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Full text of "Investigation of un-American propaganda activities in the United States. Hearings before a Special Committee on Un-American Activities, House of Representatives, Seventy-fifth Congress, third session-Seventy-eighth Congress, second session, on H. Res. 282, to investigate (l) the extent, character, and objects of un-American propaganda activities in the United States, (2) the diffusion within the United States of subversive and un-American propaganda that is instigated from foreign countries or of a domestic origin and attacks the principle of the form of government as guaranteed by our Constitution, and (3) all other questions in relation thereto that would aid Congress in any necessary remedial legislation"

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INVESTIGATION OF UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA 
ACTIVITIES IN THE UNITED STATES 



HEARINGS 

BEFORE A 

SPECIAL 

COMMITTEE ON UN-AMEBICAN ACTIVITIES 

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES 

SEVENTY-FIFTH CONGRESS 

THIRD SESSION 
ON 

H. Res. 282 

TO INVESTIGATE (1) THE EXTENT, CHARACTER, AND OBJECTS 
OF UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES IN THE UNITED 
STATES, (2) THE DIFFUSION WITHIN THE UNITED STATES OF 
SUBVERSIVE AND UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA THAT IS INSTI- 
GATED FROM FOREIGN COUNTRIES OR OF A DOMESTIC ORIGIN 
AND ATTACKS THE PRINCIPLE OF THE'^FORM OF GOVERNMENT 
AS GUARANTEED BY OUR CONSTITUTION, AND (3) ALL OTHER 
QUESTIONS IN RELATION THERETO THAT WOULD AID CON- 
GRESS IN ANY NECESSARY REMEDIAL LEGISLATION 



VOLUME 3 

OCTOBER 24, 25, 26, 27 

'NOVEMBER 4, 5, 6, 14, 15, 16. 17, 19, 21, 1938 

AT WASHINGTON, D. C. 



Printed for the use of the Special Committee on Un-American Activities 




UNITED STATES I 
GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE ^ 
178689 WASHINGTON : 1939 



'.jL- 



INVESTIGATION OF UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA 
ACTIVITIES IN THE UNITED STATES 



// 



HEARINGS 

IJEFORE A 

SPECIAL 



IJEFORE A 

COMMITTEE ON "^UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES 
HOUSE OE EEPRESENTATIVES 

SEVENTY-FIFTH CONGRESS 

THIRD SESSION 
ON 



H. Res. 282 



TO INVESTIGATE (1) THE EXTENT, CHAKACTER, AND OBJECTS 
OF UN-AMERICAN PROrAGANDA ACTIVITIES IX THE UNITED 
STATES, (2) THE DIFFUSION WITHIN THE UNITED STATES OF 
SUBVERSIVE AND UN-AMERICAX PROPAGAXDA THAT IS INSTI- 
GATED FROM FOREIGN COUNTRIES OR OF A DOMESTIC ORIGIN 
AND ATTACKS THE PRINCIPLE OF THE FORM OF GOVERNMENT 
AS GUARANTEED BY OUR CONSTITUTION, AND (3) ALL OTHER 
QUESTIONS IX RELATION THERETO THAT WOULD AID CON- 
GRESS IX AXY XECESSARY REMEDIAL LEGISLATIOX 



VOLUME 3 

OCTOBER 24, 25, 26, 27 

XOVEMBER 4, 5, 6, 14, 15, 16, 17, 19, 21, 1938 

AT WASHINGTON, D. C. 



Priuted for the use of the Special Committee on Un-American Activities 




UNITED STATES 
GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE 
I786S9 WASHINGTON : 1939 







li 



SPECIAL COMMITTEE ON UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES, 
WASHINGTON, D. C. 

MARTIN DIES, Texas, Chairman 
ARTHUR D. HEALEY, Massachusetts NOAH M. MASON, Illinois 

JOHN J. DEMl'SEY, New Mexico J. PARNELL THOMAS, New Jersey 

JOE STARNES, Alabama 
HAROLD G. MOSIER, Ohio 

Robert E. Stripling, Secretary 
n 



Charged to crdil asct. 
with Supi. of DoctimeiJts 



»• * « 



»« • <■ » • 












co^i'PKN^rs 



tatemeut of— ^''*''^- 

Allele, Lester J 2109 

Cobb. James A 2142 

Creighton, J. H 2063 

De Sola, Ralph 2396 

Dobrzvnski. Zvgmund 2207 

Eagar. Ridiard 2310 

Ilalrern, Robert E 2389 

Hanuoii, Joseph F 20-lG 

Heizog, Edgar J 2086 

Hofmaiin, Bernhard 2118 

Knowlos. Harper L 1717, 1953 

Leib, Joseph 2202 

McCartney, Felix (Pat) J 2289 

Matthews, J. B 2163 

Metcalfe, John C 2117.2235,2287,2337 

Nimmo, Rav E 1717. 1953 

Pace, John T 2266, 2316 

Schulz, Le Roy 2129 

Sparks. C. Nelson 2240 

Sutcliffe, C. V 2416 

ommiinication from — 

Bonbam, R. P., Seattle District Immigration Director 2075 

Dies, Hon. Martin, chairman, to Secretary of Labor 2075 

Dies. Hon. Martin, chairman, to Solicitor General. Department of 

Justice 1 2075 

Kent, Arthur James, affidavit 2083 

I'erkins, Hon. Frances, Secretary of Labor 2081 

in 



INVESTIGATION OF UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA 
ACTIVITIES IN THE UNITED STATES 



MONDAY, OCTOBER 24, 1938 

House of Representatives, 
Subcommittee of the Special Committee 
TO Investigate Un-American Activities, 

IVcushington, D. G. 

The siibconimittee met at 10 n. m.. Hon. Martin Dies (chairman) 
presidiniT. 

The Chairman. The chairman has not decided just when we will 
hear Mr. K. P. Bonham. director of immigration for the Seattle 
district, but he will be here in a short time. 

The files of the De]3artment of Labor disclosed some very serious 
accusations that Mr. Bonham has made Avith reference to the Bridges 
case, and I might say that some of this correspondence will be made 
public and placed in the record, with reference to the Harry Bridges 
ca-'^e. 

The first is a telegram dated April 19, 1938, from R. P. Bonham to 
the United St ates Department of Labor. That telegram is addressed 
to Mr. Houghteling. The telegram is dated April 19, 1938, and 
reads as follows: 

Radio news announces your continuame Bridges hearing until Supreme Court 
decides New Orleans case. Hope this is incorrect, as difficult protect our wit- 
nesses indefinitely. I have examined entire record testimony and the court's 
decision said case". Service failed introduce adequate proof party teaches violence. 
We have ample such evidence both in current official party documents and en 
part of witnesses. New Orleans case weak and devoid proper proof, therefore, 
not hurtful or controlling our case. Hope same will not be regarded as precedent 
or of sufficient consequence postpone pending case. Please wire instructions. 

Bonham. 

While waiting for Mr. Starnes, I will read this letter: This letter 
is addressed to Mr. Houghteling by Mr. Bonham: 

Dear Mr. Houghteling : The Sfrecker rase is very weak, consisting more of 
inferences than evidence. The court's decision is based, I think, upon the propo- 
sition that we cannot deport just because an alien is proved to be a member of 
the Connnunist Party, but we must also prove that said organization teaches or 
prints or displays matter advocating violent overthrow of our Government. The 
ease rests only on the absence of such facts or proof, and not upon any funda- 
mental question. The case was "remanded for further proccednigs ;" what 
could that mean except for evidence of violent revolution doctrines of the said 
organization? An appeal will not cure the situation, in my judgment, but rather 
complicate it. 

That letter is signed by K. P. Bonham, district director. 
INIr. R. P. Bonham was the district director for that particular 
district in which Harry Bridges resides, and he is the man who 

1715 



171(j UN-AMElflCAX PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

liad cliarge of the case and the procurement of the evidence with 
reference to it. They have district directors stationed throuohout 
the United States, and he is in charge of that entire area, and had 
cliaro;e of the Bridges case. 

There is a good deal of other correspondence that took place from 
time to time, including a letter from Mr. Bonham to JNIr. Hought cl- 
ing, who is a representative of the Secretary of Labor, I believe, in 
which he savs that Harry Bridges came to his office and made the 
statement th^it he knew what was going on, and had access to the 
files of the Department. 

For obvious reasons, the committee will not divulge the names of 
any of these witnesses whose depositions appear m these files. There 
are numerous depositions. These are depositions by people A\ho 
swear that Harry Bridges was a Communist, tliat they had seen him 
attending meetings of the Communist Party, and that they heard 
him make speeches in which he himself advocated revolution. Tliey 
testified that they heard him advocate sabotage. In all the testi- 
mony, the Bridges case is clearly distinguished from the Strecker 
case. 

In the St reciter case the court simply held that membership in the 
Communist Party standing alone was not sufficient ground for de- 
portation of a Communist alien, but that they must go further and 
show that the Communist Party teaches the overthrow of the Gov- 
ernment by force and violence. It was for that reason that A years 
ago, in an attempt to correct that difficulty, the Chair introduced 
and secured the passage through the House of Repi-esentatives of a 
bill clarifying the situation by declaring that membership in the 
Communist Party alone was sufficient. That bill was defeated in the 
Senate through a filibuster conducted by Senator Robert M. La 
Follette. Then, in the Strecl'ev case., the circuit court of appeals 
held contrary to the decisions of the Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals, 
and held that the}' would have to go further and prove that lie was 
a Communist, that he advocated force and violence, and belonged 
to a party that advocated force and violence. 

I make this statement while we are waiting so there may be a 
clear understanding of some of the issues we are going into. The 
Streclxr case is only typical of a number of other cases that we have 
e^ddence on. The Strecker case is probably the most publicized one; 
but there ai'e many others. The case of Joseph Kowalsky, of Detroit, 
is almost identical. He was at one time deported to Russia, and Avas 
there for 2 years. He was a member of the Chika, and then came 
back to the United States. He has been arrested many times by the 
local police, but never deported again. In addition to the Joseph 
Kotvalsky case, there are a number of other cases where the police 
made arrests, where deportation was sought, but was refused. The 
Chair requested the Department of Labor to send us the record of 
3,000 cases in which deportation proceedings were instituted, so 
that upon examination of the files, we may determine how many Com- 
munists there are in the United States that stand in that situation. 
We know that there are some seven or eight that are in the same cate- 
gory with the Harry Bridges case. 

While waiting, I will also make public the letter dated September 
23, 1937, to EdAvard J. Shaughnessy, Assistant Commissioner of Immi- 



U.N-AMEltlCAN I'UOrAGAIsDA ACTIVITIES 1717 

^ration. Department of Labor, from R. P. Bonham, district director, 
as follows : 

Submitted herewith please find application for warrant arrest, with most 
unusual supportius evidence, in the matter of Harry Kenton Bridges. The 

testimony of ^ , wlio has been for a long time closely associated with 

Bridges and intimately affiliated with the Conuniuiist I'arty and active in their 

plans, acting under orders of is of great importance, and completes 

belief and the presentation of this application to the Department. The warrant 
when issued should be forwarded to the Portland office as the witnesses shown 
in the application are all within the locality. 

I beUeve it is proper that I acquaint the central office with the fact that when 
I interviewed Mr. P.ridges some time ago on another matter, he boasted that he 
had seen the central office's file relating to himself, and also that, "They" bad 
an excellent intelligence organization of their own that kept them well informed 
of what was going on. Several of the witnesses in behalf of the Government 
are fearful of their lives, if ahead of the hearing the fact of their having 
testified becomes known to the aliens or the Communists. There will be no 
"leak" at this end and may I not, in order that their lives may not be unduly 
endangered, adjure the central office and the Department to observe the greatest 
precautions to safeguard inviolate this record. 

This is signed by R. P. Bonham, district director. 
TESTIMONY OF HARPER L. KNOWIES AND RAY E. NIMMO 

(The witnesses were duly sworn by the chairman.) 

The Chairman. The first witness is ]\Ir. Harper L. Knowles. Mr. 
Knowles, yon are chairman of the 

]Mr. Knowles (interposing). Of the radical research committee of 
the American Legion, Department of California. 

The Chairman. And the other gentleman's name is Ray E. Nimmo. 

Mr. Nimmo. Yes, sir, 

]Slr. Knowles. He is serving as counsel for me. 

The Chairman. He is serving as counsel for you in the Americani- 
zation committee. 

]Mr. Knowles. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. Who wants to testify first? 

Mr. Nimmo. Mr. Chairman, I might say that I do not know, of 
course, the manner in which the committee usually proceeds, because 
I have not attended any of your hearings ; but in connection with this 
matter, for the American Legion, Department of California, we have 
prepared a great mass of material pertaining, not alone to the Bridges 
case, but to the infiltration of Communists into a majority of the 
activities on tlie west coast. 

The Chairman. You have prepared an exhaustive brief dealing 
with subversive activities on the west coast? 

Mr. XiMMO. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. That brief is supported by numerous affidavits, 
and you ha\e reciuested that the names of the witnesses be withheld 
in connection with this material dealing with the Bridges case until 
the subcommittee goes to the west coast, at which time the witnesses 
will be introduced, or a large number of them, to substantiate all of 
the things stated in your brief; is that correct? 

Mr. Nimmo. That is correct. I might amplify that by saying that 
these briefs are on different phases of the Communist situation on the 
west coast, and I am going to take up the first so the committee may 
entertain the introduction of the two briefs that we call the basic 
briefs which we will not touch upon today, but will merely show them 



1718 UN-AMEKICAN PROrAGAXDA ACTIVITIES 

to the committee in order to show the ground work on which we have 
proceeded in tlie matter of tlie procedure of the Communist Party, 
or the or<j:anization of the Connnunist Party, those being matters 
tliat you are completely familiar with. Still, we want to introduce 
that to show the ground work on which we have proceeded. 

The CiiAiRiMAN. I understand that this investigation has been going 
on for a considerable length of time. 

Mr. NiMMO. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. With the active support of Legionnaires from all 
over the State. 

Mr. NiMMO. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. When Mr. Starnes goes to California with his 
subcommittee there will be available a large number of witnesses to 
support the investigation that you have made. 

Mv. NiMMO. That is correct, Mr. Chairman. We will then have 
an opportunity to go into full details which, obviously, cannot be 
done here. In the meanwhile we feel that it is absolutely essential 
that the list of witnesses be retained as confidential because otherwise 
we feel that the}^ would be jeopardized in their lives and property. 

I want to say further that the first brief that we want to consider 
is the one labeled "Maritime Brief." That is a very extensive brief. 
We have t\vo copies of it here for the committee, which I will present 
now, and I have other copies if the committee desires to have them. 

The Chairman. This brief deals also with Harry Bridges. 

Mr. Nimmo. The maritime brief and the Bridges case are inter- 
locked completely th.roughout. 

The Chairman. Suppose you proceed with the first phase dealing 
with the maritime situation. I see that you have a brief containing 
some 150 and odd pages. How do j'ou propose to use this as the 
hearing proceeds ? 

Mr. NiMMO. We propose to do this : You have, of course, copies of 
the briefs. That may be a misnomer; they are really current narra- 
tive statements of the entire situation, referring particularly to the 
exhibits that we propose to introduce at the proper time. We pro- 
pose this morning, if agreeable to the committee, through the testi- 
mony of Mr. KnoAvles, which I will attempt to bring^ out, if the 
chairman desires, to show the high lights of the situation. That is 
all we can do today. 

The Chairman. Then you will introduce the full brief for ampli- 
fication of what you will bring out ? 

Mr. Nimmo. Yes, sir. The briefs are introduced. They may now 
be considered as introduced. 

The Chairman. Suppose you proceed. This is somewhat unusual, 
but in view of the fact that it is such an important matter, I think 
that it will l)e perfectly all right to proceed in the way you suggest. 

Mr. Nimmo. If agreeable to you, I think we can bring it out more 
quickly in this way. 

Mr. Knowles has been sworn as a witness and I will ask, first, or, 
perhaps, tlie record already shows, that he is chairman of the radical 
research committee of the American Legion, for the Department of 
California. Under their direction, this investigation was made, and 
we are ]n-oducing this brief, only two copies of which thus far have 
been presented. This testimony has been gathered over a ]:>eriod of 
many months, and Mr. Knowles, being the chairman of the com- 



rX-AMKKK'AN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1719 

mittee, has prepared the hi<i]iliohts of the entire matter. I would 
like to make this further statement that I am not entirely familiar 
Avitli all the data because of the <>i'eat mass of detailed matter in it, 
but I am tryino: to assist the committee and assist Mr. Knowles in 
the ])iesenta(ion of it. 

T will ask Mr. Knowles. first, in a general way what work has been 
done, accordino- to your knowled^ie, by the American Legion during 
the last 2 or 3 years. 

Mr. Knowles. In 1984, following serious disturbance in Califor- 
nia that were obviously incited by Communists, the American Le- 
gion set up what was termed the "subversive activities commission," 
consisting of meuibers of the American Legion from various sections 
of the State of California, for which it w^as my honor to act as chair- 
man during the years 1935 and 1936, and following that year as 
chairman of the radical research committee, a subcommittee of the 
American connnission. I have served on that committee for the last 
2 years. The committee is composed of approximately nine active 
members who are scattered from Eureka to Imperial County on the 
south. Some of them served in official capacities in police depart- 
ments. Two were chiefs of police, and others were connected at 
various places in commercial life. We have attem]:)ted to gather in 
that 4 years a mass of detailed reports, clippings, literature, and so 
forth, on various phases of subversive activities. We have not alone 
concerned ourselves with Communist activities, but, also, with the 
question of the infiltration of nazi-ism and fascism, in the subordinate 
way that it has, on the Pacific coast. We desire to present that to 
the committee in brief form. 

]Mr. XiMMO. I will ask you whether or not this information you 
have received indicates that the Communist group has worked along 
distinctly party lines with the Communist Party during the last 
decade. 

'Mr. KxowLES. Very definitely. As indicated in the general brief, 
or basic brief, and, also, in the maritime brief, we will indicate that 
the action of the party, especially in the general strike, has been 
revolutionary, as carried out through the maritime members. In 
other words, they advocated all manner of schemes which were con- 
trary to onr theories and doctrines of government. 

]\Ir. Xi:Nr^ro. I will ask you Avhether or not there was a maritime 
strike in 1934 on the vvater front out there ? 

Mr. Knoavles. Yes, sir; there was. 

Mr. NiniMO. And whether that was followed by a general strike 
in the city of San Francisco. 

Mr. Knowles. It was, in July of that same year. 

!Mr. NiMMO. And whether your investigation developed that the 
general strike grew out of the maritime strike. 

]Mr. Knowles. Very definitely. 

]Mr. NiisiMO. And whether or not you know who was the chairman 
of the strike committee at the time of the general strike? 

Mr. Knowles. The chairman of the strike committee Avas none 
other than Harry Bridges, whose true name is Alfred Renton 
Bridges. 

The Chairman. Did I understand you to say he was the chairman 
of the general strike committee? 



1720 UN-AMEKICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr. KxowLES. The general strike committee ; yes, sir. 
Mr. Xnoio. Alfred Renton Bridges is his true name, and he is 
popularly or unpopularly known as Harry Bridges; is that correct? 
Mr. Knowles. Yes, sir. 

Mr. NiMMO. Do you know whether or not he is an alien ? 
Mr. Knowles. He is an Australian. He came to this country in 

April 1920. 

Mr. NiMMO. Since his activities began in this country he has been 
connected with labor organizations, has he not? 

Mr. Knowles. Since he entered this country, and in fact before 
he entered this country, he was engaged in activities in labor circles, 
going through various offices in maritime circles, and he is at the 
present time president of the West Coast Committee for Industrial 
Organization. 

Mr. NiMMO. He has been president of the International Long- 
shoremen's Association, has he not? 

Mr. Knowles. He has. 

Mr. NiMMO. And also past president of district No. 2 of the Mari- 
time Federation of the Pacific Coast? 

Mr. Knowles. At a later date. 

Mr. NiM3io. And he is also director of the C. I. O. on the Pacific 
coast ? 

Mr. Knowles. That is right. 

Mr. NiMMO. Now, Mr. Knowles, will your investigation disclose 
that he is a member of the Communist Party? 

Mr. Knowles. That is correct, sir. 

Mr. Ni>r.Aio. And that can be established by the testimony of wit- 
nesses who have sat in Communist Party meetings with him? 

Mr. Knowles. That is right. 

Mr. NiMMO. Upon more than one occasion? 

Mr. Knowles. Yes, sir. 

Mr. NiaiMo. Do you know whether, in October 1922, Bridges en- 
tered the Riggers and Stevedores Union and grouped about him a 
radical clan at that time? 

]\Ir. Knowles. That is correct. That group began to agitate on 
the water front approximately in 1932. 

Mr. NiMMO. Do you mind developing how long it continued, and 
what it consisted of, just briefly? 

Mr. Knoavles. They saw at that time that it was impossible for 
them to gain headway and decided to organize a longslioremen's 
local union. To do this a group was set up, which we will call the 
"Equality Hall" group, which met at 147 Albion Street, San Francisco. 

Mr. NiMMO. Pardon me, Mr. Knowles. The name of that build- 
ing was Equality Hall ? 

Mr. Knoavles. Equality Hall. 

Mr. NiMMO. And throughout your studies, this Equality Hall 
group is brought into the picture from time to time ? 

Mr. Knowles. That is correct. We will try to indicate that this 
concise group governed the actions of the radical group on the water- 
front from that time on up to and including the present. 

Mr. NiMMO. And that continued on through until the general 
strike, and since that time ? 

Mr. Knoavles. Yes, sir ; that is correct. 



rX-A.Mi:RI('AN PKOrAGAXDA ACTIVITIES 1721 

]\Ir. NiMMO. And the general strike occnrred in the summer of 
1934? 

Mr. Knowles. In the summer of 1934. 

Mr. NiMMO. Now, one of the first efforts of the Bridges group, 
or the Equality Hall group, was in connection with the (lei)osuig of 
the president of the International Longshoremen's Association, was 
it not ? 

Mr. K^'o^vLES. That is correct; and they immediately asked for 
a new concession so far as wages and hours and the like, of the 
employers. 

Mr.'NiMMO. And they were successful in deposing the president, 
were they not? 

Mr. Knowles. Yes, sir. 

Mr. NiMMO. Are you acquainted with the paper or publication 
which is known as the Waterfront Worker^ 

Mr. Knowles. Yes, sir. 

Mr. NiMMO. Wliich is used by this Equality Hall group? 

Mr. Knowles. Yes, sir. 

Mr. XiMMO. Do you mind referring to that publication? 

Mr. Knowles. We introduce herewith the file of the bulletin called 
AVaterfront "Worker, which we offer as maritime exhibit No. 1-A. 

This AVaterfront Worker was presented to the men on the water- 
front as a rank-and-file bulletin by the Equality Hall group. The 
attention of the committee is called to volume 1, No. 1. of January 
1933. Please note that it is issued by '"A group of longshoremen with 
the cooperation of the Marine Workers Industrial Union." 

Mr. NiMMO. xVnd this Marine Workers Industrial Union, which is 
more wideh' known as the M. W. I. U., is admittedly a Communist 
organization, is it not ? 

Mr. Knoavles. That is correct. Formerly membership in it would 
subject an alien to deportation. 

]Mr. NiMMO. Then there was another publication at one time called 
the Western Worker, was there not? 

Mr. Knowles. The Western Worker was the western organ of the 
Communist Party, and so stated on its banner. 

Mr. NiMMO. And in connection with this exhibit that you have, 
referred to, there is a place in that exhibit where they have intro- 
duced the title on the top of the page, "Western Worker," instead 
of "Waterfront Worker;" is that correct? 

Mr. Knowles. Yes, sir ; that is correct. 

Mr. NiMMO. Indicating that it was published by the same Com- 
munist group? 

Mr. Knowles. Volume IV, I believe it is. No. 10. At the top of 
the page, instead of having the banner "Waterfront Worker," who- 
ever set it up set it up as the "Western Worker" — quite obviously a 
typographical error, but indicating that he had the other in mind. 

^fr. NiMMo. Now, there was a Comnmnist Party convention in San 
Francisco in November 1935, was there not, Mr. Knowles? 

]Mr. Knowles. There was, sir. 

jNIr. NiMMO. And at that time do you recollect that there was a 
program mimeogra])hed for distribution to the Communist Party? 

]\[r. Knowles. Tliere was. We have a copy in our files, and I 
believe a printed copy is present here. 



1722 UX AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

We offer here a copv of Prooram Adopted at the State Communist 
Party Convention iri San Francisco, November 24, 1935. This is an 
oriainal as niimeooraphed tor distribution by the party. We ask that 
it be marked "Exhibit 2." 

Your attention is directed to the subheading "Rank-and-File Bulle- 
tins" from under which we quote : 

Below is a partial list of the Rank-and-File Bulletins now being issued by 
our party sections throughout the State, and including some of the more im- 
portant national bulletins : 

San Francisco— Waterfront Woiker (I. L. A.), Box 1158. 

Mr. NiMMO. Mr. Knowles, do you know in whose name that post- 
office box 1158 was orioinally taken out? 

Mr. Knowles. It v.-as taken out in the name of the Waterfront 
Worker, and also taken out in the name of Harry Gliksohn, wliich is 
an alias for Harry Jackson. 

Mr. NiMMO. Who was Harry Jackson, if you know ? 

Mr. Knowxes. Harry Jackson was a very active member on the 
San Francisco water front, and at the present time is the trade-union 
organizer for the Pacific Northwest in district 12. 

Mr. NiMMO. Is he a Communist ? 

Mr. Knowles. He is a Connnunist. 

Mr. NiMMO. Do you know a man named Roy Hudson ? 

Mr. Knowles. Roy Hudson is a member of the central committee 
of the Communist Party of the United States, and I liave here two 
letters written to Harry Jackson under the dates of February 5 and 
8, directing tlie policy of the Waterfront Worker — photostatic co]>ies. 

Mr. NiMMO. This Waterfront Worker being a Conimunist sheet, 
and organized in coiuiection vrith the labor conditions on the coast 
at that time? 

Mr. Knowles. That is correct. 

Mr. NiMMO. Now, do you mind referring to the letter of February 
5 from Hudson to Jackson, and indicating what that discloses with 
reference to what Jackson was doing at that time in San Francisco; 
what his work was in the International Longshoremen's Association 
in connection with Connnunist activities and the Communist Party? 

Mr. Knowles. He was writing articles for the Waterfront Worker, 
and it was desired that he also contribute articles to the Voice of 
Action, a Communist paper in the East. 

I quote in part from the letter of February 5, 1934 : 

It siTre was too liad that I did not have the material sent out by the Inter- 
national Longshoremen's Association before we went to Washington — especially 
the one containing the telegram to Ryan insisting upon their demands for a $1 
hour — if he had of had this one — or known about it — we would have presented 
it there and it would have been dynamite. 

Yes; I'm raising hell about no articles from you — and still don't think you 
can get out of it by passing the buck to Telford. You can write and the articles 
contained in the Waterfront Woi'ker are God-damn good — and there is no reason 
wliy we cant get some for the Voice. 

In connection with the Northwest — the reports that I received from there are 
fairly encouraging and some progress is to be recorded. I believe that now is a 
very opportune time for you to go up there — not only will you be able to stimu- 
late the work but also will be able to clarify some problems that are developing 
there in regard to methods of work, etc. One thing that must be done is to put 
the work inside the International Longshoremen's Association on a more definite 
oppositional basis, in the sense that it will function through the medium of the 
opposition group and not solely through the channels of our union. 



rX-A.MKKICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1723 

This letter i)oiiit,s out tlueo things: First, that Harry Jackson Avas 
operating in San Francisco with the I. L. A., on behalf of the Com- 
munist Party in tlie Maritime "Workers' Industrial Union; secondly, 
in the second |)arai2;ra[)h (juoted it points oui the contact between Sam 
Telford, known Conmnmist Party member, and also the fact that 
Harry Jackson was writing- artides for the Waterfront Worker; 
thirdly, it shows the connet^^tion Avirli the Northwest, together witli 
an order to Jackson to go to tlie Northwest, meaning Oregim and 
Washington. It is interesting to note that already in this brief the 
connnitt^^e will find that the same Harry Jackson is now organizer to 
the twelfth district of the Connnunisr Party, which comprises Oregon 
and Washington. 

We now quote from the letter of February 8. 1934, in part : 

The uews you write regarding the response of the Northwest to the conven- 
tion is very good — and the ranli and file delegation that went up certainly 
seems to indicate that our policies are getting root. I trust that we are consoli- 
dating a real firm opposition group. In view of the International Longshore- 
men's Association stand at the code hearings we certainly should be able to 
make headway all around — and should give an impetus to the convention. 
There is little' to add upon my previotts remarks and the wire concerning the 
stand of the oflicials. * * * It is doubtful whether we will be able to get 
minutes of this hearing in view of my failure to pay the $80 for the last 
one * * * in case I do get them will shoot them right out. I agree with 
you that the place where the convention should be held should not become a 
breaking point — although it would be mtich more favorable if it were held 
in 'Frisco. 

Now, Harry, in connection with your statement on Mink. This statement will 
not be taken up in the fraction — and in my letter of Decemlier 15 I told you 
that if yoti thottght yoti mtist raise objections, it should be through the center. 

I want to make myself very clear on this — especially in view of your state- 
ment in the letter accompanying the statement. It is tmforttmate that you 
don't keep carbon copies, so therefore, I will quote from yotir letter to make 
myself clear. You state "and we will not let anyone's petty polities take away 
from us capable forces, etc. * * * j i^fer to Stachel in particular." 

From this yoti frankly state that Geoi-ge is where he is oecause of "someone's 
petty politics." I have the utmost confidence in you. Jackson, and under no 
circumstances would I accuse you of factionalism — btit, frankly, this is only 
speculating on decisions and trying to find "factional" reasons, or "petty 
political" reasons for them being made. We must not ((uly reject "petty 
politics." but we must just as severely reject tendencies that see petty politics 
in every decision. 

Again, why were the reasons he went: First, he proposed, very strongl.v, 
himself; second, an even greater insistence upon the part of Ray — who, win n 
it looked like George might not go. raised particular hell. There were o.her 
factors, but these were the ba.sic ones, and if there is any petty politics in them 
I will eat my hat. 

Now final reasons why yottr recommendation is not going to be raised in 
the traction: First, recommendations came from top fraction — Aral decisions 
made by P. B. — and this year a stronger insistence that the candidates not 
become public propiert.v. Very few people know who they are — incidentally 
you should not have been informed — and I had hell raised with me already 
because people knew who shouldn't. Therefore, to raise it in the fraction 
would be incorrect. Second, fraction meetings — and buro have been held — and 
no one has raised any objections and agreed with the formal "proposal" for 
his temporary leave. 

I have other ideas on the whole subject, but I believe tlie aliove make it 
clear why I take the stand I do. and I hope you will tinderstand them and the 
spirit I make tliem, even though there might be some sharp criticism. * * * 
I still insist that the decision was a correct one and tliat you have no basis 
upon which to raise serious ol)jections. However, if you are still of the same 
opinion, then you should and must raise them directly with the center. Rut 
under no circumstances is the question of where George is at to be raised 
with anyone on the coast. 



1724 UN-AMEEICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Paraoraph 1 shows the continued headway that the party was 
making in the I. L. A., and the rest of the portion quoted is a very 
clear exposition of the methods of the party and its functional 
operation. 

In paragraph 11 the committee's attention is called to the words, 
"final decisions made by P. B/' This is tiie political bureau of the 
central connnittee of the Connnunist Party. 

The connnittee is requested at this time to call the witnesses desig- 
na;ed in the list of witnesses appended to this brief, and to ask the 
witnesses the questions submitted in appendix B. 

Mr. NiMMO. Do you know a man named Sam Telford in con- 
nection with that? 

]\lr. Knowles. Yes, sir: Sam Telford is mentioned here as part of 
the group who are doing that. 

Mr. NiMMo. And he was a member of the Communist Party? 
Mr. Knowles. He was a memljer of the Communist Party as well. 
Mr. Nooro. Now will you refer to a book which is known as Men 
Who Lead Labor, and which has been designated for the conven- 
ience of the committee as "Exhibit No. 3" ? 
]Mr. Knowles. Yes, sir. 

We now offer the book entitled "Men Who Lead Labor," written 
by Bruce Minton and John Stuart. We request that it be marked 
"Exhibit 3." Both Minton and Stuart are Communist Party mem- 
1 ers, and a reference to pages 180 and 181 indicates Harry Bridges' 
connection with the Waterfront Worker. 

We also introduce the Communist-controlled magazine, NeAv 
Masses, issue of May 3, 1938, as exhibit 4. 

Exiiibit 4 was purchased in the Communist Party book store 
located at 226i/o South Spring Street, Los Angeles, Calif., and the 
clerk admitted it to be a recognized Communist publication. On 
])age 8 thereof we find that Bruce JNIinton is an editor of New INLasses. 
He is further known to be a member of the Communist Party. On" 
page 19 there is an article entitled "The Moscow Trials, a Statement 
by American Progressives." In the list of signers to this article we 
find the name of the coauthor of Men Who Lead Labor. John Stuart. 
He IS also known to be a member of the Communist Party. This 
proof IS offered to show that the authors of Men Who L-a'd Labor 
are Connnunist Party affiliates and that the articles therein repre- 
sent the Communist Party position. 

Attention is now called to the ])age of acknowledgments in ex- 
hibit 3, Men Who Lead Labor. We cite the two referred to from 
the Pacific coast; Lawrence Emery and Herbert Resner: 

Lawrence Emery was arrested for industrial sabotao-e and 'sen- 
tenced to San Quentin Prison, State, of California, from ImDerial 
County. He admitted that he was a Communist and is now the 
educational director of Detroit district of the Communist Party 

Herbert Resner, now secretarv of the Tom Mooney Defense Com- 
mittee, succeeding Arthur Kent. Both are members of the Com- 
munist 1 arty. Resner is a member of the lawyers' unit of the 
professional section of the Communist Party in San Francisco 

It IS from these two that much of the material on Harry Brido-es 
Voice of the Rank-and-File, an article in Men Who Lead Labor' 
IS written. ' 



UN AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1725 

In ordor to properly place the others acknowledged, we state as 
follows : 

Louis Budenz. a member of the staff of the Daily Worker, official 
ortran of (he Communist Party, U. S. A., section, Communist 
International. 

Theodore Dra])er, coeditor of New Masses, a recognized Commu- 
nist Party magazine. 

Granville Hicks, professor of Harvard University and an admitted 
Communist. 

Robert W. Dunn, head of the Labor Research Association and 
an admitted Connnunist. 

Grace Hutchins, member of Labor Research Association and an 
admitted Communist. 

Hy Kravif, member of Labor Research Association and an ad- 
mitted Commimist. 

Our introduction of Men Who Lead Labor at this time is to quote 
from pages 180 and 181 thereof : 

In 1924 he (Bridges) and a few others organized a local * * *_ By 1932 
conditions on the docks had become so bad that the small gronp of militants 
decided to lannch a third attempt to bnild the International Longshoremen's 
Association. The handfnl of "progressives" published a mimeographed, clumsily 
constructed little bulletin which they called the "Waterfront Worker." 

The Marine Workers Industrial Union, affiliated with the Trade Union Unity- 
League, lent powerful aid to the agitation for organization. 

We now offer a folio of eight dodgers as follows: "Call for Unity 
Conference," June 25, 1933; "Notice to All Longshoremen." October 
8, 1933; "Who Are the Communists?" December 1933; "How We 
Stand," December 1933 ; "Mass Jkleeting," December 28, 1933 ; "Work- 
ers' International Relief," March 5, 1934; "Will Paddy Morris Dare?", 
March 11, 1934; "The Battle Rages," April 25, 1934, and request the 
folio be marked "Exhibit 5." 

Mr. Nim:mo. Now, Mr. Knowles, will 3^011 refer to our maritime brief 
on page 12, wliere we have attempted to indicate what is charged by 
the research committee of the American Legion ? 

]\Ir. Knowles. Yes. sir. 

Our charges are as follows : 

1. That the Equality Hall group existed as charged. 

2. That it connnenced the agitation that brought about the San 
Francisco general strike and chaos to the maritime industry. 

3. That it did its agitation by means of tlie Waterfront Worker and 
dodgers. 

4. That it was headed by Harry Bridges. 

5. That the Communist Party declares in exhibit 2 that Harry 
Bridges and his group who issued the Waterfront Worker were mem- 
bers of the water-front section of the Communist Party. 

6. Tltat tlie Communist-controlled Maritime Workers' Industrial 
Union was placed at Bridges' disposal and that he accepted and 
affiliated with their work. 

We desire to point out that the men who were instrumental in work- 
ing out the program at the Equity Hall meetings are, for the greater 
])art. lioldintr key positions at the present time in the Maritime Federa- 
tion of the Pacific. 

If the connnittee cares for me to do so, I will give a thumbnail 
sketch of the members of that group. 



1726 UN-AMERICAN PKOPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

The Chairman. It mio:ht be interesting. 

Mr. Knowles. Henry Schmidt : Schmidt is now the president of 
Local 1-10. Internaticmal Longshoremen's and Warehousemen's Union, 
a C. L O. affiliate. 

That is hardly true as of today, but as of September 15, when this 
was written, it was correct. He is now out of office. 

He has been a member of the Communist Party. Affiliation not 
known at the date of this report. He is a right-hand men of Mr, 
Bridges, a German naturalized citizen who is quiet, forceful, and 
competent. It is quite probable that Schmidt's advice to Bridges 
makes one of the Bridges' effective means for advancement. 
Schmidt has control of the subject matter of the Waterfront Worker. 
He is married. 

Henry Schrimpf : Schrimpf is a radical. He was formerly a mem- 
ber of the Communist Party. He is a citizen of the United States 
and was sent to the east-coast ports in order to build up sentiment for 
an International Maritime Federation. He has been a delegate to 
most of the maritime conventions and is important in the Longshore- 
men's and Warehousemen's Union, the C. I. O. affiliate. 

Kodger McKenna: McKenna is an old-time longshoreman, has no 
communistic leanings, and did not agree to the Equity Hall pro- 
gram. As soon as this was discovered, he was sidetracked for any 
advancement. He is working as a longshoreman and is a member 
of the board of directors that publish the conservative Pacific Coast 
Longshoremen in opposition to the radical paper, the Voice of the 
Federation. 

Alvin Kullberg: Kullberg was a former I. W. W. organizer. He 
was affiliated with the Communist leaders in the thirteenth Com- 
munist Party district of California. His wife was a teacher in the 
Workers' School of the Communist Party. He was not given much 
advancement by the new radical crowd and is now a longshore boss 
on the water front. 

William Christensen: Christensen is a. Danish citizen. He is a sea- 
man. He is also a brother-in-law of Herman Mann. He was a mem- 
ber of the board of trustees and is counted as a dependable member 
of the International Longshoremen's Association and the Communist 
Party. 

J. G. White : White is known to the group as "Dirty Neck." He 
never has been prominent in the union, but he knows how^ to take 
orders and the rank-and-file take care of him. 

John Deaney Schomaker: Schomaker is a former member of the 
hospital staff at the Palo Alto Veterans' Hospital. He was discharged 
for circulating radical literature. He was also a member of the 
Young Comnumist League. He had never been a longshoreman or 
been on the water front before the 1934 strike. He was a student of 
the Comnumist Labor School. He is married, and his wife is a sister 
of the former wife of Herbert Mills, who is now known as Olga 
von de Boor. Both of these women are the daughters of Max Jublon- 
sky, a San Francisco veteran of the Comnumist Party. Herbert 
Mills was at one time a Communist leader in the seamen's union. 
Schomaker has been arrested a number of times for assault and other 
charges due to labor agitation. He is now a member of the Com- 
munist Party ancl also a prominent leader in the International Long- 
shoremen's Association. 



rX-A.Mi:KI(V\X rUOPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1727 

Robert Boyco: Boyce is an old-time lonoshore ■vvinch driver. He 
Avas elected on the board of directors of the International Lono-- 
shoremen's Association under the Holman reoime. He would not 
subscribe to the Communist leadership and was sidetracked from 
hiirliei" authority. 

John P. Olson: Olson is Swedisli boin. a seaman and a former 
orjLranizer of Young' Communist Leaffue. He was candidate for State 
senator on tlie Communist Party ticket in 1934. Olson was arrested 
on several occasions durinc: the 1934 labor difficulties. He has been 
active in the connnunistic Workers' School conducted by the Commu- 
nist Party. He has also been active as an oroaniz?r for the radical 
United Fai'mers' Leairue, as well as in the Xcav Pioneer movement, 
active in the recent labor troubles in the Grass Valley, Calif., mining 
district. He was a j^icket ca])tain in the 1984 strike and is a very 
valuable cog; in the Bridges organization. 

Otto Kleinman : Kleinman is a mem.ber of the Communist Party 
and also of the International Longshoremen's Association. He is on 
the examining board that looks after new members to see if they are 
]U'0]ier material for the Communist Party. He is very close to Harry 
Bi'idges. 

Ralph Mallen : Mallen Avas publicity manager during the 1934 
strike. He is not a Communist. He was, however, very close to 
Xorma Perrie, who became secretary to Bridges and was under orders 
of the Communist Party. She was at one time the wife of Arthur 
Scott, otherwise known as Arthur Kent. 

Henry Morrissee : Morrissee was born in Germany and was a mem- 
ber of the strike committee of the 1934 strike. He is a well-known 
Communist. 

3Ir. Starnes. Is he a citizen now, Mr. Knowles; or do you know? 

Mr. KxowLES. I do not recall from memory, sir. 

John D. Shaw : Shaw has been a candidate for office a number of 
times on the Communist Party ticket; is a vrell-lmown Communist. 
He never was a longshoreman, but Avas for a long time a member of 
the International Longshoremen's Association executiA^e board under 
Harry Bridges. He is an officer of the ornamental iron Avorkers' 
union. He is reported to be a member of district buro, district 13. of 
the Communist Party. It was this Communist group headed by 
Harry Bridges and directed by Sam Darcy, then head of the thir- 
teenth Comnuuiist district, that started out to Avrest control from the 
conservative longshoremen of the Pacific. 

That covers that phase of it. 

Mr. XiMMO. Xow, INIr. KnoAvles, after you have reviewed that 
group, I Avant to have you emphasize again that, as I understand it, 
that is the oi-iginal Equality Hall group Avhich, as an entire group, 
Avas responsible for the aaIioIc trouble on the Pacific coast. 

Ml". KxoAVLES. That is right. That is the small nucleus Avhich 
guides the thread of the whole trouble. 

!Mr. XiMMO. Do you remember an organization along the Avater 
front that Avas knoAvn generally as the "Blue Book"? 

jNIr. KxoAVLES. Yes, sir. That was a union preceding the I. L. A., 
and Avas taken over by the larger organization, the I. L. A. 

]Mr. XiAnro. And the riggers and steA'edores? 

;Mr. KxoAVLES. The riggers and stevedores preceded that. 

94931— 38— vol. .3 2 



1728 UN-AMERICAN PUOPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr. NiMMO. And both of these unions were ultimately disposed of 
and dissolved, -were they not? 

Mr. Knowles. They were dissolved ; that is correct. 

Mr. NiMMO. Now, will you indicate how active this Equality Hall 
^roup was in. connection with the events leading up to the general 
strike in 1934? 

Mr. Knowles. With the final granting of the charter to Local 
38-79 of the International Longshoremen's Association, this group 
offered Kullberg as a candidate for president against Lee J. Hohnan, 
re]") resenting the conservatives. 

Holman won the election and with him came Ivan Cox as secre- 
tary to the union. 

The organization of I. L. A. 38-79 meant that there were two 
oro-anizations of longshoremen on the water front. The ''Blue Book" 
still had their contract with the shipowners. 

Early 1934 found the I. L. A. union and the shipowners at grips 
Avith each other. 

The Equality Hall group, however, had not been content with the 
results of the election and commenced immediately a campaigia 
against Mr. Holman. The Waterfront Worker, bulletins from the 
Marine Workers' Industrial Union, and editions of the Western 
AVorker, official publication of the Conununist Party on the Pacific 
coast, let loose a barrage of hate. 

At this time we desire to offer the files for the years 1933, 1934, 
1935, 1936, and 1937 of the Western Worker, with 'the request that 
these files be marked "Exhibit 6." 

On April 19, 1934, it was announced that Lee J. Holman had been 
permanently suspended from the T. L. A. and that he would not be 
eligible for reelection to the presidency within a year. Holman was, 
not present at the trial at which the suspension took place, as he was 
at home suffering from an attack of pneumonia. The charges that 
were filed against Holman Mere that he was too conservative and 
that he did not represent the sentiment of the majority of the unions. 

This driving of Lee Holman from the presidency of Local 38-79 
placed Harry Bridges and his "Equality" group in the driver's seat. 

They immediately started an intensive drive to organize I. L. A. 
branches in every port of the Pacific coast. One of the first steps 
taken was to have Norma Perrie appointed as his private secretary. 
Norma Perrie was at that time a high-ranking member of the Com- 
munist Party and could be expected to report in detail concerning 
matters in the I. L. A. of interest to the Communist Party. 

In Communist Party district No. 12 (Washington and Oregon), 
Harry Jackson, Wesley Eandall, S. Sparks, Robert Thompson, How- 
ard Scroggius, James Carroll, Emil INIiljuis, and Blacke Campeau 
were appointed to take charge of the maritime interests of the party. 
Likewise, in Los Angeles, George Maurer, Dr. J. C. Coleman, Mary 
Crossman, Joe Simon, Leo Gallagher, and Harold Anhe were as- 
signed to the same function for southern California. Thus Seattle. 
Portland, San Francisco, Los Angeles, and San Diego were furnished 
by the Communist Party with committees to effect the whole pro- 
gram of Communist control of marine transportation. 

The first organization cam])aign put on by Bridges, working undc^r 
the general theory of the N. I. R. A., soon obtained working capital 
for the new organization, through the per capita tax paid by the 



TJN-A.MKiaCAX I'KOPAv^JANDA ACTIVITIES 1729 

new members of the I. L. A. local. Joso]>li P. Ryan, president of the 
International Loniislu)renien's Association, was so pleased with the 
results that he appointed Harry Bridges as the Pacific coast 
organizer. 

The first step made to destroy the "Bine Book" union was a de- 
mand made by Bridges and backed up by Ryan upon the Central 
Labor Council of San Francisco to cancel the affiliation of the "Blue 
Book" unions with the council. 

"William E. Green, president of the American Federation of Labor, 
was forced to recognize a demand made by one of his national 
unions, and so the "Blue Book" union was put out of the Central 
Labor Council and Harry Bridges, Henry Schmidt, John Larsen, 
John D. Shomaker. AVilliam Christensen, Henry Schrimpf, Bjore 
Hailing, Fred Knopp, and Jolm Cronin were appointed as delegates 
to the Central Labor Council from the new I. L. A. 38-79. 

It is important that the committee note that out of these nine 
delegates, five had been members of the Equity Hall group and that 
Joint Larsen and Bjore Hailing became members later. 

Bridges was also seated as the delegate to the State Federation 
of Labor convention. 

Regardless of the formation of the International Longshoremen's 
Asscciation Union 38-79, the "Blue Book" union still held a contract 
with tlie employers that was not to expire until December 1934. 
The employers felt that they could not break the contract with any 
justice to the "Blue Book" union. They stated that they would con- 
timie to carry out the contract during its life. 

The I. L. A. then began its campaign to break this contract. The 
I. L. A. showed that under the X. I. R. A. they would receive the 
new contract at the expiration of the contract with the "Blue Book" 
nnion in December 1934. They also served notice to the effect that 
if the "Blue Book" union did not apply for membership at once, 
the initiation fee would be raised to $50 when the I. L. A. were in 
control and that the "Blue Book" union men would not be employed 
on the water front. 

The weaker of them began to secretly take out the books of the 
I. L. A. and at the same time carry a book in the old "Bhte Book" 
union. When the "Blue Book" delegates tried to collect fees they 
were put off for various reasons, and the treasury of the "Blue 
Book" union began to run low\ 

These actions on the part of the I. L. A. and counter actions on 
the part of the "Blue Book" union weakened the authority of the 
"Blue Book" union officers until they became afraid to take a decided 
stand and fight the I. L. A. in the open. In the meantime the I. L. A. 
increased its membership and hundreds of Communists went on the 
rolls until the I. L. A. liad about 3,000 men in the local. Many of 
these men were strangers on the water front and many of them had 
never been and were not longshoremen. 

The I. L. A. then complained to the local N. I. R. A. board that 
they were being discriminated against by the "Blue Book" union and 
could not secure employment unles they joined that union. They 
stated that the "Blue Book" union was a company union, and that 
the officers w(n-e paid by the employers, and that section 7 (a) of the 
N. I. R. A. Act was being violated. 



1730 CN-A:V[EIiICAN PROPAGANDA ACTH^TIES 

Geor«re Creel, regional director of N. I. R. A., appointed a com- 
mittee to hear the complaint of both sides. The committee decided 
that the "Blue Book" union was not a company union, but that the 
water front was open to workers regardless of labor-union affilia- 
tions. This ruling meant that the employers would be forced to 
employ I. L. A. men in violation of their contract with the "Blue 
Book" union. 

The first skirmish came on October 11, 1933, when the Matson Nav- 
igation Co. discharged four longshoremen because they refused to 
obey the orders of the pier superintendent. The I. L. A. demanded 
theinnnediate reinstatement of these men and, on the refusal of the 
company, 150 men walked off the clocks. The Matson Navigation 
Co. employed a new force of men and continued operations, but not 
without disorder. 

A strike inunediately threatened and the matter was referred to 
an arbitration board ap]X)inted by George Creel, consisting of Judge 
Max Sloss, Rev. Father Thomas F. Burke, and Henry Grady. _ After 
hearing the evidence, the board ordered the Matson Navigation Co. 
to return the four men to work. Because of this ruling the Matson 
Navigation Co. gave up its fight, discharged their new men, and 
reemployed all the strikers. 
Mr. NiMMO. And that strike was very short, was it not? 
Mr. Knowles. Very short ; yes. 

Mr. NiMMO. However, the Matson Navigation Line capitulated to 
the demands of the strikers at that time? 
]\Ir. Knowles. That is right. 
Mr. NiMMO. That was in 1933 ? 
Mr. Knowles. Yes, sir. 

Mr. NiMMO. After winning this strike, do you recall what Bridges 
next gave his attention to? 
Mr. Knowles. Yes, sir. 

After winning this strike Bridges looked for more worlds to con- 
quer and, on December 17, 1933, at a meeting in the Building Trades 
Council, gave consideration to calling a coast-wide strike. This 
strike was to demand $1 an hour, a 6-hour day, and a 30-hour week, 
sole union recognition, and control of all hiring halls. The com- 
mittee should note that this was not done by the "'Blue Book" union 
with which the shipowners had a contract and were operating with, 
but by the Equality Hall group. 

After this meeting a demand was sent to the water-front employ- 
ers' union to meet Avith the delegates of the I. L. A. to consider 
a Pacific-coast contract with them. The employers refused to meet 
with the I. L. A. and stated that they had no authority to give a 
coast-wide contract to anyone and that it was a matter for the 
various ports severally to decide. George Creel, district director for 
the N. I. R. A., insisted that the employers meet with the I. L. A. 

A meeting was finally effected between the leaders of the I. L. A. 
and the water-front employers' union on March 5, 1934, at which 
time the I. L. A. renewed their previous demands and in addition 
made a closed-sho]) demand for the entire Pacific coast. The em- 
ployers refused this demand and stated that there was nothing in 
the N. I. R. A. that required an employer to give a closed-shop agree- 
ment to anyone. 



tTN AMEKICAN I'K(>rAr.AM»A ACTIVITIES 1731 

On J^Iairli 7 the I. L. A. sent out a strike call to see if all the locals 
on the coast would agree to a coast-wide strike on March 23, 1934. 
The locals voted almost nnanimously to call a strike. 

Mr. NiMMO. Do yon recall a man named Sam Darcy? 

Mr. Knowi.es. Yes. sir. Sam Darcy was the oroanizer and head 
cf the thirteenth district of the Connuunisl Party. 

Mr. Ni>r!vro. And did he publish somethino; in the Communist maga- 
zine to which reference is made in the brief? I will refer you to this 
volume which is labeled "The Connmmist." 

Mr. Knowles. Yes, sir. This is the issue of the Communist of 

Julv 1934. ^. . 

At this time we offer in evidence the Communist Party publication, 
the Communist, issue of July 1934, volume 13, No. 7, and request 
that it be entered as exhibit 7. 

This exhibit is offered as proof that the Communist Party plotted 
to break up the conservative longshoremen's union and planned the 
development of a rank-and-file organization, unification of the whole 
Pacific coast, a strike of the Pacific coast, and finally a general strike. 

]Mr. XiMMO. Can vou refer the committee to an article upon "The 
Great West Coast INIartime Strike?" 

]Mr. Knowles. This exhibit contains an article entitled "The Great 
West Coast Maritime Strike." by Sam Darcy, at that time head of 
the Communist Party in the State of California. 

Mr. XiMMO. And what was that statement or article by Sam Darcy 
in reference to, and whom was it intended to be addressed to, if you 
know ? 

My. Knowles. It was intended, as I recall, to be addressed to 

Mv. Xtmmo. To the general public? 

INIr. Knowles. No; it is addressed to the party. He was virtually 
making a report on the west coast maritime situation to the Com- 
munist Party. 

Mr. NiMMO. At some later time Darcy was in Moscow, was he not ? 

yiv. Knowles. That is correct. He later appeared in the seventh 
congress. 

]Mr. XiMMO. Will you refer to pages 664, 665, and 666 of this publi- 
cation, the Communist? 

Mr. Know^les. Yes: I think the committee will be interested in it. 

ilr. XiMMo. Will you point out the significance of it? 

Mr. Knowles. On page 664 we find : 

In order more easily to study the development of this movement [by tlie Com- 
munist Party] \\-e are dividing our subject into four main lieadings: 

1. Problems in developing the movement for struggle ; 

2. Prolilems in the calling of the strike ; 

3. Prol)lems in the conduct of the strike ; 

4. Perspectives for the outcome of the strike. 

On page 665 we find : 

At the end of 1032. at the initiative of the militant elements of the waterfront, 
agitation for the organization of a real worker's union began. 

This agitation centered chiefly around the publication of a mimeographed 
bulletin called "The Waterfront Worker" which had an average paid circulation 
of about 1,000 to 1,500 copies. 

In the group which published the Waterfront Worker were included a minority 
of Communists, and other militant ('Icments. The guiding line for this group 
was above all to develop a militant group of workers united with the objective 
of breaking the "Blue Book" Union and to establish a real union. At times 
there was criticism that the Waterfront Worker did not take a clearly enough 



1732 un-a:\iericax propaganda activities 

militant stand on this or that policy. When this criticism was justified, it 
could in every instance be traced to the desire of the Communist elements in 
the fjroui) not to sacrifice the unity of the militant elements for a clearer formu- 
lation in minor (lucstions. In other words, the group felt it was more importani 
to attain the larger objective of developing a united militant group (not limited 
to Conmiunists alone) than to refuse to make a concession to this or that back- 
ward idea amongst the workers. 

Mr. NiMMO. Now, that was in July 1934 ? 

Mr. Knowles. Yes, sir. 

Mr. NiMMO. That publication? 

Mr. Knowles. July 1934. 

Mr. NiMMO. And that was practically coincident wdth the general 
strike, was it not, in San Francisco ? 

Mr. Knowles. That is right. It was published before the general 
strike. 

On another page : 

About the middle of 1933. an initiative group was formed, which included 
all elements (also some militants from the Waterfront Worker), to establish 
a regular local of the International Longshoremen's Association. The sentiment 
for the International Longshoremen's Association rapidly developed. Yet there 
was some tendency among the Communists at that time to organize competitive 
Maritime Workers International Union recruiting. The International Long- 
shoremen's Association movement was so overwhelming among the men, how- 
ever, that it would have been suicide to take the handful of militants away from 
the general stream of the movement. The party, therefore, took a determined 
stand against it. 

Also: 

From the moment of organizing, a struggle began between the militant ele- 
ments on the one hand who wanted action to: (1) Improve conditions; (2) De- 
stroy the "blue book"; (3) Establish west coast unity of all longshoremen — and 
the reactionaries, on the other hand, who aimed to organize a typical Ameri- 
can Federation of Labor reactionary union. In the course of this fight between 
the reactionary and militant elements, the militant element succeeded in put- 
ting through a proposal to call an early west coast rank-and-file convention. 

This convention met in February 1934, and remained in session for about 
10 days. 

On page 667 we find : 

There were also a number of directly political achievements at the convention. 
These included: (1) The adoption of a resolution against the loading of ships 
flying the Nazi flag; (2) the adoption of a proposal for a water front federation 
which was a first step toward united action between longshoremen and other 
marine crafts, especially the seamen, and for gang committees, port conferences, 
etc.; (3) unemployment insurance ; (4) against arbitration. 

The committee's attention is called to the fact that the above quo- 
tation shows that the leadership was not alone interested iii the 
development of the unity of the longshoremen of the Pacific coast, 
but in its first convention proceeded at once to adopt the major thesis 
of tlie Commimist International against its greatest enemies, namely, 
nazi-ism and fascism. 

Also on page 667 we find : 

The San Francisco local had sent a very militant delegation. This delega- 
tion was the backbone and leadership of the militant sentiment in the 
convention. 

Mr. Ni:.iM0. This charge which you have presented, and which you 
have available, would indicate that it is the defined, present program 
of the Communist Party? 



1 



UN-AMERICAN PliOPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1733 

;Mr. KxowLKS. Vory dofinitoly a Communist Party dictat(Ml pro- 
oram, dictated to Bridii-os. 

]Mi'. Xim:\io. AVhat happened to Darcy? 

Mr. Knowles. •Darcy is at present a fuoitive from justice from 
San Fi'ancisco. and is at tlio ]ii-esent time an organizer for the State 
of Minnesota. 

]Mr. NiMMO. He has not been extradited from Minnesota? 

;Mr. Knowles. That is ri«2;ht. 

]Mr. NnrMo. Because tlie (lovernor of Minnesota has declined to 
issue a warrant '{ 

Mr. Knowles. I could not say that. 

The Chairman. He is wanted in California? 

]Mr. Knowles. Under a felony warrant. 

The Chaholvn. And Minnesota has never issued an order of extra- 
dition? 

INIr. Knowles. Never even picked him up; he has never been 

arrested. 

The Chairman. Has there been any request from California for 

his arrest? 

Mr. Knowles. I believe there has been. On several occasions 
when he was scheduled to appear at meetings, word was sent back, 
but he was not arrested. 

]Mr. Xim:ho. I want to call attention, Mr. Knowles, to the month 
of May 1934, and to the arrival of Edward F. McGrady, Assistant 
Secretary of Labor, in San Francisco, and in connection with that 
a statement issued by him at that time. You recall that incident? 

Mr. Knowle. Yes; T do. 

The Chairman. When was that? 

Mr. Knowles. Immediately preceding the general strike. 

The Chairman. Mr. McGrady went to California? 

Mr. Knowles. Yes. 

]Mr. XiMMO. After Mr. McGrady had been there and talked with 
them, did he make a statement in connection with that? 

Mr. Knoavles. He did. 

ISIr. NiMMO. Do you have a reference to that ? 

Mr. Knowles. There is a reference to that on page 31 of the 
brief. 

The Chairman. What is this? 

Mr. XiMMO. This is the statement of Edward F. McGrady, Assist- 
ant Secretary of Labor, in San Francisco, after he had attempted to 
get a settlement of the strike. 

The Chairman. That was the first strike ? 

Mr. Knowles. This was in INIay 1934, before the general strike took 
l^lace. Quoting Assistant Secretary McGrady: 

A strong radical element in the ranks of the longshoremen seem to want no 
strike settlement. I have observed that Communists through direct action and 
b.v pleas made in widely circulated Communist newspapers are trying to induce 
the strikers to remain out despite our efforts to arbitrate. The committee seems 
to be h(>lpless to do anything with the men who are representing them, or to 
combat the radical elements in the International Longshoremen's Association 
unions. 

]Mr. X^iMMo. Will yon refer to exhibit No. 7, or to page 686, of 
the July issue of the Communist magazine, and I will ask you to read 
the statement which appears on page 686 in connection with Darcy's 



1734 CN-Ai\IERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

article in the Communist, in respect to the general subject matter of 
this investigation. 

Mr. Knowles. Yes, sir. It saj's : 

This meetins shows the strike at this date has not yet reached the height of 
its militancy and the movement toward a general strike is possibly too slowly, 
yet undoubtedly, moving forward. 

Mr. NiMMO. Mr. Kno^vles, you have read that statement; now, m 
interpreting that statement, that was made prior to the date of the 
general strike. 

Mr. Knowles. That is correct. 

Mr. NiMMO. And the general strike was a comprehensive tie-up of 
the entire San Francisco area, with the exception of some public 
utilities? 

Mr. KxowLES. Yes. 

The Chairman. That statement was made by whom? 

Mr. NiMMO. By Sam Darcy, now a fugitive in Minnesota. He wrote 
this article — an acknowledged Communist — in a Communist maga- 
zine. He is the man "svho went to Moscow. 

The Chairman. Do you know whether he was at ISIoscow with 
Victor Euether and Roy Ruether, and the bunch that went there from 
Detroit? 

Mr. Knowles. They attended the seventh congress. 

The Chairman. They were all there at that particular time, and 
upon their return to the United States then occurred the sit-down 
strikes with all this lawlessness and disorder. 

The reason I am asking that is to connect it up with other testi- 
mony along the same line, showing that there was a general plan of 
strategy adopted, long before there were sit-down strikes. 

Mr. Nimmo. That is correct. And along with this statement that 
Mr. Knowles has just read was the fact tliat there w^as this prediction 
by the Darcy group prior to the general strike. He was biulding up 
the idea that they were going to have a general strike at a later time, 
a strike that Avas led by Harry Bridges. 

Do you recall the progress of that strike, and the action of Governor 
Merriam, of California, in connection with it? 

]Mr. Knowles. Yes. Governor Merriam sent his representative, Mr. 
A. R. Pidgeon, to Harry Bridges, as chairman of the strike committee 
and asked him to keep his strikers away from the Belt Line Railroad. 
This Mr. Bridges emphatically refused to do. 

The rioting of July 3 and 5 became so serious tliat the Governor 
ordered in the first contingent of the National Guard on July 5. The 
general strike was thereafter declared. 

Mr. Nimmo. This Belt Line Railroad, being a city-owned road, is 
a road which goes around the piers and yards and takes in the entire 
water front, delivering cars to all railroads. 

That is when the Governor called in the troops ? 

Mr. Knowles. Yes. 

Mr. Nimmo. Do you recall whether there was a board appointed 
by President Roosevelt to mediate this maritime strike? 

Mr. Knowles. There was. Following a request for intervention of 
the President and the appointment of a Federal board of arbitration 
to end the strike, the President ap]:)ointed Archbishop Hanna. of the 
Catholic Church; Edward McGrady, Assistant Secretary of Labor; 



UN- AMERICAN PKOPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1735 

and O. K. Cusliino-, nn oniiiiont lawyer of San Fvnncisco, as an arbi- 
tration Ixiard to mcHliato tlie strike. 

Dr. Louis Block, former statistician of the California State Labor 
Board, was appointed secretary to tlie arbitration board. lie bad 
been pi-o-labor and was tbona'bt considerably in favor of the radical 
elements that wer;^ behind the strike. 

Dr. Lonis Block has since been appointed to the new Maritime 
Board in Washino-ton, D. C- 

The attention (if the committee is called to the fact tlisit Dr. Block 
was a member of the professional unit of the Communist Party in 
San Francisco. 

The Chairm.vn. Do yon mean the man who is now on the Maritime 
Board was a member' of the professional nnit of the Communist 
Party ^ 

]\rr. Knowles. That is correct ; he was a member at that time. 

Mr. NiMMO. That was the Maritime Lal)or Board. 

The CiiAiR:\rAX. Is that a Federal aa'ency ? 

Mr. Knowles. Yes. The committee is reqnested to call for desig- 
nated witnesses from the list appended to this report to prove this 
fact. He is now most active in Washinoton. D. C, in the canse for 
aid to the Spanish Loyalist Government thronoh the American 
League for Peace and Democracy and the North American Committee 
to Aid Spanish Democracy. 

The Chairman. What is his full name? 

Mr. Kxowi.es. Dr. Lonis Block. 

Mr. Starxes. His position is with the Maritime Labor Board? 

The Chairman. A member of the professional nnit of the Com- 
munist Party? 

]Mr. KxowLES. Yes. 

The Chairman. Was he appointed by the President? 

]\Ir. KxowLES. Yes; appointed by the President. 

The Chairmax. Is he still a member of that Board? 

Mr. KxowLES. Yes; just recently appointed. 

The CnAiR^rAN. And still a member of the Commnnist Party ? 

Mr. Knowles. I cannot say as to that. The evidence indicates 
that he was a member at that time. 

Mr. NiM]\ro. There are some exhibits which nnfortnnately we have 
not been able to iret here yet, bnt I wonld like to refer to a cop7v' 
of the Western Worker, exhibit No. 6-A, containing a statement 
which will be fomid on page 37 of the brief. 

INIr. Kxowles. On Jnly 9. 1934, at the Eagles Hall, San Francisco, 
Calif., 1,600 men congregated to hear Roy Hudson, a member of 
the central committee of the Commnnist Party of the United States, 
state in part, the following: 

We must organize to fight the shipowners, the police, the militia, Russia — 

he is the mayor of San Francisco — 

Roospvolt. Thoy arc our onomies as wo hnvp lonrnerl through our struggles, 
through our deaths. If we are "reds," then after yesterday, there are many 
more "reds" on the water front. 

The Cttair^fan. In connection M'ith. Koy Hndson. we received 
evidence some time airo that when an affidavit of one Markham was 
transmitted to the Department of Labor by Senator Copeland, im- 
mediately Harry Bridges left for Washington, and at the same time 



1736 UN-AMERICAN PROrAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Roy Hudson, who "was in New York, also went to Washington. 
Does your investigation show a close connection between Roy Hudson 
and Harry Bridges, working together? 

Mr, Knowles. Of course, largely along Communist Party lines. 

Mr. NiMMO. And during practically all the time. 

Mr. Knoavles. Hudson more or less dictated the policy. 

The Chairman. The surprising thing is simply this, that here was 
the Director of Immigration, Mr. Bonh-am, saying that Bridges had 
come in his office and had boasted about seeing the central files 
and then when the affidavit of Markliam was sent to the Labor 
Department immediately thereafter Bridges went to Washington 
and Roy Hudson went to AVashington, and immediately thereafter 
the witness, Markham, w^as subjected to a series of attacks; that is 
what happened. 

]Mr. NiMMO. Will you refer to a note on page 37, read a statement 
in the Western Worker under date of July 16, 1934? 

The Chairman. What statement is that ? 

Mr. NiMMO. That is a statement in the issue of July 16, 1934, 
of the Western Worker. 

The Chairman. That was before the general strike? 

Mr. Knowles. No; during the general strike. 

In the issue of July 16, 1934, the Western Worker (see exhibit 
No. 6-A) appeared the following : 

The central committee of the Communist Party, has issued an appeal to 
workers in all parts of the country for immediate action in support of the 
west coast strike with protests, solidarity action in all ports, and financial 
assistance — 

indicating party support for the strike — 

Mr. NiMMO. This man, Roy Hudson, at all times was a leader in 
the Communist Party, was he not ? 

Mr. Knowles. That is right, in charge of maritime affairs, a 
leader of the central committee. 

Mr. NiMMO. Do you know when he was sent to the Pacific coast 
and what his duties were, from the standpoint of the Communist 
group? 

Mr. Knowles. He took over the direction for the Communist Party 
central committee. 

Mr. NiMMO. And that direction was supposedly confined to the 
labor union situation and the infiltration of Communist activities 
into that group ? 

Mr. Knowles. Into all of the maritime unions. 

Mr. NiMMO. I would like to have you refer to page 38 of the 
maritime brief, where reference is made to the restaurant in San 
Francisco, at 501 Baker Street, known as Pierre's Chateau. 

Mr. Knowles. Pierre's Chateau was operated by one Pierre 
Margolis. INIargolis was the father of a high-ranking member in the 
Communist Party by the name of Arthur Kent. Kent was knowm 
in the party by the name of Artliur Scott. 

The Chairman. Arthur Kent is now in jail in Los Angeles? 

Mr. Knowles. That is correct. 

Mr. Starnes. His real name is Margolis? 

Mr. Knowles. Yes; Margolis Scott Kent. I think Kent is his 
legal name. 



UN-AMEUICAX rK( »I' AGANDA ACTIVITIES 1737 

Durino- this period, Kent was married to Norma Perrie, the secre- 
tary of Hurry Bridges. 

The cominittee should remember that this Norma Perrie was also 
a hi<>:h-rankin<2: member of the Communist Party. 

We char<2;e that durino; the general strike the Communist Party 
apjM-opriated Pierre's Chateau and used it as a strike headquarters. 

That the meetinos were held on the second floor in Arthur Kent 
and Norma Perrie's rooms. 

That not only did the Communist Party use the second floor for all 
their work, but that the Connnunist Party made Pierre's Chateau 
feed them. 

That Sam Darcy and all leadino- Communist Party members were 
daily and continuously at Pierre's Chateau meeting with water front 
strike leaders. 

That Harry Bridges established his headquarters in these rooms 
for the period of the general strike. 

That Harry Bridges had a direct telephone line between his rooms 
at Pierre's Chateau and the headquarters of the strike committee 
on the water front. 

That Harry Bridges met here with the Buro of the 13th district 
of the Communist Party and took orders from tliem. 

That one Sam Goodwin (alias Sam Rukin) was a partner of 
Pierre INIargolis and Arthur Kent at Pierre's Chateau during this 
period and that he, on the request of the party, wrote articles that 
were published in the Western Worker and in leaflets and pamphlets. 

Tliat Sam (xoodwin also wrote a speech that Harry Bridges deliv- 
ered at the San Francisco Civic Auditorium during the general 
strike. 

Tliat Bridges was told that the speech was w^'itten under party 
instructions and that all points therein were given to Bridges by the 
l^arty and that therefore he would have to deliver the speech as it 
was under party orders. 

That Bridges delivered the speech as ordered. 

The Chairman, Where was Pierre Margolis' Chateau located? 
Where was that place? 

Mr. KxoAVLES. At 501 Baker Street, San Francisco, an old 3-story 
residence made over. 

The Chairman. The Communists used it as headquarters for the 
direction of the general strike? 

Mr. KxowLES. That is right. 

The Chairman. And the man whose testimony is reduced to the 
form of an affidavit 

Mr. Knowles. Is one of the owners. 

The Chairman. One of the owners of this establishment. 

Mr. Knowles. Yes. 

The Chairman. And at that place they all met and directed the 
general strike. 

Mr. Knowles. That is right. 

The Chairman. That speech was written for Harry Bridges by 
Sam Goodwin? 

Mr. Knowles. That is right. 

The Chairman. "WHio is Sam Goodwin? 

Mr. Knowles. He is a partner in the establishment. 



1738 UN-AMEKICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

The Chairman. And Sam Goodwin wrote the speech that Harry 
Brido'es delivered? 

Mr. Knowles. Yes. 

Mr. Starnes. And Sam Goodwin is a Communist? 

Mr. Knowles. Yes; and he also wrote other articles for the West- 
ern Worker. 

Mr. NiMMO. Mr. Chairman, we also have exhibit No. 8, which_ is 
referred to on page 39 of the maritime brief, and particularly with 
refpT-ence to the meetine; at the Cupertino Ranch. 

Will vou refer to that point ? 

Mr. KxowLES. Exhibit No. 8 is part of an affidavit in which he 

states that: 

Dnriiiff the general strike I attended a meeting at Cnpertino, Calif., at the 
Beatrice Kinoaid Ranch, v.'here a gronp of leaders of the Comninnist Party met 
witli Earl Browder. national secretary of the Comnumist Party, for the pur- 
pose of discussing the matter of Communist policy in connection with the 
general strike. 

Mr. NiiMMO. Do you recall whether there was a speech at thai- 
time? 

Mr KxoAVLES. Yes, sir ; by a man named Edwards. 
Kent, in his statement, went on to say: 

I freauently met with various leaders out at the beach below Fleishacker's 
pool. Am<ing others with whom I met there were Darcy, Pridffes, Walter 
Lambert. Schmidt. Schomaker. Schrimpf, "On;'-eyed" Larson, and Mann, water 
front section organizer of the Comnumist Party. I would frequently bring one 
or two of these men out there in my car and meet the others. These were all 
meetings of the members of the Communist Party only, and the sv.hject matters 
of the discussions were always matters in connection with the strategy of the 
strike. 

We charo-e that at the meetino- at the Cu):)eriino ranch one Ed- 
wards, a iiartv leader, whom almost no one knows, made a speech 
and that this Edwards was none other than AVilliani Pieck, who had 
come to this country from Germanv as representative of the Com- 
intern to oive its directions regarding the handling of the general 
strike. 

That indicates a general contract between the Communist Party, 
through its central committee, and the Comintern International. 

The Chairman. I may say we have in the record considerable 
evidence along that line. 

There was an investigation conducted in 1920, in New York, by 
a legislative committee, long before this occurred, dealino- Avith meth- 
ods used by Communists in France, Germany, and Italv. Those 
methods were identical with the methods later put into eifect in thf; 
sit-down strikes in the east and in the general strike situation in the 
west. 

In. addition to that, there is in evidence a .statement made by 
Stalin, himself, in which he advises the strategy that was afterwards 
put into effect. 

In addition to that, there is a letter written by Victor Kuether, 
while in Moscow, to a comrade in Michigan, and there is other docu- 
mentary evidence that has been introduced showing that this whole 
thing was planned in advance, and that the Communists have been 
conducted schools in Detroit, and I presume the same thing has hap- 
pened on the west coast. 

Mr. Knowles. Yes. 



UN-AMERICAN TKOPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1739 

The Chairman. In which the members were trained to take charge 
of tliis thing when the moment came? 

You may })roceed with your statement. 

Mr. NiMMO. Will you refer to page 40 of the maritime brief and 
turn to the statement in refei'ence to preparations for the general 
strike, and their dealings with the United States Army at the Presidio 
of San Francisco. 

Mr. Knowles. That careful pre])arations for the general strike had 
been made in advance were evidenced by the fact that the unions 
had stored up food to be distributed to their members. The strike 
connnittee announced several matters of great significance proving 
that they intended to take over all sections of government. These 
announcements were as follows : 

1. Permits would be issued for the opening of 19 union restaurants 
scattered at very strategic locations in the city and that deliveries 
to these restaurants will be permitted. These restaurants would 
liave to serve the total population of San Francisco. 

In other words, 19 restaurants were all that were permitted to be 
opened. 

2. That arrangements were being prepared for the establishment of 
food de])ots under the control of the unions, and that deliveries would 
shortly be undertaken to these depots. 

3. That arrangements were being made by the strike committee for 
a special police force to patrol the streets and maintain order. 

In other words, they told these restaurants that they would be 
opened, with deliveries made to these depots, and that they would set 
up their own police force, taking over a function of the Government. 

ISIr. NiMMo. Will you also outline the message they delivered to 
the Government at the Presidio of San Francisco ? 

Mr. Knowles. The strike committee sent a delegation to the United 
States Govermnent. Presidio of San Francisco. Here they informed 
the commanding general of the Ninth Corps Area that they would 
give to the United States Government permits for the operation of 
Army trucks in the city of San Francisco. 

The city of San Francisco and Bay area were paralyzed for a period 
of approximately 21/2 days. The National Guard took a firm stand 
and put a stop to the embargo on food deliveries ; they brought order 
on the waterfront, and an uprising on the part of the citizens of the 
bav area broujzht the general strike to a close. 

This did not end the strike, only the general strike. The maritnne 
strike continued. 

I now ask you to refer to exhibit No. 9. which purports to be the 
August 1934 issue of the Communist magazine. 

]Mr. NiMMO. That bears the label of the Communist Party. 

Mr. Knowles. Yes. 

!Mr. XiM:vro. Will you refer to an article in that magazine which is 
designated by the title, "In the Midst of Great Historic Battles," 
referring to page 741, or page 41 of the brief, if you care to do that, 
and e]al)orate that point. 

Mr. Knowles. From page 741 of the magazine, I quote as follows : 

What do the present strikes, especially the general strike in 8an Francisco, 
show? In the first place, as was pointed out by the recently held meeting of 
the central committee of the Communist I'arty, higher forms of class action are 
being developed by the American proletariat. These higher forms are the mass 



1740 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

character of strikes and the increasing resort to the weapon of the general 
strike. 

Again, on page 745 : 

In San Francisco the struggle was waged not only between the workers and 
shipowners but between the workers and the entire capitalist class and the 
capitalist state. 

And on page 748 : 

The Communist Party played a very important role, first in the development 
of the maritime strike and in calling the general strike in S'an Francisco. The 
Communist Party developed a revolutionary opposition in the International 
Longshoremen's Association, which soon established its influence over the ma- 
jority of the workers. 

On page 749 we find : 

The party will utilize the lessons from these gigantic class battles to carry out 
the decisions of the thirteenth pleum of the Executive Committee Communist 
Internationale, namely that "of tightening up the discipline and fighing fitness 
of every party organization and of every member of the party." 

The California district of the party began energetically to execute the policy 
of concentration on strategic places of decisive industries, and developed revolu- 
tionary mass work inside the American Federation of Labor, not in words but 
in deeds. 

The California district has demonstrated in practice that it is possible to 
involve the American Federation of Labor membership in strike struggles, 
though their unions are under the control of the reactionary leaders. The Cali- 
fornia district has shown that the party can establish its ideological leadership 
over the American Federation of Labor members in spite of their leaders. 

The maritime strike has shown that revolutionary leadership in the American 
Federation of Labor unions is established not through compromise and legalistic 
illusions but through relentless struggle against the misleaders and the estab- 
lishment of independent leadership of the economic struggles of the workers. 

Mr. NiMMO. Will you just develop that point? Is it the result of 
your investigations or your conclusion that in all these instances 
where strikes occurred, and the Connnunist influence was in control, 
that the Communist group really wanted to settle anything ? 

Mr. Knowles. No; far from it. 

Mr. NiMMO. What was it they wanted ? 

Mr. KxowLES. They wanted to continually agitate and keep every- 
thing in turmoil, to bring them closer to the point where they thought 
they might take over. 

Mr. Starnes. Is not that a part of their regular tactics ? 

Mr. Knowles. Yes. 

Mr. Starnes. They thrive on chaos. 

Mr. Knowles. Yes. 

Mr. NiMMo. Do you recall a man by the name of Charles Krum- 
bein, a member of the central committee ? 

Mr. Knowles. Yes; Charles Krumbein is a member of the central 
committee of the Communist Party, and both the War Department 
and the Navy Department have information that Krinnbein in 1934, 
1935, and 1936 was the organizer under separate commission in the 
central committee of the Communist Party for agitation work by the 
armed forces of the United States. 

]\Ir. Starnes. That is, the National Guard and the Regular Army. 

Mr. Knowles. The Regular Army, the Navy, the National Guard, 
and the Marine Corps, 

Mr. NiMMO. I believe you have a reference to a wire dated July 7, 
1934, which he sent to the general marine strike committee in San 
Francisco. 



UX-A.Mi:ia("A.\ PR()!'A<;.\N1>A ACTIVITIES 1741 

Mr. Knowles. Yes; it is exhibit 14, on pa<ie 43 of the brief, and 
there you will iiiul the followin<2: teleorani sent by Charles Krumbein 
to the general marine strike connnittee, dated July 7. 1934: 

We, 15,000 workers, assembled July 6, 1934, at Madison Square Garden in 
New York City, send warmest fraternal greetings to all strikers in their heroic 
struggle for tl;e right to organize, strike, and picket around your justitied de- 
mands. Your militant struggle is a lesson for all workers on how to fight against 
the worsening conditions under the New Deal. We pledge ourselves to do all 
possil)le to extend the strike to the New York port and to arou.se a mighty 
protest movement against the Fascist terroristic use of the National Guard 
and the city police on the part of Governor Merriam and Mayor Rossi. 

Mr. Ni:mmo. Now, will you refer to pag-e 52 of the brief, and indi- 
cate to the connnittee the manner in which Bridges then extended 
his line under the Communist influence. 

Mr. Knowles. Yes; that was in connection with firemen, oilers, 
and water tenders. 

One of the most important links in the chain of unions to be taken 
over by Bridges and his "Equality" group was the Marine Firemen's, 
Oilers. Watertenders' and Wipers' Union. This union had been for 
many years an affiliate of the International Seamen's Union. 

The Communists used the same method of procedure as always. 
They first infiltrated radicals into the union and then replaced the 
old leaders by new men. 

John T. McGovern, a union leader who had been business manager 
of this union for many years, w^as replaced by one Earl King. King 
was a Canadian by birth, but eventually became a naturalized citizen 
of the United States. 

King was on familiar terms witli all local Communist Party mem- 
bers in San Francisco. He openly supported Communist Party mem- 
bers in the city and State elections. He was a close confidant of 
Lawrence Ross, who was editor of the AVestern Worker. 

Earl King, Harry Bridges, and Randolph Merriweather, business 
manager of the Marine Engineers' Beneficial Association, were the 
three radicals that comprised the most dangerous group on the San 
Francisco water front. 

Their satellites were Claude Britt, the Honolulu representative of 
the union; Myron Coffin, the Seattle representative; George Boyle, 
Wayne Beeson, C. Chisterman, Blackie Campeau, Ed. Davis, Joseph 
W. Dowdy, Jack Dalton, Ben Drysdale, Jolm Ferguson, "Tiny" Fer- 
rin, George Gay, Frank Hawley, and Ben Nelson. 

King, Dalton, and Merriweather provided a bunch of sluggers that 
had no limits in deviltry. Those men were always available to be 
sent away to do some job of intimidation and violence. A berth on 
shipboard was ah^ays ready for any of these men to make a get- 
away after they had committed some crime. 

This group maintained headquarters in the New Occidental Hotel 
in San Francisco. The manager of the hotel was James Pope and 
his son was a confidential clerk to Harry Bridges. 

It was this group that threatened and intimidated engineers and 
nonlicensed personnel who refused to join the union. 
^ Tliere was close cooperation between Marine P'iremen, the Marine 
Engineers' Beneficial Association, and the Communist Party. 

Mr. Starxes. Before you go further, let me say this, "in other 
words, it is not only the employers who have strong-arm squads and 



1742 UN-AME1!ICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Avho import killers and thags and gunmen, but we find these em- 
l^loyees doing that? . i t 

Mr. Knoavi.es. We are leading up to a presentation along that Ime, 
if I may continue. In other words, if they could not sell their doc- 
trines to these people, they either liquidated them or purged them or 
got them away from the scene. 

The Chairman. These three men were the spearhead of that law- 
less gang; is that correct? 

Mr. Knowles. That is right. Earl King is now a resident of San 
Quentin Prison. 

]\Ir. Starnes. Did you find evidence of the fact that some of these 
men were imported or brought from out of the State of California? 

Mr. Knowees. The sluggers, you mean? 

Mr. Starnes. Yes. 

Mr. Knowles. Yes, to some degree, in some locations. 

The Chairman. Suppose you develop your story along that line. 

Mr. Knowles. I think if you will permit me, I have something on 
that in this statement. 

The Chairman. You may proceed. 

Mr. Nimmo. I was just going to tie that in, Mr. Chairman. This 
party, Earl King, whom you mentioned, is now in San Quentin; is 
that correct? 

Mr. Knowles. Yes. 

Mr. Nimmo. AVill you state the circumstances surrounding the in- 
dictment of the four or five defendants with Earl King ? 

Mr. Knowles. Let m^e say before that that at this time we notify 
the committee that witnesses from the list appended to this report will 
be put on the stand to prove the assertions regarding the activitieg 
within the Firemen, Oilers, and Watertenders' Union. 

On April 24, 1936, indictments were returned against three mem- 
bers by the San Francisco grand jury on the charge of criminal 
libel. 

These were Earl King, secretary of the Marine Firemen, Oilers, 
Watertenders, and Wipers' Union, and A. M. Murphy, assistant to 
Harry Lundeberg, secretary of the Maritime Federation of the Pa- 
cific, and James Neill, alias Walter O'Neill. 

We introduce to the committee at this time a clipping from a 
San Francisco newspaper dated April 29, 1936, entitled, "Three In- 
dicted in Union Murder Conspiracy," and request that it be marked 
"Exhibit No. 16." 

We quote from this exhibit : 

That the entire Hunter case was framed by Kin.c;. I'l-idges, et al.. in the hope 
of obtaining newspaper publicity that would discredit Mr. Hunter and the 
International Seamen's Union was clearly brought out in court and has been 
made even more evident since the grand-jury investigation. 

In September 1936 a more sinister plot came to light, the same 
Earl King, and E. H. Ramsey, George Wallace, Frank J. Conner, 
and Ben Sackowitz were indicted by the Alameda County grand 
jury and held to answer on charges of first-degree murder for the 
nuirder of George W. Alberts, chief engineer of the steamship 
Point Lohos. 



UN-AMKKK'AN I'KOrAC.VNDA ACTIVITIES 1743 

AVe introduce at this time clippings from a San Francisco news- 
])apor dated September 12, 103G, and request that tlicy be marked 
'^Exhibit No. IT." 

We now quote from a statement made by one of the defendants, 

Frank J. Conner : 

The Idllins: of Alberts was not the work of lofiitimatc imion men but of 
Communists in the ranlvS of labor. Lesitimato union men do not believe in 
beef squads and don't want them. 

The Alberts nnird(>r was the work of a handftd of Communists who were 
trying to ruin the Marine Firemen, Oilers. Watertenders. and Wipers' Asso- 
ciation, which is one of the finest organizations in the country. 

I am not a Communist and I don't want to associate with them. They are 
not interested in better wages or better conditions for seamen. They are only 
interested in constant turmoil. 

One Connnunist on a ship will get the whole crew down. I would leave any 
ship that had more than two of them aboard, because it would mean just con- 
tinual trouble fen- everyone during the entire cruise. Even though there are 
only a few Connnnnists aboard, those who oppose them are likely to get their 
heads knocked off when they go ashore. 

That whicli has followed since the conviction of these murderers 
is of equal interest to the committee. 

George Alberts was killed, leavin^r a wife and three small children, 
in order to terrorize other men who refused to obey the demands 
of the Communist radical leaders. Since the murder, a so-called 
"defense committee*' has continued to solicit funds to aid these four 
criminals and proA'ide them with comforts while in prison. 

Kinc:, while occupyino- a felon's cell, has been regularly elected as 
honorary president of the Firemen's, Oilers' and Watertenders' Union. 
The "red" line of communism is shown in the entire case. 

King was a member of the Communist Party, as well as Sackowitz. 
Kamsey and Murphy took Wallace to George Wolff, a member of the 
Communist Party, who in turn took them to Lawrence Ross, then 
editor of the "Western Workers," to arrange for a passport to either 
Mexico or Russia. Sackowitz, being a member of the party, was 
gotten out of town. He reported to the Communist Party in New 
York, where he was last heard from and probably secured through 
that agency a passport to Russia, The attorney who was hired to 
defend this group was George Anderson, a ranking m.ember of the 
Conmiunist Party. 

This nmrder was but one of a series of other murders or attempted 
murders of licensed or unlicensed personnel. For the benefit of the 
committee we shall cite a few of them. 

At this time we offer in evidence photostatic copy of note sent to 
•strike committee. Marine Workers' Industrial Union, by Carl Lynch, 
secretary of strike committee, and request that it be marked "Exhibit 
No. 18." 

In the original, in caps, "he is not to ke permitted to return to 
THAT SHIP," is typed in red. It is interesting to note that Captain 
Silvers did not return to the ship. 

The Ch.mrmax. What was that? 

Mr. KxoAVLEs. This is a ])hotostatic copy of a memorandum note 
written on pa[)er, dated May 23, 1934, 9: 30 p. m. It says: 

Attention : Strike Committee M. W. I. U. 

Captain Silver?^, aboard steam schooner Peter ITehnes, pier 40, goes ashore at 
night and returns every morning, sometimes before 8 a. m. He is a short heavy- 

949.51— 38— vol. 3 3 



2744 UN-AMKKICAN PItOI'AGANDA ACTIVITIES 

-<(i[ iiKiii. wearing a grey suit. The masters, mates, and pilots, having declared a 
.sri-ikc, JiE IS NOT TO i;k picrmitjed to retubx to that ship. 

