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Full text of "Investigation of un-American propaganda activities in the United States. Hearings before a Special Committee on Un-American Activities, House of Representatives, Seventy-fifth Congress, third session-Seventy-eighth Congress, second session, on H. Res. 282, to investigate (l) the extent, character, and objects of un-American propaganda activities in the United States, (2) the diffusion within the United States of subversive and un-American propaganda that is instigated from foreign countries or of a domestic origin and attacks the principle of the form of government as guaranteed by our Constitution, and (3) all other questions in relation thereto that would aid Congress in any necessary remedial legislation"

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U. S. SUPT. OF DOCUMENTS 




INVESTIGATION OF UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA 
ACTIVITIES IN THE UNITED STATES 

HEARINGS 

BEFORE A 

SPECIAL 

COMMITTEE ON UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES 

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES 

SEVENTY-FIFTH CONGRESS 

THIRD SESSION 

ON 

H. Res. 282 

TO INVESTIGATE (1) THE EXTENT, CHARACTER, AND OBJECTS 
OF UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES IN THE UNITED 
STATES, (2) THE DIFFUSION WITHIN THE UNITED STATES OF 
SUBVERSIVE AND UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA THAT IS INSTI- 
GATED FROM FOREIGN COUNTRIES OR OF A DOMESTIC ORIGIN 
AND ATTACKS THE PRINCIPLE OF THE FORM OF GOVERNMENT 
AS GUARANTEED BY OUR CONSTITUTION, AND (3) ALL OTHER 
QUESTIONS IN RELATION THERETO THAT WOULD AID CON- 
GRESS IN ANY NECESSARY REMEDIAL LEGISLATION 



VOLUME 2 

SEPTEMBER 15, 16, AND 17. 1938 
AT NEW YORK 



SEPTEMBER 28, 29, 30, OCTOBER 4, 5, AND 6, 1938 
AT WASHINGTON, D. C. 



OCTOBER 11, 12, AND 13, 1938 
AT DETROIT, MICH. 



OCTOBER 17, 18, 19. 20, 21, AND 22, 1938 
AT WASHINGTON, D. C. 



Printed for the use of the Special Committee on Un-American Activities 

u- i' 



UNITED STATES 

GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE 

WASHINGTON : 1938 



INVESTIGATION OF UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA 
ACTIVITIES IN THE UNITED STATES 

HEARINGS 

EFQRE A 



i .1 si BEFORE A 

SPECIAL 



COMMITTEE ON UN-AMEBICAN ACTIVITIES 
HOUSE OF EEPEESENTATIVES 

SEVENTY-FIFTH CONGRESS 

THIRD SESSION 
ON 

H. Res. 282 

TO INVESTIGATE (1) THE EXTENT, CHARACTER, AND OBJECTS 
OF UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES IN THE UNITED 
STATES, (2) THE DIFFUSION WITHIN THE UNITED STATES OF 
SUBVERSIVE AND UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA THAT IS INSTI- 
GATED FROM FOREIGN COUNTRIES OR OF A DOMESTIC ORIGIN 
AND ATTACKS THE PRINCIPLE OF THE FORM OF GOVERNMENT 
AS GUARANTEED BY OUR CONSTITUTION, AND (3) ALL OTHER 
QUESTIONS IN RELATION THERETO THAT WOULD AID CON- 
GRESS IN ANY NECESSARY REMEDIAL LEGISLATION 



VOLUME 2 



SEPTEMBER 15, 16, AND 17, 1938 
AT NEW YORK 



SEPTEMBER 28, 29, 30, OCTOBER 4, 5, AND 6, 1938 
AT WASHINGTON, D. C. 



OCTOBER 1], 12, AND 13, 1938 
AT DETROIT, MICH. 

OCTOEER i?, 18,; J 9, 20, 2', VND 22, 1938 
AT WASHINGTON, D. C. 

- •^■*-- j u r~- 

Printed for the usp of the Special Committee on Un- American Activities 



UNITED STATES 
GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE 
94931 WASHINGTON : 1938 



V 2. 



cyv^S- 



SPECIAL COMMITTEE ON UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES, 
WASHINGTON, D. C. 

MARTIN DIES, Texas, Chairman 
ARTHUR D TTEVLEY. Massaihusetts NOAH M. MASON, Illinois 

JOHN J. DEMPSEY, New Mexico J. PARNELL THOMAS, New Jersey 

JOE STARNES, Alabama 
HAROLD G. MOSIER, Ohio 

Robert E. Steipling, Secretary 



. c -, . ••• . 

• • % ■ - 



CONTENTS 



Statements of — ■ Page 

Edwin P. Banta 981, 1026 

John Joseph Fitzpatrick 1017 

Ralph De Sola .. 1021 

John M. Sweeney 1026 

John J. Murphy 1039 

William Harmon 1 049 

Charles Martin 1066 

Edward Maguire 1068 

Laurence Barron 1072 

Michael Kelly 1076 

Michael J. McCarthy 1078 

Roy P. Monahan 1081 

Victor F. Ridder 1097 

John C. Metcalfe... 1107, 1203 

Girolamo Valenti 1181 

Arnold Gingrich 1221 

Chester Howe 1239, 1301 

John D. McGillis 1241 

Emmett O. Collier 1250 

Paul Padgett 1265 

Sgt. Leo Maciosek, Detroit Police Department 1274, 1597 

Sgt. Harry Mikuliak 1285, 1302, 1307, 1559 

Mrs. Eloise Smith 1303 

Gordon H. Smith 1307 

W. C. Kulpea 1309 

Jacob Spolansky 1310, 1470 

William T. Gernaey 1319, 1444, 1537 

Walter S. Reynolds 1327, 1461 

Vinson L. Fitzgerald 1355 

Steve Gadler 1360 

Albert Kittock 1382, 1409 

Rasmus Borgen 1401 

Herman Husman 1410 

Andrew G. Cooper 1414 

Miss Violet Johnson 1417 

Mrs. Charles Lundquist 1420 

Tom Davis 1 464 

Clyde Morrow 1487, 1649 

Ralph Knox ' 1512 

Mel vin Kells 1540 

James Mitchell 1552 

Theodore A. Handy _ __ 1598 

John P. McGillis ~~~~ " 1 599 

Fred D. Frahm 1605 

John W. Koos 1632 

Capt. Edwin H. Hughes, Flint, Mich., Police Department 1689 

Herman Luhrs 1653, 1672 

Lt. Harold Mulbar, Michigan State Police 1662, 1693, 1707 

Edgar T. Adams 166g. 

Frank Zeider 1 573. 

Paul V. Gadola ~~~~ 1674 

Chas. H. Pratt WWW 1680 

P. F. McAuslan , 1682 

John M. Barringer 1682, 1694 

in 



]V CONTENTS 

Statements of — Continued. 

Donald W. Gardner 1695 

Harold Moyer 1700 

Rex Watson 1705 

Report from Detroit Police Department 1582, 1608 

INDEX TO EXHIBITS 

Witness 

Arnold Gingrich 

Exhibit: 

No. 1 1224 

No. 2 1226 

No. 3 1229 

No. 4.. 1232 

No. 5 1233 



INVESTIGATION OF UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA 
ACTIVITIES IN THE UNITED STATES 



THURSDAY, SEPTEMBER 15, 1938 

House of Representatives, 
Subcommittee of the Special Committee 

to Investigate Un-American Activities, 
United States Courthouse, 2 Foley Square, New York, N. Y. 

The subcommittee met at 10: 30 a. m., Hon. Joe Starnes (chairman) 
presiding. 

Mr. Starnes. The committee will now come to order. This is a 
meeting of the subcommittee authorized by the resolution of Congress 
to investigate some un-American and subversive activities. 

At this time we will call to the stand Mr. Edwin P. Banta. 

I want to say, for the benefit of the witnesses who will submit 
testimony here, that we are interested only in adducing facts with 
reference to un-American and subversive activities. We are not 
interested in personalities nor in religious or racial questions, nor 
are we interested in the political fortunes of any individual or any 
political party, but are purely and simply a fact-finding committee, 
and we want the testimony confined along those lines. 

V\ T e care nothing about the individual opinions of any particular 
witnesses; we merely want facts and we want facts wherever possible 
to be buttressed by documentary proof. 

You will be given every protection of the committee. You are 
summoned here by the Federal Government, and you are assured you 
will be given every protection by this committee, insofar as your 
persons and your positions are concerned. And should any incident 
arise which is of a threatening nature to you personally, any witness 
before this committee, or with reference to his position, we ask that 
that be made known to this committee immediately. 

Now, Mr. Banta, you will hold up your right hand and be sworn. 

TESTIMONY OF EDWIN P. BANTA, MANHATTAN 

(The witness was duly sworn by Mr. Starnes.) 
Mr. Starnes (continuing). Give us your name and address. 
Mr. Banta. Edwin P. Banta, 215 East Seventeenth Street, Man- 
hattan. 

Mr. Starnes. Mr. Banta, where were you born? 
Mr. Banta. At Newark, N. J. 
Mr. Starnes. "When? 
Mr. Banta. June 24, 1872. 

981 



g§2 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr. Starnes. How long have your forebears lived in this country ? 

Mr. Banta. Since February 12, 1659. 

Mr. Starnes. What is your profession or vocation ? 

Mr. Banta. I am now identified as librarian with the Federal 
Writers' W. P. A. Project No. 1, New York City. 

Mr. Starnes. What was your business, or profession, prior to that 
time ? Give us something of your background. 

Mr. Banta. I had some years of newspaper experience. Beginning 
with 1913, I was for 12 years with the New York World ; following 
that, in the latter part of 1925. with the New York American, and 
from 1930 to 1932, on the New York Times. 

I began on the New York World as a reporter, but was finally trans- 
ferred to the business department, where I was placed in charge of 
travel advertising. Following that, I had 5 years' real estate experi- 
ence in New Jersey, where I operated my own office, and for the past 
4 years and 7 or 8 months, I have been on W. P. A. formerly the 
C. W. A. 

Mr. Starnes Are you a member of any particular society, groups, 
or unions? 

Mr. Banta. I am a member of the Sons of the American Revolution, 
the Holland Society of New York, the Workers Alliance, formerly 
_the City Project Council, and of the Communist Party. 

Mr. Starnes. When did you become identified with the C. W. A., 
or the so-called Federal Writers' Project? 

Mr. Banta. Oh, I began with the reporters' unit of the C. W. A. 
January 23, 1934, stationed at the Welfare Council, 122 East Twenty- 
second Street, and later on transferred to the Federal Writers when it 
was organized in October 1935. 

Mr. Starnes. You were with that organization, then, the Federal 
Writers, from its inception? 

Mr. Banta. From its inception ; yes. 

Mr. Starnes. The charge has been made that there are subversive 
and un-American influences at work in or controlling certain activities 
of the Federal Writers' Project. What, if anything, do you know 
about those charges, or about the facts — I will put it that way ; what 
do you know about the facts? 

Mr. Banta. Well, shortly after becoming identified with the Federal 
Writers' organization, in October 1935, 1 found that there were groups 
in the City Project Council who seemed to be members of the Com- 
munist Party, from their activities; so that later on, in 1936, I was 
finally requested to attend what was announced to me as a lecture, by 
one Ralph De Sola, also a member of the Federal Writers; I was 
asked to attend this meeting at the Irving Plaza. 

Mi-. Starnes. Where is that located? 

Mr. Banta. Fourteenth Street and Irving Place — Fifteenth Street 
and Irving Place; I beg your pardon. 

At this meeting, I was surprised to find that fully 40 percent of the 
people I was associated with in the Federal Writers was at that meet- 
ing, and I also realized, from the fact that the Communist flag was on 
tho stard, that I was at a Communist meeting. 

Mr. Starnes. Was this an open meeting of the party ? 

Mr. Banta. It was open only to those guests that each person in- 
vited there. They were vouched for by the person that invited them. 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 983 

There are no such tilings as open meetings of the Communist Party. 
It was a closed meeting. 

Mr. Thomas. At that time, was De Sola a Communist? 

Mr. Banta. I beg pardon? 

Mr. Thomas. At that time, was De Sola a Communist? 

Mr. Banta. He was. 

Mr. Starnes. Did you join the Communist Party on that occasion? 

Mr. Banta. I did. 

Mr. Starnes. Or what occurred? 

Mr. Banta. I was handed a card. Each person in the room that 
was not a member of the party was asked to put their hand up, and 
to each of them was handed an application. You filled out the ap- 
plication, and if there was anybody there to identify you, they signed 
your card as vouchers for your right to become a member. I signed 
such a card, which Ralph De Sola also signed, and one other mem- 
ber whose name I do not now recall, but which is on the original 
application. 

On m}- way out, I was handed a membership book identifying me 
with branch No. 1, section 24, which meeting place was at or on East 
Nineteenth Street, between First Avenue and Avenue A. 

Mr. Starnes. Now you became a member then; did you pay dues 
in the Communist Party? 

Mr. Banta. Immediately at that time I paid 50 cents — 50 cents for 
admission and 50 cents dues. 

Mr. Starnes. And how long did you remain a dues-paying 
member ? 

Mr. Banta. Till the 1st of September 1938. 

Mr. Starnes. Is this the book [exhibiting] ? I hand you this 
book, 1938 membership book, No. 25105. I ask you to look at that 
and identify that book, if you can [handing to witness] ? 

Mr. Banta. This is my membership book, showing that I was a 
member of district 2, section 24, unit 36-S— 36-S identifying the 
members of the Federal Writers. 

Mr. Starnes. That is 36-S, instead of "365"? 

Mr. Banta. Yes — "36-S," identifying the unit, the Federal Writers' 
Unit. 

Mr. Starnes. Now, referring to this book, does that show the dues 
have been paid? 

Mr. Banta. Oh, yes; pardon me. 

Mr. Starnes. I want you to set that out. 

Mr. Banta. The membership dues are graduated according to the 
income. My income brought me within the 50 cents a month dues, 
and my International Solidarity fee was 50 cents. This is paid every 
fourth month. This money is sent to Eussia, for the purpose of use 
in propaganda in other countries, or wherever the money may be 
needed. 

Mr. Starnes. What is that ? That is the International Solidarity 
fee? 

Mr. Banta. That is the International Solidarity fee. 

Mr. Thomas. Let me ask right there: How do you know, Mr. 
Banta, that money is sent to Russia? 

Mr. Banta. It so states in this dues book here, somewheres or other, 
that this money is collected for international activities. 



984 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr. Thomas. But do you absolutely know that the money has been 
sent and is being sent to Russia ? 

Mr. Banta. I never saw any money sent, no; I only know that 
the statement is that this fee is collected for the purpose of Inter- 
national Solidarity, the meaning of which is that the money is sent 
to Russia who, in 'turn, distributes this money in the countries where 
money is needed for propaganda purposes. And somewheres in this 
book it so states. 

And the dues are graduated according to one's income, up to a 
monthly fee of $13 a month, or an income of $390 to $400 a month. 
The person paying $13 a month dues would also pay $13 every fourth 
month International Solidarity fee. 

Mr. Starnes. In other words, there is a monthly dues that goes 
for the purposes of the party? 

Mr. Banta. Yes; regularly. 

Mr. Starnes. For the support of the party here in this country? 

Mr. Banta. Yes. 

Mr. Starnes. Then every 4 months there is an International 
Solidarity fee that is for the Communist Party International? Is 
that correct ? 

Mr. Banta. Yes; for international dues. 

Mr. Starnes. We will introduce that book in evidence as Exhibit 
No. 1. 

(The book above referred to was marked "Exhibit Banta NY 
No. 1" and filed with the committee, being the 1938 membership book 
No. 25105 issued in the name of Edwin P. Banta.) 

Mr. Thomas. I would like to ask one question in regard to that 
International Solidarity fee: Mr. Banta, was it discussed at any meet- 
ing you attended that some of this money that was collected for 
purposes of solidarity went to Spain and to China? Do you recall 
it being discussed at any meeting? 

Mr. Banta. No. They never designated here where this money 
went beyond the fact it went to Russia as an International Solidarity 
fee, and they in turn over there placed it where they wanted to — 
where they thought it was necessary. 

Mr. Starnes. You attended meetings of the party regularly after 
you became a dues-paying member? 

Mr. Banta. I did ; yes. 

Mr. Starnes. You were active in the activities of your particular 
section or unit, or whatever you call it? 

Mr. Banta. The only activity I had in the party was to attend 
meetings and to secure advertising which appears on the back of 
Red Pen, which was the local shop paper. I did not care to assume 
any of the other duties which the Communist Party asked of their 
members, considering them subversive, and so forth. 

Mr. Starnes. What were some of the other duties they asked you 
to perform? 

Mr. Banta. Well, they wanted you to join picket lines and all 
kinds of things outside of the Federal Writers', and to stimulate an 
interest in the party, and to bring in members, and so forth, which 
in only one case did I ever bring a member into the party in my 2y 2 
years' membership. 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 985 

Mr. Staenes. At these various meetings which } T ou attended of 
the Communist Party, did any of the speakers or leaders of your 
section, or group, or party, discuss the question of raising funds for 
the support of Loyalist Spain, or the Chinese cause, or for the promo- 
tion of recruiting for Loyalist Spain? 

Mr. Banta. Yes; that was one of the discussions there. Members 
were supposed to take out little cans marked for Spain or China 
relief, and go on the street and collect funds and turn these cans 
hark in again at the next meeting, or as soon as possible. They 
maintain a large number of cans in the Communist Party for that 
express purpose, marked "Spain" and "For Relief of Spain," and 
"China," and so forth. 

Mr. Starnes. What, if anything, was said with reference to re- 
cruiting activities of the party for Loyalist Spain? 

Mr. Banta. Recruiting activities have been carried on almost con- 
tinually : but, specifically, I have in mind an order that came about a 
year and a half ago, in which all members were instructed to go out 
and recruit young men. The women particularly were requested to 
patronize restaurants and dance halls and places where young men 
congregated. They were not to endeavor to enlist members of the 
Communist Party, or Young Communist League, but they were to 
be sure to find out that the person that they discussed going to Spain 
with was an anti-Fascist. It was their belief that by sending them 
over that way, they would return to this country Communists, and 
this last drive for 2,000 members was said to be for the purpose 
of relieving the men who had been trained on the other side, and 
to bring them back here with their training, and so forth, in antici- 
pation of the building of a "red" army. 

Mr. Starnes. Where? 

Mr. Banta. In America. 

Mr. Starnes. At the meeting of the party that you attended at 
the Irving Plaza, which, you have already described, I believe you 
stated you were surprised to see at least 40 percent 

Mr. Banta. About 40 percent of the people on the job were 
present. 

Mr. Starnes. About 40 percent were present? 

Mr. Banta. Yes. 

Mr. Starnes. Can you name some of those people? 

Mr. Banta. Well, I could only do so by referring to the book that 
has been signed there by them. I can say that Dave Reef 

Mr. Thomas. Let me ask right there: You mean 40 percent of 
the project? 

Mr. Banta. Of that particular project, the writers' project. 

Mr. Thomas. Forty percent of the writers' project were present 
at this Communist meeting? 

Mr. Banta. Yes; both men and women; that is, the writers and 
clerical workers, many of whose names I did not know at that time, 
but I knew their faces. 

Mr. Starnes. When you spoke of the fact that their names were 
in the book, is it this book that their names are in, or is it some 
other book that has been brought to the committee [indicating book] ? 

Mr. Banta. Well, many of their names are in the People's Front, 
and many more of them are in the membership book of the Workers 



9g5 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Alliance, for which I was dues collector for somewhat over 2 years. 

Mr. Starnes. The charge has been made that the Workers Alliance 
is a communistic organization, or controlled by the Communist Party : 
What, if anything, do you know with reference to the facts concerning 
this charge? 

Mr. Banta. Well, all of the heads of the Workers Alliance of New 
York, located at 781 Broadway, New York, with the exception of the 
local president, one Willis Morgan, are members of the Communist 
Party. 

Mr. Starnes. Are you a member of the Workers Alliance? 

Mr. Banta. I am. I should say that I was up to September 1, but 
tendered my resignation as a member of the Workers Alliance, due 
to the fact that it is communistic-controlled. 

Mr. Starves. I hand you now "Membership book. Greater New 
York Workers Alliance, No. 38079," and ask you to examine that book 
[handing to witness] ? 

Mr. Banta. Yes; this is my membership book in the Workers 
Alliance. 

Mr. Starnes. Can you identify that book? 

Mr. Banta. I do. 

Mr. Starnes. What is it? 

Mr. Banta. It is the membership dues book for 1938 in the 
Workers Alliance. 

Mr. Thomas. It is your membership dues book ? 

Mr. Banta. I beg pardon? 

Mr. Thomas. I say, it is your membership dues book ? 

Mr. Banta. It is my membership book, with my dues paid up to 
August 31, and containing a contribution of $2 to a fund to maintain 
a lobby at Washington. 

Mr. Starnes. What kind of lobby? 

Mr. Banta. To fight for the things that the Workers Alliance 
wished to accomplish. 

Mr. Starnes. What were those? 

Mr. Banta. Well, to obtain working conditions which they thought 
ought to exist; to keep the number of working hours down to the 
minimum and the maximum of pay for the number of hours worked. 

Mr. Starnes. For whom ? 

Mr. Banta. For the members of the Workers Alliance who were 
on W. P. A. 

Mr. Starnes. You stated a moment ago that you were dues' collec- 
tor for the Workers Alliance? 

Mr. Banta. I was. 

Mr. Starnes. Your membership book is offered in evidence as ex- 
hibit No. 2, to your testimony, and I will ask the stenographer to 
identify it. 

(The book above referred to was marked "Exhibit Banta NY No. 2' r 
and filed with the committee, being membership book, in the Greater 
New York Workers Alliance, No. 38079, in the name of Edwin P. 
Banta.) 

Mr. Banta. I would like at this point to include my preceding- 
membership book, which showed the time of my transfer from the 
City Project Council, which was recently taken over by the Workers 
Alliance, as book No. 87386. 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 987 

Mr. Starnes. You can introduce that as exhibit No. 3. That was 
the membership book you had as a member of the City Project Coun- 
cil, prior to becoming a member of the Greater New York Workers' 
Alliance? 

Mr. Banta. Yes. It shows the book issued at the time the Work- 
ers' Alliance took over the City Project Council. 

(The book last introduced in evidence was marked "Exhibit Banta 
NY No. 3", and filed with the committee, being membership book, 
in the City Project Council, No. 87386, in the name of Edwin Banta.) 

Mr. Starnes. I hand you another book which carries a number of 
names for local 17, Writers' Project — a collection book [handing to 
witness]. 

Mr. Banta. A dues-collection book. 

Mr. Starnes. I will ask you to look at that book and see if you can 
identify it. 

Mr. Banta. Yes. This is the book I used in collecting dues, until 
relieved of that job something over a year ago. 

Mr. Starnes. Who kept that book? 

Mr. Banta. I did. 

Mr. Starnes. Who made those entries ? 

Mr. Banta. I did. 

Mr. Starnes. Are those names the names by which those parties 
are known on the Writers' Project? 

Mr. Banta. They are. 

Mr. Starnes. And are the amounts shown to be collected there the 
amounts collected by you? 

Mr. Banta. Yes. 

Mr. Starnes. And those entries you can certify as being correct ? 

Mr. Banta. Yes. 

Mr. Starxes. We introduce that dues-collection book of the Work- 
ers' Alliance as exhibit No. 4 to your testimony. 

(The book above referred to was marked "Exhibit Banta NY 
No. 4," and filed with the committee, being a dues-collection book of 
the Workers' Alliance.) 

Mr. Thomas. In regard to that little book, the dues book [exhibit 
No. 2] , on that page there are three different stamps. 

Mr. Banta. Yes. 

Mr. Thomas. Will you read just what it says on each one of those 
stamps? 

Mr. Banta. The one is the "Fourth annual convention assessment 
of the Workers' Alliance of America." That is one. 

Mr. Thomas. And the amount of that stamp is how much? 

Mr. Banta. Beg pardon? 

Mr. Thomas. I say, the amount of the stamp is how much? 

Mr. Banta. Twenty cents. 

Mr. Thomas. And that fourth annual convention was held where? 

Mr. Banta. It is to be held this month. It has not been held yet. 

Mr. Thomas. I see; it has not been held yet? 

Mr. Banta. No. 

Mr. Thomas. And the other two stamps? 

Mr. Banta. One is dated "May, 1938. I contribute $2 to fight pay 
cuts." 



9§§ UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr. Thomas. That is the stamp you referred to before in your 
testimony ? 

Mr. Banta. Yes; that is the one which I say was to maintain a 
lobby. 

Mr. Thomas. To maintain a lobby? 

Mr. Banta. Yes. 

Mr. Thomas. And it is maintained to fight pay cuts? 

Mr. Banta. Yes. 

Mr. Thomas. Of course that is just a little bit different from what 
you said before. 

Mr. Banta. Yes. Now the third stamp in here says "Check up, 
Workers Alliance, July 1, 1938." Every member with his dues paid 
up to within 60 days was allowed to have this stamp placed in his 
book, but each member's book was checked at that time to see just 
where they stood. 

Mr. Starnes. Getting back to the charge that there are Com- 
munists in charge of the Workers Alliance and in key positions on 
the Writers' Project, I will ask you if you can and will identify, for 
the committee and the record, the names of persons working on the 
Writers' Project who are members of the Workers Alliance and who 
are members of the Communist Party? 

Mr. Banta. The first name is Abramowitz. He is a member of 
both the Workers Alliance and of the Communist Party. The Com- 
munist Party Federal Writers' Unit 36-S has been broken up within 
the past 2 months, and the membership scattered around in smaller 
units throughout the city. 

Mr. Starnes. What for? 

Mr. Banta. They claimed it had gotten too big and unwieldly on 
the job, as a result of which, in the Red Pen, they were taking those 
who were not members of the party and calling them Trotskyites. 
The result of it was there was a great deal of dissension on the job, 
so much so that finally they broke up 36-S and scattered the mem- 
bers throughout smaller units in the city, where they felt the work 
would be more compact. 

Mr. Starnes. Proceed. 

Mr. Banta. In place of that unit they organized the coordinating 
committee of six persons of the Communist Party, which were to 
take care of Communist activities on the job. 

Mr. Starnes. Do you know who those six people are? 

Mr. Banta. I do not ; no. 

Mr. Starnes. You do not know- 
Mr. Banta. No. 

Mr. Starnes. Proceed. 

Mr. Banta. The next name who is a member of the Workers Al- 
liance and the Communist Party is my own. The next name is 
Bailey. She had the name of Becky Bailey. 

Mr. Starnes. Who is she? 

Mr. Banta. She was on the Federal Writers' job. Do you want 
to go into detail? 

Mr. Starnes. Just some of the outstanding activities. 

Mr. Banta. This woman at the present time has been assigned to 
a very important position in the Communist Party, at the head of a 
movement in a Southern State. Now, do you wish to enter that in 
the record? 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 989 

Mr. Starnes. Surely. What connection, if any, does that have 
with the Federal Writers' Project? 

Mr. Banta. She was transferred from the Federal Writers' to the 
central committee of the Communist Party, to head up, under an- 
other nanus another movement in a Southern State for the purpose 
of communistic activities. 

Mr. Starnes. Do you know the name of the other movement? 

Mr. Banta. Yes; I do. 

Mr. Starnes. What is the name of it ? 

Mr. Banta. The International Labor Defense. 

Mr. Starnes. And to what State was she assigned? 

Mr. Banta. Florida. 

Mr. Starnes. For what particular purpose, if you know? 

Air. Banta. For the purpose of propagating the Communist 
Party — building up the Communist Party — taking hold of all 
questions that the International Labor Defense might be able to take 
up in furthering the interest of communism. 

Mr. Starnes. But you do not state, of course, that was done by the 
Federal Writers' Project; that was done by the Communist Party? 

Mr. Banta. She was on the Federal Writers' Project. 

Air. Starnes. Proceed. 

Mr. Banta. The next person is one Beanne, who is a colored fellow 
and a member of the Communist Party. He was at one time a 
member of the Workers Alliance, but is not now. I believe he is now 
a member of the Supervisors' Council; he was retained on the job by 
the supervisors. 

Mr. Thomas. In other words, then, he is a supervisor on the Federal 
Writers' Project ? 

Mr. Banta. He is. 

Mr. Starnes. Xow, what is the Supervisors' Council on the project? 

Mr. Banta. The Supervisors' Council was one resulting from the 
desire of those who had gotten into a position of authority to en- 
trench themselves in a firmer position, and it is alleged that they 
did so upon the advice of Aubrey Williams, so that they might direct 
the workers on the work at New York. 

Mr. Starnes. Go ahead. 

Mr. Banta. The next person is a very famous person, Mr. Boden- 
heim, a poet, who is a member — Max Bodenheim. 

Mr. Starnes. Max Bodenheim? 

Mr. Banta. Max is his name in the Workers Alliance and the 
Communist Party. 

Mr. Thomas. What does he do on the writers' project? 

Mr. Banta. Well, during the 3 years he has been there he has 
been writing poetry; but, up to the present time, he has not suc- 
ceeded in having anything published, and that is a very sore spot in 
the side of Mr. Bodenheim. 

Mr. Starnes. All right; proceed. 

Air. Banta. The next person is a Mr. Canny. Mr. Canny is a 
senior newspaper man and is a member of the Workers Alliance 
and the Communist Party. 

Mr. Starnes. As you go along, I wish you would also state, when 
you call the names of these parties and identify them as members of 
the Workers Alliance and the Communist Party — you have already 
stated they were members of the Avriters' project — and I wish you 



990 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

would identify them with any official or supervisory capacity on the 
Federal Writers' project, as well as telling their communistic 
activities. 

Mr. Banta. Yes. The next one is a Mr. Davidson, male, senior 
newspaper man, a member of the Workers Alliance and the Com- 
munist Party. 

The next one is Demianoff. Mr. Demianoff is a member of the 
Supervisors' Council, and a member of the Communist Party. 

The next one is a Miss Dickson, a newspaper writer, either junior or 
senior ; I am not sure which ; and a member of the Workers Alliance 
and the Communist Party. 

The next one is Oscar Fuss, who* is now vice president of the 
Workers Alliance. He was formerly employed on the Federal 
Writers' Project as a newspaperman, and is a member of the Com- 
munist Party. I sat in the Federal Writers' Unit meeting with him. 

Mr. Starnes. Now, each of these names that you are calling and 
that you allege to be members of the Communist Party — have you 
sat in Communist meetings with them, Mr. Banta? 

Mr. Banta. I have. 

Mr. Starnes. And you are basing your statements, then, on actual 
knowledge? 

Mr. Banta. On actual knowledge. 

Mr. Starnes. From actually personally meeting them and sitting 
in meetings with them? 

Mr. Banta. Yes. 

Mr. Starnes. In calling any names, I do not want any names 
called with whom you have not sat in meetings. 

Mr. Banta. I am confining myself to that. 

Mr. Starnes. Proceed. 

Mr. Banta. The next is a man by the name of Gitterman, who was 
a senior newspaper writer employed on the Federal Writers' Project, 
a member of the Workers Alliance and the Communist Party. He is 
now over in the Loyalist army — with the Loyalist army in Spain. 

The next is a Mr. Gittens, a member of the Workers Alliance and 
the Communist Party. 

The next is a Mr. J. A. Greulich, a member of the Workers Alliance 
and the Communist Party, and the only man that signed that book 
v ho raised the question of what use might some day be made of that 
book. 

Mr. Starnes. Greulich was the only one who did? 

Mr. Banta. Yes ; Greulich was the only one. 

Mr. Thomas. You mean the book which you are going to bring in 
later on? 

Mr. Starnes. The book you referred to as The People's Front? 

Mr. Banta. The People's Front. 

Mr. Starnes. Which was presented to you by the Communist 
Party? 

Mr. Banta. Which was presented to me by the Communist Party. 

Mr. Starnes. Or members of the Communist Party on the Federal 
Writers' Project 36-S? 

Mr. Banta. Yes. Mr. Greulich, while engaged in duties as senior 
newspaperman under the Federal Writers' project, was assigned, so 
he told me, to a job by the central committee of the Communist Party 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 99 1 

to create dissension and otherwise disorganize the utilities organiza- 
tions of Long Island — the utilities corporations of Long Island. 

Now, a person not employed there, you do not want? 

Mr. Starnes. What is that? 

Mr. Banta. I say, a person not on the job now, do you want also? 

Mr. Starnes. Oh, yes; I want anybody connected with the project, 
or who at that time was connected with the project. 

Mr. Banta. The next person is a man by the name of Grosmayer, 
who resigned from the job to conduct his own business. He was a 
member of the Workers Alliance and of the Communist Party. 

The next one is a Mr. Go wen. Mr. Gowen is an ex-newspaperman 
from Memphis, Tenn. Mr. Gowen was a member of the Workers 
Alliance and the Communist Party. 

The next is a colored woman, Sadie Hall, who is now identified 
with the research group on the arts projects. Miss Hall is a mem- 
ber of the Workers Alliance and the Communist Party. It is my 
belief, from statements that she had made to me, that Miss Hall 
joined the Communist Party as a job protection. 

The next is Louella Henkel, a member of the Supervisors' Council, 
which, by the way, has been taken over by the C. I. O. under pro- 
fessional workers. 

Mr. Starnes. Who is this Louella Henkel; what is her former 
connection ? 

Mr. Banta. Louella Henkel was formerly secretary to Heywood 
Broun, president of the Newspaper Guild. 

Mr. Thomas. Right along that same line, was she secretary to 
Heywood Broun right up to the time that she got her job on the 
Writers' Project? 

Mr. Banta. That I do not know. I only know she came to the 
job in its early organization, possibly in the latter part of October, 
or November, of 1935, when she became secretary under Oric John, 
who was at that time director of the Federal Writers' project in 
the city of New York. 

Mr. Thomas. Do you happen to know whether she was actually 
unemployed when she applied for a job on the writers' project? 

Mr. Banta. I do not know that. 

Mr. Thomas. How long was she secretary to Heywood Broun? 

Mr. Banta. That I do not know. 

Mr. Starxes. Go ahead. 

Mr. Banta. The next member is a Miss Kates, a member of the 
Workers Alliance and the Communist Party. 

The next is a Mr. Kerstein. Mr. Kerstein was active as representa- 
tive at the convention of the Workers Alliance in 1937, and grievance 
chairman for the Workers Alliance on the Federal Writers' project. 
He was a member of the Communist Party. 

The next is Eugene Konecky. He was a member of the Workers 
Alliance and the Communist Party. Mr. Konecky is alleged to be 
the husband of a Miss Valda, also employed on the Federal Writers' 
Project, which is in violation of the Federal work-relief program. 

Mr. Thomas. Mr. Banta, I do not quite understand your testimony 
there. Do you mind repeating that, so I can get it ? 

Mr. Banta. I called attention to Eugene Konecky, a member of 
the Workers Alliance and the Communist Party, and a Miss Valda, 



gg2 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

who was alleged to be his wife. They lived together as man and wife 
somewhere downtown. 

Air. Thomas. And they are both on the project? 

Air. Banta. They are both on the project; yes. 

The next one is Tommy Mann, who was a member of the Workers 
Alliance and the Communist Party, and who is now with the Loyalist 
army in Spain, where he has been for nearly 2 years. 

The next is one Irving Nicholson. Mr. Nicholson is employed 
as a senior newspaperman and has been for about 2 years. In March 
1938 he informed me that the central committee of the Communist 
Party had selected him to go to Jersey City, where he was to bring 
on a state of revolution by creating Communist activities, and bring- 
ing about strikes, and things which led to the affair which has been 
published by the papers, regarding Hudson County, N. J. 

Air. Thomas. Was that the affair at which two Members of Con- 
gress were scheduled to speak? 

Air. Banta. Yes; the affair at which two Members of Congress 
were scheduled to speak; that is it. 

Air. Thomas. And that Norman Thomas was interested in, which 
was referred to in the papers? 

Air. Banta. Yes. The arrangement for those speakers and all 
that work was all part of the work Nicholson was assigned to do by 
the central committee of the Communist Party. 

Air. Starnes. I cannot see that has any relevancy, unless at the 
same time he was on the writers' project. Was he receiving pay on the 
writers' project at that time? 

Mr. Banta. He was. 

Mr. Starnes. He was receiving pay on the writers' project at that 
time \ 

Air. Banta. Yes. When this thing happened, when he advised me 
he was assigned to this job in Jersey, it had been my privilege to 
work with and work for John H. Gavin, who was former city editor 
of the old New York World, and who has known me for 25 years. 
I felt it a duty to notify Air. Gavin of what to expect. At first off, 
he was somewhat inclined to doubt that they coulcl accomplish what 
they set out to do; but within a few weeks' time I received a tele- 
gram from Air. Gavin requesting that I communicate with him 
immediately. 

Air. Thomas. Do you want to give Mr. Gavin's occupation now? 

Mr. Banta. Yes. Mr. Gavin at the present time is surrogate of 
Hudson County. I went to see Mr. Gavin, and. I explained to him 
exactly what they proposed to do, and he asked me if he sent a 
detective over to me from Jersey, whether I would identify this 
man Nicholson, so that they might pick him up over there and 
cover his activities, which I did, and which is covered in one of a 
number of letters I received from Mr. Gavin, thanking me for my 
information and courtesy to his representative. 
_ Mr. Thomas. I gather from your statements, Mr. Banta, you be- 
lieve that much of the disorder which took place over in Hudson 
County, N. J., is directly the result of the activities on the part of 
the Communists here in New York, and some of them were even 
employed on the Federal Writers' project here in New York. Is 
that correct? 



UN-AMERICAN 1'IN >PAGANDA ACTIVITIES 993 

Mr. Banta. They were. And, incidentally, while Mr. Nicholson 
was working on this Jersey City job, lie would report to the project at 
9 o'clock in the morning and sign the pay roll as "9 o'clock in and 4 
o'clock out," and in the space for "activity," would write "field," which 
indicated the man was an outside man, or legman. 

Mr. Thomas. In other words, he was carrying on communistic ac- 
tivities in New Jersey on Federal time? 

Mr. Banta. That is : t : while receiving a salary as a Federal writer, 
he was working in Xew Jersey, organizing the Communist Party, and 
organizing the disturbance which occurred there. 

Mr. Starxes. You do not mean to make the statement he was doing 
that at the time he was supposed to be working on the project ? 

Mr. Banta. Yes; I do. Not only that, but that can be verified by 
the detective who covered him. 

Mr. Starxes. How can that be done when he is supposed to be on 
the job? Do not they keep any time sheet, or records? 

Mr. Banta. No. He is supposed to be a legman — a man who was 
sent out for outside purposes. 

Mr. Thomas. He is a field man ? 

Mr. Banta. He is a field man. And to overcome the necessity of 
reporting in more than once a day, you signed in at 9 o'clock, or 10 
o'clock, or whatever the time may be, and then signed out at the same 
time, indicating you were a worker in the field. That meant you were 
exempt from reporting for 24 hours. 

Mr. Starxes. You mean they would go in there in the morning and 
sign in, and sign out at the same time? 

Mr. Banta. That is correct. 

Mr. Starxes. And then go out and do field w T ork of any type they 
wanted to? 

Mr. Banta. Yes. 

Mr. Starxes. Do you know anything about any of them having 
time sheets which they would carry around in their pockets, and re- 
port once a week to the director of the project? 

Mr. B vnta. There was some such arrangement as that for home 
workers — those supposed to be home workers. I am not familiar 
with that phase of it. 

Mr. Starxes. You are not familiar with that phase of it? 

Mr. Banta. No. 

Mr. Starnes. But you do make the statement that these writers, 
some of them, those who were classed as miscellaneous writers, came 
in and registered in the morning and signed the time sheet at 9 or 10 
o'clock — say, they came in at 9 or 10 — and registered out at 5 or 6 
o'clock, at the same time? 

Mr. Banta. Yes — at 4 or 5. 

Mr. Starxes. At the same time ? 

Mr. Baxta. Yes; but they did not return to work until the next 
morning. 

Mr. Starxes. I see. In other words, they came in and registered 
at 9 or 10 o'clock in the morning, and then registered out at the same 
time, and reported back 24 hours later? 

Mr. Banta. Correct. 



94931—38 — vol. 2- 



gQ4 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr. Starkes. And it is your statement that, during this period of 
time when they were supposed to be engaged on field work, some of 
them were actually promoting affairs of the Communist Party? 

Mr. Baxta. Correct. 

Mr. Starnes. Go ahead. These letters and telegrams you referred 
to from Mr. Gavin, we will ask that you identify them, and have 
the stenographer number them. 

Mr. Banta. I identify here two telegrams and nine letters. 

(The telegrams and letters above referred to were marked "Ex- 
hibit Banta NY No. 5," and filed with the committee.) 

Mr. Starxes. Now go ahead with your list and proceed as you 
have been doing. 

Mr. Banta. The next member of the Communist Party who was 
also a member of the Workers Alliance, is one Mr. Pearson, employed 
as a newspaperman. I do not know whether his rating is "senior' or 
"junior." 

Mr. Starxes. All right. 

Mr. Banta. The next one is a Miss Poznan, a member of the 
Workers Alliance and the Communist Party. Miss Poznan was off 
of the job for awhile, but was returned some few months ago. 

Mr. Starxes. Do you vouch for the names you are reading as being 
the actual names, or true names, of those parties concerned? 

Mr. Baxta. I do not. 

Mr. Starxes. Why? 

Mr. Baxta. Because the Communist Party, being a secret organiza- 
tion, its membership is allowed to register under one name and work 
under another. I myself, when I became a member of the party, 
was asked what "party" name I wanted to use. At that time I told 
them I would use my own name. On January 1, 1938, there came 
an order through from the central committee of the Communist 
Party that all members of the Communist Party must register, 
from January 1 on, under their own names, but with this proviso 
"except that it may interfere with your job or your business"; so that 
most of them continued to register under the aliases, because of the 
protection of their jobs. 

Mr. Starxes. Now you raised the question a moment ago in your 
testimony, about Mr. Nicholson. That is entirely fresh testimony 
in every respect, with reference to the New Jersey affair. Do you 
know of any other parties whose names appear on that book, or 
whose names you will call later, who had anything to do with it; 
or was Mr. Nicholson, so far as you know, the only man on the 
Writers' Project who was connected with it? 

Mr. Baxta. So far as I know, he was the only man designated to 
go to New Jersey. He had plenty of assistance over there. In fact, 
lie invited me to come over there and attend meetings, which I did 
not do. 

Mr. Starxes. You mean to come over there when you were sup- 
posed to be doing work in the field? 

Mr. Baxta. No; he asked me to come over there at any time and 
attend meetings. 

Mr. Starxes. That is not relevant. Proceed. 

Mr. Baxta. The next member is one David Rosenberg. Mr. 
Rosenberg is a member of the Communist Party and a member of 
the Supervisors' Council — a C. I. O. affiliate. 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 995 

The next one is a Miss Sachs, who is a member of the Workers 
Alliance and a member of the Communist Party. To the best of 
my recollection, Miss Sachs told me that she was on vacation, due to 
being ill, which excused her from attending the meetings of the 
Communist Party — something which is not permitted except you 
have a good excuse, and an excuse from your faction. 

The next one is one Eva Shane, a member of the Workers Alliance 
and the Communist Party. 

Mr. Thomas. How do you spell that name? 

Mr. Banta. S-h-a-n-e — whose name appears in the Browder book, 
and she is attached to that organization. 

Mr. Starnes. She signed "To the revolution ; Eva Shane" ? 

Mr. Banta. That is her. 

Mr. Starnes. That is the same party? 

Mr. Banta. The same party who signed "To the revolution." 

Mr. Starnes. Does she hold any sort of advisory or supervisory 
job? 

Mr. Banta. She is rated as a senior typist and is under the direc- 
tion and supervision of Louella Henkel. 

The next member of the Communist Party is one Silver. Mr. 
Silver is now in an insane asylum in the State of New Jersey. He 
was the former partner of Nicholson, mentioned in the information, 
was a member of the Workers Alliance and the Communist Party. 

Both Silver and Nicholson were active in the river-front troubles 
in New York a couple of years ago. This statement was made by 
both Silver and Nicholson to me. 

The next member of the Communist Party is one Stephenson, a 
colored fellow. Mr. Stephenson is a member of the Workers Al- 
liance and, to my knowledge, is one of the persons who took a course 
in aviation at the International Workers' School at 11 West Eight- 
eenth Street, a Communist organization, for the purpose of qualify- 
ing as an aviator in the proposed "red" army. 

Mr. Starnes. Where? What "red" army? In Russia? 

Mr. Banta. In America ; in the United States. It is my under- 
standing that following the technical education for aviation at the 
above-mentioned school, in some manner or other, they complete 
their course at the Floj'd Bennet Field in flying. 

The next is one Nicholas Wirth. It is alleged that while Wirth is 
a member of the Communist Party or of the Supervisor's Council, a 
C I. O. affiliate, that the name Wirth is an alias, that his correct name 
is Moskowitz. 

Mr. Starnes. As to this Supervisory Council, you keep referring to 
that. I am trying to find out if there is any connection between the 
Supervisory Council in the Workers' Alliance with the directing 
activities or the control of the work, and so forth and so forth, of the 
writer's project. 

Mr. Banta. They have an executive committee which I have never 
attended. I only know that it is understood that the purpose of the 
council was to protect things, to protect their own jobs. As an illus- 
tration there was a sit-in strike in July 1937 on the Federal Writers' 
project at 231-235 East Forty-second Street in which the Supervisors' 
Council did not participate. They said they could be of more use to 
the rank and file of the workers by remaining on the job, and they 
offered to donate a day's pay which was supposed to go to the relief 



996 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

of those who served a week and lost a week's pay, but which was 
never divided among any of the workers. 

Mr. Thomas. Mr. Banta, what is the duty of a supervisor? 

Mr. Banta. A supervisor was created to advance someone to have 
charge of a crew of writers or stenographers, whichever it may be, 
and they would list up the four hundred and ninety-odd employees 
of the Federal Writers under about 15 or 20 supervisors, all of whom, 
with the exception of 2 or 3, are members of the Communist Party. 

Mr. Thomas. You mean to say that all of the supervisors on this 
Federal Writers' project in New York City, with the exception of 
two or three, are members of the Communist Party? 

Mr. Banta. Of the Communist Party ; yes. 

Mr. Staenes. We will take about a 5-minute recess. 

(Thereupon a short recess was taken, after which the following 
occurred:) 

(Thereupon Edwin P. Banta. the witness on the stand at the time 
of taking the recess, testified further as follows :) 

Mr. Starnes. The committee will resume its hearings. Mr. Banta, 
you may proceed with your testimony. 

Mr. Banta. Yes. 

Mr. Thomas. We were discussing the Supervisors' Council. I 
would like to ask a couple of questions on the Supervisors' Council 
before Mr. Banta goes on. 

Mr. Starnes. All right. 

Mr. Thomas. Mr. Banta, you made the statement that the large 
majority of the supervisors were member., of the Communist Party. 

Mr. Banta. Communist Party; yes. 

Mr. Thomas. I think it would be worth while if you would give the 
committee the information which you may have relative to the set-up 
in the Federal Writers' project in this connection. I would like to 
know how r the supervisors head into it. 

Mr. Banta. They are under the direct supervision of the local 
director. 

Mr. Thomas. In other words, the supervisors here in New York 
City are under the direct supervision of the local director here in 
New York City I 

Mr. Banta. Yes. 

Mr. Thomas. And who else besides the local director? 

Mr. Banta. There is a subdirector on the job who acts as assistant 
director, one James McGraw, one Mr. Shaw, and one Donald Thomp- 
son. 

Mr. Thomas. Do you know whether any of those three are mem- 
bers of the Communist Party? 

Mr. Banta. The only one that was a member was James McGraw. 

Mr. Thomas. You know that Mr. McGraw was a member of the 
Communist Party? 

Mr. Banta. He was a member of the Communist Party. 

Mi'. Thomas. You do not know that he is a member of the Com- 
munist Party now? 

Mr. Banta. I understand that he is not. 

Mr. Thomas. You understand that he is not '. 

Mr. Banta. Yes. 

Mr. Thomas. They have those three subdirectors at the head to 
head into the director? 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 997 

Mr. Banta. Under Paul Edwards, who is director of the Federal 
Writers of the City of New York. 

Mr. Thomas. Not only the Federal Theater project, but of the Fed- 
eral Arts project I 

Mr. Banta. He is director of the arts project, which includes the 
other arts; writing, and so forth. 

Mr. Thomas. That is all. I just wanted to get the set-up on the 
record. 

Mr. Starnes. Now you may proceed with the other names you 
have on the book. 

Mr. Banta. The next name on the book, a member of the Workers 
Alliance of the Communist Party, is one William Wood, who happens 
to be the only man that I proposed to membership in the Com- 
munist Party. 

Mr. Thomas. Is he a supervisor ? 

Mr. Banta. He is not. He is a senior newspaperman. Now, there 
is one name which I have which is not in this book. Is it proper at 
this time to mention it. because he is a brother of a married man 
on the job and he himself is a married man, and they are both work- 
ing on the project \ 

(At this point a brief discussion off the record occurred, after 
which the following transpired:) 

Mr. Banta. After Mr. Wood I would like to mention Mr. Paul 
Konecky, who is a brother of Eugene Konecky, also a member of the 
Federal Writers. Mr. Paul Konecky's wife is employed on the job 
under the name of Harrison. The name will be found on the last 
inside cover page of that book. 

Mr. Starnes. On this leaf [indicating] ? 

Mr. Banta, Yes. You find her initials there, Annabelle Harrison. 
Mrs. Harrison was transferred from the Federal Writers' Project by 
an order from the central committee of the Communist Party to go to 
Jacksonville, Fla., to become assistant to Miss Bailey, whom I have 
mentioned in my report. After being absent from the job about 3 or 4 
months, she returned and reported to Mr. Wirth who arranged for 
her reinstatement within 48 hours after her return from Florida, in 
spite of the fact that there are many hundreds of writers waiting to 
get employment on the Federal Writers' project. 

Mr. Thomas. In other words, she went down to Florida on a Com- 
munist detail? 

Mr. Banta. Yes. 

Mr. Thomas. And when she got through with that detail there, 
within 48 hours after coming back, was reinstated on the Federal 
Theaters project in New York City? 

Mr. Banta. No; the Federal Writers' project. 

Mr. Thomas. I mean the Federal Writers' Project in New York 
City. 

Mr. Banta. Yes; where she is now employed. 

In speaking of Supervisor Nicholas Wirth, I do not recall whether 
I mentioned that his wife is also employed under the name of Mosko- 
witz on some other of the Federal W. P. A. projects. 

Mr. Starnes. Have you completed the list of the names in the dues 
book of the Workers Alliance ? 

Mr. Banta. I have. 



99g UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr. Starnes. Identifying those whom you know personally to be 
at present or who have been members? 

Mr. Banta. There are many more who did after they consolidated 
the Federal Writers with the Guide Book. That brought in many 
more members of the Communist Party and the Workers Alliance, but 
at this time they assigned a new dues clerk, Mr. Rice, who was not a 
member of the Communist Party, but a member of the Workers Al- 
liance, but because of his ability he was made dues clerk, and he has 
held that position up to the 1st of September. 

Mr. Starnes. Mr. Banta, here is a book, The People's Front, by 
Earl Browder, which carries the following inscription, written on the 
flyleaf : 

Presented to Comrade Edwin Banta by the members of the Federal Writers' 
Unit No. 36S, Communist Party of the United States of. America, in recognition 
of his devotion to and untiring efforts in behalf of our party and communism. 
March 2, 1938. 

Will you look at this book, identify it, and give us the history of 
that presentation ? 

Mr. Banta. This book was presented to me, as indicated, by the 
Communist Party allegedly for effective work, and so forth. 

Mr. Thomas. You do not mean "allegedly." You mean for effec- 
tive work? 

Mr. Banta. For efficient and effective work, as they state it in 
here. They said "in recognition of efficient and untiring effort in 
behalf of our party." 

Mr. Starnes. When was that presented to you, this year? 

Mr. Banta. March 2, 1938. 

Mr. Starnes. That was presented to you by the 

Mr. Banta (interposing). The Federal Writers' Unit, 36-S of the 
Communist Party. 

Mr. Starnes. Now, are all the names which are inscribed on the 
flyleaf and the pages of that book those members on the Federal 
Writers' Project? 

Mr. Banta. They are. 

Mr. Starnes. And they subscribe themselves as members of the 
Communist Party on that project? 

Mr. Banta. They do. 

Mr. Starves. All right. We introduced the book for the pur- 
pose of identifying it and for the purpose of including these names 
in the record, not the book itself, but in order to get the names in 
the record and also, of course, the various statements of the signa- 
tories to the book. 

Mr. Banta. Congressman, at this point, I would like to explain 
what they meant by 

Mr. Starnes (interposing). It says: 

In recognition of his devotion and untiring efforts in behalf of our party and 
communism. 

I believe you have already said heretofore that your main work in 
the Communist Party was obtaining advertisements in one of their 
publications. 

Mr. Banta. But I do not think that is on record, though. 

Mr. Starnes. Yes; that is in the record already. You have testi- 
fied to that. 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 999 

Mr. Banta. Yes. 

Mr. Thomas. Now, lie did not state what publications he got 
advertising for. He has a list of different ones there, as I 
understand it. 

Mr. Banta. The presentation was the result of securing advertis- 
ing in Red Pen, which was the official publication of the W. P. A., 
Federal Writers of the Communist Party 

Mr. Starnes. The publication you refer to there, the Red Pen, 
by whom is that published? 

Mr. Banta. It was published by the Federal Writers Unit No. 36 
of the Communist Party, employed on the Federal Writers' project, 
W. P. A. 

Mr. Starnes. What is the Red Pen? 

Mr. Banta. Well, it is a publication setting forth communistic 
activities. 

Mr. Starnes. Was it published on the project? 

Mr. Banta. No; but the material was prepared on the project. 

Mr. Starnes. The material is prepared on the project by members 
on the Federal Writers' project? 

Mr. Banta. Yes ; the material is prepared on the project by mem- 
bers of the Federal Writers' project. 

Mr. Starnes. At times when they are drawing funds from the 
Federal Government ? 

Mr. Banta. Correct. 

Mr. Starnes. Or W. P. A. ? 

Mr. Banta. Correct. 

Mr. Starnes. Now, whom did you solicit for advertising in this 
publication ? 

Mr. Banta. A number of restaurants and hosiery business, and 
things of that kind in the immediate vicinity of the job. 

Mr. Starnes. Who bore the cost of publication ? 

Mr. Banta. The Communist Party. 

Mr. Starnes. The Communist Party? 

Mr. Banta. Yes; the members. 

Mr. Starnes. Of the Communist Party? 

Mr. Banta. Yes. 

Mr. Starnes. Bore that cost? 

Mr. Banta. Yes. 

Mr. Starnes. As to that part of the cost of publication not covered 
by advertising, how was that met? 

Mr. Banta. By collection from the members on the job, any amount 
that they could collect, 10 cents or a quarter, and so forth. 

Mr. Starnes. Do you know personally that funds were collected 
from writers on the project to help to bear the expenses of the publi- 
cation of the Red Pen? 

Mr. Banta. Yes; I do. I myself at times was assigned to do some 
collecting. 

Mr. Starnes. You personally collected funds at times for that 
purpose ? 

Mr. Banta. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Starnes. From workers on the project? 

Mr. Banta. Yes. 

Mr. Starnes. In project time ? 



1000 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr. Banta. Correct. 
- Mr. Starnes. Were there any other publications issued by mem- 
bers on the Writers' Project, or material furnished for publication by 
members on the Writers' Project, in project time, of a communistic 
character or nature? 

Mr. Banta. Yes ; the pamphlets that were issued from time to time 
which were directing the activities of the Workers Alliance, but pre- 
pared by the Communist members on the Workers Alliance. The 
material was dictated to typists on the job, who, in turn, typed the 
matter for them, and then they had a publicity committee who pre- 
pared the circulars. 

Mr. Starnes. What about the rewrites; do you have anything of 
that kind, anything of that nature, on the project, of a communistic 
character ? 

Mr. Banta. Well, the only work that I know of that was done on 
the project called — was the work of the members and the writers who 
contributed to the publication called American Stuff. While this 
publication has been contributed to by writers from all over the Na- 
tion, it was a W. P. A. product. 

Mr. Starnes. By that you mean to say that the material for the 
book is the product of members of the Federal Writers' Project? 

Mr. Banta. Throughout the United States. 

Mr. Starnes. Throughout the United States. 

Mr. Banta. Yes. 

Mr. Starnes. And a portion of the material contributed was writ- 
ten on the job, or rewriting and editing was done on the job? 

Mr. Banta. Correct. I have in m.ind the names who I have 
checked inside of the book who are members of the Communist Party 
who worked on the Federal Writers' project in New York, and you 
will find there their names checked inside the book, avIio are members 
of the Communist Party. 

Mr. Thomas. Mr. Banta. in regard to the advertising which you 
solicited, did you solicit advertising for any other papers other than 
the one that you mentioned there? 

Mr. Banta. No, sir ; no, not while employed on the W. P. A. 

Mr. Starnes. I am going to read you at random some of the names 
of those who autographed the book The People's Front, presented 
to you with the inscription which I have already set out in the record, 
and as I read the names I will ask you to identify them as mem- 
bers of the Communist Party, if they are, and tell us of some of 
their activities. There is an inscription, "To a real Bolshevik," 
signed "Sol A. Becker." 

Mr. Banta. Sol Becker is a member of the Communist Party and 
of the Workers Alliance, Incidentally, Sol Becker is the man who 
was designated by the Communist Party to conduct a drive for 
$500,000 last fall, a. fund which was for the purpose of inaugurating 
two new Communist papers, one in San Francisco and one in Chi- 
cago. During the time that Becker was handling that job his pic- 
ture was published in the Daily Worker in its issue of September 4, 
and the name inscribed under that was that of Carl Bristel, and went 
on to give his history as having been expelled from the City College 
of the City of New' York, and indicated that Carl Bristel was his 
right name, but he is working under the name of Sol Becker on the 
Federal Writers' Project. 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1001 

Mr. Thomas. What about Abe Newman? 

Mr. Banta. Abe Newman is a member of the Communist Party. 
Abe Newman, incidentally, several months ago was designated by 
the Communist Party to receive the recruits to be sent to Spain. It 
was his duty to arrange for passports, and so forth, and the transfer 
of these men to Spain for service in the Loyalist army. 

Mr. Starnes. I notice Eugene Konecky expresses himself as one 
"with highest admiration for your example of working-class devo- 
tion.*' 

Mr. Banta. Yes. 

"Mr. Starnes. And one Bernard Hagan, it seems, says, "For a real 
missionary ?" 

Mr. Banta. Yes; Bernard Hagan at one time w r as a business man- 
ager of Red Pen, and it was with him that I was associated in the 
j obtaining and preparation and the lay-out of the copy in Red Pen. 

Mr. Starnes. Julia Beller — is that correct? 

Mr. Banta. Yes. 

Mr. Starnes. Who is Julia Beller? 

Mr. Banta. Julia Beller is a stenographer-typist on the job and a 
very radical Communist. She has circulated a rumor on the job, 
Avent from person to person on the job, since I first appeared before 
this committee — or, at least, I should say, since the time that the 
Communist Party published its story in the Daily Worker on Sep- 
tember 2 that I had been expelled from the party as a stool pigeon. 
She made it her business to visit each one of the employees on the 
Federal Writers' project and inform them that I was an F. B. L, 
which, of course, is not so. 

Mr. Thomas. Right along that same line you mentioned an article 
which appeared in the Daily Worker relative to your expulsion? 

Mr. Banta. Yes. 

Mr. Thomas. You were not expelled from the Communist Party 
until they learned that you had been subpenaed? 

Mr. Banta. No; that is not so. I was not subpenaed until the next 
day, after I had been through this kidnaping. 

Mr. Thomas. But you were not expelled until they learned that 
you had been called down before this committee ? 

Mr. Banta. That is right. I was ordered here for the 31st of 
August, and on September 2 they published the story that I had been 
expelled. 

Mr. Thomas. The point I am trying to make is that you were not 
expelled until they learned that you had been called down here? 

Mr. Banta. Yes. 

Mr. Thomas. That is the point I w T as trying to make. 

Mr. Banta. Yes. 

Mr. Starnes. What about Walt Anderson? 

Mr. Banta. I would like to go a little further into the detail of the 
history of Julia Beller. 

Mr. Starnes. All ri<zht. 

Mr. Banta. Julia Beller was assigned by the Communist Party to 
join a former stenographer-typist organization for the purpose of 
creating dissension and bringing all of the stenographers unions into 
the C. I. 0., which she eventually succeeded in doing. That, of course, 
is her statement to me. 



1002 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr. Starnes. Is there anything further with reference to her activ- 
ities? 

Mr. Banta. No. 

Mr. Starnes. Who is Walt Anderson ? 

Mr. Banta. Walt Anderson is a member of the Workers Alliance 
and of the Communist Party. I sat in at a meeting, which is covered 
by the report that I made to the Government at the time, in which 
he stated that he was making regular trips between the United States 
and Mexico and that the Communist Party was progressing 
rapidly in Mexico to the extent that every school teacher in the pub- 
lic schools of Mexico is now a member of the Communist Party, and 
that at the border of the United States that Mexico had a trained army 
of approximately 100,000 men. It was discussed at that time that 
activities would be started in Mexico for the purpose of buying up 
or seizing properties, which finally came to pass. The Mexican Gov- 
ernment seized the property of foreigners. He also stated that Car- 
denas was working in complete accord with the Communist Party in 
Mexico and, as a result of that, that he had received a loan of 
$25,000,000 from Soviet Russia. 

Mr. Thomas. You mentioned a meeting. Do you know the date 
of that meeting? 

Mr. Banta. I am not able to state the date of that meeting. 
There is a letter of mine in existence which shows the date of that 
meeting. I had been associated with an old newspaperman to whom 
I furnished this material and who has since refused to return it. 
Then, he further stated also that Mexico was supplying more war 
equipment and material to Spain than any other country in the 
world. 

Mr. Starnes. At any of these meetings did you hear anything 
said about the formation of a flying corps in Mexico, or the build- 
ing of a flying corps in Mexico for service for the Communist Party 
or for Loyalist Spain ? 

Mr. Banta. The only reference that was made to that was in 
I. N. O. ; they were supposed to take a flying course in the I. N. O., 
but that was more for the building of the "red" army in America. 

Mr. Starnes. What about Hyman Epstein? 

Mr. Banta. Hyman Epstein is the secretary of the Newspaper 
Guild on the Federal Writers' Project, and also a member of the 
Communist Party and a member of the Workers Alliance. 

Mr. Starnes. I believe we have called your attention to the in- 
scription of Eva Shane, "To the Revolution." 

Mr. Banta. Yes. 

Mr. Starnes. Annabelle Harrison. You find her name inscribed 
here, and you had something to say with reference to Paul Konecky. 

Mr. Banta. Annabelle Harrison is the wife of Paul Konecky, 
both of whom wore employed on the Federal Writers' Project. 

Mr. Starnes. What about her activities? 

Mr. Banta. She is very active in all of the Communist activities, 
and active in the Spanish drive, and as I stated before, was sent by 
special assignment of the Communist Party to Florida to work with 
Margaret Bailey, and she is now one of the driving forces in the 
power unit. The power unit covers the New York Edison Co. — 
covers communistic activities in the New York Edison Co. 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES JQQ3 

Mr. Starnes. "To an Inspiring Communist," by Lila Valda. Who 
is she? 

Mr. Banta. Lila Valda is the alleged wife of Eugene Konecky. 

Mr. Thomas. In other words, all the Koneckys are well represented 
on the project? 

Mr. Banta. Yes. 

Mr. Starnes. I notice you have one here in red ink, "Next the 
'Order of Lenin,' " Ronald Shilan. 

Mr. Banta. I think his name is Shuley. I do not know what his 
correct name is except what is written there. He is a very active 
Communist and has stated to me that during the strike of the adver- 
tising sign men in the subway that he repeatedly torn down as many 
of these signs as he was able to do without being caught at it. 

Mr. Starnes. Here is one inscription here by Dorothy Smith, "In 
admiration of the sort of a Communist I some day hope to be," and 
has the initials, "Y. C. L." 

Mr. Banta. She is a member of the Young Communist League, 
and I Mas working in the division directly under Nicholas Wirth at 
the time that she inscribed that publication. 

Mr. Starnes. There are numerous otjier names on here. Are there 
any others on there that you care to point out who have been active 
or outstanding in the Communist Party, who were members of the 
Federal Writers' Union? 

Mr. Banta. I think I spoke of Maxwell Bodenheim. 

Mr. Starnes. You did. 

Mr. Banta. Yes. Then there is Elmer Bendine. 

Mr. Starnes. Who is Elmer Bendine? 

Mr. Banta. He is one of the inside men on the Federal Writers' 
project. 

Mr. Thomas. Is he a supervisor? 

Mr. Banta. No; he is rated as a newspaperman. The next is 
Max Arnold. Max Arnold was a section organizer of section 24 
of the Communist Party. While Max Arnold was in office at a 
meeting about December 27, 1937, he called upon all Communists, 
and this was a general order that went out from the Communist 
Party, that every able-bodied American Communist must join the 
R. O. T. C. and the National Guard for the purpose of getting mili- 
tary education at the expense of the Government, to attend their 
sessions in the summertime, to direct the organizing of the Com- 
munist units in the military branches of the Government, and for 
the purpose of ascertaining the best point of sabotage of the various 
arms and equipment that they came in contact with. 

Mr. Starnes. In other words, to obtain information as to where 
they could do effective sabotage work to munitions plants and other 
vital points in the national defense? 

Mr. Banta. In the military organization; yes. 

Mr. Starnes. All right. Now, that man is on the Federal Writers' 
project ? 

Mr. Banta. He is. Mr. Abramowitz is one of the oldest members 
of the Communist Party in New York, having joined it immediately 
upon his arrival in the United States from Russia, and is very active 
on committees, on all committees in the Communist Party. 

I also have one Elizabeth Politkin, who served 14 months in Rus- 
sia as a typist-stenographer. 



1004 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr. Thomas. Mr. Banta, did any of the supervisors sign that book 
of yours? 

Mr. Banta. Yes; one; Mr. Wirth. Here is Mr. Nicholas Wirth's 
signature in here. 

Mr. Starnes. How about Abe Newman? 

Mr. Banta. Abe Newman is not a supervisor. 

Mr. Starnes. He is not a supervisor? 

Mr. Banta. No; and we have D'Amico and Kingman. 

Mr. Thomas. Did any of those supervisors make special remarks 
there other than sign their names? 

Mr. Banta. No; they just signed their names. For instance, in 
here somewheres, take Luella Henkel, she just signed her name with- 
out comment. 

Mr. Thomas. Was Luella Henkel a supervisor? 

Mr. Banta. Yes; and we have Lou Gody. Lou Gody is super- 
visor of the Guide Book. This man entered the service of the 
W. P. A. as a clerk. He has never been known to write a line for a 
newspaper, yet he is in a position to criticize and passing upon the 
writings of alleged newspapermen. 

Mr. Thomas. Is he a member of the Communist Party? 

Mr. Banta. He is a member of the Communist Party and Super- 
vising Council. 

Mr. Thomas. He is the one that is directing the Great American 
Guide Book? 

Mr. Banta. Yes. We also have a Mr. Kingman in here. Mr. 
Kingman is in charge of the foreign-language division, but Mr. 
Kingman can only speak the English language. 

Mr. Thomas. Mr. Banta, how do those supervisors get their posi- 
tions; who selects the supervisors, of which you said that 13 out of 
15 were members of the Communist Party? 

Mr. Banta. When the project was in its formation it was imme- 
diately in the hands of the Communist Party. In the origin we 
had there a member of the Writers Union, which was organized to 
bring about the Federal Writers' project. At the head of that, 
or the organizer of that organization, was one Irving Black. Mr. 
Black was a member of the Communist Party, and all those applying 
for employment on the job at that time had to pass Mr. Black or 
Orie John. 

Mr. Thomas. He was the one who picked out the supervisors? 

Mr. Banta. The supervisors were picked by Orie John. 

Mr. Thomas. He was a member of the Communist Party ? 

Mr. Banta. No; he was not a member of the Communist Party, 
although he has been a radical and a member of the Anarchist Parly. 

Mr. Thomas. He was the one who picked out the 13 of the 15 
who were Communists? 

Mr. Banta. He picked out a number of them, and then later on 
when he left the job, others were assigned under the direction of Mr. 
McGraw. 

Mr. Thomas. Is he a member of the Communist Party? 

Mr. Banta. He is not now; he was. 

Mr. Thomas. He was ? 

Mr. Banta. Yes. 

We next have an important person, Mike Kantor. He writes be- 
fore his name, "Keep plugging the C. P." Mike Kantor is the al- 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1005 

leged boy friend of Julia Boiler. Mike was assigned to the State of 
Pennsylvania in the steel district for the same purpose that Com- 
munists are assigned to various States for Communist activities. He 
frequently wrote to the Daily Worker under the name of Mike 
Kantor, which they have done away with now, but all reports com- 
ing in now read '"From the Communist Party at Pittsburgh." Mike 
Kantor is a particularly aggressive radical. A very active news- 
paperman by the name of Bip Hanson is very active in the Com- 
munist Party and very active in the Workers Alliance. 

Mr Thomas. What do you mean by a "very active newspaperman?" 

Mr. Banta. He is a good newspaperman. He is a good writer, a 
good rewrite man, a good legman, and a good all-around newspaper- 
man; one of the very few that are on the Federal Writers' project. 
There is next signed in here by Lila C. Temple 

Mr. Thomas, (interposing). What was her name? 

Mr. Banta. Lila C. Temple. "To the grand old man of the 
American Revolution to come." Lila, unfortunately, has been con- 
lined to some sanatorium for the past several weeks through ill 
health. 

Mr. Staenes. What, if anything, do you know about the following 
mimeographed sheets that I hand you? One of them is notice to 
union members, and it says the following : 

The following list contains the names of the candidates nominated for offices 
in our union. Study this list carefully— 

and so forth, and there follows the names of those proposed for 
chairman, executive secretary, administrative secretary, and so forth. 

Mr. Banta. Yes. 

Mr. Staenes. And then another one which bears at the top, "Our 
new board." 

Mr. Banta. Yes. 

Mr. Staenes. Which gives the names of the chairman, executive 
secretary, administrative recretary, grievance chairman, recording 
secretary, and executive board members at large. It has typed at the 
bottom "Federal Writers' Local 1700, Workers Alliance"? 

Mr. Banta. Correct. 

(The paper above referred to was marked "Banta Exhibit NY No. 
7," and filed with the committee, being two mimeographed sheets 
interlined with pen-and-ink notations, and is filed with the com- 
mittee. ) 

Mr. Starxes. Examine those two sheets and identify them, if 
you can, and give us some information about how that was typed, 
and placed on the bulletin board, or distributed, if it was, and also 
tell whether or not you have personal knowledge that the names 
thereon contained are the names of parties known to you personally 
to be the names of Communists, members of the Communist Party. 

Mr. Banta. The Communist Party usually holds a caucus before 
there is ever an election to office in the Workers Alliance, and at 
this caucus they select those who are to be nominated at the Workers 
Alliance meetings, and to members of the Workers Alliance who are 
in the Communist Party is delegated the job of nominating the names 
that appear on this list. The purpose of that list is to make it appear 
that it is a democratic movement. 

Mr. Thomas. What do you mean by a "democratic movement"? 



1006 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr. Banta. That is as if everybody has the right to nominate any- 
body they want to, and they do occasionally nominate somebody 
who is not a member of the Communist Party, but that was very 
seldom, and they would never get elected. 

Mr. Thomas. In other words, all the officers of the Workers 
Alliance in that particular union are usually hand-picked by the 
Communist Party? 

Mr. Banta. Correct. 

Mr. Thomas. And anyone else has not any show of being elected 
to an office in the Workers Alliance in this particular union? 

Mr. Banta. No. 

Mr. Starnes. And the term "democratic" had no allusion to any 
particular party? 

Mr. Banta. No; to democratic rights. 

To name these people, we first have Eva May Wright. Eva is an 
expelled member from the Communist Party. She was expelled be- 
cause she refused to be dictated to. 

Mr. Starnes. Before you go on with that, you have told of the 
procedure of the Communist Party in getting together and working- 
out a slate of officers for the Workers Alliance ? 

Mr. Banta. Yes. 

Mr. Starnes. This is the slate for the Workers Alliance there, the 
officer-directing body of the Workers Alliance ? 

Mr. Banta. Yes. 

Mr. Starnes. The Workers Alliance is a bargaining unit of rep- 
resentatives from the Workers Alliance to deal with the officials of 
the Federal Writers' project? 

Mr. Banta. They do. 

Mr. Starnes. Where do those mimeograph sheets come from? 

Mr. Banta. They do. 

Mr. Starnes. Such as wages and hours, and so forth? 

Mr. Banta. Through the grievance committee. 

Mr. Starnes. Where do those mimeograph sheets come from ? 

Mr. Banta. Those are distributed at the board on the job prior to 
the election of officers. 

Mr. Starnes. Now, then, you may go ahead and tell us who those 
new officers are, what connection they have to the Communist Party. 

Mr. Banta. Those nominated by the nominating committee are 
Eva May Wright, an active worker in the Spanish organization but 
expelled from the Communist Partv, but they are in hopes of having 
her return to the party. Those officers are, for chairman, two nomi- 
nations are suggested, Eva May Wright and Richard Wright. Rich- 
ard Wright is a colored Communist. 

Mr. Starnes. Is he the man who wrote The Ethics of Living "Jim 
Crow," for the American Stuff? 

Mr. Banta. He is. 

Mr. Starnes. He is? 

Mr. Banta. Yes. The next is for executive secretary, Gabriel 
Zakin. He is a student and brilliant radical Communist. 

For administrative secretary there were two nominees, Alfred 
Russell, who told me that he was an undercover — or, he was doing 
undercover secret work for the Communist Party. I went no fur- 
ther in that. Hiram K. Smith, a smooth, well-educated radical 
Communist. 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1007 

For chairman of the grievance committee, Julius Eisenberg, an 
educated studious Communist. Next is Sandy Rathbart, a radical 
Socialist, not a member of the Communist Party, but agrees to all 
party-line action, and he is related to Rathbart, an attorney for the 
Civil Liberties Union, prosecuting the case in Jersey City against 
Mayor Hague. 

Mr. Thomas. In other words, that is the second connection, then, 
that you have made between the Communists and the Federal 
"Writers' project in New York City and the Jersey City Civil Lib- 
erties Union ( 

Mr. Starnes. Did you sav Rathbart is a member of the Commu- 
nist Part} 7 ? 

Mr. Banta. He is not a member of the Communist Party. He is 
a radical Socialist, and he is out for chairmanship of the grievance 
committee. He agrees to all party-line action. Nobody can hold 
office designated by the Communists unless they agree to what is 
known as the party line. 

The next is recording secretary, Morris KirkhofT, who agrees to 
the party line, but is not a member, and Miriam Meer, affiliated for 
membership in the Communist Party. The next is five members of 
the executive board at large. The first is Charles Alexander, a West 
Indian, colored radical Communist. The next is Abraham Arms, a 
radical Communist, and Julia Beller. 

Mr. Starnes. You have already given her. 

Mr. Banta. Yes ; whose history has already been given. 

The next is Robert Cullen, an extreme radical Communist. 

The next is Seymour De Koven, a Communist, a colored Commu- 
nist. 

The next is Ralph Ellison, who is O. K.'d by the Communist Party, 
but not a member. 

Mr. Starnes. Now, he and Rathbart, as I recall it, are the only two 
names you have called of those who are not members of the Com- 
munist Party. 

Mr. Banta. He and one other. The next one there is Edward F. 
Gahan. He is a very active Irish Communist. 

The next is Oakley Johnson, a colored Communist. 

Mr. Thomas. What do you mean by an Irish Communist? 

Mr. Banta. Well, he speaks of himself as an Irish, as an Irish- 
American. He speaks of himself as Irish-American. 

Mr. Thomas. But he is a citizen of this country ? 

Mr. Banta. Oh, yes. That was for my own information that I 
made these notations. 

The next is Dorothy Kaufman. Dorothy Kaufman has been a 
secretary in the Workers Alliance, and is very active in the Commu- 
nist Party. 

The next is Florence Kleinman, an aggressive radical Communist. 
The next is Bernard Knauer, a radical, dangerous Communist. 

The next is Eugene Konecky, whose record has been given before. 

The next is Patrick Quinlan, a very radical member of the Workers 
Alliance, but not a member of the Communist Party. 

The next is Townsend Rice, a member of the Workers Alliance and 
who was assigned as dues clerk for the Workers Alliance during the 
past year and a half. His duties were to maintain a desk in the 



2008 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

office for the purpose of collecting dues as the employees came in on 
the job. 

Mr. Starnes. That was done right on the job? 

Mr. Banta. Eiirht on the job. 

Mr. Starnes. On project time? 

Mr. Banta. On the Federal time; yes. That sometimes will re- 
quire from 9 o'clock until after 11; and then for some part of the 
time after that to make a record of his collections, and fixing up 
his books, it requires another hour or so, so that he probably puts 
in an average of one-third of the time of the project collecting dues 
for the Workers Alliance, which office he has been relieved from 
since the 1st of September. 

The next is Martha Shafran. I might say in connection with 
Rice — I want to go back to Rice. Incidentally Rice has told me 
that he was an anti-Communist; that he had no use for the Com- 
munist Party, but to hold his job he was willing to play ball with 
them and to go along and collect dues. Martha Shafran is not a 
member of the Communist Party. 

The next is Ellis Williams, colored, not a member of the party, 
but he agrees to the party line. That is a list of the officers that 
were nominated. 

Mr. Starnes. Now, then, give us those who were actually elected, 
and just merely identify them. 

Mr. Banta. The next one is "Our new board." 

Mr. Starnfs. All right. 

Mr. Banta. The chairman of the board is Richard Wright, a 
Negro radical Communist, the man who is the writer of the item 
in the American Stuff. 

The nox^ is Gabriel Zakin. executive secretary. 

Mr Starnes. He is identified as a Communist? 

Mr. Banta. A Communist. 

Mr. Starnes. You have already identified him as a Communist? 

Mr. Banta. Yes, sir. 

Administrative secretary, Hiram K. Smith, a Communist. 

The next is Sandy Rothbart. not a Communist. 

Mr. Starnes. Give the position, name, and whether or not they are 
Communists. 

Mr. Banta. Sandy Rothbart is not a Communist. 

Mr. Starnes. What position did he hold? 

Mr. Banta. Grievance chairman, a radical, and with the connec- 
tions stated before. 

The next is May Swonson, a Communist, recording secretarj 7 . 

Mr. Starnes. All right. 

Mr. Banta. The next are the executive board members at large: 
Ralph Ellison, a Negro Communist; Francis Gahan, a radical Com- 
munist; Oakley Johnson, an extremety radical ex-college professor 
and stands high with the Communists. 

Mr. Thomas. Is ho a communist? 

Mr. Banta. No: ho is not a Communist. The next is Dorothy 
Kaufman, a Communist, and Townsend Rice, not a Communist. 

Mr. Starnes. All but three of thorn are Communists? 

Mi-. Banta. Yes; they are. 

Mi-. Thomas. Out of the 11, 8 of them are Communists? 



I N-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1009 

Mr. Banta. Correct. 

Mr. Thomas. They are all officers of the Workers Alliance of the 
Federal Writers' Union? 

Mr. Banta. Correct: as indicated by this sheet. 

Mr. Starnes. Now. then, to follow that up. Is it necessary that 
your name be submitted to the director in charge of the project 
through the Workers Alliance for you to obtain employment on the 
Federal Writers Project ( 

Mr. Banta. It is an understood procedure that a person sent there 
by the Workers Alliance is taken care of. They are the ones that 
are receiving employment. In a very few instances people do get 
by who have a record that is such that it is impossible to turn them 
down, who are not members of the Workers Alliance. This division 
of the Workers Alliance is the unemployed division of the Workers 
Alliance and, immediately they become attached to the writers, they 
are then transferred into the writers' local. 

Mr. Starnes. I want to ^ the information, because the charge 
has been made, and I wanted to get the facts. 

Mr. Banta. Yes. 

Air. Staenes. What has been the product of the workers out there, 
on the Federal Writers' Project? What are some of the books and 
publications they have put out ? It has been in existence I believe 
you have stated since late 1935 '. 

Mr. Banta. Yes. 

Mr. Starnes. Since late 1935? 

Mr. Banta. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Starnes What has been published, if you recall now? 

Mr. Banta. A couple of almanacs. 

Mr. Thomas. It might be interesting to have you go on there to 
tell how many people are employed on the Writers' Project in New 
York. 

Mr. Starnes. That is. from public funds. 

Mr. Banta. Well, approximately 500 people including mechanical 
and other workers. 

Mr. Starnes. That is one t>f the publications, the Almanac of 
1938? 

Mr. Banta. Yes; the Almanac of 1938. 

Mr. Starnes. That is one publication? 

Mr. Banta. Yes. 

Mr. Starnes. Who's Who in the Zoo, has also been published? 

Mr. Banta. Yes; it has. 

Mr. Starnes. And some other work of a similar nature of which 
Mr. De Sola was the editor or had supervision of it? 

Mr. Banta. Yes: and he is about to publish a work on trees. _ 

Mr. Starnes. I think Who's Who in the Zoo is a fine publication. 

Mr. Banta. Yes. 

Mr. Thomas. They are both his work? 

Mr. Banta. Yes: they are both his work. 

Air. Starnes. Now, the American Stuff you have said is a book 
which is the product of the Federal writers throughout the country? 

Mr. Banta. Contributions were made by Federal writers through- 
out the country. 

94931— 38 — vol. 2 3 



1010 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr. Starnes. I want to ask you for the record — we wish to set 
out in the record certain excerpts from the article by Richard 
Wright. You do not have to do that now. Proceed. 

Mr. Banta. This book was published under the direction of the 
W. P. A., which, in turn, was to be sold to the public to reach readers, 
possibly the youth of the country, and the language in there is unfit 
for a person to read. It is so vile that it is unfit for youth to read. 

Mr. Starnes. Those excerpts have all been carefully marked, and, 
of course, will be set out in the record ? 

Mr. Banta. Yes. 

(The excerpts from American Stuff referred to are as follows:) 

"Well, don't if yuh know whut's good for yuh !" 

I was puzzled. Maybe he just doesn't want to help me, I thought. I went to 
Pease. 

"Say, are you crazy, you black bastard?" Pease asked me, his gray eyes 
growing hard (p. 42). 

From then on they changed toward me. They said good morning no more. 
When I was just a bit slow in performing some duty, I was called a lazy 
black son of a b . 

Once I thought of reporting all this to the boss. But the mere idea of what 
would happen to me if Pease and Morrie should learn that I had "snitched" 
stopped me. After all, the boss was a white man, too. What was the use? 
(p. 43). 

"Didn't yuh call Mm Pease? If yuh say yuh didn't, I'll rip yo' gut string loose 

with this f ■ bar, you black granny dodger ! Yuh can't call a white man a 

lie 'n git away with it, you black s of a b " (p. 44). 

"Aw, leave the bastard alone. He's got enough," said one (p. 47). 

"I wanna walk," I said simply. 

Maybe it sounded funny. They laughed. 

"Well, walk, yuh black s— of a b !" 

When they left they comforted me with : "Nigger, yuh sho better be damn 
glad it was us yuh talked to tha' way. Yuh're a lucky bastard, 'cause if 
yuh'd said tha' t' somebody else, yuh might've been a dead nigger now" (p. 47). 

My next job was as hallboy in a hotel. Here my Jim Crow education 
broadened and deepened. When the bellboys were busy, I was often called to 
assist them. As many of the rooms in the hotel were occupied by prostitutes, 
I was constantly called to carry them liquor and cigarettes. These women were 
nude most of the time. They did not bother about clothing even for bellboys. 
When you went into their rooms, you were supposed to take their nakedness 
for granted, as though it startled you no more than a blue vase or a red rug. 
Your presence awoke in them no sense of shame, for you were not regarded as 
human. If they were alone, you could steal sidelong glimpses at them. But 
if they were receiving men, not a flicker of your eyelids must show. I remember 
one incident vividly. A new woman, a huge, snowy-skinned blonde, took a 
room on my floor. I was sent to wait upon her. She was in bed with a thick-set 
man ; both were nude and uncovered. She said she wanted some liquor, and 
slid out of bed and waddled across the floor to get her money from a dresser 
drawer. I watched her. 

"Nigger, what in hell you looking at?" the white man asked me, raising 
himself upon his elbows. 

"Nothing," I answered, looking miles deep into the blank wall of the room. 

"Keep your eyes where they belong, if you want to be healthy!" 

"Yes, sir," I said (pp. 4£-4S). 

One of l lie bellboys I knew in this hotel was keeping steady company with 
one of the Negro maids. Out of a clear sky the police descended upon his 
home and arrested him, accusing him of bastardy. The poor bey swore he had 
had no intimate relations with the girl. Nevertheless, they forced him to 
marry her. When the child arrived, it was found to be much lighter in com- 
plexion than either of the two supposedly legal parents. The white men 
around the hotel made a great joke of it. They spread the rumor that some 
white cow must have scared the poor girl while she was carrying the baby. 
If you were in their presence when this explanation was offered, you were 
supposed to laugh (p. 49). 



ON-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1011 

One of the bellboys was caught in bed with a white prostitute. He was 
castrated and run ont of town. Immediately after this all the bellboys and 
hallboys were called together and warned. We were given to understand that 
the boy who had been castrated was a "mighty, mighty lucky bastard." Wc 
were impressed with the fact that the next time the management of the 
hotel would not be responsible for the lives of "trouble-making" niggers (p. 49). 

Here my Jim Crow education assumed quite a different form. It was no 
longer brutally cruel, but subtly cruel. Here I learned to lie, to steal, to 
dissemble. I learned to play that dual role which every Negro must play 
if he wants to eat and live (p. 50). 

Among the topics they did not like to discuss with Negroes were the follow- 
ing : American white women ; the Ku Klux Klan ; France, and how Negro sol- 
diers fared while there ; French women ; Jack Johnson ; the entire northern 
part of the United States; the Civil War; Abraham Lincoln; U. S. Grant; 
General Sherman ; Catholics ; the Pope ; Jews ; the Republican Party ; slavery ; 
social equality; communism; socialism; the thirteenth and fourteenth amend- 
ments to the Constitution ; or any topic calling for positive knowledge or manly 
self-assertion on the part of the Negro. The most accepted topics were sex and 
religion (p. 51). 

How do Negroes feel about the way they have to live? How do they dis- 
cuss it when alone among themselves? I think this question can be answered 
in a single sentence. A friend of mind who ran an elevator once told me : "Lawd, 
man ! Ef it wuzn't fer them polices 'n' them ol' lynch mobs, there wouldn't be 
nothin' but uproar down here !" 

Mr. Starnes. You have already testified that these works, some 
of them, were actual productions on Federal time, and others were 
rewrites or published on project time? 

Mr. Banta. Yes. 

Mr. Thomas. Right along that same line, Mr. Chairman, what 
other works did the Federal writers project in New York do, work- 
ing three and a half years, with 500 people ? 

Mr. Banta. They turned out a book on the Italians of New York, 
and they are working on a book for Negroes and a Jewish book. 

Mr. Thomas. Are there any other completed works? 

Mr. Banta. No; no other completed works that I know of. 

Mr. Starnes. We introduced these excerpts from the American 
Stuff, and also placed this book in as an exhibit after you were 
brought before this committee? 

Mr. Banta. What committee? 

Mr. St.arnes. By the investigating staff, or after you were brought 
in before the investigating staff of this committee. 

Mr. Banta. What committee are you talking about? 

Mr. Starnes. I am talking now about the congressional committee, 
the Dies committee. 

Mr. Banta. Oh, yes. 

Mr. Starnes. After you were called in and statements were taken 
from you by the investigating staff of the committee, I will ask you 
if you Avere approached by any person or group of persons with an 
attempt to intimidate you because of the testimony that you had given 
the investigators, or were supposed to have given the committee? 

Mr. Banta. Well, can I state 

Mr. Starnes. I do not want a long story. 

Mr. B \nta. I will make it brief. 

Mr. Starnes. All right. First, answer whether you were ap- 
proached or not by any person. 

Mr. Banta. I was. 

Mr. Starnes. When and where? 



2012 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr. Banta. Prior to the committee session, on August 22, when 
Sol Becker, who was also known as Karl Bristel, came to the office 
about 2 o'clock in the afternoon, 231-235 West Forty-second Street; 
he asked me if I would come down that night, which happened to be a 
Monday, and see Florence Cook, who was secretary of the Communist 
Party, at 141 East Twenty-ninth Street, at the chief assembly dis- 
trict headquarters of the Communist Party. 

Mr. Thomas. The witness says "prior to the committee session," 
and then he stated that he was approached in the manner which he 
has just related on August 21. That was not prior to the committee's 
session. 

Mr. Banta. It was prior to your coming here. 

Mr. Thomas. It was prior to today's hearings. We got in touch 
with you, and we got in touch with you before August 21. 

Mr. Banta. Yes. 

Mr. Thomas. So that it was after the committee got in touch with 
you. 

Mr. Starnes. You were asked to come to a meeting? 

Mr. Banta. Yes. 

Mr. Staenes. Where was that meeting? 

Mr. Banta. 141 East Twenty-ninth Street. 

Mr. Starnes. Who was present at that meeting? 

Mr. Banta. Well, I met Florence Cook, as I was directed to do. 

Mr. Starnes. What is that place? 

Mr. Banta. That is the chief assembly district headquarters of the 
Communist Party. 

Mr. Starnes. Did you find anyone present when you got there? 

Mr. Banta. There were several people there that I did not know, 
but the one that I was to meet, Florence Cook, came in shortly after 
I arrived there. The meeting was called for 7 o'clock. She came 
in late. 

Mr. Starnes. I want to know if anything was said to you about 
testimony you were supposed to have given before this committee 
with reference to the activities of the Communist Party: or in other 
words, if you were supposed to furnish' anything with reference to 
the Communist Party? 

Mr. Banta. Not at that time; no. 

Mr. Starnes. When was anything said to you about it I 

Mr. Banta. Florence Cook came in about a quarter after 7, and 
she apologized for being late, and asked me if I could defer this 
meeting until the following Monday, the 29th, at 6 o'clock. So, I 
agreed to do so and went to the headquarters on East Twenty-ninth 
Street, and she invited me into a rear room. 

Mr. Starnes. Now, then, wait. Let us not go too fast on this, 
because I want to get the thing straight on the record, and also 
straight in my own mind. 

You agreed to meet them a week later: that is the proposition? 

Mr. Banta. Yes. 

Mr. Starnes. And the meeting you are going to describe now did 
occur 1 week later at this place? 

Mr. Banta. Yes. The object of this meeting, as stated to me by 
Sol Becker, was to discuss with the committee a plan of instructing 
the other members in the soliciting of advertising for other Com- 
munist publications of various types throughout the city. 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1013 

Mr. Starnes. That was the pretext, or the reason assigned, for 
your coming to this headquarters at this address? 
Mr. Banta. It was; yes. 
Mr. Starnes. All right. 

Mr. Banta. I arrived there before 6 o'clock, and at 6 o'clock Flor- 
ence Cook invited me to step in this back room, and with me as I 
stepped in there came one Sam Brown, jvho is the New York County 
organizer of the Communist Party, and a girl carrying with, her 
what developed to be a stenotype machine, and a Negro and two 
other members of the Communist Party, and they asked me to sit 
down. 

The man who seemed to be chairman of this committee, whose 
name I do not know, asked me Iioav long I had been a member of 
the Communist Party. I told him about 2y 2 years. I noticed the 
questions they began to ask me did not seem to be relevant to adver- 
tising. "Well," I said, "what lias that got to do with the subject 
I was invited here to discuss? I came here to discuss advertising." 

"Well." they said, "forget it. you s of a b ; you are all 

through." They said, "We have got you here because you are a 
stool pigeon." 

Mr. Starnes. All right. Was a photograph made of you on that 
occasion ? 

Mr. Banta. Yes, a few minutes later. 

Mr. Starnes. Do you know who made the photograph? 

Mr. Banta. I do not. 

Mr. Starnes. Could you identify the party? 

Mr. Banta. I could. 

Mr. Starnes. A few davs following that, did an article appear in 
the Daily Worker 

Mr. Banta. On September 2 : yes. 

Mr. Starnes. With your picture and a write-up entitled "Workers' 
Ememies Exposed" ? 

Mr. Banta. Yes. 

Mr. Starnes. I will ask you if you have a copy of the Daily 
Worker of September 2 with you, 1938 ? 

Mr. Banta. I have; yes. 

Mr. Starnes. Will you produce that for the committee? 

Mr. Banta. I offer in eAudence the entire publication of that date, 
September 2, containing the story on page 5. 

Mr. Starnes. I will ask that that be marked by the stenographer. 

(The paper above referred to was marked "Exhibit Banta NY 
No. 9" and filed with the committee, being a copv of the Dailv 
Worker of September 2, 1938.) 

Mr. Starnes. That, of course, carries your picture made on that 
occasion, with the story, and also gave a description of you phys- 
ically? 

Mr. Banta. Yes. 

Mr. Starnes. Were you detained there for a number of hours? 

Mr. Banta. I was — for two and a half hours. 

Mr. Starnes. For two hours and a half? 

Mr. Banta. Yes. 

Mr. Starnes. Was the door locked: do you know whether or not 
the door was locked? 

Mr. Banta. No. 



1Q14 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr. Starnes. You do not know? 

Mr. Banta. No. 

Mr. Starnes. Did you attempt to leave prior to that time? 

Mr. Banta. I did. * 

Mr. Starnes. Did you remonstrate to these people and protest to 
these people they were detaining you there against your will ? 

Mr. Banta. I did. 

Mr. Starnes. After you offered that remonstrance and protest, 
did they continue to detain you there against your will? 

Mr. Banta. They did. 

Mr. Starnes. For about what period of time did they keep you 
there after you protested? 

Mr. Banta. Well, the protest came 10 minutes after I went in the 
room. 

Mr. Starnes. And you discovered they had lured you there under 
a pretext? 

Mr. Banta. Under a pretext. 

Mr. Starnes. And did they threaten you with physical violence on 
that occasion? 

Mr. Banta. They did. 

Mr. Starnes. Was that because of the fact you were supposed to 
have given information to this committee, or to other committees 
interested in exposing un-American and subversive activities in this 
country ? 

Mr. Banta. They charged me with being associated with, and 
under the direction of, some Fascists whom I did not know. I do 
not know anything about it. 

Mr. Starnes. Was anything said to you there with reference to 
your testifying before this committee, or furnishing information to 
this committee? 

Mr. Banta. No. 

Mr. Starnes. Nothing was said in that respect? 

Mr. Banta. No. 

Mr. Starnes. But you were supposed to have been giving out in- 
side information? 

Mr. Banta. Yes. Do you wish to know the manner in which I 
attempted to get out of there and the physical force directed against 
me to keep me from leaving that room ? 

Mr. Starnes. I want to know if they used actual physical force to 
keep 3'ou from leaving the room and if they barred your leaving. 

Mi-. Banta. They did. At the point when I told them the ques- 
tions they were asking me did not seem to be relevant to the subject 
on which they invited me there, then I was told the reason I was 
there, in my remarks of a moment ago. saying I was a stool pigeon, 
etc., and they had got my number and my friends had turned me 
down- — turned me in. I said, "Well, if that is what you have me 
here on, I assume you intend to prefer charges against me; is that 
the idea?" They said, "Yes." "All right," I said, "then there is a 
proper procedure; that is to make your charges to the branch of 
which I am a member and bring me on trial, produce your evidence 
against me, and permit me to defend myself." At this point I got 
up from my chair and said, "I am going to leave." 

Mr. Starnes. Now, at this time, you were a dues-paying member 
of the Communist Party? 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1015 

Mr. Banta. I was. 

Mr. Starnes. A member in good standing, and no question had 
been raised up to this point with reference to your loyalty to the 
party and its principles? 

Mr. Banta. None whatever. 

Mr. Starnes. When you arose to leave, did anyone bar the en- 
trance of the door to you? 

Mr. Banta. Yes. 

Mr. Starnes. How many did? 

Mr. Banta. Two. 

Mr. Starnes. Who were they, if you know? 

Mr. Banta. That is, two covered the door; the rest of them closed 
in on me and two covered the door. One was Florence Cook and the 
other was Sam Brown, county organizer, and the rest of them closed 
in on me, and one fellow there, who seemed to be overanxious to do 
something, he put his hands to my face and said, "Sit down, you 

s of a b . You have got yours coming to you." I said, 

then, "Your conduct in here seems to carry out what the newspapers 
say about the Communists being gangsters," and I stepped behind 
the chair in an effort to protect myself, if I could, if they advanced 
any closer. 

Mr. Starnes. Did they attempt to remove any documents from 
your person? 

Mr. Banta. Yes. 

Mr. Starnes. Or request you to furnish them with any documents 
which you might have on your person? 

Mr. Banta. Yes. They then demanded that I take everything out 
of my pockets that I had and put everything on the table. Well, at 
first I thought it would be all right to do that 

Mr. Starnes. Did you do it? 

Mr. Banta. I did not. 

Mr. Starnes. You refused to do it? 

Mr. Banta. I absolutely refused to do it. 

Mr. Starnes. Did they threaten you at this point ? 

Mr. Banta. They came toward me to take them away forcibly, 
and closed in. I backed away and said, "Don't put your hands on 
me; don't you touch my person." 

Mr. Starnes. At what time did they take the photograph of you 
in that room? 

Mr. Banta. I should say possibly after I had been in there an 
hour and a half. 

Mr. Starnes. Did they back you up against the wall? 

Mr. Banta. Well, they stood around me and at that time I was 
pleading to get out of the room and telling them just what I thought 
about them, and they called the photographer and snapped two pic- 
tures of me. 

Mr. Starnes. And this picture appears in the Daily Worker of 
September 2, in this article? 

Mr. Banta. It does. 

Mr. Thomas. Mr. Banta, did they threaten you with any harm 
after you would leave this building? 

Mr. Banta. Yes. They said — well, when I was leaving they said, 
"You are going to get yours; yours is coming to you; on your job, 
there will be hell to pay for you from now on, and you will get 



2016 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

yours on the street, where you least expect it." That statement was 
made just about the time I was leaving the place and after I had 
been photographed. 

Mr. Thomas. Have you noticed anything which has taken place 
on the job since then that would bear that out? 

Mr. Banta. Yes. There have been statements made, as I re- 
ported before, to Julia Beller and others on the job that I was 
an F. B. I. man and threatening everybody that they must have 
nothing to do with me. Several people have come to me, who were 
very friendly to me before, and asked me, for their sakes, and the 
protection of their jobs, not to talk to them. I asked them what was 
the reason. They said, "Well, we were threatened, that was all, and 
told to leave you alone and keep away from you." 

Mr. Thomas. Have any subsequently spoken to you, since you 
have been back on the job? 

Mr. Banta. No; except Nick Wirth, senior supervisor. On my 
way out a few days ago, one of the women on the job with whom I 
had been friendly, and who is not a member of the Communist 
Party, asked me for the loan of my paper during the day. I loaned 
it to her and asked if she would give it back to me before I went 
home; so, at 10 minutes to 4, I went to the washroom to wash up, 
and on the way back I stopped and asked her to give it to me. At 
that point, Nick walked up to me and, in a loud tone of voice that 
could be heard all over the room — a room about 40 by 50 — said : 
"Banta, you have been running all over this building all day today, 
discussing things with people and annoying people on the job. Now, 
you get on your job and stay there." 

When he got through, I said : "Mr. Wirth, when you speak to me, 
speak to me in a modulated voice. You do not have to holler at me." 

Mr. Thomas. In other words, Mr. Banta, your life on that project, 
from now on, would be very disagreeable? 

Mr. Banta. Not only very disagreeable, but dangerous. 

Mr. Thomas. That is all. 

Mr. Starnes. I was handed, on Friday, an advance copy of a Ger- 
man publication that is called the Deutseher Weckruf und Beobach- 
ter, in which you were supposed to have been engaged to speak at a 
Nazi meeting in a short time. 

Mr. Banta. Yes. 

Mr. Starnes. Did you authorize the publication of that? 

Mr. Banta. I did not. 

Mr. Starnes. Had you any such engagement? 

Mr. Banta. No. 

Mr. Starnes. And have you demanded, in writing, a retraction of 
that publication? 

Mr. Banta. I have. 

Mr. Starnes. And is this a copy of the letter which you for- 
warded [handing to witness] ? 

Mr. Banta. A carbon copy of the letter which I sent; yes. 

Mr. St.\rnes. After it was called to your attention? 

Mr. Banta. Yes. 

Mr. Starnes. And this is a copy of the registry receipt 
[indicating] ? 

Mr. Banta. It is. 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1017 

Mr. Starnes. I will ask you to examine it, and, after you have 
done so, certify that is a correct copy, carbon copy, of the letter, to 
be introduced in the record with the appropriate exhibit number. 

Mr. Baxta. This is my letter, directed to one J. Hill, in care of 
this paper. I knew nothing about this publication and knew nothing 
about the subject being published until it was called to my attention. 

(The copy of letter and registry receipt above referred to were 
marked "Exhibit Banta NY No. 1*0" and filed with the committee, 
beinc; a carbon copy of a letter dated September 14, 1938, addressed 
to J. Hill by Edwin P. Banta.) 

(At this point the subcommittee took a recess until 2:15 p. m.) 

AFTER RECESS 

The subcommittee reconvened pursuant to the taking of the recess, 
Hon. Joe Starnes (chairman) presiding. 

Mr. Starnes. I call Mr. John Joseph Fitzpatrick to the stand. 

TESTIMONY OF JOHN JOSEPH FITZPATRICK 

(The witness was duly sworn by Mr. Starnes.) 

Mr. Starnes. Give your name and address, please. 

Mr. Fitzpatrick. John Joseph Fitzpatrick: 11-527 One Hundred 
and Ninety-seventh Street, St. Albans. 

Mr. Starnes. Mr. Fitzpatrick, what is your present vocation or 
profession ? 

Mr. Fitzpatrick. Timekeeper, Federal Project No. 1. 

Mr. Thomas. Federal Writers' Project No. 1 ? 

Mr. Fitzpatrick. Federal Writers' Project No. 1. 

Mr. Starnes. Is the Federal Writers' Project No. 1 the project on 
which one Edwin P. Banta is engaged at the present time? 

Mr. Fitzpatrick. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Starnes. What are your duties as timekeeper on that project? 

Mr. Fitzpatrick. To obtain the signature of each and every worker 
and to verify that signature for pay-roll purposes. 

Mr. Starnes. The pay rolls are made up from these time sheets; 
is that correct? 

Mr. Fitzpatrick. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Starnes. I hand you herewith two pages of what purport to 
be a daily time report of the Works Progress Administration, Fed- 
eral Project No. 1, of New York City, dated September 12. 1938. 
These were brought before the committee when you first came under 
a subpena duces tecum. Will 3^011 examine those and identify them, 
if you can [handing to witness] ? 

Mr. Fitzpatrick. I can so identify them. 

Mr. Starnes. Are those the original time sheets of that project 
out there — project No. 1? 

Mr. Fitzpatrick. They are. 

Mr. Starnes. They are kept under your supervision ? 

Mr. Fitzpatrick. Correct. 

Mr. Starnes. You will note there that the names are typed in and 
then the names are written over the typed name. Who puts in the 
typed name? 



1018 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr. Fitzpatrick. The clerical force. 

Mr. Starnes. Now, the written signature? 

Mr. Fitzpatrick. That is put in by the workers themselves. 

Mr. Starnes. Now, in the column showing the time in and out and 
the remarks there, who registers the time in and out on these sheets? 

Mr. Fitzpatrick. The workers. 

Mr. Starnes. The workers themselves? 

Mr. Fitzpatrick. The workers themselves. 

Mr. Starnes. I notice there that some of them are registered in at 
!) a. m. and some at 10 a. m., and registered out then, respectively, at 
4 p. m. and 5 p. m. ; is that correct ? 

Mr. Fitzpatrick. That is correct. 

Mr. Starnes. Testimony has been offered here by one who did not 
keep the records that the writer signs in and out at the same time. 
Is that correct? 

Mr. Fitzpatrick. That is correct. That is on account of going into 
the field, doing field work, consisting of research, and so forth. 

Mr. Starnes. In other words, assuming John Doe is on the Fed- 
eral Writers' Project out there and he comes in in the morning at 9 
o'clock and he is going to be assigned to field work, he comes in and 
signs in at 9 o'clock and, at the same time, signs out at 4 o'clock, we 
will say, and writes opposite "field work"? 

Mr. Fitzpatrick. Correct. 

Mr. Starnes. With no executive verifying it concerning the 
reason ? 

Mr. Fitzpatrick. Correct. 

Mr. Starnes. When does he come back? 

Mr. Fitzpatrick. He does not come back that day unless he is 
called back by the supervisor. 

Mr. Starnes. Unless he is called back by the supervisor, he does 
not return to the project again until 24 hours later ? 

Mr. Fitzpatrick. That is right. 

Mr. Starnes. During the period of time that he goes away 24 
hours, do you know what, if any, supervision is had over his work? 

Mr. Fitzpatrick. No, sir. 

Mr. Starnes. In other words, so far as you know, he is entirely at 
liberty to go and come when he pleases? 

Mr. Fitzpatrick. Under the direction of his immediate supervisor. 

Mr. Starnes. The point I want to bring out — that is, if you know — 
is whether or not this man is at liberty to go and come as he pleases. 
In other words, there is no supervisor to keep check of them on the 
job? 

Mr. Fitzpatrick. The supervisor should have them under his 
thumb, in other words, and know where they go for research. 

Mi-. Thomas. But actually, does he? 

"Sir. Fitzpatrick. No; I cannot say that. 

Mr. Starnes. How many supervisors are there on the job? 

Mr. Fitzpatrtck. About 30. 

Mr. Starnes. And how many writers are there on the job? 

Mr. Fitzpatrick. Four hundred and forty; along there now. 

Mr. Starnes. Therefore, it would be physically impossible, of 
course, for the 30 supervisors to be actually present with those people 
engaged in field work throughout the day? 



ON-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1019 

Mr. Fitzpatrick. No; I cannot answer that question, whether it 
would be physically impossible or not; because some of the super- 
visors go out in the field. Where they go, I do not know. That 
does not come under my jurisdiction. 

Mr. Starnes. You brought with you the other day three time 
sheets which the committee permitted you to retain, due to the fact 
the pay roll had to be made up today. 
Mr. Fitzpatrick. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Starnes. You identified on those the names of all the work- 
ers at the present time on the writers' project? 

Mr. Fitzpatrick. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Starnes. Do you know Abe Newman? 

Mr. Fitzpatrick. As a worker; yes, sir. 

Mr. Starnes. You know him as a worker, and his name appeals 
on the time sheet? 

Mr. Fitzpatrick. It does. 

Mr. Starnes. Hyman Epstein; do you know him as a worker? 

Mr. Fitzpatrick. Also as a worker. 

Mr. Starnes. And his name appears? 

Mr. Fitzpatrick. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Starnes. And in the pages which, for your information, you 
carried back to the project the other day, after they were submitted, 
appeared the names of all the writers? 

Mr. Fitzpatrick. Of all the writers. 

(The time sheets above referred to were marked "Exhibit Fitz- 
patrick NY No. 11" and filed with the committee, being two time 
sheets of September 12, 1938.) 

Mr. Starnes. I will ask you to examine the signatures and names 
of those people in that book The People's Front I handing to 
witness] . 

Mr. Fitzpatrick. Just on these two pages? 

Mr. Starnes. On all the pages there. 

Mr. Fitzpatrick. Abe Newman — I can identify that. Jay Greu- 
lich. I cannot pronounce this first name I-r-j-a, Koski; I can iden- 
tify that. Elmer Bendine; Paul H. Konecky; Dorothy Kaufman; 
Max Arnold : Hon. Maxwell Bodenheim ; William Wood ; Harry 
Davis. 

You had better let that "honorable" go off the record. 

Mr. Starnes. That is all right. 

Mr. Fitzpatrick. Of course, I heard the newspapermen snicker 
before, so I assume he is not so well regarded by the newspapermen, 
although he is by himself. 

John F. Conny, Leo Minnioff, Florence Kleiman, Paul London, 
Lillian Scribner, Esther Booklan, Julia Beller, Dorothy Smith. 

Mr. Starnes. "What about Annabelle Harrison? 

Mr. Fitzpatrick. I have not come to that. 

Mr. Starnes. I think you will find it at the top of the page some- 
where, in the upper right hand. 

Mr. Fitzpatrick. Morris Kirstan. 

Mr. Starnes. Eva Shane — do you know her? 

Mr. Fitzpatrick. Yes; I know her. 

Mr. Starnes. She w r orks on the project? 

Mr. Fitzpatrick. She does. Eugene Konecky. 



1020 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr. Staknes. Of those names you have been able to decipher there, 
or read, have you been able to decipher or read any that you do not 
recall, that are not on the project, or have not been on the project? 

Mr. Fitzpatrick. This Fred Rolland — I do not believe has been 
on the project. He may have been before my time. 

Mr. Starnes. How long have you been on the project? 

Mr. Fitzpatrick. A year ago last July. 

Mr. Starnes. A year ago last July? 

Mr. Fitzpatrick. Yes. Abraham Armband, Friedor Eger, Bin 
Hanson, Richard Winans, Hyman Smith — spelled "H-i" — Lila C. 
Temple, are no longer on the project, 

Mr. Starnes. How about Annabelle Harrison? 

Mr. Fitzpatrick. Yes; Annabelle Harrison; Lila Valda ; Gody — 
no ; he is an administrator. 

Mr. Starnes. You do not verify the administrator's pay roll? 

Mr. Fitzpatrick. No. 

Mr. Starnes. You gave Julia Beller, I believe. 

Mr. Fitzpatrick. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Starnes. And Walt Anderson? 

Mr. Fitzpatrick. I do not know. 

Mr. Starnes. Now you spoke of the fact that you did not keep 
the time sheets of the administrative personnel. How is that kept; 
is that kept under a different system ? 

Mr. Fitzpatrick. It is kept in the same building by a different 
department, the administrative department. They are paid semi- 
monthly; our workers are paid weekly. 

Mr. Thomas. That includes supervisors? 

Mr. Fitzpatrick. The supervisors come under "administrative." 

Mr. Starnes. Now these supervisors, you say, come under the 
administrative pay roll? 

Mr. Fitzpatrick. The administrative pay roll. 

Mr. Starnes. What type of time sheet do they have? 

Mr. Fitzpatrick. The same type of sheet, but stamped "Adminis- 
trative". 

Mr. Starnes. Is it what you call a "2A" time sheet? 

Mr. Fitzpatrick. No, sir. 

Mr. Starnes. What is that so-called 2A time sheet ? 

Mr. Fitzpatrick. 2A is a time sheet kept by 16 people, on what 
is known as self-supervision, on their own, to do writing at their 
home for the project, on project time. 

Mr. Starnes. They do not sign in as the workers on the project 
do who are paid weekly, nor do they sign in as those do who are 
on the administrative force? 

Mr. Fitzpatrick. No, sir; they don't. 

Mr. Starnes. The total of 16 who keep their own books and own 
records 

Mr. Fitzpatrick. Did I mention they are known as creative 
writers ? 

Mr. Starnes. They are known as creative writers? 

Mr. Fitzpatrick. As creative writers. 

Mr. Starnes. Do you know what that is? 

Mr. Fitzpatrick. No, sir; I don't know. In other words, they 
may go and create a book of their own; I don't know. 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1021 

Mr. Starnes. Have they created any particular work up to date 
that you know of? 

Mr. FrrzPATBiCK. That don't come under my supervision; thai 
goes to the supervisor or director. 

Mr. Starnes. But they have no time sheets at all? 

Mr. Fttzpatrick. Yes; they have this 2A that I just mentioned. 

Mr. Starnes. How often do they send in the 2A? 

Mr. Fitzpatrick. Once a week they have to appear in person, on 
Thursdays. 

Mr. Starnes. By the wav, are vou a member of the Communist 
Party ? 

Mr. Fitzpatrick. No. sir. 

Mr. Starnes. Or the Workers Alliance? 

Mr. Fitzpatrick. No, sir. 

Mr. Starnes. You may be excused; today; you are excused from 
attending the committee further, but bring us back the time sheets. 

(Witness excused.) 

Mr. Starnes. I believe we will next take Mr. Ralph De Sola. 

TESTIMONY OF RALPH DE SOLA, NEW YORK, N. Y. 

(The witness was duly sworn by Mr. Starnes.) 

Mr. Starnes. Give your full name and address to the stenographer. 

Mr. De Sola. Ralph De Sola: 312 East Sixty-sixth Street, New 
York City. 

Mr. Starnes. Mr. De Sola, are you a native of New York Stato 
or city? 

Mr. De Sola. Yes: I was born here. 

Mr. Starnes. You were born here? 

Mr. De Sola. Yes. 

Mr. Starnes. What is. your profession? 

Mr. De Sola. I am a naturalist. 

Mr. Starnes. Will yon please give to the committee the benefit of 
your experience and background in a professional way? First give 
ns your collegiate training and then your professional experience 
after you finished your training. 

Mr. De Sola. Yes. On leaving high school in this city, I took spe- 
cial courses in zoology and oceanology at Swarthmore College and 
Columbia University. I had my first position as interpreter and col- 
lector on the New York Zoological Society Expedition of 1928. 

Mr. Starnes. Where did that expedition go? 

Mr. De Sola. We went from New York to Galapagos Island off 
the west coast of South America, where we collected 180 rare reptiles, 
mostly gigantic reptiles. 

Following that I worked as a research worker for the Wyanosky 
Zoological Station of the New York Zoological Society in New 
Jersey. 

In 1929 I organized my own expedition to Cuba for the New York 
Zoological Society and American Museum of Natural History. There 
I collected crocodiles and lizards. 

In the following 2 or 3 years I wrote up some of my findings and 
technical papers in the Bulletin of the New York Zoological Society, 
and in a technical magazine called Copena. I made summer trips 



1Q22 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

after that to Okefenokee swamp in southeastern Georgia for the New 
York Aquarium and the University of Michigan. 

