Avithout further dehiy. I 
think we slioukl go right into the meat of the thing and see wliether 
the charges are correct or not correct. If they are correct, we shouki 
do something about them. 

The CHAii:>rAx. Suppose we let this witness resume his testimony. 

Mr. Thomas. I have a motion before the committee. 

Mr. Starxes. I suggest that Ave take that matter up in executive 
session. I think that is the proper place for it. 

Mr. Thomas. It is all right to take it up in executive session, and 
I Avithdraw my motion until Ave are in executive session. 

Mr. Healey. I think Ave shovdd discuss it in executive session. We 
are here noAv to hear Avitnesses. I do not knoAv hoAv you intend to 
proceed, but it seems to me that it is a matter that should be dis- 
posed of in executive session. 

The Chairmax. In connection Avith the report Avhich was giA^en to 
the public, the Chair made it clear that the committee did not voucli 
for the accuracy of the investigator's report. We simply followed 
the example of the Senate Elections Committee the other day when 
they made public the report of the investigator Avith reference to 
Kentucky. That report Avas made public, given to the press, and 
carried throughout the country as the report of the investigator out 
there in the field. This investigator has been for some time on the 
Avest coast, and as a result of his investigation, he gave us a report. 
He made the report, and Ave thought it advisable that the public 
should have the benefit of the report. We did not at that time and 
do not now vouch for its accuracy. Of course, those things Avill be 
followed up Avith specific proof Avhen Ave go to the west coast. So 
far as Ave are able, Ave Avill get evidence here, but, of course, Ave can- 
not subpena Avitnesses from the Avest coast to come to Washington. 

^Ir. Thomas. At the same time, we should get in touch Avith the 
Department here and see if they Avill cooperate. 

The Chairman. Those are matters Ave Avill take up in executive 
session. 

^Ir. Steele, Avill you proceed Avith your testimony ? 

!Mr. Steele. The first thing I Avant to go into, making for the con- 
tinuity of the record, is a short statement of the First International, 
the Second International, and the Third International. I Avill not 
read the statement, but Avill hand it to the reporter. 

The Chairman. "VVliat is that document? 

Mr. Steele. It is a statement of a fcAV lines showing the birth of 
the First International, the Second International and the Third In- 
ternational, bringing it up to the Communist Party in this country. 

(The statement referred to is as folloAvs:) 

HoAV Did the Communist Party Come into Being? 

riKST international 

The First International Avas founded in 1860 by Karl Marx and a small 
clique of German radicals. It gradually degenerated into a small organization 
composed of anarchist-revolutionists, and was finally dissolved in 1876. 

94931 — 38 — vol. 1 19 



2gg UN-AMERICAX PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

SECOND INTERNATIONAL 

Numerous attempts by Karl Marx, whose real name was Mordecliai, to revive 
the International were futile, but in 1889, assisted by Jules Guesde, he founded 
the Second International. Each of these Internationals were organized to 
carry into agitation the Karl Marx "Communist manifesto," although they 
were known as "Socialist" movements. Disagreements widened into open 
breaches between members of the International over interpretations of the 
"Communist manifesto." As a result of these disputes the Third International 
was organized. 

THIRD INTERNATIONAL 

The Third International, which was founded at a conference held in Moscow 
from March 2 to the 6, 1919, issued a manifesto on September 8 of the same 
year, c:'lling on all revolutionaries of the world, whether Socialist, syndicalist, 
or anarchist, to unite and form unified Communist Parties to become sections 
of the Third International. The drafting committee of this call was composed 
of Lenin, Trotsky, Zinoviev, Rakovsky, and Fritz Platten. Zinoviev was 
elected titular president of the executive committee. Among the Americans 
plnced on the executive committee soon thereafter wore L. Fraina, A. Stock- 
litsky, and D. Bilan. 

The Communist International has three distinct policies: (1) Destruction — 
its organized terror ; (2) materialism — its assault on religion ; (3) imposition — 
its communist state. 

Mr. Steele. Now, referring to the Communist Party in the United 
States, the Communist Party was first formed in the United States 
in 1919 by a section of the Socialist Party v.hich broke away from 
the parent organization. In 1920 some of the original members ce- 
ceded and united with the Communist Labor Party to form the 
United Comnumist Party. This party existed until April 7, 1923. 
The Communist Labor Party was organized in September 1919 in 
Chicago. The United Communist Party was organized in 1920, a 
m,erger of the Communist Labor Party and the Communist Party. 