Tlie .sliJp is working two sets of gears. Try to check on scabs. 
Yoni- coo])(>i-arion with our pickets on this matter will bo appreciated, 
riespectfully, 

Carl Lynch. 
Secrctarij, SfrtLe Committee. 

Ml". NiMiNio. I aslc you whether Captain Silvers ever went back to 
tliesliit)? 

JNfr. Knowles. Captain Silvers did not return to his ship. 

j\Ir. NiMMO. AVill YOU continue with the other murder? 

'J"he Chairman. What happened to Captain Silvers? 

Mv. KxowLES. I do not know. Pie is unheard of at the present 
time. His present whereabouts are unknown, have been unknown 
fi'om that time on. 

'J'he Chaiilman. Gentlemen, it is now a quarter of twelve and, so 
that we may have a connected view of this picture so far, will you 
summarize Avhat this has shown up to this time? I think you can 
do that, for this morning's hearino:, so that we can have a brief, 
summarized picture. 

Mr. NiMMO. You mean you would like to have us summarize what 
we have presented this morninof. up to the present time? 

The Chairman. Yes: if you do not mind. 

Mr. NiMMO. It would be this, substantially, Mr. Chairman: That 
the Communist Party has infiltrated into this particular activity 
that Ave are dealing with now, the maritime unions on the Pacific 
coast. That away bade, as early as 1922, I believe it was, there were 
other unions functioning on the coast and for many years they had 
no particular trouble with the shipowners and with the operators. 

That when Bridges began his activity and after 1922, I think it 
Avas, and continuing right doAvn to the time of the general strike in 
1934, this Communist infiltration continued Avith increasing velocity 
or moA'ement. 

That it finally Avorked its way completely through the labor 
unions, and particularly, in our discussion today, the maritime unions 
on the Pacific coast. 

That they Avere all brought together under this maritime federa- 
tion of which Bridges at one time ATas the president. Later on, be- 
cause of his success with this, he Avas made a director of the C. I. O. 
on the Pacific coast, or the director on the Pacific coast. 

That the Communist influence has been most directly contacted Avith 
and directed in the labor unions through the agency of Bridges' own 
work and his own activities. 

That at heart he is a Communist. That all of his statements and 
actiAnties, Avhicli wall be disclosed in this brief, up to the present 
tinie, point to a communistic vicAvpoint, independently of his ac- 
tiAnties. And then that in subsequent years, as he developed, he 
reached a Communist state of mind. 

That it was not to settle the thing that they were fighting for, but 
it AA-as to keep on fighting and ultimately bring about such a con- 
dition as this general strike in San Francisco, following the mari- 
time strike on the AA'ater front in 1934. 

We had reached the point when the chairman suo-irested this sum- 
mary, of producing a record or at least a part of the record of the 
murders which followed; of the sinking of the body of one man in 



UN-AMERICAN PROrAGANDA ACTIVITFES 1745 

the B:iy of San Francisco in cement and chains; of the conviction 
of some of these men and of tlieir 

Tlie CiiATRMAN. Yon have not gotten to that yet? 

Mr. Ni:NrM0. No. 

The Chairman. I was referring only to what developed this morn- 
ing. I was interested in the statements that they had formed a 
committee for the pnrpose of terrorizing anyone who opposed their 
wishes. 

Was that a part of the Commnnist strategy ? 

Mr. NiM^iio. Unqnestionably, it was. And it grew ont of the work 
of tlie Equality Hall group,' and the other high-powered sluggers 
and those men 'that were introduced into the San Francisco group. 

:Mr. Stakxks. There is one thing that I, as a member of the com- 
mittee, am interested in. That is the question whether or not it is 
undisimted that Harry Bridges is an alien. 

Mr. NiMMO. Yes. 

Mr. Stakxfs. There will be strong evidence, sufficient to convince 
the open mind, that he is a Communist? 

Mr. Ni:Nr:sro. Yes. 

I^lr. Starxes. Then, tied with that and his Communist activities, 
you will be able to show that there have been acts of sabotage, terror- 
Ism, and crimes involving moral turpitude? 

Mr. XiM:\ro. I think we can connect that up quite completely. But, 
of course, I think it will take a period of time, because we have wit- 
nesses which we will have to produce at the appropriate time. We 
could not do it here in Washington. 

INIr. Starnes. I understand ; but you can do that ? 

Mr. XiMMO. I think without doubt the committee will be satisfied 
on that point. 

The Chairman. I may say, having read this Labor Department 
file very carefully, that it has in it all of the evidence in the world 
that is needed to tie that in ; that is right in this file, 

;Mr. XiMMO. Yes, I think so. 

The Chairman. That is, in addition to what you have. But, just 
taking the file, the depositions and the affidavits in the file, it ties that 
in quite completely. 

jNIr. XiMMO. I think so, Mr. Chairman. 

]\Ir. Starxes. Will your investigation disclose, or has it disclosed, 
tliat this was more of a reigii of terror out there, in line with Com- 
munist Party action, than it was a legitimate labor union strike, 
with legitimate labor union demands? 

Mr. XiMMO. I do not think there is any doubt about it at all. I 
Avant to make the same apology/ that I did when I first came here. 
This material, which is exceedingly voluminous, has been thrown into 
my hands only within the last few days. But I have tried to make 
an intensive study of it, and I think the development of it is very 
clear, that, throughout, they intended to bring about this general 
strike, not for the purpose of emphasizing any labor union demands 
but to bring about a state of chaos, which is typically communistic. 
That is all there is to it. 

INIr. Starxes. That is what the committee is exceedingly anxious 
to bring out ; because, frankly, I am quite sure that a number of the 
members of the committee, as well as the vast majority of our people, 
are interested in and sympathetic with legitimate labor union de- 



1746 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

mancls. But wlien it gets beyond that field and becomes a matter of 
absolute lawlessness and a reign of terror, directed by the Communist 
Party, as ])art of the Communist Party program, then we have an 
enth-ely different proposition. And, of course, that is what we are 
trying to develop. 

Mr. NiMMO. I think that has developed. We have attempted, of 
course, in this very hurried way today — because we were afraid the 
committee might be jealous of its time — to bring out these highlights. 
We hope to develop it more fully when the committee gets out west. 
But we would say this, that it is quite obvious from these investiga- 
tions that the research committee has made, that the main object —  
or, if I may put it this way — the first main object of this Communist 
group was to get rid of the legitimate, conservative, strong labor 
union leaders, who had been in power for years. And that was pre- 
cisely what they accomplished, when they ultimately got through. 
That was to get these men out. This Blue Book Union is no longer, 
I understand, in existence. If it is, it is not functioning. And that 
was a union that existed on the water front for many 3'ears. 

Then, when the International Longshoremen's Association was de- 
veloped by Bridges, it wiped out tliese other two unions, the Riggers 
and Stevedores, I think they called it. 

Mr. Starnes. You are going to l)e able to show that this maritime 
strike which tied up the American flag on the coast, or drove it, 
rather, from the Pacific Ocean, was directed by an alien, who was 
assigned by a group of other aliens, most of whom were active mem- 
bers of the Communist Party? 

Mr. NiMMO. I think you have summarized it very well. 

The Chairman. We will recess until 1 o'clock. 

(Whereupon a recess was taken until 1 p. m.) 

AFTER RECESS 

(The subcommittee resumed its session at 1 : 30 p. m.) 

The Chairman. Mr. Knowles, when you read from the brief, please 
give the page and line, so we will have no trouble in following it. 

Mr. NiMMO. Mr. Chairman, I think this morning, at the time of 
adjournment, Ave were just going into the murders, or into the series 
of murders. I think Mr. Knowles might proceed with that part of it. 

Mr. Knowles. At the conclusion of the testimony this morning, 
we were at the center of page 56. The first case is that of Otto 
Blaczensky. 

He was deck engineer of the S. S. Minnesotan. He was urged 
to join the Marine Engineers' Beneficial Association and refused. 
On October 22, 193G, while the Minnesotan. was lying at pier 28, he 
had his throat cut and his body thrown into the bay. No arrests 
have ever been made in this case. 

The next is the case of V/illiam V. McConologue. He w^as assistant 
engineer on the S. S. Goofoneva. His body was found floating in the 
bay in November 193G. 

The next is the case of Raoul Louis Cherbourg: On August 2, 
1936, Cherbourg's body was found in the bay near the San ^lateo- 
Hayward Bridge. His nude body wra|)ped in chains and wire gave 
mute evidence of the manner of his death. This man was a friend 
of Harry Lundeberg's and it was felt that he had important informa- 
tion to reveal to Lundeberg. 



UN-AMERICAN PROrAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1747 

We ofTiT at this time tlie ])ieture of Cherbourg's body and request 
tliat it be marked "Exhibit No. 19." 

(The picture referred to was received in evidence and marked 
"Knov. les Exhibit No. 19, October 24, 1938.") 

The CiiAiijiMAx. They liad a eliain wrapped around his body. 
Tliey tied a weight to it, and the body was thrown into the bay. 

ISIr. Kxowi.KS. Yes, sir. 

The CirAiR:>rAK. How did tliey recover the body? 

Mr. Knowles. It floated. 

The next is the case of Carl Tillman : Carl Tillman, a member of 
the Seamen's I'^^nion and a friend of Cherbourg's, had received a 
telephone call from him stating that he had some information. A 
meeting place Avas arranged for, but the man met his death before 
the meeting took place. The Seamen's Union offered a reward of 
.$500 for the arrest and conviction of those who committed this 
crime, but no arrest has taken place in this case to date. 

The next is Frank G. Hussey: He was chief engineer of the S. S. 
Shelton and incurred the displeasure of certain union leaders. His 
dead body was taken out of the bay in San Pedro, Calif. 

The next is Charles Arnold: The assistant engineer of the Dollar 
Line S. S. President Polk while at sea on October 7. 1935, was as- 
saulted by Eugene Paton, now president of the Warehousemen's 
Union in San Francisco, and by Thomas Sharp. He was attacked 
in his stateroom. 

We desire to introduce at this time a copy of that portion of the 
log of the steamship President Polk dated October 7, 1935, and 
request that it be marked "Exhibit No. 20." 

(The matter referred to was received in evidence and marked 
"Knowles Exhibit No. 20, October 24, 1938.") 

The Chairman. This reads — 

At 11 : 48 p. m., October 7, Eugene Paton and Thomas O'Noil Sharp as- 
saulted Charles Arnold, second assistant engineer, while he was asleep in his 
bunk witli an instrument, to wit, a piece of standard galvanized iron pipe 
2111. inches by 1V{> inches, likely to produce great bodily injury. C. Arnold has 
a laceration about IV2 inches long in the skin over the bridge of the nose. This 
wound is jagged and the * * * contused and swollen; the wound extends 
entirely through the skin but there is apparently no fracture of the nasal 
bones. Paton and Sharp deserted the ship after committing the offense. 

^Ir. Xi.AiMO. I think it should be emphasized that the president 
of the International Longshoremen's Union, working under 
Bridges 

Mr. KxowLES (interposing). The president of the International 
Longshoremen's Union, at San Francisco 

Mr. XiMMO (interposing). Under Bridges. 

Mr. Knov>-les. Yes, sir. They had two strikes, and he has been 
dominating the strike of the warehousemen, or the strike that has 
tied up tlie wareliouses in San Francisco. 

^[r. XiMMO. Working under Bridges. 

Mr. Knowles. Yes, sir. 

The next ca"^e is that of John Hogan : He was a patrolman of th.e 
Intei-national Longshoremen's AssfxMation, and on or abcut March 27, 
1937. he talked with friends while he was on his way to have a little 
family party with his wife and child. Hogan never arrived homo 
and has never been heard of since. 



1748 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Hogan was very much against tlie Communist element in the 
International Longshoremen's Association and made no attempt to 
keep silent on the subject. Because of his outspoken tactics many 
complaints were made to higher I. L. A. officials. 

The next is the case of Robert Hilker: He was deck engineer of 
the S. S. Helen Whitfler, which was strike-bound in Honolulu in 
April 1936. He was forced to leave the ship for fear of foul play. 
He had opposed the tying up of the vessel. The day he was last 
seen he told the dock watchman that he was leaving the ship because, 
"If I sail with that gang, you will be picking me up out of the bay," 
Three days later his battered body was recovered from the bay. 

The next is the case of G. Mott. 

He was third engineer of the S. S. Golden Sta7\ Mr. Mott had an 
excellent service record with the xlmerican Hawaiian Steamship Co. 
and was known as a conservative labor man. His body was recovered 
from the Bay of Kobe Harbor, Japan, April 10, 1936. 

The next is the case of K. H. Schwartz : On January 11, 1935, 
Schwartz was serving as a second assistant engineer on the S. S. 
Point Clear and the creAv refused to work the vessel because Mr. 
Schwartz refused to join the Marine Engineers Beneficial Associa- 
tion. 

On June 28, having been transferred to the S. S. Judith^ Scliwartz 
was assaulted and stabbed by P. F. Flanagan, a member of the crew, 
while Schwartz was eating a meal. 

We request that the committee pay particular attention to the 
matter of R. L. Cherbourg, as it will be brought up again in another 
brief. 

The Marine Firemen's, Oilers', and Watertenders' and Wipers' 
Union still hold their membership in tlie Maritime Federation. 

THE MARINE COOKS' ASSOCIATION 

The Marine Cooks and Stewards' Association had been for many 
years an affiliate of the Sailors' Union of the Pacific and the Inter- 
national Seamen's Union. Eugene F. Burke was the secretary of this 
association. 

The Communist Party made sufficient infiltration into the Cooks 
and Stewards' Union to make Burke take orders from them when he 
tried to jump over the traces. 

In defiance of the rules and laws of tlie International Seamen's 
Union he took his organization into the Maritime Federation of the 
Pacific and obeyed the program that Bridges set up. 

When Ivan Hunter wrote to the Sailors' Union of the Pacific, 
inviting them to come back into the International Seamen's Union, 
Burke wired the Maritime Federation that his organization backed 
the stand of the S. U. P. and would not join the International except 
on the terms that the sailors set up. 

This position placed Bridges in command through the Maritime 
Federation of the Cooks and Stewards and they did their share of 
strike activities in violation of the various awards that had been 
signed by both parties. 

At the present time the situation is that the Marine Cooks and 
Stewards' Association has gone over to Harry Lundeberg, and when 
Sailors' Union of the Pacific goes into the American Federation of 
Labor it is likely that they will follow the Lundeberg lead. 



UN-A.Mi:ui('.\>; rit()r.\(;.\.\i>.\ actixi rii':s ]749 

THE BAY AND lUYKM I'.AIjr.EMEN's UNION 

This union luul lor i(s business munaiivr Ted Slarr, and nl(h()ii<i;h 
he frequently takes issue with Bridjjes on matters of policy, i( is to 
be noted tliat he took his union into the Maritime Federation. Tims 
the Bay and River men made an added link to the chain conti'olled 
by the federation. 

THE DOCK clerks' UNION 

Durinii' the life ol" this union many jurisdictional disputes have 
taken place between it and the Railroad Clerks. 

J. J. Finnei]:an was formerly business mana<;er and is a conservative. 

Dnrino; the 1934 strike lie tried to brino; about j^eace and was one 
of the deleo-ates that ao:reed with Joseph Ryan, IMike Casey, Dave 
Beck, and the citizens' committee to end the strike. Because of this 
action he was dropped from his position. 

Harry P^stey became president, and S. F. Bode, George A. White, 
and H. Stuyvulaer took over this union. 

This union also came into the ]\Iaritime Federation and organized 
branches in the several ports of the Pacific coast. 

At the jn-esent time they have appeared to liaA'e broken with Harry 
Bridges. Tlie new officials in opposition to the Bridges group re- 
fused to let him or the Maritime Federation have anything to do 
witli the neAv contract that the}' negotiated with the water-front 
em]iloyers. but they are still members of the Maritime Federation 
and no doubt everything will be done to patch up the present dis- 
agreement. 

THE FERRYBOATMEn's UNION 

The Ferrvboatmen's Union has never been a radical union and its 
members have been generally old seamen who were em])loyed on the 
local ferries connecting San Francisco with points on the San Fran- 
cisco Bay. 

Until 1936 they were members of the International Seamen's 
Union, but in 1936 the charter was suspended because they affiliated 
with the Maritime Federation. Charles W. Deal was the business 
manager of this union, and it is to be remembered that he aided 
Albert Kullberg in circulating the first petition for a charter for a 
new longshoremen's union that was finallv chartered by Joseph C. 
Ryan, as I. L. A. 38-79. 

During the general strike of 1934 Deal called off the men from the 
local ferries, ]:» re venting thousands of commuting residents from get- 
ting to San Francisco during the 3-day general tie-up. 

"When John L. Lewis of the C. I. O. gave Bridges control of the 
Pacific coast, Deal went along with the C. I. O. and the Bridges 
control. 

I\Ir. XiMJio. Now, will yon take up the question of the Ship Scalers' 
Union, mentioned on page 61? Suppose you outline Brown's activi- 
ties in connection with the Ship Scalers' Union. 

SHIP scalers' union 

Mr. Knowles. Prior to Communist infiltration this union had been 
a rather humble organization and never got into trouble. The men 
were satisfied with their jobs and their employment. 



1750 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Infiltration commenced prior to 1934 and the conserA^ative men 
began to notice that their authority was being questioned. 

On September 23, 1935, the Communists made up their minds to 
take over the iniion and brouglit their "beef squad" to the head- 
quarters of the union at 32 Clay Street. 

A serious riot took place in which Vincent Torres Avas killed and 
Alva Du Mond, head of the unemployment movement of the Com- 
munist Party, was severely stabbed, as was Soren Sorenson, a prom- 
inent member of the I. L. A. 

George Wolff and Archie Brown, both members of the Communist 
Party, together with three others, were arrested and charged with 
murder. 

This case was finally dismissed as the police declared it to be just 
another water-front riot with insufficient evidence. 

Archie Brown is an active member of the Communist Party. He 
has been arrested many times. He was candidate for the State as- 
sembly on the Communist Party ticket. He has acted as a personal 
bodyguard of Harry Bridges. 

We point out to the committee at this time that we have men- 
tioned Archie Brown in particular because he is neither a long- 
shoreman nor a ship scaler and he had no business at a meeting at 
which the riot took place except to help in taking the union away 
from the conservative membership. He was there purely as a mem- 
ber of the Communist Party to see that the dictates of the Com- 
munists were carried out by (Greorge Wolff. 

I might mention in connection with Archie Brown that the latest 
information shows that he was employed with the Loyalist forces in 
Spain. 

The Communist Party effected control of the Ship Scalers' Union. 
George Wolff became president, Pete Garcia, vice president, and Mary 
Sandoval became secretary. 

Pete Garcia was a member of the I. L. A., editor of a radical 
Mexican newspaper, and member of the Communist Party. He wasi 
active in trying to have Paul Scharrenberg dropped out of the I. S. U., 
the Central Labor Council, and the State Federation of Labor. As 
Garcia had been active in organizing the I. L. A., he received his 
reward by being elected vice president of the Ship Scalers' Union. 

The most flagrant of all the acts of tlie Connnunist Party was 
the induction of George Wolff into the IMarine Union leadership. 
Wolff has no record as ever having worked along shore in San Fran- 
Cisco m any capacity. He has a gift of speech and some degree of 
education. He was recruited for the International Longshoremen's 
Association from a Mission Street "hash house" and his first job 
was to be placed on the labor relations committee of the Interna- 
tional Longshoremen's Association in San Francisco. Wolff next- 
organized the dock stewards and then proceeded to order the slow- 
ing up of work and a change in working rules on the dock in viola- 
tion of tlie awards. 

He then became president of the Ship Scalers' Union, president 
of the_ Communist Sports Club, and was active in all Communist 
gatherings supporting the Communist Party ticket. Wolff has also 



UN-A.MEKICAN l'!a)!'AGANDA ACTIVITIES 1751 

been cliainnan of many ieci,'|)ti()n committees to ranking members 
of the Connnunist Party, of wliicli he also is a very hifjh member. 

He is now the president of the Ahiska Fishermen's Union and is 
lookinc: foi- new Avorlds to conquer. 

It is perhai>s needless for us to here ])oint out that the Ship Scalers' 
Union also attiliated Mith the Maritime Federation v.dien George 
"Wolff became its ])resident. 

^Ir. XiMMO. It should be emphasized that Brown was not a mem- 
ber of this crew, nor a member of the Longshoremen's Union. He 
had no part in the work of these men or in the activities at the time 
the riot occurred. 

THE A:MERICAN RADIO TELEGRAniERS' ASSOCIATION 

Mr. Knowles. The American Radio Telegraphers' Association was 
anotl'.er of the unions that joined the Maritime Federation of the 
Pacific. We will not discuss it in this brief, as we intend to present 
a sepaiate brief on communicatiojis and the infiltration of Com- 
munists into the handling of communications. 

LOCAL GS OF THE INTERNATIONAL ASSOCIATION OF MACHINISTS 

This union had been an American Federation of Labor affiliate, 
but its charter was taken away when it affiliated with the Maritime 
Federation of the Pacific. 

Peter Isaac is president. Harry Hook, business agent, T. W. 
Howard, secretary, E. F. Dillon, recording secretary. 

Hai'ry Hook is a member of the Communist Party. He was on 
the 1934 strike committee under Harry Bridges. He is at present 
an officer in the ISIaritime Federation and is active in C. I. O. circles. 

THE MASTERS, MATES, AND PILOTS' ASSOCIATION 

This organization was long affiliated with the American Federation 
of Labor. The San Francisco local was headed, during the 1934 
strike, by George Chariot as president, Captain E. V. O'Grady, sec- 
retary and business manager, and C. F. May as secretary-treasurer. 

O'Grady, the secretary and business manager, practically ran the 
miion. O'Gi'ady was an old-time Communist and was active in 
organizing the Maritime Federation. O'Grady and Roy Pyle, of 
the A. R. T. A., worked with Sam Darcy, then the head of the thir- 
teenth Communist district, in electing H. Lundeberg as the first 
president of the Maritime Federation. 

Charges were brought against George Chariot that he had taken 
photostat copies of certain official communications and he was de- 
posed as president being succeeded by Capt. O. R. Rolstad. 

O'Grady became too active in Communist circles and therefore 
lost his position as business manager of the M. M. and P. He was 
then a])pointed as regional director of the Committee for Industrial 
Organization of Portland, Oreg. 

Tlie INIasters, Mates, and Pilots' I'l'nion have now severed their 
affiliation with the Maritime Federation. They did not join the 
C. L O. 



1752 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

MARINE engineers' BENEFICIAL ASSOCIATION, LOCAL J 97 

This local is officered by J. E. O'Brien as president, John Dever 
and A. Mehle as vice presidents, and Randolph Merriweather as sec- 
retary-treasurer and business manager. The officers are figureheads 
and Merriweather runs the union. 

MerriAveather was in close harmony with Bridges, Earl King, and 
other radicals and joined the Maritime Federation. 

While Merriweather is not recorded as a Communist, nevertheless, 
he worked with Communist leaders and with radical leaders and was 
active in the 1934 and other maritime strikes. 

Mr. NiMMO. Now, we would like to present a general outline of the 
Mai'itime Federation, beginning on page 65, ancl continuing on pages 
66 and 67. 

^Ir. Knoavles. In connection with the general strike? 

Mr. NiMMO. Yes. The report on the general strike to the Corn- 
mint ern at Moscow was in what year? 

Mr. Knowles. That was in 1935. 

Mr. NiMMO. If you will refer to page 65, you will find the begin- 
ning of the outline of the Maritime Federation. 

Mr. Knowles. We have now presented to the committee the roster 
of the unions joining the Marithne Federation. We have tried to 
give tlie j^icture of the Communist thread running back and forth 
through these unions as their warp and woof. We shall now^ show to 
the committee by what means the Federation was accomplished. 

In February 1935, Harry Bridges, Henry Schmidt. Henry 
Schrimpf, and'Alvin Kullberg, all members of the "Equality Hall" 
group, had themselves appointed delegates from I. L. A. 38-79 to a 
convention to arrange for organizing the Pacific Coast Federation. 

This effort was backed by the Communists of the Twelfth and 
Thirteenth Districts. Bridges appointed himself, Roy Pyle of the 
A. R. T. A., and Captain Lawberg of the Masters', Mates' and Pilots' 
Union as a committee on bylaws. In May 1935 at an I. L. A. district 
convention lield in Portland, William Christensen. Emmet Harris, 
Fred Heiner, Otto Kleinman, John MontacoUi, William Owens, John 
Olson, Henry Schmidt, Henry Schrimpf, John D. Shaw, and Elmer 
Wheeler were elected delegates to attend a meeting of organization 
for a maritime federation. 

The attention of the committee is directed to tlie fact that all these 
men were original "Equality Hall" members and all members of the 
Communist Party and every move they made was reported to the 
thirteenth Communist district. 

The Federation was finally formed and H. O. Lundeberg of the 
S. IT. P. and S. M. Kelly of the Firenlens', Oilers', Watertenders', 
and Wipers' Union were elected president and secretary respectively. 
A new paper was arranged for to be named "The Voice of the Fed- 
eration," with F. Stoddard as editor in chief. 

Stoddard was soon succeeded by N. V. O. Larsen, the paper being 
printed by the Golden Gate Press at 122 Golden Gate Avenue, where 
many other radical papers were printed. 

The next year William Fischer w^as elected president of the Feder- 
ation. Fischer had been a member of the Industrial Workers of the 
World, but was not a Communist. For this reason Henry Schrimpf 
was elected as a member of the board of trustees and on the editorial 
board with Barney Mayes. Mayes was then elected editor in chief. 



UN-AMERICAX rKOPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1753 

Bridws (lid not like either Fischer or INIaves and as these two men 
were quite independent Bridges determined to get them both out. 

Barney INfayes resigned under fire in December 1936 and made the 
following statement to the press : 

Tho real explanation for this nnnsually vicious attaclc against me started 
in tlie elTorts of the Communist I'arty to crucify me l)ecanse I liave resisted 
their attetnpts lo dictate tlie policy of The Voice of the Federation. My fight 
was never based upon any personal consideration, but upon the desire to ])reveut 
the same wrecking of iniions which is inevitable when tlie Communist Party 
becomes dominant in any situation. We are obliged to leave and let the new 
editor start from scratch. 

At the 1038 convention of the Federation, J. ^V. Engstrom was 
elected ])resi(lent. The joint executive and editorial committee is 
A. Virgin. Paul Benson, Harry Hook. John D. Schomaker, R. Merri- 
wenther. Carl Tillman, O. Rolstad, P. Kowalski, G. Sanfazan, and 
K. Fitzgerald. 

The committee has now been placed in possession of the facts 
regarding the history of the organization of the Maritime Federa- 
tion of the Pacific and also the general strikes of 1934. 

We shall proceed now with the events which have taken place 
since the general strike of 1934. 

We believe that the committee, after the examination of the evi- 
dence given in the basic brief, both documentary and the testimony 
of witnesses who have heretofore appeared before it in relation to 
the Maritime brief, Avill recognize that the events leading up to 
the general strike and the general strike itself may be considered as 
practices in class revolt. This is exactly Mhat the Communist Party 
called it. 

]Mr. Ni!MiMO. I do not have the precise reference to the brief, but 
I would like to have you take up the development and use of the 
members of the Maritime Federation and the officials of the Long- 
shoremen's Association in interferring and assisting in other strikes 
with which thev had nothing to do. Do you have that before yon? 

;Mr. KxowLES. Yes, sir ,; that is on page 68. From the general strike 
the Communists claim to have learned the application of greater 
strategy for adaptation in the next general strike. 

A full report of the general strike was taken to the Comintern 
and to th.e Seventh Congress of the Communist International at 
Moscow, by Sam Darcy, then leader of district 13 of the Communist 
Party of the United States of America. 

From the report given. Communist International set out the prin- 
ciples for the future conduct of a general strike in the United States 
of America and these in turn were transmitted to the Communist 
Party of the United States. 

The possibility of a break between John L. Lewis and the Ameri- 
can Federation of Labor had already commenced to loom on the 
horizon. The events of 1935 and 1936 were to see this actual 
development. 

]\Iur]i of the literature of America, especially the magazines, took 
a definitely leftward trend. The Comnmnist Party seized upon this 
and used it to great advantage, capturing the sympathies and support 
of many American writers. 

Strike violence occurred throughout the United States and with it 
came an increasing tempo of action on the part of the Communist 
Party. 



1754 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

We are certain that the committee prior to its coming to the 
Pacific coast has already found that these strikes were more or less 
coordinated in character and showed all the earmarks ot the develop- 
ment of class hostility. This was equally true on the Pacihc coast. 

In their official and affiliated organs, such as the Daily Worker, 
Western Worker, the Voice of Action, and the Voice of the l^edera- 
tion the Communist Party has admitted its full responsibility lor 
these strikes and has recognized them as practices m class revolt. _ 

As we proceed to review the situation of the maritime industries 
from the latter part of 1934 to the present date, we desire the com- 
mittee to follow caref ullv and make notes of the many instances m 
which the International' Longshoremen's Association of the Pacific 
coast and the Maritime Federation officiated or took part m strikes 
that did not have anvthing to do with the maritime industry, partici- 
pating in many strikes that were purely political in character. 

It is necessfxry for the committee to notice the reasons given by 
the Maritime Federation of the Pacific and the International Long- 
shoremen's Association, as to why they took part in these strikes that 
were not of their own making. 

A strong example of one of these strikes that was not connected 
with the maritime industry was one occurring among lumber workers 
in the vicinity of Eureka," Calif ., in June 1935. Less than 5 percent 
of the timber" workers went out on strike, and when the president of 
the Pacific coast district of their union came to Eureka and examined 
the situation, he declared that there was no strike. 

Bridges, however, as one of the maritime group sent in over 200 
longshoremen to assist the strikers. 

It was this group of 200 that carried out the actual violence that 
was committed in Eureka. 

Mr. NiMMO. What I want to get over to the committee is this, as 
well as I can, that the city of Eureka is about 300 miles north of San 
Francisco, and the people who were interested in the lumber strike 
went up there. There was really no strike, because only 5 percent -of 
them Avent out, but at that juncture, in came Bridges with 200 Com- 
munists to take over the town of Eureka. 

Mr. Knowles. This city of 24,000 inhabitants carries a police force 
normally of eight police officers. During the rioting and violence the 
major proportion of the police force was incapacitated by rocks and 
clubs. The police as a last resort had to use firearms. When the 
struggle was over the police force had been rendered totally ineffective 
and Eureka was in the hands of the rioting longshoremen. This con- 
dition existed for a period of 24 hours, until the citizenry could be 
mobilized. The Communist Party has claimed that the Eureka strike 
is the best illustration that they have had on the Pacific coast of how 
a minor force can capture a whole city. We recjuest the committee 
at this time to call the witnesses in the list appended to this report. 

It is an interesting commentary that the newspapers of the Pacific 
coast Avrote up the labor dispute in Eureka in detail, but failed to 
point out the major thesis, namely, that a radical force had come in 
from outside of the country and captured a city of 24,000 people by 
terrorism and an attack upon its police forces. 

Mr. NiMMO. The next point relates to the strike at Crockett, Calif. 
Numerous strikes occurred at Crockett. 



UN-AMEKICAX rPvOrAO.vXDA ACTIVITIKS 1755 

JNIr. Knoavles. The same types of situations developed in Crockett, 
Calif., diirino- (he Avarelioiisenien's strike at the California & Hawaiian 
Sugar lleiinnio- Corporation i)lant in March 1935; the miner's strike 
in Jackson, Calif., ii^ the same year, and the Salinas, Calif., lettuce 
strike, occurring m 1936. 

These strikes are pointed out to tlie connnitlee to sliow the use ma<le 
bv the International Longshoi-emen's Association and the Maritime 
Federation of the Pacitic, by the radical leader, Harry Bridges (now 
Pacific coast director of the C. I. O.) as a disintegrating force in 
California's economic life. 

jNlr. XiMMO. We shoukl emphasize that, because you can sec that 
these longshoremen were taken in one instance to Crockett, where 
they have large sugar refineries, and then the}' Avent up into the 
SieVras. to a little town called Jackson, which is a mining town. The 
third instance was up in the Salinas Valley, in the lettuce strike, a 
'distance of about 200 nules. In each instance, these men had nothing 
to do with the particular industry that was involved. 

ISlv. St.^knes. In other Avords, they initiated strikes and helped in 
them Avhere they Avere not at all interested in the particular questions 
that AA-ere involved. 

JVIr. XiMMO. That is correct. 

The Chaii;max. Tliat fits in Avith the same strategy that Avas fol- 
loAved in Michigan Avhere the evidence shoAved that Avhenever a strike 
Avas called, members of the Communist Party from the outside were 
brought in to the surrounding areas to reinforce the strikers. 

Mr. XiMMO. If the committee desires, Ave can outline numerous 
other strikes of that kind, if you think it is essential. 

The Chairman. They used the same strategy in every instance. 

Mr. XiMMO. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. The strike instances you haA^e mentioned are illus- 
trations of the methods that they have used in the other strikes. 

Mr. NiMMO. Yes, sir. Referring to pages 71 and 72 of the brief, 
Ave might refer to the fact that upon these various occasions, this sort 
of action Avould be freely predicted sometimes 2 months in advance 
by tlie Communist organ. 

Tlie Chairman. They kncAv in advance Avhat Avould happen. 

Mr. NiMMO. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Starnes. Were these strikes accompanied by loss of life or 
pro})erty ? 

Mr. Knoavles. Not ahvays loss of life, but there Avas economic loss. 

Mr. Starnes. And damage to property. 

Mr. Knoavles. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Starnes. And injury to persons? 

]\Ir. Knoavles. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Starnes. If not loss of life, there was injury to persons. 

Mr. Knoavles. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. You may proceed. 

Mr. Knoavles. At 8 a. m. on July 31, 1934, the longshoremen's 
strike Avas declared off and tlie men returned to Avork. On the 12th 
day of October 1934 the Hanna Arbitration Board announced its 
aAvard. It is to be remend)ered by the committee that both the 
Intei-national Longshoremen's Association and the shipowners had 
agreed to abide ])v this aAvard in full. 



1756 ^'^ AMERICAN PROrAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

On November 16, 1934, a news bulletin given to all San Francisco 
newspapers announced : 

The steamship President Wilson sailed Friday afternoon with a large ship- 
ment of coconuts still in her hold, due to the persistent refusal of the San 
Francisco longshoremen to handle it. _ 

This is but one of many similar instances which have occurred snice the 
award was handed down on October 12. Eighteen separate strikes have occurred 
and two strikes are in progress at the present time. Each strike has been a 
definite violation of the award. In addition, a deliberate campaign of terrorism 
and intimidation has been instituted, and numerous cowardly and brutal 
assaults have been committed. These assaults have been unlawful and repre- 
hensible in every way and they have been carried out to drive from the water- 
front many longshor'emen entitled to work under the award of the President's 
board. 

At this time we desire to offer a press release dated December 16, 
1934, and request that it be marked "Exhibit No. 21." 

December 1934 and early 1935 were merely a repetition of the 
months of October and November 1934. Innumerable short strikes 
were the apparent order of the day. 

The Equality Hall group under Harry Bridges was entrenching 
itself in San Francisco and along the whole Pacific coast. The 
United States Government seemed absolutely powerless to do 
anything. 

Mr. NiMMO. I do not have the page reference, but I want to ask 
about the job actions. There was a strike w^hich was settled in the 
maritime strike of 1934. The point is that after the 1934 strike 
was settled there was what was called an award made. It was 
insisted that the thing was settled; that they had no further griev- 
ances, and would go forward. Notwithstanding that fact, there was 
a promulgation by Bridges of a definition of job action. They 
were isolations and ramifications of the general picture, and were 
not directly connected with the main strike. There were something 
like 156 of those job actions. 

Mr. Knowles. That is referred to on pages 87 to 96, indicating 
there were 156 job actions and stoppages of work. 

Mr. NiMMO. You will find there a reference to the definition which 
was given as to what a job action should consist of. 
The Chairman. You may proceed. 

Mr. Knowles. Harry Bridges' own organ, the Waterfront Worker, 
and the official organ of the Communist Party, the Western Worker, 
carried out a deliberate coordinated attack upon the entire American 
Federation of Labor leadership and the International Seamen's Union, 
laying particular emphasis upon Harry Lnndeberg of the Sailors' 
Union of the Pacific. 

It is noticed that just about 2 Aveeks before an action would be taken 
in the Maritime Federation or in the International Longshoremen's 
Local 38-79, an article would appear in one of these two papers clamor- 
ing for that action to be taken. 

After this build-up, Harry Bridges and the others of the Equality 
Hall group, such as Henry Schrimpf, Henry Schmidt, John Sho- 
maker, or John Shaw would bring in the resolution and it would be 
passed. 

Instead of giving this committee endless quotations from the Water- 
front Worker or the Western Worker, we shall at this time list a 
number of quotations that may be read by the committee in the files 



UN-A:MEKICAX PROPAdAXDA ArTTYITlES 1757 

lA and IB, and 6A, and 6U. In tlie AVesterii Worker, we su<rj2;est 
that tlie follow inij be read: 

January 17. li'3."), pafje 1, under the caption "Maritime Workers 
Industrial Union oilers to nier^-e witli the International Seamen's 
Union," 

Jamiary J^l, 10;]5. pajxe 1, "Radio operators Avin demands." 
February 14, 1935, i)ai2:e 1, "Bridjjes ])rotest3 Greyhound busses." 
February 21, 1935, page 5, "Kesolution of Central Committee 
Plenum." 

March 7, 1035, "7,000 maritime workers out on anti-Nazi strike." 
April 4, 1935, page 3, "Bridges makes vicious attack on Carl Schar- 
renburg." 

April 8, 1935, page 1, "Firemen move for coast- wise strike." 
April 15, 1935. ])age 1, "Call for marine workers to go out on July 
5 for a 1-day strike boycott," 

April 15, 1935, "Marine Council supports Anti-War Congress." 
May 9, 1935, page 1, "I. L. A. district meeting opens in Portland." 
INIay 13, 1935, page 1, "U. S. Navy officers aid suppression of Philip- 
pine uprising." 

May 13, 1935, page 5, "What to do when arrested on deportation 
proceedings." 

Mav 27, 1935, page 4, "What would vou do in the next general 
strike?" 

May 30, 1935, page 1, "Sailors move to kick out Scharrenburg." 
May 30, 1935, page 2, "Seaman scab is dumped on way back to 
vessel." 

June 2, 1935, page 1, "Radio operators strike." 
AV'e now request the committee to read the following excerpts 
from the Waterfront Worker, exhibits 1 A and IB, as follows : 

Volume 3, No. 9, "Local 38-79 votes to down tools for 30 minutes 
in protest against 'Carlsruhe.' " 

Volume 3. No, 12, "The tankers strike." 
Volume 3, No. 14, "The tankers strike." 
Volume 3, No. 15, "Join with teamsters in Oakland strike." 
Volume 3, No. 17, "Call for May Day parade of 38-79." 
Volume 3, No. 18, page 4, "Declare July 5 holiday for Pacific 
Coast ^Maritime Federqj:ion." 

Volume 3, No. 20, page 6, "Warehouse strikes of 38^4." 
These excerpts from the Waterfront Worker and the Western 
Worker will give the committee a clear picture of what transpired 
during the months involved. It can be clearly seen from them that 
these two organs constituted the actual press of the Maritime Federa- 
tion at that time. 

By June 1, 1935, the situation on the Pacific coast had become so 
bad that the president of the AVaterfront Employers' Union, ]Mr. 
T. G. Plant, was forced to write a letter to Mr. W. J. Lewis, district 
president of the International Longshoremen's Association. AVe re- 
quest that tliis letter be introduced and marked as "Exhibit No. 22." 
We quote from the letter, as follows : 

Dear Sin: The agreement entered into August 7, 1934, between Pacific Coast 
District 88 of the International Longsliorenion's Association nm\ the Waterfront 
Employers Union of San Francisco to submit nil issues in rtisputo to arbitration 
by the National I.nnsshoremcn's Board, and to be bound by the provisions of 
the awnrd. constituted a binding agreement between those two parties. 



1758 T'N A^klEIlICAN I'KOI'AGANDA ACTIVITIES 

That formal agreement was made pursuant to earlier commitments and 
pledges both parties had made to the National Longshoremen's Board, which 
commitments and pledges had resulted in the termination of the prolonged 
water-front strike on July 31, 1934. 

The agreement was entered into by the employers in the sincere hope and 
belief that it would be observed scrupulously by both parties and that it 
would restore peace and orderly relationship on the water front. 

The agreement of August 7, and the subsequent award of October 12, 1931. 
both provided for the peaceable adjustment of disputes. Specifically the award 
required the establishment of a labor relations committee, to be composed of 
three representatives designated by the employers' association and three repre- 
sentatives designated by your association; that all disputes and grievances 
arising relating to working conditions would be investigated and adjudicated 
by that committee. There was a further provision for the appointment of an 
arbitrator in case the committee should deadlock. In short the award pro- 
vided the necessary machinery for the return and the maintenance of peaceable 
and orderly relationship. 

The agreement has not been kept by the officers and members of the San 
Francisco local of your association. In fact, it has been violated willfully, 
deliberately, and repeatedly. 

Strike after strike has occurred, causing severe financial losses to the em- 
ployers, interruption of steamer schedules, and annoyance and loss to shippers 
and the traveling public. 

Some of the strikes have been caused to secure some new demand, others 
have been caused to secure a settlement of some alleged grievance, while still 
others have been in sympathy with other groups of employees. Many of the 
sympathetic strikes have been in support of demands of employees over whom 
tiie water-front employers have had no jurisdicti<)n whatsoever. The most 
recent and outstanding example of this last class of strikes has been the refusal 
by members of your association to handle cargo coming from the California 
Packing Corporation, because of a dispute between that company and the 
warehousemen's union. 

From the date the award was handed down on October 12, 1934, over 150 
separate strikes have occurred in San Francisco Bay district. Each strike has 
been a definite violation of the arbitration award. 

The employers have labored diligently and continuously to bring about a better 
understanding and to restore peace. Their efforts have proven fruitless. 

They are convinced that radical and destructive elements dominate the San 
Francisco local, and that no peace is possible while such an element is in control. 
The repeated admission by officers of the San Francisco local that the strikes 
have been in violation of the award, coupled with the defiant threat that the 
violations will continue, make no other conclusion possible. 

It must be apparent to you and to everyone that the employers cannot, with 
due regard for the public interest and the necessary regard for their own busi- 
nesses, allow such an intolerable condition to continue any longer. 

No relationship can continue to exist unless agreements entered into are 
scrupiilously observed, and unless there is mutual regard for the well-being of 
each other. To secure this, in a relationship such as we have attempted to 
set up, responsible leadership and responsible membership must exist in both 
groups. Tliere is not such a responsible leadership in your San Francisco local,^ 
and our experience indicates a completely undisciplined membership. 

The employers have no thought in mind of attempting to upset the award, 
or of discontinuing their dealings with organized labor. 

They cannot, however, tolerate longer the conditions which have existed in 
this port for the past 8 months, and relationship with the San Francisco local 
of the International Longshoremen's Association cannot continue unless such 
changes are made as will make a continuance possible. 

They call upon you to bring about the necessary change In conditions. 
Yours very truly, 

T. G. Plant, President. 

By means of threats, intimidations, and brutal assaults, all non- 
union longshoremen were driven from the Pacific coast water fronts. 
Their places were taken by newly recruited members of the unions, 
many of whom had not heretofore been employed in this industry. 
This action was directly in violation of the award. 



UN-AMERICAN PUOPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1759 

Any atteinj^ts to ^ive men work who were not union men was 
immo'diately followed by a stoppage in work on the part of the In- 
lernationarLonoslun-emon's Association. Efficiency dropped over 50 
percent. Cost of luuullino- cargo increased proportionately. Per- 
sonal injury increased over 100 percent, and damage to cargo by 
longshoremen doubled also. 

Strikers were still controlling the water front and cowardly assaults 

contiiuied to occur. 

Harry Bridges i)r()bably best described the situation when he said : 

To hell with the award. To hell with the Lahor Relations Committee. We 
are rnniiiiiii- this show now and we are going to tell you guy.s what to do and 
make you like it. 

On June 22. 1935, occurred the tie-up of the steamship Point Clear 
of the Swayne & Hoyt lines. 

On June 27, 1935, the following telegram was sent to Mr. W. J. 
Lewis, district president of the International Longshoremen's Asso- 
ciation, by the Waterfront Employers' Association. We request that 
it be entered and marked as "Exhibit No. 23." [Keacling :] 

Sinee Saturday, June 22, the steamship Po'u\t Clear, operated by Swayne 
Hoyt, has been tied up at this port by refusal of longshoremen to pass through 
picivet line established by maritime vniions. There is no dispute between the 
oi)erator of tiiis vessel and any of seafaring employees working aboard her. 
Tliere are no demands from any union having any dealings with the operator. 
There is nothing to discuss and apparently nothing to settle; .•ill possible efforts 
to persuade the longshoremen to go to work have been made through the cus- 
t<imary channels. This action of the San Francisco local of the International 
Ixiugshoremen's Association constituting such a deliberate and outrageous viola- 
tion of the agreement between that local and the San Francisco employers and 
culminating as it does a long series of deliberate and outrageous violations, 
serves again to prove that the officials of the San Francisco local are proceed- 
ing on a willful policy of abrogation of the award and are doing everything 
in their power to provoke and prolong strife. Further dealings with the 
San Francisco local as it is now constituted are hopeless and useless. The 
employers again call upon you to remove the radical leadership which is 
respousible for tlie situation. They furthermore must advise you that unless 
immediate steps are taken to return the longshoremen to work on the Point 
Clear the employers will find it necessary to terminate the agreement with 
the San Francisco local without further notice. The employers feel that their 
efforts over the last 9 months to make the agreement and effective means of 
returning peaceable and orderly relationship on the water front have been 
amply demonstrated and assure you now that the contemplated action will be 
taken for the sole purpose of securing a responsible body with which relation- 
ship can be resumed. 

Waterfeont Employers Association of San Francisco, 
T. G. Pl-^nt, President. 

Despite the protest of the Waterfront Employers' Association when 
it was notified that a strike would be held on July 5, the strike was 
held and a "bloody Thursday" parade took place. The Western 
AVorker for July 8, 1935, says as follows : 

Hardly a winch or a wheel turned on the San Francisco water front today^ 
and thousands upon thousands of marine workers threw their taunts in the 
face of the shipowners, their agents, the International Longshoremen's Associa- 
tion district ofIici:ils. and the capitalist press. In s})ite of all tlie threats and 
olist'.'uctioiis tlirown in the way of this day of commemoration. 2.5,000 maritime 
and other w(n'kers marched up IMarket Street from the Emliarcadero — a 2-mile- 
long living memory to the martyrs of the 1934 maritime strike. 

From our national point of view this was a direct affront to tliQ 
American i)eople. First, because the longshoremen decided to work 

94931— 38— vol. 3 4 



1760 t:n-a]mekican propaganda \ctivities 

on July 4 in order to have the holiday on July 5; and secondly, be- 
cause the two men in whose honor the parade was held were killed 
Avhile resisting police officers of the city of San Francisco who found 
it necessary in the discharge of their duties, in their own protection 
against an unruly horde of radical rioters, and to bring a semblance 
of peace out of a riotous chaos to "shoot to kill." One of the two 
rioters killed was a member of the Communist Party. 

By the end of August, the situation had reached such a point that 
it was necessary for the Waterfront Employers' Association to make 
an announcement to the public. We offer this announcement and 
request that it be marked "Exhibit No. 24." We quote therefrom as 
follows : 

To the PaUic: 

The longshore and martime strikes of last year, culminating in the general 
strike, were terminated by the submission of all controversies to arbitration 
under Government auspices. 

We realize that no arbitration award can entirely satisfy each party. But 
each party to an award must accept and scrupulously abide by it, or arbitration 
is futile. 

Therefore, Pacific shipowners and water-front employers have determined 
that— 

1. They will not terminate the maritime and longshore labor awards now in 
effect although the awards impose heavy financial and operating burdens upon 
them : 

Because : These awards were arrived at only after months of painstaking 
investigation and deliberation by Government arbitration boards and were 
intended to be, and can be, a basis of permanent settlement, thus stabilizing 
the industry. The last award was handed down only 3 days ago. 

2. They will not agree to any demands by the men for changes in the awards, 
Because : Any changes in the awards at this time would to all practical 

purposes abrogate them before the ink on them is scarcely dry. Abrogation is 
merely to renew last year's strike, and is an attack on the awards themselves. 
The awards themselves provide machinery for the arbitration of disputes aris- 
ing under them. 

3. They will insist upon strict and honest observance of the awards by all 
contracting parties. 

Because : Any strike or stoppage of work for any reason whatsoever is a vio- 
lation of these awards. Sanctity of labor awards is essential to industrial peace. 

This statement is made that the public may know the position of the em- 
ployers. They are determined that they will not be responsible for a renewal of 
last summer's strikes. 

Pacific SHiPOWNiais and Water-front Employers. 

Dated August 26, 1935'. 

At various times in 1935, the Secretary of Labor, INIiss Perkins, had 
been appealed to, not only by the Water-front Employers' Associa- 
tion, but also by many service bodies and individuals on the Pacific 
<:oast. 

On November 29, Warren B. Francis, Times Staff correspondent, 
at Washington, D. C, was granted an interview by Miss Perkins on 
the subject of the maritime industry on the Pacific coast. 

The report of Mr. Francis' int-erview was published in the news- 
l^apers of the United States. 

We quote therefrom : 

RefxTsal of maritime unions on the Pacific coast to observe arbitrator's rulings 
was tacitly approved today by Secretary of Labor I'erkins as a new federation 
mediation board prepared to step into the muddled Gulf of Mexico shipping 
situation. 

Announcing that both employers and unions have promised to cooperate in 
settling the Gulf controversy, Miss Perkins, in effect, washed her hands of the 
Pacific coast troubles and gave tlie Justice Department a free hand in initiating 



LN-AMKKICAX ITvOr'AGANDA ACTIVITIES 1761 

court action against the striliing groups. Simultaneously she conceded that the 
Federal GovenuntMit is virtually powerless to enforce decisions of federally 
appointed arbitrators or compel unions to carry out terms of contracts nego- 
tiated under Federal auspices. 

The Secretary's views were disclosed in response to a series of (pieslions 
about what steps Government authorities propose to take to effect the release 
of several vessels tied up at Pacific coast ports in connection with the Gulf 
controversy. , ■, , 

"The only action that can be taken to enforce the decision of an arbitrator 
should be taken i)v those responsible for the actions of their members," Miss 
Perkins said, in replying to an iiupiiry as to wliether the Government is con- 
temphiting any attenipts to counteract the defiant attitude of maritime unions 
on the coast. ' Justifying the Government's failure to take a more aggressive 
stand, Miss Perkins termed the I'acitic coast situation "very puculiar." "It is 
very hard to liold anyone responsible." She expressed a hope, however, that 
"more rational heads will prevail." 

Discussing? the Pacitic coast situation, Miss Perkins compared the 
refusal of the unions to carry out contract obligations with the 
]-efusal of members of a private club to agree with policies and 
decisions of the board of directors. She declared that the defiant 
groups as "free American citizens" are entitled to dissent, and com- 
mented ''that is the difference between a democratic country and an 

autocracy.'" 

llie new mediation board named Saturday to attempt a settlement 
of the Gulf shipping troubles will not take a direct hand in the 
Pacific coast controversies, INIiss Perkins said, although it is expected 
that the situation at Los Angeles will be improved as a result of 
Federal intervention in the Gulf situation. 

Eefusing to state whether she has received any definite assurance 
that strikers will return to work at Los Angeles Harbor, the Secre- 
tary based her optimism on the fact that "if the Gulf situation is 
settled the cargoes will no longer be hot," and maritinie unions wall 
iiave no further reason to refuse to work ships coming from Gulf 
ports. 

The Labor Department has not attempted to prevent the Justice Department 
from initiating either civil or criminal action against union leaders charged 
with conspiracy to violate the antitrust laws — 

Miss Perkins said — 

the three commissioners of conciliation appointed to supervise negotiations 
between shipping companies and unions in the Gulf area expect to assemble for 
the first time Wednesday. 

The year 1936 started out with sabotage. On the night of Jann- 
arv 1 tlie crew's dining i-oom on the steamship Point Clear had its 
tables and chairs chopped, dishes and coffee urns smashed with a 
fire ax. 

The most significant action in January, hoAvever, was the desertion 
of the crew on the steamsliip Penmylrauki. as it lay at its dock at 
pier 35 in San Francisco on January 4. On the night of January 3 
a crew delegation presented Mr. Hoskier with written demands signed 
by 33 members of the deck and engine-room crew for west coast 
articles and pay. The delegates explained that the crew had no 
quarrel with the Panama Pacific Lines, but were sore at east coast 
union (.fficials for renewing agreements without getting the same 
wages and conditions as the west coast sailors enjoyed. The next 
morning IS members of the engine crew packed their bags and rushed 
off the ship. Tliey were later joined by members of the deck crew 
and stewards departments. 



1762 UN-iVMEFICAN TROrAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

In order to back up this desertion the International Longshore- 
men's Association, Local 38-99, passed the following resolution : 

Refusing to work any ship from the east coast that is manned by men who 
have replaced the crews taking action in efforts to gain tlie equivalent of the 
wages and conditions obtained on the Paeitic coast ; and be it further 

Resolved, That we go on record as refusing to work any ship from the East 
if said ship is loaded by eastern longslioremen v»dio have replaced longshore 
gangs which refused to work, in support of eastern men taking action in east- 
coast ports. 

It is to be noted by the committee that this resolution was intro- 
duced and read by Harry Bridges. 

Mr. NiMMO. In order to demonstrate how the Communist Party 
has been able to play upon and inflame the emotions of their own 
followers, I want to call attention to the request which was made 
by the maritime workers that they observe the 5th of July as a 
holiday instead of the 4th of July. 

Mr. Knowles. The request was that the employee should continue 
work on July 4, which was a national holiday, and stop work on 
July 5 in order that they might hold memorial services for two men 
who were killed during the July 1934 strikes in San Francisco. 

Mv. NiMMO. July 5 was the date on which they were killed. 

Mr. Kkowles. Yes, sir. 

Mr. NiMMO. The point is that instead of observing a patriotic holi- 
day on July 4, they wanted to observe July 5 by holding memorial 
services for party members who were killed. 

Mr. Chairman, one point is referred to here in connection with 
the difficulties that we have had in the West with the Secretary of 
Jjabor, or the Department of Labor, and I think it might be well, if 
you are willing to listen to it, to have read an editorial by Warren B. 
Francis, in the Los Angeles Times, he being the Washington cor- 
respondent of the Los Angeles Times. It appears on page 80 of the 
brief. 

The Chairman. What is the substance of the editorial? 

Mr. Knowles. It has to do with the attitude of the Department 
of Labor in connection with strikes in general on the west coast. 
It is contained in the brief. 

The Cmairman. Then, it will appear in the record. 

Mr. Knowles. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. In that connection, let me ask you if you have 
presented to the Department of Labor considerable proof witli refer- 
ence to Harry Bridges? 

Mr. Knowles. We have. 

The Chairman. There has been quite a bit of correspondence be- 
tween you and the Department of Labor ? 

Mr. Knowles. Mostly one way. 

The Ciiairiman. There were certain individuals, W. W. Brown, 
legal adviser; Thomas Finnucane, a member of the Board of Review; 
and Joseph Savaretti, chief examiner, in the Department of Labor. 

Mr. Knowles. They were in the Bureau of Immigration and 
Naturalization, Dei)artment of Labor. 

The CnAiRivrAN. They wrote a memorandum concerning a protest 
that was made? 

Mr. Knowles. Yes, sir. 



rX-A.MKRICAX PKOrAGANDA A( llVmES 1763 

Tlie CiiAiK.AiAX. Part of tliis inoinoranduin, wliicli was inarked 
"confidential," was published in the Pacific AVcckly? 

IVIr. Knowles. Yes, sir. 

The CiiATR:srAX. The memorandum shows on its face that it is 
supposed to be coniidential. In this memorandum they state this 
amon<T other thinojs : 

Mr. Knowles professes to regard this case as proving the inclination of the 
Immigration and Naturalization Service to "coddle"' Conimiiiiists. He ap- 
parently considers that these aliens accused of communistic activities and held 
for investigation should be treated with the iitmost severity, and that com- 
plaints made by them or on their behalf should be ignored. This is not the 
policy of the Immigration and Naturalization Service, which endeavors to 
furnish as little justification as possible, for repi'esentations that these deportees 
arc political martyrs. 

Now, what is that publication? 

Mr. Knowles. The Pacific Weekly was a radical publication, pub- 
lished more or less for the intelligentsia, at Carmel, Calif., which has 
ionor been a hotbed of the intelligentsia of communism. 

The Chairman. Do you know how a portion of that report got into 
that newspaper? 

jNIr. Knowi.es. ]\Ir. Chairman, that is more or less covered in the 
brief that I have covering aliens, which I will present at a later date; 
but it ties in very closely with this. 

The Chairman. AVhat I wanted to do was to bring out from you 
the fact that your committee tendered to the Department of Labor 
all of this testimony. Is not that a fact? 

Mr. Knowles. Yes, sir; virtually all of it. 

The Chairman. And these gentlemen were in charge of sifting this, 
were they not ? 

jNIr. Knowles. Yes, sir; reviewing it. 

The Chairman. And they said that any answer that would be made 
to him would be only to prolong the useless correspondence? 

Mr. Know^les. That is correct. 

The Chairman. You have a copy of it ? 

i\Ir. Knowles. I have a copy of it. I first got it and read it to the 
press. 

The Chairman. Although it is marked 

Mr. Knowles. Marked "Confidential," and revealed llie informant 
in the case, which is a breach of confidence. 

The Chairman. The chief counsel for the C. I. O. is the attorney 
for Harrv Bridges? 

Mr. Knowles. He is one of the grouj) ; yes, sir. 

The Chairman. Well, that will follow later. 

Mr. XiMMO. IMr, Knowles, thei-e occurred the arrest of eight workers 
in the neighborhood of Modesto, Calif., shortly after that time — about 
19n6, was it not, or was that in 1937? 

Mr. Knowles. I am not sure. 

Mr. NiMivro. Do you recall the circumstance that there was a con- 
viction of these men ? 

Mr. Knowles. Yes, sir. 

Mr. NiM^ro. They were charged with a dynamite plot to blow up 
a i^lant at Modesto? 

]\lr. Knowles. That is right. 



1764 



ITN-AMERICAX PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIE? 



Mr. NiMMO. They ^vere convicted, were they not? 

Mr. Knowles. They were convicted. 

Mr NiMMO. And later their cases were taken to the appellate court, 
either the district court of appeals or the Supreme Court of Califor- 
nia, and they remained there for the usual time of cases on appeal? 

Mr. Knowles. That is correct. 

Mr. NiMMO. During that time can you refer to the statements made 
in the Western Worker and the Waterfront Worker, advocating a 
mass pressure strike to intimidate the courts? 

JSIr. Knowles. For 2 months the Communist Party, through its 
organs, the Western Worker and AVaterfront Worker, had been advo- 
cadng a mass pressure strike to intimidate the courts in order to force 
the A'ppellate Court of California to liberate eight workers convicted 
of a dvnamite plot at Modesto, Calif. Harry Bridges finally forced 
the longshoremen to pass the following resolution which curiously 
enough w^as passed on January 15, the day set for the return from 
the appellate court of itg hearing in the case. We quote the resolu- 
tion : 

Rcfiolred, That all workers associated with the maritime industry on the 
Pacific coast go on record to stop worli for 1 hour, the hour and date to l)e set 
by the Modesto Defense Committee, during the course of their appeal, as a mass 
protest against this vicious frame-up and all future frame-ups of all brothers 
and members of the working class ; and be it further 

Resolved, That this resolution shall be introduced to all district councils of the 
Maritime F.dernti m on the P;u-ific ccast aid to all central labor councils of all 
seaports on the Pacific coast, asking that such member organizations of these 
central labor councils who aic directly connected with work on the water front 
also observe the 1 hour stoppage of work. 

This stoppage of work was general on the Pacific coast, in direct 
violation of the contractual obligations of the unions. 

Mr. NiMMO. Do you have a reference to the two men who were 
arrested who were Bridges' henchmen, and both of whom were his 
bodyguards? 

Mr, Knowles. One was Alphonse Beyle, and the other was Brazel- 
ton, wlio has since passed away, and who were both, in the past, 
bodyguards of Harry Bridges. 

Mr. NiMMO. They have been bodygTiards? 

Mr. Knowles. They had been bodyguards. 

Mr. NiMMO. And one of them was convicted, was he not? 

Mr. Knowles. Yes ; Alphonse Beyle was convicted. 

Mr. NiMMO. Will you refer to the copy of the Western Worker in 
which certain headlines were published on January 27, 1936? 

Mr. Knowles. On Monday, January 27, 1936, the Western Worker 
published in large headlines, "Preparing to loose terror and violence, 
official statement issued by the Maritime Federation of the Pacific 
Coast," Under this caption occurred the very famous statement that 
was later wired to President Koosevelt by Harry Bridges, which 
was as follows : 

Unless the United States Government intervenes there will be launched on 
the Pacific coast within a month a struggle which will inevitably achieve the 
proportions of civil war. 

We desire to point out to the committee at this time that there 
could have been no civil war unless Harry Bridges, and the Mari- 
time Federation behind him, started it, and that, therefore, this tele- 



TIN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1765 

oTiim fo the President was a direct threat on the part of the persons 
Avlio sent it. There is no record to date of Mr. Roosevelt ever having 
rebuked tlie stMuhn'S of this teloiiram. 

Mv. NiMMO. The particidar si<inificance of that, as I see it, is the 
fact that the Western Worker on January 27, 1936, published a story 
under a headline, "Preparing to loose terror and violence," an official 
statein<^nt issued by the ^laritime Federation of the Pacific Coast, and 
then that was followed up within a few days by this statement to the 
President, over Bridges' sip:nature, which shows the connection be- 
tween the two — that is, between the Communist Party oro-an and 
Bridges — and the united desire to brino- about this state of terror on 
the Pacific coast. 

Mr. Starnes. And it is intended to show, further, that it was not 
the result of leiritimate labor union demands, but that it was a de- 
liberate plan of Bridges and other aliens to start this struggle? 

i\Ir. NiMMO. And he being a Communist himself. 

The Chairman. Proceed, Mr. Knowles. 

IMr. KxowLES. Always ahead of Mr. Bridges, and preparing the 
way for the next thing that he intended to do in the INIaritime Fed- 
eration, the Western Worker on January 30, 1936. carried an edi- 
torial entitled "Maintain Unity of the Seamen." This editorial advo- 
cated that a fight be put up for the Pacific coast locals of the I. S. U. 
to remain in the parent organization. We quote in part : 

The sailors, the marine firemen, and the marine cooks and stewards must 
fight to remain a part of the I. S. U., and arouse such a storm of protest in 
every port and tlaroughoxit the entire labor movements, that the Glanders and 
Scharrenbergs will not be able to carry through their splitting action. 

Bridges seized upon the revocation of the sailor's charter by the 
I. S. U. to discredit the leader of the sailors, Harry Lundeberg. 
Anonymous bulletins and a whispering campaign appeared on the 
San Francisco waterfront advocating the recall of the newly elected 
secretary-treasurer of the S. U. P. 

The month of February was marked by a strategic retreat on the 
part of the Maritime Federation of the Pacific. It was struggling 
desperately over the situation existing between the Sailors' Union 
of the Pacific and the International Seamen's Union and was attempt- 
ing to bring about unity in all the ports. 

On jSIarch 2, the sailors on board the steamship California an- 
nounced a sit-down strike just a few minutes before sailing time, 
that is, they refused to work but remained aboard ship. The fire- 
men elected to support the sailors. The cooks and stewards notified 
the ca]itain that they would feed the passengers aboard while in 
port. They did not say whether they would work if the ship was 
taken to sea. At noon on March 4, the United States district attor- 
ney, Pierson M. Hall, announced that he was planning to issue a 
mutiny complaint against the strike leaders and possibly the entire 
crew of the steamship California. As a result, the following day the 
crews sailed the ship. 

Decisions in the Federal court have clearly established the fact 
that mutiny or conspiracy to mutiny can be committed in port, but 
it is interesting to note that Secretary Perkins exerted every effort 
to quash the mutiny charges against the striking members of the 
steamship Califoimia, when Secretary of Commerce Roper urged the 



1766 UN-AMERICA>: PiiOPAGANCA ACTIVIllErf 

prosecution of the case. Secretary Perkins maintained that the men 
were merely on strike and should not be prosecuted on a criminal 
charoe. 

INIarch saw little chanfje in the maritime situation on the Pacific 
coast. The rapid-fire campaijjn of lono;shoremen to win coastwise 
standardized loads by the job action route quickly slowed down with 
only small results. 

The end of ISIarch 1936, marked the turning point in the history 
of the activities of the Maritime Federation of the Pacific. It was 
the end of a year of job action and stoppage of work on any kind 
of suitable excuse. 

In order that the committee may have the complete picture, we shall 
now give the list of all the ships on which job action or short strikes 
occurred, together with the reasons given by the strikers for their 
actions : 

1. April 12-April 12: Steamship Ciisco, crew trouble at San Pedro account 
stewards. 

2. May 8-May 10 : Steamship Golden Peak at San Pedro, demanding discharge 
Filipinos, tied up 2 days. 

3. May 1.5-May 18: Steamship Willsolo, crew struck on account non-union 
quartermaster ; 3 days. 

4. May 20-May 20: Steamship Makva, at Hilo, crew refused connect oil hose. 
Unions cabled : released same day. 

5. May 21-Jnne 4: Steamship loiran, at Tacoma, Filipino deck crew; 14 days. 

6. May 23-May 23: Steamship Maniikrii, Firemen's Union insisted loyal em- 
ployee leave ship. 

7. May 29-May 29: Steamship Ei^erctt, Powell River, B. C. firemen refused 
furnish steam. Engineers furnished steam ; tied up a few hours. 

8. Juno 3-June 3 : Steamship Maiivlai crew refused connect oil hose at Point 
Wells ; tied up a few hours. 

9. .Tune ll-.June 11: Steamship Maliko, deck crew refused work on account 
overtime ; tied up few hours. 

10. .June 13-June 13: Steamship Pt. Palmas, dispute over overtime; tied up 
few hours. 

11. June 24-June 24 : Steamship Golden Star, on account loyal employees at 
San Pedro ; few hours. 

12. June 29-October 3 : Steamship Pf. Clear, San Francisco ; struck ship ac- 
count British Columbia cargo ; 97 day.s. 

13. July 3-July 3: Steamship Dakotan, San Francisco; crew demanded dis- 
charge 2 firemen ; few hours. 

14. July 10~July 10 : Steamship Pt. 8ur, crew struck ; dissatisfied with quar- 
ters ; few hours. 

15. July 12-July 12 : Steamship Pt. Caleta crew refused to sign one-way 
articles ; few hours. 

16. July IG-July 16: Steamship Timherrvsh crew on east articles, demanded 
west coast agreement ; few hours' delay. 

17. July 16-July 17 : INIotorship Willmoto, at San Pedro ; crew struck, no 
agreements ; 1 day. 

18. July 19-September 30: Steamship Shclton, at "Vancouver; crew deserted; 
73 days. 

19. July 19-September 30: Steamship Golden State, at Vancouver; crew de- 
serted ; 73 days. 

20. July 19-September 30: Steamship West Maliwah, at Vancouver; crew 
deserted ; 73 days. 

21. July 19-September 30: Steamship Point Ancha, at Vancouver; crew de- 
serted ; 73 days. 

22. July 29-July 29 : Steamship Kentuckian, crew struck account demanded 
discharge of cook ; released same day. 

23. July 27-August 10: Steamship Peter Kerr, San Pedro, tied up account 
Chinese cooks in crew ; 14 days. 

24. August 1-August 1 : Steamship Pt. Reyes, crew struck on account one-way 
articles; released same day. 



UN-AMKKICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1767 

25. August 2-Angnst 2: Steamship Pt. Arena, crew refused to take slii)) to 
lii-itish Columbia ; tied up few hours. 

26. xVugust o-Oclober 13: Steamsliii) loiniii, Sau Francisco, Filipino deck 
crew ; 41 days. 

27. August 7-October 9: Steamship Maiiidai, Oakland, Filipino deck crew; 

61 days. . ^ , , 

28. August iVAugust 11 : Steamship CdJiiiar, no engnieers agreement; released 
by engineers and again tied up by radio operators: 3 days. 

*29. August 9-August 11: Steamship Lonuiar, no engineers' agreement: released 
by engineers and again tied up by radio operators ; 3 days. 

'so. August !)-August 11: Steamship Vcrinar; no engineers' agreement; re- 
leased by engineers and again tied up by radio operators; 3 day.s. 

31. August 14r-August 14: Steamship Evcrcit at Vancouver; crew deserted;, 
released after few liours. 

32. August 15-August 15: Steamship Illiiioiti at Portland; firemen refused 
to sign on as com!)inat ion-man. Signed on pending decision of Labor Relations 
Board: few hours' delay. 

33. August 15-September 5: Steamship Tacoiiia at Oakland; Chinese stew- 
ards; 21 days. 

34. August 19-August 19 : Steamship Golden Cloud, deck crew account hu-mg 
from dock ; held few hours. 

35. August L'2-August 22: Steamship President Jefferson, Seattle; deck crew 
account overtime ; few hours. 

36. August 27-August 29: Steamship Golden Hind, unlicensed crew struck 
account Filipino stewards ; 2 days. 

37. Septentber 3-September 4: Steamship Golden Hind, deck crew refused 
paint overside ; 1 day. 

38. September 4-September 6: Steamship President Pierce, unlicensed crew 
demanded discharge steward; 2 days. 

39. September 5-September 6: Steamship President Coolidge, walked off in 
sympathy, firemen declaring poor ventilation in quarters ; 1 day. 

" 40. September 8-September 8 : Steamship Golden Bear, crew refused sign 
articles to Seattle unless guaranteed passage back ; few hours' delay. 

41. September 9-September 9: Steamship Willsipo, Wilmington, Filipino deck 
crew ; few hours. 

42. September 12-September 13 : Steamship Texan; San Francisco ; crew's 
quarters unsatisfactory; 1 day. 

43. September 1 0-September 17: Steamship Pt. Lobos, crew struck ship; crew 
quarters unsatisfactory ; 1 day. 

44. September 17-November 1: Steam.ship Chiriqiii at San Pedro; radio op- 
erators; company discontinued its I'acific coast service, laying up the Talmanca 
also during this period ; 45 days. 

45. Septemlier 17-September 17: Steamship Pt. Ancha. Seattle, refused to 
sign on for British Columbia ; few hours. 

^46. September 19-September 19: Steamship Ncjv York, Portland, Chinese 
stewards; few hours. 

47. September 24-September 24: Steamship Mauulani, crew struck in sym- 
pathy with longshoremen : few hours. 

48. October 4-Oc-tolipr 4 : Steamship Lake Frances, walked out on account 
Fort SiiTTer putting hot cargo on dock ; few hours. 

49. October 4-October 4: Steam.ship Hamlin F. McCormick, walked out ac- 
count Fort Sutter putting hot cargo on dock; few hours. 

50. October 4-October 4: Steamship West Shipper, walked out account Fort 
Sutter putting hot cargo on dock ; few hours. 

51. October 9-October 12: Steamship Chctopa, Portland; no radio; 3 days. 

52. October 9-October 12: Steamship Pt. Caleta. San Francisco; crew de- 
manded rider in articles guaranteeing transportation back to San Francisco; 
signed articles with rider; 3 days. 

53. October 10-October 11 : Steamship Dcfacto, San Pedro, engineers no 
agreement ; 1 day. 

.54. October 16-October 19: Steamship General M. H. Sherman , San Pedro, 
alleged 'hot" oil ; 4 days. 

55. October 16-October 19: Steamship Pt. Aticha, demanded rider in articles 
guaranteeing transportation back to San Francisco in case of strike in Gulf; 
3 days. 

.56. October IS-Octdber 18: Steamship President Pierce, demanded cash over- 
time ; released same day. 



1768 UN-AMEllICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

r.7. October 18-October 18: Steamship Prcfiidnit Cleveland, demanded cash 
overtime; released same day. 

58. October 18-October 22 : Steamship Admiral Senn, Oaldand, demanded cash 
overtime ; 4 days. 

.59. October 22-October 23: Steamship Timherrush, Portland, crew refused 

to sail with pilot; 1 day. 

GO. October 23-October 23: Steamship I'f. Judith furnished crew with under- 
standing" will not go to British Columbia; released same day. 

fil. October 24-October 26: Steamship Ncvadait account revoking doclv pass 
of patrolman; 2 days. 

02. October 24-October 26 : Steamship Nebraskan account revoking dock pass 
of patrolman; 2 days. 

G3. October 24-October 26: Steamship Golden Tide, account revoking dock 
pass of ])atrolman ; 2 days. 

64. October 25-October 26: Motorship Willmoto, account revoldng dock pass 
of patrolman ; 1 day. 

m. October 26-October 28: Steamship Charles L. Wheeler, tied up at San 
Pedro account crew demanding 6-hour day in port and $1 overtime; 2 days. 

66. October 26-October 28: Steamship H. F. MeCormiek, tied up at San 
Pedro account crew demanding 6-hour day in port and $1 overtime ; 2 days. 

67. October 28-October 28: Steamship Golden Harvest, crew refused to sign 
articles ; released same day. 

68. October 28-October 30: Steamship Golden Harvest, demanded optional 
overtime be paid in cash ; 2 days. 

69. October 2S-November 2 : Steamship Jefferson Myers, crew refused to sign 
articles unless rider be put on guaranteeing transportation, wages, and sub- 
sistence back to Portland in case of strike on east coast ; 5 days. 

70. November 2-November 29: Steamship Katrina Luckenhach at San Pedro, 
longshoremen refused to work Gulf cargo ; 27 days. 

71. November 4-November 8: Steamship President Harrison tied up at San 
Pedro, unlicensed crew demand discharge of chief steward ; 4 days. 

72. November 7-December 9: Steamship Pt. Montara at San Pedro, long- 
shoremen ; Gulf cargo ; 32 days. 

73. November 7-November 12 : Steamship Pt. Lohos at New Orleans, unable to 
get crew from unions ; Gulf cargo ; 5 days. 

74. November 8-December 22: Steamship Chetopa tied np at Galveston, Tex., 
crew refused to move ship. Gulf cargo ; moved to Houston by pilot and officers, 
and again tied up, unable to get crew from unions; 44 days. 

75. November 11-November 29: Steamship Matthew Luckenhach at San 
Pedro; Gulf cargo; 18 days. 

76. November 12-November 13: INIotorship Missourian, San Francisco, unli- 
censed engineroom crew demand discharge of two electricians ; released 9 : 15 
a. m., November 13 ; 1 day. 

77. November l2-November 21: Steamship Plo^o City, San Francisco, unli- 
tensed deck crew demand rider in articles guaranteeing subsistence and return 
transportation in case of strike on east coast ; 9 days. 

78. November 13-November 21 : Steamship Sa^e Brush, San Francisco, east 
coast ship, Shepard Line; certain new crew members demand return transpor- 
tation in case of strike ; 8 days. 

79. November 15-November 21 : Steamship President Taft at San Francisco ; 
crew demand rider in articles ; 6 days. 

80. November 19-November 24 : Steamship Pomona, at Longview, Wash., crew 
demand rider in articles; 5 days. 

81. November 19-December 9: Steamship Pt. Palmas, at San Pedro, Gulf 
cargo ; 18 days. 

82. November 20-November 29: Steamship Pacifie at Alameda, no agreement 
with Masters, Mates, and Pilots, Marine Engineers' Beneficial Association, and 
American Radio Telegraphists Association ; 9 days. 

83. November 21-December 24: Steamship Diamond Head at Oakland, unli- 
censed deck crew refused to clean tanks ; 33 days. 

84. November 26-November 29: Steamship Sutherland at San Francisco; 
crew demand discharge of second officer; 3 days. 

85. November 30-November 30: Steamship Texan at San Francisco, 9: 30 a. m., 
unlicensed engine room crew struck, objected to change in rating of water- 
tenders, ship picketed ; longshoremen walked off for short time ; released at 
noon same day. 



UN-AMEI.'ICAX I'lt(»l"AC;ANI)A ACTIVITIES 1769 

86. Novonibor 80 Do( einl)er 21 : Stoamsliii) Buffalo Hridt/c at Houston, Tox. ; 
crow refused to move ship; alleged hot cargo; no longshoremen involved in 
loading : 21 days. 

87. November SO-Decemher 9: Steamship Pt. Lohoa at San Pedro; alleged 
hot cargo ; days. 

88. November ;>0-December 3 : Steamship Pt. Reyes at Alameda ; crew demand 
cash payment for transportation; 3 days. 

89. November 30-Deeember 9: Steamship Pt. Corda at San I'edro ; Gulf 
cargo. Sailed for San Francisco December 8: arrived San Francisco December 
9; released ; 9 days. 

9(r. November 30-December 9 : Steamship Pt. Arena at San Todro ; Gulf 
<'argo : 9 days . 

91. December 3-December 9: Steamship Katrina Luckenbach, San Francisco; 
figain lied up; Gulf cargo; fi days. 

92. December 3-December 9: Steamship Mntheiv Luckenbach at San Pedro; 
again tied up: Gulf cargo; G days. 

93. December 3 December 9: Steamship Jacob Luckenbach at San Pedro; 
Again tied up; Gulf cargo; 6 days. 

94. December H-December 0: Steamship CoJi'.iJibian at Portland, longshoremen 
demand cut down loads ; 1 day. 

9."). December 5-December G: Steamship American at Portland; long.shoremen 
demand cut down loads ; 1 day. 

9G. December G-December 7: Steamship MaJiko at Seattle; crew refused to 
clean tanks : 1 day. 

97. December 7-December 7 : Steamship ForhcR Haitptmnn at San Francisco ; 
unlicensed engine room crew struck on account of loading Standard Oil prod- 
ucts ; released in about 2 hours. 

98. December S-December 9: Steamship Florence Luckenbach at San Pedro; 
Gulf cargo ; 1 day. 

99. December 9-December 10 : Steamship Pt. Gorda at San Francisco ; Gulf 
cargo ; 1 day. 

100. December 9-December 11 : Steamship Wildvood at San Pedro, Shepard 
Line; steward discharged (seamen demanded): 2 days. 

101. December lO-December 10: Steamship B'niningliam City at San Fran- 
cisco ; account Marine Engineer's Beneficial Association ; no agreement ; few 
hours. 

102. December 10: Steamship Maui at San Francisco; crew refused to clean 
tanks ; ship still tied up after 17 days. 

103. December 10-December 11: Steamship Hegira at San Francisco; crew 
trouble: east coast agreement; demand west coast; 1 day. 

104. December 10 December 11: Steamship lowan at San Pedro; Filipino 
crew, stevedores walked off; 1 day. 

105. December 13-December 13: Steamship Golden Hind at San Francisco; 
unlicensed crew walked off. picketed ship ; longshoremen quit ; oilers refused to 
oil winches. Misunderstanding; released same day. 

100. December 14-December 14: Steamship Willhilo at San Francisco: crew 
demand discbarge of chief steward; few hour.s. 

107. December 14-December 18: Steam.ship Willi) Ho at San Francisco; again 
tied up. deck crew refuse to sign articles unless rider taken cff the articles 
requiring crew to work cargo; 4 days. 

10'^. December 16-December 10: Steamship Manukai at Snn Francisco; crew 
trouble: released same day. 

109. December 16: Steamship Wildivnod at San Francisco; crew replacements 
demand west coast articles: still tied up after 11 days. 

no. December 23-December 24: Steamship Oliioon at San Pedro, unlicensed 
crew refuse to sail with Filipinos: 1 day. 

111. Deceml)er 24-December 24: Steamship Mavoa, crew refuse to conrect 
oil hose. Standard Oil barge ; released same day. 

112. December 27-January 5: Steam.'Jhip Pt. Rcyea at New Orleans; crew 
demand cash bonus provided in strike rider, no strike existing; union furnished 
new crew: no concessions made; 9 da.vs. 

113. December 27-.7anuary 2: Steamship Diamond Head at Oakland, again 
tied up: crew refuse to clean tanks; Labor Relations Board granted extra 
wage for work: 6 days. 

114. December 30-.tanuary 3: Steamship Trelcn Whittier at Hilo, unlicensed 
crew struck in sympathy with scalers, stevedores quit ; 5 days. 



1770 UN-A.MERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVn JES 

115. December 30-Janiiary 2 : Steamship Mana at Honuapo ; crew struck iu 
sympathy with scalers; 4 days. 

116. January 1-January 2: Steamship Pt. Sur at Alameda; crew wrecked 
mess room; difficulty getting replacements; no specific complaint; 2 days. 

117. January 2-January 2: Steamship Malolo at Honolulu; sympathy strike; 

short time. 

118. January 4-January 9: Steamship Pennsylvania at San Francisco; un- 
licensed crew demand west coast articles; no concession made; independent 
crew recruited ; 5 days. 

119. January 5-January 10: Steamship Rohert Liickenhach at San Francisco; 
crew demand west coast articles ; compromise made ; 5 days. 

120. January 6-January 10: Steamship WiUiani Liickenhach at San Fran- 
cisco: crew demand west coast articles; compromise made; 4 days. 

121. January 7-January 8: Steamship Golden Harvest at San Francisco; 
crew replacements demand $5 per day; no concession made; 1 day. 

122. January 8-January 10: Steamship Edgar Tyuckenbach at San Francisco; 
crew demand west coast articles ; compromise : 2 days. 

123. January 8-January 9: Steamship Helen Wh if tier at Honolulu, again 
tied up; crew demand return rider; no concession made: 1 day. 

124. January S-January 15: Steamship Cahnar at San Francisco; crew de- 
manded west coast articles ; no concession made ; 7 days. 

125. January IS-January 22 : Steamship Mala at Honuapo, unlicensed crew 
struck on account of alleged blacklisted longshoremen; no concession made; 
4 days. 

126. January 19-January 22 : Steamship Golden Coast at Honolulu, account 
alleged blacklisted longshoremen: no concession; 3 days. 

127. January 19-January 22 : Steamship Maril at Honolulu, account alleged 
blacklisted longshoremen ; no concession : 3 days. 

128. January 20-January 22: Steamship Makiki at Honolulu, account alleged 
blacklisted longshoremen ; no concession ; 2 days. 

129. January 20-January 21 : Steamship Pt. Clear at San Francisco ; crew 
demand overtime for cleaning cargo holds (sulphur cargo) ; Labor Relations 
Board granted extra pay, 1 day. 

1.30. January 21-January 23: Steamship F. J. Liickenhach at San Francisco; 
sympathy with ships' clerks ; company met clerks' demands ; 2 days. 

131. Janufiry 21-January 23: Steamship Dorothy Liickenhach at Snn Fran- 
cisco; sympathy with ships' clerks: met demands; 2 days. 

132. January 21-January 23: Steamship K. I. Liickenhach at San Fran- 
cisco; sympathy with ships' clerks; met demnnds; 2 days. 

133. January 21-January 22: Steamship California at Snn Francisco: crew 
demand discharge of east coast men ; no concession ; 1 day. 

1.34. January 27-.Tanuary 28: Steamship Heffron at Portland: stewards crew 
demand extra messman; no concession: 1 day. 

135. January 28-January 30 : Steamship Jane Christenson at Longview: crew 
demnnd strike rider; no concession: 2 days. 

136. February 11-February 11: Steamship Manukai, San Francisco; crew 
refusod to connect oil hose: crew finally yielded: short time. 

1.37. February 14-February 14: Steamship Heffron. San Pedro: ci'ew refused 
to take lines of Standard Oil barge : unions ordered men to work ; 5 hours' 
delay. 

138. February 14: Steamship Calif ornian. at sea: smooth, calm weather; 
seamen refused to man lifelioats during life-saving drill ; "incident" entered in 
log: no further action to date. 

1.39. February 15-February 18: Steamship Coliimhian. at San Francisco; 
account controversy over number of trailers to be hauled by jitney: Interna- 
tional Longshoremen's Association yielded; 2 days. 

140. February 23-Fc>hruary 23: Steamship Condor, at San Pedro: crew re- 
fused to handle Standard Oil products: crew yielded: several hou-'s delay. 

141. February 26- February 26: Steamship Pacific Rringcr. Portland: contro- 
versy over size of sling loads ; union yielded : short time. 

142. February 27-Febrnary 28: Steamship Pt. Chico. San Francisco: Fire- 
men's TTnion refused replacements for five men dischar.sed for insubordination; 
union yielded after Lal)or Relations Board hearing; 1 day. 

143. March 2-March 5: Steamship California. San Pedro; crew refused take 
ship to sea, demanding west coast wages and agreements: crew yielded when 
United S*^ates attorney threatened prosecute them on nuitiny charges. 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1771 

144. March 6-Mareli 9: iitvumship President Taft, San Fraiuisco ; longshore- 
men alhig load controversy; Lahor Relations Committee ruled favor of em- 
ployers ; o days. 

14"). March 7-March 7: Steamship Drmocraci/, San Francisco; union de- 
manded company ship new chief steward: demand withdrawn; old steward 
shipi)ed : several hours. 

14G. March lO-March 10: Steamship Di inorrdri/. San Pedro; deck and engine 
crew demand quarters he remodeled hnmedialely; compromise work to he done 
at SL'a ; several hours. 

147. March 10-^larch 12: Steamship Ercrrtt, Seattle; longshori' sling load 
controversy ; Lahor Relations Committee ruled favor of Internaticual Long- 
shoremen's Association; three days delay. 

145. March 14-March 19: Steamship Miuiini, San Francisco; Sailors' Union 
demanded deck lioys he hired from union hall; matter referred to Bureau of 
Navigation: hoys remained on hoard: 5 days. 

149. March 17-March IS: Steam.ship Maui, San Francisco; Sailors' Union 
demanded deck hoys he hired from union hall; matter referred to Bureau of 
Navigation: hoys remained on hoard: 2 days. 

l.j(t. March 2'o--March 22; Steamship Aiifi(/ii<i. San Francisco; firemen refused 
to pass one man picket line set up hy discharged junior engineer; Marine 
Engineers" Beueticial Association upheld discharge for cause; company agreed 
give discharged man another chance on another ship; 2 days. 

l.")l. March 25-March 20: Steam.ship Maiii»i, St. Helens, Columbia River; 
crew demanded discharge of deck boys; hoys intimidated into deserting: 1 day. 

ir)2. March 25-March 26: Steamship Dai-sij (Iraij, San Francisco; American 
Radio Telegraphists" Association demand radio man be carried; demand tem- 
porarily withdrawn ; 1 day. 

l.'io. March 25-^Iarch 20: Steamship Golden Bear, San Francisco; crew re- 
fused to work after 5 p. m. unless paid cash overtime; longshoremen refused 
to work imless paid stand-by time; union furnished new gangs; IS hours. 

1^. March 25-March 2(i: Steamship Mdniikai, Honolulu; crew drunk; de- 
manded discharge of carpenter because "nonunion'" ; next morning, sober, d-s- 
co\ered carpenter good union man; demand withdrawn; 12 hours. 

155. March 26: Steamship Muniilani, San Pedro; longshoremen sling load 
controver.sy ; compromise load pending arl)ilration ; half day. 

156. March 27-March 30: Steamship ScUnidia, Willapa Harbor, Wash.; long- 
shoremen refused to go through lumber mill workers' picket line; picket line 
withdrawn ; 4 days. 

Mr. NiMMO. I ^YOuld like to take up that question of Bridges' 
refusal to handle a consignment of scrap iron on the motorship Fella. 

]Mr. KxowLES. On April 2, 1936, Harry Bridges issued orders to the 
longshoremen that they should refuse to handle 15 tons of scrap iron 
consigned to the motorship Fe/Ia of the Libera Lines. Despite the 
fact that the cargo in question was properly cleared by the United 
States Customs Office, Bridges declared that it was "war contraband." 
Bridges issued the following statement : 

"We will handle this scrap iron only when and if Secretary of State Hull advises 
us that it is not contraband. 

The motorship Fella had to sail that night vrithout the scrap iron. 

]Mr. XiMMO. The signihcance of that, gentlemen, is that Bridges 
was taking political action into his own hands in respect to a cargo 
that had been cleared by the port authorities and putting himself 
in tlie position, within the communistic ideal, of determining what was 
contraband and how they would direct the use of the ships that were 
going in and out of our ports in respect to a war that had nothing 
to do 

Mr. St.\rnes (interposing). He was setting himself up as a dc facto 
Secretary of State? 