I later, toward the beginning of 1933, opened, in company with 
another person, a zoological garden at Miami, Fla. After this failed, 
due to the depression, I came back to New York and subsequently 
became a member of the Federal Writers' project. 

On the Federal Writers' Project, I proposed a plan to write and 
present to the public a series of popular natural histories. The 
first two books of this series, Who's Who in the Zoo, a natural 
history of animals, the second, Birds of the World, an illustrated 
natural history, have been published. The latter work was published 
this morning by Whitman & Co. of Chicago. I have also planned 
and completed, with my staff, a third work now in the process of 
publication, to be entitled "Reptiles and Amphibians"; and, with 
my staff, I am now engaged in the production of a fourth work, a 
natural history of the United States. 

Mr. Starnes. Do you have any of your publications with you 
today? 

Mr. De Sola. No ; I do not. 

Mr. Starnes. Will you furnish for the committee the copies you 
have referred to that are already published, and any others as they 
come out? 

Mr. De Sola. I will ask the supervisor of the project to send 
that. 

Mr. Starnes. I want to say the committee examined them and 
found them to be works of merit. 

Mr. De Sola. Yes; I was here the other da}', and gentlemen of 
the committee, and representatives, looked at the works. 

Mr. Thomas. Who is the supervisor of your project ? 

Mr. De Sola. I am my own supervisor, and I am directly responsi- 
ble to the front office. 

Mr. Starnes. That completes your background and your experi- 
ence ? 

Mr. De Sola. Yes. 

Mr. Starnes. When did you become connected with the so-called 
Writers' Project? 

Mr. De Sola. At the inception of the guidebook section, the New 
York City Guidebook section, of the project, and I believe it was 
October 28, or the latter part of the month of October 1935, as 
clearly as I recall. 

Mr. Starnes. And you have been with them since that time? 

Mr. De Sola. Yes. 

Mr. Starnks. In what capacity, will you please state to the com- 
mittee? 

Mr. De Sola. When I first joined the project, I was hired as 
editor. I was later promoted to assistant project supervisor; I 
was later demoted to editor; I was later promoted to master writer, 
to assistant project supervisor, and to my present position of project 
supervisor. 

Mr. Starnes. In your position, you supervise your own work and 
your own time; is that correct? 

Mr. De Sola. Yes. That I have only done, however, since July 
1930, when the zoological series started. That has only been going 
on about the past 2 years. 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1023 

Mr. Starnes. How many of the personnel on the project do you 
have there under your supervision or direction insofar as produc- 
tion is concerned? 

Mr. De Sola. At the present time, about 10 people. I never have 
had more than 12. 

Air. Starnes. Are any of them under you? I mean, are there are 
of the people on the project for whom you are responsible in an 
administrative way? 

Mr. De Sola. Well, onlv the people who are directly on my own 
slat!'. 

Mr. Starnes. You keep no records, however, like time sheets, pay 
rolls, or anything of that sort? 

Mr. De Sola. Oh, no; only records of their work. 

Mr. Starnes. Are you now, or have you at any time been, a mem- 
ber of the Communist Party? 

Mr. De Sola. Yes; I was a member of the Communist Party. 

Mr. Starnes. When did you join, Mr. De Sola? 

Mr. De Sola. I joined in 1933. 

Mr. Starnes: In 1933? 

Mr. De Sola. No; excuse me; thai is not the date. You had me 
confused with the date of the opening of my zoological garden. I 
joined the Communist Party probably about the latter part of 
September or October 1934. I do not recall my previous testimony 
on that, but I think it was something like that. 

Mr. Starnes. What induced you to join the party? 

Mr. De Sola. The fact that the depression had hit me in my 
cherished enterprise in a very personal way; the fact I believed at 
the time the country was in a very bad state of crisis, economic and 
social, and that the Communist Party at the time was the only 
party on the scene that had a realistic program for bringing things 
to a better pass. 

Mr. Starnes. How long did you remain a member of the party? 

Mr. De Sola. I remained a member of the Communist Party up 
to about a year and a half ago. 

Mr. Starnes. What induced you to leave the party, or what reason 
impelled you to sever your connection with that party? 

Mr. De Sola. A variety of reasons; chiefly the fact, I would say, 
that through my work in the party and my study of foreign affairs 
as they were discussed in the party, and my studies of the Marx 
classics, I became convinced that while the Communist Party was 
demanding democratic rights, civil liberties, and all that sort of 
thing for people in democratic countries, it was denying those 
rights to people in Avhat they call the "workers' paradise" — the 
Soviet Union. 

I also discovered the idealistic reasons that led me to join the 
Communist Party — helping the workers of the world — had never 
been taken very seriously even in Marx's day. He meant by that 
phrase onlv, apparently, workers under his control — certain groups 
in France and Germany; he did not mean Slavish workers; he did 
not mean Bohemian workers, and Czechs, and many other workers of 
different countries whom he considered inferior people. 

I also discovered the Moscow trials, which upset so many people, 
because they >pemed so fantastic, were not new in the Communist 



1024 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

deal. Marx also treated people in business as sort of informers on 
the police, and so on, in his own time. 

I also found what was kind of opposite and claimed to be oppo- 
sition groups to the Communist Part}* — people such as Trotskyites 
and Lovestoneites, and so forth — when they had had official power, 
they acted exactly as the party now in power. 

I also discovered what I had believed and had been taught was 
the crowning achievement of Marxism — economic interpretation of 
history — that this also was not original, in a sense, with Marx, but 
only something he had applied to the European scene in his own 
time; that it was something known and can be found in papers of 
Presidents of our own country. Madison, in his remarks on the 
Constitution, gives every evidence he knew about such theories and 
pleaded for a liberal interpretation of the history of this country 
in early days. 

Mr. Starnes. Did you also discover that their profession of free- 
dom of speech, and of press, and of conscience were mere hollow 
shells, and they denied, as you so aptly stated a moment ago, those 
very rights to the opposition, when the opposition was in the mi- 
nority and the Communists were in control? 

Mr. De Sola. Yes. I found that to be true in every case; not 
only in the immediate present, in my own contact with it here; but, 
from what the public press told us about Russia, from what I learned 
in the so-called liberal capitalistic press, it was going on in the 
Soviet Union, and that it was. good practice even in the days of 
Marx. 

Mr. Starnes. In other words, when they seized power or got in 
control, they brooked no interference with their policies? 

Mr. De Sola. That is absolutely right. 

Mr. Starnes. And did you discover they were willing to go the 
absolute limit and use every manner of physical force when one 
interfered with the edicts of the party? 

Mr. De Sola. I think everything I have seen in the papers would 
indicate it, 

Mr. Starnes. Did you find their own teachings to the party in 
this country, as you went further into the counsels of the party and 
their philosophy, led in that direction? 

Mr. De Sola. Yes; I found them to be very dogmatic or doctrin- 
arian at times; certainly not what one would term "human liberal- 
ism," or "libertarian," as you would hope to find in such a group. 

Mr. Starnes. Very finely stated. Do you know anything of the 
plans or efforts to control certain key organizations, or utilities, in 
tliis; country? 

Mr. De Sola. Why yes. It was always vaguely rumored in the 
party that all one had to do was to take over the radio stations and 
powerhouses, and the country would fold up. I do not think party 
members well informed very seriously believed that, because they 
knew their forces were too inept and too weak. 

Mr. Starnes. Did their teachings here lead you to believe, or did 
you discover from t heir teachings and practices,, that they went 
further and further to the left, and at the last the ultimate appeal 
or resort was not to reason, but to force? 

Mr. De Sola. Well, that was true, but I think it corresponded more 
or less to the immediate foreign situation that confronted the Soviet 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1025 

Union. I firmly believe if you follow the history of the various 
turns of the Communist Party from ultraright to ultraleft, and 
back again to ultralight, as you see today, you will find it very 
clearly reflects (he needs of the foreign office of the Soviet Union; 
and that any turn was, indeed, in the inception, nothing more than 
the foreign policy of the Soviet Union. 

Mr. St. mines. You attended party meetings regularly? 
Mr. De Sola. Yes. 
Mr. Starnes. You paid dues? 
Mr. De Sola. Yes. 

Mr. Starnes. You sat in on their counsels and deliberations? 
Mr. De Sola. Yes. 

Mr. Stahnes. Do you know Mr. Edwin P. Banta? 
Mr. De Sola. Yes; I know him. I recruited him. 
Mr. Starnes. You anticipated my question. You recruited him 
for the Communist Party? 

Mr. De Sola. Yes. I thought he was an excellent element. 
Mr. Starnes. He was a man of intelligence '. 

Mr. De Sola. Yes; a man who had a good trade-union record; a 
man who Avas the kind I felt we wanted in the party. 

Mr. Starnes. And when, do you recall, did you recruit him? 
Mr. De Sola. I cannot recall the date- 
Mr. Starnes. To refresh your recollection, you met him sometime 
in 1935 or 1936 — one of those years? 

Mr. De Sola. Yes; because that was about the time of the opening 
of this project, and I believe I met Mr. Banta about that time, and 
watched his work in the office and watched his work in the trade- 
union. I would say that was about the time. 

Mr. Starnes. In other words, he was on the project at that time \ 
Mr. De Sola. Yes. 

Mr. Starnes. And you recruited him from the project? What I 
mean is, 3-011 were both -experienced; therefore, you recruited him for 
the party ? 
Mr. De Sola. That is correct. 

Mr. Starnes. There were, of course, a number of active Communists 
on the project personally known to you and who sat in the councils? 
Mr. De Sola. I suppose you have that information. 
Mr. Thomas. At that time, what was your position? 
Mr. De Sola. At that time I was fraction secretary of the party on 
the job. I was responsible for party activities in the shop. 
Mr. Thomas. What was your position in the Writers' Project? 
Mr. De Sola. In the Writers' Project, at the time you speak of, 
when I recruited this man? 
Mr. Thomas. Yes. 

Mr. De Sola. At that time I was master writer. 
Mr. Thomas. Master writer? 
Mr. De Sola. Yes. 

Mr. Thomas. During the time you were supervisor, did you recruil 
any other people in the Communist Party? 

Mr. De Sola. No. I made it a point not to recruit people when I 
was supervisor, because I thought it would be taking an unfair advan- 
tage of my job. 

94931—28 — vol. 2 4 



1026 ON-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr. Starnes. All right ; you may go. 

(Witness excused.) 

Mr. Starnes. Mr. Banta, will you resume the stand? 

FURTHER TESTIMONY OF EDWIN P. BANTA 

Mr. Starnes. Since being subpenaed as a witness you received 
threats against your personal safety and your life? 

Mr. Banta. I have. 

Mr. Starnes. It has been necessary that police protection be as- 
signed to you during the past week or 10 days ? 

Mr. Banta. It has. 

Mr. Starnes. That protection has been availed of in going to 
and from your home to the project? 

Mr. Banta. To the project, at lunch hour, in between hours, and 
in the vicinity. 

Mr. Starnes. I wish to state to you, Mr. Banta, that we are going 
to excuse you at this time. You are still under subpena and still 
under the protection of this committee. I want to assure you of 
that. That is all. 

All right; we will call Mr. John M. Sweeney to come to the 
stand. 

TESTIMONY OF JOHN M. SWEENEY, NEW YORK CITY 

(The witness was duly sworn by Mr. Starnes.) 

Mr. Starnes. Give your name and address, please. 

Mr. Sweeney. John M. Sweenev, 234 East One Hundred and 
Twenty-Eighth Street, New York City. 

Mr. Starnes. Mr. Sweeney, where were you born? 

Mr. Sweeney. I was born in New York City. 

Mr. Starnes. When? 

Mr. Sweeney. 1914, May 28. 

Mr. Starnes. Your parents were native-born also? 

Mr. Sweeney. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Starnes. What is your family background? 

Mr. Sweeney. My father is a lieutenant commander in the United 
States Navy, retired. 

Mr. Starnes. What is your present occupation? 

Mr. Sweeney. W. P. A. worker, laborer. 

Mr. Starnes. What did you do prior to that time? 

Mr. Sweeney. I worked with the National Maritime Union, go- 
ing to sea. 

Mr. Starnes. Have you ever been a member of the Communist 
Party? 

Mr. Sweeney. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Starnes. When did you join? 

Mr. Sweeney. I joined in August 1937. 

Mr. Starnes. Where? 

Mr. Sweeney. At Houston, Tex. 

Mr. Starnes. What induced you to join? 

Mr. Sweeney. T was on a seamen's strike down there, and the 
agent approached me and asked me to come up to their hall. I went 
up to their hall and joined their party. 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1Q27 

Mr. Starnes. You mean the seamen's strike? 

Mr. Sweeney. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Starnes. Were you a member of a seamen's union of any 
character ? 

Mr. Sweeney. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Starnes. What? 

Mr. Sweeney. The National Maritime Union, C. I. O. 

Mr. Starnes. Who approached yon with reference to joining the 
party \ 

Mr. Sweeney. A man by the name of T. R. Pait, from Harris- 
burg, Houston, Tex., Harrisburg post-office branch. 

Mr. Starnes. Do you have your membership book here? 

Mr. Sweeney. I had a membership book, but the book was taken 
away from me, and in its place I received a traveler's club card. 

Mr. Starnes. I will ask you to examine this traveler's club card 
No. 120-155. The name is John M. Sweeney. Identify that and 
call attention to any payments or statements, and so forth, and so 
forth, on that card. 

Mr. Sweeney. Yes; that is the card. 

Mr. Starnes. Who gave you that card? 

Mr. Sweeney. I received it from Homer Brooks, the man in charge 
of the Communist Party at Houston, Tex., in charge of the whole 
area of Texas. 

Mr. Starnes. When did you receive it? 

Mr. Sweeney. When they took my membership book away. 

Mr. Starnes. Yes. 

Mr. Sweeney. I was to go to Mexico from Houston. 

Mr. Starnes. Did you make any payments to the Communist 
Party? 

Mr. Sweeney. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Starnes. What did you pay? 

Mr. Sweeney. Twenty cents. 

Mr. Starnes. Was that based on your income, or what? 

Mr. Sweeney. That was based on seamen being on a strike. 

Mr. Starnes. It was based on being on a strike ? 

Mr. Sweeney. Yes; unemployed. 

(The traveler's card referred to was marked "Exhibit Sweeney 
NY No. 12." and filed with the committee, being 1938 membership 
card No. 20-155, issued in the name of John M. Sweeney.) 

Mr. Starnes. Did you hold a strike card at the time you joined 
the party? 

Mr. Sweeney. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Starnes. We are going to identify that card in your testimony 
and introduce it. Examine this strike card. Who issued that card? 

Mr. Sweeney. That was issued by H. J. Johnson. He was in 
charge of the inland boatmen's strike at Houston, Tex. 

Mr. Starnes. We will introduce that. 

(The strike card referred to was marked "Exhibit Sweeney NY 
No. 13" and filed with the committee, being a strike card of the 
Inland Boatmen's Division, National Maritime Union, Book No. 11.) 

Mr. Starnes. Was that one of your chief passports? 

Mr. Sweeney. To Mexico \ 



1028 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr. Starnes. To Mexico \ 

Mr. Sweeney. Yes. 

Mr. Starnes. Into the Communist Party I 

Mr. Sweeney. That was my union book. 

Mr. Thomas. I did not hear the answer. 

Mr. Sweeney. That was my union book, and there is some in there 
from Mexico, Union of Mexico, C. T. M., which is the same as Com- 
munist union. 

Mr. Thomas. C. M. T. in Mexico I 

Mr. Sweeney. Yes; communistically controlled. 

Mr. Thomas. Is that the organization that had a convention in 
Mexico the other day at which John L. Lewis was the chief speaker? 

Mr. Sweeney. Yes; one of their fellows was up here, the leader 
of it, Alberto Toledo. He was up here in giving lectures. 

Mr. Starnes. Did you see other members of the C. I. O. or any 
branch to which you belonged, or other branch.es, with a traveler's 
card such as you have there? 

Mr. Sweeney. Yes: several had them at sea. members of the 
N. M. U. They were sailing at sea. 

Mr. Starnes. You had met them at sea while yon Mere with the 
United Fruit Co.? 

Mr. Sweeney. Yes ; I have seen the .cards. 

Mr. Starnes. Where did you go to from Houston, and why? 

Mr. Sweeney. Well, this agent that I told you about that recruited 
me for the party, this T. R. Pait, he took me to Homer Brooks, and 
I had a long talk with Homer Brooks, and we went to several of the 
Communist meetings, and finally this Homer Brooks asked me if I 
would like to go to Spain, and I told him I would, but I told him, "I do 
not know how to get there, as I do not have any money," and he 
gave me $20, and I applied for a passport. 

Mr. Starnes. To where? 

Mr. Sweeney. To go to Spain, and the Spanish passport was refused. 

Mr. Starnes. You applied at Houston? 

Mr. Sweeney. Yes: I applied at Houston, and you have a remit- 
tance there on that. 

Mr. Starnes. Did you apply in your own name? 

Mr. Sweeney. Yes: I applied in my own name. 

Mr. Starnes. Did you join the Communist Party under your own 
name?' 

Mr. Sweeney. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Starnes. Were you refunded any money, then, after you failed 
to gain your passport? 

Mr. Sweeney. Yes, sir; $9. 

Mr. Starnes. Examine this memorandum, public voucher for re- 
fund from Department of State, Passport Division, to John Mat- 
thew Sweeney, ireneral delivery, Harrisburg Station, Houston, Tex.; 
and you meant Harrisburg Station. Houston. Tex.; when you referred 
(o it awhile ago? 

Mr. Sweeney. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Starnes. This is a refund of deposit, $9 that was paid when 
you applied for a passport? 

Mr. Sweeney. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Starnes. Is that correct? 

Mr. Sweeney. Yes, sir. 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1029 

Mr. Starnes. We will introduce that in evidence. 
(The paper referred to was marked "Exhibit Sweeney, NY No. 14," 
and filed with the committee, being a memorandum voucher of the 
Department of State.) 

Mr. Stabnes. This is the refund of $9 which you received of the 
money you advanced? 

Mr. Sweeney. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Starnes. You say Homer Brooks furnished you that money? 

Mr. Sweeney. Yes. 

Mr. Starnes. You were to be recruited for service in the Loyalist 
forces in Spain? 

Mr. Sweeney. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Starnes. Failing to get a passport in Houston, what action 
did Brooks take, or members of the Communist group there, take 
to get you to Spain? 

Mr. Sweeney. Brooks wrote me a letter. I was to go to Laredo to 
this agent there, a fellow by the name of Frank Martenez. 

Mr. Starnes. To Frank Martinez? 

Mr. Sweeney. Yes; at 1608 St. George Street, Laredo, Tex. 

Mr. Starnes. What were you told to do when you reported to 
this agent? 

Mr. Sweeney. I had a letter of introduction to him and the letter 
was written in Spanish, and the general idea of the letter was that I 
was a friend, and he was to get me across the border. 

Mr. Starnes. Did you get across the border? 

Mr. Sweeney. I got across the border with this agent, and I met 
another agent on the other side of the border, who took me to his 
home. Salman Amanza. 

Mr. Starnes. Was he a Mexican agent or a Communist agent? 

Mr. Sweeney. A Communist agent. 

Mr. Starnes. When you reported at Laredo with your letter of 
introduction he carried you across the border? 

Mr. Sweeney. Across the border in a car. 

Mr. Starnes. Across the border in a car? 

Mr. Sweeney. Yes. 

Mr. Starnes. And you reported there to another agent? 

Mr. Sweeney. Yes; that is his name. 

Mr. Starnes. His name you have just given us? 

Mr. Sweeney. Yes ; Salman Amanza. 

Mr. Starnes. Do you have his address? 

Mr. Sweeney. I haven't it here; no. 

Mr. Starnes. Do you have it somewhere? 

Mr. Sweeney. Yes. 

Mr. Thomas. You say you went across the border in a car? 

Mr. Sweeney. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Thomas. Was that car stopped on the way across by the 
United States Government officials? 

Mr. Sweeney. No: I had instructions that, if it was stopped by 
the Mexican immigration officials, I was to say nothing. 

Mr. Thomas. So far as you know, is it not customary for the Gov- 
ernment officials to stop cars as they go across the border? 

Mr. Sweeney. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Thomas. But they did not stop this car? 

Mr. Sweeney. No. sir. 



1030 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr. Thomas. Did you see any immigration officials there? 

Mr. Sweeney. The immigration officials I saw, but they did not 
stop the car. The United States immigration officials stop them com- 
ing out of Mexico into the United States. 

Mr. Thomas. But the Mexican officials did not make any attempt 
to stop you at all? 

Mr. Sweeney. No, sir. 

Mr. Starnes. You were stopped by the customs officials when you 
came back, and you had trouble gaining admission into this country ? 

Mr. Sweeney. Yes, I did; and, in fact, they told me I was a 
Mexican. 

Mr. Thomas. But the American officials finally let you come in? 

Mr. Sweeney. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Thomas. After you showed them what paper ? 

Mr. Sweeney. I showed them that paper with the seaman's finger- 
print on it. He took me into a room and checked the fingerprints 
and he finally let me come back in. 

Mr. Thomas. The only written identification you had was that sea- 
man's paper? 

Mr. Sweeney. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Thomas. He did not ask you for any other written identi- 
fication ? 

Mr. Sweeney. No, sir. 

Mr. Starnes. How long were you in Mexico? 

Mr. Sweeney. I was in Mexico about a month and a half. 

Mr. Starnes. Where did you you go while there? 

Mr. Sweeney. I went to Monterey. I went back in a train from 
Nuevo Laredo to Monterey in Nuevo Leon. 

Mr. Starnes. To whom did you report at that point? 

Mr. Sweeney. I reported to Percilana Almergera. 

Mr. Starnes. Give his name and address there. 

Mr. Sweeney. 344 Arteaga Calle, headquarters of the Communist 
Party. Salman Amanza's address is Victoria Street, Nuevo Laredo, 
Mexico. 

Mr. Starnes. Why did you go to Mexico? 

Mr. Sweeney. I was supposed to go through to Mexico City, and 
I was to go through to go to Spain, but something happened down 
there and the Communist Party stopped sending the men through 
Mexico and I was held there in Monterey. 

Mr. Starnes. Where were you to take the boat? 

Mr. Sweeney. From Mexico City; I was supposed to go from 
Mexico City to Veracruz, to take the boat from Veracruz. 

Mi-. Starnes. In other words, you were being routed through Mex- 
ico City on to Veracruz to get the boat ? 

Mr. Sweeney. Yes. 

Mr. Starnes. Who recruited you for that Mexico service? 

Mr. Sweeney. Who recruited me? 

Mr. Starnes. For the Spanish service. 

Mr. Sweeney. Homer Brooks. 

Mr. Starnes. Homer Brooks? 

Mr. Sweeney. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Starnes. After you failed to obtain a passport, and you 
failed to obtain passage when you were in Mexico, then what 
did you do? 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1031 

Mr. Sweeney. I came back from Mexico, went back, and Homer 
Brooks found it would be impossible to get me through Mexico, 
and he told me he would send me up to New York, and T could leave 
from New York as they were sending men out of New York without 
passports. So I left Houston to go on to New York. 

Mr. Starnes. Now, were you given a route to travel from Houston 
to New York with instructions from Brooks? 

Mr. Sweeney. Yes; en route places I was supposed to stop. 

Mr. Starnes. Places you were supposed to stop? 

Mr. Sweeney. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Starnes. All right; do you know the names of those places? 

Mr. Sweeney. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Starnes. Where did you first stop after leaving Houston? 

Mr. Sweeney. I went to Galveston. T was told to go to Gal- 
veston. 

Mr. Starnes. By whom? 

Mr. Sweeney. By Homer Brooks. 

Mr. Starnes. All right. 

Mr. Sweeney. At Galveston I was to contact the N. M. U. agent 
and to find out if he had a boat about to leave or depart, going to 
New York, and, if not, to come back to Houston, to leave Houston 
and to proceed to New Orleans. 

Mr. Starnes. Were you able to get passage at Galveston? 

Mr. Sweeney. No ; I was not. 

Mr. Starnes. What did you do then? 

Mr. Sweeney. I came back to Houston and left for New Orleans 
with the address of Jack Bernstein, 507 Decatur Street, New Or- 
leans, La. 

Mr. Starnes. What was this man Bernstein's business or profession 
or contact? 

Mr. Sweeney. He is a furrier. He buys furs. He comes back 
and forth up here to New York two or three times a year buying furs 
in the fur market. He is in the fur business. 

Mr. Starnes. How long were you in New Orleans, approximately? 

Mr. Sweeney. About 3 days. 

Mr. Starnes. From there where did vou go? 

Mr. Sweeney. From there I went to Mobile. 

Mr. Starnes. Was that still under instructions? 

Mr. Sweeney. Yes, sir; still under instructions; Miss J. C. Yeiker, 
700 St. Immanuel Street, Mobile. 

Mr. Starnes. Proceed with your route and speak louder. 

Mr. Sweeney. From Mobile T w 7 ent to Birmingham. 

Mr. Starnes. You proceeded from Mobile to Birmingham? 

Mr. Sweeney. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Starnes. To whom did you report at Birmingham? 

Mr. Sweeney. Jane Speed's book store. 

Mr. St.arnes. Where is that located? 

Mr. Sweeney. At Birmingham, Ala. I do not know the street, but 
it is known all over Alabama. It is the Communist Party head- 
quarters. 

Mr. Starnes. The Communist Party headquarters in Birmingham? 

Mr. Sweeney. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Starnes. And. after leaving Birmingham, where did you go? 



1032 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr. Sweeney. I stayed there at Air. Robert Hall's, at 230 in the 
Clark Building, and leaving there I proceeded to Chattanooga, Tenn., 
with the address of a Ted Wellman, who is the district organizer of 
district 33. His office is in the Milton Building, the top floor, which 
is also the headquarters of a C. I. O. union. His address is 327 
Cherry Street, Chattanooga. 

Mr. Starnes. How long were you in Chattanooga? 

Mr. Saveeney. I stayed there 2 days. 

Mr. Starnes. All right; to what point did you proceed from 
Chattanooga ? 

Mr. Sweeney. I went to Norfolk, Va. At Norfolk, Va., I went 
again to the National Maritime Union, at 422 East Main Street, and 
the fellow in charge was a man by the name of R. Graham, and an- 
other agent by the name of David Jenkins. From Norfolk I went to 
Richmond. At Richmond I had the address of the People's book 
store at 301 West First Street, and there I met the man in charge, a 
fellow by the name of Don Burke. I stayed at his home for 2 days 
there at 3 A West Grace, Apartment 2, at Richmond, Va. 

From Richmond, Va., I went to Washington, At Washington, 
D. C, I had the address of the party headquarters at 602 F Street, 
on the second floor. The office number is 210 ; that is, the Communist 
Party headquarters. The fellow there in charge was a man by the 
name of Martin. From Washington I came up here to New York. 
Here I had the address of a David Mankoff, at 15 West Eighth 
Street. I had Mankoff's address from Texas. I had met Mankoff 
in Texas previously when I was down there, and also the address 
where I was to apply for the passport. 

Mr. Thomas. As I understand it, you were still trying to find a 
place where you could make arrangements to go abroad? 

Mr. Sweeney. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Thomas. That was the purpose in going to all of these various 
cities, in order to aid you to get to Spain? 

Mr. Sweeney. To get to Spain ; yes, sir. 

Mr. Starnes. Let us £et that clear. My understanding was that 
he was sending you back to New York, and this was the route that 
you were to travel to o;et back to New York? 

Mr. Sweeney. That is true, but I was supposed to come up here 
to get to Spain. 

Mr. Thomas. He was still trying to get to Spain. 

Mr. Sweeney. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Starnes. Yes; but this other is just to show there was a con- 
necting link and an organization for the purpose of furthering the 
cause or recruiting for Loyalist Spain, and you got your instructions 
at Houston, Tex., to proceed to these various names and addresses at 
the cities on your way to New York trying to get a passport to pro- 
ceed abroad? 

Mr. Sweeney. That is correct. 

Mr. Starnes. You stopped, for one thing, to get money to back 
you up? 

Mr. Sweeney. That is right. 

Mr. Starnes. Now, you came to New York? 

Mr. Sweeney. Yes; I came to New York, and I stopped at Dave 
Mankoff 's address that T <rot at Houston. Tex., to so to see Frank 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1033 

at 236 West Fortieth Street, just an envelope. You have that en- 
velope. 

Mr. Starnes. Is that the envelope he gave you [indicating]? 

Mr. Sweeney. That is right. 

Mr. Thomas. If you got that address in Houston, Tex., how is it: 
you stopped at all of these other places on the way up? 

Mr. Sweeney. I was told to do that. 

Mr. Starnes. All right ; identify that. Is that the memorandum 
you were given at Houston, Tex., of the places you were to report to 
in New York City? 

Mr. Sweeney. Yes. 

Mr. Starnes. Did you report? 

Mr. Sweeney. Yes. 

Mr. Starnes. All right; go ahead. 

(The paper referred to was marked "Sweeney Exhibit NY No. 
15" and filed with the committee, being a small piece of envelope, 
typewritten, bearing the notation "To Frank 236 West 40th Street 
New York, New York.") 

Mr. Sweeney. That is the first address. The second address, I 
was sent from there to the downtown district of the Communist 
Party at 189 Second Avenue ; and from that address I was sent to a 
fellow by the name of Allen, on Bleeker Street, directly across from 
the Mills Hotel ; and the fourth place I went was to a fellow by the 
name of Manning, at 191 Canal Street. The fifth and last place, 
this fellow Allen moved into a building on 141 East Twenty-ninth 
Street. 

Mr. Starnes. What did you find there? 

Mr. Sweeney. I found a book store there with offices upstairs 
on the third floor, and that is where the recruits for Spain were 
assembled with their instructions. 

Mr. Starnes. And do you know whether or not that is headquar- 
ters of the Communist Party also ? 

Mr. Sweeney. That is headquarters for the Communist Party. 

Mr. Starnes. Now, you followed this circuitous route all the way 
from Houston to New York under the directions of this man Homer 
Brooks ? 

Mr. Sweeney. Yes. 

Mr. Starnes. Did he furnish you money for passage and ex- 
penses ? 

Mr. Sweeney. He furnished me money from Houston to New Or- 
leans, and from New Orleans I received money from Bernstein, and 
from each place I received money from the agent in charge there. 

Mr. Starnes. In each place where you reported you received money 
to go to the next place? 

Mr. Sweeney. That is right. 

Mr. Starnes. Do you know whether or not the people you reported 
to were Communists? 

Mr. Sweeney. They were Communists. 

Mr. Starnes. Did you see the cards or membership books of any 
of them? 

Mr. Sweeney. Well, the ones that I met except one — the one here 
in New York, the fellow by the name of Mankoff, Dave MankofF, I 
did not see his book, but he told me that he did not have a book. 



1034 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

He was a traveler, and he traveled back and forth to Mexico, but his 
wife had a green Communist Party book — that is, the 1938 issue — 
and I seen that. 

Mr. Starnes. You saw that? 

Mr. Sweeney. I saw that. 

Mr. Starnes. All these others that you reported to, did they require 
you to show your fellow traveler's card? 

Mr. Sweeney. Yes; I showed my traveler's card. 

Mr. Starnes. Your traveler's card? 

Mr. Sweeney. Yes. 

Mr. Starnes. That was their identification? 

Mr. Sweeney. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Starnes. Did you have with you any letters of identification 
other than your card? 

Mr. Sweeney. Just that letter to Frank, just saying I was a friend 
from Texas, and to do all he could for me. 

Mr. Starnes. All right. Now, what did you find here in New 
York City? 

Mr. Sweeney. I stayed at Mankoff's. I met several people there. 
I met Sigmund Miller, another man by the name of Herman Bayer, 
and another fellow by the name of Lary Garber, and these men were 
up at Mankoff's practically every night. I was up there too; I 
stayed there, slept there. 

Mr. Starnes. Were you able to get a passport while you were here ? 

Mr. Sweeney. No. 

Mr. Starnes. Did you make an application ? 

Mr. Sweeney. Did I make an application? 

Mr. Starnes. Yes. 

Mr. Sweeney. I made an application, and they started to get me a 
Spanish passport. My picture was taken and everything, and I 
turned it over to Allen at 141 East Twenty-ninth Street, and we were 
told to go over to the Abraham Lincoln Hall, which is down near 
Houston Street. There the fellows met the night before the boat sailed 
from New York, and also the fellows were all supposed to leave on the 
George Washington, and I was amongst the fellows down there, and 
this fellow Mankoff had the passports and expense money and the 
tickets, and the tickets were secured through the Worlds Tours, Inc. 
That is a Russian travel agency. And they also supplied me with 
a card in the Grand Hotel to get a room there before sailing. That 
was to give it a smooth-over finish, so that if anybody was following 
they would not know where we came from. 

Mr. Starnes. You did not get your passport? 

Mr. Sweeney. No; I did not get my passport. There was some- 
thing that turned up that three or four of us did not receive pass- 
ports, but the rest of them received passports, because I seen them. 
They were Spanish passports. They were a red back with black 
lettering in Spanish. They received instructions as to how to use 
them. Most of the fellows were American boys, and this fellow told 
them if an American agent, immigration agent, should come up to 
them and ask to see the passport, he said : "Open the passport up, 
and step back three paces, like this [indicating], and they cannot 
take the passport a way from you unless they have a warrant for 
you." 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1035 

Mr. Staijnks. Did you report this matter later to the State De- 
partment and the Federal authorities? 

Mr. Sweeney. I reported it to the Federal authorities. 

Mr. Thomas. How long after that was it that you reported it to 
the Federal authorities? 

Mr. Sweeney. While I was at MankofT's I contacted the Govern- 
ment here. 

Mr. Starnes. At approximately what date was that ? 

Mr. Sweeney. That was in January; I could not say exactly. 

Mr. Thomas. January 1938? 

Mr. Sweeney. 1938. 

Mr. Thomas. Did you report it in writing? 

Mr. Sweeney. No ; I went in person. I had kept in contact with 
the United States Government from the time I had come back across 
Mexico. I had stolen some papers and turned them over to the 
proper authorities here. 

Mr. Thomas. When you reported it, you reported it in person, 
you say? 

Mr. Sweeney. I reported it in person. 

Mr. Thomas. Here in New York City? 

Mr. Sweeney. Here in New York City. 

Mr. Thomas. What became of it ? 

Mr. Sweeney. Well, they had put investigators on following these 
men who were handling the passports, and I went with them. 

Mr. Thomas. Some of those investigators interviewed you? 

Mr. Sweeney. No ; I was with them, and they interviewed men. 

Mr. Thomas. They interviewed them? 

Mr. Sweeney. That is it, and then the investigators went out with 
me to place these men in their homes. They wanted to find out 
where they lived. 

Mr. Thomas. Do you know whether the same thing is going on 
now, or whether it has been stopped ? 

Mr. Sweeney. I could not say. 

Mr. Thomas. You do not know whether it has been stopped? 

Mr. Sweeney. I do not know whether it has been stopped or 
not. 

Mr. Thomas. Did you ever get any correspondence from the State 
Department in relation to this? 

Mr. Sweeney. No. I went up to this fellow MankofT's house, and 
I overheard Mankoff mention the Ruhens Passport case, and he told 
me, he said, "Some very dear friends of mine will be involved if the 
truth of this case was known," and he mentioned it up there at his 
home. So I immediately went up to the State Department and told 
them what I had overheard there, what Mankoff said about friends 
of his, and so the State Department wanted to know who his friends 
were, and so I told them this Sigmund Miller. Garber, and Herman 
Bayer, and they wanted to get a description of what these men had 
done, and I told them that Sigmund Miller had something to do in 
Martinello's office. 

Mr. Thomas. In Martinello's office? 

Mr. Sweeney. Yes; he was the one that had the passports put 
through. 

Mr. Thomas. Is he still working there? 



1036 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr. Sweeney. No; he was fired while I was up there at Mankoff's. 

Mr. Thomas. But you <lo not know definitely whether he was 
fired or just walked out? 

Mr. Sweeney. I think he was fired. 

Mr. Thomas. Are you guessing at that? 

Mr. Sweeney. I am pretty sure he was fired, or was pushed out 
in a way that was covered up. He did not walk out. He was pushed 
out, I am pretty sure, and then there was Herman Bayer, and he was 
a Reserve Army Officer. 

Mr. Starnes. Where did you meet Herman Bayer? 

Mr. Sweeney. I met him at David Mankoff's. 

"Sir. Starnes. At David Mankoff's? 

Mr. Sweeney. Yes: at David Mankoff's. and he had a conversa- 
tion Avith me and asked me about how things were in Mexico. Then 
he approached me and said. "How would you like to stay here rather 
than go to Spain?" He said he would like to have me join the Army 
here. I told him it was impossible, because I was already going to 
Spain, had made arrangements to go to Spain. He said that could 
be arranged here and work for the cause here. 

Mr. Thomas. You mentioned a man by the name of Garber. 

Mr. Sweeney. Garber. 

Mr. Thomas. How do you spell ir ? 

Mr. Sweeney. G-a-r-b-e-r, Lary Garber. 

Mr. Thomas. Do you know what Iris first name was? 

Mr. Sweeney. Lary Garber. 

Mr. Thomas. Lary Garber? 

Mr. Sweeney. Lary Garber: that is right. 

Mr. Thomas. Did he work in Martinello's office? 

Mr. Sweeney. I do not know. He worked around cameras, or 
something, because he made photographs, or with instruments, or 
something like that. I could never figure out what he done. I tried 
to find out, but I could not. 

Mr. Starnes. Did yon ever hear — T am not certain of the first 
name, but something like Lloyd or Osop Garber? 

Mr. Sweeney. I have heard of him, but that is not the same one. 

Mr. Starnes. You are positive it is not the same one? 

Mr. Sweeney. Not the same one: no. 

Mr. Starnes. That is all. Leave the things that you identified 
there. 

Did you ever join the German-American Bund? 

Mr. Sweeney. I did. 

Mr. Starnes. When did you join? 

Mr. Sweeney. I believe it was in May sometime: I am not sure 
of the dates. 

Mr. Thomas. May of this year ? 

Mr. Sweeney. May of this year. 

Mr. Starnes. Examine this membership card No. 18056, New York 
City, New York Unit of the German-American Bund, of John M. 
Sweeney, with the address given there. You identify it? 

Mr. Sweeney. That is correct. 

Mr. Starnes. Is that your membership card in the bund? 

Mr. Sweeney. It is. 

Mr. Starnes. How much money did it cost you to join the bund ? 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1Q37 

Mr. Sweeney. It cost me $1.75. 

Mr. Starnes. How much dues have you paid, if any? 
Mr. Sweeney. None. 

Mr. Starnes. That was just your membership card? 
Mr. Sweeney. Just the membership. 

Mr. Starnes. Will you introduce that for the purpose of an exhibit? 
(The card referred to was marked "Sweeney NY Exhibit No. 16" 
and filed with the committee, being the membership card of John 
M. Sweeney, No. 18056, in the German- American Bund.) 

Mr. Starnes. Did you ever attend any meetings of the bund? 
Mr. Sweeney. I have attended meetings. 

Mr. Starnes. How many meetings of the bund have you attended ? 
Mr. Sweeney. About two. 

Mr. Thomas. Then, you are a fellow traveler of the Communists as 
well as a member of the German-American Bund? 
Mr. Sweeney. Right ; both of them are no good. 
Mr. Starnes. Both of them are no good ? 
Mr. Sweeney. That is right. 

Mr. Starnes. What sort of a pledge or oath of allegiance did you 
have to take to get into that bund ? 
Mr. Sweeney. I did not take any. 
Mr. Starnes. You did not take any? 
Mr. Sweeney. Not at all. 

Mr. Starnes. It was not necessary for you to take any oath to get 
into the German-American Bund '. 
Mr. Sweeney. No. 

Mr. Starnes. Were you in there a sufficient length of time to enable 
you to get any of their doctrines, objects, and so forth? 

Mr. Sweeney. No; I did not pay much attention to that; I went 
up there mostly to see if I could locate some people. 
Mr. Starnes. To see if you could locate some people ? 
Mr. Sweeney. Yes. 

Mr. Starnes. What sort of activities do they carry on ? 
Mr. Sweeney. Well, they are the usual line ; they have a meeting, 
and they get up and bellow about the Jews and running them out. 
The first part of the meeting is in English, and the second part is 
in German. 

Mr. Starnes. They did this at the two you attended ? 
Mr. Sweeney. Yes. 

Mr. Starnes. Of course, you did not stay in there a sufficient length 
of time to become a storm trooper or any of that sort of thing? 
Mr. Sweeney. No; I have not yet. 

Mr. Starnes. And you obtained no uniform, cap, or anything of 
that sort? 

Mr. Sweeney. No. 

Mr. Starnes. The committee stands adjourned until 10.30 tomorrow 
morning. 

(Thereupon, at 3.30 p. m. the committee adjourned until tomorrow, 
Friday, S-ptember 16, 1938, at 10.30 a. m.) 



INVESTIGATION OF UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA 
ACTIVITIES IN THE UNITED STATES 



FRIDAY, SEPTEMBER 16, 1938 

House of Representatives, 
Subcommittee of the Special Committee 

to Investigate Un-American Activities, 
United States Courthouse, New York, N. Y. 

The subcommittee met at 10:30 a.m., Hon. Joe Starnes (chairman) 
presiding. 

Mr. Starnes. The committee will come to order. The first witness 
we will call this morning is Mr. John J. Murphy. 

TESTIMONY OF JOHN J. MURPHY, NEW YORK, N. Y. 

(The witness was duly sworn by Mr. Starnes.) 

Mr. Starnes. The Chair wishes to state that charges have been 
made to the committee that the Communist Party has been the leading 
agency in organizing the transport workers' union in New York City, 
as well as being interested in becoming allied in organization activi- 
ties in directing the policies of certain other vital transportation agen- 
cies and utility agencies in this area. 

Mr. Murphy, will you. give your full name and address to the 
committee ? 

Mr. Murphy. John J. Murphy, 343 Concord Avenue, the Bronx, 
New York. 

Mr. Staenes. Mr. Murphy, are you a native of New York? 

Mr. Murphy. No; I was born in Ireland, sir. 

Mr. Starnes. You are a naturalized citizen? 

Mr. Murphy. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Starnes. How lono: have you been in this country ? 

Mr. Murphy. Since 1926. 

Mr. Starnes. What is your occupation? 

Mr. Murphy. Railroad station agent. 

Mr. Starnes. How long have you been engaged in this type of 
work, or how long were you engaged in transportation work? 

Mr. Murphy. From 1927, January, to May 1934. 

Air. Starnes. The charge has been made to this committee that 
the Communist Party has been active in organizing the transport 
workers' union, and the charge has further been made that the Com- 
munist Party in practice and in reality controls the policies of the 
union. Are you a member of the Communist Party or have you been 
a member of the party? 

1039 



1040 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr. Murphy. I am not a member of the Communist Party at the 
present time. 

Mr. Starnes. Have you been a member of the party ? 

Mr. Murphy. I did join the Communist Party. 

Mr. Starnes. When? 

Mr. Murphy. In March 1934. 

Mr. Starnes. What induced you to join? 

Mr. Murphy. In 1934, at the time that I became a member of the 
Communist Party, the question of trade unions in the transport in- 
dustry in New York City was a prominent issue. I suppose I would 
not have joined the Communist Party if the American Federation of 
Labor had been on the job. We were working 7 days a week, 12 
and 14 hours a day, and the American Federation of Labor did not 
come to our rescue, but the Communist Party came to our aid and 
they acquired the membership of several individuals. I was included 
in among the first two to join the Communist Party. There is a 
photostatic copy of my book. 

Mr. Starnes. Where is the original book at the present time? 

Mr. Murphy. It is on our attorney's brief in a lawsuit in court 
against the leadership of the unions for discrimination against the 
men who have left the Communist Party, and the union leadership 
are discriminating against them because of that. 

Mr. Starnes. That is a true photostatic copy of your original mem- 
mership book which is in the possession of your attorney? 

Mr. Murphy. Yes. 

Mr. Starnes. And uow a part of a court record? 

Mr. Murphy. Right, sir. 

Mr. Starnes. We will introduce that as exhibit 17. 

(The photostat above referred to was marked "Exhibit Murphy, 
NY No. 17," and filed with the committee, being a photostatic copy 
of membership book No. 12317 for John Murphy.) 

Mr. Starnes. Will you furnish for the committee, then, the origi- 
nal membership book? 

Mr. Murphy. As soon as it is released. 

Mr. Starnes. As soon as it is released? 

Mr. Murphy. Yes. 

Mr. Starnes. All right ; so that it will become a part of the record 
of this committee. 

It might be said, then, that you joined the Communist Party be- 
cause of certain promises which they made to the transport workers 
and promises held out to them ? 

Mr. Murphy. Trade unionism was involved, too. Of course, the 
policy of the party is to build the party first, and build the unions 
afterward. As a result of that policy there is a union today, a 
politicnl party which had as its object the building of the party 
first and the union afterward. 

Mi-. Starnes. What, if anything, do you know about the plan of 
the party to organize the transport workers in this city ? 

Mr. Murphy. Well, I only know that from what I witnessed my- 
self. I do know the theory has been to concentrate on the heavy 
industry with the ultimate idea of controlling it through trade 
unionism wherein, of course, political trade unionism would be in- 
volved with the intent and purpose of controlling industries with 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1041 

the hope, I presume, of recruiting for the party No. 1, and No. 2, 

the acquisition of schools, and so forth and so forth. 

Mr. Starnes. How many meetings of the Communist Party did 
you attend? 

Mi-. Murphy. Now. lie re at this point 

Mr. Starnes. (interposing). Can you answer that question? 

Mr. Murphy. 1 had a statement here that I should like to make. 

Mr. Starnes. First, can you answer that question? Do you re- 
member how many meetings of the party you attended? 

Mr. Murphy. From 11)34 to 1935, when I was transferred from 
the union by the party. I might say that I covered an average of 
one membership meeting a week. That is, an average on it, unit 
membership meetings, and leading fractions involved, which is also 
a party membership meeting. 

Mr. Starnes. Leading fractions? 

Mr. Murphy. A leading fraction of the party. 

Mr. Starnes. What do you mean by the term "leading fraction of 
the party"; just briefly? 

Mr. Murphy. In a given industry, after the units have been 
organized, there is the appointment of certain comrades, and from 
the units a leading fraction evolves or is formed. The leading frac- 
tion's policy is to map out the policy of the Communist Party in the 
trade union, to issue literature to certain or given shops, to bring 
the face of the party before the workers in the industry, and its 
main function is to name men for all the offices in the union at the 
organizing time, or any future offices, which may arise. 

Mr. Starnes. Were you a member of the leading fraction while 
you were in the party? 

Mr. Murphy. Yes. sir. 

Mr. Starnes. To what fraction did you belong? 

Mr. Murphy. The leading fraction in the transport workers' union. 

Mr. Starnes. Now, then, tell us briefly what you know with refer- 
ence to the concentration of the party's activities in the field of trans- 
portation. Were there any particular fields that they were interested 
in here in New York City? 

Mi\ Murphy. From the leading fraction in the transport workers' 
union began the concentration on the transport industry, the subways, 
the elevated, the busses, and trolley cars, and all things on wheels, 
with the exception of steam, I presume. Taxis, of course, are not to 
be excluded. 

Mr. Starnes. Now. that is one angle. Was there any other trans- 
portation field in which they were interested? 

Mr. Murphy. Oh, yes. 

Mr. Starnes. What was that? 

Mr. Murphy. Marine transport. 
4 Mr. Starnes. Marine transport? 

Mr. Murphy. Yes. 

Mr. Starnes. Were they interested in any other particular field 
in i n:s area '. 

Mr. Murphy. Yes: in New York in the public utilities. 

Mr. Starnes. The public utilities? 

Mr. Murphy. Yes. 

Mr. Starnes. Those three? 

04931 — 38 — vol. 2 5 



1042 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr. Murphy. Yes. 

Mr. Starnes. Those were discussed in all the meetings of your lead- 
ing fraction which you attended? 

Mr. Mttiphy. Oh, yes. 

Mr. Starnes. I should like to inquire if you took part in the or- 
ganization activities of the party at that time? 

Mr. Mtjrphy. Outside of the leading fraction for the union or for 
the other industries? 

Mr. Starnes. Yes. 

Mr. Murphy. Yes; every man had an assignment to see what he 
could do to help out the other industries such as recruiting for the 
party in the other industries or acquiring membership in the party, 
even though you were in this union cooperation, as it is called. 

Mr. Starnes. So you were not only helping to. organize in this 
field but you gave assistance and cooperation in the other two fields? 

Mr. Murphy. Always on the move. 

Mr. Starnes. Always on the move? 

Mr. Murphy. Yes. 

Mr. Starnes. How long were you active in organization activities 
as an organizer of the party? 

Mr. Murphy. From 1934 until March 1935 — from 1934, to be spe- 
cific, after I was discharged from the industry for union agitation 
and, of course, radicalism, I remained with the union full time. 

Mr. Thomas. Just a minute. Will the witness please repeat why 
he was discharged? 

Mr Murphy. At 3 : 40 on May 30, 1934, I was released from duty 
on an I. R. T. subway station by the Interborough secret service and 
told to go home; and from that day until then I never had the priv- 
ilege of having an interview from even a petty official of said com- 
pany. The files of the New York press, the Post and Telegram of 
September 1934 and December 1934, will show the reasons for my 
discharge from the industry. 

Mr. Starnes. That was because of the union activities; radical ideas, 
I believe you expressed it a moment ago. 

Mr. Murphy. Yes. Now, to finish the answer on the question of 
being full time in the field: I remained with the union from 1934 
until March 1935, full time with the transport workers' union. I 
have several exhibits covering the question if they want to be 
accepted. 

Mr. Starnes. Will you identify them and introduce them as ex- 
hibits to your testimony? What was the purpose of those exhibits 
at the time with reference to your activities? 

Mr. Murphy. With reference to Communist activities. If you 
want to have that as exhibit 18, that one gives my membership in the 
delegates' council in the transport workers' union. 

(The letter above referred to was marked "Exhibit Murphy NY 
No. 18," and filed with the committee, being a letter dated May 28, 
1935. on the letterhead of the transport workers' union.) 

Mr. Murphy. This shows a continuation as a full-time organizer 
in the field. 

(The newspaper clipping above referred to was marked "Exhibit 
Murphy NY No. 19" and was filed with the committee.) 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1043 

(A statement handed to the reporter, headed "-John J. Murphy, 
343 Concord Avenue, Bronx,'' was marked "Exhibit Murphy NY 
No. 20" and filed with the committee.) 

Mr. Murphy. Tn March 1935 I was transferred from the union 
by the Communist Party to organize the unemployed. 

Mr. Starnes. Into what organization? 

Mr. Murphy. The Unemployment Council of America. 

Mr. Starxes. Does that have any official connection at all with 
the Workers Alliance? 

Mr. Murphy. It made it a united front with the United Workers, 
somewhat. It has had a united front fused with the Workers Al- 
liance. It is absorbed now. 

Mr. Starves. How long were you engaged in organization activi- 
ties after vour discharge ? 

Mr. Murphy. Altogether? 

Mr. Starnes. Yes. 

Mr. Murphy. Within the union and outside the union? 

Mr. Starnes. Yes. 

Mr. Murphy. Two years and a half full time in the field. 

Mr. Starnes. Full time in the field? 

Mr. Murphy. Yes. 

Mr. Starnes. How much of that time was outside the union? 

Mr. Murphy. A year and a half. 

Mr. Starnes. A year and a half? 

Mr. Murphy. Yes. 

Mr. Starnes. The main policy, then, of the party was to organize, 
first, for the party and, second, for the union; was that the idea? 

Mr. Murphy. Right, sir. 

Mr. Starnes. In reference, or with reference, to the charge that 
the party controlled the transport workers' union, what, if anything, 
do you know about that? Can you name some of the key figures? 
Or I will ask you this question: Did any of the members of the 
party in key positions direct the policies and activities, and so forth, 
and so forth, in the transport workers' union; and if so, will you 
be good enough to give the committee the names? 

Mr. Murphy. Right, sir. On the members of the Communist Party 
who controlled the policy of the transport workers' union, I can 
go back to 1934 and cover practically all of the officers, and when 
I say "officers" I do not necessarily mean the men who are in the 
executive boards and have an office. 

Mr. Starnes. I understand. 

Mr. Murphy. The structure of our union, of course, is strange in 
that sense. Every man does not have an office who is in the execu- 
tive board because it would not be very interesting, of course, if 
a man had to give out a statement and not be a party member. So, 
then, I go back to that first unit of the party which was organized 
within the transport workers' union to cover the leading figures and 
present rank. 

Mr. Starnes. That is what I want you to do. 

Mr. Murphy. By the time March 1934 came, when I took out mem- 
bership in the Communist Party, the party already had spent some 
time concentrating in the transit industry of the city. They sent in 



1044 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

a few men to do that job who had never worked in the industry. I 
will name those first, because they are all officers today of the trans- 
port workers' union, New York local, and the Transport Workers' 
International Union of America. The first on that list, all of whom 
sat in the unit 19-S, then section 2, afterward changed to section 24 
of the Communist Party district of New York City, was John Santo, 
an assumed name, now secretary-treasurer of the Transport Workers' 
International Union of America. 

The next is Austin Hogan, alias Gustav Dilloughry, now president 
of local 100, New York City ; Michael Forge, an assumed name, now 
editor of the Transport Workers' International Bulletin, and also 
editor of local 100 bulletin, which is the official journal of the union; 
and Walter Case, alias Chester Casey, executive member of local 
100 and in charge of the Third Avenue railways, trolley cars, in 
New York City. These four men were the four outsiders that were 
sent in to concentrate on the transit industry, but they never worked 
in the industry. The job of those men was to form the first unit of 
the Communist Party in the transport industry in the city, which was 
mainly on the Interborough Rapid Transit Co. lines. So, a new 
unit was produced for this, and as I chanced to be the second man 
to join the Communist Party in the transit industry in the city, I 
was in it from its origination. As I said, it is unit 19-S. In this 
unit of the Communist Party was Michael Quill, international presi- 
dent of the Transport Workers' Union of America, and now city 
councilman from the Bronx. 

Mr. Thomas. Just a minute. In regard to Mr. Quill, do you 
mean to say that Mr. Quill is a member of the Communist Party? 

Mr. Murphy. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Thomas. What proof do you have that he is a member of the 
Communist Party ? 

Mr. Murphy. I sat in unit 19-S meetings of the Communist Party 
with Mr. Michael Quill, and knew him for years before as station 
agent on the lines of the Interborough Rapid Transit Co. 

Mr. Thomas. But you sat right in Communist meetings with Mr. 
Quill? i 

Mr. Murphy. Yes ; in the same unit of the Communist Party, 19-S. 

Mr. Thomas. Was he using his own name there, using his own 
name ? 

Mr. Murphy. I understand Mr. Quill has not used his own name 
on the party book. However, my name is on the party book, but 
i( is not the policy to have members to use their own names. 

Mr. Thomas. You sat right in Communist meetings with him? 

Mr. Murphy. In unit meetings, to be specific. 

Mr. Thomas. Communist unit meetings? 

Mr. Murphy. Yes. 

Mr. Stark es. Do you recall Mr. Garrison's name? 

Mr. Murphy. J. D. Garrison, the first secretary to the delegates' 
council of the transport workers' union, independent, now executive 
board member of local No. 100. Also Herbert Homstrong, the first 
treasurer of the transport workers' union, independent. That covers 
the unit as it stands, with the exception of Thomas Smythe, not a 
union officer, a member of the unit. 

Now, to cover the other party members we have to go back again 
to the leading fraction where some of those carried membership but 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1045 

had already been recruited to the other units of the party which 
were being founded at the time. So, we go back to the leading frac- 
tion again. The leading fraction comprised the four original men I 
have first named, who did not work in the industry; and next to 
them came myself as a member of the leading fraction of the union 
in the industry ; William Zuidema, a B. M. T. conductor, first original 
vice president in this local transport workers' union, now executive 
board member of local 100; Douglas MacMahon, now international 
vice president of the Transport "Workers' Union of America ; Patrick 
Rawley, an I. R. T. motorman, and at the present with the Philadel- 
phia organizing committeee of the transport workers' union; and 
Victor Bloswick, an I. R. T. shop worker in the One hundred and 
forty-eighth Street shop, and chairman of his section of the union. 

Mr. Starnes. Now, those are the names of known Communists to 
you, that you sat in meetings with in the leading fraction which 
you gave the number and description of a moment ago ? 

Mr. Murphy. Between the leading fraction and units, I sat with 
each of those members. 

Mr. Starnes. And they held key positions as officials and members 
of the union? 

Mr. Murphy. Both in this local 100 and the Transport Workers 1 
International; both. 

Mr. Starnes. So, it reaches not only the local situation but reaches 
the international organization within that particular field? 

Mr. Murphy. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Starnes. Do those international officials have control of the 
policy, or are they in key positions where they can control the meth- 
ods and the policies of the transport workers' union? 

Mr. Murphy. Yes, sir; I could explain that in a few words. 

Mr. Starnes. I wish you would. 

Mr. Murphy. The Transport Workers' International executive 
board has only three officers in the sense of being officers, the presi- 
dent, the vice president, and the secretary-treasurer. The others are 
just sitting there to fill the chairs around the table. By that I mean 
that none of them can speak for the union, and none of them are 
officers in the sense of holding a specific office. Here is where the 
transport workers' union leadership differs from the established 
standard trade-union, following the union principle where each 
executive board member is an officer; and therefore the controlling 
policy is, in other words, in two or three people. 

Mr. Starnes. Three people? 

Mr, Murphy. Yes. 

Mr. Starnes. Those you have named? 

Mr. Murphy. But as members of the Communist Party we ma)' 
sit in the leading fraction and in the unit meetings of the Com- 
munist Party. 

Mr. Thomas. What is the size of the executive board, and how 
many members are there on the executive board? 

Mr. Murphy. About 12, I think. I am not so sure. 

Mr. Thomas. About 12? 

Mr. Murphy. Yes. 

Mr. Thomas. And of the 12 members, how many of those do you 
know are members of the Communist Party? 



1046 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr. Murphy. Quill, MacMahon, Santo, Hogan, and Forge; four, 
I believe I sat with, are members of the Communist Party. 

Mr. Thomas. I think you mentioned five. 

Mr. Murphy. Well, I did not cover the board before. I am just 
getting down to the board now. I did cover the New York board 
first, mentioning five, the New York executive board, which would 
be local 100, but the international has 12. 

Mr. Thomas. There are 12 on the New York board? 

Mr. Murphy. No; on the international board. 

Mr. Thomas. On the international board ? 

Mr. Murphy. Yes. 

Mr. Thomas. And the members on the New York board are differ- 
ent from the members on the international board? 

Mr. Murphy. Not necessarily. The likes of Walter Case is on the 
New York board, but, of course, not on the international board. 

Mr. Thomas. Well, how many are there on the New York board? 

Mr. Murphy. I think about a dozen, too. 

Mr. Thomas. About a dozen? 

Mr. Murphy. Yes; something like that. 

Mr. Thomas. Do you know that those are members of the Com- 
munist Party? 

Mr. Murphy. Yes; the New York board carries the men I have 
already stated, Zuidema, MacMahon, Garrison, Hogan, and there is 
a fifth whom I did skip on the list, Clarence King, a New York 
executive board member. 

Mr. Thomas. Is he a member of the Communist Party? 

Mr. MuRniY. Yes; he is a member of the Communist Party. I 
have only Communist Party members there. I sat with him in unit 
19-S, now section 24, New York district. 

Mr. Thomas. So that you are positive that at least 5 of the 12 on 
the New York board are members of the Communist Party? 

Mr. Murphy. Yes, sir; which covers the officers of the New York 
board as well as the officers of the international board. 

Mr. Starnes. Are there three officers on the New York board or 
New York section ? 

Mr. Murphy. I have covered five on the New York board. 

Mr. Starnes. Yes; but how man}' officers are there on the New 
York board? 

Mr. Murphy. About a dozen members on the board. Those are 
boa I'd members, and there is also a president 

Mr. Starnes. You named those. 

Mr. Murphy. On the New York board; I know six party members 
on the New York board. 

Mr. Starnes. But what I am trying to find out is the officers in 
New York, not the executive board members. 

Mr. Murphy. The officers in New York are Hogan, Michael 
Lynch — well, he does not operate; he went to Ireland for a vacation, 
and lie forgot to come back. The other officer is the secretary- 
treasurer. Faber. I did not sit with him as a party member, Faber; 
but Hogan, president of the local, I sat with him in meetings of 
the Communist Party. 

Mr. Starnes. Why did you leave the Communist Party? 

Mr. Murphy. Well, we can go back to answer that to the begin- 
ning 5 or 6 or 7 or 10 years ago, and I would like to come down to 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1Q47 

the present to answer it. too, because today T classify the Communist 
Party as reactionary, in the sense that it does not practice what it 
preaches. It used to talk about democracy, but it does not practice it. 
But it is not leaving the Communist Party but the men who join the 
Communist Party. There is where the crux comes in, because 3 or 4 
years ago you could either go to the right or the left. Today there 
is a middle-of-the-road policy. Ten years ago if we talked about 
unemployment insurance, or old-age security, we Mere not being re- 
spectable. I left because I disagreed with their policy in organizing 
the unemployed, as I had disagreed with them on the set-up within 
the transport workers' union, because I did not believe that any man 
would have to join the Communist Party to acquire what he joined 
the organization for. When I was transferred out to organize the 
unemployed in the Bronx I must say this on that : Whenever a man 
came into our organization of which Mr. Barron was here as our 
chairman, we never asked the members to become members of the 
Communist Party; to recruit first and relegate everything else to the 
background. That, of course, we refused to do. I had basic disagree- 
ments with them on that. Today in the transport workers' union no 
man is going to be paid attention to unless he joins the Communist 
Party; and if he leaves it, may God help him; and if he refuses to 
join it, it is still worse. That is the set-up that we have to disagree 
with, of politics first, and idealism afterward, if there is such an 
animal as that. 

Mr. Thomas. Mr. Murphy, how many members are there in the 
transport workers' union? 

Mr. Murphy. Membership in the union? 

Mr. Thomas. Yes. 

Mr. MriiPiir. Well, Mr. Quill has said at times that the member- 
ship in New York City is 60,000 dues-paying members, but it is a 
little exaggerated, I believe, because the leadership has through their 
own negligence and policy lost a few more groups in New York City, 
such as the taxis and a few of the bus lines. Outside of New York 
they claim 25.000. 

Mr. Thomas. But they claim 60,000 in New York ? 

Mr. Murphy.. Yes. 

Mr. Thomas. What is your estimate as to the number of Commu- 
nists in the 60,000? 

Mr. MnRPHY. I would not make a statement on that, because I 
want to stick to what I know, but I will say this 

Mr. Starxes (interposing). Yes; let us have the facts. 

Mr. Murphy. I will say that I can refer to their own statements 
where party recruiting has been a failure amongst the transport 
workers in New York City mainly because they are dealing with a 
type of worker whom they have never met before, and are unable to 
give him the type of propaganda which would ultimately result in 
membership in the Communist Party. 

Mr. Thomas. But you do know that they are trying very hard to 
increase the membership among the transport workers? 

Mr. Murphy. They themselves, their own statements, admit, in the 
Partv Organizer, that recruiting has come to a standstill actually in 
the transport field, that what we say, we who have left the Com- 
munist Party, is it has come to a standstill mainly because men in 
the transport industry in New York City are asking the question 



1048 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

as to why nobody stays in the Communist Party in New York City 
in the transport workers' union. 

Mr. Starnes. Was Santo a member of the Communist Party when 
you joined, Mr. Murphy? 

Mr. Murphy. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Starnes. Who recruited you for membership in the party, 
if you recall? 

Mr. Murphy. I can recall the individual, but I would not say that 
I could remember his name. 

Mr. Starnes. Do you know anything about the procedure at the 
present time, how they attempt to recruit workers in the transport 
union into the party? 

Mr. Murphy. I could not answer that at present. 

Mr. Starnes. Is there anyone present among the witnesses whom 
we have subpenaed who can answer that question, to your knowledge ? 

Mr. Murphy. There is a man here, and the system of recruiting 
them, if we may take that to be the present system or system peculiar 
to their approach, has been applied to him, but I think he could 
answer your question on that score. 

Mr. Thomas. Mr. Murphy, how long ago did you see Mr. Quill? 

Mr. Murphy. The last time I saw Mr. Quill was about a week 
previous to the Interborough Rapid Transit Co. signing a contract 
with the transport workers' union. 

Mr. Thomas. At that meeting was anything said by Mr. Quill 
relative to communism or your activities in relation to the Com- 
munist Party? 

Mr. Murphy. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Thomas. What was said then? 

Mr. Murphy. That was in May 1937; and to answer that fully, I 
will have to go back to September 1936, when I presented my resig- 
nation to the Communist Party. From September 1936 until May 
1937 I was apart from, or, we will say, after stepping aside from it, 
I was out of the public eye. So, when the Interborough Rapid 
Transit Co. was about to sign a contract with the transport workers' 
union, I sought and had an interview with Mr. Quill at his office, 153 
West Sixty-fourth Street, with the possibility of going back to work 
in the industry because the one trump card I had was wherein they 
had admitted that I was a victim for union activity. Mr. Quill gave 
me an interview and, after the door was closed to his office, the first 
salute that Mr. Quill made to me was, "Well, Murphy, what hap- 
pened between you and the Communist Party?" I said, "Mike, you 
are a bad Communist if you do not know all about that." From then 
on the conversation hinged on the other men who had been dis- 
charged by the company as a result of union organization, and later 
we again came down to my own case. From then on Mr. Quill told 
me in no sparse words that if I wanted to return to the Interborough 
Rapid Transit Co. service I would have to rejoin the Communist 
Party, and I do not need to say that I refused to do that. About 
a week later I sought another interview with him to find out if he 
still had the same frame of mind, but I was not granted that inter- 
view. I wrote a letter to him, which the press did not publish at 
that time because Mr. Quill was riding the high light at that time. 
That is the gist of my interview. 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1049 

Mr. Starnes. Do you have anything further? 

Mr. Murphy. I think that is all. 

Mr. Starnes. Thank you. 

Mr. Harmon is the next witness. 

TESTIMONY OF WILLIAM HARMON, BROOKLYN, N. Y. 

(The witness was duly sworn by Mr. Starnes.) 

Mr. Starnes. Give your full name and address to the stenographer. 

Mr. Harmon. William Harmon, 3163 Fulton Street, Brooklyn. 

Mr. Starnes. Mr. Harmon, are you a member of the transit workers' 
union ? 

Mr. Harmon. No, sir. 

Mr. Starnes. Have you ever been a member? 

Mr. Harmon. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Starnes. Is New York City or New York State your native 
State? 

Mr. Harmon. No, sir. 

Mr. Starnes. What is your native state? 

Air. Harmon. North Carolina. 

Mr. Starnes. From what section ? 

Mr. Harmon. Well, the southwestern section; Gastonia. 

Mr. Starnes. Gastonia? 

Mr. Harmon. Yes. 

Mr. Starnes. Have you ever been a member of the Communist 
Party? 

Mr. Harmon. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Starnes. When did you join? 

Mr. Harmon. About July 12, 1937. 

Mr. Starnes. What induced you to join? 

Mr. Harmon. Well, Douglas L. MacMahon and the other leaders of 
the union came to me and asked me to join the party. They told me 
that the Communist Party was controlling the union, and that they 
wanted members, wanted to get men and educate them to be leaders 
in the union, but they would have to belong to the party before they 
could get anywhere in the union. 

Mr. Starnes. You had to do that before you could get into a 
position of leadership? 

Mr. Harmon. Any kind of leadership ; yes. 

Mr. Starnes. Had you been a member of any other union prior to 
the time you joined the transport workers' union? 

Mr. Harmon. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Starnes. What union had you belonged to? 

Mr. Harmon. The Brotherhood of Locomotive Engineers ? 

Mr. Starnes. The Brotherhood of Locomotive Engineers ? 

Mr. Harmon. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Starnes. How long have you been engaged in transportation 
work ? 

Mr. Harmon. Since 1922. 

Mr. Starnes. Since 1922? 

Mr. Harmon. Yes, sir. 

Mr.' Starnes. In what capacities? 



1050 DN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr. Harmon. As a motorman on the trolley cars until about 1928, 
and then from that time as a motorman in the subway for the B. M. T. 

Mr. Starnes. That was in New York, of course. 

Mr. Harmon. Yes. 

Mr. Starnes. Are you still a member of the Communist Party? 

Mr. Harmon. No, sir. 

Mr. Starnes. Do you have your party book with you ? 

Mr. Harmon. No, sir ; they got that away from me. 

Mr. Starnes. They got that away from you? 

Mr. Harmon. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Starnes. Have you got a card or any other documentary 
evidence ? 

Mr. Harmon. No; I have no documentary evidence of member- 
ship in the party. 

Mr. Starnes. How long did you stay in the party? 

Mr. Harmon. Until about November 8, 1937. 

Mr. Starnes. To what unit or faction did you belong? 

Mr. Harmon. I belonged to what was known as industrial unit 
of the B. M. T., section 7 of the Communist Party. Those indus- 
trial units were a recent thing and the party in the convention in 
1937 adopted a resolution to create industrial units. Due to the 
activity of the party they have trade-union organizations. An in- 
dustrial unit is where they cannot have a shop unit. They operate 
on the idea of having a shop unit in each shop or department or 
similarity of work in an industry, but if they have only one man in 
a shop, or two men, they cannot quite give them a unit there. There 
must be three men or more to have a unit. That is, they take and 
bring all these men together in what is known as an industrial unit. 
Then when they get three or more men from one shop they break 
them off from the industrial unit and form a shop unit. The unit I 
belonged to had no number, but it belongs to section 11. 

Mr. Starnes. What, if anything, do you know about the charges 
that have been made that the Communist Party has been very active 
and taken a controlling part in the organization activities and in 
the framing of policies in the transport workers' union and of other 
union activities in this area? 

Mr. Harmon. I know that the entire leadership of the union — 
practically the entire leadership are Communists, and that the Com- 
munist Party controls the union through their delegates to the 
unions, and through organization, that is, through the letters every 
week issued to the union from the Communist Party. 

Mr. Starnes. Have you seen those letters? 

Mr. Harmon. Yes; I have had them in my hands. They are not 
signed by anybody. They are just typed letters and they are given 
out by each section organizer to each unit organizer. 

Mr. Starnes. In that connection can you name some of the lead- 
ing members in the transport union, or, I will put it this way: Do 
you know any leaders in the transport workers' union who are mem- 
bers of the Communist Party? Now, I want your knowledge, your 
actual personal knowledge. In other words, have you sat in Com- 
munist Party meetings with them, or have you seen their member- 
ship cards, and so forth? I do not want opinions or hearsay; I 
want to know what you know personally about them. 



ON-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1051 

Mr. Harmon. I was asked to join the Communist Party by a man 
by the name of Carl Mann. He is office manager of the Brooklyn 
Transport Co. workers' union offices in Brooklyn; Douglas L. Mac- 
Mahon, international vice president of the union; and Joseph Fody, 
organizer of the union and later an international executive board 
member, signed me up in the Communist Party. 

Mr. Stabnes. How did they proceed with that recruiting cam- 
paign, so far as you were concerned? Were you asked to go to a 
meeting, were you approached personally, or how? 

Mr. Harmon. I was approached in the union offices first. 

Mr. Starnes. You were approached in the union offices first? 

Mr. Harmon. Yes. And then they invited me to attend a meeting 
which I think was held on July 15, 1937. I was not yet a member 
of the party. They explained the meeting as being a strike strategy 
meeting to be addressed by William Z. Foster. At that time we 
were negotiating a contract with the B. M. T. 

Mr. Starnes. What occurred at that meeting? 

Mr. Harmon. Well, first, Mr. MacMahon — Douglas L. Mac- 
Mahon — told me to take off that day and that they would pay me 
for my time. 

Mr. Starnes. Who would pay you for your time? 

Mr. Harmon. The union would. 

Mr. Starnes. The union would? 

Air. Harmon. Yes. The meeting was held in Central Hall on the 
corner of Court and State Streets. The president of the meeting 
and the principal speaker was Harrison George, editorial writer on 
the Daily Worker, and Peter V. Cacchione, chairman of Kings 
County Communist Party. Edward Pallak, T. W. organizer in 
Brooklyn, was chairman of the meeting. I went to the meeting and 
present, in addition to Edward Pallak and Cacchione and Harrison 
George, was Michael Butler, a paid full-time organizer of the union 
in Brooklyn at that time, and now local executive board member 
of Local 100, New York; James McClurg, counsel of the union in 
Brooklyn : Carl Mann, office manager in Brooklyn ; William Zu- 
idema at that time vice president of the union, and now local execu- 
tive board member; Edward Murphy, a section chairman; Nicholas 
Barri, a section chairman; William Bracken, a section chairman; 
George Rogers, a section chairman; Charles Fried. He was on the 
section committee. I am not sure whether he was chairman or not. 
Joseph Strikov, George Lemily, Charles Wilson, and myself, and 
there were three others there. I do not know their names, and I 
never did learn their names. Heller and Wilson, and I think one 
or two others, were not yet members of the Communist Party. A 
couple of them did sign up that night in the party after being asked 
by Harrison George. Wilson joined the next day. Heller did not 
join for about 2 months, until they finally gave his wife a job in 
the union office in Brooklyn, and then they both joined the party. 
Do you want me to give any testimony on what took place at the 
meeting? 

Mr. Starnes. This is a Communist meeting you are speaking of? 

Mr. Harmon. Yes; this is a Communist meeting. 

Mr. Starnes. What was said at that meeting with reference to 
union activities and Communist organization movements? That is 
the only thing we are interested in. as you can understand. 



1052 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr. Harmon. Harrison George spoke. He went back to Marx, 
to Engels, to Lenin, to Trotsky, and Stalin, and laid down the doc- 
trine of the Communist Party, and explained it, and so forth. Then 
he came to trade-unions as to their state today in America, and ex- 
plained that, in order to bring about the proletarian revolution, the 
workers must be organized, and he mentioned a general strike. I 
cannot put it just the way he put it, but the general strike would be 
the onset of the proletarian revolution. He mentioned there spe- 
cifically three industries in this country that must be controlled by 
the Communist Party if this is to be brought about. 

Mr. Starves. What were those three industries? 

Mr. Harmon. First was the maritime industry, considered by the 
party as the most important in time of war or in a general strike, 
to tie up the docks, and so forth. 

The next was the transportation industry; and he admitted that 
they would have a hard job of getting control of transportation na- 
tionally because of the old-established brotherhoods. He said that 
they would not tie up to any organization, and in the cities he could 
render the national organizations more or less helpless because their 
goods would pile up and not move in case of a general strike. 

Then, next, the utilities industry: and he explained that the capi- 
talistic system hinged on utilities, such as gas, electric light, and 
telephone to operate, and if we could tie those up we could tie up 
the capitalistic system. He did not refer very much to the revolu- 
tionary part of it. He kind of appeared to me to try to skim around 
that. 

Mr. Starnes. He had a lot of would-be recruits there? 

Mr. Harmon. Yes. It was not an open meeting. The men who 
had just been asked, had been spoken to on what bears on the party, 
but still he appeared to be kind of reluctant to bring out very much 
about the revolutionary phase of it, but he did come back to it later. 

Then Peter Cacchione spoke. Cacchione took credit for the Flint 
sit-down strike, and he took credit for the Communist Party filtering 
in on the automobile workers. Of course, he said the Flint sit-down 
strike was the only successful sit-down strike of the automobile work- 
ers, because there was a strong Communist corps within the shops. 
According to him, in the other shops, where there was no strong 
Communist group, they were not so successful. He explained about 
the B. M. T. sit-down strike in January 1937. He claimed the Com- 
munist Party had organized that strike and laid out the strategy to 
carry it out to a successful conclusion, and that the Communist Party 
was today building up the union in the B. M. TV, and that union men 
should support the Communist Party, and he thought they — well, I 
can't remember everything he said, but he just came out to a certain 
extent the same as Harrison George. 

Mr. Starnes. Now, this was at a closed meeting of the Communist 
Party at which there were party members and people who had been 
invited there for the purpose of recruiting their membership? 

Mr. Harmon. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Starnes. Do you recall any other speakers on that occasion? 

Mr. Harmon. There were no other speakers. Those were Harrison 
George and Peter Cacchione. 

Mr. Starnes. We will take a short recess. 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1053 

(Thereupon a short recess was taken, after which the following 
occurred :) 

Mr. Starnes. The committee will resume its hearing and Mr. 
Harmon will take the stand, please. 

You attended other meetings of the Communist Party after the 
meeting you have just described? 

Mr. Harmon. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Starnes. You say you became a member at that meeting. Did 
you sign up at that meeting? 

Mr. Harmon. No; I had signed up about 2 or 3 days, about a 
week, before. I had not been assigned to the unit yet. 

Mr. Starnes. I see. You paid your dues? 

Mr. Harmon. Yes ; I paid 50 cents initiation fee. 

Mr. Starnes. What were your monthly dues? 

Mr. Harmon. $1 a month. 

Mr. Starnes. That was based on your income, of course? 

Mr. Harmon. Right. 

Mr. Starnes. Then you left the party in November? 

Mr. Harmon. Yes. sir. 

Mr. Starnes. Have you told us why you left it ? 

Mr. Harmon. I became disgusted with it, with the union. It was 
not a union; it was the Communist Party — a political party. 

Mr. Starnes. In other words, it was not what it professed to be? 

Mr. Harmon. No. 

Mr. Starnes. At the subsequent meetings which you attended, did 
you note the presence there, as members or otherwise, of any per- 
sons who held responsible positions in the transport workers' union? 

Mr. Harmon. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Starnes. Name them. 

Mr. Harmon. First I have a couple of exhibits here I would like- 
to introduce in evidence in regards to that first meeting. 

Mr. Starnes. What are they? 

Mr. Harmon. One is an article by Peter Cacchione, describing that 
meeting I described before, of October 1937, by Cacchione. Shall I 
read the article? 

Mr. Starnes. That would be a little bit lengthy ? 

Mr. Harmon. Yes, sir; it would. 

Mr. Starnes. Well, you can introduce that as an exhibit. 

(The paper above referred to was marked "Exhibit Harmon NY 
No. 21," and filed with the committee, being a pamphlet entitled 
"Party Organizer" of date October 1937.) 

Mr. Harmon. Then there is another article by a party organizer 
by a man who signs himself "R. E." in May 1936, explaining the 
party when they started to build the union. 

Mr. Starnes. You want to introduce that ? 

Mr. Harmon. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Starnes. All right. 

(The paper above referred to was marked "Exhibit Harmon NY 
No. 22," and filed with the committee, being a copy of Traction 
News. ) 

Mr. Starnes. Of course, that has no particular reference to that 
meeting, but just simply describes the party methods? 



1054 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr. Harmon. Yes, sir. I was assigned to this industrial unit of 
section 11 and. in September of 1937, I was elected to the unit 
bureau position of secretary and treasurer of the unit bureau. 

Mr. Starnes. They made you secretary-treasurer of the unit 
bureau ? 

Mr. Harmon. Yes, sir. The members of that unit were the fol- 
lowing: Most of them I named at the first meeting, so I will skip 
those and name those who were not at the first meeting, or name the 
entire unit. 

Mr. Staknes. I suspect it would be better to name the entire unit 
meeting. 

Mr. Harmon. Douglas L. McMahon, Edward Murphy, Mike Butler, 
James McClurg, Jerry O'Carroll. This is a man who was an organ- 
izer in Brooklyn, sent there by the central committee. He had con- 
nections with the various Catholic organizations in this city; he was 
a member of the Association of Catholic Trade Unionists, and worked 
for the Paulist Fathers and, I understand, was working for them 
at that time and living with them. He was a member of the Holy 
Name Society and the Knights of Columbus. He was brought to 
Brooklyn for the express purpose of beating down Communist 
propaganda in Brooklyn. He stayed in the union office and when 
somebody would come in that some agent on the road he could 
reach, or any one could reach on the road, being informed they were 
Communists, this man would be sent up to talk to them. He was 
introduced to the meeting as a man who had studied to be a priest, 
lived with the Paulist Fathers, and so forth, and he was sent up to 
talk to them; he would show them his different religious organization 
books, to any that were Communists. However, he was transferred 
out of Brooklyn shortly after that. I exposed him to the Association 
of Catholic Trade Unionists, and they canned him. He denied it. but 
he never showed up again in any meeting. I understand he was 
expelled from various organizations he belonged to. 

William Zuidema. William Bracken, Julian or Julius Cohen — I 
am not sure of the first name; he was on the committee of Kearnsey 
depot. 

Ned Curran — I am not sure about that first name — from Kearnsey 
depot. 

George Lemily, Barney Cohen — he was a section officer. Barney 
Cohen's party name was White. By the way, Lemily's party name 
was George Rowlan. 

Nicholas or Nick Barri; George Eogers; Charles Fried; a man 
named Hassett — I do not know his first name; Joseph Strikov, whose 
party name was Joe Scoff; William Heller; William Manning, chair- 
man of the Negro porters' section; another Negro named Simpson — 
I do not know his first name; and a man named Brown. I think 
"Brown" was his party name. Simpson's party name was Crockett. 

John Burns, a ticket agent; another man named Gleckman, a 
ticket agent : and Wiseberger. I do not know either of the first 
names of Gleckman and Wiseberger. Charles Wilson. 

The following four men's or five men's names were added to unit 
membership rolls, but did not attend unit meetings because they were 
being sent to classes. We had a class the first 6 weeks I was a mem- 
ber of the unit, with an outside Communist instructor. This man, 
Michael O'Connor, was a local executive board member and was not 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1055 

chairman of the section then. He is vice chairman, I think, now of 
the section committee. 

Jerry McCarthy, who was being groomed to replace Bracken. 
They had begun to distrust Bracken. 

Allen Cumberbacher; John Cumberbacher — I am not sure whether 
the names are spelled correctly or not — and a man named Stevens. 

The unit bureau consisted of Edward Murphy, organizer; Michael 
Butler, educational director; James McClurg, membership director; 
William Zuidema, a delegate to the section committee; myself, as 
secretary-treasurer, William Harmon. 

The following men were members of section 17. That is the 
powerhouse shop section unit. I sat in meetings frequently with 
them — not unit, but fraction : 

Robert Flint, chairman of the section and local executive board 
members ; Gus Ekroth, who is also on the section committee ; Edward 
Pallak; Joseph Fody; another man whose first name is Chester, and 
who was nicknamed "Bim" — I was introduced to him but did not 
get his name well enough to include it in here — and Chuck Connors. 

I know 17 or 19 men on this unit ; I know several more by sight, 
but not by name. Carl Mann was a member of the shop unit of 
Avenue X shop, the Coney Island shop of the B. M. T. I don't 
know any more members of that unit. They had seven members, 
Carl Mann told me. I don't know any of them. 

I have also sat in Communist fraction meetings with the follow- 
ing men from other companies belonging to the unit : 

James Fizsimon, recording secretary of local 100, New York ; 
Philip A. Bray, chairman of the section of I. R. T., motorman sec- 
tion : Warren G. Horie, international executive board member; Mor- 
ris Forge, editor of the Bulletin ; Michael Chine, international execu- 
tive board member; and James Gahagan, international executive 
board member. 

Mr. Starnes. All right. Now, can you give us the names of other 
prominent members of the transport workers' union with whom you 
have sat in Communist Party meetings? 

Mr. Harmon. Well, I cannot say I have sat in Communist Party 
meetings with them, unless you consider fraction meetings, but 3^011 
have to consider fraction meetings. They have fraction meetings 24 
hours a day. If two or more Communists get together, they have a 
meeting: if they are alone, whether in a restaurant, a saloon, or wher- 
ever they may be, they talk party and think party. If those could bo 
considered Communist meetings, I have sat in with practically the 
entire international executive board and many others, but I cannot 
name them as actual party members. 

Now. I have here an exhibit 

Mr. Thomns. Right there, in regard to that, following up that 
testimony : Have vou ever sat in a Communist meeting with Mi-. 
Quill? 

Mr. Harmon. No; he is one man I always missed, but I know Quill 
is a Communist. They all told me he is a Communist. 

Mr. Thomas. Hoav do you know? 

Mr. Harmon. They all told me — MacMahon and everybody told 
me of his Communist Party membership and knew of his Commu- 
nist Party membership. 



1056 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr. Thomas. Have you ever sat in a fraction meeting of the 
Communist Party with Mr. Quill? 

Mr. Harmon. If you consider fraction meetings, before the con- 
vention — I was a delegate to the convention — it was discussed there 
who would be elected as officers; every party member knew, before 
the convention convened, who would be nominated by the nominat- 
ing committee, which, by the way, was overwhelmingly Communist — 
we discussed them and knew who they would be, and at this meeting, 
one meeting in the New York office of the union, Quill was present. 
He did not talk as a Communist, but all of the men present knew 
he was a Communist, as we all knew each other. 

Mr. Thomas. That was a fraction meeting of the Communist 
Party? 

Mr. Harmon. One of the fraction meetings of the Communist 
Party ; yes, sir. 

Mr. Thomas. At which he was present? 

Mr. Harmon. Yes, sir. 

When I went to my first unit meeting, the section organizer there 
was a man named Jacob Sheiniuk. At the first meeting I attended 
they were raising money for a testimonial to the foreman who was 
being transferred by the party from the central committee to a 
trade-union some place else — they did not say where. We were asked 
to take space in the journal program for this banquet, and to take 
tickets for the banquet. I chipped in — we chipped in and took a 
half a page. It was $10, I think. I have here a copy of the testi- 
monial, showing the ad taken by my unit, reading: 

Greetings — Jacob Sheiniuk, from the comrades of the B. M. T. section of the 
transport workers' union, ninth assembly district. 

(The paper above referred to was marked "Exhibit Harmon NY 
No. 23" and filed with the committee, being a pamphlet entitled 
"Eighteenth Anniversary C. P. U. S. A., Testimonial to Jacob Shien- 
iuk, Saturday, September 18, 1937.") 

Mr. Harmon. I have here another Party Organizer, wherein a 
person by the name of "J," of New York, made a report to the 
party at the builders' congress in 1937, in New York, here, where he 
admitted that the Communists are in the front rank of the building 
construction workers' union. This is a very short article, and I can 
read it. 

Mr. Thomas. Who was that by? 

Mr. Harmon. They only sign the name as "J"; they don't sign the 
full name. 

Mr. Starnes. Do you know who that was? 

Mr. Harmon. No; I don't know who it was. 

Mr. Starnes. Does that fit in with the testimony here, or is it 
simply a part of the party program? 

Mr. Harmon. I am bringing that in where they admit themselves 
they are in control of the party workers' union, helped to build it 
and were workers in it, and he said this in a report made to the 
party builders' congress. 

Mr. Starnes. You may introduce it, but that, of course, has 
doubtful value in my mind, because you do not know the name of 
the author. But you know that is from the Communist Party; is 
that correct ? 



ON-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1057 

Mr. Harmon. Yes; by the central committee of the Communist 
Party. 

Mr. Starnes. It is put out by the central committee of the Com- 
munist Party? 

Mr. Harmon. Yes. 

(The paper above referred to was marked "Exhibit Harmon NY 
No. 24". and filed with the committee being a pamphlet entitled "Party 
Organizer," April 1938.) 

Mr. Starnes. By the way, do you have in your possession the min- 
utes of the meeting of the Communit Party? 

Mr. Harmon. The Communist Party keep no minutes. 

Mr. Starnes. Do you have any type of record of the proceedings 
of some group in which the Communist Party was in control of the 
meetings ? 

Mr. Harmon. No; they are very careful not to have any docu- 
mentary evidence. 

Mr. Starnes. Have you the minutes, then, of any union meeting? 

Mr. Harmon. I have the minutes of the transport workers' union 
convention. 

Mr. Starnes. You have those minutes? 

Mr. Harmon. Yes, sir; that is, of Thursday afternoon. Friday it 
was given up to accepting party members. 

Mr. Starnes. Of what year? 

Mr. Harmon. 1937. 

Mr. Starnes. Are those minutes official? 

Mr. Harmon. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Starnes. How did you come in possession of them? 

Mr. Harmon. By being a delegate to the convention. 

Mr. Starnes. You were furnished with a copy of them ? 

Mr. Harmon. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Starnes. At that convention of the union, were there any 
known members of the Communist Party there; that is, known to- 
you to be party members? 

Mr. Harmon. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Starnes. Who were they? 

Mr. Harmon. I will have to think back quite awhile. A man by 
the name of MacMahon was there; Hallett was there; Fody was 
there: Butler, McClurg. 

Mr. Starnes. Do you have those minutes with you ? 

Mr. Harmon. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Starnes. We would like you to turn to those minutes, and 
can you state, of your own knowledge, whether or not at this con- 
vention the resolutions committee was controlled by members of the- 
Communist Party? 

Mr. Harmon. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Starnes. Who was on that resolutions committee? 

Mr. Harmon. Douglas L. MacMahon was chairman ; Warren G.. 
Horie was there. 

Mr. Starnes. Was he a Communist ? 

Mr. Harmon. Yes, sir. Philip A. Bray. 

Mr. Starnes. Was he a Communist? 

Mr. Harmon. A Communist. Myself, a Communist; another man- 
not a Communist, but a sympathizer, who carried the party line? 

94931—38 — vol. 2 6 



1058 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

throughout the convention, named Buford; and one other delegate 
named Smith, of Akron, Ohio, who was an honest delegate. 

Mr. Starnes. He was what you deem, then, an honest delegate? 

Mr. Harmon. Yes. What I mean by "honest" is, he was not a 
Communist. 

Mr. Starves. In other words, the resolutions committee of the 
transport workers' union there at the convention was what we call 
a "stacked" committee? 

Mr. Harmon. Yes; they were all stacked, every one of them. 

Mr. Starnes. You mean to say that all the committees were 
stacked? 

Mr. Harmon. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Starnes. You mean to say that, all the committees were 
stacked ? 

Mr. Harmon. Every committee was stacked. 

Mr. Starnes (continuing). Or that the majority of the committees 
were stacked with members of the Communist Party? 

Mr. Harmon. All of the important committees. 

Mr. Starnes. Name some of the committees of those you know to 
be what we call "stacked" with Communist members. 

While you are looking up those, let me ask — there were six mem- 
bers of the resolutions committee? 

Mr. Harmon. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Starnes. Four of the members belonged to the Communist 
Party, one was a Communist sympathizer, and the other one was 
what you deemed an honest delegate, or not a member of the 
Communist Party? 

Mr. Harmon. Yes, sir. The first committee was the committee 
on credentials, Delegate Faber, Gustave Faber, chairman, He is now 
treasurer of local 100, New York. He was a Communist. 

Delegate Stevens, from Flint. I don't know about him. 

Delegate Bracken, from the B. M. T.. a Communist. 

Delegate Childs — T don't know about Delegate Childs, but I do 
know these committees were all picked 2 week? before the convention 
opened. I knew T was going to be on that committee before it 
opened, and so did everybody else. 

Mr. Thomas. They were picked by the Communist Party? 

Mr. Harmon. Picked by the leadership. Of course, the appoint- 
ing of committees was given in the minutes as the first order of busi- 
noss. and we were asked to submit recommendations to the executive 
board delegates about those committees, which we did. There were 
no questions raised, but we were picked before the convention opened, 
and the committees were all packed. I cannot name them all as 
Communists, but T know they were all packed. 

Mr. Starnes. Did you have a resolution come before your resolu- 
tions committee condemning nazi-ism and fascism? 

Mr. Harmon. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Starnes. Was that adopted? 

Mr. Harmon. Well, yes. 

Mr. Starnes. Did you have a resolution that came before the com- 
mittee which condemned all "isms"; in other words, including com- 
munism as well as nazi-ism and fascism? 

Mr. Harmon. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Starnes. What happened to that resolution? 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1059 

Mr. Harmon. That one "got the works." 

Mr. Staknes. What do you mean by that? 

Mr. Harmon. It was voted down. 

Mr. Staknes. It was voted down? You make the statement, then, 
as a member of the resolutions committee and, of course, a delegate 
to the convention, that a resolution condemning these other "isms" 
was adopted without a dissenting vote? 

Mr. Harmon. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Starnes. But a resolution which included all of these "isms," 
nazi-ism, fascism, and communism, got what you describe as "the 
works"? 

Mr. Harmon. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Starnes. In other words, it was voted down? 

Mr. Harmon. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Starnes. Now, did you have any other resolutions before your 
resolutions committee. Mr. Harmon, dealing with war — the subject 
of war or peace — in which the interests of communistic governments 
were involved in any way ; and if so, tell how they were received and 
how they were disposed of. 

Mr. Harmon. Yes, sir. In the beginning, the union called for 
resolutions, about a month before the convention opened. A few were 
presented, a very few, and sent to the convention; but during the con- 
vetion, resolutions were brought up there. The resolutions com- 
mittee of the convention, on Tuesday, at the first session, and all of 
the committees of the convention, were ordered to go in session from 
1 p. m. to 5 p. m., and the convention recessed for that purpose, so 
that all of the committees could go in session. 

However, Douglas L. MacMahon, of the negotiating committee, 
negotiating the B. M. T. strike at that time — the records bear this 
out — Douglas L. MacMahon had a meeting with the mayor's fact- 
finding commission and the B. M. T. officials in the negotiations, so 
MacMahon was not present at the meetings. So, of course, not being 
present, and being the chairman and all, nothing was done. We 
were told, in fact, in the meeting, by Santo, not to do anything; just 
hold on to anything. 

Mr. Starnes. Is that this John Santo, who has been identified as 
a leading Communist of this city? 

Mr. Harmon. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Starnes. That is the same Santo? 

Mr. Harmon. Mr. Santo is secretary-treasurer of the international 
union; but, further back of 1932, he seems to be a mysterious figure, 
and nobody knows him before he came in there in that year. It 
has been said he was a Communist organizer in the Bronx. I can- 
not say on that. Anyway, when those resolutions were brought in to 
us in the convention, we took them in. We got quite a few there, but 
only four — about four — that dealt with our committee. Those four 
resolutions that were presented to us by delegates were every one dis- 
approved of by the committee and voted down by the convention. 

Mr. Starnes. What were those four resolutions? 
Mr. Harmon. I would like, first, to explain the set-up here. 
Mr. Starnes. Go ahead. 

Mr. Harmon. Delegate Faber brought into the committee room a 
handful of resolutions, all typewritten on the same kind of paper, 
unsigned, and asked for Horie. Horie was not present. He went 



1060 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

out. Well, to top it off, he gave them to me in the hall and said, 
"Don't offer them until Douglas comes back." I took them and none 
of them were signed by anybody, but those resolutions were the 
resolutions passed by the convention ; no other resolution was passed, 
and every resolution followed the Communist Party line. By that, I 
mean some of them you could not object to; they were not objection- 
able to us as union men, but they did not put the boots to us as the 
Communist Party, you see, and the Communist Party agreed with all 
of them. 

Now, as to these minutes. First, these minutes have been doc- 
tored; they are not honest minutes. One resolution was presented 
there; a man sitting alongside of me at the table handed a resolution 
to me in the convention, which was brought to the floor and voted 
down. That does not appear in the minutes — neither the resolution 
nor any debate about it appears in the minutes. This resolution was 
very short and to the point. The main part of it read that the T. W. 
A. go on record as against any change in our present form of govern- 
ment except by due process of law. They could not let that pass; 
it would be against party line. They could not oppose it. This was 
what was decided in committee by MacMahon and other Com- 
munists — that they could not oppose it unless they came out flat 
footed in favor of overthrow by revolution, because the resolution 
said "to go on record as being opposed to any change in our form of 
government except by due process of law." So MacMahon wrote down 
the two words "and order," to make it read "except by due process of 
law and order." Then MacMahon based objection to the resolution 
on the words "and order," which should be in the minutes, but is not 
here. He said: "We agree with the first part of the resolution, but 
we do not agree to the second part. We could not, in case of a strike, 
conduct ourselves in accordance with law and order, in the opinion 
of some people." He said: "For instance, if that was put in the 
constitution, we would be immediately told we were going against 
our own constitution." Anyway, it was voted down. 

A man sitting alongside of me at the convention protested to me 
it was not the way he presented it. I asked him to get up and protest. 
He would not do it. He said, "I have no copy of it," and let it go. 

Mr. Thomas. I just want to refresh my memory on a couple of 
points. What was the date of this convention ? 

Mr. Harmon. The first day we had a meeting in Madison Square 
Garden was October 6'. 

Mr. Thomas. Of what year? 

Mr. Harmon. 1937. 

Mr. Thomas. October 6, 1937. 

Mr. Harmon. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Thomas. This man who introduced the resolution there, that 
you just referred to, did he mention to you what he had in mind in 
introducing that resolution? 

Mr. Harmon. Yes. He told me : "That is not the way I put it in ; 
that has been changed." 

Mr. Thomas. No; I mean did he tell you his reason for drawing 
up the resolution? 

Mr. Harmon. No, sir; he did not. But he had discussed with us 
he thought the leadership was too radical and there had been charges 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1061 

made last July against Tim O'Shay as an avowed Communist leader, 
and naming Santo as well, as a Communist, and John Frey. 

Mr. Thomas. The resolution had to do with the Government, did 
it not? 

Mr. Harmon. Yes. 

Mr. Thomas. So he was not just referring to the union; he was 
referring to the Government of the United States? 

Mr. Starnes. The point you are making is that they refused to 
accept or to adopt a resolution which would have placed the union 
on record as being opposed to a change in the form of our Gov- 
ernment 

Mr. Harmon. Except by due process of law. 

Mr. Starnes. Except by due process of law; and that was voted 
down ? 

Mr. Harmon. Yes. 

Mr. Starnes. You further state, then, that all reference to that 
resolution, and the debate with reference thereto, has been deleted 
from the minutes of the convention? 

Mr. Harmon. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Thomas. But what I am trying to find out is who is advocat- 
ing this change in the form of government that he had in mind. 

Mr. Harmon. "Well, I would not know what the man had in mind; 
but I think he introduced the resolution to put the union on record 
as being not communistic. 

Mr. Thomas. I see. 

Mr. Harmon. And they refused to go on record to that extent, 
which they admitted they could not do. These minutes here were 
presented to me by the convention. They go from page 1 right on 
through: there are no pages missing, and I cannot find the resolu- 
tion in here. 

Mr. Starnes. "What is the other resolution? 

Mr. Harmon. There are 20 resolutions here. I do not think yon 
want them all. 

Mr. Starnes. Oh, no; we only want the four bearing on com- 
munism. 

Mr. Harmon. There is resolution No. 2 here, "Affiliation with the 
International Federation of Transport Workers." It calls for affil- 
iation with the transport workers of England. All I want to put in 
the record is the second paragraph of this resolution : 

Whereas it has been clearly demonstrated that working class solidarity is 
the essential keynote for the successful completion of any and all progressive 
actions. 

Mr. Starnes. Those words have a familiar ring ; is that the idea ? 
Mr. Harmon. Yes, sir ; they are along Communist Party line. 
Resolution No. 3, on the subject of Manager Michael Quill, New 
York City councilman, reads: 

Whereas it has been clearly demonstrated to the workers of America that 
industrial democracy cannot survive without political democracy and organ- 
ized labor throughout the Nation is moving rapidly toward political action 
independent of any capitalistic or self-seeking group — 

and so forth — endorsing Michael Quill as city councilman. 

In signing the name to the resolution, MacMahon signed the name 
•of a delegate from Akron, Ohio, to this resolution, who was not at 



1062 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

the convention, but it was not noticed. He afterward admitted it 
was a "boner," but said, "It does not mean very much." 

Mr. Starnes. Now, the fourth one. 

Mr. Harmon. The subject of this resolution is "Independent polit- 
ical action." This is introduced by Horie; his name is signed to it. 
It reads : 

Wheras the need for unity of the working class in the political field is sorely 
needed, as can be seen by the control of the police and military powers, the 
courts, and the lawmaking bodies, by the banking and manufacturing interests 
through these old parties. 

It goes on to ask affiliation with Labor's Non-Partisan League : 

Resolved, That this convention calls upon all the locals affiliated with our 
organization to support movements for the formation of labor parties in their 
cities and States, to join the same when such are formed, and to work for their 
affiliation with Labor's Non-Partisan League. 

It puts the union right into politics and also uses communistic 
verbiage and condemned bankers, and all that — this stuff about 
making men class-conscious. 

Mr. Thomas. What happened to that resolution ? 

Mr. Harmon. It passed. That was one of their own resolutions. 
Every resolution they presented down there was passed. There were 
only four put in by non-party workers, and they were voted down. 
They all dealt with communism. Of course, the union had been 
worried about having charges made and never denied them. Fuller 
never denied the charges until a couple of weeks ago. 

Mr. Starnes. Have you found the other resolution? 

Mr. Harmon. There is another one here about Thomas J. Mooney 
and Warren K. Billings. Of course, we could not object to that, and 
it went on through. There are 20 resolutions. I may say in the record 
here at this particular point where Michael Quill, when a man asked 
to amend a resolution, said, "You cannot amend a resolution. As 
delegate MacMahon explained, it must be passed or voted down as is." 
I want to refer to that later on. 

There is another resolution here endorsing the Social Youth legis- 
lation. That was by Carl Mann. That is another resolution which 
you cannot object to very much, but it followed the party line. My 
intention here is to show that no resolution was passed here that 
does not follow the party line. 

Here is one, "W. P. A. and more and more W. P. A." and so forth. 
Here is the first one, Resolution No. 13 : 

To the First National Convention of the Transport Workers* Union of America: 
This union has made big gains in membership in the past year due to its 

rank and file owned and controlled democratic organization, therefore in order 

to keep and to gain more members : 
Be it resolved. That no person who does not believe in our democratic form of 

government, shall be permitted to bold an office in this democratic Transport 

Workers' Union of America. 

That was presented by James Gold and C. Ferreri. MacMahon 
and the committee, of course, recommended nonconcurrence. 
Mr. Starnes. On what ground? 
Mr. Harmon. Here is MacMahon's statement : 

We bad considerable discussion in the committee on this resolution. The- 
committee recommends a nonconcurrence. We recommend it because of the 
fact that here we believe the resolution is against the spirit, to a large extent 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1063 

of the letter and to some extent of the constitution adopted by the Transport 
Workers' Union of America. 

They had already debated, in the different resolutions that came 
up, a section of the constitution which dealt with that. I can read 
that, or state from memory, it only says there shall be no discrim- 
ination against anybody, but they will allow membership without 
regard to sex, color, creed, political affiliation or belief. 

Delegate MacMahon continued : 

* * * We believe here that a resolution of this sort would start a witch 
hunt in this union as to who believed and who didn't believe in the democratic 
form of government. 

We would also like to ask the delegates who introduced the resolution, what 
do they mean by a democratic form of government in the sense that we have 
today, as existing, a democratic form of government and nobody disputes 
it. But let us suppose that in the future, sometime in the near future, or 
sometime in the far distant future, another form of government took place. 
Let us suppose, for example, the Labor Party form of government took place. 
Suppose the Labor Party w;is successful, as it probably is your hope it will 
be, and we have this form of government, would that then in our opinion be 
a democratic form of government? Of course it would. There is no question 
about it. But I can assure you that there are some people, perhaps, not in 
this room, but some people who aren't in the room, who wouldn't believe it. 

That resolution was voted down. What MacMahon meant, by 
another form of government of the Labor Party I do not know. I 
have my own ideas. 

Mr. Starnes. That man MacMahon is a Communist? 

Mr. Harmon. Absolutely. He signed me up in the Communist 
Party, and I sat in many meetings with MacMahon. 

Mr. Thomas. By the way, was this union ever used as a vehicle 
to drum up support for any political party or any political candi- 
date running for office here in New York City, or in Brooklyn? 

Mr. Harmon. Yes, sir. They devoted most of their time, and do 
even today, to the Labor Party. That is all they do. The unions 
formed by MacMahon and these men elected since that time have 
not taken up grievances very much. 

Mr. Thomas. You refer to the American Labor Party? 

Mr. Harmon. Yes. The companies are gradually taking away 
all they have given them, and these fellows are playing politics. 

Mr. Thomas. They also played politics for the purpose of drum- 
ming up support for Quill's own candidacy? 

Mr. Harmon. Absolutely. 

Mr. Starnes. Of course the Chair feels constrained to make the 
statement that the unions, as well as individuals, have a right to 
support any political party, or any political candidate, they desire. 
Certainly there is nothing un-American or subversive in that. 

Mr. Harmon. No. 

Mr. Thomas. I make an exception in this regard, that is, that cer- 
tain individuals, some of those who have already been mentioned, are 
known Communists, and. at the same time, have been running for 
and are holding political office here in New York City. I do not 
think it is right to use any labor union to drum up support for 
such candidates, who are known Communists. 

Mr. Starnes. Let me ask you, then, Mr. Harmon, if you can set 
out those excerpts in the record? 

Mr. Harmon. Have you finished with the minutes? I have not 
come to the real parts of them yet. There are two here against 



1QQ4 l.\ -AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

fascism and Fascist nations, which were passed unanimously by the 
convention. The committee agreed with them and the convention 
passed them. Do you want them read? 

Mr. Starnes. No. They can be set out in the record. 

Mr. Harmon. Finally they came down to one which condemned 
not only fascism and nazi-ism, but also communism. 

Mr. Starnes. All right ; what happened ? 

Mr. Harmon. Then the fun began. You never saw men change 
color so fast in all your life. I would like to read you the testimony 
and the speeches made by these leaders against this resolution. 

Mr. Starnes. What became of that resolution? 

Mr. Harmon. It was voted down. 

Mr. Starnes. It was voted down? 

Mr. Harmon. They took about 3 hours, and these fraternal dele- 
gates all got up there and talked for several hours, known Com- 
munists, and talked it to death. Of course they twisted it around 
and said the resolution was against the already-adopted constitution, 
which it was not. The resolution read 

Mr. Starnes. If that is the sum and substance of it, I am going 
to suggest that you mark and set out for the purpose of the record, 
Mr. Harmon, the pertinent portions. 

Mr. Harmon. I have it here. It is a short resolution. 

Mr. Starnes. All right. 

Mr. Harmon (reading) : 

In answer to criticism of opponents of labor who hope to confuse the real 
ideals of organized labor and with the realization that a progressive labor 
movement would be impossible under any other form of government except 
a democracy : 

''Therefore be it resolved, That the Transport Workers' Union of America 
be placed on record as opposed to communism, fascism, nazi-ism, or any other 
'ism' except Americanism." 

Delegate MacMahon recommended nonconcurrence and made a 
speech and laid down the basis of the argument against it, to the 
effect that it would start a witch hunt in the organization. And 
all of the speakers made speeches against it. The president asked 
for a second of the motion, and MacMahon seconded the motion. 

Mr. Starnes. Mr. MacMahon is the international vice president? 

Mr. Harmon. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Starnes. And he has been identified here as a Communist? 

Mr. Harmon. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Starnes. And you said you sat in Communist meetings with 
him ? 

Mr. Harmon. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Starnes. That is the same MacMahon that Mr. Murphy 
referred to? 

Mr. Harmon. Yes, sir. Michael Butler got up there and made a 
regular terror speech against this resolution. They all made the 
same land of speeches, and all contained in the minutes here, and 
they all condemned it as being intolerant and all that, but the same 
men had not ever raised their voice against the Fascist resolution 
before; every one of them voted for the Fascist resolution, but voted 
against this, because it contained the word "communism." 

Mr. Starnes. It contained the word "communism," and also "any 
other 'ism' except Americanism"? 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1065 

Mr. Harmon. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Staenes. And they found that to be highly objectionable, and 
it was voted down? 

Mr. Harmon. It was voted down. 

(The copy of the minutes above referred to at length by Mr. 
Harmon was marked as "Exhibit Harmon NY No. 25" and filed with 
the committee.) 

Mr. Harmon (continuing). In regard to the election of the inter- 
national officers there, they were also elected in the very same manner 
as Stalin was elected in Russia. I would like to explain that a little. 
By the way, as to those resolutions here, the Daily Worker, the fol- 
lowing day. came out and supported them and wrote a very good 
article on the whole convention. 

Mr. Starnes. Will you include that for the record ? 

Mr. Harmon.. Yes; I will. 

(The article appearing in the Daily Worker above referred to was 
marked as "Exhibit Harmon NY No. 25A," being entitled "Inde- 
pendent Political Action, Unity of Labor Urged at Transport 
Convention.") 

Mr. Starnes. Now. what other statement was it that you wanted 
to call to the committee's attention, because I want to complete this 
and go on with other testimony. 

Mr. Harmon. On the election of officers, of course, the nominations 
committee was communistic-controlled. Of the six, four were 
Communists. 

Mr. Starnes. That is the nominating committee? 

Mr. Harmon. The nominating committee. They brought up, at 
the opening of the convention, the rules on nomination — the one rule, 
rule 6, which read that any committee nominee must first be voted 
down before you could nominate anybody else. You can nominate 
from the floor, but only after you have voted down the nominee of 
the committee. So the committee brought up a slate of one man, no 
opponent; and the convention was forced to vote just like they elected 
Stalin — either vote for or against, but could not nominate anybody 
else. And the entire board was elected the same way — one man 
placed in nomination — and they went on through from 1 o'clock to 
7 in the evening, with no questions raised, and long speeches by the 
leaders building up a great enthusiasm for them. Then after they 
all got through talking from the floor, they were all elected. The 
Daily Worker carried a full account of that. 

Now, here is what I want to put in the record. Before nominations 
started, when the committee came into the hall with the nominations, 
Quill ordered the gallery cleared of all spectators (those spectators 
were all union members), but the Dail} 7 Worker reporter was allowed 
to remain at the front of the hall during the nominations and was 
not excluded from the hall and wrote a complete account of what 
occurred. 

Mr. Starnes. Were other newspaper reporters excluded? 

Mr. Harmon. I don't know. There were only three there — one girl 
and two men. I don't know whether the other reporters were ex- 
cluded or not, but I know the Daily Worker covered the convention 
from end to end. 

I have some other evidence here to show that the unions used 
union halls for communistic purposes. 



1066 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr. Starnes. You have documentary proof of that fact? 

Mr. Harmon. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Starnes. We will just ask you to identify those documents 
and hand them to the stenographer and he can mark them. 

(The papers submitted for the record by Mr. Harmon were marked 
"Exhibit Harmon NY No. 26" and filed with the committee, being 
a number of miscellaneous newspaper articles and other papers.) 

Mr. Starnes. What other statement have you got to make? 

Mr. Harmon. I think that is all. 

Mr. Starnes. All right. Thank you. 

Mr. Thomas. I just want to ask one question. The statement has 
been made here today that Michael Quill is a member of the Com- 
munist Party. 

Mr. Harmon. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Thomas. Do you happen to know what his party name is? 

Mr. Harmon. I don't, no; except 

Mr. Thomas. Have you heard from anyone what his party name 
is? 

Mr. Starnes. I do not think that would be relevant. He has 
stated he could not say the man was a member of the party. 

Mr. Harmon. Other than what I was told. 

Mr. Starnes. Other than what he was told. 

Mr. Thomas. He was told that. 

Mr. Starnes. That is purely hearsay, of course, and I think would 
be valueless. I do not think we ought to use anybody's name in that 
connection, unless we know. 

Mr. Thomas. Let me put the question in another way. Do you 
know his party name is John Phillips? 

Mr. Harmon. Well, no; I don't know that. I was told to attend 
a meeting in New York at one time and I was shown an ad by 
Douglas L. MacMahon and I was sent over as a representative of our 
unit to come back and make a report of the meeting, and on this ad 
of the meetings was a leaflet of one of the speakers, John Phillips, 
and MacMahon told me that was Quill. That is all I know about 
Quill. 

Mr. Thomas. That answers it. 

Mr. Starnes. In the interest of fairness, you have already stated 
you cannot say that he is a member of the Communist Party? 

Mr. Harmon. No; I cannot say that. 

Mr. Starnes. And you further said you never sat in a Communist 
Party meeting with him? 

Mr. Harmon. Not a real Communist Party meeting; no. 

Mr. Starnes. That is all. 

(Witness excused.) 

TESTIMONY OF CHARLES MARTIN, BROOKLYN, N. Y. 

(The witness was duly sworn by Mr. Starnes.) 

Mr. Starnes. What is your full name and your address? 

Mr. Martin. Charles Martin, 249 Sixtieth Street, Brooklyn. 

Mr. Starnes. Are you a resident of New York? 

Mr. Martin. Yes." 

Mr. Starnes. How long have you been a resident of New York? 

Mr. Martin, Since 1926. 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1067 

Mr. Starnes. A.M you a native of New York? 

Mr. Martin. No. 

Mr. Starnes. Where were you born? 

Mr. Martin. Scotland. 

Mr. Starnes. Are you a naturalized citizen? 

Mr. Martin. Yes. 

Mr. Starnes. Since when? 

Mr. Martin. Oh, about 5 years; since about 1931, I guess. 

Mr. Starnes. What is your profession or business? 

Mr. Martin. Subway conductor. 

Mr. Starnes. How long have you been engaged in that work? 

Mr. Martin. Since 1926. 

Mr. Starnes. Are you a member of the transport workers' union? 

Mr. Martin. Yes. 

Mr. Starnes. When did you become a member? 

Mr. Martin. Oh, in 1934 — June. 

Mr. Starnes. Are you a member of the Communist Party, or have 
you been? 

Mr. Martin. No, sir. 

Mr. Starnes. Have you ever been approached by any member of 
the transport workers' union to join the Communist Party? 

Mr. Martin. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Starnes. By whom? 

Mr. Martin. Michael Butler and Joe Kerrigan, and Edward 
Murphy and William Zuidema. 

Mr. Starnes. Who is Michael Butler? 

Mr. Martin. He is an organizer for the transport workers' union. 

Mr. Starnes. He is an organizer for the transport workers' union? 

Mr. Martin. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Starnes. Does he hold any other position in the transport 
•workers' union at the present time? 

Mr. Martin. He is on the executive board, I believe. 

Mr. Starnes. Who is Joe Kerrigan? 

Mr. Martin. He belongs to the painters' union. 

Mr. Starnes. He belongs to the painters' union ? 