In December 1921 communists expelled by the Socialist Party or- 
ganized the Workers' Party. In 1923 the Communist Party was 
absorbed by the Workers' Party. The secretary was Charles E. 
Ruthenberg. In 1925 it was officially named the Workers' (Commu- 
nist) Party of America. In 1928 the name was changed to the Com- 
munist Party of the U. S. A., the name under which it is now 
operating. 

Tlie original formation immediately became a section of the Third 
(Communist) International of ]\Ioscow, just as the Young Commu- 
nist League became a section of the Young Communist International 
when it was formed in later year. 

Now, I believe at this point I should give you the benefit of the 
program of the Communist International because it has a direct con- 
nection \Aith what I want to sa}^ here. I will not read it, but it covers 
the struggle for world communism, the confiscation and proletarian 
nationalization of all factories, plants, mines, electric power sta- 
tions, and so forth, confiscation of private capitalist railway, water- 
way, automobile, and air transport services; the confiscation of 
private communication services, and so forth. 

The Chair:man. We have a statement of that already in the record. 

Mr. Steele. Then, I will leave this with the committee. 

The Chairman. We will see Avhether it has been included. 

Mr. Steele. The fact that the struggle between the imperialist 
bourgeoisie and the proletariat is more and more assuming an inter- 
national character — all this creates the need for a program of the 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 287 

Comnniiiist Interiialiomil, a uniform and common program for all 
Sections of the Communist International. This prograni of the 
Connnunist Internationa], as the supreme critical generalization of 
the Avhole bodv of historical experience of the international revolu- 
tionary proletarian movement, becomes the program of struggle for 
the Avorkl proletarian dictatorship, the program of struggle for world 
communism. 

Ex])ressing the historical need for an international organization of 
revolutionary proletarian — the gravediggers of the capitalist order — 
the Connnunist International is the only international force that 
has for its program the dictatorship of the proletariat and com- 
munism, and that openly comes out as the organizer of the interna- 
tional proletarian revolution. 

The ultimate aim of the Communist International is to replace 
world capitalist economy by a world system of communism. 

The conquest of power by the proletariat does not mean peacefully 
"capturing" the ready-made bourgeois state machinery by means of 
a parliamentary majority. 

The conquest of power by the proletariat is the violent overthrow 
of bourgeois power, the destruction of the capitalist state apparatus 
(bourgeois armies, police, bureaucratic hierarchy, the judiciary, 
parliament, and so forth), and substituting in its place new organs of 
proletarian power, to serve primarily as instruments for the sup- 
pression of the exploiters. 

The Soviet State completely disarm the bourgeoisie and concen- 
trates all arms in the hands of the proletariat ; it is the armed prole- 
tariant state. The armed forces under the Soviet State are organized 
on a class basis, which corresponds to the general structure of the 
proletarian dictatorship, and guarantees the role of leadership to 
the industrial proletariat. 

In this sphere the Communist International advances the following 
fundamental tasks of the proletarian dictatorship : 

A. The confiscation and proletarian nationalization of all factories, 
plants, mines, electric power stations. 

B. The confiscation of private capitalist railway, waterway, auto- 
mobile and air transport services (commercial and passenger air 
fleet). 

C. The confiscation of private communication services (telegraphs, 
telephones and wireless). 

D. Tlie organization of workers' management of industry. The 
establishment of state organs for the management of industry with 
provision for the close participation of the trade unions in this work 
of management. 

A. The contiscation of all landed estates in town and country 
(private, church, monastery, and other lands). 

B. The confiscation of all property utilized in production such 
as buildings, machinery and other inventory, cattle, enterprises for 
the manufacture of agricultural products (large flour mills, cheese 
plants, dairy farms, fruit and vegetable drying plants, and so forth). 

E. Prohibition of buying and selling of land. 

F. All debts to be annulled. 

G. Comprehensive state measures for developing the productive 
forces of agriculture, the development of rural electification, tlie 



28§ UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

manufacture of tractors, the production of artificial fertilizers, the 
l^roduction of pure quality seeds and raising thoroughbred stock on 
Soviet farms, the extensive organization of agricultural credits for 
land reclamation, etc. 