Mr. XiMMO. I think that describes it. 



1772 UN-AIMERICAN PROPAGANDA ArTIVllIES 

Mr. Knowles. It is a Communist teacliing that if this country is 
ever embroiled in a war Avith which these people are not in sympathy- 
it means trouble. 

On the same date, April 2, 1936, the Pacific Coast Longshoremen 
carried the following article: 

Mr. Thompson, representing the American Friends of the Soviet, addressed 
the membership. He had been invited by the board of trustees to outline and 
explain a proposition to send a delegate to the Soviet Union. He explained that 
such a delegate would travel vpith a large delegation of union representatives 
from all parts of the United States. 

The Waterfront Worker of April 6, 1936 (see exhibit IB), stated as 
follows : 

PREPAEF. FOR ACTION 

The seamen on the east coast are on strike, striking against the corrupt 
International Seamen's Union leadership, against the ridiculous charges of 
mutiny of the California crew and for west-coast wages and conditions. The 
Santa Rosa and the Saye Brush are headed for the west coast with a full 
crew of scabs. The Grace Co. has deliberately manned their ships with scabs. 
It is a clear-cut issue. Do we work with scabs? We must refuse to touch any 
part of the rat ship. One of the reasons we had to do considerable maneuver- 
ing in the past to avoid strike actions was the issues were not clear and they 
were not strong enough. 

Now we have an open challenge by the shipowners on a national basis, which 
we cannot ignore. We have demonstrated to the public and to organized labor 
that we are not looking for trouble, but the present issue at stake is vmionism. 
We cannot avoid it. We must fight. 

The seamen's strike of the east coast, referred to in the aboA^e 
article, was not a strike but an attempt to create trouble on the 
New York water front by one Joseph Currar, a ringleader of the 
mutiny on the steamship California mentioned heretofore in this 
brief. 

The steamship Santa Rosa had a fidl union crew aboard it but, 
because the International Seamen's Union men had the courage to 
defy Joseph Curran's "provisional strike committee," they were 
branded as scabs and the Comminiist Party immediately took up Cur- 
ran's battle in the San Francisco Longshoremen's Union. 

On April 3, 1936, Harry Bridges, speaking before the San Fran- 
cisco Central Labor Council, stated as follows regarding the steam- 
ship Santa Rosa: 

On the way from New York there are ships manned entirely by scabs. There 
is the Santa Rosa with a crew of 350. We don't believe it's coming here just 
for the trip. It is going to load passengers and freight. We can stand by 
idly, where we can see that it is not done except by union men. The maritime 
unions can't stand idly by and see the things they fought so hard for taken away 
from them. 

We have done all we can to avoid these things. Now we believe the organized 
forces against us are ready. AVe have no alternative. The east- and west- 
coast shipowners are acting together. 

The Santa Rosa docked on April 14 at San Francisco and immedi- 
ately maritime federation pickets were put out to prevent longshore- 
men from going on the dock to work the cargo. The Waterfront 
Em])loyers' Association immediately suspended all relations with 
local 38-79. 

For the benefit of the committee Ave will point out discussions 
leading up to this particular situation. 

On February 3, 1936, local 38-79 voted to boycott east-coast ships 
coming to the Pacific coast Avith crcAvs that replaced "striking sea- 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1773 

men." On A})ril G Bridgos advised the Grace Co. that the liner 
Santa lio.sa would not be worked unless the International Seamen's 
Union crew was dischar<^'ed and replaced with seamen meetinjv his 
approval under, full west-coast agreement. On April 8 San Fran- 
cisco Council No. 2, Maritime Federation of the Pacific, adopted a 
resolution to boycott ship^ such as the Santa RoHa. On April 10 the 
San Pedro District Council No. 4, Maritime Federation of the Pacific, 
at the request of Harry Bridges, adopted a similar resolution. On 
April 13 the Santa Ro.sa docked at San Pedro, Calif., to discharge 
passengers and mail, but no attempt was made to work cargo there. 
The Santa Rosa then sailed for San Francisco. 

On April 16, local 38-79 held a mass meeting and Bridges and other 
Connnunists introduced a strike resolution. 

The morning of April 17 saw squad cars from local 38-79 patrol- 
ling the water front in order to prevent longshoremen from applying 
for ATork at the dock. The jMaritime Federation of the Pacific 
rescinded its resolution declaring all east coast ships "hot" and the 
San Francisco Central Labor Council appointed a committee of seven 
to assist in peace negotiations. 

It is significant to note that at this time the San Francisco Central 
Labor Council refused a vote of confidence to Harry Bridges and his 
leadership. 

The committee's attention is again invited to the mass meeting held 
at the Dreamland Auditorium on April 16, 1936, where the Inter- 
national Longshoremen's Association voted complete confidence in 
Harry Bridges. At this meeting a vote was passed to send Bridges 
and Kalph jSIallen by airplane to address a mass meeting at Portland,. 
Oreg., on the following Sunday, and Otto Kleiman was dispatched to 
San Pedro to address a mass meeting of the I. L. A. local there. 
Please note that all of the ambassadors were members of the original 
Equit} Hall group and members of the Communist Party. 

We have dealt with the subject of the S. S. Santa Rosa quite at 
length because it plays an important part in the relations between the 
Waterfront Employers' Association and the IMaritime Federation of 
the Pacific. The suspension of relations with local 38-79 was not 
directed at the local, but purely at the radical and Communist leaders 
of that union. 

Over a period of 18 months since the Hanna award was granted, 
there were more than 400 flagrant violations by this union of tlieir 
agieement and their refusal to work cargo on the S. S. Santa Rosa 
was the culmination of an interminable series of strikes. 

The negotiation committee which was appointed by local 38-79 to 
meet with the employers included John Marlowe. He was presumed 
to be next in line for president of local 38-79, and the Communist 
Party felt that he would go along with Bridges in the negotiations. 
To the surprise of everyone Marlowe went with the conservative side 
and a tentative agreement with the employers was signed on Saturday 
night, the 18th. 

The party inmiediately had to change its tactics and a wire was 
sent to Harry Bridges in Portland ordering him to return immedi- 
ately. The best was made of a bad situation and anotlier mass meet- 
ing was called at which time Bridges declared that a victory had been 



2774 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

gained for their local 38-79. Bridges did, however, force the negoti- 
ating committee to issue the follow^ing statement : 

We, the committee, are taking this position now, realizing we have mistalvenly 
and inadvertently disobeyed the instructions of our membership at their last 
meeting, and to convince the membership that onr mistake was honest and unin- 
tentional, we wish now to publicly announce our mistake, and declare the 
tentative memorandum that we signed absolutely without authority, is null and 
void. 

Despite this repudiation, however, the agreement was signed on 
April 21 and the longshoremen went back to work. 

The ink was scarcely dry on the agreement concerning the Santa 
Rosa and future respect of contracts, when another "job action" was 
called. This was purely political in character and similar to the 
incident of the M. S. Fella, Avhich we have heretofore reported. The 
M. 8. Feltre of the Libera Line was refused handling by the long- 
shoremen on the grounds that it was loading scrap metal for Italy. 
In reality, this scrap metal was being consigned by the Italian San 
Francisco colony to the Italian Bed Cross and did not come under the 
classification of contraband. 

There was no cessation in "hot cargo" disputes or "job action." 
It became increasingly apparent that the water front employers were 
going to have to make amendments in their contract when the present 
award expired. 

Mr. NiMMO. Now will you refer, Mr. Knowles, to the resolutions 
that were adopted at the International Longshoremen's Convention 
at San Pedro on May 5 — the object of that being to note the Com- 
nmnist pattern of these resolutions, which fit right into the party 
doctrine. 

Mr. Knowles. On May 5 the International Longshoremen's Asso- 
ciation convened at San Pedro, Calif. It resulted in a sweeping vic- 
tory for the Equality Hall group. Among the resolutions introcluced 
by this gToup were: 

1. Endorsing tlie principle of the industrial unions as advocated 
by John L. Lewis, ])resident of the United Mine Workers. 

2. To organize flour mill and cereal industrial workers as Inter- 
national Longshoremen's Association affiliate. 

3. Declaring embargo on mimitions of war, including scrap iron. 

4. Requiring that not less than 5 percent of new men registered 
be Negroes. 

5. Authorizing representatives to the National Negro Congress. 

6. Giving active support to the Modesto Defense Fund and Tom 
Mooney. 

7. Stop work in each port 1 hour during the Modesto appeal. 

8. Repeal of the California Criminal Syndicalism Act. 

9. Assessing all longshoremen $1 for contribution to the Demo- 
cratic campaign fund. JSIoney to be sent to James Farley, 30 percent 
to be used in Pacific coast States. 

Mr. NiMMo. That was a resolution adopted at the International 
Longshoremen's Convention ? 

Mr. Knowles. That is correct. 

Mr. NiMMo. And tlie importance of that is the definitely Com- 
munist pattern of that resolution, all the way through. 

Now, we take up Bridges' election to the district committee. 



un-a:mi:rican ruorAGANDA activities I775 

Mr. Knowles. A resolution eiulorsin*^ a Farmer-Labor party, intro- 
duced by the E(iuaHty Hall group failed to pass. 

Britlges won the nomination for district president and was later 
elected. 

Shortly after the International Longshoremen convention at San 
Pedro, the official jiublication of the INIaritime Federation of the 
Pacific, the Voice of the Federation, published an article advocating 
a transportation federation of America under the caption "Organize, 
or Else." We give it here verbatim : 

One of the most important issues that is facing the workers in the marine 
transportation industry today is tlie question of industrial unionism. 

In order to protect ourselves, our membership should include all forms of 
transportation, passenger as well as freight, both on land and sea and even in 
the air. This form of organization will have to be started now, lest the struc- 
ture on which we are now standing, crumble under our feet. 

It is becoming apparent that the destruction of our present set-up already 
exists within our form of organization. The closely interlocking functions of 
the various branches of the transportation industry makes it absolutely neces- 
sary for the workers in the various branches to act as one group. 

If they fail to do so, they will find that when the freight tariff in the marine 
transportation becomes higher than the rate charged by rail, bus, or air, due to 
rhe fact that the workers in that branch are being better paid, or work under 
better conditions, then the freight and passenger revenue will automatically be 
transferred into the branch where the workers are working under a lower 
standard of living. 

In other words, when the irregularity of service or the higher rates on ships 
annoys the public, then they will send the freight and travel by rail, and when 
that happens, the ships will be laid up. Since our members are skilled in the 
.^ailing of ships, their valv.o vrill be depreciated even should they eventually be 
absorbed in the branch of the industry in which the increase in traffic has 
occurred. 

Therefore, in order to keep the employment and earning power stable, we must 
affiliate ourselves with the other branches until the workers in the transporta- 
tion industry control every unit of transportation whether it flies, floats, or runs 
on wheels, and when that organization has been perfected, we will have in out 
hands the key that will open the door to a more abundant life not only for the 
workers in our industry, but for all workers. 

The ambition of the ^laritime Federation of the Pacific was to 
extend its influence. Therefore, organizations were set up on the 
Gulf and the Atlantic coast, with the intention of forming a national 
maritime federation, but their ambitions did not end there. It was 
their hope, when the National Maritime Federation was formed, to 
extend its influence internationally. This ambition was the funda- 
mental of the Comintern in its international effort to control the 
transportation facilities of the entire world. 

We have already called the attention of the committee to the coop- 
eration of Harry Bridges on the Avest coast with Joe Curran on the 
east coast which resulted in the Santa Rosa incident. 

By June 1, 1936, the situation in the American Federation of 
Labor regarding the fight with Mr. John L. Lewis was becoming 
serious. Already the hand of the Communist Party was in the Com- 
mittee for Industrial Organization. There was no doubt that the 
Communist Party would take advantage of this situation and bore 
into the Maritime Federation, which it proceeded to do. 

On the first Saturday and Sunday in June 1936 Communist Dis- 
trict No. 13 held its convention at Willapi Hall on Saturday and the 
NeAv Bayshore Hall on Sunday, in San Francisco. At this conven- 

949.31— .38— vol. 3 5 



1776 UN-AME1MCA>' PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

tion a representative of the Comintern gave instructions to District 
No. 13. The Sunday meeting was interrupted about 5 : 10 p. m. by 
police, who had been informed that a figlit was in progress, but after 
the police left an election was held. 

At this election INIr. Harry Bridges, president of District I. L. A., 
was elected as a district committee member of District No. 13 of the 
Communist Party and was also constituted a bureau member of 
District 13. 

We request the committee at this time to call the witnesses indi- 
cated in the list of vvitnesses attached to this report to substantiate 
the above. 

The district bureau formulated the following policy to be sub- 
mitted to all concerned : 

First. Tliat it was the intention of the party to keep peace in the 
United States and on the Pacific coast in particular until after the 
general election. 

Second. That the Communist Party was going to use every effort 
to bring the Sailors' Union of the Pacific back into the International 
Seamen's Union, in order that they could control the whole maritime 
situation on the Pacific coast. 

Thii'd. That they were going to use the Seamen's Union as a bone 
of contention if the shipowners opened the award, rather than the 
International Longshoremen's Association. 

Fourth. That in any event, if and when awards were opened either 
by the shipowners or the longshoremen's association, they would 
agree to an extension of the agreement for a period of 1 year regard- 
less of the terms therein, but with no intention of keeping the agree- 
ment after April 30, 1937. 

Fifth. That they would assist in every way the organization of the 
Industrial Unions. 

Sixth. That when Mr. John L. Lewis had accomplished the organ- 
ization of the steel, rubber, automotive industries, they would then 
break the awards on the Pacific coast, Gulf, and Atlantic coast, and 
cause a Nation-wide general strike. 

Seventh. That they would increase the membership of the News- 
})aper Guild and establish nuclei in the various newspapers so that 
they could control the presentation of news by the papers at the time 
of the calling of the general strike. 

Witnesses whom you can call later will substantiate these state- 
ments. 

Mr. NiMMO. The point of that, Mr. Chairman, was, as I under- 
stand it, that the award of 1934 would have terminated in 1936; 
would it not, Mr. Knowles? 

Mr. Knowles. Yes, sir. 

Mr. NiMMO. And, not wanting it to terminate in 1936, they desired 
to put it over until April 1937. ' If they put it over until April 1937, 
then it would tie in with the general strikes throughout the United 
Srates which Avould result from action by Jolm Lewis in the East; 
and otherwise the natural thing would have been to have had another 
award or another contract with the ship owners about the expiration 
of the 1934 contract. 

Mr. Knowles. With the assistance of the Communist Party, Bridges 
proceeded to gain absolute control of the I. L. A. and the Maritime 
Federation. Emissaries were sent to the Gulf to organize the Gulf, 



L'X-.VMEKirAX rKOI'AdANKA ACTIVTTIKS 1777 

One J. W. AllcMi, alias Von Ermen, was the party fiiiictioiiaiy used 
ill tlie Gulf. He was a former relief officer in- the Matson Line. 

Roy r*yle, of the .Vuierican Radio Tele<ira]ih Association, proceeded 
to New York and consulted with Roy Hudson, president of the Mari- 
time Workers" Industrial Union aiul a member of the central com- 
mittee of the Communist Party of the United States. There they 
fornudated a policy for coordination of activities on the Atlantic 
coast that would follow the leadership of Harry Bridges on tlu 
Pacific coast. 

After Earl Prowder had accepted his nomination for the presi- 
dency on the Conununist Party ticket, he proceeded to the Pacific 
coast and visited with the bureaus of distric's 12 and 13. 

At the time of Browder's visit it was still considered necessary to 
maintain peace, but at this time the shipowners decided to open the 
award. After the first few meeting's between Maritime representa- 
tives and the shipowners, it became apparent to the Communist 
groups what tactics the shipowners had decided to follow. This 
necessitated a change in plans on the part of the Communist Party 
and the Equity Hall group on the Pacific coast. 

Roy Hudson was sent to the Pacific coast and remained in San 
Francisco directing all negotiations of the party in the Maritime 
Federation and newspaper organizations for the whole Pacific coast. 
The first result was an order on the part of the party to stiffen the 
attitude of the unions, and finally the following statement was issued 
to the party by the Bureau during the last week in August 1936 : 

1. We must exploit the situation with all its implications to the end that — 
(a) A general improvement all around of conditions of labor, hours, wages, 

etc., for longshoremen. 

(6) Decided improvement of labor, hours, wages, etc., for seamen. 

(c) General improvement for all other crafts in the shipping and maritime 
industry. 

(d) The setting up of a more inclusive provisional apparatus with a view of 
taking the Maritime Federation of the Pacific a step higher in the direction of 
industrial unionism. 

(e) Unofficial representation on the C. I. O. (.John Lewis' new "Committee 
for Industrial Organization"). 

2. Finally under no circumstances to fail to take advantage of the general 
favorable situation to the end that — 

(a) The Communist Party shall increase in influence and membership. 
ih) The people's front shall advance immeasurably, and; 

(c) Moral and financial aid shall be given to the C. I. O. in the fight against 
the reactionary A. F. of L. leadership. 

MARITIME STRIKE POLITICAL NECESSITY 

3. Further, in the matter of the Pacific coast maritime situation it is decided — 

(a) A general maritime strike is not only possible but a practical political 
necessity. 

(b) Fvery effort should be made to conduct negotiations in such a way as to 
gain the moral prerequisite for a strike, should serious gains otherwise be 
impossible. 

(f) I.ooso connections with the Northwest must be strengthened by moans 
of unlimited sujiport to the P. I. Guild newspaper strike and to the aspirations 
of certain leaders. 

(d) At the same time a definite luiderstanding must be worked out between 
the Euros, Harry Bridges, California, Morris Rapport, Washington, and the 
leadership of the Washington Commonwealth Federation with a view of com- 
plementing the general situation — guild strike, marine strike — in such a way 
that one may lead to the other. 

4. It must be understood that \\'e must conduct ourselves in such a way as 
to advance — 



1778 UN AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

(«) The perspectives of a new manifold upsurge of class struggle; 

(b) The definite realization of a Farmer-Labor Party alinement of the west 

coast ; and 

(c) The bringing about on the west coast an internal alinement similar to 

the C. I. O. 

Mr. NiMMO. The reference there to the class struggle is definitely 
a communistic suggestion. It has nothing to do with labor unionism. 

Mr. Knowles. We desire at this time to introduce a confidential 
memorandum covering the above, and request that it be marked 

exhibit No. 25, 

We shall now return to the Maritime Federation convention which 
ended in San Pedro on June 10, 1936. The Maritime Federation 
adopts the following resolutions : 

1. Endorse campaign for repeal of criminal syndicalism law and release all 
persons in jail for same. 

2. To designate July 5, Bloody Thursday Maritime Memorial Day, calling upon 
all affilinted unions to observe this by work stoppage. (This was referred to a 
referendum. 

3. Protest aggressive war and fascism. 

4. Embargo on war materials. 

5. Authorize Maritime Federation district mass meetings for all member 
unions at least once a month. 

6. Organize Maritime Federation in the district of British Columbia. 

7. Organize National Maritime Federation embracing all phases of marine 
transportation industries. 

8. Rer-ommend that radio telegraphers make September demand that they 
be not required to do clerical or purser work. 

9. Set definite rules for sailors and longshore work on steam schooners. 

10. Establish a M ;onoy defense ccmmitteo in each fod'jr:;tiyn district. Sell 
40,00y "forty-five cent" "Free Mooney and Billings" stamps. 

The perusal of these resolutions is enough to point out to the com- 
mittee the control of the Equality Hall group and the Communist 
Party. 

On July 5, 1936, the Maritime Federation staged its "Bloody Thurs- 
day" parade. They claimed that 10,000 men marclied in the parade. 

On July 9 it was announced that Harrv Bridges had been elected 
president 'of the district I. L. A. for 1936-1937. 

On July 22 the Maritime Federation of the Pacific announced that 
all propositions on referendum ballot had carried and then called for 
a coast-wide meeting on the pro]:)osed September demands to be held 
on August 4 and 5, in San Francisco. 

These resolutions that were passed by the referendum set up the 
federation not as a negotiating agency, but merely a coordinating 
agency with power to block negotiations that any occasion might 
demand. Their plan, briefly, was to authorize the federation as a 
coordinating agency which would approve demands and force em- 
ployers to sign with all unions simultaneously. To split employer 
organizations by dealing with individual employers and individual 
groui)s of employers, one at a time. All agreements were to include: 

(a) Right of union men to refuse to pass picket lines. 

(b) A guarantee that there would be no discrimination against any 
man because of union activities. 

(c) A preferential agreement clause. 

(d) Recognize the right of unions to take joint action to enforce 
agreements. 

On July 31, 1936, the Waterfront Employers served formal notice 
on T. L. A. flistrict officials and four major locals that they intended 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1779 

to "open the award" and suo^esting that negotiations be started at 
the earliest possible date and made the proposal that all issues not 
settled by September 1 be submitted to arbitration on that date or 
immediately thereafter, in order to eliminate any possibility of a non- 
agreement interim after September 30. 

We point out to the committee at this time that it was not the inten- 
tion ot the Equality Hall group to want any strikes in 19:^G and that 
the seamen were being used as the "catspaw" to effect trading with the 
Waterfront Employers. 

The August 17, 1936, Western Worker published the following 

editorial : 

Obviously, tlio waterfront unions cannot at this time state that they are 
lirepari'd to sul)niit all disimted points to arbitration. The union men are deter- 
iniiu'd to win certain burning minimum demands which will make life on board 
the shiiis less of a hell of exiiloitation. To agree at this time to submit these 
essential demands to arbitration would in effect be a surrender of these demands 
to the shipowners. 

The significance of this quotation is the fact that it does not refer 
to the longshoremen, but to the seamen, and was the first step of the 
Communist Party to further its program of having the seamen carry 
the battle. 

On August 19. 1936, the Sailors' Union of the Pacific notified the 
employers that all agreements and awards would terminate September 
30. The Sailors' Union of the Pacific offered to negotiate their agree- 
ments, but insisted that these agreements must be with the Sailors' 
Union of the Pacific alone. Both the Sailors' Union of the Pacific 
and the Firemen's Union rejected the employers' offer to an immediate 
agreement to arbitrate all unsettled issues as of September 1. 

Negotiations with the International Longshoremen's Association 
began on Au.gust 24, but after a fidl week of meetings they were 
still deadlocked on the question of submitting all disputed issues to 
arbitration. This was merely stalling on the part of Harry Bridges 
and his group in order that the Seamen's Union be pushed to the 
front. 

During the first week of negotiations, after the Waterfront Em- 
ployers had notified the maritime unions that they were going to 
o]^;en the award, the split occurred between the Seamen's Union and 
the Longshoremen's grou]). During this period the nuirder of 
George Alberts had been discovered and the body of Cherbourg had 
been taken from San Francisco Bay. 

On August 29. a telegram was received in Seattle from San Fran- 
cisco, whicli we introduce to this connnittee and request that it be 
marked "Exlnbit No. 26," from which we quote as follows : 

Party status is definitely changed. Still do not want strike but ready and 
willing to go through with it if necessary for radicals to retain control of 
maritime unions. Party prepared for long and bloody strike, although denial 
of firearms and ammunitions. This denial does not check with other state- 
ments. Statement made Alameda nuu'der definitely linked with maritime sit- 
uation and to expose those guilty will involve maritime union individv.als to 
extent so great that too dangerous for informant. 

On August 31, 1936, Mitchell of the Vancouver, B. C, longshore- 
men received the following wire from Harry Bridges: 

Word tonight from Lewis that he and his followers were with you, so if you 
walk out we will make it a big one; that is all we need. 



1780 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

On the same day Whitehead, of Seattle, phoned to Vancouver, 
B. C, thiit he had received a wire from Harry Bridges, reading as 
follows : 

Nothing can stop wide-open breali between employers and I. L. A. and mari- 
time federation. It looks only a few days away. 

Whitehead then quoted from a letter he had received from Bridges, 
as follows: 

The men in Frisco do not want to take a vote on it and say, why not tie up 
shipping now and let the employers come to us? With all shipping tied up 
tight they will make a much better settlement than we would, so anything may 
happen anytime not even waiting for a vote to be taken, for the taking of a 
vote would go solidly for a strike. 

At noon the same day, Mitchell in Vancouver, B. C, received a 
wire from Bridfies : 



'f^^ 



Today after refusing to consider cffer by employers several times re wages 
we agreed to put the matter before our men and the referendum at once will 
allow us to carry on and at the same time give us our vote to be sure where we 
stand. 

Later in the afternoon Whitehead wired Mitchell from Seattle : 

I am instructed to inform you that you are to hold a referendum vote the 
same as on this side. You will receive full instructions on Wednesday or as 
soon as I have time to prepare them. 

On September 1, 1936, Landye came in to Vanvoucer, B. C, from 
Seattle and met the local men at the Labor Temple. He stated : 

We expect you to get us a bi? vo*^e to reject any rff^v^. It will be in reality 
a strike vote. Commence voting Thursday morning and take 4 days to finish. 
That will be Monday, September 7, at 8 p. m. Make your report by noon on 
Tuesday, September 8, to reach Bridges in time for tabulation that evening in 
Frisco, then action with the employers the following day, Wednesday, Septem- 
ber 9. The employers think it will be the middle of the month, but ^Bridges 
will fool them. 

We desire to enter the confidential memorandum containing the 
above quotations and request that it be marked "Exhibit No. 27." 

On September 4 Harry Bridges informed the San Francisco Cen- 
tral Labor Council that he was advising the men to prepare for a 
strike. It was the concensus of opinion by disinterested observers at 
the time that when the strike vote was taken to determine whether 
the employers' proposals would be submitted to arbitration that the 
results would depend upon the way the ballot was prepared. 

At this time we offer in evidence the official longshoremen's ballot 
to be voted on Sejitember 10, 11, and 12, 1936, and request that it be 
marked "Exhibit No. 28." 

The attention of the committee is called to the peculiar manner in 
which the employers' proposals are presented, together with the ques- 
tion as framed. 

During this period the steamship President Hoover was tied up. 
We mention it at this time because it is an excellent example of the 
determined campaign of the Maritime Federation to destroy dis- 
cipline on the American merchant ships. This was a campaign to 
destroy the authority of the master and other officers and to sub- 
stitute committee (Soviet) rule by the crew. 

Early in 1936 union officials instructed all seamen to keep a careful 
record of "all infractions of navigation laws and of the arbitration 
award and to enforce the award and the navigation laws." In other 



UN-AMEKICAN rnOPAGAM»A ACTIVITIES 1781 

words, the crew was to replace the authority of the United States 
Goveriiiiieiit in Jaw enforcement. 

Open trouble developed on the Hoover at Honolulu on Auoust 21, 
1936. The ship was scheduled to sail at 10 p. m. At 9:30 p. m. a 
delegate, Brenner by name, advised Captain Yardley that the deck 
crew would not permit the ship to leave the dock until all hatches 
were battened and all gear secured. Cai)tain Yardley advised the 
ship's delegate that the vessel would proceed as customary, securing 
gear as they sailed down the harbor, but that in event the gear was 
not secured and hatches were not battened by the time the reef was 
reached, the vessel would heave to until such work was accomplished. 
The captain warned the men that if they refused to work he would 
log them 2 days' pay for every infraction of the rules. 

At sailing time, the deck crew assigned to the watches remained 
below. They did not report to their stations until 20 minutes later, 
at which time the vessel proceeded down the harbor, i^attening 
liatches and securing the gear as is customary. 

In accordance with his warning, Captain Yardley logged four 
membei-s of the deck crew for disobedience of orders and for delay- 
ing the United States mails, fining them 2 days' pay for each count, 
or a total of 4 days' pay. The vessel arrived in San Francisco at 
11:30 a. m., August 26. The morning of August 27, the company 
started to pay off. The deck crew refused to accept their pay unless 
the 4 days' logging were remitted. The shipping commissioner ad- 
vised the men and the captain that "a 2 days' fine for refusal to obey 
lawful orders of the master was correct." 

Despite this, the sailors still refused and the remainder of the crew, 
both engine department and cooks and stewards, likewise refused to 
accept their pay. "When the ship returned to San Francisco on Sep- 
tember 1, Capt. John A. Rylander. United States Shipping Commis- 
sioner for San Francisco, conducted an investigation under orders 
from Joseph Weaver, Bureau chief in Washington. 

In the investigation, Brenner, who had been the ship's delegate, 
readily admitted that Captain Yardley had said the ship would heave 
to inside the reef in case of hatches and gear were not secured by 
the time they reached the reef. "But," said Seaman Brenner, "there 
wasn't any room to heave to inside the harbor." "How^ do you know," 
queried Captain Rylander. "Have you seen the length of the harbor 
or do you know from personal knowledge?" "No," said Mr. Brenner, 
"but one of the men in the forecastle, who has officer's papers, told 
me so." 

Delegate Brenner was not reemployed and when the President 
Hoover attempted to sail from San Francisco at 4 p. m. Friday, 
September 4, the members of the engine department and the cooks 
and stewards were signed on without difficulty, but the entire deck 
department refused to sign on unless Brenner was reemployed. 

After the ship was tied up for 5 days and 211/2 hours and with a 
loss of over $50,000, the President Hoover finally sailed. 

It is pointed out to the committee that while the money loss was 
negligible, the loss of prestige due to lack of discipline was in con- 
ceivably great. 

We charge that the incident of the steamship President Hoover 
was inspired and controlled by a Communist nuclei on that ship. 



1782 UN-AMEi:iCAX PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

At this time we desire to introduce to the committee a file entitled 
"Minutes, Joint Strike Policy Committee of the Maritime Federation 
of the Pacific," and request that this be marked "Exhibit No. 29." 

We request the Committee to note that all quotations from this 
file will be marked in numerical order in red pencil. 

Quotation 1, September 4, 1936, page 6 : 

Amended by Pyle, seconded by Rathborne, that we advise the coast committee 
of shipownei'S, the press, and all parties concerned, that if all misunderstand- 
ings now existing between the unions and employers are not settled by Sep- 
teml)er 30, the maritime unions and the shipowners shall mutually agree to 
continue operations temporarily after October 1, under conditions now in effect 
with all unions until satisfactory new agreements are signed by all organiza- 
tions affiliated with the Maritime Federation. 

This amendment offered by Pyle and Rathborne, who are both 
Communists and members of the American Radio Telegraphers 
Association, was in direct line with the expressed will of the Com- 
munist Party as heretofore shown. 

The party still felt that it could carry the present agreements over 
until April of 1937, at which time they felt that Mr. John L. Lewis 
and the C. I. O. would be ready to join with the maritime industries 
in a Nation-wide general strike. 

Quotation 2 on the same page is as follows : 

The firemen, sailors, and cooks' negotiating committees asked to be recorded 
as voting "no." 

This shows a division already pointed out. The representatives of 
the Seaman's Union were going to have nothing to do with the policies 
of the Commimist Party. 

Harry Bridges and the Equality Hall group within the Maritime 
Federation had orders, however, that if the demands of the seamen 
were not granted and that if the seamen went out on strike, then they 
too would have to follow in the interests of unity. As the negotiations 
developed we shall see this group, under the leadership of Harry 
Bridges, continually stalling on the matter of a definite strike date. 

On September 25, page 4, quotation No. 3 : 

Brother Bridges, International Longshoremen's Association, 38, reported that 
his organization had received a letter from the employers offering an increase 
in wages, substituting an 8-hour day for the 6-hour day, and the members to 
work off the docks. His organization representatives were to meet tlie ship- 
owners' representatives at 11 a. m. Saturday morning and further stated that his 
organization was willing to proceed and work for the time being under the 
present award. 

Quotation No. 4 : 

Brother Bridges asked this committee to go on record that all unions request 
the shipowners to suspend their ultimatum for 25 days for further negotiations, 
beyond September 30, 1936, and that the unions remain at work during this 
suspension, observing the conditions under the present agreements. Bridges, 
first ; Canning seconded. 

Quotation No. 5: 

Amendment to read: "10 days and not more than 15 days." Coester, first; 
Gates seconded. 

Quotation No. 6: 

Brother Lundeberg speaks in favor of the amendment. 



UN-AMERICAN I'KOrAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1783 

This desire for an extension of the aiiieenient on the ]:»ait of Bridoes 
and the desire for an early termination on the part of Lnndeberg is 
accentuated as ne<2;otiations proceed. 

It is to be remembered by the committee tliat dui'inji" all of this 
period, Roy Hudson, representative of the central connnittee of the 
Connnunist Party, was in San Francisco and cooperating- with the 
Equality Hall group to see that the dicta of the Communist Party was 
carried out. 

On September 23, 1936, tlie results of the membership referendum 
vote of the I. L. A. of the Pacific coast on the proposal submitted by 
the Waterfront Employers Association was returned. The votes in 
favor of tlie jn'oposal were 489; and the votes against, 9,938. 

It is interesting to note at this time that the I. L. A. voted on the 
employers' proposal and not on the question of whether the member- 
shi)) was willing to submit all disputed issues to arbitration. 

The joint policy committee agreed upon an extension of 15 days 
after September 30, instead of the 25 days requested by Bridges. This 
in turn was accepted by the water-front employers. 

On September 29, 1936, the Maritime Commission wired the Water- 
front Employers Association requesting an extension for 60 days. This 
tlie water-front employers refused to grant. On September 30 the 
Maritime Commission requested an extension for 30 days. The water- 
fi-ont employers then replied that they would grant a 60-day extension 
provided that prior to the 15th day of October each of the unions 
would notify the Commission and agree that any and all disputes not 
settled v.-ithin the 60-day period would be submitted to arbitration 
before the Maritime Commission. 
_ At a meeting of the joint strike committee of the Maritime Federa- 
tion of the Pacific on October 14, 1936, Bridges suggested to the dele- 
gates that they go back to their membership and submit the proposal 
and put it to a referendum vote. This was just another delay in prac- 
tice. Coester, speaking for the Sailors' Union of the Pacific, opposed 
this. Bridges states that the I. L. A. executive committee had gone 
oyer this proposal and thought that it was reasonable. As a result 
of this meeting, a telegram was framed to be sent to the Maritime 
Commission, the Secretary of Labor, and President Roosevelt, from 
which we quote, as quotation Xo. 7: 

.Joint negotiating committee representing all maritime unions takes tliis means 
of notifying you tliat tliey have attempted to cooperate to tlie fullest extent with 
the Maritime Commission to avoid a tie-up. The present ir)-day extension 
granted at the request of the Commission has resulted in great unrest on the 
part of our membership, due to the employers' attitude in refusing bona fide 
negotiations. This situation has been aggravated by the Conunission's latest 
dictatorial assumption of authority when the public and unions were looking 
to them to take a mutual and pacifying attitude. In view of the above, the 
negotiating committee of the maritime unions are submitting to their membership 
a referendum asking full authority to order strike action midnight October 28. 
This action to avoid tie up through spontaneous action by our membership fflid 
to give the Commission a chance to correct damage they have done and use their 
authority to settle situations peacefully. Bridges, first ; Cannalonga, seconded. 

We give now quotation No. 8, page 6 : 

Brother Schmidt reported on the wire and the press release, stating that the 
press release had already gone, but the wire was held up on the advice of 
Mr. Aaron Sapiro, the sailors' legal counsel. 



1784 UN AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

The telegram was then amended as follows : 
Quotation No. 9, page 6 : 

Joint negotiating committee takes this means of notifying you that they have 
attempted to cooperate to the fullest extent with the Maritime Commission to avoid 
a tie-up. The present 15-day extension granted at the request of the Commission 
has resulted in great unrest on the part of our membership, due to employers' 
attitude in refusing bona fide negotiations. This situation has been aggravated 
by Commission's latest assumption of authority not yet in effect when the public 
and unions were looking to them to take a neutral and pacifying attitude. In 
view of the above and attempting to protect solely fundamental issues unions now 
have and feel are jeopardized, the negotiating committee of maritime unions are 
submitting to their membership a referendum asking full authority to order strike 
action midnight October 28. This action taken to avoid tie-up through si)on- 
taneous action by our membership and to give Commission chance to correct false 
impression left in the minds of our members and the public have used our efforts 
to settle situation peaceably by mediation. 

Joint Negotiating Comjiittee, Maiiitime Federation, 
F. M. Ket.ley, (Secretary. 

We point out to the committee the difference between the first and 
second telegrams, indicating the usual contempt of Bridges for repre- 
sentatives of the United States Government. 

At a meeting on October 13 the following quotation, No. 10: 

Brother Bridges thinks that we should not commit ourselves to such, but should 
take the middle ground and watch until the Commission is actually in effect, 
wTiich will be October 26, 1936. His opinion is that the proper thing for us 
to do is to reply that the unions agree to the extension, with the provision that 
any benefits resulting from new agreements would be retroactive to October 1, 
1936. The other alternative was to challenge the power of the Maritime Cam- 
mission by inviting them to come here and show their power. 

On page 6, quotation No. 11 : 

The committee for the proposed wire for the Maritime Commission returned 
and Brother Bridges reported that everybody was in accord with exception of 
the sailors' union. 

The October 20, 1936, meeting of the joint committees appointed 
a committee to meet with the employers and the Commission. We 
cite quotation No. 12, page 1 : 

Brother Bridges further states that it was his understanding that the em- 
ployers had a proposal to submit to the Seamen's Union of the Pacific. It was 
moved and seconded that each organization elect a committee of two to accom- 
pany the International Longshoremen's Association committee to meet the em- 
ployers and the Commission. 

_ The following committee was named by the respective organiza- 
tions and elected by acclamation : 

H. Muches. D. Modin. 

W. Peel. *R. Meriwether. 

*H. O'Neil. H. Gray. 

G. Chariot. *E. O'Grady. 

C. W. Labelle. *R. Pyle. 

*H. Hook. *A. Quitteuton. 

E: Coester. 

As this number amounted to 13, it was agreed that the Interna- 
tional Longshoremen's Association would supply the remaining 7, 
Brother Melnikow making up the 21 representatives on the 
committee. 

We desire to point out to the committee at this time that those 
whose names bear asterisks were members of the Equality Hall 
group and also members of the Communist Party. 



UN-AiNIERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1785 

On October 26 the United Stiites INIaritinie Commission sent the 
following telegram to the joint strike committee : 

Today the law creating the Maritime Commission came into full effect. All 
powers and authority conferred upon the Commission thereby are in full force. 
The duti(\s of the Commi.'^slon prescribed therein as well as its authority and 
powers are well known to shipowners ami to maritime unions of the Pacific. 
The Connnission proposes to carry out its duties to the fullest extent of its 
abilities and to use all the authority and powers conferred upon it to this end. 
Ir proposes to endeavor to see to it that full justice is done to the personnel 
manning our ships and that the rights of both shipowner and personnel are 
preserved and respected. The situation confronting our merchant marines due 
to the disputes between shipowners and the unions on the Pacific coast is of 
grave public interest and of first and deep concern to the Connnission. As 
already announced, the Commission has begun an impartial investigation which 
will be full and complete. The Commis.sion feels that the public interest re- 
quires that all shipping must continue to move during tills investigation and 
repeat that it requests and expects that this will be done under latest agreement 
uritil the investigation is completed and the facts announced. You are requested 
to answer now unequivocally and without qualification the question : Are you 
going to respect the public and Government's interest to the extent that you 
will carry on under latest agreements without stoppage of work by walk-out or 
strike until the Commission's investigation is completed and facts announced? 

United States Maritime Commission. 

On l)age 3 of the October 26 minutes of the joint strike committee, 
quotation 13 : 

Brother Curran took the floor. Reported that the east coast rank and file 
were going ahead with plans to support the west coast in all of its demands. 
Brother Curran thought some decision should be made at this time for the men 
on ships on both coasts such as an east coast ship being on the west coast, or a 
vrcrt ccast rhip being en t!:c cast coast in the event a strike is called. 

We also give quotation No. 14 on the next page: 

Brother Curran spoke about the necessity of establishing lines of communi- 
cation between the east coast and the west coast. 

We introduce those two quotations at this time in order that the 
committee may be advised that Joe Curran was on the west coast as- 
sisting Harry Bridges organize for the maritime strike of 1936. It is 
unnecessary for us to point out that Joe Curran's membership card 
in the Communist Party was introduced before this committee as 
evidence in its Washington, D. C, hearing. 

The following telegram was then prepared and sent to the United 
States Maritime Commission at Washington, D. C, on October 26, 
1936 : 

Acknowledging your telegrams October 24 and 2G. Yesterday Admiral Ham- 
let informed representatives maritime unions he was not here to handle present 
maritime crisis and his official duties are confined to full investigation merchant 
marine. This in answer to unions request that hearings beginning this morning 
concentrate on unions fundamental issues protection of which would prevent 
strike October 28. At Commission's request unions agreed to extensions beyond 
September 30 again to October 26, believing Commission would act to prevent 
tie-up. This last-minute information from your representative that Commis- 
sion is not interested in present crisis after misleading unions into belief 
they were has resulted in wasting much time unions could otherwise spend 
negotiating with those shipowners who have demonstrated they did not wish 
tie-up by their offering to gi'ant full demands to some maritime unions. Your 
representative here abruptly adjourned hearings this morning denying either 
party right to make statements. The actions of Commission appear to us to 
coincide with the wishes of a radical minority of shipowners who apparently 
desire a tie-up n-gardless of ultimate results. Admiral Hamlet definitely notified 
maritime unions his investigation will be national in scope and may consume 



1786 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

from 6 months to 1 year which would require unions to continue under present 
coolie wages and conditions. This same program advocated by shipowners. 
Unions are disturbed at such a prejudiced attitude on the part of Commission 
which should be impartial. We further call attention to fact that shipowners 
who desire avoid tie-up represent large majority west coast shipping operators 
and are mainly nonsubsidized operators. Minority group forcing tie-up are 
depending heavily on subsidies they hope to obtain from Commission. Justness 
of our position is recognized by the offer of majority group of operators. Un- 
less fundamental issues are agreed to by October 28 for all maritime unions 
strike will take place midnight on that date. Public and labor generally under- 
stands and is sympathetic to cause of unions attempting to correct conditions 
that are un-American and to that end indicate will support us. Present returns 
of strike vote indicate 95 percent in favor, but unions will continue cooperating 
with Department Labor officials to use every effort toward peaceful settlement 
by direct negotiations. 

F. M. Kelley, 
Secretary, Joint Maritime Unions Ncgotiati}ig Committee. 

On October 27 the following letter was sent to the Honorable 
Edward F. McGrady, Assistant Secretary of Labor, by the joint 
strike committee: 

We are advised that the coast committee of the shipowners have agreed to 
resume negotiations with the unions on Wednesday, October 28. It is our hope 
and our desire that we may be able to reach agreements on all ijoints in 
dispute. 

We request you to urge upon the coast committee of the shipowners that they 
concede to the respective unions so as to be immediately eifective from October 
28, 1936, and to remain in effect for the period of the agreement to be 
negotiated — to wit, 1 year : 

(«) Preference of employment for all unions and continuation of the present 
system of hiring for unlicensed personnel. 

(&) Cash to be paid for all overtime. 

(c) The adjustment of the basis work day for the stewards' department, 
based on their request for the S-hour day, to be worked over a span of 12 
hours. 

(d) Eight hours a day of radio work for radio operators. 

(e) The manning scale for licensed officers to be negotiated on the basis of 
the 8-hoiir day. 

(/) The continuation of the 6-hour day for the longshoremen. 
If these basic requests can be met, negotiations can be continued, and we 
hope a speedy understanding can be reached on all points at issue. 
Respectfully yours, 

American Radio Telegraphists' Association, 
By (Signed) Roy A. Pyi.e, Vice President. 

International Longshoremen's Association, 

Pacific Coast District, 
By (Signed) H. R. Bridses. 

Marine Engineers' Beneficial Association. 

Pacific Coast District, 
By (Signed) R. Meriwether. 

Masters, Mates & Pilots of America, 

West Coast Local, 90, 
By (Signed) E. B. O'Grady. 

Pacific Coast Marine Firemen, Oilers, 

Watertenders & Wipers Association, 
By (Signed) Harry Gray. 

Sailors' Union of the Pacific, 
By (Signed) Harry Lundeberg. 

Marine Cooks & Stewards of the Pacific Coast, 
By (Signed) David Modin. 

We now quote from the October 29 meeting of the joint strike 
committee : 

Quotation No. 16: 

Moved and seconded that we postpone for 24 hours any strilve action. Brother 
Lundeberg speaks against motion postponed for 24 hours. Brother Bridges 
speaks in favor of the motion. 



UN-.VMKRICAX rHOPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1787 

This first nieelino- was held at 12: 28 a. m. on October 29. Another 
meeting was called for 9 o'clock in the evening of the same day. The 
fight between Bridges and Lundeberg was accentuated, Bridges still 
desiring to carry on negotiations and Lundeberg demanding an 
immediate strike. 

Quotation No. 17: From the minutes of this meeting, as follows: 

Moved and seeoiided that at 11 p. m. wo make the strike vote a .special order 
of business. Bridses, first, Chariot seconded (both Equality Ilall men). 
Ameiuhnent that this joint negotiating committee, by virtue of the power in- 
vested in them by referendum strike vote, hereby declare a strike beginning at 
midnight toniglit on all lonshore, intercoastal, and coastwise vessels. The dis- 
position of all ves.sels not covered by tliis motion should be handled by the joint 
striJce committee: and that nil ports concerned be notified of our action prior to 
midnight tonight. Farrell first, Lundeberg seconded. 

Following this amendment another motion was made, quotation No. 
18, as follows : 

Moved and stH-onded that we talile the motion and amendment. Schmidt first, 
Ki'umholtz seconded. 

It is to be noted that both Schmidt and Krumholtz belonged to the 
EquaHty Hall group. 

This meant that temporarily, at least, the Communist Party had 
gained its position. 

Tlien in quotation No. 19 we find : 

Brother Bridges stated that the fundamental demands of the International 
Longshoremen's As.sociation had been granted, and in the event that there is a 
strike the International Lonshoremen's Association will not be striking for 
these issues. 

Quotation No. 20: 

Brotlier Bridges stated that the International Longshoremen's Association had 
initiated this strike vote and they were going into it with more to Icse than any 
other organization. 

Lundeberg, however, finally gained the control of the joint strike 
committee and the vote to strike was passed. The following telegram 
was sent to Joseph Curran, chairman, Seamen's Defense Committee, 
IGl Eleventh Avenue, New York City : 

Strike declared here midnight. Negotiating committee requests support for 
west coast for the ports, in.sofar intercoastal ships loaded or manned by scabs 
are concerned. Further policy adopted here is all ships return to home port 
before being struck unl(>ss worked or manned by scabs. Notify other ports. 

(Signed) Innes. 

A newspaper in San Francisco, commenting on this situation, 
says as follows : 

Calling of a general maritime strike, in spite all efforts to prevent it. brought 
to light a new and peculiar situation, involving national politics and personal 
rivalries within the unions. Harry Bridges, leader of the longshoremen for the 
past ii years and district bend of the Maritiiue Federation, is said to have 
addressed the committee meetings as late as 11 o'clock Thursday night with an 
impassioned plea for delay, that he was shouted down, it is reported, rifter 
Harry Lundberg, secretary of the sailors' union, took the floor and insisted 
upon inunediate action. Tlie strike action brought the fii'st defeat suffered hy 
Bridges since he as.sumed dictatorship over the water front more than 2 years 
ago and apparently jjoints the way to a new regime in maritime lalior circles. 
Bridges and Lundberg have long been personal enemies, and, while tlie latter is 
as radical in his views as the former, it does not happen to be the right type of 
radicalism. Bridges has been playing a desperate game to retain his dictator- 
ship over the Maritime Federation and swing it still fiirther toward the left 
at the same time, and it is report-^^ '^i>i<" -if tor he had been talking strike for 



J7g3 UN-AMBKICAN TKOPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

months and had succeeded in getting the authorization to call one through the 
federation referendum, he found that his agitation had resulted in allowing the 
situation to get out of hand. Roy Hudson, of New York, head of the marine 
section of the National Communist Tarty, has been in San Francisco for several 
days and has heen in conference with Bridges. 

The details of the 1936 strike were quite different from that of the 
general strike of 1934. There was no attempt on the part of the 
shipowners to operate. 

Brid<jes and the Equality Hall group, in order to hold control 
of the situation, had to make an about face. The party immediately 
got behind the struggle. 

At this time we asked the committee to read the following articles 
to be found in exhibit 6-B, the Western Worker : 

September 28, page 1, Bridges Replies to Shipowners Regarding 
Lockout Strike as He Terms It. 

October 1, page 1, Place Blame on Shipowners For Any Lockout 
That May Occur. 

October 5, page 1, Fifteen Days Truce Proposed on Waterfront. 

October 12, page 8, Maritime Federation District Council No. 1 
Gives Full Support to Strike. 

October 18, page 1, Maritime Unions Unite to Take Strike Vote. 

October 26, I. L. A.— Stand By All Sea-going Crafts. 

November 2, page 1, Strike From San Diego to Alaska. 

November 16, page 1, Editorial — Demands President Roosevelt 
Asked. 

November 27, 1936, the American Citizen of San Francisco carried 
the following article. We quote as follows : 

The striking maritime workers, 37,000 strong on the coast alone, are prepared 
to hold out until April, their leaders declare, and they could have just as well 
gone a bit further and threatened to continue their hold-out until May 1, the 
international day of Communist revolution, when the beginning of the strike 
was really scheduled according to plans announced at the Congress of the 
Communist International at Moscow several months ago. 

We quote now from the San Francisco Daily News dated July 31, 
1935: 

Moscow, July 31 — A strike on a vast scale among United States longshore- 
men when their agreement with shipowners expires in September was pre- 
dicted to the Seventh World Congress of the Communist International in a 
speech yesterday by Samuel Darcy, one of the American delegates. 

He said: 

The result of the struggle depends not only on the work we will carry on 
on the Pacific coast. We count on the facts that through the efforts of all 
sections of the Internationale close cooperation by seamen and port workers in 
all countries may be guaranteed iu a general and decisive struggle against the 
bourgeoisie. During the San Francisco general stril^e we established contacts 
with the International Sailors' and Port Workers' Union In Australia and The 
Netherlands, and their fidelity and cooperation evoked tremendous enthusiasm. 

The international contacts of the working class I'equires special significance 
in connection with the danger of an imperial war. 

On November 9, the Maritime Worker, mimeograph bulletin issued 
by the water front section of the Communist Party in San Francisco 
after it succeeded the Waterfront Worker, says as follows: 

In the few years the Communist Party has been working in the marine 
industry, one of the most powerful maritime organizations in the world has 
been built up. 



UN AMERICAN PKOrAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1789 

On November 15, Bridges spoke to the Western Writers' Congress 
in San Francisco, and said : 

The present maritime strike may spread to another 150,000 or 200,000 workers. 
We are on strike and we are soins to win. I hope tliat the strike will not 
spread, but that may be necessary. We have not yet called on our reserves. 

On November 21, speaking at the San Francisco Labor Council, 
Bridges said : 

No one knows better than we do how this situation effects other workers. 
We Ivnow tliat troops and machine guns may move in here again and we know 
that won't be any fun. But we would rather take a crack at the machine 
guns than go back to conditions as they were before 1934. 

Bridges then jjroceeded to make an attack upon the whole I. L. A. 
structure on the Atlantic coast and against all the leaders of the 
American Federation of Labor by saying : 

The International Longshoremen's Association on the Atlantic coast is a 
racket using 500 thugs and gangsters in smashing seamen's picket lines so long- 
shoremen can scab on their striking brothers. They are playing the game of 
the shipowners and crossing the strikers back East before the shijwwners move 
in on us here. And after this strike is over we will show them more of an 
inland march. I haven't heard any kicks from the boys in the front trenches 
of the inland march. The 1984 strike was localized. This strike is now national 
in scope. We have no fear. We know what the outcome will be. We expect 
help from the Government. Labor put this Government into office. We expect 
support and we are going to get it. 

On December 8, 1936, a mass meeting was held in the San Fran- 
cisco JNIunicipal Auditorium where Harry Bridges entered into a de- 
bate with Mr. Koger Lapham, president of the American-Hawaiian 
Steamship Co. Those seated on the platform with Harry Bridges 
were Henry Schmidt, member of the Equality Hall group; Angelo 
Herndon, Negro Communist and national chairman of the Yoimg 
Communist League; William Schneiderman, district organizer for 
the party; Frank Spector, party organizer for the Communist Party; 
Lawrence Koss, editor of the Western Worker; and Anita Whitney, 
State chairman of the Communist Party ; E. B. O'Grady, of the Mas- 
ters, Mates, and Pilots Association and Equality Hall group ; Jennie 
Matyas, Coimnunist; and George Woolf, president of the Alaska Can- 
nery Workers' Union, and member of the Communist Party. 

The following telegram was sent by the Communist Party to the 
San Francisco strike committee : 

Greetings to the striking maritime workers of San Francisco and the labor 
movement which is giving such splendid support to your heroic struggle. The 
central committee of our party which has just concluded a 3-day session here 
has adopted a special resolution in support of your struggle and urged all of 
the partj' organizations to not only continue but multiply many times the support 
that we are giving to your fight. We realize that the big shipowners are trying 
to crush the maritime unions as a step toward a general attack on the trade- 
union movement and that this demand of the entire labor movement united and 
whole-hearted support for your struggle. We realize that the victorious out- 
come of your sti'uggle will be a big step in the direction of the organization 
of the steel workers and the millions of other organized workers in their fight 
for better conditions and militant trade-unionism. W^e specially pledge ourselves 
to help the strike in the Atlantic and Gulf ports which makes the present mari- 
time strike Nation-wide in character and of the greatest significance to the 
entire labor movement. Our central committee heard with the greatest regret 
the antiworking class action taken by the Tampa Convention of the American 
Federation of Labor and pledged itself to bring the fight for support of the 
American Federation of Labor members to your strike into every possible local 
of the American Federation of Labor. 



1790 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVPriES 

At this time we request of the committee that the witnesses desig- 
nated in the list pertaining to this report be called to amplify the 
above. 

We shall now present to the committee a resume of the situation as 
of December 31, 1936. 

1. Declaration by Harry Bridges, district president of the Inter- 
national Longshoremen's Association and dictator of strike strategy, 
for seven unions comprising the Maritime Federation of the Pacific, 
that the federation, or at least its strike committee, wall not counte- 
nance any proposed settlements between the shipowners and individ- 
ual unions — no striker will return to work until all demands of all the 
unions have been met. 

2. Predictions by Bridges, at a strikers' meeting at Wilmington, on 
December 28, of a complete tie-up of Atlantic coast shipping within 
the next 2 weeks unless the striking unions on the Pacific coast win 
their demands. 

3. New demands by the strike committee that the strike of the 
machinists — who are in no way connected with the Maritime Federa- 
tion and are not employed by the shipowners or stevedoring firms — 
must be settled before peace can be had. Some 138 machinists are on 
strike in San Francisco and East Bay shipyards, 

4. Threats by E. B. O'Grady, spokesman for the masters, mates, 
and pilots, that not only must sliipowners agree to "preferential 
employment" — which means closed shop — for members of the union 
but that all licensed officers not members of the union would be forced 
to join or driven off their jobs shortly after the strike ends. 

5. Imposition by the Warehousemen's Union, a subsidiary of the 
International Longshoremen's Association, of a "permit" system, 
whereby San Francisco businessmen are required to obtain permission 
from the union picketing connnittee to obtain their own goods, in no 
way involved in the maritime strike, from railroad cars or warehouses, 
and must have permits even to enter their own places of business. 

6. Statements by the committee of shipowners that Bridges and 
his associates are blocking settlement of the strike by preventing the 
members of the tv.(j unions from voting on tentative agreements, and 
by making settlement on the Pacific coast contingent upon a victory 
of the outlaw seamen's group on the Atlantic coast. 

7. Continuation of the "battle of statements," with charges and 
counter charges from both sides, in the newspapers. This course had 
been made necessary to acquaint the public, vitally concerned in set- 
tlement of the strike, with developments, and because the Bridges 
committee refuses to allow newspapers reporters to attend any of the 
conferences between the union spokesmen and the shipowners' com- 
mittee. 

8. Picketing of East Bay railroad yards an the restruction of al- 
leged "hot cargo" by maritime and warehousemen's strikers. 

9. Dismissal of Harry Bridges from a $75-a-week job as organizer 
on the Pacific coast for the International Longshoremen's Association 
and from membership on tlie International Longshoremen's Associa- 
tion national executive board by President Joseph P. Ryan on charges 
that Bridges is disrupting the union. 

10. Decree by William A. Green, president of the American Fed- 
eration of Labor, that the longshoremen must confine their organiza- 



UN-AMERICAN PKOl'AGANDA ACTIVITIES 1791 

tional activities to the Avater front and marine docks, and that the 
or<2:anizati()n of teamsters, warehousemen, and others on (heir "inland 
march" proiiTam was outside of (lieir jurisdiction. 

11. Threats by C. H. JortUm, secretary of the joint strike commit- 
tee at San Pedro, that "there will be no settlement of the present 
maritime strike if the men have to return to work under the provi- 
sions of the Copeland bill", and charo-es tliat Secretary of Labor 
Madam Perkins had "betrayed"' the maritime unions by promising 
that the law would not be enforced. 

12. Evidences of internal dissension over conduct of the strike in the 
Sailors' I'^nion of the Pacific and the Marine Firemen's ITnion. _ 

l;3. Discharoe of B. ]\Iayes as editor and members of his editorial 
stati' of the Voice of the Federation because Mayes resisted the at- 
tempts of the Communist Party, he declares, to dictate the policy of 
the publication. 

After a 99-day stoppage of work, the second great maritime strike 
came to an end on February 4, 1937, when an agreement was signed 
with the water-front employers of the Pacific coast. 

We liave given to this committee the facts surrounding it and have 
paid particular attention to the Communist activity in preparation 
for it and during it. 

The events of early 1937 and the creation of the Committee for 
Industrial Organization show to the committee that the general 
strike would have been inevitable had Bridges been permitted to 
keep the awards closed until April 30, 1937. 

At this time we desire the committee to read from exhibit 6-C, the 
file of the Western Worker for 1937, an article entitlecl, "Preconven- 
tion Discussion of the Lessons of the Maritime Strike by Frank 
Spector." This will be found on page 4, February 11, 1937; page 4, 
Februarv 18, 1937; page 4, February 22, 1937; page 4, March 1, 1937; 
page 4, March 4, 1937; page 4, March 8, 1937, and ])age 8, March 11, 
1937. We give the following excerpts from these subexhibits : 

The Pacific coast maritime strike, which after 99 days ended in victory, has 
exerted an enormous influence on the whole labor movement. Its lessons are 
of tremendous importance to the party in facing the immediate tasks ahead of 
us. The party played a great role in the struggle to maintain the unity of the 
workers, without which the strike could not have been successful. 

IN EVEKY PHASE OF STRUGGLE 

The Communists in the maritime unions, both before and during the strike, 
participated in every phase of the struggle, whether on the picket lines, in the 
various committees for organizing relief, publicity, finances, incketing, and in 
the leading strike committees. But more important still, the Communists in 
the face of "red" baiting, mobilized all honest progressive forces in the unions 
to fight for a correct policy, and rallied the membership of the Maritime Federa- 
tion, at every crucial point of the strike, against every splitting maneuver, 
whether on the part of the shipowners or within the unions' ranks, which 
threatened the success of the strike. 

One of the major factors in the success of the strike was the correct policy 
of the Communists and other progressive forces, in laying the basis before last 
September 30 for joint action of all maritime unions, b.y fighting for the Inter- 
national Longshoremen's Association to throw its support behind the seamen's 
demands by solidarity action on a coast-wide scale. 

4: :): 4: H: Hi 4: N: 

94931— 38— vol. 3 6 



1792 UN-AMEKICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

DEFEAT OF TEOTZKYITES 

Another major factor was the crushing defeat of the disruptive and splitting 
tacts and policies of the handful of Trotzyite disrupters, who influenced and 
incited the syndicalist elements among the seamen to follow a line which was 
an obstacle to unity and at times seriously threatened the outcome of the strike. 

* Hi i^ * * * * 

The party carried on a campaign among the strikers for a farmer-labor party, 
linking up the maritime workers' struggles with the need for independent polit- 
ical action on a local, State, and National scale. . . . 

il: il: ii * * * * 

KOLE OF THE WOMEN 

Another important phase of the strike was the role of the women, particularly 
in the International Longshoremen's Association Auxiliary, in actively partici- 
pating in the organization of relief and other phases of strike activity ; and the 
work of the Young Communists among the youth, in organizing sports and other 
recreational and educational activity for the strikers around the union recrea- 
tion center on the water front. 

The Maritime Workers, weekly organ of the water fx'ont section of the party, 
and the Western Worker, were indispensable weapons in the fight for maintain- 
ing the unity of the strikers and in clarifying questions of policy, as well as 
explaining the broader political aspects of the struggle. 

The Western Worker was distributed in thousands of copies, regularly, in 
the union halls and on the picket lines, and was as widely read and discussed as 
the Voice of the Federation, in spite of "red" baiting attacks and numerous 
attempts to bar it from union halls. 

The role and influence of the party reflected especially in the recruiting of 
over 300 new members to the party from the strikers' ranks. The party organi- 
zation as a whole reacted well to its task'; clnrinfr the strike. 

At this time we introduce two volumes of the IMaritime Worker 
is.sued by tlie waterfront section of the Communist Party, district 13, 
and request that they be marked for the year 1936, exhibit 30-A, 
and for the year 1937, exhibit 80-B. 

From the end of the strike on February 4 until the time of the 
Maritime Federation of the Pacific convention held in Portland in 
June, the major emphasis on the part of Harry Bridges and the 
Communist Party was placed upon the "Copeland discharge book" 
and the task of swinging the unions of the Maritime Federation into 
the Committee for Industrial Organization. 

We refer the committee to the follov.ing quotations in the Mari- 
time Worker: 

Volume 3, No. 8, Unity Needed in Copeland Fight. 

Volume 3, No. 8, page 6, John L. Lewis and the Supreme Court. 

Volume 3, No. 9, New Marine Labor Bill Holds Threats. 

Volume 3, No. 11, page 6, Bill Green Tries Union Busting Again. 

Volume 3, No. 12, What Means National Unity. 

Volume 3, No. 13, page 2, Heading Toward Unity. 

Volume 3, No. 13, page 1, Problems for the Coming International 
Longshoremen's Association Convention. 

AVe at this time quote from volume 3, No. 13 : 

Mainstay of the Maritime Federation, the decisions effected by the Inter- 
national Longshoremen's Association convention will be of special significance 
in tlie coming federation convention, and in the fight for a national maritime 
federation. 

It is a far cry from the early days of 1934, when a handful of militant 
progressives along the Embarcadero were courageously fighting shipowners and 
the heartedly hated "Blue Book unions" — a fight to success for the first time in 
years, brought the Pacific maritime workers into action. 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1793 

Let it be said hero and now that dospito the opinions of any individual or 
individualj^, th(^ rank and lile scanuMi are wi'll aware of tlie vahiable role the 
lon/ishorenien iihiyed in the sncvessfuUy conchidod l!K?0-37 strilces. Seamen as a 
whole are entirely aware of the progressive role played by the district Inter- 
Dational Lonsshorenien's Association leadership. 

It is because of this that the rest of the federation will look to the results of 
the International Longshoremen's Association convention for continued progres- 
sive leadership. 

Then to this end the rank and hie longshoremen nuist follow the leadership 
which has brousjlit them along the highway since 19;J4. 

On to a national maritime federation. 

From volume 3, No. 18, page 2. Convention Starts Monday, ve 
quote as follows: 

Harry Bridges, president of the International Longshoremen's Association, is 
prepared to recommend to the convention that the district reaffirm its full 
support to the aims and activities of the Committee for Industrial Organizaion. 

Volume 3, No. 20, page 1, For National Unity and C. I. O. Affilia- 
tion. 

Volume 3, No. 21, page 1, All Hands Together. 

Volume 3, No. 25, page 1, The Rank and File Want National Unity 
Under the C. I. O. ; AH Else Is of Secondary Importance. 

The other organ of the Communist Party, the Western Worker 
(see exhibit GC), prepared the way also for Bridges to carry the 
Maritime Federation of the Pacific into the Committee for Industrial 
Organization, and we request the committee to read the following : 

Volume 6. No. 21, page 1, C. I. O. Drive. 

Volume 6. No. 22. page 4, Work of Communists in the Big Maritime 
Strike. 

Volume 6. No. 25, page 1, 1. L. A. 38-79 Assails C. I. O. Expulsions. 

V'olume 6. No. 26, page 5, For National Unity of Marine Workers. 

Volume C, No. 28, page 8, Urge National Marine Labor Conven- 
tion. 

Volume 6, No. 30. page 8, Bridges' Recominendations on Some Vital 
Problems Before the I. L. A. Members, 

Volume C, No. 34, page 8, Radio Telegraphers now in C. I. O. 

Volume 6, No. 35, page 1, I. L. A. Convention in Vital Issues. 

Volume G, No. 38, page 1. Seamen in New Stride to National 
Unity. 

Volume 6, May 27, 1937, page 1, Bridges by Acclamation. 

Volume 6, No."33, page 1, National Maritime Union in Unity. 

Volume 6, No. 44, ]iage 1, ISTarine Unions Behind Ford Strike. 

Volume G, No. 45, page 1, Maritime Federatiim Convenes June 7, 
C. I. O. Main Issue. 

Volume 6, No. 45, page 4, editorial, The Maritime Federation. 

We charge at this time that Bridges, having failed to carry out the 
objectives of the Communist Party in the 193(>-37 strikes, namely, to 
have that strike coincide with the .strike in the automotive, rubber, 
and steel industries, did during this period, with the assistance of 
the other members of the Equality Hall group and the other sections 
of the Comnumist Party, by persuasion, threats, and intimidation 
force the maritime unions of the Pacific in to the Committee for 
Industrial Organization. 

We maintain that a thorough perusal on the part of the committee 
of the articles heretofore quoted will convince the ccmmittee as to 
the accuracy of this contention. 



1794 tjn-amebican propaganda activities 

The committee is now requested to examine the facts surrounding 
the convention of the Maritime Federation of the Pacific which 
opened on Monday mornino-, June 7, 1937, in Portland, Oreg. 

Bridges had embarked upon a very dangerous move. His plan to 
carry the Maritime Federation of the Pacific into the Committee for 
Industrial Organization had to succeed or he would lose his entire 
power on the Pacific coast. He was well aware of the fact that if he 
failed the Communist Party had another leader in the person of 
Henry Schmidt ready to step into his shoes. 

The Communist Party, however, had builded Harry Bridges well 
in the minds of all of the longshoremen on the Pacific coast as well 
as the members of the other marine unions. It was natural, there- 
fore, that the greatest concentration of Communist Party function- 
aries that ever took place on the Pacific coast started at Portland, 
Greg., at this time. 

At the time of convening, the party expected little opposition and 
felt that the program could be rushed through in about 10 days, but 
when the opposition developed, the convention dragged on for 29 
days with the Communist leaders losing ground every day. 

Early in January the Communist Party had succeeded in ousting 
Barney Mayes as editor of the Voice of the Federation, and had 
replaced him with O'Neil whom they knew would take party instruc- 
tions. From that time until the convention the Communist Party was 
in a position to censure every new^s release which reached the rank and 
file. They were also enabled to direct "quickie" strikes from com- 
mittee rooms as every issue that came befoie the rank and file was 
referred to the committees controlled by the party. 

At this time we refer the committee to exhibit No. 29, Minutes of 
the Joint Policy Strike Committee of the Maritime Federation of the 
Pacific, wherein the committee will see that it w^as Harry Bridges 
who introduced the resolution to have Barney Mayes ousted from his 
position. 

Among the Communist Party leaders and sympathizers in Portland 
during the convention were the following: John Brophy, at one time 
accused by John L. Lewis as being a paid agent of the Soviet Govern- 
ment — now officially representing Lewis as managing director of the 
C. I. O. ; Harry Bridges, an alien and member of the Communist 
Party under an alias; Henry Schmidt, a member of the Communist 
Party and president of the Internationa] Longshoremen's Association, 
local 38-44 of San Francisco; Walter Lambert, member of the Com- 
munist Party in charge of all "industrial units" of the party on the 
Pacific Coast ; Arthur Scott, membership director of the California 
district (district No. 13) of the Communist Party; John Schomaker, 
California Communist acting as a reporter for the Communist editor 
of til? Voice of the Federation; Bill Schneiderman, secretary of the 
Thirteenth District Communist Party; Harry Jackson, alias Morris 
Rapport, district organizer of the Northwest District (district No. 12) 
of the Communist Party; Jim O'Neil, Communist editor of the Voice 
of the Federation who was "fired" during the convention; Joe Cur- 
ran, Communist, east coast lieutenant of Bridges; James R. Maskell, 
Canadian Communist and delegate from the Inland Boatmen's Union; 
E. V. Dennett, Canadian Communist and delegate from the Inland 
Boatmen's Union; Paul Heide, California Communist and delegate 
from International Longshoremen's Association, local 38-44; V. Shar- 



r\ AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1795 

key, Culifoniia C'oiuiniiuist unci delep:ate from Iiiteniatioiial Lonji;- 
sliorenion's Association, local SS-^-t; Leo D. Heniin<i\vay, Portland 
Connnunist and member of the Warehousemen's Union; Harry Oross, 
Portland attorney for tlie International T^aljor Defense and the Ware- 
housemen's I'uion; Jim Murphy, ()r<ianizer for the Port hind section 
of tlie Connnunist Party; Bob Adams, Portland Communist and 
member of the International Lonu'shoremen's Association; John Brost, 
Connnunist sympathizer; Harold Pi'itchett, Canadian Connnunist and 
president of the Woodwoi'keis' Federation; O. M. Orton, Aberdeen 
Connnunist, active in the Woodworkers' Federation and C. I. O. move- 
ment, and others. 

Harry Bridges re<>istered at the Multnomah Hotel on his arrival in 
Portland. On Tuesday mornin<>-, June 8. he liekl an important con 
ference with Walter Lambert in his hotel room. 

At this time we ask the committee to consider why it was necessary 
for Brido;es to hold a conference with Walter Lambert, who, while 
a member of the Communist Party in charo-e of all industrial units 
on the Pacific coast, had nothing? to do with the Maritime Federation. 

On June 15, 1937, a lieutenant of the Portland Police Department's 
detective division, made the following confidential report to his 
captain : 

Sir : A top fraction of tlie Communist Party of the United States was held in 
room 314 of the Sherman Hotel, this city, nt 4:30 p. m., June 14, 1037. Those 
attending were party members representing the twelfth and thirteenth districts 
of the party. The following are the names and connections of the party members 
attending the fraction meeting and are listed as to their rank and party standing: 

No. 1. Walter Lambert, head of the industrial unit of the Pacific coast. 

No. 2. Arthur Scott, head of the professional section and head of membership. 

No. 2A. Harry Bridges, International Longshoremen's Association, San Fran- 
cisco, thirteenth district. 

No. 3. Harry Gross, attorney and legal advisor, International Labor Defense. 

No. 4. Henry Schmidt (or Schmitt) president, International Longshoremen's 
Association 38-44, San Francisco, Calif. 

No. 5. John Shoemaker, International Longshoremen's Association 38-44, San 
Francisco. 

No. 6. Boh Moore, International Longshoremen's Association, warehouseman, 
38-44, San Francisco, Calif. 

No. 7. Cohen and Green, connection unknown; thought to be with 

Sailors Union of the Pacific. 

The meeting was held in the room of the above-named John Shoemaker. 
Schmidt lives in the room next door to this room at the Sherman Hotel. 

The afternoon was taken up with a discussion of the reported finding of a 
bug or mike or as the newspapers say a squealer in the room of Bridges at the 
Multnomah Hotel. Second subject was that Bi'idges intends to fly to Chicago 
to meet John L. Lewis regarding an investigation by the La Follette committee 
to find the person responsible for the wiring of Bridges' room and the theft 
of credentials and other papers from that room. Bridges stated he would 
leave Portland by air on Tuesday, June 15. 

Third subject was a slate of party members and sympathizers to be elected 
th(> new officers of the Marine Federation of the Pacific. The slate is as 
follows : 

For president : James Engstrom, president, membership Marine Firemen, 
Water Tenders and Oilers. Sympathizer. 

Vice president : E. B. 0"Grady, secretary. Master, Mates, and Pilots, Maritime 
Federation of the Pacific. Sympathizer. 

Secretary: Herman Stuyvelaar. Member of the Communist Party of the 
United States. 

Plans for discouraging conservative leaders, rejecting resolutions 
not drawn up by the party, nominating and supporting officers sym- 
pathetic to the Communists' program, and the launching of agitation 



1796 UN-AMEKICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

and propaganda to insure the delegates' support of the C. I. O. were 
among the things discussed and decided upon at the fraction meeting. 

The convention, however, voted against affiliation of the C. I. O. 
and left this matter to a referendum vote. 

There is no question that the Maritime Federation was unanimously 
in favor of an industrial form of unionism both in principle and in 
spirit, believing that it was a more efficient tool in the hands of labor 
for bettering hours, wages, and working conditions. The federation, 
however, was not willing to give up what it already had gained under 
the American Federation of Labor for just a promise of something 
better under the C. I. O., particularly' when that promise came from 
the Comnnniist control leadership. 

On Wednesday afternoon, June 9, Brophy took the stand for 41/2 
hours while the federation delegates fired questions at him regarding 
the C. I. O. At that time the delegates could not be sure that the 
C. I. O. would keep its promises. Brophy went to great length to 
assure the delegates that these promises would be kept. 

We now refer the committee back to the original list of the Equality 
Hall group and request them to observe who it was of this grou]:) that 
introduced the following resolutions of the maritime federation which 
we will now quote. 

A resolution was introduced by Jim O'Neil and Paul Heide. both 
Communists, to have the federation go on record as endorsing the 
financial drive of the North American Committee to Aid Spanish 
Democracy, to form special subcommittees in each district council 
to cooperate with the North American Committee to Aid Snanish 
J3emocracy and to "go on record in full support of the Spanish' work- 
ers and fellow trade unions who are waging a life-and-death struggle 
in defense of democracy and against fascism." 

The King, Ramsey, Connor defense committee of the maritime 
federation_ introduced a resolution stating, "Whereas these men have 
been convicted on a framed charge of murder, and whereas their 
conviction was secured by an unholy alliance between the shipowners 
and district attorney. Earl Warren, of Alameda County, Calif., 
mouthpiece for the banker-controlled, reactionary California Re- 
publican machine, who banded together to conceal truth, defeat jus- 
tice, and imprison three union leaders wdiose only crime was efficiency 
in raising wages and bettering Avorking conditions; therefore be 
it resolved, that the maritime federation in convention here assem- 
bled, hereby affirms its belief in the innocence of these men and 
determination to lend every support to the fight for their freedom." 

Henry Schmidt introduced a resolution for the federation to con- 
tinue its 100-percent sup])ort for the freedom of Mooney and Billings. 

Henry Schmidt and John Schomaker submitted a resolution to es- 
tablish a "junior union movement" and the establishment of summer 
camps for the children. 

Just as the Communist Party injected parts of the party's program 
into the convention through resolutions formulated at its various frac- 
tion meetings which Harry Bridges also attended, they also selected 
candidates for the various offices of the federation. 

Among the candidates selected at the Communists' fraction meetings 
were James Engstrom for president and E. B. O'Grady for vice 
president. 



UN-AMEKICAN rUOPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1797 

As previously stated, the lon-ier the convention met the stronger 
the opposition "to tlie party i)r()<irani became. Fearing tlie conserva- 
tive elements might check all control from party leaders by electing 
men opposed to communism. Bridges was given instructions to break 
up the federation should the opposition gain complete control. The 
Communists' plan in this case was to break up the federation if they 
could not control it and then build the C. I. O. from the fragments. 

Being aware of this plan and knowing that Bridges would break 
up the federation under these circumstances, the conservative elements 
withdrew William Fischer from the race for president at the last 
minute and allowed Engstrom to be elected. It was felt that with 
Engstrom at the head of the federation the Communist Party would 
not dare break it up after building Engstrom up for the past 2 years 
nnd finally putting him in office. 

"We now offer to the committee a folio of telegrams sent and re- 
ceived at Portland, Oreg., during the 1937 convention, and request 
that this folio be marked exhibit Xo. 31. 

We shall not quote openly in this report regarding the contents of 
the telegrams, but request the committee at this time to call the wit- 
nesses designated in the list appended to this report, to explain their 
contents. 

A quotation taken, however, from a San Francisco newspaper dated 
June 21, 1937, will explain the meaning at least of some of these 
telegrams. 

We quote from the American Citizen of June 21, 1937 : 

Assuming that the Commuuist members who were delegates from the maritime 
unions to the convention had a right to be there, perhaps Bridges can explain 
why it was necessary that such men as Bill Sehneiderman, Walter Lambert, and 
Harry Jackson met with him in Portland. These men do not belong to any 
unions affiliated with the Maritime Federation of the Pacific. Perhaps it would 
be pertinent to ask Bridges the necessity of the important conference he held 
with Walter Lambert in his hotel room on Tuesday morriiug. June 8, especially 
since it is known that Mr. Lambert does not belong to anything except the 
Communist Party. And why does John Brophy, former bitter enemy and now 
chief aid of John L. Lewis, in the C. I. O.. have to meet with Bridges and other 
members of the Communists who were not connected with the Maritime 
Federation ? 

The reporter found Roy Pyle and Jack Von Erman registered in adjoining 
rooms of the Lennox Hotel "and John Schomaker, Bill Sehneiderman, Walter 
Lambert, and Henry Schmidt registered right next door at the Sherman Hotel. 
It was interesting to observe the getting together of certain individuals and 
groups which une(iuivocally pointed out the work that the Communist Party 
was doing to further the aims and objectives of Bridges. And, of course, the 
reporter had no reason for knowing anything about the party discipline Mr. 
Bridges was subjected to during the first week of the convention. 

It was interesting to note that Jim O'Neil. editor of the Voice of the Fed- 
eration, received instructions from Mr. Kelly, secretary of the federation, not 
to accept any more news releases from John Schomaker. (We call the atten- 
tion of the committee to the telegrams.) But, of course, Mr. Kelly did not 
know of the party connection between O'Neil and Schomaker, a connection 
which neither Mr. Kelly nor anyone else who is not a Communist can break or 
influence, and he may lie still unaware \nitil he reads this, that in sjute of his 
injunction. John Schomaker continued in constant contact with 0"Neil and 
supplied him with several news stories. 

It was interesting to notp the helpfulness of Joe Curran. the east coast 
"red" trouble maker, in assisting Bridges arrange the preliminary phases of 
the Portland convention. And it is understood that a lot of the members of 
the maritime federation unions would be very much interested in the deal 



1798 UX-AMEltlCAN PKOPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Bridges is said to liave mode with Cnrran and certain otlier interests to 
"putting tlie sliids under Ryan," international president of tlie I. L. A. 

From wliat he was able to pick up about the convention held in the hotels, 
the Portland reporter ventures to predict that if Bridges is given control of 
the maritime federation of the Pacific as a result of the referendum voting it 
into the C. I. O., John Lewis will appoint Bridges as the C. I. O. director for 
the Pacific coast, with power to appoint some 200 organizers. This would 
mean that a majority of these organizers will be members of the Communist 
Party as Comnuinist sympathizers. It is further rumored that the C. I. O. 
will grant Bridges some $30,000 to organize the agricultural workers of Cali- 
fornia under the C. I. O. All of which moves the American Citizen to quote 
the ancient observation that "There are none so blind as those who will not 
see," and to suggest to the non-Communist members of tlie maritime federation 
unions that they should awake and get busy forthwith, "less they find them- 
selves the unwilling tools of a foreign organization." 

At this time we request the committee to call the witnesses indi- 
cated in the list appended to this report for substantiation of the 
above. 

The Chairman. I wonder if I miji'ht interrupt you there. 

You say in this brief that the plan was to have a Nation-wide 
general strike? 

Mr. Knowles. Yes, sir. They were leading up to that — tieing in 
all rubber, automotive, and steel. 

The Chairman. Now, they failed to do it? 

Mr. Knowles. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. Then vou say that that resulted in members going 
into the C. I. O. ? ^ 

Mr. Knowles. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. What was the cause of tlie failure? I do not get 
that exactly. They failed to do it ? 

Mr. Knowles. Yes. 

The Chairman. Xhen you think that resulted in the members going 
into the C. I. O. ? 

Mr. Knowles. Yes. 

The Chairman. What was the lack of cooperation between? 

Mr. Knowles. Steel, automotive, and maritime ; they did not jell. 

The Chairman. They did not secure the cooperation to start them 
all at one time? 

Mr. Knowles. That is right. 

The Chairman. They were unable to carry them all out at the same 
time. 

Mr. Knowles. Yes; if they could start a general strike throughout 
the country, that was to be desired, on their part. 

The Chairman. That was their plan, but they never carried it out. 

Mr. Nimmo. There is on page 141 of the brief a report of the Port- 
land, Oreg., police department. It merely show^s Bridges in a big 
fraction of the Communist Party meeting in the Sherman Hotel at 
the time of this convention, and it shows how the Communists were 
working right in that convention. 

Mr. Knowles. This is a report of a lieutenant of the police depart- 
ment of Portland, Oreg. : 



UN-AIMKKICAX PUOi'AGANDA ACTIVITIES 1799 

Sir: A top frju-tion of tlio Coinnmnisi Party of tho I'liiti-d States was held 
in room 314 of the Sherman Hotel, this city, at 4: 30 p. m. June 14, in37. Those 
attcnulini;- were party memhers representing the twelfth and thirteenth districts 
of the party. The fdUowing are the names and connections of the party mem- 
bers attendini; the fraction meeting and are listed as to their rank and party 
standing: 

No. 1. Walter Lambert, head of the industrial unit of the Pacific coast. 

No. 2. Arthur S;-ott. head of the professional s(>ction and head of membership. 

No. 2a. Harry Bridges, I. L. A., San Francisco, thirteenth district. 

No. 3. Harry Gross, attorney and legal adviser. International Labor Defense. 

No. 4. Henry Sihmidt (or Schmitt), president, I. L. A., 38-44, San Francisco, 
Ciilif. 

No. ".. John Shoemaker, I. L. A., 38-44, San Franchsco. 

No. 6. Bob Moore, I. L. A., warehousemen. 38-44, San Francisco, Calif. 

No. 7. Cohen and Green, connection unknown: thought to be with 

S. U. P. 

Tb.e meeting was held in the room of the above-named John Shoemaker. 
Schmidt lives in the room next door to this room at the Sherman Hotel. 

The afternoon was taken up with a discussion of the reported tinding of a 
bug or mike or. as the newspapers say. a squealer in the room of Bridges at 
the Multnomah Hotel. Second subject was that B-idges intends to fiy to 
Chicago to meet John L. Lewis, regarding an investigation by the La Follette 
committee to find the person responsible for the wiring of Bridges' room and 
the theft of credentials and other papers from that room. Bridges stated he 
would leave Portland by air on Tuesday. June 15. 

Third subject was a slate of party members and sympathizers to be elected 
the new officers of the marine federation of the Pacific. The slate is as 
follows : 

For president: James Engstrom, president. Membership Marine Fireman 
Water Tenders and Oilers. Sympathizer. 

Vice president: E. B. O'Grady, secretary. Master, Mates and Pilots, M. F. of 
P. Sympathizer. 

Secretary: Herman Stuyvelaar. Member of the Communist Party of the 
United States. 

We have now presented to this committee in narrative form, a pic- 
ture of the activity of the Communist Party in the maritime industry 
of the Pacific coast. "We believe that this brief, the documentary 
evidence and the testimony of the witnesses have proved to the com- 
mittee beyond any reasonable doubt that the Communist Party, 
through its ao-ents. has had complete control of the maritime industry 
on the Pacific coast for the past 5 years. 

We believe that the Communist Party and its ao;ents have used 
the maritime industry of the Pacific coast to further a seditious con- 
spiracy, and that the facts herein stated constitute adequate o-rounds 
for the United States Government to proceed ao-ainst the leaders of 
the Communist Party involved and those affiliated with them in 
carrviufr out their instructions. 

We therefore request the committee to place these facts before the 
Attorney General of the United States to the end that he may take 
the necessary action. 

The Chairman. That concludes your first brief, and that will ac- 
company the record as a part thereof, and will be marked as an 
exhibit. 

iVfr. Knowles. Yes. 

The CiiAiRMAX. That is the maritime brief. That will be marked 
exhibit Xo. 2. 



1800 t;n-amekica>' pkopagaxda activities 

(The brief referred to was marked, "Knowles Exhibit No. 2, Oc- 
tober 24, 1938" and reads as follows:) 

Knowles Exhibit No. 2, October 24, 1938 

MARITIME BRIEF 

Radical Research Committee, Department of California, the American 

Legion 

In the Matteu of the Ultimate Aims and Activity of the Communist Party 

in the united) states of america 

foreword 

This brief presents tlie facts regarding tlie activity of tlie Communist Party 
iu the maritime industry of the Pacific coast. 

It is supported by documentary evidence and the testimony of witnesses. 
Tlie names of witnesses to be called and a precis of their testimony is in a 
confidential appendix to this brief. 

This appendix v^'ill be presented to the committee at its first hearing in the 
matter. 

Radical Research Committee. 

Sei>tembe3i 15, 1938. 

In the Matter of Activity of the Communist Party in the Maritime Industry 

introduction 

This brief is offered as argument iu the specific matter of activity of the 
Communist Party in the maritime industry. Particular attention will be paid 
to that activity in the ports of the Pacific coast. 

For the history of the Communist movement in the United States of America 
we refer you to our basic brief heretofore introduced. 

After the national convention of the Communist Party of September 1919, 
which was held in Chicago, the Department of Justice went into active opposi- 
tion to stop the growth of this organization under the authority of war-prepared 
statutes. In 1924 these wartime statutes were repealed ajid the Communist 
Party had more freedom of action. 

The great and increasing importance, as well as the menace to the national 
life of the Nation, caused the American Legion, the American Federation of 
Labor, and other civic, fraternal, and patriotic groups to campaign openly 
against the Communist Party. 

One of the main issues involved was the fact of recognition by the United 
States and the Union of Socialist Soviet Republics. One of the major reasons 
that this recognition was looked upon with alarm was the fact that the 
Government failed to enact reciprocal deportation treaties. 

The increasing menace of the Communist Party has caused the House of 
Representatives to have three investigating committees appointed. The findings 
of the Fish Committee and later the McCormack Committee were not sufficient 
to create an aroused public opinion to the extent that Congress took any definite 
action upon their recommendation. 

Once more the Nation has been aroused. Strikes, public disorder, disregard 
for lawful authority, contempt of law-enforcing agencies, and intimidation of 
courts have been charged largely to Communist leadership. 

This brief will, in narrative form, present for the consideration of your com- 
mittee, documentary evidence and the testimony of witnesses to show that the 
Communist Party has infiltrated deeply into the maritime industry of the 
Pacific coast. 

longshore LAnoR organization 

Inasmuch as longshore-labnr activities have been the spearhead of the mer- 
chants' marine industrial disputes on the Pacific coast, we shall consider this: 

Certain longshore-labor groups, building up the connection between them so 
that we may provide a chain of events. This will provide an understanding 
of the industrial controversy in the merchant-marine industry. 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES JgQJ 

The lonsshoromoii's piroup was one of the earliest organizations of labor on 
the Paeifie coast. Tlie rigirers and stevedores' union was organized in San 
Francisco in the month of Jniy 18r>3. After their organization they afHliatcd 
with the International Liingshorenien's Association, an affiliate of tlie American 
Federation of Labor. 

The riggers and stevedores grew in niimhers and political power. The influ- 
ence of the union in politics made pos<;ible a degree of freedom from arrest and 
conviction when et'onomic crimes of this order were committed by members of 
the union. Labor crimes on the water front were viewed with niore or less 
cmnplaciMicy l)y the I'olice department and the municipal courts. As a rule 
the loi;gshorcmen were good workmen. They desired to do their work with 
efficiency and dispatch and when they were fr(>e from radical and too ambitious 
leadership there was little complaint to be found with them. 

In 191G the riggers and stevedores came under the influence of the Industrial 
Workers of the World. This organization became ambitious to control the long- 
shore operations on the Pacific coast. 

There were strikes in lOltj and 101!). Both these strikes were exemplifications 
o^ the aims and desires of the I. W. W. who infiltrated their members into the 
riggers and stevedores' union. 

The Water-front Emphiyers' Union of San Francisco had had satisfactory 
agr<>('ments with the riggers and stevedores for many years, but the new social 
order advocated by the Industrial Workers of the World wrought a decided 
change in the attitude of the union leadership. The contract in force in 1916 
provided that there should be no change in any contract until a 60-day notice 
should be received from either party to the contract. This contract had been 
witnessed by Roland P.. Mahaney, chairman of the Committee of Conciliation of 
the United States Department of Labor. 