Mr. Martin. Yes. 

Mr. Starnes. And who is the Murphy you refer to? 

Mr. Martin. Well, he is a watchman, and also a member of the 
transport workers' union. 

Mr. Starnes. And William Zuidema is a member of the transport 
^workers' union \ 

Mr. Martin. Yes. He is on the executive board. 

Mr. Starnes. On the executive board? 

Mr. Martin. Yes. 

Mr. Starnes. What did they offer you in the way of inducement ; 
what was held out to you as an inducement or reason for joining 
the Communist Party? 

Mr. Martin. They said we would have a prominent position in the 
union if we joined it. 

Mr. Starnes. In other words, membership in the Communist Party 
would lead to the advancement of the workers in the transport 
workers' union; is that correct? 

Mr. Martin. Yes, sir. 



1068 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr. Starnes. Did they present you with any propaganda, or aiL 
application for membership? 

Mr. Martin. Yes; leaflets and booklets. 

Mr. Starnes. They did that? 

Mr. Martin. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Starnes. You have those with you? 

Mr. Martin. Yes. 

Mr. Starnes. Will you turn those over to the committee? 

Mr. Martin. Yes. 

(The papers above referred to were marked "Exhibit Martin NY 
No. 27," being a number of miscellaneous leaflets and booklets, and 
the same were filed with the committee.) 

Mr. Starnes. Did they leave a card with you for membership ? 

Mr. Martin. They put a card down in front of me, but I refused 
to sign. 

Mr. Starnes. You never did become a member ? 

Mr. Martin. No, sir. 

Mr. Starnes. That is all. 

(Witness excused.) 

TESTIMONY OF EDWARD MAGUIRE, THE BRONX, NEW YORK 

CITY, N. Y. 

(The witness was duly sworn by Mr. Starnes.) 

Mr. Starnes. Give your full name and address to the stenogra- 
pher, please. 

Mr. Maguire. Edward Maguire, 343 East One Hundred and 
Forty-Second Street, Bronx, N. Y. 

Mr. Starnes. How long have you lived at that address ? 

Mr. Maguire. About 3 years. 

Mr. Starnes. Are you a native citizen of the United States ? 

Mr. Maguire. No. I was born in Ireland. 

Mr. Starnes. Are you now a naturalized citizen ? 

Mr. Maguire. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Starnes. What is your business or profession? 

Mr. Maguire. Station agent in the I. R. T. Co., New York. 

Mr. Starnes. How long have you been in the transportation busi- 
ness? 

Mr. Maguire. Since the autumn of 1927. 

Mr. Starnes. Are you a member of the transport workers' union? 

Mr. Maguire. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Starnes. How long have you been a member ? 

Mr. Maguire. Since 1934. 

Mr. Starnes. Did you ever join the Communist Party? 

Mr. Maguire. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Starnes. When? 

Mr. Maguire. Around the month of March 1934. 

Mr. Starnes. Did you hold any sort of position in that party ?' 

Mr. Maguire. Yes. I was treasurer of unit 19-S, section 24, of 
the Communist Party of New York. 

Mr. Starnes. By the way, do you have your membership book? 

Mr. Maguire. I have a photostatic copy. 

Mr. Starnes. Where is the original? 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1069 

Mr. Maguire. In the hands of the Lawyer who is handling an 
injunction case in the court against the leadership of the transport 
workers' union. 

Mr. Starnes. Will you introduce the photostatic copy? 

Mr. Maguire. Yes. 

Mr. Starnes. Will you swear that is a true and correct photostat? 

]\Ir. Maguire. Yes. 

Mr. Starnes. Will you further bring to the committee, as soon as 
the original membership book has served its purpose in the court 
proceeding — will you bring the book? 

Mr. Maguire. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Starnes. We will ask you to do that. 

(The photostat above referred to was marked "Exhibit Maguire 
NY No. 28 1 ' and filed with the committee, being a photostat of 1936 
membership book No. 1358 in the name of Edward Maguire.) 

Mr. Starnes. To what section, unit, or fraction did you belong ? 

Mr. Maguire. It was known as unit 19-S, section 24, of the Com- 
munist Party of New York. 

Mr. Starnes. Can you name any other members of the transport 
workers' union who were members of that union? 

Mr. Maguire. Michael J. Quill, now international president of the 
Transport Workers' Union International of America. 

Mr. Starnes. Any others? 

Mr. Maguire. Michael Clune, now a New York board member, and 
former treasurer of the transport workers' union. 

Mr. Starnes. Any others? 

Mr. Maguire. J. D. Garrison, now New York executive board mem- 
ber and first secretary to the delegates' council of the transport work- 
ers' union. 

Clarence King, now a New York executive board member. 

John Allen, now chairman of section No. 2 of the transport workers' 
union in the I. R. T. division. 

Thomas Smyth, station agent in the I. R. T. division, elevated. 

John Nolan, station agent in the I. R. T. division. 

Mr. Starnes. Do you know John Santo? 

Mr. Maguire. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Starnes. Is he a member of the Communist Party? 

Mr. Maguire. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Starnes. Now, the names you have called here — have you sat 
in Communist Party meetings with them? 

Mr. Maguire. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Starnes. Have you collected dues from all of those you have 
called here? 

Mr. Maguire. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Starnes. Were they members of your unit? 

Mr. Maguire. Yes, sir ; of the unit known as 19-S. 

Mr. Thomas. Then do I understand vou collected dues from 
Michael J. Quill? 

Mr. Maguire. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Starnes. You say you were secretary-treasurer of that unit? 

Mr. Maguire. The unit known as 19-S. 

Mr. Starnes. Do you know what the dues were that were collected 
from those various members? 



1Q70 ON-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr. Maguire. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Starnes. How do you collect those; on what basis are they 
collected ? 

Mr. Maguire. You collect them by the week, a quarter a week. 

Mr. Starnes. That depends on their income, too, does it not? 

Mr. Maguire. Yes. Well, we all had more or less the same income, 
and we were all levied at the same rate, except those outside on 
unemployment, who had a special rate of 10 cents a week while 
unemployed; otherwise it was a quarter a week dues. 

Mr. Starnes. I see. What did you do with the money you col- 
lected? 

Mr. Maguire. I turned it in to the section, for which I have some 
receipts here in hand. 

Mr. Starnes. Will you introduce those? 

Mr. Maguire. Yes, sir. 

(The papers above referred to were marked "Exhibit Maguire 
NY No. 28" and filed with the committee, being several receipts.) 

Mr. Starnes. Do you have any other documentary proof in refer- 
ence to dues collected? 

Mr. Maguire. Yes. When I was appointed as treasurer for said 
unit 19-S, in this capacity I collected the dues of these members for 
the Communist Party section and stamped their books. I knew each 
and every one of these men to be members of the Communist Party 
in good standing that are shown on this exhibit, which I have 
marked "Exhibit C," which I had to make out of the dues payments, 
an attendance record of section 19-S. 

(The paper above referred to was marked "Exhibit Maguire NY 
No. 29" and filed with the committee, being headed "Dues payments 
and attendance record.") 

Mr. Starnes. What, if anything, do you know about the charge 
that the Communist Party has been working in the transport union 
in an effort to control its activities and its policies? 

Mr. Maguire. Well, in the union meetings of 19-S, on many occa- 
sions John Santo spoke relative to being good union men, and it was 
necessary, he claimed, to be a Communist ; that the best union men 
were made from those who were Communists. He always pointed out 
the fact that in the control of the transport industry of New York 
City it was essential that all the keymen within the industry should be 
members of the Communist Party. And sometime in the summer of 
1935 I was addressing unit 19-S, and in doing this I digressed on 
union policy, whereupon I was interrupted by John Santo and re- 
minded that, "we are not building the transport workers' union; we 
are out to build the Communist Party." This remark left me dumb- 
founded, as the agitation of these men when standing before the 
workers was all for the union and nothing for anything else. So, 
strictly, in that unit 19-S, it was not a transport workers' union; it 
was there for the purpose, not of building the transport workers' 
union but to build the Communist Party by establishing the key posi- 
tions in the hands of Communists. 

Mr. Starnes. That was their policy? 

Mr. Maguire. That was their policy. 

Mr. Starnes. Do you know, of your own knowledge, as a member 
of the transport workers' union, and having been affiliated with them 
since 1934 and having worked in the system here for 10 or 12 years 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1071 

ami knowing the active members of the Communist Party in the city,. 
whether it is a fact that they do have members of the Communist 
Party in key positions in the transport workers' union? 

Mr. Maguire. That is a basic, fundamental principle of the party. 

Mr. Starnes. I ask you, is it a fact that they do? 

Mr. Maguire. Yes; they have. 

Mr. Starnes. Who are those members, and what positions do they 
hold? 

Mr. Maguire. Well, John Santo is now international secretary- 
treasurer of the Transport Workers' Union International. 

Mr. Starnes. Name another one. 

Mr. Maguire. He is a man who never worked in the transport 
industry, by the way. 

Mr. Starnes. He never did work in the transport industry? 

Mr. Maguire. No, sir. 

Mr. Starnes. How long have you known him? 

Mr. Maguire. Since around March of 1935. 

Mr. Starnes. Any other? 

Mr. Maguire. Michael Forge, now editor of the Transport Workers'" 
Bulletin, the official journal of the international and locals of the 
union. 

Another outsider who never worked in the transport industry was 
Austin Hogan, alias Gustav Dilloughry, now president of local 100 
of New York City. He never worked in the transport industry. 
These three men hold top positions in the Transport Workers' Union 
of Greater New York and the Transport Workers' International, 
and are men who never had any record of working in the transport 
industry at any time. 

Mr. Starnes. What position does Quill hold in the transport work- 
ers' union? 

Mr. Maguire. He is international president of the Transport 
Workers of America. 

Mr. Starnes. He, however, is or has been engaged in the transport 
business? 

Mr. Maguire. Yes ; he worked in New York City prior to becoming 
president of the union. 

Mr. Starnes. You called these other names for the purpose of 
stressing the fact they hold top positions in the international organi- 
zation of the transport union, yet at the same time have never been 
known as transport workers? 

Mr. Maguire. Yes; and, above all, to me known to be Communists. 

Mr. Thomas. In regard to Mr. Quill, on what date did you collect 
dues, these Communist dues, from Michael J. Quill? 

Mr. Maguire. Well, to be specific, I could not give exact dates; 
but, as treasurer of unit 19-S, from approximately March 1935 to- 
January 1936. On an average, we held a meeting once a week. 

Mr. Starnes. Did he attend most of those meetings? 

Mr. Maguire. Yes; he attended most of those meetings; and he, 
just the same as every other member of the unit, paid his dues to Ene- 
as treasurer of the unit. 

Mr. Starnes. And you have sat in meetings with them ? 

Mr. Maguire. Yes. 

"(Witness excused.) 

(The subcommittee thereupon took a recess until 2 : 30 p. m.) 



1072 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

AFTER RECESS 

The hearing was resumed at 2:30 p. m., pursuant to the taking 
of recess. 

Mr. Starnes. The committee will resume its hearings. 
Mr. Barron, take the stand, please. 

TESTIMONY OF LAURENCE BARRON, MANHATTAN, NEW YORK, 

N. Y. 

(The witness was duly sworn by Mr. Starnes.) 

Mr. Starnes. Give your full name and address to the reporter. 

Mr. Barron. Laurence Barron, 54 Vrymle, Manhattan. 

Mr. Starnes. Mr. Barron, how long have you lived in New York? 

Mr. Barron. I was born and raised in New York. 

Mr. Starnes. Have you ever been a member of the transport 
workers' union? 

Mr. Barron. I have never been a member of the transport workers' 
union; no. 

Mr. Starnes. Have you ever been a member of the Communist 
Party? 

Mr. Barron. I have. 

Mr. Starnes. When did you join? 

Mr. Barron. May 1932. 

Mr. Starnes. Where? 

Mr. Barron. Section 15, the Bronx, N. Y. 

Mr. Starnes. Are you at the present time a member of the party? 

Mr. Barron. I am not. I have not been since August 7, 1934. 

Mr. Starnes. What induced you to join in 1932? 

Mr. Barron. Well, in 1932 I joined the Communist Party because 
I felt they were forward in social ideas, that it would be of value to 
the average workingman and a change of the conditions at that time 
which were bad, and they did at that time put forth ideas which 
today we have accepted. I mean by that, public works and home 
relief have been accepted. 

Mr. Starnes. Why did you leave the party ? 

Mr. Barron. I left it on disagreements in principles with them: 
first, because I do not believe that the organizations which were pri- 
marily economic organizations and were built for the purpose of bet- 
tering conditions of the men on the job should be used for political 
activities for anybody. In other words, I believed, and still believe, 
in the economic trade-union as against the political trade-union. 

Mr. Starnes. When did you first get into disagreement with them ? 

Mr. Barron. Well, I have never been 

Mr. Starnes (interposing). Let us put it this way, and it will be 
more logical, probably: What ideas do they advance with reference 
to communism and to politics in trade-unions along a broad and 
comprehensive front, say, and when did they develop that policy? 

Mr. Barron. The Communist Party always had the policy of the 
political trade-union. In fact, that is the basis of, and is their out- 
standing basis of, organization. 

Mr. Starnes. Who was the leader in that movement when you 
joined it? 



IN- AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1073 

Mr. Barron. When I joined the section, the section organizer was 
one Joe Lustig, who is now head of the United Electrical Workers of 
the C. I. O. 

Mr. Starnes. What was their field of operations, and what was 
their campaign at that time; what was their objective with reference 
to trade-unionism? 

Mr. Barron. At that time, in that particular place, their objective 
had been mainly the political field, because it was not known as a 
trade-union or trade section. In other words, it happened to be in 
the north section of the Bronx, where there was not any industry, but 
was a residential section, so that they only dealt with political ques- 
tions, where they got a lot of workers interested, the question of 
unemployment, social relief, and so forth, in their own neighborhood, 
for example, in the economic field ; but that is another story. 

Mr. Starnes. Get to the broader field, then. 

Mr. Barron. You mean the particular trade-unions, I suppose? 

Mr. Starnes. Yes. 

Mr. Barron. Do you want me to go definitely into the transport 
■workers' union, and my experience in each field of the transport 
workers' union? 

Mr. Starnes. Yes. 

Mr. Barron. After Joe Lustig was disposed of as section organizer, 
there came a man from Cleveland, in 1933, John Santo, now secre- 
tary-treasurer of the transport workers' union, and John Santo be- 
came section organizer of section 15. Due to the nature of the 
neighborhood, he did not have many outstanding field organizers. 
It is primarily a neighborhood where there were very few workers 
who could face the question of going into the transport workers' 
union. I was sent into the unemployed field to get experience and 
organize in the Italian neighborhood throughout the Bronx in June, 
in the C. W. A., mainly as an organizer of laborers. Later the ques- 
tion came up of organizing some workers in the railroad yards, and 
there I worked under John Santo, in organizing the New York, New 
Haven & Hartford Railroad. 

Mr. Starnes. Can you give us anything about the background of 
John Santo? His name appears continuously in this testimony. 

Mr. Barron. John Santo came here from Cleveland, in 1932. In 
Cleveland, in 1932, he was defeated, as I understand it, for the Hun- 
garian party — for the Communist Party. Other than that I do not 
know, but he immediately became section organizer of that section 
within the Bronx, and it was for the outstanding work in the New 
York, New Haven & Hartford Railroad that he was picked over Joe 
Gilbert to go into and organize the transport workers' union. 

Mr. Starnes. Mr. Barron, when they started work you say they 
started in to organize the transport workers here? 

Mr. Barron. That is right. 

Mr. Starnes. And to make of that a political trade-union; is that 
your statement? 

Mr. Barron. That is my statement. 

Mr. Starnes. And that is the reason you left the party ? 

Mr. Barron. I left the party on disagreements with them later, 
and at that particular time I was working with John Santo. 

94931— 38— vol. 2 7 



1074 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr. Starnes. Do you know anything about the inception of the 
movement to organize the transport workers' union? 

Mr. Barron. Well, prior to 1932 the Communist Party was not 
making much headway. For example, let us look at some of the 
previous attempts to organize the I. E-. T. Railroad. Before that 
each section of the city took a whack at organizing,, for example, the 
elevated, in 1931 and 1932, and some individual would decide he 
would organize the union on the I. R. T., but mainly the whole thing 
was disorganized. Therefore, in 1933 there was called an extraor- 
dinary conference of the Communist Party at Finnish Hall, at 126th, 
off Madison Avenue, where it was decided once and for all to decide 
the question of organizing the key industries of the country at that 
conference. The keymen of the Communist Party in the United 
States and Canada were present. They reached the conclusion that 
the time was ripe where they could get into the key industries, and 
the slogan at that time was toward the basic element of the American 
proletariat. 

Mr. Starnes. Were you a member at that time? 

Mr. Barron. I was a member at that time. 

Mr. Starnes. And you attended that meeting? 

Mr. Barron. I attended that extraordinary conference with John 
Santo. 

Mr. Starnes. You are speaking from personal knowledge, and you 
were actually at that conference? 

Mr. Barron. I was personally at that conference ; yes, sir. 

Mr. Starnes. Proceed. 

Mr. Barron. The main attack to employ was to organize the two 
industries picked out at that time, namely, the marine and transport, 
as basic industries. Therefore the party was to utilize its best finance 
and efforts for the organization of the transportation and marine 
industries, and everything else was to be secondary to that, re- 
gardless of what it was. Following that Joe Gilbert was sent in as 
a local organizer to organize the transport workers' union. Joe 
Gilbert failed, and John Santo was picked as the likely man to 
organize the transport workers' union. Therefore we set up a tem- 
porary organizing committee wherein wide power was given. This 
was the main tactics. The word "concentration" was the word used 
by the party. We had no friends inside the transport workers' 
union. So, we utilized everyone who could answer questions of 
Irish workers in them. This was one of the outstanding points 
used in the approach. 

Mr. Starnes. Why did you select the Irish? 

Mr. Barron. Well, the transport workers are basically Irish 
workers, or Catholic workers, and it was the key the party was after 
which would give them face in New York. 

Mr. Starnes. In other words, you wanted a respectable face for 
the movement at the time? 

Mr. Barron. Well, we got it. 

Mr. Starnes. You got it? 

Mr. Barron. Yes. It was not until I picked up a few more like 
Murphy and McGovern that we actually got into the transport field. 
I was later transferred out to the field-laborers' organization, and it 
was within that organization that the disagreements came up and 



ON-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1075 

I left the parly. Primarily that is the inception of the transport 
workers' union. 

Mr. Starnes. What became of the Relief Workers' Association you 
organized? Did it merge with some other organization? 

Mr. Barron. No ; it blew up. We had a few of the midline element 
in there, and we took quite a few into another union, which Joe 
Santo and some of the others objected to, and the matter came to a 
blow-up. 

Mr. Starnes. I failed to ask you a moment ago if you had your 
membership book in the Communist Party. 

Air. Barron. My membership is in the file of a case in court on 
appeal 

Mr. Starnes. Do you have a photostat of it? 

Mr. Barron. I have a photostat of my party book and also the 
pass to the central committee. 

Mr. Starnes. The central committee is the committee which guides 
the party's policy? 

Mr. Barron. It is the pass which admitted me to this extraordinary 
conference, wherein this question was discussed. 

Mr. Starnes. Will you introduce those as exhibits? 

Mr. Barron. I will. 

Mr. Starnes. And will you get the original papers for the com- 
mittee ? 

(The photostatic copy of the page of the membership book above 
referred to was marked "Barron Exhibit NY No. 31" and filed with 
the committee, being a photostat of a page of membership No. 9031 
issued to Laurence Barron.) 

(The photostat of the pass above referred to was marked "Exhibit 
Barron NY No. 32" and filed with the committee, being a photostat 
of the pass to the central committee, Communist Party of the United 
States of America.) 

Mr. Thomas. At any of the Communist meetings which you at- 
tended, or the unit or fraction meetings, wdiich you attended, did 
you notice Michael J. Quill present? 

Mr. Barron. I never met Mr. Michael J. Quill within the party, 
although I have met him at organizations; but I have never met 
him personally within the party. 

Mr. Thomas. Can you name any members of the workers' trans- 
port union who are officials of, occupying what we term "key posi- 
tions" in the transport union, whom you know to be Communists, 
or whom you associated with as Communists in the Communist 
Party while you were a member? 

Mr. Barron. I can; John Santo and John Santo's wife; and I 
can also name Walter Case, whom I have had experience with when 
Ave put him on relief when he was "on the bum" outside. Otherwise 
I know very few of the others. 

Mr. Starnes. Mr. Barron, you have stated that you met with the 
Communist Party here in New York at the time of the inception 
of the program for organizing the maritime union workers? 

Mr. Barron. Right. 

Mr. Starnes. And the transport workers here? 

Mr. Barron. That is right. 



1076 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr. Starnes. Now at the same time, state whether or not there 
was any discussion or attempt or any move made to organize the 
workers in the utilities industry. 

Mr. Barron. On the question of utilities, every section of the Com- 
munist Party wherein powerhouses were in that section, or utilities, 
was at that time const it uted the best unit, and the best forces, and 
a large percentage of the dues collected from the membership were 
to be utilized in organizing the utilities. For example, in the lower 
Bronx we have a powerhouse there, which is a good section, and the 
best political members were employed; and in the upper end, where 
the New York Central yards were situated, the same situation 
exists ; the best boys and the most money was used. , 

Mr. Starnes. Why did they want to organize these industries ? 

Mr. Barron. For example, let us take' the subways. What indus- 
try would give the party greater political face than a tie-up of an 
I. R. T. or a powerhouse? It would be practically in complete con- 
trol of the town. 

Mr. Starnes. When and where was that extraordinary conference 
or session held that you referred to previously ? 

Mr. Barron. In July 1933— July 7 to 10, 1933— which they held 
in Finnish Hall, One Hundred and Twenty-sixth Street, off of Madi- 
son Avenue, New York. 

Mr. Starnes. I believe you have already named some of the out- 
standing leaders of the party that were present at that time? 

Mr. Barron. Everybody was there from the upper crust, from 
Browder down to the outlawed members of the Canadian party. 

Mr. Starnes. That is all, thank you. 

Mr. Barron. May I reopen that again? I have an affidavit here 
from a transit worker who wanted to have you admit it, due to the 
fact that he is working and cannot be here. 

Mr. Starnes. Suppose you leave the affidavit here with the com- 
mittee. We will examine it as to whether it is admissible ; and if it is ; 
we will use it. 

The next witness is Mr. Kelly. 

TESTIMONY OF MICHAEL KELLY, NEW YORK CITY, N. Y. 

(The witness was duly sworn by Mr. Starnes.) 

Mr. Starnes. Give your full name and address, please. 

Mr. Kelly. Michael Kelly, 2005 Madison Avenue. 

Mr. Starnes. How long have you lived in New York? 

Mr. Kelly. Twelve years. 

Mr. Starnes. How long ? 

Mr. Kelly. Twelve years. 

Mr. Starnes. Are you a native or a naturalized citizen? 

Mr. Kelly. Naturalized. 

Mr. Starnes. Naturalized? 

Mr. Kelly. Yes. 

Mr. Starnes. Where did you come from? 

Mr. Kelly. Ireland. 

Mr. Stabnes. Ireland? 

Mr. Kelly. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Starnes. Are you a transport worker? 

Mr. Kelly. Yes. 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1Q77 

Mr. Starnes. What is your profession or business ? 

Mr. Kelly. Electric inspector in the I. II. T. 

Mr. Starnes. How long have you been employed with the I. R. T.? 

Mr. Kei.lt. Since the fall of 1926. 

Mr. Starnes. Are you a member of the transport workers' union? 

Mr. Kelly. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Starnes. When did you join? 

Mr. Kelly. January 1935. 

Mr. Starnes. Are you a member of the Communist Party? 

Mr. Kelly. No, sir. 

Mr. Starnes. Have you been solicited to join the party? 

Mr. Kelly. Yes; I have been asked in June 1937, by Michael J. 
Quill. I have a statement, and if I may, I will read it. 

Mr. Starnes. Yes. 

Mr. Kelly. On or about the month of June 1937, in a conversation 
I had with Michael J. Quill in the union office, at 153 West Sixty- 
fourth Street, he told me he was a member of the Communist Party, 
and that he thought I should join that party. When I told him I 
didn't see my way to do so, he continued to tell me that he had been 
a party member all along, and had always registered as a Democrat. 
He then told me that the transport workers' union was due to become 
one of the most powerful organizations in the country and would 
be run by 16 or 17 men. He then reminded me that as I was an 
active union man, I should come into the party and come to know 
first-hand every move that the union was going to make in the future. 
He then told me that there were two kinds of Communists, namely, 
those who bore from within and those who speak openly to the pub- 
lic, and that he, Michael J. Quill, was one of the former type. Then 
Michael J. Quill told me to consider my membership in the party 
and go to the workers' school at 50 East Thirteenth Street. 

Mr. Starnes. Did you go to the workers' school? 

Mr. Kelly. Yes. 

Mr. Starnes. Have you a card? 

Mr. Kelly. Yes; I have a receipt for $1.50 that I paid them to 
enter the school. 

Mr. Starnes. Will you introduce that ? 

Mr. Kelly. Yes. 

(The card above referred to was marked "Exhibit Kelly NY No. 
17" and filed with the committee, being a card to the workers' school 
issued in the name of Michael Kelly.) 

Mr. Starnes. How long did you attend the workers' school? 

Mr. Kelly. I attended five terms, every Wednesday night, for an 
hour, for 5 weeks. 

Mr. Starnes. Five weeks? 

Mr. Kelly. Yes. 

Mr. Starnes. After completing the workers' school, you say you 
did not join the Communist Party? 

Mr. Kelly. No; I did not join. After seeing what went on in 
the workers' school, and Mike Quill telling me that 16 or 17 men 
controlled the union, I came to the conclusion that they were a bunch 
of reactionaries. 

Mr. Starnes. You did not join the party because of the fact that 
16 or 17 would be in control of the organization, and you considered 
such tactics as reactionary ; is that right ? 



1078 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr. Kelly. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Starnes. Did Mr. Quill solicit you to join the Communist 
Party on more than one occasion ? 
Mr. Kelly. No; just one occasion. 
Mr. Starnes. Just one occasion ? 
Mr. Kelly. Yes. 

Mr. Starnes. I believe that is all. 
Mr. McCarthy, will you come to the stand? 

TESTIMONY OF MICHAEL J. M'CARTHY, NEW YORK, N. Y. 

(The witness was duly sworn by Mr. Starnes.) 
Mr. Starnes. Give your full name and address, please. 
Mr. McCarthy. Can I withhold my address ? 

Mr. Starnes. You can wive that ro the committee, but we want 
the addresses of the witnesses. 

Mr. McCarthy. I will ask to withhold it, please. 

Mr. Starnes. Give it to the committee. 

Mr. McCarthy. My name is M. J. McCarthy. 

Mr. Starnes. M. J. McCarthy? 

Mr. McCarthy. M. J. McCarthy, 503 AVest 176th St., New York 

City. 

Mr. Starnes. You are a citizen of New York? 

Mr. McCarthy. Yes. 

Mr. Starnes. How long have you been a citizen? 

Mr. McCarthy. Eighteen years. 

Mr. Starnes. You are a naturalized citizen? 

Mr. McCarthy. I am. 

Mr. Starnes. You are of what descent? 

Mr. McCarthy. Well, I guess the auld sod — Irish. 

Mr. Starnes. What is your profession? 

Mr. McCarthy. Well, for about 15 years I was engaged in the 
transportation business, New York City, but I am not just now. 

Mr. Starnes. When did you leave the business ? 

Mr. McCarthy. In 1934 I left transportation. 

Mr. Starnes. You left transportation at that time? 

Mr. McCarthy. Yes. 

Mr. Starnes. Were you ever a member of the transport workers' 
union? 

Mr. McCarthy. Well. I first became a member of the Amalga- 
mated Association of Street Electric Railways and Motor Coach Em- 
ployees of North America, A. F. of L., and for doing so I was dis- 
charged from my job. I went out on strike and never got it back. 
After going out on strike and not getting my job back, in 1933, 
which was under the old N. R. A., the National Labor Board at 
the time, our case was taken up with the N. R. A. under section 7 (a) 
and we got a decision from the National Labor Board in Washing- 
ton, and after getting that decision from the National Labor Board 
in Washington to have us reinstated, I got a letter from the trans- 
port workers' union, which I have here, inviting us down to have 
the decision of the National Labor Board enforced. I have that 
letter here. 



DN-AMBRICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1079 

Mr. Starnes. Before going further, the committee is not inter- 
ested, of course, in any jurisdictional disputes between labor 
organizations. 

Mr. McCarthy. All right. 

Mr. Starnes. That is a matter of absolutely no interest to us. 

Mr. McCarthy. Yes. 

Mr. Starnes. The only thing we are interested in about trade- 
unions or the economic field at all is just whether there are any 
un-American or subversive activities at work in those fields. 

Mr. McCarthy. Yes; I understand that. 

Mr. Starnes. You understand that ? 

Mr. McCarthy. Yes. 

Mr. Starnes. Were you ever a member of the Communist Party? 

Mr. McCarthy. Never. 

Mr. Starnes. Were you ever solicited to join? 

Mr. McCarthy. Yes. 

Mr. Starnes. Who solicited you? 

Mr. McCarthy. John Santo. 

Mr. Starnes. John Santo? 

Mr. McCarthy. John Santo, who was secretary-treasurer at the 
time of the transport workers' union, independent, and Austin 
Hogan — at the time I do not know what position he held, but he 
was one of the executive members of the so-called transport workers' 
union at the time when it was an independent, not affiliated with 
either the A. F. of L. or the C. I. O. ; and Michael J. Quill. 

Mr. Starnes. Some statement was made by a previous witness 
here today about the transport workers' union being an independent, 
that at one time the organization was independent with no affiliation 
with the A. F. of L. or the C. I. O. ; is that correct? 

Mr. McCarthy. It started out with such a name. 

Mr. Starnes. I see. 

Mr. McCarthy. But from the time I knew about it, it was no 
trade labor union at all, so far as leadership was concerned. 

Mr. Starnes. What was it. so far as leadership was concerned? 

Mr. McCarthy. It was under the political control of the Com- 
munist Party. It was a unit of the Communist Party to get the 
transport industry organized. 

Mr. Starnes. Now, then, name some other parties other than John 
Santo who approached you and asked you to join the Communist 
Party. 

Mr. McCarthy. Austin Hogan. 

Mr. Starnes. Anyone else? 

Mr. McCarthy. Michael J. Quill. 

Mr. Starnes. Anyone else? 

Mr. McCarthy. Nicholas Traynor. 

Mr. Starnes. Anyone else? 

Mr. McCarthy. A fellow by the name of Case. I do not know his 
first name. 

Mr. Starnes. His name was Case? 

Mr. McCarthy. His second name was Case. 

Mr. Starnes. All right. What inducement did they hold out to 
you to join the Communist Party? Why did they want you to join? 



1080 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr. McCarthy. Well, they sent for me — which the letter says — 
they wanted to enforce the decision of the National Labor Board, 
and by so doing they wanted to make a big thing- for their outfit to 
get on the field. At that time they had the name of being "red" 
and communistic. That was in 1934. 

Mr. Starnes. You say "they." Who is "they"? 

Mr. McCarthy. The transport workers' union had the name of 
being a "red" radical outfit. 

Mr. Starnes. They were the ones who wrote to you? 

Mr. McCarthy. Yes. 

Mr. Starnes. Do you have that letter with you ? 

Mr. McCarthy. Yes; with John Santo's name signed to it. The 
address at the time was 80 East Eleventh Street. 

Mr. Starnes. Is that the letter which you received [indicating] ? 

Mr. McCarthy. Yes, sir; I received that in 1934. 

Mr. Starnes. I will ask you to identify it as such and introduce 
it as an exhibit. 

Mr. McCarthy. Yes. 

Mr. Starnes. You do identify it ? 

Mr. McCarthy. Yes. 

(The mimeograph letter above referred to was marked "Exhibit 
McCarthy NY No. 34" and filed with the committee, being a single 
space mimeographed letter bearing at the head "Transport Workers' 
Union, 80 East Eleventh Street, Room 631, N. Y. C") 

Mr. Starnes. They sent for you? 

Mr. McCarthy. Yes. 

Mr. Starnes. And did you go down to the union headquarters? 

Mr. McCarthy. I went down, after while, after they had my name 
and address, and I found out that they got my name and address 
through a member of their own local, who was a member of the 
Communist Party. 

Mr. Starnes. Do you know who that man was? 

Mr. McCarthy. Nicholas Traynor. 

Mr. Starnes. When you went down there to report or discuss this 
matter with them, whom did you talk to ? 

Mr. McCarthy. John Santo and Austin Hogan. At that time 
Michael Quill was not president of the transport workers' union at all. 

Mr. Starnes. Now, then, you stated that Michael Quill solicited 
you for party membership in the Communist Party. Where was 
that? 

Mr. McCarthy. At his residence; one Sunday I went over there to 
see him. The first thing they done was to try to get us out picketing. 

Mr. Thomas. What was the approximate date of that ? 

Mr. McCarthy. About the month of July 1935. 

Mr. Starnes. When you went down to Santo's? 

Mr. McCarthy. No ; that is when I went to Quill. I was in contact 
with him all the time from about the summer of 1934 to the autumn 
of 1935. 

Mr. Starnes. Were you ever reinstated, put back on the job? 

Mr. McCarthy. Never; although they made several promises. 

Mr. Starnes. What were the promises? 

Mr. McCarthy. The promises were we could never get any rein- 
statement if we did not join up with the party, and if we did wes 
would be put back to work. 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1081 

Mr. Starves. They were made by the party, the Communist Party, 
of course? 

Mr. McCarthy. The Communist Parly is right. 

Mr. Starves. You never joined, and you never went back to work? 

Mr. McCarthy. I never joined the party because from what I saw 
of them Avhile I saw them right with the organization that there was, 
I knew too much about them to join the party. I came down to their 
office one day. and I accused them of being not a labor organization 
at all. I refused, as a man with close to 15 years' experience in 
transportation, to take orders from the Communist Party. The lady 
that they had there as legal adviser, Rose Words, was the candidate 
of the Communist Party in the 1936 election for the supreme court 
justice for this district of New York, and she was legal adviser at that 
time for the so-called organizer of the transport workers' union. 

Mr. Starnes. Do you have any other documentary proof there, or 
have you any other documents which you wish to introduce, which 
bear upon the question of un-American or subversive activities in 
trade-union movements? 

Mr. McCarthy. I have the first line-up of the picketing that they 
made signs for at the transport workers' office when we started picket- 
ing the lines of the Fifth Avenue Coach Co. Those were made by 
the transport workers' union, and we found some of the men that 
were discharged, which is evidence to show that they were out with 
us at the time. After that I refused to take orders from the Com- 
munist Party, and I broke with them, and I pitched them to the hot 
place. After that we got close to 500 petitions from the Fifth Avenue 
Coach Co. employees asking for reinstatement to work. 

Mr. Starnes. The committee is not interested in that angle of it, 
because that probably leads into a dispute with a rival organization 
or something of that sort. As I have stated, we are only interested 
in some evidence of the fact that there are subversive and un-Ameri- 
can activities at work. 

Mr. McCarthy. Yes: it was because of the un-American activities 
that I quit it. 

Mr. Starnes. We will take a recess. 

(Thereupon a 10-minute recess was taken, after which the following 
occurred :) 

Mr. Starnes. Mr. Monahan. 

Mr. Monahan. Do you have any objection if Mr. Gibson sits here 
and assists me with these exhibits? 

Mr. Starnes. That is quite all right. 

TESTIMONY OF ROY P. MONAHAN, NEW YORK CITY 

(The witness was duly sworn by Mr. Starnes.) 

Mr. Starnes. Mr. Monahan, will you give your name and address 
to the reporter? 

Mr. Monahan. Roy P. Monahan. 49 Wall Street, New York City. 

Mr. Starnes. You are a native of New York? 

Mr. Monahan. Yes, sir; I was born on Tenth Avenue. 

Mr. Starnes. What is your profession? 

Mr. Monahan. I am an attorney. 

Mr. Starnes. An attorney? 

Mr. Monahan. Yes, sir. 



1082 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr. Starnes. And an ex-service man? 

Mr. Monahan. Yes; I served overseas as an aviator during the 
World War. 

Mr. Starnes. Are you a member of any veterans' association? 

Mr. Monahan. I am; of the Disabled World War Veterans, the 
Veterans of Foreign Wars, and the American Legion. 

Mr. Starnes. Do you hold an official position in the national organ- 
ization of either of these veterans' groups that you have mentioned? 

Mr. Monahan. Yes; at our national convention in Grand Rapids 
this year I was selected as a national officer, chairman of the National 
Americanization Committee. 

Mr. Starnes. As a member of the Disabled Veterans you have 
been making a study in un-American and subversive activities for 
your organization for the past several years ? 

Mr. Monahan. I have. It started in the early part of 1937, through 
their New York State commander of the Disabled Veterans, and it is 
continuing, I am sure, up to the present time. 

Mr. Starnes. Have you a statement prepared or any information 
that you are in a position to give the committee as a result of your 
studies ? 

Mr. Monahan. I have. 

Mr. Starnes. We are particularly interested, Mr. Monahan, as to 
whether or not the charges are true that un-American and subversive 
activities have crept into our school sj'stems and into trade-union 
movements, and whether or not they are active on the political front. 
In other words, we are not interested, of course, in trade and labor 
disputes as such, I mean jurisdictional disputes between unions. We 
are not interested in questions of the Republican and Democratic 
Parties when we speak of the political front, but we are interested 
to know whether any un-American or subversive movements are on 
foot or under way working in any of these groups and, with that 
in mind, if you have a general statement and any specific incidents 
you want to call to the attention of the committee, we would be happy 
to have you go ahead with your statement. 

Mr. Monahan. I have, sir, and I may say with respect to what 
I am about to cover in this statement, because I have been investigat- 
ing this matter for some time, I have documentary proof of every 
statement. I have some of these documents with me, and others I 
have submitted to your committee, and others I will submit to your 
committee, and as far as testimony of certain witnesses that I will 
allude to, in executive session I will give the addresses of those 
witnesses to the committee so that you may subpena the witnesses 
here to substantiate what I have to say, which is not today substan- 
tiated by the documents I have here. 

Mr. Starnes. Before you start, will it bother you if we interrupt 
you with a few rapid-fire questions from time to time? 

Mr. Monahan. Certainly not, if it will help to bring out the 
facts. 

Mr. Starnes. Are you here as a representative of any organization 
or group? 

Mr. Monahan. I am representing the Disabled Veterans of the 
World War, and also here in my capacity as a lawyer and American 
citizen. 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1083 

Mr. Starnes. In no other capacity? 

Mr. Monaiian. No; no other affiliation of any kind. I am very 
glad you asked that question. I want to state, Mr. Chairman, that 
f believe that it is the duty of every civic organization, regardless 
of their political, religious!, or philosophical attitudes, to assist in 
this campaign to strip these movements from what military men 
know to be military attributes, namely, verbal camouflage. We must 
bring out the facts, and I think it is the duty of every citizen to 
assist in bringing out the facts. 

Of course, my organization and other veterans' organizations are 
interested in schools and educational systems, and it is our job to 
develop our children, if we can, to be good and useful Americans. 
No one can question the statement that the primary purpose of every 
school and educational institution in this country is to educate our 
children to be good and useful Americans. Right here we meet one 
of the key points of the brazen and thoroughly un-American activ- 
ities of the so-called German-American Bund. While in print they 
urge gullible German- American parents to send their children to 
bund-directed schools and camps, allegedly to educate them, as they 
themselves phrase it, to become valuable American citizens, as a mat- 
ter of fact, they actually make every effort to destroy whatever 
American civic-mindedness had previously been instilled into these 
children in American schools. 

To be specific, there was a meeting held in Brooklyn on December 
13. 1936. at which the bund people believed they were among them- 
selves at which the so-called commander for North America of the 
Nazi youth groups of the bund, by the name of Theodore Dinkelacker, 
said verbatim: 

"We must make every conceivable effort to obtain a tight grip on all German- 
American youngsters.' Never mind these American schools: they have to be 
educated to become useful fighters for our German unity. It is the duty 
of every person of German blood in this country to support this phase of 
our work. In this way you will help our youth who are destined to carry 
forward our Nazi ideals, and who will ultimately bring victory to the glorious 
German ideals here. 

I submit that does not sound like any kind of an American bund. 
Of course, all the leaders and so-called educators working with Mr. 
Dinkelacker, and I have particular reference to Camp Seigfried, 
Long Island, which I have thoroughly investigated, and Camp Nord- 
land. N. J., which my organization has also carefully investigated, are 
what I might call technically American citizens. I mean by that 
that most of them have gone through a naturalization ceremony. As 
a matter of fact they boast that the bund is an American organization 
and all of its officers are American citizens, but I think before I 
finish my testimony I will have proven that they are not American 
activities. By this that they try to create misleading impression 
that the affairs of the organization would be conducted in an Amer- 
ican spirit. Among other sources of information on this is a paper 
called the Deutscher Weckruf und Beobachter. published here in 
New York, the files of which I have very carefully scanned, and in 
that paper there is a quotation which I will give you verbatim : 

Anyone of German blood who would renounce his real German fatherland, 
after acquiring American citizenship papers, would be a despicable scoundrel. 



1084 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

To use plain language, all this prating about their loyalty to the 
American flag, in my personal opinion, is the bunk. If this com- 
mittee wants to subpena some records of the telegraph office in Los 
Angeles, Calif., for the night of April 20, 1937. you will find a 
message of fervent loyalty of the bund addressed to Adolph Hitler, 
and signed by Mr. Herman Schwinn, west coast leader of the bund. 
There was a meeting out there that night of uniformed Nazis and 
White Russian monarchists. As a matter of fact, for your infor- 
mation, this Mr. Schwinn is in New York City at the present time 
and can be subpenaed. I will give you an address where I think 
you can bring him down here if you want to. 

Getting back to this systematic fostering of un-Americanism 
among children, my records disclose that on May 2. 1937, before 
a meeting of the bund unit in Union City, N. J., this same Dink- 
elacker, the leader of the bund youth corps, said, verbatim, again: 

German- American children should he kept away from American influence 
as much as possible. Their education should lie in the German tongue, and 
it should be a thoroughly German education. The best guaranty that they will 
receive the only proper education possible is to send them to our bund youth 
schools 

At the same meeting there was a gentleman by the name of George 
Brauns, who, I understand, is the New Jersey Nazi youth com- 
mander, who addressed the bund in a similar vein and he ended up 
by stating: "You have got to live as good German citizens." 

Now, I could dilate on that subject and give you many other 
instances, but I am confining my remarks to these one or two. These 
remarks are constantly evidenced in closed membership meetings of 
the bund where they think no Americans are present, and they con- 
sequently talk in an entirely different vein than in their so-called 
public meetings and when they make press releases. I can quote 
another statement of Dinkelacker, made at a meeting on May 16, 
1937, in New York City, when he had youth delegations from 
Newark, N. J., Hudson County, N. J., and Passaic, N. J., assembled 
around him. On this occasion he not only demanded that efforts 
be made to unite the whole German-American youth under the bund 
auspices, but that they be given their training exclusively in bund 
camps. He said specifically that the "more promising" of these 
youngsters should be trained as future political leaders in Nazi 
propaganda in the New York political training school, maintained 
exclusively for these purposes. Now, in connection with that I would 
like to refer you to a recent publication under the auspices of former 
Ambassador to Germany, William E. Dodd, published by Harper & 
Co., which gives the textbook which these children are taught in 
Germany, which is the same doctrine which is given to these children 
in the youth movement here in these bund camps. 

Mr. Stabnes. Will you furnish that for the committee? 

Mr. Monaiian. I will furnish the committee with a copy of that, 
if you wish. 

Mr. Staknes. Fine. 

Mr. Monahan. I might say this, this is offered as proof, if any- 
body reads that book, that they are bringing up a race of people 
trained like thoroughbred dogs, cats, or horses, some day to be what 
they call herravolk, the masters, and that is the same basic idea 
and the educational principle they are trying to install here in New 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1085 

iTork City. Full details of the aspects of this propaganda-training 
school in New York City have been placed at the disposal of this 
committee, but I want to mention at this time that the man who, 
on April 17, 1937. at a bund meeting at Hackensack, N. J., was intro- 
duced by the local leader, a gentleman by the name of Henry 
Seibert, as "our national propaganda-training leader and director 
of this school, Severin Winterscheidt," is at the moment an inmate 
of the State penitentiary in this State. 

Mr. Thomas. That is, in New York State? 

Mr. Monahan. In New York State. He was convicted on June 27 
of this year in the court of special sessions in Brooklyn on a morals 
charge for attacking a little girl and sentenced on July 6 to a 3-year 
term in jail. He had previously received 30 days in the workhouse 
because he had been arrested for indecent exposure in the Pennsyl- 
vania Station, in New York City. Now, this gentleman, whose name 
appeared for some time on the masthead of this Weckruf und Beo- 
bachter, the official paper of the German-American Bund, together 
with Fritz Kuhn's name, this Mr. Winterscheidt, with this background 
that I have just touched on, had the nerve to call the United States 
a degenerate Nation. I will give you a copy of that communication. 
Despite the fact that he has been in difficulties with the law on sev- 
eral occasions, as I have just demonstrated, and I understand that 
Congressman O'Toole, on April 25, 1938, asked the Secretary of Labor 
to deport this alien criminal, the Nazi paper here not only defended 
"Winterscheidt but on June 21, 1938, while he was under indictment, 
or at least under these charges, he w T as given American citizenship, 
and I ask your committee to look into the circumstances of the grant- 
ing of citizenship to this gentleman, Severin Winterscheidt. I ask 
you particularly to get a statement from Inspector Barnes of the Law 
Division of Ellis Island Immigration and Naturalization Service, who 
is in full possession of the records of the case, to find out why he 
failed to prevent this degenerate from becoming an American citizen. 
Mr. Starnes. Mr. Monahan, you are making the statement here that 
this fellow Winterscheidt was a member of the bund? 

Mr. Monahan. Yes, sir ; not only a member of the bund, but he was 
the editor of this paper [indicating]. 

Mr. Starnes. Joint editor with Fritz Kuhn ? 
Mr. Monahan. Joint editor with Fritz Kuhn. 
Mr. Starnes. And that he was an alien ? 

Mr. Monahan. An alien, and was allowed to become an American 
citizen in June of 1938, when he had one previous offense, of which 
he was found guilty, and at that particular time was undergoing 
punishment for a second offense. 

Mr. Starnes. That he had received sentence and you say he is now 
serving that sentence? 

Mr. Monahan. He is serving sentence, and he received his citizen- 
ship, both, and he is now serving 3 years. 

Now, with respect to the record with reference to this criminal case, 
there is a report by Probation Officer Arthur D. Keller in Brooklyn, 
in which it is started that this man Winterscheidt, when on a trip to 
Germany, took the oath of allegiance to Adolph Hitler and was per- 
sonally sworn in as a Nazi worker by Julius Strecher, a well-known 
aide of Mr. Hitler in some of his propaganda work in the United 
States. This took place at Erlangen, Germany, September 18, 1936. 



1086 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

I say this fact alone — the oath of allegiance to Hitler and his "fine" 
high moral character — should have resulted in that man being denied 
American citizenship. I think it is your duty, as officials of the 
Government, to look into that question. That is just a respectful 
suggestion. I might also say, as a suggestion, I think your committee 
should look into the possibility of revoking citizenship of some of 
these men whose activities, I am sure your committee will find out, 
have been nothing but anti-American since they went through natu- 
ralization ceremonies. 

With respect to the activities of this bund, it is again a matter of 
court record that while Winterscheidt was awaiting trial, in May and 
June of 1938, he and members of the bund's strong-arm squad bullied 
and threatened one Harold Newcamp, who is connected, in the ca- 
pacity of assistant manager, with the Empire Movie Theater at the 
corner of Quincy Street and Ralph Avenue, Brooklyn. Mr. Winter- 
scheidt was objecting to the showing of that play and sent their bullies 
from the bund to prevent him doing so, and I think Mr. Newcamp 
would willingly be a witness before your committee. 

I would suggest, in your investigation, that you contrast the actual 
activities of this organization with the public utterances of Mr. 
Kuhn, the bund fuehrer. In my own personal opinion, he is a 
potential Conrad Henlein. Actually, in my opinion, he is a mix- 
ture of Charlie McCarthy and Dizzy Dean. But he is the head of 
this particular organization. For instance, in an open letter which 
he wrote to the House of Representatives, published in the bund 
paper on August 10, 1937, Mr. Kuhn states : 

I hereby make the categorical statement that all camps of the German- 
American Bund are for the recreation of the children of German-American 
parents and their elders, and are absolutely without ulterior political 
significance. 

If the above facts about the training of the children have no 
political significance, then I do not know what they could have. 
But it is not only the instilling of poisonous un-American doctrines 
in the children who, as I will show, are severely punished if they 
ever dare speak English in the camp, but actual physical hardships 
which, in the name of the "pro-Nazi spirit," are imposed on these 
American children which I complain of. 

In the statements of Kuhn and all of the other men they have 
always emphasized what a wonderful boon to the health of the 
German-American children these camps are, yet the food, on inspec- 
tion, appears to be of a subquality, a cheap quality. Also, they have 
s! lict German military exercises and, on occasions, they go on a 
march with a 30-pound knapsack for 20 miles in the sun. And 
1 know something about going on a march with a heavy knapsack 
in the broiling sun myself. 

Also, they actually compel these children to perform hard labor. 
In the summer of 1937 the parents of these children complained 
so strongly that the national youth bund leader, Mr. Dinkelacher, 
had publicly to admit that some of these evils existed. In the official 
paper of the bund, the Deutscher Weckruf und Beobachter, volume 
3. No. 10, of September 10, 1937, you will find his statement in that 
connection. And he admitted that these children, whose parents 
thought they were paying their good money for a vacation and a 
physical upbuilding sojourn of their children in the camp, were 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1Q87 

actually used to do hard labor, such as heavy construction jobs on 
some of the building going on at that time in the camp, the purpose 
of which. I submit, was merely to save labor costs and avoid em- 
ploying labor to do the work, as the ordinary citizen would. You 
will also find, in the very same article, that the officers of the German- 
American Bund, and particularly Mr. Dinkelacher, threatened com- 
plaining- children's parents with ostracism from the German-Ameri- 
can communities if they continued to complain. I suppose I could 
not describe the spirit of the whole thing more eloquently than to 
use his own words, that — 

If the children wore forced to do work at the expense of their recreational 
time for games and sports, that is nobody's business but our own. 

In the year 1938 conditions are somewhat improved as a result of 
these complaints. In 1937, however, when this Nazi discipline was 
at its height, these supposedly health-building camps actually resulted 
in the death of a girl which has never been fully and satisfactorily 
explained. I refer to the sudden death on Tuesday, August 17, 1937, 
of a girl by the name of Tillie Koch, who was leader of the girls' 
camp at Camp Siegfried. That is on Long Island. Mr. Kuhn de- 
voted a very touching obituary to this girl on August 19, and her 
commander, Theodore Dinkelacher, wrote columns of praise of the 
dead girl in the Weckruf und Beobachter of August 26. The girl w T as 
buried on August 20 with full Nazi rituals, and in the presence of 
dozens of uniformed storm troopers. 

I will submit to the committee a photograph of these funeral 
exercises. 

My investigation shows that Tillie Koch who, incidentally, was a 
leader of the girls' division of the South Brooklyn unit of the German- 
American Bund, was stricken with pleurisy at the camp on August 12, 
1937, 5 days before she died, and that Dinkelacher, himself, was 
present and refused to call a doctor. As he said, he did not believe 
in making German boys and girls sissies. Despite the fact that this 
girl had a high fever, he neglected to get medical assistance until it 
was too late to provide proper medical attention for her. 

I am going to give the committee full documentary details on the 
organization of this youth group, particularly originals of orders 
and decrees which show, beyond any doubt, that these youth divisions 
are organized as exact parallels to the Hitler youth movement in Ger- 
many, with the same instruction books being used. I will show the 
committee that the very uniforms these children wear throughout 
the youth movement here in the United States is identical with the 
uniform that the children wear throughout the Hitler junior or youth 
movement in Germany; is the same uniform that the Nazi bunds 
working in Argentina make the children wear; the same one that they 
wear in Chile, and the same one that they wear in Sudeten, Germany. 
It is all part of the German military activities, to prepare these chil- 
dren as future soldiers of the Third Reich. Just to quote one of the 
items with respect to the decree of equipment of American children, 
it is "black German army belt and black German Sam Brown belt." 
Perhaps this can be explained by somebody on the part of the bund 
as having something to do with Americanism ! Also I read right now 
from the same original regulations, "head gear, brown overseas cap, 
exactly like the regulation German Hitler youth cap." 



1088 UK-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Then, further, the orders prescribed "the boys' and the girls' groups 
will particularly be equipped with Germany Army knapsacks, Ger- 
man Army auxiliary kits, and Germany Army canteens." I do not 
think that is an indication that this is an American movement of 

any kind. . . T 

As far as the political angle of this Nazi movement is concerned, 1 
won't o-o into that in any great detail, but I do think I should men- 
tion some of what I will call the "racketeer" activities of this bund. 
For instance, my investigation and examination of witnesses shows 
that there is quite a little graft in connection with the dispensing of 
beer and alcoholic beverages by their own two camps— Camp Nord- 
lan, near Andover, N. J., and Camp Siegfried, near Yaphank, Long 
Island. They do not account to members for receipts and expendi- 
tures, and the private pockets of some of the gentlemen in the bund 
have been filled as a result of those activities. 

Another thing I wish to call to the attention of the committee is 
that Mr. Kuhn from time to time has made public appeals for funds 
for various purposes, and this is one appeal in the issue of the Beo- 
bachter of September 8, 1938 [exhibiting], in which he says he needs 
$20,000 to appeal the Siegfried case. As a lawyer who has been 
practicing in this town since 1920, I say that is an exorbitant sum. 
By no conceivable stretch of the imagination could he legitimately 
spend $20,000 in appealing that case. 

Mr. Starnes. What is that case, Mr. Monahan? 

Mr. Monahan. That is a case in which I was complaining witness 
and some convictions were obtained against the bund and its affiliates, 
and some of those connected with it. It is on appeal and, as a 
lawyer, I would like to be asked to be excused from making any fur- 
ther extended reference to it. 

Mr. Starnes. That is perfectly all right. 

Mr. Monahan. In 1936 — this is important, I think, on the subject 
of whether this is an American organization, or is under the direc- 
tion of Germany — Mr. Kuhn made a trip to Germany and was accom- 
panied by a large number of the members of this bund, and four 
members of the bund were allowed to profane the sacred precincts 
of the chancellory with their presence, and there is their picture here 
in the 1937 yearbook, which shows Fritz Kuhn with the fuehrer, the 
real fuehrer, Mr. Hitler— Mr. Kuhn, Mr. Arndt, Mr. Weiler, and a 
gentleman by the name of Froboese, standing at attention in front of 
Adolf Hitler. Now, it is very interesting for this committee to 
know, I think, that $3,000 was collected from the members of the 
bund before this trip took place, and it is also interesting, if you care 
to go into it, to check that up with the fact, which I have investi- 
gated, that only $2,500 was turned over to Adolf Hitler. 

Mr. Starxes. In that connection, the statement has been made, as I 
understand it. by Mr. Kuhn, that all the records of the bund have 
been destroyed and they were no longer available. I believe some 
other committee or some other investigation called on them for their 
records, and they said they had all been destroyed. 

Mr. Monahan. Your information is correct. 

Mr. Starnes. Now, have you any information that would lead you 
to believe thai statement is not true? 

Mr. Monahan. I have, sir. 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES ^Qgg 

Mr. Starnes. What is it? 

Mr. Monahan. That statement was made by Kuhn, that the records 
were destroyed as of October 1937. In that connection, I call your 
attention to the September 8 issue of the Beobachter, which 1 am 
turning over to the committee, in which there is what purports to be 
a newspaper account of the national convention of this bund held 
right here in New York City. In this newspaper account it states : 

Reports were submitted by Gauleiter Markmann for the East, Gauleiter 
George Froboese for the Middle West, and Gauleiter Schwinn for the West, 
These were followed by reports of other bund functionaries, including those of 
the national treasurer, national organizer, executive secretary, and others in 
charge of the Bulletin Service, the bund's press organ (Deutscher Weckruf und 
Beobachter), the youth movement, and the women's organization. 

Mr. Starnes. In other words, you make the point that the treasurer 
and secretary neither could make a report of finances on hand, or 
membership, unless there be records in their possession somewhere? 

Mr. Monahan. Yes; or else this story is another piece of lying- 
propaganda put out by the bund. I do not think you can get away 
from either of those alternatives. I would suggest your committee 
exercise its power of subpena duces tecum and bring in the records 
of the organization. I might call the committee's attention to the 
fact that in the masthead of this issue and other issues appears, in 
the German language, a statement by Fritz Kuhn that he is responsible 
for all of the contents of this newspaper. I therefore make the point, 
as a lawyer, that any statement in this paper or any other issue is 
competent evidence against Mr. Kuhn. I also call your attention to 
the fact it says it is published by the A. V. Publishing Corporation. 
I suggest your committee use its power of investigation to get some 
financial information about the A. V. Publishing Co., which I am told 
is Mr. Fritz Kuhn. 

I also ask your committee to make some effort to find out where 
Mr. Kuhn lives. As you have stated, he has testified on several occa- 
sions, but he either gives his address as a lock box in the post office, 
or the address of the German-American Bund. I say, as the leader 
of this allegedly patriotic movement, he should be glad to tell us 
where he lives so he may be honored by the citizens in the particular 
section where he lives. 

Getting back to the visit of bund leaders and Mr. Kuhn to Adolf 
Hitler in 1936, I call your attention, Mr. Starnes, referring now to 
the yearbook of the bund of 1937, which I will give you, to some 
language in German the exact translation of which is : 

Again the Fuehrer expressed his thanks for the gift of the Golden Book of the 
German-American Bund, as well as the money which accompanied it. 

And I leave for you to consider the interesting spectacle of this 
patriotic American organization contributing monev — $3,000, which 
shrank to $2,500— to Mr. Hitler ! I say if that was a charitable con- 
tribution, any American organization in New York City can find 
American ways for American suffering to be alleviated by spending 
any funds they have for charity in this country. 

I also call your attention to the fact that this bund has recently 
organized its so-called intelligence service. A confidential meeting 
was recently held at 178 East Eighty-fifth Street, in Kuhn's private 
office, on the 3d day of February 1937. There were exactly 61 of 

94931— 3S— vol. 2 8 



1090 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

those bund functionaries there, including Rudolph Markmann, who 
is leader for the Atlantic coast district of the United States. I will 
be glad to explain to the committee how I got that information. I 
will do that in executive session, if you do not mind. 

On that occasion Mr. Kuhn announced the formation of an intel- 
ligence service. In his words, this service was "'to be masked with 
those bund members who had to know of its existence as a mere 
'clipping and news service,' " but it was made clear to the delegates 
present that it was to be an adjunct of the Gestapo, which is the 
secret German political police, and was to operate here in the United 
States, and specifically in New York City, in close cooperation with 
Dr. Friedhelm Drager, who is chief Gestapo agent for New York and 
who is presently vice consul at the consulate general in New York 
City. I wish to submit to this committee that at present this intelli- 
gence service is headed by a gentleman by the name of Otto Wegener. 
I have had occasion to hear or to see some of his speeches and this 
is the gentleman who was particularly vicious and un-American in 
his speeches. It was his remark, as a matter of passing interest, at 
the Hitler birthday celebration in the Yorkville Casino, on the night 
of April 20, 1938, which started the riot we had there. He said in 
the German language on that occasion that "President Roosevelt and 
Secretary of State Cordell Hull have acted like a couple of cheap 
punks" — that is his language, not mine — "in their reaction to Hit- 
ler's seizure of Austria," and that is what started the trouble. He 
has made other speeches, in similar vein, in New York, on February 
13, 1934, and another one at Woodside, Long Island, on May 11, 1934, 
which I will give your committee. 

I call your attention to an article in the New York Times of June 
20, 1938, which contains a most lucid description of the bund intelli- 
gence service, known as the Bunaste, which is an abbreviation for 
Bundes Nachrichten Stelle. 

If you will pardon me just a few more minutes, I will give you 
references to some exhibits which I have not previously submitted 
to this committee. I show you here a photostat of a circular de- 
scribing in German the American camps in this State, in which it 
says that German- Americans, as Americans, realize it is their duty 
to help outlaw Jewish-International, atheistic communism in all its 
disguises, and so forth, and I will call your attention to the par- 
ticularly dangerous language in this, in which, again stripping it 
of the camouflage, it says that the German- American Bund is — 

an essential part of the movement of the 100.000.000 Aryan (white) gentile 
Americans, fighting to reconstitute our country a free and sovereign, God- 
fearing, moral, social, and national United States. 

I say, in plain English, stripping it of the camouflage, that is an 
admission in plain English they are out to nazify the United States. 
That is something that is published and distributed by them. 

You may be interested in some biographical details about Mr. 
Kuhn. This is also from the Beobachter in the issue of December 
30. 1935 : 

lie \v:is born May 15. 1S05. in Munich. He did his military duty in the 
Bavarian Leib regiment in Munich. During the war. 1014-1S, he fought as a 
lieutenant of a machine-gun division on the French-Italian-Serhian-Rumanian 
frontier. Kuhn was wounded three times. After the war he fought with the 
Free Corp Epp against the Bavarian People's Repuhlik (Rate Republik), and 
later joined the Free Corp Oberland. 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1091 

In 1921 Kuhn joined the Hitler party and worked in Munich under Dr. 
Friek (Minister of Domestic Affairs in Germany today) and Poehner. Kuhn 
participated in the Nazi putsch on November 9, 1923, in Munich — 

That was when Adolf Hitler first started to be known as the 
potential leader of the Germans — 

* * * and he was at the same demonstration with Hitler and Ludendorff — 

on that occasion. 

After the suppression of the Nazi putsch 

and Hitler went to jail — this is particularly significant — and some 
of the other followers got in difficulties, Mr. Kuhn came over to the 
United States and was one of the very first members of the German- 
American Bund. 

First he was local group leader in Detroit, Mich. In September 1935 he 
became the successor to Gissibl as leader of the district middle west. 

Mr. Starxes. That is the Gissibl who has already been before the 
committee? 

Mr. Moxahan. No; that is the Gissibl over in the Orslando 
Deutscher Institute, in Stuttgart. 

It is interesting to note that Mr. Kuhn, as those pictures will 
show, is wearing the military decoration, which is the Order of 
Blood, which is the highest military decoration Hitler can give 
anybody for having been wounded in connection with defending 
nazi-ism. 

As part of the camouflage, I am going to give the committee a 
picture showing that on April 9, 1938, Mr. Wheeler-Hill, national 
secretary of this bund organization, decided to change from the 
straight Nazi standard which they had before, with nothing on it 
but the swastika, to the present insignia, which contains the Nazi 
swastika in modified form; that is, the bund flag with the swastika 
in the center. He did that, he explained, to keep from having insults 
to the Nazi flag and possible rioting. 

I have here copy of a yearbook published in South America and 
call your attention to the pictures here, not only of the uniformed 
members of the Nazi movement in Argentina — which, incidentally, 
has been wiped out since the pictures were taken — but to the pictures 
of the children there, boys and girls, and call your attention to the 
identical appearance of the uniforms worn down there in South 
America with the uniform of the children worn in Camp Seigfried. 

Mr. Starxes. That establishes the fact, in your judgment, then, 
of its being a German movement of the Third Reich ? 

Mr. Moxahax. Yes, sir; with the connection a little modified. 

Also, in this copy of the Newsweek — which is the latest issue, Sep- 
tember 19, 1938 — to the picture of some Sudeten Germans marching. 
I call your attention to the fact that the uniform which the Sudeten 
Germans wear is identical with the O. D. uniform worn by the 
members of the bund here. 

Then these are some pictures from South America showing the 
children's camp in the Argentine, identical in construction, so far 
as the uniform goes, with the camp on Long Island. 

On the question of whether this is an American organization of 
American citizens, I am submitting a photostatic copy of the con- 
stitution of the German- American Bund. I will just knock that 



1092 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

question out by reading something from article I of the constitu- 
tion. It says : 

The name of this organization shall be the German-American Bund and 
Prospective Citizens' Association * * *. 

In other words, in the language used in the formation of the bund, 
they made provision for people "who are not American citizens. 
So the statement it is composed entirely of American citizens is an 
open and unqualified falsehood. 

I call your attention to article IX of the constitution, in which 
you will note the extraordinary powers with respect to finances that 
are given to the bund leader, Mr. Kuhn. I also call your attention, 
when you get around to it, to his power to suspend a member with- 
out any check-up by any other members of the organization. 

Also, on the question of American citizens and noncitizens. I call 
your attention to the membership card of one of the members who 
became a member on August 10, 1933, and did not become an Ameri- 
can citizen until April 20, 1938. This gentleman's membership card 
and data I am giving you (Fred Scheibe). 

I also call your attention, on the question of how big this move- 
ment is, to a sympathizer's card; that it has a group membership 
of other than people of German- American blood of — the number 
here is 50,010. 

Mr. Starnes. That brings you up to the point where I wish to 
ask you some questions. 

Mr. Monahan. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Starnes. Have your investigations disclosed the number of 
German- American Bund members in this country? 

Mr. Monahan. From the information I have, Mr. Starnes, and I 
base this on a report of membership dated May 10, I think, of this 
year, there were about 18,000. 

Mr. Starnes. German-American Bund members? 

Mr. Monahan. That is right. 

Mr. Starnes. Now, then, about sympathizers; Have you any idea 
how many sympathizers there are? 

Mr. Monahan. This is dated June 8, 1938—50,010. I am a little 
suspicious of that 50,010. They might have started somewhere along 
the line, but I will take this as documentary evidence and give it to 
you as evidence that there are 50,010 sympathizers and 18,000 for the 
others. 

Mr. Starnes. In other words, it is your judgment there are many 
times more than that number of sympathizers in the country I 

Mr. Monahan. My own opinion is that 50,000 is an exaggerated 
number. That is my own personal opinion. I am bound, however, as 
a law}^er, by the record of the activities. I question the authenticity 
of the figure ; but if we can accept it as authentic, that is 50,000. 

Mr. Starnes. Suppose I go ahead now with some questions which 
I think are rather pertinent. 

Do you have an itea how many children they have in training' in 
these youth movements? I am particularly interested in their activi- 
ties with our youth. 

Mr. Monahan. As far as New York goes, I would say that from 
seeing them drilling at the camp, the total number would be between 
200 and 300. 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1093 

Mr. Staenes. Between 200 and 300? 

Mr. Monahan. Yes. However, what other schools the children go 
to, I have not been able to cover. 

Mr. Staenes. Have you ever witnessed any ceremonies out in the 
camps of the bund members in uniform? 

Mr. Monahan. Oh, yes; I have Avitnessed ceremonies at the camps 
of the bund members in uniform. 

Mr. Starnes. What is the approximate number, would you say, in 
attendance at an}' of those camps — at Camp Seigfried, we will say? 

Mr. Monahan. The men in uniform has been a much smaller num- 
ber ; the men in uniform, from my investigation, have never exceeded 
150 or 200. However, I have seen thousands of people there — men, 
women, and children — enjoying those Sundays as an outing. In other 
words. I am inclined to think, like the rumor of Mark Twain's death, 
that the number of those gentlemen and people interested in this 
movement is greatly exaggerated, and I think is designedly sent out 
to the public in that particular way. 

Mr. Starnes. Do you not feel, too, in many respects it is more of a 
racket than anything else? 

Mr. Monahan. I am awfully glad you asked that question, because 
my efforts have been misconstrued and I have been accused of having 
some prejudicial or racial bias against Germans or German-Amer- 
icans. That is exactly not the case. I have the greatest sympathy 
with Germans in Germany suffering under Hitler's rule and am a 
great admirer of the Germans who grew up with me in this country 
and who have been decent American citizens until the Hitler coup 
came, and I call your attention to the fact of the account in the paper 
yesterday of the German-American conference here, that they re- 
fused to allow German-Americans to take part in the ceremonies in 
Madison Square Garden, also that the Austrian Bund is going to 
move, they announced to the press, to drop the word "bund," as it 
may have some political significance, and they are only interested in 
politics in the United States. I think they are more anxious in being 
a great body of decent American, law-abiding citizens, and will not 
say these people represent them and, in my opinion, they do not and 
never have. 

Mr. Starnes. Do not you think the operation of concessions and 
the taking up of collections of money and soliciting funds is a 
racket on the part of Fritz Kuhn and many of his leaders ? 

Mr. Monahan. I would say that is partially so, but I am sin- 
cerely convinced that besides being done for him, as a racketeer on 
the unsuspecting members, there is a much more sinister move behind 
it. and that it is part of the Hitler movement to nazify the world 
when they ^et sufficiently strong. 

Mr. Starnes. What have you to say about espionage ? 

Mr. Monahan. I say this organization they have, particularly the 
military organization, is ideally suited for espionage purposes. There 
is no reason I can see why these men must be militarily organized and 
must use a military organization with powers identical with the 
organization of the storm troops and Brown Shirts in Germany. I 
say it is a very fertile field, particularly of people who call themselves 
Americans and organize in this sympathizers' movement. 

Now this is an interesting exhibit I am going to give you showing 
Hitler's map of the world. 



1094 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr. Starnes. By the way, in your investigation of un-American 
and subversive activities, do you have anything with reference to the 
so-called Silver Shirts? 

Mr. Monahan. Yes: I have found out there is a connection be- 
tween the Silver Shirts and the bund members. When a certain indi- 
vidual I sent up there went to join the bund, he was given an appli- 
cation to join the Order of the White Monarchists. He wrote to the 
Order of the White Monarchists and got a letter back — I think from 
Miller Dudley Pelley. somewhere in the West, and received thereafter 
a lot of additional propaganda. 

Mr. Starnes. What about membership, insofar as you were able to 
find out, in the White Shirts? Do they exact, in your judgment, 
membership in the bund? 

Mr. Monahan. I have no information I would like to present today 
as to that membership. I think it is another one of the movements 
that is greatly exaggerated as far as membership goes. 

Mr. Starnes. Have you heard, or has your investigation disclosed, 
any connection between the two organizations; that is, a friendly 
linking or tie-up? 

Mr. Monahan. Oh, yes. It is a matter of record in these news- 
papers that representatives of the Silver Shirts appear at bund 
meetings and make what are known as patriotic speeches, but actu- 
ally make speeches along the line and with the purpose of stirring 
up racial prejudice and hatred, which is the watchword of the Nazi 
movement. 

Mr. Starnes. Did you know anything of the fact, if it is a fact, 
of the meeting in which they invited the White Shirts in, or to be 
allied with them as being organized along the same line and with 
the same ideals? 

Mr. Monahan. I do not know of any particular joint meeting, 
but representatives and men active in the Silver Shirts, as I have 
read in their paper, have attended meetings and made speeches. 

Mr. Starnes. Is there any connection between the Black Shirts, 
the Fascists, and the bund? 

Mr. Monahan. The only information I have is what I read in a 
magazine article. I am not prepared to state definitely. I have con- 
fined my remarks to the things I have actually noted. 

Mr. Starnes. And the place you consider there is the greatest 
danger, or the place Avhere they made the most headway, is in their 
attempt to educate the youth of this country in German ideals? 

Mr. Monahan. That, to me, is the most dangerous form of their 
activities, and the most pernicious. I do not think the average 
American with any reason is going to be misled; but I think with 
the pliable minds of young children, particularly when they are sent 
there by their parents, the} 7 are apt to be warped. 

I have in my files many letters which people have sent to me about 
things these children are trying to bring to bear after they come back 
from camp, that is along racial and other lines, which I call strictly 
un-American. 

Mr. Starnes. So far as your investigation has gone, you have not 
found any particular activities in the trade-union movement on 
what the Communists term "the political front," have you? 

Mr. Monahan. Yes; it is a matter of record in the records of the 
State labor relations board here in New York State that these Nazis 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1095 

mixed in with the strike, which is now unsettled, of the Cook 
Baking Co. of Jamaica. Mr. Cook is a member of the bund and 
a strong Hitler sympathizer, and members of the bund furnished 
strikebreakers. This is an A. F. of L. strike of the bakers' local 
union No. 3, and they are still out on strike, and bund members have 
acted the part of strikebreakers. That is a matter of record. 

There was a strike in 1936 at the Cushman works, and in that case, 
also, bund members stepped in to help break the strike. That 
strike, however, has been settled. 

Mr. Starnes. In other words, their activities have been as strike- 
breakers rather than boring from within in the unions, as in the 
case of the Communists? 

Mr. Monahan. Well, they have a labor organization — allegedly a 
labor organization — which is organized just for the purpose of 
breaking strikes. If I can find it here, I will give you that address. 

Mr. Starnes. I suggest you find it and furnish it to the committee. 

Mr. Monahan. Yes. Now if I might, I would like to get in two 
points as an exhibit. One is this application for sympathizer's mem- 
bership. I call your attention to the fact on this blank it says the 
address need not be given. It also says a pseudonym may be used. 
In other words, they can use a party name and conceal their right 
name and their right address from people who might still be trying 
to get hold of these records. 

Mr. Starnes. It seems as though the comrades in the Communist 
movement are not alone, then, in the use of party names. 

Mr. Monahan. No. "Imitation is the sincerest flattery." 

I also call attention to a photostatic copy of some propaganda. This 
bears the stamp "German-American Bund, P. O. Box 75, Station K, 
New York, N. Y." It comes from Hamburg, from President Hein- 
rich Kessemeier, 127 Hochallee, Hamburg. It says, in English: 
"If you want any more copies, you can get them free of charge." 
I would like, if I might, in concluding this, to inform the committee 
I appreciate very much the opportunity of coming here today and 
advise them that my organization intends to continue its cooperation 
with the committee, and we hope to fight these problems in what 
we call the American way, and not by castor oil, or as Black Shirts 
with clubs in their hands, but by exposing the facts before the Ameri- 
can people and obtaining the proper constitutional laws on the books 
of the States, and by the Congress. And I do not mean laws that 
can be used for repressive measures later on, as instruments to ob- 
struct labor unions, or anything of that sort. We feel very confident, 
when the work of your committee is concluded and the full facts 
come before the American public, we will have no difficulty in obtain- 
ing the passage of such laws. 

I was at the national convention of the Veterans of Foreign Wars, 
and they agreed with that proposition. I expect to go to Los 
Angeles to the American Legion convention, and I think the three 
major veterans' organizations will not shirk their duty, but will 
accept the call to real public service. And. on behalf of my own 
organization, I want to extend my congratulations for the work being 
done by you today, and to express my appreciation of being allowed 
to work with you. 

Mr. Starnes. Thank you very much. Mr. Monahan. We have 
found your statement very helpful indeed, and I am sure the com- 



1Q96 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

mittee appreciates the information you have given, and ve are very 
happy to know that the veterans' organizations membership are so 
loyally with the committee in presenting these matters to the public. 
And I can assure your organization we shall continue to fight to 
expose these evils in our body economic and politic. That is our 
whole purpose as a committee. We feel we are an instrument of 
Congress and, as such, of the American people, and are simply and 
solely interested in exposing the facts, if we can bring them to light. 

We are certainly happy to have heard your statement and appre- 
ciate it more than I can state. 

Mr. Monahan. Thank you very much. 

(The various papers submitted for the record by Mr. Monahan 
were marked as "Exhibit Monahan NY No. 35 A, B, C, D, E, F, G, H, 
I, J, K, L, M," and filed with the committee, being various pam- 
phlets, newspapers, photostats, etc.) 

(The committee thereupon adjourned until tomorrow, Saturday, 
September 17, 1938, at 10: 30 a. m.) 



INVESTIGATION OF UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA 
ACTIVITIES IN THE UNITED STATES 



SATURDAY, SEPTEMBER 17, 1938 

House of Representatives, 
Subcommittee or the Special Committee 

to Investigate un-American Activities, 

United States Courthouse, No. 2 Foley Square, New York, N. Y. 

The subcommittee reconvened at 10:30 a. m., Hon. Joe Starnes 
(chairman) presiding. 
Mr. Starnes. The committee will resume its hearing. 
Mr. Ridder, will you take the stand, please? 

TESTIMONY OF VICTOR P. RIDDER, NEW YORK CITY 

(The witness was duly sworn by Mr. Starnes.) 

Mr. Starnes. Mr. Ridder, you are a citizen of New York State? 

Mr. Ridder. Yes ; I was born in this city. 

Mr. Starnes. What is your profession or vocation ? 

Mr. Ridder. I am a newspaper publisher. 

Mr. Starnes. Will you give us your professional background, 
please ? 

Mr. Ridder. Yes, sir. Outside of the publishing business? 

Mr. Starnes. Both. 

Mr. Ridder. I am publisher of the New York Staats Zeitung, and 
partner in Ridder Press, which, besides publishing the Journal of 
Commerce in New York City, also publishes the Pioneer Press and 
Despatch in St. Paul, the Duluth Herald, Duluth, Minn., as well as 
other newspapers. I have been a publisher since 1905. That is my 
professional background. 

Mr. Starnes. This committee has been interested in an investiga- 
tion of un-American and subversive activities, as you know, which 
was authorized by a resolution of the House, and we are confining 
our investigation to those activities alone. In other words, we are 
interested in obtaining facts with reference to the work of Nazi or 
Fascist or Communist organizations in this country, or any un- 
American or subversive activity of that type or character. 

In pursuance of this investigation, we have not been interested 
in the question of maladministration, or the good works of any or- 
ganization or the bad works of any organization, so far as the Gov- 
ernment's function is concerned. We have tried to confine our in- 
vestigation solely to subversive and un-American activities. In that 
connection, we have sought to stay entirely clear of any jurisdictional 
dispute between labor organizations, political theories, and so forth, 
and so on. 

1097 



1098 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

With that background and that statement on the part of the Chair, 
we Avill be glad to have you give ns the benefit of any knowledge you 
have with reference to fascism, or nazi-ism, or communism in this 
country ; where it is at work, how it is at work, and, if you have any 
knowledge as to the number and organizations, and so on, we will 
be glad to have that. In other words, we would prefer to have you 
make a general statement and will then ask questions later. 

Mr. Ridder. My first interest in the question of subversive activ- 
ities was aroused when I was administrator in the Works Progress 
Administration for the city of NeAV York. At that time I succeeded 
General Johnson, and after I had been in office a short time I was 
engaged in dealing with the so-called delegations that came to me 
as administrator, representing tw r o groups particularly. One was 
the group at that time known as the City Project Council. I learned 
that on nearly every project of the W. P. A. there was a so-called 
project council organized among the workers on the project, and then 
there was another group called the Workers Alliance. These two 
groups would send delegations in to me, and it was through the 
contact with them that I became interested in their activities. 

At first, I dealt with them on the theory there was no reason why 
the workers in the W. P. A. should not have an organization to rep- 
resent them or to deal for them with the administrator, but I found 
out, after a short while, that the object of these, groups was not 
constructive; they did not come to me with either constructive sug- 
gestions or with requests that could be met; they were coming to me 
always with things that they knew in advance I could not possibly 
do. A large part of their technique appeared to me to be taken up 
with wasting the time of the administrator so that he could not get 
down to other work. They would come to me, for example, and de- 
mand that I go down to Washington and support the Mareantonio 
bill, and spend my time lobbying in Congress. They would demand 
that I arrange for an increase of the number of people on the W. P. A. 
That was not my job at all. 

Mr. Starnes. It was no part of your function ? 

Mr. Ridder. It was no part of my function. I had nothing to do 
with that. I got instructions from Washington as to the amount 
of money they had available for me and as to the number of people 
I was to employ, and I followed those instructions. 

Mr. Starnes. You did not even certify the people for employment ; 
is that right ? 

Mr. Ridder. No; I received the certification of the employees from 
the home relief bureau. That was the bureau from which we drew 
our workers. 

After awhile, I noticed I began receiving copies of the publications 
these groups were issuing, and from them I had come to the conclu- 
sion it was largely a Communist organization. 

Mr. Thomas. What organization was that, that you claim to be a 
Communist organization? 

Mr. Bidder. The Workers Alliance. 

Mr. Thomas. The Workers Alliance? 

Mr. Ridder. Yes. 

Mr. Thomas. Then you flatly claim the Workers Alliance is a 
Communist organization? 

Mr. Ridder. Is a communist ically led organization. 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1099 

Mr. Thomas. Is a Communist-led organization? 

Mr. Ridder. I have been told, although this is only hearsay that I 
am repeating now. that yon cannot be an officer in the Workers Alli- 
ance unless yon hold a card in the Communist Party. 

Mr. Starnes. But you admit that is hearsay? 

Mr. Kidder. That is hearsay. It came to me from one of my inves- 
tigators in the W. P. A. 

Mr. Starnes. You have it from one of your investigators in the 
W. P. A.? 

Mr. Ridder. I have it from one of my investigators in the W. P. A.; 
yes. It seemed to me at the time that was probably true, and I still 
Ibelieve it to be true. 

Mr. Starnes. Can you furnish us with the name of the investi- 
gator ? 

Mr. Ridder. No: I do not remember. I had quite a few men out 
who were working along these lines. 

Mr. Starnes. Do you know whether or not these publications to 
which you referred were published on the project? 

Mr. Ridder. Mo : I do not know. They were not published on the 
project, in the sense they were not printed in the project, because 
the projects were not the type of project where you could print a 
thing, but were put out by the Workers Alliance. 

Mr. Starnes. Were they distributed on the project? 

Mr. Ridder. They were usually distributed on the project during 
the lunch hour. 

Mr. Starnes. They were distributed on the project during the 
lunch hour? 

Mr. Ridder. Yes. That I had no objection to, and I still see no 
harm in the distribution of this literature; but I think the litera- 
ture, as such, will convince anyone that the people who put it out 
is the Communist Party, because they say so. I have kept copies; 
after I left W. P. A., I assembled copies of the material that was 
put out in the home relief bureau. 

I would like to say the reason I concentrated on the home relief 
bureau is because I am president of the State Board of Social Wel- 
fare in the State of New York, and we have to approve the moneys 
that are paid out by the city for relief purposes. We have nothing 
to do with payments which are made to or by W. P. A., but we do 
have to approve payments which are made by the city, to reimburse 
it for its payments to clients of the home relief bureau. 

Now. the home relief bureau has the same organization as W. P. A. ; 
that is, the Workers Alliance. It is one organization. 

Mr. Starnes. You have copies now of the publications you refer 
to? 

Mr. Ridder. I have copies of the many publications which they 
put out on their projects. I have a whole raft of material here 
which I will be glad to turn over to the committee. 

Mr. Starnes. Fine. We would appreciate your turning that over 
to the committee; and when you do so, you can identify them then. 

Mr. Ridder. I can do that now, because there is a great deal of 
material here. 

Now. my first real clash with the Workers Alliance came at a time 
when I received instructions from W. P. A. in Washington to reduce 
the number of workers from 250,000 to 190,000. So I set up a list of 



1100 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

rules under which the discharges were to be made. I divided the 
group into six classes; first, those who were single, without depend- 
ents; second, those who were single with dependents; then those who 
were married with no dependents and those who were married with 
one child, and so on, and I set up a special classification for those who 
were in those classes but, owing to illness or some special condition, 
should have exemption from that ruling. 

A Workers Alliance committee came to me and protested on ac- 
count of the ruling that single women had to be dropped from 
W. P. A. I had a little session with them in which I pointed out if 
I had my choice between dropping single women on W. P. A. and 
women who had families, I had no choice but to differentiate and 
insist on dropping single women. Thereupon the Workers Alliance 
sent out a letter under the name of Oscar Fuss, which was published 
in the evening papers, in which they stated I was making prostitutes 
out of women in the W. P. A. I mention that to show the methods 
that the Workers Alliance resort to when they are trying to protect 
their people. Naturally the Workers Alliance group, being the 
younger group, are unmarried, most of them and therefore, were more 
affected by this ruling than other groups. 

Mr. Starkes. Have you any other instance with reference to this 
man Oscar Fuss? 

Mr. Rtdder. Yes. I had one other experience. I received — I think 
it was in July 1936; it may have been along in June — a delegation 
which came to see me from the American Legion here. I had set up 
a veterans' bureau in the W. P. A., because the veterans had come to 
me and complained that veterans were being dropped off of projects 
whenever the Workers Alliance or one of the other Cummunist 
groups would secure control of that project. I had an investigation 
made by two men who worked in the W. P. A. Robert Rosenbluth 
was one. He had been my aide in these matters, and he investigated 
that situation and found the complaint of the Legion was justified. 
So I had set up a bureau in the W. P. A. where we met with the 
Legionnaires every month, or every 3 weeks, I think it was, so that 
their problems could be presented directly to me. 

As I say, when the American Legion drew the matter to my atten- 
tion, I found that their complaint was justified. They had complained 
that Fuss, who was a single man without "dependents, was being kept 
on a project when a veteran, I think with seven or eight children, was 
being dropped from another project, and they could not see there was 
any justice in that. I, of course, agreed with them and, when I 
learned Fuss was a single man without dependents on the record, I 
dropped him from the W. P. A. I made that discharge myself in 
the presence of the veterans, so that they could understand it was my 
order. 

Then Fuss appealed from the decision of the Administrator to 
the appeals board which I had set up at the time. He claimed dis- 
crimination and unfairness in his being discharged. I then appeared 
before this appeals board which I had set up, because I was very 
anxious, when men were dropped from W. P. A., that they would 
have an opportunity to present their case. And, while the appeals 
board was discussing the matter and holding hearings on it, my 
resignation became effective, on the 1st of August, and I stepped out, 
and shortly afterward Fuss was reinstated in the W. P. A. 



ON-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES HOI 

That has boon my contact with him so far as the official work is 
concerned. I was to appear one night at a school commencement, 
and Oscar Fuss led a group of 40 men down to the commencement 
in order to create a disturbance there, but they would not let him 
in. and he waited outside. When I came outside I had a few min- 
utes' debate with them and then left. 

Mr. Thomas. Could you develop that commencement a little and 
tell us what commencement it was? 

Mr, Ridder. Yes. It was the commencement of the LaSalle Insti- 
tute, in which I had been a student. 

Mr. Thomas. And you were a speaker? 

Mr. Ridder. I was a speaker at the commencement because I was 
a graduate of that school. 

Mr. Thomas. And Oscar Fuss led this demonstration because he 
did not want you to speak? 

Mr. Ridder. Not because he did not want me to speak, but because 
they wanted to make as much of a demonstration as they could 
wherever I spoke. Needless to say, they did not like me very much, 
because I had been, in my newspapers, denouncing them. I had given 
notice if they continued to endanger the lives of people on the tenth 
floor of 111 Eight Avenue with their demonstrations, I was going 
to get rough. I went before the Rotary Club 

Mr. Starnes. What type of demonstrations were those that you 
refer to? 

Mr. Ridder. I would like to enlarge on that. I went before the 
Rotary Club and told the Rotary Club I was responsible for the 
protection and welfare of 2,400 people who were working on the tenth 
floor of the building where our offices were, and that the nature and 
character of the demonstrations that were being carried on were such 
there was danger of a riot on that floor and possibly a panic. 

I explained to the Rotary Club what the Workers Alliance did was 
to send groups of men up quietly in the elevators until they had 
enough men on the tenth floor and wait for a given signal and then, 
on a given signal, to start a disturbance yelling "We want jobs" or 
the usual cry, "Get rid of Ridder." What I feared at that time 
w as that through some chance there might be a small fire break out 
on that floor while the demonstration was going on, and the workers 
at the other end of the office, which was a block long, might mistake 
the noise of the demonstration for excitment over the fire — which 
could have occurred very easily in a wastepaper basket — or anywhere 
else, and we would have a very serious panic. 

So I explained to the Rotary Club my feeling was anything but 
kindly to the people working with the agitators, and I proposed to 
jret rid of the agitators. Naturally, that did not suit the Workers 
Alliance, so they told me they woidd hold a demonstration on our 
floor, and they would show me they meant business. I told them 

1 also meant business and had instructed the guards to see that no 
one who came up for that demonstration would get out of the hos- 
pital inside of 2 weeks, or, if they got out of a hospital inside of 

2 weeks, I would drop all of the guards. That was the reason for 
the feeling between the Workers Alliance and myself, which has 
continued right up to today. 

Mr. Thomas. Was Oscar Fuss an officer in the Workers Alliance at 
that time? 



1102 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr. Ridder. He "was secretary of the Workers Alliance at that 
time. 

Mr. Thomas. Mr. Chairman, I think in view of the testimony which 
Air. Ridder has submitted in connection with Oscar Fuss, it would 
be proper at this time, right at this point in the record, to include 
the telegram from Oscar Fuss to you, as chairman of this subcom- 
mittee, and to follow that up immediately by including a copy of 
your telegram to Oscar Fuss in reply. 

Mr. Starnes. I do not see, really, that would be relevant. Of 
course, Mr. Fuss wired me on yesterday with reference to this matter 
that Avas carried in the press a year ago, at least, and a reply has 
been made, and I am releasing my reply to the press. I think that is 
sufficient. 

Mr. Fuss or any other person or any other organization whose 
names have been brought before this committee by any witness in 
any manner, who claim that the statements being made are false or 
untrue, will have a full and complete opportunity, before the full 
committee or the various subcommittees which may be appointed from 
time to time, to make answer under oath, denying any such state- 
ments or charges. So far as I am concerned, that is all I am inter- 
ested in. 

Mr. Thomas. The point I am trying to make is in view of the 
testimony relative to Oscar Fuss, I think the wording of these tele- 
grams ought to be incorporated in the record at this point, so that 
later on we can refer to the testimony and to the telegrams very 
readily, without wasting a lot of time. 

Mr. Starnes. My colleague and I will get together on that and 
decide. Of course, that is a matter for you and I to decide. 

Proceed, Mr. Ridder. I want to ask you this : In connection with 
your duties there as administrator of W. P. A. and the investigation 
which was carried on under your instructions, by men working on the 
job, I believe you said 

Mr. Ridder. Yes. 

Mr. Starnes. Did you find the Workers Alliance was either a Com- 
munist organization or that its activities were controlled by Com- 
munists, or it was affiliated with the Communist Party? 

Air. Ridder. Well, affiliated with the Communist Party. 

Mr. Starxes. It is affiliated with the Communist Party \ 

Mr. Ridder. It is affiliated with the Communist Party, and I came 
to that conclusion not on the reports, but I came to that conclusion 
from their own publications, of which I have copies here. 

Mr. Starnes. That is, publications of the Workers Alliance them- 
selves ? 

Mr. Ridder. Of the Workers Alliance — of their unit.-: not of the 
Workers Alliance as a whole, but of their units. Here, for example, 
is H R B Worker, organ Communist Party unit, district office 
18-20, of the home relief bureau. 

Here is a circular signed by W. P. A. division of the Workers 
Alliance of New York, Brooklyn local, denouncing Colonel Somer- 
vell. 

Mr. Starnes. In other words, every person who has been adminis- 
trator of the W. P. A. in New York has been denounced by the 
Workers Alliance? 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES H03 

Mr. Bidder. They denounced me and. since Colonel Somervell 
came in, they have taken to denouncing Colonel Somervell. It is a 
good thing; I am glad; that is, I have more respect for Colonel 
Somervell. 

Mr. Staknes. The point I want to bring out is that the organiza- 
tion itself has denounced every person who has been placed in charge 
of the administration of W. P. A.? 

Mr. Ridder. I do not know what the relations were of General 
Johnson, because I was away at that time. 

Mr. Staknes. I see. Somervell succeeded you? 

Mr. Kidder. Somervell succeeded me; yes. 

Mr. Starnes. They denounced you and have denounced him? 

Mr. Ridder. Yes. Here is a circular [exhibiting] which they put 
out, signed "W. P. A. division, Federal Workers Alliance," in which 
they demand "an increase of 20 percent in pay for every W. P. A. 
worker; no more wholesale firing or pay cuts." First, they want to 
fix the number of people on it, then they want no more wholesale 
firing or pay cuts; no more discrimination; no inhuman speed-up. 

Mr. Thomas. What kind of speed-up? 

Mr. Bidder. Well, the Workers Alliance, of course, would like to 
create the impression that the workers in W. P. A. are worked too 
hard. They want a broader and bigger W. P. A. and no more 
Colonel Somervell. 

Mr. Starnes. And no more Colonel Somervell? 

Mr. Bidder. No more Colonel Somervell. 

Mr. Starnes. That part is pertinent ; the other part is doubtful. 

Mr. Ridder. Then here is one from the Red Survey, of district 41, 
issued by the Communist Party and the Young Communist League 
unit of district 41. It is in October 1935. It is all Communist 
material. 

Here is the Redmen, as they call it, a publication of the C P unit 
in district office 67 of the emergency-relief bureau. This was Jan- 
uary 1937. 

Mr. Starnes. In other words, by their own publication they iden- 
tify themselves 

Mr. Ridder. As Communist Party members. 

Mr. Starnes. As Communist Party members, and also as relief 
workers and members of the Workers Alliance ? 

Mr. Ridder. Yes. I have one here from the home-relief bureau of 
the Communist Party in district 48 — that is the district office over in 
Brooklyn — where they speak of Spain. They send food, clothing, 
and cigarettes to American League Against War and Fascism, so 
that Spain may live. I have no objection to anybody giving what 
they want, but it seems to me a person in need here should not be 
asked to contribute for Spain on their salaries, if they are sufficiently 
in need that they have to get on the relief rolls. 

Here is the Park Builder, issued by the Communist Party unit, 
department of parks, division of design, April 1937 [exhibiting]. 

Here is the Red Survey, issued by the Communist Party unit of 
precinct 41, in the home-relief bureau. This is largely directed 
against war. The paragraph to which I would direct the attention 
of the committee says : 

In this paper, which will from now on appear regularly in precinct 41, we 
shall show how the Communist Party proposes to solve the problems of workers 



1104 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

in the home-relief bureau and elsewhere. It has been the experience of Com- 
munists, the world over, that when the facts are known and understood by 
workers, no amount of misrepresentation will make any impression upon them. 
We Communists in precinct 41 are 100 percent for the association. 

I would like to explain the Ozanam Guild is the organization of 
the Catholic workers in the home-relief bureau and was organized 
because they did not want to assist or go along with the Communists 
or with the "Workers Alliance. Now here is a little paragraph I found 
very interesting in the Vanguard, issued by the Communist Party 
unit of district office 67 : 

Catholic workers, 25 dimes, 2 quarters, 2 half dollars, and 1 silver dollar 
equals five dollars — 30 pieces of silver — the symbol of betrayal since the days of 
Christ, has been offered to you as a palliative to cure your doubts in the Ozanam 
Guild. 

Mr. Starnes. What connection, if any, did that have with the 
W. P. A. or the Workers Alliance ? 

Mr. Ridder. This is all home-relief bureau; it has nothing to do 
with the W. P. A. The point is the home-relief bureau keeps in con- 
tact with the activity of the Workers Alliance, the same as the 
Workers Alliance keeps in contact with the activities of the W. P. A. 
I have no publication of the W. P. A. showing that the Workers 
Alliance are communistic, but I have these publications to show the 
Workers Alliance are communistic. 

Mr. Starnes. You are tying it in by that with the W. P. A.? 

Mr. Bidder. This home-relief bureau of the Workers Alliance, 
which is a New York City relief group of the W. P. A., is the same 
organization, but I have no publications here that deal with the 
Workers Alliance activities in W. P. A. There I speak from my own 
personal contact and knowledge from dealing with the Workers 
Alliance. 

Here is one called the Challenge, issued monthly by the Communist 
Party unit of the emergency-relief bureau offices of Harlem, on which 
appears a picture of Mr. James W. Ford, leading Negro Communist, 
former Alabama worker, candidate for Vice President of the United 
States, and so on, and saying, "He's in the vanguard" for us. 

Then here is Red Worker, issued by Communist Party shop nucleus 
of home-relief bureau, precinct No. 48 [exhibiting]. 

Now I have a whole lot here, but I won't take the time of the com- 
mittee with it. 

Mr. Starnes. No ; you need not take the time now ; you can submit 
those. 

Mr. Ridder. Here is one issued by the Workers Alliance which, 
however, does not speak of communism. I have a great deal of 
material which I "will be glad to turn over to the committee. 

(The publications referred to bv Mr. Ridder in his testimony 
were marked "Exhibit Ridder NY No. 36 A, B, C, D, E, F, G, H, I, 
and J," and filed with the committee.) 

Mr. Starnes. What, if anything, do you know with, reference to 
Nazi activities? 

Mr. Ridder. Very little. The activities, what we call the Nazi 
activities here, have been carried on by the bund, but I have had 
very little contact with thorn. We do not regard them as very much 
of a factor in the German- American life of this city. 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1105 

Mr. Starnes. What about the number here? Do you know any- 
thing about the number? 

Ml\ Ridder. No. There is no use guessing, and I know nothing 
about the number. I know in discussions with people a great deal 
of the point has been made of the fact that on Sundays there is- a 
large group of people that go down to the Long Island camp they 
have there, but, at the same time, in other places in New York City 
there are equally large or much larger gatherings of German- Ameri- 
cans on Sundays that attract no attention. 

Mr. Thomas. And is it not your opinion, Mr. Bidder, that the 
German- Americans in this country generally oppose the Nazi move- 
ment here \ 

Mr. Ridder. They oppose the bund very definitely. 

Mr. Thomas. That is what I mean — they oppose the bund? 

Mr. Ridder. In fact there is a very real split in New York City 
between the groups representing the German-American societies, 
and the bund as such. That has gone to the extent that the bund 
has been very active in opposing festivities or affairs of the German- 
American organizations. They always use the designation for Ger- 
man-Americans, "other Germans." 

Mr. Starnes. I see. What about Fascist activities? Do you know 
anything about black shirt or Fascist activities? 

Mr. Ridder. Nothing. We have not taken the bund seriously since 
Spanknobel was the original leader of what was then called the 
Friends of the New Germany, and after he left the country in July — 
I think it was July 1934 — no, he left the country in October 1934, 
after a great deal of trouble here, and since that time we have not 
taken the activities seriously. His effort, I think, was a serious one 
if it had been allowed to grow, but with his departure the thing 
rather collapsed and in the German element in New York City we 
have not taken other activities seriously. They are disturbing factors 
in our German-American organizations, and they are disturbing fac- 
tors in the life of the German-American element here. 

Mr. Starnes. You feel, then, that the vast majority of the German- 
American people are opposed to the American bund or the German 
bund 

Mr. Ridder. I would say that probably 80 percent of the German- 
Americans are definitely opposed to the bund as such and, of the 
others, 20 percent are probably indifferent. 

Mr. Starnes. I see. Do you know anything about Pelley's organi- 
zation or his activity in this area? 

Mr. Ridder. No. He was a southerner who ran a group called silver 
shirts or black shirts, something of that kind. I heard his name once 
but I do not remember. 

Mr. Starnes. Is there any other statement that you wish to give to 
the committee? 

Mr. Ridder. That is all, unless the committee wants to ask some 
more questions. It may be that after you have looked through this 
material vou may want me to come back again. 

Mr. Starnes. After looking through the material if we decide to 
call you later we will. 



94931 — 38— vol. 2- 



1106 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr. Thomas. As a result of your experience, with your knowledge 
of the home-relief bureau here, have you found that unemployed vet- 
erans have been prejudiced against? 

Mr. Ridder. They suffer because they are veterans ? 

Mr. Starnes. Yes. 

Mr. Ridder. I do not know as to the home-relief bureau. I do not 
know that. As to the W. P. A., when I got in it it was not organized, 
but it was the fact that the veterans naturally gravitated away from 
Communists and that caused that difficulty. 

Mr. Thomas. And that the Workers Alliance showed definite signs 
of doing everything they could to keep veterans off of the W. P. A. ? 

Mr. Ridder. Yes; that is so. I organized the veterans' bureau in 
the W. P. A. so that the veterans would have someone to speak for 
that section, just as the Workers Alliance spoke for other groups. 

Mr. Starnes. There was no disposition on your part as administra- 
tor nor on the part of any officials to discriminate against veterans? 

Mr. Ridder. No. 

Mr. Thomas. No ; only in the Workers Alliance or Communists. 

Mr. Ridder. The only way it would work would be if a Workers 
Alliance man got to be in charge of a project he would drop veterans 
wherever he could. 

Mr. Thomas. And you found that a great many Workers Alliance 
men were put in charge of projects? 

Mr. Ridder. No. You must remember at that time that we had 240 
projects and then, again, men did not necessarily have to be in charge. 
They might furnish lists and so forth. There was nothing organized 
about it, but as far as the veterans were concerned it was just as bad, 
so I set up that bureau in order to prevent that very thing. 

Mr. Starnes. We are not concerned at all with administration. We 
do not want to get into that. 

Thank you very much. 

The committee stands adjourned. 

(Thereupon, at 11:15 a. m. the committee adjourned.) 



INVESTIGATION OF UN-AMEKICAN PROPAGANDA 
ACTIVITIES IN THE UNITED STATES 



WEDNESDAY, SEPTEMBER 28, 1938 

House of Representatives, 
Subcommittee of the Special Committee 

to Investigate Un-American Activities, 

Washington, D. C. 

The subcommittee met at 10 : 30 a. m., Hon. Martin Dies (chairman) 
presiding. 

The Chairman. The committee will come to order. 

It will be recalled that on the first opening of these hearings here in 
Washington we did not complete our inquiry into nazi-ism and fascism, 
and it is our purpose now to resume that phase of our investigation 
and permit Mr. Metcalfe to complete his testimony and introduce cer- 
tain documentary evidence. At the conclusion of Mr. Metcalfe's testi- 
mony we have other witnesses who will testify also on the question of 
fascism and nazi-ism. 

I want to make it clear that there has been some rumor that the 
State Department is opposed to the resumption of this inquiry on 
account of the international situation. There is no basis for that 
rumor, so far as this committee is advised. This committee has not 
received any intimation from the State Department or from any other 
department indicating any opposition to the resumption of this inquiry 
into the Nazi phase of the investigation. If the State Department has 
any views on that subject matter, I am sure they would indicate those 
views to the committee. 

Other members of the committee have been invited to attend this 
hearing of the subcommittee, but most of them are now occupied with 
their campaigns, and it is improbable that there will be any other 
member here except one. He will probably be here tomorrow. 

We will resume the testimony of Mr. Metcalfe. 

TESTIMONY OF JOHN C. METCALFE, INVESTIGATOR FOE THE 
COMMITTEE ON UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES 

(The witness was duly sworn by the chairman.) 

Mr. Metcalfe. At the very outset of this testimony it should be 
clearly stated that in the limited time allotted to this committee for 
the purposes of investigation it is a physical impossibility to go fully 
into the far-flung ramifications of Nazi and Fascist activities in the 
United States. So extensive in scope are the movements of these 
subversive groups that even a large staff of investigators, working 
over a period of months, would be able to only touch the surface 

1107 



1108 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

of this problem. Therefore, it is apparent that in this and forth- 
coming hearings on Nazi and Fascist activities we can only give the 
highlights here and there of this vast problem. However, we shall 
attempt to present broadly an enlightening picture of the activities, 
plans, and programs of these organizations. 

The testimony to be presented here will vividly show that Nazi 
activities in the United States have their counterpart in everything 
that has been and is being done by similar movements of Nazi 
minorities in Mexico, South America, and throughout Europe. The 
Nazi activities in this country are traceable to and linked with gov- 
ernment-controlled agencies in Nazi Germany. And unless checked 
the American Nazi forces may cause great unrest and serious reper- 
cussions in the United States in the not too distant future. 

It should be made distinctly clear that the Nazi ranks in the 
United States are not really German-Americans but rather American- 
Germans. In other words, they consider themselves the identical type 
of minorities as the Polish-German minorities in Poland, the Austrian- 
German minorities who recently brought about the annexation of 
Austria, or, for instance, the Sudeten Germans in Czechoslovakia. 

Even at this very moment as the whole world is standing on the 
brink of war and the United States Government is expending every 
effort in the cause of peace, the German-American Bund is preparing 
to celebrate Hitler's conquest of the Sudeten territories. 

Before the world at large had any public knowledge that October 1 
has been set as the deadline for occupation of the Sudeten areas by 
the Nazi machine, the German- American Bund was already distribut- 
ing on the streets of New York and elsewhere thousands of throw- 
aways announcing a celebration of bringing the Sudetens under Nazi 
rule. Ten celebrations in different points of the New York area were 
planned, with halls rented for the occasion. 

American-Germans, not German-Americans, were called on to join 
in the celebrations with the slogan "Ein Volkstum ! Ein Bund ! 
Fuehrer !" — which means "One people ! One bund ! One leader !" — 
and they do not mean the President of the United States. 

The invitation is particularly extended to Sudetens who heretofore 
have steered shy of the bund, and they are made guests of honor. 

I might point out in this connection that this is practically the 
same slogan that was shouted on the streets of Berlin when Hitler 
made his address at the Sports Palace. I do not know that it is the 
same slogan that the bund is carrying here in the United States in its 
announcements, but it amounts to the same one that the multitude 
was shouting in Berlin. 

The Chairman. Do you not think it would be illuminating to 
introduce one of those pamphlets that was being distributed? 

Mr. Metcalfe. Yes, sir; I have them here and offer this as exhibit 
No. 1. This is a leaflet that was being distributed on the streets of 
New York, announcing the freedom of the Sudetens. 

The Chairman. Will you read the contents of it? 

Mr. Metcalfe. It says to the German-Americans of Greater New 
York and the Sudeten-German members that on October 2, 1938, we 
will have a celebration of Hitler's conquest. That is the announce- 
ment, and it states that every Sudeten-German member of Greater 
New York is hereby heartily invited to attend this affair as a guest 
of honor of the German-American Bund. It also announces that 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES H09 

Fritz Kuhn, the loader of the German-American Bund; Kudolf 
Markmann and Wilhelm Kunze, from this bund and other official 
bunds, will be the speakers at these various affairs — concerts, ballets, 
flags, or a group of Xa/.i flags, and so forth. It says "Ein Volkstum ! 
Ein Bund! Ein Fuehrer!" 

(The matter referred to was marked "John C. Metcalfe Exhibit 
No. 1" and filed with the committee.) 

The Chairman. What bund .posts are mentioned in that connec- 
tion ? 

Mr. Metcalfe. There is a list of the posts, including Camp Nord- 
land, Manhattan, Brooklyn, South Brooklyn, Bronx, Astoria, Ja- 
maica, New Rochelle. Lindenhurst, and Union City, N. J. 

The Chairman. Will there be developed later on evidence of other 
organizations affiliated with the bunds, or working in close sympathy 
with them? 

Mr. Metcalfe. They will probably be the groups that usually par- 
ticipate in all these affairs. 

The Chairman. Will you go into the matter of the allied groups 
later ? 

Mr. Metcalfe. Yes, sir. I might say again from another stand- 
point that this is not unusual. It has happened on a number of 
occasions. The Weckruf und Beobachter newspaper, which is the 
official newspaper of the German-American Bund, has constantly, 
as in the case of the annexation of Austria, been giving informa- 
tion a week or so in advance on what is going to take place in Ger- 
many — in other words, giving every evidence of intimate knowledge 
of what is going to happen in Berlin. 

This testimony will show that the use of storm troops, the Youth 
Movement, the training, drilling, the consular aid, in fact, all of the 
Nazi activities here are on identical lines as those used abroad. Other 
groups are being drawn into their ranks and used for their nefarious 
purposes. What this will lead to in time must be left to the imagi- 
nation. 

The uniform that I am wearing as I give this testimony is the offi- 
cial uniform used by storm troops of the German-American Bund. 

I have put on the uniform, at your request, so you may see exactly 
what type of uniform it is that the storm troopers are wearing. This 
is the uniform I wore as a newspaper investigator into the workings 
of the German-American Bund in the storm-troop ranks. This is the 
so-called new uniform of the German-American Bund. Prior to this 
time it was a plain white shirt, black tie, and black pants, with a 
Sam Browne belt. Incidentally, the uniform is so similar to that 
of the storm troops in the Sudeten area that you would not be able 
to tell them apart. You could not tell it from the uniforms worn by 
the Sudeten Germans. This material is bought in New York, and 
the bund reaps a certain percentage of profit on the sale of these 
uniforms and shirts. 

The Chairman. Do you show how many bund posts there are in 
the United States? 

Mr. Metcalfe. It shows that there are approximately 80 in the 
United States. They are spreading out, showing marked growth 
in the Middle West, and there are steps afoot for the establishment 
of the German-American Bunds in the South. The first symptoms 
of that were noticed a year ago, and since that time they have again 



1110 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

tried to set up bund posts. In the far West there is some growth at 
the present, according to reports that have come to us and to this 
committee. 

This, you will notice, is the arm band, with the swastika. It has 
a swastika, indicating the arm bund of the German-American Bund. 

The Chairman. You may proceed with your testimony. 

Mr. Metcalfe. The German-American Bund can muster within its 
own ranks a force of 5,000 storm troops. 

This figure does not include the strong-arm detachments of allied 
groups, such as Italian Black Shirts, Silver Shirts, Ukranians, White 
Russians, and similar organizations. 

It is in the strength of the storm-troop force that a real danger to 
the safety of American citizens exists. 

The German-American Bund has repeatedly stated through Fritz 
Kuhn, national leader, and other officials in the organization that 
the storm-troop division of the bund is nothing more than a force of 
ushers for public meetings. 

This is a deliberate misrepresentation. 

The storm-troop division of the bund is a strong-arm force pat- 
terned sharply after the Hitler storm troops. These storm troops, in 
other words, are political soldiers of a Hitler-inspired movement in 
the United States. It is from the manpower of this force that the 
bund, working hand in glove with the German Government, is plan- 
ning to draft men for a sabotage machine and spy net to be put in 
operation in the event that the United States should go to war with 
Germany. 

So similar are the appearances of the Sudetens storm troops to the 
German-American Bund storm troops that it would be almost impos- 
sible to distinguish between the two groups were the American storm 
troops to don their former uniforms. 

The close resemblance between these two Hitler-inspired groups is 
again extremely apparent in their method of operation, programs, and 
plans. 

German-American Bund has made much ridicule out of public 
assertions that its storm-troop force is armed to the hilt. The bund 
leaders, however, are not so foolish as to openly arm their storm troops 
as yet or to store ammunition at their camps or headquarters. The 
fact is that this storm-troop army is not armed, although a number of 
its members have guns in their homes and on occasions have been seen 
with pistols on their person while in public places. 

The German-American Bund, through Fritz Kuhn and other lead- 
ers, has also often stated that there are no German citizens in the 
storm-troop ranks. However, individual members in all parts of the 
United States have privately admitted that they are not American 
citizens but German citizens. On many occasions they have boasted 
of the fact that they never intend to become American citizens. With 
the same vehemence the organization by and large expresses its disgust 
for democratic form of government. 

I might point out here that in making this statement I make this 
direct from posters that were given to me personally by members of 
the storm troopers and officials of bunds in all parts of the United 
States. It is not second-hand evidence. 



DN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1111 

A typical example of one of these storm troopers is Ted Schubert, 
of 229 East Ninety-sixth Street, New York City, a member of the 
Manhattan Post of the German-American Bund. This man is a 
former German war veteran. On one occasion this man stated to this 
investigator that he was a member of the Nazi Party in Germany 
and intends, within 2 years, to go back to Germany and live there 
permanently. 

On another occasion Schubert was asked if since coming to the 
United States he had taken out any papers at all. He answered : 

I should say not. I don't want to be an American. I'm going back to Ger- 
many with my wife in 2 years. 

At the opening day of hearings before this committee on August 
12 a photograph was introduced in evidence. This photograph 
showed Adolph Hitler and Fritz Kuhn, along with other bund offi- 
cials, standing together and talking. This picture was taken in Ber- 
lin. In that picture is also shown Otto Arndt, a storm-troop official 
of the Astoria, N. Y., post. Arndt told this investigator on June 29, 
1937, that Hitler had made the following statement to him : 

In 3 years you come back. I want all my men back in Germany at that time. 
In the meantime you stay in America and work there. But when you return 
in 3 years I want you to stay here permanently. 

It should also be noted here that the Schubert, who was referred to 
a moment ago, boasted of the fact that he was a member of the New 
York National Guard, having slipped into the guard ranks under 
faked papers. 

American storm-troop discipline is as strict as that of the old 
Prussian Army. Each member must obey, without question, any and 
all commands of his superior officers. 

Again and again at drill meetings and lecture sessions members 
are told that they must be ready for "any emergency." They must 
learn and study the duties of a fuehrer, since all members of the 
group expect to be fuehrers in their own right when the trouble 
comes. 

Many of the fuehrers of local posts are former German Army offi- 
cers. In the ranks are expert machine gunners, aviators, riflemen, 
and gunsmiths, some of whom wear on their shirts iron crosses 
awarded for bravery in the World War. 

Bund storm-troop detachments drill at their respective headquar- 
ters usually twice a week. All drills are under commands in German 
and all drill formations are the same as those of the German Army. 
Along with these drill sessions are school sessions for glorifying Hit- 
ler ideals and actions and instilling racial and religious hatred. These 
school sessions also feature rounds of beer, money contributions to 
the cause, and regulation songs of the German Army. 

Members of the storm troops are also given an opportunity to visit 
Germany, free of charge, by being shipped on German liners as boat 
helpers. While on these visits in Germany storm troops are given 
an opportunity to attend 6 or 8 weeks of propaganda courses, free of 
charge, before returning to the United States. These opportunities 
were offered to this investigator while he was disguised as a storm 
trooper at the Astoria post in New York. 



1112 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

The storm troops are constantly warned by their leaders of an 
impending revolution. 

On June 7, 1937, Hermann Schwarzmann told the storm-troop de- 
tachment that they must always remember their allegiance to German 
ideals and the German people. He climaxed his talk with the state- 
ment : 

You are political storm troops. 

Fritz Kuhn, speaking at Camp Siegfried, Long Island, June 13, 
1937, with several hundred storm troops standing directly before him, 
made the following statement : 

It is the envy of our enemies that we, as servants of Germany, should succeed 
more and more in our new home, that we should honor German art and German 
spirit which national socialism as a world institution prescribes. 