H. Financial and other support for agricultural cooperatives and 
for all forms of collective production in the rural districts (coopera- 
tive societies, communes, etc.). Systematic propaganda in favor 
of peasant cooperation (selling, credit, and supply cooperative 
societies) to be based on the mass activity of the peasants themselves; 
propaganda in favor of the transition to large-scale agricultural pro- 
duction which, owing to the indubitable technical and economic ad- 
vantages of large-scale production, provides the greatest immediate 
economic gain and also a method of transition to socialism most acces- 
sible to the broad masses of the toiling peasants. 

A. The nationalization of private banks; the entire gold reserve, 
all securities, deposits, etc., to be transferred to the proletarian state. 

B. The centralization of banking ; all nationalized big banks to be 
subordinated to the central state bank. 

C. The nationalization of wholesale trade and large retail trading 
enterprises (warehouses, elevators, stores, stocks of goods, etc.) and 
their transfer to tlie organs of the Soviet state. 

D. Every encouragement to be given to consumers' cooperatives 
as representing an integral part of the distributing apparatus, while 
maintaining uniformity in their system of work. 

E. Monopoly of foreign trade. 

F. The repudiation of state debts. 

A. Reduction of tlie working day to 7 hours, and to 6 hours in 
industries. Further reduction of the working day and transition to a 
5-day week in countries with developed productive forces. 

B. Prohibition, as a rule, of night work and employment in harm- 
ful trades for all females. Prohibition of child labor. Prohibition 
of overtime. 

C Special reduction of the workday for the youth. 

D. Social insurance in all forms (sickness, old age, accident, un- 
'cmployment, etc.) at state expense. 

E. Comprehensive measures of hygiene; the organization of free 
medical service. To combat social diseases (alcohol, venereal dis- 
eases, tuberculosis, etc.). 

F. Complete equality between men and women before the law and 
in social life: a radical reform of marital and family laws; recogni- 
tion of maternity as a social function; protection of mothers and 
infants. Initiation of social care and upbringing of infants and chil- 
dren (creches, kindergartens, children's homes, etc.). 

The establishment of institutions that will relieve the burden of 
house drudgery (public kitchens and laundries). 

A. The confiscation of housing property. 

B. The carrying out of an extensive program of housing construc- 
tion. 

A. The recognition of the right of all nations, irrespective of race, 
to complete self-determination — that is, self-determination, inclusive 
of the right to state separation. 

B. The voluntary unification and centralization of the military and 
economic forces of all nations for the purpose of fighting against 
imperialism and for building up socialist economy. 



un-a:\ierican propaganda activities 289 

A. Tho nationalization of ^n-intino- plants. 

B. Tho nionoix)ly of newspaper and book publishing, 

C. The nationalization of big cinema enterprises, theaters, etc. 

A. The coin])lote abolition of private property in land, and the 
nationalization of the land. 

B. Nationalization of production. 

The dictatorship of the proletariat is a continuation of the class 
struggle under new conditions. The dictatorship of the proletariat 
is a stubborn fight — bloody and bloodless, violent and peaceful, mili- 
tary and economic, pedagogical and administrative. 

When a revolutionary situation is developing, the party advances 
certain transitional slogans and partial demands corresponding to the 
concrete situation ; but these demands and slogans must be bent to the 
revolutionary aim of capturing power and of overthrowing bourgeois 
capitalist society. The party must neither stand aloof from the daily 
needs and struggle of the working class nor confine its actvities ex- 
clusively to them. The task of the party is to utilize these minor 
everyday needs as a starting point from which to lead the working 
class to the revolutionary struggle for power. 

In the event of a revolutionary upsurge, if the ruling classes are 
disorganized, the masses are in a state of revolutionary ferment and 
the intermediary strata are inclining toward the proletariat, if the 
masses are ready for action and for sacrifice, the party of the pro- 
letariat is confronted with the task of leading the masses to a direct 
attack upon the bourgeois state. This it does by carrying on propa- 
ganda in favor of increasingly radical transitional slogans (for 
Soviets, workers' control of industry, for peasant committees for the 
seizure of the big landed properties, for disarming the bourgeoisie 
and arming the proletariats, etc.), and by organizing mass action. 
This mass action includes a combination of strikes and demonstra- 
tions; a combination of strikes and armed demonstrations and 
finally the general strike conjointly with armed insurrection against 
the state power of the bourgeoisie. The latter form of struggle, which 
is the supreme form, must be conducted according to the rules of 
military science. An absolutely essential prerequisite for this form 
of action is the organization of the broad masses into m