Without notice the riggers and stevedores made a demand for changes of the 
wage scale and in the working conditions, and also that they should receive 
official recognition by the employers by being placed on the board of directors 
of the employing company. This is a distinctive Industrial W^orkers of the 
World philosophy. 

These demands were refused by the water-front employers' union, who took 
their apiieal to the then Secretary of Labor, William B. Wilson. He approved 
the attitude of the employers and stated that the riggers and stevedores should 
proceed in an orderly way and according to the rules of their organization. 

Mr. Wilson wrote his views to J. A. Madsen, .secretary of the Pacific-coast dis- 
trict of the International Longshoremen's Association. He also sent Federal 
mediator, Henry White, to mediate the dispute. 

The international cfficers were asked to intervene, all without successful 
results, and a strike was called June 31, 1916. 

The docks were picketed, many riots and disorders occurred, and no person 
was permitted on the docks of the water front without the express written 
permission of John J. Murphy, president of the local. 

The strike lasted until Jidy 14, when it was called off without any gains to 
the riggers and stevedores. 

On May 27, 1919, another strike was made. The previous demands were 
made stronger. This time they demanded that changes be made in wage 
scales and working conditions and that their representatives should participate 
in the ownership, profit, and the directorate of the employing company. 

The owners made a counter proposition and, when a meeting was called, the 
union by a secret vote agreed to accept the new proposition made by the em- 
ployers. The radical leadership, however, called another meeting and by a 
standing vote refused to accept the terms made by the employers. A rising 
vote, in violation of their own constitution, gave the oppoi'tunity to the radical 
members to intimidate the conservatives and, by threat of bodily harm, carried 
their point and called a strike for September 19, 1919. It is a peculiar matter 
of labor history that this strike has never been declared off. 

It was broken by the water-front employers severing all relations with the 
riggers and stevedores and their organization, which gradually disappeared 
from the San Francisco water front. 

The conservative element of the riggers' and stevedores' union, about 1,000 
strong, sick and tired of Industrial Workers of the World and other radical lead- 
ership, left the riggers and stevedores union and formed an independent union 
under the name of Longshoremen's Association of the Port of San Francisco 
and Bay Districts. This was formed on December 10, 1919. The water-front 
employers' union recognized the new union and entered into a 5-year contract 
with them. 



1802 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

In the contract, arbitration boards, consisting of employers and employees, 
were provided for. It is significant tliat for the entire period that this agree- 
ment was in operation it was never necessary to call the arbitration board. 
Peace and efficiency prevailed and longshore work on the San Francisco water 
front was considered the most efficient in the conntry. 

The new union was officered by conservative longshoremen, with John J. 
Bryan, president, and Emil Stern, the secretary and treasurer. These two, 
with the majority of the executive l)oard, remained in office during the entire 
life of the organization. The membership was confined to American citizens or 
those who had applied for citizenship in the United States. The union never 
had a closed charter nor did they refuse to accept bona fide longshoremen or 
men who would become bona fide longshoremen. In order to be assured of 
tenure of employment, enrollment was not permitted beyond the number that 
might reasonably be expected to make a fair living in longshore employment. 

The union also provided for financial and burial relief for its members'. The 
dues wei-e placed at 75 cents per month and the financial accounts were sub- 
jected to the scrutiny of public accountants. 'The financial officers were bonded 
to give added security to union funds. The union grew in numbers and finances 
and finally was admitted as a bona fide labor union by the Central Labor Council 
of San Francisco on November 27, 1927. 

This union, commonly known as the "Blue Book"' union, never affiliated with 
the International Longshoremen's Association, but efforts were made from time 
to time to effect such an affiliation. 

In November 1926 National President Cloupeck, of the International Long- 
shoremen's Association, had a meeting with President Bryan and Secretary Stern, 
of the "I'>lue Book" union, in the office of Paul Sharrenberg, secretary of the 
State federation of labor, and Pre.'^ident Michael Casey, of the teamsters' union. 
The matter of affiliation was considered, put up to the "Blue Book" membership, 
and the membership declined affiliation. 

The California State Federation of Labor, affiliated with the American Federa- 
tion of Labor, wanted the "Blue Book'' union to come into the State federation. 
The "Blue Book"" union was willing to so affiliate provided that they had local 
autonomy. This the State federation was willing to grant, but the Interna- 
tional Longshoremen's Association refused to permit an independent union to 
join the State federation of labor. 

AVhen Joseph C. Ryan, president of the International Longshoremen's Associa- 
tion, tried to induce the "I51ue Book" union to join the international, the matter 
was presented again to the union and a referendum vote taken, but once more 
the union refused by a very decided vote. 

The vote angered Mv. Ryan very much and became a deciding factor later 
on in 193.'> when, to show his displeasiu-e, he refused to grant a charter to the 
"Blue Book" iniion when negotiations had been entered into at the request of 
Bryan and Paul Sharrenberg. 

It was at this time, 193.3, that Ryan made the fatal mistake of granting the 
charter to the new group of longshoremen under radical control instead of to the 
"Blue Book" union. 

In October 1933 the Seventy-third Congress of the United States enacted the 
National Recovery Act, but strong efforts were put forth to establish codes of 
fair competition. Labor and industry had many meetings in various parts of the 
country in an effort to establish a code for the marine industry. 

These meetings culminated in Washington, where delegates representing the 
marine craft met with the employers of marine labor. After many code drafts, 
one proved fairly acceptable and received the approval of labor and industry. 
A .special Goverinnent board, appointed to examine the code, gave its approval. 
The President, however, refused to give his approval to this code and the whole 
matter was abandoned. 

It was the failure to provide a maritime code that placed the maritime industry 
in a position where the Communist Party could step in and take over control. 

LOCAL ,3S-79, INTERNATIONAL LONGSHOREMEN'S ASSOCIATION OF SAN FRANCISCO 

For purposes of clarity, there will be attached to this brief a supplemental 
brief on the subject of Harry Bridges, now leader of the Maritime Federation 
of the Pacific. The supplemental brief will carry the documentary evidence to 
substantiate that which we are to say in this brief. 

As early as October 1922 Bridges had entered the riggers' and stevedores' 
union and attempted to gather about him a group of radical progressives. In 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTlVPriES 1803 

J024 lie and a few others organized a longshoremen's local. They failed, how- 
ever, to gather many men ahout them and the local soon fell to i)ieces. 

This group contintied to agitate along the water front until the year 1932 when 
they decided to again attempt to organize anotlier longshoremen's local. 

In order to do this. Ktiualily Hall, at 141 Albion Street, San Franeisco, Calif., 
was ehosen as a meeting place for the new group. There Harry R. Bridges 
presided over the deliberations. The leading men chosen at these meetings were 
composed largely of the same group that had worked with Bridges prior to 1932. 
They were Henry Schmidt. Henry Schrimpf, Roger McKenna. Alvin Kullberg, 
Wiliiam Christensen, .T. D. White, John Delaney Shoemaker. Robert Boyce, John 
1'. ItLson. Otto Kleinmann, Ralph Mallen, Henry Morrissee, John Shaw, and 
Herman :Mann. a brother-in-law of William Christensen. Not all the men named 
here were Communists, but when they had a meeting of the group, any who 
were found that were unwilling to work to try out the program were quickly 
eliminated. 

At these meetings the outline of a rank-and-file control group was considered. 
Communist assistance was disclosed. We charge that as a main objective the 
Equality Hall group was to do everything to build up the prestige of Harry 
Bridges so that in due time he could be the Pacific coast leader in maritime 
affairs. 

First, the time was set to oust Lee J. Holman, then president of the Long- 
shoremen's Association of S'an Francisco, and elect a new set of officers who 
would take program from the Communist Party. 

On the basis of agitation they proposed to demand a new increased wage 
scale, a G-hour day, absolute control of the longshore-labor supply, control of the 
hiring ball for longshoremen, a Pacific coast federation into which all the ele- 
ments of maritime labor could be inducted, so that Pacific coast control of trans- 
portation could be effected and from there an international federation for the 
whole of the United States. 

We introduce herewith the file of the bulletin called Waterfront Worker, which 
we offer as exhibit No. 1. 

This Waterfront Worker was presented to the men on the water front as a 
rank-and-file bulletin by the Equality Hall group. The attention of the com- 
mittee is called to volume 1, No. 1, of January 1938. Please note that it is issued 
by "A group of longshoremen, with the cooperation of the Marine Workers' 
Industrial Union." The M. W. I. U. was an admittedly Communist Party union. 
W^e further request the committee to read the banner on page 4, volume IV, 
No. 10. the issue of March 9. 193(5. This says "Western Worker," which at that 
date was the official Communist Party newspaper for the Pacific coast. Undoubt- 
edly the reason for this mistake was due to the fact that the W^aterfront Worker 
was published at the same place as the W^estern Worker and by the same 
people. 

We offer here a copy of Program Adopted at the State Communist Party 
Convention in San Francisco, November 24. 1935. This is an original as mimeo- 
graphed for distribution by the party. We ask that it be marked "Exhibit 
No. 2." 

Your attention is directed to the subheading "Rank-and-File Bulletins" from 
under which we quote : 

' Below is a partial list of the Rank-and-File Bulletins now being issued by 
our party sections throughout tlie S'ate, and including some of the more impor- 
tant national Inilletins: 

"San Francisco — Waterfront Worker (I. L. A.), box 1158; this box was taken 
in the name of Harry Gliksohn." which is the alias for Harry Jackson, now 
organiz"r for district 12, Communist Party, U. S. A., under the name of Morris 
Rapport." 

At this time we introduce photostatic copies of letters written by Roy Hudson, 
now mem})er of the central committee of the Communist Party of the United 
States and at Mie time of wilting secretar.v of the Marine Workers' Industrial 
Union, to Harry Jackson at San Franci.'^co. Calif., dated February 5. 1934. and 
February 8. 1934, re.spocti\ely, and request that they be marked 'Exhibits 
2A and 2B." 

We now quote in part from the letter of February 5. 1934: 
"It sure was too bad that I did not have the material sent out by the I. L. A. 
before we went to AVasbington — especially the one containing the telegram 
to Ryan insisting upon their demands for a !?1 hour. If we had of had this 
one — or known about it — we would have presented it there and it would have 
been dynamite. 



1804 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

"Yes; I'm raising hell about no articles from you, and still don't think you 
can get out of it by passing the buclc to Telford. You can write and the 
articles contained in the Waterfn-nt Worker are god-damn good — and there is 
no reason why we can't get some for the Voice. 

"In connection with the Northwest — the reports that I receive from there 
are fairly encouraging and some progress is to be recorded. I believe that now 
is a very opportune time for you to go up there. Not only will you be able to 
stimulate the work, but also will be able to clarify some problems that are 
developing there in regards to methods of work, etc. One tJiing that must be 
done is put the work inside the I. L. A. on a more definite oppositional basis, in 
the sen.se that it will function through the medium of the opposition group and 
not solely through the channels of our union."' 

This letter points out three things : First, that Harry Jack.son was operating 
in San Francisco with the I. L. A. on behalf of the Communist Party in the 
Marine Workers' Industrial Union: secondly, in the second paragraph quoted 
it points out the contact between Sam Telford, known Commun.st Party mem- 
ber, and also the fact that Harry Jackson was writing articles for the Water- 
front V/orker ; third'y, it shows the connection with the Northwest, together 
with an order to Jackson to go to the Northwest, meaning Oregon and Wash- 
ington. It is interesting to note that already in this brief the committee will 
find that the same Harry Jackson is now organizer to the twelfth district of the 
Communist Party, which comprises Oregon and Washington. 

We now quote from the letter of February 8. 1934, in part : 

"The news you write regarding the response of the Northwest to the con- 
vention is very good, and the rank and file delegation that went up certainly 
seems to indicate that our policies are getting root. I trust that we are con- 
solidating a real firm opposition group. In view of the I. L. A. stand at the 
code hearings we certainly should be able to make headway all around — and 
should give an impetuous to the convention. There is little to add upon my 
previous remarks and the wire concerning the stand of the officials. * * * 
It is doubtful whether we will be able to get minutes of this hearing in view of 
my failure to pay the $80 for the last one. * * * lu case I do get them 
will shoot them right out. I agree witli you that the place where the conven- 
tion should be held should not become a breaking point — although it would 
be much more favorable if it were held in Frisco. 

"Now, Harry, in connection with your statement on Mink. This statement 
will not be taken up in the fraction — and in my letter of the December 15 I 
to-d you that if you thought you must raise objections, it should be through 
the center. J 

"I want to make myself very clear on this— especially in view of your state- 
ment in the letter accompanying the statement. It is unfortunate that you 
don't keep carbon copies, so th'refor I will quote from your letter to make 
mysi'lf clear. You state 'and we will not let anyone's petty politics take away 
from us capable forces, etc. * * * I refer to Stachel in particular.' 

"From this you frankly state that George is where he is because of 'some 
one's petty politics.' I have the utmost confidence in you, Jackson, and under 
no circunistances would I accuse you of factionalism; but frankly this is only 
speculating on decisions and trying to find factional reasons, or petty political 
reasons fur them being made. We must not only re.ject petty politics, but we 
must just as severely reject tendencies that see petty politics in every decision. 

"Again why were the reasons he went: (1) He proposed, very strongly him- 
self; (2) an even greater insistence upon the party of Ray — who, when it 
looked like George might not go, raised particular hell. There were other 
factors, but these were the basic ones, and if there is any petty politics in them 
I will eat my hat. 

"Now final reasons why your recommendation is not going to be raised m 
the fraction: (1) Recommendations came from top fraction— final decisions 
made by P. B. — and this year a stronger insistence that the candidates not 
become public property. Very few people know wdio they are — incidentally 
you should not have been informed — and I had hell raised with me already be- 
cause people knew who shouldn't. Therefore, to raise it in the fraction would 
be incorrect; (2) fraction meetings — and Buro have been held — and no one has 
raised any objections and agreed with the formal proposal for his temporary 
leave. 

"I have other ideas on the whole subject, but I believe the above make it 
clear why I take the stand I do and I hope you will understand them and the 
spirit I make them — even though there might be some sharp criticism — I still 



UN-AMEKICAN TROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1805 

insist that the decision was a corrott one and that yon have no basis upon 
\\hi('h to rais(> serious objections. However, if you are still of the same 
opinion, then you should and must raise them directly with the center. But 
under no circumstances is the question of where George is at to be raised w'ith 
anyone on the coast." 

I'arasiraph 1 sliows the continued lu^adwav that the party was making in 
the I. L. A., and the rest of the portion (luolcd is a very clear exposition of 
the methods of the party and its functional operation. 

In para,i,'raph 11 the conunittee's attention is called to the words, "final 
decisions made by P. B." This is the political bureau of tlie central committee 
of the Connnunist i'arty. 

The committee is retiuested at this time to call the witnesses designated in 
the list of witnesses appended to this brief, and to ask the witnesses the (pie.«- 
tions submitted in appendix B. 

We now offer the book entitled "Men Who Lead Labor," written by Bruce 
Minton and John Stuart. We request that it be marked "Exhibit 3." 

We also introduce tJie Conununist-cont rolled maaazine, New Masses, issue 
of May 3, 1038, as exhibit 4. 

Exhibit 1 was purchased in the Connnunist I'arty book store, located at 22G'/^ 
South Spring Street, Los Angeles, Calif., and the clerk admitted it to be a 
recognized Connnunist publication. On page 8 thereof we find that Bruce 
Minton is an editor of New Masses.- He is further known to be a member of 
the Comnuuiist Party. On page 19 there is an article entitled "The Moscow 
Trials, a Statement by American I'rogressives." In the list of signers to this 
article we find the name of the coauthor of Men Who Lead Labor, John Stuart. 
He is also known to be a member of the Communist Party. This proof is 
offered to show that the authors of Men Who Lead Labor are Communist 
Party affiliates and that the articles therein represent the Commiuiist Party 
position. 

Attention is now called to the page of acknowledgments in exhibit 3, Men 
Who Lead Labor. We cite the two referred to from the Pacific coast ; Law- 
rence Emery and Herb-^rt Resner : 

Lawrence Emery : Was arrested for industrial sabotage and sentenced to 
San Qnentin Prison, State of California, from Imperial County. He admitted 
that he was a Communist and is now the educational director of Detroit district 
of the Communist Party. 

Herbert Resner: Now .secretary of the Tom Mooney defense committee, suc- 
ceeding Arthur Kent. Both are members of the Communist Party. Resner is 
a member of the lawyer's unit of the professional section of the Communist 
Party iu San Francisco. 

It is from these two that much of the material on Harry Bridges, Voice 
of the Rank and File, an article in Men Who Lead Labor, is written. 

In order to properly place the others acknowledged, we state as follows : 

Louis Budenz : A member of the staff of the Daily Worker, ofiicial organ of 
the Connnunist Party. U. S. A. section. Communist International. 

Theodore Draper : Coeditor of New Masses, a recognized Communist Party 
magazine. 

Granville Hicks: Professor of Harvard University and an admitted Com- 
munist. 

Roltert W. Dunn : Head of the Labor Research Association and an admitted 
Communist. 

Grace Hutchius : Member of Labor Research Association and an acmitted 
Communist. 

Hy Kravif: Member of Labor Research Association and an admitted Com- 
munist. 

Our introduction of Men Who Lead Labor at this time is to quote from pages 
18(1 and 181 thereof: 

"In 1024 he (Bridges) and a few others organized a local * * * p,y i032 
conditions on the docks had become so bad that the small group of militants 
decided to launch a third attempt to build the I. L. A. The handful of "pro- 
gressives" published a mimeographed, clumsily constructed little bulletin w'hich 
they called the "Waterfront Worker." 

"The Marine Workers Industrial Union, afTiliated with the Trade Union 
Unity League, lent powerful aid to the agitation for organization." 

We now offer a folio of eight dodgers as follows: Call for Unity Conference, 
June 2.J, 1933; Notice to AH Longshoremen, OL-tober 8, 1933; Who Are the Com- 
munists? December 1933: How We Stand. December 1933; Mass Meeting, De- 



1806 UN-AIMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

cember 28, 1933; Workers' International Relief. March 5, 1934; Will Padcy 
Morris Dare? March 11, 1934; The Battle Rages, April 25, 1934, and request tiiat 
the folio be marked "Exhibit 5." 

These dodgers were issued by the Marine Workers' Industrial Union and 
other Communist organizations" to assist Bridges and his "militant" group. 

We contend that our exhibits, as publications of the Communists themselves, 
have proven : 

1. That the Equality Hall group existed as charged. 

2. That it commenced the agitation that brought about the San Francisco 
general strike and chaos to the maritime industry. 

3. That it did its agitation by means of the Waterfront Worker and dodgers. 

4. That it was headed by Harry Bridges. 

5. That the Communist Party declares in exhibit 2, that Harry Bridges and 
his group who issued the Waterfront Worker were members of the waterfront 
section of the Communist Party. 

6. That the Conununist controlled Marine Workers Industrial Union was 
placed at Bridges' disposal and that he accepted and affiliated with their work. 

We desire to point out that tlie men who were instrumental in working out 
the program at the Equality Hall meetings are, for the greater part, holding key 
positions at the present time in the Maritime Federation of the Pacific. 

We shall at this time give a thumbnail sketch of the men as mentioned in 
the Equality Hall group: 

Henry Schmidt: Schmidt is now the president of local 1-10, International 
Longshoremen's and Wai-ehousemen's Union, a C I. O. affiliate. He has been a 
member of the Communist Party. Affiliation not known at the date of this 
report. He is a right-hand man of Mr. Bridges, a German naturalized citizen 
who is quiet, forceful, and competent. It is quite probalile that Schmidt's 
advice to Bridges makes one of Bridges' effective means for advancement. 
Schmidt has control of the subject matter of the AVaterfront Worker. He is 
married. 

Henry Schrimpf : Schrimpf is a radical. He was formerly a member of the 
Communist Party. Ho is a cit:7-Cii of '.li'^ Ur.itcd f^tr/cs r.r.d v.-a" ?or.t to the 
east-coast ports in order to build up sentiment for an international mariime 
federation. He has been a delegate to most of the maritime conventions and 
is important in the Longshoremen's and Warehousemen's Union, the C. I. O. 
affiliate. 

Rodger McKenna : McKenna is an old-time longshoreman, has no communistic 
leanings and did not agree to the Equality Hall program. As soon as this was 
discovered, he was side-tracked for any advancement. He is working as a 
longshoreman and is a member of the beard of directors that publish the 
conservative Pacific Coast Longshoremen in opposition to the radical paper, 
the Voice of the Federation. 

Alvin Kullberg: Kullberg was a former I. W. W. organizer. He was affiliated 
with the Communist leaders in the tliirteenth Communist Party tiisfrict of 
California. His wife was a teacher in the workers' school of the Communist 
Party. He was not given much advancement by the new radical crowd and is 
now a longshore boss on the waterfront. 

William Christensen : Christensen is a Danish citizen. He is a seaman. He 
is also a brother-in-law of Herman Mann. He was a member of the board of 
trustees and is counted as a dependable menil)er of the International Long- 
shoremen's Association and the Communist Party. 

J. G. White : White is knovm to the group as "Dirty Neck." He never has 
been prominent in tbe union, but he knows how to take orders and the rank- 
and-file take care of him. 

John Delaney Schomaker : Schr maker is a former member of the hospital 
staff at the Palo Alto Veterans' Hospital. He was discharged for circulating 
radical literature. He was also a meiuber of the Young Commmiist League. 
He had never been a longsboroman or been on the waterfront before the 1934 
strike. He was a student of the Communist labor school. He is married and 
his wife is a sister of the former wife of Herbert Mills, who is now known as 
Olga Von de Boor. Both of these women are the daughters of Max Jublonsky, 
a San Francisco veteran of the Communist Party. Herbert Mills was at one 
time a Communist leader in the seamen's union. Schomaker has been arrested 
a number of times for as.sault and other charges due to labor agitation. He is 
now a member of the Comnnmist Party and also a prominent leader in the 
International Longshoremen's Association. 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1807 

Robert Boyce: Boyce is an old-time longshore winch driver. He was elected 
on the board of directors of the International Longshort'men's Association 
under the Holman regime. He would not subscribe to the Communist leader- 
ship and was side-tracked from higher authority. 

John P. Olson: Olson is Swedish born, a seaman and a former organizer of 
Young Communist League. He was candidate for State senator on the Com- 
munist I'arty ticket in 1984. Olson was arrested on several occasions during the 
1934 labor difficulties. He has been active in the Communistic Workers' School 
conducted by the Communist Party. He has also been active as organizer for 
the radical United Farmers' League, as well as in the new-pioneer movement, 
active in the recent labor troubles in the Grass Valley, Calif., mining disti'ict. 
He was a picket captain in the 1934 strike and is a very valuable cog in the 
Bridges organization. 

Otto Kleinman : Kleinman is a member of the Communist Party and also of 
the International Longshoremen's Association. He is on the examining board 
that looks after new members to see if they are proper material for the Com- 
munist Party. He is very close to Harry Bridges. 

Ralph Mallen: Mallen was publicity manager during the 1934 strike. He is 
not a Communist. He was, however, very close to Norma Perrie, who became 
secertary to Bridges and was under orders of the Communist Party. She was 
at one time the wife of Arthur Scott, otherwise known as Arthur Kent. 

Henry Morrissee : Morrissee was born in Germany and was a member of the 
strike committee of the 1934 strike. He is a well-known Communist. 

John D. Shaw : Shaw has been a candidate for office a number of times on the 
Communist Party ticket; is a well-known Communist. He never was a long- 
shoreman, but was for a long time a member of the International Longshore- 
men's Association executive board under Harry Bridges. He is an officer of the 
Ornamental Iron Workers' Union. He is reported to be a member of district 
buro, district thirteen of the Communist Party. It was this Communist group 
headed by Harry Bridges and directed by Sam Darcy, then head of the thir- 
teenth Communist district, that started out to wrest control from the conserva- 
tive longshoremen of the Pacific. 

With the final granting of the charter to local 88-79 of the International 
Longshoremen's Association, this group offered KuUberg as a candidate for 
president against Lee J. Holman, representing the conservatives. 

Holman won the election, and with him came Ivan Cox as secretary of the 
union. 

The organization of I. L. A. 38-79 meant that there were two organizations of 
longshoremen on the water front. The "Blue Book" still had their contract with 
the shipowners. 

Early 1934 found the I. L. A. Union and the shipowners at grips with each 
other. 

The Equality Hall group, however, had not been content with the results of 
the election and commenced immediately a campaign against Mr. Holman. The 
Waterfront Worker, bulletins from the Marine Workers' Industrial Union, and 
editions of the Western Worker, official publication of the Communist Party on 
the Pacific coast, let loose a barrage of hate. 

At this time we desire to offer the files for the years 1933, 1934, 1935, 1936, 
and 1937 of the Western Worker, with the request that these files be marked 
"Exhibit 6." 

On April 19, 1934. it was announced that Lee J. Holman had been permanently 
suspended from the I. L. A. and that he would not be eligible for reelection to 
the presidency within a year. Holman was not present at the trial at which 
the suspension took place as he was at home suffering from an attack of pneu- 
monia. The charges that were filed against Holman were that he was too 
conservative and that he did not represent the sentiment of the majority of the 

unions. „ 

This driving of Lee Holman from the presidency of local 38-79 placed Harry 
Bridges and his Equality group in the driver's seat. 

Thev immediately started an intensive drive to organize I. L. A. branches 
in everv port of the Pacific coast. One of the first steps taken was to have 
Norma Perrie appointed as his private secretary. Norma Perrie was at that 
time a high-ranking member of the Communist Party and could be expected to 
report in detail concerning matters in the I. L. A. of interest to the Com- 
muni.st Partv. 

In rommunist Partv district No. 12 (Washington and Oregon, Harry Jack- 
son, Wesley Randall, "s. Sparks, Robert Thompson, Howard Scroggius, James 

94931— 38— vol. 3 7 



1808 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Carroll, Emil Miljuis, and Blacke Campeau were appointed to take charge of 
the maritime interests of the party. Likewise in Los Angeles, George Maurer, 
Dr. J. C. Coleman, Mary Grossman, Joe Simon, Leo Gallagher, and Harold 
Ashe were assigned to the same function for southern California. Thus Seattle, 
Portland, San Francisco, Los Angeles, and San Diego were furnished by the 
Communist Party with committees to effect the whole program of Communist 
control of marine transportation. 

The first organization campaign put on by Bridges, working under the gen^ 
eral theory of the N. I. R. A., soon obtained working capital for the new or- 
ganization, through the per capita tax paid by the new members of the I. L. A. 
local. Joseph P. Ryan, president of the International Longshoremen's Associa- 
tion, was so pleased with the results that he appointed Harry Bridges as the 
Pacific-coast organizer. 

The first step made to destroy the "Blue Book" unions was a demand made by 
Bridges and backed up by Ryan upon the Central Labor Council of San Fran- 
cisco to cancel the affiliation of the "Blue Book" imious with the council. 

William E. Green, president of the American Federation of Labor, was forced 
to recognize a demand made by one of his national unions and so the "Blue 
Book" union was put out of the Central Labor Council, and Harry Bridges, 
Henry Schmidt, John Larsen, John D. Schomaker, William Christensen, Henry 
Schrimpf, Bjore Hailing, Fred Knopp, and John Cronin were appointed as 
delegates to the Central Labor Council from the new I. L. A. 38-79. 

It is important that the committee note that oxit of these nine delegates, 
five had been members of the Equality Hall group and that John Larsen and 
Bjore Hailing became members later. 

• Bridges was also seated as the- delegate to the State Federation of Labor 
convention. - '  .' 

Regardless of the formation of the International Longshoremen's Association 
Union 38-79, the "Blue Book" union still held a contract with the employers 
that was not to expire until December 1934. The employers felt that they 
could not break the contract with any justice to the "Blue Book" union. They 
stated that they would continue to carry out the contract during its life. 

The I. L. A. then began its campaign to break this contract. The I. L. A. 
showed that under the N. I. R. A. they would receive the new contract at the 
expiration of the contract with the "Blue Book" union in December of 1934. 
They also served notice to the effect that if the "Blue Book" union did not 
apply for membership at once, the initiation fee would be raised to $50 when 
the i. L. A. were in control and that the "Blue Book" union men would not 
be employed on the water front. 

The weaker of them began to secretly take out the books of the I. L. A. and at 
the same time carry a book in the old "Blue Book" union. When the "Blue 
Book" delegates tried to collect fees they were put off for various reasons and 
the treasury of the "Blue Book" union began to run low. n 'c:::.^:,;.; T:' 

These actions on the part of the I. L. A. and counter-actions ' on the- part of 
the "Blue Book" union weakened the authority of the "Blue Book" imion officers 
until they became afraid to take a decided stand and fight the I. L. A. in the 
open. In the meantime, the I. L. A. increased its membership and hundreds of 
Communists went on the rolls luitil the I. L. A. had about 8.000 men in the local. 
Many of these men were strangers on the water front and many of them had 
never been and were not longshoremen. : .7'; 

The I. L. A. then complained to the local N. I. R. A. board that they were 
being discriminated against by the "Blue Book" union and could not secure 
employment unless they joined that union. They stated that the "Blue Book" 
union was a company union and that the officers were paid by the employers, 
and that section 7 (a) of the N. I. R. A. Act was being violated. 

George Creel, regional director of N. I. R. A., appointed a committee to hear 
the complaint of both sides. The committee decided that the "Blue Book" 
imion was not a company union, but that the water front was open to workers 
regardless of labor union affiliations. This ruling meant that the employers 
would be forced to employ I. L. A. men in violation of their contract with the 
"Blue Book" union. 

The first skirmish came on October 11, 1933. when the Matson Navigation 
Co. discharged four longshoremen because they refused to obey the orders of the 
pier superintendent. The I. L. A. demanded the immediate reinstatement of 
these men and on the refusal of the company, 1.50 men walked off the docks. 
The Matson Navigation Co. employed a new force of men and continued opera- 
tions, but not without disorder. 



UN-AMERICAN I»ROPAG.VNDA ACTIVITIES IgQQ 

A strike immediately threatened and the matter was referred to an arbitration 
board appointed by George Creel, consisting of Judge Max Sloss, Kev. Father 
Thomas F. Burke, and Henry Grady. After hearing the evidence, the board 
ordered the Matsou Navigation Co. to i-eturn the four men to work. Because 
of this ruling the Marson Navigation Go. gave up its tight, discharged their new 
men, and reemployed all tlie strikers. 

After winning this strike Bridges looked for more worlds to conquer, and on 
December 17, 15)33, at a meeting in the buildings trade council gave considera- 
tion to calling a coastwise strike. This strike was to demand $1 an hour, a 
6-liour day, and a 3U-hour week, sole union recognition and control of all hiring 
halls. The connnittee should note that this was not done by the "Blue Book" 
union with which the shipowners had a contract and were operating with, but 
by the Equality Ilall group. 

After this meeting a demand was sent to the Waterfront Employers Union 
to meet with, the delegates of the I. L. A. to consider a Pacific coast contract 
with tliem. The employers refused to meet with the I. L. A. and stated that 
they had no authority to give a. coastwise cojitract to ayone and that it was 
a matter for the various ports severally to decide. George Creel, district director 
for the N. I. R. A., insisted that the employers meet witli the I. L. A. 

A meeting was finally effected between the leaders of the I. L. A. and the 
Waterfront Employers Union on March 5, 1934, at which time the I. L. A. 
renewed their previous demands and in addition made a closed-shop demand 
for the entire Pacific coast. The employers refused this demand and stated 
that there was nothing in .the N. I. R. A. that required an employer to give 
a closed-shop agreement to anyone. 

On March 7 the I. L. A. sent out a strike call to see if all the locals on the 
coast would agree to a coastwise strike on March 23, '1934. The locals voted 
almost unanimously to call a strike. . - 

At this time we offer in evidence the Conmiunist Party publication, the Com- 
munist, issue of July 1934, volume 13, No. 7, and request that it be entered as 
exhibit No. 7. - 

This exhibit is offered as proof that the Communist Party plotted to break 
up the conservative longshore union and planned the development of a rank- 
and-file organization, unification of the whole Pacific coast, a strike of the 
Pacific coast, and finally a general strike. 

This exhibit contains an article entitled "The Great West Coast Maritime 
Strike" by Sam Darcy, at that time head of the Communist Party in the State of 
California. We quote therefrom — please note that any comments appearing 
in parentheses within the quotation are ours and not those of the writer. 

On page 664 we find : "In order more easily to study the development of this 
movement (by the Communist Party) we are dividing our subject into four main 
headings : 

"1. Problems in developing the movement for struggle. 

"2. Problems in the calling of the strike. 

"3. Problems in the conduct of the strike. 

"4. Perspectives for the outcome of the strike. 

On page 665 we find : "At the end of 1932, at the initiative of the militant 
elements of the water front, agitation for the organization of a real worker's 
union began. ; • .^ -: ..'r-. ., , 

"This agitation centered chiefly around the publication of a mimeographed 
bulletin called "The Waterfront Worker,' which had an average paid circulation 
of about 1,000 to 1,500 copies. 

"In the group which published the Waterfront Worker were included a 
minority of Communists and other militant elements. The guiding line for this 
group was above all to develop a militant group of workers united with the 
objective of breaking the 'Blue Book' union and to establish a real union. At 
times there was criticism that the Waterfront Worker did not take a clearly 
enough militant stand on this or that policy. When this criticism was justified, 
it cnuld in every iu.stance l)e traced to the desire of the Communist elements 
in the group not to sacrifice the unity of the militant elements for a clearer 
formulation in minor questions. In other words, the group felt it was more 
important to attain the larger objective of developing a united militant group 
(not limited to Communists alone) than to refuse to make a concession to thi* 
or that backward idea amongst the workers." 

On page 666: "Altout the middle of 1933 an initiative group was formed, which 
inchided all elements (also some militants from the Waterfront Worker) ta 
establish a regular local of the I. L. A. The sentiment for the I. L. A. rapidly 



1810 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

developed. Yet there was some tendency among the Communists at that time 
to organize competitive M. W. I. U. recruiting. The I. L. A. movement was 
so overwhelming among the men, however, that it would have been suicide to 
talve the handful of militants away from the general stream of the movement. 
The party, therefore, took a determined stand against it." 

Also : ''From the moment of organizing, a struggle began between the militant 
elements on the one hand who wanted action to: (1) Improved conditions; 
(2) Destroy the 'Blue Book'; (3) establish west coast unity of all longshoremen — 
and the reactionaries, on the other hand, who aimed to organize a typical 
A. F. of L. reactionary union. In the course of this fight between the reactionary 
and militant elements, the militant element succeeded in putting through a 
proposal to call an early west coast rank-and-file convention. 

"This convention met in February 1934 and remained in session for about 10 
days." 

On page 667 we find : "There were also a number of directly political achieve- 
ments at the convention. These included: (1) The adoption of a resolution 
against the loading of ships flying the Nazi flag; (2) the adoption of a proposal 
for a water-front federation which was a first step towai'd united action between 
longshoremen and other marine crafts, especially the seamen, and for gang 
committees, port conferences, etc.; (3) unemployment insurance; (4) against 
arbitration." 

The committee's attention is called to the fact that the above quotation shows 
that the leadership was not alone interested in the development of the unity 
of the longshoremen of the Pacific coast, but in its first convention proceeded 
at once to adopt the major thesis of the Communist International against its 
greatest enemies, namely naziism and fascism. 

Also on page 6G7 we find : "The San Francisco local had sent a very militant 
delegation. This delegation was the backbone and leader.ship of the militant 
sentiment in the convention." 

When the decision to strike on May 23, 1934, was voted by the I. L. A., the 
President of the United States and the Secretary of Labor were appealed to 
by the Pacific coast representatives to aid in preventing this strike. The 
President appointed Charles A. Reynolds, president of the N. I. R. A. regional 
board at Seattle, Dr. Henry Grady, of San Francisco, and Dr. J. L. Leonard, 
of the regional board at Los Angeles as a board of arbitration. 

The board commenced hearings on March 28 as the unions had agreed to 
withhold action until the board reported. 

The employers offered a counter-proposal agreeing to accept the local I. L. A. 
as a collective bargaining agency of the port. They also suggested the same 
approach in other ports on the Pacific coast, thus permitting each port to 
handle its own affairs. They agreed to a joint hiring hall and that all mat- 
ters of hiring and wages be subjected to collective bargaining. 

The delegates accepted this proposal and when it was taken to the I. L. A. 
the proposal was deadlocked on the wage proposition and demands were made 
that the wage scale be the same for the whole Pacific coast. Dr. Grady made 
the comment that this demand was in violation of the agreement already entered 
into with the delegates. 

Further hearings were held without success until the employers, becoming 
tired of the growing demands of the I. L. A., stated that if the latter would 
not come to an agreement further negotiations would end on May 7, 1934. 

During all these hearings and negotiations, criticisms were made in the 
Communist papers against the shipowners. They stated that the shipowners 
did not want any agreement and were only trying to break up the I. L. A. 
unions. 

May we again call the attention of the committee to quotations from exhibit 
No. 7, heretofore introduced. 

This quotation from page 670: "A strike movement cannot stand still. It 
must either spread and grow in militancy, or recede. Realizing this, the mili- 
tant element laid their plans for the period of activity following May 9. The 
first step was to get the seamen out in sympathy actions. The Marine Workers 
Industrial Union, even during the week previous to the calling of the strike, 
was already laying its plans for sympathetic actions. When the actual strike 
was called, the M. W. I. U. immediately began by calling meetings of ships' 
crews, and held conferences of ships' delegates. By May 12, a large confer- 
ence of ships' delegates organized by the M. W. I. U., voted to go into sympa- 
thetic strike. 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES IgU 

"The question of whether pushing the leadership of the strike committee as 
against the district oxccntive board, was within the limits of union legality. 
This prevented the strike committee militants from taking aggressive action. 
After several discussions, the comrades were finally convinced by being given the 
example of the struggle between the Soviets and the constituent assembly in 
Russia in 1917, where, despite the legality of the constituent assembly and the 
unofliiial character of the Soviets, all the life and problems of the people were 
centered in the Soviets, so that eventlally in the course of struggle, the masses 
began to look to the Soviets for leadersliip out of their position and not to the 
constituent assembly. In the discussion (with the members of the district com- 
mittee) it was brought out how, under the special circumstances which con- 
fronted us if in this strike we could do the same thing by putting all questions 
of relief, defense, picketing, negotiations, etc., to the strike committee, how 
rapidly the workers would themselves forget the strictures of legality and would 
instead accept the strike committee as their leaders, at the same time prevent- 
ing any effort of the district executive committee to intei'fere with it. 

"They have succeeded in centering all the life of the strike into this strike 
committee, with the exception of negotiations. The failure to take over negotia- 
tion was paid for dearly in the weeks that followed. It was finally accom- 
plished, however, on June 17, when Ryan and company were booed and hissed 
off the platform. In this way we have overcome the error previously com- 
mitted through abiding by the limit of legality, and have raised the strike com- 
mittee, which was composed of militant elements, to the position of the real 
leaders among the workers. 

"Once the strike was under way we divided our tasks under three main 
headings: (1) To keep the men united and prevent splits which might result in 
isolating the militants; (2) to keep the militancy on a continually upward 
swing; (3) to prevent any sell-out, and to gain as much as possible for the men 
out of the strike." 

During all this time Bridges had not been idle in other directions. Consider- 
able infiltration of radicals into the Teamsters' Union had been accomplished. 
Bridges was permitted to address meetings in the Teamsters' Union and urge 
them to support the I. L. A. 

Michael Casey, president of Teamsters' Local 85, urged his men to refrain 
from strike because, he said, if you do strike you will endanger the life of your 
contract with the employers. Bridges and his aides, however, had done their 
work well and the teamsters agreed to support Bridges. They refused to man 
the trucks while the strike lasted. 

The same attitude was maintained in the entire bay area, and Dave Beck's 
teamsters in Seattle were in accord with the program. Thus the whole coast 
was tied up and produce congested the docks and warehouses in the several 
ports. 

The remnants of the "Blue Book" union attempted to carry out the provisions 
of their contract. The shipowners had to abide by their side of the contract 
and provide employment for those who offered themselves from the "Blue Book" 
union. 

The police were not very energetic and seemed to favor the striking unions 
until a riot happened in front of the Marine Service Bureau. In this riot two 
police officers were severely injured and the attitude of the police changed. 

Chief Quinn drove all the strikers to the west side of the Embarcadero. 
Riots, disorder, and bloodshed were common incidents every day, and the water- 
front was manned by increa.sed quotas of policemen. 

The attempt on the part of the Communist Party to have other unions go out 
in sympathy with the Maritime group met with great success. The boiler workers 
and machinists followetl very shortly after the teamsters. * * * This group 
was followed by the Masters, Mates, and Pilots. Randolph Merriweather, a close 
friend and partisan of Bridges, took out the Marine Engineers' Beneficial Asso- 
ciation, and finally the bargemen's local pulled off the men who were working on 
the tugs and barges in the bay. This brought ship movement to a standstill and 
cargoes had to be diverted to Los Angeles. 

In Seattle riots were common and the gates to docks were battei'ed down. In 
Portland a dead line was established beyond which neither the public. Govern- 
ment oflScials, or others were permitted to go without a pass signed by the strike 
leaders. Finally, seamen, firemen, cooks, and waiters followed the orders of 
their militant leaders, and they addetl to the gradually growing difficulties of the 
owners and operators of merchant ships. 



1812 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

With this growing sympathetic movement the seamen saw an opportunity to 
regain their lost labor prestige. 

Bridges immediately seized upon this attitude of the seamen, and his lieuten- 
ants, together with him, used the slogan "An injury to one is an injury to all." 
Tliis was the battle cry of the old I. W. W. ' ^ 

Bridges then declared that the strike would not end until all the marine crafts 
had secured recognition, increased wages, and closed-shop agreements. 

It was in this manner that the third central idea of the Equality Hall group 
was effected. This was the idea of a Pacific Coast Maritime Federation into 
which all the marine crafts and other affiliated unions might be enrolled. 

We now quote again from exhibit No. 7, The Communist, y; '•'"  

On page 677 we find : "In the early stages of the strike, the international 
Labor Defense, the Workers International Relief, and the Western Worker all 
offered, unconditionally, to put their resources at the disposal of the strik- 
ers. * * * This made a very good impression and was accepted by the men. 
In some cases, as in connection with relief, there was some hesitation to accept 
the W. I. R., but we proceeded without official acceptance to feed the pickets, 
and the resulting favorable reaction made it possible for the W. I. R. openly to 
«nter relief work on the water front. 

"We found that the secret of developing the militancy of the strike was to 
keep the men active and doing something at all times. The danger spots were 
usually the week ends, when there was a special tendency to take the Sundays 
•off. In order to counteract that, special activities besides picket lines, mass 
parades, meetings, and strike affairs were arranged. Strikers were continually 
sent to outlying areas, particularly where college students, or unemployed, might 
1)6 recruited as scabs."' '--^- '.^. ■_''.": ,.' .' T ' 

On page 682 we find : "^'The I. L. A. strike committee kept the Western 'Worker 
•as its spokesman; we were able to fight down "red scare" against the IMarine 
Workers Industrial Union among the seamen ; and after a bitter fight, give 
it a place on the joint strike committee. 

"When the men took certain militant actions, these comrades insisted that 
the district committee issue leaflets saying in effect : 'We told you to do so- 
and-so.' This would have been an excellent weapon in the hands of the ship- 
owners. The men were grateful that the 'reds' gave them help and leadership 
without bombast. 

"The leadership of the strike in San Francisco by Communists and Other mili- 
tant elements is well known and accepted." ' - 

The whole Pacific coast was in an uproar. Business of every character was 
suffering great financial losses. Messages were sent to the President and to the 
Secretary of Labor urging that the President intervene in the strike. 

On May 17, 1934, the Assistant Secretary of Labor, Edward F. McGrady, came 
to San Francisco and conferred with the local N. I. R. A. board. This board 
had almost abandoned its efforts to bring about peace. '";'„■"""' 

The attitude of the strikers was set forth by Ralph Malleri, publicity com- 
mittee chairman of the I. L. A., and also a member of the "Equality" group 
heretofore mentioned. He stated, "There will be no end to this strike until the 
longshoremen receive $1 per hour, $1.50 overtime, a 6-hour day, 30-hour week, 
control of the hiring halls, and a closed-shop union recognition." 

Secretary McGrady issued the following statement: "A strong radical element 
in the ranks of the longshoremen seem to want no strike settlement. I have 
observed that Communists, through direct action and by pleas made in widely 
circulated Communist newspapers, are trying to induce the strikers to remain 
out despite our efforts to arbitrate. The committee seems to be helpless to do 
anything with the men who are representing them, or to combat the radical 
elements in the I. L. A. unions." -• '■"-' •."'-' - ^.•^-' :.. ivx" '-'i 

On May 24, 1934, National President Joseph P. Ryan, of the I. L. A., came 
to San Francisco. He had he.ard of charges of Comnmnist control of Pacific 
icoast I. L. A. unions and was undoubtedly concerned as to whether these 
amions would give any consideration to their national officers. 

Bridges gave them his answer when he stated, "Settlement of the strike by 
mere recognition may mean a lot to the national heads of the I. L. A. who get 
fat salaries, but the workers are going to hold out for nothing less than the 
clo.sed shop." .-'f' ■; ; . ; ^ , '. --'-'-■- 

It was at this time thai: an aroused citizenry stepped ihtoi^ the picture. 

The congestion on the docks was assuming serious proportions. The docks 
were filled to overflowing with the cargoes destined for local merchants and for 
transportation to other parts of the world. The Industrial Association of 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1813 

San Francisco, au organization composed of the main industries operating 
within 8an Francisco, looked with great concern at the situation as it developed. 
Merchants demanded that the congestion on the docks be alleviated and that 
they be given permission to obtain their freight. 

The industrial association tinally pointed out the absolute necessity for some- 
thing to be done and suggested that it would break the congestion on the docks. 
Officials of the San Francisco city government urged the industrial association 
to put ofl; the attempt to open the piers and permit more efforts to end the 
Strike. -"' -^^ ''■ - 

Delay followed delay. Demands wfre ilicreased. Finally an organization 
known as the Atlas Draying Co. was organized and this concern began hauling 
freight from the piers on .July 3, 19.34. 

The striking unions had made elaborate efforts to stop this effort. They 
massed their men near pier 38, where it was announced that the first truck 
would start. More than 600 men wearing Communist buttons, and aided by 
many others, were ready to meet the police officers. 

As the trucks emerged from the pier the battle was on. The strikers had 
secured metal missiles from the surrounding dumps, as well as a full supply of 
brickbats and some firearms. To meet this critical situation the Snn Francisco 
police were supplied with gas and riot guns besides their regular equipment. 
The strikers attempted to halt tlie trucks, but without success. They then 
directed their attacks on the police force and many of the police were hurt. 
Then the police opened up their gas barrage, used their riot clubs with effect, 
and drove the strikers off the Ambarcadero. 

The committee will remember that from the evidence given in exhibit No. 7 
the party had a definite sequence to develop, namely : First, agitation ; second, 
organization : third, the strike ; fourth, development of sympathy ; and fifth and 
finally, the general strike. In our first brief concerning the ultimate aims and 
activities of the Communist Party we have- proved that the general strike is the 
final step toward a national revolution. 

The Equality Hall group had now passed through the first four stages and felt 
that it was time to develop a general strike. 

On .Tune 11, irt34, in the Western Wprker (see exhibit No. 6-A), there appeared 
the following: "Following a parade of 5,000 from the waterfront to the Civic 
Center, 15.000 massed to cheer the speakers of all the striking marine unions 
yesterday and protest police brutality on the waterfront. The demonstration 
was a tremendous victory for the workers, as it was held despite last-minute 
efforts of the police department threatening not to give a permit. The parade 
was the best mobilization of all the striking workers yet accomplished during 
the strike. Headed by the I. L. A. section, the Marine Workers' Industrial Union, 
International Seamen's Union, Masters, Mates and Pilots, and sympathetic 
organizations followe^l." "The loudest applause and cheers were at the men- 
tion of the probability of a general strike in the city in support of the 
strikers. * * * The speakers were Harry Bridges, chairman of the strike 
committee ; local president, Mr. Jolmstou ; John Shoemaker, Henry Schrimpf, 
and Shaw, of the I. L. A. strike committee. Telford spoke for the Marine 
Workers' Industrial Union; Grady for the Masters, Mates, and' Pilots. * * * 
Henry Schmidt, of the I. L. A., was chairman." '- - .?? ■;:_-:[ 

On June 18, 1934, the same paper carried: "A letter to every local trade union 
in the bay cities for a general strike in support of the striking longshoremen 
and seamen is the most important new development -in -the coast strike now 
entering the sixth week."  >: 

Facing a general strike situation on June IG Mayor Rossi called a-eonference. 
At this conference were Michael Casey, president of the teamsters' union; Dave 
Beck, of the same organization in Seattle; J. J. Finnegan, of the ships' clerks' 
union ; W. J. Lewis of the Pacific coast I. L. A. ; Joseph Ryan, international 
president of the I. L. A. : A. H. Petersen, of the Los Angeles local I. L. A. ; 
John T. McLaughlin and John A. O'Connell, of the central labor council ; Thomas 
G. Plant, president of the Waterfront Employers' Union; Albert E. Boynton and 
John F. Forbes, of the Industrial Association : Herman Phleger, attorney, Judge 
Charles Reynolds, and Dr. J. L. Leonard, of the N. I. R. A. ; and Colbert Cold- 
well, of San fYancisco. 

This group came to a definite agreement in relation to a basis to end the strike. 
This agreement was ordered to be presented to the unions on June 19, 1934. 

The Communist Party immediately issued a special bullelin stating: "Keep 
strike In rank-and-file hands." (See exhibit No. Cy-K, Western Worker, issue of 
June 25, 1934, p. 1, containing reproduction of this bulletin.) 



1814 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

A general meeting under rank-and-file control called to decide upon the agree- 
ment reached at Mayor Rossi's conference turned down the proposal. At this 
meeting, a general strike committee of 60 members with Harry Bridges as 
chairman was set up. The issue of July 9, 1934, Western Worker states : "The 
result was overwhelmingly to give wholehearted approval to the committee 
headed by Harry Bridges." "Speed general strike action !" 

The railroad line that carries the freight cars to and from the docks along the 
Emltarcadero is known as the Belt Line Railroad and is owned and operated by 
the State of California. It was interfered with, the switches blocked, and the 
employees, all civil-service men, were threatened so that they began to be afraid 
to run the trains. 

Governor Merriam sent his representative, Mr. A. R. Pidgeon, to Harry 
Bridges as chairman of the strike committee and asked him to keep his strikers 
away from the Belt Line Railroad. This Mr. Bridges emphatically refused 
to do. The rioting of July 3 and 5 became so serious that the Governor ordered 
in the first contingent of the National Guard to the water front on July 5. 

The general strike was declared. 

The White House was besieged with messages from the Pacific coast request- 
ing the intervention of the President and the appointment of a Federal board 
of arbitration to end the strike. 

The President appointed Archbishop Hanna, of the Catholic Church, Edward 
IMcGrady, Assistant Secretary of Labor, and O. K. Cushing, an eminent lawyer 
of San Francisco, as an arbitration board to mediate the strike. 

Dr. Louis Bloch, former statistician of the California Sttae Labor Board, 
was appointed secretary to the arbitration board. He had been prolabor and 
was thought considerably in favor of the radical elements that were behind 
the strike. Dr. Louis Bloch has since been appointed to the new maritime 
board in Washington, D. C. 

The attention of the committee is called to the fact that Dr. Bloch was a 
member of the professional unit of the Communist Party in San Francisco. 
(The committee is requested to call for designated witnesses from the list 
appended to this report to prove this fact.) He is now most active in Washing- 
ton, D. C, in the cause for aid to the Spanish Loyalist Government through 
the American League for Peace and Democracy, and the North American Com- 
mittee to Aid Spanish Democracy. 

The Arbitration Board appointed by the President appeared to be satisfactory 
to the employers, but was viewed with suspicion by Bridges and his organiza- 
tion. Bridges was opposed to arbitration in any event. It was finally agreed, 
however, by both the shipowners and the International Longshoremen's Associa- 
tion that unlimited authority would be given to the Board, and agreement was 
made by both to abide by whatever award the Arbitration Board made. 

In the issue of July 16, 1934, the Western Worker (see exhibit No. 6-A), 
appeared the following : "The central committee of the Communist Party has 
Issued an appeal to workers in all parts of the country for immediate action 
in support of the west coast strike with protests, solidarity action in all ports, 
and financial assistance." 

On July 9, 1934, at the Eagles Hall. San Francisco, Calif., 1,6(X> men con- 
gregated to hear Roy Hudson, a member of the central committee of the 
Commimist Party of the United States, state in part the following: "We must 
organize to fight the shipowners, the police, the militia, Rossi, Roosevelt. 
They are our enemies as we have learned through our struggles, through our 
deaths. If we are 'reds,' then, after yesterday, there are many more 'reds' on the 
water front." 

With the commencement of the general strike the strike committee under 
the leadership of Harry Bridges, and through him the Communist Party, took 
command. 

At this time there was operating at .TOl Baker Street. San Francisco, a 
restaurant known as Pierre's Chateau. This restaurant was located on the 
first floor of a large old dwelling house. The basement was made over into a 
cocktail bar and clubroom. The second floor was occupied by individual eating 
rooms and one portion by living quarters. 

Pierre's Chateau was operated by one Pierre Margolis. Margolis was the 
father of a high-ranking member in the Communist Party by the name of 
Arthur Kent. Kent was known in the party by the name of Arthur Scott. 
During this period Kent was married to Norma Perrie, the secretary of Harry 
Bridges. 



UN-AMERICAN TROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1815 

The committee should remember that this Norma Perrie was also a high- 
raukiug member of the Communist Party. 

We charge that during the general strike the Communist Party appropriated 
Pierre's Chateau and used it as a strike headquarters. 

Tliat the meetings were held on the second floor in Arthur Kent and Norma 

Perrie's rooms. ,, ^, . 

That not only did the Communist Party use the second floor for all their 
work, hut that the Connnunist Party made Pierre's Chateau feed them. 

That Sam Darcy and all leading Communist Party members were daily and 
continuously at Pierre's Chateau meeting with water front strike leaders. 

That Harry Bridges established his headquarters in these rooms for the 
period of the general strike. ^ 

That Harry Bridges had a direct telephone line between his rooms at Pierre s 
Chateau and" the headquarters of the strike conmiittee on the water front. 

That Harry Bridgos met here with the buro of the thirteenth district of the 
Communist Party and took orders from them. 

That one Sam Goodwin (alias Sam Rukin) was a partner of Pierre Margolis 
and Arthur Kent at Pierre's Chateau during this period and that he, on the 
request of the party, wrote articles that were published in the Western Worker 
and in leaflets and pamphlets. 

That Sam Goodwin also wrote a speech that Harry Bridges delivered at the 
San Francisco Civic Auditorium during the general strike. 

That Bridges was told that the speech was written under party instructions 
and that all points therein were given to Bridges by the party and that there- 
fore he would have to deliver the speech as it was under party orders. 

That Bridges delivered the speech as ordered. 

We desire to introduce at this time a statement of one Arthur Kent made 
in Beverly Hills, Calif., December 22, 1037, and request that it be marked "Ex- 
hibit 8." We quote therefrom as follows : 

"During the general strike I attended a meeting at Cupertino, Calif., at the 
Beatrice Kincaid ranch, where a group of leaders of the Communist Party met 
with Earl Browder, national secretary of the Commimist Party, for the purpose 
of discussing the matter of Communist policy in connection with the general 
strike. 

"I frequently met with various leaders out at the beach below Fleishacker's 
pool. Among others with whom I met there were Darcy, Bridges, Walter Lam- 
bert, Schmidt. Schomaker, Schrimpf, 'One-eyed' Larson, and Mann, water front 
section organizer of the Communist Party. I would frequently bring one or 
two of these men out there in my car and meet the others. These were all 
meetings of the members of the Communist Party only, and the subject matters 
of the discussions were always matters in connection with the strategy of the 
strike." 

We charge that at the meeting at the Cupertino ranch one Edwards, a party 
leader, whom almost no one knew, made a speech and that this Edwards was 
none other than William Pieck, who had come to this coinitry from Germany 
as representative of the Comintern to give its directions regarding the handling 
of the general strike. 

In substantiation of the above charges, we request that the committee call 
the following witnesses, the names of whom are attached to the brief (see 
appendix). 

That careful preparations for the general strike had been made in advance 
were evidenced by the fact that the unions had stored up food to be distributed 
to their members. The strike committee announced several matters of great 
significance proving that they intended to take over all sections of government. 
These announcements were as follows : 

1. Permits would be issued for the opening of 10 union restaurants scattered 
at very strategic locations in the city and that deliveries to these restaurants 
will be permitted. These restaurants would have to serve the total population 
of San Francisco. 

2. Tliat arrangements were being prepared for the establishment of food 
depots under the control of the unions, and that deliveries would shortly be 
undertaken to these depots. 

3. That arrangements were being made by the strike committee for a special 
police force to patrol the streets and maintain order. 

The strike committee sent a delegation to the United States Government, 
Presidio of San Francisco. Here they informed the commanding general of 
the Ninth Corps Area that they would give to the United States Government 
permits for the operation of Army trucks in the city of San Francisco. 



1816 tFN-AMERlOAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

The city of San Francisco and Bay area were paralyzed for a period of ap- 
proximately 21/2 days. The National Gnard took a firm stand and put a stop 
to the embargo on food deliveries ; they brought order on the water front, and 
an uprising on the part of the citizens of the Bay area brought the general 
striive to a close. .. ;.... i 

This did not end the strike, only the general strike. ;  ■: i'^iTi 

We now introduce the pamphlet entitled "'The Communist," volume 13, NOT 8, 
issue of August 1934, and request that it be marked "Exhibit 9." 

This magazine published monthly by the Comnnmist Party of the United 
States of America carries in this issue an article entitled "In the Mid.st ol 
Great Historic Battles." 

We quote from page 741 : "What do the present strikes, especially the gen- 
eral strike in San Francisco, show? In the first place, as was pointed out by the 
recently held meeting of the central committee of the Communist Party, higher 
forms of class action are being developed by the American proletariat. These 
higher forms are the mass character of strikes and the increasing resort to 
the weapon of the general strike." 

Again on page 745 : "In San Francisco the struggle was waged not only be- 
tween the workers and shipowners but between the workers and tlie; entire 
capitalist class and the capitalist state." i 

And on page 748 : "The Communist Party played a very important role, first 
in the development of the maritime strike and in calling the general strike in 
San Francisco. The Communist Party developed a revolutionary opposition in 
the I. L. A., which soon established its influence over the majority of the 
workers." 

On page 749 we find : "Tlie party will utilize the lessons from these gigantic 
class battles to carry out the decisions of the thirteenth plenum of the E. C. C. I., 
namely that of tightening up the discipline and fighting fitness of every party 
organization and of every member of the party." 

"The California district of the party began energetically to execute the policy 
of concentration on strategic places of decisive industries and developed revo- 
lutionary mass work inside the A. F. of L., not in words but in deeds. 

"The California district has demonstrated in practice that it is possible to 
involve the A. F. of L. membership in strike struggles, though their unions are 
under the control of the reactionary leaders. The California district has shown 
that the party can establish its ideological leadership over the A. F. of L. 
members in spite of their leaders. 

"The maritime strike has shown that revolutionary leadership in the A. F. of 
L. unit)ns is established not through compromise and legalistic illusions but 
through relentless struggle against the misleaders and the establishment of inde- 
pendent leadership of the economic struggles of the workers." 

We now introduce a folio containing tlie following dodgers : 
-, "A. F. of L. Trade Unionists"; ^ 

"Smash the Shipowners' Terror"; 

"Break the Shipowners' Dictatorship" ; 

"Striking Workers"; . ,;;. ^;r jj i,;, ^-v.; 

"Forward to a General Strike"; -2^7' '. 

"Workers' World, Mariners' Section"; 

"Guardsmen Are Not Scabs" ; . .,, , .....,,.. ^..  

and request tliat this folio be marked "Exhibit 10." "^ i xidh^cg [■ 

These dodgers were all issued by the Communist Party and circulated on the 
water front. The last two bulletins were issued to the Regular Army and 
national guardsmen on the water front. ,  

We now introduce the following photostatic copies of telegrams and request 
that they be marked exhibits nmnbered as indicated : ,■,..-, --' 
f Exhibit 11, Sam Telford to Harry Jackson, May 15, 1934: 

~ "I. S. U. voted strike over oflScials who tried except Dollar Oceanic Lines ; this 
defeated. OfEer united front, refused by officials. Cant attack A. F. L. now 
account delicate situation I. L. A. relations. Forming I. S. U. opposition, may 
win united front later. Ryan arrives soon. Danger negotiations. What's 
matter Seattle? No ships out. Tell Archer 60 recruited 1 day here." 

Exhibit 12, E. B. O'Grady to J. J. Scully, June 17, 1934: ^.;,.. 

"Agreement arranged by Ryan completely deserts other organizations in- 
volved. All other organizations in joint meetings express same views. Have 
greatest opportunity now to win complete victory if this betrayal can be re- 
pudiated. Wire Ryan his desertion is condemned. His agreement destroys 
greatest and most uniform position ever arrived at among maritime unions. 



FN-AMERICAN TROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1817 

Everything tied up as never before and no sign of weakening. Strength of 
striking unions Increasing daily." 

Exhibit 33, H. Jone.s to Harry Jackson, July 5, 1934 : 

"Sent ftdlowing wire to united strike counnittee. your care: 'Since Ryan re- 
fuses, Marine Workers' Industrial Union has lalvcn initiative to issue strike call 
to seanu'M, Idngsliorenien all ports in support of west coast call issued in leaflet 
and press. Mass demonstrations planned to stop ships and protest against terror 
and use of troops. On to victory for all marine workers.' " 

Exhibit 14, Charles Krumhein to general marine strike committee, July 7. 1034 : 

"We. lo.OOO workers assembled July 6, 1!)34, at Madison Scpiare Garden in 
New York City, send warmest fraternal greetings to all strikers in their heroic 
struggle for the right to organize, strike, and i)icket around your justifiod de- 
mands. Your militant struggle is a lesson for all workers on how to fight 
against the worsening conditions under the New Deal. We pledge ourselves to 
do all' possible to extend the strike to the New York Port and to arouse a 
mighty protest movement against the Fascist terroristic use of the National 
Guard and the city police on the part of Governor Merriam and Mayor Rossi." 

Attention of the committee Is called to the fact that Charles Krumbein is a 
member of the central committee of the Communist Party, and that both the 
War Department and the Navy Department have information that Krumbein in 
1934, 193.^. and 193G was the organizer under separate commission in the cen- 
tral committee of the Communist Party for agitation work by the armed forces 
of the United States. 

Before we discuss the matter of Communist activities in. the maritime indus- 
try after the general strike of 1934, we shall take up the matter of radical and 
Communist activities within the various unions that go to make up the crafts 
in the marine industry. 

THE .SELiMEN'S UNION OF THE PACIFIC 

The Seamen's Union of the Pacific was organized in San Francisco many 
years ago. 

There also existed the International Seamen's Union under the A. F. of L. 
This had a long life and the head of both organizations, the Seamen's Union 
of the Pacific and the International Seamen's Union, was Andrew Furuseth. 
Andrew Furuseth was a zealot for the seamen of the world and made a splendid 
contribution to their welfare during the many years of his activities. He was 
a loyal American, believing in keeping contractual relations, and emphatically 
opposed to radical influences in the labor organization under his direction. 

After the World War of 1914-18 the shipping industry came into hard times 
as the many ships constructed for war purposes were on the hands of the 
Government and were laid \ip without anything for them to do. This condi- 
tion brought about a determination, of the United States Shipping Board to 
make a readjustment downward in wages. In this effort the private owners 
were in accord as they, too, had felt the pinch of the hard times. 

Andrew Furuseth was opposed to any reduction in wages, and as he had 
built up the International Seamen's Union until he had .some 67,(X)0 members 
and about a million dollars in its treasury he determined to resist the Shipping 
Board and private owners by striking. 

On May G. 1921, a strike was called which lasted but a short time, with the 
striking unions in the International Seamen's Union going back to work at the 
wage scale fixed by the Shipping Board. This strike practically wrecked the 
International Seamen's Union and they did not get back into the merchant 
marine picture until the marine strike of 1934. 

It was during this period 1921-34. that the Seamen's Union of the Pacific 
got into the hands of radicals. One Vance Thompson became their leader 
and the publication of the Seamen's Union of the Pacific, namely, The Sea- 
men's Journal, became an advocate of the sul)versive policy of the Industrial 
Workers of the World. - ;; , 

Andrew Furuseth battled against this and eventually, rescued his beloved 
union out of the hands of radicals. He once more started to, rebuild the 
Sailors' Union of the Pacific and the International Seamen's Union. He never, 
however, regained his lost prestige and the shipowners on both coasts set up 
their own employing agencies as did also the United States Shipping Board. ; 

The two unions continued their organizations on both coasts with diminished 
membership. - 



1818 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

In 1924 the Marine Workers' Industrial Union, commonly known as the 
M. W. I. U., was organized by Roy Hudson. Roy Hudson was a member, and 
is now a member of the Communist Party of the United States of America. 
He is a member of the Communist Party's national central committee. 

The Communist Party conceived the idea that it could create its own union 
in the marine field because the International Seamen's Union was under a 
cloud and that it was a good idea to bore from within the international and 
build up a strong seamen's union that might in time dominate the field. 

We have already shown the influence and t)ie position taken by the Marine 
Worker.s' Industrial Union in the events leading up to, and during, the general 
strike in San Francisco in 1934. 

In 1935 Roy Hudson wrote to Victor Olander, then secretary-treasurer of the 
International* Seamen's Union, and suggested that an amalgamation take place. 

Both Andrew Furuseth and Olander, being bitterly opposed to communism, 
refused the offer of Hudson with some considerable heat. Hudson then came 
to the Pacific coast and got in touch with Elmer "Pop" HanofC, then acting 
head of the thirteenth Communist district in California. He proposed that 
the thirteenth district aid Hudson in infiltrating the Sailors' Union of the 
Pacific with Marine Workers' Industrial Union members until they had sufficient 
members to overthrow the Sailors' Union of the Pacific and take it over. 

Hanoff agreed to help and detailed Harry Jackson, alias Gliksohn, alias 
Rapport, Sam Telford, and others to work with the Communist members in the 
International Longshoremen's Association. 

Both Harry Jackson and Sam Telford are admitted members of the Com- 
munist Party of the United States of America. 

That their efforts were successful will be shown in the following jiaragraphs. 

Prior to the entrance of the Communist Party into the picture the seamen 
had concerned themselves with wages and working conditions, the three-watch 
system, and alien employment. 

In general, the seamen were loyal to the traditions of the sea, and when 
they had a contract with the shipowners they kept it. As they understood that 
ship's discipline was essential to safe operation, there were few complaints 
from the shipowners in these particulars. 

The infiltration of 1933 and 1934 of the Marine Workers' Industrial Union into 
the seamen's group, as proven heretofore, had reached such a point in 1934 
that when the maritime strike was called the seamen joined with the long- 
shoremen and made demands for complete union recognition, the three-watch 
system, and an increased wage scale. They were also bitter against the em- 
ployers' hiring halls, especially against the marine service bureau at Los 
Angeles and San Francisco. After they had received the award from the 
Hanna Board they took a great deal of pleasure in publicly burning the em- 
ployers' service books that they were required to carry for a long time in 
order to secure employment. This burning took place in a vacant lot July 30, 
1934, and Andrew Furuseth, then on the Pacific coast, watched the "funeral 
pyre" of the hated books with much satisfaction. 

While on the coast, Andrew Furuseth talked to his men as often as he could 
to warn them against communism and the Communist Party. So many men 
had infiltrated tiie union from the M. W. I. U. that while at first they looked 
to Andrew Furuseth, Ihey later became insulting and abusive to the old war- 
rior, so that he had to stop talking to members of the union he had organized 
and fostered through many years of strife as well as success. 

The failure of Roy Hudson to secure the assent of Mr. Olander to an amalga- 
mation between the Marine Workers' Industrial Union and the Sailors' Union 
of the Pacific caused Hudson to send the copies of the correspondence between 
himself and Olander and Hanoff, acting head of the thirteenth Communist 
district, to members of the Marine Workers' Industrial Union, directing them 
to join the International Seamen's Union. Hanoff and Hudson also took up 
the matter with Harry Bridges, president of the local I. L. A., and asked his 
assistance. 

As part of the program to control the merchant marine Bridges had to con- 
trol the seagoing craft, so he and John Tillman, Sam Telford, Harry Jackson, 
and others started a Communist attack. 

The committee should take cognizance of the fact that at an I. L. A. meeting, 
Henry Schmidt, member of the Communist Party and now president of the 
I. L. *A., or now the International Longshoremen's and Warehousemen's Union, 
made a motion that the International Seamen's Union admit the members of the 
Marine Workers' Industrial Union without the payment of an initiation fee. 



UN-AMEKICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1819 

When presented at the next International Seamen's Union meeting this motion 
was presented and carried and the International Seamen's Union came under 
the control of the Connnnnist Party, that was also controlling the organization 
on the Pacific coast dominated l>y P>ri(lges. 

At this time we ask that the connnittee call the witnesses in list appended 
to this report in substantiation of the above. 

A short time after the Marine Workers' Industrial Union members were 
admitted to the I. S. U. without the payment of an initiation fee, George 
Larson, assistant secretary to Andrew Fnruseth in the International Seamen's 
Union, was replaced by Herbert Mills, a mendn'r of the Connnnnist Party. 
Mills later became chief dispatcher of the International Seamen's Union, and 
the following group composed the radical leadership in the International Sea- 
men's Union : 

Charles Gates, John Tillman, Sam Telford, Jewel Hansen, Austen Hansen, 
Ernest Fox. Nils S. Larsen, L. E. Usingcr,. Peter Petersen, James Carroll, Bill 
Cave. "Blackie" Campeau, Fred Jone.s. Emil Miljuis, David Sanders, Howard 
Scroggins, Al Jones, Millard Smith, Robert Thompson, J. S. Morgan, Antone 
Panlovitch. 

These became the leaders in the International Seamen's Union, and after 
they had taken over the organization they proceeded to take the Maritime 
Hail in San Francisco and another piece of real property in San Pedro and 
the money in several banks that was owned by the old International Seamen's 
Union. Tlie International Seamen's Union tried to enjoin this new group from 
taking over their property. When, however, the charter of the union was 
revoked because it had joined the Pacific Coast Maritime Federation, the in- 
junction was withdrawn because the men thought that they could get the union 
back into the I. S. U. under a new charter. The result of this was that Mari- 
time Workers' Industrial Union not only stole the organization, but also its 
property and ftinds. 

We will show the committee in the testimony of witnesses that the majority 
of the group named above were members of the Communist Party or an 
atfiliate. 

On March 22, 1935, Harry Bridges, together with Alvin Kulberg, Henry 
Schmidt, George Wolff, Ivan Cox, and Pete Garcia, all members of the I. L. A. 
and the Communist Party and delegates to the Labor Council, demanded that 
Paul Scharrenberg be dismissed from the Labor Council. This effort did not 
meet with success ; but on June 12, 1935, at a meeting of the International 
Seamen's Union Local, Scharrenberg was ousted from the International Sea- 
men's Union. 

In order to keep control of the seamen's union group. Bridges had to keep 
enough men on shore. He did this by giving the seamen "work permits" in 
the futernational Longshoremen's Association. 

We point out that this, of course, was in violation of the provisions of the 
board award as heretofore mentioned. 

During the greater portion of this period, one Harry O. Lundeberg was the 
president of the Pacific Coast District Maritime Federation. It was during 
the presidency of Lundeberg that the International Seamen's Union revoked 
the charter of the local International Seamen's Union of San Francisco. Ef- 
forts were made to take the International Seamen's Union local back into the 
international afiiliation, as the radical elements of the union wanted the 
Sailors' Union of the Pacific as an affiliation of the American Federation of 
Labor. 

Lundeberg, however, began to flirt with the Committee of Industrial Or- 
ganization and tried to bargain with the A. F. of L. to see which one would 
offer the best terms. Lundeberg had frequent clashes with Harry Bridges. 
He resented the order of Bridges to call out the seamen through the agency 
of the Maritime Federation. Lundeberg demanded control of the seamen and 
wanted the last word in any strike activity. To give Lundeberg the last word 
would have weakened the authority of Bridges, so the war between these two 
men increased wuth intensity. 

Early in 19.36, Ivan Hunter, then secretary-treasurer of the International 
Seamen's Union, wrote to Lundeberg and offered to restore the charter to date 
March 31, 1936. He offered local autonomy, but insisted that the Sailors' 
Union of the Pacific obey the orders of the International Seamen's Union 
executive board and the constitution of the International Seamen's Union. 
This meant that thev had to leave the Maritime Federation of the Pacific. 



1820 un-aj\ierican propaganda activities 

The Sailors' Union of the Pacific replied in an open letter to Hunter, refusing 
as follows : 

"We will not accept you or the I. S. U. executive board at your face value. 
Let your friends do that, but the S. U. P. will not. We will take back the 
charter under the terms which will protect the rank and file of the sailors' 
union. Brother members of the Maritime Federation, whom are you with? 
The members of the S. U. P. who fought with you on the 1934 picket lines, who 
backed the B. C. Longshoremen, who backed the lumber workers in their 
struggle last year, who backed the Juneau miners, the Gulf longshoremen, who 
backed all workers in trouble to a man? Or are you with the Seharrenberg 
machine and the executive board, who tried to break up the S. U. P. who are 
on record against the maritime federation and the following group of active 
rank-and-flle members, all of whom were on the 1934 strike picket lines?" The 
letter was signed by Joseph Voltero, H. J. Vincent, Austen Hansen, Charles 
Russell, Edward Schieker, Herman Bach, R. L. Cherbourg, Harry Lundeberg, 
Ernest Grandt, E. R. Stowell, J. Crooks, S. Sorensen, A. J. Probert, J. P. 
Stuart, Carl Tillman, Charles Cates, Paul McDonough, and William Wallace. 

This letter ended for a time any effort on the part of the International Sea- 
men's Union to get the Sailors' Union of the Pacific back into the international. 
As time went on, however, and the fight between Bridges and Lundeberg in- 
creased, the Sailors' Union of the Pacific left the maritime federation. , - 
. At present the Sailors' Union of the Pacific has agreed to go back, into 
the American Federation of Labor. That means that it will accept a charter 
from the International Seamen's Union.  -. 

We point out to the committee that when this charter is finally granted 
extensive effort will be made by the Sailors' Union of .the Pacific to fight the 
Bridges'-controlled maritime federation and also the Committee for Industrial 
Organization's seamen's union on the Atlantic seaboard. 

FIBKMEN, OILEBS, AND WATER TENDEES 

One of the most important links in the chain of unions to be taken over by 
Bridges and his "Equality" group was the marine firemen's, oilers', 'water- 
tenders' and wipers' union. This union had been for many years an afliliate of 
the International Seamen's Union. 

The Communists used the same method of procedure as always. They first 
infiltrated radicals into the union and then replaced the old leaders by new 
men. 

John T. Mc Govern, a union leader who had been business manager of this 
union for many years, was replaced by one Earl King. King was a Canadian 
by birth, but eventually became a naturalized citizen of the United States. 

King was on familiar terms with all local Communist Party members in San 
Francisco. He openly supported Communist Party members in the city and 
State elections. He was a close confidant of Lawrence Ross, who was editor 
t>f the Western Woi-ker.  _ 

Earl King, Harry Bridges, and Randolph Merriweather, business manager of 
the Marine Engineers' Beneficial Association, were the three radicals that com- 
prised the most dangerous group on the San Francisco water front. 

Their satellites were Claude Britt, the Honolulu representative of the union ; 
Myron Coffin, the Seattle representative ; George Boyle. Wayne Beeson, C. Ches- 
tei-man, "Blackie" Campeau, Ed. Davis, Joseph W. Dowdy, Jack Dalton, Ben 
Drysdale, John Ferguson, "Tiny" Ferrin, George Gay, Frank Hawley, and Ben 
Nelson. 

King, Dalton, and Merriweather provided a bunch of sluggers that had no 
limits in deviltry. Tho.se men were always available to be sent away to do 
some job of intimidation and violence. A berth on shipboard was always ready 
for any of these men to make a get-away after they had committed some 
crime. 

This group maintained headquarters in the New Occidental Hotel in San 
rranci.«!CO. The manager of the hotel was James Poi^e, and his son was a 
confidential clerk to Harry Bridges. 

It was this group that threatened and intimidated engineers and nonlicensed 
personnel who refused to join the union. 

There was close cooperation between marine firemen, the Marine Engineers' 
Beneficial Association, and the Communist Party. 

At this time we notify the committee that witnesses from the list appended 
to this report will be put on the stand to prove the assertions regarding the 
activities within the firemen's, oilers', and watertenders' union. 



UN-Ai\IERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1821 

On April 24, 1036, indictments were returned against three members: by the 
San Francisco grand jury on the charge of criminal lil)el. 

These were Earl King, secretary of the Marbie Firemen, Oilers', Water- 
tenders', and Wipers' Union, and A. M. Murpliy, assistant to Harry Lundoberg, 
secretary of the Maritime Federation of the Pacific, and James Ncill, alias 
Walter O'Neill. 

We introduce to the committee at this time a clipping froni a San Francisco 
newspaper, April 29, 193G, entitled "Three Indicted in Union Murder Con- 
spiracy" and request that it be marked "Exhibit No. 16." i 

We quote from this exhibit: "That the entire Hunter case was framed by 
King, Bridges, et al., in the hope of obtaining newspaper publicity that would 
discredit Mr. Hunter and the International Seamen's Union was clearly brought 
out in court and has been made even more evident since the grand jury 
lnve.<5tigation." - • 

In September 1936 a -more sinister plot came to light, the same Earl King, 
and E. H. Ramsey, George Wallace, Frank J. Conner, and Ben Sackowitz were 
indicted by the Alameda County grand jury and held to answer on charges 
of first degree murder for the murder of George W. Alberts, chief engineer of 
the S. S. Point Lobos. ■'• 

We introduce at this time clippings from a San Francisco newspaper dated 
September 12, 1936. and request that they be marked "Exhibit No. 17." 

We now quote from a statement made by one of the defendants, Frank J. 
Conner: "The killing of Alberts was not the work of legitimate union men, 
but of Communists in the ranks of labor. Legitimate; uhiiOQ.: mea ^o- not 
believe in 'beef squads' and don't want them.: - :- i SfiTai .i ni-Mb .//7 

"The Alberts murder was tlie work of a handful of Communists who were 
trying to ruin the Marine Firemen, Oilers', Watertenders', and Wipers' Associa- 
tion, which is one of the finest organizations in the country. . ]i ;>: !. 

"I am not a Communist and I don't want to associate with them. They are 
not interested in better wages or better conditions for seamen. They are only 
interested in constant turmoil. > -  . • : -jj 

"One Communist on a ship will get the whole crew down. . I would leave 
any ship that had more than two of them aboard, because it would mean just 
continual trouble for everyone during the entire cruise. Even though there 
are only a few Communists aboard, those who oppose them are likely to get 
their heads knocked off when they go ashore." 

That which has followed since the conviction of these murderers is of equal 
interest to the committee. 

George Alberts was kDled, leaving a wife and three small children, in order 
to terrorize other men who refused to obey the demands of the Conununist 
radical leaders. Since the murder, a so-called defense committee has cout 
tinned to solicit funds to aid these four criminals and provide them with 
comforts while in prison. : 

King, while occupying a felon's cell, has been regularly elected as honorary 
president of the Firemen's, Oilers', and Watertenders' Union. The red line of 
communism is shown in this entire case. 

King was a member of the Communist Party, as well as Sackowitz. Ramsey 
and Murphy took Wallace to George Wolff, a member of the Communist Party, 
who in turn took them to Lawrence Ross, then editor of the Western Worker, 
to arrange for a passport to either Mexico or Russia. Sackowitz, being a 
member of the party, was gotten out of town. He reported to the Communist 
Party in New York, where he was last heard from and probably secured 
through that agency a passport to Russia. The , attorney who was hired to 
defend this group was George Anderson, a rq.nkiug member of the Communist 

This murder was but one of a series of either murders or attemptea murders 
of licensed or unlicensed personnel. For the benefit of the committee we shall 
cite a few of them. 

At this time we offer in evidence photostatic copy of note sent to strike 
committee, Marine Workers' Industrial Union, by Carl Lynch, secretary of Strike 
committee, and request that it be marked "Exhibit No. 18." ^ .-. 

In the original, in caps, "He is not to be permitted to return to that ishifti," ,i§i 
tyix'd in red. j tt^iis: interesting to note that Captain Silvers did not return to tbe 
ship. '• ',,*.- 

Otti) Blaczonsky : He was deck engineer of the steamship Minvesofan. He 
was urged to join the Marine Engineers' Beneficial Associatiou aud refused. On 
October 22, 1936, while the Miiinesotaii y^as lying at pier 28, hei had his .throa.t 

.qij jt.« iai^biiQ 3iiii3 fUUTi^u'iq 



1822 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

cut and his body thrown into the bay. No arrests have ever been made in his 
case. 

William V. McConologue : He was assistant engineer on the steamship Cotton- 
eva. His body was found floating in the bay in November 1936. 

Raoul Louis Cherbourg: On August 2, 1936, Cherbourg's body was found in 
the bay near the San Mateo-Hayward Bridge. His nude body, wrapped in chains 
and wire, gave mute evidence of the manner of his death. This man was a 
friend of Harry Lundeberg's, and it was felt that he had important information 
to reveal to Lundeberg. 

We offer at this time the picture of Cherbourg's body, and request that it be 
marked "Exhibit No. 19." 

Carl Tillman, a member of the seamen's union and a friend of Cherbourg's, 
had received a telephone call from him stating that he had some information. 
A meeting place was arranged for, but the man met his death before the meeting 
took place. The seamen's union offered a reward of $500 for the arrest and 
conviction of those who committed this crime, but no arrest has taken place in 
his case to date. 

Frank G. Hussey: He was chief engineer of the steamship Shelton and in- 
curred the displeasure of certain union leaders. His dead body was taken out 
of the bay in San Pedro, Calif. 

Charles Arnold, the assistant engineer of the Dollar Line steamship President 
Polk, while at sea in October 7, 1935, was assaulted by Eugene Paton, now 
president of the warehousemen's union in San Francisco, and by Thomas Sharp. 
He was attacked in his stateroom. 

We desire to introduce at this time a copy of that portion of the log of the 
steamship President Polk dated October 7, 1935, and request that it be marked 
"Exhibit No. 20." 

John Hogan: He was patrolman of the International Longshoremen's Asso- 
ciation, and on or about March 27, 1937, he talked with friends while he was on 
his way to have a little family party with his wife and child. Hogan never 
arrived home and has never been heard of since. 

Hogan was very much against the Communist element in the International 
Longshoremen's Association and made no attempt to keep silent on the subject. 
Because of his outspoken tactics many complaints were made to higher I. L. A. 
oflScials. 

Robert Hilker : He was deck engineer of the steamship Helen Whittier, which 
was strike-bound in Honolulu in April 1936. He was forced to leave the ship 
for fear of foul play. He had opposed the tying up of the vessel. The day he 
was last seen he told the dock watchman that he was leaving the ship, because 
"if I sail with that gang, you will be picking me up out of the bay." Three 
days later his battered body was recovered from the bay. 

G. Mott : He was third engineer of the steamship Golden Star. Mr. Mott had 
an excellent service record with the American Hawaiian Steamship Co. and 
was known as a conservative labor man. His body was recovered from the 
Bay of Kobe Harbor, Japan, April 10, 1936. 

K. H. Schwartz : On January 11, 1935, Schwartz was serving as a second 
assistant engineer on the steamship Point Clear, and the crew refused to work 
the vessel because Mr. Schwartz refused to join the Marine Engineers' Beneficial 
Association. 

On June 28, having been transferred to the steamship Judith, Schwartz was 
assaulted and stabbed by P. F. Flanagan, a member of the crew, while Schwartz 
was eating a meal. 

We request that the committee pay particiilar attention to the matter of 
R. L. Cherbourg, as it will be brought up again in another brief. 

The Marine Firemen's, Oilers', and Watertenders' and Wipers' Union still hold 
their membership in the Maritime Federation. 

THE MARINE COOKS' ASSOCIATION 

The Marine Cooks' and Stewards' Association had been for many years an 
affiliate of the Sailors' Union of the Pacific and the International Seamen's 
Union. Eugene F. Burke was the secretary of this association. 

The Communist Party made sufficient infiltration into the cooks' and stewards* 
union to make Burke take orders from them when he tried to jump over the 
traces. 

In definance of the rules and laws of the International Seamen's Union he took 
his organization into the Maritime Federation of the Pacific and obeyed the 
program that Bridges set up. 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1823 

When Ivan Hunter wrote to the Sailors' Union of the Pacific, inviting them 
to come back into the International Seamen's Union, Burke wired the Maritime 
Federation tli:it his orjianization backed the stand of the S. U. P. and would 
not join the international except on the terms that the sailors set up. 

This position placed Bridges in command, through the Maritime Federation, 
of the cooks and stewards, and they did their share of strike activities in viola- 
tion of the various awards that had been signed by both parties. 

At the present time the situation is that the Marine Cooks' and Stewards' 
Association has gone over to Harry Lundeberg, and when the Sailors' Union of 
the Pacific goes into the American Federation of Labor it is likely that they 
will follow the Lundeberg lead. 

THE BAY AND RIVER BARGEMEN'S UNION 

This union had for its business manager Ted Starr, and although he fre- 
quently takes issue with Bridges on matters of policy, it is to be noted that he 
took his union into the maritime federation. Thus the bay and river men made 
an added link to the chain controlled by the federation. 

THE DOCK clerks' UNION 

During the life of this union many jurisdictional disputes have taken place 
between it and the railroad clerks. 

J. J. Finnegan was formerly business manager and is a conservative. 

During the 1934 strike he tried to bring about peace and was one of the 
delegates that agreed with Joseph Ryan, Mike Casey, Dave Beck, and the cit- 
izens' committee to end the strike. Because of this action he was dropped from 
his position. 

Harry Esty became president, and S. F. Bode, George A. White, and H. 
Stuyvulaer took over this union. 

This union also came into the maritime federation and organized branches 
in the several ports of the Pacific coast. 

At the present time they appear to have broken with Harry Bridges. The 
new ofiicials, in opposition to the Bridges group, refused to let him or the 
maritime federation have anything to do with the new contract that they nego- 
tiated with the water-front employers, but they are still members of the mari- 
time federation and no doubt everything will be done to patch up the present 
disagreement. 

THE FERBYBOATMEN'S UNION 

The ferryboatmen's union has never been a radical union and its members 
have been generally old seamen who were employed on the local ferries con- 
necting San Francisco with points on the San Francisco Bay. 

Until 1936 they were members of the International Seamen's Union, but in 
1936 the charter was suspended because they affiliated with the maritime fed- 
eration. Charles W. Deal was the business manager of this union, and it is 
to be remembered that he aided Albert KuUberg in circulating the first peti- 
tion for a charter for a new longshoremen's union that was finally chartered 
by Joseph C. Ryan as I. L. A., 38-79. 

During the general strike of 1934 Deal called off the men from the local 
ferries, preventing thousands of commuting residents from getting to San 
Francisco during the 3-day general tie-up. 

When John L. Lewis of the C. I. O. gave Bridges control of the Pacific 
coast. Deal went along with the C. I. O. and the Bridges control. 

SHIP scalers' union 

Prior to Communist infiltration this union has been a rather humble organ- 
ization and never got into trouble. The men were satisfied with their jobs and 
their employment. 

Infiltration commenced prior to 1934, and the conservative men began to 
notice that their authority was being questioned. 

On September 23, 193.5, the Connnunists made up their minds to take over 
the union and brought their beef squad to the headquarters of the union at 
32 Clay Street. 

94931— 38— vol. 3 8 



1824 UN-A3IERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

A serious riot look place in which Vincent Torres was killed and Alva Du 
Mond, head of the unemployment movement of the Comnumist Party, was 
severely stabbed, as was Soren Sorenson, a prominent member of the I. L. A; \ 

George Wolff and Archie Brown, both members of the Coramnnist. Party,: to- 
other with three others, were arrested and charged with murder. - | ' r 

This case was finally dismissed, as the police declared it to: be Just another 
water-front riot with insufficient evidence. - '; 

' 'jAvchier Brown is an active member of the Communist Party. He has been 
jrrrested many times. He was cajididate for the State assembly on the Com- 
munist Party ticket. He has acted as a personal bodyguard of Harry Bridges. 