Herman Schwarzmann, leader of the Astoria post, reading from a 
book of German Army instructions to his storm troops on June 17 
explained as follows: 

I am reading 1 this to you not so much because I want you to know what my 
duties are, but because some day all of you may be fuehrers of your own groups. 
You can reach these heights if you work hard and come to thoroughly under- 
stand the problems before us. Every storm trooper should look forward to the 
day when he may become a fuehrer himself. He must know how to handle 
people, he must understand people, he must be able to lead and teach them. 

I tell you that exactly what happened some years ago is happening now in this 
country. In Germany the people Anally rose up in resentment. This will hap- 
pen here. It is inevitable. When that day comes, and it is probably not far off, 
we must be prepared to fight for the right kind of government. We must win 
the masses to our side. There will be bloodshed and fighting. We shall have to 
do our part. 

No one knows where we shall have to go — New Jersey, New York, or some other 
part of the country, or what we may be called upon to do. When that time comes 
every man must be thoroughly trained to assume his responsibility. The im- 
portant duties, of course, will fall upon the shoulders of our membership. 

(Implying the storm-troop membership.) 

You may think I am just dreaming or talking in the clouds. But I tell you 
I know what I'm talking about. This trouble will come probably sooner than 
you think. It has to come, judging from the trends of the Nation. 

When we understand how Germans handled their situation in Germany we 
shall know how to handle the difficulty which will arise in America. In all 
likelihood the day of trouble will cense — Der Tag — with a financial crisis in 
Washington. Then will be the time to wipe out our enemies. 

Remember we are still Germans, for blood is stronger than paper, even though 
we are also American citizens. And as American citizens we have the same 
rights as any other citizen. But our rights have not been observed. The storm 
troops are not even permitted to march on the streets. The controlled press will 
not print our side of the story. Some day that will be changed, for some day we 
shall demand our rights. 

This meeting adjourned with three "heils" for Hitler, Germany, and 
the German American Bund. 

That same evening a young storm trooper in this investigator's 
presence stated to Schwarzmann the following: "The American [re- 
ferring to me] is joining with us." 

Whereupon Schwarzmann turned to him in disgust and said, "The 
American? You mean the German !" 

At a bund gathering on June 14 Schwarzmann declared in the 
presence of his storm troopers as follows-! 

Everyone knows that some day bullets will fly in America. When that day 
conies, we must be prepared to fight for national socialism. 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1H3 

It is of interest to note that even as recently as September 4, 1938, 
Fritz Kulrn declared in his speech at Camp Nordland, near Andover, 
N. J., that the bund is now advocating the cessation of dumping of 
undesirable aliens. This same Kuhn has repeatedly stated there are 
no aliens in the ranks of the bund or his storm-troop army. 

Speaking before the Nassau County and Jamaica posts, with storm 
troops standing at stiff attention before him, on June 6 in the Brauhof 
in new Hyde Park, Long Island, Kuhn said : 

Hitler has shown the whole world a new idea in government — a good idea. 
We, as American Germans, must stand with him like they are doing in Germany. 
This doesn't mean that you can't be a good American, but that you must be a 
good American German. 

Being political storm troops, it is no difficulty for this unit to con- 
trol elections of officers within the bund ranks. 

A sample of this steam roller was witnessed at a meeting of the 
Astoria post on June 24 for the purpose of nominating and electing 
delegates for the bund's national convention. 

In other words, the elections of the German-American bunds are 
about the character of the plebiscite in Austria, where everything is 
under such good control that no one dares vote against the machine. 

More than one hundred members were present. The roll call indi- 
cated a post membership of 150 of which at least 30 were storm 
troopers. The membership was given no choice in selections of dele- 
gates. It was a typical Nazi election. Schwarzmann and other storm- 
troop officials had selected the delegates in a private back-room con- 
ference. At the meeting Schwarzmann simply read off the names of 
three delegates, including himself and one alternate, as the slate that 
was to be voted on. Slips of paper were passed around, four to each 
person. The slips were numbered from 1 to 4 by each member and 
then each member was told to vote "ja" or "nein" as the name of the 
candidates were called off in order. 

When the slips had been gathered up by storm troopers Schwarz- 
mann explained the purpose of the national convention was to be to 
elect a national leader, and then declared he could not conceive the 
election of anyone but Fritz Kuhn. Thereupon he asked if anyone in 
the meeting was opposed to the manner in which the post was conduct- 
ing its election of delegates. No one dared protest. Then he announced 
the vote. It revealed that despite the steam-roller method there was 
opposition ranging from 5 to 10 percent in the voting on the respective 
delegates. 

Schwarzmann declared the delegates elected and stated that if any- 
one were opposed to the delegates voting for Kuhn at the convention 
he should raise his hand. 

Again no one dared to protest publicly. 

On another occasion Alfons Brem, of 4130 Twenty-seventh Street, 
Long Island, as a member of the German- American Bund, stated to 
this investigator as follows : 

We are organizing as quickly as possible. Most of us are poor. We have to 
work now and hold our jobs. But the day will come when we can break loose 
and fight out in the open. We are anxious to get as many new members as pos- 
sible. The more we have and the more people we convert to our cause, the 
easier will be our fight. We are naturally friendly to Hitler and Germany. 
Their fight is also our fight. We believe in the same things. 



1114 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Carl Nicolay, a bund national speaker, stated to this investigator 
on July 8, in reference to storm troops, as follows : 

Our whole program at this moment has just one aim — to unite all German- 
Americans under the bund banners and then bring national socialism to 
replace democracy in the United States. 

So the first thing we must do, and the only thing right now, is to preach 
national socialism to all German-Americans. "When we have won them over to 
this great American ideal we can go out and talk to others and at the same 
time do other things that will be necessary at the time. 

On at least two occasions German naval officers and sailors were/ 
feted by bund storm troops. Once a crew of 100 from the Deutsch- 
land was entertained in New York, and another time a crew from 
the Karlsruhe was feted in San Francisco. German sailors contact 
storm troops of the bund at the docks and in German restaurants in 
New York while the former are on so-called shore leaves. 

Storm troops also whisper about German agents being slipped in 
and out of the United States. They claim that one way that this is 
accomplished, with the help of German steamship officials and of- 
ficers, is to have one secret agent leave the United States for Ger- 
many and instead of returning another one comes back under the 
former's name. 

German war veterans are extremely active in storm-troop ranks. 

They help to train and drill the bund storm troops, most of whom 
were born in this country and have never before tasted military serv- 
ice. These German war veterans are looked up to by the young bund 
storm troops as men of superior rank and are treated according] 3^. 
Some of these veterans are such good shots that in watching them at 
rifle shooting ranges the only thing of interest is how few times they 
miss a bull's-eye rather than hit it. 

Bund storm troopers are constantly urged to take trips to Ger- 
many and revisit the fatherland. Many of them actually take these 
trips. There are always stacks of German travel literature to be 
obtained at any of their meetings. This literature is supplied by 
the German steamship lines and German tourist railway informa- 
tion bureaus. 

Bund storm troopers are given a constant stream of talk glorifying 
German soldiers and sailors and are constantly urged to emulate 
troops of the German Army and Navy. 

In one instance, at least, an expert German carpenter came from 
Germany to assist the Manhattan post storm troops in building their 
field house at Camp Siegfried. Upon completing his work he re- 
turned to Germany. To show their appreciation storm troops accom- 
panied him to the pier to bid him goodbye as he sailed for Germany. 

In a speech to the storm troop division at Astoria, N. Y., on July 
19, Schwarzmann stated as follows: 

Last Sunday night when we returned from Camp Nordland some of you left 
our main group and went home alone. I must warn you against this practice. 
It is a very dangerous thing for you to do. If you are seen walking alone in 
streets while in uniform you might be beaten up by some of our enemies, 
the Communists or the C. I. O. I am not afraid of a fight, but when someone 
wanders off alone like that and is attacked, the rest of us might not be able 
to get there in time to help him. 

After this I want this order to be strictly followed out. We stay together 
whenever we are in uniform on the street. I want to particularly warn you 
against this danger in the coming months. We have obtained information that 
there will be a number of C. I. O. and Communist riots in New York this fall. 
There is going to be plenty of trouble in New York. 



DN-AMERIGAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1115 

We must be ;iiid shall be prepared to meet any emergency, come what may. 
And don't worry. We have plenty of help from other sources. When the 
time conies our ranks will swell overnight. There are many other "Kamer- 
aden" waiting to join us at that moment. Right now they are staying outside 
for various reasons. But as soon as "Dor Tag" comes, they will leap into our 
ranks to help fight our enemies. 

After this speech the storm troops were dismissed and took to 
beer and song, particularly one song, the title of which is "Hitler 
is My Leader." The session adjourned with three "Heils" for the 
cause. 

On another occasion, July 22, at a meeting of the storm troops a 
boy scout from East Berlin, Germany, "was a guest at the storm-troop 
session. He appeared in light -brown uniform with dark-brown ban- 
dana and a crimson swastika armband. 

On another occasion, while in conversation with him, a storm 
trooper named Nicola revealed that he was not yet 21 years old. He 
expressed his desire to return to Germany, where he had been born. 
He stated as follows : 

I'm going to see the German consul tomorrow. I'm going to find out ahout 
conditions in Germany. I don't like this country. I plan to go back one of 
these days. 

Asked if he were an American citizen, Nicola replied : 

No ; I should say not. And I don't want to be one. 

Like in New York, Los Angeles, and Milwaukee, and in other 
cities, storm troopers boasted of the fact that they had engaged in 
open fist fights. They stated to this investigator that the most spec- 
tacular of these took place at a Communist mass meeting in the 
coliseum and one on the streets of Los Angeles. Both times the 
storm troops fought against staggering odds, they claim, and while 
they were beaten they considered them moral victories. 

In connection with that statement, it will be recalled that similarly 
the storm troopers in Nazi Germany created constant riots. That 
was one of their opening tactics, before they finally obtained con- 
trol of Germany. But before that there were many riots throughout 
Germany at the instigation of the Nazi storm troops. 

Storm-troops members revealed to this investigator that several 
of them are aviation mechanics and hinted that they were employed 
by the Douglas Aircraft Corporation, also Boeing Aircraft. One 
storm-troop official at this post — that is in Los Angeles — Hans Diebel, 
stated that he was formerly employed by the Zeppelin Co. in Ger- 
man} 7 , and also had worked for Zeiss. 

Adherents to the Nazi cause have also slipped into United States 
navy yards, where they have obtained employment and succeeded in 
securing positions which place them in direct possession of secret 
plans for construction of United States Navy battleships of the 
latest types. They have even been assigned to trial runs of these 
latest t3 7 pes of ships. 

New York bund scouts, on their way to Germany, were entertained 
and lodged by storm troops at the Los Angeles post while this 
investigator was there. They made the trip via the west coast. 

On August 16 Schwartzmann ordered this investigator, w T ho was 
then in uniform, to read to the storm-troop division a letter from 
Kuhn relative to the behavior of storm troops in the future. The 
order indicated a tightening up, all along the line, of regulations 



1116 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

governing storm troops while on duty and in their leisure time at 
camps and elsewhere. 

The order was followed with brief remarks by Schwartzmann to 
the effect that Kuhn plans to enforce rigid rules for storm troops 
that would give the camps all the aspects of military posts. 

Before continuing, I might call attention to the fact that this man 
Schwartzmann is the same Schwartzmann who was involved in that 
recent case at Long Island, in which six members, officials of the 
bund, were indicted on charges of an oath of allegiance to Hitler 
being taken by members of the German-American Bund. This is 
the same Herman Schwartzmann who was at that time widely pub- 
licized in connection with that case. 

Schwartzmann stated as follows: 

We must do this because we must be prepared for the day of trouble. Every- 
thing must be in order to get the greatest amount of effect and efficiency. The 
storm troops must be thoroughly trained when the trouble comes. 

Another bund official, Anton Kessler, of 4541 Chouto Avenue, 
St. Louis, admitted to this investigator that he was not an American 
citizen and had no intentions of becoming one. He stated : 

Kuhn has warned me to keep this information covered up ; and so while I am 
the real leader of the St. Louis post, my name does not appear on any official 
papers as such. 

In addition to the storm-troop division of the German-American 
Bund, there is a closely allied organization known as the German 
Bund. This German Bund also features a strong armed force similar 
to the German-American Bund storm troops. 

In the beginning of the American Nazi movement these organiza- 
tions were matched. They were as one. A year or so ago, however, an 
order came from Germany demanding that all aliens separate them- 
selves from the bund. In line with this command from Berlin, a 
German Bund was formed in Chicago. The fact remains, however, 
the Berlin order was not carried out down the line. In other words, 
in all other sections of the country aliens remained in the bund ranks, 
sometimes under the subterfuge of prospective citizenry. 

The only actual differences between the storm troops of the German- 
American Bund and those of the German Bund are that — 

1. The German Bund maintains separate headquarters and its own 
set of officers. 

2. The German Bund has a uniform distinctive from that of the 
German-American Bund. This uniform bears an extremely close re- 
semblance to that of the German Sudeten storm troops, while the 
German-American Bund has adopted a new uniform which appears 
to be a combination of uniforms worn by the German Bund, the Amer- 
ican Legion, and the Silver Shirts. 

3. The German Bund is openly under an oath of allegiance to Hitler 
and to Hitler alone. It takes orders from no one else. 

4. All of the members of the German Bund are aliens, and none of 
them ever intend to become American citizens. 

5. Members of the German Bund are members of the National So- 
cialist Party of Germany. 

G. Members of the German Bund are outspoken in their denuncia- 
tion of democracies, constitutional form of government, and every- 
thing that American ideals stand for. 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1117 

7. This foreign force of storm troops is being trained and drilled 
on American soil as a close ally of the German-American Bund storm, 
troops. 

Information has come to this committee that this organization is 
growing, and it is reported that already a second force has been 
established in Los Angeles. That is of just a very recent date. This 
fact lends credence to the belief that the United States may expect 
to see German storm-troop units established throughout the country. 

Information has also come to this committee that as the result of 
its recent national convention in New York — the one just held this 
month — the German- American Bund is plotting to create a strictly 
American division in conjunction with the bund. First steps in this 
direction have already been taken by the high command of the 
German-American Bund. If this plan is carried out, a merger of a 
number of minor subversive forces in this country may be expected 
under the swastika leadership of Fritz Kuhn and the German- 
American Bund. 

The Chairman. Right in that connection, what you mean is that 
a number of organizations, parading under euphonious titles and 
names 

Mr. Metcalfe (interposing). That is right. 

The Chairman (continuing). Apparently holding themselves out 
as American organizations, but in sympathy with the Nazi ideals 
and idealogy, will merge into one organization and be closely allied 
to the German-American Bund, while to all intents and purposes 
separated from it ; is that right ? 

Mr. Metcalfe. That is correct. 

The Chairman. How many such organizations of which you have 
information are contemplating the step of a merger? 

Mr. Metcalfe. I would say that we have in our possession at the 
present time a list of several hundred organizations, and we shall 
go into some detail at a hearing in the next day or so as to just 
who these organizations are, and naming some of the leaders of the 
different groups, their backgrounds, and so forth. 

A typical storm-troop song used by the men in the American 
organization follows. It can definitely be stated that they cannot 
sing the Star-Spangled Banner. 

BATTLE SONG OF THE 8. A. 

Up. up for battle, we are born to battle, 

Up, up for battle for the German Fatherland, 

(We are sworn to Adolph Hitler 
And to Adolph Hitler we extend our hand). 

Firm stands a man, as firm as an oak, 

Braving every storm as well as he can, 
Maybe on the morrow we will be a corpse 

As happens indeed to many a Hitler man. 

Up, then, for battle, all you brown battalions, 

The Third Reich, our goal shall ever be ; 
The World War's departed, all of these two millions 

Are forcing us to battle and gain a victory. 

During this past week in New York small groups of Nazis have 
been meeting for the purpose of preparing to return to the Third 
Reich. It must be recalled that most of these men have registered 



1118 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

with the German consulate for military purposes, in accordance 
with orders issued by the German Government more than a year ago 
and publicized in the American Nazi press at that time. With the 
return to Germany of these men, their wives and children will be 
left on the relief rolls of the American Government. 

The Chairman. You testified to certain statements made by officials 
of the German-American Bund? 

Mr. Metcalfe. That is right. 

The Chairman. Those statements were made in your presence ? 

Mr. Metcalfe. In my presence; yes. 

The Chairman. Did you, immediately after the statements were 
made, make any written record of them? 

Mr. Metcalfe. Yes; and all of those notations are in the possession 
of this committee. Every notation was made immediately after, or 
as quickly as possible, after the conversation took place. 

The Chairman. The Department of Justice turned over to this 
committee the reports of their investigators of the German-American 
Bund, did they not ? 

Mr. Metcalfe. That is right. 

The Chairman. With instructions, or with the request — the strong 
request, I will put it — that the committee not reveal the facts obtained 
by the investigators or their report; is that right? 

Mr. Metcalfe. That is correct. 

The Chairman. But you had occasion to examine those reports 
very carefully, did you not? 

Mr. Metcalfe. Yes ; I made a very thorough study of them. 

The Chairman. A number of statements have been made, one of 
which was that officials of the German-American Bund boasted that 
they had been investigated and that nothing was found wrong; that 
no action had been taken by the United States Government. Does 
the examination at all justify that statement — without going into 
what the files contain that were turned over by the Department of 
Justice ? 

Mr. Metcalfe. It is correct that no action has been taken as yet by 
the Department of Justice ; that is, action in the character of prosecut- 
ing. However, the statement of letters of the German-American 
Bund that the Department of Justice in this report has given their 
organization a clean bill of health — that statement is absolutely false. 

The Chairman. That is as far as you can go without revealing any 
of the details found in the files? 

Mr. Metcalfe. Yes; I think so. 

The Chairman. I think it is fair to state that that statement has 
been made, but we cannot go into any more detail with regard to it. 

Now, as a matter of fact, the findings and reports of the Depart- 
ment of Justice do not constitute anything like as thorough a revela- 
tion as what this committee will have in the record when it concludes 
its present session on Nazi activities? I mean by that, what has here- 
tofore gone into the record, in the form of photographs and docu- 
mentary evidence seized, together with what will follow in the next 
4 or 5 days, will cover a great many grounds that were not covered 
in the report of the Department of Justice; is that not a fact? 

Mi*. Metcalfe. I would say that statement is correct; that we have 
considerably more information in our possession than is contained 
in the files of the Department of Justice and was obtained by them 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1119 

through their 6-month investigation. I believe they made several 
investigations. However, in all fairness, I would say that it must 
be remembered that the Department of Justice made only a cursory 
investigation, whereas we have gone beyond that stage and gone 
right into the detailed matter of this particular problem. 

The Chairman. Their information came largely from reports 
made by outsiders rather than from someone within the ranks of the 
bund; is that right? It was based more or less upon the statements 
of others rather than any information obtained from any member 
of the bund itself; is that a fact? 

Mr. Metcalfe. I would say that it contained both. It contains 
statements from sundry letters of the organization, and it contains 
material which is of a direct investigative nature on the part of the 
Federal agents, and, of course, a good deal of information from out- 
side sources. 

The Chairman. The only way that this committee could use its 
investigators or utilize their reports was to obtain leads and clues to 
develop of their own volition? 

Mr. Metcalfe. That is right. 

The Chairman. There was no restriction placed upon the com- 
mittee to develop the leads or clues that might develop from an exam- 
ination of the files of the Department of Justice? 

Mr. Metcalfe. No, sir. 

The Chairman. Now, that has been done, has it not? 

Mr. Metcalfe. That has been done. 

The Chairman. Without revealing what the clues are, or the in- 
formation ? 

Mr. Metcalfe. That is right. 

The Chairman. But in the course of these hearings, any clues or 
information that we did not previously possess or make public will 
from time to time be developed directly on the initiative of this 
committee; that is, as an original proposition, without quoting from 
any of the reports or revealing anything in the reports of the Depart- 
ment of Justice : is that right ? 

Mr. Metcalfe. That is right ; nothing will be revealed directly. 

The Chairman. Now, of course you stated in your opening state- 
ment how seriously the committee was handicapped in pursuing this 
investigation into the Nazi movement as far as it should be done? 

Mr. Metcalfe. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. It is a fact, is it not, that when this resolution was 
adopted the officials of the German- American Bund issued an order 
to the various bund posts to destroy all of their records? 

Mr. Metcalfe. That is correct ; and we will definitely prove that 
as we go along. 

The Chairman. That order was carried out in practically every 
instance, except in the case of the post at Chicago, where you sub- 
penaed and obtained possession of 25, I think it was, original letters 
constituting correspondence between the Chicago bund post and Nazi 
Germans; is that a fact? 

Mr. Metcalfe. That is correct ; yes, sir. 

The Chairman. These 25 letters, which have been all — they were 
all introduced in evidence by you? 

Mr. Metcalfe. Every one of them. 



H20 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

The Chairman. And all of tliem form a part of the record and 
will be printed in full in the record? 

Mr. Metcalfe. Yes. 

The Chairman. These letters contain many statements connecting 
or showing a close relationship and a sympathetic feeling between 
officials in the bund and the Nazi government; is not that a fact? 

Mr. Metcalfe. I would say they establish a very definite relation- 
ship. 

The Chairman. Between the two? 

Mr. Metcalfe. Between the two. 

The Chairman. How does that coincide with the statements 
made by the officials of the German- American Bund to the effect 
that the German- American Bund is an American organization? 

Mr. Metcalfe. I would say that those facts are in direct contradic- 
tion of the statements made by German-American Bund leaders. 

The Chairman. For purposes of review, too, is it not a fact that at 
the hearing on the first day Peter Gissibl, who was at one time the 
fuehrer of the Chicago Bund post, admitted — and it can be found 
from this record, which will soon be published — that the photographs 
which were introduced in evidence and form a part of our record were 
genuine and correctly depicted scenes within the German-American 
Bund ? Is that not a fact ? 

Mr. Metcalfe. He admitted that every photograph that was intro- 
duced in evidence was genuine. 

The Chairman. Now, to develop one other phase in connection with 
the difficulty that this committee has encountered in undertaking to 
follow up more carefully certain leads and information, it is a fact y 
is it not, that in order to seize the records of any post, if there are any 
records left, it would require expert accountants to investigate or to 
go over the financial records and check up; is not that a fact? 

Mr. Metcalfe. Yes, sir; it is a fact. I mean, the ramifications of 
the activities of the German-American Bund give every indication 
that that would be the case if we did obtain the financial records of 
the bund. In the first place, as pointed out, there are some 80 posts 
throughout the country, and each one has its set of books, and natur- 
ally it would be quite a job to go through all of that and follow it 
and trace it down and find out exactly where this money did come 
from and how it was expended. 

The Chairman. But the facts that will be developed here will war- 
rant — or will they — the belief or the conclusion that a large amount 
of money is being spent in the United States for propaganda purposes 
for the Nazi movement ; is that a fact ? 

Mr. Metcalfe. I think there is plenty of evidence to warrant that 
statement. 

The Chairman. It will also show, will it not. definite proof of 
widespread propaganda directly from Nazi Germans? 

Mr. Metcalfe. Oh, yes; we will show that conclusively. 

The Chairman. Now, will you say that there is a fair indication, 
or indications, that certain American organizations — I won't say that; 
certain organizations proclaiming themselves American — that are 
organized in various parts of the country, with various similar pro- 
cedures; they get out a charter or something for that purpose — you 
say that these organizations are adopting to a large extent the strat- 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES H21 

egy, the ideals — or rather not ideals but the principles of the Nazi 
movement in Germany? In other words, they predicate their move- 
ments upon some form of hatred or prejudice; that is the background 
of it ? 

Mr. Metcalfe. Oh, yes; that is the smoke screen. 

The Chairman. It is a smoke screen of some high-sounding title? 

Mr. Metcalfe. Yes. 

The Chaieman. But behind the smoke screen there is a motivating 
force, which is some prejudice which bears all the earmarks of the 
Nazi ideology; is that right? 

Mr. Metcalfe. That is correct. 

The Chairman. Where is this money coming from to finance so 
many of these movements; or do you prefer to take that up later? 

Mr. Metcalfe. I would prefer to take that up at a later time. I 
have some photographs here that I think ought to be introduced in 
evidence, for the sake of the record. 

On the opening day we introduced a great many photographs of 
the storm troops, and here are some photographs particularly of the 
Germans. 

The Chairman. With reference to these pictures, let the record 
show clearly that these pictures were taken either by you or by your 
brother, or were secured from the official photographer of the bund, 
or some photographer who took the pictures. 

Mr. Metcalfe. Yes; we either bought these pictures, or else took 
them, or know the photographer who took them, and have them put 
their stamps on them, because they would be needed in evidence, to 
show that these pictures are authentic. 

The Chairman. In addition to that, Peter Gissibl admitted that 
those pictures — and I think that is a very important point — that 
those pictures correctly depict actual scenes within the camps. 

Mr. Metcalfe. Peter Gissbl admitted, officially, that these pictures, 
as well as those introduced on the opening day, are definitely 
authentic. There is no question as to the authenticity of the pictures, 
and I can identify the investigator in the pictures. 

The Chairman. You had better mark them. 

Mr. Metcalfe. They can be marked in one group. 

The Chairman. We can do that, giving them exhibit numbers, and 
the previous pamphlet introduced, celebrating the approaching Sude- 
ten victory, will be marked "Exhibit No. 1." 

(The pamphlet referred to was marked as indicated.) 

(The group of photographs above referred to was marked 
"John C. Metcalfe Exhibit No. 2.") 

Mr. Metcalfe. I am also introducing now some pictures of Fritz 
Kuhn, taken by an official photographer of the German-American 
Bund, or by me, at various functions of the bund in the East, and 
along with Kuhn are shown other officials of the German- American 
Bund. 

There are also shown in these pictures Italians who were meeting 
there, members of the Italian War Veterans, drilling and parading 
with the German-American Bund storm troopers; also a photograph 
taken at the national convention of the German-American Bund, held 
in the Biltmore Hotel, in New York City. That covers the pictures 
in this group here. 

94931 — 38 — vol. 2 10 



1122 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

The Chairman. That group of photographs will be marked "Ex- 
hibit No. 3." 

(The group of photographs referred to was marked "John C. 
Metcalfe Exhibit No. 3.") 

Mr. Metcalfe. I also have here a photograph we took of the Ger- 
man World War veterans' organization from Philadelphia, known 
as the Frontkaempferschaft, which organization met with the Ger- 
man-American Bund in New York. 

The Chairman. This photograph will be marked ''Exhibit No. 4." 

(The photograph above referred to was marked "John C. Met- 
calfe Exhibit No. 4.") 

Mr. Metcalfe. There are also here pictures taken of the flaming 
swastika at celebrations held at night in various parts of the United 
States that are very reminiscent of the flaming cross of the Klan, 
showing the storm troops, and even the youth are shown participating 
in these celebrations, little tiny tots are shown parading around in 
the picture. 

This particular picture I have before me was taken at Grafton, 
Wis., where there is a camp of the German-American Bund. 

Then there is another picture in this group taken in Dublin Can- 
yon, near Oakland, Calif. 

The Chairman. What does that show? 

Mr. Metcalf. It shows the members of the German-American Bund, 
with members of the storm troops, gathered around some sort of a 
scene. These other pictures in this group are very similar. 

The Chairman. That group of photographs will be marked "Ex- 
hibit No. 5." 

(The group of photographs referred to was marked "John C. 
Metcalfe Exhibit No. 5.") 

The Chairman. What other photographs have you ? 

Mr. Metcalfe. Here is a group of photographs, based on the same 
authenticity I have referred to. 

This particular picture [indicating photograph] shows Peter Gis- 
sibl right in the photograph. 

Here is a picture [indicating] taken showing Dr. G. A. Muller, act- 
ing German consul, addressing a German Day group at the United 
Singers Park, in Springfield, N. J. 

Then there are other pictures in this group taken at Camp Sieg- 
fried and at Camp Nordland, in New York and New Jersey, and 
also in San Diego, Calif.; in Wisconsin, in Los Angeles, in Chicago, 
and others show scenes from similar locations. 

The Chairman. That group will be marked "Exhibit No. 6." 

(The group of photographs referred to was marked "John C. 
Metcalfe Exhibit No. 6.") 

Mr. Metcalfe. I think that is about all the pictures I will intro- 
duce at this time, Mr. Chairman. 

The Chairman. I believe you have other documentary evidence, 
not yet introduced, which you will introduce later? 

Mr. Metcalfe. As we go along; yes. 

The Chairman. Have you any other statement to make in con- 
nection with this particular phase before Ave take a recess? 

Mr. Metcalfe. Not at this time. 

The Chairman. Then we will take a recess at this time, and this 
afternoon we will deal with the question of the Youth Movement. 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1123 

Mr. Metcalfe. Yes, sir. 

(Thereupon the subcommittee took a recess until 1:30 p. m. this 
day.) 

AFTER RECESS 

(The subcommittee reassembled, pursuant to taking a recess, at 
1 : 30 p. m., Hon. Martin Dies presiding.) 

The Chairman. The committee will come to order and resume its 
session. 

Mr. Metcalfe, you may resume your statement. You are now going 
to deal with the Hitler youth movement in the United States? 

Mr. Metcalfe. That is right. 

The Chairman. You may proceed. 

Mr. Metcalfe. Hundreds of German-American children are being 
Hitlerized by the leaders of the German-American Bund, despite the 
fact that under American law every child born in this country is an 
American citizen. 

Every effort is being expended by the bund high command to instill 
in these boys and girls, most of whom have never even been outside 
the United States, the doctrines of racial and religious hatreds 
preached under the pagan German kultur. 

American ideals and principles of democracy are boldly shoved into 
the background and a mental worship of Hitlerism is embedded in 
these youthful unsuspecting minds. Although this investigator has 
frequently visited Nazi camps in various parts of the country, never 
once has there been occasion where he has seen these nazified children 
led to a Christian religious service in a youth camp. 

Health, Hitler, heils, and hatred are the "four H's" used by United 
States Nazis to prevent Americanization of children whose parents 
are members of the German-American Bund. 

In the coming years all the unity and all the efforts will be required in order 
to put a stop to the former crippling by the Americanization of their young — ■ 

declares the bund yearbook, reprinted from the German magazine 
Deutsche Arbeit, in referring to children of Germans who have 
emigrated to America. 

Hence — 

the yearbook states, after pointing out that German's youth move- 
ment at home must confine itself to German children still in the 
fatherland — 

the youth groups of the German-American Bund are a real achievement for 
Germany. 

In forwarding this program thousands of childish voices ring out 
in a crescendo of "Heil Hitlers" in German-American camps through- 
out the Nation. 

American boys and girls sing hymns to Der Fuehrer and to the 
vaterland they never have seen. Their youthful feet goose-step in 
a march of racial and religious hatred. 

The minds and souls of these "babes in the woods" are a fertile 
field for the propaganda of the bund. 

Our youth are the life line of our movement — 

Naders repeatedly insist. 

We may be gone soon and the youth must carry on our fight * * *. 



1124 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Under the guise of health, German-American children are being 
trained and marched away from the democratic traditions of America. 

They must learn to speak fluent German and to understand the 
Nazi ideology. They listen to lectures on the Hitler philosophy and 
the policies of the Third Reich. 

In its youth movement, as in the parent organization, the bund 
professes a defense of the United States Constitution and true 
Americanism. But the camps are completely Nazi German. The 
United States is forgotten except for a display of American flags. 
The flaming swastika of Germany is the important flag to the Boy and 
Girl Scouts. Old Glory is of secondary importance. 

The Scouts eat, sleep, talk, and dream nazi-ism with the same fervor 
of the regimented youth of Germany. They are taught to avoid out- 
side contaminating influences. American history is revised in pub- 
lic addresses for them to show that this country has been saved from 
destruction only through the influence of German-Americans. 

Just as in Germany, the youth movement is divided into three sec- 
tions — the Jungenschaft (boys), the Maedchenschaft (girls), and the 
Jungvolk (smaller children too young to join other groups). 

Youngsters are thrust into the Jungvolk organization when only 
5 and 6 years old. They wear uniforms of brown and blue shorts 
or skirts, white blouses with Hitler-brown scarfs. Older boys wear 
brown shirts with Sam Browne belts, military trousers and boots, and 
are armed with long hunting knives and spears. 

Youths graduate into the "ordnungs Dienst." the storm-troop or- 
ganization of the bund, and are trained mentally and physically to 
lead the troops when the often-predicted "trouble" comes. Scouts are 
told they must be prepared to withstand the onrush of the coming 
"red" revolution. 

From their elders scouts learn to be suspicious of strangers. They 
won't discuss the bund unless they know you are sympathetic. This 
investigator entered Turner Hall at Eighty-fifth Street and Lexing- 
ton Avenue, in the Yorkville German section of New York City, where 
the bund holds many of its meetings, and asked a young scout fuehrer 
where the bund headquarters was situated. 

u Bund?" the youth asked in pretended ignorance. "I don't know 
anything about the bund." 

Investigation disclosed that beyond the door he was guarding a 
group of boys and girls who were attending one of the "Bundes- 
Redner-Sehule." A propaganda film showing the delights of New 
Germany was part of the day's instruction. 

Landesjugendfuehrer (national youth leader) is Theodor Dinkel- 
acker, 9238 Lamont Avenue, Elmhurst, Long Island. Under 30, black- 
haired and tanned, Dinkelacker devotes all of his time to drilling and 
teaching potential national socialists. He leads them in parades be- 
hind the storm troops at summer festivals and in the city drill halls 
of the bund during the winter. 

Our youth love the fight — 

Dinkelacker explains. 

They are mostly sous and daughters of old fighters and thus they will not 
permit the righting spirit of the hund to die out. National socialism is a world- 
wide philosophy of strength. We teach our youth along these lines so that 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1125 

they may take the right road in life. We instill in them pride (if (Herman 
nationality and race. We insist on order and discipline to build character 
and a broad athletic program to build the body. 

Youth bunds are proud of being the future of "the only fighting 
organization in German-America," Dinkelaeker says, and "will al- 
ways look down with contempt upon those who avoid the battle, who 
gather in little groups and clubs in order, when they reach manhood, 
to change into rabbit-breeding societies or bowling clubs." 

All boys and girls — 

he continued — 

have the obligation to keep themselves strong and healthy for their German 
race ; healthy in order to transmit as a link in an unending chain in the 
heritage of our ancestors to the coming generation ; strong in order to ward 
off every attack against the German race; politically and economically. 

The bund youth group "does not only have the purpose to breed 
a new generation, as certain malicious tongues assert," Dinkelaeker 
explains. 

We wish to train the young to become useful members of the German racial 
community. We wish to train our youth groups to such an extent that by 
observation we may be able to pick out talented boys and girls, support them 
in their education, and thus create the possibility that the most capable be 
placed at the head, for the benefit not only of the German element, but of the 
entire nation. 

Camp Hindenburg, near Grafton, Wis., 18 miles north of Mil- 
waukee, is the summer home of Chicago and Milwaukee scouts. The 
camp is in its third year. 

Two signs, one in blue and one in red, point the way to the camp 
down a gravel road from U. S. Highway 141. The signs are lettered 
merely "A. V." The camp itself is set in the valley surrounded by 
wooded hills with the Milwaukee River providing swimming facili- 
ties on the west side of the tract. There is a parking lot for autos 
through which one must pass before entering the camp proper. The 
camp and lot are separated by a wire fence with a single pole carry- 
ing a sign "Private property." 

Unlike the eastern camps, there are no elaborate permanent build- 
ings at Camp Hindenburg. The kaffee kuche (coffee kitchen) and 
beer stand are housed in small wooden structures. Tents are set in a 
circle. In the center is a tall flag pole from which are flown the 
American flag and the Jungenschaft flag — a white streak of light- 
ning or half swastika on a black background. Regulation German 
swastika flags are displayed on special occasions. 

About 80 boys from Chicago and Milwaukee gave up the tents on 
August 1, after a 2-week stay at the camp, and about 100 girls moved 
in. The boys and girls marched behind a military band of German 
World War veterans to the flagpole for a ceremony, during which 
the boys' flag was replaced by that of the girls' organization. 

Uniforms worn by the Chicago and Milwaukee boys include a wide 
brown belt with a silver buckle bearing a swastika and the legend 
"bint unci ehre" (blood and honor). The boys displayed a hunting 
knife which had a similar inscription on the blade. 

Chicago boys and girls when not in camp meet once a week at the 
bundlesheim (bund home) at 3853 North Western Avenue, and at 
the southside headquarters at 605 West Sixtieth Street. They also 



1126 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

attend the Theodore Koerner Schule, operated at the North Side 
home. 

In this connection, some reference was made to these particular 
schools at the opening session, at which time you will recall that some 
letters were introduced in evidence, and those mentioned this morn- 
ing referred directly to obtaining funds from Germany for the 
financing and purchasing of equipment for these schools. 

The American Nazi youth movement is much stronger in the East 
and Middle West than in the far West. 

West coast bund members enthusiastically welcomed Erich Bari- 
schoff, member of the Brooklyn, N. Y., Jungenschaft, who appeared 
at Deutsches Haus, Los Angeles headquarters, August 1, after a 24- 
day hike across the country. Erich, a tall sturdy lad, was en route to 
the Dutch East Indies and thence to Germany to visit relatives. He 
had nothing but scorn for the American Boy Scouts. 

They're sissies — 

he exclaimed. 

They don't know what hardships are like. They take little walks while we 
travel hundreds of miles. There is no comparison hetween the American Boy 
Scouts and the Jungenscraft. The Americans are babies alongside of us. 

The Philadelphia youth encampment is part of the bund layout 
of the Deutschorst Country Club, near Croydon, Pa. Forty boys and 
twenty-five girls live in tents and in the stately old mansion, which 
had been used at one time as a speak-easy and later as a home for 
wayward girls before the bund leased it 4 years ago. The owner 
offered to sell the property to the bund for $12,000 4 years ago but 
boosted his price to $18,000 last summer just before the lease expired. 
There was talk of looking for a new place. 

A Philadelphia storm trooper, in a conversation with his fuehrer, 
G. W. Kunze, who is the chief of propaganda, on July 25, revealed 
"how we fooled those newspapermen." A reporter and photographer 
of the Philadelphia Record spent several hours at the camp that 
day. 

They didn't see a thing and got only a lot of pictures that don't mean any- 
thing — 

the trooper explained. 

The funniest thing happened when they went to the youth camp. All they 
saw was the boys and their tents with a little American flag on the staff. They 
didn't get to see our flag. 

The trooper indicated the swastika had been removed purposely 
for the day in anticipation of newspaper photographers. 

Efdendo Camp, 9 miles north of Pontiac. Mich., serves the Detroit 
post. It does not compare in size nor in buildings and improvements 
with the eastern camps. Entrance is down a side road off U. S. 
Highway 10 at the Springfield Gladiola Farms. A small sign reads 
"Summer Camp A. V." Detroit members are cautious about dis- 
playing swastikas or other Hitler emblems at their camp. 

A small frame building houses a kitchen and bar near the lake- 
shore while headquarters for the Jungenschaft is beyond an athletic 
field. About 20 girls and 30 boys are accommodated in separate units 
of a one-story building. 



DN-AMEKICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1127 

The most elaborate of the bund's camps are Siegfried, near Yap- 
hank, Long Island, and Nordland, near Andover, N. J. It was at a 
vouth celebration at Camp Siegfried on July 11, that National Leader 
Fritz Kuhn said : 

The youth of our groat bund are the hope, the life line of our organization. 
Through them we must live into the future. It is, therefore, necessary that 
we must stand united behind them, educate them, and raise them to manhood 
and womanhood with our ideals imbedded in their hearts. We must fight 
together for their freedom. 

We must work to win over the youth of all German-Americans, and some day 
when our labor has repeated its reward we shall hear fine and strong German- 
American youths coming marching from the East and West, from the South and 
North — marching onward to build a greater Nation. 

When "Achtung !" — attention — rings out over the loudspeaker sys- 
tem in the eastern camps scouts as well as storm troopers hurry to 
attention. If it is Sunday morning at Camp Siegfried boys and 
girls form into separate ranks and prepare to greet storm troopers 
and other bund members arriving from New York on a special train. 

Some of the scouts march behind the German swastika and the 
American flag to the railroad station 2 miles away, through Yaphank. 
They line up at attention beside the track and as the train pulls in 
their arms are outstretched in a Hitler salute to the arriving guests. 

With a band blaring a stirring German march, the scouts and 
guests — 500 or more strong — march back through the village to the 
camp, where another contingent of the scouts is at attention "heiling" 
the arriving storm troopors. 

The Sunday parades through Yaphank once aroused a group of 
villages, who protested that fat women clad in shorts, trampled their 
gardens and picked their berries and flowers. Justice of the Peace 
Gustav Neuss said the Nazis were a far cry from old-time peace- 
loving Germans he expected would occupy the camp when it was 
started 3 years ago. 

At Siegfried and at other eastern bund camps separate tent en- 
campments for boys and girls are set back in the woods, away from 
the main building and cottages wdiere their parents drink beer and 
dance. Sentries stand guard at entrances to the rows of tents. 
Visitors — even parents of the scouts — are not permitted in the youth 
camps proper. Scouts on duty in the camps must come to the en- 
trances to visit with their parents. If not on duty, they are per- 
mitted to roam through the entire camp layout at will. 

A German steel helmet and a long lance are part of the equipment 
of the guard at the entrance to the boys' camp at Siegfried. The 
lance and helmet are passed along to each boy as he takes up sentry 
duty. 

You will recall that we introduced photographs in substantiation 
of that statement at the opening hearing. 

Commands and conversations among the scouts are entirely in 
German, but they politely answer questions in English. 

Faces of the youths reflect their love for the bund fight, but they 
also reflect the doctrine of racial hatred instilled in them by their 
elders. 

Discipline is rigid. Some scouts are assigned to duty at soft- 
drink stands in camp on Sunday. Others carry water to perspiring 
troopers lined up under a hot sun for several hours listening to 



H28 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

speeches denouncing their enemies and praising Der Fuehrer. Still 
others are lined up near the troopers listening to the same speeches. 

German-Americans can send their children to the camp for from 
$3.50 to $5 a week. If their parents have the money, the children 
remain in camp all summer and enjoy a theoretical 3-month trip 
to Germany. 

Camps are supported partly from contributions. Otto Arnclt, one 
of the most active of the New York area storm troops, said his con- 
tributions to the Jungenschaft amounted to $25 during a year. 

A collection was taken up for the Jungenschaft at the end of a 
night boat trip up the Hudson which outwardly had no connection 
with the bund, but which was sponsored by the Steneck travel bureau. 

The youth camp at Siegfried is a half mile around a lake from 
the main camp building. A two-story stucco building, adaptable 
for winter use, serves as headquarters. Tents are pitched on wooden 
foundations back in the woods. At Camp Nordland, set in the 
wooded hills of Sussex County, N. J., the tents are in one end of 
the 100-aere tract. 

Heels click together and the right arm goes out in a Hitler salute 
when a scout, boy or girl, is addressed by a youth leader or an}* 
storm trooper in uniform. 

Singing forms an important part of the camp training. Both 
the boys and girls are divided into older and younger groups and 
learn numerous songs in praise of Hitler and the new Germany. 
The boys also have a fife, bugle, and drum corps, members of which 
are equipped with red and white epaulettes. 

As part of their training for "true Americanism," scouts sing 
Heute Hoert Uns Deutschland — Morgen Die Gauze Welt! (Today 
Germany Hears Us, Tomorrow the Whole World), and also the song 
familiar to all storm troopers. We are the Friends of the New 
Germany. 

They join enthusiastically in singing Deutschland Uber Alles and 
the Horst Wessel, the Hitler national anthem, but have a difficult 
time remembering The Star-Spangled Banner. 

Girl scouts are tanned and healthy and a trifle more muscular than 
the ordinary American girl of their age. They are trained in the 
folk dances of Germany and perform at the various bund functions. 
Some of the older girls enjoy the company of uniformed storm troops 
on Sunday festivals. The younger ones dance and giggle with young 
German boy scouts. 

For some of the smaller girls camp life brings the ordeal of living 
away from their parents for the first time. 

How quickly a German-American boy can become a part of the 
Hitler youth program was explained by a woman bund member. 
She said her youthful cousin scorned the camp idea at first, but after 
one visit came home singing Nazi songs and remarked that the Ger- 
man scouts were "real kameraden." After another visit he became 
a member. Today, at 19, he is a fuehrer and has learned to speak 
German. 

"His older brother," she said, "who is in the United States Navy, 
makes fun of the boy's scout uniform and his Hitler salute. But 
we tell him not to mind, the older brother will learn the truth before 
long and realize he must join the new Germany." 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES H29 

The bund also maintains camps near Buffalo, Schenectady, Cleve- 
land, Los Angeles, San Diego, Oakland, Calif., Spokane, Seattle, 
Portland, Oreg., and at St. Louis. 

All bund leaders — from Fuehrer Fritz Kulm down to minor 
leaders in local posts — recognize the importance of the youth move- 
ment, but none more than Carl (Papa) Nicolay, South Brooklyn 
leader and national speaker since the inception of the organization. 

Nicolay, who is Hearing CO. is the most enthusiastic and most 
verbose of the bund speakers. He is an officious little man with gray- 
ing hair cut short in German military fashion. He delights in read- 
ing poems of his own composition at bund gatherings. 

Nicolay wrote of the wonders of Germany under Hitler: 

The gradual education away from shallow internationalism and the often 
but not too obvious meaninglessness of its decadent liberalism and democracy 
* * * to a sound and rational nationalism, which in its very desire for the 
strength of its own country and people will not only tolerate but look to similar 
national strength in others, but make for real peace, therefore, instead of war. 

He wrote of the joy of Hitler youth but did not mention the signs 
over Nazi youth camps: "You were born to die for Germany." 

This sign has not yet been plastered over the American Nazi camps. 

In Germany all young people are forced by the State youth law to 
become members of the Hitler Youth or the League of German 
Girls and undergo national Socialist schooling. American children 
of bund members "love the fight"' in the words of the national leader, 
Theodor Dinkelacker, and don't need a law to force them into the 
regimented organization. 

In a mimeographed paper issued by the American Nazi youth 
movement, Hitler is termed "The prophet of a new and nobler chap- 
ter in the course of human events." His "creed" is world-wide, 
youthful Americans are told. 

He leads the struggle for race preservation against the melting-pot idea of 
international-minded dabblers in theoretical concepts of the "brotherhood" of 
all races. 

The setting up of a nation in order; clean and strong, free and unified is a 
miracle which only proves the prophet is divinely inspired with God-given 
powers and insight. 

The slumbering embers Adolf Hitler has fanned into fire in the hearts of 
Aryan men will break out into a mighty blaze that will consume the enemy 
when he raises his red rags. 

The world quivers with the convulsions of an approaching earthquake that 
will shake each nation to its bedrock, bury everything corrupt and outmoded 
and clear away to leave a world of virile, progressive race-conscious nations. 

The article, signed by Paul M. Ochojski, in charge of the English 
columns of the youth paper, thus tells American children of the same 
"approaching revolution" which bund speakers warn their members 
to prepare for. 

In another article Ochojski declares Germans are "vanishing" in 
the United States because they "aren't organized and fighting" 
against their enemies. 

Rallying American children of bund members to answer the battle 
call to fight, Ochojski warns that unless action is taken Germans in 
America are — 

doomed to become a gray, raceless mixture of unskilled laborers having no 
voice in politics and no economic power. 



1130 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

There is no more immigration of new blood from Germany to freshen up 
the dying cadaver of Germanic America — 

the writer explains. 

Organize, keep alive German language and traditions, learn useful and 
higher trade, go to higher schools and colleges, enter professions and politics, 
fight the enemies of Germany. 

The bund program of instilling "fight" in its youth and its teach- 
ing that Jungenschaft members should be ready to meet any emer- 
gency makes the youthful scouts brave and self-reliant. 

Discipline of bund youth was praised by Herr Weiss, physical- 
education instructor at the organization's Philadelphia youth camp, 
Deutschhorst, near Croydon, Pa. He told this investigator the boys 
and girls in camp obeyed orders "just like little soldiers." 

Two members of the New York Jungenschaft hitch-hiked to Chi- 
cago late in August, and received a warm welcome at the Bundesheim 
at 3857 North Western Avenue. 

The boys wore hunting knives encased in leather holsters attached 
to their belts. Handles of the knives showed a small swastika. Asked 
if the knives w^ere made in New York, "No," one boy replied. "The 
knives come straight from Germany and they can't send enough to 
supply everybody who wants one. When the next boat comes over, 
it will bring many knives, but there will not be enough to take care 
of all the orders." 

Youth Leader Dinkelacker declared at the bund national conven- 
tion : 

It is highly important that we train them to think our way — the right way. 
Every bit of support you give this movement, whether it be financial or otherwise, 
is deeply appreciated and most significant. Urge your children and the children 
of your friends and relatives to join with us. We have great camps and 
training schools for them. The children will benefit by this training indoors and 
outdoors and will learn to understand the true meaning of our cause and when 
they have reached mature life, they will rise to fight with us and will send their 
children to us. 

The "aims" of the Amerika-deutscher Volksbund, as printed in its 
yearbook includes much the same message for youth. 

To this youth we bind ourselves in duty to the end that some day it may feel 
bound in duty to our nationality and complete what we have begun. To have 
trained and strengthened and schooled them for national and racial responsi- 
bility, to be clean, healthy, and strong men and women, that some day shall be 
the fairest reward of our pains, activity, and sacrifice. 

An example of the arrogance of the American Nazi machine in its 
march to indoctrinate Nazi idealism in American youth was discovered 
recently in St. Louis, where reside some 100,000 German-Americans, 
forming nearly one-eighth of the city's population. 

Nazi propaganda was slyly worked into the public schools of that 
city in recent months under the guise of summer German language 
classes. Ostensibly the plan was to simply teach the German lan- 
guage and sing German folk songs. But before very long it became 
apparent that this was not at all the real purpose of the classes. 
Instead, instructions drifted into Nazi doctrines. 

These classes were inaugurated through the efforts of a Mr. Walter 
Kist, a native-born citizen of St. Louis, last May. Fifteen fellow 
teachers and laymen were enlisted for this propaganda work. These 
instructors offered their services without compensation, at least none 
from the schools. Whatever compensation they may have actually 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1131 

obtained remains a matter of conjecture. They also obtained class- 
rooms in two public schools and succeeded in enrolling some 400 
students. 

Some highly interesting facts in conjunction with this Nazi pro- 
paganda schooling of American boys and girls has, however, come 
to light. After every Saturday class, trucks picked up some 50 of 
the children and carried them 55 miles to a Nazi camp near Stanton, 
Mo. This camp site is operated by the Deutsch-Amerikanische 
Berufgeineinschaft and is under the direction of Eberhard von 
Blankenhagen, former consul secretary of the German Embassy in 
"Washington. 

In manner similar to other Nazi camps throughout the country, 
this site is run with Prussian military precision. German is spoken 
everywhere and children are forced to don uniforms and so make 
their appearances at meetings and meals. 

So glaringly obvious was the plot of Nazi education of American 
boys and girls that Henry J. Gerling, superintendent of instruction 
at St. Loiiis, has denied Rist a permit for fall-term German classes. 

American educational institutions throughout the United States 
offer in their curricnlums any number of German classes. Yet de- 
spite this fact, the German-American Bund has set up throughout 
the United States a German school system of its own. If these bund 
schools are purely for teaching the German language, why has the 
bund created a secret school system of its own ? 

Schools just like these bund classes have been opened by Nazi 
minorities not just in the United States, but also in many other 
lands, such as South America, Poland, and in the Sudeten areas. 

At the national convention of the German-American Bund held 
a year ago in the Biltmore Hotel, New York, bund officials from all 
sections of the United States heard at length a talk by a repre- 
sentative of the Polish-German Bund on this very subject. He out- 
lined in detail just how the Nazi minority in Poland had succeeded in 
setting up this hidden school system, along with its own kulture 
church system. And to the cheers of bund leaders he forecast 
that the day is not far off when Germany would succeed in building 
up through the German-American Bund an identical program in the 
United States. 

The spread of the Hitler youth movement within the ranks of the 
German-American Bund is reflected in a list of boys' units which have 
been established, which are experiencing a continued growth in num- 
bers. The list includs the following : 

EASTERN DISTRICT 

Manhattan, N. Y. ; Brooklyn, N. Y. : Buffalo, N. Y. ; Hudson County, N. J. ; 
Nassau County, Long Island; Astoria Long Island; Bronx, N. Y. ; White Plains, 
N. Y. ; Jamaica, Long Island ; South Brooklyn. N. Y. ; Schenectady, N. Y. ; Yonkers, 
N. Y. ; Lindenhurst, Long Island ; Pittsburgh, Pa. ; Passaic, N. J. 

MIDDLE WESTERN DISTRICT 

Detroit, Mich. ; Chicago, 111. ; Milwaukee, Wis. ; Cleveland, Ohio ; and Kenosha, 
Wis. 

WESTERN DISTRICT 

Los Angeles, Calif. 

It is of interest to note the purchase of a site for youth camps in 
Camp Siegfried, at a cost of $8,000, that Theodore Dinkelacher, na- 



1132 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

tional youth leader of the German-American Bund, has advised that 
the money used in this purchase was raised by loans from the Long 
Island membership of the German-American Bund, and particularly 
from parents of the children. Dinkelacher also declared that the older 
boys in the children's camp are given instructions with reference to 
the menace of communism and are instructed in ways in which they 
should avoid it. He stated that the older boys are also given instruc- 
tions in national socialism. 

However, when this same national youth leader was asked : 

Do you give them instructions in our democratic form of government? 

Dinkelacher replied as follows : 

No ; they are too young to understand about Republicans, Democrats, and so- 
forth. 

In other words, it is the belief of the bund that these boys and girls 
are too young to be taught Americanism but are old enough to instill 
in them Nazi ideology. 

Along this same line it is of interest to note that Spellsberg, who 
was a former leader of the San Francisco storm troops, does not think 
it is worth while for the bund to try to win over those German-Ameri- 
cans who came to the United States before the World War. Spells- 
berg, who trained speakers of the German- American Bund for propa- 
ganda purposes, points out instead as follows : "Get the youth." 

So closely related is the youth movement of the German-American 
Bund to that of the Hitler youth in Germany that they even sing the 
solids of the Hitler youth and reprint them in their songbooks. 

On page 3 of issue No. 6 of Junges Volk for June 1937 there are 
German songs of this character. The first song contains the words :: 

We have sworn an oath to our flag. 

The second verse states : 

The flag is our faith in God, people, and country. 

Whoever wants to rob it, may rather take our lives and hands, 

We shall care for the flag like for our good mother 

Because the flag means tomorrow and honor and courage. 

It should be made very clear in this connection that the flag re- 
ferred to by the bund and its youth movement is not the Stars and 
Stripes of America, but the swastika of Germany. 

Another song on the same page is quoted as follows r 

Fly, you sparks, fly into our time, 
Announce war to all far and near 
Who dare argue with us and who 
Carry discord in their hearts. 

On page 4 of the same issue there appears a song which is quoted 
as follows: 

Youth, youth — we are the future soldiers 

Youth, youth — we are the ones to carry out future deeds 

Yes; through our fists will be smashed who stands in our way 

Youth, youth — we are the future soldiers 

Youth, youth — we are the ones to carry out future deeds 

Fuehrer — we belong to you : yes ; we comrades belong to you. 

Again, it is pointed out that in the last line of this verse, the word 
"Fuehrer'' does not refer to the President of the United States or 
any other American, but to Adolf Hitler of Germany. 



DN-AMERIGAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1133 

In effect, therefore, the bund babies sing: "Hitler, we belong to 
you : yes, we comrades belong to you." 

The practice of spreading Nazi propaganda through educational 
institutions docs not, however, stop here. It has crept into many 
American institutions of higher learning. 

One of the most alarming ways of Nazi propaganda along this line 
has swept through the ranks of exchange students to universities. 

The purpose of the "exchange students" to universities has long 
been to foster good will and peace among the nations. The American 
student in a European university learns of the customs, habits, and 
cultural progress of the country in which he studies. The European 
student in an American school learns to appreciate American culture. 
The result is greater understanding. 

But this worthwhile aim has been neglected in the exchange of 
German students for American. Now American students are being 
indoctrinated with the aims of fascism in Germany both abroad and 
at home to the detriment of democratic institutions in America. 

Take, for instance, the case of the Committee on American Youth 
Camp in Germany. This committee arranges trips and stays for 
American youths in Germany. On the letterheads of this committee 
there is found the names of the following persons: 

Dr. Colin Ross, Munich; Professor Sprengling, University of Chi- 
cago; Mrs. Dupont Ruoff, Wilmington, Del.; Mr. Leslie Bissel, 
Munich: Mrs. Elsie von Johnson, Munich (formerly of Galveston). 

It should be noted that Dr. Colin Ross is a Nazi propagandist who 
spends his time between Germany and the United States. He has 
been one of the outstanding speakers for the German- American Bund 
and has been a writer for the "VVeckruf, official organ of the bund. 

Another case which has attracted some attention is that of two 
■German exchange students who were sent to the University of Missouri. 

I am not mentioning the names of the students. They have been 
filed with the committee! The actual cases — who they are — their 
identity is known to the committee, but, for obvious reasons, it has not 
been made a matter of public record. 

One of them is a boy and the other a girl. It was reported that 
before leaving New York City these students, among others, were 
given instructions by diplomatic officials of Germany. 

On arriving at Columbia, Mo., they took up residence in the finest 
houses on the campus. The girl was taken into Kappa Kappa Gamma 
house and the young man was accepted by the Beta Theta Pi. 

During the fall season a course of lectures was given on Nazi Ger- 
many. These lectures were conducted by Prof. John B. Wolf and 
•others. It was reported that at this time the two students composed 
a mailing list for Nazi propaganda. 

The girl, in addition, wrote articles which appeared in the Columbia 
Missourian. The tenor of her article was to the effect that foreign 
newspapers give a distorted picture of conditions in Germany. The 
articles were definitely pro-Nazi. This girl is an active member of 
the German Club. 

Professor Wolf came from Minnesota as a professor of history 
before taking up his post at Missouri. His special theme is Modern 
Germany in Contemporary Europe. 

Professor Wolf visited Germany last year and it was reported that 
this trip was paid for by the German Government. Professor Wolf 



1134 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

is an American citizen. Many educators have taken advantage of the 
generosity of the Nazis. 

The German exchange student at Drury College in Springfield, Mo., 
addressed the local Rotary Club and presented a talk that was purely 
pro-Nazi propaganda. Protests over this action reached the college 
president and other school officials as well as the board of the Rotary 
Club and the student as the result, offered an apology for his talk. 
He was dismissed from college shortly thereafter. 

Complaints have been lodged at various times with the chancellor 
of the University of Kansas to the effect that Nazi propaganda was 
being circulated on the campus. There are several German exchange 
students attending the university. 

The German exchange student of Clark University, Worcester, 
Mass., addressed a community forum in Fitchburg, Mass., and was 
jeered at the conclusion of his talk, in which he stated as follows : 

Hitler seems to promote friendly relations with all nations of the world. 

Another exchange student at Iowa State College, Ames, Iowa, who 
is a professed Nazi, created a disturbance with remarks as follows : 

We must counteract the lying propaganda concerning us which is present in 
your papers. 

The German exchange student at the University of Vermont, Burl- 
ington, Vt., has delivered decidedly pro-Nazi addresses, one of which 
took place at the United Church in Johnson, Vt. She is one of the 
number of students who attended the annual convention in Florida 
last December of the German exchange-students conference. 

In her talk she sketched Hitler's life, his achievements, stated that 
the German Government is a form of democracy, that all enemies of 
Germany are heartless and dishonest, denied that the policy of scar- 
city was connected with the rearmament action, but rather that it was 
a child of boycott which is felt severely. She stated, in part, as 
follows : 

We desire that all people from all countries know us better so that we may 
be understood. Then, in case of war, they will not want to kill a friend who 
they know so well. 

A German exchange student at the University of Indiana has been 
reported boosting the Nazi government, especially among Phi Psi 
fraternity students, where he is living. 

A German student attending the University of California, who was 
sent here by his father under some special arrangement, has been 
spreading Nazi propaganda. He has been reported mixing with 
newcomers from Germany to sound them out as to their fealty to 
Hitler. He was also reported to have tried to enforce Mein Kampf, 
Hitler's book, into the International House library. He also ex- 
pressed indignation that the university allowed Thomas Mann to 
speak on the campus. 

These are, briefly, some of the examples of Nazi activities which 
have crept into American universities. It is of interest to note the 
following article in connection with the student exchange idea, which 
appeared November 14 in the New York Times, having been cabled 
from Berlin : 

Berlin. — A marked increase in the number of American private preparatory 
schools exchanging students with the official National Socialist boarding schools, 
called National Political Education Institutes, is represented here as another 
victory for national socialism over foreign prejudice. 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 11 35 

Several American boarding schools have been sending students for a year's 
training in National Socialist institutions. This year has seen a notable increase 
in the American schools taking part. In the past there has been no difficulty 
in finding yound National Socialists to go to the United States, since their 
expenses are paid by the State. However, very few young Americans could be 
found for exchange purposes. Largely because of vigorous propaganda by the 
international schoolboy fellowship, this situation has been altered. The Amer- 
ican boys here undergo a years thorough training in national socialism and 
wear the customary brown-shirt uniform. 

I have in addition, for the record, some photographs in connection 
with the youth movement. Like the other photographs, these were 
obtained either through the official photographer for the German- 
American Bund or they were taken by me, or I have seen the photog- 
raphers who took the pictures, and I was present when they were 
taken. 

The Chajjrman. What do the pictures show? 

Mr. Metcalfe. Here is a picture of an American boy and a girl 
who had never been abroad. This picture was taken by a bund 
photographer for propaganda purposes. This picture shows the boy 
standing before a large swastika flag with the youth flags in the 
background. 

Here [indicating photograph] is a boy and a girl at a youth camp. 
This picture I took at the Philadelphia camp. You will notice the 
famous German guard box that they have in Berlin and other cities. 
The boys were giving the Hitler salute. 

This is a picture that was taken at Camp Nordland in New Jersey. 
It shows the girls parading, with their flags, in uniform. 

Here is a girl scout with one of these flags. One of these poles is a 
flag and the other is a lance. She is standing guard at a girl youth 
encampment. 

Here is a photograph that was taken at Camp Siegfried of a boy 
holding a spear. He is in the scout uniform, wearing his steel regu- 
lation helmet of the German Army, standing guard at the youth 
encampment in Long Island. 

Here is an informal picture that was taken of boys and girls 
together at the youth camp. 

Here is a picture of boys marching at Camp Siegfried, in their 
uniforms. 

This picture was taken at Harms Park, Chicago, where a great 
many outdoor gatherings are held by the German-American Bund. 

Here is a large contingent of boy scouts and girl scouts and storm 
troops. You will notice the large swastika emblems. 

The Chairman. When you say "boy scouts" and "girl scouts," you 
mean in the youth movement? 

Mr. Metcalfe. In the Hitler youth movement. 

The Chairman. They are entirely distinct from the American Boy 
Scouts and Girl Scouts? 

Mr. Metcalfe. Entirely. In fact, as I joined out in this brief, 
they look down on the American Boy Scouts and consider them — and 
the American Girl Scouts — as a bunch of sissies. That has been 
repeated on several occasions. 

Here again they are all parading, boys and girls. 

This is the entrance to the girls' youth camp at Camp Nordland, 
N. J. 



1136 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

This is a picture taken at mealtime, near the tents. They are eat- 
ing their meals, and in the background there are storm troopers 
drinking beer. The girls and boys, of course, do not do that. 

Here is an informal view of girl scouts preparing for a parde. 

Here is a picture that is very unusual. In fact, these are very tiny 
little tots. They are not more than 6 years of age, already being 
drilled in the Nazi idealogy, through the youth movement. 

Here is another view of the youth encampment at Camp Siegfried. 

Here is a picture of tlie flag bearers, of the boys and of the girls, 
and in the foreground is Dinkelacher, the national youth leader. He 
is about to address a gathering at the youth encampment at Camp 
Siegfried. 

The Chairman. Those photographs will be introduced as a group, 
and given exhibit No. 7. 

(The photographs above referred to were thereupon marked 
"Metcalfe Exhibit No. 7.") 

Mr. Metcalfe. I also have as an exhibit a group of pictures of 
Nazi toys that are imported from Germany and sold to the boys and 
girls, members of the German-American Bund. 

These toys were on sale in New York City. I was told that these 
toys were modeled after living figures, and were posed for by German 
Army officers. They are very expensive toys. They do not buy the 
American toys, that is, toys of American soldiers, although they could 
get them anywhere. They prefer to have toys of the German Army 
soldiers. 

Here is one, for instance, of a German soldier swinging his rifle 
over his head as if to smash someone. 

Here are several miniatures of Hitler in uniform and the arm in 
this toy moves so that the salute can be made. He can salute with it. 

Here are some of the bugle corps. Here is another one of a flame 
fighter throwing his flames; and also another one wearing a gas mask 
and throwing a hand grenade. 

Here is one with artillery pieces and ammunition, and so forth ; and 
field glasses. 

These are typical of a very large assortment of toys that include 
everything; Red Cross wagons, and all that sort of thing. 

The Chairman. Those photographs will be marked as a group ex- 
hibit, No. 8. 

(The photographs referred to were thereupon marked "Met- 
calfe Exhibit No. 8.") 

Mr. Metcalfe. In this connection, I might also offer a group of 
pictures of camps which were mentioned in the previous hearing 
today and also the opening day, a group of pictures that were taken, 
some by the official photographer and a good many which I took 
myself, showing locations and activities in the camps; as, for instance, 
here [indicating photograph]. This was taken at Camp Nordland, 
where there were 10.000 in attendance. 

This shows a special train bearing 1,500 members coming in, arriv- 
ing at Camp Nordland, including a large detachment of storm troops, 
as they are getting off the trains and preparing to march to the camp. 

The Chairman. Those photographs will be marked as a group, as 
one ex! libit, No. 9. 

(The photographs above referred to were marked "Metcalfe 
Exhibit No. 9.") 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1137 

Mr. Metcalfe. I believe that is all I want to introduce at this time, 
Mr. Chairman. Others will be brought out in forthcoming briefs. 

The Chairman. With reference to this youth movement, how does 
it compare with the youth movement in Germany? Is it modeled 
along the same lines \ 

Mr. Metcalfe. It is patterned xvvx sharply after the youth move- 
ment in Germany. As I have said, they sin*; their songs and they 
model their drills very much along the same lines. And, as they do 
over there, they wear uniforms here that have a striking resemblance. 

I have seen some of the Hitler youth from Germany visiting here. 
While, of course, they have different uniforms, there is a similarity 
in the youth scout uniforms. 

Of course, these boys here mixed very freely with those that came 
from Germany and were on very friendly terms with them — that is, 
these boys in the youth movement here, as well as the girls. They 
did not care to associate with outside influences. As was pointed 
out, to some extent here, they shy away from that and want to stay 
by themselves and with their own group. 

They seem to take no interest at all in any American ideals of the 
Scouts, do not believe in it. They believe they are very superior to 
anything that America has produced or could produce for them, that 
could be of interest to them. 

The Chairman. You stated in a previous hearing that as a result 
of your investigations over a considerable period of time, and your 
contacts with the various camps which you have mentioned, you 
were convinced that the overwhelming majority of the people of 
German descent in America were not sympathetic in any sense with 
this German bund movement. That is a fact, is it not ? 

Mr. Metcalfe. I would say very much so. In fact, in going 
around in this investigation and talking with people at a great many 
places, I find that a great many German-Americans are fearful that 
misrepresentations accidentally or unintentionally might be made 
here that all German-Americans are in sympathy with this bund 
movement ; but the fact is that nine-tenths of the German element 
in the United States is definitely opposed to everything that the 
German-American Bund stands for. There is much feeling among a 
great many people that if the German-American Bund is trying to 
help Germany, they are being very foolish about it, because they 
have done far more harm than good in any effort to bring about a 
better understanding between the United States and Germany. If 
anything, they have only injured the relationship between the 
countries. 

The Chairman. Is there at the present time, within the ranks of 
the bunds, a growing feeling among members of the movement in 
opposition to the bund leadership ? 

Mr. Metcalfe. Yes, sir ; and that is not a new thing. A f eAv years 
ago the bund was split wide open because of the differences within 
the high command, and a lot of charges were hurled back and forth. 
It is very difficult to say just exactly what was back of it. There 
were charges of missing funds, and that sort of thing. Then the 
bund changed its name. It was originally the Teutonia Society. 
Then, when the public began to resent their activities, they changed 
the name to the Friends of Germany. Again, public opinion was 
form— 3.3— vol. 2 11 



1138 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

aroused against them, and then they changed the name to the Ger- 
man-American Bund. There is considerable talk of that today, and, 
in view of this investigation, the German-American Bund may again 
change its name. 

The Chairman. Within the ranks of the bund membership, have 
some of them expressed the opinion that the opposition from certain 
quarters has increased the strength of the bund? In other words, 
what I mean is, Have some of the leadership of the bund attributed 
it to the character of some of the opposition ? Is that the fact ? 

Mr. Metcalfe. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. What field of recruiting is most fertile for the 
bund organization? Is it among people who have been in this 
country for only a relatively short period of time? 

Mr. Metcalfe. I would say that is largely true. It is among peo- 
ple who have not been in this country very long. As I pointed out 
in the brief, and discussed slightl} 7 , some of the leaders have given 
up entirely the idea as to any of them who had been here prior to 
the World War, because they were so Americanized that they would 
have no interest whatsoever in it, so that it would be a waste of time 
to attempt to convert those people to national socialism. However, 
a great many members of the German- American Bund, particularly 
in the storm-troop ranks, have come to the United States since the 
World War. Many of them served in the German Army, and a lot 
of them went through the revolution after the war. They have been 
through a period of great unrest over there ; they have come here and, 
apparently, have not been able to settle down. 

The Chairman. Have you found in your investigation, and in 
your contacts with this German-American Bund movement in the 
United States, that it has found definite encouragement from some 
American people or some American interests? 

Mr. Metcalfe. I would answer your question in this way : You will 
recall that I said this morning you only see the high lights of the 
movement, because of its far-flung ramifications, but there is suffi- 
cient evidence, I believe, in the hands of the committee today which 
would warrant going much further into this problem. I feel that the 
proof or evidence is of such a nature that it would probably disclose, 
upon careful investigation, that certain high-up American industrial 
leaders are behind the movement. There are among bund member- 
ships names that have been mentioned of that sort. They have been 
mentioned in the ranks of the German-American Bund as being sup- 
porters of their efforts or objects. They are talking in this movement, 
saying there are high industrial leaders in America, who, it is true, 
are Fascist-minded, and I believe that if this committee had the 
opportunity and if the period of time was sufficient to permit them 
to do so, they should go into that more fully, and, on the basis of the 
information we already have, the committee would be able to get 
tangible and definite proof of this character. 

The Chairman. When you say a sufficient opportunity over a suffi- 
cient period of time, you mean with an adequate staff of people to 
do the work? 

Mr. Metcalfe. Yes, sir. Within the limit of time that I under- 
stand this committee has to report, January 3, I do not believe that, 
with the staff we have, it would be physically possible to go into this 
situation that far; but there is sufficient evidence now in the hands 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 11 39 

of the committee to warrant going further into it in order to find 
out and prove who the people are who are behind this Fascist move- 
ment in the United States. The evidence that we already have shows 
that they would be some very influential and very powerful indus- 
trialists in the United States. 

The Chairman. You are speaking of a limited number, or a very 
small minority? 

Mr. Metcalfe. That is correct. 

The Chairman. We will meet at 10:30 o'clock tomorrow and will 
resume our inquiry into another phase of the Nazi movement in the 
United States. The committee stands adjourned until tomorrow at 
10 : 30 o'clock. 

(Thereupon, the subcommittee adjourned to meet tomorrow, Thurs- 
day, September 29, 1938, at 10:30 a. m.) 



INVESTIGATION OF UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA 
ACTIVITIES IN THE UNITED STATES 



THURSDAY, SEPTEMBER 29, 1938 

House of Representatives, 
Subcommittee of the Special Committee to 

Investigate Un-American Activities, 

Washington, D. C. 

The committee met pursuant to adjournment at 10:30 a. m., Hon. 
Martin Dies (chairman) presiding. 

TESTIMONY OF JOHN C. METCALFE— Continued 

The Chairman. The committee will come to order. I believe, 
Mr. Metcalfe, you will deal this morning with the relationship be- 
tween the German-American Bund and the Nazi government. 

Mr. Metcalfe. That is right. It has been repeatedly denied by 
leaders of the German-American Bund that there is any relation- 
ship existing between the German Government and the German- 
American Bund. 

These denials are not borne out, however, in the silent activities 
of the German -American Bund. Xot only does a relationship exist 
beneath the surface but on numerous occasions in the past officials 
of the German Government and those of the German- American Bund 
have been seen mingling publicly. 

Before going into the detailed account of some of these existing 
tie-ups, reference is made to an article in a Chicago newspaper of 
August 13, 1938, which quoted Gustave Brand, treasurer of the city 
of Chicago, as follows : 

I know Mr. Gissibl only by sight. 

It will be recalled that Peter Gissibl, former leader of the German- 
American Bund of Chicago, testified before this committee, August 
12, 1938. This is the same man to whom Mr. Brand refers. While 
Mr. Brand contends he knows Mr. Gissibl only by sight, it should 
be pointed out here that Gissibl testified as follows : 

Mr. Brand has been like a father to us. 

This reference was made not only to himself but also to the German- 
American Bund. 

In the same article, Mr. Brand goes on to say as follows : 

I have frequently spoken with Dr. Baer, the German consul in Chicago, and 
he has repeatedly told me that the German Government does not approve of 
or endorse bunds or any other organizations parading around the country. 

In direct contradiction of this statement, a series of photographs 
are, herewith, presented in evidence. These pictures show German 

1141 



1142 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

consular officials adressing sundry official gatherings of German- 
American Bund in various parts of the country. 

I have that series of exhibits. Some pictures of similar character 
were introduced on the opening day of testimony before this com- 
mittee. 

The Chairman. Describe some of the pictures for the record. 

Mr. Metcalfe. I will describe some of them ; yes. 

There is here a picture of the German Vice Consul Tannenberg, 
of Chicago, addressing a meeting at Logan Square Masonic Hall. 
This is a picture that was taken at that time. 

(The photograph referred to was marked "John C. Metcalfe 
Exhibit No. 10 (a).") 

Mr. Metcalfe. There is also a picture here that was taken at Harms 
Park, Chicago, which is adjacent to the headquarters of the German- 
American Bund at that city, and this picture was taken at the annual 
celebration of the bund. On the speakers' platform, among other 
persons, are Fritz Kuhn, in uniform ; the general consul, Emil Baer ; 
and also in this picture is my brother, who was dressed in the storm- 
troop uniform at the time he had joined the German Bund. 

(The photograph referred to was marked "John C. Metcalfe 
Exhibit 10 (b).") 

Mr. Metcalfe. There is also a picture here of W. H. Friebel, who 
is the chancellor of the German consulate in Chicago, and he is ad- 
dressing the youth organizations of the German-American Bund from 
Chicago and Milwaukee at a gathering held in Hindenburg Camp 
near Grafton, Wis. Also in this picture are storm troopers, and also 
in the picture is Peter Gissibl, the same person who testified here on 
the opening day. 

(The photograph referred to was marked "John C. Metcalfe 
Exhibit 10 (c).") 

Mr. Metcalfe. There is another picture here which was taken by 
the official bund photographer at the recent national convention of 
the German-American Bund held at the Biltmore Hotel in New York 
on July 3, 1937. In this picture is Dr. Draeger, the German vice 
consul for New York, addressing the gathering; also, seated beside 
him is Fritz Kuhn and officials of the German-American Bund from 
all parts of the United States; and I am also seated directly in front 
of Mr. Kuhn in this picture, which will prove the authenticity of it. 

(The photograph referred to was marked "John C. Metcalfe 
Exhibit 10 (d).") 

Mr. Metcalfe. Here is another picture of a gathering of the Ger- 
man-American Bund, showing Dr. Emil Baer, the German consul for 
Chicago; George Froboese, who is Middle West leader — he is from 
Milwaukee; and Fritz Kuhn is in the picture. Dr. Baer, incidentally, 
is sitting between Fritz Kuhn and Peter Gissibl on the platform at 
this gathering. 

(The photograph referred to was marked "John C. Metcalfe 
Exhibit 10 (e).") 

Mr. Metcalfe. There is another picture here of a parade of storm 
troops passing the reviewing stand, with officials of the German- 
American Bund, Dr. Baer, the German consul, and officials of the 
bund giving the Hitler salute as the storm troops march by. 

(The photograph referred to was marked "John C. Metcalfe 
Exhibit 10 (f).") 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1143 

Mr. Metcalfe. Another Chicago newspaper on August 12, 1938, 
stated as follows: 

Dr. Otto Willumeit, Chicago bund leader — 

He is the newly appointed leader, succeeding Gissibl — 

also issued a denial of facts submitted to the Dies committee. An affidavit he 
was purported to have made declared that Fritz Kuhn, American fuehrer, had 
directed that all correspondence be destroyed before the congressional inquiry 
opened. 

"I have never signed any affidavit for the Dies committee," Dr. Willumeit 
stated. 

In direct contradiction to this statement by Dr. Willumeit, there is 
herewith introduced in evidence the original affidavit signed by Dr. 
"Willumeit, witnessed and signed by an assistant United States dis- 
trict attorney. 

(The paper referred to was marked "John C. Metcalfe Exhibit 
11.") 

Mr. Metcalfe. The affidavit, which is signed by Dr. Willumeit, 
who gave his address as 4344 North Sheridan Road, Chicago, 111., 
was taken on Friday, July 15, 1938, at the United States Courthouse, 
Chicago, 111., room 826. Present at the time were Harry N. Con- 
naughton, assistant United States attorney ; Earl C. Hurley, assistant 
United States attorney; I was present; and also Dr. Willumeit, who 
signed the affidavit. I might point out, before reading this, that 
they have made quite a point of the fact that this document was never 
submitted to the committee; that no such document exists. So we 
have the document here, proving that it does exist. [Reading:] 

My name is Dr. Otto Willumeit, and I reside at 4344 North Sheridan Road, 
Chicago, 111. 

I took over the leadership of the German-American Bund, Chicago Chapter, 
May 17, 1938. I joined the German-American Bund in September 1937. 

I became an American citizen in 1932 at Hammond, Inch Shortly after taking 
over the leadership of the local chapter, I received a letter from Fritz Kuhn of 
New York. I carried this letter with me for about a month and recently tore it 
up as I did not believe it was important. This letter, although I do not remem- 
ber the exact wording, advised me that in view of the coming congressional 
investigation of the bund, Mr. Kuhn deemed it advisable for me to destroy all 
correspondence between the local bund and Germany. He further pointed out 
that no matter how harmless it may be, the letters could be interpreted in a 
different light. 

I have never been a member of the Nazi Party. 

I was away from Chicago from 1933 to 1936. I have returned several times 
but I resided in Austria during that period and also for a period of 6 months 
in Germany. 

I have never at any time in any speech advocated the overthrow of the Gov- 
ernment or urged any antireligious movement. I am willing to turn over copies 
of my speeches to the congressional committee when I am so requested. I am 
also willing to cooperate with the committee on any official matter which is in 
my possession or give them any information which I have. 

I am not familiar with the financial status of the bund, either local or na- 
tional. 

I do not know Fritz Kuhn personally, have not corresponded witli him, nor 
have I talked with him over the telephone, nor have I corresponded with the 
officials of the German Government in my official capacity. 

Otto Willumeit. 

Subscribed and sworn to before me this 15th day of July, A. D. 1938. 

Anna L. Manahan, Notary Public. 
Witnesses : 

Harey N. Connaughton. 
E. C. Hurley. 
John C. Metcalfe. 



1144 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Since Dr. Willnmeit made out this affidavit, the text in the last 
paragraph, which refers to his relationship personally with Fritz 
Kuhn — these facts have been altered considerably, as Dr. Willumeit 
led the Chicago delegation of the German-American Bund to the 
recent national convention of the German-American Bund which was 
held in New York, and at that time he did certainly meet Fritz Kuhn 
personally, and he came back from that convention with a series of 
messages, and so forth, as to what took place at that particular con- 
vention. 

There is also one strange point I might bring out. Here is a man 
who takes over an organization and becomes the head of it, and even 
after having been in there for a month or more, he declares he is not 
familiar at all with the financial set-up of the organization for which 
he is the responsible head. 

In further evidence of the consular tie-up between the German- 
American Bund and official Germany, there is introduced herewith a 
sworn affidavit signed by George Froboese of Milwaukee, Middle 
West leader of the German-American Bund. This affidavit not only 
admits the presence of German consular officials at bund affairs but 
also for the third time substantiates that Fritz Kuhn instructed lead- 
ers of the German-American Bund to destroy all evidence which 
might be interpreted as being of un-American character. 

I have here the original of that affidavit, and submit it in evidence. 

(The affidavit referred to was marked "John C. Metcalf Exhibit 
12.") 

Air. Metcalfe. This affidavit is as follows : 

State of Wisconsin, 

Milwaukee County, ss: 

George Froboese, being first duly sworn, on oatb deposes and says : 

I reside at 3227 North Second Street, and by trade am a mechanical engineer. 
I am an American citizen, having come from Germany in 1922. I took out citi- 
zenship papers in 1934 in Milwaukee. I am the leader of the Middle West 
district of the German-American Bund. I am not a member of the Silver Shirts 
or of any German-American society other than the bund. I have never received 
any remuneration from the German-American Bund for my services in the 
organization. I have never received any money from Germany for my services 
in the bund. I was the leader of the Milwaukee unit of the Friends of New 
Germany, which was the forerunner of the German-American Bund. 

In 1932 I returned to visit Germany for a period of approximately 6 months, 
and in 1936 approximately 3 months. I have at various times received assist- 
ance in the form of books and general literature from the German foreign 
institute at Stuttgart. "We have established in Milwaukee a school through 
the bund for the purpose of teaching American children of German descent 
the German language. I have participated in German-American affairs at which 
the German consul was present, including Dr. Baer, Dr. Jaeger, and Vice Consul 
Tannenberg. 

I absolutely agree with and endorse the policies of the German-American 
Bund as outlined and furthered by Fritz Kuhn. I have never attacked anyone 
on account of his race or his religion. I believe in the Constitution of the 
United States, the Bill of Rights, and the Declaration of Independence. 

Covering (lie county of Milwaukee, I have forwarded approximately between 
six and seven hundred applications for membership in the German-American 
Bund during my tenure of office. I have been asked by Mr. Kuhn to destroy 
such private letters as may be interpreted as being inconsistent with the proper 
behavior of an American citizen. The Milwaukee unit and such other posts 
as are under my jurisdiction as Middle West leader from time to time send 
funds to the national headquarters, these funds having been raised through 
membership, contributions, and public affairs. To my knowledge, I do not know 
what is done with the funds after they are sent to New York. 

I have no relationship whatever with the Silver Shirts except that I know 
quite a few individuals who are members of the organization. To my knowl- 



ON-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1145 

edge, no Black Shirt organization have met with the bund in the Middle West. 
The only place where I have seen them was July 4, 1937, at Camp Siegfried, 
although the bund and various Italian organizations have met throughout the 
country. 

I shall be glad to testify before the congressional committee as to any and all 
activities of the German-American Bund and present such evidence as may be 
desired by the committee and which I am able to furnish, specifically such corre- 
spondence as I may have between officials of the bund and correspondence be- 
tween myself and the foreign institute at Stuttgart, and any other records of 
the organization that may be desired. 

This affidavit is made in the presence of Mr. John Metcalfe and Mr. Carl R. 
Becker, an assistant United States attorney for the eastern district of Wisconsin, 
for the benefit of the congressional Committee on un-Americiui Activities. 

I have read this statement and the same is true and correct. 

Dated July 30, 193S. 

George Froboese. 

Witnesses : 

Carl R. Becker. 
John C. Metcalfe. 

Subscribed and sworn to before me this 30th day of July 1938. 

Carl R. Becker. 
Notary Public, Milwaukee Count}/, Wis. 

My commission expires December 21, 1941. 

In this affidavit there are several points that might be of particular 
interest. 

Mr. Froboese states, for instance, that he is not a member of the 
Silver Shirts or of any other German-American society other than 
the bund. We will show that Mr. Froboese has been seen on a number 
of occasions at the meetings of, and so forth, and in the confidence of 
the Silver Shirt leaders in the Milwaukee area. 

The Chairman. At that point, have we any information as to the 
strength of the Silver Shirt movement in the United States? 

Mr. Metcalfe. I think we are going to come to that, Congressman, 
in a future brief. 

He mentions here : 

I have at various times received assistance in the form of books and general 
literature from the German Foreign Institute at Stuttgart. 

You will recall that this is the same institute about which Mr. 
Gissibl testified on the opening day, and is also the same institute 
that we showed correspondence from, between the German-American 
Bund and that particular institute, and how that institute is headed 
bj 7 the various former leaders and officials of the German-American 
Bund who have been recalled to Germany or who have fled from this 
country because the Government was after them, and who are now 
leading that institute and spreading that propaganda all over the 
United States, as well as other countries throughout the world. 

The Chairman. We will get into that a little later in specific in- 
stances where propaganda has been distributed to American citizens? 

Mr. Metcalfe. Yes, sir: and the evidence will be presented in 
documentary form. 

He also admits that he has established a school in Milwaukee and, 
as all other officials of the bund say, it is purely for the teaching of 
the German language, the singing of folk songs, and so forth. Yes- 
terday we showed exactly what the schools are, and cited an instance 
in St. Louis. Mo., of how they are spreading propaganda through 



1146 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

the schools and setting up an entire school system of their own in 
the United States, despite the fact that there is plenty of oppor- 
tunity for the German boys and girls to learn the German language 
in our institutions. 

Also of interest is the fact that he states that he absolutely agrees 
with and endorses the policies of the German-American Bund as 
outlined by Fritz Kuhn. I think the policies as outlined by Fritz 
Kulm are a matter of public record, and perhaps that sentence is 
inconsistent with some of the other statements that he makes as to 
his activities in the bund. He could not very well be completely in 
sympathy with and in support of Fritz Kuhn's policies and yet at 
the same time not attack races and religions. One or the other is 
wrong. 

And, of course, he again admits the destruction of evidence to 
sabotage these committees. 

We will go into more detail about the Italian Black Shirt organ- 
izations and their relationship with the bund. 

This same man, Froboese, is quoted as follows in the September 
15 issue of the Weckruf, official newspaper of the German- American 
Bund in America: 

Hundreds of times we have told the public that national socialism is a 
philosophy which the German Chancellor designated the best German patent. 

We have never made any bones about the fact that we are in sympathy with 
the present German Government because we are upstandingly proud of the 
achievement it has brought to the mother country of all Germans. 

The Chicago Tribune in a release of its press service from Stutt- 
gart, Germany, under date of August 27, 1938, published the follow- 
ing article: 

Stuttgart, Germany, August 27. — Fifty Americans are taking part in the 
annual meeting here of the organization of Germans living abroad. 

This is the same organization from which we had a series of letters 
on the opening day. 

Forty of these men and women have become residents of Stuttgart and vicin- 
ity. They are rallying around Fritz Gissibl, formerly of Chicago, who fled to 
Germany after an American congressional investigation into un-American 
activities in 1934. 

That was the McCormick committee. 

Gissibl, a former associate of Walter Kappe, who edited the Deutsche Zietung 
in Chicago and founded the Deutsche Weckruf in New York, told his followers 
they would remember forever "the great times you are experiencing now — the 
days of battle for German cause." 

(Gissibl was leader of the United States Nazi movement when it 
was known as the Friends of New Germany. He also was a leader 
of the Teutonic Club in Chicago. The Friends of New Germany had 
its Chicago headquarters in the Reichshalle at 3859 North Ashland 
Avenue.) 

It will be recalled that Fritz Gissibl is a brother of Peter Gissibl 
who testified on the opening day of hearings before this committee. 
The institute the Chicago Tribune article refers to is the same institute 
which was brought into testimony on the opening day of hearings be- 
fore this committee, at which time it was shown that a working and 
financial relationship exists between Germany and the German- 
American Bund. 



I • - 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES H47 



The following day the Chicago Tribune published another release 
from Stuttgart, which stated as follows: 

Stuttgart, Germany, August 28. — "No one has the right to call himself a Ger- 
man unless he is a Nazi. To he German means to be true to the Fuehrer." With 
this statement, Ernst Wilhelm Bohle, chief of Germans living in foreign lands, 
opened the sixth annual meeting of Germans abroad here today. The delegates 
had assembled to rekindle their Nazi faith and receive their marching orders 
from the all-powerful Nazi party. Other spokesmen of the government, in- 
cluding Rudolph Hess, deputy leader of Reichsfuehrer Hitler, and Dr. Wilhelm 
Frick, minister of the interior, left no doubt that nou-Nazi Germans abroad are 
considered renegades. They endorsed Bohle's statement that "those who do 
not stand behind the Fuehrer automatically exclude themselves from the ranks 
of Germans." 

It should be noted here that the watchword of the German-Ameri- 
can Bund is that you cannot be a good American unless you are "first 
a good German. Obviously, therefore, if you are a good German you 
must stand behind the Fuehrer, Hitler. 

The Chicago Daily Times of August 12 quotes Gustave Brand as 
follows : 

He (Brand) told of troubles with the bund in 1934 and 1933 when he was in 
charge of Chicago's German Day celebration. 

I believe that is 1935 — a correction. 

Some of Gissibl's group wanted to march with raised arms — 

he related — 

We couldn't permit that and kept them out altogether. They held a rump 
meeting and denounced me. 

The group he refers to, incidentally, was then the Friends of New 
Germany. 

Mr. Brand, however, neglected to add that the German- American 
Bund did participate the following year and in 1937. In fact, last 
year the storm troops of the German Bund were even furnished 
Chicago police horses for their German Day parade. In proof of this 
fact there are submitted photographs showing this incident. 

One of these photographs, which very vividly shows that, was 
introduced on the opening day and is on file now with the committee ; 
and I have here another exhibit of that same parade. 

(The photograph referred to was marked "John C. Metcalfe 
Exhibit 13.") 

Commissioner of Police of the City of Chicago James P. Allman 
advised this investigator that the Chicago police department horses 
obtained for the German Day parade of August were secured 
through him on a written request from George H. Weideling, presi- 
dent of the German Day Association. 

This request shows that Weideling asked for 6 mounts for Au- 
gust 28 and 5 mounts for August 29, a total of 11 police-department 
horses. He stated in his request that he wished to have the horses 
for the parade because he desired to have some ladies ride these 
horses. 

Actually, however, as the pictures portray, these horses were not 
ridden by ladies, but by storm troops of the bund. 

Confronted with this evidence Commissioner Allman declared that 
it appeared to him that the horses had been obtained under a sub- 
terfuge and that, further, if he had known the horses were to be 



1148 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

used by bund storm troops, permission would never have been given 
for their use. 

Mr. Brand was quoted in the Chicago Daily Times and other news- 
papers as having denied that he ever attempted to hire Frank Davin 
as a Nazi propagandist. Mr. Davin, it will be recalled, was a witness 
at the opening day of hearings before this committee. In order that 
the record as to this incident be clear, I submit herewith a sworn 
statement signed by Mr. Davin, and the original I have here, which 
is on file with the committee. 

(The affidavit referred to was marked "John C. Metcalfe 
Exhibit 14.") 

Mr. Metcalfe. It states as follows : 

State of Illinois. 

County of Cook, ss: 

Frank Davin, of the city of Chicago, County of Cook, and State of Illinois, 
being duly sworn, doth depose and say that during the month of March 1938, 
or thereabouts, I had lunch at the Chicago Athletic Club with Gustave A. 
Brand, city treasurer, for the purpose of listening to a proposition of a pub- 
licity nature that I understood he desired to make to me. I was under the 
impression, at the time I met Brand, that he wanted me to undertake some 
political publicity for himself or his party. Brand, instead, gave me to under- 
stand that he desired to arrange for me to undertake a publicity program 
of international character. Brand said that he and certain commercial in- 
terests, which he did not name, were prepared to spend a sizeable amount of 
money to have this work done. He explained that the publicity was to be of 
such nature as to offset current anti-Nazi propaganda in this country. He 
said the purpose of my publicity was to be of such character as to create 
better relations between the United States and Nazi Germany. I explained to 
him that I was not interested in his proposition inasmuch as I was opposed 
to all "isms" but Americanism. He smiled and said it was a shame that I did 
not have the opportunity of meeting Dr. Jaeger, German consul general of 
Chicago, who had been recalled to Germany. He said that Dr. Jaeger would 
have opened my eyes and made me see the truth. He explained that I should 
not believe what I read in the newspapers about Germany ; that the news- 
papers tell nothing but lies about Nazi Germany. He said I had come hisrhly 
recommended to him for this work and that he was disappointed in my attitude 
and refusal to do this work for him and certain commercial interests. And 
further deponent says not. 

Frank Davin. 

Subscribed and sworn to before me this 23d day of July. A. D. 1938. 

JACOMINE M. MONACHIUS, 

Notary Public. 

Mr. Brand also stated in the Chicago papers that he did not know 
Mr. Davin personally. In answer to this statement Mr. Davin wishes 
to inform this committee that for a number of years Mr. Brand and 
he lived near each other and that on numerous occasions in past years 
he has talked with Mr. Brand about social, business, and political 
matters. 

Fritz Kuhn, national leader of the German-American Bund, has 
repeatedly stated to the public and to the press that there is no 
connection between his organization and Germany. 

On the opening day of hearings before this committee it was testi- 
fied that Fritz Kuhn 'claimed thai lie was responsible for the removal 
of Dr. Hans Luther, German Ambassador to the United States. At 
that time it was slated that the details surrounding this boast, and 
also the consular connections between the German- American Bund 
and Germany, would be gone into in detail at a later hearing. 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1149 

In this connection Fritz Kuhn informed this investigator when the 
latter was disguised as a storm trooper that not only did he have 
power over the Ambassador and consular set-up in the United States 
but that he also had a special secret arrangement directly with Adolf 
Hitler, of Germany. Kuhn has repeated the same statement to others. 

Ramifications of this "arrangement," Kuhn declared, also included 
a secret relationship between German-American Bund and Dr. Hans 
Heinrich Dieckhoff'. present German Ambassador to the United States, 
and German consuls throughout the country. 

In the privacy of his executive office on the second floor of the bund 
national headquarters at 178 East Eighty-fifth Street, New York City, 
on the night of August 16, 1937, this investigator spoke with Kuhn 
concerning a trip he had made to the Pacific coast and told him of the 
difficulties the Los Angeles Post had had with the German consul 

there. 

Kuhn exclaimed [reading] : 

My God, what's the matter with them. They know what to do. Why don't 
they let me know about it? I've heard before of this trouble in Los Angeles. 
Schwinn talked it over with me. 

(This Schwinn is Hermann Schwinn, western leader of the German- 
American Bund.) 

He is from Los Angeles. 

Oh, well, maybe Schwinn took my order of instructions with him to Germany 
and forgot to send it to his district. 

It was at this point that Kuhn made the following statement to this 
investigator : 

You see, I have a certain special arrangement with Hitler and Germany that 
whenever any of our groups have trouble with the consulates in their districts 
that they are to report it to me in full detail. I then take it up with the 
Ambassador. Germany is not to be troubled with it unless I get no satisfaction 
from the Ambassador. 

That is exactly why there is a new Ambassador to the United States, and that 
is exactly why many consuls have been and still are being removed. All the 
new consuls are National Socialists and are under special instructions to give 
us the fullest cooperation in every way. 

It should be pointed out that Dr. Hans Heinrich Dieckhoff, present 
Ambassador, was sent to the United States May 14 to replace Dr. Hans 
Luther, whose policy, bund leaders said, did not coincide with those of 
the bund and the Nazi Party in Germany. There have been numerous 
consulate changes during the last 2 years, and bund leaders a year 
ago predicted that more would follow. 

One of the newer consuls general appointed a little over a year ago 
was Manfred von Killinger, who was assigned to San Francisco June 
11, 1937. It was shortly after his appointment that this investigator 
visited San Francisco and, on the night of August 16, 1937, reported 
to Kuhn that the San Francisco post of the German- American Bund 
was well pleased w T ith its new consul. Kuhn stated to this investigator : 

Of course, he is the kind of consul we want everywhere. 

Von Killinger, it should be pointed out, it was charged some few 
months ago, was implicated in the assassination of Erzberger, former 
German chancelor. 

An article of considerable interest in this connection with the affairs 
of Baron von Killinger was published only recently in the Salt Lake 



1150 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

City Tribune — to be exact — on August 16. The following are excerpts 
from this article : 

"The German Government looks upon 'bund' activities in America exclusively 
as an internal problem of this country, since only American citizens may belong 
to bunds," Baron Manfred von Killinger, German consul general at San Fran- 
cisco, asserted here Monday. 

It is a fact, however, that the ranks of the American-German Bund 
include not only American citizens but also aliens. This fact has 
been established again and again throughout the United States in 
admission by various members of the bund to the effect that "they are 
German citizens and intend to remain aliens." 

The article continues as f ollows : 

The consul, rated as the No. 2 German in America and close friend of Hitler, 
was a storm-troop leader in middle Germany and, after Hitler's rise to power, 
became Prime Minister of Saxony, relinquishing this position in 193.*>. when state 
governments were abolished, to enter the diplomatic service. 

Although denying emphatically any connection between the German Govern- 
ment and bund camps and organizations for training pro-Nazis in this country, 
Baron von Killinger expressed sympathy with bund aims. 

"The bund leader in Los Angeles has conferred with me and asked me to 
address members there," the consul related, "but that does not mean I have gone 
to them." 

It is known that Von Killinger has addressed meetings on the coast, 
and newspapers on the Pacific coast have carried man}' articles and 
pictures of these gatherings, many of them showing Consul von 
Killinger. 

Consul von Killinger was also reported as stating that the activities 
against certain religious groups in this country, as practiced by the 
German- American Bund, are "for the good of America." 

Consuls of no other nation stationed in this country have ever 
assumed such an invasion of liberties enjoyed by American citizens 
and guaranteed them by their Constitution. 

Before resuming the narration of my conversations with Fritz 
Kuhn on the subject of consular aid given the German- American 
Bund, it should be stated that the congressional committee investigat- 
ing un-American activities in 1934 proved that many Nazi consular 
officials had paid in cash for spreading propaganda in this country. 

Returning to the conversation with Fritz Kuhn on the night of 
August 16, this investigator also told Kuhn that Henry Lage, then the 
leader of the San Francisco Bund, had told him that the consul had 
offered financial aid to the bund for purposes of Nazi propaganda 
broadcasts on the Pacific coast and other bund activities. 

To this Kuhn replied. "Yes; yes; I know. I know all about the 
financial angles in regard to the bund and the German consulates." 

He did not amplify his remarks, but, with a very broad smile, made 
it clear that arrangements were satisfactory. 

Even before this conversation with Kuhn took place, this investi- 
gator had been told of direct connections between the bund and the 
Third Reich. 

Schwinn, west coast leader, and his first assistant, Carl Hein, had 
left for Germany following the national convention of the bund at 
the Biltmore Hotel, New York City. They remained for a 6-week 
stay. Dr. Joseph Goebbels' ministry of propaganda and enlighten- 
ment offers a 6-week propaganda course. Following their stay of 6 
weeks, Schwinn and Hein sailed for New York September 17. 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1 151 

While they were abroad this investigator visited Hein's father, 
George Hein, who is employed as a second cook in an Oakland hos- 
pital. Hein's father told this investigator on August 5 that his son's 
expenses on his trip to Germany had been paid for through a secret 
arrangement between Kuhn and the German Government. 

Hein's father further stated : 

He (his son) will be well prepared on national socialism when he returns to 
America. No donht they will expect much of him when he gets hack. We have 
only a small post here in Oakland, hut now with my son thoroughly trained and 
a new German consul in San Francisco. I think we shall begin to make headway. 

In connection with Hein. another Government agency sets forth 
the following record: 

Carl Hein, of Oakland, was the district leader of the Friends of 
New Germany, later the American Deutsches Folks Bund. He is 
considered one of the most active Nazis in the western area. He is 
known to contact all German ships, receive direct orders from New 
York, and is obviously the man who gives orders in this area. He 
is the originator of the German radio hour in San Francisco. 

He had returned from a trip to Germany, where he visited Heim- 
rach, of whom Ave will tell considerable later. 

He has been giving speeches since his return from his trip to 
Germany. He spoke at the German-American Bund meetings in 
various places. He has been in the United States since 1928, and 
became a citizen in 1934. 

Arno Risse, acting western leader of the bund during the absence 
of Schwinn and Hein, told this investigator: 

Schwinn and Hein are in Germany to take up, among other things, our diffi- 
culties with the German consul. We are getting practically no support or inter- 
est from him in our affairs. I am confident a change will be made in the per- 
sonnel of the local consulate. Schwinn is going before the highest authorities 
in Germany to get the desired result. As you know, there has already been a 
number of similar changes, including the ambassador at Washington. 

Schwinn is also getting instructions, information, and literature for us. 

Arno Risse is the leader of the Los Angeles post of the German- 
American Bund. 

Otto Wiedeman, leader of the storm troops at the Oakland post 
of the German-American Bund, told this investigator further details 
of the tie-up with German consulates. He also disclosed that he is 
not an American citizen. 

He stated : 

I am doing a very dangerous thing. Here I am, head of the storm troops, 
training them and all that, and I'm not even a citizen. I haven't even taken 
out my first papers, hut no one but Kuhn, Hein. and the consul know it. They 
have approved it because I have experience in training men, but I have been 
warned to keep quiet about it. If anyone find this out there is likely to be a 
lot of trouble because the newspapers don't like us. 

Wiedeman spoke of the difficulty of getting new members, but said 
there had been conversations with the consul "and something will be 
worked out." He said the consul had offered financial aid to the 
bund and "understands our problem thoroughly." 

Henry Lage, San Francisco leader, who was conducting one of the 
three bund radio programs on the coast, said the new consul was very 
much interested in the radio program and that the bund looked to 
the consul for financial aid to keep the radio program going. 



1152 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

The bund attitude toward consuls who do not give the Nazi organi- 
zation their full support was illustrated at the national convention 
banquet of the bund in the Biltmore Hotel, New York City, July 3, 
1937. 

Dr. Friedhelm Draeger, German vice consul — I introduced that pic- 
ture a little while ago- — showed up late for the affair and received a 
cool reception. Otto Arndt, a storm trooper of the Astoria post of 
the bund, told this investigator : 

Oh, he's not going to be here long. Hitler is going to recall him along with 
the consul general. Yon see, they still hold dreams of the old Kaiser and were 
not appointed by Hitler, but before he came into office by Hindenburg. 

Ambassador Luther was recalled for this reason. We knew it was going to 
happen long before it took place. Just like we know about these two fellows. 

The new Ambassador is O. K. But we don't like this old crowd of diplomats, 
and they know it in Berlin. 

It should be pointed out that Otto Arndt boasts of a personal 
friendship with Hitler. In substantiation of this boast, he showed 
this investigator the photograph taken where he is standing at the 
side of Hitler along with Fritz Kuhn. This photograph was sub- 
mitted in evidence on the opening day of hearings before this com- 
mittee. 

In St. Louis, Anton Kessler, the bund leader, said his organization 
was well pleased with Consul Reinhold Freytag. At the time that 
this investigator spoke with Kessler the consul was in Germany and 
Kessler was somewhat worried because the consul was remaining there 
too long. Kessler then told this investigator that he planned to talk 
to Kuhn in order to arrange to have the consul return to St. Louis as 
soon as possible. 

Dr. George Krause-Wichmann, German vice consul, on August 29 
extended greetings from Germany to German-American Bund 
meeting in Camp Siegfried. 

Dr. G. A. Mueller, consul general representative, on July 12. 
brought greetings from the German Government. Der Fuehrer, him- 
self, he said, appreciates what German- American organizations are 
doing to spread the doctrines of national socialism in the United 
States. 

German Vice Consul Draeger, in speech July 3, before the national 
convention of bund at Biltmore Hotel, New York City, stated in 
part : 

Germany again stands in the sunlight of the world and is marching forwaru 
with greater glory. * * * The consul's office is always open to you and 
ready to serve you in your great work. * * * You are making history in 
America and your work is keenly appreciated in Germany. * * * I call to 
you for a toast. * * * And as we lift our glasses, let us drink to a united 
German people, a united and powerful German-American Bund, and to a closer 
relationship with our glorious homeland. 

Hans Neubeck, of 279 Chelsea Place, Buffalo, N. Y., leader of the 
bund post in that city, stated to this investigator on August 20 the 
following : 

Just recently — 

That is, 1937— 

we entertained the new German Ambassador, Dr. Hans Dieckhoff, and at the 
suggestion of our German consul in Buffalo tendered a luncheon to the 
Ambassador. 



UN-AMERICAS PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1153 

I think ii was very much worthwhile for us. as the Ambassador seemed highly 

pleased with our bund activities. This was a good thing because the consul in 
Buffalo also liked us very much. We never have any trouble with him. 

Adolph Scheidt, then secretary of the Cleveland bund post, also 
the representative of the California Weckruf, a newspaper in that 
city, told this investigator on August 25, 1937, that the German con- 
sul general of that city had been removed and replaced by a true Nazi 
consul who was decidedly friendly to them. He pointed out that this 
was in line with the order from Fritz Kuhn that consuls not cooperat- 
ing with the German Bund would be replaced with men that the 
bund could depend on for assistance. 

Dr. George Gyssling, Los Angeles German consul general, at- 
tended a gathering September 13, given by the German-American 
Bund of Los Angeles, Calif., in conjunction with the Silver Shirts, 
which are headed in that territory by Kenneth Alexander. This 
affair was also attended by Dr. Manfred von Killinger, German con- 
sul general of San Francisco. Henry Allen, to whom reference will 
be made later; Arno Risse, Dr. Konrad Burchardi, German-Ameri- 
can Bund officials; and others prominent in both the bund and Silver 
Shirt organizations were all present there. 

In addition to the close relationship between the German consular 
service and the German-American Bund throughout the United 
States, cooperative actions have been noted also between bund officials 
and officials of German steamship lines. 

In Pittsburgh the agent for the North German Lloyd Lines, Wil- 
liam F. Knoepfel, was appointed last March as the acting German 
consul. Long familiar with German-American Bund activities in 
the Pittsburgh area, as well as with Nazi propagandists in the terri- 
tory, Knoepfel, although an American citizen, now enjoys diplo- 
matic immunity while at the same time serving steamship lines. This 
fact, therefore, prevented this investigator from questioning an 
American citizen who is known to associate with persons who have 
admitted their activities in American-Nazi affairs. Knoepfel was 
appointed acting German consul following a 2-month visit last 
spring to Germany. 

German naval officers and sailors have met at bund headquarters, 
both on the Atlantic and Pacific coasts. 

Packages believed to have contained shipments of propaganda bul- 
letins, instructions, and messages have been delivered by captains 
of various German ships to the Deutsche House, headquarters of the 
German-American Bund in Los Angeles. It is understood and it has 
been at times admitted by the officials of the bund that this material 
emanates from the foreign propaganda office of the Nazi Party in 
Germany. 

It has been noted that shortly after the arrival of certain German 
ships in the port of Los Angeles, and Portland, Oreg., that a great 
number of these propaganda bulletins suddenly appear on the desk 
of Herman Schwinn. western leader of the German- American Bund, 
who has his office in the Los Angeles Deutsche House. 

The bulletins are printed on legal-size paper, and some are in Eng- 
lish, while others are in German. These bulletins, which are in 
English, have always had on the face of them the stamp of the official 

94931 — 38 — vol. 2 12 



U54 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

headquarters for the translation of propaganda for foreign con- 
sumption. 

The Chairman. You, yourself, have obtained possession, from time 
to time, of this propaganda? 

Mr. Metcalfe. That is correct, Congressman; I have personally 
obtained literature at the headquarters at Los Angeles and San 
Francisco. 

The Chairman. And you are testifying from personal knowledge 
and personal experience? 

Mr. Metcalfe. That is correct. And we will show how that ma- 
terial is coming in, and present you with some of the material that 
has come in through these various routes — material which we picked 
up on the coast and also material which is being distributed by them. 

The Chairman. And also material that has been sent to this com- 
mittee since its organization. 

Mr. Metcalfe. That is correct; material that various members, or 
rather American citizens who have no relationship whatever with the 
Nazi movement in this country, have received, but who for some 
reason or other have received or are receiving propaganda, week in 
and week out, propaganda that they never asked for and do not want, 
but which keeps on coming to them. 

Obviously, someone has put them on a mailing list in order to try 
to convert them to Nazi ideals, or else believing that they might be 
sympathetic. 

The Chairman. It is ver}' evident, from what has come to the atten- 
tion of this committee, both directly in the form of propaganda sent 
to us, accompanied by letters from citizens who have received this 
propaganda, and from your investigation, that some agency or some- 
one in the United States is furnishing lists of names to the prop- 
aganda agency of Germany, and through them they mail out this 
literature. 

Mr. Metcalfe. That is true; and we will tell you about one of them, 
and will name him, tell where he is, and how he goes around checking 
up on these people when they receive propaganda the first time. We 
will name who the person is who goes around, and show how he calls 
on them, in an effort to get them to take more literature and in an 
effort to get them to help spread this Nazi propaganda among their 
friends, a man questioned by this investigator and who admitted this 
activity all the waj 7 down the line in this particular phase of the work. 

The Chairman. What I wanted to make clear was that in every 
statement you make you are testifying from personal experience and 
personal knowledge. 

Mr. Metcalfe. Yes; from personal knowledge and also very reli- 
able information that has been furnished the committee directly by 
individual citizens around the United States, and we know it is 
correct. 

In the past some of this material has been reprinted in the Cali- 
fornia Weckruf, official publication of the German-American Bund on 
the Pacific coast. It is also interesting to note that these Nazi propa- 
ganda bulletins have always been closely guarded by bund officials. 

On one occasion, the captain of a German ship, known as the 
Sehwaben arrived at the Deutsche House and delivered to Herman 
Schwinn a package. This package was done up in brown paper and 
was about 16 bv 18 inches and about 4 inches thick. Later that same 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES H55 

evening 14 members of the crew of the Schioaben arrived at the 
Deutsche House and were entertained by Schwinn and members of 
the storm troops. At about midnight the crew members of the ship 
left the Deutsche House. 

The Chairman. Eight at that point, have you had occasion to 
examine the wrappings in which this propaganda comes? 

Mr. Metcalfe. Yes. 

The Chairman. And you have checked that with American manu- 
facturers of newspaper print ? 

Mr. Metcalfe. Yes. 

The Chairman. AVhat did you find witli reference to that? 

Mr. Metcalfe. We found that the wrapping paper also is not 
made in this country. There is no manufacturer in the United States 
who even makes this kind of paper. It comes from Germany. 

The Chairman. What paper is that ? 

Mr. Metcalfe. That is the wrapping paper with the stamps on it. 

The Chairman. They not only send this propaganda through the 
mails directly to a list of people whose names were furnished, evi- 
dently by some one in the United States, but they also bring propa- 
ganda on boats, through the sailors on boats. 

Mr. Metcalfe. That is correct, and we will cite some instances. 

I wanted to correct one thing. We do know some of the sources; 
we do know who the people are who are furnishing the lists; we 
know who they are contacting in Germany, because, by opening these 
packages, we have found that some of this material does come from 
this country, from certain sources, and we know what and who they 
are. 

The Chairman. The evidence will show a little later the names 
of the Americans, or so-called Americans, without going into that in 
detail now, who have been responsible, and evidently have been in 
close connection with the propaganda movement ; is not that true ? 

Mr. Metcalfe. Yes. 

The Chairman. We will go into that more in detail later. 

Mr. Metcalfe. Yes; completely. 

On another occasion Schwinn went down to the Los Angeles 
Harbor to meet two German ships which had just come into port. 
The ships were the Portland and the Oakland. The Portland had 
just come in from Vancouver and Seattle and was on her way to 
Germany, and the Oakland had just arrived in port from Germany. 
On this occasion Schwinn and the captain of each boat exchanged 
sealed packages. On board the Portland, which was on her way to 
Germany, Schwinn delivered a sealed package to be delivered in 
Germany. 

On another occasion Schwinn visited aboard the Oakland with 
Captain Trauernicht. In this instance Schwinn brought with him 
a brief case and went directly to the captain's cabin for a secret 
conference when he boarded the ship. 

In this instance Schwinn went directly to the captain's quarters 
where he stayed in secret conference for about 3 hours. Before leav- 
ing the ship Schwinn received from the captain three flat envelopes. 
They were about ."> by 15 inches and made of stout brown manila 
paper. The flaps were sealed and covered in about three places with 
red sealing wax. 



1156 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

The Chairman. At that point let me ask you this question : How 
do you know those facts to be true ? 

Mr. Metcalfe. This information has been definitely checked as 
being true. As I said before, we have had some packages opened 

The Chairman. I know that, but were you present? 

Mr. Metcalfe. No; I was not present on this occasion, but the 
source has been checked upon and found to be absolutely reliable. 

On another occasion it was noted that the German-American liner 
Vancouver had in a storeroom large stacks of current German news- 
papers, estimated to be about 2,500 copies. Some of these were 
given to an ascent of the German-American Bund at San Francisco, 
where the boat lay in harbor. 

This type of material which has been discovered on a number of 
German liners docking at American ports frequently bears the stamp 
"Not to be sold," indicating that it is pure Nazi propaganda. 

Thus, with "favorable" German consuls, the assistance of steam- 
ship officials, German railway tourist agencies, motion-picture com- 
panies of Germany, imported speakers, and propaganda agents the 
German-American Bund hopes to accomplish its aim of uniting all 
Americans of German descent, or birth, under its swastika banners 
in the United States. 

While the subject of propaganda will be gone into detail at a later 
hearing, an instance of its direct connection with a German consulate 
would be proper to mention at this time. 

I do not want to mention the name of the person to whom this par- 
ticular piece of evidence was addressed. I do not believe it would be 
advisable. 

However, on this is a stamp ''Printed Matter — German Consulate, 
St. Louis. Missouri." 