We point out to the committee at this time that we have mentioned Archie 
Brown in particular because he is neither a longshoreman nor a ship scaler 
and had no business: at the meeting at which the riot took place except to 
help in taking the union away from the conservative membership. He was 
there purely as a member of the Communist Party to see that the dicta of the 
■Communists were carried oat by George WolfC. . 

: The Communist Party effected control of the ship sealers' union. George 
W^olff became president ; Pete Garcia, vice president ; and Mary Saildovai 
became secretary. 

Pete Garcia was a member of the/l. L. A., editor of a radical Mexican news- 
paper, and member of the Communist Party. He was active in trying to have 
Paul Scharrenberg dropped out of the I. S. U., the Central Labor Council, and 
the State federation of labor. As Garcia had been active in organizing the 
I. L. A., he received his l'ewaEd.:hy.beins .elected vice pre.'sideut of : the ship 
scalers' union. ■'^- r^'i: t^w^'i ?;::-1ii ■^aJ'c •'■: L'^'n: ^;\ ■iii:':> Tr'^ili ~:ii jjnri;:'.! 

The most flagrant oral! of the acts of fhe~ Communist Party wag the- induc- 
tion of George Wollf into the marhie union leadership. Wolff has no record as 
ever having worked alongshore in San Francisco in any capacity. He has 4 
gift of si>eech and some degree of education. He was recruited for the Inter- 
national Longshoremen's Association from a Mission Street "hash house" and 
tiis fir.st job was to be placed on the labor relations committee of the Interna- 
tional Longshoremen's Association in San Francisco. Wolff next organized the 
dock stewards and then proceeded to order the slowing up of work a»d a. change 
in working rules on the dock in violation of the awards. : < 

He then became president of the Ship Scalers' Union, president of the CojiJr 
munist Sports Club, and was active in ail Communist gatherings supporting ; 
the Communist Party ticket. Wolff has also been chairman of many receptioa 
committees to ranking members of the Communist Party, of which he alsQ 
is a very high member. 

He is now the president of the Alaska Fishermen's Union and is looking for 
new worlds to conquer. 

It is perhaps needless for us to here point out that the Ship Scalers' Unioij 
also affiliated with the Maritime -Federation when George Wolff became it^ 
president. ^ 

THE AMB21ICAN RADIO TELEXlRAPHEaiS' ASSOCIATION I 

-rT'he American Radio Telegraphers' Association was another of the unions 
that joined the Maritime Federation of the Pacific. We will not discuss it in 
this brief, as we intend to present a separate brief on communications and i 
the infiltration of Communists into the handling of communications. 

LOCAL C8 OF THE INTERNATIONAL ASSOCIATION OF MACHINISTS { 

This union had been an American Federation of Labor affiliate, but its 
charter was taken away when it affiliated with the Martime Federation of 
the Pacific. 

Peter Isaac is president; Harry Hook, business agent; T. W. Howard, secre- 
tary; E. F. Dillon, recording secretary. 

Harry Hook is a member of the Communist Party. He was on the 1934 
strike committee under Harry Bridges. He is at present an officer in the 
Maritime Federation and is active in C. I. O. circles.  

, I 

THE MASTERS, MATES, AN'D PILOTS' ASSOCIATION 

This organization was long affiliated with the American Federation of Labor, 
The San Francisco local was headed, during the 1934 strike, by George Chariot 
as president, Capt. E. V. O'Grady, secretary and business manager, and C. F. 
May, as secretary-treasurer. 



UN-AMERICAN PHOPAnANDA ACTIVIT1P:S 1825 

irO'Grady, th&' secretary and business manager, practically ran tlie union. 
O'Grady was an ohl-tinio Comnninist and was active in organizing tlie Mari- 
time Federation. O'Grady and Key I'yle of the A. R. T. A. worked with Sam 
Darcy, then tlie head of the tliirteentli (Jonininnist district in electing H. Lunde- 
berg as the first president of the Maritime Federation. • 

Charges were brought against George Chariot that he had talten photostat 
<;opies of certain otlicial communications and he was deposed as president, 
being succeeded by Capt. O. R. Rolstad. - -; 

O'Grady became too active in Cduununist circles and therefore lost his posi- 
tion as business manager of the M. M. and P. He was then appointed as 
regional director of the Committee for Industrial Organization of Portland, 
Oreg. 

The Masters, Mates, and Pilots' Union have now severed their affiliation with 
the Maritime Federation. They did not join theCiltiO;- 

MARINE ENGINEH:RS' BENEFICIAL ASSOCIATION, LOCAL 197 

This local is officered by J. E. O'Brien as president,- John Dever and fA. 
Melile as vice presidents, and Randolph Merriweather as secretary-treasurer 
and business manager. The officers are figure heads and Merriweather runs 
the union. -•-:>.•— ^.-..i 

Merriweather was in close harmony with Bridges, Earl King,  and other 
radicals and joined tlie Maritime Federation. ;"-:.::>. 

While Merriweather is not recorded as a Communist, nevertheless, he woi'^ed 
with Communist leaders and with radical leaders and was active in the 1934 
and other maritime strikes. 

"We haA^e now i>resented to the committee the roster of the unions joining 
the Maritime Federation. We liave tried to give the picture of the Conmiunist 
thread running back and forth through these unions as their warp and woof. 
We shall now show to the committee liy wJiat means the federation was acT 
complished. -'■'^■' '-;^ <:-:^::>: • -[^-"^ v.t.vi;.j-r:a: .::;...■ v:.i :..•-:? j-.^-^ ;.:-. 

In February 1935 Harry Bridges, Henry Schmidt, Henry Schrimpf, and 
Alvin Kullberg, all members of the Equality Hall group, had themselves ap- 
pointed delegates from I. L. A., 38-79, ta a convention to arrange for organiz- 
ing the Pacific-coast federation. 

This effort was backed by the Communists of the twelfth and thirteenth 
districts. Bridges appointed himself, Roy Pyle of the A. R. T. A. and Captain 
Lawberg of the Masters, Mates, and Pilots' Union as a committee on bylaws. 
In May 19^5. at an I. L. A. district convention held in Portland, William Christ- 
ensen, Emmet Harris. Fred Heiner, Otto Kleinman. John Montacelli, William 
Owens. John Olson, Henry Schmidt, Henry Schrimpf, John D. Shaw, and 
Elmer Wheeler were elected delegates to attend a meeting of organization for 
a maritime federation. 

The attention of the committee is directed to the fact that all these men 
were original "Equality Hall members and all members of the Communist Party 
and every move they made was reported to the thirteenth Communist district. 

The federation was finally formed and H. O. Lundeberg, of the S. U. P., and 
S. M. Kelly, of the firemen's, oilers, water tenders, and wipers' union were 
elected president and secretary, respectively. A new paper was arranged for, 
to be named the Voice of the Federation, with F. Stoddard as editor in chief. 

Stoddard was soon succeeded by N. "V. O. Larsen, the paper being printed 
by the Golden Gate Press at 122 Golden Gate Avenue, where many other 
radical papers were printed. 

The next year William Fischer was elected president of the federation. 
Fischer had been a member of the Industrial Workers' of the World but was 
not a Communist. For this reason Henry Schrimpf was elected as a member 
of the board of trustees and on the editorial board with Barney Mayes. 
Mayes was then elected editor in chief. ^ " .". '; - 

Bridges did not like either Fischer or Mayes and, as these two men were 
quite independent, Bridges determined to get them both out. 

Barney ?*I.nyes resigned under fire in December 19.S6 and made the following 
statement to the press : "The real explanation for this imusually vicious attack 
against me .started in the efforts of the Communist Party to crucify me because 
Ihave resisted their attempts to dictate the policy of the Voice of the Federa- 
tion. My fight was never based upon any personal consideration but upon 
the desire to prevent the same wrecking of unions which is inevitable when 



1826 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

the Communist Party becomes dominant in any situation. We are obliged 
to leave and let the new editor start from scratch." 

At the 1938 convention of the federation, J. W. Engstrom was elected presi- 
dent. The joint executive and editorial committee is A. Virgin, Paul Benson, 
Harry Hook, John D. Schomal^er, R. Merriweather, Carl Tillman, O. Rolstad, 
P. Kowalski, G. Sanfazan, and R. Fitzgerald. 

The committee has now been placed in possession of the facts regarding the 
history of the organization of the Maritime Federation of the Pacific and also 
tlie general strikes of 1934. 

We shall proceed now with the events which have taken place since the 
general strike of 1934. 

We believe that the committtee, after the examination of the evidence given 
in the basic brief, both documentary, and the testimony of witnesses who have 
heretofore appeared before it in relation to the maritime brief, will recognize 
tliat the events leading up to the general strike and the general strike itself 
may be considered as practices in class revolt. This is exactly what the Com- 
munist Party called it. 

From the general strike the Communists claim to have learned the applica- 
tion of greater strateby for adaptation in the next general strike. 

A full report of the general strike was taken to the Comintern and to the 
Seventh Congress of the Communist International at Moscow, by Sam Darcy, 
then leader of district 13 of the Communist Party of the United States of 
America. 

From the report given. Communist International set out the principles for 
the future conduct of a general strike in the United States of America and 
these in turn were transmitted to the Communist Party of the United States. 

The possibiliy of a break between John L. Lewis and the American Federa- 
tion of Labor had already commenced to loom on the horizon. The events of 
1935 and 1936 were to see this actual development. 

Much of the literature of America, especially the magazines, took a definitely 
leftward trend. The Communist Party seized upon this and used it to great 
advantage, capturing the sympathies and support of many American writers. 

Strike violence occurred throughout the United States and with it came an 
increasing tempo of action on the part of the Communist Party. 

We are certain that the committee, prior to its coming to the Pacific coast, 
has already found that these strikes were more or less coordinated in character 
and showed all the earmarks of the development of class hostility. This was 
equally true on the Pacific coast. 

In their official and affiliated organs, such as the Daily Worker, Western 
Worker, the Voice of Action, and the Voice of the Federation, the Communist 
Party has admitted its full responsibility for these strikes and has recognized 
them as practices in class revolt. 

As we proceed to review the situation of the maritime industries, from the 
latter part of 1934 to the present date, we desire the committee to follow care- 
fully and make notes of the many instances in which the International Long- 
shoremen's Association of the Pacific coast and the maritime federation officiated 
or took part in strikes that did not have anything to do with the maritime 
industry, participating in many strikes that were purely political in character. 

It is necessary for the committee to notice the reasons given by the Maritime 
Federation of the Pacific and the International Longshoremen's Association, as 
to why they took part in these strikes that were not of their own making. 

A strong example of one of these strilces that was not connected with the 
maritime industry was one occurring among lumber worlcers in the vicinity of 
Eureka, Calif., in June 1935. Less than 5 percent of the timber workers went 
out on strike and when the president of the Pacific coast district of their union 
came to Eureka and examined the situation he declared that there was no 
strike. 

Bridges, however, as one of the maritime group, sent in over 200 longshore- 
ment to assist the strikers. 

It was this group of 200 that carried out the actual violence that was com- 
mitted in Eureka. 

This city of 24,000 inhabitants carries a police force normally of 8 police 
officers. During the rioting and violence the major proportion of the police 
force was incapacitated by rocks and clubs. The police as a last resort had 
to use firearms. When the struggle was over the police force had been ren- 
dered totally ineffective and Eureka was in the hands of the rioting longshore- 
men. This condition existed for a period of 24 hours, until the citizenry could 



UN-AMEKICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1827 

be mobilized. The Communist Party lias tlaimod that the Eureka strike is the 
best illustration that they have had on the Paeilie Coast of how a miner force 
can capture a whole city. We request the committee at this time to call the 
witnesses in the list appended to this r(>i»ort. 

It is an interesting: commentary that Ihe newspapers of the I'acific coast wrote 
up the labor dispute in Eureka in detail but failed to point out the major thesis, 
namely, that a radical force had come in from outside of the county and cap- 
tured a city of 24.0(X) people by terrorism and an attack upon its police force. 

The same tyiK's of situations developed in Crockett. Calif., during the ware- 
housemen's strike at the California >S: Hawaiian Sugar Refining Corporation plant 
in March lOISil ; the miners' strike in Jackson, Calif., in the same year ; and the 
Salinas, Calif., lettuce strike, occurring in 1036. 

These strikes are pointed out to the c-ommittee to show the use made by the 
International Lengshoremen's Association and the Maritime Federation of the 
Pacific by the radical leader, Harry Bridges (now Pacific-coast director of the 
C. I. O.), as a disintegrating force in California's economic life. 

At S a. m. on July 31. 1934, the longshoremen's strike was declared off and 
the men returned to work. On the 12th day of October 1934 the Ilanna Arbitra- 
tion P.oard announced its award. It is to be remembered by the committee that 
both tlu> International Longshoremen's Association and the shipowners had agreed 
to abide by this award in full. 

On November 16. 1934. a news bulletin given to all San Francisco newspapers 
announced: "The steamship President Wilson sailed Friday afternoon with a 
large shipment of coconuts still in her hold, due to the persistent refusal of the 
San Francisco longshoremen to handle it. 

"This is but one of many similar instances which have occurred since the award 
was handed down on October 12. Eighteen separate strikes have occurred and 
two strikes are in progress at the present time. Each strike has been a definite 
violation of the award. In addition, a deliberate campaign of terrorism and 
intimidation has been instituted and numerous cowardly and brutal assaults 
have been committed. These assaults have been unlawful and reprehensible in 
every way, and they have been carried out to drive from the w^ater front many 
longshoremen entitled to work under the award of the President's board." 

At this time we desire to offer a press release dated December 16, 1934, and 
request that it be marked "Exhibit No. 21." 

December 1934 and early 1935 were merely a repetition of the months of Octo- 
ber and November 1934. Innumerable short strikes were the apparent order of 
the day. 

The Equality Hall group, under Harry Bridges, was entrenching itself in San 
Francisco and along the whole Pacific coast. The United States Government 
seemed absolutely powerless to do anything. 

Harry Bridges' own organ, the Waterfront Worker, and the official organ of 
the Coiiimunist Party, the Western Worker, carried out a deliberate coordinated 
attack upon the entire American Federation of Labor leadership and the Inter- 
national Seamen's Union, laying particular emphasis upon Harry Lundeberg, of 
the Sailors' Union of the Pacific. 

It is noticed that just about 2 weeks before an action would be taken in the 
maritime federation or in the International Longshoremen's Local 38-79 an article 
would appear in one of these two papers clamoring for that action to be taken. 

After this build-up. Harry Bridges and the others of the Equality Hall group, 
such as Henry Schrimpf. Henry Schmidt. John Schomaker, or John Shaw, 
would bring in the resolution and it would be passed. 

Instead of giving this committee endless quotations from the AVaterfront 
Worker or the Western Worker, we shall at this time list a number of quota- 
tions that may be read by the committee in the Files lA and IB, and 6A and 
6B. In the Western Worker, we suggest that the following be read: 

January 17, 1935, page 1, under the caption "Maritime Workers Industrial 
Union Offers to Merge With International Seamen's Union." 

January 31, 1935. page 1 : "Radio Operators Win Demands." 

February 14, 1935, page 1: "Bridges Protests Greyhound Busses." 

February 21, 1935, page 5: "Resolution of Central Committee Plenum." 

March 7, 1935: "7,000 Maritime Workers Out on Anti-Nazi Strike." 

April 4, 19.35, page 3: "Bridges Makes Vicious Attack on Carl Scharrenburg."' 

April 8, 1935, page 1 : "Firemen Move for Coastwise Strike." 

April 15. 1935. page 1 : "Call for Marine Workers to go Out on July 5th, for a 
1-Day Strike Boycott." 

April 15, 1935 : "Marine Council Supports Antiwar Congress." 



1828 UN-AMERICAx\ PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

AHv <> l<«r. page 1: "I. L. A. District Meeting Opens in Portland." 

May Vs. 1935, page 1 : "U. S. Navy Officers Aid Suppression of Pliilippme 

^ Ma "'^3, 1935, page 5 : "What to Do When Arrested on Deportation Pro- 

*^*^Mav^^'7 1935 page 4: "What Would Yon "Do in the Next General Striker 

M-iv 3o' 1935' page 1- "Saih»rs Move to Kicli Out Scharrenburg." ; 

:^Iay 30! 193r>! page 2 : "Seaman Scab Is Dumped on Way Back to Vessel." 

June '2/1935, "page 1: "Radio Operators Strike." ' ' ' " ., 

We now request the committee to read the following excerpts from- the 
Waterfront Worker, Exhibits lA and IB, as follows : : 

Volume 3. No. 9: "Local 38-79 Votes to Down Tools for 30 Minutes in Protest 
Against 'Carlsruhe'." 

Volume 3, No. 12 : "The Tankers Strike." 

Volume 3, No. 13 : "The Tankers Strike." 

Volume 3, No. 14 : "The Tankers Strike." 

Volume 3, No. 15: "Join With Teamsters in Oakland Strike." 

Volunn" 3, No. 17: "Call for May Day Parade of 38-79." 

Volume 3, No. 18, page 4: "Declare July 5th Holiday for Pacific Coast Mari- 
time Federation." 

Volume 3, No. 20, page 6 : "Warehouse Strikes of 38-44." 

These excerpts from the Waterfront Worker and the Western Worker will 
give the committee a clear picture of what transpired during the months 
involved. It can be clearly seen from them that these two organs constituted 
the actual pres.s of the maritime federation at that time. 

By June 1. 19.35, the situation on the Pacific coast had become so bad that the 
president of the waterfront employers' union, Mr. T. G. Plant, was forced to 
write a letter to Mr. W. J. Lewis, district president of the International Long- 
shoremen's Association. We request that this letter be introduced and marked 
as "Exhibit No. 22." 

We quote from Mr. Plant's letter as follows: 

"Del\r Sir : The agreement entered into August 7, 1934, between Pacific 
coast district 38 of the International Longshoremen's Association and the Water- 
front Employers Union of San Francisco to submit all issues in dispute to arbi- 
tration by the National Longshoremen's Board, and to be bound by the pro- 
visions of the award, constituted a binding agreement between those two 
parties. 

"That formal agreement was made pursuant to earlier commitments and 
pledges both parties had made to the National Longshoremen's Board, which 
commitments and pledges had resulted in the termination of the prolonged 
waterfront strike on July 31, 1934. 

"The agreement was entered into by the employers in the sincere hope and 
belief that it would be observed scrupulously by both parties and that it would 
restore peace and orderly relationship on the water front. 

"The agreement of August 7 and the subsequent award of October 12, 1934, 
both provided for the peaceable adjustment of disputes. Specifically the award 
required the establishment of a labor relations committee, to be composed of 
three. representatives designated l)y the employers' association and three repre- 
sentatives designated by your association ; that all disputes and grievances 
arising relating to working conditions would be investigated and adjudicated 
by that committee. There was a further provision for the appointment of aq 
arbitrator in case the committee should deadlock. In short, the award pro- 
vided the necessary machinery, for the return and the maintenance of peaceable 
and orderly relationship. /.r'v '.;, !::_:.';/' 

"The agreement has not been kept by the officers and members of the San 
Francisco local of your association. In fact, it has been violated willfully, 
deliberately, and repeatedly. r^ , . W 

"Strike after strike has occurred, causing severe financfef losses to the em- 
ployers, interruption of steamer schedules, and annoyance and loss to shippers 
and the traveling public. ' 1 , 

"Some of the strikes have been caused to secure some new demand, others 
have been caused to secure a settlement of some alleged grievance, while still 
others liaive been in sympathy with other groups of employees. Many of the 
sympathetic strikes have been in support of demands of employees over whom 
the water front employers have had no jurisdiction whatsoever. The most 
recent and outstanding example of this last class of strikes has been the refusal 
by members of your association to handle cargo coming from the California 



UN-AJIERIGAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1829 

Packing Coriwratioii, because of a (lispute between that company and the 
warehousemen's union. 

"From the date the award was handed down on October 12, 19;i4, over 150 
separate strilces have occurred in San Francisco Bay district. Each strilce has 
been a definite violation of the arbitration award. 

•'The employers have labored diligently and continuously to bring about a 
better understanding and to restore peace. Their efforts have proven fruitless. 

'"They are convinced tliat radical and d(>structive elements dominate the San 
Francisco local, and that no peace is possible while such an element is in 
control. The rept>ated admission by otficers of the San Francisco local that 
the strikes have been in violation of the award, coupled with the defiant threat 
that the violations will continue, make no other conclusion possible. 

"It nmst be apparent to you and to everyone that the employers cannot, 
with due regard for the public interest and the necessary regard for their own 
businesses, allow such an intolerable condition to continue any longer. 

"No relationship can continue to exist unless agreements entered into are 
scrupulously observed, and unless there is mutual regard for the well-being of 
each other. To secure this, in a relationship such as we have attempted to 
set up, responsible leadership and responsible membership must exist in both 
groups. There is not such a responsible leadership in your San Francisco local, 
and our experience indicates a completely undisciplined membership. 

"The employers have no thought in mind of attempting to upset the award, 
or of discontinuing their dealings with organized labor. 

"They cannot, however, tolerate longer the conditions which have existed in 
this port for the past 8 months, and relationship with the San Francisco local 
of the International Longshoreman's Association cannot continue unless such 
changes are made as will make a continuance possible. 

"They call upon you to bring about the necessary change in conditions. 
"Yours very truly, 

"T. G. Plant, President." 

By means of threats, intimidations, and brutal assaults, all nonunion long- 
shoremen were driven from the Pacific coast water fronts. Their places were 
taken by newly recruited members of the unions, many of whom had not here- 
tofore been employed in this industry. This action was directly in violation 
of the award. 

Any attempts to give men work who were not union men was immediately 
followed by a stoppage in work on the part of the International longshoremen's 
Association. Efliciency dropped over 50 percent. Cost of handling cargo in- 
creased proportionately. Personal iu.iury increased over 100 percent, and 
damage to cargo by longshoremen doubled also. '"'...•r . .r- 

Strikers were still controlling the water front and cowardly assault? con- 
tinued to occur. -•:,"*;;::= 

Harry P.ridges. probably best described the situation when he said: "To 
hell with the award. To hell with the Labor Relations Committee. We are 
running this show now, and we are going to tell you -guys what to do and make 
you like it." 

On June 22,* 1935, occurred the tie-up of the steam.ship Point Char, of 
the Swayne & Hoyt Lines. 

On June 27, 19o5, the following telegram was sent to Mr. W. J. Lewis, dis- 
trict president of the International Longshoremen's Association, by the Water- 
front Emplovers' Association (we request that it be entered and marked as 
"Exhibit No." 23") : -•: ^■^: ri--': ■=.7;^-5--.-i '-^•;';- 

"Since Saturday. June 22, the steamship Potvf CTfar; operated by "S-wavue 
Hoyt, has been tied up at this port by refusal of longshoremen to pass thnmgh 
picket line established by maritime unions. There is no dispute between the 
operator of this vessel and any of seafaring employees working aboard her. 
There are no demands from any union having any dealings with the operator. 
There is nothing to discuss and apparently nothing to settle; all possible 
efforts to persuade the longshoremen to go to work has been made through the 
customary channels. This action of the San Francisco local of the I. L. A. 
constituting such a deliberate and outrageous violation of the agreement be- 
tween that local and the San Francisco employers and culminating as it does 
a long series of deliberate and outrageous violations serves again to prove 
that the ofl^eials of the San Francisco local are proceeding on a willful policy 
of abrogation of the award and are doing everything in their power to provoke 
and prolong strife. Further dealings with the San Francisco local as it is now 
Constituted are hopeless and useless. The employers again call upon you to 



1830 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

remove tho radical leadership which is responsible for the situation. They 
Ju thennoro must advise you that unless immediate steps are aken to return 
t e longshoremen to work on the Point Clear the employers will find it neces- 
sarv to tcrmimite the agreement with the San Francisco local without further 
not ce The emplovers feel that their efforts over the last 9 months to make 
the agreement an 'effective means of returning peaceable and orderly rela- 
t mshi,) on the water front have been amply demonstrated and assure you now 
thut the contemplated action will be taken for the sole purpose of securing a 
responsible body with which relationship can be resumed. 

"Waterfront Employers Association of San Francisco, 
"T. G. Plant, President." 
Despite the protest of the Waterfront Employers' Association when it was 
notified that a strike would be held on July 5, the strike was held, and a "bloody 
Thursdav" parade took place. The Western Worker for July 8, 1935, says as 
follows -""Hardly a winch or a wheel turned on the San Francisco water front 
today and thousands upon thousands of marine workers threw their taunts m 
the face of the shipowners, their agents, the I. L. A. district officials, and the 
capitalist press. In spite of all the threats and obstructions thrown m the way 
of this day of commemoration, 25,000 maritime and other workers marched up 
INIarket Street from the Embarcadero— a 2-mile-long living memory to the 
martvrs of the 1934 maritime strike." _ ^ . . ., . 

From our national point of view, this was a direct affront to the American 
people First, because the longshoremen decided to work on July 4 in order to 
have tiie holidav on July 5 ; and, secondly, because the two men in whose honor 
the parade was held were killed while resisting police officers of the city of 
San Francisco who found it necessary in the discharge of their duties, in their 
own protection against an unruly horde of radical rioters, and to bring a 
semblance of peace out of a riotous chaos, to "shoot to kill." One of the 
rioters killed was a member of the Communist Party. 

By the end of August the situation had reached such a point that it was 
necessary for the Waterfront Employers' Association to make an announcement 
to the public. We offer this announcement and request that it be marked 
"Exhi])it No. 24." We quote therefrom as follows : 

"To the Puilic: 

"The longshore and maritime strikes of last year, culminating in the general 
strike, were terminated by the submission of all controversies to arbitration 
under Government auspices. 

"We realize that no arbitration award can entirely satisfy each party. But 
each party to an award must accept and scrupulously abide by it, or arbitration 
is futile. 

"Therefore, Pacific shipowners and water-front employers have determined 
that— 

"1. They will not terminate the maritime and longshore labor awards now in 
effect, although the awards impose heavy financial and operating burdens upon 
them — because these awards were arrived at only after months of painstaking 
investigation and deliberation by Government arbitration boards and were in- 
tended to be, and can he, a basis of permanent settlement, thus stabilizing the 
industry. The last award was handed down only 3 days ago. 

"2. They will not agree to any demands by the men for changes in the 
awards — because any changes in the awards at this time would to all practical 
jjurposos abrogate them before the ink on them is scarcely dry. Abrogation is 
merely to renew last year's strike, and is an attack on tlie awards themselves. 
The awards themselves provide machinery for the arbitration of disputes arising 
under them. 

"3. They will insist upon strict and honest observance of the awards by all 
contracting parties — ^because any strike or stoppage of work for any reason 
whatsoever is a violation of these awards. Sanctity of labor awards is essential 
to industrial peace. 

"This statement is made that the public may know the position of the em- 
ployers. They are determined that they will not be responsible for a renewal 
for last summer's strikes. 

"Pactfio Shipowners and Waterfront Employers. 
"Dated, August 26, 1935." 

At various times in 1935 the Secretary of Labor, Mrs. Perkins, had been 
appealed to, not only by the Waterfront Employers' Association, but also by 
many service bodies and individuals on the Pacific coast. 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1831 

On November 29, 193"), Warren B. Francis, Times staff correspondent, at 
Washington, D. C, was granted an interview by Mrs. Perkins on the subject 
of the maritime industry on the Pacific coast. 

The report of Mr. Francis' interview was published in the newspapers of 
the United States. 

We quote therefrom : 

"Refusal of maritime unions on the Pacific coast to observe arbitrator's 
rulings was tacitly approved today by Secretary of Labor I'erkins as a new 
Federal mediation board prepared to step into the muddled Gulf of Mexico 
shipping situation. 

"Announcing that both employers and unions have promised to cooperate 
in settling the Gulf controversy, Miss Perkins, in effect, washed her hands of 
the Pacific coast troubles and gave the Justice Department a free hand in 
initiating court action against the striking groups. Simultaneously, she con- 
ceded that the Federal Government is virtually powerless to enforce decisions 
of federally appointed arbitrators or compel unions to carry out terms of con- 
tracts negotiated vmder Federal auspices. 

"The Secretary's views were disclosed in response to a series of questions 
about what steps Government authorities propose to take to effect the release 
of several vessels tied up at Pacific coast ports in connection with the Gulf 
controversy. 

" 'The only action that can be taken to enforce the decision of an arbitrator 
should be taken by those responsible for the actions of their members.' Miss 
Perkins said, in replying to an inquiry as to whether the Government is con- 
templating any attempts to counteract the defiant attitude of maritime unions 
on the coast. Justifying the Government's failure to take a more aggressive 
stand. Miss Perkins termed the Pacific coast situation 'very peculiar,' 'it is very 
hard to hold anyone responsible.' She expressed a hope, however, that 'more 
rational heads will prevail.' 

"Discussing the Pacific coast situation. Miss Perkins compared the refusal 
of the unions to carry out contract obligations with the refusal of members of 
a private club to agree with policies and decisions of the board of directors. 
She declared that the defiant groups as 'free American citizens' are entitled 
to dissent and commented 'that is the difference between a democratic country 
and an autocracy.' 

"The new mediation board named Saturday to attempt a settlement of the 
Gulf shipping troubles will not take a direct hand in the Pacific coast con- 
troversies, Miss Perkins said, although it is expected that the situation at 
Los Angeles will be improved as a result of Federal intervention in the Gulf 
situation. 

"Refusing to state whether she has received any definite assurance that 
strikers will return to work at Los Angeles Harbor, the Secretary based her 
optimism on the fact that 'If the Gulf situation is settled, the cargoes will 
no longer be hot,' and maritime unions will have no further reason to refuse to 
work ships coming from Gulf ports. 

"The Labor Department has not attempted to prevent the Justice Depart- 
ment from initiating either civil or criminal action against union leaders 
charged with conspiracy to violate the antitrust laws. Miss Perkins said. The 
three commissioners of conciliation appointed to supervise negotiations between 
shipping companies and unions in the Gulf area expect to assemble for the 
first time Wednesday." 

The year 1936 started out with sabotage. On the night of January 1st, the 
crew's dining room on the S. S. Point Clear had its tables and chairs chopped, 
dishes and coffee urns sma.shed with a fire ax. 

The most significant action in January, however, was the desertion of the 
crew on the S. S. Pennsylvania, as it lay at its dock at pier 3.5 in San Fran- 
cisco, on January 4. On the night of January 3 a crew delegation presented 
Mr. Hoskier with written demands signed by 33 members of the deck and 
engine-room crew for west coast articles and pay. The delegates explained 
that the crew had no quarrel with the Panama Pacific Lines, but were sore 
at east coast union ofl!icials for renewing agreenients without getting the same 
wages and conditions as the west coast sailors enjoyed. The next morning 18 
members of the engine crew packed their bags and rushed off the ship. They 
were later joined by members of the deck crew and stewards' departments. 

In order to back up this desertion the International Longshoremen's Asso- 
ciation. Local 3S-79, passed the following resolution : "Refusing to work any ship 
from the east coast that is manned by men who have replaced the crews taking 



1832 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

action in efforts to gain the equivalent of the wages and conditions obtained on 
the Pacific coast ; And be it further resolved, That we go on record as refusing 
to work any ship from tlie East if said ship is loaded by eastern longshoremen 
who have replaced longshore gangs which refused to work, in support of eastern 
men taking action in east coast ports." 

It is to be noted by the committee that this resolution was introduced and read 
bv Harry Bridges. 

For 2 months the Communist Party, through its organs, the Western Worker 
and Waterfront Worker, had been advocating a mass-pressure strike to intimi- 
date the courts in order to force the appellate court of California to liberate 
eight workers convicted of a dynamite plot at Modesto, Calif. Harry Bridges 
finally forced the longshoremen to pass the following resolution which, curiously 
enough, was passed on January 15, the day set for the return from the appellate 
court of its hearing in the case. We quote the resolution : 

"Resolved, That all workers associated with the maritime industry on the 
Pacific coast go on record to stop work for 1 hour, the hour and date to be set 
by the Modesto Defense Committee, during the course of their appeal, as a 
mass protest against this vicous frame-up and all future frame-ups of all 
brothers and members of the working class ; and be it further 

"Resolved, That this resolution shall be introduced to all district councils of 
the Maritime Federation on the Pacific coast and to all central labor councils of 
all seaports on the Pacific coast, asking that such member organizations of these 
central labor councils who are directly connected with w^ork on the water front, 
also observe the 1-hour stoppage of work." 

This stoppage of work was general on the Pacific coast, in direct violation of 
the contractual obligations of the unions. 

On January 23, 1936, the International Seamen's Union, at its national con- 
vention at Washington, D. C, passed a resolution which was to become the major 
bone of contention on the Pacific coast around which most of the trouble for 
this year revolved. The resolution was as follows : 

"Resolved, That our Pacific unions be directed immediately to sever their 
cojuiectlons with the IVIaritime Federation of the Pacific Coast until such time as 
the constitution of the Maritime Federation in the Pacific Coast shall conform 
to the constitution of the International Seamen's Union of Americar au^itliei 
constitution of the American Federation of Labor." . '. '"''■'"■. .^ 

Upon the passage of this resolution the Western Worker, ofiicial Comniunisf 
publication, immediately came out vigorously urging a revamping of the Mari- 
time Federation constitution to meet this requirement of the International 
Seamen's Union. The Communists did not desire to be divorced from the Ameri- 
can Federation of Labor. They had tried organizing their own unions, such as 
the T. U. U. L., but, failing, abandoned that plan and started their "boring from 
within" campaign. 

At an emergency convention of the federation in San Francisco on November 
22, 1935, a resolution had been introduced by Harry Bridges, redrafted by a 
special committee and unanimously adopted. This resolution had to do with job 
action, and as it has a direct bearing upon the action taken by the International 
Seamen's Union, we shall quote it in full : 

"Whereas we believe and have demonstrated on numerous occasions that 
job action rightly used with proper control has been the means of gaining ma.uy 
concessions for the maritime workers on the Pacific coast, and ;. ' ^,, .'v,rj7I 

"Whereas job action is and should be action taken when any maritinlie "grotfp 
desires to gain a concession without openly resorting to a strike, and " ; -' 

"Whereas in order to eliminate confusion and to insure coordination In the 
best Interests of all maritime groups concerned it is apparent that an organized 
procedure for job action must be laid down by this convention, therefore, be. it 

"Resolved, That the term "job action" shall mean only action taken by any 
maritime group in attempting to gain, from their employers .some concessions 
not specifically provided for in their respective agreements or awards; and 
job action shall also mean action to enforce the award or agreement to the 
best interests of the maritime group. concerned, or to prevent employers from 
violating agreements or awards, and be it further . - 

'/."Resolved, That job action should be confined to a job "such as a ship, dock, 
a shop, or a warehouse., unless otherwise agreed by all maritime groups 
affected; and any maritime group affected or liable to be affected should be 
notified and the issue in question placed before them, and be it further 

"Resolved, That a cominittee of the maritime groups on the job shall be 
formed oii the job to consolidate action and prevent misunderstandings, the 



tTN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1833 

comniittpo's authority not to oxcood tho fonstitntioii of tlio Maritime Federa- 
tion ot" the Paeitic, and be it furtlier 

••Ref<(>lve(I. That when job action readies the point in the opinion of the 
majority of the maritinw^ .uroniis affected liy liavinj: their members pnlled off the 
job. that to go further may jeopardize tlie Maritime Federation as a wliole, 
tlie matter sliall be refm-red when and wliere possible to the district council 
for further action or adjustment." '..-■•■- - , 

On Monday. January 127. 1986, tlie Western Worker published in larjre head- 
lines, "Preparinir to loose terror and violence, official statement issued l)y tlie 
Maritime Federation of the Pacilie coast." Under this caption ocenrr(>d the 
very famous statement that was later wired to I'resident Roosevelt by Harry 
Bridjies which was as follows : 

"Unless the United State.s Government intervenes there will be launched on 
the Patitic coast witliin a month a struggle which will inevitably achieve the 
proportions of civil war." 

We desire to point out to the committee at this time that there could have 
been no civil war luiless Harry Bridges, and the Maritime Federation behind 
him. started it. and that, therefore, this telegram to the President was a 
direct tlireat on the part of the persons who sent it. There is no record to 
date of Mr. R<iosevelt ever having reliulved the senders of this telegram. 

Always ahead of Mr. Bridges, and preparing the way for the next thing that 
he intended to do in the Maritime Federation, the Western Worker on January 
30. 1986. carried an editorial entitled "Maintain Unity of the Seamen." This 
editorial advocated that a fight be put up for the Pacific coast locals of the 
I. S. U. to remain in the parent organization. We quote in part: 

"The sailors, the marine firemen, and the marine cooks and stewards must 
fight to remain a part of the I. S. U., and arouse such a storm of protest in every 
port and tliroughout the entire labor movement, that the Olanders and Schar- 
renbergs will not be able to carry through their splitting action." 

Bridges seized upon the revocation of the sailors' charter by the T. S. U. 
to discredit the leader of the .sailors, Harry Lundenberg. Anonymous bulletins 
and a whi-spering campaign appeared on the San Francisco water front advo- 
cating the recall of the newly elected secretary-trea.surer of the S. U. P. 

The month of February was marked by a strategic retreat on the part of 
the Maritime Federation of the Pacific. It was struggling desperately over 
the situation existing between the Sailors' Union of the Pacific and the Inter- 
national Seamen's Union and was attempting to bring about unity in all the 
ports. 

On March 2 the sailors on board the S. S. California announced a sit-down 
strike just a few minutes before sailing time: that is, they refused to work 
but remained aboard ship. The firemen elected to support the sailors. The 
cooks and stewards notified the captain that they would feed the passengers 
aboard while in port. They did not say whether they would work if the ship 
was taken to sea. At noon on March 4, the United States , district attorney, 
Pierson M. Hall, finnounced that he was planning to issue a mutiny complaint 
against the strike leaders and possibly the entire crew of the S. S. California. 
As a result, the following day the crews sailed the ship. 

Decisions in the Federal court have clearly established the fact that mutiny 
or conspiracy to mutiny can be committed in port, but it is interesting to note 
that S'ecretary Perkins exerted every effort to quash the mutiny charges against 
the striking members of the S. S. California, vdien Secretary of Commerce 
Roper urged the prosecution of the case. Secretary Perkins maintained that 
the men were merely on strike and should not be prosecuted on a criminal 
charge. .-ii.. : ^- ;^ :.;;;■ 

March saw littliR change Hn" the maritime situation on the Taciflc coast. The 
rapid-fire campaign of longshoremen to win coa.stwise standardized loads by 
the job-action route quickly shnved down witli only small results. 

The end of March 1036 marked tlie turning point hi the history of the 
activities of the Maritime Federation of the Pacific. It was the end of a year 
of job action and stoppage of work on any kind of suitable excuse. 

In order that the committee may have the complete picture, we shall now 
give the list of all tho ships on ^'<•hich job action or short strikes occurred, 
together with the reasons given Iiy the strikers for their actions. 

1. April 12: Steamship Cvzro: crew trouble at San Pedro account stewards. 

2. May 8-10: Steamship Golden Peak at San Pedro; demanding discharge 
Filipinos ; tied up 2 days. 



1834 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

3. May 15-18: Steamship WiUsolo; crew struck on account of nonuuion 
quartermaster; 3 days. 

4. May 20 : Steamship Makua at Hilo ; crew refused connect oil hose. Unions 
cabled ; released same day. 

5. May 21-June 4: Steamship loican at Tacoma ; Filipino deck crew; 14 
days. 

6. May 23: Steamship Mmukai ; Firemen's Union insisted loyal employee 

leave ship. 

7. May 29: Steamship Everett, Powell River, British Columbia; firemen re- 
fused to furnish steam. Engineers furnished steam. Tied up a few hours. 

8. June 3: Steamship Manulai ; crew refused connect oil hose at Point Wells. 
Tied up a few hours. 

9. June 11: Steamship Maliko; deck crew refused work on account overtime. 
Tied up few hours. 

10. June 13: Steamship Pt. Palmes; dispute over overtime. Tied up few 
hours. 

11. June 24 : Steamship Golden Star; on account loyal employees at San 
Pedro; few hours. 

12. June 29-October 3 : Steamship Pt. Clear, San Francisco ; struck ship ac- 
count British Columbia cargo ; 97 days. 

13. July 3 : Steamship Dakotan, San Francisco ; crew demanded discharge two 
firemen ; few hours. 

14. July 10: Steamship Pt. Sur; crew struck; dissatisfied with quarters; few 
hours. 

15. July 12: Steamship Pt. Caleta; crew refused to sign one-way articles; few 
hours. 

16. July 16: Steamship Timhernish; crew on east articles; demanded west- 
coast agreement ; few hours' delay. 

17. July 16-July 17 : Motorship WiUmoto, at San Pedro ; crew struck ; no agree- 
ment ; 1 day. 

IS. July 19-September 30: Steamship Shelton, at Vancouver; crew deserted; 
73 days. 

19. July 19-September 30: Steamship Golden State, at Vancouver; crew de- 
serted ; 73 days. 

20. July 19-September 30 : Steamship West Mahwah, at Vancouver ; crew de- 
serted ; 73 days. 

21. July W-^September 30: Steamship Point Ancha, at Vancouver; crew de- 
serted ; 73 days. 

22. July 29: Steamship Kentuckian ; crew struck account demanded discharge 
of cook : released same day. 

23. July 27-August 10: Steamship Peter Kerr, San Pedro; tied up account 
Chinese cooks in crew ; 14 days. 

24. August 1: Steamship Pt. Reyes; crew struck on account one-way articles; 
released same day. 

25. August 2: Steamship Pt. Arena; crew refu.sed to take ship to British Co- 
lumbia ; tied up few hours. 

26. August 3-October 13: Steamship loicun, San Francisco; Filipino deck 
crew ; 41 days. 

27. August 7-October 9 : Steamship Manukai, Oakland ; Filipino deck crew ; 61 
days. 

28. August 9-August U : Steamship Calmar; no engineers' agreement ; released 
by engineers and again tied up by radio operators; 3 days. 

29. August ^-August 11 : Steamship Losmar; no engineers' agreement; released 
by engineers and again tied up by radio operators ; 3 days. 

30. August 9-August 11 : Steamship Verniar: no engineers' agreement ; released 
by engineers and again tied up by radio operators ; 3 days. 

31. August 14 : Steamship Everett, at Vancouver ; crew deserted ; released after 
few hours. 

32. August 15: Steamship Illinois, at Portland; firemen refused sign on as 
combination man; signed on pending decision of Labor Relations Board; few 
hours' delay. 

33. August 15-September 5: Steamship Tacoma, at Oakland; Chinese stew- 
ards ; 21 days. 

34. August 19: Steamship Golden Cloud; deck crew, account hiring from dock; 
held few hours. 

35. August 22: Steam.ship President Jefferson, Seattle; deck crew, account 
overtime ; few hours. 



UN-AMEKICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES lg35 

36. AuRust 27-29: Stoainship OoJdcn Hhid ; unliconsod crew struck account 
Filiiiino stewards; 2 days. 

37. September 3-4: Steamship Ooldcn Hind; deck crew refused paint over- 
side: 1 day. 

38. September 4 6: Steamship President Pierce; unlicensed crew demanded 
discharfio steward ; 2 days. 

39. September 5-6: Steam.ship President Cooiidgc; walked off in sympathy, 
firemen declarinsr poor ventilation in quarters: 1 day. 

40. September S : Steamship Golden Betir; crew refused sign articles to Seat- 
tle unless guaranteed passage back : few hours' delay. 

41. September 9 : Steamship Willzipo, Wilmington ; Filipino deck crew ; few 
hours. 

42. September 12-13: Steam.ship Texan, San Francisco; crew's quarters unsat- 
isfactory ; 1 day. 

43. September 16-17: Steamship Pt. Lohos; crew struck ship; crew quarters 
unsatisfactory ; 1 day. 

44. September 17-November 1: Steamship Chiriqiii, at San Pedro; radio op- 
erators; company di-scontinued its Pacific-coast service, laying up the Talmanea 
also during this period ; 45 days. 

45. September 17 : Steamship Pt. Ancha, Seattle ; refused to sign on for British 
Columbia ; few hours. 

46. September 19 : Steamship Neic York, Portland ; Chinese stewards ; few 
hours. 

47. September 24: Steamship Mantilani; crew struck in sympathy with long- 
shoremen ; few hours. 

48. October 4: Steamship LaTce Frances; walked out on account Fort Sutter 
putting "hot" cargo on dock ; few hours. 

49. October 4: Steamship Hamlin F. McCormick; walked out account Fort 
Sutter putting "hot" cargo on dock ; few hours. 

50. October 4: Steamship West Shipper; walked out account Fort Sutter 
putting "hot" cargo on dock; few hours. 

51. October 9-12: Steamship Shetopa, Portland; no radio 3 days. 

52. October 9-12 : Steamship Pt. Caleta, San Francisco ; crew demanded rider 
in articles guaranteeing transportation back to San Francisco ; signed articles 
with rider; 3 days. 

53. October 10-11 : Steamship Defacto, San Pedro ; engineers' no agreement ; 1 
day. 

54. October 16-19: Steamship General M. H. Sherman, San Pedro; alleged 
"hot" oil ; 4 days. 

55. October 16-19: Steamship Pt. Ancha; demanded rider in articles guaran- 
teeing transportation back to San Francisco in case of strike in Gulf ; 3 days. 

56. October 18: Steamship President Pierce; demanded cash overtime; re- 
leased same day. 

57. October 18: Steam.ship President Cleveland; demanded cash overtime: 
released same day. 

58. October 18-22: Steamship Admiral Senn, Oakland; demanded cash over- 
time; 4 days. 

59. October 22-23: Steamship Timherrush, Portland; crew refused to sail 
with pilot ; 1 day. 

60. October 23: Steamship Pt. Judith; furnished crew with understanding 
will not go to British Columbia ; released same day. 

61. October 24-26: Steamship Nevadan; account revoking dock pass of patrol- 
man ; 2 days. 

62. October 24-26: Steamship Nehraskan; account revoking dock pass of 
patrolman : 2 days. 

63. October 24-26. Steamship Oolden Tide; account revoking dock pass of 
patrolman ; 2 days. 

64. October 2.5-26: Motorship WUhnoto; account revoking dock pass of patrol- 
man : 1 day. 

65. October 26-28: Steamship Charles L. Wheeler; tied up at San Pedro 
account crew demanding 6-hour day in port and $1 overtime; 2 days. 

66. October 26-28: Steamship H. F. McCormick; tied up at San Pedro ac- 
count crew demanding 6-hour day in port and $1 overtime; 2 days. 

67. October 28: Steamship Golden Harvest; crew refused to sign articles; 
released same day. 

68. October 28-30: Steamship Oolden Harvest; demanded optional overtime 
be paid in cash ; 2 days. 



1836 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 



69 October 28-November 2: Steamship Jefferson Myers; crew refused to sign 
articles unless rider be put on guaranteeing transportation, wages and sub- 
si'^tence back to Portland in case of strike on east coast ; 5 days. 

70. November 2-29: Steamship Katrina Luckenhach, at San Pedro; long- 
shoremen refused to work Gulf cargo ; 27 days. 

71. November 4-8: Steamsliip President Harrison, tied up at San Pedro; 
unlicensed crew demand discharge of chief steward ; 4 days. ^ ,^ 

72. November 7-9: Steamship Montara, at San Pedro; longshoremen; Gulf 

cargo ; 32 days. ^ t.t ^ i i.i j. * 

73. November 7-12: Steamship Pt. Lohos, at Ne\v, Orleans ; unable to get 

crew from unions; Gulf cargo; 5 days. ;- ->.;:.- 

74 November 8-December 22 : Steamship Chetopa, tied up at Galveston, Tex.; 
crew refused to move ship ; Gulf cargo ; moved to Houston by pilot and officers, 
and again tied up; unable to get crew from unions; 44 days. 

75. November 11-29: Steamsliip Matthew Lucken'bach, at SanjPedrpj Gulf 

cargo; 18 days. . ^ -^ • ' • '^^ ■■'";,' j--- 

76 November 12-13: Motorship Missourtan, San Franciso; unlicensed en- 
ginei-oom crew demand discharge of two electricians ; released 9 : 15 a. m., 
November 13 ; 1 day. . ,. ^ i , 

77. November 12-21: Steamship Plow City, San Francisco; unlicensed deck 
crew demand rider in articles, guaranteeing subsistence and return transpor- 
tation in case of strike, on east coast ; 9 days. :. ^^ 

78 November 13-21: Steamship Sage Brush, San Francisco, east-coast snip, 
Shepard Line; certain new crew members demand return transportation in 
ca.se of strike ; 8 days. , ,. 

79. November 15-21: Steamship President Taft, at San Francisco; crew de- 
mand rider in articles ; 6 days. 

80. November 19-24 : Steamship Pomona, at Longview, Wash. ; crew demand 
rider in articles : 5 days. <^ ,- 

81. November 19-December 9: Steam.ship Pt. Palnias, at San' Pedro; Gulf 

cargo: 18 days. . ^ .^, ,, 

82. November 20-29: Steamship Pacific, at Alameda; no agi'eement with M. 
U. & P., M. E. B. A., and A. R. T. A. ; days. . .;;,.'- • .. ,'. . ,- ;- 

83. November 21-Deceraber 24: Steamship Diamoha Head,' at Qal^laiid ;-un- 
lieensed deck crew refused to clean tanks; 33 days. ' .T . 

84. November 26-29: Steamship Sutherland, at San Francisco; crew demand 
discharge of second officer ; 3 days. 

85. November 30 : Steamship Texan, at San Francisco ; 9 : 30 a. m. unlicensed 
engine-room crew struck, objected to change in rating of watertenders ; ship 
picketed ; longshoremen walked oft for short time ; released at noon same day. 

86. November 30-December 21 : Steamsliip Buffalo Bridr/e, at Houston, Tex. ; 
crew refused to move ship, alleged "hot" cargo ; no longshoremen involved in 
loading; 21 days. 

87. November 30-December 9: Steamship Pt. Lohos, at ^an Pedro; '_ alleged 
hot cargo; 9 days. ' ,. . i . . , ., ' •. 

88. November 30-December 3: Steamship Pt. Reyes, at Alatiieaa J'' crew de- 
mand cash payment for transportation : 3 days. 

89. November 30-December 9: Steamship Pt. Gorda. at San Pedro; Gulf 
cargo; sailed for San Francisco December 8; arrived San Francisco December 
9 ; released ; 9 days. ,•.,„-,.,--. . -f.' J_ ,..'., ,,-7 rj,^ 

90. November 30-December ,9 : Steamship Pf. Arewa; -"'a;C . S^- iPe^tO.; Gulf 
cargo; 9 day.s. ". / ,7 v '"'^',-'J_^<, ,:^,,-.^ ,- 

91. December 3-9: Steamship Katrina Luckeniach, San' FranciSco; again tied 
up; Gulf cargo; 6 days. 

92. December 3-9: Steamship Mathcw Lnckenbach, at San Pedro; again 
tied up ; Gulf cargo ; 6 days. 

93. December 3-9: Steamship Jacob Luckenhach, at San Pedro ; again tied 
up; Gulf cargo; 6 days. 

94. December 5-6 : Steamship Columbian, at Portland ; long.shoremen demand 
cut-down loads ; 1 day. 

95. December 5-6: Steamship Amei'ican, at Portland; longshoremen demand 
cut down loads; 1 day. 

96. December 6-7 : Steamship Maliko, at Seattle ; crew refused to clean tanks ; 
1 day. 

97. Decem])er 7: Steamship Forbes Haupfman. at San Francisco; unlicensed 
engine-room crew struck on account of loading Standard , Oil .prpducts; released 
in about 2 hours. V•'r:^■^-■ '• "'jf 



UN-AMEUICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1837 

 98. December 8-9 : Steamship Florence Luckenbach, at San Pedro ; Gulf 
cargo; 1 day. 

99. December 9-10: Steamship Pt. Oorda, at San Francisco; Gulf cargo; 1 
day. ■'<:■- 

100. December 9-11: Steamship WUdwood, at San Pedro, Shepai'd Line; 
steward discharged (seamen demanded) ; 2 days. 

101. December 10: Steamship Birmingham City, at San Francisco; account 
M. E. B. A. no agreement ; few hours. 

102. December 10: Steamship Maui, at San Francisco; crew refused to clean 
tanks; ship still tied up after 17 days. 

lOo. December 10-11: Steamship Hcffira, at San Francisco; crew trouble; 
east-coast agreement ; demand west coast ; 1 day. 

104. December 10-11: Steamship loican, at San Pedro; Filipino crew, .steve- 
dores walked off ; 1 day. 

lO.j. December 13: Steamship Golden Ilind, nt San Francisco; unlicensed 
crew walked off, picketed ship ; longshoremen quit ; oilers refused to oil 
winches ; misunderstanding ; released same day. 

, 100. December 14: Steamship Willhilo, at San JFrauciseo ;. crew demand dis- 
(iiarge of chief steward; few^ hours. -; f.'V-T:-:' i\:: ■:.:::■ : eri'.*;' r.:0 iv. :-...'.."< " 
. .107. December 14-18: Steamship WilUtilo, at San Francisco; again tied Up; 
deck crew refuse to sign articles unless rider taken olf the articles requiring 
crew to work cargo ; 4 days. 

108. December 16 : Steamship Manukai, at San . Francisco ; crew trouble; 
released same :day.  -! :^:::r -,-: ■,- i-:v;::-T ^; --<:"::::: -r~ ~'~.- 

109. December 16: Steamship Wild^vood, at San Francisco; crew replacements 
demand west-coast articles ; still tied up after 11 days. " 

110. December 2.3-24 : Steamship Ohioan, at San Pedro ; .unlicensed crew 
refused to sail with Filipinos; 1 day. 

111. December 24: Steamship i/axoa; crew refuse to connect oil hose. Stand- 
ard Oil Barge r released same day. ' ' , . 

112. December 27-January 5: Steamship Pt. Reyes, at New Orleans; crew 
demand cash bonus provided in strike rider;; no .strike -existing; union fur- 
nished new crew; no concessions made; 9 days. ^ ; -- 

J, 113. December 27-January 2: Steamship Diamond Head, at Oakland; again 
tied up: crew refuse to clean tanks; Labor Relations Board granted extra wage 
for work ; 6 days. -^ .:-:':-:^ 

114. December 30-January 3 : Steamship Helen Whiftier, at Hilo ; mdicensed 
crew struck in sympathy wnth scalers; stevedores quit; 5 days. 
.. 115. December 30-January 2 : Steamship Mana, at Honuapo ; crew struck in 
sympathy with scalers ; 4 days. 

116. January 1-2 : Steamship Pt. Sur, at Alameda ; crew wrecked messroom ; 
difficulty getting replacements; no specific complaint; 2 days. 

117. January 2: Steamship Malolo, at Honolulu; sympathy strike; short 
time. 

118. Janiiary 4-9 : Steamship Pennsylvania, at San Francisco ; unlicensed crew 
demand west-coast articles; no concession made; independent crew recruited; 
5 days. 

119. January 5-10: Steamship Robert Luckenhach, at San Francisco; crew 
demand west-coast articles ; compromise made ; 5 days. 

• 120. January 6-10: Steamship William Luckenbach, at San Francisco; crew 
demand west-coast articles; compromise made; 4 days. 

121. January 7-8 : Steamship Golden Harvest, at San Francisco ; crew re- 
placements demand $5 per day ; no concession made ; 1 day. 

122. January 8-10: Steamship Edgar Luckenbach, at San Francisco; crew 
demand west-coast articles ; compromise ; 2 days. 

123. January 8-9: Steamship Helen Whittier, at Honolulu; again tied up; 
crew demand return rider ; no concession made ; 1 day. 

124. January 8-15 : Steamship Calmar, at San Francisco ; crew demand west- 
coast articles : no concession made ; 7 days. 

125. January 18-22: Steamship Mala, at Honupo : unlicensed crew struck on 
account of alleged blacklisted longshoremen; no concession made; 4 days. 

126. January 19-22 : Steamship Ooldeti Coast, at Honolulu ; account alleged 
blacklisted longshoremen ; no concession ; 3 days. 

127. January 19-22: Steamship Maui, at Honolulu; account alleged black- 
listed longshoremen ; no concession ; 3 days. 

128. January 20-22 : Steamship Makiki, at Honolulu ; account alleged black- 
listed longshoremen ; no concession ; 2 days. 



1838 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

129 Januarv 20-21: Steamship Pt. Clear, at San Francisco; crew demand 
overtime for 'cleaning cargo holds (sulphur cargo) ; Labor Relations Board 
granted extra pay; 1 day. 

130 January 21-23: Steamship F. J. Luckenhach, at San Francisco; sym- 
pathy with ship's clerks; company met clerks' demands; 2 days. 

131. January 21-23: Steamship Dorothy Luckenhach, at San Francisco; sym- 
pathy with ship's clerks : met demands ; 2 days. 

132. January 21-23 : Steamship it. 7. Luckenhach, at San Francisco ; sympathy 
with .ship's clerks ; met demands ; 2 days. 

133. January 21-22: Steamship California, at San Francisco; crew demand 
discharge of east coast men ; no concession ; 1 day. 

134. January 27-28: Steamship Heffron, at Portland; steward's crew demand 
extra messman ; no concession ; 1 day. 

13,^. January 28-30: Steamship Jane Christenson, at Longyiew; crew demand 
strike rider; no concession; 2 days. 

136. February 11: Steamship Manukai, San Francisco; crew refused to con- 
nect oil hose ; crew finally yielded ; short time. 

137. February 14 : Steamship Heffron, San Pedro ; crew refused to take lines 
of Standard Oil barge: unions ordered men to work; 5 hours' delay. 

138. February 14 : Steamship California, at sea ; smooth, calm weather ; sea- 
men refused to man lifeboats during life-saving drill ; "incident" entered in log ; 
no further action to date. 

13!). February 15-18: Steamship ColnmUan, at San Francisco; account con- 
troversy over number of trailers to be hauled by jitney; I. L. A. yielded; 

2 days. 

140. February 23: Steamship Condor, at San Pedro; crew refused to handle 
Standard Oil products : crew yielded ; several hours' delay. 

141. February 26: Steamship Pacific Ranger, Portland; controversy over 
size of sling loads ; union yielded ; short time. 

142. February 27-28: Steamship Pt. Chico, San Francisco; firemen's union 
refused replacements for five men discharged for insubordination ; union yielded 
after Labor Relations Board hearing; 1 day. 

143. March 2-5: Steamship California, San Pedro; crew refused take ship to 
fsea ; demanding west-coast wages and agreements ; crew yielded when United 
States attorney threatened to prosecute them on mutiny charges. 

144. March 0-9: Steamship Prcnident Taft, San Francisco; longshoremen 
sling-load controversy; Labor Relations Committee ruled favor of employers; 

3 days. 

145. March 7: Steamship Democracji. San Francisco; union demanded com- 
pany .ship new chief steward ; demand withdrawn ; old steward shipped ; several 
hours. 

146. March 10: Steamship Democracy, San Pedro; deck and engine crew 
demand quarters be remodeled immediately ; compromise work to be done at 
sea ; several hours. 

147. March 10-12 : Steamship Everett, Seattle ; longshore sling-load contro- 
versy ; Labor Relations Committee ruled favor of I. L. A. ; 3 days' delay. 

148. March 14-19: Steamship Manini, San Francisco; sailors' union demanded 
deck boys be hired from Union Hall ; matter referred to Bureau of Navigation ; 
boys remained on board ; 5 days. 

149. March 17-18 : Steamship Maui, San Francisco ; sailors' imion demanded 
deck boys be hired from Union Hall ; matter referred to Bureau of Navigation ; 
boys remained on board ; 2 days. 

150. March 20-22: Steamship Antirjna, San Francisco; firemen refused to 
pass one-man picket line set up by discharged junior engineer ; Marine Engi- 
neers' Beneficial Association upheld discharge for cause; company agreed give 
di.scharged man another chance on another ship : 2 days. 

151. March 25-26: Steamship Manini. St. Helena, Columbia River; crew 
demanded discharge of deck boys; boys intimidated into deserting: 1 day. 

152. March 2.5-26: Steamship Daisy Green, San Francisco; A. R. T. A. de- 
mand radioman be carried ; demand temporarily withdrawn ; 1 day. 

153. March 25-26 : Steamship Golden Bear, San Francisco : crew refused to 
work after 5 p. m. unless paid cash overtime; longshoremen refused to work 
unless paid stand-by time: union furnished new gangs; 18 hours. 

154. March 2.5-26: Steamship Mavukni. Honolulu; crew drunk, demanded 
discharge of carpenter because "nonunion"; next morning, sober, discovered 
carpenter good union man ; demand withdrawn ; 12 hours. 



UN-AMEKICAX I'ROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1839 

I'w. March 2G : Steamship Mainiluin, San Pcilro; h)nj;shoroiiu'n sling-load con- 
troversy; compromise load pending arbitration: half day. 

lot). March 27-.')(): Steamshii) Svhtiiilia. Willapa Harbor, Wash.; longshore- 
men refused to go through lumber-mill workers" picket line ; picket line with- 
drawn ; 4 days. 

On April 2, 1931!, Harry Bridges issued orders to the longsliuremen that they 
should refuse to handle 15 tons of .scrap iron consigned to the niotorship Fella 
of the Libera Lines. Despite the fact that the cargo in question was propei'ly 
cleared by the United States Customs Office, Bridges declared that it was "war 
contraband." Bridges issued the following statement: 

"We will handle this scrap iron only when, and if, Secretary of State Hull 
advises us that it is not contraband. 

The motorship Fvlht had to sail that night without the scrap iron. 

On the same date, April 2, WSG, the Pacific Coast Longshoremen carried 
the following article: "Mr. Thompson, represtMiting the American FriiMids of 
the Soviet, addressed the membership. lie had been invited by the board of 
trustees to outline and explain a proposition to .send a delegate to the Soviet 
Union. He explained that such a delegate would travel with a large delegaticu 
of union representatives from all parts of the United States." 

The Waterfront Worker of April 6, 1936 (see exhibit IB), stated as follows: 
"Prepare for action. The seamen on the east coast are on strike, striking 
against the corrupt I. S. U. leadership, against the ridiculous charges of 
mutiny of the Calif orniu, crew and for west coast wages and conditions. The 
Santa Rosa and the Sage Brush are headed for the west coast with a full 
crew of scabs. The Grace Co. has deliberately manned their ships with scabs. 
It is a clear-cut issue. Do we work with scabs? We must refuse to touch any 
part of the rat ship. One of the reasons we had to do considerable maneuvering 
in the past to avoid strike actions was the issues were not clear and they 
were not strong enough. 

"Now, we have an open challenge by the shipowners on a national basis 
which we cannot ignore. We have demonstrated to the public and to organized 
labor that we are not looking for trouble, but the present issue at stake is 
unionism. We cannot avoid it. We must fight." 

The seamen's strike of the east coast referred to in the above article was not 
a strike, but an attempt to create trouble on the New York water front by one 
Joseph Curran, a ringleader of the mutiny on the steamship California, men- 
tioned heretofore in this brief. 

The steamship Saiiia Rosa had a full union crew aboard it, but because the 
International Seamen's Union men had the courage to defy Joseph Curran's 
"provisional strike committee," they were branded as scabs and the Communist 
Party immediately took up Curran's battle in the San Francisco Longshoremen's 
Union. 

On April 3, 1936, Harry Bridges, speaking before the San Francisco Central 
Labor Council, stated as follows regarding the steamship Santa Rosa: 

"On the way from New York there are ships manned entirely by scabs. 
There is the Santa Rosa with a crew of 3n0. We don't believe it's coming here 
just for the trip. It is going to load passengers and freight. We can stand 
by idly, where we can see that it is not done except by union men. The mari- 
time unions can't stand idly by and see the things theji fought so hard for 
taken away from them. 

"We have done all we can to avoid these things. Now we believe the organ- 
ized forces against us are ready. We have no altei'native. The east- and west- 
coa.st shipowners are acting together." 

The Santa Rosa docked on April 14 at San Francisco and immediately mari- 
time federation pickets were put out to prevent longshoremen from going on the 
dock to work the cargo. The Waterfront Employers' Association immediately 
suspended all relations wuth local 38-79. 

For the benefit of the committee, we will point out discussions leading up to 
this particular situation. 

On February 3. 1936, local 38-70 voted to boycott east-coast ships coming to 
the Pacific coast with crews that replaced striking seamen. On April 6, Bridges 
advised the Grace Co. that the liner Santa Rosa would not be worked unless the 
International Seamen's Union crew was discharged and replaced with seamen 
meeting his approval under full west-coast agreement. On April 8. San Fran- 
cisco T'ouncil. No. 2. Maritime Federation of the Pacific, adopted a resolution to 
boycott ships such as the Santa Rosa. On April 10 the San Pedro District 

94931—38 — vol. 3 9 



1840 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Council No. 4, Maritime Federation of the Pacific, at tlie request of Harry 
Bridges' adopted a similar resolution. On April 13 the Santa Rosa docked at 
San I'edro, Calif., to discharge passengers and mail, but no attempt was made 
to work cargo there. The Santa Rosa then sailed for San Francisco. 

On April 16, local 3S~79 held a mass meeting, and Bridges and other Com- 
munists introduced a strike resolution. 

The morning of April 17 saw squad cars from local 38-79 patrolling the water 
front in order to prevent longshoremen from applying for work at the dock. 
The Maritime Federation of the Pacific rescinded its resolution declaring all 
east-coast ships "hot" and the San Francisco Central Labor Council appointed 
a committee of seven to assist in peace negotiations. 

It is significant to note that at this time the San Francisco Central Labor 
Council refused a vote of confidence to Harry Bridges and his leadership. 

The committee's attention is again invited to the mass meeting held at the 
Dreamland Auditorium on April 16, 1936, where the International Longshore- 
men's Association voted complete confidence in Harry Bridges. At this meet- 
ing a vote was passed to send Bridges and Ralph Mallen by airplane to address 
a mass meeting at Portland, Oreg., on the following Sunday, and Otto Kleiman 
was dispatched to San Pedro to address a mass meeting of the I. L. A. local 
there. Please note that all of the ambassadors were members of the original 
Equality Hall group and members of the Communist Party. 

We have dealt with the subject of the steamship Santa Rosa quite at length 
because it plays an important part in the relations between the Waterfront 
Employers Association and the Maritime Federation of the Pacific. The sus- 
pen.sion of relations with local 38-79 was not directed at the local, but purely 
at the radical and Communist leaders of that union. 

Over a period of 18 months since the Haima award was granted, there were 
more than 400 flagrant violations by this union of their agreement, and their 
refusal to work cargo on the steamship Santa Rosa was the culmination of 
an interminable series of strikes. 

The negotiation committee which was appointed by local 38-79 to meet with 
the employers included John Marlowe. He was presumed to be next in line 
for president of local 38-79 and the Communist Party felt that he would go 
along with Bridges in the negotiations. To the surprise of everyone Marlowe 
went with the conservative side and a tentative agreement with the employers 
was signed on Saturday night, the 18th. 

The party immediately had to change its tactics, and a wire was sent to 
Harry Bridges in Portland ordering him to return immediately. The best was 
made of a bad situation and another mass meeting was called at which time 
Bridges declared that a victory had been gained for their local 38-79. Bridges 
did, however, force the negotiating committee to issue the following statement : 

"We, the committee, are taking this position now, realizing we have mis- 
takenly and inadvertently disobeyed the instructions of our membership at 
their last meeting, and to convince the membership that our mistake was 
honest and unintentional, we wish now to publicly announce our mistake, and 
declare the tentative memorandum that we signed absolutely without authority, 
is null and void." 

Despite this repudiation, however, the agreement was signed on April 21 and 
the longshoremen went back to work. 

The ink was scarcely dry on the agreement concerning the Santa Rosa and 
future respect of contracts, when another "job action" was called. This was 
purely political in character and similar to the incident of the motorship Fella 
which we have heretofore reported. The motorship Fcltre of the Liberia line 
was refused handling by the longshoremen on the grounds it was loading 
scrap metal for Italy. In reality this scrap metal was being consigned by 
the Italian San Francisco colony to the Italian Red Cross and did not come 
under the classification of contraband. 

There was no cessation in "hot cargo" disputes or "job action." It became 
increasingly apparent that the water front employers were going to have to 
make amendments in their contract when the present award expired. 

On May 5, the International Longshoremen's Association convened at San 
Pedro, Calif. It resulted in a sweeping victory for the Equality Hall group. 
Among the resolutions introduced by this group were: 

1. Endorsing the principle of the industrial unions as advocated by John L. 
Lewis, president of the United Mine Workers. 

2. To organize flour mill and cereal industry workers as I. L. A. aflSliates. 
8. Declaring embargo on munitions of war, including scrap iron. 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1841 

4. Rpquiriiig that not less than 5 percent of new men registered be Negroes. 

5. Authorizing representatives to the national Negro congress. 

(i. Giving active sujiport to the Modesto d('f(>nse fund and Tom Mooney. 

7. Slop worlc in each port 1 hour during tlie Modesto appeal. 

S. Repeal of the California Criminal Syndicalism Act. 

9. Assessing all longshoremen $1 for contribiiliou to the Democratic campaign 
fund. Money to be sent to James Farley, 30 percent to be used in Pacific Coast 
States. 

A resolution endorsing a farmer-labor party, introduced by the Equality Hall 
group, failed to pass. 

Bridges won the nomination for district president and was later elected. 

Shortly after the International Longshoremen convention at San Pedro the 
otHcial publication of the Maritime Federation of the Pacific, the Voice of the 
Federation, i)ublished an article advocating a transportation federation of 
America under the caption ''Organize, or Else." We give it here verbatim : 

"One of the most important issues that is facing the workers in the marine 
transportation industry today is the question of industrial unionism. 

"In order to protect ourselves, our membership should include all forms of 
transportation, passenger as well as freight, both on land and sea and even in the 
air. This form of organization will have to be started now, lest the structure on 
which we are now standing, crumble under our feet. 

"It is becoming apparent that the destruction of our present set-up already 
exists within our form of organization. The closely interlocking functions of 
the various branches of the transportation industry makes it absolutely neces- 
sary for the workers in tlie various branches to act as one group. 

"If they fail to do so, they will find that when the freight tariff in the 
marine transportation becomes higher than tlie rate charged by rail, bus, or air, 
due to the fact that the workers in that branch are being better paid, or work 
imder better conditions, then the freight and passenger revenue will auto- 
matically be transferred into the branch where the workers are working under 
a lower standard of living. 

"In other words, when the irregularity of service or the higher rates on 
ships annoys the public, then they will send the freight and travel by rail, and 
when that happens, the ships will be laid up. Since our members are skilled 
in the sailing of ships, their value will be depreciated even should they even- 
tually be absorbed in the branch of the industry in which the increase in tratfic 
has occuri'ed. 

"Therefore, in order to keep the employment and earning power stable, we 
must afliliate ourselves with the other branches until the workers in the trans- 
portation industry control every vmit of transportation whether it flies, floats, 
or runs on wheels, and when that organization has been perfected, we will have 
in our hands the key that will open the door to a more abundant life not only 
for the workers in our industry but for all workers." 

The ambition of the Maritime Federation of the Pacific was to extend its 
influence. Therefore, organizations were set up on the Gulf and the Atlantic 
coast, with the intention of forming a National Maritime Federation, but their 
ambitions did not end there. It was their hope, when the National Maritime 
Federation was formed, to extend its influence internationally. This ambition 
was the fundamental of the Comintern in its international effort to control the 
transportation facilities of the entire world. 

We have already called the attention of the committee to the cooperation 
of Harry Bridges on the west coast with Joe Curran on the east coast which 
resulted in the Santa Rosa incident. 

By June 1, 1936, the situation in the American Federation of Labor regarding 
the fight with Mr. John L. Lewis was becoming serious. Already the hand 
of the Communist Party was in the Committee for Industrial Organization. 
There was no doubt that the Communist Party would take advantage of this 
situation and bore into the maritinx! federation, which it proceeded to do. 

On the first Saturday and Sunday in June 193G, Communist district No. 13, 
held its convention at Willapi Hall on Satui-day and the New Bayshore Hall 
on Sunday, in San Francisco. At this convention, a representative of the 
Comintern, gave instructions to district No. 13. The Sunday meeting was 
interrupted about 5 : 10 p. m. by police, who had been informed that a fight 
was in progress, but after the police left an election was held. 

At this election, Mr. Harry Bridges, president of the district I. L. A., was 
elected as a district committee member of district No. 13 of the Communist 
Party and was also constituted a bureau membel* of district 12. 



1842 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

We request the committee at this time to call the witnesses indicated m the 
list of witnesses attached to this report to substantiate the above 

The district bureau formulated the following policy to be submitted to all 

^"^rSrUiat it was the intention of the party to keep peace in the United States 
and on 'the Pacific coast in particular until after the general election _ 

Second, that the Communist Party was going to use every eftort to bring 
the Sailors' Ihiion of the Pacific back into the International Seamen s Union, 
in order that they could control the whole maritime situation on the Pacific 

COtlSt 

Third that they were going to use the Seamen's Union as a bone of contention 
if the shipowners opened the award, rather than the International Long- 
shoremen's Association. ^-^1,1,4.1, 

Fourth that in any event, if and when awards were opened either by the 
'jhinowne'rs or the Longshoremen's Association, they would agree to an extension 
of the agreement for a period of 1 year regardless of the terms therein, but 
with no intention of keeping the agreement after April 30, 1937. 

Fifth, that they would assist in every way the organization of the industrial 

unions. . i- » 

Sixth, that when Mr. John L. Lewis had accomplished the organization of 
the steel, rubber, automotive industries, they would then break the awards 
on the Pacific coast. Gulf, and Atlantic coast, and cause a Nation-wide general 
strike. 

Seventh, that they would increase the membership of the Newspaper Guild 
and establish nuclei in the various newspapers so that they could control the 
presentation of news by the papers at the time of the calling of the general 
strike. 

The witnesses referred to can be used to substantiate this policy, also. 

With the assistance of the Communist Party Bridges proceeded to gain 
absolute control of the I. L. A. and the maritime federation. Emissaries were 
sent to the Gulf to organize the Gulf. One, J. W. Allen, alias Von Ermen, was 
the party functionary used in the Gulf. Pie was a former relief officer for the 
Matson Line. 

Roy Pyle, of the American Radio Telegraph Association, proceeded to New York 
and consulted with Roy Hudson, president of the Marine Workers' Industrial 
Union, and a member of the central committee of the Communist Party of the 
United States. There they formulated a policy for coordination of activities 
on the Atlantic coast that would follow the leadership of Harry Bridges on the 
Pacific coast. 

After Earl Browder had accepted his nomination for the Presidency on the 
Communist Party ticket, he proceeded to the Pacific coast and visited with the 
bureaus of district 12 and 13. 

At the time of Browder's visit it was still considered necessary to maintain 
peace, but at this time the shipowners decided to open the award. After the 
first few meetings between maritime representatives and the shipowners, it be- 
came apparent to the Communist groups what tactics the shipowners had 
decided to follow. This necessitated a change in plans on the part of the 
Communist Party and the Equality Hall group on the Pacific coast. 

Roy Hudson was sent to the Pacific coast and remained in San Francisco 
directing all negotiations of the party in the maritime federation and news- 
paper organizations for the whole Pacific coast. The first result was an order 
on the part of the party to stiffen the attitude of the unions, and finally the 
following statement was issued to the party by the bureau during the last week 
in August 1936: 

"1. We must exploit the situation with all its implications to the end that —  

"(a) A general improvement all around of conditions of labor, hours, wages, 
etc., for longshoremen. 

"(&) Decided improvement of labor, hours, wages, etc., for seamen. 

"(c) General improvement for all other crafts in the shipping and maritime 
industry. 

"(d) The setting up of a more inclusive provisional apparatus with a view 
of taking the Maritime Federation of the Pacific a step higher in the direction 
of industrial unionism. 

"(e) Unofficial representation on the C. I. O. (John Lewis's new 'Committee 
for Industrial Organization'). 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1843 

"2. Finally, under no circumstances to fail to tal<e advantage of tlie general 
favorable situation to the end that — 

'■(a) The Communist Party shall increase in influence and membership; 

"{b) The people's front shall advance inmieasurably ; and 

•'(c) Moral and finantial aid shall be given to the C. I. O. in the fight against 
the reactionary A. F. of L. leadership. 

"makitime strike political necessity 

"3. Further, in the matter of the Pacific coast maritime situation, it is 
decided — 

"((/) A general maritime strike is not only possible but a practical political 
necessity. 

"(6) Every effort should be made to conduct 'negotiations' in such a way as 
to gain the 'moral' prerequisite for a strike — should serious gains otherwise be 
impossible. 

"(c) Loo?;e connections with the Northwest must be strengthened by meanfe 
of unlimited support to the P. I. Guild newspaper strike and to the aspirations 
of certain 'leaders.' 

"(d) At the same time a definite understanding must be worked out between 
tlie Euros, Harry Bridges, California, Morris Rapport, Washington, and the 
leadership of the Washington Commonwealth Federation with a view to com- 
plementing the general situation — guild strike, marine strike — in such a way 
that one may lead to the other. 

"4. It must be understood that we must conduct ourselves in such a way as 
to advance — 

"(a) The perspectives of a new manifold upsurge of class struggle; 

"(h) The definite realization of a Farmer-Labor Party alinement of the west 
coast ; and 

"((•) The bringing about on the west coast an internal alinement similar to 
the C. I. O." 

We desire at this time to introduce a confidential memorandum covering the 
above, and request that it be marked "Exhibit No. 25." 

We shall now return to the maritime federation convention which ended 
in San Pedro on June 10, 1936. The maritime federation adopts the following 
resolutions : 

"1. Endorse campaign for repeal of criminal syndicalism law and release all 
persons in jail for same. 

"2. To designate July 5, 'Bloody Thursday' Maritime Memorial Day, calling 
upon all affiliated unions to observe this by work stoppage. (This was referred 
to a referendum.) 

"3. Protest aggressive war and facism. 

"4. Embargo on war materials. 

"5. Authorize maritime federation district mass meetings for all member 
unions at least once a month. 

"6. Organize maritime federation in the District of British Columbia. 

"7. Organize national maritime federation, embracing all phases of marine- 
tran.sportation industries. 

"8. Recommend that radio telegraphers make September demand that they 
be not required to do clerical or purser work. 

"9. Set definite rules for sailors and longshore work on steam schooners. 

"10. Establish a Mooney-defense committee in each federation district. Sell 
40,000 '45-ceut free Mooney and Billings' stamps.' " 

The perusal of those resolutions is enough to point out to the committee the 
control of the Equality Hall group and the Communist Party. 

On July 5, 1936, the maritime federation staged its "Bloody Thursday" 
parade. Thev claimed that 10.000 men marched in the parade. 

On July 9 "it was announced that Harry Bridges had been elected presitlent 
of the district 1. L. A. for 1936-37. 

On July 22 the jNIaritinie Federation of the Pacific announced that all propo- 
sitions oil referendum ballot had carriied and then called for a coast-wide 
meeting on the proposed September demands to be held on August 4 and 5, 
in San Francisco. 

Tliese resolutions that were passed by the referendum set up the federation 
not as a negotiating agency but merely a coordinating agency with power to 



1844 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

block negotilations that any occasion might demand. Their plan, briefly, was 
to authorize the federation as a coordinating agency which would approve 
demands and force employers to sign with all unions simultaneously; to split 
employer organizations by dealing with individual employers and individual 
groups of employers, one at a time. All agreements were to include («) right 
of union men to refuse to pass picket lines; (&) a guaranty that there would 
be no discrimination against any man because of union activities; (c) a prefer- 
ential agreement clause; and (d) recognize the right of unions to take joint 
action to enforce agreements. 

On July 81, 1936, the water-front employers served formal notice on I. L. A. 
district officials and four major locals that they intended to "open the award" 
and suggested that negotiations be started at the earliest possible date and made 
the proposal that all i-ssues not settled by September 1 be submitted to arbitration 
on that date or immediately thereafter, in order to eliminate any possibility of a 
nonagreement interim after September 30. 

We point out to the committee at this time that it was not the intention of 
the Equality Hall group to want any strikes in 1936 and that the seamen were 
being used as the "catspaw" to effect trading with the water-front employers. 

The August 17, 193G, Western Worker published the following editorial : 

"Obviously, the water-front unions cannot at this time state that they are 
prepared to submit all disputed points to arbitration. The union men are deter- 
mined to win certain burning minimum demands which will make life on board 
the ships less of a hell of exploitation. To agree at this time to submit these 
essential demands to arbitration would be in effect a surrender of these demands 
to the shipowners." 

The significance of this quotation is the fact that it does not refer to the long- 
shoremen but to the seamen and was the first step of the Communist Party to 
further its program of having the seamen carry the battle. 

On August 19', 1936, the Sailors' Union of the Pacific notified the employers 
that all agreements and awards would terminate September 30. The Sailors' 
Union of the Pacific offered to negotiate their agreements but insisted that these 
agreements must be with the Sailors' Union of the Pacific alone. P>oth the 
Sailors' Union of the Pacific and the Firemen's Union rejected the employers' 
offer to an immediate agreement to arbitrate all unsettled issues as of Sep- 
tember 1. 

Negotiations with the International Longshoremen's Association began on 
August 24, but after a full week of meetings they were still deadlocked on the 
question of submitting all disputed issues to arbitration. This was merely stall- 
ing on the part of Harry Bridges and his group in order that the seamen's union 
be pushed to the front. 

During the first week of negotiations, after the water-front employers had noti- 
fied the maritime unions that they were going to open the award, the split 
occurred between the seamen's union and the longshoremen's group. During this 
period the murder of George Alberts had been discovered and the body of Cher- 
bourg had been taken from San Francisco Bay. 

On August 29 a telegram was received in Seattle from San Francisco which 
we introduce to this committee and request that it be marked "Exhibit No. 26," 
from which we quote as follows : 

"Party status is definitely changed. Still do not want strike but ready and 
willing to go through with it if necessary for radicals to retain control of mari- 
time Tuiions. Party prepared for long and bloody strike, although denial of fire- 
arms and ammunitions. This denial does not check with other statements. 
Statement made Alameda murder definitely linked with maritime situation and 
to expose those guilty will involve maritime union individuals to extent so great 
that too dangerous for informant." 

On August 31, 193G, INIitchell, of the Vancouver. British Columbia, longshore- 
men, received the following wire from Harry Bridges : 

"Word toniglit from Lewis that he and his followers were with you, so if you 
walk out we will make it a big one. That is all we need." 

On the same day Whitehead, of Seattle, phoned to Vancouver, British Colum- 
bia, that he had received a wire from Harry Bridges, reading ns follows: 

"Nofiiing can stop wide open break between employers and I. L. A. and Mari- 
time Federation. It looks only a few days away." 

Whitehead then quoted from a letter he had received from Bridges as follows: 

"The men in 'Frisco do not want to take a vote on it, and say, why not tie up 
shipping now and let the employers come to us. With all shipping tied up tight 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1845 

they will make a much better settlement than we would, so anything may happen 
any time, not even waiting for a vote to be taken, for the taking of a vote would 
go solidly for a strike." 

At noon tho same day Mitchell in "Vancouver, British Columbia, received a 
wire from Rridscs : 

"Today, aflm- refnsinir to consider offer by employers several times re wages, 
we agreed to put the matter before our men and the referendum at once will 
allow us to carry on and at the same time give us our vote to be sure where we 
stand." 

Later in the afternoon Whitehead wired Mitchell from Seattle: 

'■I am instructed to inform you that you are to hold a referendum vote the 
same as on this side. You will receive full instructions on Wednesday or as 
soon as I have time to prepare them." 

On September 1, 1036, Landj-e came into Vancouver, British Columbia, from 
Seattle and met the local men at the labor temple. He stated: "We expect you 
to ff(>t us a big vote to reject any offers. It will be in reality a strike vote. 
Commence voting Thursday morning and take 4 days to finish. That will be 
Monday. September 7. at 8 p. m. Make your report by noon of Tuesday, Sep- 
tember 8, to reach Bridges in time for tabulation that evening in 'Frisco, then 
action with the employers the following day, Wednesday, September 9. The 
employers think it will be the middle of the month, but Bridges will fool them." 

We desire to enter the confidential memorandum con1:aining the above quota- 
tions and request that it be marked "Exhibit No. 27." 

On September 4 Harry Bridges informed the San Francisco Central Labor 
Council that he was advising the men to prepare for a strike. It was the con- 
sensus of opinion by disinterested observers at the time that when the strike 
vote was taken to determine whether the employers' proposals would be sub- 
mitted to arbitration, that the results would depend upon the way the ballot 
was prepared. 

At this time we offered in evidence the ofiicial longshoremen's ballot to be 
voted on September 10, 11, and 12, 1936, and request that it be marked "Exhibit 
No. 2?." 

The attention of the committee is called to the peculiar manner in which the 
employers' proposals are presented, together with the question as framed. 

During this period the steamship President Hoover was tied up. We mention 
it at this time because it is an excellent example of the determined campaign 
of the ^Laritime Federation to destroy discipline on the American merchant 
ships. This was a campaign to destroy the authority of the master and other 
officers and to substitute committee (Soviet) rule by the crew. 

Early in 1936 union officials instructed all seamen to keep a careful record of 
"all infractions of navigation laws and of the arbitration award and to enforce 
the award and the navigation laws." In other words, the crew was to replace 
the authority of the United States Government in law enforcement. 

Open trouble developed on the Hoover at Honolulu on August 21, 1036. The 
ship was scheduled to sail at 10 p. m. At 9 : 30 p. m. a delegate, Brenner by 
name, advised Captain Yardley that the deck crew would not permit the ship 
to leave the dock until all hatches were battened and all gear secured. Captain 
Yardley advised the ship's delegate that the vessel would proceed as customary, 
securing gear as they sailed down the harbor, but that in event the gear was 
not secured and hatches were not battened by the time the reef was reached 
the vessel would heave to until such work was accomplished. The captain 
warned the men that if they refused to work he would log them 2 days' pay for 
every infraction of the rules. 

At sailing time, the deck crew assigned to the watches remained below. 
They did not report to their stations until 20 minutes later, at which time 
the vessel proceeded down the harbor, battening hatches and .securing the 
gear as is customar.v. 

In accordance with his warning. Captain Yardley logged four members of 
the deck crew for disobedience of orders and for delaying the United States 
mails, fining them 2 days' pay for each count, or a total of 4 days' pay. The 
vessel arrived in San Francisco at 11 : 30 a. m. August 20. The morning of 
August 27, the company started to pay off. The deck crew refused to accept 
their pay unless the 4 days' logging were remitted. The shipping commissioner 
advised the men and the captain that "a 2 days' fine for refusal to obey lawful 
orders of the master was correct." 



1846 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 



Despite this, the sailors still refused and the remainder of the crew, both 
engine department and cooks and stewards, likewise refused to accept their 
pay When the ship returned to San Francisco on September 1, Capt. John A. 
Rylander, United States Shipping Commissioner for San Francisco, conducted 
an investigation under orders from Joseph Weaver, bureau chief in Washington. 

In the investigation, Brenner, who had been the ship's delegate, readily 
admitted that Captain Tardley had said the ship would heave to inside the 
reef in case hatches and gear were not secured by the time they reached the 
reef. "But, said Seaman Brenner, there wasn't any room to heave to inside 
the harbor.'' "How do you know," queried Captain Rylander, "have you seen 
the length of the harbor or do you know from personal knowledge?" "No," said 
Mr. Brenner, "but one of the men in the forecastle, who has officer's papers, 
told me so." 

Delegate Brenner was not reemployed and when the President Hoover 
attempted to sail from San Francisco at 4 p. m. Friday, September 4, the 
members of the engine department and the cooks and stewards were signed 
on without difficulty, but the entire deck department refused to sign on unless 
Brenner was reemployed. 

After the ship was tied up for 5 days and 21 1/2 hours and with a loss of over 
$50,000, the President Hoover finally sailed. 

It is pointed out to the committee that while the money loss was negligible, 
the loss of prestige due to lack of discipline was inconceivably great. 

We charge that the incident of the steamship President Hoover was inspired 
and controlled by a Communist nuclei on that ship. 

At tills time we desire to introduce to the committee a file entitled "Min- 
utes, Joint Strike Policy Committee of the Maritime Federation of the Pacific," 
and request that this be marked "Exhibit No. 29." 

We request the committee to note that all quotations from this file will be 
marked in numerical order in red pencil. 

Quotation 1, September 4, 1936, page 6 : "Amendment by Pyle, seconded by 
Rathborne, that we advise the coast committee of shipoAvners, the press, and 
all parties concerned, that if all misiniderstandings now existing between the 
iniions and employers are not settled by September 30, the maritime unions 
and the shipowners shall mutually agree to continue operations temporarily after 
October 1, under conditions now in effect with all unions until satisfactory new 
agreements are signed by all organizations affiliated with the maritime 
federation." 

This amendment offered by Pyle and Rathborne, who are both Communists 
and members of the American Radio Telegraphers Association, was in direct 
line with the expressed will of the Communist Party as heretofore shown. 

The party still felt that it could carry the present agreements over until 
April of 1937, at which time they felt that Mr. John L. Lewis and the C. I. O. 
would be ready to join with the maritime industries in a Nation-wide general 
strike. 

Quotation 2 on the same page is as follows: "The firemen, sailors, and 
cooks negotiating committees a.sked to he recorded as voting 'No.' " 

This shows a division already pointed out. The representatives of the sea- 
men s union were going to have nothing to do with the policies of the Com- 
munist Party. 

Harry Bridges and the Equality Hall group within the maritime federation 
had orders, however, that if the demands of the seamen were not granted and 
that If the seamen went out on strike, then they too would have to follow in 
the interests of unity. As the negotiations developed we shall see this group, 
under the leadership of Harry Bridges, continually stalling on the matter of 
a definite strike date. 

On September 25, page 4. quotation No. 3: "Brother Bridges, I. L. A. 38, 
reported that his organization had received a letter from the employers offer- 
ing an increase in wages, substituting an 8-hour dav for the 6-hour day, and 
the members to work off the docks. His organization representatives were 
to moHt the shipowners' representatives at 11 a. m. Saturdav morning and 
turther_ stated that his organization was willing to proceed and work for the 
time being under the present award." 

Quotation No. 4: "Brother Bridges a.sked this committee to go on record that 
all unions request the shipowners to suspend their ultimatum for 25 davs for 
furtlKT negotiations, beyond September 30, 1936, and that the unions remain 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1847 

at work during this suspension, observing the couditions under the present 
agreements. Bridges, first. Canning, seconded." 

Quotation No. 5: "Amendment to read '10 days and not more than 15 days.' 
Coestor, first, Cates, seconded." 

Quotation No. t! : "Bruther Luudebcrg speaks in favor of tlie amendment." 

This desire for an extension of the agreement on the part of Bridges and 
the desire for an early termination on the part of I.undeberg is accentuated as 
negotiations proceed. 

It is to be remembered by tlie committee that during all of this period, 
Roy Hudson, representative of tlie central committee of the Communist Party, 
was in San Francisco and cooperating with the Equality Hall group to see that 
the dicta of the Communist Party was carried out. 

On September 23, 1936, the results of the membership referendum vote of 
the I. L. A. of the Pacific Coast on the proposal submitted by the Waterfront 
Employers' Association was returned. The votes in favor of the proposal were 
4S9 and the votes against, 9,938. 

It is interesting to note at this time that the I. L. A. voted on the employers' 
proposal and not on the question of whether the membership was willing to 
submit all disputed issues to arbitration. 

The joint policy committee agreed upon an extension of 15 days after Sep- 
tember 30. instead of the 25 days requested by Bridges. This in turn was 
accepted by the waterfront employers. 

On September 29, 1936, the Maritime Commission wired the Waterfront Em- 
ployers' Association requesting an extension for 60 days. This the waterfront 
employers refused to grant. On Septenil)er 30 the IVIaritime Commission re- 
quested an extension for 30 days. The waterfront employers then replied that 
they would grant a 60-day extension provided that prior to the 15th day of 
October each of the unions would notify the Commission and agree that any 
and all disputes not settled within the 60-day period, would be submitted to 
arbitration before the Maritime Commission. 

At a meeting of the joint strike committee of the Maritime Federation of 
the Pacific on October 14, 1936, Bridges suggested to the delegates that they 
go back to their membership and submit the proposal and put it to a refer- 
endum vote. This was just another delay in practice. Coester, speaking for 
the Sailors' Union of the Pacific, opposed this. Bridges states that the I. L. A. 
executive committee had gone over this proposal and thought that it was 
reasonable. As a result of this meeting a telegram was framed to be sent 
to the Maritime Commission, the Secretary of Labor, and President Roosevelt, 
from which we quote as quotation No. 7: 

"Joint negotiating committee representing all maritime unions takes this 
means of notifying you that they have attempted to cooperate to the fullest 
extent with the Maritime Commission to avoid a tie-up. The present 1.5-day 
extension, granted at the request of the Commission, has resulted in great unrest 
on the part of our membership due to the employers' attitude in refusing bona 
fide negotiations. This situation has been aggravated by the Commission's 
latest dictatorial assumption of authority when the public and unions were 
looking to them to take a mutual and pacifying attitude. In view of the above 
the negotiating committee of the maritime unions are submitting to their 
membership a referendum asking full authority to order strike action midnight 
Octolier 28. This action to avoid tie-up through spontaneous action by our 
membership and to give the Commission a chance to correct damage they have 
done and use their authority to settle situations peacefully. Bridges first, 
Cannalonga seconded." 

We give now quotation No. 8, page 6 : '"Brother Schmidt reported on the 
wire and the press release, stating that the press release had already gone, but 
the wire was held up on the advice of Mr. Aaron Sapiro, the sailors' legal 
counsel. 

The telegram was then amended as follows : 

Quotation No. 9. page 6 : 

".Toint negotiating committee takes this means of notifying you that they have 
attempted to cooperate to the fullest extent with the Maritime Commission to 
avoid a tie-up. The present 1.5-day extension granted at the request of the 
Commission has resulted in great unrest on the part of our membersliip due to 
employers' attitude in refusing bona fide negotiations. This situation has been 
aggravated by Commis.sion's latest assumption of authority not yet in effect 



1848 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 



when the public and unions were looking to them to take a neutral and pacifying 
attitude In view of the above and attempting to protect solely fundamental 
issues, unions now have and feel are jeopardized. The negotiating committee of 
maritinu^ unions are submitting to their membership a referendum asking full 
authority to order strike action midnight October 28. This action taken to avoid 
tie-up tl'irougli spontaneous action by our membership and to give Commission 
chance to correct false impression left in the minds of our members and the 
public have used our efforts to settle situation peaceably by mediation. 

"F. M. Kelley, 
"Secretary, Joint Negotiating Committee, Maritime Federation^ 

We point out to the committee the difference between the first and second 
telegrams, indicating the usual contempt of Bridges for representatives of the 
United States Government. 
At a meeting on October 13 the following quotation No. 10 : 

"P.rother Bridges thinks that we should not commit ourselves to such, but 
should take the middle ground and watch until the Commission is actually in 
effect, which will be October 26, 1036. His opinion is that the proper thing 
for us to do is to reply that the unions agree to the extension with the pro- 
vision that any benefits resulting from new agreements would be retroactive to 
October 1, 1936. The other alternative was to challenge the power of the Mari- 
time Commission by inviting them to come here and show their power." 

On page 6, quotation No. 11 : "The committee for the proposed wire for the 
Maritime Commission returned and Brother Bridges reported that everybody 
was in accord with exception of the sailors' union." 

The October 20, 1936, meeting of the joint committees appointed a committee 
to meet with the employers and the Commission. We cite quotation No. 12, 
page 1 : 

"Brother Bridges further states that it was his understanding that the em- 
ployers had a proposal to submit to the S. U. P. It was moved and seconded 
that each organization elect a committee of two to accompany the I. L. A. 
committee to meet the employers and the Commission." The following com- 
mittee was named bv the respective organizations and elected by acclamation: 
H. Muches, W. Peel, *H. O'Neil, G. Chariot. C. W. Labolle, *H. Hook, E. Coester, 
D. Modin, *R. Meriwether, H. Gray, *E. O'Grady, *R. Pyle, *A. Quittenton." 

As this number amounted to 13, it was agreed that the I. L. A. would supply 
the remaining seven. Brother Melnikow making up the 21 representatives on 
tlie committee. 

We desire to point out to the committee at this time that those whose names 
bear asterisks were members of the Equality Hall group and also members of 
the Communist Party. 

On October 26 the United States Maritime Commission sent the following 
telegram to the joint strilve committee : 

"Today the law creating the Maritime Commission came into full effect. 
All powers and authority conferred upon the commission thereby are in full 
force. The duties of the Commission prescribed therein as well as its authority 
and powers are well known to shipowners and to maritime unions of the 
Pacific. The Commission proposes to carry out its duties to the fullest extent 
of its abilities and to use all the authority and powers conferred upon it to 
this end. It proposes to endeavor to see to it that full justice is done to the 
personnel manning onr ships and that the rights of both shipowner and person- 
nel are preserved and respected. The situation confronting our merchant 
marines due to the disputes between shipowners and the unions on the Pacific 
coast is of grave public interest and of first and deep concern to the Com- 
mission. As already announced the Commission has begun an importial investi- 
gation which will be full and complete. The Commission feels that the public 
interest requires that all shipping must continue to move during this investiga- 
tion and repeat that it requests and expects that this will be done under latest 
agreement until the investigation is completed and the facts announced. You 
are requested to answer now unequivocally and without qualification and 
question are you going to respect the public and Government's interest to the 
extent that you will carry on under latest agreements without stoppage of 
work by walkout or strike until the Commission's investigation is completed 
and facts announced — United States Maritime Commission." 

On page 3 of the October 26 minutes of the joint strike committee, quo- 
tation 13: 



UN-AMERICAN I'KOPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1849 

"Brother Curraii took the floor. Roportod that the cast coast rank and file 
were goiny- aliead with phms to support the west coast in all of its demands. 
Brother ("urran thou.uht some decision shonld he made at this time for the men 
on ships on both coasts such as an east coast ship being on the west coast, 
or a west coast ship being on the east coast in the event a strike is called." 

We also give quotation No. 14 on the next page : "Brother Curran spoke about 
the necessity of establishing lines of connnunication between the east coast 
and the west coast." 

We introduce these two quotations at this time in order that the committee 
may be advised that Joe Curran was on the west coast assisting Harry Bridges 
organize for the maritime strike of 1U3G. It is unnecessary for us to point out 
that Joe Curran's membership card in the Conununist I'arty was introduced 
before this conwnittee as evidence in its Washington, D. C. hearing. 

The following telegram was then prepared and sent to the United States 
Maritime Commission at Washingtc»n, D. C, on October 26, 1936: 

"Acknowledging your telegrams October 24 and 2G. Yesterday Admiral Ham- 
let informed representatives maritime unions he was not here to handle present 
maritime crisis and his oflicial duties are confined to full investigation mer- 
cliant marine. This in answer to unions' request that hearings beginning this 
morning concentrate on unions' fundamental issues, protection of which would 
prevent strike October 28. At Commission's request unions agreed to exten- 
sions beyond September 30, again to October 26, believing Commission would 
act to prevent tie-up. This last-minute information from your representative 
that Commission is not interested in present crisis after misleading unions into 
belief they were has resulted in wasting much time unions could otherwise 
spend negotiating with those shipowners who have demonstrated they did not 
wish tie-up by their offering to grant full demands to some maritime unions. 
Your representative here abruptly adjourned hearings this morning denying 
either party right to make statements. The actions of Commission appear to 
us to coincide with the wishes of a radical minority of shipowners who aii- 
jiarently desire a tie-up regardless of ultimate results. Admiral Hamlet defi- 
nitely notified maritime unions his investigation will be national in scope and 
may consume from 6 months to 1 year which would require unions to con- 
tinue under present coolie wages and conditions. This same program adivo- 
cated by shipo\vners. Unions are disturbed at such a prejudiced attitude on 
the part of Commission which should be impartial. We further call attention 
to fact that shipowmers who desire avoid tieup represent large majority west 
coast shipping operators and are mainly nonsubsidized operators. Minority 
group forcing tieup are depending heavily on subsidies they hope to obtain from 
Commission. Justness of our position is recognized by the offer of majority 
group of operators. Unless fundamental issues are agreed to by October 28 
for all maritime unions strike will take place midnight on that date. Public 
and labor -generally understands and is sympathetic to cause of unions at- 
tempting to correct conditions that are un-American and to that end indicate 
will support us. Present returns of strike vote indicate 95 percent in favor but 
unions will continue cooperating with Department labor oflicials to use every 
effort toward peaceful settlement by direct negotiations. 

"F. M. Kelley, 
"Secretary Joint Maritime Unions Negotiating Committee." 

On October 27 the following letter was sent to the Honorable Edward F. 
McGrady. Assistant Secretary of Labor, by the joint strike committpe : 

"We are advised that the coast committee of the shipowners have agreed to 
resume negotiations with the unions on Wednesday, October 28. It is our hope 
and our desire that we may be able to reach agreements on all points in 
dispute. . 

"We request you to urge upon the coast committee of the shipowners that 
they concede to the respective unions so as to be immediately effective from 
October 28, 1936. and to remain in effect for the period of the agreement to be 
negotiated, to wit, 1 year: (a) Preference of employment for all unions and 
continuation of the present system of hiring for unlicensed personnel; (&) cash 
to be paid for all overtime; (c) the adjustment of the basis work day for the 
stewards' department, based on their request for the 8-hour day, to be worked 
over a span of 12 hours; (d) eight hours a day of radio work for radio oper- 
ators; (e) the manning scale for licensed ofiicers to be negotiated on the basis 
of the 8-hour dav; (f) the continuation of the 6-hour day for the longshoremen. 



1850 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

-If those basic requests can be met, "^gf^^tious can be continued, and we 
hope a speedy understanding can be reached on all points at issue. 
"Respectfully yours. ^^^^^^^^^ ^^^^ Telegraphists' Ass'n, 
By (signed) Roy A. Pn^, Vice-President. 

International Longshoremen'n Ass'n, 

Pacific Coast District, 

By (signed) H. R. Bridges. 

Marine Engineers' Beneficial Ass'n, 

Pacific Coast District, 

By (signed) R. Meriwether. 

Masters, Mates & Pilots of America, 

West Coast Local 90, 

By (signed) E. B. O'Grady. 

Pacific Coast Marine Firemen, Oilers, 

Watertenders & Wipers Ass'n., 

By (signed) Harkt Gray. 

Sailors' Union of the Pacific, 
By (signed) Harry Lundeberg. 

Marine Cooks & Stewards of the Pacific Coast, 
By (signed) David Modin. 

We now quote from the October 29 meeting of the joint strike committee : 

Quotation No. 16. "Moved and seconded that we postpone for 24 hours any 
strike action. Brother Lundeberg speaks against motion postponed tor z-± 
hours." "Brother Bridges speaks in favor of the motion." 

This first meeting was held at 12 : 28 a. m. on October 29. Another meeting 
was called for 9 o'clock in the evening of the same day. The fight between 
Bridges and Lundeberg was accentuated, Bridges still desiring to carry on 
negotiations and Lundeberg demanding an immediate strike. 

Quotation No. 17, from the minutes of this meeting, as follows : Moved and 
seconded that at 11 p. m. we make the strike vote a special order of business. 
Bridges, first. Chariot seconded." (Both Equality Hall men.) "Amendment 
that this joint negotiating committee, by virtue of the power invested in them 
by referendum strike vote, hereby declare a strike beginning at midnight 
tonight on all longshore, intercoastal, and coastwise vessels; the disposition of 
all vessels not covered by this motion should be handled by the joint strike 
committee; and that all ports concerned be notified of our action prior to 
midnight tonight. Farrell first, Lundeberg seconded." 

Following this amendment another motion was made, quotation No. 18, as 
follows : 

"Moved and seconded that we table the motion and amendment.- Schmidt 
first, Krumholtz seconded." It is to be noted that both Schmidt and Krumholtz 
belonged to the Equality Hall group. 

This meant that temporarily at least the Communist Party had gained its 
position. 

Then in quotation No. 19 we find : 

"Brother Bridges stated that the fundamental demands of the I. L. A. had 
been granted and in the event that there is a strike the I. L. A. will not be 
striking for these issues." 

Quotation No. 20. "Brother Bridges stated that the T. L. A. had initiated 
this strike vote and they were going into it with more to lose than any other 
organization." 

Lundeberg, however, finally gained the control of the joint strike committee 
and the vote to strike was passed. The following telegram was sent to Joseph 
Curran, chairman, Seamen's Defense Committee, 164 Eleventh Avenue, New 
York City. 

Strike declared here midnight. Negotiating committee requests support for 
WC for the ports insofar intercoastal ships loaded or manned by scabs are 
concerned. Further policy adopted here is all ships return to home port before 
being struck unless worked or manned by scabs. Notify other ports. 

(Signed) Innes. 

A newspaper in San Francisco, commenting on this situation, says as follows : 

"Calling of a general maritime strike, in spite all efforts to prevent it, brought 

to light a new and peculiar situation, involving national politics and personal 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1851 

rivalries within the unions. Harry Bridges, leader of the longshoremen for 
the past 3 years and district head of the niaritinio federation, is said to have 
addressed the committee meetings as hite as 11 o'clock Thursday niglit with 
an impassioned plea for delay, that he was shouted down, it is reported, after 
Harry Lundeberg, secretary of the Sailors' Union, took the floor and insisted 
upon immediate action. The strike action brought the first defeat suffered by 
Bridges since he assumed- dictatorship over the water front more than 2 years 
ago. and apparently points the way to a new regime in maritim*' lalxjr circles. 
Bridges and Lundeberg have long been personal enemies, and, while the latter 
is as radical in his views as the former, it does not happen to be the right type 
of radicalism. Bridges has been playing a desperate game to retain his dic- 
tatorship over the maritime federation and swing it still further toward the left 
at the same time, and it is reported that after he had been talking strike for 
months and had succeeded in getting the authorization to call one through the 
federation referendum, he found that his agitation had resulted in allowing the 
situation to get out of hand. Roy Hudson, of New York, head of the marine 
section of the National Communist Party, has been in San Francisco for several 
days and has been in conference with Bridges." 

The details of the 1936 strike were quite different from that of the general 
strike of 1934. There was no attempt on the part of the shipowners to 
operate. 

Bridges and the Equality Hall group, in order to hold control of the situa- 
tion, had to make an about-face. The party immediately got behind the 
struggle. 

At this time we ask the committee to read the following articles to be found 
in exhibit 6-B, the Western Worker : 

September 28, page 1, '"Bridges replies to shipowners regarding lockout strike 
as he terms it." 

October 1, page 1, "Place blame on shipowners for any lockout that may 
occur." 

October 5, page 1, "Fifteen days truce proposed on water front." 

October 12, page 8, "Maritime Federation Di-strict Council No. 1 gives full 
support to strike." 

October 18, page 1, "Maritime Unions unite to take strike vote." 

October 26, "I. L. A. — Stand by all sea-going crafts." 

November 2, page 1, "Strike from Sau Diego to Ala.ska." 

November 16, page 1, "Editorial — Demands President Roosevelt asked." 

November 27, 1936, the American Citizen of San Francisco carried the fol- 
lowing article. We quote as follows : 

"The striking maritime workers, 37,000 strong on the coast alone, are pre- 
pared to hold out until April, their leaders declare, and they could have just 
as well gone a bit further and threatened to continue their hold-out until May 
1, the International Day of Communist Revolution, when the beginning of the 
strike was really scheduled according to plans announced at the Congress of 
the Communist International at Moscow several months ago." 

We quote now from the San Francisco Daily News dated July 31, 193-5 : 

'Moscow, July 31. — A strike on a vast scale among United States long- 
shoremen when their agreement with shipowners expires in September was 
predicted to the Seventh World Congress of the Communist International in a 
speech yesterday by Samuel Darcy, one of the American delegates. He said : 

" 'The result of the struggle depends not only on the work we will carry on, 
on the Pacific coast ; we count on the facts that through the efforts of all 
sections of the interuationale close cooperation by seamen and port workers 
in all countries may be guaranteed in a general and decisive struggle against 
the bourgeoisie. During the San Francisco general strike we established con- 
tacts with the International Sailors' and Port Workers' Union in Australia 
and the Netherlands, and their fidelity and cooperation evoked tremendous 
enthusiasm. 

" "The international contacts of the working class requires special significance 
in connection with the danger of an imperial war.' " 

On November 9, the Maritime Worker, mimeograph bulletin issued by the 
water-front section of the Communist Party in San Francisco after it suc- 
ceeded the Waterfront Worker, says as follows : 

"In the few years the Communist Party has been working in the marine 
industry, one of the most powerful maritime organizations in the world has 
been built up." 



1852 un-a:merican propaganda activities 

On November 15, Bridges spoke to the Western Writers' Congress in San 

Francisco, and said : -.cAnnn oaa/^aa 

"The present maritime strike may spread to another 150,000 or 200,000 

workers We are on strike and we are going to win. I hope that the strike 

will not spread, but that may be necessary. We have not yet called on our 

rGSGrvos '* 

On November 21, speaking at the San Francisco Labor Council, Bridges said : 

"No one knows better than we do how this situation effects other workers. 
We know that troops and machine guns may move in here again and we know 
that won't be any fun. But we would rather take a crack at the machine 
guns than go back to conditions as they were before 1934." 

Bridges then proceeded to make an attack upon the whole I. L. A. struc- 
ture on the Atlantic coast and against all the leaders of the American Federa- 
tion of Labor by saying : 

"The I. L. A. on the Atlantic coast is a racket using 500 thugs and gangsters 
in smashing seamen's picket lines so longshoremen can scab on their striking 
brothers. They are playing the game of the shipowners and crossing the 
strikers back East before the shipowners move in on us here. And after this 
strike is over we will show them more of an inland march. I haven't heard 
any kicks from the boys in the front trenches of the inland march. The 1934 
strike was localized. This strike is now national in scope. We have no fear. 
We know what the outcome will be. We expect help from the Government. 
Labor put this Government into office. We expect support and we are going 
to get it." 

On December 8, 1936, a mass meeting was held in the San Francisco Munici- 
pal Auditorium where Harry Bridges entered into a debate with Mr. Roger 
Lapham, president of the American-Hawaiian Steamship Co. Those seated on 
the platform with Harry Bridges were Henry Schmidt, member of the Equality 
Hall group; Angelo Herndon, Negro Communist and national chairman of the 
Young Communist League; William Schneiderman, district organizer for the 
party; Frank Spector, party organizer for the Communist Party; Lawrence 
Ross, editor of the Western Worker; and Anita Whitney, State chairman of 
the Communist Party ; E. B. O'Grady, of the Masters. Mates and Pilots Associa- 
tion and Equality Hall group; Jennie Matyas, Communist; and George Woolf, 
president of the Alaska Cannery Workers' Union, and meml)er of the Com- 
munist Party. 

The following telegram was sent by the Communist Party to the San Fran- 
cisco strike committee : 

"Greetings to the striking maritime workers of San Francisco and the labor 
movement which is giving such splendid support to your heroic struggle. The 
central committee of our party which has just concluded a 3-day session here 
has adopted a special resolution in support of your struggle and urged all of 
the party organizations to not only continue but multiply many times the 
support that we are giving to your fight. We realize that the big shipowners 
are trying to crush the maritime unions as a step toward a general attack 
on the trade-union movement and that this demand of the entire labor move- 
ment united and wholehearted support for your struggle. We realize that the 
victorious outcome of your struggle will be a big step in the direction of the 
organization f)f the steel workers and the millions of other organized woi'kers 
in their fight for better conditions and militant trade unionism. We specially 
pledge ourselves to help the strike in the Atlantic and Gulf ports which makes 
the present maritime strike Nation-wide in character and of the greatest signifi- 
cance to the entire labor movement. Our central committee heard with the 
greatest regret the anti-working class action taken by the Tampa Convention 
of the American Federation of Labor, and pledged itself to bring the fight 
for support of the A. F. of L. members to vour strike into every possible 
local of the A. F. or L." 

At this time we request of the committee that the witnesses designated in the 
list pertaining to this report be called to amplify the above. 

We shall now present to the committee a resume of the situation as of 
December 31, 1936. 

1. Declaration by Harry Bridges, district president of the International Long- 
shoremen's Association and dictator of strike strategy for seven unions com- 
prising the Maritime Federation of the Pacific, that tlie federation, or at least 
its strike committee, will not countenance any proposed settlements between the 
shipowners and individual unions — no striker will return to work until all 
demands of all the unions have been met. 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1853 

2. Predictions by Bri(l.ae.s at a strikers' mpetinsi- at Wilmington on Deeomber 28 
of a complete tie-np of Atlantic coast shipping within the next 2 weeks unless 
the striking unions on the I'acific coast win their demands. 

3. New demands by the strike committee that the strike of the machinists — 
who are in no way connected with tiu> Maritime Federation and are not employed 
liy the shipown(>rs or stevedorins;- lirms — must be settled before peace can be 
had. Some 138 machinists are on strike in San Francisco and East Bay ship- 
yards. 

4. Threats by E. B. O'Grady, spokesman for the Masters, Mates, and Pilots, 
that not only must shipowners agree to "preferential employment", which 
means closed' shop, for members of the union but that all licensed oflicers not 
members of ihe union would be forced to join or driven off their jobs shortly 
after the strike ends. 

5. Imposition by the Warehousemen's Union, a subsidiary of the I. L. A., of a 
"permit" syst(>m, whereby San Francisco businessmen are required to obtain 
permission from the union picketing conunittee to obtain their own goods, in no 
way involved in the maritime strike, from railroad cars or warehouses, and 
must have permits even to enter their own places of business. 

6. Statements by the committee of shipowners that Bridges and his associates 
are blocking settlement of the strike by preventing the members of the two unions 
from voting on tentative agreements, and by making settlement on the Pacific 
coast contingent upon a victory of the outlaw^ seamen's group on the Atlantic 
coast. 

7. Continuation of the "battle of statements," with charges and counter- 
charges from both sides, in the newspapers. This course had been made neces- 
sary to acquaint the public vitally concerned in settlement of the strike, with 
developments, and because the Bridges committee refuses to allow newspaper 
reporters to attend any of the conferences between the union spokesmen and the 
shipowners' committee. 

8. Picketing of East Bay railroad yards and the destruction of alleged "hot 
cargo" by maritime and warehousemen's strikers. 

9. Dismissal of Harry Bridges from a $75-a-week job as organizer on the 
Pacific coast for the International Longshoremen's Association and from mem- 
bership on the I. L. A. national executive board by President Joseph P. Ryan on 
charges that Bridges is disrupting the union. 

10. Decree by William A. Green, president of the American Federation of 
Labor, that the longshoremen must confine their organizational activities to the 
water front and marine docks, and that the organization of teamsters, ware- 
housemen, and others on their "inland march" program was outside of their 
jurisdiction. 

11. Threats by C H. Jordan, secretary of the joint strike committee at San 
Pedro, that "there will be no settlement of the present maritime strike if the 
men have to return to work under the provisions of the Copeland bill" and 
charges that Secretary of Labor Madam Perkins had "betrayed'' the maritime 
unions by promising that the law would not be enforced. 

12. Evidences of internal dissension over conduct of the strike in the sailors' 
union of the Pacific and the marine firemen's union. 

13. Discharge of B. Mayes as editor and members of his editorial staff of 
the Voice of the Federation because Mayes resisted the attempts of the Com- 
munist Party, he declares, to dictate the policy of the publication. 

After a Dit-day stoppage of work, the second great maritime strike came to 
an end on February 4, 1037, when an agreement was signed with the water- 
front employers of the Pacific coast. 

We have given to this committee the facts surrounding it and have paid 
particular attention to the Communist activity in preparation for it and 
during it. 

The events of early 1937 and the creation of the Committee for Industrial 
Organization show to the committee that the general strike would have been 
inevitable had Bridges been permitted to keep the awards closed until April 
30. 1937. 

At this time we desire the committee to read from Exhibit 6-C, the file of the 
Western Worker for 19.37, an article entitled, "Pre-Convention Discussion of 
The Lessons of The Maritime Strike by Frank Spector." This will be found 
on page 4, February 11. 1937; page 4. February 18, 1937; page 4. February 22, 
1037: page 4. March 1. 1937: page 4, March 4. 1937; page 4, March S. 1937; and 
page 8. March 11, 1037. We give the following excerpts from these sub- 
exhibits : 



1854 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 



"The Pacific Coast maritime strike, which after 99 clays ended iu victory, has 
exerted an enormous influence on the whole labor movement. Its lessons are 
of tremendous importance to the party in facing the immediate tasks ahead of 
us. The party played a great role in the struggle to maintain the unity of the 
workers, without which the strike could not have been successful. 

"in evehsy phase of struggle 

"The Connnunists in the maritime unions, both before and during the strike, 
participated in every phase of the struggle, whether on the picket lines, in the 
various committees for organizing relief, publicity, finances, picketing, and In 
the leading strike committees. But more important still, the Communists in 
the face of red-baiting, mobilized all honest progressive forces in the unions to 
fight for a correct policy, and rallied the membership of the Maritime Federa- 
tion, at every crucial point of the strike, against every splitting maneuver, 
whether on the part of the shipowners or within the unions' ranks, which 
threatened the success of the strike. 

"One of the major factors in the success of the strike was the correct policy 
of the Communists and other progressive forces, in laying the basis before 
last September 30 for joint action of all maritime unions, by fighting for the 
I. L. A. to throw its support behind the seamen's demands by solidarity action 
on a coast-wide scale. 

m )n * * * * * 

"defeat of tkotzkyites 

"Another major factor was the crushing defeat of the disruptive and splitting 
tacts and policies of the handful of Trotzkyite disrupters, who influenced and 
incited the syndicalist elements among the seamen to follow a line which was 
an obstacle to unity and at times seriously threatened the outcome of the 
strike. 

* * * ^ * * * 

"The party carried on a campaign among the strikers for a Farmer-Labor 
party, linking up the maritime workers' struggles with the need for independent 
political action on a local. State, and national scale. * * * 

"kole of the women 

"Another important phase of the strike was the role of the women, particu- 
larly in the I. L. A. Auxiliary, in actively participating in the organization 
of relief and other phases of strike activity ; and the work of the Young Com- 
munists among the youth, in organizing sports and other recreational and 
educational activity for the strikers around the Union Recreation Center on the 
water front. 

"The Maritime Worker, weekly organ of the water front section of the 
party, and the Western Worker were indispensible weapons in the fight for 
maintaining the unity of the strikers and in clarifying questions of policy, 
as^ well as explaining the broader political aspects of the struggle. 

"The Western Worker was distributed in thousands of copies, regularly, in 
the union halls and on the picket lines, and was as widelv read and discussed 
as the Voice of the Federation, in spite of red-baiting attacks and numerous 
attempts to bar it from union halls. 

"The role and influence of the party reflected especially in the recruiting of 
over 300 new members to the party from the strikers' ranks. The party or- 
ganization as a whole reacted well to its tasks during the strike." 

At this time we introduce two volumes of the "Maritime Worker" issued by 
the water-front section of the Communist Party, District 13, and request that 
they be marked for the year 1936, exhibit 30A, and for the year 1937, exhibit 
30B. 

From the end of the strike on February 4 until the time of the Maritime 
federation of the Pacific convention held in Portland in June, the major em- 
phasis on the part of Harry Bridges and the Communist Partv was placed upon 
the Copeland discharge book" and the task of swinging the unions of the 
Maritime Federation in to the Committee for Industrial Organization 

We refer the committee to the following quotations in the Maritime Worker : 

Volume 3, No. 8, "Unity needed Jji Copeland fight." 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1855 

Vulume 3, No. 8, page 6, "John L. Lewis and the Supreme Court." 
Volume M, No. 9, "New marine hibor bill holds threats." 
Volume 3, No. 11, page 6, "I>ill Green trios union busting again." . 
Volume 3, No. 12, "What means national unity." 
Volume 8, No. 13, page -, "Heading towards unity." 

Volume o, No. 13, page 1, "Problems for the conung I. L. A. convention." 
We at this time quote from volume 3, No. 13: "Mainstay of the Maritime 
Federation, the decisions effected by the I. L. A. convention will be of special 
signiticance in the coming federation conventioii, and in the fight for a national 
maritime federation. 

"It is a far cry from the early days of 1934, when a handful of militant 
progressives along the Embarcadero were coiu-ageously fighting shipowners 
and the heartily hated 'blue-book union.s' — a fight to success for the first time 
in years, brought the Pacific maritime workers into action. 

"Let it be said here and now that despite the opinions of any Individual or 
individuals, the rank and file seamen are well aware of the valuable role the 
longshoremen played in the successfully concluded 1936-37 strikes. Seamen as a 
whole are entirely aware of the progressive role played by the district I. L. A. 
leadership. 

"It is because of this that tlie rest of the federation will look to the results 
of the I. L. A. convention for continued progressive leadership. 

"Then to this end the rank and file longshoremen must follow the leadership 
which has brought them along the highway since 1934. 
"On to a national maritime federation." 

From volume 3, No. 18, page 2, "Convention starts Monday," we quote as 
follows : 

"Harry Bridges, president of the I. L. A. is prepared to recommend to the 
convention that the district reaffirm its full support to the aims and activities 
of the C. I. O." 

Volume 3, No. 20, page 1, "For national unity and C. I. O. affiliation." 
Volume 3, No. 21, page 1, "All hands together." 

Volume 3, No. 25, page 1, "Ilie rank and file want national unity under the 
C. I. O. ; all else is of secondary importance." 

The other organ of the Communist Party, the Western Worker (see exhibit 
6C) prepared the way also for Bridges to carry the Maritime Federation of the 
Pacific into the Committee for Industrial Organization, and we request the com- 
mittee to read the following : 
Volume 6, No. 21, page 1, "C. I. O. drive." 

Volume 6, No. 22, page 4, "Work of Communists in the big maritime strike." 
Volume 6, No. 25, page 1, "I. L. A. 38-79 assails C. I. O. expulsions." 
Volume 6, No. 26, page 5, "For national unity of marine workers." 
Volume 6, No. 28, page 8, "Urge national marine labor convention." 
Volume 6, No. 30, page 8, "Bridges' recommendations on some vital problems 
before the I. L. A. members." 

Volume 6, No. 34, page 8, "Radio telegraphers now in C. I. O." 
Volume 6, No. 35, page 1, "I. L. A. convention in vital issues." 
Volume 6, No. 38, page 1, "Seamen in new stride to national unity." 
Volume 6, May 27, 1937, page 1, "Bridges, by acclamation." 
Volume 6, No. 33, page 1, "National Maritime Union in unity." 
Volume 6. No. 44. page 1, "Marine unions behind Ford strike." 
Volume 6, No. 45, page 1, "Maritime federation convenes June 7 ; C. I. O. main 
is.sue." 

Volume 6, No. 45, page 4, editorial "Tlie Maritime Federation." 
We charge at this time that Bridges, having failed to carry out tlie olijectives 
of the Communist Party in the 1936-37 strikes, namely, to have that strike coin- 
cide with the strike in the automotive, rubber, and steel industries, did during this 
period, with the assistance of the other members of the Equality Hall group and 
the other sections of the Communist Party, by persuasion, threats, and intimida- 
tion, force the maritime unions of the Pacific into the Committee for Industrial 
Organization. 

W^e maintain that a thorough perusal on the part of the committee of the 
articles heretofore quoted will convince the committee as to the accuracy of 
this contention. 

The committee is now requested to examine the facts surrounding the con- 
vention of the Maritime Federation of the Pacific which opened on Monday morn- 
ing, June 7, 1937, in Portland, Oreg. 
94931—38 — vol. S^^IO 



1856 UN-AMEIUCAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Bridges had embarked upon a very dangerous move. His plan to carry the 
Maritime Federation of the Pacific into the Committee for Industrial Organiza- 
tion had to succeed or he would lose his entire power on the Pacific coast. He 
was well aware of the fact that if he failed the Communist Party had another 
leader in the person of Henry Schmidt ready to step into his shoes. 

The Communist Party, however, had builded Harry Bridges well in the minds 
of all of the longshoremen on the Pacific coast, as well as the members of the 
other marine unions. It was natural, therefore, that the greatest concentration 
of Communist Party fiuictionaries that ever took place on the Pacific coast started 
at Portland, Greg, at this time. 

At the time of convening the party expected little opposition and felt that 
the program could be rushed through in about 10 days, but when the opposition 
developed the convention dragged on for 29 days, with the Communist leaders 
losing ground every day. 

Early in January the Communist Party had succeeded in ousting Barney Mayes 
as editor of The Voice of the Federation and had replaced him with O'Neil, whom 
they knew would take party instructions. From that time until the convention 
the Communist Party was in a position to censure every news release which 
reached the rank and file. They were also enabled to direct "quickie" strikes 
from committee rooms, as every issue that came before the rank and file was 
referred to the committees controlled by the party. 

At this time we refer the committee to exhibit No. 29, "Minutes of the joint 
policy strike committee of the IMaritime Federation of the Pacific," wherein the 
committee will see that it was Harry Bridges who introduced the resolution to 
have Barney Mayes ousted from his position. 

Among the Communist Party leaders and sympathizers in Portland during 
the convention were the following: 

John Brophy, at one time accused by John L. Lewis as being a paid agent 
of the Soviet Government, now officially representing Lewis as managing 
director of the C. I. O. ; Harry Bridges, an alien and member of the Com- 
munist Party under an alias ; Henry Schmidt, a member of the Communist 
Party and president of the I. L. A. Local 38-44 of San Francisco ; Walter 
Lambert, member of the Communist Party in charge of all industrial units 
of the party on the Pacific coast ; Arthur Scott, membership director of the 
California district (district No. 13) of the Communist Party; John Schoraaker, 
California Communist acting as a reporter for the Communist editor of the 
Voice of the Federation ; Bill Schneiderman, secretary of the Thirteenth 
District Communist Party ; Harry Jackson, alias Morris Rapport, district 
organizer of the northwest district (district No. 12) of the Communist Party; 
Jim O'Neil, Communist editor of the Voice of the Federation who was fired 
during the convention ; Joe Curran, Communist, east coast lieutenant of 
Bridges ; James R. Maskell, Canadian Communist and delegate from the Inland 
Boatmen's Union ; E. V. Dennett, Canadian Communist and delegate from the 
Inland Boatmen's Union ; Paul Heide, California Communist and delegate from 
I. L. A. Local 38-44 ; V. Sharkey, California Communist and delegate from 
I. L. A. Local 38-44 ; Leo D. Hemingway, Portland Communist and member of 
the Warehousemen's Union ; Harry Gross, Portland attorney for the Inter- 
national Labor Defense and the Warehousemen's Union ; Jim Murphy, or- 
ganizer for the Portland section of the Communist Party; Bob Adams, Port- 
land Communist and member of the I. L. A. ; John Brost, Communist sympa- 
thizer; Harold Pritchett, Canadian Communist and president of the Wood- 
workers' Federation; O. M. Orton, Aberdeen Communist active in the Wood- 
workers' Federation and C. I. O. movement ; and others. 

Harry Bridges registered at the Multnomah Hotel on his arrival in Port- 
land. On Tuesday morning, June 8, he held an important conference with 
Walter Lambert in his hotel room. 

At this time we a.sk the committee to consider why it was necessary for 
Bridges to hold a conference with Walter Lambert, who, while a member of 
the Communist Party in charge of all industrial units on the Pacific coast, 
had nothing to do with the IMaritime Federation. 

On June 15, 1937, a lieutenant of the Portland police department's detective 
division, made the following confidential report to his captain : 

"Sir : A top fraction of the Communist Party of the United States, was held 
in room 314 of the Sherman Hotel, this city, at 4:30 p. m., June 14, 1937. 
Those attending were party members representing the 12th and 13th districts 
of the party. The following are the names and connections of the party mem- 
bers attending the fraction meeting and are listed as to their rang and party 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1857 

Jtandinjr: 1. Waltor Lambert, head of the industrial unit of the Pacific coast; 
2. Arthur Scott, head of tlie professional section and head of membership; 
2A. Harry Bridges, I. L. A., San Francisco, 13th district; 3. Harry Gross, 
attorney and legal advisor International Labor Defense; 4. Henry Sflunidt 
(or Sciunitt) president I. L. A. 38-44, San Francisco, Calif.; H. John Shoe- 
maker, I. L. A. 38-44, San Francisco; 6. Bob Moore, I. L. A., whsm. 38—14, San 
Francisco, Calif. ; 7. ? , Cohen & Green, connection unknown, thought to be 
with S. U. P. 

"The meeting was held in the room of the above-named John Shoemaker. 
Schmidt lives in the room n(>xt door to this room at the Sherman Hotel. 

••The afternoon was taken up with a discussion of the reported finding of a 
bug or mike or as the newspapers say a squealer in the room of liridges at the 
Multnomah Hotel. Second subject was that Bridges intends to fly to Chicago 
to meet John L. Lewis regarding an investigation by the La Follette committee 
to find the person responsible for the wiring of Bridges' room and the theft of 
credentials and other papers from that room. Bridges stated he would leave 
Portland by air on Tuesday, June 15. 

'•Third subject was a slate of party members and sympathizers to be elected 
the new officers of the Marine Federation of the Pacific. The slate Is as 
follows : 

•"For president : James Engstrom, president, membership, Marine Firemen, 
"Water Tenders and Oilers. Sympathizer. 

••Vice president : E. B. O'Grady, secretary, Master, Mates and Pilots. M. F. 
of P. Sympathizer. 

"Secretary : Herman Stuyvelaar. Member of the Communist Party of the 

r. S." 

Plans for discouraging conservative leaders, rejecting resolutions not drawn 
up by the party, nominating and supporting officers sympathetic to the Com- 
munists" program, and the launching of agitation and propaganda to insure 
the delegates' support of the C. I. O. were among the things discussed and 
decided upon at the fraction meeting. 

The convention, however, voted against affiliation of the C. I. O. and left this 
matter to a referendum vote. 

There is no question that the maritime federation was unanimously in favor 
of an industrial form of unionism both in principle and in spirit, believing that 
it was a more efficient tool in the hands of labor for bettering hours, wages, 
and working conditions. The federation, however, was not willing to give up 
what it already had gained under the American Federation of Labor for just 
a promise of something better under the C. I. O., particularly when that promise 
came from the Communist control leadership. 

On Wednesday afternoon. June 9. Brophy took the stand for 4i/4 hours while 
the federation delegates fired questions at him regarding the C. I. O. At that 
time the delegates could not be sure that the C. I. O. would keep its promises. 
Brophy went to great length to assure the delegates that these promises would 
be kept. 

We now refer the committee back to the original list of the Equality Hall 
group and request them to observe who it was of this group that introduced 
the following resolutions of the maritime federation which we will now quote. 

A resolution was introduced by Jim O'Neil and Paul Heide. both Com- 
munists, to have the federation go on record as endorsing the financial drive 
of the North American Committee to Aid Spanish Democracy, to form special 
subcommittees in each district council to cooperate with the North American 
Committee to Aid Spanish Democracy, and to "go on record in full support of 
the Spanish workers and fellow trade unions who are waging a life-and-death 
struggle in defense of democracy and against fascism." 

The King-Ramsey-Connor defense committee of the maritime federation 
introduced a resolution stating. "Whereas these men have been convicted on 
a framed charge of murder, and whereas their conviction was secured by an 
mdioly alliance between the shipowners and district attorney. Earl Warren, of 
Alameda County. Calif., mouthpiece for the banker controlled, reactionary 
California Republican machine, who banded together to conceal truth, defeat 
justice, and imprison three union leaders whose only crime was efficiency in 
raising wages and bettering working conditions, therefore be it resolved, that 
the maritime federation in convention here assembled, hereby affirms its belief 
in the innocence of these men and determination to lond every support to the 
fight for their freedom." 



1358 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Henry Schmidt introduced a resolution for the federation to continue its 
100-percent support for the freedom of Mooney and Billings. 

Henry Schmidt and John Schomaker submitted a resolution to establish a 
"junior union movement," and the establishment of summer camps for the 
children. 

Just as the Communist Party injected parts of the party's program into the 
convention through resolutions formulated at its various fraction meetings, 
which Harry Bridges also attended, they also selected candidates for the 
various offices of the federation. 

Among the candidates selected at the Communists' fraction meetings were 
James Engstrom, for president, and E. B. O'Grady, for vice-president. 

As previously stated, the longer the convention met the stronger the opposition 
to the party program became. Fearing the conservative elements might check 
all control from party leaders by electing men opposed to communism, Bridges 
was given instructions to break up the federation, should the opposition gain 
complete control. The Conmiunists' plan in this case was to break up the 
federation if they could not control it and then build the C. I. O. from the 
fragments. 

Being aware of this plan and knowing that Bridges would break up the 
federation under these circumstances, the conservative elements withdrew Wil- 
liam Fischer from the race for president at the last minute and allowed 
Engstrom to be elected. It was felt that with Engstrom at the head of the 
federation tlie Communist Party would not date break it up after building 
Engstrom up for the past 2 years and linally putting him in office. 

We now offer to the committee a folio of telegrams sent and received at 
Portland, Oreg., during the 1937 convention, and request that this folio be 
marked "Exhibit No. 31." 

We shall not quote openly in this report regarding the contents of the tele- 
grams, but request the committee at this time to call the witnesses designated 
in the list appended to this report, to explain their contents. 

A qiiotation taken, however, from a San Francisco newspaper dated June 21, 
1937, will explain the meaning at least of some of these telegrams. 

We quote from the American Citizen of June 21, 1937 : 

"Assuming that the Communist members who were delegates from the mari- 
time unions to the convention had a right to be there, perhaps Bridges can 
explain why it was necessary that such men as Bill Schneiderman, Walter 
Lambert, and Harry Jacksnn met with him in Portland. These men do not 
belong to any union affiliated with the Maritime Federation of the Pacific. 
Perhaps it would be pertinent to ask Bridges the necessity of the important 
conference he held with Walter Lambert in his hotel room on Tuesday morning, 
June 8, especially since it is known that Mr. Lambert does not belong to any- 
thing except the Communist Party. And why does John Brophy, former bitter 
enemy and now chief aide of John L. Lewis, in the C I. O., have to meet with 
Bridges and other members of the Communists who were not connected with 
the Maritime Federation? 

"The reporter found Roy Pyle and Jack Von Erman registered in adjoining 
rooms of the Lennox Hotel and John Schomaker, Bill Schneiderman, Walter 
Lambert, and Henry Schmidt registered right next door at the Sherman Hotel. 
It was interesting to observe the getting together of certain individuals and 
groups which unequivocally pointed out the work that the Communist Party was 
doing to further the aims and objectives of Bridges. And. of course, the reporter 
had no reason for knowing anything about the 'party discipline' Mr. Bridges 
was subjected to during the first week of the convention. 

"It was interesting to note that Jim O'Neil, editor of the Voice of the Federa- 
tion, received instructions from Mr. Kelly, secretary of the federation, not to 
accept any more news releases from John Schomaker. (We call the attention 
of the committee to the telegrams). But of course Mr. Kelly did not know of 
the party connection between O'Neil and Schomaker, a connection which neither 
Mr. Kelly nor anyone else who is not a Communist can break or influence, and 
he may be still unaware until he reads this, that in spite of his injunction, John 
Schomaker continued in constant contact with O'Neil and supplied him with 
several news stories. 

"It was interesting to note the helpfulness of Joe Curran, the east coast red 
trouble maker, in assisting Bridges arrange the preliminary phases of the Port- 
land convention. And it is understood that a lot of the meinbers of the Maritime 
Federation unions would be very much interested in the deal Bridges is said 
to have made with Curran and certain other interests to 'putting the skids under 
Ryan,' international president of the I. L. A. 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1859 

"From what ho was ahle to pick up about tho convention held in the hotels, 
the Portland reporter ventures to predict that if Bridges is given control of the 
Maritime Federation of the Pacific as a result of the referendum voting it into 
the ('. I. O.. John I.ewis will appoint Bridges as the C. I. O. director f(u- the 
Pacific coast, with power to appoint some two hundred organizers. This would 
mean that a majority of these organizers will he members of the Communist 
Party as Communist sympathizers. It is further rumored that the C. I. O. will 
grant Bridges some $30,000 to organize the agricultural workers of California 
under the C. I. O. All of which moves the American Citizen to quote the ancient 
observation that 'There are none so blind as those who will not see,' and to sug- 
gest to the non-Communist members of the Maritime Federation unions that they 
should awake and get busy forthwith, 'less they tind themselves the unwilling 
tools of a foreign organization." 

At this time we request the committee to call the witnesses indicated in the 
list appended to this report for substantiation of the above. 

Despite the fact that the IMaritime Federation of the Pacific had referred the 
matter of affiliating with the Committee for Industrial Organization to a refer- 
endum. Bridges was appoined west coast director for the C. I. O. 

While Bridges made speeches up and down the coast, the two Communist west 
coast papers started their campaign to back him up. The Western Worker (see 
Exhibit 6-C. vol. 6, No. 56. page 1) bore an editorial under the caption, "Maritime 
Rank and File Are for the C. I. O." 

The following issue. No. 57. makes the following statement : 

'"Ap))ointment of Harry Bridges by the committee for industrial organization 
as west coast C. I. O. director carries with it general supervision over organiz- 
ing activities and drives of the C. I. O. unions and unification and consolidation 
of the C. I. O. forces for the entire coast, it has been learned. 

"maritime federation fiest task 

"Bridges' first and most pressing task will be the unification of the maritime 
unions into a national maritime federation under the C. I. O. charter. 

"It is expected that C. I. O. regional headquarters will be set up at the most 
important west coast centers. 

"Bridges is calling a special meeting of the Pacific coast I. L. A. district execu- 
tive board in Portland, this Sunday, to take the necessary steps to carry out the 
will of the I. L. A. membership as expressed in the overwhelming vote of C. I. O. 
afBliation. The board will probably make immediate application for an interna- 
tional charter under the C. I. O. Bridges is going east to attend the American 
Radio Telegraphers' Association convention in New York, early in August, and the 
Seamen's National Unity conference in Chicago on August 16th." 

Shortly after this announcement was made, another announcement was made 
in the Monday. July 26th. issue of the Western Worker, which showed specifically 
the Communists' domination' over the maritime workers under Harry Bridges. 

We quote : 

"In one of the most sensational protests won by American workers against the 
intervention of 'Nazi Germany,' and 'Fascist Italy' in Spain, all west coast ships 
will be struck for one-half hour on August 2nd, at 2 : GO p. m. 

"Preparations are under way up and down the coast for the stoppage of work. 
The tieup was ordered by the recently concluded convention of the Maritime 
Federation of the Pacific, held in Portland." 

By the end of July, the I. L. A., the American Radio Telegraphers' Associa- 
tion, and the national maritime unions had affiliated with the C. I. O. 

The Western Worker claimed that the west coast sailors, firemen, and cooks 
and stewards, had voted overwhelmingly to go C. I. O. in their referendum vote 
and claimed that the Sailors' Union and the Marine Firemen oflicials had ignored 
that vote. 

We refer the committee to this article on the first page under the heading 
"C. I. O. Means National Maritime Unity." 

By October the following maritime f(>derations had gone C. T. O. : Longshore- 
men and all afliliated crafts : cooks and stewards ; inland boatmen ; Marino 
Engineers' Beneficial Association ; American Radio Telegraphers' A.ssociation. 
This constituted over 75 percent of the Pacific coast maritim(> federations. 

In September a charter was granted by the Committee for Industrial Organ- 
ization to the International Ixingshoremen's Association under the name of the 
International Longshoremen's and Warehousemen's Union. Harry Bridges was 
elected president of this organization, Walter Mahaffey, vice-president, and Matt 
Meehan, secretary. 



1860 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

This put in two the equality group out of the three officers of the districx 

'''"oirSepTember 27, 1937, the local International Longshoremen;s Association, 
38-79. in San Francisco, was granted its charter from the Committe for Indus- 

^'aI ?iiat"thnrtho'"folrowing officers were elected: Henry Schmidt president; 
Germain Bulcke, vice-president: A. L. McCurdy, secretary: George Arms, treas- 
urer • John Schomaker and John Larson as busniess agents ; J. Sauers. Pete 
Aauiiina Ed English, Charles Waugamau, Bill Clark, Alex Waters, as dis- 
natchers'- and Pat O'Hannigan and Johnny O'Connor as masters-at-arms. 

Tills put the Waterfront Employers' Association in the peculiar position of 
bein-' under contract with the International Longshoremen's Association and 
having the contracts actually carried out by the International Longshoremen s 
and Warehousemen's Union, a C. I. O. affiliate. ^ ., ^ t * ^ m 

There also arose another difficulty in that the locals of the I. L. A. at Tacoma,. 
Anacortes, Olympia, and Port Angeles, all in the State of Washington, had 
refused to affiliate with the C. I. O. , „r . -p ^ t^ i ^ 

A demand was almost immediately made upon the Waterfront Employers 
Association to change the name in the contracts to the International Longshore- 
men's and Warehousemen's Union, but this they could not do because no ruling 
as to .lurisdiction had been handed down by the National Labor Relations Board. 

The Sailors' Union of the Pacific had affiliated with the Maritime Federation 
of the Pacific for a time, but later withdrew and did not go into the C. I. O. 
organization. . ^ , 

The National Labor Relations Board finally took up the question as to whom 
the contract should be given and who should constitute the collective bargain- 
ing agency of the longshoremen of the Pacific coast. 

Despite resentment on tlie part of Joseph Ryan, president of the International 
Longshoremen's Association, and the American Federation of Labor, after a 
hearing, tl o National Labor Relations Board on June 23, 1938. granted juris- 
diction to the International Longshoremen's and Warehousemen's Union as col- 
lective bargaining agents. 

On July 13, 1938, the Waterfront Employers' Association finally agreed to 
substitute International Longshoremen's and Warehousemen's Union for the 
International Longshoremen's Association, and stated that they would treat 
the International Longshoremen's and AVarehousemen's Union as the sole rep- 
resentative for the purpose of collective bargaining of all longshoremen who 
worked for the members of the Waterfront Employers' Association of Seattle, 
Portland, San Francisco, and southern California. 

At this time we desire to offer the agreement between the Waterfront Em- 
ployers' Association and the International Longshoremen's & Warehousemen's 
Union as a memorandum dated July 15, 1938, and request that it be marked 
"Exliil)it No. 32." We quote this agreement: 

"The longshore agreements of February 4, 1937, are amended by substituting 
the name of the I. L. W. U. for I. L. A. in all places where I. L. A. appears 
as to all ports on the Pacific coast in which the longshoremen indicated a pref- 
erence for the I. L. W. U. in the proceedings before the National Labor Rela- 
tions Board, to wit: All Pacific coast ports except Olympia, Tacoma. Port 
Angeles, and Anacortes, in which ports the said agreements will remain un- 
changed, except as to such modifications or amendments as may be agreed to by 
the employers and the I. L. W. U. to take effect after September 30, 1938. 

"It is also agreed that as to said four ports last mentioned if and when at 
any time before September 30, 1938, the National Labor Relations Board shall 
certify, on the basis of a check-off or consent election to which the under- 
signed associations will agree, that the International Longshoremen's & Ware- 
housemen's Union has been designated as exclusive representative for collec- 
tive bargaining purposes of longshoremen employed by members of said asso- 
ciations in any of such ijorts, then the foregoing amendment will be extended 
to include the same. 

"The International Longshoremen's & Warehousemen's Union, District No. 
1, is recognized as the representative of all longshoremen who do longshore 
work in such Pacific coast ports as are covered by existing longshore agree- 
ments to which said employers' associations are parties, as their representative 
for purposes of collective bargaining, and that, pursuant to the provision of 
section IX (a) of the act, the International Longshoremen's & Warehousemen's 
Union, District No. 1, is the exclusive representative of all such workers for 



UN-AMERICAN riJOI'AGANDA ACTIVITIES 1§51 

the purposes of collective barsainins in respect to rates of pay, wages, hours 
of employment, and other conditions of omploymont. 

"Waterfkont Kmploykhs' Association of tiik Pacific Coast, 
"By Ai.MON E. KoTH. 

"On behnlf of: Waterfront Employers' Association of San I*"'ran('isco ; Water- 
front Employers' Association of Soutliern California ; Waterfront Employers' of 
Seattle; Waterfront Employers of Portland; Shipowners' Association of the 
Pacific Coast. 

"Accepted and approved : 

"iNTEnsNATIOXAL LoxGSHOKEMEN'S & WAREHOUSEMEN'S UNION, 

"District No. 1, 593 Market Street, San Fruvcisco, Calif. 
"Matt Meehan. 
"Wai,tkr Mahaffey, 
"Henry Schmidt." 

It is not to be assumed by the committee that the execution of the February 
4. Id'M. agreement with the International Longshoremen's Association, or the 
fact that the International Longshoremen's Association was taken into the 
C. I. O., made any change in the attitude of these unions toward living up to 
contract obligations. 

We give now a summary of the violations of the basic longshore agreement 
of February 4, 1937, from that date to July 12, 1938 : 

(1) Jurisdictional: 

( (/ ) Sailors 21 

(&) Others 6 

(2) Hot Cargo 12 

(3) Standby time 6 

(4) Control working conditions: 

(a) Loads 9 

(ft) More men 16 

(5) Refusal to go through picket lines 33 

(Q) Concerning hiring hall and dispatching practices 10 

(7) Safety 2 

(S) rnclassified 48 

(9) To force unionization 3 

Total violations 166 

These violations continued even with the prospect of a new contract for the 
year September 1938 to September 1939. The will of Harry Bridges and the 
Equality Hall group still remained paramount. 

On July 12. 1938, the AVaterfront Employers' Association offered to agree to 
formal recognition of the I. L. & W. U. as a party to the future longshore 
contract. They suggested that negotiations between the Waterfront Employers* 
Association and the I. L. ^Y. U. District No. 1, relative to wages, hours, and 
conditions for longshoremen after Septeni-ber 30. 1938, should begin immediately. 

On September 1.5, 1938. the agreement was tentatively made effective October 
1. 1938. subject to a referendum. There were no changes in the wages or 
working conditions. The wage scale being as follows: 9.50 per hour for reg- 
ular time and .$1.40 per hour for overtime, with penalty wage scales up to 
$2 per hour. 

The atrreement also placed in the hands of the local National Labor Rolations 
Board the right to infiict punishment. It created an arbitrator in each major 
port, i. e. Seattle. Portland. San Francisco, and Los Angeles, and also a perma- 
nent arbitrator for the whole Pacific coast. 

******* 

We have now presented to this committee in narrative form, a picture of 
the activitv of the Communist Party in the maritime industry of the Pacific 
Coast. We believe that this brief, the documentary evidence and the testinwny 
of the witnesses have proved to the committee beyond any reasonable doubt 
that the Communist Party, through ifs agents, has had complete control of 
the maritime industry on the Pacific coast for the past 5 years. 

We believe that the Communist Party and its agents have used the maritime 
industry of the Pacific coast to further a seditious conspiracy, and that the 
facts herein stated constitute adequate grounds for the United States Govern- 
ment to proceed against the leaders of the Communist Party involved and those 
affiliated with them in carrying out their instructions. 



1862 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

We therefore request the committee to place these facts before the Attorney 
General of the United States to the end that he may take the necessary action. 

Mr. NiMMO. I think it might be well, Mr. Chairman, to have the 
basic brief introduced as exhibit No. 1, as a part of the record. 
The Chairman. Very well ; that will be marked "Exhibit No. 1." 
(The brief referred to was marked "Knowles Exhibit No. 1, 
■October 24, 1938," and reads as follows:) 

(Knowles Exhibit No. 1, Oct. 24, 1938) 

BASIC BRIEF 

Radical Resbl\rch Committee 

Department of California 

The American Legion 

In the Matter of The Ultimate Aims and Activity of the Communistic Party 

in the United States of America 

Septembe^r 1, 1938. 
foreword 

The radical research committee, department of California, the American 
Legion, presents this brief to the investigating committee as a compilation of 
proof from Communist Party officials documents and publications that the 
Communist Party of the United States of America seeks to overthrow the Govern- 
ment of the United States by force and violence. 

The argument in the brief is supported by extracts from documents and 
publications of the Communist Party, all of which are offered in their original 
form as exhibits, a list thereof being attached. 

Tills is the basic document upon which all collateral proof shall rest. It will 
be augmented by briefs covering Communist Party activity in specific fields. 
These briefs will cite and present their own documentary exhibits. 

All briefs, including this basic one, will be further supported by the testimony 
of credible witnesses who will be presented at the proper time. 

We have divided this brief into seven specific points. 

In the MATTEai op the Ultimate Aims and Activity of the Communist Party 

in the United States 

introduction 

The Constitution, of the United States, the fundamental law of the land, 
provides the orderly, American way for progress in government. It reserves 
the citizens' right to change that basic law as they, in their conscience and 
judgment, decide may be necessary. That traditional American principle 
must not be denied. Democracy demands only that we shall proceed and 
progress in an orderly way, every member reserving to himself the inalienable 
right to support or oppose changes as he sees fit. 

That uttei'ances inciting to the overthrow of organized government by unlawful 
means present a sufficient danger of substantive evil to bring their punishment 
within the range of legislative discretion is clear. Such utterances, by their 
very nature, involve danger to the public peace and to the security of the 
state and to the safety of the people. They threaten breaches of the peace and 
ultimate revolution. The state cannot reasonably be required to measure the 
danger from every such utterance in the nice balance of a jeweler's scale. It 
cannot be said that the state is acting arbitrarily or unreasonably when it 
exorcises its judgment as to the measures necessary to protect the public peace 
find safety. It cannot reasonably be required to defer the adoption of measures 
for its own ponce and safety until the revolutionary utterances lead to actual 
disturbances of the public peace or imminent and immediate danger of its own 
destruction ; but it may, in the exercise of its judgment, suppress the threatened 
danger in its incipiency. 



UN-AMERICAN PKOPAGAXDA ACTIVITIES 1863 

The advocacy for the purpose of bringing about the tlostruction of organized 
parlianiontary Govornmont, of mass industrial revolts usurping the functions 
of launieipal government, political mass strikes directed against the parliamen- 
tary State, and revolutionary mass action for its linal destruction, necessarily 
implies the use of force and violence, and in its essential nature is inherently 
unlawful in a constitutional government of law and order. 

The freedom of speech and of the press, which is secured by the Constitution, 
does not confer an absolute right to speak or publish, without responsibility, 
whatever one may choose, or an unrestricted and unbridled license that give.s 
innnunity for every possible use of language, and prevents the punishment of 
those who abuse this freedom. 

It is a fundamental principle that a State may punish those who abuse the 
constitutional freedom of speech by utterances inimical to the public welfare, 
tending to corrupt public morals, incite to crime, or disturb the public peace. 

It is a basic prim-iple that a State may punish utterances endangering the 
foundations of organized go|vernment, and threatening its overthrow by unlawful 
means. 

Tlie right of all nations to maintain their present form of government cannot 
, be denied. We have no quarrel with Russia because of the fact that they have 
a Soviet form of government. It is their own business whether their government 
is good or bad. It is a fundamental principle that a government may be as 
bad as the people themselves desire, but our interest as American citizens begins 
antl ends with the attempts of a foreign government to force its principles upon 
America. 

We quote the Supreme Court of the United States in Milwmilcee PuhUshing 
Conipaiiy v. Btirle-^on, 255 U. S. 407: "Freedom of the press may protect criticism 
and agitation for modilication or repeal of laws, but it does not extend to pro- 
tection of him who counsels and encourages the violation of the law as it exists. 
The Constitution was adopted to preserve our Government, not to serve as a 
protecting screen for those who, while claiming its privileges, seek to destroy it." 

In looking over the situation in Europe today we find nothing to show us any 
elimination of wastes or better housing or security to workers or farmers or old 
age that we cannot do better under democracy if we will. We have little need for 
confirmation in our faith, and let us hope this Nation may keep its anchors 
tlrmly grounded in intellectual liberty and spiritual freedom. These values can 
be preserved only by keeping Government from the pitfall of direction or 
participation of dictatorship. 

Our democracy must sternly repress, by due process of law, but not by edict, 
every abuse of liberty and honesty. 

The protection of democracy is that we live it, that we revitalize it within 
our own borders, that we keep it clean of infections, that we wipe out its cor- 
ruptions, that we incessantly fight its abiises, that we insist upon intellectual 
honesty, that we build its morals, that we build out future along the principles 
as laid down by the founding fathers of the Republic. 

If we do this, we can give no greater service to the future of humanity. 

Communism means violence, revolution, civil war. 

Make no mistake about that. 

The fundamental doctrine in the Communist creed is the overthrow of existing 
institutions by force. 

Lenin himself .stated that in so many words. 

His adherents in Russia and elsewhere in Europe have practiced it, are prac- 
ticing it, and will continue to practice it. 

First comes the period of preparation — by propaganda, by boring from within, 
by using social, educational, and even religious organizations to spread the germs 
of Communist philosophy. 

Then, action and bloodshed. 

It is a simple formula, now being carried out in Europe before the eyes of 
America, and now well advanced in its first phase here. 

]Many things in America need changing ; things that served well in the past are 
outworn. With the growth of this country new needs have come. We are faced 
with heavy tasks and problems in going ahead with the development of America. 
The Communists move with a desire to blast away the fruits of the labor, toil, 
and sacrifices of the generations which have gone before. Upon the wreckage and 
ruin, they would attempt to create a fairyland or Utopia. 

There is no short cut to a better America. The path is confused by difficult, 
many-sided problems. The way does not lie over the ruins of the things that 



1864 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

have nuule America great, but rather by continuous study and strong-hearted 
labor, buiUling patiently on the work of those who have preceded us, where the 
work is sound, and replacing it where found faulty; replacement to be by 
methods provided by the Constitution. 

Slowly but surely the people of the United States are beginning to realize the 
priceless value of the Constitution of the United States ond the danger of care- 
lessly departing from its spirit and purpose. 

The Comintern has two parallel policies— one, which is an undercover pro- 
gram, following the Communist International's stated line for revolutionary over- 
throw of all capitalist governments; and the other, a smoke screen for public 
consumption. The latter program is so that service clubs, club women, lay church 
people, student bodies, intelligentsia, professional groups, inept bureaucrats, and 
politicians can support the Connnunist program under "united front" slogans and 
also as a protection against deportation. 

The Connnunist Party is ready at any moment to adopt any new strategy or 
tactic which will advance the ultimate aim of the Comintern. This whole new 
strategy amounts to a clever smoke screen since the main line will not be broken 
but will be carried on under cover. This new development is proven beyond any 
doubt by the Party's literature, the Comnmnist International congresses and the 
party convention plus other important sectional and secret meetings. 

This brief has been prepared with the purpose in mind of stating the facts as 
they are without any attempt to color the facts by viewing with alarm, red 
baiting, riding professional martyrs on a rail, or vain-glorious Hag waving. When 
this brief is read through, no one will have any doubt that the ultimate aim of the 
Communist Party is to overthrow the American Government by force and 
violence. 

I. The Communist Party 

A call was issued for the organization of Communist Parties throughout the 
world and their adhesion in the Communist International immediately after 
the creation of the Communist International at IMoscow in March 1919. A call 
for a national convention for the purpose of organizing a Communist Party in 
America, mailed out of Chicago, 111., was issued July 7, 1919, over the signatures 
of the following individuals : Dennis E. Batt, D. Elbaum, O. C. Johnson, John 
Kerscher, S. Kopnagel, I. Stilson, Alexander Stoklitsky. 

The call to this meeting read as follows and is quoted from volume I, part I, 
of Revolutionary Radicalism, better known as the Lusk report, page 739, 
exhibit I. 

*'CALL FOR A NATIONAL CONVENTION FOR THE PURPOSE OF ORGANIZING A COMMUNIST 

PARTY IN AMERICA 

"In thi.s, the most momentous period of the world's history, capitalism is 
tottering to its ruin. The proletariat is straining at the chains which bind it. 
A revolutionary spirit is spreading throughout the world. The workers are 
rising to answer the clarion call of tlie Third International. 

"Only one socialism is possible in this crisis. A socialism based upon under- 
standing. A socialism that will express In action the needs of the proletariat. 
The time has passed for temporizing and hesitating. We must act. The Com- 
munist call of the Third International, the echo of the Communist manifesto 
of 1848, must be answered. 

"The national executive committee of the Socialist Party of America has 
evidenced by its expulsion of nearly half of the membership that they will not 
hesitate at wrecking the organization in order to maintain control. A deadlock 
has been precipitated in the ranks of revolutionary socialism by the wholesale 
expulsion or suspension of the membership comprising the Socialist Party of 
Michigiui, locals and branches throughout the country, together with seven 
language federations. This has created a condition in our movement that 
makes it manifestly impossible to longer delay the calling of a convention to 
organize a new party. Those who realize that the capturing of the Socialist 
Party as such is but an empty victory will not hesitate to respond to this call 
and leave the right and center to sink together their revolutionary leaders. 

"The mnjority of the delegates to the left-wing conference in New York meekly 
neglectcMl to sever their conn.ections with the reactionary national executive 
committee. Rendered impotent by the conflicting emotions and lack of under- 
standing present they continued to mark time as centrists in the wake of the 



UN-AMERICAN FIIOPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1§65 

right. Their policy is one of endeavor to capture llie old party machinery and 
the stagnant elements who have been struggling tor a false unity and who are 
ready to abandon the ship when it sinks beneath the waves of reaction. 

"This party will be founded upon the following principles: 

•' "1. The present is the period of the dissolution and collapse of the whole 
capitalist world system; which will mean the complete collapse of world culture, 
if capitalism witli its unsolvable contradictions is not replaced by connnuni.sm. 

" "2. The problem of the proletariat consists in organizing and training itself 
for the conquest of the powers of the state. This conquest of power means the 
replacement of the state machinery of the I)ourgeoisie with a new proletarian 
machinery of government. 

"'8. This new proletarian state must embody the dictatorship of the prole- 
tariat, both industrial and agricultural, this dictatorship constituting the instru- 
ment for the taking over of property used for exploiting the workers, and for 
the rcorgan.ization of society on a Communist basis. 

" 'Not the fraudulent bourgeois demociacy— the hypocritical form of the rule 
of the finance-oligarchy, with its purely formal equality — but proletarian democ- 
racy based on the possibility of actual realization of freedom for the working 
masses; not capitalist bureaucracy, but organs of administrations which have 
been created by the masses themselves, with the real participation of these 
masses in the government of the country and in the activity of the Communistic 
structure — this .should be the type of the proletarian state. The workers' 
councils and similar organizations represent its concrete form. 

" '4. The dictatorship of the proletariat shall carry out the abolition of private 
property in the means of production and distribution, by transfer to the 
proletarian state under Socialist administration of the working class; national- 
ization of the great bu.siness enterprises and financial trust. 

•' '5. The present world situation demands the closest relation between the 
revolutionary proletariat of all countries. 

" '6. The fundamental means of the struggle for power is the mass action of 
the proletariat, a gathering together and concentration of all its energies ; 
whereas methods such as the revolutionary use of bourgeois parliamentarianism 
are only of subsidiary significance.' " 

We now introduce Report No. 2290 United States House of Representatives 
and request that it be marked as ''Exhibit 2." 

Communism repudiates parliamentarianism as a form of the future; it re- 
nounces the same as a form of the class dictatorship of the proletariat ; it 
repudiates the possibility of winning over the parliaments ; its aim is to destroy 
parliamentarianism. Therefore, it is only possible to speak of utilizing the 
bourgeoi'* state organizations with the object of destroying them. The question 
can be discussed only and exclusively on such a plarie. 

We now quote from the Thesps, Statutes, nnd Conditions of Admission to 
the Third International and ask that it be marked "Exhibit 3." 

"One should not use the argument that parliament is a bourgeois institution. 
The Communist Party enters such institutions not for the purpose of organiza- 
tion work but in order to blow up the whole bourgeois machinery and the 
parliament itself from within. 

"If the Communists have the ma.1ority in the local government institutions, 
they must: (A) Carry on a revolutionary opposition against the bourgeois 
central authority; (B) do all for the aid of the population (economic measures, 
establishment or attempt to establish an armed workers' militia). 

"The election campaign must be carried on not in the sense of obtaining 
a maximum of votes, but in that of a revolutionary mobilization of the masses 
around the mottoes of the proletarian revolution. 

"The Communist Party can only recommend a revolutionary use of the 
parliament as exemplified by Karl Liebkacht, Haeglund, and the Bolsheviks." 

Communist Party members may be elected to offices in any department of the 
Government, foi- tlie local or national is given strict instructions and has a 
rigid line to follow, as set forth in tlie Theses, Statutes, and Conditions of 
Admission to the Third International. 

A Communist delegate by decision of the central committee is bound to 
combine lawful work with unlawful work. In countries where the Communist 
delegate enjoys a certain inviolability, this must be utilized by way of rendering 
as!-istance to illegal organizations and for the propaganda of the party. 

Each Communist member is taught to rememlxn- that he is not a legislator 
who is bound to seek agreements with the other legislators but an agitator 
for the party, detailed to the enemies' camp in order to carry out the orders 



1866 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 



of the party there. The Communist member is answerable, not to the wide 
mass of his constituents, but to his own Communist Party, whether lawful 

or unlawful. „ .. , , ,, 

This action described by the Communist Party for its members who may be 

elected to State legislatures, to Congress, or any law-making body is set out 

in the Communist publication. Why Connnunism, by Olgin. ^ , , ^ 

"We go to the law-making institutions, not to tinker them up for the benefit 

of the capitalists, but to put a monkey wrench in the machinery, preventing- 

them from working smoothly in belialf of their masters." 

We now introduce Why Communism, and request that it be marked 

"Exhibit 4." ' ^ .c r 

A member of the partv can be every person from the age of 18 up who. 
accepts the program and rules of the Communist International, and of the 
Communist Partv of the United States of America, who becomes a member 
of a basic unit of the party, who is active in this organization, who subordi- 
nates himself to all decisions of the Communist International and the Com- 
munist Partv, and regularly pays his membership dues. 

Members of the party who desire to leave the country must obtain the 
permission of the central committee of the party. 

Party questions are to be discussed by the members of the party and by 
the party organizations until such time as a decision is taken upon them 
by the competent party committees or organizations. After a decision has 
been taken by the congress of the committee of the Communist Interna- 
tional, by a convention of the Communist Party, or by leading committees 
of the Comintern and the Communist Party, these decisions must be unre- 
servedly carried out even if a part of the party membership, or of the local 
party organizations are in disagreement with it. 

Charges against individual members may be made either in the nuclei of 
the parly, or in and by any leading committee or control commission of the 
party. 

Disciplinary actions of the section committee (including actions of nuclei 
approved by them) must be reported promptly to the district committee. 

We hereby introduce a Communist Party membership book to show that 
the above facts are contained in the rules and bylaws of the Communist Party 
of the United States of America and request that it be marked "Exhibit 5." 

Anyone who has attempted to violate the iron discipline of the Communist 
Party by any kind of fractional activity has learned what is meant by Com- 
munist discipline as taught by Lenin and Stalin. 

The party stands above everything. 

The party discipline is oljserved by the party members and party organi- 
zations because only those who agree with the progiam of the Communist 
Party, United States of America, and the Communist International can become 
members of the party. 

It is clear that the basic principles and decisions, such as, for example, the 
program of the Communist Party, cannot be questioned in the party. 

It is impossible to imagine the discussion, for example, questioning the 
correctness of tlie leading role of the proletariat in the revolution, or the 
necessity for the proletariat dictatorship. No member of the party can ques- 
tion the theory of the necessity for the forceful overthrow of the class struggle 
laid down by Marx, Engels, Lenin, and Stalin. 

The party discipline is based upon what the party is plea.sed to call class- 
consciousness of its members; upon the conviction that without the subordi- 
nation of the lower party organizations to tlie higher committees, there cau 
be no strong, solid, steeled party able to lead the proletariat. 

The members are taught that the Communist Party is the general staff in a 
class war. This war is bitter, the enemy is powerful. The Communist Party 
literature is full of statements, but there is only one way to combat and to 
defent this powerful enemy. The army of the proletariat must have a 
highly skilled trained general staff (the Communist Party) which is united iu 
action as one will. 

How can the army fight against the army of an enemy if every soldier in 
the army is allowed to question and even disobey orders of his superior officer? 
What would happen in a war, if for example, the general staff orders an attack, 
and one section of the army decides to obey and go into battle another thinks 
it is wrong to attack the enemy at this time and stays away from the battle 
and a third section decides to quit the trenches and retreat to another position 
instead of going forward. 



UN-AMEKICAN I'ROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1867 

Thus, disciplino in the Coninuinist I'arty is l)ase(l upon the acceptance of the 
jmrty program and in the blind faith of the membership in the central committee. 

The Communist Party members cannot form any personal opinion whatsoever, 
they are taught that unilied opinion is essential for unity in action, for success- 
ful'work of the Conununist Party. \o party nu'nil)er is perniitt(>d to interpret 
a political issue individually and bring his individual opinion to the masses. 
The unified opinion which is hammered out in the party by discussion so that 
the party is able to lead in creating constant struggle. 

The highest party body in the United States is the national convention. The 
national convention is the meeting of delegates elected at district conventions. 
The highest committee of the party is the central committee elected l)y the 
delegates at the national convention. The central committee leads the party 
organization with full authority between conventions and is responsible for its 
fictions and decisions to the executive committee of the Communist International. 

Let us sum up briefly the structure of the Communist Party in the order of 
responsibility on the basis of the foregoing description : 

Unit bureau, unit membership meeting, section bureau, section committee, 
section convention, district bureau, district committee, district convention, politi- 
cal bureau of the C. C, central committee, national convention, political secre- 
tariat of the C. I., presidium of the C. I., executive committee of the C. I., world 
congress of the C. I. 

Besides the basic organization of the party, the factory units, and the other 
forms of organization, street and town units, there is another instrument in 
the hands of the party through which we can influence the broadcast strata of 
organized workers ; that is the fraction. 

The fraction is an instrument in the hands of the party through which the 
policy of the party is brought to tJie organized masses, and through which the 
party gives leadership to members of the mass organizations. Fractions are 
huilr in all the trade unions and other mass organizations of the workers. In 
all unions and in cultural, fraternal, sport and employed organizations of the 
workers or farmers, in all united front organizations, in all conventions and 
conferences of such organizations where there are at least three Communists, 
a Communist fraction must be organized. 

The party fraction in the shop committees, sport clubs, etc., are under the 
jurisdiction of the factory unit. The fractions in organizations in a unit terri- 
tor.v are under the jurisdiction of the street or town iinit. The fractions in 
organizations in a section territory are under the jurisdiction of the section 
committee : a fraction in an organization which covers a territory belonging 
to more than one section is under the jurisdiction of the district. The fractions 
in national organizations are under the jurisdiction of the central committee. 

In all questions in which there is a decision of the corresponding party organi- 
zation, the fractions must carry out these decisions. The policy for a mass 
organization is made in the party committee, but before the decisions are made 
on any basic question concerning the mass organization, the party committee 
invites the representatives of the given fraction to participate in the discussion. 
The fraction at this meeting has a consultive role. After the discussion, the 
decision is made by the party committee. The party committee can decide that 
the fraction members express their opinion on the pi'oblem through consultative 
voting. The decision, however, is made by the majority vote of the members 
of the party committee. 

The leading fraction of a fraction in a given organization is compcsed of those 
party members who are elected by the members of this organization to the 
leading committees. For example: an organization with 300 members elects an 
executive committee of 15. Among these I'h there are 5 party members. These 
n party members compose the leading fraction in the organization. 

The conditions for membership in the Communist Party are contained in the 
following pledge read by Earl P>rowder, secretary of the Communist Party, 
to 2.000 workers who were initiated into the Communist Partv in the New York 
district in 193.5. 

"I now take my place in the ranks of the Communist Party, the party of the 
working class. I take solemn oath to give the best that is in me to the service 
of my class. I pledge myself to spare no effort in uniting the workers in mili- 
tant struggle against fascism and war. I pledge myself to work imsparingly in 
the unions, in the shops, among the unemployed, to lead the struggle for the 
(Laily needs of the masses. I solemnly pledge to take my place in the forefront 
of the .struggle for Negro rights; against Jim-Crowisra, and lynching, against 



J[ggg UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

the chauvinist lies of the ruling class. I pledge myself to rally the masses to 
defend the Soviet Union, the land of victorious socialism. I pledge myself to 
temain at all times vigilant and firm defender of the Leninist line of the party, 
the only line that insures the triumph of soviet power in the United States." 
The Communist Party application carries this declaration: 
"The undersigned declares his adherence to the program and status of the 
Communist International and the Communist Party and to engage actively in 
its work." 

On the basis of this declaration the conditions for membership in the party 
may be enumerated in the following way : 

1. Activity in the miion. 

2. Regular payment of membership dues. 

3. Adherence to all decisions of the Comintern and of the party. 

4. Adherence to the discipline of the party. 

No Communist party member can transfer without special permission. If a 
member of the party moves from one place to another he must secure a transfer 
from the party organization before he moves. No party member has the right 
to leave his unit without permission. Units cannot accept any meml)er v.'ithout 
a transfer. A transfer card mu.st be secured from the section committee in 
order to transfer from one unit to another in the same section ; from one section 
to another section in the same section the transfer is issued by the district 
committee; from one district to another, the central committee issues the trans- 
fer ; from the Communist Party of the U. S. A. to a Communist Party in another 
country the central committee issues the transfer. 

We now introduce The Communist I'arty. A Manual on Organization, by J. 
Peters and request that it be marked "Exhibit 6." 

In this manual we find this very interesting article on professional revolu- 
tionists. 

"The party has full claim to the life of a Communist Party member: A 
professional revolutionist is a highly trained comrade, trained in' revolutionary 
theory and practice, tested in struggles, who gives his whole life to the fight 
for the revolution and the interests of his own class. A professional revolu- 
tionist is ready to go whenever and wherever the party sends him. Today 
he may be working in a mine, organizing the party, the trade unions, leading 
struggles; tomorrow, if the party so decides, he may be in a steel mill; the 
day after tomorrow, he may be a leader and organizer of the unemployed. 
Naturally, these professional revolutionists are supported by the party organi- 
zation if their assignment doesn't send them to work in "shops or in mines. 
From these comrades the party demands everything. Tliey accept party as- 
signments — the matter of family associations' and other personal problems 
are considered, but are not decisive. If the class struggle demands it, he will 
leave his family for months, even years. The professional revolutionist can- 
not be demoralized ; he is steeled, stable. Nothing can shake him. Our task is 
to make every party member a professional revolutionist in this sense. 

"The Communist Party with its revolutionary program, looks far beyond 
the perspective of the capitalist system and the complete liquidation of the 
exploitation of man through the private ownership of industry and the land, 
by establishment of socialism. 

"Under the dictatorship all capitalist parties. Republican, Democratic, Pro- 
gressive, etc., will be liquidated, the Communist Party functioning alone as 
the party of the toiling masses. Likewise, will be dissolved all other organi- 
zations that are political groups of the bourgeois rule, including chambers of 
commerce, employers associations, rotary clubs, American Legion, Y. M. C. A., 
and STich fraternal orders as the Masons, Odd Fellows, Elks, Knights of 
Columbus, etc." 

In the Program of the Communists, by N. Bucharin, which we now introduce 
and re(iuest to be marked "Exhibit 7," we find this very interesting statement: 

"Only by means of a civil war and the iron dictatorship of the proletariat can 
we achieve a cooperative communistic production. Destruction of the bour- 
geois state, workers dictatorship, expropriation of the capitalist class of the 
production by the working class, a free road to communism, that is the 
program of the Communist Party." 

From Exhibit 3 (Theses, Statiites, and Conditions of Admission to the Third 
International) we quote the following: 

"Only a violent defeat of the bourgeoisie, confiscation of its property, 
annihilation of the entire bourgeois government apparatus, parliamentary. 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1869 

judicifiry. military, buroaucratic. aclininistrativo, municipal, etc., even the 
individual exile or interment of the most stubborn and danjijerous exploiters, 
the establishment of a strict control over them for the repression of all 
inevitable attempts at resistence and restoration of capitalistic slavery — only 
such measures will be able to guarantee the complete submission of the whole 
class of exploitei'S." 

In the above, we see to what extremes a victorious Commiuiist Party would 
go, to preserve its position of mastery over a defeated democratic; America. 

A few excerpts from exhibit 8 (the acceptance speeches of William Z. Foster 
and Janu'S Ford. Communist candidates for President and Vice President, 
respectively) follow: 

"It is important to build up a strong Communist vote in order to organize 
and measure the sentiment of the masses and elect representatives to the 
capitalistic government, not in the illusion that workers can 'peacefully' 
capture the Government, but to enable them to better expose the capitalistic 
goverinnent, to wi-ing concessions from the employers, and to bring the com- 
munistic program forcefully before the masses." 

'•Capitalism must be overthrown, the industries and lands socialized, exploita- 
' tion abolished, and socialism established. The Communist Party fights to 
establish a workers' and farmers' government, it struggles ever and always for 
a United Soviet States of America." 

"Capitalism will not die. It must be killed — and the workers of the world 
are getting ready to kill it." 

"It is the aim of the Communist Party to expropriate the expropriators, that 
is to confiscate without remuneration the great industries and the big land 
holdings from the parasitic class, who now own them. The revolutionary 
workers' and farmers' government will never pay the capitalists for the great 
industrial and natural resources of the country." 

II. Allegiance 

Members of the Communist Party, regardless whether they were born in the 
United States and are legally citizens of the United States or are foreign born, 
acknowledge no allegiance to the Government of the United States or to the 
Stars and Stripes although they enjoy all the privileges and liberties granted 
by our Government. 

They loudly proclaim, instead, their allegiance to the Communist Inter- 
national and to the "red" flag, the Communist emblem. 

They proclaim the Soviet Republic as the fatherland of the workers and 
therefore their fatherland. They teach their children to pledge allegiance as 
follows : 

"I pledge allegiance to the workers "red" flag and the cause for which it 
stands; one aim throughout our lives, freedom for the working class." 

In order to clarify the Communists' attitude toward the abolition of patriotism 
to America and the arousing of patriotism to the Soviet Republic, we offer the 
following quotations from the statement of Alex Bittleman, an outstanding 
Communist, and request that it be marked "Exhibit 9" : 

"Defense of 'country and fatherland' as long as the capitalist class is in 
power, means to sacriflce the working class to the interests of the capitalist 
class. It means to help perpetuate misery, slavery, and exploitation. It means 
to assist the capitalists and imperialists to save capitalism. 

"Only with the overthrow of capitalist class rule and the establishment of 
working class rule do the toiling masses acquire a country and a fatlierland. 
Only then, does it become the duty of the workers and the exploited farmers to 
defend and protect their land from capitalist and imperialist attacks. 

"The toiling masses of the United States today have no country and no 
fatherland." 

We now introduce the following quotation taken from the acceptance speech 
of William Z. Foster, when he ran for the office of President of the United 
States, heretofore introduced as exhibit S. 

"Our pai'ty, different from the Socialist Party, creates no illusions amongst 
the workers that they can vote their way to emancipation, that lliey can capture 
the ready-made machinery of the State and utilize it for the emancipation of 
the working clas.s. On the contrary, we must utilize this campaign to carry on 
a widespread and energetic i)ropaganda to teach the workers that the capitalist 
class would never allow the working class peacefully to take control of the 
state. That is their strong right arm and they will fight violently to the end 



1870 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

to retain it The working class must sliatter the capitalist state. It must 
lunkl a nJw state, a now government, a workers' and farmers' government, 
the Soviet government of the United States." . ^ t 4. ^- i >» 

m> now introduce the document "Program of the Communist International,' 
and ask that it be marked "Exhibit 10." , ,, ^ • .. • 

In the Program of the Communist International, the Commumsts give us 
their descriptfon of the important position the Soviet Union holds in the world 

^^^IV'* * The Soviet Republic (U. S. S. R.), is an extremely important 
factor in the general crisis of capitalism not only because she has dropped out 
of the world capitalist system and created a basis for a new social system of 
production, but also because she plays an exceptionally great revolutionary 
role generally; she is the international driving force of proletarian revolution 
that impels the proletariat of all countries to seize power." 

On the question of the state, the Communists say, in Why Communism, 
heretofore introduced as exhibit 4: , . , , 

"The truth of the matter is that this is a rich man s state and a rich man s 
government The state is there to act on behalf of finance capital and to 
protect its interests against the people. The government is the executive com- 
mittee of the big trusts. ,,,,., n ^ ^ <- -^ 

"You, an American worker, may be shocked to hear such statements. You 
have been fed so much 'democracy' bunk that you think it almost sacrilege 
to reveal the true nature of the state. This is exactly what your masters 
are after with their propaganda. They want you to believe that the state is 
holy and that its high functionaries are like saints, surrounded by halos. 
All the pulpits, schools, newspapers, radio, lectures, moving pictures, and 
other sources of information controlled by big business are engaged in giving 
you false notions about the state. 