It is addressed to this certain person and it contains an article on 
German church conditions by the Reverend Dr. O. Stewart Michael,, 
the late pastor of the American churches in Dresden and Munich. 

Incidentally this is reprinted from Deutsch-Amerikanische Buerger- 
Zeitung, 1838 North Halstead Street, Chicago, 111. 

You see, there is an exchange of information. 

The Chairman. In other words, that was sent from the consulate 
to a citizen whose name is not revealed because, if his name were 
revealed, he would not <ret any more literature; is that right? 

Mr. Metcalfe. That is so. If we did that, we would close the source 
of the information. We would lose the possibility of getting further 
mailings from that source. 

I might say that we have established a number of those contacts and 
we continue to get information through these particular contacts — 
information of this kind. We cannot disclose the names. If we did, 
of course we would immediately shut off that source. 

Included in this envelope is another article by Dr. Hjalmar Schacht, 
who was president of the Reichsbank, Germany, on Why Germany 
Requires Colonies. 

Also in this envelope is an article on the German population policy 
by Rudolf Frercks. 

This was published in Berlin and translated. These three were 
contained in this particular mailing, which I offer as an exhibit. 

The Chairman. The three pamphlets referred to in this envelope 
will be marked "Exhibit No. 15" of this date. 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1157 

(The documents and envelope referred to were marked 
"Metcalfe Exhibit 15.") 

Mr. Metcalfe. It should he pointed out in connection with this that 
this particular piece was mailed only a few months ago, following the 
appointment of this congressional committee; a very recent piece 
of mail. 

I might introduce in evidence at this point some pictures showing 
how the German-American Bund displays Nazi propaganda right- 
in its own camps. This material is for sale. 

Here is a picture of a storm trooper holding up one of these pieces, 
which happens to be a sketch of Hitler made in Germany and w r as 
sent from Germany to the German-American Bund for sale by the 
German-American Bund. The authenticity of this picture is es- 
tablished by the fact that I am right beside this storm trooper, in 
uniform. 

The Chairman. That photograph may be received and marked 
-Exhibit No. 16." 

(The photograph referred to was marked "Metcalfe Exhibit 
No. 16.") 

Mr. Metcalfe. This is a picture taken at the San Diego camp of 
the German-American Bund and in the picture is a storm trooper, 
Hans Diebel. He is from Los Angeles. He is connected with the 
Los Angeles post, but attended a San Antonio meeting of the bund. 

This man has at the Deutcher House in Los Angeles a sort of a 
propaganda book store; well, I would not say sort of a propaganda 
book store, it actually is one. He has taken this material to San 
Diego where he is displaying it at the bund meeting. The material, 
of course, is for sale. You w T ill notice here Hitler's book and you 
can read the titles of some of the other books. They are in German 
and the swastika emblems are on the outside. He is in uniform. 

I know this man personally. I was not here when the picture was 
taken. However, he gave it to me himself and in fact, auto- 
graphed it. 

The Chairman. That mav be received in evidence and marked 
"Exhibit No. 17." 

(The photograph referred to was marked "Metcalf Exhibit 
No. 17.") 

Mr. Metcalfe. Mr. Chairman, I believe that is all I have to intro- 
duce at this time. 

The Chairman. The Nazi Government, through their propaganda 
machine, which evidently is highly developed, hope by this German- 
American Bund to maintain in the United States an instrumentality 
for the purpose of distributing propaganda favorable to the Nazi 
regime: is that correct? 

Mr. Metcalfe. You mean the German-American Bund is a wing 
of the Nazi propaganda machine of Germany. 

The Chairman. That is right. 

Mr. Metcalfe. For the purpose of spreading propaganda in the 
United States. 

The Chairman. Yes. 

Mr. Metcalfe. That is correct. 

The Chairman. The development of minority blocs, so-called, 
throughout the world, was undertaken wherever there was a fertile 
field? 



1158 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr. Metcalfe. Yes. 

The Chairman. In other words, approximately at the same time 
that the German-American Bund was created and began to grow, 
similar movements occurred in South America and other countries; 
is not that a fact ? 

Mr. Metcalfe. That is a fact. In fact, it goes back as far as 1933, 
shortly after Hitler ascended to power in Germany. Practically no 
time was lost in the formation of these propaganda units all around 
the world. 

The Chairman. And that was a part of the general strategy of the 
Nazi regime, was it not ? 

Mr. Metcalfe. That is correct, It was part of its program. 

The Chairman. As found in their various publications and in 
their admissions ? 

Mr. Metcalfe. Yes, in their admissions; as, for instance, Kunz 
and others have stated, it is a world institution. 

The Chairman. So that through the bund they are able to dis- 
seminate propaganda in the United States; and also they are able to 
have an active force which they hope will make friends for Germany 
in the United States; is not that true? 

Mr. Metcalfe. Yes ; that is true. 

The Chairman. The bund itself admits, in its constitution and by- 
laws, that one of its chief aims is to create a friendly relationship 
between the United States and Germany; is not that a fact? 

Mr. Metcalfe. I think it very clearly points out that that is what 
it is supposed to do. 

The Chairman. That is one of its chief objectives ? 

Mr. Metcalfe. Yes. 

The Chairman. In addition to the Nazi movement working through 
the German-American Bund, which is more openly connected with 
it than perhaps any other organization, is it not also true that 
there is evidence — and that evidence will be offered — to show that 
the Nazi leadership hopes to capitalize or take advantage of any 
religious or racial feeling that may exist in the United States inde- 
pendent of the bund movement? 

Mr. Metcalfe. Yes, sir. The same strategy again that is em- 
ployed by the Nazi regime in Germany is reflected here by the Ger- 
man-American Bund; the same antireligious and antiracial attacks. 

The Chairman. That would have a wider appeal than just the- 
membership of the bund; in other words, that would reach out into 
many other organizations that have a similar background, would 
it not? 

Mr. Metcalfe. Yes, of course. It is a sort of connecting link 
to help spread their own propaganda. It links other groups with 
them. 

The Chairman. As proof of that, is it not a fact that certain 
American writers, whose names will be revealed later, as well as 
literature written by them and shipped to Germany — certain Ameri- 
can writers who are distributing antireligious pamphlets through- 
out the country, have been writing articles that are published in 
Germany and given wide publication for the purpose of showing 
that there is a fertile field for the Nazi movement in the United 
States? 



ON-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES H59 

Mr. Metcalfe. Yes; that is right. You will also find — for instance, 
you will recall Ave showed one German newspaper was reprinting an 
article from the Weckruf , published here in the United States. There 
is that exchange as well. 

The Chairman. An exchange between the Weckruf in the United 
States and the official publications in Nazi Germany? 

Mr. Metcalfe. Yes. 

The Chairman. The point that I wanted to develop was that all 
of this is part of the Nazi strategy, as shown by their own publica- 
tions, by their own platform, and by what has occurred in other 
countries. That is the building up of a minority bloc within a 
certain country that has not only a wide appeal among the particular 
racial group but that will reach out and appeal to those who have 
certain — we will say certain — prejudices; is not that a fact? 

Mr. Metcalfe. That is the fact, and in practically every case there 
has been trouble as a result of it sooner or later; that is, there is an 
explosion of some kind sooner or later, as, for instance, in Austria, 
in Czechoslovakia, in Brazil, and in Chile. In each case there has 
been trouble. 

The Chairman. You have testified that this strategy, so far as the 
United States is concerned, has not met with much success, because 
the great bulk of people of German descent in this country, particu- 
larly those who were here before the war and who constitute the great 
majority of the people of German descent in this country, have them- 
selves rejected this whole plan; that is, they have not shown any 
enthusiasm for it and have actually opposed it individually and 
through their own organizations? 

Mr. Metcalfe. The German-American element in the United States 
is certainly verv American and believes firmlv in a democratic form 
of government and will have nothing whatsoever to do with the 
German-American Bund.. 

For instance, bund leaders at times have admitted to me that they 
have more difficulty trying to convert German-Americans to their 
ideals of national socialism, and so forth, than they have in trying to 
convert American citizens of no particular extraction, but not of 
German descent. 

The Chairman. But if they could build up a direct minority bloc 
in this country of, say, just a few hundred thousand, they hope also 
to build up an Italian assisting bloc ; is not that true ? 

Mr. Metcalfe. Yes ; we will show the link there. 

The Chairman. To work in conjunction with the bund movement ; 
is not that a fact ? 

Mr. Metcalfe. Yes. 

The Chairman. And then, in addition to that, to work in conjunc- 
tion with other organizations Avhich have high-sounding titles, as we 
said yesterday, but back of which, or the motivating force back of 
which, is some form of religious or racial intolerance. Is not that 
a fact? 

Mr. Metcalfe. I think religious and racial intolerance has been 
identified with every one of their maneuvers. 

The Chairman. I was going to say that is the background of it. 

Mr. Metcalfe. Yes. 

The Chairman. And that will be shown more specifically by some 
of the leaders in these movements in the United States? 



1160 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr. Metcalfe. Yes. 

The Chairman. The fact that they themselves have written arti- 
cles that have been sent to Germany, and those articles, after reach- 
ing Germany, were printed in Germany; many of them have been 
printed, have they not? 

Mr. Metcalfe. Yes. 

The Chairman. To create a false picture in Germany of the 
situation in the United States, is not that a fact? 

Mr. Metcalfe. Yes. 

The Chairman. And also those articles were sent back, along 
with Nazi propaganda, to a list of names of people in the United 
States? 

Mr. Metcalfe. Yes; that is right. In connection with that, the 
bund seems to follow very closely whatever policy is followed by 
Hitler; that is, if Hitler is particularly friendly with the Hungari- 
ans, the German-American Bund immediately begins to take an in- 
terest in Hungarian-Americans, in the hope of drawing from that 
source further members and help in their movement. And if the 
German Government suddenly becomes friendly with the Poles, im- 
mediatelv the bund casts its eyes in that direction, in the direction 
of the Polish-Americans, always being in line with whatever policy 
is adopted in Germany; that is, if certain nations are enemies of 
Germany, then those are the enemies of the bund here. Those who 
are friendly with Germany abroad, the bund tries to be friendly 
with people of the same extraction in the United States. 

The Chairman. In view of that, how do you account for the argu- 
ment that Hitler himself requested the German-American Bund to 
disband here in the United States; that he was not interested in it, 
and that, in his judgment, or in the judgment of the Nazi leaders, 
it caused more trouble than it did good ? 

Mr. Metcalfe. In the first place, Hitler did not ask to have the 
German-American Bund disbanded, and at no time has he taken 
that position. 

The Chairman. What is actually the fact? 

Mr. Metcalfe. All that they asked was that those who were still 
German citizens should withdraw from the ranks of the German- 
American Bund. And that was done in some parts of the country. 
Particularly was it done in Chicago where a separate organization 
was formed of all those who were still German citizens. Infor- 
mation has come to this committee that a second such unit, of purely 
aliens — German aliens — lias been formed in the Los Angeles area. 

In other parts of the country that was not followed out. In the 
first place, Kuhn and other leaders of the bund had said that there 
were no aliens in their ranks. And then they said, "Well, if there 
are, of course, they will have to get out." But they did not put them 
out and, as a subterfuge, they created a sort of a prospective citizens' 
ieague which was right within the bund ranks. And those men have 
remained in the bund ranks. 

That particular policy has created considerable internal strife in 
the bund, where some leaders believe that they should follow what 
Hitler has said; that they should take the German citizens out of 
the bnnd ranks until such time as they took out their citizenship 
papers here, and then put them back in. 



UN-AMERICAN 1M{( >I'A( JANDA ACTIVITIES 



1161 



The Chairman. Do you have any information or evidence as to 

whether or not the blind in Hie United Stales, or the bund leaders 
in the United Stales, have revealed to the Nazi leaders in Germany 
the true attitude of the overwhelming majority of the people of 
German descent in America toward the Nazi movement? 
Mr. Metcalfe. Of course, we have no direct evidence. 
The Chairman. In the various publications in Germany, has there 
appeared at any time anything to show that the overwhelming ma- 
jority of the Germans in this country have an entirely different atti- 
tude than, for insance, the Germans in Austria had. or the Germans 
in Czechoslovakia, or in any other country where they have a minor- 
ity bloc? 

Mr. Metcalfe. By no means. In fact, the attitude has been much 
to the contrary, as evidenced, for instance, by articles which have 
been written by several American newspaper correspondents in Ger- 
many, when they reported speeches made by members of the German- 
American Bund. For instance, a speech that was made by Peter 
Gissibl in Stuttgart. In that particular speech — I do not recall the 
exact text of it now — he gave the impression that the German- 
American people, the German people in the United States, were 
solidly with the German-American Bund. 

The Chairman. Of course, that is where these American propa- 
gandists fit into the picture. They write articles that are sent to 
Germany for the purpose of creating the same impression? 

Mr. Metcalfe. That is right. 

The Chairman. So that the Nazi leadership would be led to believe 
that the same thing could be built up in the United States that was 
built up in other countries, whereas the situation is wholly different? 

Mr. Metcalfe. I think every attempt has been made in. that direc- 
tion. But as to just how successful the attempts of the bund leaders 
have been in that direction, I do not believe anyone is in a position to 
say. unless he were over there. 

However, I think we can credit the German Government with a 
good amount of intelligence. They seem to know pretty well what 
is going on in the ranks of the German- American Bund. And from 
that they certainly would know just what support the bund is receiv- 
ing from the German-American element at large; especially, for in- 
stance, agents who have come into this country from Germany and 
have met with leaders of the bund. And also, for instance, there 
was one agent of the German Government who not onlv met with 
Kuhn and other leaders, but I traced him clear down to San Antonio, 
Tex., where he had talked to some German-Americans about the pos- 
sibility of forming posts in Texas. They have been trying for some 
time to organize posts in the State of Texas. But the German-Amer- 
icans in Texas — and I think you are probably familiar with that 
situation — certainly do not want any part of the German-American 
Bund. And that is typical of the South. The German-American 
element throughout the South does not seem to respond. The great- 
est response to the German-American Bund movement has been in the 
larger cities of the United States as, for instance, New York, where 
there is a large German settlement in the city, and Chicago. 

The Chairman. Of course, it would be interesting, if it were pos- 
sible, to find out how much of this organization and other similar 
organizations are pure rackets, and how much is a genuine movement. 



1162 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

It is a fact, is it not, that a number of these so-called organizations 
are organized from time to time for the financial benefit of a few 
leaders ? You run into that constantly in making your investigations, 
do you not? 

Mr. Metcalfe. Yes. And we will show specific examples of that 
sort of thing as we go into the un-American movements, some of 
which, or most of which, are allied with the German-American Bund. 

The Chairman. For instance, you will find one individual in a 
certain State or in a certain region will form a certain organization ; 
these individuals will form these organizations with high-sounding 
titles, is not that a fact? 

Mr. Metcalfe. Yes. 

The Chairman. And claim a large membership which, in fact, may 
not exist at all ? 

Mr. Metcalfe. A lot of those are letterhead organizations with 
crackpot leaders; they are rackets, cheap little rackets, in which 
they fool a lot of people and raise money. They keep no books, no 
records of any kind, and sometimes even no offices or headquarters. 
They are on the loose. They meet in homes, in basements, and so 
forth, or they simply get in touch with their members by post cards, 
and call a meeting at one place or another, wherever they can rent 
a hall. Most of those cases are just rackets. In some cases the leaders 
will have a lecture series, and the text of the material is highly 
fanatical. 

The Chairman. They go about collecting money for certain causes. 
Some of them want to help Spain ; some of them want to help Czecho- 
slovakia and some of them want to help some other country ? 

Mr. Metcalfe. None of that type of organization gets anywhere 
without a cause. 

The Chairman. But they have a good deal of overhead. Everyone 
has to have a salary and travel expenses, and so forth. 

Mr. Metcalfe. But nobody has any records. 

The Chairman. But nobody keeps any records? 

Mr. Metcalfe. That is correct. 

The Chairman. So when an investigator goes out to check up, you 
have nothing except their verbal statement as to what the situa- 
tion is? 

Mr. Metcalfe. It is very difficult ; yes. We have persons who are 
working on the inside of some of these organizations, quietly, and 
contacting our investigators, telling them what is going on, what is 
being said ; and they are keeping a record of statements that are made 
in these organizations and the movements of some of these groups. 
Because, if we did not do that, we would not be able to get as much 
information as we have and will show, with reference to these organi- 
zations. 

The Chairman. We will recess until tomorrow morning at 10 : 30. 

(Whereupon the committee took a recess until Friday, September 
30, 1938, at 10:30 a. m.) 



INVESTIGATION OF UN-AMERICAN PKOPAGANDA 
ACTIVITIES IN THE UNITED STATES 



FBIDAY, SEPTEMBER 30, 1938 

House of Representatives, 
Subcommittee or the Special Committee to 

Investigate Un-American Activities, 

Washington, D. C. 

The subcommittee met at 10 : 30 a. m., Hon. Martin Dies (chairman) 
presiding. 

The Chairman. The committee will come to order. Mr. Metcalfe, 
will you resume your testimony with reference to another phase of 
Nazi activities in the United States ? 

STATEMENT 0E JOHN C. METCALFE— Continued 

Mr. Metcalfe. Mr. Chairman, there are thousands of German- 
Americans who will stretch their arms in a Hitler salute but who, for 
financial or business reasons, are not members of the bund. Some are 
afraid to join. Other wealthier German-Americans contribute money 
secretly but have no outward connection with the organization. 

Propaganda direct from the German Ministry for Propaganda and 
Enlightenment is distributed by bund officials. At each bund gath- 
ering a long table is loaded with books, magazines, and pamphlets 
from Germany which are sold to members and friends. 

The bund receives a steady stream of contributions from members 
and sympathizers. 

At every official meeting and even at affairs which supposedly have 
no Hitler connections, collections are taken up for one or another of 
the bund's varied activities. 

The extent of funds received by the German-American Bund from 
the German Government, or its unofficial representatives, abroad and 
in this country, has never been determined. But by their own admis- 
sions officials of the German-American Bund have on repeated occa- 
sions revealed privately that they are receiving financial aid from 
these sources for purposes of organization and propaganda. These 
admissions have been made by leaders of the bund, not just in New 
York, but from coast to coast. 

Financial aid for propaganda purposes has gone into literature of 
all kinds, radio programs, speakers, and motion pictures. 

Sample of this type of propaganda material was placed in evidence 
at the opening day of hearings on August 12. 

1163 



H64 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

One of the chief sources of bund revenue, aside from dues and con- 
tributions, is the Deutscher Konsumverband, the German Business 
League, commonly called the D. K. V. The league is designed to 
counteract boycotts of Nazi goods. 

German-American businessmen must pay to be listed in local 
directories. Bund members pledge themselves to buy only from DKV 
members and receive rebate stamps for each purpose. 

Business owners also are called upon to advertise in programs of 
the numerous festivals sponsored by the bund. 

Many programs contain hundreds of advertisements, and thus the 
treasury of the bund is enriched. 

This organization is a wing of the German-American Bund 
movement. 

Members of the German- American Bund, when they make pur- 
chases, receive from the merchants DKV trade stamps. These trade 
stamps may be cashed in at the headquarters of the DKV. 

Merchants who are members of this league deal heavily in German 
imported merchandise, shunning American-made goods. 

The bund profits in this trade arrangement. 

It has been frequently reported that officials of the German-Ameri- 
can Bund, under the direction of Fritz Kuhn, have brought pressure- 
to bear upon German-American merchants to join the DKV. Fail- 
ure to do so has brought on boycotts by members of the German- 
American Bund in their trade with these merchants. 

According to bund information the New York DKV corporation 
was originally formed "not for profit," but not long ago changed its 
charter to one of "for profit." It is stated this action was taken with- 
out consulting the membership. The charter papers are signed by 
Kuhn, Rapj), and Luedke. 

It is pointed out that a matter of high importance in the operation 
of the New York DKV is the fact that this corporation is operating 
without sufficient funds to cover the trade stamps which are in 
circulation. 

In other words, if there were a run on the corporation by those 
holding trade-stamp books, the corporation would be unable to cash 
in their books. 

It is reported that the reason for this is that Kuhn is draining 
funds of this corporation for his personal expenditure, chiefly those 
of a social character. 

In connection with this, I would like to introduce in evidence exhi- 
bits dealing with the DKV. I have a group of exhibits here, sam- 
ples of the trade-stamp books and rebate stamps, which were ob- 
tained by this investigator in the purchase of material. There are 
several books here; they are practically all the same. 

The Chairman. Will you introduce them as a group? 

Mr. Metcalfe. Yes. There is one here from Chicago; there are two 
from New York; and there is also a directory, a list of merchants 
who arc members of the DKV, and there are some DO pages of a list 
of members. 

(The group of items referred to were marked "John C. Metcalfe 
Exhibit No. 18.") 

The Chairman. Mr. Metcalfe, before you go further into that phase 
of it, I wish to make a statement with reference to a statement made 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1165 

by Dr. Hans Thomsen, counselor of the German Embassy, who is 
reported by the press to have said : 

Mr. Metcalfe is not a trustworthy num. He became a member of the Germaa- 

Americail Bund under an assumed name and then wrote a series of newspaper 
articles. Then he was picked up by the House Un-American Activities Inves- 
tigating Committee. If Mr. Dies wants to get the real truth, why doesn't he 
cite Mr. Kuhn as a witness'.' His failure to do that seems to me to mean that he 
doesn't think much of Mr. Metcalfe's testimony himself. 

Personally. I hold no brief for Mr. Kuhn, but I know he said no such thing. 

The Chair wants to make the statement which he lias repeatedly 
made through the press, in the record, and through letters written, 
that every person or organization named as being involved directly 
in any charge made by any witness who appears before this committee 
will be accorded an opportunity to be heard to refute such charges. 

I wish to qualify that statement by saying that those who take 
advantage of the opportunity must come before the committee with 
clean hands; that they must be prepared to bring their books and their 
records and give this committee the benefit of the facts. 

In the case of Mr. Kuhn. the evidence before this committee at this 
date, without seeking to prejudge the case, is almost conclusive that 
he issued orders to the bund posts throughout the United States to 
destroy all records of the bund, and that he issued those orders im- 
mediately after the Congress passed the resolution which set up this 
committee and directed this investigation. 

That testimony is borne out by the sworn testimony of Peter Gissibl, 
who himself was the fuehrer of the bund post at Chicago; it is borne 
out by the testimony of Froboese himself, who is at the present time 
one of the officials of the bund ; is not that so? 

Mr. Metcalfe. He is the leader of the Middle West. 

The Chairman. In a sworn affidavit before witnesses, before two 
assistant United States district attorneys. It is also borne out by 
other testimony that has come before this committee. 

In view of that order issued by Mr. Kuhn as the official head of 
the German -American Bund, the Chair is somewhat surprised that 
the German Embassy would suggest that Mr. Kuhn be called as a 
reliable witness to appear before this committee to give evidence with 
regard to the German-American Bund activities in the United States. 

Mr. Kuhn will be accorded an opportunity to appear before this 
committee, provided he is willing to come here w T ith the records, the 
books, and financial statements of the bund, showing from whom they 
have received contributions, with a correct list of the membership, 
and a statement of the money that was expended; and be prepared 
to explain the original correspondence that was seized by this com- 
mittee which, in the judgment of the Chair, shows a very close rela- 
tionship between the German-American Bund activities in the United 
States and the Nazi government. 

Independent of any verbal testimony, which may be disputed, these 
original letters represent the highest type of testimony that could be 
obtained. 

I wish to make that statement, not to become involved in any con- 
troversy with the German Embassy, because it is not made in any 
sense as an answer to what appears to the Chair to be a rather unfair 
statement proceeding from a representative of the German Embassy. 

The Chair has no disposition to hide any facts; it is the intention 



1166 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

of the Chair to conduct a fearless examination, regardless of ridicule 
or criticism or any opposing force, and let the facts come out, no 
matter who is involved. 

I think it only fair, Mr. Metcalfe, that you be accorded an oppor- 
tunity to answer the statement to which I have referred. 

Mr. Metcalfe. Mr. Chairman, last night Dr. Hans Thomsen, coun- 
selor at the German Embassy, issued a press release in which he made 
the broad statement that this investigator "is not a trustworthy 
person." 

The attache further stated that he knew that Fritz Kuhn had not 
said the things I said he did. 

The question of my integrity I will leave to Americans, who are 
in better position to judge my responsibility. 

It is true, as the attache stated, that I joined the German- American 
Bund under an assumed name. How else could an American and a 
believer in democracy get into an organization composed of and run 
by people who use the American flag as a shield and loudly protest 
their loyalty to this country while their very body and souls belong 
to a dictator across the sea? 

How else could I join an organization that breeds racial and 
religious intolerance, that takes American-born children and per- 
meates them with Nazi doctrine and a love for the swastika instead 
of teaching them how lucky they are to be here eating real food 
instead of substitutes? 

How else could I get into an organization that is tied directly to 
a foreign government and its political subdivisions — an organiza- 
tion whose members must have had their fingers crossed when they 
took an oath of allegiance to this country? 

How else could I get into an organization where the leadership was 
so afraid of the spotlight of pitiless publicity that they ordered all 
records destroyed when your honorable committee was created? 

How else could I get into an organization where members have 
never seen a financial accounting and are "suckers" for not finding 
out what becomes of their money? 

The attache repeats that the German-American Bund was told that 
German citizens could not belong but he does not say that it was 
followed. Does he say anything about the creation of the German 
bund composed entirely of aliens who are admitted under an oath 
of allegiance and an oath of allegiance to Hitler alone? These men 
openly say they will never become citizens of this country although 
they work here — enjoy the privileges of this land such as they do not 
have at home — and send their American money over there. 

It may well be noted that the attache of the German Embassy 
does not defend the charges I brought against his consuls. I dare 
him to deny that Dr. Jaeger, former German consul general at Chi- 
cago, spoke to me for hours in his office planning a lecture tour for 
another person while I was to handle the press relations and get as 
much Nazi propaganda into the newspapers as possible. 

Dr. Jaeger placed at my disposal the fullest cooperation of the 
German steamship lines and the German Railway Tourist Informa- 
tion Bureau. Furthermore, Dr. Jaeger put me in touch with the 
then Friends of New Germany, in Milwaukee; and how those Mil- 
waukee boys function when their consul cracked the whip ! 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1167 

We have charged and we continue to charge that there is a direct 
tie-up between the German-American Bund and the Nazi govern- 
ment. Dr. Thomson's own statement proves it. If there was no tie 
how would Thomson be able to say: 

I kuow that he [Kuhn] has said no such things. 

No one has not found fault with consuls of foreign nations who 
have discharged their duties in diplomatic fashion. Dr. Thomsen 
is correct when he says that for 110 years consuls have visited groups 
and attended celebrations. What the attache fails to mention, how- 
ever, is that the consuls of his country stationed here were the first 
to use their diplomatic immunity to foster hatreds, to buy propa- 
ganda with cash that they hoped could not be traced, and urged 
a loyalty and allegiance to Germany after the men and women had 
sworn they wanted to become American citizens. 

What other consuls have been as lavish with free steamship rides 
across the Atlantic ; what other consuls have subsidized teachers, and 
lecturers and students? 

In conclusion, permit me to repeat that I did join the bund under 
an assumed name — I did it as a reporter for an American newspaper, 
intent on exposing an unholy un-American outfit and its machina- 
tions. If the knowledge I gained helps put an end to its nefarious 
activities we shall have been repaid. 

The Chairman. In that connection, the Chair wishes to state that 
several statements have been made challenging this committee to use 
its subpena powers to bring before the committee these organizations 
and their representatives. 

It is well known that the funds of this committee are extremely 
limited and that when a witness is subpenaed the committee is re- 
quired to pay his transportation and required to pay him for the time 
he is in attendance, from the time he leaves the city or town where 
he is living, and for the time that he is here. This committee has no 
accountants or any one capable of examining the books of the various 
organizations, and if a precedent is established in one instance it then 
would become necessary to subpena the representatives of these hun- 
dreds of organizations, and the object of that statement is to create 
a smokescreen, knowing that the committee does not have the financial 
means to follow any such policy. All of our little fund would be 
exhausted within the first week or two, if such a policy as that were 
pursued. 

It is for that reason that the Chair extended to all organizations 
the opportunity to appear before the committee and, if the testimony 
that has been adduced, under oath, is incorrect, to afford them an 
opportunity, not by stating generalities, but by producing books and 
records, real evidence, to disprove any of the evidence that has been 
adduced, and if they are able to disprove any of the testimony, the 
Chair would be the first one to acknowledge that the testimony was 
in error, and give them full opportunity to correct whatever may be 
claimed to be in error. 

You may proceed, Mr. Metcalfe. 

Mr. Metcalfe. In addition to the exhibits which I have produced, 
I have a series of photographs of GKV stamps, covers of their book- 
lets, and so forth, which I would like to present in evidence, in sub- 
stantiation of those statements, as a group exhibit, in substantiation of 
the same point. 



1168 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

The Chairman. That exhibit may be received and will be marked. 
(The matter referred to was marked "John C. Metcalfe Exhibit 
No. 19.") 

The Chairman. You may proceed. 

Mr. Metcalfe. Another source of revenue comes from the sale of 
uniforms for the storm-troop division of the bund. 

These uniforms are sold from the store of E. O. Krause at 308 
East Eighty-sixth Street, New York City, and other merchants. 

Pins are sold to help the poor in Germany. At least this is what 
bund leaders say the money is used for. These pins sell for 25 cents 
and 50 cents. 

Money is also raised through the sale of beer and soft drinks, food, 
and so forth, at the various camps. Of course, also, at bund meetings, 
money is raised through parking of automobiles. 

Sometimes funds are raised when members offer to loan anywhere 
from $5 to $25 to their respective posts to help finance the construc- 
tion of buildings at the various camps. These various forms of 
financing should be investigated by State authorities for possible vio- 
lations of law. 

These loans are supposed to be paid back at the end of a year with- 
out interest. 

In addition, there are a great many lotteries conducted at the 
various bund headquarters and camps. 

I have, in this connection, a photograph which I took of one of 
these lotteries being conducted. This picture was taken at Camp 
Nordland. and it shows a large gathering in attendance. 

The Chairman. That exhibit will be received and marked. 

(The exhibit referred to was marked "John C. Metcalfe Exhibit 
No. 20.") 

The Chairman. Right at that point, let the Chair state, in justice 
to you, that letters have come to the committee, sometimes anony- 
mous, of the usual type, denouncing you as being either a Communist 
or sympathetic with Communists. What are the facts with respect 
to that? 

Mr. Metcalfe. I think my record in the newspaper field will show 
very clearly that I have been just as much opposed to communism 
as I have been opposed to nazi-ism and fascism. 

In fact, I have addressed organizations in the Middle West, in 
which addresses I have made attacks in every way upon communism, 
in my speeches showing that their purposes were just as nefarious 
as those of the Nazi organizations and the Fascist groups in the 
United States. 

It is a matter of public record that I have been just as much opposed 
to communism as to all other isms, except Americanism. 

The Chairman. You may proceed. 

Mr. Metcalfe. These lotteries are for prizes ranging from house- 
hold goods to free vacations at the camps. One of the most popular 
prizes in nearly all of these lotteries is a free round-trip to Germany, 
which is arranged through bund officials. 

There are reported to be a number of silent contributors to the bund 
throughout (he country. 

A typical example along this line is portrayed in the statement of 
Albert Zimmer, a leader of the Cincinnati post of the German- 
American liund. 



DN-AMERIGAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1169 

He stated to the invest igator on August 14 as follows : 

While many German-Americans may not join our ranks openly, they fight 
with us in a whispering campaign and silent financial contributions. No one 
knows this, hut we have a permanent list of silent contributors. Most of these 
persons are wealthy and they feel that they cannot afford, for political or business 
reasons, to support us openly. 

However, they are deeply sympathetic with our movement. So I keep a 
double set of hooks. The names of the silent contributors and the amounts which 
they have donated I keep in a small black book that is shown to no one, unless 
it is someone like Kuhn. 

The Chairman. In that connection, is it not a fact, Mr. Metcalfe, 
that these organizations, whether they are pro-Communist or pro- 
Nazi, seldom keep accurate books, if they keep anything at all? Is 
not that a fact \ 

Mr. Metcalfe. That is true in a great many cases. 
The Chairman. I mean if, for instance, the leaders of an organiza- 
tion were using the proceeds for their own benefit, they naturally 
would not put that in a book. 
Mr. Metcalfe. That is correct. 

The Chairman. So to seize their books would not help you in any 
respect ? 

Mr. Metcalfe. Probably not. 

The Chairman. You would have to go further and have an expen- 
sive accounting investigation ; you would have to go to the banks and 
various avenues of information, which would entail a tremendous 
amount of research. Is not that true ? 
Mr. Metcalfe. That is right. 

The Chairman. As a matter of fact, you found that to be true in one 
particular instance? 
Mr. Metcalfe. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. You were investigating a certain organization, not 
charged with being pro-Communist, but an organization charged with 
being pro-Nazi? 

Mr. Metcalfe. That is right. 

The Chairman. You undertook to find out something about the 
financial status of the organization and where they were getting their 
money ? 

Mr. Metcalfe. That is correct. 

The Chairman. And to do so you had to go to the Post Office 
Department to find out about the postal receipts at various points, and 
at many of these points you found difficulty in getting access to infor- 
mation even though you were armed with the credentials of the 
committee? 
Mr. Metcalfe. Yes. 

The Chairman. There seems to be an impression in some quarters 
that it would be very easy to find out about these things by seizing 
these books. 

Mr. Metcalfe. It is very difficult. It is obvious that where we may 
have knowledge that an organization has spent a great amount of 
money, and yet their books do not show that, and you have the postal 
receipts, which also show the amounts, yet if you get all the informa- 
tion and try to prove it conclusively, naturally those witnesses would 
simply deny that they had expended the money ; they probably could 

94931—38— vol. 2 13 



1170 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

not account for some of it if they did show that they had actually 
expended it. 

To obtain that would entail a very thorough investigation, which 
we are not equipped to do. 

The Chairman. It is a matter of considerable interest to consider 
the state of our law which permits these organizations to be formed 
with little or no difficulty or restriction. All that most of them have 
to do is to file an application, and then they get a charter and pay a 
nominal fee, and they use the corporation charter as a smoke screen 
to carry out their activities. 

Mr. Metcalfe. That and a very high-sounding name. 

The Chairman. They make no public accounting of the money they 
receive or expend, nor is there any law that would compel these organ- 
izations to make public this information. So in order to get it would 
require a tremendous amount of money, with a large staff of inves- 
tigators, accountants, and experts, to find the various sources of this 
money ; is not that a fact ? 

Mr. Metcalfe. Yes ; that is true. 

The Chairman. You may proceed with your statement. 

Mr. Metcalfe. It is generally understood and stated privately in 
bund circles that some prominent American industrialists are helping 
to finance the German-American Bund movement. I repeat that 
statement in connection with this particular incident in Cincinnati. 

The Chairman. There is no evidence to that effect ; you say it is 
reported ? 

Mr. Metcalfe. The situation is as I stated the other day. 

The Chairman. In order to substantiate those reports, it would 
require a detailed investigation, to seize certain records and books, 
and have certain accountings, and perhaps even to go into certain 
foreign lands to follow the circuitous route over which it comes; 
is not that a fact ? 

Mr. Metcalfe. As I say here, for obvious reasons, their names 
have never been revealed publicly and therefore there is no direct 
proof that such financial relationship even exists. That is, publicly. 

The Chairman. Of course, that ought to be gone into thoroughly. 
The whole thing ought to be exposed, because it is just as harmful 
and dangerous as any activity could be. 

Mr. Metcalfe. Yes. 

The Chairman. But, in order to do that, in order to make that 
exposure, our information has indicated that it would be necessary 
to follow a rather circuitous route, which they follow in order to 
accomplish these ends? 

Mr. Metcalfe. Oh, yes. 

The Chairman. In other words, the funds apparently may come 
from a foreign country when, as a matter of fact, they would have 
their origin in the United States; is that a fact? 

Mr. Metcalfe. Yes. 

The Chairman. Proceed. 

Mr. Metcalfe. In connection with funds raised and expended by 
the German-American Bund certain points of high interest should 
be noted. 

To begin with, Fritz Kuhn and many bund leaders down the line 
have on scores of occasions stated publicly and through the Weckruf, 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1171 

their official weekly newspaper, that the bund is constantly in need 
of funds. 

At the same time Kuhn has stated that the bund has a membership 
of only 6,500 and that these are poor people who must work for a 
living. 

In line with this reputed poverty Kuhn has given his membership 
to understand that he is earning only from $60 to $75 per week 
through his activities as national leader of the German-American 
Bund movement. 

In the face of these statements it is strange, to say the least, that 
the German-American Bund is financially able to pay out some 
$12,000 for the purchase of Camp Siegfried, some thousands of dol- 
lars more for a youth camp adjacent to it, some $9,000 for Camp 
Nordland, near Andover, N. J., some $3,800 for Camp Von Steuben, 
near Danbury, Conn., and thousands of additional dollars for other 
camp sites throughout the country. 

Not only is the bund financially able to purchase and lease camp 
sites and bund headquarters throughout the United States, but it is 
also able to pay out thousands of dollars for the construction of 
buildings in these various camps and continue the flow of money for 
operation of not only these sites but also their various headquarters, 
salaries for officials, and equipment and supplies. 

The stream of financial plans and operations does not stop here. 

The extent of them is revealed in a bund program which has never 
before been made public, not even to many officials in the German- 
American Bund. 

This fact is that Kuhn has planned to spend $2,000,000 for the con- 
struction of a building in or near New York City to house the 
various departments of the national headquarters for the German- 
American Bund. 

Another plan which has never before been revealed is that Fritz 
Kuhn also has planned to purchase a large tract of land near the 
Canadian border, some 2,000 acres. 

The Chairman. In that connection, is there not a Fascist movement 
in Canada? 

Air. Metcalfe. There is; yes. 

The Chairman. Is there any evidence of any relationship between 
the Fascist movement in Canada and the Fascist and Nazi move- 
ment in the United States? 

Mr. Metcalfe. There is; and particularly an exchange of propa- 
ganda, which we will show in just a little while. 

The Chairman. Very well, proceed. 

Mr. Metcalfe. On this site he proposes to build a large institution 
to serve, ostensibly as an old people's home and hospital for members 
of the bund. 

Likewise, in this plan, Kuhn has indicated that thousands of 
dollars would be spent for the purchase of this land near the Cana- 
dian border and the construction of this supposed Nazi institution. 

It should also be stated here that certain witnesses have testified 
in executive sessions of a subcommittee of this committee and to this 
investigator relative to the expenditure of funds by Fritz Kuhn 
personally. 

The names of these witnesses cannot be made public as they are in 
fear of reprisals at the hands of Fritz Kuhn. 



1172 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

These witnesses have testified under oath that Fritz Knhn, although 
earning only from $60 to $75 a week, is spending for his own amuse- 
ment from $25 to $50 a night three and four times a week. The ex- 
penditure of this money does not include that for other personal uses, 
such as an automobile, large wardrobe of expensive clothes, and items 
of that kind, becoming one of New York's men about town and 
habitual of night clubs. 

All of these financial points have been set forth in anticipation of 
flat denials by Fritz Kuhn, which is a customary action for him to 
take whenever any evidence against him or the organization is pre- 
sented to the public. 

However, Fritz Kuhn has never answered specifically the charges 
made against him or this organization before this committee. 

He has ignored the various points with broad and vague denials. 

The points made here are that certain money has been and is being 
spent by him and the German-American Bund. It remains for Kuhn 
to disclose the source of revenue rather than deny the actual expendi- 
ture of money. 

At the same time it should be borne in mind that already one big- 
leader of the German- American Bund testified on the opening day of 
hearings before this committee that his organization for 2 years had 
been unable to secure from Kuhn an accounting for funds which had 
been forwarded to the New York headquarters. This leader had 
repeatedly requested a financial statement as to how their funds had 
been expended. 

It should also be noted that this difficulty over the expenditure of 
funds under Fritz Kuhn's direction in New York City is not a new 
one, but that similar complaints were made to this investigator by 
bund leaders throughout the United States. 

In conjunction with the purchase of camps for the German- Ameri- 
can Bund, it is highly interesting to note that despite the oft-stated 
claim of Fritz Kuhn that his organization is 100 percent American, 
the following statement was recorded in a booklet issued by the Ameri- 
can German Bund Auxiliarv, Inc., with reference to the opening of 
Camp Nordland on July 18,*1937: 

Hereby we give you over Camp Nordland to your holy mission. We consecrate 
this as a little piece of German soil in America, as a symbol of our motto : 
"Obligated to America, tied to Germany." 

That is their own admission. 

The Chairman. That statement was in this booklet? 

Mr. Metcalfe. In the booklet issued by the German-American 
Auxiliary. That document is filed with the committee. 

Note must also be made that Otto Willumeit and George Froesbese, 
Nazi leaders, have made sworn affidavit that they know nothing of 
bund funds. 

At this point I should like to call attention to a number of packages 
containing Nazi propaganda which have been shipped from Ger- 
many to various citizens of the. United States. Several facts sur- 
rounding these shipments should be made distinctly clear. These 
packages contain, for instance, considerable Nazi propaganda which 
was printed in Germany for distribution in the United States; con- 
siderable Fascist propaganda which was printed in Great Britain for 
distribution in the United States; and considerable material of anti- 



DN-AMERK \X PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1173 

racial and antireligious character which was printed, in America, 
shipped to German Government agencies, and then reshipped to the 

United States for distribution in this country. 

The material which was printed in the United States may also be 
bought in America, some of it is distributed freely along with other 
Nazi and Fascist propaganda. 

It will be recalled that on the opening day of testimony before this 
committee, which took place last August 12, that during that session 
a large amount of Nazi propaganda was produced in evidence. This 
was material which this investigator had obtained personally at vari- 
ous German-American Bund camps and headquarters from coast to 
coast. Some of this material was purchased and some of it was 
obtained without cost. 

Today, however, an entirely different aspect is presented on the 
steady flood of foreign propaganda pouring into the United States, 
going out of it and coming right back into the country at the expense 
of the German Government, and for the specific purpose of approach- 
ing the gospel of national socialism and the aim of Nazi Germany in 
foreign lands from every conceivable angle. 

In this presentation of this evidence, however, no names of the per- 
sons to whom this material was addressed will be made public. These 
people, for good reasons, fear reprisals by agents of the German 
Government should their names become known. It is only fair to 
j>rotect them in their actions of cooperation with this congressional 
committee. 

The Chairman. At that point, and before proceeding further, as 
illustrative of that statement, this committee received a letter from a 
judge of a superior court, who had received some of this propaganda 
and who sent it to the committee. The committee also received letters 
from other citizens over the country. The committee does not feel 
at this time that it should make known the names of these people 
without their authorization. 

However, you have all of that material there, do you not? 

Mr. Metcalfe. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. And you are about to take up package 1 now? 

Mr. Metcalfe. I might say that this is just a part of the material 
which we intend to proceed with today. 

The Chairman. You may continue with your statement. I should 
like first that you call attention to the wrapping of this package. 

Mr. Metcalfe. Yes. This is a type of paper that is not manu- 
factured in the United States [indicating wrapping of package]. 

The Chairman. You have checked that? 

Mr. Metcalfe. That has been checked. This is German paper. 

In conjunction with this package appears a letter from Johannes 
Klapproth, in charge of the American section of the World Service, 
one of the chief Nazi propaganda agencies shipping material to the 
United States and elsewhere. This agency is located in Erfurt, Ger- 
many. It was referred to briefly on the opening day of testimony 
and the evidence presented here is in full substantiation of statements 
made at that time. 

Before continuing, however, it is well first to consider the back- 
ground of Mr. Klapproth. Without making any personal reference 
to this man, but relying on another Federal Government department, 



1174 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Klapproth's record is herewith presented, this record being no 
different from that already in possession of this committee : 

Klapproth was an original member of the German Nazi Party 
before Hitler rose to power. He is fanatically antiracial and deeply 
interested in the Silver Shirts movement. He is continually exchang- 
ing reading matter with Silver Shirt leaders. He was the organizer 
of the Friends of New Germany in San Francisco and vicinity. In 
April 1934 he wrote a report to 'Germany on the slow progress of the 
San Francisco Bund at that time, blaming Consul Heuser for this 
condition. 

He is acquainted intimately with George Deatherage and Kositsin 
and corresponds with them. 'Klapproth is now in Germany. 

He came to the United States in 1928. He is an engineer. Going- 
east, he became the gauleiter (district leader) of Brooklyn for the 
Nazi movement. This was early in 1935. He returned to the bay 
region, supposedly after a visit to Germany, where he boasted of 
having had a conference with Goering during the summer of 1936. 

Klapproth toured the west coast with Deatherage for the purpose 
of interviewing pro-Nazi elements. He received mail at the German 
consulate in San Francisco. This fact alone once again establishes 
the tie-up between the German Government and the German-Ameri- 
can Bund. 

I have the letter here. It was sent from Germany. I will not say to 
whom it was sent. 

The Chairman. You have a translation of this letter? 

Mr. Metcalfe. The letter itself solicits funds. 

The Chairman. For what ? 

Mr. Metcalfe. For propaganda purposes in the United States. It 
is written from Germany. 

The Chairman. This letter was written from Germany to a man in 
the United States? 

Mr. Metcalfe. That is right. We will have other letters along that 
line to introduce. 

The Chairman. And this package was received by an American 
citizen ? 

Mr. Metcalfe. As it is; that is right. 

The Chairman. And that is the way you obtained possession of 
it — from the citizen? 

Mr. Metcalfe. That is right. 

The Chairman. And that citizen does not want his name revealed 
for the reason that, in the first place, he would cease receiving this 
propaganda \ 

Mr. Metcalfe. That is; right. 

In addition to considerable material from the World Service, there 
is contained in this package copies of speeches by Hitler printed by 
Nazi government propaganda agencies in Berlin. 

This is tin 1 World Service material here, and here are these speeches 
[indicating documents]. 

The Chairman. This World Service is one of the chief propaganda 
publications of the German Government? 

Mr. Metcalfe. Yes. 

The Chairman. I notice it says here, in the beginning: "Interna- 
tional Jewry mobilizes the United States for a new world war. The 
three great democracies — England, America, and France — to fight on 
behalf of world Jewry." 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1175 

Mr. Metcalfe. It is antiracial and antireligious material. 

The Chairman. I want the record to show what these things are. 

Mr. Metcalfe. I am going to take them up point by point. 

We also find here Nazi literature from the pen of Ernst Goerner, 
of Milwaukee. This man has been an extremely active Nazi propa- 
gandist in the United States. He has been mailing material of 
vicious character to all parts of the country and is deeply linked 
with sundry subversive movements in this country. The story be- 
hind the activities of Goerner will be told more fully in a forth- 
coming hearing. 

The Chairman. The Goerner pamphlet is printed in the United 
States? 

Mr. Metcalfe. In Milwaukee. 

The Chairman. And it evidently was sent to Germany ? 

Mr. Metcalfe. That is right; and then reshipped and included in 
this package along with others that came from America and Great 
Britain and from Germany, then sent back to the United States. 
In other words, it is a sort of a clearing house. They take that 
material and then make up packages of it. 

Then there is included a quantity of Fascist propaganda originat- 
ing from England and Canada, even some from Sir Moseley's Black 
Shirt Legion in London. 

The Chairman. At this point, let me ask a question in connection 
with this. There appears here a publication by the Christian Free 
Press, which is published in California? 

Mr. Metcalfe. Yes. I am going to take that up. 

The Chairman. Then proceed. 

Mr. Metcalfe. There is also a pamphlet from the Knights of the 
White Camellia, an organization founded by Deatherage, who w T ill 
be referred to in detail at another hearing. 

There is also a leaflet from the Russian National Union, an or- 
ganization of White Russians closely alined with the German- 
American Bund. 

Included also is an issue of the Christian Free Press, operated by 
a Mrs. Fry, of whom more will be told later. She is in Glendale, 
Calif., and was formerly of Los Angeles. 

Attention is called, particularly, to Nazi propaganda originating 
from the American National Confederation, led by Deatherage. This 
material is pertinent because it includes the following statement: 

Organizations which you should support and from whom you can secure 
literature : 

The list includes the following: 

The New Federalist, Wichita, Kans., edited by Rev. Gerald B. 
Winrod, recent candidate for the United States Senate. 

The Examiner, Nelwon, New Zealand. 

The Patriot, London. 

Pelley Publishers, Asheville, N. C, of which the editor is William 
Dudley Pelley, chief of the Silver Shirts. 

The American Federation of Labor, Washington, D. C. 

Berlin Weekly, Berlin, a representative of which was a speaker 
before leaders of the German-American Bund at a meeting attended 
by this investigator. 

Industrial Control Reports, Washington, D. C, published by James 
True Associates, who publishes a weekly four-page letter patterned 



1176 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

after a famous business-news service. This service has been highly 
friendly to Nazi and Fascist powers, while strongly opposed to 
Russia. Early in the first Roosevelt administration True was ordered 
out of press conferences of Gen. Hugh S. Johnson, then N. R. A. 
Administrator. 

In this package is also included True's news letter. 
The Chairman. In order to identify this for the record, this is a 
pamphlet issued by the American Nationalist Confederation. Where 
is it issued? 

Mr. Metcalfe. Charleston, W. Va., is where Deatherage operates. 
The Chairman. And this says, "Organizations which you should 
support and from whom you can secure literature," and then gives 
the names of the organizations which you have mentioned? 
Mr. Metcalfe. Yes. 

The Chairman. And this pamphlet is a part of other pamphlets 
enclosed and sent through this route, from Germany to the addressee 
in the United States? 
Mr. Metcalfe. Yes. 

I have here what I call exhibits 2, 3, and 4. That is this package 
here [indicating]. They are practically the same as the first one 
and they continue to carry identically the same sources of informa- 
tion; probably in different issues, but the material is the same and 
along the same line. The propaganda sources are the same as were 
found in this first one. 

The Chairman. Which American writers had pamphlets in these 
packages ? 

Mr. Metcalfe. Goerner of Milwaukee and Deatherage. They are 
American writers. Those are two of them. Mrs. Fry, of the Chris- 
tian Free Press, and Pelley, of the Silver Shirts. 
The Chairman. What about True? 

Mr. Metcalfe. Yes; James True. There are a half dozen there. 
The Chairman. All of these packages contain propaganda printed 
in Germany and in England by Moseley's Facist group? 
Mr. Metcalfe. And in Canada. 
The Chairman. And in Canada? 
Mr. Metcalfe. By Fascist groups. 
The Chairman. And in the United States? 
Mr. Metcalfe. Yes. 

The Chairman. And they are all together in a package which was 
sent to American citizens over here? 
Mr. Metcalfe. That is right. 

The Chairman. Are you ready at this time to introduce those 
pamphlets that came to the committee? 

Mr. Metcalfe. We are going to use some of it today and some of 
it in connection with another hearing. 
The Chairman. Very well; proceed. 

Mr. Metcalfe. We direct attention to exhibit 5 in the Nazi propa- 
ganda material in this package. 

The Chairman. I think this ought to be cleared up for the sake 
of the record, if it is not absolutely clear; these American pamphlets 
were printed in the United States'? 
Mr. Metcalfe. Yes. 

The Chairman. Then evidently they were sent to Germany and 
then returned with these other pamphlets and literature ; is that the 
fact? 



ON-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 11 77 

Mr. Metcalfe. A certain amount of each printing. 

The Chairman. Do we have any knowledge of the reason for send- 
ing these pamphlets to Germany and then returning them; in other 
words, an explanation of why they would send American propa- 
ganda over there '. 

Mr. Metcalfe. It is the psychology of the approach; you get 
something from Europe and you feel it is more authentic along 
that line, when the man right next door to you would be printing 
it, but you would not believe him, because he is a neighbor of yours 
and you know he is a crackpot. 

The Chairman. What about some of the pamphlets written by 
these American citizens? Some of those were also printed in Ger- 
many, were they not? 

Mr. Metcalfe. Oh, yes. 

The Chairman. In other words, they appear to be in publications 
in Germany I 

Mr. Metcalfe. Yes. 

The Chairman. For the purpose of purporting to show what the 
true conditions are in the United States? 

Mr. Metcalfe. That is right. 

The Chairman. Do you know of any instance where any opposi- 
tion pamphlets have ever been printed ? 

Mr. Metcalfe. Never, that I know of. We never came across any. 
Everything that was printed over there, of course, was highly favor- 
able to the Nazi regime. 

The Chairman. What do all of these pamphlets have in common ? 
What is the trend of them? 

Mr. Metcalfe. They are antiracial and antireligious ; they try to 
create hatreds among people, stir up trouble. They attack the dem- 
ocratic form of government. They contain vicious attacks on the 
President of the United States particularly and on the Democratic 
administration. 

The Chairman. Is there a similarity in the statements made by the 
American writers and the statements made by the German writers 
and the British writers? Are they practically the same charges? 

Mr. Metcalfe. Yes; there is a similarity in all of these publica- 
tions. 

The Chairman. In other words, it is the same kind of propa- 
ganda ? 

Mr. Metcalfe. That is right. 

We direct attention to exhibit 5 in the Nazi propaganda material. 
This package forwarded at the direction of Klapproth, contains a 
very expensive magazine glorifying Germany's industrial achieve- 
ments. It is significant that while Naziland defaults on its bonds 
and no American firm can take its money out of that country, it is 
able to finance and distribute such expensive propaganda. One 
paradox in this particular propaganda maneuvering is the fact that 
Klapproth, apparently backed by a huge fund for this Nazi work, 
still asks gullible Americans to send him dollar bills for his stutf. 

As you remember, in this first exhibit, or in that letter, he asks for 
funds to help finance the work. 

The Chairman. This is new. 

Mr. Metcalfe. Yes. sir. You will see what an expensive type of 
magazine it is. This is exhibit No. 5. 



1178 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

The Chairman. This magazine depicts the industrial development 
of Germany. 

Mr. Metcalfe. That is right. 

The Chairman. It also contains photographs of Nazi leaders and 
chiefs — is that right? 

Mr. Metcalfe. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. Does it have any photographs of the German 
Army ? 

Mr. Metcalfe. I believe so. 

The Chairman. This exhibit does not appear in the record, and we 
want to identify it and show what the propaganda is. 

Mr. Metcalfe. The office of Congressman Martin Dies received four 
pieces of propaganda (exhibit No. 6) all addressed to a superior court 
judge located in California and coming from Erfurt. One of the items 
in these four envelopes advertise the afore-mentioned George Deather- 
age and his American Nationalist Confederation, which has the swas- 
tika as its symbol. The same group previously mentioned at this hear- 
ing are advertised on this piece of material edited and printed in 
Germany [indicating]. 

This committee also has in its possession an affidavit by a highly 
respected citizen of Indiana in which he relates receiving Nazi propa- 
ganda that he does not want and which he has not asked for nor 
ordered. 

The Chairman. This man occupies a rather responsible position. 

Mr. Metcalfe. Yes, sir. 

The affidavit, omitting the name, is as follows : 

, being duly sworn, upon his oath says * * *. 

That he received, on or about July 25, 1938, the accompanying pamphlet, en- 
titled "World Service,'' which he has attached to this affidavit as "Exhibit A." 
That the same was mailed to him from Erfurt, Germany, in the enclosed envelope, 
which has been marked "Exhibit B." 

That he did not subscribe for this pamphlet, or publication, and did not 
request that it be sent to him. That it is one of a series along similar lines that 
he has been receiving at intervals over a considerable period of time. 

That he makes this affidavit in order that any parties interested, including 
the congressional investigation committee of which Congressman Martin Dies 
is chairman, may be informed that printed matter of this character is being 
forwarded direct from Germany to citizens of this country, unsolicited and 
without their request, as propaganda of a nature to breed racial and religious 
intolerance. 

Another pertinent item of Nazi propaganda of American origin is 
entitled "Stepchildren of Czechoslovakia" and edited by Viola 
Bodenschatz, of Louisville, Ky., a known Nazi sympathizer. This 
booklet (exhibit 7) has as its center pages a map of Czechoslovakia 
with the Sudeten areas marked in exactly the same manner as the 
map released in Berlin this past week. 

The Chairman. Do you mean to say that the map shows the same 
Sudeten areas shown on the map submitted to the allied powers? 

Mr. Metcalfe. Yes, sir. This map, from Berlin, is given in ad- 
vance in this pamphlet. 

Another group of material has been coming to an American citizen 
each week. It contains Streicher's Stuermer. The weekly sending is 
the result of one Karl Neumeister, 1898 Daly Avenue, New York City. 
This is exhibit No. 8. 

I interviewed Neumeister with the following result : 

Neumeister admitted under questioning that he is engaged in spread- 



UN-AMKKICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1179 

ing Nazi propaganda. He explained lie was doing this kind of work 
because he believed in the principles of Hitlerism. He admitted 
blandly that he goes around checking up on people to whom material 
of this type is mailed from Germany and that he does everything in 
his power to get these people to take more Nazi propaganda and 
assist in its distribution throughout the United States. 

Neumeister further stated that he had served in the German Army 
during the World War and was a soldier in the Kaiser's own regi- 
ment. He stated that he is on intimate terms, through lanes of cor- 
respondence, with the Kaiser. He said that he and the Kaiser have 
written to each other over a long period of years. 

He then went on to further express his beliefs and support of the 
Nazi government, stating that he hated all those hated by Germany 
and opposed all who are opposed by the Third Reich. 

He was, in fact, so brazen in his declarations and attitude that he 
even came to an executive session of a subcommittee of this commit- 
tee with a swastika tie pin. 

Neumeister, while admitting that he is disseminating propaganda 
for German agencies and is connected with one of the political sub- 
divisions subsidized by a foreign nation, has not yet registered with 
the Secretary of State here in Washington, as required under an act of 
Congress governing the registrations of agents of foreign principals. 

I have also, in addition to these exhibits that have been submitted, 
another one which contains identically the same type of propaganda, 
coming from Germany, England, Canada, and, of course, from sources 
throughout the United States. 

The Chairman. Does that come from different people? 

Mr. Metcalfe. Yes, sir. It was not received by one person at one 
time, but it has been gathered and placed together. However, all of 
it came from those sources. 

I made some reference recently to the raising of funds for the 
German-American Bund, and I introduce in evidence a series of raffle 
tickets to outings, celebrations, and that sort of thing, held by Ger- 
man-American bunds. You will note that on some of the tickets 
there is a swastika printed, but nowhere is there the emblem of the 
American flag. That does not appear on any of these tickets. They 
only display the swastika. There is also a ticket over a Long Island 
Railroad train. I have included all of them in one group of exhibits. 

In addition to that, I have a series of exhibits which are put in as 
one group, showing various raffles which were held by the German- 
American bunds. You can see for yourself exactly what they are. 
They are chances for free trips to Germany, and so forth. 

In addition to that, I have some photographs that I know were 
taken, because I was there. They sold tickets for the German-Amer- 
ican Bund. Here [indicating] is Peter Gissibl's personal card, and 
here [indicating] is a round-trip ticket to Germany. 

I have, in addition to that, original photographs of certificates of 
donations, or dollar donation certificates. This [indicating] is signed 
by Fritz Kulm, and is dated April 20, 1937. I obtained this by pay- 
ing $1. It states that the German-American Bund hereby acknowl- 
edges the donation of the sum of $1 "For the fifth year of our battle." 

The Chairman. What does that mean — "the fifth year of our 
battle?" 

Mr. Metcalfe. The fifth year of their campaign, I suppose. 



1180 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

The Chairman. The fifth year of the bund campaign. 

Mr. Metcalfe. Of their entire program, I would say. This is offi- 
cial, as you will see. 

In connection with the affidavit which was submitted in evidence, I 
have here an envelope of material which was mailed to the gentle- 
man in Indiana. 

The Chairman. What is that material? 

Mr. Metcalfe. It is called "World- Service." You will recall that 
I introduced an affidavit in connection with it. 

(The matters above referred to were marked "Parts 1 to 12, 
inclusive," of Exhibit No. 21, and filed with the committee.) 

The Chairman. Do you have any positive proof that these organ- 
izations formed and chartered in the United States have been dissem- 
inating any German propaganda? 

Mr. Metcalfe. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. They have disseminated German propaganda ? 

Mr. Metcalfe. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. In other words, you say you have evidence that 
thase organizations which were chartered in the United States have 
disseminated some of this German propaganda in the United States? 

Mr. Metcalfe. Yes, sir ; that is correct. 

I believe that is all the evidence I have to present at this time. 

The Chairman. Have you completed your statement? 

Mr. Metcalfe. Yes, sir; I have. 

The Chairman. We will adjourn until Tuesday morning at 10:30 
o'clock, at which time the committee will hear from three other wit- 
nesses on this same subject of nazi-ism and fascism. We expect to 
have those witnesses here Tuesday morning at 10:30 o'clock and will 
continue until their testimony is completed. 

Mr. Metcalfe, I believe you still have several other documents to be 
incorporated in the record. 

Mr. Metcalfe. Yes, sir. 

(Thereupon the committee adjourned to meet on Tuesday, October 
4, 1938, at 10:30 a. m.) 



INVESTIGATION OF UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA 
ACTIVITIES IN THE UNITED STATES 



TUESDAY, OCTOBER 4, 1938 

House of Representatives, 
Subcommittee of the Special Committee 

to Investigate Un-American Activities, 

Washington, D. G. 

The subcommittee met at 10:30 a. m., Hon. Martin Dies (chair- 
man) presiding. 

The Chairman. The committee will be in order. The first witness 
is Mr. Girolamo Valenti. 

TESTIMONY OF GIEOLAMO VALENTI 

(The witness was duly sworn.) 

The Chairman. Mr. Valenti, you live in New York City? 

Mr. Valenti. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. You have requested an opportunity to appear be- 
fore this committee and give the committee the benefit of informa- 
tion which you and others have collected; is that right? 

Mr. Valenti. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. Before you testify, I want to ask you a few pre- 
liminary questions. The charge has been made to this committee 
that you are a Communist; is there any truth to that? 

Mr. Valenti. It is not the truth. I never was a Communist ; I am 
not a Communist. 

The Chairman. Do you approve of communism? 

Mr. Valenti. I do not approve of anything but Americanism, and 
the ideals of democracy and liberty. 

The Chairman. Your contention is that, because of your fight 
against fascism, you have been designated as a Communist; is that 
true? 

Mr. Valenti. Exactly; not only a Communist, but an anarchist. 
The Fascists call me an anarchist. 

The Chairman. In other words, some say it is customary for those 
who oppose fascism to be designated by the Fascist groups as Com- 
munists. 

Mr. Valenti. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. And the same is true with reference to commu- 
nism, that those who oppose communism are immediately designated 
as Fascists. 

Mr. Valenti. That may be true. 

mi 



1182 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

The Chairman. Your purpose in being here is to make a statement 
as a patriotic American citizen. 

Mr. Valenti. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. And to give this committee and the country the 
benefit of your testimony, supported by documentary proof and other 
evidence which you will make available to the committee ; is that true ? 

Mr. Valenti. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. Among other charges that have been made against 
you is that you published — and this is in support of the contention 
that you are of the communistic belief — a book called The Third 
Internationale. 

Mr. Valenti. Yes; I did publish that book, but that was not in 
favor of the Third Internationale. On the contrary, it was against 
the Third Internationale at the time; just the contrary. 

The Chairman. It was the contrary of the charge that was made ? 

Mr. Valenti. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. You have, of course, been interested in labor move- 
ments ? 

Mr. Valenti. Yes. And I am proud of it, too. 

The Chairman. But that does not mean that you are a Communist 
or that you sympathize with Communist beliefs ? 

Mr. Valenti. I never was a Communist ; I am not a Communist. 

The Chairman. You may proceed with your statement. 

Mr. Valenti. If you will allow me, Congressman Dies, I will read 
my statement. 

The Chairman. All right. 

Mr. Valenti. American-Italian Black Shirt legions, 10,000 strong, 
are marching in America with the same resounding tread as those of 
the goose-stepping detachments of German-American Bund storm 
troops. 

Behind this Black Shirt parade there are more than 100,000 Ameri- 
cans of Italian descent who are willing to be seen at the public mani- 
festations of some 200 Fascist organizations throughout the United 
States. 

Another 100,000 fall within the influence of the powerful organs of 
propaganda emanating from well-knit and centralized fascistic forces 
which are mind-conditioning American citizens and swerving their 
allegiance to Italian dictatorship under the thumping fist of Mussolini. 

In the same manner in which other un-American movements, 
such as the German-American Bund, engage in subversive activities, 
so, too, the American-Italian Fascist organizations reflect a shirt- 
tail relationship. 

This marked similarity is especially noted in the following activi- 
ties : 

1. Participation of Italian Fascist Government agents and officials. 

2. Training and indoctrinating American boys and girls in Fascist 
ideology. 

3. Military formations in the form of Black Shirt legions. 

4. Methods employed in Fascist propaganda throughout organiza- 
tions and affairs. 

5. Raising of funds, under cloak, to aid the Fascist regime in Rome. 

6. Fraternalization and cooperation with other subversive move- 
ments across the United States. 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1183 

Italian consular officials and secret Fascist agents are spreading 
Fascist propaganda throughout the ranks of some 200 Italian-Ameri- 
can organizations in the United States. In addition, they are also 
expending every effort to penetrate bona fide Italian-American fra- 
ternal societies with a view to gaining control of these organizations 
for the purpose of increasing the influence of Fascist dictatorship. 

Italian consular officials are addressing scores of semipublic gath- 
erings and closed meetings in which they deliver speeches of pure 
Fascist propaganda, seeking to undermine the democratic form of 
government. 

The participation of Italian consuls is a matter of common knowl- 
edge among the American-Italians. Among those who have repeat- 
edly taken part in Fascist affairs in their respective areas are the 
following : Consul General Vecchiotti, New York City ; Consul Gen- 
eral Segre, Boston; Consul General P. Pervan, Philadelphia, Pa.; 
Consul P. Decicco, New Haven, Conn. ; Consul Yannelli, Johnstown, 
Pa. 

While enjoying diplomatic immunity, these Italian consular officials 
are exerting influence over American citizens of Italian descent 
with the view of gaining more power and prestige for their native 
government. 

They show no regard for the fact that these people have of their 
own free will sworn allegiance to the United States of America 
and openly prefer to remain Americans. In other words, these 
Italian Government officials seek to keep alive the tie between these 
people and their former ruler. 

In this they are following the dictates of Mussolini, who states 
that Italians living abroad must be considered as loyal sons of Italy, 
even unto the seventh generation. 

Consular officials participate in meetings where American dollars 
are raised for the benefit of the Italian Fascist cause abroad. 

They spy on American citizens and threaten those who will not 
subscribe to Mussolini's dictates and philosophy of government. They 
even resort to fraud to gain their ends, by warning victims with 
threats of revoking their American citizenships and sending them 
home to Italy. In other cases they also threaten harm to their rela- 
tives who are still residing in Italy, should they fail to win these 
American citizens over to the Fascist side. 

The Chairman. At this point you are to introduce some evidence? 

Mr. Valenti. Yes. I have here a letter written by the consul 
general of Johnstown, Pa. 

The Chairman. Is it in Italian ? 

Mr. Valenti. It is in Italian, but I can translate it. 

The Chairman. Do so. 

Mr. Valenti. It is addressed to Mr. Gavino Pellani, Nettleton, Pa. 
Nettleton must be a small town around Johnstown. This letter is 
dated the 16th of March 1937. Then it gives the number of the 
Fascist era, XV, and it says: 

Dear Sir : You are invited to come to this office for communications which 
regard you personally. 

The Chairman. The letter may be received in evidence as Valenti 
exhibit No. 1 of this date. 

(The letter was received and marked "Valenti Exhibit No. 1 
of this date.") 



1184 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr. Valenti. When the gentleman went to the office of this consul 
he was told that the consul had found out that this man was en- 
gaged 

The Chairman (interposing). How do you know that? Do you 
have an affidavit in support of that? 

Mr. Valenti. Yes; I have an affidavit by this man. 

The Chairman. Suppose you read the affidavit. 

Mr. Valenti. Yes, sir. He was told he was engaged in political 
propaganda against the Fascist regime and if he did not behave he 
would be deported to Italy; he would have his citizenship papers 
revoked. 

The Chairman. Read the affidavit. 

Mr. Valenti. This is the affidavit. 

(Mr. Valenti thereupon read an affidavit which was marked 
"Valenti Exhibit No. 2 of this date.") 

Mr. Valenti. Then we have an affidavit of the wife of Pellani, Mrs. 
Leonora Pellani. 

The Chairman. You may read that affidavit. 

Mr. Valenti. The affidavit is as follows: 

Mrs. Leonora Pellani, of Nettleton, Pa., being duly sworn, said : 

"My husband, Gavino Pellani, received a letter from Consul Angelo V. Jan- 
nelli, of Johnstown, March 17, this year. The letter was dated March 16. He 
asked my husband to visit him in the consulate offices in the Swank Building, 
Johnstown, Pa. My husband could not go. He is a miner. But I was wor- 
ried. In fact, I couldn't sleep for 2 nights. I thought something happened to 
my family in Italy. So I went in his place March 20, with my son-in-law, 
Paul Cubeta. 

"Consul Jannelli had no news of my family. He sent my son-in-law out of 
the room and began threatening to have my husband deported for collecting 
money for Spain. He read me a letter, which my husband had sent to the 
Anti-Fascist Committee in New York, along with the sum of $23, which he and 
Antonio Caraglio, another Nettleton miner, collected last December. 

"That letter must have been stolen. 

"The consul said : 'Your man has been collecting money for Communists.' 

"I said, My man collected money to help poor people and orphans buy clothes.' 

"The consul said : 'Don't you know you belong to the United States and 
must not help peonle of other countries. If you help the Loyalist government, 
you are a Communist.' 

"I said: 'My man is not a Communist. He is a Democrat. He is a citizen 
of the United States.' 

"Consul Jannelli was getting angry. His voice was growing louder. He 
said my husband must write a letter, saying be was sorry he had collected 
the money: if my husband refused, the consul said he could have him deported 
to Paly. He said the Labor Department gave him authority in such cases. 

"I said he couldn't do that. My husband is a citizen. But the consul said 
he could have my husband's citizenship papers taken away. 

"The consul was getting angrier all the time. He said the Italian Govern- 
ment could make trouble for my people in the old country, if we displeased 
Mussolini there. 

' 'I know the place you come from in the old country,' he said. 'The Italian 
Government can watch you in this country and watch your mother in the old 
country.' 

"My husband is a citizen of the United States and a member of the United 
Mine Workers of America. 

"I make this statement of my own free will. 

"(Signed) Leonora (her X mark) Pellani." 
State of Pennsylvania. 

County of Cambria, ss: 

Sworn and subscribed to before me this 30th day of July, A. D. 193S. 

[seal] Domenick Gelotte, 

Justice of the Peace. 

My commission expires the first Monday in January 1938. 



ON-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1185 

The Chairman. You offer this affidavit in evidence? 

Mr. Valenti. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. It may be received and marked "Valenti Exhibit 
No. 3 of this date." 

(The affidavit above referred to was received and marked 
"Valenti Exhibit No. 3 of this date.") 

Mr. Valenti. Then I have another letter by the consul general at 
Philadelphia-, written to a certain Bellone Valerio on the 2d of April 
1937. The letter is in Italian. This is what it says: 

With reference to a preceding correspondence, I invite you to inform me if 
"Connazionale" is still residing in the same place and if and in what kind of 
political activity he engages. 

The Chairman. The letter may be received and marked "Valenti 
Exhibit No. 4." 

(The letter above referred to was received and marked 
"Valenti Exhibit No. 4 of this date.") 

The Chairman. I notice that the affidavit which was received and 
marked "Exhibit No. 2" does not have a notarial seal on it. 

Mr. Valenti. I thought that it did, Mr. Chairman. I thought 
there was another sheet attached to it. 

The Chairman. Without the notarial seal we cannot receive it, 
and therefore it will be withdrawn. 

(Exhibit No. 2 thereupon was withdrawn.) 

Mr. Valenti. I should like you to pay some attention to the word- 
ing of that letter by the consul in Philadelphia. He wants to know 
if that particular person engages in politics, and what kind of 
politics. 

The Chairman. And he wrote that to whom? 

Mr. Valenti. To Valerio. The name is on the letter. 

The Chairman. And he wanted to know if that particular indi- 
vidual referred to in the letter engages in politics, and, if so, what 
kind of politics ? 

Mr. Valenti. Exactly. Now, here we have a. letter by the Consul 
Decicco, of New Haven. Conn. 

The Chairman. Addressed to whom? 

Mr. Valenti. Addressed to all Italian-American fraternal societies. 

The Chairman. It is in Italian? 

Mr. Valenti. Yes. 

The Chairman. Will you translate it slowly, so that we will 
understand it ? 

Mr. Valenti. He says this: 

There are a big number of Italian-American societies in the State of Con- 
necticut. It is necessary that this office be in possession of the names and 
addresses of all those who belong to such Italian-American societies. 

Therefore I would appreciate it very much if you will send me the complete 
list of the names and the addresses of those who belong to your particular society. 

That is the consul of the Italian Government. 

By the way, most of the members who belong to fraternal societies 
are American citizens. 

The Chairman. You offer this letter? 
Mr. Valenti. Yes. 

94931—38 — vol. 2 14 



1186 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

The Chairman. It may be received as Valenti Exhibit No. 5 of 

this date. . 

(The letter referred to was received and marked Valenti 

Exhibit No. 5 of this date.") 

Mr. Valenti. In order for your committee to realize how the 
Italian consuls engage in the organization of the Fascist Black Shirts 
in this country, I want to introduce this form of application which is 
used by the Fascists when they apply to become members of the Black 

Shirts. 

The Chairman. Do you know that as a matter ot tact « 

Mr. Valenti. Absolutely ; this is used. 

The Chairman. You swear to that of your own personal knowledge? 

Mr. Valenti. Yes. 

The Chairman. Translate it for us. 

Mr. Valenti. This is the front page of it : 

Fascist branches abroad. 

Branch of 

Name 

Then they have the years blocked out in a line here — 1937, 1938, 1939, 
1940, 1941, "and so forth. 

Then they want to know from the applicant if he was in the war ; 
if he has been O. K.'d by the secretary of that particular branch. 

They want to find out "his age, of course, and how much he has paid 
to be admitted. There is also a space for the name of the secretary. 

On the back there are lines drawn for the consul of that particular 
town to O. K. the applicant before he is admitted, which means that 
every prospective member who applies to be admitted to the Italian 
Fascist branches must be O. K.'d by the local Italian consul before he 
becomes a member of the Fascist Black Shirts. 

The Chairman. This is offered as Exhibit No. 6? 

Mr. Valenti. Yes. 

(The document referred to was marked "Valenti Exhibit No. 
6 of this date.") 

Mr. Valenti. These are the form cards that they use when they have 
meetings. 

The Chairman. Will you translate it for us? 

Mr. Valenti. This says : 

Association of Italian Fascists Abroad, 225 Lafayette Street, New York, N. Y. 

Then they invite the member to come and listen to Angelo Flavio 
Guidi, who "is a known Fascist agent. I do not know whether it is of 
any value to this committee, but I offer it as an exhibit. 

The Chairman. It may be received as exhibit No. 7. 

(The card referred to was marked "Valenti Exhibit No. 7," 
of this date.) 

Mr. Valenti. May I proceed with my statement? 

The Chairman. Proceed. 

Mr. Valenti. In the United States there is also a branch of the 
dreaded Italian Government secret police, known as the O. V. R. A., 
which corresponds to the G. P. U. of Nazi Germany. 

This is a spy organization which calls at the homes of American 
citizens of Italian descent and attempts to frighten them whenever 
they have participated in activities which do not conform to Fascist 
Government policy. This organization is directly linked to the Italian 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES H87 

consular service in the United States and is obviously under instruc- 
tions of the Italian Ambassador in Washington. 

At this point I wish to state that should this committee desire direct 
evidence from American citizens who have been victims of this vicious 
practice, I am in a position to submit a confidential list of names and 
addresses of such persons. 

The Chairman. At that point let me ask why do you make these 
names and addresses confidential? 

Air. Yalenti. Because those who have been molested are afraid that 
their relatives residing in Italy will suffer if their names are made 
public. 

The Chairman. So they have asked you not to make them public? 

Mr. Yalenti. Absolutely. 

The Chairman. But you are prepared to give the names of these 
people to this committee? 

Mr. Yalenti. Should this committee assure me that the lives of these 
Italian-American citizens' are guaranteed and that they will not be 
molested by Italian Fascists either here or in their homeland. 

The Chairman. Proceed. 

Mr. Yalenti. These American citizens are willing to testify before 
this committee, provided that they are given assurance of secrecy 
regarding their appearance and testimony, inasmuch as they fear 
reprisals against their relatives still living in Italy. 

This matter is so serious that I believe it should be called to the 
attention of the Department of Justice for the purpose of a thorough 
investigation for the protection of these American citizens against 
this type of manhandling by foreign agencies. 

The Chairman. Are you willing to give to the Department of 
Justice the names of these American citizens? 

Mr. Valenti. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. Who have been threatened? 

Mr. Valenti. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. And. who are in fear of reprisals? 

Mr. Valenti. Yes, sir; I am always ready, provided these people 
are assured that they will be safe. 

The Chairman. You wish to keep their names secret? 

Mr. Valenti. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. You may proceed. 

Mr. Valenti. Four known agents of the O. V. R. A. who are 
operating in this country are the following : Capt. Carlo Vinti, New 
Y'ork City; Pietro Pupino Carbonelli, New York City; Count Fachetti 
Guiglia, New York City; and Ubaldo Guidi, Boston. 

The spreading of Fascist propaganda by consular officials has been 
witnessed by thousands of American citizens of Italian descent at 
many places, including Madison Square Garden, Carnegie Hall, 
Columbus Circle, and Morristown, N. J. 

One of the most important fields of activities by Fascist interests 
in this country is the growing youth movement of Italian Fascist 
organizations, which is being carried out under the guise of education. 

This movement is centered around the "Dante Aligherie Society," 
with headquarters in the same building in which the Italian consul of 
New York has offices, Rockefeller Center. 

Its director is Prof. Mario Giani. 



1188 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

This society spends thousands of dollars in free distribution of 
pamphlets, books, and prizes to pupils. The most important and 
grave aspect of this society is that of the inroad it has succeeded in 
making in the American parochial and public schools. 

So powerful is the influence that it exerts over our American edu- 
cational system that its director is in a position to enlist numerous 
groups of children and bring them over to Italy each year ostensibly 
for their vacations, but in reality to be imbued with Fascist doctrines. 
The pamphlets distributed freely by this society are of pure Fascist 
propaganda nature, containing such material as speeches by Mussolini, 
achievements of the Fascist regime, and the military grandeur of the 
Italian Army and Navy, the colonial conquest, and so on. 

Of serious concern to all loyal American citizens of Italian extrac- 
tion is the fact that some of our parochial and public schools are being 
flooded with textbooks of Fascist origin. 

These books are ostensibly for the purpose of teaching solely the 
Italian language. However, close examination of these books will 
show that they are clever and insidious vehicles of Fascist propaganda. 
The Chairman. You want to introduce some of those books ? 
Mr. Valenti. Yes, sir. 
The Chairman. You may proceed. 
Mr. Valenti. We start with this, which is elementary. 
The Chairman. Before you go further, let us make this definite. 
What proof do you have that that book is used in any of the parochial 
or public schools? 

Mr. Valenti. We know of 

The Chairman. You say "we"; state who you mean. Let us get 
down to facts. 

Mr. Valenti. I know, personally, of American citizens of Italian 

descent who sent their children to parochial schools, or night classes 

in public schools, in New York, and San Francisco, Calif., and when 

they want to study Italian, to begin with, they are given these books. 

The Chairman. You know that of your own personal knowledge? 

Mr. Valenti. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. And under your oath as a witness, you are swear- 
ing that to be a fact? 

Mr. Valenti. Yes, sir. These books are printed in Italy. The 
heading here is, "Books for the Italian Classes Abroad." 

Here is a page in which a young Fascist is portrayed, saying that 
he salutes his flag and he always thinks of his far-away fatherland. 
"God assist, now and forever, Italy." "God help me to become a 
good Italian." 

Now, you want to go to the higher schools in Brooklyn and New 
York for those who want to learn Italian. 

The Chairman. Before you proceed, let us put this book in evi- 
dence. This first book will be received as Valenti Exhibit No. 8 of 
this date. 

(The book referred to was marked "Valenti Exhibit No. 8, of 
this date.") 

The Chairman. This book [indicating] is used in the high schools 
of Brooklyn, N. Y.? 

Mr. Valenti. Yes. sir; those two books are. 
The Chairman. Explain how you got this book. 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 11 89 

Mr. Vai.enti. I got it from a family that lives in Brooklyn. 

The Chairman. It says, "Abraham Lincoln High School, Ocean 
Parkway and West Avenue, Brooklyn, N. Y." That is printed or 
stamped on the inside of the book. 

Mr. Valenti. Yes, sir; and on the next page yon will see stamped 
"Board of Education, New York City." 

The Chairman. It is stamped "Public School No. — , Borough 
No. — ." Then it shows the names of Italian-Americans, which you 
do not want to disclose. 

Mr. Valenti. Yes, sir ; that is true. 

The Chairman. Why do you not want to disclose them? 

Mr. Valenti. Because they are afraid. Once their names appear 
in the newspapers, their relatives in Italy will suffer. 

The Chairman. You promised not to reveal their names? 

Mr. Valenti. Not only that, but I promised to give the books back. 

The Chairman. On the next page there is stamped "Property Board 
of Education, City of New York, June 17, 1937." 

Mr. Valenti. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. It is published by D. C. Heath & Co., Boston, New 
York, Chicago, London, Atlanta, San Francisco, and Dallas. Sup- 
pose you read some extracts from the book to illustrate its meaning. 

Mr. Valenti. On page 7 of this book, entitled "Nel Paese Del 
Sole" — Russo — the Duce, Benito Mussolini, is portrayed in a very 
charming pose. On the preceding page (6) the Fascist hymn, Lio- 
rinezpa, is called a beautiful hymn. It says that the Liorinezpa, 
which means youth, is the most beautiful song of the Fascist. 

The Chairman. Is there anything else in that? 

Mr. Valenti. Not so far as I know. With this book there is 
further evidence. 

The Chairman. Let us look at the other book. This other book 
also bears the stamp "Abraham Lincoln High School, Ocean Park- 
way and West Avenue, Brooklyn, N. Y." That is printed on the 
inside. 

Mr. Valenti. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. Also, "Board of Education, City of New York, 
Public School No. — , Borough No. — ." Then it gives the names of 
some Italian-Americans, but, for the same reason you have stated, you 
want to keep them secret. 

Mr. Valenti. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. The title of the book is "Andiamo in Italio." It 
is stamped "September 8, 1937, City of New York," and is WTitten by 
Marinoni and Passarelli, both of the University of Arkansas. It ap- 
pears that A. Marinoni and L. A. Passarelli are the authors of the 
book and that it is published in New York by Henry Holt & Co. 

Mr. Valenti. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. The books are written in Italian. 

Mr. Valenti. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. Read some extracts from it. 

Mr. Valenti. Reading from page 38, we find a propaganda recital 
on the rebirth of Italy. 

The Chairman. Without commenting on it, read what it says. 

Mr. Valenti. It says this, that "All the liberal and democratic 
governments which preceded the Fascist one were incapable of keeping 
order." The labor unions and the strikes are branded as disruptive, 



1190 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

and the Black Shirts are praised for having seized the Government of 
Italy by force. Also the corporate state is glorified, as is the voice 
of Mussolini, to which all must now listen. 

On page 156 the student reads that the governments which pre- 
ceded the Fascist were impotent to solve the Vatican problem, and 
that only the government of Mussolini, all new and all daring, could 
accomplish the great thing, and that now the Pope and the Italian 
Government are at peace. 

The Chairman. The title of one of the books is Andiamo in Italio, 
b;' Marinoni and Passarelli. I am simply identifying the books so 
they may be secured from the Congressional Library. You say you 
promised to return the books. 

Mr. Valenti. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. The title of the other book is Nel Paese Del Sole, 
by Russo. What does that title mean ? 

Mr. Valenti. In the Country of the Sun. 

The Chairman. You may proceed with your statement. 

Mr. Valenti. The Fascist government also ships into the United 
States for distribution through Fascist organizations in this country 
hundreds of decorations, medals, ribbons, and the like, all conveying 
the spirit of Fascist symbols and rituals. 

This point again recalls the similarity between the Fascist and 
Nazi organizations in this country. The Nazi groups, like these, 
distribute books, pamphlets, and prizes from Nazi Germany. 

As for the annual excursions for American school children to 
Italy, it should be made distinctly clear that once these youths ar- 
rive on Italian shores they are regarded as part and parcel of the> 
Fascist youth and military organizations. 

The Chairman. How do you know that ? 

Mr. Valenti. I will prove that to you. 

The Chairman. All right. You will introduce that evidence later 
on. 

Mr. Valenti. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. All of these statements you are making here you 
will substantiate by proof? 

Mr. Valenti. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. You have some photographs to introduce. 

Mr. Valenti. Yes, sir. 

As guests of the Italian Government, these American children are 
given Fascist uniforms and taken to training camps, where they are 
to be seen in military formations, drills, and exercises. Here they 
remain a month or so under the full surveillance of the Italian 
Government. 

They also participate in services, meetings, and parades on the 
streets of Rome, Genoa, and other cities. During the parades these 
children are given an American flag to display to the Italian popu- 
lace, not with the idea of paying homage to the American flag, but 
to give the impression that even the great democracy of the United 
States stands side by side with the Fascist Italy. 

It should be noted that the organizer and leading figure in these 
annual excursions of American children to Italy is Professor Giani. 

Of particular importance is the fact that these trips are financed 
by the Fascist government, including the salary and expenses for its 
agent, Professor Giani. 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 119^ 

These American children in some cases return from Italy to the 
United States dressed in Fascist uniforms and always imbued with 
Fascist spirit and ideology. 

It, therefore, becomes apparent that some day in the not too distant 
future America will be faced with a serious minority problem similar 
in character to that of the Sudeten Germans in Czechoslovakia. 

These American children, like those of the German- American 
Bund, are being raised in foreign ideals and will soon grow to man- 
hood as loyal citizens to Fascist and Nazi governments, even though 
they Avere born under the Stars and Stripes and hold citizenship in 
this country. 

The Chairman. We will take up these photographs, one by one. 
First, I want to ask about the photographs: How did you secure 
possession of these photographs? 

Mr. Valenti. They had been printed in some magazine of a mili- 
tary character in Italy. 

The Chairman. You took them from the magazines. 

Mr. Valenti. Yes, sir; they were sent to me by confidential report- 
ers that we have in Italy. 

The Chairman. They appeared in official magazines published in 
Italy? 

Mr. Valenti. Yes, sir. Here is one showing a group of American 
school children from Detroit, Mich., photographed on their return 
from Italy, where they spent their vacation time in the Fascist 
camps. The children are dressed in Fascist uniforms, as Balillas 
(young Fascists). In their group is the local consular agent, G. 
Ungarelli. 

(The photograph referred to was received in evidence and 
marked "Valenti Exhibit No. 9, October 4, 1938.") 

Mr. Valenti. The next photograph shows a group of American 
school boys, coming back from their trip to Italy. The boys give 
the Fascist salute to the consul of the Italian Government in Pitts- 
burgh, Pa., Cav. Siroana. 

(The photograph referred to was received in evidence and 
marked "Valenti Exhibit No. 10, October 4, 1938.") 

Mr. Valenti. The next photograph shows a group of American 
school boys, who are guests of the Italian Government, doing exer- 
cises in the Fascist camp at Cortina d'Ampezzo. 

(The photograph referred to was received in evidence and 
marked "Valenti Exhibit No. 11, October 4, 1938.") 

Mr. Valenti. The next is a photograph showing American boys 
of the parochial school in Fascist uniform, marching to the tomb 
of the unknown soldier in Rome. Italian Government officers lead 
the children. This shows the leaders, Prof. Mario Giani and Flavis 
Guidi. By the way, these children are shown wearing black shirts. 
When they get these children to Italy they are given the uniform. 

The Chairman. Are the leaders indicated by figures? 

Mr. Valenti. Yes, sir ; Prof. Mario Giani is indicated by the figure 
1 and Glavis Guidi by the figure 2. 

(The photograph referred to was received in evidence and 
marked "Valenti Exhibit No. 12, October 4, 1938.") 

Mr. Valenti. The next photograph shows a large group of Ameri- 
can school boys in the uniform of Balilla (Fascist youth) photo- 
graphed in De Ferrari Fountain Square, in Genoa. 



1192 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

(The photograph referred to was received in evidence and 
marked "Valenti Exhibit No. 13, October 4, 1938.") 

Mr. Valenti. The next is a photograph of American school girls, 
-who are guests of the Italian Government, in the attire of young 
Fascist misses, carrying Fascist banners in Camp Dux, in Rome. 
When they land here from their trip they are in civilian clothes. 

(The photograph referred to was received in evidence and 
marked "Valenti Exhibit No. 14, October 4, 1938.") 

Mr. Valenti. The next photograph shows a group of 192 boys of 
parochial schools in the United States, coming back from Italy. 
Prof. Mario Giani, their leader, is shown in the group. 

The Chairman. How is he designated there? 

Mr. Valenti. By the figure 1. 

(The photograph referred to was received in evidence and 
marked "Valenti Exhibit No. 15, October 4, 1938.") 

Mr. Valenti. I want to give some evidence as to the dates when 
the children were taken to Italy, and the names of the ships. 

I am not in a position as yet to know how many school children 
from the United States went this year on the vacation to the Fascist 
training camps. I do know that this enlistment of American 
children of Italian-American parents has been going on for several 
years. I have with me photographs of groups of school children 
from Detroit, Mich. (1), and Pittsburgh, Pa. (2), who went to 
Italy in 1934 and on their return to our shores they are greeted by 
consular officials of the Italian Government. 

The year 1937 broke the record in the shipping of our American 
boys and girls to the Fascist training camps in Italy. 

Here are a few facts: 

On July IT, 1937, on the Rex sailed a group of 95 children, parochial 
school, class A; they landed in Genoa the 25th day of July. They 
returned to the United States on the Saturnia the 26th of August. 
On July 17 on the Rex sailed a group of 95 children, parochial school, 
class B. They landed in Genoa. Returned on the Saturnia the 26th 
of August. 

On July 31, 1937, on the Conte di Savoia sailed a group of 72 school 
girls — public schools. They landed in Genoa on August 8, 1937. Re- 
turned to the United States on the Conte di Savoia on the 9th of 
September. On July 31, on the Conte di Savoia, sailed a group of 
159 boys — public school. Landed in Genoa on August 8. Returned 
on the Rex on the 2d of September. 

The next photograph shows Italian Black Shirts of the "Circolo 
Morgantini," in Harlem (New York City), participating in a Nazi 
celebration in Camp Siegfried in Yaphank, Long Island, on Sunday, 
August 29, 1937. The chief of the Black Shirt squad is John Finzio. 
This Black Shirt organization is identical in character with the Ger- 
man-American Bund. 

(The photograph referred to was received in evidence and 
marked "Valenti Exhibit No. 16, October 4, 1938.") 

The Chairman. There has already been introduced in evidence a 
number of photographs showing Fascist Black Shirts meeting with 
the Nazis or German-American Bunds. That has been proven. 

Mr. Valenti. This is a piece of evidence showing a number of 
scenes at a monster 10,000 black-shirted celebration in the Fascist 
Camp Dux in Morristown, N. J. In the celebration the general con- 



ON-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1193 

sul of the Italian Government in New York, Gaetano Vecchiotti; 
the Fascist agent, Count Facchetti Guiglia; the leader of the Squa- 
dristi, Pietro Pupino Carbonelli, and other Fascist officials partici- 
pated, all of them, including Consul Vecchiotti, wearing black shirts. 

(The photograph referred to was received in evidence and 
marked "Valenti Exhibit No. 17, October 4, 1938.") 

Mr. Valenti. The Black Shirt organizations are identical in char- 
acter to the storm troops of the German-American Bund, with whom 
they have been seen associating and marching in public places. Both 
of these organizations are strong-arm detachments for their respective 
movements. 

The Italian Black Shirts, like the bund storm troops, have many 
war veterans and aliens in their ranks. 

The strongest force of Black Shirts operates in the Harlem section 
of New York City, where they parade on the streets. 

There are from 10.000 to 15,000 Black Shirt uniforms being worn 
today in the United States, with posts of the organizations located 
in all major cities of the United States. 

During the Ethopian conquest the Fascist representatives in the 
United States enlisted some 1,000 Americans of Italian descent for 
miltary service in the Italian campaign. Many of these Americans 
returned to the United States in Fascist uniforms and have remained 
here since. 

As might be expected, many of them today are actively preaching 
fascism and organizing Fascist branches in this country. 

Among some of those who served fascism in this activity are the 
following: Angelo Gloria, Ganci, Pisani, Scancarella, Ricci, Ferdi- 
nando, Macaluso, Adjutant Algana, Lt. Giacomo Bonavita, Fran- 
conieri, Squad Chief Umberto Barbani Valeri. Mariconi, and Gentile. 

These Italian Fascists are all members of the military formation 
known as the "Squadristi." 

Here is a photostat copy of the New York Times showing Fascists 
leaving the United States to join Mussolini's army. 

The Chairman. The description of this exhibit is as follows : 

The New York Times of December 20, 1935, page 34, giving an account of the 
departure of a large group of Italians from the United States to join Musso- 
lini's army fighting against Ethiopia. The Italians left on the steamship Rex 
from the port of New York on December 19, 1935. The exhibit also carries a 
photograph of the departing volunteers. 

(The matter referred to was received in evidence and marked 
"Valenti Exhibit No. 19, October 4, 1S38.") 

Mr. Valexti. The next, exhibit No. 19, is a photostat copy of 
Progresso Italo-Americano (a Fascist organ) of January 14, 1937. 
Page 2 carries a story relating to the return to the United States of 
Angelo Gloria, an artist, who left this country and enlisted in Musso- 
lini's army in the Ethiopian adventure. The story is illustrated with 
the photograph of Angelo Gloria "Who returns here after having 
performed his duty." 

(The matter referred to was received in evidence and marked 
"Valenti Exhibit No. 19, October 4, 1938.") 

Mr. Valenti. The next is a photostat copy of Progresso Italo- 
Americano (a Fascist organ) of October 23, 1936, page 3, carrying the 
story of the return to the United States of a group of Italian Fascists 
who had left these shores and enlisted in Mussolini's army in Ethiopia. 



1194 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

The story is illustrated with a photograph of the returning Fascists in 
black shirts. It also contains the names of the "heroic" fighters. They 
are: Giacomo Bonavita, Ferdinando Macaluso, Aiutante di Battaglia 
Alagna, Capo Squadra Barbant, Cianci, Pisani, Scancarella, Ricci, 
Franconieri, Valeri, Moriconi, Gentile. 

Please note that most of the above-named Fascist heroes are engaged 
in Fascist propaganda in the United States. 

(The matter referred to was received in evidence and marked 
"Valenti Exhibit No. 20, October 4, 1938.") 

Mr. Valenti. There are thousands upon thousands of pieces of 
Fascist propaganda shipped from Italy to the United States and then 
distributed throughout this country. Much of this Fascist propaganda 
is distributed through the consular offices and through the Circoli 
Italiani all 'Estero (Italian Circles in Foreign Lands). 

Propaganda is also being carried on by the agents of the Italian 
Fascist Government through numerous publications, radio stations, 
schools, churches, as well as through the theater. 

There are seven dailies published in the Italian language in the 
United States. All of these are Fascist publications and under direct 
guidance from Rome. 

In the editorial department of each one of these seven newspapers 
there is an agent of the Fascist Government who supervises the edi- 
torial nolicy to make certain that these publications do not deviate 
from Fascist lines. 

For instance, at the Progresso Italiano Americano, the largest daily 
newspaper published in the Italian language and owned by an Ameri- 
can citizen, Generoso Pope, there is one Dr. Vincenzo Comiti. He is an 
agent of the Italian Fascist Government. It is his job to see that the 
daily newspaper renders 100 percent loyalty to the Italian Fascist 
Government. 

By the way, this gentleman was preceded by a gentleman named 
Amrelo Flavo Guidi, who is now in Rome. They seem to change them. 

The Progresso, as well as the other six Fascist dailies, receive free 
wire service from Rome under the Fascist ministry of press and 
propaganda. 

In addition to the Progresso. the publications are as follows : II Cor- 
riere d'America, New York; II Popolo Italiano, Philadelphia; l'ltalia, 
Chicago; l'ltalia, San Francisco; La Notzia, Boston; and La Voce del 
Popolo, San Francisco. 

Then there are more than 100 periodicals, weekly newspapers, maga- 
zines, bulletins, and so on, all of which are openly pro-Fascist. 

The radio stations which mostly identify themselves with the or- 
ganizations . which disseminate Fascist propaganda are WBNX, 
WBIL. WOV, WHOM, all operating in and in the vicinity of New 
York City. 

The Chairman. At that point, you have some phonograph records, 
with recordings of speeches thai have been made over these radio 
stations. 

Mr. Valenti. Yes, sir; and I wish we had a phonograph here. 
They would, give you a good time. I have taken these records while 
the Fascist proaganda was going on. They never play The Star- 
Spangled Banner, but they always play the Fascist hymn Liorinezpa. 
They praise the Fascist government and speak against and attack the 
Government we have here. 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1 ^95 

The Chairman. In that connection, there was received a letter from 
a lady in New York, whose name I am asked not to reveal. Do yon 
know* that lady [indicating] ? It is not an Italian name. 

Mr. Valenti. I do not know. 

The Chairman. In it she speaks of the same things yon are re- 
ferring to here. She has listened to the broadcasts. These are broad- 
casts of the Fascists — is that true? 

Mr. Valenti. Yes, sir. 

The Fascist government in Italy is also shipping into the United 
States a steady "stream of motion-picture films of a propaganda char- 
acter. Most of these films are projected at the notoriously Fascist 
moving-picture house, the Cinema Roma, on Broadway in New York 
City. 

A number of Fascist propaganda films are also shown in the meet- 
ings of Italian Fascist organizations and in Italian churches through- 
out the United States. 

The Fascist government also sends to the United States Fascist 
speakers, frequently under the guise of commerce and education. 
Their real purposes, of course, being to spread foreign propaganda. 

These speakers make appearances at American colleges, universi- 
ties, and before American-Italian societies. 

Their expenses are paid for by the Italian Government out of its 
fund for propaganda abroad. 

The Chairman. How do you know that? 

Mr. Valenti. It is published in Italian papers themselves. It was 
increased in 1934. 

The ends to which the Fascist movement in the United States will 
go to support the Italian Government is vividly portrayed in the 
fact that during the Fascist conquest of Ethiopia the American 
Fascist movement raised $1,000,000 supposedly for the Italian Red 
Cross but actually for the military campaign of the aggressor. 

The Chairman. How do you know that to be a fact ? 

Mr. Valenti. They sent the money through the consuls. 

The Chairman. How do you know they raised a million dollars ? 

Mr. Valenti. It was published in the Fascist papers. 

The Chairman. How do you know that it was really for the mili- 
tary campaign ? 

Mr. Valenti. They sent it through the consuls. They did not use 
it for the Red Cross ; that I am sure. 

From what I say next you will find out why I wrote that. 

In addition, the American Fascists, with Italian consuls partici- 
pating, collected thousands of dollars worth of articles containing 
gold and silver, such as earrings, matrimonial rings, watch chains, 
and gold fillings from their teeth. This precious metal was shipped 
to Rome. 

You don't think they sent those to the Red Cross ? 

The Chairman. I recall a meeting that was held in Washington 
about that time, at which American-Italians were present, and in 
which the paper reported that various gifts and offerings were made 
in the form of jewelry and various articles, and shipped to Italy to 
aid in the conquest of Ethiopia. 

Mr. Valenti. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. Were you acquainted with that big mass meeting 
that they held in Washington? 



1196 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr. Valenti. I happened to be here that day, but I could not be 
present at the meeting, of course. 

A branch of the American Fascist movement also resorted to the 
clever method of collecting copper plates for the Italian Government 
to help offset the sanctions imposed upon it by the League of Nations. 
These plates were printed and sold in the. form of post cards. On 
these copper cards were inscribed : 

Before the altar of the fatherland we place this offer and onr devotion. 

Other similar copper cards bore the following inscription : 

This sheet of copper which we offer to the fatherland symbolizes the faith of 
the Italians in America. 

After the sale of these copper cards in the United States they were 
mailed to Italy, and there they were melted for purposes of ammu- 
nition. 

Whatever became of the money raised in the United States from the 
sale of the copper cards, American-Italians were never told. 

Now, I can offer some evidence. 

These [indicating] are the cards that were used in the Ethiopian 
War. They sold them to the Italians here at 15 or 25 cents apiece. 
We do not know what became of the money they exacted, but they 
told them they should mail them to Italy so that the Mussolini gov- 
ernment could use them for melting into ammunition. 

The Chairman. You say "they." Who are "they"? 

Mr. Valenti. The Mussolini government. 

(The copper plates referred to were marked, respectively, 
"Valenti Exhibit No. 21" and "Valenti Exhibit No. 22.") 

The Chairman. Will you translate this one ? 

Mr. Valenti (reading) : 

This sheet of copper which we offer to the fatherland symbolizes the faith of 
the Italians in America. 

The Chairman. Now, will 3 t ou translate the next? 
Mr. Valenti (reading) : 

Before the altar of the fatherland we offer onr devotion. 

The Chairman. Will you translate the next one? 

Mr. Valenti. This [indicating] is the same as that [indicating]. 

The American clothing trade is a fertile field for Fascist agents to 
raise funds. In this trade field, both in the management and labor 
ends, are many American-Italians. 

Periodically Fascist agents descend on these American citizens and 
milk them of funds for purposes of Fascist propaganda in the United 
States. These Fascist agents have succeeded here in raising thousands 
of dollars from both employers and workers in exchange for printed 
greetings and messages of devotion to Musolini. 

Here is the evidence [indicating]. 

The Chairman. Just a second before you introduce that. What 
proof have you of Fascist activity in the labor unions of this 
country? 

Air. Valenti. This is one. 

The Chairman. What is that? 

Mr. Valenti. They raise their funds through the workers. They 
are allowed by the manufacturers to enter the shops and ask con- 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES H97 

tributions from the workers. Here is a book which they call, "A 
Vow of Fealty to Mussolini" — thousands of pages, voluminous, 
heavy. It must have cost thousands of dollars, and it contains 
besides 

The Chairman (interposing). Wait a minute. It says what? 

Mr. Valenti. "A vow of fealty" 

The Chairman. To Italy? 

Mr. Valenti. To Mussolini; not to Italy. It says, "For II Duce 
and Italy," and on the front page you will see, "A Vow of Fealty 
to Mussolini." 

The Chairman. All right. Where is this book published? 

Mr. Valenti. In New York City. 

The Chairman. It says, "New York, 1937, the Year 15 of the 
Fascist Era"? 

Mr. Valenti. Yes, sir; of the Fascist era. 

The Chairman. What is the last word there? 

Mr. Valenti. "The Year of the Empire." 

The Chairman. Who publishes this book? 

Mr. Valenti. That [indicating] is the name of the company. 

The Chairman. Eight here [indicating] ? 

Mr. Valenti. Yes. It says: 

Copyright reserved. Illustrations executed by Lydia Seccia. Printed by the 
Economic Printing Service of New York City. 

The Chairman. That is the name of the publisher of this book — 
the Economic Printing Service? 

Mr. Valenti. That is it. 

The Chairman. Now, on the third page is a portrait of Mussolini, 
is it not ? 

Mr. Valenti. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. What does it say over here [indicating] ? 

Mr. Valenti. It is his own autograph: "Mussolini, Rome, the 9th 
of May, the 14th Year." 

The Chairman. What dees it say at the bottom? 

Mr. Valenti. The Founder of the Empire. 

The Chairman. And this book contains what? 

Mr. Valenti. Names of manufacturers in the clothing industry, 
contractors, designers, foremen, also workers. There are thousands 
of them. 

The Chairman. Just a second. Let me get this straight. I 
notice that it purports to contain letters from certain Italian- 
Americans. 

Mr. Valenti. Of devotion to Mussolini; yes. 

The Chairman. I wonder if you could read a few of these letters 
from American-Italians. Pick them out and read a few of them, so 
that the record can show them. Pick them out at random. 

Mr. Valenti. Yes, sir [reading] : 

As each immigrant 



The Chairman. What page is that on? 
Mr. Valenti. Page 138. 

As each immigrant feels in his heart the sentiment of the continuous progress 
of the empire, which is destined to become powerful, I give my salute and my 
devotion to you. Duce of Italy. 



1198 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

The Chairman. Read a few more so that we can get the general 
tenor of them. 

Mr. Valenti. Here is another one : 

We love our fatherland. 

The Chairman. Just a minute. That other letter; by whom is it 
signed ? 

Mr. Valenti. It is signed by Angelino di Costanzo. 

The Chairman. Read another, giving the page and name. 

Mr. Valenti (reading) : 

In the disorder in which Italy found itself when it was governed by unstable 
government, Italy has found now the power to redeem itself and become one 
of the first nations of the world, thanks to Mussolini. 

This is signed, "Nicholas Santoriello." 

The Chairman. There appear to be hundreds of letters. 

Mr. Valenti. Thousands, we will say. 

The Chairman. All right ; say a thousand. 

Mr. Valenti. Yes. 

The Chairman. Of letters in this book ? 

Mr. Valenti. Yes. 

The Chairman. Written by Italian- Americans? 

Mr. Valenti. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. And the general tenor of the letters is a tribute to 
Mussolini ? 

Mr. Valenti. To Mussolini; expressions of devotion to Mussolini, 
yes; also 

The Chairman. What else? 

Mr. Valenti. Manufacturers of clothing, of Philadelphia, New 
York, and Boston, who signed this same message of devotion to Mus- 
solini. Their names are there. 

The Chairman. And these manufacturers of clothing are Ameri- 
can citizens? 

Mr. Valenti. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. And they have testimonials of regard and devo- 
tion to Mussolini? 

Mr. Valenti. Not only that, but they gave money to it. 

The Chairman. How do you know that they contributed ? 

Mr. Valenti. Two of them came to me and avowed it, and said 
they were sorry to have done it. If you will allow me, I will send 
the names from my office tomorrow. 

The Chairman. What else does this book contain besides the let- 
ters of testimonial to Mussolini ? 

Mr. Valenti. It is all propaganda glorifying Mussolini in Italy 
and Ethiopia and foreseeing that Italy will become the leading na- 
tion in the world under Mussolini's guidance. 

The Chairman. We offer this as an exhibit. The committee will 
have to keep this. 

Mr. Valenti. Yes ; I will give it to you. 

(The document referred to was marked "Valenti Exhibit No. 
23.") 

Mr. Valenti. It should be pointed out that some of our domestic 
professional money raisers in this country are pikers compared to 
this foreign type of extortion. 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES H99 

One of the said notes in all this Fascist activity in the United States 
is the fact that many of the Italian-Americans who are engaging in 
subversive activities are actually on relief rolls or employed by 
W. P. A. and other Government agencies. 

Here we have the spectacle of men and women who are American 
citizens or aliens and earning their bread from the hands of the 
Federal Government, while at the same time working quietly to 
undermine and destroy the very democracy that is feeding, sheltering, 
and clothing them. 

Many signs point to the fact that the American Fascist move- 
ment is marching side by side with the American Nazi movement and 
the ranks of hundreds of other minor un-American organizations to- 
ward the common goal of a united front for a desired upheaval and 
destruction of our American form of democratic government. 

The Chairman. I want to ask you a few questions. 

How long have you been engaged in conducting an investigation 
of fascistic activities in the United States? 

Mr. Valexti. For more than 10 years. 

The Chairman. Have you collaborated with other Italian-Ameri- 
cans in this work? 

Mr. Valexti. I have. 

The Chairman. Is the testimony you have given the fruit of a 
common effort on the part of a number of members who have been 
working with you? 

Mr. Valenti. Yes, sir; from Detroit, for instance, I have affidavits 
by Catholic priests and Protestant ministers professing being de- 
feated in their activities because they do not subscribe to these Mus- 
solini activities. 

The Chairman. Now, in order to discredit your testimony and 
make light of it, they undertake to accuse you of Communist beliefs? 

Mr. Valenti. Yes. sir. 

The Chairman. And you have made perfectly clear to this com- 
mittee that that is perfectly unfounded ; that you are not and never 
were a Communist ''■ 

Mi-. Valenti. I never was a Communist. 

The Chairman. And do not believe in communism? 

Mr. Valenti. As I told you in the beginning, I believe thoroughly 
in upholding the principles upon which this great republic of ours 
is founded ; that is, democracy and liberty. 

The Chairman. And you realize that fascism is diametrically op- 
posed to American representative democracy? 

Mr. Valenti. The American form of government, yes. And I have 
been fighting it for 13 years. That is why they call me anarchist and 
Communist. 

The Chairman. Xow, in addition to this evidence that you have, 
you and those who have worked with you have collected other evi- 
dence, have you not ? 

Mr. Valenti. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. You have mentioned the names of a number of 
American-Italians here, and you have brought some grave charges 
with respect to consular activities. It is therefore only fair that the 
chairman make the statement that any of those whose names have 



1200 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

been mentioned by yon will be accorded a full opportunity to appear 
before this committee and disprove what you say. 

Mr. Valenti. I wish they would do that. 

The Chairman. That is the proper way of disproving this testi- 
mony — to appear before this committee; and that applies to all others, 
organizations and individuals — if what you say is not true. 

Mr. Valenti. That is what we call fair play in America. In Italy 
it would not be possible, but in America it should be possible. 

The Chairman. If what you have said is not true, then the proper 
way for such organizations and individuals to begin their barrage for 
the purpose of discrediting your testimony is to appear before this 
committee under oath and show it is not true: and if they do that, 
their testimony will be received in the proper spirit. What this com- 
mittee wants from any and every one is the facts, whatever those facts 
may be, and whoever those facts may affect. 

Now, these photographs: You have not completed the introduction 
of all these, have you ? 

Mr. Valenti. Unless you want this, too [indicating]. 

The Chairman. What is this? 

Mr. Valenti. This shows Prof. Mario Giani. of Brooklyn. 

The Chairman. It says, "On the occasion of the blessing of the 
banner of something." 

Mr. Valenti. Yes; the blessing of the banner of "Circolo Culturale 
Italiano Patria." 

This [indicating] is Prof. Mario Giani, and some of them are in 
Fascist uniform. 

(The photograph referred to was marked "Valenti Exhibit No. 
24.") 

The Chairman. Are there any other photographs here that you 
want to offer in substantiation of your testimony ? 

Mr. Valenti. Not that I know of, so far. 

The Chairman. You will leave that phonographic record for the 
committee ? 

Mr. Valenti. Yes, sir; I will make that a present to the committee. 

The Chairman. What does it sav on the outside? 

Mr. Valenti. It was taken October 23, 1936, by W. H. O. N., "The 
Italian Program." It contains Fascist propaganda. 

The Chairman. I believe you said here that the American clothing 
traoe is a fertile field for Fascist agents to raise funds. 

Mr. Valenti. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. "In this trade field, both in the management and 
labor ends, are many American-Italians." 

What is their objective for working in the trade field among the 
labor unions? 

Mr. Valenti. In the first place, they have the message to give to the 
people employed there. You must realize that there are a great num- 
ber of American-Italians employed in the clothing industry. In the 
second place, they have the financial means to collect. As you see 
from the book, they exacted money not only from the manufacturers, 
contractors, and foremen, but also from the workers. 

The Chairman, One of their excuses for organizing fascistic activ- 
ities and movements in the United States is to combat communism, 
is it not ? 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1201 

Mr. Valenti. That is what they say ; yes. 

The Chairman. Now, those who are opposed to communism should 
resort to Americanism and the principles of Americanism to combat 
it and not resort to some other alien philosophy, which is just as bad; 
is not that a fact ? 

Mr. Valenti. Yes. 

The Chairman. And the very fact that they resort to another alien 
philosophy to combat communism is an indication that they are more 
interested in the success of the fascistic program than they are in the 
success of the American program. 

Mr. Valenti. That is true. We should employ our own methods in 
America. 

The Chairman. That is right. 

The committee will adjourn until 10:30 tomorrow morning. 

(Thereupon, the committee adjourned until tomorrow, Wednesday, 
October 5. 1938, at 10 : 30 a. m.) 



94931— 38— vol. 2 15 



INVESTIGATION OF UN-AMERICAN PEOPAGANDA 
ACTIVITIES IN THE UNITED STATES 



WEDNESDAY, OCTOBER 5, 1938 

House of Representatives, 
Subcommittee of the Special Committee to 

Investigate Un-American Activities, 

Washington, D. C. 

The subcommittee met at 10:30 a. m., Hon. Martin Dies (chair- 
man) presiding. 

The Chairman. The committee will come to order. 

We have some more witnesses who will be here today, but we will 
be unable to hear them this morning. We will hear them tomorrow. 

ADDITIONAL TESTIMONY OF MR. JOHN C. METCALFE, SPECIAL 
INVESTIGATOR FOR THE COMMITTEE ON UN-AMERICAN AC- 
TIVITIES 

The Chairman. Before you begin your statement, Mr. Metcalfe, 
I will ask you if you heard the testimony here yesterday? 

Mr. Metcalfe. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. Have you had occasion to investigate whether or 
not the charges that were made yesterday are something new \ 

Mr. Metcalfe. Broadly, I would say no. They were not new in 
this respect, that such things happened before to our knowledge. 
There have been complaints of that ? particularly with reference to 
interference by Italian consular officials with reference to American 
citizens. 

The Chairman. Have you had occasion to examine the report of 
the last committee, or the McCormack committee that investigated 
un-American activities ? 

Mr. Metcalfe. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. Were there submitted to that committee similar 
charges or statements? 

]\Ir. Metcalfe. Very similar charges were made before the Mc- 
Cormack committee which investigated un-American activities, I 
believe, in 1934. In the report of that committee there are cited 
charges very similar to those that were made yesterday. 

The Chairman. What did that committee do with those charges \ 

Mr. Metcalfe. It took the documentary evidence, particularly the 
affidavits, and so forth, with the testimony of the witnesses that was 
taken at the time, and all of that material was submitted to the 
State Department for a complete investigation by the State Depart- 
ment of those charges. 

1203 



1204 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

The Chairman. In other words, the McCormack committee recom- 
mended that the State Department investigate those charges. 

Mr. Metcalfe. That is correct. 

The Chairman. You have not found anything that indicates that 
the State Department did investigate the charges, or did anything 
about them? 

Mr. Metcalfe. I have had no occasion to investigate that end of it. 

The Chairman. The committee will follow that up and see just 
what was done by the State Department with reference to those 
charges. 

You may proceed with your statement. 

Mr. Metcalfe. When this committee held its hearing on August 12 
we presented evidence to show the connection between the German- 
American Bund in this country and the Auslandsdeutschen Institute 
at Stuttgart, Germany. 

On September 29 this investigator stated that 50 Americans had 
' taken part in the annual meeting of this organization of Germans 
living abroad held at Stuttgart on August 27 of this year. 

We now place in evidence the first page of a newspaper, Der 
Montag, published in Berlin, Germany, dated August 29, 1938. 

Printing a dispatch from Stuttgart, this newspaper states : 

Der Treueschwurder vielen tausende Auslandsdeutschen auf den Fuehrer and 
die nationalen Lieder beschlossen die eindrucksvolle Feierstunde. 

The English translation is : 

The oath to the Fuehrer of the many thousands of Germans living abroad and 
national songs closed the impressive festivities. 

(The matter referred to was received in evidence and marked 
"John C. Metcalfe Exhibit No. 1, October 5, 1938.") 

Mr. Metcalfe. I also offer in evidence a photograph of the same 
Auslandsdeutschen Institute, held at Stuttgart, and in this picture 
Rudolph Hess, who is, of course, one of the Fuehrer's right-hand men, 
is present in the gathering. You will note the very militaristic 
character of the celebration. 

(The matter referred to was received in evidence and marked 
"John C. Metcalfe Exhibit No. 2, October 5, 1938.") 

The Chairman. Who is Rudolph Hess? 

Mr. Metcalfe. He is an administrator of the Third Reich, under 
Hitler. He is follower No. 2, and is one of the men they hope will 
succeed Hitler. 

The Chairman. Are you familiar with the term "O. D. men''? 

Mr. Metcalfe. Yes, sir; it means "order of service." It is com- 
monly known as the storm troops in this country. We have had a 
great deal of evidence to show just exactly what these storm troops 
are, how they function, and what their activities are. We have had 
that in previous testimony. We showed that the German-American 
Bund contended that they were merely ushers at gatherings, but, 
actually., of course, they were something entirely different. We do 
have evidence of a great many of the activities of this strong-arm 
detachment of the German-American Bund, which, as pointed out 
yesterday, is very similar to the Black Shirt divisions of the Fascist 
movement. 

The Chairman. You may proceed with 3 r our statement. 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1205 

Mr. Metcalfe. Repeatedly we have been told that there is no con- 
nection between the German-American Bund and the Nazi govern- 
ment or its political subdivisions — repeatedly we have been told that 
no allegiance to Adolf Hitler is required, and j r et here we have an 
officially inspired newspaper published in Germany telling us that an 
oath of fealty was taken. 

The newspaper refers to this .year's meeting as the VI Reich Con- 
gress of the Germans in Foreign Countries, with delegates attending 
from many countries throughout the world. 

Plans were formulated secretly at the national convention of the 
bund in New York in July 1937 to set up pistol and rifle ranges for 
all storm troops of the German-American Bund. 

National Fuehrer Fritz Kuhn and other leaders publicly have ridi- 
culed suggestions "there are machine guns behind every tree at our 
camps." But behind the scenes plans are being pushed to include 
shooting practice in the military training of the silver-shirted storm 
troops. 

Local units in Philadelphia, Buffalo, Reading, Pa., and Detroit 
now have target ranges. The Deutschhorst camp of the Philadelphia 
post uses heavy .22-caliber rifles which are cocked like regulation 
army guns. 

Troops come out to the camp to drill and shoot at night during 
the summer. They use the official 50-yard, small bore, rifle target of 
the National Rifle Association. 

Reading, Pa., troops have a range on the Schneider farm. Prizes 
are awarded to the best marksman. 

The Detroit range is a small affair at Camp Efdende, 9 miles north 
of Pontiac, Mich. 

A shooting range at the East Aurora youth camp of the Buffalo, 
N. Y., unit is a favorite "recreation" spot for members of the Deutscher 
Legion, German war veterans' organization, which includes many 
bund members. 

Henry Lage, fuehrer of the San Francisco post, revealed to this 
investigator, who became a storm trooper, that — 

A number of west coast bund posts have "prize shooting" contests to help 
train our men in the use of guns. 

A carnival that moved into Camp Siegfried, Yaphank, Long 
Island, for the bund's German day celebration, August 29, included 
a target range that was extremely popular with O. D. men. 

I have here a photograph taken at that time which shows storm 
troopers in this target practice which I reinforce as other testimony 
that has been offered. 

The Chairman. You may have that marked as an exhibit for the 
record. 

(The photograph was marked "John C. Metcalfe Exhibit No. 
3, October 5, 1938.") 

Mr. Metcalfe. The announcement that storm troopers would be 
trained to shoot and would soon have special identification passes was 
made dramatically by Fuehrer H. Schwarzmann, of the Astoria, Long 
Island, orstgruppe (post) the night of July 12. 

I want to announce to you — 



1206 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

he said in German — 

that it was decided in secret session of bund officials at the national convention 
that arrangements are being made to set up pistol and rifle ranges for all O. D. 
men. 

You will be trained how to shoot and to take care of guns. 

In conjunction with this order, it has been decided to issue passes to all O. D. 
men. These passes will be like regular international passports. They will con- 
tain a passport picture of the trooper. Each man also will be fingerprinted. A 
copy of his fingerprints will be a part of his passport. All this will be done as 
quickly as possible. 

This investigator was a member of the Astoria post and a storm 
trooper. 

I want to make it perfectly clear, because sometimes there is a mis- 
understanding, that when I was in the German-American Bund I 
was there as a newspaper reporter investigating the activities of the 
bund, and not because I wanted to be a member of the bund. 

The Chairman. You had a card of membership? 

Mr. Metcalfe. Yes, sir; and it was introduced in evidence? 

The Chairman. Of these various conferences you made daily re- 
ports. You reduced everything immediately to writing? 

Mr. Metcalfe. Yes, sir ; sometimes more than once a day. 

Fuehrer Schwarzmann had assigned Fred Moore, a fellow trooper, 
to interpret anything this investigator did not understand, and after 
the session Moore said: 

We must have the passports so that when we are moved about the country 
or happen to be anywhere outside our own post, we shall have no difficulty in 
identifying ourselves. No one, of course, shall be permitted to shoot at any 
time unless he has his pass with him. We shall be trained by some of our 
experienced O. D. men. 

It may be recalled that it was shown here that storm troops, or 
many of them, are expert rifle shots, gunsmiths, machine gunners, 
and so forth. Many of them served in the German Army during the 
World War, and have since come to the United States. 

Moore further said: 

The bund is going to try to make arrangements to use the police pistol ranges 
at first. We don't know yet if we are going to be able to get permission to do 
so. Later, we'll have our own ranges. 

A week later Schwarzmann, in a personal conversation with this 
investigator, explained further about target practice and passports. 

It has all been quietly arranged already — 

he said — 

to have the O. D. men use the National Guard armories for shooting practice. 
We don't have to bother with them. We have a right as a national organization 
to shooting practice. 

Of course, you understand we are not going to carry guns around with us. 
All we want to do is to train the O. D. so that they know everything about all 
the kinds of guns and know how to shoot well. Don't worry about it. It will 
be taken care of all right. 

Training of storm troops in both drilling and shooting is relatively 
easy, since there are many German war veterans active in the bund. 

The "Deutsche Frontkaempferschaft" (front-line fighters) is an 
allied organization. The O. D. ranks include gunsmiths, machine 
gunners, and expert rifle shots. They will be drafted to train the 
vounger men. 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1207 

Mrs. Ted Schubert, wife of a Manhattan post storm trooper and 
admitted alien, stated to this investigator on July 18 at Camp Nordland 
that New York and New Jersey authorities probably would not permit 
bund storm troopers to have or shoot guns at rifle ranges. 

She stated further as follows : 

But that won't make any difference. Ted and many of the other boys get all 
they want, anyhow. Many of the storm troops have joined different companies 
of the National Guard. Nobody there knows about it. So they get all the 
training with guns that they want. We should worry whether or not they will 
let us use any shooting places. 

In other words, they have joined under assumed names, and so on. 
Later that same day an Astoria post storm trooper told this investi- 
gator the following: 

The police will never give us permission to use ranges. Don't let that worry 
you. The bund will find a place for us all right. But certainly you won't use the 
camps for that. Everybody would expect us to do just that. 

We'll have some places right in New York City. And the police and others 
will never find us. You know I like to shoot. In fact, I'm buying an automatic 
pistol for my own use just for this purpose. 

I would like to introduce in evidence some of the targets that I 
obtained at the bund camps or at the rifle ranges. Here [indicating] 
is one from Pennsylvania, and here is another one. 

The Chairman. This one is manufactured exclusively by the Na- 
tional Target & Supply Co., 1255 Twenty-fifth Street NW., Washing- 
ton. D. C. 

(The target was received in evidence and marked "John C. 
Metcalfe Exhibit No. 4, October 5, 1938.") 

The Chairman. The other one is made by Von Lengerke & Antoine, 
33 South Wabash Avenue, Chicago. 

(The target referred to was received in evidence and marked 
"John C. Metcalfe Exhibit No. 5, October 5, 1938.") 

The Chairman. Another target you have submitted has printed on 
its. "National Rifle Association." 

(The target referred to was received in evidence and marked 
"John C. Metcalfe Exhibit No. 6, October 5, 1938.") 

The Chairman. You may proceed with your statement. 

Mr. Metcalfe. In Cleveland, Ohio, there is a German rifle club. 
This rifle club participated in the German day celebration of the 
German Central Organization, which is made up of various, but not all, 
German-American societies in the Cleveland area and is reputedly 
controlled by the German-American Bund. 

The German central organization, known as the Deutsche Zentrale, 
has an annual membership fee of $1.10 and a life membership fee of 
$10. The organization holds its affairs at a place known as Ger- 
man Farm, on York Road, Paima, near Cleveland. 

In conjunction with the shooting tournament held under the 
auspices of the bund-controlled Zentrale, a program was published. 
This program is, herewith, presented as evidence. 

The Chairman. This program has printed on it: 

German Rifle Club, third annual small-bore rifle tournament, May 23, 1937, 
at the German Farm, York Road, Paima, Cleveland, Ohio. 

(The program was received in evidence and marked "John C. 
Metcalfe Exhibit No. 7, October 5, 1938.") 



1208 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr. Metcalfe. Among the various events, the shooting- tournament 
featured a special international postal match with a picked team of 
shooters, of Berlin, Germany, and those of the German Rifle Club 
of Cleveland. Targets in this match were exchanged for compara- 
tive scoring. 

Officers of the German Rifle Club are: E. B. Neuhoff, president; G. 
Claus, vice president; J. H. Kasper, secretary; P. Nebel, treasurer; 
and L. A. Herrington, executive officer. 

The tournament, held on the sports field of the Zentrale. wps 
staged under the rules of the National Rifle Association. 

On the back page of this pamphlet announcing the rifle club 
tournament is an advertisement for guns and ammunition sales, by 
the Hart Arms Co., of 2185 East Second Street, Cleveland. 

It is significant that no other groups of a social character, sup- 
posedly, engage in this kind of activity. 

It might also be pointed out here that Roy Zachary, field mar- 
shal of the Silver Shirts, which are headed by William Dudley 
Pelley, with national headquarters at Asheville, N. C, has been 
going around the United States instructing members of the Silver 
Legion to arm themselves. 

At the opening day of testimony before this committee it was 
pointed out that Zachary had made a speech of this character in 
Chicago a few days before the opening of hearings by this com- 
mittee. Since then Zachary has made other speeches before Silver 
Shirt organizations in which he has again urged them to arm for 
an impending revolution. In these speeches he has told them to go 
out and get guns, plenty of ammunition, store this material in their 
homes. He has urged each individual to get from two to five thou- 
sand rounds of ammunition. 

In connection with these facts, it should be pointed out that the 
Silver Shirts are close allies of the German-American Bund, and that 
frequently the membership of these two organizations overlaps; at 
least to some extent. Again, these organizations have met jointly on 
various occasions — in New York, Chicago, Los Angeles, and other 
large metropolitan cities of the United States. 

It should also be set forth here that police departments in these 
cities, particularly in Pittsburgh, in Cleveland, and Chicago, have 
been very cooperative in the current investigation being conducted by 
this committee. Police chiefs, their assistants, in these cities are 
virtually unanimous in the opinion that while the subversive forces 
are a definite menace to their respective communities, they are in a 
position to do little about it unless legislation is forthcoming through 
Congress that would definitely curb un-American activities. 

These police officials point out that a large number of subversive 
leaders around the United States are known to them and that most 
of these leaders could be picked up on short notice. They point out, 
however, that whenever they pick up the troublemakers, there is little 
that law-enforcing agencies can do to punish them under existing 
conditions which lack laws with teeth in them. 

The Amerikadeutscher Volksbund, United States voice of nazi-ism, 
has been seeking to consolidate all Fascist elements in America, with 
their vari-colored shirts, into one great movement which the Hitler- 
inspired bund is to lead. 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1209 

The bund marches with the Italian Black Shirts and Ukranian 
Brown Shirts. Leaders of these groups have revealed plans to enlist 
the support of other Fascist-inclined groups. 

At the same time Newton Jenkins, perennially hopeful political 
candidate of Chicago, attempted to unite "nationalist" groups in a 
third party while the bund was looking for a leader of its third-party 
movement. 

Jenkins has addressed many bund meetings and has been referred 
to as a "great American" and "Der Fuehrer der Dritten Partei" 
(leader of the third party). 

"America needs men and women like Hitler to stir her from her 
lethargy," says an article in a paper called American Nationalism 
published by Jenkins. 

"The American-German Bund is a fine, patriotic American organi- 
zation," another article says. It adds that Fritz Kuhn, national 
leader of the bund, "is a real American." 

I would like to introduce in evidence at this point copies of the 
Jenkins publication. 

The Chairman. You might put all of them together in one group, 
or as one exhibit. 

(The matter referred to was received in evidence and marked 
"John C. Metcalfe Exhibit No. 8, October 5, 1938.") 

Mr. Mktcalfe. Jenkins was a speaker at the 1937 national con- 
vention of the bund in New York over the July 4th week end. 

"You are doing the right thine; at the right time." he declared. 

"I am thoroughly familiar with your high ideals. We must win 
the hearts of all American-Germans in order to develop a great free 
nation." 

From the speaker's stand, set like a pulpit high above a platform 
facing the broad expanse of drill field at Camp Siegfried, near Yap- 
hank, L. I, Jenkins looked down on rows of American Nazi storm 
troops and black-shirted Italian-American Fascists. This investiga- 
tor was disguised as one of the storm troops. 

"I am not of German stock and don't speak German, but I believe 
your organization is working for a better America and I am for 
you." the Chicago lawyer-politician declared. "There are such things 
in the United States as the C. I. O. which are working against true 
Americans. We should all work together to stamp out these evils." 

The bund program of affiliation with other so-called "patriotic 
American" groups was discussed at secret convention sessions which 
preceded the July 4th celebration at Camp Siegfried, at which Jen- 
kins spoke. Jenkins delivered his "message" after troops paraded 
across the drill field while the crowd of 5,000 "American-Germans" 
stretched their arms in a Hitler salute to the Nazi swastika and the 
American flag. 

Later, Fuehrer Herman Schwarzmann, of the Astoria, N. Y., post, 
told this investigator that Jenkins planned to unite "125 national 
organizations" under his third-party banner. 

"American-Germans will be at the top of this merger," Schwarz- 
mann declared. "Bundesfuehrer Kuhn will be one of the chief leaders 
of the organization. Jenkins is the organizer of the movement." 

Ukrainians in greenish-brown shirts marched with white- and sil- 
ver-shirted American Nazis at the bund's German Day celebration in 
Harms Park, Chicago, September 5. 



1210 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

The July 4, 1937, celebration at Camp Siegfried marked tlie first 
appearance of Italian Black Shirts at a bund festival in the east. 
Thev were led by Josef Santi. New York commander of the Liktor 
Assozion, and their salutes to Mussolini and Hitler drew loud heils 
from the crowd. 

Black Shirts and a group of Italian World War veterans displayed 
their new-found unity with the bund at Camp Nordland, near And- 
over, N. J., July 18. Their leader, Commander Salvatore Caridi, 
Union City, N. J., received a great cheer when he advocated a "punch 
in the nose" for those Americans who disagree with Mussolini or 
Hitler. 

John Finzio, New York, led the Circolo Mario Morgantini, another 
Black Shirt group, at the Long Island German Day celebration at 
Camp Siegfried, August 29. 

N. A. Melnikoff, president of the Russian National League of 
America, was a speaker and said his organization would work with 
the bund. 

Jenkins' plans did not place the bund at the top of the merger, 
he told this investigator, although he did have words of praise for 
Fritz Gissibl, founder of the Friends of New Germany, which became 
the Amerikadeutscher Volksbund in 1936, and who is now a Nazi 
official in Germany. 

At one time the bund did have a great leader, 

Jenkins said. 

He was Fritz Gissibl, brother of Peter and a dynamic personality. He knew 
how to organize. But the Government got after him after several years. And 
when he could not get citizenship papers, he went back to Germany. 

I might at this point introduce two photographs, one of the office 
of Jenkins, where he is interviewed, and another picture of Jenkins 
attending a German-American Bund meeting. 

The Chairman. How did you get those photographs ? 

Mr. Metcalfe. They were obtained by a newspaper photographer 
at my instruction. 

The Chairman. Both photographs? 

Mr. Metcalfe. Yes, sir. You will notice the storm troops in this 
picture. 

(The photographs referred to were received in evidence and 
marked "John C. Metcalfe Exhibit No. 9, October 5, 1938.") 

Mr. Metcalfe. Jenkins told of the publication of his newspaper. 
American Nationalism, first issue of which appeared dated in July 
1937. 

"I published this paper in the hope of stirring up thought along 
the lines of a real, militant nationalist movement in the United 
States," he said. "I put $600 into the first issue. Of course, that's 
not much money." 

The banner article in Jenkins' paper announced formation of the 
American National Political Action Clubs, "called Anpac for short." 

In accepting the direction of the Anpac — 

the article said — 

Mr. Jenkins made the following statement: 

"It is high time for the American people to call a halt on the planned con- 
fusion into which the Nation has been plunged. Onr churches have been 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1211 

permeated with strange doctrine. Our colleges have been invaded by irre- 
sponsible individuals who practice their twisted, screwy ideas upon our chil- 
dren. Many of our newspapers and magazines have gravitated into improper 

hands. 

"I accept the leadership of this movement which is devoted to the cause of 
our country. I do it, recognizing that the odds are strong against us at the 
outset. Someone must undertake it, however, and have faith to believe the 
debasing influences all art mud us cannot possibly reflect the true sentiment of 
our great country. 

"The opposition is now overwhelming, but in time reason may again be 
enthroned and we will wonder why we were silent so long * * *." 

Adolph Hitler a great statesman * * * The world is indebted to Mussolini 

Thus, American Nationalism made its bid for the support of 
Fascist sympathizers. 

America needs men and women like Hitler to stir her from her lethargy — 

the Hitler article said : 

She needs them to restore again in the minds of all the glory of our Republic. 
Grave issues must be met. Constructive programs must be galvanized into 
reality. 

Jenkins was one of the speakers at the German Day celebration in 
Kenosha, Wis., August 8, for which the city council refused the use 
of Washington Park. 

The celebration was held at bund headquarters and Jenkins re- 
peated his praise of the organization and of Fuehrer Kuhn. 

That photograph which was introduced in evidence a moment ago 
was taken at that particular time. 

He criticized newspaper accounts of German-American activity, 
declaring they did not present the true story and shouted to reporters 
and photographers, "You can put that in your newspaper, Mr. Re- 
porters." 

Chicago bund members, including their then leader, Peter Gissibl, 
spoke highly of Jenkins and praised the speech when they returned 
home that night, 

Later, in a private conversation, Fritz Heberling, leader of the 
Chicago Deutscher Volksbund — for German citizens only — expressed 
opposition to Jenkins because — 

He makes compliments to everybody and he will not say definitely who he is 
for. 

Rudolph Heupel, one of the most active Detroit bund members and 
an intelligent conversationalist, was even more critical of Jenkins. 
Heupel invited this investigator, whom he knew as a bund storm 
trooper, to his home at 1926 Pasadena Avenue, and talked frankly of 
bund affairs. 

Jenkins has been here several times to talk to us — 

Heupel said — 

but I don't think so much of him or his ideas. His plan to merge all the different 
Fascist organizations along with his third party is not brilliant. I don't think it 
can be done at this time. These groups are still too young. They are not large 
enough. Why, if we united in a fight right now we would be wiped out. 

California bund members believed the alinement with Jenkins will 
do much to aid their cause politically in this country. 

"What we need to do is to get all the groups behind this Mr. Jenkins from 
Chicago — ■ 



1212 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Hen* Vogt, a Los Angeles bund member, told this investigator. 

He's got the right idea. The Italian Black Shirts would join with us, too. 
We've got to get a big political party started. And the Silver Shirts are with 
us. They even had one of their speakers here at bund headquarters once. 
That's the way to do it. 
Sure — 

said Willie Kendzia, secretary-treasurer of the Los Angeles bund — 

then there wouldn't be that King Kong in New York — LaGuardia. 
That's the trouble— 

put in Dr. Buschardi, introduced as the bund's official doctor. 

No matter who you would be for, he's against you. The New York elections 
are a perfect example. It's the same way here. I don't know much about 
Jenkins, he's never come out here to talk to us. But he certainly has the right 
idea. The bund must back him in this movement. 

There are many other organizations around the country with which we can 
find a common ground. It is on this common ground that they must be brought 
together to form a powerful third party. It's the only way to fight our enemies. 

Yes- 
agreed Herr Klempel, another bund member. 

and it must be an American organization, not a German one like the bund. 
With Mr. Jenkins at the head, it will look American. Then we should have a 
paper like Mr. Jenkins puts out, and very diplomatically, little by little, work 
our propaganda into it. 

California bund leaders also told this investigator that they were 
"in close touch" with the Gold Shirts of Mexico, who reportedly were 
planning a Fascist revolution. 

Hans Diebel, Los Angeles bund member, declared two Mexican 
Army officers, one a general, visited bund headquarters in Los Angeles 
late in July. 

Arno Risse, who speaks Spanish as well as German and English, 
Nvas in charge of California bund headquarters in the Deutsches Haus, 
634 West Fifteenth Street, Los Angeles 2 while Herman Schwinn, 
western fuehrer, was in Germany conferring with Nazi officials. 

Eisse, leader of the San Gabriel post, told this investigator : 

The Klan, Silver Shirts, and Gold Shirts are working with us out here. 
The Gold Shirts of Mexico have something like 100,000 members and are getting 
set for a revolution. It won't be long before the trouble starts. After that 
will come trouble in the United States. 

Jenkins made his first speech before German-Americans at a Mil- 
waukee meeting of the Friends of New Germany, predecessor of the 
bund. He was introduced as a great American and received a tre- 
mendous ovation. When the Friends of New Germany participated 
in a huge celebration at the Chicago stadium in 1934 the 30,000 
in attendance were handed bund literature commending Jenkins for 
his stand against their enemies. 

After the meeting Jenkins started appearing at bund meetings 
throughout the country, culminating in his appearance at the organi- 
zation's national convention and the private announcement or the 
Fascist merger. 

Jenkins maintains a law office at 39 South LaSalle Street, Chicago. 

Jenkins' paper also carries an article defending Hitler against 
attacks by clergymen. It says: 

Adolf Hitler is probably doing more to keep Christianity going than are 
many of the preachers and priests who assail him. Were it not for Hitler 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1213 

and the powerful rank and file political organization which governs Germany 
the church probably would not be doing business in Germany today. 

If the rods had beaten Hitler out, the churches, Protestant and Catholic, in 
red Germany, would be like the churches in red Spain. 

The world-wide racial propaganda against Hitler, accompanied by a little 
sugar here and there to help the church deficit, is making a spectacle of churches 
and church leaders. The public should know who is behind the statements issued 
by clergymen denouncing Hitler. 

Newton Jenkins, on last July 9, denied to this investigator that he 
had any connections with the German-American Bund. 

That is despite all the evidence that was shown him — photographs 
and so on. He admitted, however, that on a number of occasions he 
had talked before the organization, declaring he could see nothing 
wrong in that. He said that furthermore, he saw nothing wrong in 
the bund or its leaders or members. 

He said that the stories which newspapers had printed about him 
were nothing but a pack of lies. 

On another occasion, however, to be exact, September 8, 1937, 
Jenkins stated to this investigator, as follows: 

I am in favor of a dictatorship for the United States. I think that Hitler 
and Mussolini have the right idea. We need that sort of nationalistic govern- 
ment over here. 

But let me make clear that I think the word "dictatorship" is greatly mis- 
used. In Germany and Italy there is not just one man running things, as the 
papers would have you believe. Hitler and Mussolini are merely symbols of 
their respective great nations. 

Despite the denials by Newton Jenkins that there) is any connection 
between his office and the German-American Bund, it is interesting 
to note that he employs in his own office a young Fascist spy who has 
attempted to trace the movements of this investigator. 

This young man's name is Frank Cudello. 

On an outside tip this investigator obtained information that the 
German-American Bund knew he had joined this committee as an 
investigator and had left Chicago for Washington. A trail of in- 
vestigation led directly to the office of Newton Jenkins and there to 
Cudello. 

On questioning Cudello he at first denied attempting to trace this 
investigator's moves, but finally admitted that this charge w T as true. 

Cudello claims to have been born in this country and that he is an 
American citizen, but that he has been in Europe for some years. He 
said he returned from Italy about 2 years ago. 

He admitted having phoned the leader of the German-American 
Bund about this investigator's movements and that in the past he 
had visited the bund headquarters. 

Cudello denied that he was a Black Shirt member or a member of 
the Italian Fascisti Party. 

The bund believes Klansmen will be among the host of "Kame- 
raden" who will join it in a battle to the death against its enemies 
when their •"Tag" arrives. Herman Schwartzmann, leader of the 
Astoria, N. Y.. post of the bund, told his storm troopers after drill 
night of July 10 as follows : 

We have plenty of help from other sources. When the time for action comes 
our ranks will swell overnight. There are many "Kameraden" waiting to join 
us at that moment. As soon as the trouble comes they will leap into our ranks 
to help fight our enemies. 



j^214 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Later that some night Schwartzmann told this investigator as 
follows : 

The bund is growing very fast. We have more than doubled our membership 
in the past year. But we have many thousands of others who are with us, 
even though they are not members for one reason or another. But they'll join 
us when the time comes that we need them. 

The Ku Klux Klan, although not so strong just now, is getting bigger again. 
The only trouble with them is that they are against almost everything. But 
they have some good ideas and might become very helpful. Once we are united 
we should come out in the open and fight against our enemies. That's the way 
Hitler did. The only way we'll ever get the public worked up is not to have 
secret meetings, but to come out in the open and denounce the menace. The 
majority of Americans will be with us and will join our movements to wipe 
out the enemy. The reason the Klan failed was because everything was in 
secret. We must not make that mistake, and we won't. 

In this connection it may be noted that James Hicks, of Chicago, one 
of the chief officials in organizing the Klan some 10 years ago or more, 
told this investigator that the Klan today has risen again to a member- 
ship of 500,000. 

He stated that this Klan membership figure is within 10,000 of 
being absolutely correct. He stated further that of the 500,000 Klans- 
men in America today more than 300,000 are in the South. 

Josef Santi, leader of the Italian Black Shirts in the United States, 
stated to this investigator July 4 at Camp Siegfried as follows: 

The Black Shirts organized back in 1922 and some of our first members are 
still with us. But at the very outset we encountered some serious obstacles, 
particularly hand-to-hand fights with our foes, in New York City. 

The most serious outbreak at that time was the assassination of several 
of our members. They were stabbed in the back while appearing on the street 
in uniform. They never had a chance. They were standing alone and talking. 
The rest of us were not with them at the moment. They were waiting for us. 
We had gone somewhere for newspapers. Suddenly these enemies leaped up 
behind them and dug knives into their backs. 

OUR BLACK SHIRTS DIE 

This created quite a reaction at the time. Our members did not appear much 
in public with their uniforms after that. We remained out of sight, meeting 
quietly in each other's homes. But our movement kept growing. Finally, 
in 1929, we chartered our organization as the Liktor Society, Inc., for every 
State of the Union. We decided at that time something had to be done to 
wipe out our enemies in this country. They were getting too strong and a 
menace to the public with their revolutionary ideals. We felt that we should 
lit- more like Mussolini, come right out in the open and fight for our ideals. 

Since then we have organized 35 chapters in the United States and we are 
growing very fast. 

It is important that we join with the bund against our common enemy. We 
are fighting along the same line in the United States as Hitler and Mussolini have 
joined hands in Europe. 

I'm glad that we have come to the conclusion that we are now strong enough 
to really come out in the open. 

Likewise, at the Los Angeles headquarters of the bund, this investi- 
gator was informed that Italian Black Shirts, Silver Shirts, and 
Klansmen were aiding the German-American Bund movement on 
the coast. Leaders also professed an alliance with the Mexican Gold 
Shirts. 

Arno Risse, acting as head of the Los Angeles Post of the bund in 
the absence of Herman Schwinn, west coast leader, stated to this 
investigator on August 1 as follows : 

We are in constant touch with the Klan, Silver Shirts, and Gold Shirts 
out here. 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1215 

Some of our members are also Klansmen and some also belong to the Silver 
Shirts. These organizations are not so strong any more, but they are quite 
active along the Pacific coast. We work together because our aims are very 
similar in many ways. 

There are also Russian Nazis here. They have units all over the country, just 
like the Italian Black Shirts. We are also tied in with them. Trotsky's coming 
to Mexico had a hidden motive. He came there for a purpose. Trotsky is 
behind the Gold Shirt movement in Mexico. The Russian Nazis are with them. 

Hans Diebel, another official of the Los Angeles post, made similar 
statements to this investigator that same evening. 
Diebel stated to this investigator as follows : 

The Silver Shirt leaders drop in here every once in a while. No one except 
three or four of us know who they are. When they come here we have a few 
casual drinks with them and then quietly retire to our office for conference. 
We are constantly in touch with them and work closely together. 

We are also acquainted with the commander of the Gold Shirts in Mexico 
and help them in their plans. No one knows this. They are very powerful in 
-Mexico and are preparing to do a thorough job. 

Henry Lage. as leader of the San Francisco bund post, on the night 
of August 5 attended a meeting of the Oakland, Calif., post and stated 
to this investigator as follows : 

We get some support from the Silver Shirts and the Klansmen. But they are 
not as strong as they used to be. So their help doesn't amount to much any more. 
I know this to be a fact, because I have attended a number of their meetings 
out here. 

Fritz Kuhn, national leader of the bund, stated to this investigator 
on the evening of August IT, while in the private office of his head- 
quarters in New York City, as follows : 

I am convinced that feeling against our enemies is rising everywhere in the 
United States. One reason why I know that this feeling is growing is because 
besides my many bund contacts I have some very important contacts with organi- 
zations in Georgia, Florida, Alabama, and Asheville, N. C. 

It should be noted here that the Klan is reported to be very active 
in Georgia, Florida, and Alabama, and that Asheville, N. C, is the 
national headquarters of the Silver Shirts. 

Henry Ringler, an official of the Pittsburgh storm troops, stated 
on August 26 to this investigator that the Italian Black Shirts of 
Pittsburgh are extremely cordial to the bund; and that while they 
have not yet marched openly with them, they were expected to do so 
in the future. 

Ringler also stated that the Silver Shirts in Pittsburgh are cooper- 
ating with the bund in that area. 

Anton Kessler, leader of the St. Louis post, stated to this investi- 
gator that the Silver Shirts, Klan, and Italian Black Shirts organi- 
zations are doing their part to help the St. Louis post of the bund. 

Kessler stated further as follows : 

In fact, one of my former storm troopers is now the organizer for the Silver 
Shirts in this area. 

Hans Neubeck. leader of the Buffalo bund post, stated to this 
investigator on August 20 that his organization had been informed 
of the Gold Shirts of Mexico and that he understood that trouble 
was brewing in Mexico in the form of a slowly forming new revo- 
lution in that country. 

He stated further that the only groups cooperating directly with 
the Buffalo post of the German-American Bund were the Silver 



1216 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Shirts, Italian Black Shirts, and the German Legion, a war veteran's 
organization, some members of which are also bund members. 

It should be noted here that William Dudley Pelley, head of the 
Silver Shirts, stated in his own magazine called "Liberation" under 
date of July 28, 1938, in part, as follows : 

It is a fact which posterity will attest, that Chief Pelley of the Silver 
Shirts was the first man in the United States to step out openly in support of 
Adolf Hitler and his German Nazi program. Hitler became German Chan- 
cellor on the 31st of January 1933. This publication appeared on the 18th of 
the ensuing February, openly and unashamedly endorsing the Fuehrer and his 
program * * *. 

And I have here a copy of the magazine, which I will introduce 
in evidence. You will notice the swastika emblem. 

The Chairman. I want that to go into the record in its entirety. 

Mr. Metcalfe. Yes. sir. 

(The paper referred to was marked "John C. Metcalfe Exhibit 
No. 10, October 5, 1938.") 

Mr. Metcalfe. Pelley goes on to state that, however, he has never 
received any German money for his activities, that his position is 
taken as a matter of principle. 

He states further that while the Silver Shirts "have taken a sympa- 
thetic and fraternal attitude toward its purposes" (the bund) as 
well as its leaders and its membership, his organization does not 
endorse and approve everything that is done by the German bund or 
similar organizations. 

Other efforts to combine pro-Fascist organizations in this country 
will be revealed in another hearing. 

Before closing, I would like to introduce some additional docu- 
mentary evidence from the Silver Shirts. 

Here are two sheets which I picked up at the headquarters of the 
Los Angeles bund — Silver Shirt literature. 

Here is an account of the Silver Shirt meeting at Chicago that 
was referred to on the opening day. 

Here is a confidential invitation of the Silver Shirts to meet in 
Chicago. 

Here is another invitation under the signature of the secretary. 

Here is an invitation to a meeting of the Silver Shirts, mailed di- 
rectly, to attend their meeting. 

Here is a copy of the front page of the Liberation magazine, the 
official publication of the Silver Shirts. 

These are additional copies of this Silver Shirt magazine, and 
leaflets setting forth the Silver Shirt principles. 
.The Chairman. Put these into the record as an exhibit, as a group. 

Mr. Metcalfe. Here is one of their booklets that are sold at their 
meetings ; and here is a confidential invitation to attend a meeting. 

The Chairman. Place them all in a folder and let them all go in as 
one group. 

(The documents referred to were marked "John C. Metcalfe 
Exhibit No. 11, October 5, 1938.") 

Mr. Metcalfe. In addition to that, I have here a copy of the Weck- 
ru f. an official publication of the German- American Bund, a weekly 
newspaper, giving a laudatory account of an article, and so forth, 
which appeared in the Chicago Tribune with reference to Newton 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES X217 

Jenkins — in support of Newton Jenkins — showing the direct link 
there, even in their own publication. 

The Chairman. Place that in as a separate exhibit. 
(The paper referred to was marked "John C. Metcalfe Exhibit 
No. 12, October 5, 1938.") 

The Chairman. Mr. Metcalfe, you will recall that last week there 
was offered in evidence a circular announcing the celebration of the 
occupation of the Sudeten territory. After that pamphlet was 
offered in evidence, and the fact was known, what official statement 
came from the bund? 

Mr. Metcalfe. The German-American Bund, I believe, through 
James Wheeler Hill, one of its high officials, officially denied that 
such celebrations were being planned or would take place. In other 
quarters word came to us, from sources that have no connections at 
all with the German-American Bund, that we must be seriously mis- 
taken about this, because there was a New York schedule on the same 
day as the German Day celebration ; that apparently we had been con- 
fused by the evidence which we had at hand. However, we insisted 
that we were right. 

It is a matter of public record today that the statements that were 
made here last week with reference to the Sudeten celebration planned 
by the German-American Bund in some 10 different locations actually 
did take place, just as we had predicted they would take place, and in 
the localities where we had mentioned it, and that these were separate 
celebrations, not in connection with the German Day celebration 
which was held at Madison Square Garden, and that these were cele- 
brations of the German-American Bund with the Sudeten Germans, 
who were attending as guests of honor. And I think it is a well-known 
fact as to what happened and the riots, and so forth. 

The Chairman. The newspapers report that the vast majority, 
practically all of the old-line German-American societies in the United 
States, refused to permit the bund to participate in the celebration of 
the German Day festivities; is not that a fact? 

Mr. Metcalfe. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. Does not that bear out the statement you have 
made many times that the overwhelming majority of German- Ameri- 
can citizens in this country are opposed to the bund and its activities? 

Mr. Metcalfe. I think it definitely bears out the statements made 
here that there is a sharp difference between 

The Chairman (interposing). I think that ought to be made clear; 
and likewise with reference to the people of Italian descent in America. 

Mr. Metcalfe. That is true. 

The Chairman. So that there will be no false impression going out 
to condemn the activities of a class by the activities of a minority. 

Mr. Metcalfe. That is a fact. 

The Chairman. But that an overwhelming majority of our people, 
of every nationality, are patriotic in their feelings toward America. 

Mr. Metcalfe. And in that same connection it might be of interest 
to note that in the German Day celebration in New York all of the — 
I think it would be a broad statement, perhaps, to say all of the 
papers — but most of the papers did point out very clearly that this 
was the first time that the German consular officials declined the invi- 

94931— 38— vol. 



2218 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

tations and did not attend, again lending credence to onr previous 
statements as to the fact that they had in the past always attended 
these meetings. 

The Chairman. Does not that demonstrate very conclusively that 
the American people of German descent, the overwhelming majority 
of them, are distinctly opposed to this movement, and through their 
own efforts have placed their stamp of disapproval upon them? 

Mr. Metcalfe. Very definitely. 

The Chairman. And. on the other hand, is it not demonstrated 
conclusively in connection with the fascistic movement, that an over- 
whelming majority of the citizens of Italian descent would likewise 
follow the precedent set by the people of German descent and place 
the stamp of their disapproval upon any movement opposing Ameri- 
can principles of government? 

Mr. Metcalfe. Yes; that is correct. 

The Chairman. In your contacts, you have had some occasion to 
investigate the Italian fascistic group in the United States, have vou 
not? 

Mr. Metcalfe. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. You have discussed the matter and have had con- 
versations with certain leaders in the fascistic movement? 

Mr. Metcalfe. Not only that, but even with the Italian consuls. 
I have talked in the past with Italian consuls, with reference to the 
Black Shirt movements. 

The Chairman. From your investigation and your conclusions, 
what did you find with reference to the attitude generally of people 
of Italian descent with regard to these movements? 

Mr. Metcalfe. Well, the large majority of the Italian-Americans, 
just like the large majority of the German-Americans, are definitely 
opposed to any form of nazi-ism or fascism in this country, and are 
very loyal adherents to a democratic form of government : and they 
even resent the interferences by the German-American Bund and its 
allied groups and those who are aiding the movements and stirring up 
racial hatreds and religious hatreds, and are preaching pro-Nazi 
and pro-Fascist propaganda. These people believe in Americanism, 
and they do not want anything to do with anything that is outside 
of the scope of Americanism. 

The Chairman. So that the greatest care and caution must be 
observed in order not to leave any general impression under which, 
or through which, large classes of people, whether they are identified 
as an economic group, a racial group, or a religious group, can be 
sweepingly condemned on account of the deeds or misdeeds or views 
or activities of a minority of the class? 

Mr. Metcalfe. That is correct. 

The Chairman. The committee wishes to make that plain, because 
otherwise injustice might be done to a great many people in this 
country who are not in sympathy with either the Communist, the 
Fascist, or the Nazi movements. 

Mr. Metcalfe. I think that the affidavits, for instance, that were 
introduced here, show that the people themselves resent — and as 
shown by the offer that was made to have individuals come here and 
testify — that they were all definitely opposed to this interference. 



ON-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1219 

The Chairman. And, after all, the greatest corrective relief will 
come voluntarily from the people themselves, in doing exactly what 
the people from Germany said here the oilier day? 

Mr. Metcalfe. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. In letting the country know thai they disapprove 
of it, that they disavow it, and in themselves putting an end to such 
movements ? 

Mr. Metcalfe. I think another evidence of that is found in a 
number of letters which I have received over a period of months 
from German-Americans and Italian-Americans, all of whom are 
bitterly opposed to any form of nazi-ism or fascism, or any indoc- 
trination of those ideals in American lives. 

The Chairman. The committee will stand adjourned until tomor- 
row at 10:30. 

(Thereupon, the committee adjourned until tomorrow, Thursday, 
October 6, 1938, at 10: 30 a. m.) 



INVESTIGATION OF UN-AMEEICAN PKOPAGANDA 
ACTIVITIES IN THE UNITED STATES 



THURSDAY, OCTOBER 6, 1938 

House of Representatives, 
Subcommittee of the Special Committee 

to Investigate Un-American Activities, 

Washington, D. G. 

The subcommittee met at 1 : 30 p. m., Hon. Martin Dies (chairman) 
presiding. 

Present also: Mr. Healey. 

The Chairman. The committee will come to order. Will you be 
sworn, Mr. Gingrich? 

TESTIMONY OF ARNOLD GINGRICH 

(The witness was duly sworn by the chairman.) 

The Chairman. What is your name? 

Mr. Gingrich. Arnold Gingrich. 

The Chairman. Where do you live, Mr. Gingrich? 

Mr. Gingrich. 919 North Michigan Avenue, Chicago. 

The Chairman. How long have you lived in Chicago? 

Mr. Gingrich. Since 1925. 

The Chairman. What business are you engaged in at the present 
time ? 

Mr. Gingrich. Magazine publishing. 

The Chairman. What magazine do you publish? 

Mr. Gingrich. I am the editor of the Ken magazine; also the 
Esquire and the Coronet. 

The Chairman. How long have vou been connected with those 
publications ? 

Mr. Gingrich. Since their inception. 

The Chairman. In connection with your magazines you have had 
occasion to make considerable investigation with reference to Nazi, 
Fascist, and Communist activities in the United States, have you not? 

Mr. Gingrich. That is correct. 

The Chairman. I had occasion recently to read an editorial in your 
magazine expressing the viewpoint that you and your magazine are 
opposed to every "ism" ; that you are opposed to communism, fascism, 
and nazi-ism. I am asking you this preliminary to your statement : 
What is your attitude in that regard? 

Mr. Gingrich. I am glad to have an opportunity to express myself 
on that point, particularly in view of the fact that some of the testi- 

1221 



1222 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

mony to be introduced later ought to be qualified by a statement of 
attitude toward these matters that are under investigation. 

The Ken magazine is opposed equally to the threat of dictatorship, 
both from the left and from the right, regardless of what label mav he 
attached to these threats to our democracy. Whether they are called 
communism or fascism, we are equally opposed, regardless of whether 
this pressure comes from the left or from the right. 

I would like, if I may ask your indulgence, to record a personal 
opinion on this matter, to point out that democracy in America is 
now on the defensive ; that it is, of course, in that respect only sharing 
democracy's status all over the world. Anybody who can read with- 
out moving his lips realizes that democracies at the present moment 
are showing what looks like a case of sprained, if not a broken, back ; 
so that here in America, individuals — if I may say so, members of 
your committee — as well as publications like ourselves, who are en- 
deavoring to strengthen the resistance of democracy, find themselves 
in a position where they must take an equally opposed attitude toward 
both sides of the street. 

Now, some rumbling has been heard of the possibility of there being 
a formation of a legal party of these various groups on the right — 
reactionary groups, possibly under the name of a Nationalist or a 
Fascist Party. We would be opposed, and would fight, the admission 
of such interests when bound together on a legal basis, because the 
democracy is only opening the doors to these groups who take ad- 
vantage of a democracy's liberties and use the democratic system to 
get in ; but the record shows all over the world that once they do get 
into this position they immediately kill the very thing that allowed 
them to come into power. 

At the same time that raises another question. One is the matter 
of, How shall we close the front door — the open infiltration, as has 
been brought out in this committee's meetings, of foreign propaganda, 
foreign flavored "isms"? But there is also the matter of the back 
door, equally — an open path for the destruction of a democracy. 

Now, I fully realize that at the present time the Communist Party 
is a legal organization, but I would certainly suggest that, based on 
the record all over the world, notably in Russia, and equally in Spain, 
communism also brings about a similar total destruction of democratic 
liberties, and that quite possibly it is time, not only to consider barring 
the front door, but to close up the back door that has been open for 
so long. 

The Chairman. I had occasion to read an article written by Dor- 
othy Thompson, expressing the thought that nations abroad are now 
pursuing different tactics in warfare than heretofore; that they now 
infiltrate an opposing country or some other nation with propaganda 
and weaken it, and through that method make that country powerless 
to resist aggressions, such as happened in the Sudeten territory and 
in various other countries that could be mentioned. What is your 
observation on that? 

Mr. Gingrich. It is our observation and belief that the same thing 
at present is wide open in America and, furthermore, going beyond 
the mere matter of opinion, I have with me some materials tending 
to show how there has been deliberate, planned organization of such 
infiltration methods for this country. 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1223 

The Chairman. In other words, when we consider what is hap- 
pening abroad, we cannot minimize the serious threat which presents 
itself to this country; is not that a fact? 

Mr. Gingrich. Entirely true. 

The Chairman. And to a large extent the same tactics and strategy 
and plans are now being used in this country, by subversive forces, 
that were successfully used across the waters, and resulted in many 
instances either in the overthrow of the independence of the country 
or the weakening of it to the point that democracy could not defend 
itself? 

Mr. Gingrich. That is entirely true, to an extent that the American 
public has never yet realized. 

The Chairman. Then I gather from your preliminary statement 
that j'ou join with the vast majorit}* of Americans in believing that 
the best way to combat communism is not by fascism, but by Amer- 
icanism, with its present form of government, and with its guarantees 
to minorities; is not that a fact? 

Mr. Gingrich. That is entirely a fact; and, furthermore, both 
sides have used confusionist tactics in trying to smear the middle of 
the road from their two opposite extremes. Perhaps there ought to 
be a moratorium on such words as "Fascist" and "Communist." Per- 
haps they should not be used in this country, because they are being 
used so much too loosely. 

The Chairman. What you mean is that there are certain conserva- 
tive factors which would brand eveiyone with a liberal thought dif- 
ferent from theirs as a Communist ; but, on the other hand, there are 
certain so-called liberals who would brand all opponents as tories or 
reactionaries, or as Fascists or by some other opprobious name, and 
that therefore great care must be taken to distinguish between what 
is Communist and what is Fascist and what is no more nor less than 
an honest difference of opinion with reference to some economic or 
social theory ; is not that a fact ? 

Mr. Gingrich. Yes,. sir; and all those who in the nature of their 
work are led to investigate both sides are inevitably accused by each 
of these extremes as representing the point of view of the opposition. 
In other words, they are trying to force on us here in America a 
Chinaman's choice. If you are not a Communist, you are a Fascist; 
if you are not a Fascist, you are a Communist. It may be compared 
to a broad highway which has two narrow footpaths on each side, 
and there is an endeavor to shoulder us all off the broad main high- 
way that we want to travel on, and to force us to take the footpath 
here, and if we are not there, then to take the other side. 

The Chairman. That is demonstrated very forcibly by the fact, 
which the Chair has observed so clearly, that there are certain people 
in America who are interested in the investigation of communism, but 
do not want fascism or nazi-ism investigated. On the other hand, 
there are those who want fascism and nazi-ism investigated, but do 
not want to investigate communism; and there are some who, when 
we are investigating communism, brand us as "red hunters," and then 
when we devote our attention to equally important subjects, we are 
called Fascists; showing that there is the beginning of some sort of 
cleavage in the United States along European lines, which is a bad 
and unwholesome condition. Is not that a fact? 



1224 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr. Gingrich. We have shared the same experience. 

The Chairman. Now proceed with your statement, Mr. Gingrich, 
and at the conclusion I will have some questions to ask you with ref- 
erence to some of the stories that have appeared in your magazine in 
which you charge that certain industrialists were encouraging Nazi 
and Fascist activities in the United States. But in the meantime you 
may proceed. 

Mr. Gingrich. Your investigator, John C. Metcalfe, called on me 
at my office in Chicago about the 25th of August asking to see any 
documentation I might be willing to show him in support of some 
charges made in the August 25 issue of Ken magazine in an article 
entitled "Prelude to American Fascism." After seeing some of this 
material your investigator expressed the opinion that it was matter 
meriting the attention of this committee. Subsequently I was sub- 
penaed and ordered to have in readiness any and all material in my 
possession pertinent to the subjects which this committee is investi- 
gating. 

Specific mention was made in the subpena of an article in the Sep- 
tember 8 issue of Ken entitled "Exposing Native U. S. Plotters." 

Inasmuch as virtually every issue of Ken magazine has carried 
material directly paralleling the interests of this committee devoted 
to exposure of un-American activities by Communist, Fascist, and 
Nazi forces in this country, I must ask the committee's indulgence 
for cases in which material I may present will be either overlapping 
or duplicating the subject matter of previous testimony. I have for 
that reason taken the liberty of omitting from my testimony any 
mention of numerous article pertaining to the activities of foreign 
consuls, propaganda activities, and so forth, except in cases where I 
felt that our material introduced points that have not yet been 
brought to the committee's attention. 

In other words, this material thus withheld largely substantiates 
the evidence which has already been testified to before this committee 
bv other witnesses and investigators. 

Ken has made thorough investigations of Communist as well as 
Nazi and Fascist activities in its desire to expose all alien efforts that 
threaten and endanger the structure of our democracy. 

We hope that your committee will not compel us to present our 
Communist material at this time owing to the fact that articles carry- 
ing this information are now in process of preparation and are due 
to be released at an early date. 

To take up the first article on which I was questioned by your 
investigator, with your permission I now introduce in evidence a 
photostatic copy of a letter written by Spencer J. Warwick, the Ohio 
commander of the Silver Shirt Legion, to Miss Susan Sterling, which 
is the alias of a German-American woman named Elsie Teuer. 

The Chairman. This is a genuine photostatic copy of an original 
letter? 

Mr. Gingrich. I will give you the photostat for examination. 
[Reading :] 

Sharon, Pa., November 30, 1036. 
Dear Ladye : Just a few lines to tell you that my heart is heavy and my 
spirit is weary and that I'm thinking you ought to know why — at least to some 
extent. I also want to tell our stanch and fine sister, Alice Tucker West (God 
hless her!), and to her I will send a carbon copy of this missive, simultaneously 
with yours. 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1225 

Without farther preamble on my part let me advise you that there are fur- 
ther and important Changes to be made in the work of the liberation. Yon 
will see announced shortly in Poller's Weekly, that the legion is "at ease." Yon 
will also be advised that the records are being "washed up." However, there 
will be a few hand-picked legion heavyweights at work underneath the surface 
who will be keeping the legion fires glowing. They will have the job of holding 
all gains and solidifying them while the chief — 

Meaning Pelley — 

is working out a financial program that will take the strain off the very thin 
purses of the legion membership. It is not right, he says, that a true patriotic 
gesture and mentorship should be financed by those doing the work when this 
country has the sources for the wherewithal to do it for them. He will assume 
the full personal responsibility for this, and when the glowing embers are 
fanned to a great blaze by circumstance, then we will know that all of our work 
has not been done in vain in any particular. 

So the chief is declaring a recess in all activities of the legion. 

I might interpolate, Mr. Chairman, that the word "legion" as used 
throughout applies to the Silver Shirt Legion. 

The Chairman. It has no reference whatever to the American 
Legion ? 

Mr. Gingrich. No. That is why I made the point. [Reading :] 

We are to go under cover and to do any work that we can as opportunity offers, 
but not to make such an opportunity nor to seek it. 

There are a great many things in connection with this that I want to tell you 
all. and I will do this as soon as I can. I hope to see the chief any time now 
and get further information concerning the future of the legion. In the mean- 
time you can draw a free breath and get caught up on the avalanche of matter 
that has been fed to our people in such quantities that they could not absorb it. 

In the meantime I will communicate with Dr. Doran anent this matter, and 
until he officially discloses what we are about I shall trust you not to disclose 
what I have written herein to any person whatsoever. The mere fact that you 
can suspect something is equivalent to going over the chairman's head, and that 
I refuse to do. 

I am leaving here tomorrow for Delaware, Columbus, and Cincinnati, and 
expect to be in Cleveland about the middle of next week. 

Until we shall meet again, 
Greetings and godspeed, 

(Signed) Spencer J. Warwick. 

The Chairman. Let me see the photostatic copy, will you? 

(The paper referred to was handed to the chairman.) 

The Chairman. This is a photostatic copy that has come into your 
possession as a result of your investigation? 

Mr. Gingrich. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. We offer that in evidence as Gingrich exhibit 
No. 1. 

(The letter referred to was marked "Gingrich Exhibit No. 1, 
October 6, 1938.") 

Mr. Gingrich. In explanation of that letter, the Dr. Doron re- 
ferred to is Dr. C. L. Doron, an osteopath with offices at 424 Truman 
Building, Cleveland. He is alleged to have been the head of the 
Silver Shirts in Cleveland. 

The "chief" is. of course, William Dudley Pelley, the commander 
and founder of the Silver Shirt Legion. 

The Alice Tucker mentioned in the first paragraph is Mrs. Alice 
Tucker West, original organizer of the Silver Shirts in Cleveland in 
1933, and at that time she frequently hinted at "an understanding 
with Berlin." 



1226 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

We now introduce a photostatic copy of another letter written by 
Warwick to Miss Sterling, from AsheVille, N. C, which is the seat 
of the Silver Shirt movement, dated July 15, 1937. 

Miss Susan Stekijng, 

16211 Detroit Avenue, Lakewood, Ohio. 

Dear Lady : I had expected to contact you last week after coming down from 
Michigan, but it was quite necessary for the chief and I to return to Asheville, 
and it may be such that it will be 2 or 3 weeks before I get back up your way. 
Whether or not the chief will be along is problematical. 

I have acquainted him with the good work you are doing up there, and he 
rejoices with me in it. 

We hope when we come that you will be able to ascertain whether Mr. Girdler 
and Mr. Wyser will be in Cleveland, so that we can have a private conference 
with them. I also would like to call a meeting of the Silver Shirts themselves 
and show them the movie for which we have so long been waiting, concerning 
the Cavalcade and the junket of the SS on the west coast last fall. 

"SS" presumably being the Fascist terminology for storm troopers. 
[Continuing :] 

Many important changes are being made here at headquarters regarding the 
activities and the publications that will be acquainted to you, and official notices 
of the same are being sent out so that you will be appraised of them, perhaps 
even by this time. 

I would particularly like to have the chief meet Mr. Pierce (please give my 
regards to good ol' Dad Pierce), and hope to arrange to see him when he is in 
Cleveland rather than in Pittsburgh. 

Tentative plans call for a trip down to Texas and then back up through Ohio 
and then over to New England. 

I am sorry that I will be unable to attend the dinner in honor of General Fries, 
but I know that you will extend to the General my regards and good wishes. I 
am glad that he is coming up into Ohio at this time and I know that General 
Hard and General Light will give him a great deal to think about. I have been 
telling Larry Brown, who is now here in Bob Summerville's place, about the 
book written by the General this spring, and I wonder if you would send one 
down here, if you have any more copies, as mine is in storage in Newcastle. 

I might note in passing, too, that Captain Geiger was in command of the troops 
in Warren and had some conferences with our SS. Howard Luse. 

I know that Mrs. West will rejoice that Larry is finding himself and good 
health in the mountains here, and the 3 weeks that he has been here sees a mar- 
velous change for the better in him. both morally and physically. He is a 
new man. 

Please remember me to all my friends in Cleveland and tell them that I hold 
them in remembrance too, impatiently doing other things until I can come again 
to see you all. 

With all best wishes to you personally and with kindest regards to all the 
rest, I am, 

Sincerely, 

Spencer J. Warwick. 

The Chairman. You have the photostatic copy of that letter? 

Mr. Gingrich. I have the photostatic copy of it. 

The Chairman. Which you also secured as the result of your inves- 
tigations? 

Mr. Gingrich. Yes, sir [handing a paper to the chairman]. 

The Chairman. We offer that letter in evidence as Gingrich exhibit 
No. 2. 

(The letter referred to was marked "Gingrich Exhibit No. 2, 
October 6, 1938.") 

Mr. Gingrich. I am sorry; there will have to be a correction in both 
these letters. That "SS 1 " applies to "Silver Shirts." I was confused 
by the resemblance to the Nazi Fascist term. 

The Chairman. What is this? 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1227 

Mr. Gingrich. I had occasion to make a correction, Mr. Chairman. 
I was confused momentarily by the resemblance to the Nazi terminol- 
ogy in the capital letters "SS." It obviously refers to Silver Shirts, 
which constitutes a correction in one interpolation I made in reading 
the letter. 

In explanation of this second letter, I would like to record that 
Messrs. Girdler and Wysor are officials of the Republic Steel Corpo- 
ration. 

The Chairman. Right at that point, the letter refers to Mr. Girdler 
and Mr. Wysor. It' does not give their initials, but it says, "in 
Cleveland," does it not? It refers to a meeting in Cleveland? 

Mr. Gingrich. Yes; it refers to a meeting in Cleveland. As a 
matter of fact, it expresses the hope that they will be in Cleveland 
for a meeting. 

The Chairman. What I was trying to get is the source of your 
information with reference to the statement that these two men are 
the men who are officials of the Republic Steel Corporation. 

Mr. Gingrich. Yes; that is correct. 

The Chairman. You are assuming that from the name and the 
fact that they were meeting in Cleveland ? 

Mr. Gingrich. We would have to have more basis for our assump- 
tion than that, Mr. Chairman. 

The Chairman. You have more in addition to that? 

Mr. Gingrich. Yes, sir ; we have. 

The Chairman. Proceed. 

]\Ir. Gingrich. I would like to raise that point — that none of these 
names are in any case introduced unless there is an inherent reason 
for their being mentioned, for explanation of the letter. 

The Chairman. We will go into that later. 

Mr. Gingrich. I will cover the other names which are used in the 
letter, simply for purposes of clarification of this document. 

The General Fries referred to in this letter is Maj. Gen. Amos B. 
Fries, United States Army, retired, who adressed the Cleveland 
Chamber of Commerce on July 22, 1937, under the auspices of the 
Association of Leagues, whose executive secretary, Miss Sterling, 
was at the time this letter was written. 

Bob Summerville, mentioned in the letter, was formerly editor 
of the Pelley publications. Those publications are referred to in the 
letter. 

The Liberation is a Pelley publication. 

You will note also the reference to Mr. Pierce as "Good ol' Dad 
Pierce." 

It is hoped that the foregoing evidence is of value to this com- 
mittee with reference to its desire to determine any link between 
industrialists and Nazi and fascist movements in the United States. 

The Chairman. Right at that point it might be well to clarify the 
fact that in your publication you have a story in which you charged 
that certain industrialists were linked with the fascist movement in 
the United States. That story was published in your magazine, was 
it not? 

Mr. Gingrich. That is right. 

The Chairman. With the names of the men? 

Mr. Gingrich. With the names. 



1228 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

The Chairman. Was there any denial of that, or any effort to 
sue your magazine for libel ? 

Mr. Gingrich. There was no denial except in the case of the Cleve- 
land Chamber of Commerce, which wrote us saying that they had — 
that their records did not show 

The Chairman (interposing). We do not want to get into the 
question of the names yet. What I want to clarify is this: That 
the information you had is based upon the testimony which this 
committee is trying to secure of Mr. Miller 

Mr. Gingrich. That is right. 

The Chairman. Who is now connected with the Scripps-Howard 
newspapers in Cleveland, Ohio? 

Mr. Gingrich. That is right. 

The Chairman. The truth or falsity of the statements will be 
dependent upon his testimony, and what I mean is that he is the one 
to furnish the testimony? 

Mr. Gingrich. Yes, sir. He was the investigator in the case who 
assembled this material ; that is correct. 

The Chairman. Now, this committee has undertaken to secure that 
testimony. We have been unsuccessful in doing so up to this date; 
but we will have a subpena issued for him and bring him before the 
committee, and he can supply the committee with the direct evidence ; 
is that a fact ? 

Mr. Gingrich. I am morally certain that that is the case, based on 
letters that I can give you from Mr. Miller and from Miss Barbara 
Baker, who was the secretary 

The Chairman (interposing). Then the next person who has direct 
information based upon personal knowledge of these facts is Miss 
Baker, who was the secretary to 

Mr. Gingrich. Miss Sterling. 

The Chairman. To Miss Sterling? 

Mr. Gingrich. That is right. 

The Chairman. She is in Cleveland, Ohio? 

Mr. Gingrich. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. You have letters from both of them. Will you 
please let me have those letters? 

Mr. Gingrich. Here are two letters from William Miller and a 
letter from Miss Barbara Baker [handing papers to the chairman]. 

The Chairman. While your magazine made these statements, you 
are not testifying with reference to that here, because you recognize, 
as does the chair, that testimony of this nature should be on the basis 
of personal knowledge and based upon the facts ; is that not true ? 

Mr. Gingrich. I would leave it on that basis; but it is subject to 
confirmation and, of course, it is only offered upon the assumption 
that such confirmation is available, and I believe it is. 

The Chairman. The committee will get the direct proof from those 
who have the information and can swear to it. 

Mr. Gingrich. At the same time it should be made clear that Ken 
magazine takes the same position as that of this committee and the 
National Association of Manufacturers in its desire to ferret out any 
individual industrialist who may have supported, financially ancl 
otherwise, any un-American and subversive activities. 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1229 

Your committee has also requested pertinent information relative 
to the September 8 issue of Ken, entitled "Exposing Native United 
States Plotters," in which we charge : 

The real inside job for the bunds is not mere propaganda and conversion to 
Nazi ideology, but a military organization for sabotage and espionage in the 
United States in the event of European war, whether we are neutral or not. 
For this ticklish work the leaders are too smart to use suspected aliens but rely 
on native Americans. 

Support for this charge is contained in a series of confidential letters 
that were exchanged by various individuals involved in this plot and 
signed onty with psuedo names. These letters were intended to be 
destroyed. Thev were, however, turned over to the Navy intelligence 
at San Diego, Calif. 

The Chairman. You know those letters are now in the hands of 
the Navy Intelligence ? 

Mr. Gingrich. Those letters are now in the possession of Navy 
intelligence in San Diego. 

A key figure in this exchange of correspondence, which involved 
the smuggling of arms across the Mexican border as well as the 
planned purchases of United States standard surplus arms and am- 
munition, with the knowledge of not only the German-American 
Bund, but also of individuals at the Italian Embassy in Washington, 
was Henry D. Allen, of 2860 Nina Street, Pasadena, Calif. 

Allen was an active worker in the Silver Shirt movement, one of 
the first fascist organizations to appear in the United States. He 
was one of the organizers of the American White Guardsmen, or 
American White Guards, with headquarters at Los Angeles. 

Allen has operated with the leaders of the German-American Bund 
and helped Ingram Hughes, founder of the American Nationalist 
Party, another fascist organization. 

He attended picnics and was seen at many outings in the company 
of Dr. Gj'ssling, German consul at Los Angeles, and Dr. von Killin- 
ger, German consul at San Francisco. 

Allen has a criminal record extending over 28 years with eight 
entries concerning forgery. 

I desire to introduce another exhibit in substantiation of Allen's 
known criminal and fascistic career. 

I have here to introduce into the record in support of that a story 
from the Los Angeles Examiner, of June 13, 1938. This is a news 
story concerning his arrest, and at the same time it gives his entire 
record, showing that it is a matter of common knowledge. 

The Chairman. That exhibit will be received and marked "Exhibit 
No. 3." 

(The exhibit referred to was marked "Gingrich Exhibit No. 3, 
October 6, 1938," and reads as follows:) 

[From the Los Angeles Examiner, Los Angeles, June 13, 193S] 
Ex-Felon Baeed as L. A. Anti-Semitic Propaganda Chief 

MAP ON PERSON HINTS TIEVP WITH ALIEN POWER V. S. QUIZ 

The man responsible for showering Los Angeles with vicious anti-Jewish 
circulars was identified yesterday by the Los Angeles Examiner as Henry D. 
Allen, ex-convict who served terms in Su Quentin and Folsom penitentiaries. 



1230 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

The disclosure was made after Allen, member of the Silver Shirts organiza- 
tion, had been arrested in San Diego on a felony charge, as the result of which, 
the Examiner learned, he is under investigation by G-men and the Naval In- 
telligence Bureau. 

PAPERS SEIZED 

Papers found in his possession, including a closely guarded map understood 
to indicate connections with a foreign power, were seized by Special Agent W. H. 
Osborne of the Federal Bureau of Investigation and Commander Deardoff of 
the Naval Intelligence. 

These papers, the contents of which were said to be of a highly sensational 
nature and were reported to the State Department, have been sent to Washing- 
ton, the Examiner was informed. Special intelligence officers are checking the 
information contained in the documents with data seized recently in the Govern- 
ment's campaign against espionage. 

The startling disclosures yesterday came as Allen faces preliminary hearing 
in municipal court here tomorrow on a felony charge brought by District Attor- 
ney Buron Fitts' office, in connection with Allen's alleged illegal registration 
as a voter. 

And, at the same time, the Examiner learned that dismissal of the San Diego 
charge against Allen for possession of a deadly weapon, is to be subject of a 
sweeping grand jury investigation. 

The distribution of anti-Jewish literature here several weeks ago was done 
by a squad of youths directed by Allen, who threw thousands of highly inflam- 
matory circulars, attacking the Jewish race and the Roosevelt administration, 
from windows of downtown buildings, including the one in which the German 
consulate is located. 

At the same time additional thousands of circulars were thrown over the 
downtown district and Hollywood from a mystery plane which bore no identi- 
fying marks. 

Allen was arrested in San Diego last April 22 for possession of a "billy club" 
at Fifth Street and Broadway. In Allen's possession at the time, according to 
Detective Sergeant Ralph Whitney, "red" squad head, also was a brief case 
containing throwaway sheets attacking the Jews and other papers. 

CLUB FOUND IN CAR 

Naval intelligence officers and G-men immediately seized the other papers, 
among which, the examiner learned, was a map designating the best spots to 
attack the United States. 

The billy club, according to police, was found when officers searched his car 
in a downtown parking lot, and Allen was identified as the man who had 
parked the car. 

Only in jail a short time, Allen, pending hearing, was released on his own 
recognizance by Municipal Judge Dean Sherry. 

On June 7, when Allen reappeared in court, he was represented by Thomas 
Whelan, who resigned as district attorney of San Diego County a short time 
after Allen's arrest. 

Allen told Judge Eugene Daney the car he was driving was loaned to him by 
a friend and that he knew nothing of the club. 

CHARGES DISMISSED 

But Sergeant Whitney presented a witness, Paul Yodan, who had charge of a 
parking lot at Third and Figueroa Streets here. 

Yodan testified he knew Allen and had seen him drive the same car into his 
parking lot during March and April. 

And, said Yodan, he had seen the same billy club in the car on all occasions. 

Judge Daney dismissed the charges on the basis of Allen's alibi. Deputy 
District Attorney Ed Goodman, noted for his work against subversive elements, 
announced plans for a grand jury investigation. 

Arrested at the same time with Allen were Fred Gideon Curtin. 345 West 
Lexington, Glendale ; Charles Markin, 606 1 /. South Brand, Glendale ; and Charles 
P. Olson, 60 Argonnest, Long Beach. 

Police claimed they were picked up here and given several dollars to throw 
anti-Semetic handbills from San Diego buildings. Accused of distributing hand- 
bills without a permit, they paid $10 fines. 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1231 

Allen is to appear in court here tomorrow for preliminary hearing on a charge 
of violating section 42 of the State penal code. The complaint prepared by 
Fitts' office charges he registered as a county voter "knowing himself not entitled 
to such registration." 

LOST EIGHT TO VOTE 

It was learned the basis for the charge is that Allen lost his civil right to 
vote because he had served terms' in San Quentin and Folsom penitentiaries. 

The complaint was filed by Deputy George Stahlman and was signed by 
Joseph Roos, 1439 North Curson Street, with Allen posting $1,000 surety bond to 
guarantee his appearance in court. 

Witnesses against him include Deputy Registrar of Voters I. J. Ward, Chief 
Investigator John Klein, of the district attorney's office, and Investigator Jack 
Cushman. The offense is punishable by from 1 to 3 years in prison. 

Recently a national publication printed uncontradicted statements that Allen 
is the liaison man through whom Gen. Nicholas Rodriguez, head of the Mexican 
Gold Shirts and close friend of the rebel Gen. Saturnino Cedillo, kept in touch 
with Hermann Schwinn, United States west coast director of Nazi activities, with 
headquarters in the Deutsches Haus here. 

The publication also stated that Allen, acting on orders of Schwinn, contacted 
Ramon F. Iturbe, member of the Mexican Chamber of Deputies, a man who is 
said to be in frequent contact with Mexican Fascist elements. 

The Chairman. You may proceed. 

Mr. Gingrich. Allen has been particularly close to Hermann 
Schwinn, western leader of the German-American Bund, George 
Deatherage. head of the American Nationalist Confederation, which 
at one time had its headquarters in Palo Alto, Calif., and C. F. In- 
galls, of 2702 Bush Street, San Francisco, both native Americans who 
have long been identified with Nazi and Fascist movements on the 
Pacific coast. 

Our investigations show that in correspondence Schwinn's code 
name is Laura and that Ingalls' is Clayton and Allen's is Rosenthal. 

I want now to introduce also a letter written by F. W. Clark. 

The Chairman. Who is Clark? 

Mr. Gingrich. Of Tacoma. Wash. He is the secretary of the 
Christian Party of Washington, Pierce County Central Committee, 
329 Provident Building, Tacoma, Wash. 

Clark was in charge of the western division of the National Gen- 
tile League and called himself commander in chief of the League of 
War Veteran Guardsmen. He was also founder of the National 
Liberty Party, a pseudo-Fascist organization, and at one time was 
member of Silver Shirts. 

The following is an excerpt of a letter by this same Clark to a 
Mrs. Lois de Lafayette Washburn on the stationery of the Chris- 
tian Party of Washington, Pierce County Central Committee, 329 
Provident Building. Tacoma, Wash. 

The Chairman. You have that letter? 

Mr. Gingrich. I have that letter ; yes. It says : 

Warning: Mrs. Washburn 

The Chairman. You are reading certain excerpts from that 
letter? 

Mr. Gingrich. Yes; in cases where the language goes to what 
seems to me to be counter to the public interest, I am omitting that. 

The Chairman. You mean that some of the language in there is 
of such a character that you are omitting that, but putting the 
entire letter in the record? 



1232 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr. Gingrich. Yes; the entire letter is going into the record, but 
I am only quoting certain selected portions of the letter, as follows: 

You are very apt to be visited by a Mr. Roy Zachery, formerly of Seattle, 
Wash., and right-hand man of William D. Pelley, in the State of Washington, 
and now "field marshal" for the Silver Shirts, under William D. Pelley. 

In the event you are visited by this person, who is the person who sunk 
daggers into the heart of one Frank W. Clark, commander in chief, the League 
of War Veteran Guardsmen, which has been reported by a member of the 
league, operator 48a. 

The person, Mr. Zachery, should be closely questioned, as follows : 

"Did you not advise one Frank W. Clark, of Tacoma, Wash., that when a 
Mr. Pelley came to the State of Washington, that he (Pelley) had 1,000 trained 
and rifle-armed guards that he was going to bring into the State of Washington 
as his personal guard, and did not these so-called guards turn out to be just 2 
men from North Carolina, and a number of men to the extent of about 20 from 
the State of California? Why did you lie in the beginning? Was this not to 
enthuse Mr. Clark to enter into your Silver Shirt ranks? 

"Did you, or did you not, Mr. Zachery, while admittedly the State commander 
or organizer of the State of Washington Silver Shirts, sojourn from leadership 
of such ranks for a period of time, and did resort to promoting of 'oil stocks,' 
using Christian Party members for such promotion, to buy up the oil stocks?" 

The Chairman. That letter will be marked "Exhibit No. 4." 
(The letter referred to was marked "Gingrich Exhibit No. 4, 
October 6, 1938," and reads as follows:) 

Gingiuch Exhibit No. 4, October 6, 1938 

You are very apt to be visited by a Mr. Roy Zachery, formerly of Seattle, 
Wash., and right-hand man of William D. Pelley, in the State of Washington, 
and now "field marshal" for the Silver Shirts under William D. Pelley. 

In the event you are visited by this person, who is the person who sunk 
daggers intd, the heart of one Frank W. Clark, commander in chief, the League 
of War Veteran Guardsmen, which has been reported by a member of the league, 
operator 48a. 

The person, Mr. Zachery, should be closely questioned as follows : 

"Did you not advise one Frank W. Clark, of Tacoma, Wash., that when a Mr. 
Pelley came to the State of Washington that he (Pelley) had 1.000 trained and 
rifle-armed guards that he was going to bring into the State of Washington as his 
personal guard, and did not these so-called guards turn out to be just 2 men 
from North Carolina, and a number of men to the extent of about 20 from the 
State of California? Why did you lie in the beginning? Was this not to enthuse 
Mr. Clark to enter into your Silver Shirt ranks? 

"Did you, or did you not, Mr. Zachery, while admittedly the State commander 
or organizer of the State of Washington Silver Shirts, sojourn from leadership 
of such ranks for a period of time, and did resort to promoting of oil stocks, 
using Christian Party members for such promotion, to buy up the oil stocks?" 

The Chairman. You may proceed. 

Mr. Gixgrich. In further substantiation of our article's contention 
that the bunds are coining to rely more and more upon native-born 
Americans rather than on suspect aliens or naturalized citizens. I 
introduce in testimony the following extract from a letter written by 
Edward James Smythe, chairman of the National Committee Against 
Communism, to Ernst Goerner, a known Nazi propagandist, dated 
June 27, 1937. [Reading:] 

* * * where do you get the information that I am fighting the Nazi Govern- 
ment? * * * why, my boy, I receive more information from that country 
than any other man in America. * * * would you like to see some letters 
that I get from Germany? — confidential ones, at that * * * and I happen 
to be an American of Scotch-Irish extraction and was a sergeant major in the 
late World War * * * on the Allied side * * * for your information 
and to keep the record straight * * * I look upon Hitler that the second 
Jesus Christ of the modern world. 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1233 

And further, let me say this, ami yon can copy this and tell the world what 
1 say * * * the Nazi movement in this country run by certain Germans is 
nothing but a racket * * * run by certain ''gentlemen" as a money-making 
scheme, and I can name them anytime you want the names * * * the names 
arc already in Berlin a long time ago, for I caused them to be sent over there, 
and these same gentlemen are well known at the German Embassy in Washing- 
ion. I>. ('. : they used nie plenty until I got wise to them, so you see, Goerner, you 
have been grossly misinformed. 

Here, again, 1 am quoting only a portion of the letter, although the 
entire letter is introduced as an exhibit in my testimony, and I offer it 
as an exhibit at this time. 

The Chairman. That letter will be marked "Exhibit No. 5." 
(The letter referred to was marked "Gingrich Exhibit No. 5, 
October 6, 1938," and reads as follows:) 

Gingrich Exhibit No. 5, October 6, 1938 

It is war against our country, our homes, our churches, the Constitution, and the 

God of our forefathers 

Keep America Safe for Americans 
AMERICAN YOUTH MOVEMENT 

Officers. Edward James Smythe, chairman; Rev. A. E. Van-Antwerpen, first vice 
chairman : Rev. Carl C. Underbill, second vice chairman ; Rev. William Robinson, third 
vice chairman; Dr. William A. Davenport, treasurer; L. C. D. Eckman, C. P. A. comp- 
troller ; Gerald M. McSweeney. executive secretary ; George E. McKenzie, assistant secre- 
tary ; Prof. Gilbert P. Brown, historian; Mr. Bob Farrell, press and publicity; Hon. 
George X. Westervelt, counsel to committee: Harry P. Cruickshank, commander, war vet- 
erans division; Dr. Hans M. Daxlander. social-economic research; Mr. James Giboney. 
propaganda ; Rev. Charles E. Benedict, radio division ; Miss Dean V. Willets, chairman. 
women's volunteer division: Mrs. Clara Kabn, chairman women's fraternal division; Rev. 
Paul J. Kolesnikoff. field service; Rev. John B. Cowan, New Jersey unit; Mrs. Harriet 
M. Ashley, social division : Mr. Norman Sonberg. aviation unit ; Edward A. Curley, 
membership : John J. McWalters. legislation ; John Mottershead, ways and means : Mr. 
John Lundy. civic service unit ; Mr. Charles Rowlands, finance ; Mr. Larry Vozzo, Mr. 
Frank Henry. Mr. Jack Patron. Mr. James A. McAvoy, investigation. 

Citizens Committee (organizing not completed). — Mr. Victor Bond, Mr. George Bal- 
Tiiowich, Mrs. N. A. Coolidge, Mr. John A. Allin, Rev. Allen D. Gates, Chief Red Wing. 
Miss L. Huntington. Mr. Dick Hutchins, Rev. William H. Hall, Mr. Ernst Goerner, 
Mr. Felix Jedegewski, Mr. Joseph McGurie, Mr. E. W. Limekogel, Mr. Alfred Kunzie. Mr. 
Alfred Lee. Mr. Joseph Jackson. Mr. John McXulty. Mr. John McNamee, Mr. Frank 
Milton, Mr. Stephen McDonald. Mr. Elbert Marees, Mr. Louis Martin, Mr. J. R. Oliver, 
Mr. Jack Nell, Rev. E. S. J. Patterson. Mr. Al Reheinstatler, Mr. Edwin School, Mr. C. R. 
Sullivan, Mr. Louis Schmidt, Rev. II. Walters, Mr. Joseph Vogelman, Mr. Ralph Voight. 

National Committee Against Communism, 

Washington, 1). C, June 27, 1987. 
Mr. Ernst Goekner, 

Milwaukee, Mis. 

My Dear Goerner: Your letter received and contents noted . . . why in hell 
don't yon come right out like :i man and state what friend of yours wrote yon 
in reference to this committee? 

Your name has been on this letterhead for over three years now, and at 
that time you agreed to come along with me. if you have forgotten this I 
shall he happy to send you a photostat of your letter . . . however as we are 
getting up a new letterhead with additional names on it off comes your name 
and jolly good luck to you and it. 

For your information and get this into your skull — I am the oldest leader 
in this crusade in America and I told you that as long back as four years 
ago . . . when you were sending me a lot of crazy letters relative to the 
Jew-Communistic situation further we have no Jews in this committee whether 
they be Christianized, modernized or just plain revolutionary international 
Jews . . . now is that plain enough for you or can you read English . . . accord- 
ing to Webster'.' 

Of course I am sore . . . you like a lot of other rats have not the guts to tell 
me the name of the other rat that wrote you in regards to me and this com- 
mittee . . . your letter is not the first about Mrs Clara Kahn . . . every fanatic 
anil lunatic outside (and I think many on the inside) have injected themselves 

94931— 38— vol. 2- 17 



1234 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

into this Patriotic crusade picking names as Jews ... I have heard them even 
say that Attorney Wise that defended Edmondson was a Jew . . . and in the 
last analysis who are you anyway? and where do you get the information that 
I am fighting the "Nazi" Government? . . . why my boy I receive more informa- 
tion from that country than any other man in America . . . would you like to 
see some letters that I get from Germany? confidential ones at that . . . and I 
happen to be an American of Scotch-Irish extraction and was a Sergeant-Major 
in the late World War ... on the Allied side . . . for your information and to 
keep the record straight ... I look upon Hitler that the second Jesus Christ of 
the modern World. 

And further let me say this and you can copy this and tell the World what 
I say . . . the "Nazi" movement in this Country run by certain Germans 
is nothing but a racket . . . now get this straight I repeat it for you . . . that 
it is nothing but a racket . . . run by certain "gentlemen" as a money making 
scheme and I can name them anytime you want the names . . . the names 
are already in Berlin a long time ago for I caused them to be sent over there 
and these same gentlemen are well known at the German Embassy in Wash- 
ington, D. C, they used me plenty until I got wise to them, so you see Goerner 
you have been grossly misinformed. 

Now for your information I have gotten many letters about you over the 
years but I don't fall for the old "Divide and Rule" I know that you have and 
still are doing good work . . . and that you have the enemy worried to death 
. . . and I know that they don't like me or this committee for we sell no 
pamphlets, circulars, booklets, or any other kind of patriotic propaganda and 
they wonder where we get our funds from in order to do the great amount 
of work we are doing throughout the country, and we pay no attention to such 
letters that come from rats pointing the finger on a brother crusader . . . we 
are far to smart for that. 

Now if you have guts tell me who wrote you, or forever keep your peace 
insofar as I am concerned, I have stated my case in the language of a man 
I fear no one inside or outside of this work and I can stand the gaff . . . but 
I hate lice that crawl or rats that hide in holes so drive them out into the open 
is my closing advice to you. 

I know more about Free-Masonry than you do or ever will, and all you 
know is that it is the agency for the International Jew, that is not enough, I 
have gotten more Masons to leave the order by asking them certain questions 
that you could count on your fingers and toes, if you want some information 
along this line I shall be happy to pass it along to you. 

In closing let me say that as long as I am the head of this organization I 
am not for sale to the Jews or anyone else, and I will never betray those that 
have placed their trust in me. I don't associate with Jews whether those Jews 
be Christianized, modernized, or just plain international revolutionary Jews. 
whether they have changed their names and religious that means nothing to 
me ... I look upon a Jew as the born enemy of the Christian race, a parasite 
of the human family. 

Major Lord was kicked out of this committee last Tuesday evening at a special 
meeting held here in New York . . . and branded a traitor, and so I say fare- 
well . . . and don't fall for all phony letters from madmen in this line of work. 
Most sincerely yours, 

Edwaed James Smythe, Chairman. 

If your Freedom and Democracy means anything vow is the time to defend it 

The Chairman. You may proceed. 

Mr. Gingrich. The subject of foreign propaganda in the United 
States, on which we have gathered bales of evidence, has already 
been so well covered in previous sessions that it seems unnecessary 
to introduce any more into the record. So I will pass over specific 
exhibits collected iu the compilation of various articles, but would 
like to bring up one point that has not hitherto had the committee's 
attention. 

It is less than a year since German espionage began to make a 
major effort in the United States. Within the past year one section 
of the Gestapo, Service Section No. 2, under the direction of Colonel 
Nicolai, has added three new departments. Nos. 23, 24, and 25. all 
three specifically devoted to espionage in the United States. 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1235 

Department 2:> specializes in economic espionage, the obtaining 
of American manufacturing and industrial secrets. 

Department 24 specializes in military intelligence. 

Department 25 specializes in Nazi propaganda. 

Of what type this propaganda will be, and how it will affect the 
United States, can be learned from pamphlet No. 7 of the Instruc- 
tions for Our Friends Overseas — a small brochure printed in a total 
edition of 500 copies and given only to reliable agents. A short 
excerpt will amply convey the spirit of this "armed propaganda." 

German propaganda in the United States must be handled more tactfully 
than it has been done before. It will not be possible to subsidize American 
newspapers except in very rare cases — and only newspapers of minor im- 
portance. 

The fundamental aim must always be to discredit conditions in the United 
States and thus make life in Germany seem enviable by contrast. It will 
therefore be to the best interests of the Reich to cooperate secretly with all 
persons or groups who criticize the American system, regardless on what 
ground. The line to be taken in all such cases is to exaggerate the strength 
of Germany and to contrast it with the weakness of democracies. * * * 

It is difficult to disagree with the author of these "instructions"; 
Germany is really strong, and the democracies are really weak as 
long as they permit the German Gestapo to provoke the whole 
world, including the United States, with propaganda, espionage, and 
sabotage. 

The Chairman. Is there anything else 3 r ou want to add to your 
statement '. 

Mr. Gixgrich. I do not believe so. 

The Chairman. We thank you very much for the testimony you 
have submitted on this subject. 

Before you leave, as I understand it, you are willing to give the 
committee all the information you have secured from your investiga- 
tion? 

Mr. Gingrich. Yes, entirely. 

The Chairman. And. you say that these two persons you have 
named. Mr. Miller and Miss Baker, are able to substantiate the state- 
ments made in your magazine? 

Mr. Gingrich. That is correct. 

The Chairman. Of their own personal knowledge ? 

Mr. Gingrich. That is correct. 

The Chairman. The investigator informs me that it will be im- 
possible to get these two witnesses here for at least 2 weeks, but after 
2 weeks you can get them here ? 

Mr. Metcalfe. I think so. 

The Chairman. Mr. Metcalfe, there is one phase of this matter 
that was mentioned in your previous testimony, to which I want to 
refer. 

This committee has received a list of some 200 organizations that 
have been charged with engaging in subversive activities, together 
with certain pamphlets and literature that are supposed to furnish 
proof of the fact that these organizations are engaged in such ac- 
tivity: is not that a fact? 

Mr. Metcalfe. Yes. 

The Chairman. You have seen the list and have gone over with 
the chairman the names of the organizations and such material as has 
been presented to the committee relative to them? 

Mr. Metcalfe. That is correct. 



1236 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

The Chairman. In the case of some of these organizations, there is 
evidence that would apparently bring them within the jurisdiction of 
this committee; is not that a fact? 

Mr. Metcalfe. That is correct. 

The Chairman. In other words, on their letterheads and literature 
there is the swastika emblem and statements that show a strong belief 
in nazi-ism. 

Mr. Metcalfe. Nazi-ism or fascism. 

The Chairman. As to other organizations the evidence is not clear, 
and the Chair has instructed you to investigate them more carefully, 
and to confer with, or interview, the directors of such organizations, 
and to secure from them such information in the nature of names 
of contributors and activities in which they are engaged, that will 
enable this committee to consider the question as to whether or not 
these organizations have been engaged in some activities that will war- 
rant their classification as un-American. 

Mr. Metcalfe. That is true. 

The Chairman. Of course, the desire of the committee is not to 
persecute anyone, or be engaged in any snooping expedition, but to 
get the facts. The information you now have, together with what 
you can secure, or that you hope you can secure, will place you in a 
position to give the committee the facts, and at the same time to 
determine what are not the facts. 

I mention that because in previous testimony these organizations 
have been mentioned, and it is felt that absolute justice should be 
done, and their names should not be dragged in except upon credible 
evidence that we have in regard to some organizations and not with 
regard to other organizations. 

Mr. Metcalfe. That is correct. 

The Chairman. If these organizations desire to cooperate with 
the committee in its desire to get the facts and the truth, and not 
in any attempt to smear them, they will be glad to furnish you 
with the information you desire. 

Manifestly, the committee finds it very difficult to issue subpenas 
duces tecum to 200 organizations for their records, ami to secure 
an accounting, involving in some cases a long, legal battle, within 
the short time left to us and with the limited funds at our disposal. 

The Chair is assuming that the organizations that are thoroughly 
American, that are not guilty of activities along Fascist or Nazi lines, 
with which some of them have been charged, will be more than glad 
to cooperate with you and give you this information, especially in 
view of the charge that has been made, that some industrialists have 
encouraged some of these movements. 

So that we will withhold further evidence on that phase of the 
investigation until you have had an opportunity to make a complete 
and thorough investigation, making it as complete and thorough as 
you. can do so in the limited time, and with the limited means at the 
disposal of the committee. 

Mr. Metcalfe. Do I understand that you are particularly in- 
terested with reference to the membership of these organizations, and 
the contributors, if there are any, to the functioning of these organi- 
zations, as to the actual and true activities of the organizations under 
question? 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1237 

The Chairman. Yes. None of the information they give will be 
made public except where there is clear evidence that they are en- 
gaged in subversive activities. 

In other words, it is not the province of this committee to go into 
any other phase except that. 

If they are engaged in the right sort of business, they have nothing 
to fear in cooperating with you as an investigator. 

What we particularly would like to have is information with re- 
spect to certain organizations that you are familiar with, concern- 
ing which we have certain pamphlets and literature that smack of 
fascism and nazi-ism. 

What we would like to have is the names of the contributors to such 
organizations, something about what is done with the funds that are 
secured, and to what extent some of the propaganda, of which we 
have secured numerous examples, has been disseminated by these 
organizations. 

Mr. Metcalfe. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. The committee will now stand adjourned, subject 
to the call of the Chair. 

(Thereupon, the committee adjourned, subject to the call of the 
chairman.) 



INVESTIGATION OF UN-AMEMCAN PROPAGANDA 
ACTIVITIES IN THE UNITED STATES 



tuesday, october 11, 1938 

House of Representatives, 
Subcommittee of the Special Committee 

to Investigate Un-American Activities, 

Federal Building, Detroit, Mich. 

The committee met at 1.40 o'clock p. m., Hon Martin Dies (chair- 
man), presiding. 

Present also : Hon. Harold G. Mosier. 

The Chairman. The chair wishes to make a preliminary state- 
ment that what this committee is concerned with are facts, and 
not with conclusions or opinions. As we have stated many times 
in previous hearings, any individual or organization whose name 
is involved in any of these hearings in the way of an attack will 
lie accorded a full opportunity to appear before the committee and 
under oath to refute any charge of attack that has been made. 

Mr. Howe, you as an investigator of this committee, having been 
assigned to this territory, and having spent considerable time inves- 
tigating the situation, the committee is going to call upon you to 
say to the committee what you expect to show as the result of your 
investigations through witnesses who will appear here to testify. 

TESTIMONY OF CHESTER HOWE 

(The witness was duly sworn by the chairman.) 

Mr. Howe. Well, Mr. Chairman and gentlemen of the committee, 
your investigator expects to show, through reputable witnesses, that 
un-American activities in this territory have cost the taxpayers and 
the consumers of the Nation hundreds of thousands of dollars. We 
expect to show that the sit-down strikes originated here 

Mr. Mosier (interposing). You say "originated here?" 

Mr. Howe. Yes. 

Mr. Mosier. You mean here in Michigan? 

Mr. Howe. Yes, sir; in Michingan. I do not mean in the city 
of Detroit, in the State of Michigan. We expect to show that the 
sit-down strikes originated here and were instigated by well-known 
Communist agitators who, with sound cars, encouraged lawlessness. 
We expect to prove that the average American workman who de- 
sired to go to work, was forbidden at the command of members of 
the Communist Party. Should this committee desire, we can inves- 
tigate the internal strife in the labor unions which many of the 
highest officers claim is communistically inspired. 

1239 



1240 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

At one time agitators, for an alien cause, shut down all activities 
in the capital of this State, Lansing, which they called a "labor 
holiday." It was merely a gesture to prove their power and small 
business men throughout the city of Lansing were forced to close 
their shops, traffic was not allowed on the streets and the reputable 
citizens were cowed by the demonstration of thousands of outside 
agitators brought there for that purpose. 

We shall present before the committee, the recruiting of American 
boys to fight for Loyalist Spain, the methods of coercion used to 
send these boys to fight a foreign battle. This is one phase that I 
request the committee members pay particular attention to as there 
is a possibility that the Neutrality Act of the United States has been 
violated. Should the committee so find. I suggest that the United 
States attorney be requested to bring indictments before the United 
States grand jury. 

We shall call particular attention to the nonenforcement of present 
immigration laws now on our books. Specific cases where warrants 
of deportation have not been served on some of the most active party 
members will be brought to your attention. 

We expect to show, through reputable witnesses, that many school 
ieachers have Communist leanings by attending meetings and making 
contributions to a cause alien to this Nation. The wives of some of 
the most prominent agitators in the United States are teachers in the 
Detroit public schools and attend meetings with or without their 
husbands and at every opportunity forward the cause of un-Ameri- 
canism to the children of the State. 

We expect to show that the Communist Party does advocate the 
overthrow 7 of the Government by force and violence and that many 
reputable people attend meetings of affiliates of this party unknowingly 
because of a charitable or humanitarian instinct. Your investigator 
has found that the appeal of party leaders is subtle and usually 
hidden behind the name of an organization or a charitable cause, to 
which the American people have never failed to rally. 

We expect to show that the majority of the people who have enlisted 
and given their aid to un-American activities, have done so through 
ignorance of the facts or through misleading propaganda which has 
been subtly put out by the few radical leaders in the Nation. 

If the committee is ready, we shall call the first witness. 

The Chairman. The first phase we will go into will be the Spanish 
Loyalist question. Following that we expect to go into the sit-down 
strike phase of the investigation, only from the phase of communism. 
This committee is charged with the responsibility or duty of investi- 
gating un-American activities and propaganda. We have heard con- 
siderable testimony with reference to Nazi activities and Fascist ac- 
tivities. We have also heard considerable testimony with reference 
to communistic activities. We, of course, are not concerned with 
labor disputes. It is not our province to go into internal strife, only 
insofar as communistic influence or control is definitely shown. 

The next witness is Mi'. MeGillis. 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1241 

TESTIMONY OF JOHN D. McGILLIS 

(The witness was duly sworn by the chairman.) 
The Chairman. Now, Mr. McGillis, before you begin your state- 
ment, your name is what? 
Mr. McGillis. My name is .John I). McGillis. 
The Chairman. Where do you live, Mr. McGillis? 
Mr. McGillis. I live in the city of Ferndale, a suburb of Detroit. 
The Chairman. How long have you lived in this vicinity? 
Mr. McGillis. I was born in the State of Michigan and have lived 
in this vicinity for 30 years. 
The Chairman. Thirty years? 
Mr. McGillis. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. Have you been active in Americanization work in 
connection with any organization? 

Mr. McGillis. As secretary of the Detroit Council 305, of the 
Knights of Columbus, it has been part of my work to investigate 
un-American activities. I have been asked to do that. 
The Chairman. Have you done it ? 
Mr. McGillis. Yes; I have. 

The Chairman. Has your investigation been extensive or slight? 
Mr. McGillis. Well, I would not say that it has been extensive, 
nor has it been slight. It has been more intensive at times, and yet 
there are some phases that we have not investigated intensively. 

The Chairman. Have you had occasion to investigate the recruiting 
of American youth for the Loyalist cause in Spain ? 
Mr. McGillis. Yes; I have. 

The Chairman. You have talked to various recruits? 
Mr. McGillis. I have. 

The Chairman. Those who were sent over there? 
Mr. McGillis. I have. 

The Chairman. Have you had occasion to check up on their 
stories ? 

Mr. McGillis. Yes. 

The Chairman. And their statements to you? 
Mr. McGillis. Yes. 

The Chairman. And the statements that you make, as far as can 
be, will be verified by the direct testimony of the witnesses who will 
appear before this committee? 

Mr. McGillis. They will be verified by witnesses before this com- 
mittee if the committee will hear the witnesses. 

The Chairman. We will be glad to have the benefit of an}^ infor- 
mation that you can give the committee. 

Mr. McGillis. All right, sir. Thank you, sir.. 
The Chairman. You may proceed. 

Mr. McGillis. It may be interesting to the committee to know off- 
hand how the Knights of Columbus became interested in this work. 
We became interested primarily because of the activity of the Com- 
munist Party all over the world, and especially as it pertains to the 
Catholic Church. Naturally we are interested from that angle, and 
then after we got into it we found that it was very necessary to be- 
come interested as American citizens. We were asked by our supreme 
office at New Haven, Conn., we here in Detroit, to investigate the 



1242 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

activities of Robert Minor and others who were visiting Detroit in 
the interests of the Communist Party. 

The Chairman. Robert Minor is now in Spain, is he not, or do 
you know? 

Mr. McGillis. I do not know. He has been in Spain a number of 
times, I believe. 

The Chairman. As I recall, there was testimony before this com- 
mittee on previous committee hearings that Robert Minor occupied 
an important position in the armed forces, or, rather, in the Com- 
misar Division of the armed forces in Spain. You do not know any- 
thing about that? 

Mr. McGillis. No. I know he was making a lecture tour of the 
country at the time we first became interested in this. 

Mr. Mosier. About when was that, Mr. McGillis ? 

Mr. McGillis. About 2 years ago. In making these investigations 
it was natural that we should find certain Detroiters interested in pro- 
moting the cause of communism. We were astounded to learn of the 
many seemingly reputable organizations who were actually a part of 
the "united front" of the Communist Party. 

The Chairman. Well, one of the strategies of the Communist 
Party we have found has been to organize front organizations with 
high-sounding titles and names for the purpose of luring people into 
their ranks, but they retain control of the board of directors. 

Mr. McGillis. That is correct. We have found the same thing in 
Detroit. 

The Chairman. We have had before us for our consideration some 
so-called front organizations in which the majority, if not all of the 
directors and those who occupied strategic positions, are well-known 
Communists. So they either formed an organization in the beginning 
and have had control, or through indirect ways have controlled the 
members, or else they enter an organization already formed and 
capture control of it. 

Mr. McGillis. We have found the same thing in Detroit. Mr. Con- 
gressman. We found that many of these organizations, apparently 
interested in raising funds for what seemed to be worthy causes were, 
among other things, actually engaged in what we believed to be a vio- 
lation of Federal laws by recruiting American boys for service in the 
Spanish civil war. We have investigated other phases of un-Ameri- 
can activities in Detroit, and there will be other testimony brought 
out, and other witnesses produced, to substantiate the testimony, but 
at this particular time I would like to go into the Spanish situation, 
or so-called Spanish situation. 

The Chairman. We think it is better to develop each phase at one 
time rather than to confuse the issues. So that is the reason we want 
you to confine yourself at this time to the Spanish Loyalist situation, 
-<> that we can have the additional evidence and. when we pass that 
phase, we will go into another. 

Mi-. McGillis. Yes, sir. 

William Wright, 19 years of age, a native of South Carolina, found 
himself stranded in Detroit. It was necessary for him to apply for 
public aid. and he was assigned to the Fisher Lodge, which is a 
lodge for homeless men, supported by the city and by the State. 
While living there he made the acquaintance of a person or persons 
unknown to me, but who put him in contact with Philip Raymond. 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1243 

the Michigan Slate organizer for the Communist Party. After hav- 
ing Wright take a physical examination in the offices of Dr. Eugene 
M. Shafarman, 5320 John R Street, Detroit, Raymond sent Wright 
to New York, from which point he was to embark for Spain. Some- 
thing went wrong with the arrangements and Wright was returned 
to Detroit and again took up residence at the Fisher Lodge. Later 
he was provided with funds, and in May of this year sailed on the 
steamship Manhattan for Paris, and the day after he arrived in 
Spain, or in France, he was flown to Barcelona, Spain, and has 
written a letter back to an acquaintance in Detroit to that effect. 
His present whereabouts are unknown, but we do know that on 
July 23 of this year he was in Spain. 

The Chairman. How do you know that fact, from the letter that 
was received? 

Mr. McGillis. Yes; he wrote a letter on that date, stating that — 

for the past few days we have been preparing for action and, in all probability, 
we shall be in the front lines by the time this letter reaches you. 

The Chairman. Is that an original letter? 

Mr. McGillis. This is a copy of the letter. The committee may 
have the original letter. 

The Chairman. Have you seen the original letter? 

Mr. McGillis. Yes; I have. 

The Chairman. We can have that letter? 

Mr. McGillis. You may have the original letter, if you wish. 

At the present time — 

he says — 

there are more than 30 comrades from Detroit, and the majority of us are in 
the same company — Company 4, Abraham Lincoln Battalion, Infantry, Thirty- 
fifth Division of Spanish Republican Army. 

He continues — 

I hope you won't mind if I conclude this letter — as there are many things 
I have to do in the next few hours. Please let me hear from you soon. My 
address is as follows : William Wright, Plaza Altozona, 17.1, Barcelona, Spain. 

The Chairman. Will you get us the original of this letter ? 

Mr. McGillis. I will. The reason I have not the original is that 
through our informant, to whom our letter was addressed, we kept 
track of some of Wright's movements up until this time. 

The Chairman. You can testify under your oath that this is a 
true and correct copy of the original letter that you yourself know 
of and know was sent from Spain to a certain destination here? 

Mr. McGillis. In Detroit. 

The Chairman. That was received here? 

Mr. McGillis. Yes, sir. The committee may have the original 
letter. I will be glad to see that it is furnished. 

The Chairman. We will offer this or the original letter as exhibit 
1 for the record. 

(The letter above referred to was marked "Witness McGillis 
(Detroit) Exhibit No. 1" and filed with the committee, being a 
letter of date "Somewhere in Spain" July 23, 1938.) 

Mr. Mosier. Mr. McGillis, may I ask a question or two? On 
investigation you say that you found that Mr. Wright was put into 
contact with Philip Raymond. Do you know whether or not 



1244 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Raymond — or, rather, let us put it this way — what inducements did 
Raymond offer Wright, do you know, to get him to go to Spain? 

Mr. McGillis. I would sooner not testify about that, Congress- 
man, because I got it second-hand. I have first-hand information on 
other witnesses. 

Mr. Mosier. All right. 

Mr. McGillis. I know what inducements were offered Wright, 
but I did not talk to Wright personally, and do not have the word 
from him direct. 

Mr. Mosier. But you have it as it pertains to other boys who 
went, or who were talked to about going to Spain? 

Mr. McGillis. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Mosier. Now, you have in your statement that Wright took 
a physical examination at the offices of Dr. Eugene Shafarman. 
Did this Dr. Shafarman examine any other boys who went to Spain? 

Mr. McGillis. Yes, he did: and I shall, as I proceed, give you 
further information on that. 

Mr. Mosier. Do you know who paid Dr. Shafarman for his exami- 
nation ? Was it Raymond, or who ? 

Mr. McGillis. In the cases we know of we do not know who paid 
Dr. Shafarman. We do know that the boys did not pay the doctor, 
nor did they know who paid the doctor, nor did they know whether 
or not the doctor was paid. 

Mr. Mosier. Do you have any information that would lead to the 
conclusion that Dr. Shafarman pursued a line of examination with 
these boys to show that he was a part of the general plan to recruit 
boys, examine them, and send them to Spain ? 

Mi-. McGillis. Yes; and in the case of one of the boys whom I 
will mention a little later, and a boy whose testimony I believe should 
be received from this witness chair, he will be glad to tell the con- 
versation with Dr. Shafarman which indicated that he was a part of 
the movement, in that he said "we are doing these things." 

Mr. Mosier. All right. 

Mr. McGillis. And this witness will be glad to testify as to the 
exact conversation. 

Not included in what was not prepared as a statement, but was 
prepared more to be notes to which I could refer, is the case of James 
Kenneth Yochum. I have here a membership card in the Communist 
Party, made out to William Young, which was the party name of 
James Kenneth Yochum. who came to Detroit from Medvale, Pa., 
became a member of the Communist Party, became interested in their 
activities, and later was examined by Dr. Shafarman and is now 
known to be fighting in Spain under the name of Kenneth Yokum. 
Members of the Communist Party must operate under an alias, and 
after they have been in the party they are given a party name. 

(The book above referred to was marked "Witness McGillis 
(Detroit) Exhibit No. 2" and filed with the committee, being the 
membership book in the Communist Party of the United States 
of America of William Young.) 

Mis. Padgett, 4816 Trumbull Avenue, Detroit, was very disturbed 
Mime time ago that her son Paul, 18 years of age, who lived with 
her at that address, was making preparations to go to Spain to fight. 
Paul was born and raised right here in the city of Detroit. He is 



DN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1245 

a graduate of our Northeastern High School. He had been unable 
to find steady employment and was quite concerned because he was 
unable to assist his mother in earning a livelihood. He made the 
acquaintance of some members of the Young Communist League, 
attended meetings at !>4-J Kast Canfield, and became one of the 
Y. C. L. Mary Paige, also known in party circles as ''Sock'" Paige, 
became his intimate friend and endeavored to induce him to attend 
their school at Mena, Ark. In the offices of the Friends of the 
Abraham Lincoln Brigade, located at 150-1 Broadway, Padgett learned 
that he could secure transportation and make other necessary ar- 
rangements to join the Spanish Loyalist Army by talking with Phil 
Raymond in the offices of the Michigan headquarters of the Com- 
munist Party, located at 5969 Fourteenth Street. Young Paul talked 
to Raymond, who told him that he would make the arrangements 
and instructed him to go to the offices of Dr. Eugene Shafarman, 
5320 John R. Street. 

r l nere he was examined by Dr. Frederick C. Lendrum who, inci- 
dentally, was a candidate for coroner at our latest election and failed 
of nomination. He was also sent to see Dr. Verne C. Piazza, a den- 
tist, with offices on the corner of Forest and Mount Elliott. Dr. 
Piazza pulled two of his teeth and filled others. He paid neither of 
these doctors. Neither asked him for money, and to this day he does 
not know who paid them for their services. Padgett returned to 
Raymond's office and was told by Raymond that they were having 
some difficult}- in securing passports, and in order for him to leave 
at once it would be necessary that they fake a passport by using 
another name. This Padgett hesitated to do, and his hesitation saved 
him from becoming "lost" in the Spanish w T ar. I present to the com- 
mittee an affidavit signed by Padgett confirming these facts. 

The Chairman. This affidavit will be marked "Exhibit 3." 

(The affidavit above referred to was marked "Witness McGillis 
(Detroit) Exhibit No. 3" and filed with the committee, being an 
affidavit signed "Paul Padgett," 4816 Trumbull Avenue, Detroit, 
Mich., dated June 22, 1938.) 

Mr. Mosier. Mr. McGillis, may I ask you a question? 

Mr. McGillis. Yes, sir, Mr. Congressman. 

Mr. Mosier. Is Mr. Padgett still in Detroit? 

Mr. McGillis. Yes. I think he should appear before this com- 
mittee as a witness. 

Mr. Mosier. Do you think he will be available to the committee as 
a witness? 

Mi-. McGillis. Yes; he is available. 

Mr. Mosier. If you know, will you state to the committee, from 
yoiu- examination, what you found with reference to the problem 
which presented itself to these Communists obtaining passports for 
these boys? How was that problem solved, if you know, as a general 
proposition, based upon your findings in 3 7 our examination ? 

Mr. McGillis. Frankly, I am not prepared to state. The investi- 
gation is still being conducted on that phase of it, and I am not pre- 
pared to state at this moment how they did secure the passports. 

The Chairman. We have evidence already telling exactly how they 
secured their passports. 

Mr. McGillis. I could state my opinion. 



1246 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr. Mosier. Do you know any of these boys who obtained a pass- 
port in his own name to go to fight in Spain? 

Mr. McGillis. No; I do not. 

Mr. Mosier. Is it not true that in all eases the passports were ob- 
tained in the name of someone else? 

Mr. McGillis. I do not know. 

Mr. Mosier. You do not know that ? 

Mr. McGillis. No, sir. 

Emmet O. Collier, for 3 years an employee of the Dodge Motor 
Car Co., out of work and looking for adventure, decided that he 
might find it in the Spanish war. He had at one time enlisted in 
the United States Army, deserted in a period of despondency, and 
later given himself up and served a term for desertion. The offices 
of the Medical Bureau to Aid Spain and the North American Bureau 
to Aid Spanish Democracy are located at 912 Charlevoix Building. 

In this office Collier met Sol Green, an official of the Medical 
Bureau to Aid Spain, who discussed with him the war in Spain and 
the possibility of enlisting. Green directed him to Robert Taylor, 
secretary of the Friends of the Abraham Lincoln Brigade, and to Pat 
Daniels, the organizer for this outfit. Daniels' real name is Daniel 
Shugrue, but he carried on all his Detroit activities under the alias 
of Pat Daniels. At the present time he is working in other parts 
of the country under his own name. Both Daniels and Taylor are 
members of the Communist Party, and both are supposed to have 
served in the Spanish war. Collier discussed the matter with these 
two, and on the following day he Avas taken by them to Phil Raymond 
at the Communist headquarters. 

The Chairman. Is this not Mr. Collier sitting over there [indi- 
cating] ? 

Mr. McGillis. Yes, sir ; this is Mr. Emmett Collier. 

The Chairman. After you conclude your testimony we may call 
Mr. Collier on that matter. 

Mr. McGillis. Raymond gave Collier a note to Dr. Shafarman. 
who gave him a thorough physical examination, and handed him a 
note to take back to Phil Raymond. The note stated. "This boy is 
O. K." Collier went back to Raymond but didn't hand him the 
note. Here is the note on Dr. Shafarman's stationery. 

The Chairman. Do you know whose signature it is — whose hand- 
writing? 

Mr. McGhlis. No ; I do not know the handwriting, Mr. Congress- 
man. 

The Chairman. We will let that go in as exhibit 4. 

(The note above referred to was marked "Witness McGillis 
(Detroit) Exhibit No. 4" and filed with the committee, being a 
note on a prescription slip of Dr. Eugene M. Shafarman, bearing 
the notation, "This boy is 0. K.") 

Mr. Mosier. "Gene" is Dr. Shafarman's first name? 

Mr. McGillts. His first name is Eugene. 

Mr. Mosier. Eugene? 

Mr. McGtllts. Eugene M. 

Mr. Mosier. Do you know who paid Dr. Shafarman for this exami- 
nation, Mr. McGillis? 

Mr. McGillis. I do not know. 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIKS 1247 

The Chairman. Did he usually sign his name "Gene," or do you 
know that '. 

Mr. McGillis. That I do not know. I believe it will be possible, 
if the committee thinks it is necessary, to verify the handwriting 
through the signature of Dr. Shafarman on certain board of health 
instruments which he has signed in connection with examinations 
given on men going to Spain. 

The Chairman. Well, if the doctor denies this testimony or dis- 
putes the authenticity of this signature or this writing he is at liberty 
to appear before the committee under oath and deny it. 

Mr. Mosiei:. Just let me ask you another question: Did you say 
that Dr. Shafarman had signed something in connection with charges 
to the city for other examinations ? 

Mr. McGillis. Yes; I did. 

Mr. Mosier. Did he examine other recruits for Spain ? 

Mr. McGtllts. Yes. 

Mr. Mosier. Did he send a bill to the city for that, the city of 
Detroit ? 

Mr. McGillis. No; not for examining recruits, but he sent a bill 
to the city of Detroit for services rendered in connection with an 
examination for giving a tuberculin test. He billed the city of 
Detroit and collected from the city of Detroit on these boys who 
were sent to Spain. 

Mr. Mosier. He would give them a tuberculin test ? 

Mr. McGillis. That is right. 

Mr. Mosier. And then charge the city of Detroit for that work? 

Mr. McGillis. That is right, 

Mr. Mosier. And the city of Detroit paid it? 

Mr. McGillis. In many cases; yes. 

Mr. Mosier. Is that a part of the records of the city of Detroit? 

Mr. McGillis. Yes; that is a part of the records of the city of 
Detroit. 

Mr. Mosier. Which will be available to this committee? 

Mr. McGillis. They will be available and will be introduced in 
evidence. This form, incidentally, is a special form, a board of health 
form which must be signed by the doctor and signed by the patient, 
both stating — both the doctor and the patient stating — that the 
patient is unable to pay for that service. 

Mr. McGillis. Continuing from where I left off: A slight investi- 
gation into this phase has disclosed that Shafarman has not only, 
and other doctors have not only, given these examinations to these 
boys going to Spain, but have given them to other people prominent 
in communistic activities in Detroit. 

Mr. Mosier. Now. let us develop that just a moment, Mr. McGillis. 
That is interesting to me. 

There are other doctors who gave an examination, did they, in their 
line of business, to these boys who were going to Spain? 

Mr. McGtllis. No 

Mr. Mosier. Well, where did they have their teeth examined \ 

Mr. McGillis. Well, we know, in this case we have just talked 
about, Dr. Piazza examined the teeth. 

Mr. Mosier. Who was Dr. Piazza? 



1248 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr. McGillis. I do not know the gentleman. He is listed in the 
Detroit directory and does have an office on the corner of Forest and 
Mount Elliott. 

Air. Mosier. And did yon, from your examination, discover whether 
he had made examinations of any boys other than Collier? 
Air. McGillis. Not to my personal knowledge ; no. 
Mr. Mosier. Are there any other doctors at all, except Shafarman 
and Piazza, in this connection? 
Mr. McGillis. Dr. Lendrum. 
Mr. Mosier. For what did he examine them? 

Mr. McGillis. He examined Padgett for the Communist Party — 
Padgett, who was going to Spain. Now, these other doctors — there 
will be testimony brought out later that affects other phases of the 
communistic activity other than the Spanish activity; that is why I 
am not bringing it in here this afternoon. 
Mr. Mosier. All right. 

Mr. McGillis. The names of other doctors will be introduced then. 
Mr. Mosier. Did'any of these other doctors get their fees paid by 
the city of Detroit? 
Mr. McGillis. Yes. 

Mr. Mosier. And that will be shown in future testimony \ 
Mr. McGillis. That will, and future testimony will also show that 
people who. apparently, had an income, received this examination ; 
at least, their signature is on the board of health card, and that 
will be introduced here — men who were known to have had an in- 
come at the time they took the examination — a man I do not mind 
mentioning by name, if the committee cares to hear it, a man of 
prominence in the labor activity, Walter Reuther and his wife; 
Victor Reuther and his wife; and Phil Raymond and many others 
who will be brought into the testimony. 

Mr. Mosier. Yet they signed a slip 

Mr. McGillis. Stating they were unable to pay. 
Mr. Mosier. Stating they were unable to pay? 
Mr. McGillis. Yes, sir. ' 

Mr. Mosier. And in those circumstances, under the law of the city 
of Detroit, the city paid the bill to the doctor? 
Mr. McGillis. That is correct, 

The Chairman. Now, at that point: How do you know those fads 
to be true? 

Mr. McGillis. I have seen photostat copies of the cards in the 
files of the Board of Health of the City of Detroit, and those will 
be introduced here. 

The Chairman. How do } 7 ou know those photostat copies are 
correct ? 