"The state is an instrument of power in the hands of the big industrialists, 
bankers, and landlords, who by this token are the ruling class. The state 
is there to effect the exploitation and oppression of the workers and the poor 
and small farmers, and also of the subjugated colonial people, by the ruling 
class. The Constitution, the Government, its laws, its agencies, the Army, the 
militia, the police, the court.s, the jails, the legislature — all are there to effect 
the exploitation and oppression of you and millions like you." 

We now introduce as one document the Fighting Worker, November 30, 1935 ; 
New Militant, January 4, 1936; and Daily Worker of January 14, 1936; and 
request that it be marked "Exhibit 11" : 

^Revolutionary workers everywhere ! Capitalism can be overthrown. Two 
great strike waves have shaken the American imperialist giant. The struggles 
of our class brothers in Latin America are undermining its base. Great battles 
loom ! There is no time to lose ! To defend the Soviet Union, to extend the 
October revolution, to overthrow capitalism we must build a revolutionary 
party!" (Fighting W^orker, November 30, 1935.) 

"As has already been indicated, the defense of the Soviet Union is one of 
the primary tasks of the working class in the coming war. But, to a Marxist, 
what does defense of the Soviet Union mean? The essence can be summed up 
quickly. It means : 'Extend the October revolution.' * * *" 

"* * * It means to put all faith in the working class. It means to achieve 
victory in the capitalist nations. And it means these things quite openly and 
realistically. For these are the only possible defense of the Soviet Union." 
(New Militant, January 4, 1936.) 

" * * * jf ii^Q imperialists unite in their murder march against the Soviet 
Union, we must be prepared to wage relentless struggle using every weapon 
at our command for the defense of the Soviet Union! (Daily Worker, January 
14, ;1936.) 

III. The Communist International 

In the first section of this brief entitled "The Communist Party, U. S. A. 
Section Communist International," we have shown that the Communist Party 
Is not a political entity with allegiance only to the United States of America, 
but that it is inextricably bound to and takes orders from a world-wide organi- 
zation known as the Communist International. If the Communist Party existed 
only within the bounds of the United States of America, we could easily ascer- 
tain its aims and objects. That is not the case. Taking orders as it does from 
the Communist International, we are forced to look to the Communist Interna- 



UN-AMERICAN mOPAGANDA ACTIVITIES ]g71 

tional for the ultimate aims and objects of the Communist Party of the United 
States. 

Our first scrtitiny should be devoted td the structure of this organization. 
At tliis time we desire to introduce the Icjitlet entitled "The Foundiition of the 
Conununist International" by V. I. Lenin. This leaflet was purchased in an 
official Communist Bookstore located at 22!i'X. South Spring Street, Los Angeles, 
Calif., and was admitted by the clerk to he an accepted document of the Com- 
mnnist Party of the UiiittHl States of America. We request that it be accepted 
and marked as "Exhibit V2." We qnote therefrom as follows: 

Page 3: "in ISIarch of this year. 1!)19, there took place an international con- 
gress of Connnunists in Moscow. This Congress founded the Third Conununist 
International, the union of the workers of the world striving to establish 
Soviet power in all cimntries. The First International, founded by Marx, ex- 
ist(>d from 1^04 to 1872. The Second International existed from 18S9 to 1914, 
until the war." 

"Throughout the world the Union of Comminiists is growing. In a number 
of countries soviet power has already been victorious. It will not be long before 
we see the victory of communism throughout the world, the foundation of the 
World Federal Republic of Soviets." 

P.ige -~) : "The foundation of the Third Communist International is the fore- 
runner of the International Republic of Soviets, of the international victory 
of communism." Published in Pravda, March 6. 1919. 

Page 47: "Today, when the word 'Soviet' has become understood by all, the 
victory of the Conimunist revolution is certain. The comrades who are present 
in this hall saw how the first soviet republic was formed. They now see how 
the Third Communist International has been formed. They will all see how 
the World Federal Republic of Soviets will be formed." 

The introduction of this evidence is made in order to show that the present 
world-wide organization called The Communist International is based upon 
the Third International Congress of Communists held in Moscow in the year 
1919. 

This congress adopted a certain constitution and rules for the government of 
the organization throughout the world. We refer again to "The Program of 
the Communist International," exhibit 10. We desire to call particular atten- 
tion to the constitution and rules as published in an appendix to the Program 
and from which we quote as follows : 

"1. The Communist International — the International Workers' Association — 
is a union of communist parties in various countries; it is a world communist 
party. As the leader and organizer of the world revolutionary movement of the 
proletariat and the upholder of the principles and aims of communism, the 
Communist International strives to win over the majority of the working class 
and the broad strata of the propertyless peasantry, fights for the establishment 
of the world dictatorship of the proletariat, for the establishment of the World 
Union of Socialist Soviet Republics, for the complete abolition of classes and 
for the achievement of socialism — the first stage of Communist society. 

"2. Each of the various parties affiliated to the Communist International is 
called the Communist Party of * * * (name of country) (section of the 
Communist International). In any given country there can be only one Com- 
munist Party afiiliated to the Communist International and representing its 
section in that country. 

'•3. Membership in the Communist Party and in the Communist International 
is open to all those who accept the program and rules of the given Communist 
Party and of the Communist International, who join one of the basic units 
of a party, actively work in it, abide by all the decisions of the party and of 
the Conununist International, and regularly pay party dues. 

"4. The Communist International and its sections are built up on the basis 
of democratic centralism * * * (c) decisions of superior party committees 
to be obligatory for subordinate committees, strictly party discipline and ])romi)t 
execution of the decisions of the Communist International, of its leading com- 
mittees and of the leading party centres. 

"5. Party (juestions may be discus.sed by members of the party and by party 
organizations until such "time as a decision is taken upon them by the com- 
petent i)arty committees. After a decision has been taken by the Congress of 
the Communist International, by the Congress of the respective sections, or 
by leading committees of the Comintern, and of its various sections, these 
decisions must be unreservedly carried out even if a section of the party mem- 

94931— 38— vol. 3 11 



1872 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA. ACTIVITIES 

bersbip or of the local party organizations are in disagreement with it. * * * 

"6 In all nonparty workers' and peasants' mass organizations and in their 
leading committees (trade unions, cooperative societies, sport organizations, 
ex-service mens' organizations, and at their congresses and conferences) and 
also on municipal bodies and in parliament, even if there are only two party 
members in such organizations and bodies, Communist fractions must be formed 
for the purpose of strengthening the party's influence and for carryig out 
its policy in these organizations and bodies. 

"13 The decisions of the B. C. C. I. (E. C. C. I. is abbreviation for Executive 
Committee International) are obligatory for all the sections of the Communist 
International and must be promptly carried out. * * * 

"14. The central committees of the various sections of the Communist Inter- 
national are responsible to their respective party congresses and of central 
committees of parties and also to make decisions which are obligatory for them. 

"15. The E. C. C. I. has the right to expel from the Communist International, 
entire sections, groups, and individual members who violate the program and 
rules of the Communist International or the decisions of the world congress 
and of the E. C. C. I. 

"IG. The programs of the various sections of the Communist International 
must be endorsed by the E. C. C. I. * * * 

"17. The leading organs of the press of the various sections of the Com- 
munist International must publish all the decisions and oflScial documents of 
the E. C. C. I. These decisions must, as far as possible, be published also in 
the other organs of the party press. (This policy is carried out by the Com- 
munist Party in the U. S. A. by their official organ. The Daily Worker.) 

"19. The E. C. C. I. elects a presidium responsible to the E. C. C. I., which 
acts as the permanent body carrying out all the business of the E. C. C. I. 
in the interval between the meetings of the latter. * * * 

"21. The sections must carry out the instructions of the permanent bureaus 
of the E. C. C. I. * * * 

"22. The E. C. C. I. and its presidium have the right to send their repre- 
sentatives to the various sections of the Communist International. Such repre- 
sentatives receive their instructions from the E. C. C. I. or from its presidium, 
and are responsible to them for their activities. Representatives of the 
E. C. C. I. must carry out their commission in close contact with the central 
committee of the section to which they are sent. They may, however, speak 
in opposition to the central committee of the given section, at congresses and 
conferences of that section, if the line of the central committee in question 
diverges from the instructions of the E. C. C. I. * * * 

"The E. C. C. I. and its presidium also have the right to send instructors 
to the various sections of the Communist International. * * * 

"24. Meetings of the presidium (according to the Daily Worker, members of 
the presidium of the Communist International include J. Stalin, Union of 
Soviet Socialist Republics; Bela Kun, Hungary; Fritz Hecker, Germany) of 
the E. C. C. I. must take place not less than once a fortnight. * * * 

"25. The presidium elects the political secretariat, which is empowered to 
take decisions and which also prepares questions for the meetings of the 
E. C. C. I. and of its presidium, and acts as their executant body. 

"28. The International Control Commission investigates matters concerning 
the unity of the sections affiliated to the Communist International and also 
matters connected with the Communist conduct of individual members of the 
various sections. * * * Audits the accounts of the Communist Interna- 
tional. * * * 

"30. Resignation from office by individual members or groups of members 
of central committees of the various sections are regarded as disruptive of 
the Communist movement. Leading posts in the party do not belong to 
the occupant of that post, but to the Communist International as a whole. 
Elected members of the central leading bodies of the various sections may 
resign before their time of office expires, only with the consent of the E. C. C. i. 
Resignations accepted by the central committees of sections without the consent 
of the E. C. C. I. are invalid. 

"31. The sections affiliated to the Communist International must maintain 
close organizational and informational contact with each other, arrange for 
mutual representation at each other's conferences and congresses, and with 
the consent of the E. C. C. I., exchange leading comrades. * * * 



UN-AMERICAX PROrAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1S73 

"35. The International League of Communist Youth (Communist Ydutli Inter- 
national) is a section of the Communist International ^vith full ritihts and is 
subordinate to the E. C. C. I. 

"80. The conununist parties must be prepared for transition to illegal condi- 
tions. Tlie E. C. C. I. must render the parties concerned assistance in tlu-ir 
preparations for transition to illegal conditions. 

"37. Individual members of sections of the Communist International may 
pass from one country to another only with the consent of the central con;miltee 
of the .section of which they are members. 

"Conununist s changing their domicile nmst join the section in the country of 
their new domicile. Comunniists leaving tlieir country without the con.sent 
of the central committee of their section, must not be accepted into ctlier sections 
of the Conununist International." 

We call particular attention to paragraph 1 in which it is stated that it is 
a World Communist Party, and the leader and organizer is a world revolu- 
tionary movement of tlie proletariat. 

In paragraph 2 it is stated that the Communist Party of the U. S. A. is a 
section of the Communist International. In paragraph 3 we are shown that 
the Communist Party of the U. S. A. must abide by all the decisions of 
Communist International. 

During the interim between meetings of the world congress the executive 
connnittee of the Communist International operates in its place and stead and 
is seated within the United Socialist Soviet Republic's capitol in Moscow. 

In paragraph 13 we are told that the decisions of this executive committee 
are obligatory for all the sections of the Communist International. Placed 
above the E. C. C. I. is what is known as the presidium. This presidium is 
the real functioning body between meetings of the E. C. C. I. Thus we see that 
while the democratic form of operation and direction is claimed, the actual 
and final authority rests in the decisions made by a compact group located 
within the botmdaries of the only existing Socialist state, namely, the 

U. S. S. R. 

At the time of the formation of the Third International, certain conditions 
of admission were laid down. These conditions of admission set forth the 
terms upon which the Communist Party in any country of the world could 
become affiliated with C. I. 

At this time we desire to introduce a pamphlet entitled "The 21 Conditions 
of Admission to the Communist International," by O. Piatuitsky. This 
pamphlet was purchased in an otficial Comnunnst bookstore located at 22G>:. 
South Spring Street, Los Angeles, Calif., and was admitted by the <-lerk to be 
an official document of the Communist Party of the U. S. A. We request that 
it be accepted and marked as "Exhibit 13." We quote the following from it : 

"1. The periodical and nonperiodical press and all party publishing organiza- 
tions must be wholly subordinate to the central committee of the party, irre- 
spective as to whether the party as a whole, at the given moment, is legal or 
iileg.'il. That publishing organizations, abusing their autonomy, should pursue 
a policy that does not completely correspond to the policy of the party, cannot 
be tolerated. 

"In the columns of the newspapers, at public meetings, in the trade-unions, in 
the cooperative societies — wherever the adherents of the Third International 
gain access— they must systematically and mercilessly denounce not only the 
bourgeoisie, but also its assistants, the reformists of every shade. 

"2. Every organization desiring to belong to the Communist International 
must steadily and systematically remove from all responsible posts in the labor 
movement in the party organization, editorial boards, trade-unions, parlia- 
mentary fractions, cooperative societies, municipalities, e:c., all reformists and 
followers of the center, and have them replaced by Conmiunists. (>ven at the 
cost of replacing at the beginning 'experienced' leaders by rank-and-file working- 
men. 

"4. The obligation to spread Conumniist ideas includes the particular neces- 
sity of persistent, systematic propaganda in the army. Whenever such propa- 
ganda is forbidden l)y exceptional laws, it must be carried on illegally. The 
abandonment of such work would be equivalent to the betrayal of revolutionary 
duty, and is incompatible with membership in the Third International. 

"5. It is necessary to carry on systematic and steady agitation in the rural 
districts. The working class cannot consolidate its victory without the backing 
of at least part of t'ne agricultural laliorers and the poorest peasants, and with- 
out having neutralized, by its policy a part of the rest of the rural population. 



1874 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

during the present period It f^^ « ^^^^^.^^^ ^'^.^^^Jq'^,,^^^^ only, who have connec- 
;:orl< To luUrLtS^iirhalf reformists is equal to renouncing the proletarian 
''T^ry party that ^e^- to belong to tlie ?^i«i /l^teri^tional m,^ ^poj 




SimaS ni'^lli^ai^c" ';^:;;ganlzation of the League of Nations will save 



""7' Th/^IrtS^eSSlJf bSo^S to the Communist International must rec- 
(.unze he necessity of a complete and absolute rupture with reformism and 
h m>licv of tlie center, and they must carry on propaganda m fayor of this 
l.n.ture among the broadest circles of the party membership. Otherwise a con- 
«i'*tpnt Communist policy is impossible. ^ ., i ^ 

'The Communist International unconditionally and peremptorily demands 
tint this snlit be brought about wiUi the least delay. The Communist Interna- 
ona cannot reconcile itself to the fact that such avowed reformists, as Turatti, 
Kiutskv Hilferding, Hillquit, Longuet, MacDonald, Modigliani, and others 
should be entitled to consider themselves members of the Third International. 
This would make the Third International resemble, to a considerable degree, 
the late Second International. . 

"8 On the question of the colonies and oppressed nationalities, an especially 
distinct and clear line must be taken by the parties in those countries where 
the bourgeoisie possesses colonies or oppresses other nations. Every party 
re>irous of belonging to the Third International must ruthlessly denounce the 
liiethods of 'their own' imperialists in the colonies, supporting, not in words, 
but in deeds every independence movement in the colonies. It should demand 
the expulsion of" their ow'n imperialists from such colonies, and cultivate 
among the workers of their own country a truly fraternal attitude toward the 
toiling population of the colonies and oppressed nationalities, and carry on sys- 
tematic agitation in its own army against every kind of oppression of the 
colonial population. 

"9. Every party that desires to belong to the Communist International must 
carry on systematic and persistent Cunimunist work in the trade-unions, in 
workers' and industrial councils, in the cooperative societies, and in other mass 
organization. Within these organizations, it is necessary to create Communist 
groups, which by means of practical and stubborn work must win over the 
trade-union, etc.,' for the cause of communism. These cells should constantly 
denounce the treachery of the social patriots and the vacillations of the center 
at every step. These Communist groups should be completely subordinate to 
the party as a whole. 

"10. Every party that belongs to the Communist International must carry 
on a stubborn struggle against the Amsterdam 'International' of 'yellow' trade- 
unions. It must give all the support in its power to the incipient international 
alliance of the 'red' trade-unions afliliated to the Communist International. 

"11. The parties desiring to belong to the Third International mu^t overhaul 
the membership of their parliamentary fractions, eliminate all unreliable ele- 
mtnits from them, to control these fractions, not only verbally but in reality, to 
suf)ordinate them to the central committee of the party, and demand from every 
Communist meniber of parliament that he devote his entire activities to the 
interests of really revolutionary propaganda agitation. 

"12. Parties belonging to the Communist International must be built up on 
the principle of democratic centralism. At the present time of acute civil 
war, the Communist Part.v will only be able fully to do its duty when it is 
org;niized in the most centralized manner, if it has iron discipline. bortVring 
on military discipline, and if the pru'ty center is a r.owerful, authoritative 
organ with wide powers, ipossessing the general trust of the party membership. 
"14. Every party that desires to belong to the Communist Internat'oual must 
give every possible support to the Soviet Republics in their struggle against all 
counterrevolutionary forces. The Communist parties should carry on a precis? 
and definite propajranda to induce the workers to refuse to transport munitions 
of war intended for enemies of the Soviet Republics, carry on legal or illegal 
propaganda among the troops which are sent to crush the workers' republics. 
etc. 



UN-AMEKICAN I'KOrAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1875 

•'Kx The parties which up to the present have retained thoir old social- 
drnKH.'ratic pmgianis nuist in tlio shortest possible time overhaul these pro- 
grams and draw up a new Communist program in conformity with the special 
conditions of their respective countries and in accordance with resolutions of 
the Connnunist InloiMiat ional. As a rule, the program of every parly tliat 
belongs to the Conunuiiist International must be ratiiied by the next congress 
of the Comnuinist International or by the executive connnittee. In the event 
of the executive committee of the Communist International failing to ratify 
the program of a particular party, that party has the right to apiieal to the 
congress of the Communist International. 

"ICi. All decisions of the ctmgrcsses of the Communist International, as well 
as the decisions of its executive ct)mmit!ee, are binding on all parties alliliated 
to the Connnunist International. The Communist International, operating in 
the midst of most acute civil war, must have a far more centralized form of 
organization than that of the Second International. At the .same time, the 
Connnunist International and its executive connnittee must, of coiirse, in all 
tlH>ir activities;, take into consideration the diversity of the conditions under 
which the various parties have to wcirk and tight, and should issue luiiversally 
binding decisions only on questions on which the passing of such decisions is 
possible. 

"IS. All the leading party organs of the press in all countries must publish 
all tl'.e chief documents of the executive committee of the Communist Inter- 
national. 

"20. The parties that would now like to join the Third International but which 
have not yet radically changed their former tactics must, before joining, take 
steps to ensure that their central committees and all most important central 
biidies of the respective parties shall be composed, to the extent of at least two- 
thirds, of such comrades as even prior to the Second Congress of the Connnunist 
International have openly and definitely declared for joining the Third Inter- 
national. Exceptions may be made with approval of the executive committee of 
the Third International. 

"21. Member's of the party who reject the conditions of these of the Communist 
International, on principle, mu.st be expelled from the party. 

"This applies also to the delegates to the special party congresses." 
Having now proven the character of organization of the Connnunist Inter- 
national and conditions of admission thereto, we now desire to again point out 
that the Communist Party of the U. S. A. section Communist International is 
merely a section of tlie world-wide organization and has accepted all the condi- 
tions of admission, as laid down in the document just introduced. 

We can now proceed to a study of the progress of the Comnuinist International 
to accomplish its object through the world. 

Nothing can be more enlightening than the document which we have hereto- 
fore introduced and marked "Exhibit 10. namely, the Program of the Comnuuiist 
International, from wiiich we now quote : 

"The epoch of imperialism is the epoch of moribund captlalism. The World 
War of 1914-18 and the general crisis of capitalism which it unleashed, being the 
direct result of the sharp contradiction between the growth of the productive 
forces of the world economy and the national state barriers, have shown and 
proved that the material prerequisites for socialism have already ripened in the 
womb of capitalist society, that the .shell of capitalism has become an intolerable 
hindrance to the further development of mankind, and that history has brought 
to the forefront the task of the revolutionary overthrow of the yoke of capitalism. 
"Imperialism .subjects large masses of the proletariat of all countries — from 
the centers of capitalist might to the most remote corners of the colonial world — 
to the dictatorship of the finance-capitalist plutocracy. With elemental force, im- 
perialism expo.ses and accentuates all the contradictions of capitalist society; it 
carries class oppression to the utmo.st limits, intensifies to an extraordinary degree 
the struggle between capitalist states, inevitably gives rise to world-wide im- 
perialist wars that shake the whole prevailing system of relationships to the 
foundations, and inexorably leads to the world proletarian revolution. 

"IMnding the whole world in chains of finance capital, forcing its yoke, by 
bloodletting, by mailed fist and starvation, upon the proletariat of all conntrii's. of 
all nations and races, sharpening to an immeasurable degree the exploitation, 
oppression, and enslavement of the proletariat and confronting it with the 
innnediate task of conquering powx'r-imperialism, creates the necessity for closely 
\tniting the tvorkers of all countries, irrespective of state houndaries nad of differ- 



1876 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

ences of natwHaUty, culture, langmge, race, sex, or occupation in a single inter- 
^mZ army of the proletariat. Thus while imperialism deye ops and com- 
petes the process of creating the material prerequisites for socialism, it at the 
s'lme time luusters the army of its own gravediggers, compelling the proletariat 
to orL'auize into a militant iutcruatioual toorkers assocuuwn. 

'On the other hand, imperialism splits off the best-provided-for section of 
the working class from the main mass of the workers. Bribed and coiTupted 
by imperialism, this upper stratum of the working class, which constitutes he 
leading element in the Socialist-democratic parties, which has a stake in the 
imperialist plunder of the colonies and is loyal to "its own' boiirgeoisie and 
'■it' own" imperialist state, has lined up in the decisive class battles with the 
class enemy of the proletariat. The split that occurred in the Socialist move- 
ment in 1914 as a result of this treachery, and the subsequent treachery of the 
social-democratic parties, the international proletariat will be able to fultill 
i^ts historical mission— to throw off the yoke of imperialism and establish the 
proletarian dictatorship— only by ruthless struggle against social democracy. 
Hence the organization of the forces of the international revolution becomes 
possible only on the platform of communism. In opposition to the opportunity 
Second International of the social democracy, which has become the agency of 
the imperialism in the ranks of the working class, inevitably rises the Third 
Comnumist International, the international organization of the working class, 
which embodies the real unity of tlie revolutionary workers of the world. 

"The war of 1914-18 gave rise to the first attempts to establish a new revolu- 
tionary international, as a counterpoise to the Second (social-chauvinist) Inter- 
national, and as a weapon of resisting to bellicose imperialism (Zuumerwald 
and Kienthal). The victorious proletarian revolution in Russia gave impetus 
to the formation of Communist parties in the centers of capitalism and in the 
colonies. In I9in the Communist International was formed, and for the first 
time in world history the most advanced strata of the European and American 
proletariat were really united in the process of practical revolutionary struggle 
with the proletariat of China and India with the Negro toilers of- Africa and 
America. 

'As the united nnd centralized International Party of the proletariat, the 
Communist International is the only heir to the principles of the First Inter- 
national, carrying them forward upon the new, mass foundation of the revolu- 
tionary proletariat movement. The experience gathered from the first imperial- 
ist war, from the subsequent periods of the revolutionary crisis of capitalism, 
from the series of revolutions in Europe and in the colonial countries; the ex- 
perience gathered from the dictatorships of the proletariat and the socialist 
construction of the U. S. S. R. and from the work of all the sections of the 
Communist International as recorded in the decisions of its congresses ; finally, 
the fact that the stiaiggle between the imperialist bourgeoisie and the proletariat 
is more and more assuming an international character — all this creates the need 
for a program of the Communist International, a uniform and common pro- 
gram for all Sections of the Communist International. This program of the 
Communist International, as the supreme critical generalization of the whole 
body of historical experience of the international revolutionary proletarian 
movement, becomes the program of struggle for the world proletarian dictator- 
ship, tlie program of struggle for world communism. 

"Uniting as it does the revolutionary workers, who lead the millions of op- 
pressed and exploited against the bonrgeoisie and its socialist agents, the Com- 
munist International regards itself as the liistorical successor to the Com.munist 
League and the First International led by Marx, and as the inheritor of the 
best of the pre-war traditions of tho Second International proletarian struggle 
for socialism. The Second International in the best period of its existence, pre- 
pared the ground for the expansion of the labor movement among the masses. 
The Third Commuriist International in continuing the work of the Second Inter- 
national has resolutely lopped off tlie latter's opportunism, social-chauvinism, 
and bourgeois distortion of socialism and has commenced to realize the dictator- 
ship of the proletariat. In this manner the Communist International continues 
the glorious and heroic traditions of the international labor movement: of the 
English chartists and the French insurrectionists of 1831 ; of the French and 
German working-class revolutionaries of 1S48: of the immortal fighters and 
martryrs of the Paris Commune; of the valiant soldiers of the German. Hun- 
garian, and Finnish revolutions : of the worl-cers under former tsarist despot- 
ism — the victorions bearers of the proletarian dictatorship of the Chinese prole- 
tarians — the heroes of Canton and Shanghai. 



UN-AMERICAN PliOPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1877 

'T.asing; itself on the experience of the revohitionary labor movement on all 
continents and of all peoples, the Communist International, in its theoretical 
and practical work, stands wholly and unreservedly upon the ground of revolu- 
tionary Marxism and its further development, Leninism, which is nothing else 
but Marxism of the epoch of imperialism and proletarian revolution. 

"Advocating and propagating the dialectical materialism of Marx and Engels 
and employing it as the revolutionary method of the cognition of reality, with 
the view to the revolutionary transformation of this reality, the Communist 
International wages an active struggle against all forms of theoretical and 
practical opportunism and all forms of bourgeois philosophy. Standing on the 
ground of consistent proletarian class struggle and subordinating the temporary, 
partial, group, and national interests of the proletariat to its lasting, general, 
international interests, the Communist International mercilessly exposes all 
forms of the doctrine of "class peace" that the reformists have accepted from 
the bourgeoisie. Expressing the historical need for an international organiza- 
tion of revolutionary proletarians — the grave diggers of the capitalist order — 
the Communist International is the only international force that has for its 
program the dictatorship of the proletariat and that openly comes out as the 
organizer of the international proletarian revolution. 

"When a revolutionary situation is developing, the party advances certain 
transitional slogans and partial demands correspondingly to the concrete situ- 
ation ; but these demands and slogans must be bent to the revolutionary aim 
of capturing power and of overthrowing bourgeois capitalist society. The 
party must neither stand aloof from the daily needs and struggle of the 
working class nor confine its activities exclusively to them. The task of the 
party is to utilize these minor every-day needs as a starting point from which 
to lead the working class to the revolutionary struggle for power. 

"In the event of a revolutionary upsurge, if the ruling classes are disor- 
ganized, the masses are in a state of revolutionary ferment and the inter- 
mediai'y strata are inclining toward the proletariat; if the masses are ready for 
action and for sacrifice, the party of the proletariat is confronted with the 
task of leading the masses to a direct attack upon the bourgeois state. This 
it does by carrying on propaganda in favor of increasingly radical transitional 
slogans (for Soviets, workers' control of industry, for peasant committees for 
the seizure of the big landed property, for the disarming the bourgeoisie and 
arming the proletariat, etc.) and by organizing mass action, upon which all 
branches of the party agitation and propaganda, including parliamentary 
activity, must be concentrated. This mass action includes : A combination of 
strikes and demonstrations ; a combination of strikes and armed demonstra- 
tions and, finally, the general strike jointly with armed insurrections against 
the state power of the bourgeoisie. The latter form of struggle, which is 
supreme in its form, must be conducted according to the rules of military 
science; it presupposes a plan of campaign, offensive fighting operations and 
unbounded devotion and heroism on the part of the proletariat. An abso- 
lutely essential prerequisite for this form of action is the organization of the 
broad masses into militant units, which by their very form, embrace and set 
into action the largest possible numbers of toilers (Councils of Workers' Dep- 
uties, Soldiers' Councils, etc.), and intensified revolutionary work in the army 
and navy. 

"There can be working class movements without the Communist Party, but 
there can be no real movement for the liberation of the working class without 
the Communist Party. There can be no ultimate overthrow of the entire 
capitalist system without the Communist Party. 

"There is a Communist Party in every country of the world. All of them 
work for the same end, and all of them adapt their activities to conditions 
existing in their country. Delegates from each Communist Party gather once 
in a few years to an international Communist congress (there have been six of 
them so far). The congress meets for the 2 or 3 weeks and discusses thoroughly 
the international situation and the situation in every country. Experience of 
a world-wide struggle are shared and a general lino of further struggles mapped 
out. The congress elects an executive committee which is the leading body 
between one congress and another. The decisions of the executive committee of 
the Communist International guide the activities of the parties. The executive 
committee meets at intervals of a few months. Its meetings resemble a small 
congress. Between one meeting and the other a .smaller body called presidium 
is conducing the affairs of the organization. The organization is called the 
Communist International and expresses the common purpose and common de- 



1878 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

cisioiis of all the Communist parties of the world. The Communist Interna- 
tional (Comintern) gives unity of policy and leadership to the entire revolution- 
ary movement of the world. It is the general staff of the world revolution of all 
the exploited and oppi-essed. 

"The Communist Party of the Soviet Union is afliliated with the Communist 
International. Its advice is highly precious because it has long accomplished 
what the Communist parties of the world are only striving at— the proletarian 
revolution. The advice and experiences of the other parties, however, are also 
of irreat value in detei-mining the policies of the Comintern. The seat of the 
Comintern is Moscow because this is the capital of the only workers' and 
peasants' governmental body in the world, and the Comintern can meet there 
freely. As the workers become the rulers of other countries the Comintern will 
not liave to confine its meetings to Moscow alone. 

"The Communist Party of the U. S. A. is thus a part of a world-wide organi- 
zation which gives it guidance and enhances its fighting power. Under the 
leadership of the Communist Party the workers of the U. S. A. will proceed 
from struggle to struggle, from victory to victory, until, rising in a revolution, 
they will crush the capitalist state, establish a soviet state, abolish cruel and 
bloody system of capitalism and proceed to the upbuilding of socialism. 

"This "is why every worker must join the Communist Party." 

IV. The Ultimate Aim 

The preface to the Communist pamphlet, The Ultimate Aim. which we now in- 
troduce and request to be marked "Exhibit 14," states : 

"We are fighting for communism. 

"The enemies and opponents of communism have always argued that com- 
munism is mere empty Utopia, an unrealizable thing, a fantasy, a dream, which 
will never be brought to life. 

"But the experience of the Soviet Union has brilliantly shown that the 
dreamers are those who imagined that capitalism will live for ever. Socialism, 
that is to say, the first stage of communism, is becoming a reality ; socialism is 
coming powerfully to life ; socialism is impetuously reconstructing life. But 
capitalism can only dream about the return of its one-time strength. 

"Socialists declare that they know a better road to socialism than that along 
which the Communists are leading the working class. Their road is better, 
they say, because it is a peaceful one, without revolutions and convulsions. 

"We shall discover below whether it is possible to get socialism without a 
proletarian revolution and the proletarian dictatorship, w^hom these opinions of 
the Socialists about a peaceful transition to socialism really serve, and whom 
they hope to deceive by them ; and in what way the victory of communism is 
attained." 

And in conclusion the pamphlet states these facts : 

"Our ultimate aim is the construction of socialist society, that is, of such a 
system in which there will be no private property in the means of production, 
there will be no exploiters or exploited, or classes of any kind ; in which there 
will be no state; in which production and consumption will be arranged accord- 
ing to principle, 'from each according to his abilities, to each according to his 
needs,' in which technique, science, and art will attain unheard-of heights, and 
human labor will become the everyday creative need of man. 

"Socialism is the lower stage of communism, when the level of productive 
forces allows the needs of the population to be satisfied only in accordance with 
the amoiuit of labor spent by the worker. There are no classes under socialism, 
but the apparatus of the state is still preserved and carries on a struggle for 
the overcoming of the relics and survival of class society. The U. S. S. R. 
has entered the period of socialism and is building classless socialist society. 

"The transition to socialism is only possible as a consequence of the "prole- 
tarinn revolution, the conquest of state power bv the working class and the 
establishment of proletarian dictatorship. There is no other way for creating 
a socialist society. 

"The U. S. S. R. is the country of the proletarian dictatorship. The Soviet 
system is the organization of the rule of the working class, in alliance with the 
laboring peasantry, under the leadership of the Bolshevik Party which fights for 
the building of classless society." 

The following quotations are taken from previously mentioned exhibit 4 (the 
Communist publication Why Communism? by N. J. Olgin). 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1879 

'The overthrow of the state power, ami, with it, of the capitalist system, j;r(>ws 
out of the everyday struggles of Iho workers. One is historically inseparable 
from the other. 

"TTie clearer the class consciousness of the workers, the more steeled they are 
m fighting, the better the revolutionary loiulorship they have developed in the 
cour^ie of years, the greater the number nf friends lliey have allied with them- 
selves from among the other oppressed classes, the more capable are they to deal 
the linal blow. 

"It is not necessary that this linal bldw, i. e., the revolution, should come in 
connection with an imperialist war, although this is most likely. Capitalism 
will seek to prevent a revolution by plunging the country into war." 

We now introduce the following excerpts taken from a handbook for young 
CommunistSi The Yomig Cenuuunist League, from Young Connnuiiists In 
Action, compiled by Lewis Miller, and request that this be marked "Exhibit IH" : 

"We Communists openly proclaim our aims. We tell the workers that under 
the leadership of the Connnunist Party and the Young C(mnnunist League cap- 
italism will be overthrown and a government controlled by the workers and 
farmers put in its place. 

"As a member of the Ycuuig Communist League it is your duty to study 
the Communist program. You must be able to explain to the satisfaction of 
any worker what are our aims and what we are doing in order to achieve 
these aims. Furthermore, in order to take your place in the revolutionary 
movement yon must study our methods of work and put them into practice in 
everyday Connnunist activity. 

"Just as the Russian workers, with the leadership of the Russian Com- 
munist Party, were able to free themselves from the yoke of tzarism and 
capitalism, so will we in the United States, under the leadership of the Com- 
munist Party and the Young Communist League, overthrow capitalism and 
build a workers' and farmers' government — a Soviet America !" 

"If it is necessary to destroy the capitalist government, why do we take 
part in elections?" you ask. 

'The Communist Party and the Y. C. L. have a definite purpose in taking 
part in elections. To begin with, they afford us an opportunity to publicize 
our platform and the demands of the working class. 

"Secondly, Communist candidates who are elected use their office in order 
to better carry on the fight to improve the conditions of the workers, and in 
order to expose the capitalist governments and show the necessity for setting 
up a workers' government. Lastly, the vote can be taken as a partial indica- 
tion of the strength and support of the Communist Party, even though we 
know that many thousands of workers — Negroes, foreign-born 'paupers,' soldiers 
and sailors — are denied votes or cheated out of them. Young Commiuiist 
League candidates in elections have the particular purpose of advancing de- 
mands for improvement in the conditions of the youth." 

Excoipts taken from exhibit 10 (program of the Communist International) 
are as follows : 

"The victorious proletariat utilizes the conquest of power as a lever of eco- 
nomic revolution, i. e., a revolutionary transformation of the property rela- 
tions of capitalism into relationships of the socialist mode of production. 

"The confiscation and proletarian nationalizaticm of all large capitaU*:t un- 
dertakings (factories, works, mines, and electric power stations) and the 
transference of all State and municipal enterprises to the Soviets. 

"The confiscation and proletarian nationalization of all large landed estates 
in town and country (private, church, monastery, and other lands) and the 
transference of State and municipal landed property (including forests, min- 
erals, lakes, rivers, etc.) to the Soviets with subsequent nationalization of the 
whole of the land. 

"The confiscatiim of big house property. 

"The transfer of confiscated houses to the administration of the local Soviets. 

"The monopoly of newspaper and hook publishing. 

"The nationalization of big cinema enterprises, theaters, etc." 
Why Communism? previously marked "Exhibit 4," interprets the Communists' 
position on many things as follows : 

<i * * * It is the task of the Soviets to abolish privat" property in the 
means of production and to establish socialistic production and distribution: 
This cannot be accomplished peacefully. This means the Soviet state must be 
ruthless. It must destroy the counter-revoluntionary forces, the quicker the 



1880 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

better for the workers and for the future of mankind. This is why the Soviet 
state is named the dictatorship of the proletariat. * * * It openly declares 
itself to be a class government, directed against the former ruling class. It uses 
force and violence against that class. . ^ , ^. , 

"There is no way out except by the creation of a revolutionary democracy 
of the toilers which is at the same time a stern dictatorship against the cap- 
italists and their agents. There is no way out except by seizing from the 
capitalists the industries, the banks, and nil the economic institutions and 
trsuisferring them into the common property of all under the direction of the 
revolutionarv movement. There is no way out, in short, except by the aboli- 
tion of the capitalist system and the estaiilishment of a socialistic society. 

"The Communist Party is unswervingly convinced that the way out of the 
present industrial and agrarian crisis which will bring real liberty to the 
workers and toiling farmers is the revolutionary way out, that is, the prole- 
tarian revolution carried out under the leadership of the proletariat is an 
alliance of the workers and the toiling farmers." 

Excerpts from the Report No. 153 submitted to the Congress of the United 
States, February 15, 193.5, is hereby introduced and a request is made that it 
be marked "Exhibit 16." 

"The nature and extent of organized Communist activity in the United 
States has been established by testimony and the objectives of such activities 
clearly defined. Both from documentary evidence submitted to the com- 
mittee and from the frank admission of Communist leaders (cf. Browder and 
Ford, New York hearing, July 12, 1934) these objectives include: 

"1. The overthrow by force and violence of the republican form of govern- 
ment guaranteed by article IV, section 4, of the Federal Constitution. 

"2. The substitution of a soviet form of government based on class domina- 
tion to be achieved by abolition of elected representatives both to the legislative 
and executive branches, as provided by article I, by the several sections of 
article II of the same Constitution and by the fourteenth amendment. 

"3. The confiscation of private property by governmental decree, without the 
due process of law and compensation guaranteed by the fifth amendment. 

"4. Restriction of the rights of religious freedom, of speech, and of the press 
as guaranteed by the first amendment. 

"These specific purposes by Communist admission are to be achieved not by 
peaceful exercise of the ballot under constitutional right, but by revolutionary 
upheavals, by fomenting class hatred, by incitement to class warfare and by 
other illegal, as well as by legal, methods. The tactics and specific stages to 
be followed for the accomplishment of this end are set forth in circumstantial 
detail in the official program of the American Communist Party adopted at 
the convention held at Cleveland on April 2 to 8, 1934. 

"The 'manifesto' and the 'resolutions' incite to civil war by requiring one 
class 'to take power' by direct revolutionary process and then assume dictator- 
ship over the country in the manner followed by the Communists in the Union 
of Soviet Socialist Republics which is frequently mentioned as a guiding 
example. 

"In pursuance of the revolutionary way to power, the program instructs 
members of the party to obtain a foothold in the Army and the Navy and 
develop 'revolutionary mass organizations in the decisive war industries and 
in the harbors.' The trade unions should be undermined and utilized as re- 
cruiting grounds for revolutionary workers. How faithfully these particular 
injunctions have been executed was demonstrated by Navy' officers appearing 
before the committee and by officials of the American Federation of Labor. 

"The American Communist Party is affiliated with the Third International, 
which was created by officials of the Soviet Government and is still housed 
in Moscow with governmental approval and cooperation. This afiiliation is 
not one of general sympathy or broad uniformity of purpose and program; it 
is of a definitely organic character involving specific jurisdiction on the part 
of the governing body over the Communist Party of the United States. 

"The executive secretary of the Communist Party of the United States tes- 
tified to this committee that his party was 'a section of the Communist Inter- 
national ;' that it participates in all the gatherings which decide the policies of 
the Communist International and sends delegates to the various conferences in 
Moscow." This admission is confirmed by the records available. 

The following is taken from Exhibit 4 (Why Communism), one of the most 
outstanding authorities accepted by the Communist Party on the ultimate aim 
of the Communist Party in America : 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1381 

"We propose in brief, that all resources, all land and buildings, all nianu- 
fac'turing cstablislinionls, mines, railroads and other means of transportation 
and communication, should l)e, not private property, but comnw)n property of 
all those who work. We propose that production be made to serve the needs 
of all those who work, rather than to serve the eniichment of a few parasites. 
We propose that parasitism should be abolished altogether and that society 
should consist only of those who work, which means tliat all members of society 
should be socially useful human beings. We hold with .science that production 
and distribution of goods can be planned to avoid anything resembling the 
crisis in capitalist society. I'Janned economy on the basis of common owner- 
ship without any class division is called Connnunism. 

"Before we proceed we must say a word or two about the idea of having 
planned economy under capitalism.. 

"If planning means anything, it means organization of human activities in 
a certain direction to acliieve a definite and clear-cut aim. Planning a garden 
means undertaking a numbcn- of steps — like preparing tlie ground, the seeds, 
the fences, putting the seeds into the ground, etc. — which will ultimately result 
in a garden. You cannot say you are planning a garden when yoiu- aim is 
rabbit shooting. You do not plan a garden when you thing of digging into the 
ground for gold. This is so obvious that it does not need any iiroof. The 
aim is what determines the plan. The aim of planned economy should be to 
satisfy the needs of the population by setting into motion all the production 
forces of tlie country, or even of tlie whole world. To secure a decent living 
for everybody — that is the aim. To organize all economic activities accord- 
ingly — that is the plan. 

"But the aim of capitalism is not to secure a decent living for all. The aim 
of capitalism is to secure — as they say — 'reasonable profit' on investments. 
Profits come first. The people come last. A 'reasonable profit' is a profit that 
looks reasonable to the owners of wealth — and that means all the traffic will 
bear. The needs of the population are mentioned in speeches — but they do not 
determine the actions of those who rule. 

"Communism compared to capitalism is like capitalism compared to the 
economy of the native Indian i)opulation of three centuries ago. Communism 
builds. It encourages scientific advance on a colossal scale. It makes man 
complete nKister of nature and of the social system. It reduces labor to the 
easy task of supervising machinery a few hours every day. It leaves mankind 
free to engage in the higher intellectual pursuits. It makes every worker a 
highly cultured being and everybody responsible for the welfare of all. It 
insures on its portals: Let everybody work according to his ability; let every- 
body receive from the common stock of goods according to his needs. In the 
lower stage of communism called socialism, the rule is that everybody receives 
according to his work ; but here too there is no exploitation, no oppression, 
no insecurity, no poverty, but everybody is working and work is made the badge 
of honor. Life is made humane. With this begins the. great ascent of man. 

"But isn't it a Utopia? Aren't those Commiuiist dreamers? We propose to 
show that the Communists are the greatest realists, that the program advanced 
by them are already in operation. 

"The Rtate democracy.— T\\q truth of the matter is that this is a rich man s 
state and a rich man's government. The state is there to act on behalf of 
finance capital and to protect its interests against the people. The government 
is tlie executive committee of tlie big trusts. 

"You. an American worker, may be shocked to hear such a statement. You 
have been fed so much 'democracy' bunk that you think it almost sacrilege to 
reveal the true nature of the State. This is exactly what your masters are 
after with their propaganda. They want you to believe that the State is holy 
and that its high functionaries are like saints surrounded by halos. All the 
pulpits, schools, newspapers, radio, lectures, moving pictures, and other sources 
of information controlled by big l)usiness are engaged in giving you false notions 
about the State. Yet consider for a moment tlu^ simple fact that 1 percent of 
the population controls nearly two-thirds of the Nation's wealth— and it will not 
be difficult for you to realize that the individuals composing this 1 pin-cent must 
have vastly moVo power than the men composing the 87 percent of the popula- 
tion wlio own, together only 10 percent of the national wealth. Compare your 
own infinence with the infi'uence of the big banker of your comnuuiily in deal- 
ing with the precinct policeman, the police captain, the .judge, fh(> prison warden, 
the governor, the legislature. Why a plain worker doesn't count at all when 
it comes to what they call the seats of power. 



1882 UN-AMERICAX PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

"The State is an instrument of power in the hands of the big industrialists, 
bankers, and landlords, ^Yho by this token are the ruling class. The State is 
there to effect the exploitation and oppression of the workers and the poor and 
small farmers, and also of the subjugated colonial peoples by the ruling cla,ss. 
The Constitution, the Government, its laws, its agencies : the Army, the militia, 
the police, the courts, the jails, the legi.slatures — all are there to effect the ex- 
ploitation and oppression of you and millions like you. 

"We know you, an American worker, may hate to call yourself 'exploited' 
and 'oppressed.' You have been taught false pride, not the pride of refusing to 
be exploited, but the pride of refusing to admit that you are exijloited. Your 
refu.sal, however, does not change the fact that the coal barons squeeze the last 
drop of your blood for the sake of their profits and that when you go out on 
strike the State sends its deputy .sheriffs and militia to crush your resistance. 
Here, in labor disputes, you can easily recognize the State as the executive com- 
mittee and the strong arm of the entrenched wealth. 

"Class war. We commiuiists do not like the expression, 'labor disputes.' It 
suggests a disagreement among people on an equal basis. It suggests a 
friendly bickering of parties to an agreement who happen to disagree on a 
certain point. It suggests an amicable and perfectly lovely settlement of mutual 
grievances. What a false and misleading notion ! There are no labor dis- 
putes. There is the wi.sh of the capitalist to press some more sweat and blood 
out of the workers, and there is the wish of the workers to fight their enemy, 
who feeds on them. Tiiere is war. It is class war. It is waged by the repre- 
sentatives of one class, the oppressors, against the mass of another class, the 
oppressed. In this war, the State is always and invariably on the side of the 
oppressors. Some of its representatives may try to achieve the ends of capital 
by cajoling and wheedling. But they always keep the big stick of the big 
corporations ready. The State — that is the big stick of the owners of wealth, 
the big stick of the big corporations. 

"This is the only realistic view of the State. Every one who tries to per- 
suade you that the State is your friend, your defender, that the State is im- 
partial and only 'regulatory,' is misleading. 

"We hear Roosevelt saying the State protects both industry and labor. But 
under capitalism you cannot protect boMi 'industry' (meaning the capitalists) 
and labor (meaning the workers) ! When you protect labor you make it possi- 
ble for labor to get more out of industry. You cannot keep fire and water 
reconciled. 

"In reality the state under Roosevelt is a more efficient instrument at the 
service of his capital than under Hoover. All these administrators, adjusters, 
and consolidators are nothing but agents of the State serving the interests of 
big business. The States locally are e.spccial instruments of the capitalists. 
The militia is rampant everywhere. Sheriffs are breaking up strikes. Police- 
men are carrying out evictions. Militant workers are being imprisoned for 
strike activity. Unemployed workers and their leaders are being clublied and 
jailed for demanding relief. Negroes are lynched under the benevolent guardian- 
ship of the State. 

''You were told that the State under the Nev/ Deal guarantees you the right 
of collective bargaining. Section 7a of the National Industrial Recovery Act, 
you were told, guaranteed the v.'orkers the right to bargain collectively through 
representatives 'of their own chosing.' But the State helped the "manufac- 
turers to use this very section to organize company unions which carry out 
the will of the employer. Section 7a has been used, says a former Government 
agent, Thompson, appointed by Roosevelt to investigate the N. R. A., 'to force 
through compulsory arbitration and company unionism.' As to enforcement 
of section 7a, that is to say, punishing those bosses who do not carry out the 
provisions of the N. R. A., Mr. Biddle, chairman of the National Labor Rela- 
tions Board, declared in a report, March 13, 193.5, that 'enforcement had vir- 
tually been su.^pended.' That in no case except one had suit been brought 
against an employer and that in the one exception the employer had been 
found not guilty. 

"The State under the New Deal has greatly increased its machinery which 
is working overtime against the workers. The State has incorporated into 
Its boards a number of important reformists leaders; the N R A is supported 
by most of the leader.ship of the A. F. of L. With their open or covert ,aid, 
the- State has broken many a splendid strike and robbed the workers of the 
fruit of many a valiant struggle by dispatching against them either armed 
men or 'mediators' or both. 



UN-AMEKICAX TUOPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 18§3 

"If you, rt worker, fail to realize that these bluecoats ami district attorneys, 
judges, and prison wardens, governors, and presidents, generals and admirals, 
'mediators' and "arbitrators,' together with tlie gentlemen in the legislatures. 
States and Federal, are nothing but the corps of agents of big capital, you are 
merely reacting the way these gentry wish you to. 

"The Communists are the only group in present-day society who recognize 
the basic nature of the capitalist state. The state may change its appearance 
and its appendices. It may use the parliamentary system, with a limited 
freedom of speech to opponents — as long as this opposition is not too dangerous. 
M It tightens the screws and tries to silence the opposition when the situation 
H becomes disturbing for big capital — as this was done during the war under 
Wilson. It may do away with parliamentary procedure altogether and insti- 
tute an open reign of terror when danger to capitalism becomes particularly 
acute duo to the rising tide of the revolution;iry labor movement in Fascist 
, Germany. The forms change. The phraseology differs according to time and 
I place. The essence remains. The essence of the capitalist state is service in 
the employ of capitalism for the preservation of capitalism." 

The ultimate aim of the Communist Party is clearly defined in the Com- 
munist Booklet (program of the Communist International) marked as 
"Exhibit 10." 

"The ultimate aim of the Communist International is to replace world capi- 
talist economy by a world system of communism." 

The changes of economic ownership and confiscation (abolition of private 
property) is expressed within the following quotation taken from exhibit 7 
(program of the Communists, by N. Bucharin). 

"Only by means of a civil war and the iron dictatorship of the proletariat 

can we achieve a cooperative communistic production. Destruction of the 

I bourgeois state, workers' dictatorship, expropriation of the capitalist class of 

the production by the working class, a free road to communism, that is the 

program of the Communist Party." 

Tlie ultimate aim of the Communist Party is embodied within the following 
quotation taken from exhibit 3 (The.ses, Statutes, and Conditions of Adnrssion 
To the Third Intei'uational). 

■'Only a violent defeat of the bourgeoisie, confiscation of its property, 
annihilation of the entire bourgeois government appai'atus, parliamentary, 
judiciary, militai\v, bureaucratic, administrative, municipal, etc., even the indi- 
vidual exile or interment of the most stubborn and dangerous exploiters, the 
establishment of a strict control over them for the repression of all inevitable 
attempts at resistance and restoration of capitalistic slavery — only such meas- 
ures will lie able to guarantee the complete submission of the whole class of 
exploiters." 

In the above, we see to what extremes a victorious Communist Party would 
go, to preserve its position of mastery over a defeated democratic America. 

A few excerpts from exhibit 8 (acceptance speeches of William Z. Foster 
and James Ford, Communist candidates for President and Vice President), 
respectively, follow : 

"It is important to build up a strong Conununist vote in order to organize and 
measure the sentiment of the masses and elect representatives to the capitalistic 
Government, not in the illusion that workers can 'peacefully' capture the 
Government, but to enable them to better expose the capitalistic Govoriunent, to 
wring concessions from the employers and to bring the communistic program 
forcefully before the masses. 

"Capitalism must be overthrown, the industries and lands socialized, exploita- 
tion abolished and socialism established. The Communist Party fights to estab- 
lish a workers' and farmers' government, it struggles ever and always for a 
United Soviet States of America. 

"Capitalism will not die. It must he killed — and the workers of the world 
are getting ready to kill it. 

"It is the aim of the Communist Party to expropriate the expropriators ; that 
is, to confiscate witliout remuneration the great industries and the big land 
holdings from the parasitic class, who now own them. The revolutionary work- 
ers' and farmers' government will never pay the capitalists for the groat 
industrial and natural resources of the country." 

We now introduce excerpts from the Manifesto of the Conununist Party, and 
request it to bo marked "Exhibit 17." 

"The immediate aim of the Communists. Is the same as that of all the other 
proletarian parties. Formation of the proletariat into a class — overthrow of 
bourgeois supremacy — conquest of political power by the proletariat. 



1884 UN-AMERICAX PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

'•In this sense, the theory of the Communists may be summed up in the 
single sentence — abolition of private property. 

"In a word, you reproach us with intending to do away with private property. 
Precisely so— fhat is just what we intend." 

V. Boring From Within 

In the instructions to the Communists in America by Lenin, we see what 
tlie greatest authority on communism has to say on the method of boring from 
within. We introduce Lenin's instructions to the Communists in America, and 
ask that they be marked "Exhibit 18." 

"Union of Communists and non-Communists is absolutely necessary. One 
of the most serious and dangerous mistakes Communists can make is to imagine 
that a revolution can be accomplished by the hands of revolutionists alone. 
On the contrary, in order that serious revolutionary work may be successful, 
it is necessary to understand and be guided by the fact that revolutionists can 
only play the role of the vanguard of the really advanced and progressive 
class. The vanguard fulfills its tasks as such only when it is able to keep in 
touch with the masses it leads, and actually leads the whole mass forward. 
Without a union with non-Communists in the most varied fields of activity, 
successful Communist constructive effort is out of the question. 

"Every sacrifice must be made, the greatest obstacles must be overcome in 
order to carry on agitation and propaganda systematically, stubbornly, insis- 
tently, and patiently, precisely in all those institutions, societies, and associations 
to which proletarian or semi-proletarian masses belong, however ultra reac- 
tionary they may be. And the trade unions and workers cooperatives, are 
precisely the organizations in v\'liich the masses are to be found. 

"The main task of contemporary communism in Western Europe and America 
is to acquire the ability to seek, to find, to determine correctly the concrete 
path, or the particular turn of events that will bring the masses right up to 
the real, decisive, Inst, and great revolutionary struggle. 

Diraitroff, secretary of the Comintern, has this to say on "Boring From 
Within'' taken from exhibit 4 (Why Communism). 

"We must infatigably prepare the working class for a rapid change in forms 
and methods of struggle when there is a change in the situation. As the 
movement grows there is a change in the situation and the unity of the work- 
ing class strengthens, we must go further, and prepare tlie transition from the 
defensive to the offensive against capital, steering toward the organization of 
a mass political strike. It must be an absolute condition of such a strike, to 
draw into it the main trade unions of the respective countries." 

We now introduce the American Legion report and ask that it be marked 
"Exhibit 19." 

"Moscow, July 28. — The opening report of Wilhelm Pieck at the Seventh 
Congress of the Communist International was delivered in the forenoon session, 
July 26. A comprehensive summary of Pieck's report in the name of the execu- 
tive committee of the Comintern follows : 

"The Sixth World Congress has the question of the future international 
development of economy. 

"The .social-democrats foresaw a period of perpetual prosperity. The right 
opi'ortunists in the Communist International had the perspective of the further 
strengthening of capitalist stabilization. All the Sixth Congress the initiative 
of Stalin foreshaw the sharpening of all the contradictions of capitalism and 
the new revolutionary trend, shattering capitalist stabilization, and this was 
what happened. 

"Shortly after the Sixth Congress began, unparalleled strikes took place in 
many countries and the antiimperialist movements in China and India grew in 
strength. Capitalist production continued strongly, but by means of rationaliza- 
tion and increased unemployment. Social-democracy involved itself ever more 
with vhe capitalist state and with the industrial apparatus and ever more drove 
the economic struggle of the workers in the background. 

''Cldnii against class. — Out of this situation arose the Communist opposition, 
tactics, 'class against class,' against Socialist bourgeoise policies. This Commun- 
ist tactic in nowise contradicted the united front; however, in carrying it out, 
.sectarian mistakes occurred. It was correct sharply to differentiate the Com- 
munist Party from the Social-Democratic Party, but it was also incorrect to 
i.sulate it from the Socialist workers. 



UN-AMERICAN TKOPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1885 

"Without a loosoniiis: of the roformist trade-union discipliuo. without an in- 
dependent Communist strilio leadersliip. the bourgeoisie could liave carried out 
its wide plans of wage cuts even in periods of tlie greatest economic activity, 
and there would have lieen neither a Lodz strike nor the struggle in the Ruhr; 
many workers would have left the movement disgusted. However, some Com- 
munists did not tuiderstand how to crystallize their influence in the reformist 
miions and among the unorganized. 

"It was correct for the 'Red' International of Labor Unions to struggle against 
the hegemony of the reformist leadership, but the Strassbourg Conference resolu- 
tions in 1929 for indep(>ndent lendershiii 'in sjiite of and against the r(>forniist 
unions' was incorrect. It was correct to oppose (he Brandler tlu>ory of 'comix'lliiig 
the Bonzes.' but it was incorrect to say that no inlluence could or sliould be 
brought to bear cm the bureaucrats through the membership. Wliile correctly 
fighting the mass-expulsion policies of the bureaucrats, we still made mistakes 
in transforming the 'red' union opposition into new tmions, and especially bad 
was the si ctari:inism in England, where the trade unionists were soaked in the 
old trade-union traditiims. Yet it is a fact that even during this period, before 
the crisis the Communists were the principal leaders of strikes in several 
. countries. 

"The icorld crisis. — The crisis of 1929 brought unspeakable misery to millions 
of w(u-kers. farmers, and members of petty bourgeoisie, and also increased the 
exploitation of the colonial peoples. A furious armanents race connnences. Japan 
seizes ^lauchuria, Bolivia and Paraguay are at war. Fascist dictatorship is set 
in Germany. These were accompanied by sharp class battles in Spain and China, 
the welling up of antiimperialist and agrarian revolutionary struggles, the forma- 
tion of Soviets, the establishment of the mighty 'red' Army of China and the 
peasant tiprising in Indo-China. 

"The twelfth plenum of the E. C. C. I. could say in 19:^2 that the temporary 
stabilization of capitalism was enc'ed and a new period of wars and revolutions 
was approaching. The Soviet LTnion showed the example. The tasks of the 
Communists lay in the organization of the masses for a struggle for any advan- 
tage, however slight, and for carrying on the drive against fascism, against 
finance capital and for proletarian dictatorship. Tlie tactical task was to prevent 
the iilacing of the burden of the crisis on the shoidders of the masses. The 
strategic center of the struggle was Germany. The Communists succeeded in 
mitigating the lot of large luimbers of the unemployed through this struggle. 
Sabotage by social-democrats prevented the still further progress of the struggle. 

"Ciroirih of jtnlifical stnu/f/les. — The Communists also, despite their hard 
struggle, failed to use all possible methods. While the social-democrats preached 
the doctrine that the crisis was abating, the workers were engaged in continuous 
struggles. However, there was a failure sufficient to unite the actions of the 
workers and the unemployed. 

"A whole series of political struggles flared up in Germany, the United States, 
and Hungary ; there were farmers' strikes and veterans' marches in the United 
States, the Spanish revolution, the strike at Invergordon of the British naval 
sailors, the mutiny of the Chilean fleet, the peasant uprising in the Polish Ukraine, 
the mtitiny of the crusier Seven Provinces. But these did not result in political 
ma.ss struggle against the capitalist state, and there was also fa'lure in the organ- 
ization and coordination of forces. There were cases of brilliant organizational 
work but there was underestimation of the fact wliich Stalin emphasized in 
102.'i — that the average worker saw his safety in the trade unions, he they good 
or bad : in the United States for a long time Communists considered the American 
Federation of Labor as only a strike-breaking organization and saw only Green 
and such leaders and overlooked the'average member. 

"T~n{1n-rsti)iiation of f(is<-if<m. — A groat mistake was underestimation of the 
Fascist danger, but on the other hand fascism was seen where it did not 
exist. There was the failure to win as allies to the proletariat, farmers and the 
petty bourgeoisie. 

"The weaknesses of the working class were caused by the splitting and the 
treachery of social-democracy, which enabled the bourgeoisie to deceive the 
petty bourgeoisie and the peasantry and to use them in launching the Fascist 
offensive. In order to avoid the Fascist catastrophe in Germany there was 
needed a broad united front and the "Red" front organization should have formed 
a tmited fighting organization with the Reichsbanner. They should have been 
able to force the Weimar government to disarm the Fascist bands and tear tip 
the Versailles Treaty. 



1886 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

"The majority of the workers did not do this, and instead blindlj' followed 
the social-democratic leaders, despite the Communists' warnings. 

"The Communists alone were not able to ward off the catastrophe, although 
they mobilized all their strength in the struggle for the united front and sought 
at any cost to arrive at an agreement with the Socialist Party and the reform- 
ist trade unions. The social-democrats rejected every proposal, even on July 
20, 1932, and on January 30, 1933, when the Communists proposed a general 

strike." 

"Comnuniists oppose adventurism. — The Communists do not desire that 
trained revolutionists shall be sacrificed merely to show their heroism but 
instead that they shall organize new struggles and win new victories. 

"In spite of the temporary retardation of the growth of the revolutionary 
movement, the workers of various countries have won big victories, as in 
China, Spain, the Soviet 5-year plan, etc. There was increased revolutionary 
strength and determination to fight for Soviet power among the toilers of the 
whole world. 

"Although the crisis changed to a degression, the bourgeoisie did not suc- 
ceed in weakening the revolutionary world front. The victory of fascism does 
not bring in a long period of reaction, as the social-demoncrats predicted, but 
rather as Stalin said at the Seventeenth Congress of the Communist Party of 
the Soviet Union, 'The idea of storming the citadel of capitalism is ripening 
in the minds of the masses,' and it is spreading also among the broad masses 
of the social-democracy. The first expression of this was in the world united 
front for the Leipzig trial defendants, where Dimitroff's courageous defense 
of communism played a great role, and in other significant struggles." 

"United-front achievements. — In England and America the Communist par- 
ties strengthened the proletariat and increased their influence l)y correct united- 
front tactics. Under pressure of the masses in Poland various social-demo- 
cratic organizations formed a united front with Communists. On the initiative 
of the Communist parties there was a welling up of political strikes and 
peasant movements, resulting in the further revolutionizing of the social-demo- 
cratic masses and in the further building up of the united front. 

"The united-front movement takes many forms in various capitalist countries. 
Antiworking class Socialists in the Government of Czechoslovakia and in 
the Scandinavian countries made the masses conscious that social-demo- 
cratic ministers are no protection against fascism, war, and the capitalist 
offensive. Especially important are the results of the united front in the 
Fascist countries of Germany, Hungary, Italy, and Poland." 

The following quotation taken from exhibit 16 (Report No. 153, submitted 
to the Congress of the United States, February 15, 1935) is another reason why 
we should be alert always as to the Communist Party and its activities. 

"In the United States there are many organizations which are either 
Communist or sympathetic to the Communist program or to some of its affiliated 
groups. The harmless-sounding names seldom do justice to their activities." 

These organizations operate among employed and unemploved in the United 
States of America. Others represent the cultural groups and any movement 
which has as its aim the spreading of discord and discontent among the people 
m general. A great many people are brought into these organizations without 
being aware of the real purpose which the organizations stand for. This is 
real deceit and fraud. 

The program of the Seventh World Congress is expressed bv the principles as 
enunciated by the Communist manifesto of Carl Marx and" Frederick En^-els 
and the teachings of Lenin. This is sho^n by the article written bv Ei^rl 
Browder, seei'etary of the C<)mmunist Party in the United States, in the Decem- 
tt''^".. V"^ edition of The Communist. The article is under the title- "The 
^xh^bft ^o'.''"*"^^''' ^'^ ^"^ ^''^ ^'"^ ^'^'"'^'^ Orientation," entered herewith as 

"Comrades we open this plenum of the central committee with the main po- 
litical report already before the party. This is in the form of the Seventh 

lnnnnn^""^'''^'i ''^^^' '• P*'*"^ "^ ^^''^'^ '^ Dimitroff's report, of which over 
400. 00 copies have already been distributed in this countrv Tlie pronosed 
apphca ion of the line of the congress to the United States of' America whlc 
was submitted to the congress by the American delegatTon ami apiSovecr^ S 
aLso been in the hands of the party for many weeks. Oi?^ reports bv the 
returned delegates have been made to packed halls in alinost nil of thP im 
portant cities. In these meetings we had a mass demonSS^of of approval 



UN-AMERICAX PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1887 

of the iSeveiitli World Congross decisions on a scale luiyrecedenlcd in oiu' 
uiovenient. 

"Thus, the basic preparatory work of our plenum is thoroughly done. Tlie 
line is clearly laid down. The enthusiastic endorsement by otir party has been 
completely expressed. "What we uuisl do at this plenum is to proceed deeper 
and in more detail to the application of this line to the concrete problems of our 
movement, and to discuss as thorousihly as time will permit all of the ta.sks of 
applying this line in everyday life, of meeting and overcoming all the difficulties, 
answering all of the arguments tliat arise in the minds of our party members, 
our sympathizers, and of the broad masses generally. 

"First, of course, we nuist again speak about the significance of the Seventh 
World Congress and again evaluate this congress in the light of its effect upon 
our movement, and the outstanding feature of this congress which becomes more 
and more apparent as time goes on. 

"the new tactical 0RIENT.\TI0N formulated by the COMINTERN 

'"The Seventh World Congress formulated a new tactical orientation for our 
party, an orientation suited to the new developments in the world situation. 

"When we say that, we are met with two sorts of arguments from certain 
quarters. The general type of these arguments is indicated, on the one hand, by 
those who say: 'So, you admit that your old orientation was wrong"; the second 
is, 'Never mind "new orientation"' — that is bluff, the Communists liave changed 
nothing.' 

•'The first argument says that by adopting a new tactical orientation the 
Communists are admitting, whether they want to or not, that their old tactical 
orientation was wrong and had to be changed because it was wrong. To this 
our answer is : Not at all. The Seventh World Congress formulated a new 
tactical line because new conditions have arisen, not because the old line was 
wrong. The Communists are Marxists, Leninists, b'talinists. We adopt new 
tactics again when changing conditions will demand it. What Communists do 
not change, of course, is their strategic aim — the proletarian revolution and 
socialism. Naturally, the Seventh World Congress made no change in that at 
all. On the contrary, it equipped the working-class vanguard with such a 
tactical liue> as will enable them to fight most effectively for this aim in the 
present world situation. * * * " 

''THE SOVIET UNION^ — ^THE BULWARK OF STRENGTH AGAINST FASCISM AND WAR 

'■* * * That is why the Seventh World Congress formulated the new tac- 
tical orientation which sees the final and irrevocable victory of socialism, the 
inability of the bourgeoisie to overcome the collapse of capitalist stabilization and 
the growing urge of the Socialists and trade unionists for the uiiited front — all 
these enabling the working class to carry on an active revolutionary policy, 
weakening the position of the bourgeoise and strengthening the positions of the 
working class. 

"But this objective will not be reached automatically. The conditions are now 
such that the Connuunists must and can assume responsibility for the fate and 
well-being of the working class and of all toilers today and every day. Tliis 
means, however, that we must break with the remnants of the old method of 
mere propaganda; it means that we must thoroughly eradicate all remnants of 
the old traditions that we are only an opposition that has little to offer the masses 
until the revolution becomes mature. It is true that we have already moved 
away from such conceptions. But in actual methods of approach and work, we 
still meet all too often the attitude of pure revolutionary opposition to the 
Socialist Party and to the reformist leaders of mass organizations of the workers. 
We must say : No ; we are not merely a revolutionary opposition, we are a political 
party whoso aim is the proletarian revolution, soviet power, and socialism, and 
because of this we are advocated of an active revolutionary and practical policy 
for today and every day, a policy of the day which the American proletariat can 
accept as its own, and by so doing can exercise a decisive influence iu the affairs 
of America and of the wxirld. 

"What must we do? We must hnd that decisive link in the present class 
struggle which will enable us best to prepare the toilers for the conn"ng great 
b.ittles of the second round of revolutions. And what is that link".' It is the 
united front against fascism and war. 

04031 — 3S— vol. 3 ]2 



1888 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

"FOR THE POLITICAL UNITY OF THE PKOLETAMAT 

"The new tactical orientation of tlie Seventh World Congress— this is the link 
that will lead us to the next link, the united party of the proletariat. It is the 
link that will fuse the proletariat into a single mass political army and will insure 
its victory in the struggle against fascism, against the power of capital, for the 
dictatorship of the proletariat, and for the power of the Soviets. 

"It is clear that the ti'.ctics of the Seventh World Congress give us a most 
powerful weapon for the building and strengthening of the Communist Party, 
for the development of broader and better Bolshevik cadres, and for the realiza- 
tion of the political unity of the proletariat. * * *^ . ,. . ^ , -, 

"You are already acquainted with the practical and etfective policies for trade- 
union unity worked out by the congress. Here it is important to recognize the 
tremendous eft'ect these decisions already have had. The movement for trade- 
union unity nationally and internationally has received an enormous push for- 
ward. We can see it in P'rance, where unity is about to be concluded. We can 
see it' in the strengthening of the demand for trade-union unity by the rank and 
file, by genuine progressive rrade unionists e^'el■ywhere. 

"Another thing should be emphasized : the united front between Socialists and 
Communists exercises a powerful influence in speeding up trade-union unity. It 
is beyond doubt one of the most potent means of strengthening the proletariat 
against the capitalist offensive, against fascism and war. 

"the UNITKD FRONT' — THE CHIEF REQUIREMENT OF THE PROLETARIAN PEACE POLICY 

"Much also has been said by our enemies to discredit the peace strategy of the 
Seventh Congress of the C. I., especially its rallying call to the toilers of all coun- 
tries to defend the Soviet Union, the bulwark of socialism and peace. We must 
say that no matter how much misrepresentation and slander are directed against 
this slogan, it is unable to obscure for the masses the main idea, that idea from 
which everything else flows, the idea which is more and more enthusiastically 
received by growing numbers of workers and toilers throughout the world, not 
only Communists and sympathizers. Socialists, nonparty trade unionists and 
others — the plain, crystal clear, world-shaking proposition which says : 'If the 
commencement of a counter-revolutionary war forces the Soviet Union to set the 
workers' and peasants' Red Army in motion for the defense of socialism, then 
the Communists will call upon all toilers to work with all means at their dis- 
posal and iit any price for the victory of the Red Army over the armies of the 
imijerialists." 

"The need for rapid, systematic recriiHirif/. — Our party in the United States 
consists of some 30,000 members. This is indeed a very important force, but a 
very small number indeed for a country like the United States. This number 
in no way corresponds to the needs of the present situation, even to the grow- 
ing influence of our party among the masses. There will be a special report 
on this question and proposals for more rapid, systematic recruitment. I 
merely wish to raise this point briefly to emphasize the need for mass recruit- 
ment. If in the past we have put the question How do we succeed in keeping 
so many militant workers out of the party?, I think we can put this question 
again with greater force today. None of us here will deny that in the factories, 
in the trade unions, among the masses, generally, we see daily fresh militant 
workers coming to the front in battle against the class enemy. Why don't we 
win all of these forces to our party? We have them in fhe struggles of the 
Negro masses, in the struggles of the farmers, in strike struggles. We do not 
yet get all of these, nor most of these, nor even a considerable section of these 
workers into our ranks, because we have not yet overcome our old sectarian 
policy, habits, and methods of work. 

"With the tactical reorientation, our efforts will meet with greater success; 
but there is the question of organization. It is not enough to have improve- 
ment in the agitation, in the general activity. We must organize our efforts 
to guarantee consistent, systematic, sustained contact with the.se workers, to 
help them in their work, discuss with them, listen to their grievances against 
u.s — and sometimes they have very justified grievances against us, which they 
talk about widely among broad sections of workers — and thus by listening to 
them, by helping them, bring them closer to us, and finally into the party. 

"Recruiting into the party is not a simple act of conversion that takes place 
in an instant; it is a long process that we must develop systematically, step 



UN-AMEKICAX rUOl'AGANl )A ACTIVITIES Jggg 

by step. Some time a^o the central committee addressed a letter to every 
party member on this (luestion, on tlie methods of reernitinj,'. * * * 

"Coiicliision. — Comrades, this report, as you see, has merely been the enhirjije- 
ment or the digsing deep at the roots of our problems, to find the applicaiion 
of the line of the Seventh World Congress to our specific situation, our specific 
tasks in the United States. We have in this report concentrated on just a few 
leading questions and tried to go as deep as possible into them in terms of 
the daily life of our movement, to answer the (piestions that come up every 
day among the masses, among whom we must work. The purpose of this 
report is to make it easier for all of us unitedly to carry through the historic 
decisions of the Seventh World Congress, the decisions which are already 
shaping the lives of the millions of masses througliout the world, wliich are 
bringing into existence much more rapidly than evor before, a great movement 
for unity and struggle against capilalism and against reaction. Tliis great 
movement, we know, if we seize upon the key (piestion of everyday life, will 
lead us surely, step by step, to the victory of our cause, to the victory of 
socialism all over the world." 

In sununation of this most enlightening article by Karl P.rowder, we see that 
the Seventh World Congress stands for the same prineii)les as the Sixth World 
Congress. In proof of this we again quote from IMr. Browder. 

'•The first argument says that by adopting a new tactical orientation the 
Communists are admitting, whether they want to or not, that tlieir old tactical 
orientation was v.-rong and had to be changed because it was wrong. To this 
our answer is: Not at all. The Seventh World Congress fornuilaled a new 
tactical line because new conditions have arisen, not because the old line was 
wrong. The Communists are Marxists, Leninists, Stalinists. AYe adopt such 
tactics as best suit the concrete conditions. We will adopt new tactics again 
when changing conditions will cltmand it. What Connnunists do not change, of 
course, is their strategic aim — the proletarian revolution and .socialism. 
Naturally, the Seventh World Congress made no change in that at all. On the 
contrary, it equi))ped the working-class vanguard with such a tactical line as 
will eriable them to fight most effectively for this aim in the present world 
situation." 

VI. ADVOCACY OF FORCE ANO VIOLENCE 

The Government of the United States of America cannot condemn a political 
party as illegal no matter what end that political party desires to achieve pro- 
vided the means advocated or used to the accomplishment of that end are 
within the bounds laid down by the Constitution. 

The first duty of any government, however, is to defend itself from destruc- 
tion, and the unparalleled executions in the U. S. S. R. are justified by the 
Communist Party therein on just these grounds. If the Comnuniist Party 
U. S. A. Section Communist International does not advocate the overthrow of 
the Government by force and violence, then it has the constitutional right to 
declare and work for its ultimate aim which we have shown to be the estab- 
lishment of a soviet state. 

It is our contention, however, that the Communist Party U. S. A. Section 
Communist International has no .such pacific intent. We will prove that it 
recognizes the fact that it can never conquer the majority of the population 
of the U. S. A. by force of logic and reasoning, and that its only hope is to 
accomplish it by force and violence. It argues in rather a specious manner 
that if there is force and violence during its attempt to accomplish the soviet 
state that such force and violence will arise from the people who protest that 
form of government, and that all that is neces.sary to maintain peace is quiet 
abdication to the dictatorship of the proletariat. This reasoning, however, 
contains a threat and that threat is that when the demand is made upon the 
people of the United States to deliVer our Government to the dictatorship of 
the proletariat that they must do so peacefully or else suffer the violent 
consequences. 

We are also told that there must be, upon the soviet state being established, 
an immediate liquidation of the bourgeoisie clas.s. The evidence already given 
regarding the formation of the Third Communist International and the his- 
torical events of the world following it proves that the word "liquidation" 
actually means physical annihilation. This of itself shows that the bour- 
geoisie is going to put up physical resistance when the alternative of the soviet 
state is thrust upon them. So violence is inevital)]e and that violence will arise 



1890 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

with the result of activities of the Communist Party within the United States 

of America. ^ x, ^ 

The (luestion of force and violence as an integral part of the Communist 
program has heen widely discussed. On this question the Hon. Charles E. 
Hughes, Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of the United States, in a memo- 
randum' submitted to the Senate said : "It will be seen that the question of 
whether Communist programs contemplate the use of force and violence has 
been passed upon by every class of tribunal which could pass upon it, namely, 
Fedora] and State courts, administrative and legislative committees of both 
Federal and State governments, and in every case the result has been in sup- 
port of the position that force and violence are inseparable from Communist 
programs." 

We now refer you again to the book entitled "Why Communism" by M. G. 
Olgin, heretofore introduced as exhibit 4, and quote therefrom as follows: 
"On the question of the state the Communists naturally and unavoidably come 
into clash with otlier political parties. The question is put squarely : Can the 
woi-king people achieve their liberties by merely using the state machinery of 
capitalism? To this question the liberals answer in the affirmative; the re- 
formists union leaders answer in the affirmative ; the Socialists answer in the 
affirmative ; the Communists answer in the negative. 

"The liberals are dissatisfied with the functions of the State. They point out 
its 'shortcomings.' They do not close their eyes to the fact that there is 
inequality. They know the war-breeding nature of the capitalist state. But 
what do "they propose to do? They propose a little tinkering here and there. 
Direct primaries were one act of such tinkering. The abolition of the lame 
duck session is another. The initiative and referendum is a third. But that 
has nothing to do with the very nature of the state as a bulwark of private 
property and capitalist exploitation. 

"An improvement in the electoral laws, and extension of the freedom of the 
press, no matter how important for the working class, does not touch upon 
the fundamentals of the capitalist state, namely, its being an Instrument of 
power in the hands of the big owners of wealth. Improve the state — and you 
have made it more flexible, more capable of adapting itself to circumstances ; 
you have made it a better instrument of oppression. 

"The American labor leaders of the William Green, Mathew WoU, and John 
L. Lewis type do not wish to have a revolutionary political party organized 
to defend the interests of the working class. They are not opposed to the 
capitalist system even in words. They pronounce to support such representa- 
tives of the Republican and Democratic Parties as are willing to introduce 
reform on behalf of labor. 

"Not much breath need be wasted on the program of the labor leaders of 
'punishing enemies and rewarding frieixls.' The Republican and Democratic 
Parties are the parties of big capital. They may fight one another at elections 
for the control of the administration, but they differ little from one another 
and they do the bidding of the big trusts. Their treasuries are filled from 
the coffers of the big industries and bankers, and quite often their chief 
leaders are themselves big industrialists or bankers or both (Andrew Mellon, 
Charles Dawes, the late Dwight Morrow in the Republican Party; Owen D. 
Young, John Raskob. Bernard Baruch in the Democratic party). To expect 
that the gentlemen of these parties will help the workers achieve their end 
is to expect that the leopard will change its .spots. 

"The Socialists on the other hand have their own political party and they 
claim to be opposed to the capitalists system. Thev sometimes wax eloqueift 
in denouncing the evils of the capitalist system. But what do they propose? 
They propose to 'improve' the capitalistic state so as to make it an instrument 
for doing away with private ownership of wealth. In other words, they 
preach the non.sense of turning the exploiters club by the power of prayer 
into a rosebush. Since this 'theory' appears in the garb of socialism and since 
there are a number of workers who lend it their ear, it is necessary to dwell 
on it a little longer. 

"Need of revolution : The Socialists say there is no need of a revolution They 
say democracy has prepared for the workers all the means necessary to achieve 
socialism. Let the workers use miiversal suffrage, thev say, to send Socialists 
into the legislative assemblies. Let the Socialists form a majority in these 
assemblies. When this is done, the road is open to pass laws abolishing capi- 
talistic system. Of course there is the Federal Constitution which prohibits 
the confiscation of property by legal procedure, but this, says the leader of 



UN-AMEKICAX PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1891 

AnuTican Socialists, INIr. Xonuau Tliomas. can bo overcoiiu". Let us have a 
Constitutional Convention to amend tlie Constitution so as to permit Congress 
to enact social li>j;islation. Let Consress then enact a law which orders the 
big corporations to cede their industries and all their property to the state. 
Let us not expropriate them, say the Socialists, not by any means! Let us 
pay them with bonds issued by the Government and redeemabli' in 30 years. 
This will mean introdiu-ing socialism by pacific methods. No revolutions; no 
seizure of power; no infringement upon the law; no mass action; no expropria- 
tion of exploiters. Everything lawful. Everything in a gentlemanly fashion. 
The electoral law works. The citizens vote. The legislators assemble. They 
count noses and find a Socialist majority. The Socialist majority, both in tiie 
House of Representatives and in the Senate, passes a law. Capitalism passes 
out. The big trusts bow before the will of the people. 'Gentlemen, you are the 
lawful heirs of our system," they say politely, and leave the stage for the Norman 
Thomases and their associates. 

'•^^ hat a sweet picture ! And how deceptive ! We are sorry to make such 
an idyllic scene. Put we Conununists are realists, and we do not wish to be 
carried away by fancies, especially when these fancies are beneficial to the 
capitalist system as they tend to keep workers from fighting the capitalist 
state. 

••Let us not argue at length about the ingenious invention of paying the 
owners of industrial establishments with bonds, which means recognizing that 
the i>xploiters are entitled to their monopoly of the means of production and that, 
if they are to give them up, it is to be only through sale. It is not really 
diflicuit to see that if you pay your exploiters with bonds, you continue their 
exploitation in another form. You may have taken over the factories but 
you still continue working for the profits of the former owners. Everybody 
can see that. Lot us rather examine the proposal of introducing socialism by 
means of the ballot. 

'•What does the State consist of? It consists not only of the legislatures 
which, by the way, play a lesser and lesser role as big monopoly capitalism 
grcnvs. It consists first of all of the Army with its commanding staff, the 
militia, the police force, and the executive branch of the Government which 
uses the armed forces to achieve the ends of capitalism. Is it possible to get 
a majority of Socialist Congressmen? Even assuming that such a miracle 
would happen, it still wouldn't spell socialism. Even before there is any 
danger of" a majority of Socialists actually ready to legislate socialism, the 
electoral laws can be changed to prevent such an emergency. Even were a 
Socialist majority to convene, their decisions may not be carried out. One 
squad of soldiers is sufficient to disperse an entire legislative assembly the 
way this was done in Italy, in Germany, and in many other countries. 

"In case of a Socialist majority, we have before us one of two possibilities. 
Either the capitalists are certain that the Socialist leaders are harmless to 
capitalism — as was the case on numerous occasions in Germany and England 
when power was in the hands of the Socialists leaders; in such a case they 
will rather be glad to have them carry the burden of government for capitalism ; 
or the capitalists do not like the Socialist majority, because it suits their in- 
terests better to have an open dictatorship — and they will use every means 
to g'^t rid of unwelcome legislators. 

"Remember that the Socialists are against revolutionary methods. Remember 
that they do not appeal to the masses to offer resistance against brutal capitalist 
oppression. And do not forget that capitalism is armed to the teeth and 
that it will use its armed force to secure its domination. Capitalism never 
gives up its wealth and power voluntarily and it has little respect for its 
own laws when it comes to defend its rule. 

"He who says that you use the capitalist state to abolish capitalism verily 
resembles one 'who says you can demolish the enemy fortress by the sounds 
of the trumpets. 

"It woidd seem at first glance that the Socialists arc merely engaged in 
day dreaming. T'nfortunately. it isn't as harndess as that. The activities of 
the Socialist leaders are actually harmful to the interests of the workers. 

"What is the real role of the Socialists leaders? We have no quarrel with 
those rank-and-file workers who are at heart revolutionists and Socialists, but 
do not see through the form of Socialist phrases. But we are obliged to point 
at the pernicious role of the Socialist leaders. At a time when it is necessary 
for the workers to understand the real nature of the State as an instrument of 
exploitation and oppression, they tell the workers that the State, as constituted 



1892 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

at present, can be a means of liberating them from exploitation and oppres- 
sion. At a time when it is necessary for the workers to develop the will to 
power which shall ultimately crush the capitalist state and make workers and 
farmers the ruling power in a state of their own making, the Socialists tell 
the workers that nothing of the kind is needed and that they have to remain 
within legal limits prescribed for them by the ruling class. 

"The capitalist state is a glaring fact. It is flesh and blood of the capitalist 
system. It stands in the way of the workers' progress towards a new free 
life. Can it be abolished by gradual transformation? Those who say it can 
are the staunchest supporters of the capitalist robbers and the most active 
promoters of imperialist wars. Their theory is not harmless, indeed. It is 
a poisonous theory. It is a smoke screen behind which cruel capitalist ex- 
ploitation is hiding. 

"We Communists say that there is one way to abolish the capitalist state 
and that is to smash it by force. To make communism possible the workers 
must take hold of the state machinery of capitalism and "destroy it. 

"Party argument. 

"How can it be done? 

"Once you agree that this state is yoiir enemy the answer to the question 
is not difficult. Once you have freed yourself from the democracy illusion 
your road is clear. 

"Watch the state. Try to understand every one of its moves. The state is 
often used by the capitalists not only as a big stick but also as a poison gas 
or as an anesthetic, as in the case under the New Deal. Quite often you are 
told you are given privileges at the same time that your pockets are being 
picked. Analyze the functions of the state. Try to understand the forces 
behind its actions. And remember that if it ever yields anything to the workers 
it does so under pressure. 

"This leads us to the road along which the working class can arrive at the 
destruction of the capitalist state — revolutionary struggle. 

"The working class is placed in this capitalist society in a position where 
to live it must fight. This fight, to be effective, must be aimed not only at the 
capitalists biit at their state. And once the fight is effective enough it must 
inevitably lead to the smashing of the state. This is the logic of the class 
division of today. And this indicates the program of action for the working 
class for today and tomorrow and the day after tomorrow until the final 
reckoning with the capitalist system, has arrived — civil war. 

"If the workers rise in this way against war, the capitalists with their 
armed forces will try to break the deadlock. They, with their armed forces, 
will try to attack the strikers. The workers will have to offer resistance. We 
Communists do not close our eyes to the fact that this means civil war. But 
when the masses are organized and fight in great numbers under revolutionary 
leadership the victory is assured. Part of the Army is certain to waver and 
join the people. There may be victims, but their number cannot be compared 
to the losses in life and limb that the workers would suffer in the imperialist 
war. 

"Victory in the civil war spells the doom of the capitalist state. 

"We Communists do not say to the workers that they have to begin the civil 
war today or tomorrow. We say that the civil war is the inevitable outcome 
of long and arduous struggles against the capitalists and their state and that 
these struggles must be made the everyday practice of the working class. 

"Revolution and the united front. 

"Back of all this loose talk about this and that vile Communist plot is a 
very simple reason. The reformists are afraid of revolution. In this very 
thing they are entirely subservient to the entire system. They shun everything 
that may give a jolt to the masters of the land. In the united front they 
sense an instrument that may cause the rulers no amount of troulile. This 
they try to avoid. They pretend to be shocked by the 'unreasonableness' of 
some proposals but they are shocked by the struggle against the capitalist 
system. 

"It may sound comical, but many a reformist is against the demand of high 
wages or a decent standard of living on the ground the 'business cannot afford 
to pay that much.' The reformist argues that if the demand is carried busi- 
ness will be 'forced to the wall.' He argues for the exploiters, not for the 
exploited. 

"We Communists say: If the exploiters have created a system which can- 
not yield profits for them and secure a decent living for all, then why 



UN-AMFJRICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1893 

should tlio oxi»loit»'(l wurry about the profits? If the exploiters are 
forced to the wall because we must live, then let them stay at the wall. 
All this is not of our makins'. We do not have to support the ex- 
ploiters. If they cannot carry on their business under such condiiions, sonic- 
body will. In fact the wurkcrs themselves will carry on the business without 
profits — for the bcnelit of all. This, of course, cannot be achieved without 
revolution. But such is the present situation in xVmerica, that the very neces- 
sity to live drives the workers to a revolution. There is only one way open 
for the workers — revolutionary way out of the crisis. 

"The reformists are afraid of tlie united front because that will make the 
working class more powerful and hence more prepared for the revoluntionary 
battles. The reformist dread an attack on the capitalist system. (They have 
nothing.) The workers have no stake in this system. They have nothing to 
lose but their chains. This is why they must join the united front and force 
their leaders to yield to a united front. 

"Overthrow of State power. 

"The overthrow of the State power, and with it of the capitalist system 
grows out of the everyday struggles of the \A'orkers. 

"As the organization of the workers grows, as their struggles become tiereer, 
while many nonproletarian elements like farmers, intellectuals, and oppressed 
members of the lower middle class join the revolutionary movement, the final 
onslaught on the fortress of capitalism draws nearer. These struggles are 
the reaction of the masses to the misery wrought by the crisis of capitalism. 
TTie capitalists try to overcome the crisis by putting additional burdens on the 
shoulders of the masses, but they cannot cure the incurable disease. There 
comes a time when large sections of the poimUition say that this simply 
'cannot go on.' The government seems to be entirely incompetent to cope 
with the political and social diflBculties. The belief of the population in the 
wisdom of the all-powerfulness of the 'men higher up' is shaken. These men 
are losing their confidence. The confidence of the masses in their own strength 
is growing apace. The struggles of the masses meanwhile becomes broader and 
deeper. The government tries suppression. It does not succeed in crushing 
the spirit of revolt. It cannot stem the tide. The previous struggles of the 
workers, tlie more steeled they are in fighting, the better the revolutionary 
leader.ship they have developed in the course of the years (the Communist 
Party), the greater the number of friends they have allied with themselves 
from among the other oppressed classes, the more capable are they to deal 
the final blow. 