Mi-. McGillis. Because I know the cards were taken out of the 
records of the Board of Health of the City of Detroit. There will 
be forgeries that will be developed. There has been an investigation, 
;ui(l Mayor Reading has been cooperating in this; and, without know 
ing it, as I see it, Mayor Reading may think it necessary to conduct 
his own investigation into that particular department, 

To get back to Collier, because we were not away from him 

Mr. Mosier. I think I interrupted you, Mr. McGillis. in the middle 
of your testimony. 

Mr. McGillis. That is quite all right, Congressman. 



rX-AMKKH'AN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1249 

After ('oilier had had his examination, he went hack to Raymond, 
who handed him $12 for bus Tare to New York and gave him a 
note to a man named Manny, and gave him an address which, as 
Collier remembers it. was on Second Avenue in New York. Collier 
went directly to Manny as soon as he arrived in New York. Manny 
asked Collier if he had brought with him his birth certificate. 

The Chairman. Now, right at that point: Testimony before this 
committee from other recruits mentioned Manny's name, likewise, 
coming from Boston. Mass. They were instructed to go to Manny. 

Mr. McGillis. I am glad to learn that. 

The Chairman. I mentioned that, because that, apparently, ties in 
with testimony we previously received from an entirely different 
section of the country. 

Go ahead. 

Mr. McGillis. Manny asked Collier if he had brought with him 
his birth certificate. When informed by Collier that he had not, 
Manny gave Collier $3 for food and told him to go over to the 
World Tours, in the Flatiron Building, New York, where he would 
be given a bus ticket back to Detroit. He was also given a note to 
hand to Phil Raymond on his return to Detroit. 

Collier remained in New York for a few days and, upon his 
return to Detroit, took up residence with Taylor and Shugrue and, 
while living with them, became a member of the Communist Party. 
Here is a photostatic copy of his membership book, Collier's mem- 
bership book [exhibiting], in the Communist Party, and the original 
is available for the committee, if it desires it. 

The Chairman. Well, this will go in the record as exhibit No. 5, 
and the original can be supplied later. 

(The photostatic copy above referred to was marked "Mc- 
Gillis (Detroit), Exhibit No. 5" and filed with the committee, 
being a photostatic copy of membership book issued in the name 
of Emmett O. Collier.) 

Mr. McGillis. Collier took part in the activities of the Friends of 
the Abraham Lincoln Brigade and the day unit of the Communist 
Party. In this connection, I present a statement signed by Collier 
telling of some of his activities and naming other Detroiters who were 
members of the day unit. 

The Chairman. Well. Mr. Collier is here and we will hear his 
own testimony. Does that complete your statement with reference 
to the present matter, or do yon have some more? 

Mr. McGillis. Yes, Congressman. I believe that the record should 
also include this newspaper story from the Jackson, Mich., Citizen- 
Patriot, on August 10, 1938, in connection with recruiting. 

The Chairman. We are going to have the newspaperman who 
wrote that before lis. 

Mr. McGillis. I understand he will be before this committee as a 
witness. 

The Chairman. That is purely hearsay and, while there is a good 
deal of latitude allowed, necessarily, in the conduct of these invest i- 
irations and we do not conduct them like they do in court, in any 
congressional investigation, nevertheless, we try, as much as possible, 
to stay within the rules and, if we can get the man, we talk to the 
man. 

94931 — 38— vol. 2— —18 



2250 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr. McGillis. I would suggest that the committee, by all means. 
talk to the man. He is available and is willing to testify before the 
committee. 

Now these are not rare cases, as before this committee will be pre- 
sented names and incidents which will possibly prove them to be the 
rule, rather than the exception. 

That concludes my statement with regard to the recruiting- angle 
and, if the committee desires to hear Collier at this point. I shall 
be glad to relinquish the chair and then, later, tell of some of the 
organizations, which the committee has undoubtedly heard about in 
other parts of the country, who are active in Detroit in raising funds 
and other communistic activities in connection with the Spanish civil 
war. 

The Chairman. In connection with those organizations: Do you 
know whether or not there are well-known Communists on the boards 
of directors, or who hold strategic positions in those organizations? 

Mr. McGillis. Yes. Take the case of the International Workers 
Order in Detroit. Joseph Schiffer 

The Chairman. Suppose we cover that later, as Ave are really get- 
ting into another phase, and before we get into the other phase 
suppose we have Mr. Collier testify and finish up with the Spanish 
Loyalist recruiting, and then go into the other organizations. 

Mr. McGillis. All right, sir. 

The Chairman. But, in connection with the organizations, what 
I am interested in finding out is whether or not your investigation 
in this area has disclosed that these organizations have well-known 
Communists on their boards of directors, or in strategic positions. 
who invariably denounce fascism and nazi-ism, but are silent in 
reference to communism? 

Mr. McGillis. That is correct. 

The Chairman. And they constantly parade with banners de- 
nouncing fascism and nazi-ism, but they are silent with reference 
to communism and, in some instances, openly approve it? 

Mr. McGillis. That is correct. 

The Chairman. In other words, they adopt the strategy and tactics 
of the Communist Party? 

Mr. McGillis. That is correct. 

The Chairman. Which is to conceal their true identity and enlist 
well-meaning people under banners to give them added strength, 
which they could not secure except in the absence of investigation? 

Mr. McGillis. For the purpose of raising funds and conducting 
propaganda. 

The Chairman. We will take those organizations up at a separate 
time, and suppose we have Mr. Collier at this point. 

TESTIMONY OF EMMETT 0. COLLIER. DETROIT, MICH. 

(The witness was duly sworn by the chairman.) 

The Chairman. Your name is Emmett O. Collier? 

Mr. Collier. Yes. sir. 

The Chairman. C-o-l-l-i-e-r? 

Mr. Collier. Yes. sir. 

The Chairman. You are 28 years of age? 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1251 

Mr. Colliek. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. You were born in wh;il place? 

Mr. Collier. De Funiak Springs, Fla. 

The Chairman. When did you come to Detroit? 

Mr. Collier. At the age of 17 years. 

The Chairman. In October 1928; is that ri<?ht? 

Mr. Collier. Approximately that. 

The Chairman. I am using your statement, Mr. Collier, which was 
furnished me, in asking these questions. You made that statement 
to Mr. McGillis? 

Mr. Collier. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. Did you ever enlist in the United States Army? 

Mr. Collier. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. When? 

Mr. Collier. Approximately April 13, 1931, I think. 

The Chairman. April 13, 1931 ? 

Mr. Collier. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. Where did you go? 

Mr. Collier. Fort Hoyle, Md. 

The Chairman. And you were discharged at Camp McCoy, Wis., 
September 29, 1932; is that right? 

Mr. Collier. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. You returned to Detroit, and then you got a job? 

Mr. Collier. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. Where did you get a job? 

Mr. Collier. At the Book-Cadillac Hotel. 

The Chairman. Do you have a father living ? 

Mr. Collier. No, sir. 

The Chairman. Do you have a mother living? 

Mr. Collier. No, sir. 

The Chairman. Do you have any living relatives ? 

Mr. Collier. I have a brother, sir, in the Army at Fort Hoyle, 
Md., a sergeant, and a sister down in Sumter, Ga. 

The Chairman. They are your only living relatives? 

Mr. Collier. And I have a brother in Dearborn, at 6032 Gilbert, 
Dearborn. 

The Chairman. You mean Dearborn, Mich.? 

Mr. Collier. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. How long has it been since your father and mother 
died? 

Mr. Collier. My father died at the age of 13, and my mother at 
the age of b. 

The Chairman. That is your age? 

Mr. Collier. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. Suppose, for the sake of brevity in getting your 
testimony, that I ask you with reference to your statement which was 
furnished me. 

Your first job was at the Book-Cadillac Hotel, as an elevator 
operator, from June 1932, until February 1933 ; is that right ? 

Mr. Collier. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. You then returned to New York — you went to 
New York '. 

Mr. Collier. Yes, sir. 



1252 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

The Chairman. Stayed about a week and a half and came back 
to Detroit ? Is that right ? 
Mr. Collier. Yes, sir. 
The Chairman. You then worked at the (hunt Hotel for about 

3 weeks ? 

Mr. Collier. That is rght. 

The Chairman. Then you joined a C. C. C. camp at Mumssmg, 
Mich., where you were learning to be a senior foreman? 

Mr. Collier. Yes. sir. 

The Chairman. This is really unimportant, but it is just to get 
the background. 

You came back to Detroit, after that \ 

Mr. Collier. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. And worked at the Washington Boulevard Build- 
ing for a couple of months? 

Mr. Collier. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. And, in July, went to Milwaukee for 2 weeks? 

Mr. Collier. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. Then you came back to the Leland Hotel in 
Detroit ? 

Mr. Collier. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. You had an application in at the Dodge plant. 
and the week before Christmas were called to go to work; is that 
correct ? 

Mr. Collier. That is correct. 

The Chairman. That is as stated in your affidavit ? 

Mr. Collier. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. What happened to you at the Dodge plant? 

Mr. Collier. I quit, sir. . 

The Chairman. Why did you quit ? 

Mr. Collier. I was kind of disgusted with the United Automobile 
Workers. 

The Chairman. Well, that really has no bearing on this particular 
inquiry. Anyway, you quit ? 

Mr. Collier. I quit. 

The Chairman. It did not have anything to do with communism? 

Mr. Collier. No, sir. 

The Chairman. We are not interested in the union activity phase 
of it. 

After you quit you went to work where I 

Mr. Collier. I went to work tending the bar at the Hollywood, 
in West Fourth Street, about December 1!». and I worked there until 
March 20, 1938. 

The Chairman. This year? 

Mr. Collier. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. From that point, when did you first become inter- 
ested in the Spanish Loyalist cause? 

Mr. Collier. I had been thinking about it a couple of weeks prior 
to about the 15th of May. I am not certain about the date, but about 
the 15th of May 1938. 

The Chairman. Just tell us from then on — in your own words — 
what took place. 

Mi'. Collier. I went up to see the Spanish consul in the Francis 
Palms Building to get information with regard to going over to 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1253 

Spain, and it seems as though the Spanish consul was not in, and this 
girl up there — I do not know her name — told me they were not 
recruiting; that they needed arms more than men: hut she said she 
would give my name and address to a couple of fellows who might 
have something to do with recruiting in Spain. She said. "We know 
they get over there somehow: but," she said, "how, I don't know.'' 
But she gave me their address. 

The Chairman. Jnst at that point, in order to get the background: 
When you became interested in the Spanish Loyalist cause in Spain, 
were you attending any Communist meetings prior to your interest 
in this cause \ 

Mr. Collier. No, sir; I was not interested in the cause, sir. My sit- 
uation was one purely of adventure. 

The Chairman. At what point did you attend social gatherings 
and meetings in which the cause was mentioned? Was that before 
ymi enlisted, or after? 

Mr. Collier. After I enlisted, sir. 

The Chairman. Just continue on, then, with your statement. 

Mr. Collier. So one of those addresses the girl in the Spanish office 
gave me was the address of Sol Green, in the Medical Bureau to Aid 
Spain, 912 Charlevoix Building. I went down and contacted Mr. 
■Green He wanted to know what I wanted. He took me in his pri- 
vate office. I was a little hesitant to talk. He said, "Never mind 
telling me; I know what is on your mind. Tell me all about yourself 
so I can have a record of you.'* So I explained to him about my dis- 
honorable discharge from the United States Army, and Mr. Green 
said, "I will tell you." he said, "we know these fellows get over there 
somehow, but I don't know how they get over there; but." he said, 
"you go over and contact Pat Daniels and Robert Taylor — the names 
should not be hard to remember — at 1504 Broadway, room 306, at the 
Friends of the Abraham Lincoln Brigade." 

So I went over there and contacted Pat Daniels and Bob Taylor, 
and they told me — they said, "We know what you want." And they 
told me about the prior conversation I had had with Sol Green, and I 
explained to him about my discharge, so that I know there was a 
i all preceding me to Taylor from Green. So Daniels asked me was I 
interested in the class struggle. I told him I did not know what he 
was talking about. He says. "Well, are you a union man?" I said, 
"Yes; I carry a card in the bartenders' union." He says, "Well, you 
are all right, then." He says, "You go home and leave your name 
and address and," he says, "you will get a card in the mail telling 
you to report to such and such an address, if you really want to go." 

So the next day I did not have anything to do and was just loafing 
around town, and I dropped in over there again. So Danields says. 
"Let's go." So we all go down and get in the car, and Frankfeldt 
was driver, and he took me over to 5969 Fourteenth Street, where I 
contacted Phil Raymond, and Phil Raymond asked me if I knew 
what fascism meant. I told him I didn't know. He explained to 
me what fascism meant — the shooting of helpless women and children, 
and the ravishing of a country. 

The Chairman. Did he say anything about what communism 
meant ? 

Mr. Collier. No. sir. 

The Chairman. He did not mention that? 



1254 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr. Collier. No, sir. So Phil Raymond questioned me and 
Daniels questioned me as regards my Army status. They wanted 
to know what I was in, what my commanding officer's name was, 
where I was in, where I was discharged at, how long I was in. He 
asked me about the different posts around this particular post I was 
in. It seemed as though Daniels had quite a line on our military 
posts all over the country, and he questioned me as to the number 
of posts around here and the names of them. 

So Phil Raymond, after the conversation was over, gave me a 
note to Dr. E. M. Shafarman, on John R. Street. I do not remember 
his address at the present time. He says "You go over there to this 
fellow and, if there is anything wrong with you, he will find it out.'' 
So I go there and take one of the stiffest examinations I have ever 
taken anywhere. I asked Dr. Shafarman why he gave such a stiff 
examination. I said, "I never had such a stiff examination in the 
United States Army." Dr. Shaferman says, "My boy, it costs an 
awful lot of money to send you where you are going." He says, 
"It costs 'us' an awful lot of money." He says, "It costs us an awful 
lot of money to send you where you are going and," he says, "we 
want you to be in perfect physical condition to go there." So while 
I wasthere I take a tuberculin test and sign a blue card that had the 
heading "City of Detroit" on it, "Public Health Department," say- 
ing that I was unable to pay for this examination, the tuberculin 
test. And I also had a Wassermann test and also signed a card to 
that effect, too. 

The Chairman. The same kind of a card? 

Mr. Collier. Yes, sir. My examination consisted of an X-ray of 
the chest, a Wassermann test, a tuberculin test, and I don't know 
what they call these things they go all over your body with and 
look all through your body — a mioroscope — they went all over my 
body with the fluoroscope and, of course, he gave me the regular 
routine tests like urinafysis, and so forth, the same as you get in the 
Regular Army. Then he said, "You go home and come back Fri- 
day, and I will let you know the result of this examination." This 
was Tuesday. I went back the following Friday, and he gave me 
that note which you have up there. 

Mr. Mosier. You mean the note which was introduced in evidence 
and which says, "This boy is O. K." and signed "Gene"? 

Mr. Collier. I saw Dr. E. M. Shafarman sign that note himself. 

The Chairman. You saw Dr. Shafarman sign that note himself? 

Mr. Collier. I saw him. 

The Chairman. And he signed it "Gene" ? 

Mr. Collier. He signed it "Gene." He and Phil Raymond were 
pretty good pals and call each other "Phil" and "Gene." 

The Chairman. How do you know that ? 

Mr. Collier. I have seen them together. They kid one another 
quite a bit. Sol Green is quite a pal of his, too. 

So I took the note back to Phil Raymond at 5969 Fourteenth Street, 
the Communist headquarters. Phil Raymond was not in. This was 
Friday afternoon. They told me to come back Monday and contact 
Phil Raymond. Monday I came back, and there was another youno- 
fellow by the name of Rudy — is all the name I know — connected 
with the International Workers Order, on Grand Avenue. 

The Chairman. What is his name? 



UN-AMERIOAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1255 

Mr. Collier. Rudy is his first name; I don't remember his last 
name. Rudy was going to New York, too, to go to Spain, and this 
Rudy — Phil was hesitant about sending him — this is what Rudy was 
telling me — because Rudy had been active in recruiting young fellows 
to go to Spain. 

So, while I was there, Phil Raymond asked me what political 
party I was a member of. I told him "None," but "I voted Demo- 
cratic." He says, "Always remember one thing; when you go over 
to Spain you are fighting for democracy," and he gave me $12 and 
made me sign a receipt, and told me to stop off and get some pictures 
made, and he gave me the name of Mr. Manny, in New York. I am 
not certain whether the address was 189 or 489 Second Avenue. 

The Chairman. M-a-n-y? 

.Mr. Collier. No; M-a-n-n-y. There I contacted this Mr. Manny; 
and, right away, he wanted to know if I had a birth certificate. I 
said "No." He said — he bawled Phil Raymond out for everything 
he could think of for sending a man down without his birth cer- 
tificate. He said it was possible to get men out, but at that par- 
ticular time it was not possible to get men out without a birth 
certificate. 

Mr. Mosier. You mean to get them out of the country ? 

Mr. Collier. Yes, sir. So Mr. Manny gave me $3 in cash and 
made me sign a receipt for it, for expense money back to Detroit. 
He also gave me a letter to take to the World Tours, Inc., in the 
Flatiron Building, New York City. There they gave me a bus ticket 
by the Greyhound Lines, by way of Cleveland, back to Detroit. 

I had other ideas about coming back to Detroit. I realized the 
conditions were terribly tough here and thought I would stick 
around New York. So I spent the $3 he gave me; then I sold the 
bus ticket for $5. 

In selling this bus ticket, some fellow overheard me talking and 
heard some fellow ask me where I got it, and I said "The Communist 
Party gave it to me ; they sent me down to New York to go to Spain, 
and I could not get out," and this fellow wired the New York office — 
he was on the way to Philadelphia at the time, and he wired the 
New York office a description of me — so they knew all about it as 
soon as I got back to Detroit. 

The Chairman. How do you know he wired New York? 

Mr. Collier. Because this fellow Rudy followed me by 2 days 
down to NeAv York and back in 2 days, because he could not get 
out himself. 

The Chairman. That is just a conclusion on your part that a wire 
was sent; you did not see the wire? 

Mr. Collier. No ; I did not see the wire. 

Mr. Mosier. At least you know that somebody at the bus station 
in New York asked you where you got the ticket, did he not? 

Mr. Collier. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Mosier. And you told him you got it from the Communist 
Party ? 

Mr. Collier. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Mosier. And you sold the ticket there? 

Mr. Collier. Yes, sir; I sold it for $5. 



1256 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr. Mosier. And when you o-et back to Detroit, you do know, of 
your own knowledge, they knew 3-011 had talked to someone in the 
bus station? 

Mr. Collier. Yes. 

Mr. Mosier. And that you had sold your ticket ? 

Mr. Collier. Yes, sir. I hitchhiked my way back to Detroit. 
Then, when I came back to Detroit. I stayed with a friend of mine 
out on Telegraph Road for a couple of days and, in the meantime, 
sent Daniels and Taylor a postal card from Jamaica, Long Island, 
and told them I was heartbroke on it, that I could not get out of 
the. country. So I called them up at Cadillac 4504 and they told 
me to drop down to see them. I was out at Hollywood in West 
Fourth, and I says: "I cannot trek it; my feet are all blistered." 
They sent the money out, and I sat around there for a little while. 
They asked me where I was going to stay. I said I did not know, 
that I did not haA T e any place. They said : "Come over and stay with 
us; we are moving in an apartment at 4404 Brainard Street; you 
can come with us." T did not have anything else, so I went over 
there at 4404 Brainard Street and lived with them from approxi- 
mately June 3 to August 10. 

Mr. Mosier. Of this year ? 

Mr. Collier. This year, 1938. While I was there, I was still try- 
ing to get my birth certificate from the State of Florida, writing 
all the time. Bob Taylor even financed my 50-cent fee for a birth 
certificate, for the cost of looking through the records, and they give 
me all my stamp money and everything, and I used their address. 

So, in the event they sent it, I was talking to Tauno Sundsten. 
Tauno Sundsten was in the office alone with me. and he is a veteran 
of the Spanish war. and he says: "If you really are determined to 
go over there," he says, "your best bet is to join the Communist 
Party; because," he says, "it will make everything easier for you 
after you get over there." And he says, "Don't tell Pat Daniels 
or Bob Taylor that I told you, though." 

So. when Daniels came back, I mentioned the fact — I says, "How 
about my joining up with the Communist Party?" And he says, 
"Espeta momento." That is the Spanish for "wait a minute." They 
used quite a few Spanish words in their conversation. So that day 
they took me over to the Communist Party and there I was introduced 
to Billy Allen, and Billy Allen has charge of this section I was in. 
T think it was section 5. And so I did not have any money. I think 
the dues was 10 cents for the unemployed, and Billy Allen took 
10 cents out of his own pocket and paid it. I attended the meeting 
the following Wednesday at 11 o'clock, on Twelfth and Taylor, at 
the International Workers' Order, on the second floor. We met there 
lor a couple of weeks. 

The Chairman. Did yon get your membership card when you 
paid 10 cents? 

Mr. Collier. No, sir; it was a couple of weeks later when I got 
my membership card. I think I got my membership card the 25th 
of June. 

The Chairman. Is this a true and correct photostatic copy of your 
membership card [exhibiting exhibit No. 5.] ? 

Mr. Collier. Can I see it? 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1257 

The Chairman. Have you seen this? 

Mr. Collier. I have not seen it. 

The Chairman. Examine it and tell me whether that is a true 
and correct copy. 

Mr. Collier, (after examining paper). Yes. sir. 

The Chairman. This membership card says "1938 Membership 
Book No. 94516.*' Do you know what that number signifies? 

Mr. Collier. I presume it is the serial number of all the books. 

The Chairman. You just presume: you do not know? 

Mr. Collier. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. We do not want you to testify to something you 
do not know. Now it says, "district 7, section 5"'? 

Mr. Collier. Yes, sir. That was my section. 

The Chairman. Then on the other page — well, we won't go into 
that now. Continue, now. That was 2 weeks after the initial meet- 
ing, was it not ? 

Mr. Collier. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. Did you go there during the interim between that 
time I 

Mr. Collier. No; not there: but they gave me a job driving for the 
Friends of the Abraham Lincoln Brigade: so, as a result, I con- 
tinued all of the places they held meetings. In fact, I went with 
Daniels to several union meetings and several Communist meetings 
during the time I worked for the Friends of the Abraham Lincoln 
Brigade, and there I met practically all of the members of the Com- 
munist Party. I tended bar on Sundays out at their picnic grounds 
at Camp Liberty, on Twelve Mile Road and Halstead Road. 

The Chairman. Is that a Communist camp ? 

Mr. Collier. Yes, sir. I was bartender out there several times. 

I worked out there the 3d and 4th of July; I worked out there about 
a week before the Fourth of July, and I worked out there a couple 
of times after that. Then these" meetings that we had a couple of 
mornings there, they were late getting down. We did not meet until 

II o'clock in the morning. 

The Chairman. Where were these meetings? 

Mr. Collier. On Twelfth and Taylor Streets, sir, in the Interna- 
tional Workers Order's office. 

The Chairman. How many met there when you were there? 

Mr. Collier. Approximately 10 or 12, sir. I can name the most 
of them, sir. 

The Chairman. Go ahead and name all you can. 

Mr. Collier. Well, there was Pat Daniels — that is the alias for 
Seugrue ; Bob Taylor, or Robert Taylor 

Mr. Mosier. Do you know what his name was? Is that his real 
name? 

Mr. Collier. I think it is his real name, because he has a sister in 
the U. O. P. W. A., here in this city, Grace Taylor. 

Mr. Mosier. What is that U. O. P. W. A.? 

Mi-. Collier. The United Office and Professional Workers' Associa- 
tion. There was Joseph Schiffer, proprietor of the Forest hand laun- 
dry on Woodward Avenue, near Forest ; and there was Bruce Layton, 
from the Morning Freiheit — that is a Jewish morning paper; and 
Grace Lieberman. She is connected with the Committee to Aid the 



1258 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Chinese people. There was also a Michael Kamm, who is a member 
of Labor's Nonpartisan League. 

The Chairman. Can you name any more? 

Mr. Collier. I am sorry, sir. I forget most of their names. 

Mr. Chairman. You can take your time, if you wish to. 

Mr. Collier. I think those names are in the record, the most of 
them that I have given. 

The Chairman. Now, continue from where you left off. I believe 
you said that was a meeting 2 weeks after the first meeting ? 

Mr. Collier. That is right. 

The Chairman. That was the meeting in which you were given 
your membership card? 

Mr. Collier. Yes, sir. I was automatically attached to the 
Friends of the Abraham Lincoln Brigade, living with Bob Taylor 
and Pat Daniels; so, while I was with them, they kept me eating, 
and I drove them everywhere they wanted to go and did practically 
everything they asked me to do. 

The Chairman. They were members of the Communist Party, like- 
wise ? 

Mr. Collier. Absolutely. 

The Chairman. Now, you drove them where they wanted to go? 

Mr. Collier. Yes. 

The Chairman. Where were some of the places you would go? 

Mr. Collier. Most of our driving was from 1504 Broadway to 
5969 Fourteenth Street. 

The Chairman. What was that place? 

Mr. Collier. That was the Communist Party headquarters, sir. 
Our other places we went — we went out to Weiss' house more than 
any. That is on Canfield. I do not remember the address, but I 
think you will find the address on there [indicating]. 

The Chairman. What sort of a place is that ? 

Mr. Collier. Out there they store old clothing and tinfoil, canned 
milk, shoes, and so forth, to aid the Spanish movement. They have 
a big garage out there that is stacked full of stuff. In fact, I have 
taken clothes out there five or six times myself. 

Other places we went was to a party on Third Street, and the 
parties they would have were to raise funds. 

I tended bar at a house on Clairmount one night. The lady's name 
is Bess Schneiderman. They wanted to raise money for the Jewish 
unit of the Communist Party. This Bess Schneiderman is connected 
with the United Automobile Workers in the capacity of a nurse in 
the doctors' unit of the United Automobile Workers. 

I also tended bar at — I am sorry; I cannot think of that doctor's 
name now — at 85 West Chicago. 

The Chairman. Well, just go ahead. 

Mr. Collier. I tended bar there at 85 West Chicago to raise money 
for the Friends of the Abraham Lincoln Brigade, and there I made 
out my own menus and everything for mixed drinks, and had com- 
plete charge of the mixing of drinks. They gave me a fellow to 
work with me. His name was Max Rosenstein. Incidentally, this 
Max Posenstein has a son fiirhting with the Loyalist forces in Spain 
that is reported missing at the present time. 

The Chairman. How do yon know that to be a fact? 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1259 

Mr. Collier. I know; I have talked with Mr. and Mrs. Rosen- 
stein up at their house. She seems to be heartbroken over it. And 
J have seen the story in the newspapers. 

The Chairman. To what other places did you go? 

Mr. Collier. At what other places did I work ? 

The Chairman. Yes; when you were driving them around. An}' 
ether places at all? 

Mr. Collier. Yes; we contacted quite a few girl friends in different 
situations. There was Sandbank's house right off here from Alex- 
ander. I don't remember the street. 

The Chairman. We do not care to go into anything now that 
does not relate to communistic activities. 

Mr. Mosier. May I ask you a question? 

Mr. Collier. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Mosier. At these meetings you attended, did you hear discus- 
sions about enlisting boj's for the boyhood cause, at any time? 

Mi-. Collier. Yes; I heard — it is supposted to be a great honor to 
be able to go to Spain and fight for Loyalist Spain, in Communist 
circles. That is the way it was spread out to me. 

Mr. Mosier. And did they offer any monev inducements to go 
there ? 

Mr. Collier. They did not offer me any money, sir. 

Mr. Mosier. Did they tell you that by reason of your Army ex- 
perience you might be more than a private when you got there? 

Mr. Collier. They told me by virtue of my Army experience that 
I would probably be made a lieutenant as soon as I got there, at a 
thousand pesetas a month. Whatever a peseta is, I don't know. 

Mr. Mosier. At a thousand pesetas a month? 

Mr. Collier. Yes. 

Mr. Mosier. Do you know what privates get over there? 

Mr. Collier. Well, I was told that privates get 7 pesetas a day. 

Mr. Mosier. Now, did you ever hear Phil Raymond talk to any of 
these meetings? 

Mr. Collier. No; not at any meeting, but I heard Phil Raymond 
talk at Carpathia hall, at the going-away banquet for Weinstone, 
and I heard Phil Raymond make an election speech out there. 

Mr. Mosier. Who was Weinstone? 

Mr. Collier. I don't know who Weinstone was supposed to be. I 
guess Weinstone was secretary of the Communist Party of Michigan. 
I don't know just exactly his capacity; I know he was a big shot, 
though. 

Mr. Mosier. What was his first name? 

Mr. Collier. William. 

Mr. Mosier. William Weinstone? 

Mr. Collier. W. W. Weinstone. 

Mr. Mosier. And they gave him a dinner when he left Michigan? 

Mr. Collier. Oh, quite a banquet. I attended that banquet. 

Mr. Mosier. How many were there, approximately? 

Mr. Collier. Approximately 1,000. 

Mr. Mosier. Did you recognize in the audience any members of 
the Communist Party? 

Mr. Collier. I sat with Billy Weiss, of the Young Communist 
League: I also sat with this Rudy, that I mentioned before: and 
Pat Daniels made a speech. He was introduced wrong, but he still 



1260 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

made a speech. Martini was taking pictures and Kowalski — he made 
a speech. 

Mr. Mosier. Who is Kowalski? 

Mr. Collier. Kowalski is a big shot in the Communist Party at 
Hamtramck, at Teaman's hall. 

Mr. Mosier. These men who made speeches — by the way, when was 
this dinner, approximately? 

Mr. Collier. Approximately July 1. 

Mr. Mosier. This year, 1938? 

Mr. Collier. Yes, sir. I would not be specific about that. 

Mr. Mosier. In those speeches that those men made, whom you 
say are members of the Communist Party, did they laud the Loyalist 
cause in Spain? 

Mr. Collier. Yes, sir; and this M. Bodeaux, who is a member of 
the Chamber of Deputies from France, was there. 

Mr. Mosier. He was present? 

Mr. Collier. Yes, sir; and he made quite a speech that had to be 
translated. I also sat with this Leuchtman girl — I do not remember 
her first name — and there was a girl from Windsor, Ontario. Her 
name is Edna Marks. She came over and went with Robert Taylor, 
Daniels, and myself out there; but she goes under the name of Ann 
Ross and Edna Ross. 

Mr. Mosier. Is she a member of the Communist Party ? 

Mr. Collier. In Windsor, sir, I don't know, myself, but they call 
her "Comrade." She is quite active in Communist circles in Windsor, 
I understand. She commutes frequently between Windsor and De- 
troit and buy clothes. 

Mr. Mosier. Does Phil Raymond have any other visible means of 
living, except through his work for the Communist Party? 

Mr. Collier. I have been told that is all he does, is to work for 
the Communist Party. I have never seen him, with the exception 
of seeing him there at 5969 Fourteenth Street. 

Mr. Mosier. At this meeting of the Communist Party, was there 
a collection taken up, usually? 

Mr. Collier. No. You have to pay your dues, and they assess 
you sometimes. From the time I went in there, to the time I dis- 
appeared, I have never paid a cent for anything. 

Mr. Mosier. But you do know they levy assessments on their mem- 
bers from time to time? 

Mr. Collier. Yes, sir; I do know there are assessments. 

Mr. Mosier. For various reasons? 

Mr. Collier. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Mosier. While you were familiar with their operations, did 
you know of any of them participating in any strikes in and around 
Detroit? 

Mr. Collier. I do not remember the day, but there was one day 
around the city hall they had a protest to Mayor Reading where 
there was quite a few of them there — in fact, some of them wore 
the United Automobile Workers' caps and came back with the 
United Automobile Workers' caps, and two or three left their caps, 
and one of the boys who left a cap there was Frank Novakowski. He 
was arrested. He goes under the name of Frank Novak. He left 
his cap there. And there was one time, out at Camp Liberty, when 
they told us to go down and fill the council chambers one morning, 
in a protest. 



UN-AMEUICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1261 

Mi'. Mosier. Do you remember what the protest was aboul '. 

Mr. Collier. No; I don't remember what the protest was about. 

Mr. Mosier. Do you remember who told you that? 

Mr. Collier. No: I could not say because they were talking over 
a loud speaker and there was a crowd all around — talking over the 
public address system. 

Mr. Mosier. Did you ever hear, at any of these meetings, any one 
of the members making a speech about joining the Loyalist forces? 

Mr. Collier. No. That is all covered up, sir; it is more or less 
secretive in the way of doing it. They never know who is out at 
these meetings, you know, so they have to be rather careful about it. 

Mr. Mosier. When you talked to Phil Raymond and he gave you 
$12 to go to New York, do you recall how the $12 was divided '. 
Wat it twelve $1 bills? 

Mr. Collier. It was a $5 bill, or two $5 bills and two $1 bills. 

Mr. Mosier. And did he give that to you himself :* 

Mr. Collier. Phil Raymond handed that to me. In fact, he bor- 
rowed it. I think he borrowed $2 from Rudy. 

Mr. Mosier. Was it in his office at that place? 

Mr. Collier. Yes. at 5969 Fourteenth Street, 

Mr. Mosier. And he was handing that money to you? 

Mr. Collier. He handed the money to' me and told me to get a 
bus ticket, that the bus left in half an hour, I think. 

Mr. Mosier. To get a bus ticket to New York ? 

Mr. Collier. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Mosier. And there to see Manny } 

Mr. Collier. Yes. He cautioned me not to talk to anyone on the 
way down, "because," he said, "you can get in a lot of trouble about 
that." After I got down to New York, I did not care: I was kind 
of disgusted then, and I did not care whether I talked or whether 
I didn't. 

The Chairman. Do you know whether or not Dr. Shafarman has 
any office in the Officers' Reserve Corps ? 

Mr. Collier. Yes, sir. While I was there I mentioned the fact — 
when I was taking this physical examination — I mentioned the fact 
my feet were flat. He says, "Well, you ought to know by now that, 
we don't mind flat feet in the Army."' I says, "You talk like you have 
been in the Army." "Oh," he says. "I am yet," and he points to a 
commission. I believe the commission was as a lieutenant — I don't 
remember — in the Medical Corps. 

The Chairman. In the Reserve Officers' Corps I 

Mr. Collier. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Mosier. That is the Michigan National Guard? 

Mr. Collier. No; I think it is the Reserve Officers. It is signed 
by President Roosevelt. 

Mr. Mosier. Do you know of any other boys who were examined 
by Dr. Shafarman ? 

Mr. Collier. Rudy. 

Mr. Mosier. Rudy was? 

Mr. Collier. Yes. sir. 

Mr. Mosier. He was examined at the same time you were? 

Mr. Collier. No: not at the same time I was: but he got his slip 
at the same time I did. Daniels and Frankfeldt were. They were 
not examined: they had the TB tes , and they signed the same kind 
of cards I did. 



1262 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr. Hosier. That is this card they were unable to pay the fee 
to the doctor? 

Mr. Collier. Yes, sir. They will take a piece of glass and scrape 
your arm like this [indicating], and put some fluid on it 

The Chairman. We do not want to go into that detail. How 
long since has it been that you attended a Communist meeting? 

Mr. Collier. Oh, approximately July 20. 

The Chairman. You are no longer in good standing? 

Mr. Collier. I don't know whether I am in good standing or 
not. I have just disappeared from them. 

The Chairman. Have they sent you any summons that you ap- 
pear, or tried to get in communication with you ? 

Mr. Collier. No ; they don't know where I am at. 

The Chairman. While you attended these meetings you heard a 
good many conversations among the various members present; did 
y < >u not ? 

Mr. Collier. Oh, yes; I was connected right with them, sir; I was 
in their confidence. 

The Chairman. Did you hear any conversation dealing with any 
method by which strikes could be called, or be industrial warfare, or 
anything of that character? 

Mr. Collier. Well. yes. That seemed to be their way of further- 
ing the Communist movement, is to join up with the trade unions. 
In fact, it is necessary that every Communist belong to a trade union. 

The Chairman. What are they supposed to do when they get in a 
trade union? 

Air. Collier. You are supposed to agitate just as much as possible. 

The Chairman. For better wages or shorter hours, or are they 
content when they get better wages or shorter hours; does that 
satisfy their objective? 

Mr. Collier. My own contention, sir 

The Chairman. We do not want your contention; we want what 
you found out. 

Mr. Collier. All I know is they are taught to agitate in these 
trade unions, and to try to get key positions as much as possible. 

The Chairman. Did you ever hear the name "League for Peace 
and Democracy"? 

Mr. Collier. American League for Peace and Democracy. I at- 
tended a meeting at the Book-Cadillac Hotel where a lady that is 
chairman of the American League for Peace and Democracy 
"chaired" this meeting. 

The Chairman. Did what ? 

Mr. Collier. She was chairman at this meeting. 

The Chairman. Were any Communists present at that meeting? 

Mr. Collter. Yes. There was Martini, Bob Taylor, Pat Daniels, 
myself, and Ellen Jones, and Manny and Green. 

The Chairman. What did you all do at that meeting? 

Mr. Collier. At that meeting they were trying to raise funds for 
(he repatriation of the wounded boys in Spain — to bring them back. 
They were trying to raise $2,500, I think. 

The Chairman. So you learned, as a member of the Communist 
Party, that their strategy was to enter trade-union movements and 
obtain key positions? 

Mr. Collier. Yes, sir. 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1263 

The Chairman. And to agitate constantly? 

Mr. Collier. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. To bring about strikes and unrest? 

Mr. Collier. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. Did you learn the object of that was to improve 
the conditions of the working man, or was it rather to create strife 
and warfare ( 

Mr. Collier. Well, they claim it is to better the conditions of the 
working man. 

The Chairman. Did you ever hear any members of the Com- 
munist Party advocate the overthrow of the Government by force 
and violence \ 

Mr, Collier. Well, I have heard them say they were doing an 
awful lot of work for the number of members they had, and, within 
the next year or two they were going to have 250,000 members. 

The Chairman. Where ? 

Mr. Collier. In the United States. At the present time, they told 
me, they have 96,000 members, and they say the 96,000 members they 
have in the Communist Party in the United States are doing an 
awful lot of great work. They mentioned to me if they get 250,000 
members in the Communist Party, there will be a time when they will 
be able to control the United States of America and make it a 
"Soviet United States.'" 

The Chairman. Did they speak of the fact when they seized con- 
trol of Russia they had less than 2 percent of the entire population of 
Russia ? 

Mr. Collier. Thev told me the Communist Party had less than 10 
percent ; that less than 10 percent were Communists in Russia when 
they seized control of the Government. 

The Chairman. Less than 10 percent were Communists in Russia ? 

Mr. Collier. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. When they seized control % 

Mr. Collier. Yes. sir 

The Chairman. Did they tell you anything about it being neces- 
sary to join their organizations with high-sounding titles and seize 
strategic positions ? 

Mr. Collier. Well. I didn't know Aery much about communism, but 
I asked Daniels. I tried to get him to explain the different workings 
of the organization. "Well," he said, "their main principle is to set 
up organizations under different names now," he said, "and control 
those oganizations." I says, "Well, what are some that you control?" 
He said, "The American League for Peace and Democracy; the 
Friends of the Abraham Lincoln Brigade; Labor's Nonpartisan 
League." He says. "We also built the C. I. O. up." 

The Chairman. Well, did they talk about a revolution at any time? 

Mr. Collier. Well, that is all they can talk about, is revolution. 
In fact, I used to loaf around on the corner and those fellows would 
come up and kid me and said. "Well, you cannot start any revolutions 
here." That is one of their greetings — "You cannot start any revolu- 
tions here." 

The Chairman. Did they say what blessings would come to the 
party members when they got in control? 

Mr. Collier. Well, they said there would be a square deal for 
everybody. 



1264 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

The Chairman. Did they ever tell you anything- about the neces- 
sity of obeying the orders of the Comintern from the Third Inter- 
national ? 

Mr. Collier. Yes; I was supposed to be a disciplined party mem- 
ber, but I am not very disciplined at any time. I have had quite a 
few arguments. 

The Chairman. Well, you understood, from their observations and 
instructions, that to be a good Communist you had to obey the 
orders that came from the Comintern in Russia? 

Mr. Collier. Oh, yes; it is a known fact that we get out orders 
from Russia, about what to do in creating strife. 

The Chairman. Do you know whether or not Bob Taylor draws 
compensation from the Communist Party for being wounded in 
Spain? 

Mr. Collier. No. Bob Taylor draws $15 a week as salary as sec- 
retary of the Friends of the Abraham Lincoln Brigade. I do know 
that Tauno Sundsten — I have seen checks and have seen a letter 
where he was cut down to $5 a week. He was getting $10 a week 
compensation for being in Spain, but is now cut down to $5 a Aveek. 

The Chairman. Did they ever tell you about sympathizers, those 
who were not actually party members, but fellow travelers '. 

Mr. Collier. Oh, they told me quite a bit. Do you mean for me 
to name some of their sympathizers? 

The Chairman. No. In those meetings was there a discussion 
as to certain people who. while they are not party members, were 
known as sympathizers with the Communists? 

Mr. Collier. Oh. yes. I can name them. I heard the conversation. 

The Chairman. We might take up that phase later, and we can 
recall you at any time? 

Mr. Collier. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. You ate willing to come and testify before the 
committee at any time I 

Mr. Collier. Yes. sir: at any time. 

The Chairman. We appreciate very much your willingness to 
testify. All that this committee is concerned with is the facts. 

Mr. Collier. Mr. Chairman. I was wondering about these pictures 
they took of me here. Do they have to go in the paper? 

The Chairman. Well, they have been taken now, but if you had 
said something in reference to it 

Mr. Collier. I am pretty well known around town, in these circles, 
and it is kind of dangerous. 

The Chairman. Well, it is not dangerous to testify before this 
committee, because you will have the protection of the Federal Gov- 
ernment. We have had witnesses to testify under similar condi- 
tions and we have told any witness he need have nothing to fear: 
that the full protection of the United States Government will be 
accorded every witness, and you will have nothing to fear. So if 
there is any intimidation, or anything else, if you will report it to 
this committee we will see thai you have ample protection. 

This concludes the testimony for this afternoon. We will meet in 
the morning at 10 o'clock sharp. 

(Thereupon, at 3:25 |>. m.. the committee adjourned until tomor- 
row, Wednesday, October 12. 1938, at 10 a. m.) 



INVESTIGATION^ UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVI- 
TIES IN THE UNITED STATES; 



WEDNESDAY, OCTOBER 12, 1938 

House of Representatives, 
Subcommittee of the Special Committee 

to Investigate Un-American Activities. 

Federal Building, Detroit, Mich. 

The subcommittee met at 10 a. m., Hon Martin Dies (chairman) 
presiding. 

Present also : Hon. Harold G. Mosier. 

The Chairman. Mr. Howe, bring on your first witness, please. 

Mr. Howe. Mr. Chairman and gentlemen, the first witness will be 
a boy born in Detroit, by the name of Padgett, whose name was 
introduced here yesterday. 

TESTIMONY OF PAUL PADGETT, DETPvOIT, MICH. 

(The witness was duly sworn by the chairman.) 

The Chairman. Your name is what ? 

Mr. Padgett. Paul Padgett. 

The Chairman. Paul Padgett? 

Mr. Padgett. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. I want you to talk as loudly as you can, Paul, so 
that we can hear your testimony. 

Mr. Padgett. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. How old are you, Paul? 

Mr. Padgett. I am 19 years old. 

The Chairman. You have lived here in Detroit all of your life? 

Mr. Padgett. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. Are you frightened to testify? 

Mr. Padgett. No; I am not. 

The Chairman. Have you been threatened? 

Mr. Padgett. Yes. Last night a couple came to the door and told 
my mother for me not to come down to the Federal Building any 
more. 

The Chairman. To tell you not to show up any more? 

Mr. Padgett. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. Is your mother frightened? 

Mr. Padgett. Yes ; she is. 

The Chairman. You know you will have the full protection of 
the Federal Government, do you not? 

Mr. Padgett. Yes. sir. 

The Chairman. Do you know the names of the ones who showed 
up at your house? 

94931—38 — vol. 2 19 1265 



1266 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr. Padgett. No ; I don't. My mother gave me a description of 
them, but she was pretty excited at the time and it was not very 
good; she could not describe them perfectly. 

The Chairman. Paul, will you tell us, in your own words, what 
happened to you, what your experiences were, with reference to 
your ambition or intention to enlist in the Spanish Loyalist forces 
in Spain? 

Mr. Padgett. Well, it began around the first of the year. I was 
going around with a girl and I became acquainted with the Com- 
munist Party. I joined the Y. C. L. I got interested in going to 
Spain because I was out of work and did not want to be a burden on 
anyone at all ; I wanted to take care of myself. 

The Chairman. You say you became acquainted with the Com- 
munist Party : Whom did you become acquainted with ? What were 
the names? 

Mr. Padgett. Well, certain people — Phil Raymond, Robert Tay- 
lor — he was over in Spain; he is an officer of the Lincoln Battalion — 
and other people ; going to benefits and at meetings. 

The Chairman. Did you go to some party meetings? 

Mr. Padgett. I was at one party meeting at 942 East Canfield. 

The Chairman. So that you became interested in going to Spain? 

Mr. Padgett. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. What happened then, after you met these people? 

Mr. Padgett. Well, one evening, at a meeting of the Y. C. L.. I 
find out where to go. 

The Chairman. What is the Y. C. L. — the Young Communists 
League ? 

Mr. Padgett. The Young Communists League ; yes, sir. I went to 
see Phil Raymond and we talked. He gave me a note to see a doctor 
living on John R — Dr. Shafarman. 

The Chairman. He gave you a note? 

Mr. Padgett. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. Was it in writing? 

Mr. Padgett. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. Do you have that note? 

Mr. Padgett. No ; I have not. I gave that to Dr. Shafarman. 

The Chairman. Did you read the note? 

Mr. Padgett. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. What did it say? 

Mr. Padgett. Well, it was quite awhile ago. I don't remember 
very exactly. 

The Chairman. What was the substance of it ? 

Mr. Padgett. That he should take care of me. 

The Chairman. Did you carry that note to the doctor? 

Mr. Padgett. Yes, sir; to Dr. Shafarman. He took the note and 
told me to come back later in the evening. I went back later in 
the evening and I was given a physical examination by Dr. Lendrum. 

The Chairman. Now, when was that when you went to Dr. Shafar- 
man's office; about what date? 

Mr. Padgett. Well, I think it Mas sometime in January. I could 
not say what the date was. 

The Chairman. Sometime in January of this year? 

Mr. Padgett. Yes, sir. 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1267 

The Chairman. Did you see Dr. Shafarman yourself? 

Mr. Padgett. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. He was not on his vacation then? 

Mr. Padgett. No; he was not. 

The Chairman. You handed him the note? 

Mr. Padgett. I did. 

The Chairman. And he told you what? 

Mr. Padgett. He told me to come back in the evening, around 8 

o'clock. 

The Chairman. To come back in the evening? 

Mr. Padgett. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. At what time? 

Mr. Padgett. I think about 8 o'clock. 

The Chairman. Did you go buck that evening? 

Mr. Padgett. I did. 

The Chairman. What happened then? 

Mr. Padgett. I was examined by Dr. Lendrum. 

The Chairman. By Dr. Lendrum? 

Mr. Padgett. Yes. sir. 

The Chairman. Did he give you a thorough examination? 

Mr. Padgett. Yes, sir; a very strict examination. 

The Chairman. By the way, what is your address; where do you 
live ? 

Mr. Padgett. At 4816 Trumbull. 

The Chairman. Now, what is the doctor's address — Dr. Shafar- 
man's address? 

Mr. Padgett. I don't remember the address. I think it is 55-some- 
thing. John R. 

The Chairman. You went to his offices? 

Mr. Padgett. I did. 

The Chairman. And Dr. Lendrum was in the same offices? 

Mr. Padgett. Well, they are Dr. Shafarman's offices and several 
other doctors'. Dr. Lendrum was there in the evening. 

The Chairman. Was he in Dr. Shafarman's office? 

Mr. Padgett. He was. 

The Chairman. You went back in the evening? 

Mr. Padgett. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. You had a thorough examination? 

Mr. P'dgett. Yes. sir. 

The Chairman. Then, when you had the examination, what did 
Dr. Lendrum say to you? 

Mr. Padgett. That I was not quite O. K. ; I seemed to be running 
a high temperature, and he told me to come back several times. 
Finally Dr. Lendrum, wondering what it was, he looked in my throat 
and said I had bad tonsils, and then he gave me a card to see Dr. 
Piazza on Mount Elliott and Forest. 

The Chairman. After Dr. Lendrum examined you, you came back 
to see Dr. Shafarman? 

Mr. Padgett. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. And talked to Dr. Shafarman? 

Mr. Padgett. Yes. sir. 

The Chairman. And he told you your condition was not satis- 
f actorv I 



1268 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr. Padgett. Well, my teeth were bad. 

The Chairman. Your teeth were bad? 

Mr. Padgett. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. Then Dr. Shaf arman told you to go to see whom ? 

Mr. Padgett. Dr. Piazza, who is a dentist, to take care of my 
teeth. 

The Chairman. Do you know the name of the building he is in? 

Mr. Padgett. I do not know the name of the building, but it is on 
Mount Elliott and Forest. 

The Chairman. What else did Dr. Shaf arman tell you? 

Mr. Padgett. Well, that was all for the present — I had to have 
my teeth taken care of and come back. 

The Chairman. Did you pay Dr. Shafarman or Dr. Lendrum any 
money for their services ? 

Mr. Padgett. No, sir; not at all. 

The Chairman. Did you sign a blue slip ; did they ask you to sign 
a blue slip? 

Mr. Padgett. I remember signing a slip; I don't know whether it 
was blue or yellow. 

The Chairman. Well, what kind of a slip did you understand it 
to be? 

Mr. Padgett. A slip for a TB test. 

The Chairman. Was "City of Detroit" printed on the slip? 

Mr. Padgett. Yes, sir; it was. 

The Chairman. What was the purpose of your signing that slip? 

Mr. Padgett. I think for him to send in to the city, to be paid 
for the TB test. 

The Chairman. I see. Now, going back just a little: When Phil 
Raymond first talked to you about this, did he ever tell you what you 
would get in the way of compensation for going to Spain? 

Mr. Padgett. No, sir ; he didn't. 

The Chairman. Did he ever promise you anything? 

Mr. Padgett. Nothing. 

The Chairman. Did anyone ever promise you anything? 

Mr. Padgett. No, sir. 

The Chairman. Did they ever hold out any inducements, to tell 
you why you should go? 

Mr. Padgett. Well, there was talk around the Y. C. L. by the 
Communists that it was to benefit the world and save the world from 
fascism. That was not the reason I was going; I wasn't going to 
fight for principles or ideals. 

The Chairman. You were going for adventure and excitement; 
is that right? 

Mr. Padgett. Well, somewhat, and to relieve my mother of the 
burden I was upon her. 

The Chairman. Your mother is a widow? 

Mr. Padgett. Well, not a widow; she is divorced. 

The Chairman. Well, that is a widow. 

Mr. Padgett. The same thing, I suppose. 

The Chairman. Do you help support your mother ? 

Mr. Padgett. I do now. 

The Chairman. You did not have a job and you wanted to get a 
job? 

Mr. Padgett. Yes, sir. 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1269 

The Chairman. Well, did they tell you you might become an 
officer or something of that sort? 

Mr. Padgett. Well, it was understood there was a chance for 
advancement, always. 

The Chairman. Well, did Phil Raymond tell you there was a 
chance for advancement? 

Mr. Padgett. No, sir. 

The Chairman. Did anyone else tell you there was a chance for 
advancement? 

Mr. Padgett. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. Who told you that? 

Mr. Padgett. Well, during the Y. C. L. meetings we heard about 
going to Spain. I talked to several people and heard that where 
communism exists there was always a better chance for a person 
who worked for Communist ideals. 

The Chairman. Did you ever hear any speeches made at Y. C. L. 
meetings — Young Communist meetings ? 

Mr. Padgett. Well, what type of speech ? 

The Chairman. What was that ? 

Mr. Padgett. What type of speech? They were always talking 
about something — making all kinds of speeches. 

The Chairman. Can you give the names of any who spoke ? 

Mr. Padgett. Well, there was Johnny McAdoo, and one evening 
there came several felloAvs who were just about ready to leave for 
Spain. I just about forget most of the names now; it has been a 
long time since I have been around them. 

The Chairman. And they made speeches about how glorious it 
would be to go over there and save Spain from fascism; is that 
right ? 

Mr. Padgett. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. After you had gone to Dr. Lendrum and Dr. 
Shafarman and had an examination, you made two trips to Dr. 
Shafarman? 

Mr. Padgett. Oh, it is probably more than that. I went back 
several times to have my temperature taken. It was running high. 

The Chairman. You went back several times ? 

Mr. Padgett. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. Can you give us more specifically how many 
times — three or four times? 

Mr. Padgett. Yes; I imagine that. 

The Chairman. Did you ever say anything to the doctor about 
who was going to pay for this? 

Mr. Padgett. No; I didn't. It was just about understood it was 
going to be taken care of by the Communists. 

The Chairman. That is a conclusion. How do you know that 
was understood ? 

Mr. Padgett. I don't know for certain. 

The Chairman. Then do not say something you do not know for 
certain. You understood you did not have to pay for it when you 
went ? 

Mr. Padgett. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. You were led to believe the Communists would 
pay for it ; is that right ? 

Mr. Padgett. Yes, sir. 



1270 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

The Chairman. How were you led to believe that? Did someone 
tell you that; did some Communist or Phil Raymond tell you that? 

Mr. Padgett. No. I talked to Taylor about what kind of an 
examination it was, whether it was very strict. He said it was not 
too strict. Well, it was just kind of understood they were to take 
care of it and not I. 

The Chairman. You did not have any money? 

Mr. Padgett. That is right. 

The Chairman. They knew you were jobless? 

Mr. Padgett. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. And, therefore, could not pay for it? 

Mr. Padgett. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. Did Dr. Shafarman, Dr. Lendrum, or Dr. Piazza 
say anything to you about the Spanish cause ? 

Mr. Padgett. No ; but it was kind of talked of — not exactly talked 
of, but hinted at, that that was where we were going. They seemed 
to know it. Like about my teeth, he said they had to be taken care 
of now, because over there it would be much harder to take care of 
them. 

The Chairman. What other statements were made besides that, 
which led you to believe they understood thoroughly where you were 
going? What did Dr. Shafarman say? That was Dr. Piazza you 
were testifying about who said you had better have your teeth taken 
care of now, because it would be harder later on when you got there ? 

Mr. Padgett. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. Did Dr. Shafarman say anything about it at any 
time ? 

Mr. Padgett. I don't remember. 

The Chairman. You don't remember? 

Mr. Padgett. No; sir. 

The Chairman. Did Dr. Landrum say anything? 

Mr. Padgett. No, sir. 

The Chairman. What is his name; how do you spell it? 

Mr. Padgett. L-e-n-d-r-u-m, I believe, is the way it is spelled. 

The Chairman. Lendrum? 

Mr. Padgett. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. After you had gone to the doctors' offices, what 
did they finally tell you ? 

Mr. Padgett. They finally said I was O. K., and I went back to see 
Phil Raymond. 

The Chairman. You went back to see Phil Raymond? 

Mr. Padgett. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. Then what did you say to him? 

Mr. Padgett. I told him it was O. K. and I wanted to see about 
getting a passport. He told me to come back in about a week. 

The Chairman. In about a week? 

Mr. Padgett. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. For what purpose? 

Mr. Padgett. To get money to go down and apply for a passport. 

The Chairman. To get money? 

Mr. Padgett. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. He was to supply the money ? 

Mr. Padgett. Yes, sir. 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1271 

The Chairman. Did he tell you where he was getting the money? 

Mr. Padgett. No; he didn't. 

The Chairman. Did he tell you anything else ? 

Mr. Padgett. No; he didn't 

The Chairman. Did you come back in a week? 

Mr. Padgett. I did. 

The Chairman. What happened then? 

Mr. Padgett. He told me they were having trouble about getting 
passports; that the Government was getting very strict about it; 
they were asking too many questions, wondering how working people 
had money to get passports. So he told me it would be much better 
to take one under a different name. At the time I was there, there 
was also a fellow by the name of John Wright and a fellow known 
as "Scotty" ; another fellow known by the name of Murphy, and the 
three of them took false passports, but I refused. They went on to 
New York when I was there. 

The Chairman. They took false passports under some other 
name ? 

Mr. Padgett. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. But you refused to apply for a passport or to 
accept a passport under a different name than your own; is that 
right? 

Mr Padgett. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. When you refused, what did he say to you? 

Mr. Padgett. He told me to think it over and come back. 

The Chairman. He told you to think it over and come back ? 

Mr. Padgett. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. But these other boys who were there — they ac- 
cepted the passport and were sent to New York? 

Mr. Padgett. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. Now, did anything else occur? Do you know how 
they went to New York? 

Mr. Padgett. I talked to John Wright as he came out of Phil 
Raymond's office. He told me he was leaving for New York that 
night. I don't know how they went. 

The Chairman. Did you see any money passed between Phil Ray- 
mond and these other parties? 

Mr. Padgett. No; I didn't. 

The Chairman. Did Phil Raymond say anything to you that he 
would pay your transportation to New York? 

Mr. Padgett. Yes; he did. 

The Chairman. Did he say "he" would pay it, or that the "Com- 
munists" would pay it? 

Mr. Padgett. I don't remember just who he said would pay it. 

The Chairman. But he said it would be paid to Spain? 

Mr. Padgett. He said all my expenses would be taken care of. 

The Chairman. Did he say that he would see that was done? 

Mr. Padgett. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. But he did not tell you from whom he would get 
the money? 

Mr. Padgett. That is correct. 

The Chairman. But you know that all three of those other boys 
went to New York? 

Mr. Padgett. They did. 



1272 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

The Chairman. You do not know how they went — whether by bus 
or train? 

Mr. Padgett. No, sir. I questioned John Wright later and he told 
me what happened, but I don't remember just how they went. 

The Chairman. Let us stay away from hearsay. Now what else 
happened to you after that? Did you have any other experiences 
with reference to it? 

Mr. Padgett. No, sir. I drifted away from the Communists and 
the Y. C. L., and have not been back since. 

The Chairman. What did they tell you in the various Communist 
meetings about the purpose of the Communists? 

Mr. Padgett. Well, they told us to help organize people and some 
day there would be a revolution. 

The Chairman. Some day there would be a revolution ? 

Mr. Padgett. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. Did they tell you they wanted to organize among 
the young people — the youth ? 

Mr. Padgett. That seemed to be their main purpose — to organize 
the youth. 

The Chairman. Did they say they had any success in organizing 
in the schools — among the school students? 

Mr. Padgett. No ; they didn't. They never mentioned the schools. 

The Chairman. Did they tell you about work in the labor-trade 
movement ? 

Mr. Padgett. Yes; it was quite commonly known that many of 
them were organizers in the unions. 

The Chairman. Do you know that yourself? 

Mr. Padgett. Yes; I do. 

The Chairman. That many of them were organizers in the unions ? 

Mr. Padgett. Yes, sir. There is one well-known Negro, Paul 
Kirk 

The Chairman. Paul who? 

Mr. Padgett. Paul Kirk — who was quite a well-known organizer 
of the U. A. W. 

The Chairman. Are there any others you can give the names of 
who were Communists, that you met in these meetings, that were 
organizers in the unions? 

Mr. Padgett. No; I don't think so. 

The Chairman. Did you graduate from high school here? 

Mr. Padgett. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. What high school? 

Mr. Padgett. Northeastern High School. 

The Chairman. Northeastern High School? 

Mr. Padgett. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. Did you meet many young men at these Com- 
munist meetings? 

Mr. Padgett. Well the branch — the Young Communist League — 
that I belonged to, was in a Negro district. 

The Chairman. Negroes were in it? 

Mr. Padgett. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. Did they have many Negro members? 

Mr. Padgett. Many of them. I believe it amounted to about 
eighty-some. 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1273 

The Chairman. Of the members? 

Mr. Padgett. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. Did they say anything about the progress they 
were making among the Negroes? 

Mr. Padgett. Yes. They often talked that it was one of their 
main objectives to organize the Negroes, and they were splitting the 
branch in two. because it was getting too big. 

The Chairman. How big was that branch? 

Mr. Padgett. I believe they had eighty-some members, if I re- 
member correctly. 

The Chairman. Did yon ever join the Communist Party? 

Mr. Padgett. No, sir; I didn't. 

The Chairman. Well, did you ever see anyone visit the Young 
Communist League, any of the meetings there, from outside of the 
officials or teachers, or anyone of that class? 

Mr. Padgett. At the Y. C. L. meeting one evening there was a 
young man making a speech. 

The Chairman. Who was he? 

Mr. Padgett. I don't remember his name. I was not much 
interested. 

The Chairman. You were a member of the Young Communists 
League ? 

Mr. Padgett. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. When did you stop going to the meetings? 

Mr. Padgett. Oh, in about March. 

The Chairman. About March? 

Mr. Padgett. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. Did you have any of them — any of the mem- 
bers — come to you to find out why you stopped going? 

Mr. Padgett. Well, they sent me several cards asking me to come 
to the meetings and I often ran into one or another of them and 
they asked me why I had not shown up. 

The Chairman. Did they tell you how they were going to bring on 
this revolution? 

Mr. Padgett. No ; they didn't, except it was to organize the people 
and one day it would be just a natural revolution when that kind 
of people would take over. 

The Chairman. Did they tell you what kind of strategy or meth- 
ods they would use? 

Mr. Padgett. No, sir. 

The Chairman. Did they tell you to agitate? 

Mr. Padgett. No, sir. 

The Chairman. To picket or demonstrate? 

Mr. Padgett. Well, we were often asked to go on picket duty 
where there were strikes. 

The Chairman. Do you know whether or not that is the genera] 
custom and practice of the Communists? 

Mr. Padgett. Yes; it is. They often help the union, wherever 
they need pickets. 

The Chairman. In other words, they go into the picket line 
whether they are employees involved in the strike or not? 

Mr. Padgett. Yes, sir. 



1274 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

The Chaikman. Do you know of anything else that you could 
add, that we have not questioned you about, with reference to Com- 
munist activities or with reference to the Spanish Loyalist situation? 

Mr. Padgett. No, sir. I believe that is about all. 

The Chairman. Well, the committee appreciates very much your 
willingness to testify, and we want to assure you if you receive any 
intimidation or any threats, if you will communicate with the com- 
mittee, we will see that you receive ample protection. I thank you. 

Mr. Padgett. Thank you, sir. 

(Witness excused.) 

Mr. Howe. Mr. Chairman and gentlemen of the committee, the 
next witness will be Sgt. Leo Maciosek of. the local Detroit police 
department. 

TESTIMONY OF SGT. LEO MACIOSEK, POLICE DEPARTMENT, CITY 

OF DETROIT 

(The witness was duly sworn by the chairman.) 

The Chairman. Give your name, Sergeant. 

Sergeant Maciosek. Leo Maciosek. 

The Chairman. M-a-c-i-o-s-e-k? 

Sergeant Maciosek. Yes, sir. . 

The Chairman. Are you connected with the police department 
of the city of Detroit? 

Sergeant Maciosek. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. How long have you been connected with them? 

Sergeant Maciosek. A little over 14 years. 

The Chairman. In what capacity? 

Sergeant Maciosek. I am assigned to the special investigation 
squad — a squad connected with the detective bureau of the Detroit 
police department. 

The Chairman. How long have you served in that capacity? 

Sergeant Maciosek. Since 1930. 

The Chairman. Was it a part of your duties to investigate alien 
activities, or radical activities, in the city of Detroit? 

Sergeant Maciosek. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. Did you have occasion from time to time to 
make such investigations? 

Sergeant Maciosek. Yes. 

The Chairman. Did you have occasion to investigate the Abraham 
Lincoln Brigade, or the Friends of the Abraham Lincoln Brigade 
and the recruiting of soldiers or youth for the Spanish Loyalist 
cause ? 

Sergeant Maciosek. That is part of our assignment. One of our 
assignments is to keep track of Communist activities within the city 
of Detroit and in Greater Detroit. 

The Chairman. I wonder if you would mind telling me, in that 
connection, whether or not the police department, through a course 
of years, has had occasion to seize membership cards of Communists 
who have been arrested in raids, and so on, and so forth? Do you 
know whether that is true? • 

Sergeant Maciosek. We have some in our possession. 

The Chairman. You had to surrender the originals; did you? 

Sergeant Maciosek. Yes. 



UN-AMERICAN riiOPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1275 

The Chairman. Now, Sergeant, will you tell us what you know 
with reference to a recruiting of volunteers for the Spanish Loyalist 
cause and what you know of the Friends of the Abraham Lincoln 
Brigade \ 

Sergeant Maciosek. All right. May I refer to the notes? 

The Chairman. Yes; and speak distinctly and loud enough so 
that we can hear you. I would like for you to tell us when the 
Friends of the Abraham Lincoln Bridgade was organized, when they 
organized recruiting for the Spanish Loyalist cause, who was in 
charge, how many boys were sent to Spain from Detroit, Mich., 
how many from Michigan, and information of that kind. 

Sergeant Maciosek. It was brought to our attention, on or about 
August 1936, that there was a Committee to Aid the Spanish De- 
mocracy organized, and it was organized under the auspices of the 
Conference for the Protection of Civil Rights, which is an organiza- 
tion functioning here in Detroit, and Lorene Brown was the secre- 
tary of this committee. And later on, through the information we 
obtained in talking to Dr. Lendrum, we learned that a man by the 
name of Bavaley was the treasurer of the organization. 

The Chairman. That was called the Conference to Protect Civil 
Rights? 

Serjreant Maciosek. No. He was the treasurer of the Committee 
to Aid the Spanish People. 

The Chairman. Now, was Dr. Lendrum a member of that? 

Sergeant Maciosek. He said he was. 

The Chairman. Do you know whether or not Dr. Shafarman was 
a member of that ? 

Sergeant Maciosek. Not at that time; but, later on, he became 
a member of a Spanish organization. 

The Chairman. Of that committee ? 

Sergeant Maciosek. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. Go ahead from that point. 

Sergeant Maciosek. He was asked at that time if there was — 
if this organization was composed of Spanish people? He said it 
was not entirely composed of Spanish people, but there were a few 
Spaniards in the organization. Of course we didn't ask him for 
the names. So from August 1936, later on, they organized this 
group, and on their own stationery it gives the amount of money 
collected for the relief of the Spanish people, and the officers. 

The Chairman. Does it give the names of officers and directors? 

Sergeant Maciosek. And the offices are given as 310 Hofmann 
Building, the same as the Conference for the Protection of Civil 
Rights. 

The Chairman. Did it say who the officers were, on the letterhead ; 
are there any names on the letterhead ? 

Sergeant Maciosek. Yes. 

The Chairman. Read that into the record. 

Sergeant Maciosek. On the Conference for Protection of Civil 
Rights the officers are Rev. J. H. Bollens, chairman; Hon. Patrick 
H. O'Brien, counsel. 

The Chairman. Who is that counsel ? I did not get that. 

Sergeant Maciosek. Hon. Patrick H. O'Brien, and Marie Hempel, 
secretary. And on the letterhead of the Committee to Aid the Span- 
ish Democracy, it is a financial statement of incomes which was given. 



1276 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

The Chairman. Read that into the record. 

Sergeant Maciosek. Lorene Brown, secretary, 310 Hofmann Build- 
ing. 

The Chairman. Do you want to keep that letterhead for your 
files'? 

Sergeant Maciosek. If it would be returned, I will submit it. 

The Chairman. Well, it would be better for you to go ahead and 
read into the record exactly what is on there. 

Sergeant Maciosek. In the statement given for February 22, 1937, 
the net income from December 7 meeting was $3,092.46; general col- 
lections, $765.62; collections since, United Croatian organizations, 
$318.25; Jewish conference, $500; general, $67.16— total, $4,743.49. 

The Chairman. May I see that, please? 

Sergeant Maciosek. Yes, sir (handing to chairman). 

The Chairman. I wonder if the reporter cannot take this and 
make an exact copy of it and return the original to you ? 

Sergeant Maciosek. Yes, sir. 

(The statement above referred to is in full as follows :) 

Committee to Aid Spanish Democracy, 

Lorene Brown, Secretary, 
310 Hofmann Building, 2539 Woodward Avenue, Detroit, Mich., 

February 22, 1931. 

Financial Statement 

income 

Net income from Dec. 7 meeting (statement) rendered 

1/24/37 $3, 092. 46 

General collections 765. 62 

Collections since : 

United Croatian Organizations 318. 25 

Jewish Conference 500. 00 

General 67. 16 

$4, 743. 49 

DISBURSEMENTS 

Office rent, supplies, postage, mailing, mimeo- 
graphing, telephones, telegrams, etc. : 

Reported on statement of 1/24/37 $106. 67 

Since 1/24 to date 14. 10 

120. 77 

Ware house rent, boxes, bags, coa,l trucking, 

watchman : 

Reported on statement of 1/24/37 195. 75 

Since 1/24 to date 28. 23 

Freight to New York on clothing and food 216.96 

440. 94 

"Wages and labor: 

Reported on statement of 1/24/37 162.24 

Since 1/24 to date 7. 00 

169. 24 

730. 95 

4, 012. 54 

NET AMOUNT 

Amount forwarded to national committee 3, 800. 00 

Amount on hand 187. 54 

Amount on deposit with Telephone Co 25. 00 

4,012.54 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1277 

Wo sent to the national committee food and clothing estimated to be worth 

The Spanish committee organized by the conference last August sent $989.14 
to Labor's Red Cross for Spain. 

(Along the left margin of the letterhead upon which the above is 
contained the following appears:) 

Initiated by the Conference for Protection of Civil Rights— consisting of 311 
organizations in Michigan: 

Federation of Labor of Detroit and Wayne County. 

Building Trades Council of Detroit. 

District Council, International Union, United Automobile Workers of America. 

Federation of Labor of Ann Arbor. 

Federation of Labor of Flint. 

Federation of Labor of Grand Rapids. 

A. F. of L. locals throughout the State. 

Mechanics Educational Society, Detroit Council. 

M. E. S. A. locals, Farmers Educational and Co-operative Union of America, 
Michigan Division. 

Professional League for Civil Rights. 

American Civil Liberties Union. 

Young Democratic clubs. 

Socialist Party. 

Communist Party. 

State Farmer-Labor Party. 

Proletarian Party. 

Congregational chruches. 

Methodist churches. 

Baptist churches. 

Evangelical churches. 

Student and teachers groups. 

Language societies. 

Cultural societies. 

Youth organizations. 

Benefit and fraternal organizations. 

Unemployed and relief workers organizations. 

With a total State representation of 497,000 residents. 

The Chairman. All right, Sergeant, continue now. 

Sergeant Maciosek. Well, this committee collected thousands of 
dollars which we have no knowledge how it was disbursed, and then, 
later on, there was another committee organized, known at the Medical 
Bureau to Aid the Spanish Democracy. This followed after the 
Neutrality Act was passed. 

The Chairman. That was organized after the Neutrality Act was 
passed ? 

Sergeant Maciosek. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. The Medical Bureau? 

Sergeant Maciosek. Yes. 

The Chairman. Now, do you have any of their stationery? 

Sergeant Maciosek. Yes. I will show it to you, if you wish to 
look at it [handing to chairman]. 

The Chairman. We want the reporter to copy this also into the 
record and return to you the original letter. With your permission, 
Sergeant, I will read what this says : 

Telephone CAdillac 6005 

Medical Bureau to Aid Spanish Democracy, 

Michigan Chapter, 
912 Charlevoix Building, Detroit, November 1, 1937. 
Police Commissioner Heinrich Pickert, 
Police Headquarters, Detroit, Mich. 
Dear Commissioner Pickert : Application is hereby made for a permit to con- 
duct a procession of cars as an escort for the "Hollywood Caravan to Spain," 



1278 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

a hospital ambulance donated by the Motion Picture Artists' Committee to Aid 
Spanish Democracy. The ambulance is on a cross-country tour arriving in 
Detroit Saturday, November 20. 

(In pencil: "19th instead of 20th.") 

We are interested in having the ambulance cover the main downtown areas 
of Detroit as well as outlying thoroughfares. 
Most sincerely yours, 

(Signed) Myrtle Day, Secretary. 

D:H 

Rubber stamped: "Office of the Commissioner, Nov. 2, 1937. Received." 

(Along the left margin of the letterhead upon which the above 
letter was written the following appears :) 

Dr. Walter B. Cannon, Chairman ; Dr. William J. Crookston, executive sec- 
retary ; Dr. John Guttman, treasurer. 

NATIONAL SPONSORS MEDICAL COMMITTEE 

University of Chicago Medical School : Dr. Percival Bailey, Dr. Anton J. 
Carlson, Dr. Arno B. Luckhardt, Dr. Frederick W. Schultz. 

University of Illinois Medical School : Dr. Charles S. Bacon, Dr. Davis J. 
Davis,, Dr. Richard H. Jaffe, Dr. H. Douglas Singer. 

N. W. U. Medical School: Dr. Andrew C. Ivy, Dr. George Halperin. 

Institute for Psychoanalysis : Dr. Thomas H. French, Dr. William H. Walsh, 
hospital consultant. 

University of California Medical School, Dr. Howard C. Naffziger. 

Columbia University College of P. & S. : Dr. Haven Emerson. 

Harvard Medical School : Dr. Walter B. Cannon, Dr. Samuel A. Levine. 

Johns Hopkins Medical School : Dr. Adolph Meyer, Dr. Henry E. Sigerist. 

University of Michigan Medical School : Dr. Frederick Amasa Coller, Dr. 
Reuben L. Kahn, Dr. L. H. Newburgh, Dr. John Sundwall. 

New York Polyclinic Medical School : Dr. Samuel Kopetsky. 

New York University Medical School : Dr. William H. Park. 

Stanford University Medical School : Dr. Thomas Addis, Dr. Leo Eloesser. 

Washington University Medical School : Dr. Jacques J. Bronfenbrenner, Dr. 
Carl F. Cori, Dr. Joseph Erlanger, Dr. Evarts A. Graham, Dr. Leo Loeb. 

Western Reserve Medical School: Dr. Harry Goldblatt, Dr. Carl H. Lenhart, 
Dr. Roy Wesley Scott, Dr. T. Wingate Todd. 

Yale* Medical School: Dr. John P. Peters, Dr. Charles E. A. Winslow. 

Mayo Clinic, Dr. E. C. Rosenow. 

Mount Sinai Hospital, N. Y. : Dr. George Baehr, Dr. Ernst P. Boas, Dr. Bela 
Schick. 

Rockefeller Institute : Dr. Phoebus A. Levene, Dr. Florence R. Sabin. 

MICHIGAN COMMITTEE 

Dr. Leonard A. Seltzer, Dr. Reuben Kahn, Dr. Frederick A. Collar, Dr. John 
Sundwall, Paul de Kruif, Ph. D., Rev. James W. Hailwood, Dr. L. H. New- 
burgh, Rabbi Leon Fram, Rev. Frederick B. Fisher, Dr. Mark McQuiggan, 
Prof. J. M. Albaladejo, Prof. Kenneth Jones, Prof. John Shepard, Prof. Shirley 
Allen, Hilda Gosman, executive secretary; Dr. E. M. Shafarman, treasurer. 

(Pasted on the above letter is the following, in print:) 

PARADES 

To the honorable the Common Council: 

Gentlemen : To your committee of the whole was referred petition of Medi- 
cal Bureau to Aid Spanish Democracy (7797), requesting permit to conduct a 
procession of cars. After careful consideration of the request, your committee 
recommends that same be denied. 

Respectfully submitted. 

W. P. Bradley, Chairman. 

Accepted and adopted. 
(In pencil on the above is written: "11-9-37.") 



UN-AMKRICAX PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1279 

November 8, 1937. 
From : Chief of detectives. 
To : Director of traffic. 
Subject: Attached letter relative to "Hollywood Caravan to Spain." 

1. You will find attached our report on this matter. 

-. As ordered by the superintendent, I am forwarding this matter to you 
for further action. 

Henry W. Piel, 
Chief of Detectives. 
Me. 

Division of Traffic, 

November 18, 1937. 
From : Director of traffic. 
To : Deputy superintendent. 
Subject : Attached request of Myrtle Day for parade permit. 

Regarding the request of Myrtle Day, secretary of the Medical Bureau to 
Aid Spanish Democracy, Michigan Chapter, at 912 Charlevoix Building, to 
allow a procession of cars as an escort for the Hollywood Caravan to Spain, 
a hospital ambulance donated by the Motion Picture Artists Committee to Aid 
Spanish Democracy, this ambulance to be on a cross-country tour and arriv- 
ing in Detroit sometime Friday, November 19. Miss Day requests that the 
ambulance cover the main downtown area of Detroit as well as outlying 
thoroughfares. 

This was also investigated by Inspector Hertel, whose report to Chief of 
Detectives Henry Piel is attached. 

The honorable common council passed a resolution in this matter reading 
as follows : 

"To the honorable the Common Council : 

Gentlemen : To your committee of the whole was referred petition of 
Medical Bureau to Aid Spanish Democracy (7797) requesting permit to con- 
duct a procession of cars. After careful consideration of the request, your 
committee recommends that same be denied. 

"Accepted and adopted." 

Miss Day called me 2 days ago and said she had word from the common 
council that her request had been denied and she would abide by their wishes. 
As we have no other information regarding this request, there is nothing 
further to be done. 

Fred W. Juergens, 

Director of Traffic. 

(The above letter bears the following rubber stamps:) 

"Approved November 19, 1937. 

"Louis L. Berg, Deputy Superintendent." 
"Office of Commissioner, November 19, 1937. Received." 



Detroit Police Department, 
Office of the Commissioner. 
Referred to Deputy Berg. 
File No. 1. Date, 11/2. 
( ) For proper action. 
(X) For investigation and report. 
( ) Reply direct. 
( ) For your files. 
( ) Please note and return. 
( ) For recommendation. 

Rubber-stamped: "Office of the Commissioner, November 19, 1937. Received. 
D. P. D., 11." 



1280 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

(No. 657) 

Detroit Police Department. 
Department : Office of the superintendent. 

The annexed communication is referred to (Officers) Chief Piel, D. B., for 
investigation. 

Return must be made by November 8, 1937. 

REPORT 

, 19__. 

For investigation and then forward to Director Juergen for arrangements. 



Detroit Police Department, 
Office of Chief of Detectives. 

The annexed communication is referred to (Officers) Inspector Hertel, for 
Investigation. 

Return must be made by , 19__. 

REPORT 

November 6, 1937. 
Henry W. Piel, 

Chief of Detectives. 

Sir: Regarding the attached letter, we wish to state we have talked with 
Myrtle Day and learned that sometime ago an ambulance was donated by 
different people in Hollywood, Calif., and the names of the dona tors appear 
on the ambulance. The ambulance is being driven from California to New 
York, and on the way the large cities are taken in. It is the intention of the 
Medical Bureau to Aid Spanish Democracy to take the ambulance through the 
streets and, later in the evening, hold meetings and solicit money for the pur- 
pose of purchasing medical supplies for those in Spain. We instructed Myrtle 
Day that she would have to apply to the mayor for a permit to solicit at the 
evening meetings. We find the names of Hilda Gosman and Dr. E. M. Shafar- 
man, mentioned as being on the Michigan committee, in our Communist file. 
The Medical Bureau to Aid Spanish Democracy in Spain is an aid to the 
Communists in Spain. 

Respectfully submitted. 

Ranney and Dooley. 

The Chairman (continuing). Do you know the professors whose 
names are given here on this letterhead ? 

Sergeant Maciosek. No ; I don't, sir. 

The Chairman. Do you know any of them ? 

Sergeant Maciosek. No. 

The Chairman. You do not know whether they teach — do any of 
these teach in Detroit? Take Prof. Kenneth Jones: Where does he 
teach ? 

Sergeant Maciosek. I don't know, sir. 

The Chairman. Do you know where Prof. John Shepard teaches? 

Sergeant Maciosek. If I may correct that at this time, I did not 
make that investigation, sir — that particular investigation. 

The Chairman. Someone else made that investigation ? 

Sergeant Maciosek. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. I see. Well, will someone be here to testify as to 
where these professors teach ? 

Sergeant Maciosek. Yes, sir. We will try to arrange that. 

The Chairman. We would like to have someone acquainted with 
them. 

Now, do you want this back? 

Sergeant Maciosek. Yes, sir. 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1281 

The Chairman. Do you want to use anything else in here for the 
record ? 

Sergeant Maciosek. Well, the witness that will testify about the 
investigation there will like to see it. 

Mr. Mosier. Sergeant, may I ask a question in connection with 
this request, which has already been inserted in the record: Was 
this request granted, do you recall? 

Sergeant Maciosek. I don't recall that, sir. 

The Chairman. There is a notation here from the director of 
traffic that the council had passed a resolution recommending that 
the request be denied. Do you recall whether that was the fact ? 

Sergeant Maciosek. I don't. 

Mr. Mosier. Well, did this ambulance come to Detroit? 

Sergeant Maciosek. It was here; yes. 

Mr. Mosier. Did it make a tour of the streets of Detroit ? 

Sergeant Maciosek. Not under a permit. 

Mr. Mosier. Not under a permit? 

Sergeant Maciosek. No. 

Mr. Mosier. There was no permit issued ? 

Sergeant Maciosek. No. 

The Chairman. Do you know what that ambulance was, if you 
saw it? 

Sergeant Maciosek. I did not see it personally. 

Mr. Mosier. Well, it is not important, Sergeant. I just wondered 
if you had any recollection about it. 

The Chairman. Sergeant, do you have any evidence in your files 
showing that any of the members of this Michigan committee are 
members of the Communists Party ? 

Sergeant Maciosek. We can show from our own contacts — pardon 
me ; you are referring to the committee ? 

The Chairman. Yes; any members of this Michigan committee. 

Sergeant Maciosek. No. We have no record ; that is, membership 
books. 

The Chairman. Well, what do you have in connection with that. 
You say you can show by your contacts. Do you have any mem- 
bership cards, or photostatic copies of membership cards, of any of 
the officers, directors, or members of any of these committees to aid 
the Spanish Loyalist cause? 

Sergeant Maciosek. No; we have none of that committee; no. 

The Chairman. What committee do you have? 

Sergeant Maciosek. The Friends of the Abraham Lincoln. We 
can prove- 



The Chairman. Now, will you offer in evidence the membership 
cards } t ou have? 

Sergeant Maciosek. In the Abraham Lincoln? 

The Chairman. Yes ; in the Abraham Lincoln. Have you finished 
with this other? 

Sergeant Maciosek. No; I have not, sir. 

The Chairman. Well, suppose you continue in your own language, 
then, from where you left off. 

Sergeant Maciosek. There was considerable recruiting of boys 
to go to Spain to fight with the Spanish Loyalists. Recruiting 
started in 1936 and it was reported to us a man by the name of Phil 

94931—38— vol. 2 20 



1282 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Raymond, which I know personally is a member of the Communist 
Party, was in charge of recruiting those men for Spain, and it has 
also been reported to us that he has made boasts that his goal would 
be 500 boys from the city of Detroit and Greater Detroit, including 
the State of Michigan. We have the names of some of the boys that 
were reported to be either killed in Spain, or that are fighting in 
Spain at the present time. 

The Chairman. Can you give us those names? 

Sergeant Maciosek. Jack Shiffman, 201 East Alexandrine, city of 
Detroit. He was reported killed in Spain, by the United Press 
despatch, in December 1937. I know this man personally, or I 
knew him. 

Daniel Lepo, of 965 East Kirby, Detroit. He was reported killed 
in Spain fighting. Following that there was a memorial meeting 
held for Daniel Lepo and a Matt Pavlich, held at the Finnish Hall 
at 5969 Fourteenth Street, on May 14. This is the Communist 
Party's headquarters. And the speaker was William Weinstone, 
who was the secretary of the Michigan district of the Communist 
Party, which is district 7. 

The Chairman. Where is Weinstone? Is he still in Detroit? 

Sergeant Maciosek. Our information is that he has left Detroit. 

The Chairman. Do you know when he left? 

Sergeant Maciosek. In June or July of 1936. Later, this Daniel 
Lepo turned up and he is here in Detroit at the present time. 

Another member is Mike Krassavin. His Communist Party name 
is Mike Webb. His address is 635 East Alexandrine, as given here. 
He was reported as being held a prisoner on July 21, 1938. We 
know this man. 

Lorenzo Rowlson, 1535 Selden Avenue. 

The Chairman. Now, that list you have there contains the names 
of how many all together, about? 

Sergeant Maciosek. Twenty-two. 

The Chairman. Just hand that to the reporter and he can copy 
those names and addresses. Do you want that back? 

Sergeant Maciosek. Yes. 

(The names and addresses above referred to are as follows:) 

Jack Shiffman, 201 Alexandrine, Detroit, Mich. 

Daniel Lepo of 965 East Kirby Avenue. 

Michael Krassavin, 635 East Alexandrine Avenue. 

Lorenzo Rowlson, 1535 Selden Avenue. 

James K. Young, 210 First Street (Fisher Lodge). 

Walter Kolowski, 1S04S Gable Avenue. 

Anthony Nowakowski, 9121 Crane Avenue. 

Tauno Sundsten, 2S14 Twelfth Street. 

Arvid Sundsten, 291 Winder Street. 

Roy McQuarrie, Jr., 4126 Lincoln Avenue. 

Joseph Rosenstein, 2640 Gladstone Avenue. 

Pete Shemric, 1318 Lyman Place. 

Steven Cojeran. 

Sylvester Goett, alias "Scotty." 

William Wright, 210 First Street (Fisher Lodge). 

Curt Miller, 1240 Brainard. 

Ely Uretsky, 3838 Webb Avenue. 

Orrin Feldt, :ili;is Fine Feldt, 6742 Seneca Avenue. 

Max Tannenhaus, 302 Owen. 

James L. Brown. 

Pat Daniels, alias Dan Shugrue, 484 Brainard. 

Emmett Collier. 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1283 

Paul Padgett. 

Robert Taylor. 

Sam Belkowitz, alias Sain Belmont, Pontiac, Mich. 

Paul Burns, Chicago, 111. 

Leon Davis, changed to John Arnold Abbott. 

The Chairman. Just continue. 

Sergeant Maciosek. The information that we received from one of 
the officers of the Friends of the Abraham Lincoln Brigade is that 
there are about 200 boys of the State of Michigan and Detroit that 
went over to Spain ; most of them from Detroit. 

Mr. Mosier. Sergeant, in your investigation did you find out just 
the method which was used to recruit those boys? 

Sergeant Maciosek. Well, it has been reported to us that these men 
would be approached and asked if they wanted to go to Spain to drive 
trucks, get jobs as welders, and all expenses paid going over, and 
they would receive good wages for that, until they would get them 
on the verge of going over, and then they would give them that army 
business to fight for the Spanish cause. 

The Chairman. Now, Sergeant, did the Committee to Aid Spanish 
Democracy hold mass meetings in the public schools to raise funds? 

Sergeant Maciosek. Later. 

The Chairman. How often did that happen? 

Sergeant Maciosek. Well, at the beginning of that committee, 
when it was first organized, it was right often. 

The Chairman. Did they succeed in raising funds in these 
meetings? 

Sergeant Maciosek. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. Did you ever attend any of the meetings? 

Sergeant Maciosek. Yes; I attended the meeting in the Cass Tech- 
nical High School. 

The Chairman. How many people were present at that meeting, 
about ? 

Sergeant Maciosek. Well, about two thousand. 

The Chairman. Who were the speakers, do you recall? 

Sergeant Maciosek. I will introduce this. 

The Chairman. What is this, a notice of the mass meeting? 

Sergeant Maciosek. Yes, sir: the notice of the mass meeting. 

The Chairman. This says : 

Direct from Madrid. Eye witness reports by official representatives of the 
Spanish Government. Today Spain's patriots turn to America, as in 1776 
Benjamin Franklin toured Europe, rallying public opinion in support of 
America's revolutionary struggle for democracy. 

Speakers officially representing Spain : Donna Isabela de Palencia, Spanish 
Ambassador to Sweden ; Rev. Father Luis Sarasola, Catholic priest and 
scholar ; Hon. Marcilina Domingo, former Minister of Education. 

George W. Dean, chairman, first vice president, Michigan Federation of 
Labor. Prominent Detroit labor, church, and civic leaders will greet the 
delegation, Monday, S p. m., December 7, 1936, Cass Tech. High School, Second, 
near Grand River. Admission free. Auspices : Committee to Aid Spanish 
Democracy, collecting funds, medical supplies, and clothing for victims of 
Spanish fascism. Office : 310 Hofmann Building, 2539 Woodward Avenue. 

Sergean Maciosek. That is one of the first large meetings that was 
held. The collection was about $3,000. 

Mr. Mosier. Where was that meeting held, the one you are talking 
about now- 

Sergeant Maciosek. At Cass Technical High School. 



1284 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr. Mosier. Is that a meeting you attended ? 

Sergeant Maciosek. Yes. 

Mr. Mosier. You say the collections at this meeting were $3,000? 

Sergeant Maciosek. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Mosier. Did they have any other speakers at that meeting 
that you recall, except those that are listed here? 

Sergeant Maciosek. I do not recall at this time. I have not got 
data on that. 

Mr. Mosier. Did you ever attend any of these meetings where any 
of the teachers of the public schools of Detroit spoke ? 

Sergeant Maciosek. No; I did not. 

The Chairman. You said a few moments ago that you had records 
there showing members of this committee who are Communists. Do 
you have those records ? 

Sergeant Maciosek. No; I have not records of members of this 
committee. 

The Chairman. Of what committee ? 

Sergeant Maciosek. Of members of the Friends of the Abraham 
Lincoln Brigade, which is another Spanish organization. 

The Chairman. All right. Now give us something about that, 
about the ones that are Communists that you know of and have 
records of, showing that they are Communists. 

Sergeant Maciosek. The Friends of the Abraham Lincoln Bri- 
gade, with offices at 1504 Broadway, city of Detroit, Michigan com- 
mittee, Robert Taylor, executive secretary. 

The Chairman. Is he a well-known Communist ? 

Sergeant Maciosek. Yes; he is one of the men that was in Spain 
fighting for the Loyalist cause. He was recruited in Boston and 
returned early in 1937. Later he was sent to Detroit to be one of 
the organizers of this Abraham Lincoln Brigade. Pat Daniels; his 
correct name is Daniel Shugrue. Those men are members of the 
Communist Party ; and Robert Taylor is also a member of the Young 
Communists League. 

The Chairman. And they are the ones that are around selling 
the organization known as Friends of the Abraham Lincoln Brigade ; 
is that right ? 

Sergeant Maciosek. That is right. 

The Chairman. What else do you have to add on that subject? 

Sergeant Maciosek. Well, this organization was set up to collect 
moneys at various meetings and call various meetings to raise funds 
to bring some of these boys back from Spain, the wounded boys. 
May I show this to you ? 

The Chairman. This is literature distributed by the Friends of the 
Abraham Lincoln Brigade asking for funds to bring these boys back 
to the United States, wounded veterans, is that right ? 

Sergeant Maciosek. That is right. 

The Chairman. Will you let the committee have this? 

Sergeant Maciosek. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. We will offer this as an exhibit, Mr. Reporter. 

(The folder above referred to was marked "Witness Maciosek 
(Detroit), Exhibit No. 6," and filed with the committee, being a 
folder entitled "And tell the folks that I'll be home if .") 

The Chairman. Now, what else can you give us ? 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1285 

Sergeant Maciosek. These two men, Daniels and Robert Taylor, 
they would go out to the various affiliated organizations of the Com- 
munist Party, or controlled by the Communist Party, and give their 
speech, and then later on ask for donations, which they would get. 
The last donation at the meeting held at Pontiac, Mich., at the time 
Robert Raven was here, one of the wounded veterans spoke there, 
their receipts were $159. 

The Chairman. Sergeant, you had a partner who was associated 
with you in making this investigation, did you not ? 

Sergeant Maciosek. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. Who is he? 

Sergeant Maciosek. Sergeant Mikuliak. 

The Chairman. He is also familiar with these facts? 

Sergeant Maciosek. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. Since our time is somewhat limited and we have 
only a certain amount of time to devote to this Spanish Loyalist 
situation, will you step aside and we will have the other sergeant 
testify. Leave your files there, because he may want to refer to some 
of them. 

Sergeant Maciosek. All right. 

The Chairman. Do you want to refer to any of his files, sergeant? 

Sergeant Mikuliak. I would like to, sir. 

TESTIMONY OF SGT. HARRY MIKULIAK, DETROIT POLICE 

DEPARTMENT 

(The witness was duly sworn by the chairman.) 

The Chairman. Now, Sergeant, will you please tell us exactly 
what you know about it, that is, the important facts? We will not 
interrupt you. If you will, just tell us a consecutive story, briefly, 
which will give us the principal facts with references to it. 

Sergeant Mikuliak. May I first call the committee's attention 
to some of the TB tests that were held by the various doctors men- 
tioned in this hearing so far, of which we have photostatic copies? 
These photostatic copies are for the committee's attention and will 
show that these doctors did examine these boys, that they had gone 
to Spain. Some were killed, and some came back and are living here 
today. 

The Chairman. Will you bring them here? 

Sergeant Mikuliak. Yes, sir. I will exhibit, first the card of 
Paul Padgett of 1411 Stanley, Detroit, examined by Dr. Shafarman, 
the fee on which was charged to the city of Detroit. 

The Chairman. The reporter will copy those photostats. You 
want these returned to your files ? 

Sergeant Mikuliak. Or I can leave them with the committee if 
you would like to have them. 

The Chairman. If you will leave them with the committee the 
reporter can copy them and return them to you. 

Sergeant Mikuliak. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. As you read them off clearly and distinctly what 
the contents of those copies are, hand them to the reporter and the 
reporter can, in turn, copy in the dates and the names. Your first 
card was that of Paul Padgett? 



1286 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Sergeant Mikuliak. Yes; Paul Padgett, who has just testified. 
His signature appears on this particular photostatic copy of tubercu- 
lin test report. He was examined by Dr. Shafarman and the bill 
was presented to the city for payment. It does not say here whether 
any effort was made to collect from him, but simply the statement, 
"When the physician charges this service to the city the patient or 
his parent or guardian in the case of a minor must sign that he 
cannot afford to pay." They sign this and, in turn, a green copy 
is sent to the board of health to keep a record of those tuberculin 
tests which are charged to the city of Detroit. 

(The card above referred to is the card of Paul Padgett, address 
1411 Stanley, dated February 21, 1938, bearing the signature "X. 
Paul Padgett.") 

Many of these tests which were taken by Dr. Shafarman, Dr. Land- 
rum, Dr. Rosefekl, and Dr. Bicknell are those of the most active 
party members in the fact that we have a record of. 

The Chairman. What do you mean by active party members? 

Sergeant Mikuliak. I mean members who take part in parades, 
evictions, riots, labor disturbances, and various performances that 
have been going on in the city of Detroit. 

I offer for the committee the name of Mary Himoff , who gives the 
address of the Communist Party headquarters. Her signature is on 
this photostatic copy. She is in charge of organizing the Young 
Pioneers for school children of members of the Communist Party. 

The Chairman. Are there many of those in this city ? 

Sergeant Mikuliak. There are quite a few, sir. I have here the 
name of Stanley Novak and his signature appears on this card. He 
was examined by Dr. Shafarman. 

Mr. Mosier. Were those all $5 fees? 

Sergeant Mikuliak. Yes, sir; the first tests. 

Mr. Mosier. And they have all been paid? 

Sergeant, Mikuliak. Yes, sir; all of these have been paid, of which 
we have photostats. 

Mr. Mosir. With you? 

Sergeant Mikuliak. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Stanley Novak was Democratic candidate for the State legis- 
lature in the last primary, and he was one of the 17 elected. 

Walter P. Reuther is president of the West Side Local 174, and 
he signs this TB test stating that he could not afford to pay for the 
examination. 

Mr. Mosier. Walter Reuther? 

Sergeant Mikuliak. Walter P. Reuther, president of West Side 
Local 174. 

Mr. Mosier. Are you familiar with West Side Local 174? 

Sergeant Mikuliak. Somewhat, yes. 

Mr. Moster. What is the membership of that local ? 

Sergeant Mikuliak. The U. A. W. A. claims a membership of 
30,000. 

Mr. Mosier. And this man is president of that ? 

Sergeant Mikuliak. Yes, sir; president of West Side Local 174. 

Mr. Mosier. And he signs the card stating that he< could not pay 
for this tuberculin test? 

Sergeant Mikuliak. Yes, sir; he signed stating that he could not 
afford to pay for the tuberculin test. 



IX-AMKKK AN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1287 

Mr. Mosieh. And so the city of Detroit paid the $5 for that test? 

Sergeant Mikuliak. Yes, sir; they paid for it, and we have here 
under what voucher number the city did pay for it. 

The Chairman. Give us the voucher numbers, because there is 
some denial with reference to that in the papers, and we might as 
well clear it up. 

Sergeant Mikuliak. Under voucher No. 76, Public Health voucher, 
the amount of $122 was paid to Dr. E. M. Shafarman for others as 
well as Mr. Reuther. the wife of Walter Reuther and Walter Reuther 
himself. 

On April 5. 1937, they had this tuberculin test. The final examina- 
tion was held April 16, 1937, on which an additional charge of $1 
is charged to the city of Detroit. This second date, April 16, 1937, 
shows that this man had an X-ray test and $3 was charged to the 
city of Detroit under this Public Health voucher No. 76. I could 
go on further if the committee wishes any more names of members. 

The Chairman. Yes; go right ahead. 

Sergeant Mikuliak. William McKie is vice president of local 174, 
which is on the West Side. He was examined by Dr. Shafarman on 
April 5, 1937, and the final examination for him was also on April 
16. 1937. and it was charged to the city under Public Health Voucher 
No. 76. 

Mike Duletsky, financial secretary of local No. 1 of the United 
Automobile Workers, which is the Plymouth local, was examined by 
Dr. Shafarman, and this was paid for under voucher 76, and the city 
again paid. Under date of April 2, 1937, he was examined for his 
TB test. 

Joe Billups, a Negro, who is an organizer of the United Automo- 
bile Workers as well as of the Communist Party, was given the test 
April 24, 1937, and again the city paid for his test on this voucher 76. 

William Allen, an organizational director of the Communist Party, 
of whom we have kept a long record of communistic activity, was 
examined by Dr. Shafarman. He listed his address as No. 6592 Mc- 
Graw, where he never resided. On April 18, 1937, he received the 
tuberculin test, and under voucher No. 76 the city again paid for his 
TB test. 

Joe Clark, a Young Communist League organizer, was examined 
on November 5, 1937, and under voucher No. 5464 the city paid for 
his test and his wife Ruth's test. 

Lawrence Emery, a Daily Worker correspondent for the State of 
Michigan, and a man that served time in San Quentin prison for 
criminal syndicalism 

The Chairman. Is he a member of the American Newspaper 
Guild? 

Sergeant Mikuliak. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. And one of the officers of it ? 

Sergeant Mikuliak. An executive board member. 

The Chairman. Is that the same organization Mr. Heywood Broun 
belongs to? 

Sergeant Mikuliak. Yes. 

The Chairman. Go ahead. 

Sergeant Mikuliak. And he was examined by Dr. Shafarman 
under date of November 27, 1937, paid under voucher 5464, and the 
citj r paid for his test. 



1288 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr. Mosier. And he signed a slip ? 

Sergeant Mikuliak. Yes, sir ; we have the signature, sir. 

Mr. Mosier. He signed a slip stating that he was not able to pay 
for it? 

Sergeant Mikuliak. That is right, sir. We have all of these names 
listed here and photostated for the committee's information. 

Harold Hartley, a welfare director of the United Automobile 
Workers, local 174, and both he and his wife Catherine were exam- 
ined by Dr. Shafarman on March 18, 1937, and this was paid for 
under voucher 6590 on November 5, 1937, and the city paid for his 
test. 

The Chairman. Sergeant, why did all of them go to Dr. Shafar- 
man ? 

Sergeant Mikuliak. Well, Dr. Shafarman has been associated with 
these people for quite a number of years. 

The Chairman. Is he a Communist? 

Sergeant Mikuliak. No; I can't say that he is, but he has been 
associated with them for a number of years in all of their activities, 
and has been attending mass meetings of the party. 

The Chairman. Have you spoken to him about it? 

Sergeant Mikuliak. No ; but I know he has. 

The Chairman. He is active? 

Sergeant Mikuliak. Yes ; and he is also a lieutenant in the United 
States Reserve Corps. 

Mr. Mosier. He is a member of the Reserve Corps? 

Sergeant Mikuliak. Yes, sir; and he was in Camp Grayling this 
last August. 

The Chairman. Go right ahead. 

Sergeant Mikuliak. Sophie Kishner, secretary to William Wolf 
Weinstone, district organizer in the State of Michigan for the Com- 
munist Party, was also examined by Dr. Shafarman on January 27, 
1937. That "was paid for under voucher 5731, and the city paid for 
her examination. 

DeWitt Gilpin, reporter for the Daily Worker for the State, and 
his wife Mary, were also examined by Dr. Shafarman on January 
27, 1937, and under voucher No. 5731 'the city paid for his test. 

Nathan Wald is an organizer for the Workers Alliance of the 
Works Progress Administration, and he is a member of the Young 
Communist League, was arrested for a disturbance at a welfare 
station, and was convicted. He was examined, as well as Miss Helen 
Wald, and Richard Wald, on January 23, 1937, by Dr. Shafarman, 
and under voucher No. 5731 the city paid for these tests. 

Edith Segal, who is associated with the Works Progress Admin- 
istration theater group, was examined on January 26, 1937. She is 
also very active in giving portrayals of various dancers at Com- 
munist meetings, called mimicry, 'and when the meeting was he\\ 
for Lenin, why, she and her group danced for the benefit of the 
Communists. 

Jake Shiffman, who was killed in Spain, was a Daily Worker 
salesman. On November 31, 1937 he was examined by Dr. Shafar- 
man, and under voucher No. 5731 the city paid for his test, He has 
been killed in Spain. 

Walter Eicker, who was a member of the Communist Party in the 
Packard local of the United Automobile Workers, and who led the 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1289 

ox-service mass demonstration on Washington, D. C, several years 
ago, and Kathleen Kicker, Karl L. Kicker, and Joan Kicker were 
all examined by Dr. Shafarman on October 30, 1937, and this was 
paid for by (he city under voucher 4330. We have all the names of 
these people who were examined, and their own signatures are on 
these photostatic copies of the reports of X-rays, and reports of final 
consultation, and also the TB test. We have had them prepared, 
and we have them here for your consideration. We have checked 
some of the names of these people who signed these vouchers, got 
the names whenever they were arrested, and their names appear on 
the fingerprint card — Walter P. Reuther and Victor Reuther. 

Mr. Mosier. Who is Victor Reuther ? 

Sergeant Mikuliak. Victor Reuther is a brother of Walter 
Reuther. 

Mr. Mosier. Were they both examined? 

Sergeant Mikuliak. Yes, sir. Victor was examined as well as 
Victor's wife Sophia, by Dr. Shafarman, on May 10, 1937, and this 
was paid for on voucher 1234, and, as I say, we have here their sig- 
natures. On April 28, 1937, Dr. Shafarman gave him the TB test, 
and he was also given an X-ray examination by Dr. Adler, who is 
associated in the same office with Dr. Shafarman. 

The Chairman. How many names have you all together Sergeant? 

Sergeant Mikuliak. We have several hundred. 

The Chairman. And many of them well-knowm Communists? 

Sergeant Mikuliak. This' is only a preliminary investigation we 
made with relation to the boys who were being recruited for Spain. 

The Chairman. Do you know whether the proceeds of these funds 
paid by the city of Detroit are used for the Spanish cause? 

Sergeant Mikuliak. Why, they must have been, because these 
boys say that they were examined by these doctors, and immediately 
afterward we had information that they were either killed over 
there or had written back here to someone that they were in Spain 
after they had this examination. 

Mr. Mosier. Have you any record of the amount of money that 
was paid to Dr. Shafarman by the city of Detroit over any particular 
period of time? 

Sergeant Mikuliak. The total amount we haven't got here, but we 
have it under certain voucher numbers. 

Mr. Mosier. Have you any record of the voucher numbers there 
on which you could give for a few months what was paid? 

Sergeant Mikuliak. Under voucher No. 76 the amount of $122 was 
paid to Dr. Shafarman. Also under voucher No. 5464 the amount 
of $36 was paid to Dr. Shafarman. Now, these amounts, I might say, 
are not the complete amounts paid for that, because it does not give 
the $3 rate, which is the X-ray fee which was paid to Dr. Leopold 
Adler, who is associated with Dr. Shafarman. These amounts were 
paid to Dr. Shafarman. Again, under voucher No. 5464, $33 was 
paid, and again under the same voucher, No. 5464, $33 was paid, 
and again under the same voucher $32 was paid to Dr. Shafarman. 
Here is one for $33 under voucher 5464, which is very long. There 
is $1 apiece for each TB test, and the records of the comptroller 
which I have are received from Mr. Daley, who was comptroller 
and also budget director, and, I might add, are these records I quote 
here now, to show payments were made under these vouchers, under 



1290 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

these numbers. The total amounts are not always stated here, but 
they run from 1 to 2 days, because every final consultation date here 
means, according to Major Rowell, of the board of health, that they 
were given X-ray and the city was charged $3 in every one of these 
cases. We have not Dr. Adieus records. 

Under voucher 5731 the total amount of $167 was paid. 

Under voucher 4330, $30 was paid to Dr. Shafarman. We con- 
tinue that with another one for $336 attached to 4330. 4330 carries on 
for a certain period of time for $32. Under 4330 again there is $37. 
You see, they list amounts against each one's name who was given an 
examination. They are not totals in every case. I did not know 
the committee would want them. 

Mr. Mosier. No; we just wanted a few samples. 

Sergeant Mikuliak. Here is one for $76, $47, all the way down, 
and it goes on and on. Now, my partner, Sergeant Maciosek, referred 
to Daniel Lepo, who was in Spain and was reported to have been 
killed there. The Communist Party held memorial services for him 
at 5969 Fourteenth Street. He was examined on November 27, 1936. 
He returned here later, and so they had a great big party for him, 
and at the same time they had him sent on a speaking tour, to speak 
of his activities over there. He lives at 965 East Kirby and is at 
present to be employed in an automobile factory here. Dr. Shafar- 
man was paid for his tuberculin test on voucher No. 4167. 

The Chairman. Do you have in connection with that the names of 
any school teachers who attended these Communist meetings? 

Sergeant Mikuliak. Yes, sir. May I just give the name of Nat 
Ganley. Nat Ganley is a charter member of the Communist Party. 
His membership in the party goes away back, and he is a business 
agent of Local 155 of the United Automobile Workers. I have his 
party membership book here. This is it [exhibiting]. 

The Chairman. This is his original membership book in the Com- 
munist Party? 

Sergeant Mikuliak. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. Membership book 26768, for Nat Ganley. Date 
admitted to Communist Party, "Charter." District 7, city of Detroit. 
Signed, "William Weinstone," signature of district organizer. It 
gives the membership payments, showing International Solidarity 
funds payments. Then it contains extracts from rules and bylaws of 
the Communist Party of the United States of America, 

Let this go in the record as an exhibit. Do you want this returned 
to your records? 

Sergeant Mikuliak. Yes, sir ; that is the original taken away from 
Mr. Ganley at the Communist Party headquarters, when he was 
brought in for questioning at the instance of Assistant Prosecutor 
Boggio. 

(The membership book above referred to was marked "Witness 
Mikuliak (Detroit) Exhibit No. 7" and filed with the committee, 
with provision that a photostatic copy may be substituted, being 
membership book No. 26768 of Nat Ganley in the Communist 
Party.) 

The Chairman. In connection with that name, this committee has 
received information — and perhaps you may be able to throw some 
light on it at a later date — this committee received information that 
prior to the occurrence of the sit-down strikes throughout various 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1291 

industrial sections of the Nation, a group of prominent Communists 
met and devised a program of strategy under which these sit-down 
strikes were to be called at various places; in other words, that 
they mapped out the entire program; that they had present a 
prominent Communist from France who gave the strategy and 
technique that had been used in France; that following this meet- 
ing, and the strategy being mapped out, that these sit-down strikes 
were then called by Communists throughout the country. This 
information will require the subpenaing of a large number of wit- 
nesses, not only from this section but from other sections of the 
country, which the committee has decided to bring to Washington, 
D. C., so that these witnesses can testify and the Nation can have a 
picture of the entire situation rather than to have it at one place at 
a time or one phase at a time. 

Do you know anything about it, as to whether or not Ganley was 
present at that meeting ? 

Sergeant Mikuliak. I do not know whether he was present at 
the meeting to which you refer. However, I do know that Nat Gan- 
ley reported only to the district committee in New York City. He 
never reported here to William Weinstone, his immediate superior, 
and we know William Weinstone had been at Flint and visited the 
various sit-down strikers there in and around the plant, and when 
he returned to Detroit he made a speech at Finnish Hall, into which 
only those being party members were admitted, and he continued 
talking, addressing the men, urging them to continue the sit down 
until their demands were met. We know that meeting was held, 
and just about how many people w T ere there, and what he spoke 
about at that time. We do not know he was in this particular 
meeting you refer to. 

The Chairman. Any information that you can get bearing on a 
general meeting that preceded the sit-down strike epidemic through- 
out the country we will appreciate it if you will forward it to the 
committee. 

Sergeant Mikuliak. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. And we may ask you to come to Washington for 
additional testimony along this line, because the sit-down strike 
is a matter of national interest. But you can continue on and let 
us have some information on the school-teacher proposition. 

Sergeant Mikuliak. I would like to talk on the Friends of the 
Abraham Lincoln Brigade. 

The Chairman. Yes, sir. 

Sergeant Mikuliak. The active committee of the Friends of 
Abraham Lincoln Brigade, located at 1504 Broadway, is composed 
of Robert Taylor, executive secretary; Ellen Jones, chairman; P. T. 
Daniels, organizer; and Charlotte Muzar, as treasurer. 

Mr. Mosier. Sergeant, I do not want to interrupt you too much, 
but you mentioned the name of Allan James. 

Sergeant Mikuliak. It is Ellen Jones, sir, a woman, who is con- 
nected with the International Workers Order as well, which is the 
insurance arm of the Communist Party, the same as the Inter- 
national Labor Defense is the legal arm. Only members of the 
Communist Party and their sympathizers can become policyholders 
in the I. W. O. 



1292 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

I offer for the committee in the name of Robert Taylor, Com- 
munist Party membership book No. 84716, issued to him 1/24/38, 
and countersigned by William Z. Weinstone. Included in this mem- 
bership book are 1938 midyear control dues and International Sol- 
idarity 10-cent dues, the dues that are assessed against each member, 
as well as dues for June, which is the last date for 10-cent dues 
given. 

The Chairman. Let that go into the record as an exhibit. 

(The membership book above referred to was marked "Witness 
Mikuliak (Detroit) Exhibit No. 8" and filed with the committee, 
being membership book No. 84716 of Bob Taylor in the Commu- 
nist Party of the United States of America for 1938, same to 
be later withdrawn and a photostatic copy thereof substituted.) 

Sergeant Mikuliak. This man Taylor admitted membership in 
the Communist Party and in the Young Communist League, and I 
hold here membership book signed by Joe Clark as State secretary. 

I have here the membership book of Pat Daniels, who has traveled 
throughout the country under the name of Lt. Daniel Shugrue, of 
the Spanish Loyalist army, and collected funds. He joined the 
Communist Party 8/20/38, section 5 of the Day unit. William 
Weinstone, the district organizer, is the one that put the seal of the 
Communist Party on his name. 

The Chairman. This also will go into the record as an exhibit. 

(The membership book above referred to was marked "Witness 
Mikuliak (Detroit) Exhibit No. 9" and filed with the committee, 
same being membership book No. 74747 for 1938 of Pat Daniels 
in the Communist Party of the United States of America, to be 
later withdrawn and a photostatic copy thereof substituted.) 

The Chairman. I suggest, Mr. Reporter, that you copy the printed 
matter on these membership cards, and then later the cards can be 
returned to the Sergeant. 

(The identifying printed matter in the membership books referred 
to is as follows:) 

Mikuliak (Detroit) Exhibit No. 8 

COMMUNIST PARTY OF THE U. S A., 1938 

Membership Book No. 84716 

Name : Bob Taylor. 
State: Michigan. District: 7. 
County : Wayne. City : Detroit. 
Section : 5. Unit : 

This book was issued on 1-24-38. 

Initiation stamp : No. 36. 

(Signed) William Weinstone. [party seal] 
Signature of State or district organizer. 

No party membership book is valid unless it has the party seal stamped 
thereon, issued by the central committee, C. P., U. S. A. 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1293 

Mikuliak (Detroit) Exhibit No. 9 

COMMUNIST I'AKTY OF THE U. S. A. 

193S Membership Book No. 74747 

Name: Pat Daniels. 
State: Michigan. District: 7. 
County : Wayne. City : Detroit. 
Section: 5. Unit: Day. 
This book was issued on 8/20/38. 
Initiation stamp: No. . 

(Signed) William Weinstone. [party seal] 
Signature of State or district organizer. 

No party membership book is valid unless it has the party seal stamped 
thereon, issued by the central committee, C. P., U. S. A. 

Sergeant Mikuliak. Robert Taylor is also a member of the Inter- 
national Brigade in the Spanish section. I have here his membership 
book in this organization. 

The Chairman. This will also be offered as an exhibit. 

Sergeant, if we could keep these exhibits until the committee makes 
its report the latter part of December, if that would be all right, 
we will simply have them returned later. 

Sergeant Mikuliak. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. The members of the full committee will want to 
inspect all documentary proof in connection with the testimony that 
appears here, preparatory to the final report. 

(The membership book above referred to was marked "Witness 
Mikuliak (Detroit) Exhibit 9-A" and filed with the committee, 
being the membership book of Robert Taylor in the Interna- 
tional Brigade, No. 12213, to be withdrawn and a photostatic 
copy substituted.) 

Sergeant Mikuliak. We have also the membership book of Robert 
Taylor in some Spanish Communist organization, but I cannot read 
it, because I cannot quite understand Spanish, but it is "international 
something." 

The Chairman. That will be received in evidence as an exhibit. 

(The membership book above referred to was marked "Witness 
Mikuliak (Detroit) Exhibit No. 10" and filed with the committee, 
being the membership book of Robert Taylor, No. 31064, in a 
Spanish Communist organization, same to be withdrawn and a 
photostatic copy substituted.) 

Sergeant Mikuliak. The Friends for the Protection of Civil 
Rights, mentioned by my partner previously, has taken a very active 
part in the city of Detroit against all activities pertaining to law and 
order, and claim a membership of 497,000 residents in the State of 
Michigan, and among the affiliates with this organization are the 
American Civil Liberties Union, Young Democratic clubs, the Social- 
ist Party, the Communist Party, the State Farmer-Labor Party, the 
Proletarian Party, the Workers Party, Methodist churches, Baptist 
churches, Evangelical churches, student and teachers' groups, lan- 
guage societies, cultural societies, youth organizations, benefit and 
fraternal organizations, unemployed and relief workers' organiza- 
tions, and yet, at their monthly meetings, 30 or 35 people meet there, 
and they are using local 157, meeting at United Automobile Workers, 



1294 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

51 Sproat Street, in the city of Detroit, for their meetings, which are 
held the last of each month. 

We have a lot of literature here, and their meetings sponsoring 
these various speakers are for the purpose of raising funds. I did 
not ask them the question of where these funds go. They say they 
send out so much money. Their membership never goes over there 
and asks how it went either, or who gets this money, whether the 
children that this money was supposed to be collected for ever did 
get it. However, they took a very active part against the Ford Motor 
Car Co. They have gone so far as to print leaflets such as these, "For 
civil rights, not Fordism." 

The Chairman. That will be received as an exhibit. 

(The leaflet above referred to was marked "Witness Mikuliak 
(Detroit) Exhibit No. 11" and filed with the committee, being 
a leaflet bearing the legend, "This Ford is for unionism, not 
Fordism.) 

Might I read a letter issued by the Civil Rights Federation, for- 
merly Conference for Protection of Civil Rights, under date of 
August 27, 1938, addressed to "All organizations, to all individuals": 

Martin Dies and his reactionary investigating committee are in Detroit. From 
their past record it is clear that they have no intention of exposing subversive 
elements, as Congress instructed. On the contrary, they are out to discredit 
organized labor and progressive political candidates. 

This goes on and on, and further on here it says here as part of 
this communication : 

"What are the rights of a picket? Read A Catechism for Pickets, the lead 
article in the September issue of Civil Rights News. It defines the rights 
of the picket and shows how the police frequently break the law. Order at 
once enough copies to cover your membership at $1.50 per 100, or $12 per 
1,000. Vote to place a standing order for each monthly issue. 

In order to raise funds for the continuance of the Civil Rights Federation, 
a party will be held Wednesday evening, August 31, at the home of Dr. Walter 
Bergman, 74 Connecticut, Highland Park. 

Dr. Bergman is a teacher in the city of Detroit. He is a professor 
at Wayne University. 

The Chairman. What they say does not disturb us, because the 
Communist papers have been crying that Ave are pro-Fascist and 
pro-Nazi, whereas the official publications of the German-American 
Bund and the Fascists have been denouncing us as pro-Communist. 

Sergeant Mikuliak. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. In addition to that, any of these organizations 
that are charged under sworn testimony as being organizations of 
the Communist Party can come before this committee and swear that 
they are not. They have been extended invitation after invitation, 
but for some reason they have not seen fit to appear before this com- 
mittee and deny under oath the charges that have been made under 
oath by many witnesses, some of whom helped to organize these front 
organizations. 

Sergeant Mikuliak. I merely offer this information on the Civil 
Rights Federation, this leaflet, to show you just what kind of an 
organization this is. Why, in 1936, in May, this organization tried 
to oust our commissioner of police, and the common council threw 
out their petition as ridiculous. It was based on a lot of lies and 
untruths. 



UN-AMERICAS PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1295 

Prof. Walter Bergman is in the research department as assistant 
director of the research department of Wayne University. 

Mr. Mosier. Wayne University is a university maintained by the 
city of Detroit? 

Sergeant Mikuliak. Yes, sir. Dr. Walter Bergman has been active 
in various organizations and spoke before them on various occasions. 
We recall distinctly being present at a meeting on Saturday, May 27, 
1933, which is some time ago. We remember it because of the man 
that was talking. There was a member of the Proletarian Party 
that introduced Mr. Bergman at an open-air meeting, held in Grand 
Circus Park, a demonstration held in protest against the Hitler move- 
ment and against the Fascist movement. 

The Chairman. Did you hear anything against the Communists 
movement or communistic government? 

Sergeant Mikuliak. No; at no time. 

The Chairman. At any of these mass-meeting declarations has 
there ever been any declaration against Soviet Russia or communism ? 

Sergeant Mikuliak. There never has been at any of these meetings. 

The Chairman. Do you know of any mass meetings at which. 
Communists have not participated, taken an active part, the ones 
that you have seen yourself? 

Sergeant Mikuliak. I have seen Communists there at these meet- 
ings. 

The Chairman. You have seen Communists at these demonstra- 
tions? 

Sergeant Mikuliak. Yes, sir. Before Professor Bergman started 
to speak, someone got up and said, "Mr. Bergman desires to have 
the International sung before the meeting starts." 

The Chairman. That is the official song of Soviet Russia? 

Sergeant Mikuliak. Yes, sir ; we have a copy of it here. He went 
on and talked quite a bit about the American way of conducting 
C. C. C. camps, and so forth. 

The Chairman. That is not material, what he talked about. 

Mr. Mosier. What about the C C. C. camps? 

Sergeant Mikuliak. He said that this country is fast becoming a 
Fascist type of government the same as in Italy. 

Mr. Mosier. He is against the C. C. C. camps ? 

Sergeant Mikuliak. Very much so, on the statements of this one 
meeting. He was at the Third Conference Against War and 
Fascism. 

The Chairman. That is the League for Peace and Democracy 
now \ 

Sergeant Mikuliak. Yes, sir; which is Communist controlled. 

The Chairman. How do you know that fact? 

Sergeant Mikuliak. Because a demonstration was held in the 
city of Detroit on the 29th of September, led by Mr. McKie, and 
also by Communist Joe Kriscalsky, who has a long record as a 
Communist agitator here. 

The Chairman. They held meetings? 

Sergeant Mikuliak. They conducted this meeting or demonstra- 
tion. They were carrying placards on Woodward Avenue and in- 
terfering with traffic; they led this delegation down toward Wood- 
ward and Fourth. Phil Ra.vmond. whose wife's name is Vera Katz 



1296 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Raymond, is also a school teacher in Detroit in the McMichael 
School. Phil Raymond has been one of the most active agitators 
in Detroit. Ever since I have been in the police department I can 
recall the name of Phil Raymond for some strike activities in which 
he was involved. 

Mr. Mosier. You say his wife is a public school teacher? 
Sergeant Mikuliak. Yes; his wife is a public school teacher at 
the McMichael School in Detroit, and we have seen her at several 
of these meetings, and she drives him to these meetings in the car, 
and he is always up there on the platform, and his job is to get the 
money. I have seen him go so far as to take most of his clothes off 
asking them for donations and supplies for Spain. Mr. Mazerik is 
associated with Reverend Bolens, and he took all of his clothes off 
practically except his pants. Avrahm Mazerifl is the husband of 
Marie Hempel, who was treasurer of this organization, and now 
Rev. Owen Knox is treasurer of the organization. Marie 
Hempel, after the hunger march of 1932, started to collect funds 
here for a monument for those that were killed, but no monument 
was ever built, and no accounting was ever made for the money. 
We can introduce evidence to show that they are both members of 
the Communist Party, by a man who was with them for years and 
served in their employ. 

Dr. Lendrum, who was mentioned here previously, was arrested at 
the Yale-Towne & Lock Co. for strike activity on April 14, 1937, and 
when questioned by us admitted membership in the Friends of the 
Spanish Democracy, being active in this organization, and also a 
member of the U. A. W. U., local 174. We questioned him about this 
membership, and he said, "Well, I am sympathetic to them and, as 
such, I have a right to join." He was acting as an observer at the 
strike of the Yale-Towne & Lock Co., which has since moved out of 
the city of Detroit because of labor trouble. 

Roy McQuarrie, 4126 Lincoln Avenue. Roy McQuarrie, Jr., at- 
tended Wayne University and led peace demonstrations there, and 
later on he went to Spain and was killed in action. He was a non- 
commissioned officer and was placed in command of the Tom Mooney 
Battalion of the International Brigade. He was a member of the 
Wayne University Communist League and so stated in the Young 
Communist League yearly publication, which stressed the fact of 
him being active in the Young Communist League at Wayne Uni- 
versity. 

Sol Green, previously mentioned in this hearing, is secretary of the 
League to Aid Spanish Democracy. He is active in soliciting money 
and sponsors meetings for collection of clothing and money. Man- 
ning S. Green is attorney and adviser for the Friends of the Abraham 
Lincoln Brigade, and many times has gone to the Communist camp 
at Camp Liberty. 

Milton N. Kemnitz is secretary of the Committee to Aid Spanish 
Democracy, located at 912 Charlevoix Building, the same location 
where the League to Aid the Spanish Democracy is located. 

Patrick H. O'Brien, former attorney general for the State of Mich- 
igan, attended a meeting held at 775 West Fourth Street, and spoke 
there. And he proceeded to talk about Spain at this meeting, and 
wanted everyone who could to get ready to go to Spain to fight for 
Spanish democracy. 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1297 

Mary Zuk, formerly councihvoman in Hamtramck, is very active 
and, although she was not elected in the last election in Hanitranick, 
she took an active part. In a meeting of the Committee to Aid Span- 
ish Democracy at Carpenters Hall, June 4, 1937, at 8:30 p. m., she 
howled loud and long because a German warship had shelled a city 
in Spain that was occupied by Loyalists. She demanded an embargo 
against Germany and Italy and that no munitions of any kind be 
sold to Fascist nations. She talked about Mussolini and Hitler and 
the butchers of General Franco. She said : 

We must help our brothers in Spain. We are opposed to war. Any of you 
women here who have brothers or husbands laying around the house doing 
nothing, just send them to Spain to fight for the people's front." 

A collection of $154.58 was taken up w T hen she ffot through A" 
have a location in Detroit at 3690 East Canfield, and in the back of 
this place they keep all of the clothing and canned stuff that they can 
chisel in the city of Detroit for the support of Spanish democracy. 

The Chairman. What can you give us on the teachers ? 

Sergeant Mikuliak. I have told you, I guess, about Professor 
Bergman. 

Mr. Mosier. Sergeant, you mentioned Phil Raymond's wife a while 
ago. 

Sergeant Mikuliak. Yes, sir; Phil Raymond's wife. 

Mr. Mosier. In the back of my head I have a sort of a recollection 
that she has a sister. 

Sergeant Mikuliak. I do not know whether she has or has not. 
She is a school teacher, and Phil Raymond himself was examined 
by Dr. Shafarman, and the city paid for his TB test. He lives on 
Rochester Avenue in an apartment. We have records here, if the 
committee please, on some of the teachers who have been active in 
attending meetings where Communists spoke. The first one is Vera 
Katz, the wife of Phil Raymond, an active Communist agitator, 
about whom we have a record practically a mile long on activity in 
strikes here. 

Also Jane Mayer, formerly the wife of Maurice Sugar. She never 
used the name of Sugar on the rolls of the board of education and, 
according to the records there, her maiden name was kept on all of 
the time she was the wife of Mr. Sugar. She is the assistant super- 
visor of health education at the Roosevelt School and she took a 
very active part in the candidacy of Mr. Sugar for judge, and at- 
tended the meeting at the Arena Gardens, where Sugar spoke. She 
was at the Third Annual Congress Against War and Fascism held 
in Cleveland, Ohio, January 3, 4, and 5, 1936, and occupied room 
514 with Gertrude and Emma Mayer in the Hollenden Hotel. Ger- 
trude and Emma Mayer, her sisters, are also school teachers in the 
city of Detroit. She was at the meeting at the Deutsches Haus on 
February 16, 1936, where Ann Lewis Strong, a Communist, spoke 
under the auspices of the F. S. U., Friends of the Soviet Russia 
Union. She also attended a jointly sponsored May Day celebration 
held by the Communist and by the Socialist Parties, May 1, 1936, 
at the Deutsches Haus, and on October 12, 1936,' the Farmer-Labor 
Party sent out letters to every friend of the Farmer-Labor Party, 
calling a special meeting on Wednesday, October 14, 1936, at 9 p. m., 

94931— 38— vol. 2 21 



1298 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

at 4762 Grand Boulevard, where Jane Mayer lives, and this meeting 
was going to be held in her apartment, and was held. 

She attended a Communist Party election rally at the Olympia on 
October 27, 1936, where Weinstone, Ford, Foster, and Browder were 
the main speakers, at the C. P. election program for 1936 elections. 
She was at the Briggs picket line in January 1937, taking an active 
part there with her two sisters in the line, and she attended the 
Lenin memorial meeting at the Wilson Theater, held January 23, 

1937. She also attended the International Labor Defense sponsor 
meeting on March 12, 1937, at the Danish Brotherhood Hall, where 
Lawrence Simpson, who was arrested in Germany for bringing in 
Communist propaganda — he was on the S. S. President Roosevelt — 
spoke at this meeting and was the main speaker. 

She also attended on January 18, 1938, the Lenin memorial service 
held in Arena Gardens, and was there with Gertrude Mayer, her 
sister. Away back in 1927 our records show that she was elected 
temporary president of the Daily Workers' Builders Club, November 
5, 1927. 

Mr. Mosier. The Daily Worker is the official paper of the Com- 
munist Party? 

Sergeant Mikuliak. The Daily Worker is the official organ of the 
Communist Party ; yes, sir. 

Emma Mayer is a school teacher at the Central High School; a 
sister of Jane Mayer. She was also at Cleveland, January 3, 4, and 
5, with her sisters Gertrude and Jane, and occupied that same suite, 
room 514, at the Hollenden. We saw them in the lobby of this hotel 
on January 5, 1936, when they left for Detroit. 

Gertrude Mayer, another sister, is a school teacher, and teaches 
at the Cleveland Intermediate School. Back several years ago we 
had a committee workers' union, which is an affiliate of the Com- 
munist Party, so we arrested Kowalski and deported him, a Com- 
munist. That was about the last time we had any deportations of 
established Communists. We have since arrested him, but nothing 
was done. 

The Chairman. Who was arrested and nothing was done? 

Sergeant Mikuliak. A man named Joseph Kowalski. 

The Chairman. Before you get into that, finish this school-teacher 
proposition. 

Sergeant Mikuliak. Gertrude Mayer with her two sisters also 
attended the Lenin memorial meeting, January 23, 1933, at the Wil- 
son Theater. She was there when Lawrence Simpson spoke at the 
Danish Brotherhood Hall on March 12, 1937, and, on January 18, 

1938, she attended the Lenin memorial meeting held here in Detroit 
at Arena Gardens. 

William Mollenhouers wife's name is Jessie Sirota, and she teaches 
under this name at the Longfellow School. He has been one of the 
most active Communist agitators here for several years back that 
we know of, and he was campaign manager for the Communist Party 
in 1934. His wife used to run around quite a bit with William 
Weinstone. She participated in the "Sugar for judge" parade, and 
went so far as to drive her own car in this parade. 

Eleanor Laffrey, on May 1, 1935, was at the Deutsches Haus when 
a Mid-day meeting was held under the auspices of the Communist 
Party. 



UN-AM KKIC AN PKOPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1299 

Mr. Mosier. Is she a school teacher? 

Serjeant Mikuliak. Yes, sir; she is a school teacher. 

Mr. Mosier. Where ( 

Sergeant Mikuliak. She is a school teacher at the Guyton School. 
She teaches science. She appeared at the Liberty Ball on Septem- 
ber 25. 1936, where the Michigan Youth Congress had this demonstra- 
tion for the widows and orphans, who did not receive a cent col- 
lected. She was at Camp Liberty July 5, 1936, when the Communist 
Party held a 2-day meeting there which was presided over by Earl 
Reno, who is now district organizer of the State of Michigan for 
the Communist Party. 

Herbert S. Eiges, a social science instructor and alumni counselor 
at the McKenzie High School, was seen at a meeting here on 
August 6, 1938, at Times Square, which was sponsored by the Ameri- 
can League for Peace and Democracy, held to lift the embargo on 
Loyalist Spain. 

He has been at meetings under the auspices of the Conference for 
the Protection of Civil Rights, away back in 1936. We received 
several complaints from various citizens here, who want to remain 
anonymous, that Emil Giles 

The Chairman. Now, just a minute, Sergeant Mikuliak: That is 
based on complaint ? 

Sergeant Mikuliak. Yes; that is just exactly what it was. 

The Chairman. Do not read anything except that which the in- 
vestigation itself showed to be a fact. 

Sergeant Mikuliak. Huldah Fine — she is secretary of the Detroit 
Local 231, of the Federation of Teachers, and is a director of the 
League for Industrial Democracy. 

The Chairman. What is that league? 

Sergeant Mikuliak. That is an organization of "pinks" who have 
a lot of different ideas. 

The Chairman. Do Communists belong to it? 

Sergeant Mikuliak. Quite a few. They belong to most every- 
thing they can join. The object is to get into every organization. 

The Chairman. Are the officers Communists? 

Sergeant Mikuliak. I don't know, offhand ; I have got to get those 
records, and we just brought the records over here pertaining to the 
Spanish situation and the school teachers. 

The Chairman. Are there any more records of school teachers 
available ( 

Sergeant Mikuliak. I don't believe so, at the present time, with 
the exception of a man who might introduce testimony here which 
could be verified by him, as he spent years closely associated with 
people who are organizing some of those teachers. He is to be a 
witness before this committee today. 

The Chairman. Sergeant Mikuliak, is there anything else you can 
add now \ You have discussed the Friends of Abraham Lincoln and 
the Spanish volunteers, and the information you have on teachers in 
the schools. 

Sergeant Mikuliak. No. I believe my partner introduced testi- 
mony here to show that people who had gone to Spain want to come 
back here, and some were killed over there. I believe he also intro- 
duced the International Workers' letterhead here, which states J. 
Schiffer, district secretary of the International Workers' Order, dis- 



1300 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

trict office, 601 Hofmann Building; Gertrude Giles, youth and chil- 
dren organizer. It might interest this committee to know that Ger- 
trude Giles' husband was killed in Spain. The letter reads : 

To whom it may concern: 

The bearer of this credential, Robert Taylor, is authorized to attend all 
meetings of the I. W. A. branches, and solicit funds in the name of the Friends 
of the Abraham Lincoln Brigade. 

All courtesies and cooperation must be extended to him to make his mission 
a success. 

Fraternally yours, 

J. Schiffer, Secretary. 

Then there is the seal of the I. W. O. attached on it. 
(The letter above read was marked "Mikuliak (Detroit) Exhibit 
No. 12" and filed with the committee.) 

Sergeant Mikuliak. Another letterhead here is Friends of the 
Abraham Lincoln Brigade, signed by Robert Taylor, secretary, and 
C. G. Muzar, treasurer, under date of May 3, 1938 : 

May 3, 1938. 
To whom it may concern: 

This will introduce Patrick J. Daniels, State organizer of the Friends of the 
Abraham Lincoln Brigade. 

Any courtesy that may be extended to him will be appreciated by this office. 
He has full authority to act in the name of this organization. 
Sincerely yours, 

Friends of the Abraham Lincoln Brigade, 
Robert Taylor, Secretary. 
C. G. Muzar, Treasurer. 

The Chairman. That will go into the record as an exhibit. 
(The letter above read was marked "Mikuliak (Detroit) Exhibit 
No. 13" and filed with the committee.) 

Sergeant Mikuliak. We have here another letter, which is signed 
by Robert Taylor. Under date of June 9, 1938, Robert Taylor wrote 
a letter to Paul Burns, who is associate editor of the Midwest Record. 
He was also in Spain and was Avounded there. He told us that him- 
self. This letter reads : 

June 9, 1938. 

Dear Paul: Received your letter and was happy as hell to find you so close. 
There is no excuse now for our not getting together one of these fine days and 
killing a bottle or two of something or other. 

If I get the chance I'll hightail it lor Chi and I bet it will be damn soon. In 
fact the sooner the better. 

There are only a few vets in Detroit and you know most of them. Danny 
Shugrue is here working with me. He is using the name of Pat Daniels. Walter 
Kolowski was here until a few weeks ago but he has returned to Spain. Peter 
Shimrak is here also. He was the guy that transferred from the Lincoln to 
the Dimitroff Battalion without getting permission. 

Outside of these we only have one other vet and he is a big Finnish fellow 
called Sundsten from the Washington Battalion. The boys are finding the 
going pretty tough as far as jobs are concerned but we are helping them out 
a bit. 

Grace is feeling pretty good and sends her regards and Shugrue does the 
same. 

Give my regards to Gilpin and his wife. 

Salud amigo ! 

Robert Taylor. 

Grace Taylor is associated with the professional workers of the 
U. A. W., in the Hofmann Building, and is a sister of Robert Taylor, 
organizer of the Friends of the Abraham Lincoln Brigade. 

(The letter above read was marked "Mikuliak (Detroit) Exhibit 
14" and filed with the committee.) 



UN-AMEUICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1301 

The Chairman. Have you anything else there? 

Sergeant Mikuliak. Just one more statement. This school-board 
assignment for us is not all the work we do in the police department. 
There are two of us on it, but we work on others, as well. We work 
on gyping complaints, job rackets, and so forth. This is just an- 
other assignment that has been given us. 

However, I would like to say that at various times various locals, 
U. W. A. men, have come in our office and asked our cooperation 
in getting rid of Communists in their locals. Now we have a list 
of the names of those persons in our office, and we give them that 
information. 

The Chairman. Now, Sergeant, right there: Of course, in the pros- 
ecution of your assignment, you became very familiar with sit-down 
strikes, and those who participated in sit-down strikes in the Com- 
munist activities, in connection with the city of Detroit? All those 
things you became familiar with, did you not ? 

Sergeant Mikuliak. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. We would prefer to have you hold that testimony 
until we resume our hearings in Washington ; because our plan is to 
present the entire picture of sit-down strikes from various sections 
of the country. And if we could have the benefit of your testimony 
at Washington, in that regard, we will just not pursue that any 
further now. 

Sergeant Mikuliak. All right, sir. I just want to make a nota- 
tion of that before this committee at the present time, to show there 
was nothing antiunion so far as the police department is con- 
cerned; because we have helped many locals in getting rid of Com- 
munists in their respective locals, and we can bring those people who 
now hold office in this U. W. A., to verify the information we gave. 
We know the Communists, and we are even riding the Communists 
out of the factories because of Communist activities. 

The Chairman. You told us something about having difficulty in 
getting rid of aliens who had been arrested — Communists? 

Sergeant Mikuliak. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. Give us the names of some of those ? 

Sergeant Mikuliak. I gave Mr. Howe copies of the names of per- 
sons we have arrested at various times. 

The Chairman. It is now 12:05 and I think we will suspend. 
Sergeant, will you be back at 1 o'clock, please? 

Sergeant Mikuliak. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. Mr. McGillis, I believe you had something? 

FURTHER TESTIMONY OF JOHN D. McGILLIS 

Mr. McGillis. It will only take a minute, Congressman. Do you 
want to swear me on it? 

The Chairman. No; you have already been sworn. 

Mr. McGillis. I just wanted to make this statement: It was in- 
troduced into the record by Sergeant Maciosek this morning that 
Father Louis Serrozala took' part at a meeting at the Cass Technical 
High School. Now your committee is leaving Detroit, apparently, 
and you have been doing this work in various parts of the country, 
and you have come here to help us bring out this information. I 
think you are showing the Detroiters here that not only are these 



1302 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

people engaged in un-American activities here, but they are a band 
of racketeers making suckers out of the people of the city of Detroit, 
and apparently are doing the same thing in other parts of the 
country. They lie and cheat. And I would not want it to go in the 
record that a priest spoke at the Cass Technical High School. That 
man is an apostate monk and his name is Mendoza. I would like 
the record to carry that information. 

(Thereupon, at 12 : 15 p. m., the committee took a recess until 1 : 15 
p.m.) 

AFTER RECESS 

The hearing was resumed at 1 : 30 p. m., pursuant to the taking of 
recess. 

The Chairman. The committee will come to order. 

Sergeant, will you resume your testimony? You were going to 
tell us about some deportations. 

FURTHER TESTIMONY OF HARRY MIKULIAK, SERGEANT, 
DETROIT POLICE DEPARTMENT 

Sergeant Mikuliak. Deportation ; yes, sir. An alien named 
Joseph Kowalski, who is well known here for his Communist Party 
activities, was deported, but he came back and served time, and he 
is here in Detroit now, active in the Communist Party, associated 
with a Polish daily newspaper called Glos Ludowy, which is a 
Communist publication printed in the Polish language. He has 
been arrested since then several times here in various demonstrations, 
and held by the immigration authorities and then released. We 
saw his file, incidentally, at the Immigration Department, one of 
the largest there. He is still here, and he was on welfare at one 
time, supported by the city. 

Mr. Mosier. Sergeant, in that case when did he come into the 
country ? 

Sergeant Mikuliak. The records are at the Immigration Depart- 
ment as to his entry into the country. 

Mr. Mosier. Well, roughly, or when was he deported? 

Sergeant Mikuliak. He was not deported from Detroit. He 
was deported from another city. We have a man here who can 
testify about his arrest and deportation. 

Mr. Mosier. You have another man here to cover that? 

Sergeant Mikuliak. Yes, sir; we have another man here to cover 
that, who will cover that in detail. I am just bringing out a few 
names of those who are known agitators and Communists and are 
still here. 

Hilda Cohen. Hilda Cohen was arrested at the Burroughs Add- 
ing Machine Co., on May 28, 1934, for passing out Communist leaf- 
lets. She is a very active Communist, and on April 16, 1936, she 
appeared before the United States Board at the Tunnel, when she 
attempted to reenter the United States in order to become a citizen. 
She was detained, and both my partner and myself testified as to 
her Communist record at this particular hearing. She was repre- 
sented by Isaac Smullen, who represents all Communists on various 
charges, and she is here in Detroit today. 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1303 

Henry Kotenko was arrested on August 31, 1934, for passing out 
Communist circulars. He is admitted to be a member of the Com- 
munist Party, and he is the president of the Cooperative Restau- 
rants located over the city of Detroit, Haintramck, and he had Com- 
munist literature in his possession calling for a conference Septem- 
ber 15, 1934. He is not a citizen, but immigration authorities state 
he cannot be deported. 

George Zycon, alias Nicholoff, alias Pironsky, was arrested Janu- 
ary 8, 1937, by the Immigration Department on a warrant. He is 
a, Balkan, born August 15, 1901, and uses the name of Pironsky. 
An article appeared on his arrest in the Daily Worker on July 11, 
1937, and he was released on bond of $1,000, a home owner's loan 
bond. He is active here in Communist Party activities, and also in 
publication. 

Michael Zackler — which is not his correct name 

Mr. Mosier. What is it, Michael Zackler ? 

Sergeant Mikuliak. Z-a-c-k-1-e-r, or Z-o-u-k-e-r-e-s-k-w-i, of Ham- 
tramck, has been transferred from the Hamtramck unit to the East 
Detroit unit. He was arrested in June of 1933 for violation of the 
immigration law. He was a member of the M. E. S. A. This man 
was active in the united labor efforts and took an active part in the 
meeting in the Deutsches Haus, in October 1935, and was a candidate 
for State senator in the 1933 elections, although not a citizen. 

We made arrangements for Mr. Howe to talk to Mr. Harry Yeager, 
who is assigned to police headquarters by the Government to check 
into all immigration cases on men arrested for deportation. I guess 
Mr. Howe will testify. Mr. Yeager told him in our presence that he 
had no deportations for years; although we had arrested many men, 
we cannot deport them, and we do not try any more. 

The Chairman. Do you know of any case of deportation that has 
occurred in the past 4 or 5 years, actual deportation after they were 
arrested ? 

Sergeant Mikuliak. Oh, yes. 

The Chairman. Actual deportation after they were arrested in the 
past 5 years? 

Sergeant Mikuliak. No; I do not know of any actual deportations 
in the last 4 or 5 years. 

The Chairman. Sergeant, we thank you very much, and we shall 
expect you to continue your testimony at the next hearing dealing 
with this subject, which will probably be in the city of Washington. 

The next witness is Mrs. Smith. I believe that you requested an 
opportunity to briefly tell this committee about your experience in 
reference to the recruiting of volunteers for the Spanish cause. Will 
you please come around to the witness stand and raise your right 
hand. 

TESTIMONY OF EL0ISE SMITH 

(The witness was duly sworn by the chairman.) 
The Chairman. What is your full name? 
Mrs. Smith. Eloise Smith. 
The Chairman. Eloise Smith? 
Mrs. Smith. Yes. 

The Chairman. You will have to speak distinctly and loud. Mrs. 
Smith ; suppose that you tell us in your own language just what your 



1304 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

experience has been with reference to this Spanish Loyalist recruiting. 

Mrs. Smith. Well, my son was a graduate of Southeastern High 
School. 

The Chairman. Your son was a graduate of Southeastern High 
School? 

Mrs. Smith. Yes; of Southeastern High School. 

Mr. Mosier. A little louder, Mrs. Smith, if you can. 

Mrs. Smith. In June 1934, and during his years in high school he 
had met some other boys and associated with them and they became 
interested in the John Keed Clubs in Detroit, and they used to attend 
meetings there. They were instigated by some Greek man. I do not 
know his name. He used to round up these young people and take 
them over there, and Gordon was interested in doing literary work. 
He had been editor in chief of the school paper the last year in high 
school. He was very much interested in anything regarding litera- 
ture, and followed everything up that he could, and he got to reading 
everything that was written regarding this John Keed Club and the 
members that were connected with it. This one particular lad, John 
Brinnan, interested Gordon, and John, I think, was one of the co- 
signors when Gordon was influenced to join the army in Spain. 

The Chairman. Your son joined the American forces that went to 
Spain to fight in behalf of the Spanish Loyalist cause ? 

Mrs. Smith. Yes ; the Bureau for Spanish Democracy are, I believe, 
the ones that sent him, as far as I know, but when he told us he was 
going in March 1937 — he would have been 20 in the following July — 
when he told us he was going, of course, we objected. His father 
objected strenuously and told him he had forbidden him to go, and 
Gordon promised us he would not go outside of New York City when 
he left, but he went to New York, and his passport had been issued 
for 3 years, a passport paid for himself, and we wrote to Mrs. Madge 
Blessing, in Washington, and asked her if she could help us, after we 
had exhausted our resources. 

The Chairman. Let us see if we can understand you a little better. 
Your son went to New York ? 

Mrs. Smith. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Mosier. Did your son tell you and his father he was going 
to Spain? 

Mrs. Smith. Yes, he did. 

Mr. Mosier. Did you have any intimation of it before that? 

Mrs. Smith. No, we did not. 

Mr. Mosier. I understand, from your testimony, that both you and 
his father objected? 

Mrs. Smith. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Mosier. Did he say how he was going to get there ? 

Mrs. Smith. Yes, he said he had made connections through the 
Leftists. 

Mr. M osier. Through the Leftists ? 

Mrs. Smith. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Mosier. Did you give him any money to get there? 

Mrs. Smith. No, we did not. He had been working and paid for 
his own passport, and outside of that I do not know his financial 
resources. 

Mr. Mosier. Did he go from Detroit to New York? 

Mrs. Smith. Yes, sir. 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1305 

Mr. Mosier. Did he go by train, if you know, or how did he go? 

Mrs. Smith. No, I could not say that either. He left Monday, 
March 15, 1937, and we have not heard a word from him since. 

The Chairman. You do not know where he is ? 

Mrs. Smith. No, we do not. 

The Chairman. Do you know about this Friends of the Abraham 
Lincoln Brigade ? 

Mrs. Smith. Yes, we have been to their office on Broadway and 
talked to them. 

The Chairman. Before your son left, did members of that organi- 
zation come to your home? 

Mrs. Smith. No, I believe not, but he did contact them somehow. 
This Phil Raymond Mas the gentleman he spoke about at the time. 

The Chairman. Now, after your boy disappeared, did you take 
the matter up with the State Department? 

Mrs. Smith. Not directly, no, because we tried to see what we 
could do ourselves, first. 

The Chairman. What did you first do? 

Mrs. Smith. Well, we went to all of the boys that we knew he 
had associated with and asked them for any information they might 
have, and there were all sorts of rumors about his having gone over 
to Spain, and he had confided in some of the boys that he was going 
over, and this John Brinnan he said had been a cosigner with him, 
and the boys had just been all sworn to secrecy, that they would 
not tell about it, so they did not tell us very much. 

The Chairman. Now, you could not find anything through any 
source here in Detroit, so you then applied to the State Department, 
is that right? 

Mrs. Smith. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. You wrote a letter to them, explaining the cir- 
cumstances to the State Department? 

Mrs. Smith. Yes, sir 

The Chairman. And you received a letter back from the State 
Department ? 

Mrs. Smith. Yes, sir; that is, my husband wrote a letter. 

The Chairman. Your husband wrote a letter? 

Mrs. Smith. Yes. 

The Chairman. This is the letter that has been handed to me, dated 
September 2, 1938 : 

My Dear Mr. Smith : Receipt is acknowledged of your letter of August 25, 
1938, addressed to Mrs. Blessing of this Department, concerning your desire 
to obtain information regarding the whereabouts of your son, Mr. Gordon 
B. Smith. 

Now, this is the letter, is it not ? 

Mrs. Smith. Yes, or a copy of it. 

The Chairman. In this letter is the following statement: 

It is possible that your son may have proceeded abroad to enlist in the 
Spanish military service as a number of American young men have done. 
It is suggested that you may desire to communicate with the Friends of the 
Abraham Lincoln Brigade, 125 West Forty-fifth Street, advising them of 
your son's departure from home and inquiring whether any information is 
available regarding his present whereabouts. Should it be found that he 
has gone to Spain, upon the receipt of such information this department will 
make inquiries of the appropriate American consular officer with a view of 
ascertaining his present whereabouts and welfare. 



1306 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Now, acting upon that advice or suggestion, did you go to the 
Friends of the Abraham Lincoln Brigade headquarters as mentioned 
in this letter ? 

Mrs. Smith. In Detroit, yes. 

The Chairman. You went to the headquarters in Detroit? 

Mrs. Smith. Yes. 

The Chairman. Whom did you see there? 

Mrs. Smith. Mr. Robert Taylor, my husband did. 

The Chairman. Your husband did ? 

Mrs. Smith. Yes. 

The Chairman. Did he get any information with respect to your 
son ? 

Mrs. Smith. Well, Robert Taylor told him that he could not 
trace him, that he had no record of him, but my husband contacted 
this Mr. Phil Raymond, not at the office, but at a hall, a celebration 
of some sort, where a captain of some sort had come back from 
Spain, they were holding a celebration, and Mr. Smith went out 
there to talk to Phil Raymond, and he practically told him he had 
gone over, but he would not give him any other information. 

The Chairman. Well, now, did your son ever join the Young" 
Communists' League ? 

Mrs. Smith. I could not say. 

The Chairman. Was he converted to communism before he left? 

Mrs. Smith. Well, not openly. 

The Chairman. Did he make statements to you that indicated 
sympathy with the Communists? 

Mrs. Smith. No, he never did, but he simply said he was inter- 
ested in what this Mr. Raymond had talked with him about. 

The Chairman. Do you know whether or not he was supplied 
with any money before he left ? 

Mrs. Smith. No, I couldn't tell you that. 

The Chairman. You know that neither you nor your husband 
gave him any money? 

Mrs. Smith. No, we did not. 

The Chairman. Did he ask you for any money? 

Mrs. Smith. No, he had been working, and he had purchased his 
own passport. 

The Chairman. His own passport? 

Mrs. Smith. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. Did he get one under his own name? 

Mrs. Smith. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Mosier. His right name ? 

Mrs. Smith. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. What is your husband's name? 

Mrs. Smith. Gordon Henry Smith. 

The Chairman. Gordon Henry Smith? 

Mrs. Smith. Yes. sir. 

The Chairman. What is his address? 

Mrs. Smith. 13039 East Vernon Highway. 

The Chairman. So that, in spite of all of the inquiries that you 
have made and your husband has made, you have been unable to 
locate your son, or find out where he is, whether he is alive or dead, 
is that right ? 

Mrs. Smith. That is it. 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1307 

The Chairman. That is all, Mrs. Smith. 

Mr. Howe. "Would the committee hear a very brief statement by 
Sergeant Mikuliak? 
The Chairman. Yes. 

FURTHER TESTIMONY OF HARRY MIKULIAK, SERGEANT, DETROIT 

POLICE DEPARTMENT 

Sergeant Mikuliak. Hearing Mrs. Smith testify, the records show 
Gordon Smith, 13039 East Vernon Highway, was examined for TB 
by Dr. Shafarman on February 23, 1937, under public health 
Toucher No. 5731, and the city paid for his test. 

The Chairman. There is a statement purporting to come from the 
doctor in which he denies he received any of these funds; he said 
he was not paid for that work. Do you have any idea who got it 
if he did not get it ? 

Sergeant Mikuliak. We have the Comptroller's records, if the 
committee desires them, showing that he received each one of these. 

The Chairman. If he did not get it, who could have gotten it? 

Sergeant Mikuliak. Nobody but himself. 

I forgot to add, also, that Dr. Shafarman's wife is a teacher in 
the Northeastern High School. Her first name is Blanche, and she 
was active in the old John Reed Club years ago. 

The Chairman. Just a minute, Sergeant. 

Sergeant Mikuliak. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. Now, the record shows that these volunteers who 
went to Spain were all examined by Dr. Shafarman? 

Sergeant Mikuliak. So far. 

The Chairman. Do you know of any other doctor who examined 
any of them? 

Sergeant Mikuliak. Yes, sir, I do ; Dr. M. J. Bicknell. 

The Chairman. Is he a general practitioner? 

Sergeant Mikuliak.. Yes, sir; he is. 

The Chairman. Now, Dr. Shafarman is also a member of this 
Committee to Aid the Spanish Cause? 

Sergeant Mikuliak. He is the treasurer of the committee, of the 
Medical Committee to Aid Spanish Democracy. 

The Chairman. You also testified that the doctor has been seen 
many times attending Communist gatherings; is that a fact? 

Sergeant Mikuliak. Yes, sir. The last one was at the Art Insti- 
tute, when Mr. Hathaway, editor of the Daily Worker, was there 
and spoke on the 1938 Michigan elections. 

Mr. Howe. Mr. Chairman and gentlemen, Mr. Smith, who inter- 
viewed and also most of the boy's friends to locate his son has just 
arrived. Would you care to hear him briefly? 

The Chairman. We will hear him briefly. 

TESTIMONY OF GORDON H. SMITH 

(The witness was duly sworn by the chairman.) 
The Chairman. Your name is Gordon Henry Smith? 
Mr. Smith. Right. 

The Chairman. You are the husband of Mrs. Smith who testified 
a few moments ago? 



1308 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr. Smith. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. You talked to Phil Raymond with reference to 
where your son was; did you not? 

Mr. Smith. I did. 

The Chairman. What did he tell you? 

Mr. Smith. He told me that he did not go to Spain. 

The Chairman. He told you that he did not go to Spain? 

Mr. Smith. Yes; he told me that he did not go to Spain. 

The Chairman. Where did he tell you he went? 

Mr. Smith. He would not tell me. 

The Chairman. Did you talk to anyone else besides Phil Ray- 
mond ? 

Mr. Smith. I talked to Robert Taylor. 

The Chairman. What did he tell you? 

Mr. Smith. That he had absolutely no record of him in the Detroit 
office or the New York office. 

The Chairman. Did he say he went to Spain? 

Mr. Smith. He did not know ; he had no record of him. 

The Chairman. Did anyone ever tell you he went to Spain ? 

Mr. Smith. No one ever did, except that I heard through hearsay. 

The Chairman. Never from any reliable source? 

Mr. Smith. Never from any reliable source. 

The Chairman. Did your son tell you he was going to Spain when 
he left? 

Mr. Smith. He did. He secured a passport for that purpose. 

The Chairman. He secured a passport for that purpose ? 

Mr. Smith. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. And he left and you have not heard anything since 
then? 

Mr. Smith. That is correct. 

The Chairman. He has not written any letters to anyone that 
indicate anything about it? 

Mr. Smith. Yes ; he has ; not to myself but to a friend of his. He 
left in March. 

The Chairman. Did you see the letter? 

Mr. Smith. I did not ; I have been trying to place it. 

The Chairman. How do you know he wrote a letter ? 

Mr. Smith. It is common knowledge among his friends; not only 
one knows it, but half a dozen. 

The Chairman. You have not seen the letter yourself, or anything 
of that sort, so you cannot say definitely that it is true? 

Mr. Smith. I have not. 

The Chairman. You did not give your son financial aid to go; 
did you? 

Mr. Smith. No; I did not. 

The Chairman. You did not furnish him any funds? 

Mr. Smith. No. 

The Chairman. He was not of age ? 

Mr. Smith. He was a minor. 

The Chairman. He was under 21 years of age ? 

Mr. Smith. Yes ; he is lacking 3 months of being 21. 

The Chairman. I think that is all. 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1309 

TESTIMONY OF W. C. KULPEA 

(The witness was duly sworn by the chairman.) 

The Chairman. What is your name? 

Mr. Kulpea. W. C. Kulpea. 

The Chairman. Where do you live, Mr. Kulpea? 

Mr. Kulpea. Jackson, Mich. 

The Chairman. What is your business? 

Mr. Kulpea. Reporter for the Jackson Citizen paper. 

The Chairman. You had occasion to write the article that you have 
in your hand there, did you? 

Mr. Kulpea. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. Tell us what it was about, and what you know 
about it. 

Mr. Kulpea. Well, on August 9 of this year I got an order from 
the office. 

Mr. Mosier. Will you speak up, please ? 

Mr. Kulpea. An order to interview Mrs. Miller, the wife of 
William Wesley Miller, who had gone over to Spain to fight with the 
International Brigade, and Mrs. Miller told me that her husband 
came to Detroit, and she was with him at the time. She saw Phil 
Raymond give him $20 for a plate for false teeth, and she also told 
me that he got money for train fare to go to New York after he had 
enlisted in the army, and when I was getting this story a man named 
Abraham H. Anderson, who is Americanization officer for the Legion, 
Anderson was with me ; he was driving the car and I was doing the 
questioning. And that is about all. 

Mr. Mosier. Miller since came back from Spain? 

Mr. Kulpea. Yes ; he has been back about 4 weeks. 

Mr. Mosier. And while he was in Spain I believe his wife was on 
charity: was she not? 

Mr. Kulpea. She was on the Jackson relief rolls. 

Mr. Mosier. She was on the Jackson relief rolls? 

Mr. Kulpea. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Mosier. How long was he there ? 

Mr. Kulpea. Miller was there about 8 months. 

Mr. Mosier. Do you know how much she drew in relief while he 
was gone? 

Mr. Kulpea. Well, in round figures 

Mr. Mosier. Yes; in round figures. 

Mr. Kulpea. About $3,000. 

Mr. Mosier. She drew about $3,000 while he was gone? 

Mr. Kulpea. The entire family drew that. 

Mr. Mosier. Did they have children? 

Mr. Kulpea. Oh, yes; there were six children besides Mrs. Miller. 

Mr. Mosier. Mrs. Miller and six children were on Jackson County 
relief? 

Mr. Kulpea. Direct relief. 

Mr. Mosier. While he went to fight for the Loyalist army in Spain, 
to fight for democracy? 

Mr. Kulpea. Yes. sir. 

Mr. Mosier. And they drew $3,000 relief? 

Mr. Kulpea. Yes. sir. 



1310 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr. Mosier. Is lie working now, do you happen to know, since he 
got back? 

Mr. Kulpea. No; I do not believe he has been working. I have 
tried to see him once : he would not talk. 

Mr. Mosier. That is all. 

TESTIMONY OF JACOB SPOLANSKY 

(The witness was duly sworn by the chairman.) 

The Chairman. What is your name? 

Mr. Spolansky. Jacob Spolansky. 

The Chairman. James? 

Mr. Spolansky. Jacob. 

The Chairman. Jacob? 

Mr. Spolansky. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. What is your business ? 

Mr. Spolansky. I am a county detective at the present time. 

The Chairman. You are a county detective ? 

Mr. Spolansky. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. Were you evei connected with the F. B. I. ? 

Mr. Spolansky. Yes, sir; I was connected with the Department of 
Justice for 6 years. 

The Chairman. For 6 years? 

Mr. Spolansky. Yes. 

The Chairman. What did you specialize in while you were there? 

Mr. Spolansky. Exclusively in subversive activities. 

The Chairman. Now, you are going to tell us about some of these 
deportable cases, are you not? 

Mr. Spolansky. Yes. I did not keep any record of all of the cases, 
but I have one particular case in mind, particularly this case of 
Joseph Kowalski. 

The Chairman. Tell us about that. 

Mr. Spolansky. I arrested Joseph Kowalski in 1920 and instituted 
deportation proceedings against him, and I had him deported to 
Russia. 

Mr. Mosier. On what charge did you arrest him ? 

Mr. Spolansky. He was charged with membership in the Com- 
munist Party, an organization that advocates and teaches the over- 
throw of the Government of the United States by force and violence. 
While in Russia Kowalski took a very prominent part in the gov- 
ernmental as well as the activities of the Communist International. 
He was in charge of one of the penitentiaries, and was assigned to 
the secret-service department known at that time as "Cheka.' 1 While 
in charge of that penitentiary he had in his custody a number of 
Americans, including Margaret Harrison of the Associated Press, 
Major Estes of the American Red Cross, and Captain Kilpatrick. 

He was sent here as a representative of the Communist Inter- 
national, approximately — I do not remember the exact date — in the 
year 1923, and it took us approximately 3 months to locate him in the 
city of New York. We charged him with illegally entering the 
country, after deportation, which is felony under the Federal law. 
He was found guilty before Federal Judge Mack, and was sentenced 
to a year and a half in the Atlanta Penitentiary. He was to be 
automatically deported following the expiration of his sentence. 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 131 1 

Kowalski has been in this country in a very important capacity. 
He was responsible for a number of serious communistic outbreaks. 
He has been responsible in the strategy policies of the Communist 
Party, and created a daily newspaper in this city. He helped to 
create another paper in the city of Chicago, and today he is occupy- 
ing a position similar to a — his official title is that of a political agent 
of the Communist International. Kowalski is still here. 

Mr. Mosier. When did he get out of the penitentiary in Atlanta? 

Mr. Spolansky. He got out in the year 1925, I believe. Inciden- 
tally, he was the one that conceived the strategy of the recent indus- 
trial disturbances in this State. 

The Chairman. Do you mean he brought back with him the plans 
for the sit-down strike? 

Mr. Spolansky. Well, I would not say that, Mr. Chairman, because 
when he got back here we did not have such things as sit-down 
strikes. But he has been in constant touch with the Communist 
International. He was a member of the executive committee of the 
local Communist Party, and he is holding a very responsible position 
in that organization. 

The Chairman. Was he active in the sit-down strike movement? 

Mr. Spolansky. He was the man that actually carried out all of 
the intricate manipulation of this organization in bringing about the 
sit-down strikes. 

The Chairman. We will go into the sit-down strike angle later. 
What we want now is information with reference to his record 
generally. 

Mr. Spolansky. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. So, he is still in this country ? 

Mr. Spolansky. He is still in the city of Detroit; yes. 

The Chairman. They refuse to deport him? 

Mr. Spolansky. Well. I do not know. 

The Chairman. Or failed to deport him? 

Mr. Spolansky. Yes. 

The Chairman. Do you know why. what reason they gave for not 
deporting him? 

Mr. Spolansky. I had quite a number of conversations with some 
of the officials of the Labor Department. Prior to the recognition of 
the Soviet Government they claimed that the Russian Government 
would not accept any deportees from this country, which was a 
possible thing. Since the recognition of the Soviet Government and 
the establishment of diplomatic relations, I cannot see any reason 
why he is not deported. 

The Chairman. Now, that is Joseph Kowalski? 

Mr. Spolansky. Correct, sir. 

The Chairman. There is no question but what this man has been 
identified with the Communist movement ? 

Mr. Spolansky. Definitely; yes, sir. 

The Chairman. And is a Communist himself? 

Mr. Spolansky. Always has been. He was in charge of the policy 
of the Communist Party at the time I instituted proceedings against 
him. 

Mr. Mosier. Did he advocate the overthrow of the Government 
by force and violence? 



1312 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr. Spolansky. He admitted so on the witness stand before the 
immigration inspectors. 

The Chairman. Now, tell us about Norman Telentire. 

Mr. Spolansky. Telentire is a British subject. He has been ac- 
tively engaged in the Communist organization since the year 1920. 
I arrested Norman Telentire together with the entire executive com- 
mittee of the Communist Party in 1922. I instituted deportation 
proceedings against him that year, and also secured an indictment 
for violation of the syndicalist law of the State of Michigan. That 
warrant has been still pending, and Norman Telentire today occupies 
a very important position in the States of Minnesota, Wisconsin, and 
South Dakota, in charge of communistic activities, particularly in 
the Communist Farmer-Labor Party in that territory. 

The Chairman. He is still in the country ? 

Mr. Spolansky. He is still in the country ; yes, sir. 

The Chairman. Why will they not deport him? what reason do 
they give? 

Mr. Spolansky. I do not know of any reason for not deporting 
him. 

The Chairman. He is a well-known Communist? 

Mr. Spolansky. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. He is also an advocate of the overthrow of the 
United States Government by force and violence? 

Mr. Spolansky. Yes, sir; and I arrested him at a secret conven- 
tion in Berrien Count v in this State, together with Browder and 
Foster, and all of the leading Communist executives of the organi- 
zation. 

The Chairman. Now, tell us about Alexander Bell. 

Mr. Spolansky. Who? 

The Chairman. Alexander Bell. 

Mr. Spolansky. Alexander Bell was arrested in 1922 at a secret 
convention of the Communist Party held in this city. Deportation 
proceedings were instituted against him, and I understand that he is 
still in the country, engaged in the State of Pennsylvania, around 
Philadelphia. 

The Chairman. All of these men are aliens? 

Mr. Spolansky. Every one of them is an alien. 

The Chairman. And all of them are Communists? 

Mr. Spolansky. All of them are members of the Communist Party. 

The Chairman. You have had occasion to make a very careful 
investigation with regard to communism in this section of the coun- 
try, have you not? 

Mr. Spolansky. Mr. Chairman, I have operated all over the coun- 
try. I worked on Communist questions in the East, the Middle West, 
and in this territory. I assisted the Fish congressional committee 
in their investigation, and also the Dickstein committee a short time 
ago, and that covers a period of approximately 20 years. 

The Chairman. Now, have you some documentary evidence that 
you will present to this committee? 

Mr. Spolansky. Yes; I have. 

The Chairman. Do so, and tell us briefly what it is. All this is 
the. result of your investigation ? 

Mr. Spolansky. Yes, sir. I have a list here of membership of the 
Communist Party in this territory, section 4, district 7, units 5, 1, 3, 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACT1Y1TIKS 



1313 



and so forth. This list was seized in a raid made about 3 years ago 
in Hamtramck, a suburb of this city. May I enter this in evidence? 

The Chairman. That list will be introduced as a exhibit, and the 
stenographer will copy the names into the record. 

(The list above referred to was marked "Witness Spolansky 
(Detroit) Exhibit No. 15" and filed with the committee, being a 
list of Communists of section 4, district 7, Detroit.) 

(The names of those listed therein are as follows:) 

Frank Dull, 45 years, shoemaker. 

Joe Maday, 36 years, laborer. 

Joe Ray, 44 years, metal finisher. 

Waller Gray, 42 years, laborer. 

Walentz Kozan, 40 years, baker. 

Kazmer Calka, 38 years, mechanic. 

Vasil Francicu, 45 years, auto worker. 

Bill Sector, 45 years, food worker. 

Wallace Felison, 44 years, 

Sam Pope, 34 years, auto worker. 

Peter Popowich, 43 years, auto worker. 

Frank Buda, 38 years, auto worker. 

Harry A. Wozny, 25 years, painter. 

Pit Pulincow, 40 years, auto worker. 

: Martin Wood, 47 years, toolmaker. 

: W. Brown, 41 years, laborer. 

: Paul Pula, 50 years, laborer. 

: F. Krupa, age 41, mechanic. 

: D. Brown, 39 years, housewife. 
Mary Winicka, 40 years, housewife. 
1(1796 4 — 9 N. Detroit: Antonitie Marie. 26 years, housewife. 
4055 4 — 2 N. Detroit : Bill Parker, age 38, Duco rubber. 

John Parry, age 90, body builder. 

Nick Hopainick, 39 years, auto worker. 

John Subacz, age 43, auto worker. 

William Sams, age 48, auto worker. 

C. Sitrich, age 39, laborer. 

Melton J. Malyyask, age 24, laborer. 

Stella Cook, age 33, housewife. 

Anda Samaritz, age 63, auto worker. 

Joseph Dunin, age 25, welder. 

Al Mitchell, age 42, unemployed. 

Jimmie Manich, age 37, auto worker. 
10547 4 — 2 Detroit : Sam Paska, age 37, auto worker. 
10797 4—9 Detroit : Mike Tabaka, age 28, laborer. 
10465 4 — 7 Detroit : Peter Dobrinoch, age 43, auto worker. 
10781 4—8 N. Detroit : Willie Wells, age 40, laborer. 

4 — 5 N. Detroit : Thomas Carson, age 29, auto worker. 

4051 4 — 1 N. Detroit : Nellie Galunes, 37 years, housewife. 

4052 4 — 1 N. Detroit : Nicholas Herman, 32 years, food worker. 

4053 4 — 1 N. Detroit : Joon Curoff, 45 years, food worker. 

4054 4 — 1 N. Detroit : Frank Pop, 52 years, auto worker. 
10799 4 — 1 N. Detroit : N. Shnied. 40 years, painter. 

4055 4—10 N. Detroit : Bill Parker, 38 years, Duco rubber. 
4063 4 — 10 N. Detroit : Joseph Dunin, 25 years, welder. 
4070 4 — 10 N. Detroit : Mike Tagza, 45 years, auto worker. 

Mott Raitac, 36 years, auto worker. 
John Miller, 35 years, auto worker. 
Ma ike Pops, 40 years, auto worker. 
Mike Tagza, 45 years, auto worker. 
Powe Musiuk, auto worker. 
Joe Sorto, auto worker. 
Anna Parker, 43 years, housewife. 
A. Smutny, 43 years, car builder. 
Mary Ann Dunbar, age 26, housewife. 
John Botna, age 38, auto worker. 
22 



4094 4—5 N. Detroit 

4095 4—5 N. Detroit 
4H96 4—5 N. Detroit: 
40!>7 4—5 N. Detroit: 

4098 4—5 N. Detroit : 

4099 4—5 N. Detroit: 
4244 4—1 N. Detroit : 

4246 4—1 N. Detroit : 

4247 4—1 N. Detroit: 

4248 4—1 N. Detroit : 

4249 4—1 N. Detroit : 

4250 4—1 N. Detroit : 
4—3 N. Detroit : 

4080 4—3 N. Detroit : 
10789 4—3 N. Detroit 

10791 4—9 N. Detroit 

10792 4—9 N. Detroit : 

10793 4—9 N. Detroit 
1(1794 4—9 N. Detroit 
10795 4—9 N. Detroit 



4056 4—2 N. Detroit 

4057 4—2 N. Detroit 

4059 4—2 N. Detroit 

4058 4—2 N. Detroit 

4060 4—2 N. Detroit 

4061 4—2 N. Detroit 

4062 4—2 N. Detroit 

4064 4—2 N. Detroit 

4063 4—2 N. Detroit 

4065 4—2 N. Detroit 

4066 4—2 N. Detroit 



4067 4—3 N. Detroit 

4068 4—3 N. Detroit 

4069 4—8 N. Detroit 

4070 4—3 N. Detroit 

4071 4—3 N. Detroit 

4072 4—3 N. Detroit 

4073 4—3 N. Detroit 

4074 4—3 N. Detroit 

4075 4—3 N. Detroit 

4076 4—3 N. Detroit 



94931— 38— vol. 2- 



1314 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

4077 4—3 N. Detroit: Paul Babick, age 26, auto worker. 

4078 4—3 N. Detroit : Frank Urlon, age 44, auto worker. 

4081 4 — 4 (trans, to 10) : John Zazuliak, 39 years, auto worker. 

4082 4 — 4 N. Detroit : Gus Givhon, age 41, laborer. 

4083 4 — 4 N. Detroit : Eugene Davidson, age 55, Negro. 

4084 4 — 4 N. Detroit : Mike Petrowich, 45 years, auto worker. 

4085 4 — 4 N. Detroit: Rudolph Turner, 30 years, machinist. 

4086 4 — 4 N. Detroit : Robert Daimond, age 33, pipe fitter. 

4087 4 — 4 N. Detroit : Joe Ragozinsky, age 43, machine repair. 

4088 4 — 4 N. Detroit: John Liem, age 52, auto worker. 

4089 4 — 4 N. Detroit : Jack Beronza, age 43, auto worker. 

4090 4 — 4 N. Detroit: John Burton, age 43, coremaker. 

4091 4 — 4 N. Detroit : Peter Stopiak, age 36, auto worker. 

4092 4 — 5 N. Detroit: Lewis Kwas, age 37, metal finisher. 

4093 4 — 5 N. Detroit : Joseph Wrzatek, age 48, die maker. 

4094 4 — 5 N. Detroit: John Kupec, age 36, enamel fenders. 
10456 4 — 3 N. Detroit : Semen Bolotnik, age 49, carpenter. 

10751 4 — 5 N. Detroit: John Brown, age 39, decorator. 

10752 4 — 5 N. Detroit : Alex Mitchel, age 54, laborer. 

10753 4 — 5 N. Detroit : Tom Mruse, age 49, painter. 

10754 4 — 5 N. Detroit : Stanislawa Calka, age 38, housewife. 

10755 4 — 5 N. Detroit: Jos. Zork, age 42, metal finisher. 

10756 4—5 N. Detroit : John West, age 38, laborer. 

10757 4 — 6 N. Detroit : George Adelein, age 44, auto worker. 

10758 4 — 6 N. Detroit: George Montgomery, age 44, truck driver. 

10759 4 — 6 N. Detroit : Sam Carlan, age 38, auto worker. 

10760 4: William Preston, painter. 

10761 4 — 6 N. Detroit: Cass Baily (1931), age 44, washingman. 

10762 4 — 6 N. Detroit : Vlad Bontese, age 44, laborer. 

10763 4 — 7 N. Detroit : John Belank, age 39, laborer. 

10764 4 — 7 N. Detroit : Etters Sachio, age 35, bricklayer. 

10765 4 — 7 N. Detroit : Frank Koca, age 38, laborer. 

10766 4 — 7 N. Detroit : Victoria Sanders, age 26, housewife. 

10767 4 — 7 N. Detroit : Mike Oprean, age 41, auto worker. 

10768 4 — 7 N. Detroit : Peter W. Norman, age 50, auto worker. 

10769 4 — 7 N. Detroit: John Duncan, age 38, laborer. 

10770 4 — 7 N. Detroit: Tom Kramera, age 53, carpenter. 

10771 4 — 7 N. Detroit : Philip Lavelenti, age 38, auto worker. 

10772 4 — 7 N. Detroit: M. Sanders, age 39, printer. 

10773 4 — 7 N. Detroit : Ely Ferary, age 47, shoemaker. 

10774 4 — 7 N. Detroit : Harry G. Chapman, age 44, auto worker. 

10775 4 — 8 Highland Park : Andru Tourian, age 50, auto worker. 

10776 4 — 8 Highland Park: Theodore Babusbkin, age 62, laundry driver. 

10777 4 — 8 Highland Park: M. Peterson, age 49, auto worker. 

10778 4 — 8 Highland Park: Nick Matwiyks, age 39, milkman. 

10779 4 — 8 Highland Park : John Moore, age 32, artist. 

10780 4—8 Highland Park: Edna Swinton, age 42, (1931), cook. 

10782 4 — 9 N. Detroit: John Cholpin, age 36, machinist. 

10783 4 — 9 N. Detroit: John Bosek. age 48, laborer. 

10784 4 — 9 N. Detroit: John Popag, age 46, die maker. 

10785 4 — 9 N. Detroit : A. Bruno, age 43, laborer. 

10786 4 — 9 N. Detroit : Dan Kotuzow, age 48, laborer. 

10787 4 — 9 N. Detroit: Philip Ryback, age 44, machinist. 

10788 4 — 9 N. Detroit : John Somp, age 44, laborer. 

10789 4 — 9 N. Detroit : Laurence Sowkin, age 40, laborer. 

10790 4 — 9 N. Detroit : Poly Molken, age 42, laborer. 

UKEANIAN — HAMTRAMCK FACTION 

W. Zaxulisk, 3014 Yemans. 

M. Shawala, 2701 Carpenter St. 

John Zasuliak, 2474 Danforth St. 

M. Bowhan, 13125 Moenart. 

M. Ukrainec, 3409 E. Davidson. 

B. Hnatiuk, 3409 E. Davidson. 

N. Matwyko, 13115 Gallagher. 

N. Hawryliuk. 3014 Yemans. 

M. Morfey, 198 Manchester, Highland Park. 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1315 

M. Fylyma, 18098 Albany. 
J. Radowyck, si > 1 7 Lumpkin. 
J. Skrvpnvk. 3014 Yemans. 
Harry Phillips, 3120 Holbrook. 

D. Pidhainy. 

M. Semehyshyn, 11344 St. Aubin. 
M. Osadchiuk. 3014 Yemans. 
Z. Krupe, 2403 Faber Ave. 
M. Gula, 2284 Faber Ave. 

A. Zazuliack, 2474 Danforth. 
P. Denerv. 2474 Danforth. 

E. Shewchiuk, 6025 Grandy. 
W. Shewchiuk, 6025 Grandy. 
D. Keywan, 3014 Yemans. 

B. Ctislaw. 

Alex Boychyn, 2666 Carpenter St. 

W. Krawyc, 3390 Farnsworth. 

M. Kowalchiuk, 3014 Yemans. 

B. Day, 2303 Grayling. 

M. Basarab, 3014 Yemans. 

L. Woroniuk, 3014 Yemans. 

M. F. Olev, 3014 Yemans. 

J. Shvartz. 2394 Faber. 

Paul Rudkovski, 2934 Yemans. 

Mary Zelman 2424 Faber St. 

Walter Redjack, 3014 Yemans. 

H. Zalopany. 

T. F. Kurchenko, 1430 Yemans. 

Kashuk, 6120 Ebebart Ave., Chicago, 111. 

Wm. Cerniuk, 5030 S. Hermitage, Chicago, 111. 

Ilia Kushnir. 2330 Huron St., Chicago, 111. 

N. Szten, 1829 Crawley, Muskegon, Mich. 

Wolodymyr Bonchar, P. O. Box 400, Thorold, Ont. 

A. Procyshyn, P. O. Box 569, Thorold, Mich. 

Anna Kruchyn, 7341 Ternes St., Dearborn, Mich. 

Anna Mykytiw, 6592 IMcGow Ave., Detroit, Mich. 

Barbara Dudich. 615 Burton St. SE., Grand Rapids, Mich. 

F. Szopek, 42 Orchard St., River Rouge, Mich. 

A. Woyewidka, 81 Cicotte Ave. W., River Rouge, Mich. 

W. Ryback, P. O. Box 4256, Carson Sta., Pittsburgh, Pa. 

Peter Bukshak, 1616 S. Logan St., Lansing, Mich. 

D. Budzan, 110 Lexington Ave., Grand Rapids, Mich. 

D. Buyar. 11 E. Minnesota Ave., Detroit, Mich. 

J. Sarachman, R. I. Box 11, Fruitfort, Mich. 

George Refko, 318 Almyra Ave., Monroe, Mich. 

V. Borodkin, Box 1025. Marquette, Mich. 

W. Woloszynowich, R. No. 3, Box 35, Fennville, Mich. 

M. Kuski. 1237 Mississippi, Flint, Mich. 

M. Kosheluk, 4055 Seven St.. Wyandotte, Mich. 

Emil Kozar, 4246 Biddle St.. Wyandotte, Mich. 

N. Wowchyna. 647 Central, Wyandotte, Mich. 

Andrew Glover. 24 N. Cicotte St., River Rouge, Mich. 

P. Mandziuk, 202 Glen Ave., Ann Arbor, Mich. 

P. Kunash, 1045 Bowelen St., Muskegon Heights, Mich. 

Ukranian Workers Home, 59 Seward, Grand Rapids, Mich. 

N. S. Wynnick. 703 9th St.. Muskegon Heights, Mich. 

John Paulenko, 302 Allen Avenue, Muskegon, Mich. 

William Mihaychuk, 752 First Ave., Pontiae, Mich. 

D. Hnatiw, 1834 Fletcher St., Lansing, Mich. 

F. Shenkar, 1225 Mississippi, Flint, Mich. 

H. Latoshynska, 1530 W. Chicago, Chicago, 111. 

D. Strypko, 3548 Tryon Ave., New York, N. Y. 

J. A. Leuchenko, 1051 Auborn Ave., Cleveland, Ohio. 

John Sarachman, R. No. 1, Box 11, Fruitfort, Mich. 

A. S. Rarabash. 4389 West 50th St., Cleveland, Ohio. 

Peter Borsack. 7543 Anthony Ave., Dearborn, Mich. 

D. Korol, 1011 Droiullard Rd., East Windsor, Ont. 



1316 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

U. S. S. R., Communist Party, R. A. I., Umanschini Vasarabu, M. O. 
Peter Makedon, 1090 Osceolo Ave., Flint, Mich. 
Mrs. Cebula, 7243 Ford St., Van Dyke, Mich. 
Alex Karwacki, 1209 Idaho, Flint, Mich. 
Jos. Obynec, 737 Moore St., Flint, Mich. 

Mr. Spolansky. I have prepared here an analysis of the Com- 
munist publications, leaflets, and pamphlets showing that this organ- 
ization advocates the use of force and violence as a method of over- 
throwing our form of government, as well as any other organized 
form of government. 

The Chairman. That will be received in evidence as the next 
exhibit. 

(The analysis above referred to was marked "Witness Spo- 
lansky (Detroit) Exhibit No. 16" and filed with the committee, 
being an analysis of the manifestoes, programs, and official pub- 
lications of the Communist Party of America.) 

Mr. Polansky. I have samples here of numerous shop publica- 
tions issued under the auspices of the Communist Party of America 
of this section for distribution in the various plants in this city as 
well as the city of Toledo. The titles of those are "The Hudson 
Worker," "Autolite Worker," "Plymouth Union Beacon." "Book- 
Cadillac Hotel Worker." 

The Chairman. They will be received in evidence as an exhibit. 

(The shop papers above referred to were marked "Exhibit 
Witness Spolansky (Detroit) No. 17" and filed with the com- 
mittee.) 

Mr. Spolansky. I have here a set of resolutions adopted at the 
twelfth plenum of the central committee of the Communist Party 
of the U. S. A., November 22, 23, and 24, 1930. Thi s> exhibit defi- 
nitely shows the purpose and the program of the activities of the 
Communist Party in all industrial plants and in various other 
fields. 

The Chairman. That will be received in evidence as the next 
exhibit. 

(The set of resolutions above referred to was marked "Wit- 
ness Spolansky (Detroit) Exhibit No. 18" and filed with the 
committee.) 

Mr. Spolansky. I have here material used by the Workers School. 
This school is being operated by the Communist Party in this city in 
charge of Max Salzman. The headquarters of this school is at 
1569 Fourteenth Street, and this is samples of material used in that 
school. 

The Chairman. That will be received as an exhibit. 

(The samples of material above referred to were marked 
"Spolansky (Detroit) Exhibit 19" and filed with the committee, 
being samples of material used in the Detroit Workers School 
at 1569 Fourteenth St., Detroit.) 

Mr. Spolansky. I have here a copy of the Detroit Labor News, the 
official organ of the Detroit Federation of Labor, giving a partial 
Communist organization list, sent out by the American Federation 
of Labor. This list contains approximately about 100 names of dif- 
ferent organizations correlated with the Communist Party. 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1317 

The Chairman. We will receive that in evidence as an exhibit for 
the future use of the committee. 

(The list above referred to was marked "Witness Spolansky 
(Detroit) Exhibit No. 20" and filed with the committee, being 
a partial list of Communist organizations in the United States, 
sent out by the A. F. of L.) 

Mr. Spolansky. I have a copy of the International Press Corre- 
spondence, which is the official organ of the Communists, of the 
Communist International, and which contains a stenographic report 
of a speech made by Robert Minor, a delegate to the Communist In- 
ternational, in reference to the activities of the Communist Party in 
the American Federation of Labor among our Negro population, and 
has reference to the disagreement between Jay Lovestone and Earl 
Browder. 

The Chairman. We will receive that in evidence also as an exhibit. 

(The paper above referred to was marked "Witness Spolansky 
(Detroit) Exhibit No. 21" and filed with the committee, being 
special number, vol. 9, No. 51, dated September 1929, of the Inter- 
national Press Correspondence.) 

Mr. Spolansky. I have here another copy of International Press 
Correspondence, the official organ of the Communist International, 
dated September 20, 1929, reporting a conference held in Cleveland 
in which the theory of industrial unionism is very widely discussed. 
This was a very important conference because it was held under the 
auspices of the Trade Union Unity League, which is the industrial 
department of the Communist Party. 

The Chairman. That will be received as an exhibit. 

(The paper above referred to was marked "Witness Spolansky 
(Detroit) Exhibit No. 22" and filed with the committee, being 
a copy of International Press Correspondence, dated September 
20, 1929.) 

Mr. Spolansky. I have a pamphlet which was widely distributed 
here by the American League Against War and Fascism. This pam- 
phlet was distributed here by the American Civil Liberties Union 
and the Conference for the Protection of Civil Rights. It contains 
an article by Harry F. Ward, Dr. Ward, entitled "The Development 
of Fascism in the United States." This article has important signifi- 
cance because it minimizes the activities of the Nazis and Fascists 
and points to President Roosevelt as Fascist No. 1. 

The Chairman. We will receive that in evidence for future study 
of the committee. 

(The publication above referred to was marked "Witness Spo- 
lansky (Detroit) Exhibit No. 23" and filed with the committee, 
being a copy of an article by Harry F. Ward entitled "The 
Development of Fascism in the United States.") 

Mr. Spolansky. I have prepared for you gentlemen, and it is in 
the possession of your investigator, a complete survey of the Com- 
munist activities in this territory, giving the composition of all the 
organizations operating here, their strength, their financial situa- 
tion, their methods of deriving money, and giving you a more or 
less complete picture of what the Communist organization constitutes 
in this territory to date. 



1318 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

The Chairman. Did you have occasion to investigate the sit-down 
strikes? 

Mr. Spolanskt. I did. 

The Chairman. Did you have occasion to identify and know Com- 
munists who took an active part in that strike? 

Mr. Spolanskt. Yes, I have a partial list. 

The Chairman. I understand that, and I will get to that in a 
minute. 

Mr. Spolanskt. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. Are you acquainted with the Communists in the 
labor movement in this State? 

Mr. Spolanskt. Fairly well. 

The Chairman. Who hold the positions as organizers, or any omer 
strategic positions in the labor movement? 

Mr. Spolanskt. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. Are you in a position to give this committee 
when it holds its comprehensive hearing on sit-down strikes, as 
related to communistic activity, an accurate and full picture of this 
subject and as it relates to this entire area? 

Mr. Spolanskt. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. You would be willing to come to Washington 
when that hearing is scheduled for the purpose of giving that 
testimony ? 

Mr. Spolanskt. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. Then I will ask you to keep that survey and be 
ready to attend the hearings at Washington, at which time we hope 
to have witnesses from every section where a sit-down strike was 
conducted, so that we can have a chronological and comprehensive 
picture of this movement, as to which we have received information 
was inspired by Communists who received instructions from abroad. 
We appreciate very much your kindness in appearing before the 
committee and giving us the benefit of your investigation. 

Mr. Spolanskt. May I have permission to make just a very short 
statement that pertains to this labor angle ? 

The Chairman. Come up here, please. 

(The witness Spolansky conferred with the chairman at the bench, 
after which the following occurred.) 

Mr. Spolanskt. In my work of combating communism I came in 
contact directly with some of the outstanding labor leaders of organ- 
ized labor, and I cannot emphasize the important part which organ- 
ized labor has played in combating communistic activities. I have 
instituted, as agent of the Department of Justice, hundreds of 
deportation proceedings on information and evidence furnished by 
organized labor. 

The Chairman. Well, in that connection we have made the state- 
ment many times that the evidence before us and the result of the 
investigation we have conducted is that the overwhelming majority 
of labor people, both organized and unorganized, are absolutely 
opposed to communism, the same as they are opposed to fascism and 
nazi-ism, and that labor organizations have formed a definite barrier 
to the advance of communism. There has been no charge and no 
effort to charge that the labor movement has sympathized with or 
promoted communism in the United States. While the evidence 
before this committee has indicated very strongly that some labor 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1319 

organizations are under the control of well-known Communists, or 
at least influenced by them, we have been careful to make it clear 
that that does not apply to the great rank and file in the organiza- 
tion, who are Americans, who love our Government and our systems 
and institutions of government. 

Mr. Howe. Mr. Chairman and gentlemen of the committee, Mr. 
"William Gernaey will be the next witness. 

TESTIMONY OF WILLIAM P. GERNAEY 

(The witness was duly sworn by the chairman.) 

The Chairman. Mr. Gernaey, where do you live? 

Mr. Gernaey. 6355 Majestic Place, Detroit. 

The Chairman. How long have you lived here? 

Mr. Gernaey. I have been born and raised in Detroit. 

The Chairman. Did you finish the public schools here? 

Mr. Gernaey. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. High school? 

Mr. Gernaey. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. Did you attend college? 

Mr. Gernaey. One year, yes, sir. 

The Chairman. What college? 

Mr. Gernaey. Detroit Business University. 

The Chairman. What? 

Mr. Gernaey. Detroit Business University. 

The Chairman. Is that a university supported by the city of 
Detroit? 

Mr. Gernaey. No, sir. 

The Chairman. Is that a private institution? 

Mr. Gernaey. It is a private institution ; yes, sir. 

The Chairman. How old are you? 

Mr. Gernaey. Thirty-five. 

Mr. Gernaey. Did you ever join the Young Communist League? 

Mr. Gernaey. I was a member of the Young Communist League 
from the year 1930 to 1934. 

The Chairman. You joined it for the purpose of getting informa- 
mation, did you not? 

Mr. Gernaey. I joined it as an operator; yes, sir. 

The Chairman. How long did you stay in that organization? 

Mr. Gernaey. Until I graduated as a youth into the party as 
an adult, and if I may be permitted, Mr. Cairman, I would like to 
make a statement. 

The Chairman. Suppose you make your statement, then, from that 
point on. 

Mr. Gernaey. The purpose of my testimony here today, because 
of the confusion in the minds of millions of people throughout the 
Nation, and confusion in regard to this committee itself, I came here 
to testify, and the Communist Party will say of me, as they say of 
anyone who is oppose to communism, that they are a supporter of 
fascism or nazi-ism, or some anarchism, and I wish to bring to the 
public attention that while I am opposed to communism, I am op- 
posed to all "isms," and I am for Americanism, for our people. I 
wish to bring before this committee and the public and call to their 
attention, that while they may not be a communist, they may be sup- 



1320 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

porting the Communist Party through some of the affiliate organiza- 
tions. These organizations were mentioned today in testimony. The 
Communist Party is an organization to fit any purpose and every 
purpose. If it happens to be a question of war, the protection of the 
Soviet Union, they have an organization for that in the name of the 
Friends of the Soviet Union. If it is a question of legislation, they 
have the Conference for the Protection of Civil Rights. If it is a 
question of deportation, they have the International Labor Defense. 
If it is youth, it is the American Youth Congress, and if it is trade- 
union work, today it is the C. I. O. and the American Federation of 
Labor. 

The Chairman. You do not mean by that that the Communists 
control those organizations? 

Mr. Gernaey. I mean they work within those organizations, or 
the Committee for Industrial Organization of the American Federa- 
tion of Labor, being the major organizations in industry, today they 
are boring within those organizations. 

The Chairman. But not with the consent of the organizations? 

Mr. Gernaey. Not with the consent of the organizations, abso- 
lutely not. 

The Chairman. That is what I wanted to clarify. 

Mr. Gernaey. In joining the Young Communists League in 1930, 
which was during the deepest depression, I joined with the idea, 
first, of learning of the movement and all about it, and as I got 
deeper into it I found that some of their points were very catching, 
and just as you will find young people going into Spain fighting for 
so-called democracy, little do they realize what they are doing. 
Within the movement I worked diligently and honestly as a Young 
Communists League member, and I got so high as to be a member 
of the district committee of the Young Communists League. In the 
highest committees, the work of the formation of struggles, the wel- 
fare demonstrations, city hall demonstrations, parades, and all of 
these plans were formulated by the district committee of the Young 
Communists League. The Ford hunger march of 1932, all plans 
were laid out by the Young Communists League for its members, 
through the direction of the district committee of the party, the 
Communist Party. In all the work of the Young Communists 
League they take their directions, naturally, from the parent organi- 
zation. They do not work independently. Their guidance comes 
from the parent organization. In 1935, being a member of the party 
at that time, the party realizing that they were not down with the 
masses, they were isolated from the general public, their tactics 
were changed. However, it was not until 1936 that the lower organs 
of the party, the rank and file, the street units and the shop units, 
began to learn how a Communist should work. 

Up to 1936 the Communist Party was isolated from the masses. 
Their meetings were held amongst themselves. If it was an edu- 
cational meeting, you found all Communist League members, or 
if it was party educational meeting, it would be all party members. 
The party made it a rule that every member must join a mass 
organization. I was primarily interested, in my particular case, 
in the Communist Party movement. I was forced to join a labor 
organization. My dues and my initiation was paid into this organi- 
zation. With the support of the rank and file, that is the Communist 



UN-AM K It ICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1321 

rank and file of members within this organization, my leadership 
was pushed forward, and I became an officer of this particular local 
union, through no desire of my own. Being a good Communist I 
had to take that position. In this position I became a delegate to 
the legitimate labor movements, that is, I became associated with 
the leadership of the American Federation of Labor. Here it was 
my duty as a Communist to be a member of an opposition group 
within the American Federation of Labor. Here we would make 
our plans to carry on opposition work to embarrass leadership within 
the American Federation of Labor, or, rather, the Detroit Federation 
of Labor, to carry out the Communist Party program, immediate 
issues, immediate demands, not the full program of the Communist 
Party. Perhaps it was a question of the endorsement of a bill in 
support of the Conference for Protection of Civil Rights. Perhaps 
it was the endorsement of the Detroit Federation of Labor, or sup- 
porting the American Youth Congress. On immediate issues perhaps 
it was on the question of the support of the Spanish Loyalists. 
In 1936 the party members, or Communist Party members did be- 
come members of outside organizations. They were taught how to 
take leadership, how to win the people, the rank and file workers, 
from their old leaders to support the leaders of the Communist 
Party left wing or so-called "progressives." 

It was during early 1935 that we had the stay-in strikes in France, 
in the mining industry. It was here that we got our examples of 
what to do within the outer plants, within the Dearborn industries. 
This must always be borne in mind 

The Chairman. Now, Mr. Gernaey, right at that point : We are not 
going into sit-down strikes at this hearing. We will have a full 
hearing in Washington on sit-down strikes, at which we will have 
witnesses from various sections of the country where sit-down strikes 
were conducted. 

Mr. Gernaey. Yes. 

The Chairman. I gather from your testimony you had consider- 
able contact with that movement; is that true? 

Mr. Gernaey. Very much so; yes, sir. 

The Chairman. Well, would you be willing to come to Wash- 
ington to testify on that phase? 

Mr. Gernaey. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. And develop it more fully? 

Mr. Gernaey. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. Suppose now we omit that part entirely, and that 
we ask you some specific questions here? 

Mr. Gernaey. Yes. 

The Chairman. You may continue. You want to make a general 
statement ? 

Mr. Gernaey. No ; only in regard to this movement, all I want to 
say — I was not going to elaborate on the sit-down strike, but what 
I wanted to point out was that through this method they were able, 
the Communist Party was able, to a great extent to control industry 
throughout the country, which is their objective. The objective is 
not chicken pickers or hat makers, or some little individual unions; 
the objective is to control industry, heavy industry — transportation 
and chemicals. 



1322 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

In the previous testimony that was made, Nat Ganley's name was 
mentioned as business agent for a certain local union. It is very 
important, I believe, that he was also business agent for the Parke- 
Davis Chemical Union. Now Parke-Davis takes a very big part in 
our Government's business 

The Chairman. Do you have a list of well-known Communists 
who are officers in labor unions — in labor locals? 

Mr. Gernaey. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. Do you care to give it to us at this time? 

Mr. Gernaey. I have not it completed. 

The Chairman. Will you prepare that and complete it and have 
it ready for the Washington hearing? 

Mr. Gernaey. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. Is that based upon your own knowledge — definite 
information ? 

Mr. Gernaey. My own definite information. I have no literature 
whatsoever. That has all been taken over by the authorities. 

The Chairman. You will prepare that carefully for the Wash- 
ington hearings? 

Mr. Gernaey. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. And you will be willing to come to Washington 
to testify? 

Mr. Gernaey. I will, yes. 

The Chairman. Who is Mazerik? 

The Chairman. Avrahm Mazerik? 

The Chairman. Yes. 

Mr. Gernaey. Avrahm Mazerik is a person whom I once worked 
for in the food business. Avrahm Mazerik was what we might call 
a progressive amongst the people. He does not go around in old 
working clothes and, therefore, he is not a worker. His contact 
has been with the intellectual groups, to which he had a fine intro- 
duction and a very legitimate appeal, and he was successful in form- 
ing the Conference for the Protection of Civil Rights. It was 
Avrahm Mazerik who was able to convince Rev. Jack Bollen to be 
chairman of the Conference for the Protection of Civil Rights, the 
organization formed with the introduction of the bill called the 
Doncker-Baldwin bill which was a piece of legislation to counteract 
subversive activities. And on this particular issue, the Conference 
for the Protection of Civil Rights, of course with the support of the 
Communist Party, was able to call a mass group of people up to 
Lansing for this hearing on this bill. The formation of the Con- 
ference for the Protection of Civil Rights began at that time. 
Avrahm Mazerik, as I say, was the person who was the power 
behind the gun ; however, he took no leading position in speaking 
before groups of people. 

The Chairman. That is enough about him. Did you secure any 
lists from him? 

Mr. Gernaey. From him, did I secure 

The Chairman. Any information? 

Mr. Gernaey. By working foi Mr. Mazerik, I carried on all of 
his actual labor. If there were leaflets to be mimeographed, letters 
to be typewriten, this was my work, and I believe some lists of 
people were given for organizational purposes. 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1323 

The Chairman. I want you to look at this list and identify it. 

Mr. Howe. Have you ever seen this list before, Mr. Gernaey? 

Mr. Gernaey (after examining paper). Yes, I believe I have 
-seen that list before; yes, sir. 

The Chairman. Did you compile that list? 

Mr. Gernaey. That list had already been compiled. 

The Chairman. By whom? 

Mr. Gernaey. That I don't know. It was dropped and I happened 
to find it. 

Mr. Howe. Was it in the residence of Mr. Mazerik? 

Mr. Gernaey. I believe it was. 

Mr. Howe. Did you take the list out and have it copied? 

Mr. Chairman. Just a minute. In the course of your experience 
and contacts with the Communist movement, did you have occasion to 
find out the names of any school teachers who were identified with 
the communistic activities? 

Mr. Gernaey. I met several school teachers. I could not — because 
of my memory, I could not give any names. 

The Chairman. Do you know anything about the American Cul- 
tural Society for Social Relations With Russia? 

Mr. Gernaey. That is an organization that w T as formed several 
years ago which "formated" the Friends of the Soviet Union. 

The Chairman. Well, I am not asking you that. What I want to 
know now is, Do you know any of the members of that organization? 

Mr. Gernaey. I could not give you the names offhand; no. 

The Chairman. Do you have any lists of the members of that 
organization ? 

Mr. Gernaey. I don't ; no, sir. 

The Chairman. Will you tell us whether or not you are now a 
member of the Young Communists League? 

Mr. Gernaey. I am not, sir; no, sir. 

The Chairman. Why are not you a member? 

Mr. Gernaey. I was. — my position wae made known and I naturally 
was expelled from the organization. 

The Chairman. Were you tried? 

Mr. Gernaey. I was not tried. I had a hearing^; I was before a 
group who made accusations, substantiated with evidence, and I ad- 
mitted my connections. 

Mr. Mosier. Who composed that group? 

Mr. Gernaey. All the leading Communist Party members of the 
district. 

Mr. Mosier. And who were your accusers before that group? 

Mr. Gernaey. These leaders of the party had this information — 
had reports and receipts, money vouchers — money receipts. 

Mr. Mosier. From whom did they receive those reports and re- 
ceipts for money? 

Mr. Gernaey. Where did they get their information from? 

Mr. Mosier. Yes. 

Mr. Gernaey. Is it just absolutely necessary to report that at this 
committee meeting, Mr. Chairman ? I should like to make a reserva- 
tion here, if possible. 

The Chairman. Well, do you have any fear about stating the facts 
with reference to it? 



1324 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr. Gernaey. No personal fear; no, sir. It may lead into a fur- 
ther complication, which I would not care to have mentioned at this 
time. 

The Chairman. Then you need not. We do not want to be in a 
position of embarrassing you, or placing you in any embarrassing 
situation. What do you mean when you say "complications"? Do 
you mean you have some personal fear? 

Mr. Gernaey. No personal fear; no, Mr. Chairman; no personal 
fear. It becomes a political issue, I believe, which involves other 
people, perhaps, which I would not like at this particular time to 
see involved. 

The Chairman. Well, that is all right, then; we won't insist upon 
that at this time. 

Mr. Gernaey. Thank you. 

The Chairman. Now, what else do you have to add, Mr. Gernaey, 
outside of the sit-down strike phase? 

Mr. Gernaey. I won't mention that. I believe the committee does 
know that Communist Party members here are continually going 
back and forth to the Soviet Union and receiving a year or 2 years' 
education to come back here and carry on this work among people — 
among party members. I believe it also knows, or should know, we 
have leading Communist Party members of the Soviet Union come 
over here and give directions to the leadership and then go down into 
the lower organizations, giving them the directions and enthusiasm 
to carrying on subversive or revolutionary activities. It is through 
these channels, it is through these methods, that the party members 
become enthused, encouraged, to carry on revolutionary activities 
here. 

Now should I be asked how these Russian representatives get here, 
I could not tell you. I do know that some of the members here who 
go over there leave on tramp steamers. If they have passports — I 
believe they do get passports, but I could not vouch for all of them, 
but I do think that some have gotten passports and have left on 
tramp steamers for the Soviet Union. 

The training there, in the Soviet Union, is over a 1- to 2-year 
period. It depends on the aptness of the pupils. If they seem good 
timber they will be given a 2-year course and, in a good many cases, 
it may also be mentioned here that when these pupils return here, 
if at all possible, they leave the movement. When they return here 
they sometimes do not make good timber for the Communist Party 
and try to run away. I believe this is due to the fact that they see 
the conditions in the Soviet Union and lose a lot of heart and en- 
thusiasm, and are discouraged. 

Mr. Mosier. Did you acquire, during your membership in the 
Young Communist League — did you acquire any information on re- 
cruiting for the Spanish Loyalists among the young men ? 

Mr. Gernaey. I left the Communist Party movement in January 
1937. At that time the civil war was just in its infancy 

The Chairman. Well. I believe that is all, Mr. Gernaey. We 
thank you for your testimony. 

(Witness excused.) 

The Chairman. I believe it was testified this morning and casu- 
ally mentioned that Mr. Emery was a member of the Newspaper 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1325 

Guild. Information has been given to this committee that Mr. 
Emery is no longer an officer of the guild. While the matter is un- 
important, the Chair makes that announcement for the sake of the 
record, to show that Mr. Emery is not connected with the guild. 

The committee will stand adjourned until tomorrow morning at 10 
o'clock. 

(The subcommittee thereupon adjourned until tomorrow, Thurs- 
day, October 13, 1938, at 10 a. m.) 



INVESTIGATION OF UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA 
ACTIVITIES IN THE UNITED STATES 



THURSDAY, OCTOBER 13, 1938 

House of Representatives, 
Subcommittee of the Special Committee 

to Investigate Un-American Activities, 

Federal Building, Detroit, Mich. 

The committee met at 10 : 15 a. m., Hon. Harold G. Mosier pre- 
siding. 

Mr. Mosier. The hearing will please come to order. 

Mr. Howe, who is the next witness? 

Mr. Howe. The first witness will be Mr. W. S. Reynolds of the 
American Legion. 

Mr. Mosier. All right, Mr. Reynolds. Have you been sworn? 

Mr. Reynolds. No, sir. 

Mr. Mosier. Will you please raise your right hand ? 

TESTIMONY OF WALTER S. REYNOLDS 

(The witness was duly sworn by Mr. Mosier.) 

Mr. Mosier. Mr. Reynolds, what is your full name ? 

Mr. Reynolds. Walter S. Reynolds. 

Mr. Mosier. Where do you live? 

Mr. Reynolds. I live outside of Birmingham. 

Mr. Mosier. That is in the State of Michigan? 

Mr. Reynolds. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Mosier. How long have you lived there? 

Mr. Reynolds. I just recently moved there. I had lived in Detroit 
all my life prior to that. 

Mr. Mosier. What is your age? 

Mr. Reynolds. Forty-four. 

Mr. Mosier. And you say you have lived in this State all your life? 

Mr. Reynolds. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Mosier. You are a member of the American Legion ? 

Mr. Reynolds. I am, sir. 

Mr. Mosier. You are chairman of what committee in connection 
with the American Legion? 

Mr. Reynolds. I am chairman of the subcommittee on subversive 
activities, which is one of the six committees under the Americaniza- 
tion Committee of the Department of Michigan. 

Mr. Mosier. How long have you been connected with or engaged 
in the subversive activities investigation? 

Mr. Reynolds. I have been chairman of this particular committee 
for 4 years. 

1327 



1328 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr. Mosier. During that time have you made an investigation of 
the subversive influences in and around Detroit, Mich. ? 

Mr. Reynolds. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Mosier. And in that investigation have you talked with other 
people who are engaged in the same line of activity ? 

Mr. Reynolds. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Mosier. As a result of that you have a statement, do you not ? 

Mr. Reynolds. I have, sir. 

Mr. Mosier. That you wish to present to this committee this 
morning ? 

Mr. Reynolds. I have, sir. 

Mr. Moseer. All right, Mr. Reynolds, will you please read your 
statement ? 

Mr. Reynolds. Before I read my statement, I want to preface my 
remarks with the fact that the American Legion is interested in 
exposing all un-American activities. We are just as much interested 
in exposing Fascist and Nazi movements as we are in exposing com- 
munism. We have investigators of this committee all over the State 
of Michigan. We sent investigators, for instance, to the German 
Bund camp at Bridgman, Mich., which is in Berrien County. Inci- 
dentally it happens to be the same camp at which Communists were 
arrested, tried, and convicted under the Michigan Syndicalism Act, 
by the former Attorney General O. L. Smith. Our investigators 
on going to this camp were greeted and welcomed and told that they 
could have any information that they could find within the confines 
of the camp. Of course, there was not any information there. There 
was not any list of members there, but to the best of our knowledge 
the membership of the German Bund within the State of Michigan 
is very small. That particular camp is used more by members of 
the bund from Indiana and Illinois than it is for members that 
reside in Michigan. 

We have also had occasion in the past to check into, for instance, 
such organizations as the Black Legion. That organization was 
broken up by a grand jury 2 years ago and the membership is very 
small now in the State of Michigan, and no meetings are being held, 
although there still is minor activity. The grand jury in Macomb 
County is now investigating a branch of that organization, but the 
findings have not been released as yet. 

There is also a small movement up around Vassar, Mich., which 
apparently was the birthplace of the Black Legion in Michigan. 
My investigator covering that territory states that they are not 
holding any meetings, and that their membership is small indeed. 

We also have in this State a branch of the Silver Legion, commonly 
called Silver Shirts. I understand that your committee has had 
information placed before it on that organization. They are more 
widely known in the Northwest and through the Mideastern States 
than they are in this section of the country, although there is a 
branch in Michigan, but the membership, again, is very small in that. 

There has been recently in the State of Michigan a revival of the 
Ku Klux Klan, which seems to come and go with political events. 
Apparently their new set-up does not eliminate Catholics, and they 
are not. going under the name of the Ku Klux Klan — although that 
is the parent organization — but they have started here in the State 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1329 

of Michigan numerous organizations under fictitious and fine-sound- 
ing names. So far we have not been able to find any un-American 
activities entered into by these organizations and, consequently, do 

not feel free to expose the names, because it would put a stigma on 
them which they may not earn. 

Mr. Mosier. Mr. Reynolds, I have made some investigation in 
other districts and I found that some of these organizations that you 
evidently have in mind are used, you might say, as rackets by racke- 
teers to raise money for their own personal benefit. 

Mr. Reynolds. That is true. 

Mr. Mosier. Is that true in Michigan \ 

Mr. Reynolds. It seems to be that there are some unemployed pro- 
fessional secretaries here promoting these things for their own ad- 
vancement. 

Mr. Mosier. What I hear is of the remnants of the Klan and rem- 
nants of the Black Legion can find a certain amount of ground that 
they can plow again, and some of these racketeers do that under, 
perhaps, a different name, but there is nothing that nationally need 
worry us, is there? What does the result of your investigation in 
Michigan show? 

Mr. Reynolds. There is no Fascist organization operating here in 
Michigan as to which we are at all disturbed. 

Mr. Mosier. You do watcli that pretty carefully, do you not? 

Mr. Reynolds. We certainly do. 

Mr. Mosier. The Legion is a far-flung organization? 

Mr. Reynolds. We have, with our auxiliaries, about 45,000 mem- 
bers in the State of Michigan, and I will say that universally, with 
very few exceptions indeed, that the members of the American Le- 
gion and auxiliaries of the American Legion are very much inter- 
ested in exposing un-American activities, and we get reports from 
every town, hamlet, and crossroads throughout the State of Michigan. 

Mr. Mosier. Yes. 

Mr. Reynolds. I also wish to state this, sir : The American Legion 
is a body that is not interested in any political issues nor any re- 
ligious issues, nor any industrial issues, but in my committee work 
where we find un-American activities, regardless of what its nature 
may be. we will expose that and let the cards fall where they lie. 

I will not read the statement that I have prepared, sir. 

Mr. Mosier. Let me ask a question before you start that statement. 
I believe that statement that you are now about to read pertains, for 
the most part, to communism? 

Mr. Reynolds. It does. 

Mr. Mosier. Just as a matter for the record, may I ask you whether 
in your investigation of un-American activities in this section you 
found that communism far overshadowed in importance and, Ave will 
say. danger to the American form of government, the activities of 
all of the other so-called subversive influences? 

Mr. Reynolds. It most certainly does. 

Mr. Mosier. That is, you are going to testify on communism at 
length because, in the opinion of you and your committee of the 
American Lesion, that forms the most dangerous threat to America 
today of any of the subversive influences? 

Mr. Reynolds. That is right, sir. 

94931— 38— vol. 2 23 



1330 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr. Mosier. All right. Now, have you any other statement that 
you want to make along this line? I do not want to shut you out and 
be the witness myself, Mr. Reynolds. 

Mr. Reynolds. This information that we are about to give you 
has been gained from thousands of sources. We have even gone to 
the alleged Fascist organizations to get information on the Com- 
munists, and we have gone to the Communists to get information 
on the alleged Fascist organization. We have worked one against 
the other, because what we are interested in is getting accurate data 
and facts. A lot of this information I am about to give I have not 
gained personally. It is accumulated data from many different 
sources, but each part of the information I am about to give can be 
authenticated in every shape and form, and if there is any doubt in 
this committee's mind, or if any person who is named in this state- 
ment attempts or wishes to refute it and wants to come before this 
body, I am in a position to present competent witnesses, affidavits, 
and facts upholding this statement. 

Mr. Mosier. All right, Mr. Reynolds. Now, you may proceed 
with your statement. 

Mr. Reynolds. The aim of the Communist Party is to organize 
the American workers, by every possible method, based on the class 
struggle for the overthrow of existing system and society and 
establishing the "Government of Soviet America." 

M. J. Olgin, of New York City, member of the central committee 
of the Communist Party and editor of Freiheit, Communist daily 
published in the Jewish language, in his booklet "Why Communisn?" 
stated on page 64 regarding the role of the Communist Party as 
follows : 

The Communist Party is the vanguard and general staff of the workers in 
their struggle against the old system, in their revolution against it, and in 
the upbuilding of the new system. The Communist Party looks upon its mem- 
bers as leaders in the struggle and it trains them to be fit for this work. The 
Communist Party is a school of the class struggle in every one of its phases. 

A good Communist is a man or a woman who by virtue of his qualities 
becomes a leader among his fellow-workers — not a leader by dint of some 
mechanical control, but a leader by dint of better understanding, more courage 
and superior organizing abilities. Communists are trained to be that way. 
This is why a small number of Communists will often achieve more than a 
greater number of unorganized workers pulling in different directions. 

Space and time do not permit enumeration and classification of 
the Communist organizations. For the purpose of this statement it 
is sufficient to bear in mind that on the American soil all Communist 
organizations are coordinated and, in turn, subordinated to one 
parent body in Moscow, and all activities of these organizations in 
America are subject to dictates from the Comintern. It would be 
a folly to make any distinctions for the simple fact that the organ- 
izers and the directors of Communist organizations are the same 
with perhaps this distinction, that in different organizations they 
might occupy different positions. The whole system of Communist 
web is comparable to the interlocking directorate of financial web. 

Among the most militant tentacles of communism in recent years, 
preying and fattening on American gullibility, is the organization 
known as Friends of Spanish Democracy. As one of the Comintern 
subdivisions, this organization has been guilty not only of subver- 
siveness, but of actual treason against the United States. Through 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1331 

clever appeals to the American Samaritanism and humanitarianism, it 
lias been successful in sending shiploads of supplies, hundreds of 
thousands of dollars and thousands of American volunteers into a 
foreign country whose government is not only foreign to the United 
States, but inimical to the American form of government. The 
spilling of American blood on Spanish battlefields under the direc- 
tion and command of Moscow soldiers and for the preservation of 
Spanish Communist government is the highest type of treason which 
can be perpetrated against the United States inasmuch as the Com- 
munist doctrine, whether of Moscow, Spanish, or domestic design, 
advocates the overthrow of the American Government by force and 
violence. If fighting and dying for the preservation of a govern- 
ment based on principles which seek destruction of principles upon 
which our Government is based be not treason, then what is treason? 
Furthermore, in order to add insult to injury, the deceived American 
recruits were dispatched into Spanish trenches as Abraham Lincoln 
Brigade, George Washington Brigade, and other sarcastically named 
detachments. 

The popularization of the friendship idea for world democracy 
is, of course, for the benefit of the proletarian "democracy" of Mos- 
cow. To sponsor this idea, Nation-wide, the Communists recruited 
scores of individuals prominent in their own right or such indi- 
viduals who are connected with prominent American institutions for 
their benefactors, supporters, and cloaks. Separate division known 
as Medical Bureau to Aid Spanish Democracy was created, listing 
44 doctors of medicine spread over the teaching staffs of 18 nation- 
ally most prominent universities. 

You asked the question yesterday as to whether any of these doc- 
tors were connected with universities in Michigan. 

I beg to state, sir, that the University of Michigan, incidentally, is 
represented by Drs. Frederick Amasa Collar, Reuben L. Kahn, L. H. 
Newburgh, and John Sundwall. Other Michigan sponsors and com- 
mittee members are Dr. Leonard A. Seltzer; Paul de Kruif, doctor 
of philosophy: Rev. James W. Hailwood; Dr. Mark McQuiggan; 
Prof. J. M. Albaladejo; Prof. Kenneth Jones; Prof. John Sheper; 
Prof. Shirley Allan: and Dr. E. M. Shafarman as treasurer; and 
Hilda Gosman, as executive secretary. 

Mr. Mosier. You know, Mr. Reynolds, as to that list of professors 
that you have read there, I believe I asked yesterday who they were, 
and with what college or university they were connected. Did you 
say they were all connected with the University of Michigan? 

Mr. Reynolds. No; these four. 

Mr. Mosier. The first four are connected with the University of 
Michigan? 

Mr. Reynolds. Yes. sir. 

The Michigan staff of Abraham Lincoln Brigade includes Robert 
Taylor, returned veteran of Spanish "cause," as executive secretary, 
Ellen Jones as chairman. Pat Daniels as organizer, and Charlotte 
Muzar as treasurer. Although not listed on official stationery, the 
staff includes Phillip Raymond, chief of recruiting staff; Dr. Shafar- 
man, chief of medical staff of local examiners and "curers" of re- 
cruits: and Manning Green, chief of legal staff to propagate and 
defend the Spanish democracy. 



1332 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Educational institutions of the Nation are perhaps the most pro- 
ductive of moral support of this cause. Scores of professors with 
many degrees have made utterances which are not only false and 
injurious to American prestige abroad, but are repulsive and highly 
insulting to the intelligence of the average American citizen. Aver- 
age sentiment of the Commmunist type of our university professors 
may be gleaned into by evaluating a signed statement of Dr. Kirtly 
F. Mather, Harvard University professor, who defined the American 
concern in the Spanish Communist cause as follows : 

American citizens fighting in the Spanish civil war are fighting for the 
preservation of democracy and are suffering in a conflict in which Americans 
are vitally concerned. Everything should be done to help those American 
citizens. 

How the learned professor expected the American public to 
swallow the fact that the democracy he speaks of is nothing more nor 
less than Communist dictatorship is a horse of another color. One 
thing, however, is certain, that such statements coming from the pro- 
fessor of one of our great universities carry the Communist desired 
effects necessary for the twisting of public opinion. Scores of other 
university professors in accord with Professor Mather's convictions 
have permitted their names to appear on lists of advisory or sponsor- 
ing committees aiding such causes as that of Spanish democracy. 
Such lists includes names of Profs. Jerome Davis, Paul H. Douglas, 
and the famous relativity wizard, Albert Einstein. 

In the labor movement, especially in the C. I. O., both Communists 
by conviction and Communists for hire consider in public statements 
the "cause" of Spain a cause of America. David Dubinsky and 
Harry Bridges of first denomination and Francis J. Gorman and 
John L. Lewis of the second, all espouse the cause of Spanish de- 
mocracy. Within the ranks of labor, the task of winning support 
for Communist Spain is facilitated by the fact that the C. I. O., 
with all its affiliates, is Communist controlled, a fact well-known to 
Homer Martin and his U. A. W. 

Many religious dignitaries are among the most fervent adherents 
of the Spanish cause as well as all other Communist causes. Their 
clerical garb makes them especially desirable in the "front" of Com- 
munist meetings as they hide behind the robes of Christianity and 
preach a doctrine alien to the teachings by which they won their 
high position in the communities which they represent. 

The State of Michigan belongs to the most communistic contami- 
nated States in the union, with the exception of the State of New 
York. The latter, and particularly the city of New York, because 
of its strategic location, serves as the base of operation of all Com- 
munist spies, pay-off men, and propagandists. Incidentally, it is 
the site of that part of the American population which gave com- 
munism to the world and imported that doctrine into the American 
soil through Ellis Island. From this base are directed and super- 
vised all Communist activities through the States, including 
Michigan. 

It might be mentioned that communization of the United States 
mot with considerable lack of sympathy of previous Federal ad- 
ministrations. Under the present set-up, however, it is not only 
tolerated and propagated, but some administrators of the highest 
national affairs exert great efforts to sell this idea to the American 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1333 

public under various subterfuges, asserting that they are living in 
a new area and not a horse-and-buggy day. Under such circum- 
stances, Federal protection of American institutions and traditions 
is extremely difficult to visualize. But there is nothing to prevent 
the people of Michigan or Detroit in particular from ascertaining 
who is who and what is what in their own backyard. After all, if 
there were no tributaries like Michigan industrial centers to feed 
this subversive movement, there would be no need for any appre- 
hension as to the stability of our present form of government. 

Mr. Mosier. Mr. Reynolds, just let me ask you one question. You 
did find out, did you' not, that Michigan, as you say, is probably 
second to New York, the State that we might say is most infested ? 

Mr. Reynolds Yes, sir. 

Mr. Mosier. With Communists? 

Mr. Reynolds. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Mosier. And their fellow travelers? 

Mr. Reynolds. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Mosier. That is the reason, is it not, that the Michigan depart- 
ment of the American Legion has been especially vigilant in its 
efforts to find out if there is serious communism within the State 
of Michigan? 

Mr. Reynolds. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Mosier. All right. 

Mr. Reynolds. Casting a superficial glance into our own back- 
yard and looking over the list of sponsors, sympathizers, and func- 
tionaries of such organizations as Friends of Spanish Democracy 
and Abraham Lincoln Brigade, w T e find the same faces, the same 
tactics, and the same motives permeating w T ithin them as within all 
other Communist organizations. If any variation is encountered, 
it is invariably slight and due to the "interlocking directorate" sys- 
tem of Communist program. We find that the old disciples of 
communism who have caused the people of Michigan untold anxiety 
and misery, particularly during the years of revolutionary labor 
upheavels, are among the leaders of these "friendly" organizations. 
We find that in close cooperation with their comrades in other sec- 
tions of the Xation they spin the web of communism around the 
American youth by employing the same well-tried methods. 

The use of women for recruiting and enlisting proves very effec- 
tive in ensnaring young Negroes. And when this method is ampli- 
fied by the Communist doctrine of nondiscrimination between the 
the white and black races, the presence of young Negroes in Com- 
munist dance halls, in Communist meetings, and in Communist 
camps, such as have been established in the vicinity of Detroit, is 
self-explanatory. 

Mr. Mosier. May I interrupt there, Mr. Reynolds? Do you have 
anything in your statement about public schools? 

Mr. Reynolds. Later on I have a reference to them; yes, sir. 

Mr. Mosier. You have? 

Mr. Reynolds. Yes. sir. Incidentally, it might be well to state 
right here, talking about that intermingling of white girls and Negro 
candidates for the Communist Party, it is quite customary within 
the Communist Party to regard marriage as a farce, and they take 
on their wives and leave them off as they would their overcoats. 



1334 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

It is noteworthy that young Negroes, whatever Communist net 
they have been caught into, will readily admit that their interest 
in communism lies in white women. James Ashford branch of 
Y. C. L. owes its numerical strength and its contribution of recruits 
to the ranks of Abraham Lincoln Brigade to the presence of many 
white women, four of whom are known "graduates" of the said Com- 
munist training school. 

The idea of racial equality is preached by the Communists, al- 
though unnatural and repugnant to the American Negro in general, 
is followed only in lower classes of comradeship, but it serves as a 
potent factor in mustering Communist strength for the planned 
seizure of the American form of government. The Communist plans 
are that with the control of American labor and the American Negro, 
the overthrow of the American Government will be assured. To 
gain its confidence and support. Communists plan to seduce the 
Negro race in America by preaching and acting nondiscrimination. 
As further inducement to the Negro race, the Soviet architects, in 
parceling out the American soil into districts to suit Moscow build- 
ers of the Comintern, assign a "Black State" in the South as an 
autonomous haven for the Negroes in the future Soviet America. 

Communists popularized the idea of racial equality to the point 
where in Detroit also several mixed marriages have been solemnized. 
In all cases, however, the white race is represented by women. One 
of the earliest of such marriages was between Pearl Demery, of 
Ukrainian nationality, and William Nowell, who, under several 
aliases, has advanced the Negro topnotchers in the conversion of his 
Negro brothers to the doctrine of Communism. As a Communist 
Party delegate to Soviet Russia, he was displayed by his wife as a 
great novelty to the Russian women. Both of them have been so 
grateful to the Communist Party for leveling their racial barrier that 
they have remained loyal to the Communist cause to this very day. 

Another white woman who ventured into mixed bonds of matri- 
mony was Sophie Hornstein, of Jewish parentage. She married 
John McAdoo, whom she transformed into one of the most militant 
Negroes in the Y. C. L. (Young Communist League), where he 
remains to this day. As president of James Ashford branch of the 
Y. C. L., he has been responsible for this organization's abundant 
aid to the Spanish "cause." 

Curtis Alston was roped into mixed marriage by Sylvia Horn- 
stein, sister of Mrs. McAdoo. Both are very prominent in Communist 
circles. 

Merril C. Work, college graduate and present candidate of the 
Communist ticket to the State legislature and Communist Party 
organizer in section 1, district 7 (which is Michigan) is also married 
to a white woman, who was imported from New York to stir up red 
blood in local Negro communities. He is now a "roving ambassador" 
of communism among his brothers in the South. 

Edward Williams is also married to a white woman. He admits 
his membership in the Communist Party and dates his Communist 
organizational work to a start in Boston and Chicago before com- 
ing to Detroit. He excels in eommunizing the Negro race by head- 
ing delegations to the prosecutor's office in protest of police brutality, 
by participating in demonstrations against war and fascism, by 
diligently attending meetings of Communist functionaries and by 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1335 

lending his services for picketing purposes, as he did recently in 
front of the German consulate. 

William Brown married a white woman named Stella Belcher. 
He is very prominent in Communist achievements, and is reported 
to harbor homosexual tendencies. After spending 2 years in Russia, 
where he was also acclaimed as a husband of a white woman, he has 
served as organizational secretary for district 7 of the Communist 
Party. 

The Communist Party of the U. S. A. is the section of the Com- 
munist International of Moscow. The Communist International is 
called by the "reds" the Comintern. The Communist Party of 
the U. S. A. is divided into 27 districts. Detroit, Mich., is the head- 
quarters of district 7. District No. 7 is often called the Detroit dis- 
trict and it covers all the State of Michigan, except the Upper 
Peninsula. 

District No. 7 publishes irregularly various shop papers and other 
leaflets. 

District No. 7, or the Detroit district of the Communist Party, is 
divided into sections, and the sections are subdivided into shop and 
street nuclei or units. A new name that they have given them, is 
branches and clubs. The sections in the city of Detroit are num- 
bered by consecutive numbers, while the Communist units in the 
cities such as Grand Rapids, Flint, Saginaw, Pontiac, Jackson, 
Lansing, and Muskegon are organized into sections called Grand 
Rapids section, Flint section, and so forth. 

In the city of Detroit and vicinity there are 11 sections of Com- 
munist District No. 7 which all totaled have 57 nuclei properly 
functioning at the present time. The nuclei are also numbered by 
the consecutive number. For instance the nucleus No. 1 of section 
No. 1 is referred to as section No. 1, unit No. 1. The nucleus No. 3 
of section 5 is referred to as section 5, unit No. 3, and so forth. The 
shop nuclei are not called by the factories' names in the Communist 
reports and statements, but by the numbers. Practically all shop 
nuclei have odd numbers, such as numbers 3, 5, 7, and so forth, and 
the street nuclei have even numbers, such as numbers 2, 4, 6, 8, and 
so forth. In the Communist reports the nuclei are referred to as the 
units, but in the routine discussion among the "reds' 1 ' they are still 
called the nuclei. 

The majority of shop nuclei or units hold their meetings at the 
homes of leading members and they are called and held secretly for 
the protection of their members. On the other hand, the street 
nuclei hold their meetings in the various Communist clubs and halls. 
The majority of nuclei meet once a week. Some nuclei meet Tues- 
day evening, others Wednesday evening, still others Saturday after- 
noon, and still others on Sunday morning. There are two or three 
exceptions, but regular meetings of all nuclei are on the above-named 
week days. 

The real boss of the Communist activities in the Detroit district 
was the district organizer named William Weinstone, who was later 
followed by William Gilbert — that is since the formation of the 
Dies Committee — and Gilbert has been replaced by Tom Johnstone. 
The district organizer has unlimited power and authority. He has 
21 leading members to help him carry out the Communist Party 
work. These 21 members make up the so-called district committee. 



1336 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

The members of district committee are either on the Communist 
Party pay roll or are on the pay roll of some Communist organiza- 
tion and they devote their entire time to the Communist Party work. 
Some of the members of the district committee are assigned to do 
a certain kind of work, as for example, either to the trade unions, 
unemployed workers, teaching of "reds" in Workers' Training School, 
etc. The entire membership of the district committee meets on the 
(-ill of William Weinstone — that is the way they did, and now on the 
call of Johnstone — as often as he sees fit to call them or as often 
as some question has to be taken up. The district headquarters of 
the Communist Party is located at Finnish Workers' Hall, 5969 
Fourteenth. Street. 

District No. 7 of the Detroit District of the Communist Party is 
ranking second in number as having the largest number of Com- 
munist leaders and intellectuals. The New York District is first. 

The 11 sections of the Communist Party in Detroit have their 
respective sections Committee. The organizers and secretaries of 
these sections are all leading "reds" and potential agitators. 

The officers of the sections and nuclei are called the functionaries. 
Almost every section and every unit has the following functionaries : 
Organizer, secretary, agent of the Daily Worker or literature agent, 
trade-union director, and agitprop director. The organizer calls 
the meetings of his or her respective nucleus and he calls to order 
and adjourns the meetings. He makes the reports to the members on 
the important party work. The majority of the members of the 
Communist Party in district No. 7 are the foreign-born "reds." 
More than 50 percent of them are not citizens of the United States. 
Some of them are naturalized. In other words, the membership of 
the Communist Party in Detroit and vicinity consists of about 75 
or 80 percent foreign-born "reds" and about 50 to 60 percent of the 
members of the party are not citizens of the United States. The 
leaders of the Communist Party insist that the members of func- 
tionaries are citizens of the United States, but this is only done for 
the purpose of showing that the Communist Party membership 
consists of United States citizens. 

The Communist Party organized several organizations for workers 
and the party members are constantly urged to recruit members to 
these organizations among their fellow workers. 

The members of these organizations exceed the number of members 
of the Communist Party ma