"It is not necessary that this final blow. i. e., the revolution, should come 
in connection with the imperialist war, although this is very likely. Capital- 
ism will seek to prevent a revolution by plunging this country into war. "War 
is to serve only as a way out of the crisis but as a means to arouse the 
patriotism of the masses, to increase governmental terror (martial law), and 
to divert public attention from internal affairs. War under such conditions, 
for a while retarding the revolutionary movement, may hasten it later when 
the war sufferings begin to tell on the masses. 

"A time comes when there is demoralization above, a growing revolt below; 
the morale of the Army is also xmdermined. The old structure of society 
is tottering. Tliere are actual insurrections, the Army wavers. Panic seizes 
the rulers. A general uprising begins. 

"Workers stop work, many of them seize arms by attacking arsenals. Many 
had armed themselves before as the struggles sharpened. Street fights become 
frequent. Under the leadership of the Communist Party, the workers organize 
revolutionary committees to be in command of the uprising. There are battles 
in the principal cities. Barricades are built and defended. The workers' fight- 
ing has a decisive infiuence with the solders. Army units begin to join the 
revoluntionary fighters; there is fraternization between the workers and the 
soldiers and the marines. The movement among the soldiers and the marihes 
spreads. Capitalism is losing its strongest weapon, the Army. The police, 
as a rule, continue fighting, but they are soon silenced and made to flee by 
the united revolutionary forces of workers ;ind soldiers. The revolution is 
victorious. Armed workers and soldiers and marines seize the principle gov- 
ernmental oflices, invade the residences of the President and his Cabinet Mem- 
bers, arrest them, declare the old regime abolished, establish their own power, 
the power of the workers and farmers. 



1894 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

"Can it be done? It has been clone more than once. A workers' revolution 
broke the backbone of tsarism in Russia in 1905, but was soon defeated. 
A workers' revolution abolished tsarism in March 1917. * * * 

"Our time is a time of workers' revolutions. If not all of the revolutions 
of the last 15 vears succeeded in securing- the workers' rule, this was due 
either to the absence of a strong Communist Party entrenched among the 
workers, or to the absence of other strong working-class organizations, or 
lo the intervention of foreign imperialists, or to some of these causes both 
of enemies within the workin.g class betraying the revolution and the leaders 
of the capitalist forces from without the working class against the revolution — 
all in the name of democracy and freedom. 

"force and violence 

"Can a revolution be won? Capitalism creates a situation where large 
masses of the people are dissatisfi ^d, embittered, emboldened by intolerable 
hardships. Capitalism itself prepares the conditions for its cataclysm. If 
under conditions of a severe capitalist crisis the majority of the working class 
is ready to wage a determined fight for the overthrow of the capitalist system, 
then the revolution may be victorious, provided there is in existence a mass 
Communist Party recognized by the workers as their leader in the struggles 
against capitalism. 

"A standard reformist argument against the revolution is : 'The weapons of 
warfare are so strong in our days that the workers have no chance of winning 
in open conflict.' The wish of this is father to the thought of the reformists 
in this respect. Because they hate a revolution of the workers, they maintain 
that a revolution cannot win. What is true is that a revolution cannot win 
unless the armed forces, or at least part of them, join the workers. But once 
they join, the workers have not only rifles and cannons but also airships 
and poison gas and battleships to fight the bosses. Poison gasses are destruc- 
tive, to be sure, but their destruction ]iower can be turned also against the 
enemy when the final conflict has arrived. In all revolutions throughout 
history the armed forces of the old system were at the beginning stronger 
than the armed forces of the revolutionists. 

"fokce and violence 



« n 



'But this is force and violence,' somebody will contend. 'Don't you Com- 
munists know that the use of force and violence is wrong? ' We reply to 
this, first, that if being a red-blooded American means anything, it means 
that you must not take punishment lying down, that you must offer resistance; 
secondly, that it is not the workers but the capitalists and their state that 
start the use of force and violence. When you wish to stay on your place 
of work and the employer who wants you fired sends for the watchman and 
has you thrown out, it is he that uses force. When you stay on in the apart- 
ment of a house you and the like of you built, and the landlord calls the 
sheriff to evict you, it is ho that uses force. When you go out on a demon- 
stration in the open in front of a governmental office and the Government 
sends the police and armed thugs to beat you and disperse you, it is the 
Government that is using force. When you are thrown in jail for refusing 
to transport ammunition in time of war, it is the Government that is using 
violence against you. Force and violence are the very essence of the state. 
When the warehouses are bulging with foodstuffs you and the like of you 
have produced while you. the hungry, are kept from them by the armed 
force of watchmen and police, force and violence are used against you. How 
can you live and breathe if you do not resist? How can you defend your 
fundamental interests if you do not defy boss restrictions? To defy boss 
restrictions, to resist attacks of the enemy class, is just as natural for the 
working class as it is for a red-blooded human being not to take punishment 
lying down. 

"What a picture! Those who live on your sweat and blood tell you it is 
not 'right' to resist this robbery. Those who hold the big stick over you 
tell you to be meek as a lamb. Those who make the oppressive laws against 
you preach among you about the sanctity of the law. This is boss law. boss 
justice, boss ideas of right and wrong. If the workers were to submit they 
would not be able to live; they would be reduced to somethina worse than 
chattel slavery. 



UN-AMERICAN i'UOPAGANDA ACTIVITIES ^^95 



"We Coninuinists say the workers cannot have respect for boss hiw and boss 
morality directed against them. The class interests of the working class — these 
are the supreme law for the workers. Defending their lives and their future, 
they must inevitably come into conflict with boss law. Defending their very 
lives, they are driven to stand up against boss force. Fighting against the 
boss system, they are defending not only their own class interests but the inter- 
ests of the mankind. For capitalism has reduced mankind to a state of chronic 
misery, poverty, insecurity, fear, periodic carnage, insane luxury for the few, 
hunger and degradation for the many — a state that simply cannot continue if 
mankind is to progress. Capitalism is decaying, and to save humanity this 
putrid wound on its body must be removed. 

"When you tight capitalism you are doing what is right and just and lawful 
from the point of view of your class interests and of the future of humanity. 
You are not "outlaws' the way the capitalists' world brands revolutionary 
fighters. You are fighting for a higher morality and the law of the social 
revolution. 

"Having crushed the capitalist state and the social revolution, acting through 
armed workers and soldiers, will establish the soviet state as the instrument 
of the workers' and poor farmers' power. 

"The Government of the Soviets is a government of those who work. It is 
elected in the places of work from among those who work, and it is responsible 
to those who elected it. It consists exclusively of workers and peasants, which 
means that it is the greatest democracy in the world. It Is a real government 
of the rank and file. Exploiters are barred from it. Its deputies and other 
ofiicials ai-e paid no more than the average wage of a skilled worker. Its 
deputies are subject to instant recall by their electors. Under the Soviets the 
workers and peasants are armed, and police and judicial functions are carried 
out by the workers and peasants themselves. 

"This government has the great task of taking away from the owners the 
plants, factories, railroads, banks, and turning them into public property to 
be administered by the workers for the common benefit of all. In other words, 
it is the task of the Soviets to abolish private property in the means of produc- 
tion and to establish socialist production and distribution. 

"This cannot be accomplished peacefully. The exploiters won't give up their 
loot even after their state power is crushed. They will have to be routed. 
The soviet state will organize and will have to crush these with an iron hand. 
The former exploiters will be given no quarter. The old system of robbery 
with all its rubbish will have to be cleared away. This means that the 
soviet state must be ruthless; it must destroy the counterrevolutionary forces, 
the quicker the better for the workers and for the future of mankind. This is 
why the soviet state is named dictatorship of the proletariat. It is the reverse 
of capitalist dictatorship. It does not pretend to be a government treating 
all on the basis of equality. It openly declares itself to be a class government 
directed against the former ruling class. It is avowedly an instrument for 
the expression and the suppression of the former ruling class, the exploiters 
and oppressors. It is the government of the former exploited and oppressed. 
And it does away with the exploitation and oppression forever. As soon as 
private property is abolished, as soon as industrial machinery of the country 
has become socialized, as soon as the individual machinery farmers have been 
induced, for their own advantage, to unite in collective farms, exploitation of 
man by man ceases to exist. That means freedom." 

We again quote from the Statutes, Theses, and Conditions of Admission to 
the Communist International, heretofore introduced as exhibit 3. 

'"The Third Communist International, which was established in March 1919, 
in the capital of the Russian Socialist Federated Republic, solemnly proclaims 
before the entire world that it takes upon itself to continue and complete the 
great cause begun by the First International Workers Association. The Com- 
munist International makes its aim to put up an armed struggle for the over- 
throw of the international bourgeois, and to create an international soviet 
republic. 

"The new International Association of Workers is established for the purpose 
of organizing common activity of the workers of various countries, who are striv- 
ing toward a single aim — the overthrow of capitalism ; the establishment of a 
dictatorship of the proletariat; and of International Soviet Republic; the first 



1595 ON-AMERICA^ PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

step of Communist society. Tlie new International Association of Workers lias 
been given the name of the Communist International." 

We now introduce the pamphlet entitled "Elements of Political Education," 
by A. Bordnikov and S. Svatlov, which was purchased in an official Communist 
bookstore located at 2261/2 South Spring Street, Los Angeles, Calif., and was 
admitted by the clerk to be an official document of the Communist Party of the 
U. S. We request that it be accepted and marked as "Exhibit 21." We quote 
therefrom as follows : 

"In what way can the proletariat free itself from the yoke of capitalism? 
Only through violent, armed methods — through civil war, revolution and dic- 
tatorship — while organized in special political party (the Communist Party). 

"Why cannot capitalism be abolished by peaceful methods without armed strug- 
gle and violence? 

"Because the class oppositions and the class struggle are irreconcilable, and the 
result of the class struggle can be decided for the proletariat, in the last analysis, 
only by force of arms. The bourgeoisie is armed and acts with all its wealth 
and the whole power of its state and other apparatus, and the proletariat can 
oppose all this only with its numbers, its productive power, organization, and 
with arms in its hands. 

"Civil war is the highest stage of the class struggle, when one class enters into 
open battle with the other classes, with the aim of seizing or maintaining political 
power in its hands." 

We again call your attention to Why Communism, by M. J. Oglin, heretofore 
introduced as Exhibit 4. 

Page 77 : "It has been done more than once." "A workers' revolution was 
accomplished in Russia in November 1917." "A workers' revolution took place 
in Germany in 1918, in Hungary and Bavaria in 1919, in China in 1927, in Spain 
in 1932." "In Russia the revolution has survived first of all because the workers 
had a strong, well-organized Bolshevik (Communist) Party that headed their 
fight. The defeat of the other revolutions does not argue against the eventuality 
of revolution. In fact, revolutions are inevitable." 

Pages 82-83 : "The soviet will have to expropriate the expropriators by force." 
"The soviet state will have to crush these with an iron hand. The former ex- 
ploiters will be given no quarter." "This means that the soviet state must be 
ruthless ; it must destroy the counterrevolutionary forces — the quicker the better 
for the workers and for the future of mankind. This is why the soviet state 
is named dictatorship of the proletariat." "It uses force and violence against 
that class." "And it does away with exijloitation and oppression forever. This 
is communism." 

We here desire to introduce the following pamphlet, entitled "Fifteen Years 
of the Communist International," which was purchased in an official Communist 
bookstore located at 226Vi South Spring Street, Los Angeles, Calif., and was 
admitted by the clerk to be an official document of the Communist Party of the 
U. S. A. We request that it be accepted and marked as "Exhibit 22." 

Page 3 : "Fifteen years ago, on March 4, 1919, in 'red' IMoscow, the first con- 
gress, under Lenin's leadership, established the Communist International — the 
new International Workingmen's Association." 

Page 9 : "The Communist International openly declares that the dictatorship 
of the proletariat can be accomplished only by means of violence * * * (jjg 
violence of the bourgeoisie can only be suppressed by the stern violence of the 
proletariat." 

Page 10 : "The 1.5 years of the Communist International have been 15 years 
of uneven but constant development of the world proletarian revolution." 

Page 11 : "Having assumed power as a result of the workers' uprising, the 
German Social-Democratic Party betrayed the proletarian revolution." 

Page 12 : "The path of October, the path of the dictatorship of the proletarian, 
brought the Soviet Union to socialism. The path of bourgeois democracy 
brought Germany lo fascism." 

Page 15: "A mighty wave of the proletarian revolution led to the formation 
of the Hungarian Soviet Republic on March 21, 1919. Under the leadership of 
Communists the Hnngarian Soviets disarmed the gendarmerie and the police, 
organized a "red army * * *. After existing about four and a half months, 
the Hungarian Soviet Republic was betrayed by Hungarian social-democracy and 
drowned in blood by the international counterrevolution. Not 'democracy' but 
fascism took the place of the Soviets. 'No Communist should forget the lessons 
of the Hungarian Soviet Republic' " 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1§97 

Pages IH-ld : "The Bavarian Soviet Ri'iJublic, which arose on April 13, 1919, 
under Communist leadership, disarmed the bourgeoisie, armed the proletariat, 
proclaimed the nationalization of industry and the banks. But it, too, was 
cruslied by the Wliiti" Cuards, with the active cooperation of German social- 
democracy, after having existed 18 days." 

Page 19 : "The Leninist national policy of the Conununist International is an 
irreplaceable weajion in the struggle against fascism." 

Page 20: "In Italy, too, the victory of the bourgeoisie, which was made certain 
by the social-democrats, ended not in a strengtheried 'democracy' but in the 
triumph of fascism." 

Page 22 : "* * * the slogan 'To the masses,' was that this slogan was a 
program of struggle for all the sections of the Comintern for an entire historical 
period, a program of preparation for the second round of revolutions and wars." 

Page 37: '"The Communist parties have thousands and tens of thousands of 
members each : their influence extends over hundreds of thousands and millions 
of workers and peasants ; they have already scored their first successes in 
establishing the united front. There is not a single Communist party who.se in- 
fluence has not grown among the masses since the beginning of the economic 
'crisis. The Communists are the only leaders of the masses, the motor of every 
revolutionary struggle, and they are the first to receive the blows of the class 
enemy. Most of the Communist parties have gained the necessary prerequisites 
for becoming real mass fighting parties of the proletariat in the near future." 

Page 39 : "Tlie task of winning over the majority of the working class demands 
the transformation of the factory committees of the trade-union oppositions, of 
the connnittees of tniemployed, of the peasant committees, and especially the 
transformation of the big enterprises, into strongholds of the Comuumist 
parties." 

And. finally, we introduce the pamphlet entitled "The Struggle Against Im- 
perialist War and the Tasks of the Communists,'' which was purchased in an 
official Communist bookstore located at 226i4 South Spring Street, Los Angeles, 
Calif., and was admitted by the clerk to be an official document of the Com- 
munist Party of the LT. S. A. We request that it be accepted and marked as 
"Exliibit 23" and quote therefrom as follows: 

Page 5 : "The per.secutiou and measures of suppression against the Commu- 
nist parties are being systematically intensified and the Comintern sections in 
all imperialist countries are immediately confronted with the danger of being 
driven 'underground,' into complete illegality." 

Page 9 : "War is inseparable from capitalism. From this it follows that the 
'abolition' of war is possible only through the 'abolition' of capitalism, i. e., 
through the overthrow of the bourgeois class of exploiters, through the pro- 
letarian dictatorship, the building of socialism, and the elimination of classes." 

Page 10: "But the overthrow of capitalism is impossible without force, 
without armed uprising, and proletarian wars against the bourgeoisie." 

ILLEGALITY 

Your especial attention is called to the quotation from The Struggle Against 
Imperialist War and the Tasks of the Communists, on page 5 thereof, where 
the Conmiunist Party recognizes the possibility of being driven underground 
or into illegality. The theory of Communist International is that as the struggle 
waxes sharper and the attempts of the Government to put down uprisings is 
intensified, the party must still carry on its operations by withholding from 
the scene as in this instance, the Communist Party of the U. S. A., and liecome 
something else to the people, but actually carry on its task through force and 
violence as an illegally existing party. The technique of accomplishing this 
was demonstrated in Germany in the Communist struggle for power against the 
Nazis. Its program for .so doing in the U. S. A. has been discovered only in 
part, because in the U. S. A. the party is attempting to carry on its class 
struggle through the medium of the general strike. Two attempts have already 
been made to start a national general strike, the first being in 1934, at the 
time of the maritime strike in San Francisco, and the second in April 1937, 
at the time of the sit-down strikes in the steel, automotive, and rubber indus- 
tries. Herein the development of the technique of force and violence was 
carried on in the trade-unions under party fraction control. For the evidence 
of this, you are referred to the succeeding sections of this brief entitled "The 
General Strike" and "Trade-Unions." Out of their own mouths have the 



1898 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Coinmniiists convicted themselves, but that there may no doubt as to the present 
attitude of the Commuuist Party, U. S. A. Section, Commimist International, 
toward force and violence, we quote from the present secretary of that 
party. Mr. Earl Browder, as follows: "The property rights of the capitalists 
and "the institutions by which they are maintained must be abolished. Thus 
some form of violence is unavoidable. There is no possible choice between 
violence and nonviolence." 

In answer to our charge that at the present time the Communist Party, 
U. S. A. Section, Communist International advocates the use of force and 
violonco may be raised the point that since the Seventh Congress of Communist 
International a new strategy has been developed by the party ; that the setting 
up of popular or people's front for peace and democracy indicates that the 
party will no longer use violence. We know it to be true that at the coming 
convention of the Communist Party of the U. S. A. there will be introduced 
resolutions whereby the party members are called upon to give allegiance to 
the U. S. A., to show respect to the flag of the United States, and to sing the 
Star-Spangled Banner. This is mere subterfuge. The Communist International 
has not changed, and to prove this we introduce at this time its official 
publication entitled "The Communist International" of March 1938, with the 
request that it be entered and marked "Exhibit 24." We call the attention 
of the committee to a letter from Comrade Ivanov and Comrade Stalin's reply 
found on pages 222-226 of this volume, in which Comrade Ivanov asks: "Dear 
Comrade Stalin: * * * Will you explain whether or not we have yet the 
final victory of socialism * * *?" And then Comrade Stalin replies: "To 
Comrade Ivan Phllipovich Ivanov * * *. The second side of the question of 
the victory of socialism in our country * * * concerns the sphere of external 
international relations * * * thus it follows that the second problem is 
not yet solved and that it has yet to be solved. * * * The international 
proletariat ties between the working class of the U. S. S. R. and the working 
class in bourgeoisie countries must be increased ; the political assistance of the 
working class in the bourgeoisie countries for the working class in our country 
must be organized in the event of a miltary attack on our country ; and also 
every assistance of the working class of our country for the working class 
in bourgeoisie countries must be recognized; our Red Army, Red Navy, Red 
Airfleets and the Chemical and Air Defense Society must be increased and 
strengthened to the utmost." 

The Communist Party's national convention held in New York in June of 
1938 did precisely as we predicted it would on page 97 of this brief. 

It adopted a new constitution containing mere platitudes regarding its 
allegiance to the United States of America . 

A careful analysis of this new constitution, however, shows that it declares 
its allegiance only to such general principles of the Constitution as it chooses 
and not to the Constitution as a document in toto. 

It does not declare that it will support and defend the Constitution of the 
United States against it enemies whomsoever. It merely declares that it will 
uphold such democratic statements as may be found and approved by the 
Communist Party. 

The fiction carried on by the party that it has changed from its principle 
objective, namely, the overthrow of this Government by force and violence for 
the creation of a soviet state is easily disproved. 

We desire to call the committee's attention to the statement made by Comrade 
Stalin in his letter to Ivan Ivanov, quoted heretofore on page 97 of this brief. 

We further offer as a test of the sincerity of purpose of the party the 
following : 

1. The Communist Party of the United States of America has not indicated 
in any manner that it has severed relationships with the Communist Inter- 
national. 

2. The Communist International, as the committee has seen in the chapter 
on that subject, states that one of the conditions of membership in Connnunist 
International is that strict adherence to its decisions must be given. It has 
been proven that Communist International advocates the overthrow of capitalist 
states by violence. The Communist Party of the United States is put in the 
position that it mtist either adhere to this principle or withdraw from 
Communist International. 

8. If we assume, as they state as a matter of fact in their constitution, that 
they are affiliated with Communist International, then all the acts of the con- 
vention of June 1938 are yet to be ratified by the executive committee of 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES JgQQ 

Communist International or the next congress of Communist International 
whenever it may be held. 

4. It is pointed out that a Communist international congress or the executive 
conunittee of Conununist International may not, in order to carry out the 
subterfuge, render an atflrmation or denial to the action taken by the 1938 
convention. 

r>. The actions of the convention of June V.YAS placi' Coinnumist International 
Presidium, the executive conunittee of the Conununist International, and any 
future congress of Communist International in the positive position that they 
will have to expel the United states section of the Communist Party from 
Conununist International or ratify what it has done and thereby change the 
whole policy of Conununist International. 

Until such time as this is done it is respectfully submitted to the committee 
that no other position can be taken by the United States Government than the 
assumption that no real change has been made in the structure, aims, and 
objectives of the Communist Party of the United States of America or its 
mand;uory relationship with Conununist International. 

As further indicative of the absolute authority of the Communist Inter- 
national over the Conununist Party of the United States of American regard- 
less of feeble protestations to the contrary we submit as Exhibit No. 24-B, 
attached clipping of the New York Times, issue of June 30, 1938, relative 
to a hearing held before a joint legislative committee of the State of Massa- 
chusetts, at which Earl C. Browder, general secretary of the Conununist Party 
of the United States of America, was questioned with regard to the affiliation 
of the national party with the international party. Senator McNaboe, iu 
producing a copy of the constitution of the Comnuinist International, questioned 
lirowder as follows: 

'This says you are required to 'abide' by any decisions of the Communist 
International," the Senator said. 

"The decision is binding here only when the Communist Party of the United 
States has acted upon it," said Mr. Browder. 

"Do you mean to tell us you may veto a decision of the International?" 

"That is correct." 

"Have you ever vetoed one?" 

"Evervthing we ever had to pass upon," replied Mr. Brow^der, "we agreed 
with." 

It is. of course, plain to a child that any disagreement with the Communist 
International would be promptly and severely punished, and the mere fact that 
the Communist Party of the United States of America has never disagreed with 
tlie Communist International is highly significant. 

The Communist Party has also, in anticipation of the adoption of the new 
constitution for the party, caused certain changes to be made in the issue of its 
organ on the Pacific coast. The Western Worker. 

This cl'.ange was carried out by dropping from the banner of the paper the 
statement ' Section of Communist International" and also the hammer and 
sickle. It has also changed the name from The Western Worker to that of 
The Peoples' World. • 

We desire at this time to introduce as evidence a document known as "appli- 
cation for membership in the Communist Party," said dociunent being issued 
at a mass meeting held in honor of Eirl Browder and Mr. Foster in San Fran- 
cisco on August 2.5. 1938. and request that it be mnrked Exhibit No. 24-A. 

The attention of the committee is called to the fact that on the reverse side 
of the application for membership is an application for subscription to the 
paper The Peoples' World. 

Tb.is ]Uoves that The Peoples' World is merely an extension of the old 
Western Worker as the official organ of the Communist Party. 

VII. The General Strike 

It is self evident that if the classless society of Communists is made up of 
the working people that its greatest recruiting is to come from labor groups. 
It is therefore necessary for us to study the technique of operation of Com- 
munist International and the Communist Party of the U. S. A. within the trade 
iMiions. 

We desire at this time to introduce the following exhibits, and request that 
thoy be marked as indicated : 

Exhibit 25, "Communist Policy on the Trade Union Question." 



1900 UN-AMERICAX rKOPAGAXDA ACTIVITIES 

Exhibit 26, "Reprint from San Diego Labor Leader, Jan. 1936." 

Exhibit 27, '-Industrial Unionism," by AVilliam Z. Foster. 

P^xliiliit 'i2, '-Attempt by Communists to Seize the American Labor Movement." 

Exhibit US, Clippings "The American Citizen" entitled "Ofiicial Red Comments." 

Exhibit 34, "Party Organizer," July 1935. 

Exhibit 85, "Unionizing Steel," by William Z. Foster. 

Exhibit 36, "The Great Sitdown Strike," by Wm. Weinstone. 

Exhibit 37, "How the Rubber Workers Won," C. I. O. Pamphlet. 

Exhibit 38, "Special Bulletin C-30," by Industrial Association of San 
Francisco. 

Exhibit 39, "Our Trade Union Policy," by the Editorial Commission, Wash- 
ington State Communist Party. 

Exhibit 40, "Control of State Federation Convention" — Communist Bulletin. 

Subtle infiltration of Communists, and before them of Socialists, into the 
ranks of organized labor, the spreading of revolutionary propaganda, and the 
underminir.g of the American Federjition of Labor in the ' struggle" for the 
building of a rival labor organization under direct Communist control, such as 
we have in the C. I. O. today, began long ago. 

The Knights of Labor, the Popidist Party, the Socialist Trades and Labor Al- 
liance, and the Industrial Workers of the W^orld were natural forbears o^ ''the 
new labor movement," vrhich with the coming of communism shortly after the 
World War, was developed into the Trade Union Unity League and finally 
into the Committee for Industrial Organization. 

Whereas the early revolts against the American Federation of Labor were 
promoted either by self-seeking labor leaders, political demagogues, or selfish 
employer interests, the I. W. W. movement, which had its foundation in the 
organization of the radical Western Federation of Miners back in 1905, and 
which in 1922 and 1923 all but wrecked the A. F. of L. with its disastrous 
"ranlv and file" movement, was distinctly of Socialist and anarchist origin and 
aims. 

Following the collapse of the I. W. W., William Z. Foster, leader in that 
movement, formed the Trade Union Unity League, with the avowed purpose 
of "boring from within" and capturing the A. F. of L. unions and transforming 
them into instruments of the "social revolution." This work was unsuccessful 
until after the Russian revolution and the foundation of the Third International, 
whose avowed purpose was the promoting of world revolution, by violence if 
necessary. Foster immediately attached himself to and became a leader in the 
Communist movement in America, representing the Communist Party, U. S. A., 
in the sixth and subseq^uent world congresses of the Communist International. 

The Trade Union Unity League was amalgamated, imder Foster's guidance, 
with the Communist Party, and took charge of its trade-union work. Dual 
unions were formed where the T. U. U. L. was unable to capture existing 
unions. Communists succeeded in capturing completely the Fur Workers, the 
International Ladies Garment Workers, and several others, but found .that only 
a few of the national unions could be controlled by the "reds," and T. U. U. L. 
sought to organize competing unions in many industries. The National Miners' 
Union, forerunner of the Progressive Miners' Union, agricultural workers unions, 
and a few others, were established. None sought to improve workers' wages or 
conditions — all were stepping stones to "social revolution." 

In January 1935 the central committee plenum of the Communist Party, meet- 
ing in New York, adopted new tactics. The T. U. U. L. was ordered abandoned 
and all dual unions ordered dissolved. Resolutions were adopted, declaring 
(exhibit 25) : 

"The influx of hundreds of thousands of new workers from the basic indus- 
tries and mass production plants into the A. F. of L. unions, and the growing 
radicalization of the main mass unions in character, open up new and greater 
possibilities of revolutionary mass work within them." * * * "The main 
task of the party in the sphere of trade-union work should be the work in the 
A. F. of L. unions so as energetically and tirelessly to mobilize the masses of 
their members and the trade-unions as a whole for the defense of the everyday 
interests of the workei-s, the leadership of strikes, carrving out the policv of the 
class struggle in the trade-unions * * *. Communists and other advanced 
workers must develop a wide strike movement, fighting on the basis of trade- 
union democracy for the leadership of the struggle * ' * *." 

The orders issued by the plenum directed that "existing revolutionarv trade 
unions (si)onsored by the T. U. U. L.) and their locals join the A F of ' L and 
Its unions wherever there exist parallel mass A. F. of L. trade unions, or the 



UN-AIMKRK'AN I'ROPAG VXDA A(^TTVITIES 1901 

-rvd" trade unions can .ioin the A. F. of li. directly. The revolutionary unions 
and their branches should attempt fo join tlie A. F. of L. unions as organized 
units, not weakening their mass work, but, on the contraiy, utilizing their 
entrance into the A. F. of L. as means of more widely mol)iliziiig the working 
masses around the revolutionary leadership, organizing and distiibuling their 
forces so as to have the possibility of exercising a maximum amount of inlluence 
on the work of the A. F. of L. unions. In those cases where collective joining 
is not possible, memliers of the "red" luiions should join the unions of the A. F. 
of L. individually * * *. Only those revolutionary unions whose entrance 
into the A. F. of L. at the present time is impossible to practice, will temi)orarily 
continue to exist independently, extending their mass basis, energetically recruit- 
ing new members. 

•In view of the changing conditions of trade-union work, which demand that 
the center of the ^^■OI•k be transferred to the A. F. of L., it is now inadvisable 
to put the question of fornung an Independent Federation of Labor. 

'The tone used in the press with regard to the A. F. of I... must be changed, 
criticizing and exposing the reactionary leaders of the A. F. of L. in a manner 
convincing for the rank and file, but treating the A. F. of L. locals and unions as 
mass workers' organizatioris in which we are carrying on a struggle for winning 
the masses to the revolutionary struggle, drawing in all honest functionaries, 
fighting for our influence, for winning the trade-union posts, and being ready 
to take on ourselves responsibility for their work. 

'•* * * Without strong and well-organized fractions (in the unions), the 
Communist Party cannot carry out the necessary flexible tactic and carry out 
its revolutionary line * * *. Every day leadership on the chief questions of 
the work of our fractions in the trade unions, especially in respect to strike 
leadership, must be concentrated directly in the C. C. (Central Committee) at 
the center and in the appropriate party committees in the localities. 

"For a correct approach to the work in the A. F. of L. it is necessary from 
the very outset to come out against the limitation of tasks of this work to the 
creation of a "minority movement," or "opposition" being limited to the most 
militant elements that are close to the Communists, and not striving to become 
a real trade union, their locals, various elective posts in the trade-union organs, 
etc. In order to be a leading force for all the discontented workers who are 
swinging to the left, in order to be a mass force, the Communists * * * 
strengthening their class positions in the A. F. of L. and in all the trade unions, 
increasing the olTensive on the bureaucracy, must work like real trade unionists 
* * * fighting for every elective post in the trade unions * * * actively 
participating in the training of new cadres of revolutionary unionists. 
(See Exhibit 26.) 

It is perhaps appropriate that Detroit and Michigan should be selected as the 
battleground for the first major engagement in the current drive for "industrial 
unionism" and against the craft union policy of the American Federation of 
Labor, for it was the Detroit "comrades" who are credited with having been 
responsible for the formation of the Communist Party in the United States. 
Under their leadership the Michigan delegation to the Socialist Party Convention 
in Chicago in 1919 broke away and, together with the Slavic Federation, organ- 
ized the Communist Party. 

That the Michigan strikes should be employed to commemorate their con- 
tribution to the cause of world revolution seems quite fitting, for in the 
program which they drew up in 1919 the plan to penetrate the A. F. of L. 
and to organize American workers on the basis of industrial unionism was 
first set forth. 

"As against the trade unionism of the American Federation of Labor," that 
program declared, "the Connnunist Party propagandizes industrial unionism 
and industrial union organizations, emphasizing their I'evolutionary implica- 
tions. Industrial unionism is not simply a means for the everyday struggle 
against capitali.sm: its ultimate purpose is revolutionary, implying the neces- 
sity of ending the capitalist parliamentary state. Industrial unionism is a 
factor in the final mass action for the conquest of power, as it will constitute 
the basis for the industrial administration of the Communist coinmonwi alth.'' 
This was the beginning of the Communist campaign to "bore from within" 
the A. L. of L. : to reorganize American labor on an industrial union basis; 
to overthrow the government by revolution; and to set up a Communist 
commonwealth — or as they currently phrase it — a soviet America. 

During the following .S years Communist efforts to secure a foothold in the 
A. F. of L. met with considerable success. In fact, so successful it was that, in 



1902 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 



self defense, the unions were forced to take extraordinary measures to purge 
heniselves of the destructive Communist influence. LUenUy thousands of 
"red" nropagandists were expelled from the unions in 1923 and 1924. Then 
followed a few lean years during which the '"red" elements were practically 
at a standstill insofar as results were concerned. They earned on plenty of 
agitation outside the unions, hut with the exception of the Passaic strike of 
1926 -vnd a few less important needle-trades disputes, they got nowhere. 
America was too prosperous. The need for some new strategy was obvious 
It was the activities of John Br.)phy, Pat Toohey, and Powers Hapgood 
among the mine workers that finally paved the way for the oi-gamzation of 
Comnumist industrial unions. As the outgrowth of their 'Save the Union 
Committee." on -orders" from Moscow, the National Miners Union, a red in- 
dustrial union, was established in the fall of 192S. Subsequently some oO-odd 
"red" unions in different industries, with a membership enrollment of hundreds 
of thousands were organized by William Z. Foster under the banner of the 
Trade Union Unity League and affiliated with the Red Internationale of Labor 

Unions at Mo.scow. . ^ n ■, •, i 

After the stock market crash the "red" unions flowered and were responsible 
for 90 iiercent of the nia.ior strikes during the depression years. Foster 
and liis Tnul also organized the unemployed, the "bonus army," and many local 
State and national hunger marches, with excellent results from the agitational 
nolnt'of view When, ^however, this movement had served its purpose, the 
Moiscow master-minds again turned their attention to the possibilities for 
renewed activity within the A. F. of L.— and it was at the Central Committee 
Plenum of the" Communist Party, January 15-18. 1935, that the notorious 
"boring in" manifesto was authorized and put into effect. 

The "Ixu-ing from within" policy was adopted and carried through enthusi- 
astically ])y the Communists and since early in 1935 the infusion of unruly 
"red" blood has been going into the A. F. of L. And with it went the agi- 
tational urge for industrial unionism and the laying of the groundwork for the 
"wide strike movement" prescribed by the manifesto which today threatens 
the country. . ... 

In August 1935, the Congress of the Communist International, meeting m 
Moscow, issued orders for the reorganization of the trade unions by indus- 
tries and the creation of industrial unidiis. In a little more than a month's 
time some 400 000 copies of these "orders from Moscow" were distributed by 
the faithful in America. 

Then came the A. F. of L. convention at Atlantic City, and John L. Lewis 
emerged in his new character as the echo of the Comintern. With the blessing 
of the American Communists he became the leader of the forces for industrial 
unionism, and proceeded to do his utmost to advance the program laid down 
by the Communist Congress a few weeks before. 

Lewis' resolution to commit the A. F. of L. to industrial unionism was de- 
feated by a vote of almost 2 to 1, but before the convention was over a con- 
ference iicld in his hotel room decided the future plan of action, and within 
a month — November 1935 — the formation of the Committee for Industrial 
Organization was announced. 

immediately t!ie behind-the-scenes mechanism in the Communist movement 
went into action. The Central Agit-Prop (agitation-propaganda) Commission 
]u-epared voluminous material to bolster the drive and on every front the Com- 
munist f(n-ces rallied support to Lewis and the industrial union cause. A model 
speech, as an example, was sent to every party leader in the country just a 
few weeks after the C. I. O. was established. A few passages are illuminating: 

"We here in America must follow in the footsteps of Lenin * * * -\ve 
must make it clear to tens of millions of workers and farmers that the revolu- 
tion in the U. S. A. is inevitable, and that only the overthrow of capitalism 
will secure for them a decent life of abundance. * * * Capitalism can be 
overthrown by the armed upi'ising of the people headed by the working class 
under the leadership of the Bolshevik Party. * * * Lenin teaches us the 
great, the paramount importance of the Communist Party. Lenin teaches us 
further that it is not sufficient to have a strong Communist Party. It is neces- 
sary to have strong labor unions capable of offering resistance to the employers 
and of taking the offensive * * * this can be realized only when the unions 
are built on the industrial Itasis." 

Shortly after the beginning of 1936, when the break between Lewis and 
Green occurred, the Communist Central Committee decided to come out into 
the open. It issued a public statement : "The Communist Party stands firmly 



UN-AMEIUCAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1903 

on the side of those progressive forces which are fighting for industrial 
unionism." 

A short time hiter a 48-page l)ooklet by William Z. Foster, entitled "Indus- 
trial Unionism,'' nnide its appearance as tlie first of a series of publications 
on C. I. O. strategy. (See exhibit 27.) 

A fertile field for the development of (piasi industrial unionism could be 
found in the maritime unions. The point of penetration into the A. F. of L. 
maritime unions was first directed, on the I'acific coast, ihat the International 
Longshoremen's Association, an A. F. of L. union which was cho.sen primarily 
because it was wholly (piasi industrial rather than craft union in character, and 
secondarily on account of the type of individual engaged in that woik. whom, 
it was felt, would be most susceptible to the peculiar leadership which the 
Conununists were at that tinu' able to pi'ovide. 

The transition period between the abandonment of the Trade Union Unity 
League movement and the formation of the Committee for Industrial Organiza- 
tion, that has been shown heretofore, was occupied by the campaign of in- 
filtration; of subtle attacks against the old time leadership of the A. F. of L. ; 
of the gradual sejiaration of the rank and file from its leadership, and of the 
capture by Conununists of important elective offices in the Unions. 

The concentrated effort of the Comnumist Party on the Longshoremen's 
unions in California was begun just prior to the elimination of Lee J. Ilolman as 
president of the I. L. A. Union Local 38-79, on April 19, 1934. Prior to that 
time the party was loosely scattered throughout the State and had no real 
leadership. 

The groundwork for their activity originated with a distriliution of thou- 
sands of dodgers, pamphlets and copies of Western Worker among the long- 
shoremen of the Pacific coast and of San Francisco in particular. All this 
literatui'o carried the propaganda that the leadership of the maritime and 
waterfront unions had been controlled by the shipowners in the past and that 
a "democratic" union could only be established by differentiation between the 
"rank-and-file" and its leadership. 

While Mr. Holman was ill with pneumonia and confined to his bed, spurious 
charges were brought against him and he was recalled as president of the 
I. L. A. 38-79, to be succeededn by one Harry Bridges, an alien. This election 
of Bridges to head the I. L. A. marks the beginning of the consolidation and 
the open operation of the Communist Party in the labor movement in the 
Western states. 

In 1933. when the National Recovery Act went into effect, the average number 
of longshoremen employed in San Francisco was approximately 1.300, and the 
largest number employed on any one day was approximately 2.500. Of the 
1.300 some 90O had practically steady employment, and most of them belonged 
to the Longshoremen's Association of San Francisco, an independent union. 
Under the N. R. A. the San Franci.sco association was organized as an A. F. L. 
union and a branch of the International Longshoremen's Association, and with 
the infiltration of the Communists and their sympathizers, the membership 
was increased until at the time of the strike on May 9, ,1934, it claimed more 
than 4.000. Bridges had not been in command of the union two months when, 
as a result of a controversy over demands he made in behalf of the union upon 
the Waterfront Employers' Association, the I. L. A. called a strike. 

The history of the Longshoremen's strike, which developed into a general 
strike of all the maritime unions throughout the Pacific coast and finally into 
the General Strike in the Bay district when practically all industry and busine.ss 
ceased for several days, is too long to recount or even to summarize hei-e. 

We therefore offer' in evidence a statement by Thomas G. Plant, president 
of the Waterfront Employers' Association, to the National Longshoremen's 
Board on July 11. 1934, and request that it be entered and marked "Exhi))it 28." 
We also offer in evidence a pamphlet issued by the Industrial Association of 
San Francisco containing a reprint of an article entitled "The San Francisco 
General Strike and Its Lessons" which we request be entered and mark(>d 
"Exhibit 29." This latter exhibit sets forth clearly from the standpoint of 
the Communist Party, U. S. A. Section Conununist International the Connnunist 
origin and control of the maritime and general strikes and the "Revolutionary 
and Political Character of the Struggle." The same pamphlet reproduces 
another article from the same issue of the "Comnumist International" on 
"Notes on the Strike W\ave in the U. S." ; showing that the Pacific coast mari- 
time strike and the San Francisco general strike were staged simply as a part 
of the "general strike movement" and as a preliminary "practice in revolt." 

I 04931—38 — vol. 3 13 



1904 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 




the Amodcan section of the Red International of Labor Unions-as well as the 
probtJm of building a mass Communist Party in the Umted States is largely a 
miestion of a connect strike strategy. With this is bound up the problem of 
destr^hik the reformist illusions of the American Federation of Labor and 
he social racists of its left wing whose program is that ot the Socialist Party. 

"Both of these problems are inseparable from the mam problem of winning 
the majority of the decisive sections of the working class for communism. Seen 
from this standpoint the importance of the question of working out and applying 
a correct strike strategy is brought clearly into the foreground-for our party, 
for the revolutionary trade unions and for the whole class. 

Page 8 • "The American working class will reap a rich harvest from the study 




l'a"-es 18-19: "In order that the workers shall not be taken unawares, the 
tradtMinion opposition and the independent revolutionary unions must carry on 
their work in the following manner : -, . .^. 

"It is the duty of every revolutionary union and the trade-union opposition 
(left wing) in every industry to organize the workers for future conflicts and 

"At the first appearance of symptoms of growing dissatisfaction on the part of 
the workers, or aggressive intentions on the part of the employers, in a given in- 
dustry, the question of an approaching conflict must be brought sharply before 

the mas.ses. , ,, 

"Preparatory agitational and organizational work must be carried on under the 
following slogans: 'Do not rely on the trade-union bureaucrats!' 'Prepare, for 
the struggle, otherwise you will be defeated :' in this agitational work all con- 
crete cases of treachery by the trade-union bureaucracy in recent economic 
struggles must be utilized. 

"It is necessary during this preparatory period, through personal conversation 
and pressure at meetings to single out those elements among the nonparty, 
reformist, anarchosyndicalist, or Catholic workers who may be drawn into the 
struggle against the employers on the bases of our independent tactics, i. e., not 
dependent on the trade-imion bureaucracy, and to participate together with the 
revolutionary workers in our independent instruments of struggle (shop commit- 
tees, strike committees, committees of action, etc. — Ed.)." 

Pages 19-20 : "The revolutionary trade-unions and the trade-union opposition 
must carefully examine and constantly check up on the work of all its instruments, 
from the viewpoint of contact with the mass workers in the various factories. 
Especially must all signs of red tape or bureaucracy hindering them from reacting 
quickly to any development among the workers be combated. 

'"The revolutionary trade-unions and the trade-union opposition must carry on 
all of its preparatory work in such a manner that the need for creating militant 
instruments to lead the struggle should emanate from the rank-and-file workers. 
This question should become the subject of discussion in all factories and 
shops. 

"At the approach of a lockout, it is neceesary to issue slogans for the creation 
of militant committees of struggle against the lockout, elected in the factory by all 
the workers, regardless of their party and trade-union affiliations, organized or 
unorganized. 

"In case of favorable conditions for a strike, and with a militant mood prevail- 
ing among the masses, the creation of strike committees (this also holds true in 
those cases where the strike is led by revolutionary trade-unions) elected by all 
workers should be undertaken. Workers of all beliefs and affiliation must par- 
ticipate in these elections, the organized, as well as the unorganized. 

"At the same time, the sharpest agitation and propaganda must be carried on 
among the masses against the appointment of strike committees from the top 
(i. e., by the bureaucrats — Trans.) and against efforts of the trade-union bureau- 
crats to transfer the leadership in these conflicts to such committees. 



UN-AMEUI(\\N ntOrAUANPA ACTIVITIKS 19Q5 

'•rrcparntion of I ho workiii.c: masses for the strngftlo must be Oiirvied on not 
orally, hut also in (lie press. In this re.nard the trad.'-nnion and parly press is 
taxed with a serious duty. It is neeessary to issue special leath'ts, special sup- 
plements of the press, shop papers, etc., dealing with the approaching; conflict." 

Pajie 25: "Simultaneously with the withdrawal of the revolutionary minorities 
from a strike connnittee whicli has fallen under the influence of the reformist, 
the minority must appeal to the mass of workers and organize the election of a 
new strike committee in order to continue the struggle." 

I'age 28: "No olHcial representation of reforndst trade-unions should be 
permitted on the strike committ(>e which has fallen under the influence of the 
reformists, the minority must appeal to the mass of workers and organize the 
election of a new strike committee in order to continue the struggle. 

"No official representation of reformist trade-unions should be iiermitte(l on 
the strike committees. The adherents of the rrotintern nuist counteract all the 
efforts of the representatives of the reformist trade-unions to penetrate into the 
strike committee by putting forth the slogan that all members of the strike 
committee nuist be elected by all the workers, organized and luiorganized as 
well." 

Page 29 : "The best and most militant workers of all beliefs — Communists, 
social-democrats. Catholics, unorganized, etc. — must be included in all bodies 
which are elected. 

"It is necessary to allow nonparty and reformist workers to carry various 
functions within the strike committee in order that they may be drawn into 
the immediate struggle." 

Pages 29-30: "It is particularly heliifnl during the strikes and lockouts to 
convene special bread conferences of organized and unorganized workers (men, 
women, and young workers), in order to pick out and place the best and most 
energetic of them in posts of militant leadership." 

Page 31 : "Absolutely all workers, no matter what their beliefs, and affiliations, 
must be drawn into the picket line, in such a manner as to have the experienced, 
militant comrades working together with the unorganized workers, the social- 
democrats. Catholics, etc. 

"The leading pickets should he carefully chosen, utilizing not only the young 
workers, but also the older workers, men and women, and especially workers' 
wives. 

"Special demonstrations of strikers" wives and children against the strike- 
breakers and the police force defending the strikebreakers, is very effective." 

Page 32: "Especial attention should be given to the fight against various police 
and private detective organizations (factory militia, detectives, shop spies, stool 
pigeons, fire brigades which are part of the police force, etc.)." 

Pages 41-42: "Because of the concentration of capital and the practice of the 
bourgeoisie and reformists to replace strikers by obligatory arbitration, every 
strike acquires political character. This does not mean that all the workers 
understand the political, i. e., the general class significance of the current 
economic struggles. In this situation, it is the task of the adherents of the 
Profiutern to teach the masses politics on the basis of every-day struggle. This 
means it is necessary to issue slogans at each stage of the struggle, on the basis 
of the demands, which will raise the fight to a higher level." 

Finally to emphasize that all Communist endeavor within the trade-unions 
is to lead up through a course of force and violence to the general strike, and 
thro)igli the general strike to armed insurrection, we quote a.gain from the 
Progi-.im of the Communist International heretofore introduced and markeil 
"Exhibit 10," as follows: "When the revolutionary tide is rising, when the ruling 
classes are disorganized, * * * we are confronted with the task of leading 
the masses to a direct attack upon the bourgeoisie state. This is done by carry- 
ing on propaganda * * * and armed demonstrations, and finally, the general 
strike with armed insurrection * * * the latter form of struggle must be 
conducted according to rules of war." Having thus given the objective and plan 
of the Communist Party U. S. A. Section Communist International for the 
development and conduct of the general strike, we now (uiote from the article 
The San Francisco General Strike and Its Lessons heretofore introduced and 
marked "Exhibit 29." 

"The general strike in San Francisco and surrounding cities, and the Pacific 
coast maritime workers struggle which led up to it took place in the midst of 
the second big wave of strike struggles sweeping the United States and con- 
tinually rising in the level of militancy and displaying an ever more clearly 
defined political power and character. 



1906 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 



"The synipathy of the workers for the strikers expressed itself iu the rapidly 
spreading sentimeut for a geueral strike. Forty thousand worliers attended the 
funeral of the two pickets killed, one of whom was a member of the Communist 

i'arty. . ,. ,  

•'Only in San Francisco, however, did the general strike materialize because 
precisely in San Francisco the leadership of the maritime strike was armly 
iu the hands of the militant rank and file strongly influenced by the party, and 
the whole strike assumed the character of a united front struggle against the 
employers and the government. 

'•The reason for our strength in San Francisco, as distinguished from other 
strike situations where the party stood on the outside of the struggle is that 
already in the middle of 1933, when the majority of the longshoremen showed 
their desire to belong to the A. F. L. the Communists actively participated in the 
organization for the longshoremen into the A. F. L. local union. The A. F. L. 
district and national officials of the I. L. A. worked day and night to prevent 
the strike from taking place and, after it broke out, to send the men back to work, 
but their every move was defeated by the local strike leadership which repre- 
sented the sentiments of the rank and file. 

"The policy of the party was to spread the strike, not only to all branches of 
the marine industry on the Pacific coast, but to the Atlantic and southern ports. 
However, our extremely weak position in the A. F. L. unions in those other 
ports made it impossible to spread the strike into a national strike of long- 
shoremen and seamen. Only in a few instances was the Marine Workers 
Industrial Union able to call strikes of seamen on a few ships. 

"In the face of the unyielding position of the employers, the question of 
developing a movement for a general strike in Pacific coast ports in support of 
the maritime strikers, became so great that the San Francisco strike committee 
decided to make the Western Worker (the Communist Party weekly organ of 
the Pacific coast) their official strike organ. 

'The geueral strike began on July 16 in San Francisco, spreading on the fol- 
lowing day to the other nearby cities, Oakland, Berkeley, and Alameda. 

"With the exception of San Francisco to a lesser extent other Pacific coast 
ports, and also Milwaukee where the party has shi»wn good leadership we have 
remained outside of many important strike struggles in the present big strike 
wave and did not directly influence the leadership of these strikes. 

"The party, although functioning well under conditions of the terror issuing 
the Western Worker and leaflets to the troops illegally, and the leadership 
functioning intact in spite of the raids, underestimated the extent of the terror 
and was not prepared for it. 

"The San Francisco general strike and the movements for local general strikes 
in other centers throughout the country, bear eloquent testimony to the correct- 
ness of the estimation given by the thirteenth plenum of the E. C. C. I. (execu- 
tive committee Communist International), and particularly of the point indi- 
cating the inevitability of economic strikes more and more, interweaving with 
the mass political strike. The historic significance of the San Francisco general 
strike will leave its imprint on the future development of still greater class 
battles during the approaching second round of revolution and wars. The party 
must see to it that these lessons are made the property of the whole working 
class. 

"What is the secret of the defeat of the general strike movement in the other 
cities and the success of the general strike movement in San Francisco? The 
secret lies in the success of the general strike movement in San Francisco— of 
the leadership of the party in the strike of the longshoremen and in the ability 
of the party to defeat in the moves which the top leaders of the A. F. L. made 
to prevent the outbreak of the general strike. We can unhesitatingly state 
that without the leadership of the party the general strike in San Francisco 
would not have materialized. 

"What would he the best method of absorbing the positive lessons of the 
strikes in San Francisco? The best method, we believe, would be to contrast 
the positive lessons of San Francisco with our failures in the other important 
local genera] strike movements. The splendid leadership of the San Francisco 
j)arty organization in the development of the general strike (though note must 
be taken of the .serious errors of unity at any price, of legalistic tendencies) 
can serve as good examples for the role of the district leadership in the present 
wave of strike struggles. 

"It is therefore our absence as an inside force which explains whv the strike 
remained in the hands of the leadership of the A. F. L. despite the unexampled 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 19Q7 

heroism of Iho Toledo strikovs and tlio swoopins movoniont for tlio local jron- 
oral strike (close to 9() locals of tlie A. F. L. voted for the local ji(>iieral strike 
in support of the Toledo auto parts workers.) 

•'The CoMieral Strike in San Francisco broke out in supimrt of the striking 
longshoremen helonsiiis: to the International Longshoremen's Association, affil- 
iated with the American Federation of Lahor. All dnrins the strike of the 
San Francisco lonsshorcnnen. which hejian May 9, we were inside the union 
working amonsst the workers. Indeed, it was a daily combat between the 
forces inside the iniion inider the influence of the party and strikebreaking 
leaders of the A. F. L. Our presence within the A. F. L. result(>d in (he estab- 
lishment of a rank-and-file strike committee which took the strike out of the 
hands of the top leaders of the A. F. L. 

"The most important fact, namely, that last year when the movement for 
organization took place amongst the Sau Francisco longshoremen, this move- 
ment for <n-ganization took iilace throughout the American Federation of L ibor. 
We did not isolate ourselves from this movement. We participated in the build- 
ing of the San Francisco local of the I. L. A. affiliated to the A. F. L. It is this 
fact which establishes us as the inside force within the A. F. L. union. It is 
this fact that enaltled us to become a deciding influence in the calling of the 
longshoremen's strike and establishing our influence and leadersliip amongst 
the striking longshoremen. 

"The outbreak of the general strike in San Francisco can really be traced back 
to onr participating with the workers in the building of the A. F. of L. union 
local for the I. L. A. This fact cannot be overestimated. 

'Tt is the militant leadership of the longshoremen's strike which aroused and 
inspired the desire for victory on the part of all the port workers of San 
Francisco. It is this spirit which led to the outbreak of the general strike. 
Thus we see that concentration and the winning of leadership in one strategic 
point as the longshoremen's strike, can indeed become the starting point for 
such a sweeping movement as the general strike in S'an Francisco was. 

"Here we may contrast again with the San Francisco situation. Had we 
in the steel industry succeeded, either through our work within the A. A. or 
through the establishment of the Steel and Metal Workers Industrial Union as a 
mass local in a strategic steel mill, we could have called out a local steel strike 
which would have worked against the strikebreaking methods and leadership 
of Green and Tighe. 

"The result was that despite the strong urge for strike struggle displayed 
on the part of the auto workers, no strike in an auto plant took place which 
could have become the signal for the development of the auto strike despite 
Green and Collins. Here again the contrast between the developments of the 
San Francisco strike situation and the threatened auto general strike is quite 
obvious. 

"We have continually addressed united front appeals for the building of one 
union in the industry. Onr appeals were received by the workers sympatheti- 
cally in many instances, but they had no effect insofar as the actual organization 
and leadership in the strike struggles were concerned. The reason for this is 
that we remained outside of the unions in which the workers were organized, 
namely, the A. F. of L. .unions. Would not our position in the auto industry 
be much stronger if we would call upon our followers in such plants where the 
Auto Workers Union has no mass basis, to join and participate in the life and 
activities of the federal locals of the A. F. of L. (without liquidating the Auto 
Workers Union in such jilants where it is stronger than the fcvleral locals)? 

"If we compare the Toledo strike, the Miimeapolis, and other strikes with 
the San Francisco strike, we see that in San Francisco we were successful 
mainly because we participated in the foundation of the local unious to which 
the workers showed an urge to belong, i. e., to the A. F. of L.. thus enabling us 
to he inside and with the workers, while, in the other strike situation, we 
remained aloof and isolated from the main trend of the workers, which was 
toward the A. F. of L. 

"The present strike struggles offer the most favorable opportunities fm- 
placing ourselves at the head of the strike movement. This can he accom- 
plished, provided we put the main cmijliasis on the militant leadershin of. and 
participation in. strike struggles through activities inside th(> A F. of L. unions 
of San Francisco and among the strikers following reformist leadership. The 
lessons of San Francisco are that, by putting the main emphasis on work within 
the A. F. of L. and that at the same time .skillfully organizing the militant 
actions of the 'r^d' union, even though the union is in a weak position, and 



1908 



UN-AMEIUCAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 



developiug the united front activities in tlie steel mills led by the S. M. W. I. U., 
have shown that the party is learning in practice how to become the mass 
leader of the American proletariat. To the extent that we absorb the positive 
lessons of the general strike in San Francisco, to the extent that we learn 
from our basic mistakes in the other strike situations, to the extent we will 
become the deciding factor in the present strike wave in the United States that 
we can really take the step which will help us put an end to our isolation 
from the basic sections of the American proletariat. 

"The unions. , , „ 

"At first, however, we call your attention to the very outlook of many of 
those leaders, to what is called in scientific language their ideology. They 
proceed from the conception of unity of interests between the employer and 
the employee. By this alone they deceive the worker. There is no more unity 
between the employer and the employee than there is between the robber and 
the robbed. There is a clash of interests. There is an eternal antagonism. 
There can be no peace and no unity between the exploiter and his victims. 
The capitalist strives to secure for himself as much of the workers' product 
as he can, get as big a share of their own product as they can force the boss 
to yield. That is fundamental. That is the law of capitalist society. It is 
the'division of classes. It is the never-ending class conflict as long as capitalism 
lasts. This conflict may not always break out in mass action, like demonstra- 
tions and strikes, but it always smolders underneath. Capitalist society is 
a battleground and the workers are an army on the march against the enemy. 

"We Communists look upon the labor union as upon the front trench organ- 
ization of the working class. It is this organization through which the workers 
directly confront the employers in the struggle for better conditions. The 
union cannot do away with exploitations, for exploitation will disappear only 
with capitalism itself. But the union can improve the conditions of the woi'k- 
ers — to a degree. TTie union is the organization of the workers at the very 
source of exploitation. Its place is in the shop facing the employer. It must 
be on the alert. The employer is always ready with new schemes to squeeze 
greater surplus value our of the workers. He is assisted by all sorts of advisers. 
He never lets up. He will even go as far as to assure you that your own stand- 
ard of living won't I)e reduced if only you allow him greater profits. He will 
complain bitterly that your 'unreasonable' demands may force him to close his 
business. To meet all these machinations you need a union that is wide 
awake, flexible, and has great fighting power. Such a union trains the workers 
for the final clash with capitalism to abolish it altogether. 

"It is for .such a militant spirit and for such leadership that we Communists 
are fighting in tlie labor unions. And it is .iust for this that the reformist 
leaders call us 'disrupters,' 'irresponsible elements' and 'reds.' 

"We understand why the reformist leaders are dead set against us. We see 
through them and we tell the workers the truth. Wherever we are we organize 
tlie workers ; we help organize the union : we try to enlighten tb.e workers as 
to their class intere.-ts. Many reformist leaders shun the word 'class.' They 
favor class collaboration with the employers. Therefore, they do not want the 
workers to look upon themselves as a class, to understand that their class prides 
and interests cannot be reconciled with those of the bosses. We try to de- 
velop class consciousness, class militance, class pride. They call us disrupters; 
but what we disrupt is the unity between some reformist leaders and the bos.ses. 
They call us irresponsible, but the responsibility we reject is the responsibility 
for the bosses profits. Also we have no fear of the bosses. We say that the 
workers can be stronger than the bosses, if only they are organized and con- 
scious. We say that even the powerful Steel Trust can be forced to yield 
concessions to the workers if they organize their strength." 

Tlie al)ove quotations out of the mouth of the Communist Party have clearly 
proven how that party intends to use trade-unionism in its development of class 
warfare and revolution. One more interesting document we shall introduce, 
liowever, at this time to show the direct tactic to be observed when the next 
general strike is developed in the U. S. A. and may we introduce at this time 
the following leaflet, put out by the strike committee immediately after the 
g(>nei'al strike of 1934, with a request that it be entered and marked '•exhibit 
31." 

"1. A vote 'yes' on strike must be followed up with a vote to elect at least 25 
rank-and-file union members on the strike committee. 

"2. To mnke sure oidy those members who voted 'yes' for strike be elected 
on strike committee. 



T'X-AMERICAX PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES IQOQ 

"3. General strike convention — elect a legal department of nine, a permit de- 
partment of nine, a food dciiartniont of nine, and make siirt> that the above 
commit tees ar(> competent. 

"4. Call out the press and the newsboys (iff the street. 

"o. Call out the radio, telephone, telegraph. 

"(i. Five ilelegates from each strike committee to be seated in strike con- 
vention. 

"7. Only tlu' labor ju-esent to be permitted to come out. 

"S. General strike time must be set by strike committee within 24 to 48 
hours : mass meetings to be held all over the city to keep the members informed 
of latest develojiments. 

"9. See that the leaders have a bodyguard at all times. 

"10. The strike convention must be in session every day. No holidays. 

'•11. See that there is no settlement until all unions are dealt with. 

"12. Keep the capitalist newspaper reporters away from the convention hall 
at all times. The newspapers helped to break the last general strike. 

"13. See that the committee meetings are held at different halls and that 
there are no dictaphones in the meeting halls. Committee members should 
keep their mouths shut when on the sti'eet. * * * n i,.^ ^he worker versus 
capitalism." 

jNIr. Knowles. I think Avitli that summation we can proceed to 
what the chairman has indicated as the Bridges brief. 

The Chairman. Before the Bridges brief is gone into, may I chir- 
ifv a few things. 

The status of the Bridges case now is that the Department of 
Labor suspended deportation proceedings on the alleged ground that 
if the decision of the circuit court of appeals is upheld by the Su- 
preme Court, it would make it impossible or difficult to deport 
Bridges. That is the ground u]ion which they acted, and there has 
been an appeal to the Supreme Court. 

As throwing light upon the Bridges case^ so that we may know 
more about it, first, who is Edward W. Cahill? 

]Mr. KxowLES. He is the district commissioner of immigration at 
San Francisco. 

The Chairman. I want to read a letter, dated April 21, 1938, from 
Edward W. Cahill to Commissioner of Immigration James L. 
Houghteling, before we go into the Bridges case. This letter reads 
as follows : 

United States Department of Labor, 
Immigration and Naturalization SE:R^^CE, 

San Francisco, Calif., April 21, 1938. 
Hon. James L. Houghteling, 

Commissioner, Immigration and Naturalization Service, 

Wasliington, D. G. 

De-vr Commissioner Houghteling: Your letter of the 15th, commenting on 
the Harnj Briihjcs case, also the telegram in reference to the postponement of 
this case until after a decision by the Supreme Court, are before me. 

You can easily realize that an avalanche of newspaper, magazine, and free- 
lance feature writers have been trying to get a story from me on the Bridges 
case. I had a stock statement for all: That I had no information nor any 
authoritv to give out anything on this case; that there would be a board of 
three nppointed bv the central office to come here and hear the evidence; and 
until such time as that board arrived, there would probably be no release for 
the press. 

It seems that this kept all the papers in place except one, wiiich broke out, 
quoting me in a statement that I did not make. I am enclosing a clipping from 
the San Francisco News of April 19. 1038. When you read dowm through the 
third paragraph: "Mr. Cahill said, etc.." you will agree with m«' that anyone 
wlio had been in the Immigration Service for over .".0 days would not say, "the 
Labor Department." when he meant "the Immigration Service," nor would he 
call the members of the board "the three commissioners." And, of course, under 



1910 



UN-AMERICAN PPvOPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 



no circumstances would I tell anyone, nor have I ever told anyone, that the 
final decision would be made by the Secretary of Labor. My whole purpose 
has been to make no delinite statement and in no way pm the responsibility 
for the decision in this case on the Secretary. My intuition would not have to 
be very keen to sense, in listening to these reporters' questions, that this is 
exactly what those unfriendly to the Labor Deparament would lilie to do. You 
can iinasine anv annoyance, then, at the deliberate misquotation contained in 
the cliDPimr enclosed. Yesterday I saw the head of the San Francisco News, 
as well as the editor, so I am hopeful that no News reporter will try to misquote 

'"Vrecali a previous letter from you, defending the average newspaper reporters, 
but thi'^ is one of the indefensible cases, so we shall have to ignore it. In this 
camnaigii for stopping adverse publicity, I would say that our batting average 
was about 900. To be brutally uncommunicative with these reporters and stop 
them cold would not have been good diplomacy. Practically all of the papers 
have been very fair, and I have thanked them personally for their cooperation. 

It is very satisfying to discuss a thing like this with a man who has had your 
experience in the' newspaper field, for I appreciate and agree with your view- 
point and I am sure you can visualize what I have been up against out here for 
the last few weeks. I certainly am only too glad to cooperate on the suggestion 
of press releases in this case coming only from Washington. 

Before we bury this case, may I just present this seciuence of facts? Local 
broadcasting stations announced the news of the postponement of the Bridges 
hearing on Tuesday evening, April 19, and all San Francisco morning papers of 
the 20tli ran the story. After 10 o'clock on the morning of the 20th, I received 
a telegram from Washington giving us official confirmation of the postponement. 

While I am in complete agreement that such stories should be released in 
Washington to prevent divergence of message or discrepancy in time of re- 
lease, still if there were some way that we could receive an official notice like 
this one as soon as we come into the office at 9 a. m. (P. S. T.), instead of 
receiving it after people telephone to our office about it, it would save us the 
embarrassment of having to say that we know nothing except what we 
heard over the radio or read in the newspapers, and thereby prevent one more 
incident which gives the puiilic a chance to question the efficiency or sincerity 
of our service. 

Sincerely yours, 

(Signed) Edward W. Cahill, 

EWC : L District Commissioner. 

Likewise, before we go into that, I would like to call attention to at ^ 
memorandum prepared by Mr. James L. Houghteling, to the Secre^ 
tary, on the Strecher case., dated April 14, 1938, and particularly 
that paragraph which says, "If we go ahead with the hearing sched- 
uled for the 25th instant and the Supreme Court should later affirm 
the action of the circuit court of appeals in the Strecher case., the 
Department might be charged with smearing Harry Bridges unnec- 
essarily." 

Now, we have your brief on the Bridges case. 

It is a fact, is it not, that Bridges was charged not only with 
being a Communist alien, but also with belonging to a party that 
advocates force and violence? 

Mr. Knowles. Yes. 

The Chairman. He w^as also charged with having himself advo- 
cated force and violence. 

The warrant of his arrest set forth a number of grounds under 
the statute for his deportation. 

The statute contains four clauses which provide for the deporta- 
tion of aliens : 

(a) Anarchists; (b) aliens opposed to or disbelieving in organized 
forms of government. Aliens who advise, advocate, or teach, or 
who are members of or affiliated with any organization, association, 
society, or group that advises, advocates, or teaches opposition to all 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 19 J J 

organized ooveniinent ; (c) aliens believing in, advising, and so 
forth, overthrow by force or violence of the United States Govern- 
ment, or all forms of law, and so forth. Aliens who believe in, 
advise, advocate, teach, or who are members of or affiliated with any 
organization, association, society, or gronp that believes in, advises, 
advocates, or teaches: (1) The overthrow by force or violence of 
the Government of the United States or of all forms of law, or (2) 
the duty, necessity, or propriety of the unlawful assaulting or killing 
of any officer or officers (either of specified individuals or of oflicersi 
generally) of the Government of the United States, or of any other 
organized government because of his or their official character, or 
(3) the unlawful damage, injury, or destruction of property, or (4) 
sabotage. 

Also, aliens writing, publishing, and so forth, written or printed 
matter, advising, and so forth, opposition to organized forms of 
government, overthrow by force or violence of the United States Gov- 
ernment or all forms of law, and so forth; also, aliens, members of 
or affiliated with an organization, society, and so forth, writing, and 
so forth, written or printed matter described in the preceding para- 
graph. Also, on deportation : 

Any alien who, at any time after entering the United States, is found to 
have been at the time of entry, or to have become thereafter, a member of any 
one of the classes of aliens envunerated in this section, shall, upon the warrant 
of the Secretary of Labor, be taken into custody and deported in the manner 
provided in this subchapter. The provisions of this section shall be applicable 
to the classes of aliens mentioned therein irrespective of the time of their 
entry into the United States. 

At the proper time, I want to let tlie record show the warrant of 
arrest of Harry Bridges, with a number of grounds cited therein, 
and any one ground ]irovided in the statute would have made Harry 
Bridges mandatorily deportable. 

The warrant charges (1) that he is a member of an organization, 
association, society, or group that believes in, advises, advocates, and 
teaches the overthrow by force and violence of the Government of 
the United States, and so on. 

On the face of the warrant, therefore, Mr, Bridges was charged 
])y the Immigration Service with violating each one of the provi- 
sions of this mandatory statute. 

The Strecher case only held that membership in the Communist 
Party, standing alone, in the absence of any proof of force or vio- 
lence, either on the part of the alien or on the part of the organiza- 
tion with which he was affiliated, was not sufficient to justify deporta- 
tion. The warrant in the Bridges case, with the charges made against 
him, as well as the evidence in the file, shows that it was an entirely 
different case from the Strecher ccise. 

You may proceed with the Bridges case, and later I may w^ant to 
ask some questions. 

]\rr. XiMMO. I think in connection with that, Mr, Chairman, it 
might also be emphasized, as you have already touched upon it, 
that the Labor Department in the Strecher case did not prove their 
case. 

The Chairman. ]\Ir. Bonham says so; by reason of their own 
negligence or omission in the Sfi^echer case they did not have the 
best evidence, and refused to proceed with the Bridges case. It was 



1912 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

due to their own omission that they did not prove what they should 
have proven in the Strecher case^ and they asked for an appeal, and 
there is one very important thing that has not been brought out 
whereby the attorney presenting the case to the Supreme Court 
agreed to waive one of the important grounds of deportation. 

My. Nimmo. Mr. Chairman, I think tlie best procedure would be 
to have Mr. Knowles read first the charges by the radical research 
committee of the Department of California of the American Legion, 
and then proceed to read the brief. 

The Chairman. You may proceed. 

Mr. Knowles. The radical research committee, Department of Cali- 
fornia, the American Legion, charges Alfred Kenton Bridges before 
this committee as follows: 

1. That he is guilty of violation of section 6 of the Criminal Code 
of the United States in that he has seditiously conspired with other 
parties, hereinafter to be named, to overthrow, put down and destroy 
by force the Government of the United States ; and, by force, to pre- 
vent, hinder, and delay the execution of a law of the United States, 
all contrary to the authority thereof. 

2. That he has been a member of the Industrial Workers of the 
World. 

3. That he has been and is a member of the Communist Party of 
the United States. 

4. That he is or was a member of the national committee (old 
central committee) of the Communist Party of the U. S. A. 

5. That he was a member of the I. L. A. unit, waterfront section, 
San Francisco County, district 13 of the Communist Party for the 
years 1933-36. 

6. That he is or was a member of unit 22, waterfront section, San 
Francisco County, California district of the Communist Party. 

7. That he was a member of the Communist Party waterfront strike 
committee fraction in 1934. 

8. That he was a member of the California State committee (old 
district 13 committee) and the California executive committee (old 
district 13 bureau) of the Communist Party for the years 1935-37. 

9._ That he is or was a member of the San Francisco waterfront 
section bureau of the Communist Party. 

_ 10. That he is or was a member of the Communist Party top frac- 
tion of the Maritime Federation of the Pacific. 

11. That he invariably appoints Communist Party members to 
key positions m the maritime unions and the C. I. O. 
.1 12- That since 1934 he has advocated and reflected the policies of 
the Communist Party in the United States. 

13. That he has conducted a campaign of defamation against those 
who refuse to follow Communist Party policies. 

14. That lie sat in the meeting of the thirteenth district bureau, 
Commimist Party, which directed one Dave Sanders to dispose of 
Kaoul Louis Cherbourg, who was later killed and his body, wrapped 
m chains, dumped into San Francisco Bay. 

For further charges the committee is referred to the maritime 
briet, heretofore introduced. 

.^o^^'at ^^^,^0^^ Bridges, better known as Harry Bridges, was born 
at 22 Macaulay Road, Kensington, Victoria, Australia, on the 6th 
of July 1901. ' 



UN-AMERICAX rK(>PAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1913 

His fatlier is Alfred Ernest Bridcres and his mother, Julia (Dor- 
ganV Bridges. 

We offer in evidence of this fact a photostatic co]")v of a letter 
from the commissioner of ])olice. Sydney, New South Wales, and 
request that it be marked '"Exhibit No. 1." 

The attention of the connnittee is called to the discrepancy in the 
birth date as given by Harry Bridges in various documents. 

At this time we refer the committee to ^len Who Lead Lalior. here- 
tofore introduced in the maritime brief as exhibit No. 3. and we (juote 
therefrom : 

Young Alfred (lutor renamed "Harry" by American sailors), began school 
before he was .5. He did well, grndnated at I'J, and entered St. Breniian's 
parochial school where he remained until he was Ifi. At 13 or 14 his father 
started to teach him the real-estate business, sending the boy out to collect rents 
, f rom occupants who had taken houses and tints through the Bridges' office. 
Many of the families were poor ; many were imable to pay. The br^y disliked the 
job; years later he remarked that no person with any sensitivity to suffering 
could have collected rents in Melbourne and not have had his opinions colored by 
the task. 

At home the boy heard politics argued continually. His father was con- 
servative : but two uncles took an active interest in the Australian Labor Party. 
Charles Bridges was elected years later (1936) to the State legislature on the 
Labor Party ticket. Another uncle who owned a ranch and who later was 
killed in France during the war, influenced the young boy particularly. On visits 
to the ranch. Alfred would listen intently to the older man's discussion of labor's 
needs, impressed by the repeated refrain stressing the value of a powerful labor 
party. 

On leaving school, young Bridges clerked for a time in a retail stationery 
store. Pie had no real interest in the work, no ambition to enter his father's 
business. Whenever he had a chance he rushed to the docks where he could 
talk to foreign sailors, and watch the boats slip in and out of the harbor. He 
cravefl adventure, the chance to know other lands. Finally, he appealed to 
Captain Suffern. president of the Mercantile Marine Board, to persuade his 
father to let him go to sea. Captain Suffern spoke to the elder Bridges, told him 
that if he encouraged his son, the boy would certainly prove a success. 

Alfred Bridges would have preferred the boy to remain in ^lelbourne and 
enter the real-estate business. But, as he related many years later : 

"To test the boy's love of the sea I hatched a plot with an old Norwegian 
.^kipper who ran a ketch between Tasmania and Melbourne. The l^oat was very 
small, although seaworthy and making a stormy crossing in it was guaranteed 
to test the stoutest heart. During the passage with Alf aboard a storm arose. 
That was on the homeward trip, and the boat was blown more than 100 miles 
out of its course. Alf was delighted and refused to leave the deck. The skipper 
expected him to be washed overboard with every wave. 

"After that there was no stopping the boy from going to sea. Ho was in two 
shipwrecks, including the wreck of the Vol Marie oft the Ninety-Mile Beach. 
Alf went overboard with my mandolin and kept afloat on it until he was 
picked up." 

In 1920, Bridges shipped on the South Sea Island barkentine. Yxnhel. The 
ship headed out across the Pacific for San Francisco. On the way. Harry and" 
several other men objected to the captain's order that they work on Easter 
Monday, a regularly recognized holiday for Australian workers. Still angry 
when the Ysahcl docked in San FrancLsco, Harry Bridges left the ship and, after 
paying the required head tax of .$8. entered the United States. 

AYe see from the above that Bridges enters the T'nited States as a 
deserter from a ship on which he has ])een insubordinate and created 
discontent amongst the crew. Did he do this deliberately in order 
to attract the attention of radicals on the San Francisco waterfront? 

Immediately he looked for a job on an American vessel. For two years he 
sailed up and down the west coast, and to the Oulf. In 1021. his ship steamed 
into New Orleans, where a maritime strike was in progress. The next day 
Harry Bridges reported for picket duty: liy the end of the strike he was in 



1914 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

charge of a i^icket squad. "I was arrested once during that time," he said, 
deserihiug his introduction to police intimidation, "and hold overnight hut 
released without a court hearing: no charge was placed against me, my offense 
heing that of a striker on picket duty." 

Following the strike, he was employed as quartermaster on a Government 
ship chasing rum runners. When he received an honorable discharge, he de- 
cided that he had spent enough time knocking around from port to port. In 
October 1922 he started to work on the San Francisco water front as a 
lonushoremau. 

The workers along the Embarcadero. the wide half -moon of boulevard that 
bounds the expanse of concrete docks, found tlie young Australian engaging and 
witty. They joked about liis cockney twang and nicknamed him "Limo." Harry 
P>ridges. rangy and thin, with a long narrow head and black hair brushed in a 
pompadour, with a thin smile and sharp eyes under heavy lids, settled down to 
a dockworker's life. At first, he attempted single-handed to defy the company 
union that dominated the water front. 

The committee will note that as early as 1922 Harry Bridges had 
commenced to organize his group of "progressives." 

As the longshoremen hung about in the early morning fog, as they shivered 
in the rain and wind, or hiitered in tlie fresh sunshine, they talked and Harry 
Bridges listened to their complaints. He would nod his narrow head, a smile 
curving his thin lips. "Of course," he would snort. Workers on the water front 
learned to expect those two impatient words from Bridges, the cocksure "of 
course" that invariably greeted their grumbling and preceded the angry explana- 
tion of how they could combat the employers. "Organization * * *" went 
the refrain, "rank and file control * * * unity of action * * * union 
democracy * * * solidarity among all coast ports * * * among all 
unions * * *." 

This shows the committee that early in the "twenties" he was laying 
down the technique of industrial combat, using words and pln-ases that 
ha^-e been tlie stock words and phrases of Communist International 
throughout the world. We refer the committee to "Why Commun- 
ism" by M. J. Oglin, exhibit No. 4 of the basic brief. 

Twice Harry Bridges attempted to revive the I. L. A. on the water front. In 
1924 he and a few other militants organized a local, but it lasted only a few 
months and collapsed ignominiously when an organizer embezzled the union 
funds and disappeared. Again in 1926 Bridges and the small group around him 
tried to interest other workers in the I. L. A., but they turned away * * *^ 

Who were these militants ? They were none other than the Equality 
Hall group of Communists mentioned first on page 8 of the Maritime 
Brief. 

About this time the father and mother of Bridges caused a "Missing 
Seaman" notice to be published. We introduce a'photostatic copy of it 
herewith and request that it be marked "Exhibit No. 2." 

Tlie committee will note that Harry had as his companion an ex- 
convict named "Red." who was the proprietor of a lodging house on 
'Howard Street near Third in San Francisco. 

We continue to quote : 

He had married in 1925 and now had a family to support. 

Mr. NiM>ro. Mr. Chairman, may I relieve Mr. Knowles of the 
burden of reading this at this time? 

The Chairman. Yes. 

Mr. NiMMO. Taking up this brief from where he left off. 

At this time we refer tlie committee to the "first pa]:)ers" for citizen- 
ship hied at various times by Bridges, and request that they note 
the depositions on marital status. 



UN-AMKRICAX ritorAOAXDA AC'l 1\ I'llKS 1915 

"\^'e now oiler in ev'uU'nee excerpts from the sworn sialenient of 
ILirrv Bridges made before the Hanna Arbitration Board, and re- 
(jnest that the document be marked ''Exhibit No. 3." 

It will be noted thei'ein tliat from May 11. r>29. until 1932 no 
account is <;iven by Harry Bridi^es as to where he was. Neither is 
an account given by the Connnunists who wrote 'Olen AVho Lead 
Labor.'- 

That, by the way, is the book written by two Connnunists and 
to which we have referred in the maritime brief. 

Where was Harry Bridges ^ \ arious reports have been given, none 
of which we have been able to verify. One significant report was 
that he was in France assisting the Fi'cnch syndicalists. 

In order to maintain the chronological se(j[uen.ce, we now refer the 
connnittee to page 12 of the maritime brief where it was shown 
that Harry Bridges and another Comnumist, Harry Jackson, were 
responsible for the issuing of the Waterfront Worker, avowed Com- 
numist Party publication. 

AVe quote further : 

Often the Worker was hard to read because the ink blurred on the cheap 
paper; usually the drawings were crude. But the bulletin circulated rapidly 
up and down the Enibarcadero and longshoremen were impressed by the sound 
sen.se that tilled the four pages. Some of them recalled that the slogans stressed 
by the editors echoed the words that Bridges had so often repeated in, tlie 
saloons across from the docks, or while standing in tue shape-up line ; "rank 
and tile control," "unity of action,"' "union democracy.'" Longshoremen picked 
up these phrases, nnilled over them until they took on a sharp meaning. The 
waterfront hummed witli union talk. The Marine AVoikers Industrial Union, 
alhiiated with the Trade Union Unity League, lent powerful aid to the agita- 
tion for organization. Then in July 1933 the campaign to form a San Francisco 
local of the International Longshoremen's Association commenced. Within 
six weeks, the overwhelming majority of longshoremen had deserted the ''Blue 
Book" and signed with the union. I're>^i(lent Joseph P. Ryan from his New 
York office saw no reason to refuse the dues of several thousand recruits. He 
issued a charter and forgot the incident." 

The ^Marine Workers Industrial Union was iin affiliate of the 
Trade Union Unity League and the TUUL, was the league created 
by the Communist Party of the U. S. A. Section Communist Inter- 
national for the purpose of capturing the rrade-miion movement for 
party control. Wm. Z. Foster, former secretary of the Communist 
Party, has admitted this fact before a Senate committee. 

We shall now quote the Communist story in ftill as to the events 
leading up to the general strike : 

The Chairman. Right at that point, ma}' I interject this, that in 
tlie letter from Mrs. Perkins to me dated August 30, 1938, she 
stated : — and I am going to put in the record my letter to her and 
her reply — 

This Department has recommended that this decision (that is the Strccker 
case) be appealed to the Supreme Court since it was recognized at once, not 
only by the Commissioner of Immigration and Naturalization and the Solicitor 
of this Department but by officials of the Departmeiit of Jistice with wlumi they 
conferred, that unless this holding were reversed by the highest court tliat 
the charges brought against Bridges, even if proved, had no legal significance 
whatsoever. 

I now compare that statement of the Secretary of Labor with 
the statement of the Deputy Commissioner, T. B. Shoenuiker, in 



1916 UX-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

his memorandum dated April 12, 1938, found in the file, in which 
he said : 

If the Supreme Court should reverse the action of the appellate court the 
Goverumeut theu might not have to adduce testimony as it will now that the 
Communist Party of the U. S. A. is a subversive organization. 

Mr. NiMMO. That is a correct interpretation, without doubt — that 

last one. . <. i 

The Chairman. So that the interpretation of the attorney was snn- 
ply this, that if the Strecher case is reversed and if the Suprsme 
Court follows the Circuit Court of Appeals in the Ninth Circuit, all 
the previous decisions to the effect that membership in the party 
alone is sufficient to deport, then Ave will not have to introduce evi- 
dence of the subversive nature of the Communist Party. 

But here was the director, R. P. Bonham, who said to his own 
Department : "I have ample proof to show that the Communist Party 
preaches and advocates force and violence and," he says, "I have in- 
troduced that proof many times in similar cases on the west coast 
and it has always been held sufficient." 

So that the Secretary's statement to me directly conflicts with the 
statement contained here in the memorandum of Mr. Shoemaker. 

Mr. NiMMO. Not only conflicts, but the net result of that decision 
of llie Supreme Court of the United States would be this, that even 
tliou<ih the Supreme Court sustained the Circuit Court of Appeals, 
it would not affect the Bridges case for the reason that all the De- 
partment of Labor would have to do would be to proceed to prove 
that the Communist Party does advocate the use of force and violence 
and the overthrow of the Government, and that can be done very 
simply. 

The Chairman. It has been done. The file is full of proof of that 
character. And that is only one ground in the statute. 

Mr. NiMMO. That is right. 

The Chairman. They have charged him with violation of other 
acts which are grounds for deportation. 

Mr. Nimmo. That is correct. 

The Chairman. And the file contains proof along each line. 

Mr. NiMMO. Any one of which would be sufficient to sustain the 
order of deportation. And furthermore, in the back of this brief, 
which we will approach as we can get along, there are decisions of 
the various courts of the United States substantially to the effect that 
that is what the Communist Party does, and proof of membership 
is sufficient. 

However, I wanted to call the committee's attention to this long 
excerpt which comes on page 7 of the Bridges brief and which con- 
tinues on i)ages 8 and 9 and 10. It is a long excerpt and I do not 
believe the committee desires to listen to it at length, but I would 
like to call attention to this fact, that in the concluding paragraph 
on page 10 of that excerpt from "Men Who Lead Labor," written 
by two Communists, in their own book upon that subject, we find 
this significant statement: 

The Chairman. All of that excerpt will be made a part of the 
record; this whole brief on Bridges will be made a part of the 
record. 



UN-AMERICAN l'l!L»i'AGANDA ACTIVITIES 1917 

(The excerpt referred to is as follows:) 

Delegates from every West Coast local arrived in San Francisco for the 
1934 district convention of llie I. L. A. During tlie 14 years tliat the Blue 
Book had dominated the Embarcadero, the I. L. A. maintained locals in most 
of the other I'acilic ports, but lacking a strong union in the main shipping 
center of San Francisco, the I. L. A. in Portland, Tacoma, Seattle, and else- 
where had remained, almost of necessity, inactive. With Sa,n Francisco 
returned to the union domain, maritime workers looked hopefully to the 
convention to challenge the shipowners. True, they knew that the' I. L. A. 
officialdom was sti'cped in the Gompers tradition of compromise, and that the 
president, William J. Lewis (no relation to John L. Lewis), was both suspicious 
of the progressives and fearful that they would sweep him from ofiice. True, 
tliey knew that Joseph P. Ifyan, international president, supported Lewis and 
his clique. But the rank and tile trusted the young militants, headed by Harry 
Bridges, who had successfully revived the union in San Francisco. And though 
at the convention the old guard urged a "reasonable" attitude, the majority 
of delegates followed the militants in voting for immediate negotiations with 
the owners to achieve recognition by the union, higher wages than the pre- 
vailing weekly wage of $10, for a 30-hour week, and most important of all, a 
coast wide agreement. 

The employers jeered at the demands. No steamship company, they argued, 
would sign. Behind their obstinate refusal to consider a coastwide contract 
was the determination to prevent unity among longshoremen in different ports. 
Besides, the shipowners did not take the strike threats seriously. Even if the 
longshoremen walked off the docks, the shipowners expected to demolish the 
young San Franci-sco local as they had in 1919. Once San Francisco was out 
of the way. the I. L. A. would again be helpless. Nor were the shipowners 
without allies ; they counted on the Federal Government and the international 
president of the I. L. A. for help against the longshoremen. 

Joseph P. Ryan had studied William Hutcheson's methods and had proved 
an apt pupil. Like Hutcheson, Ryan had liis fingers in more than one pie : as 
president of the New York Central Trades and Labor Council, as president 
of the Joseph P. Ryan Association, he had influence wherever the power of 
ramany Hall extended. "I'm a machine man," he boasted, "and I head a 
machine." For 20 years he had dominated the east coast, and his business 
agents — "gorillas," the longshoremen called them — "dominated" the docks and 
succeeded, for the most part, in keeping them free from progressives. Ryan did 
not differ from most of the top officials of the A. F. of L. in his hate and fear 
of militants. When, therefore, the western shipowners informed Ryan that 
the rank and file along the Pacific was controlled by "reds" and when William 
J. Lewis confirmed this report, Ryan did not hesitate to cooperate with the 
employers. 

His collaboration wasn't enough. The rank and file countered the owners' 
refusal to discuss the union's demands by voting to strike on March 23. 1934. 
The workers pointed to the N. R. A., which promised them the right to 
organize into unions of their own choosing for purposes of collective bar- 
gaining. In desperation, the employers turned from Ryan to the Federal 
Government. The Regional Labor Board, in the person of George Creel, 
offered to mediate; the employers agreed, except that they refused to deal 
with the union or discuss the I. L. A. demands. As March 23 drew too close 
for comfort. Creel appealed to President Roosevelt, who requested the long- 
.shoremen to wait and in turn appointed his own mediation board. The owners 
smiled to themselves, knowing that nothing demoralized workers so success- 
fully as postpnnement and indecision. 

Negotiations dragged on. The shipowners flatly declared that they would 
never recognize the union or consider a coastwide contract. But they did 
persuade William J. Lewis, eager to prevent the strike, to endorse a mean- 
ingless agreement which despite its verbiage did not change conditions on 
the docks. The longshoremen balked and on May 9, 1934, walked off the 
docks. The strike was on. 

Immediately the strikers expanded their demands to include union control 
of hiring halis. in place of the .shape-up system, and institution of the closed 
shop on the waterfront. Calling on all other marine unions for su])port. and 
on the teamsters not to haul to and from the docks, the longshoremen 
stretched r^icket lines along every waterfront from Vancouver to San Diego. 



1918 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Immodiately the Marine Workers International Union struck in full support 
of the longslioreinen and helped to swell the picket lines. 

The pressing problem was to spread the strike. Harry Bridges and other 
rank and file leaders were determined not to repeat the mistakes of 1919. 
Though strongly opposed by Michael Case, for 40 years president of the 
teamsters, the longshoremen induced the teamsters to stay away from the 
docks for the duration of the strike. Engineers, cooks and stewards, mates, 
pilots, seamen filtered off the ships. Their officials harangued, threatened, 
promised them anything if they would only remain to work. But in a week 
Paul Scharrenberg, head of the Sailors' Union of the Pacific, wired William 
Green, lamenting that he could no longer restrain the membership and was 
forced in self-preservation to declare a sympathy strike. A week later the 
sailors presented their own demands to the employers. The experience of 
the Sailors' Union was repeated in the other marine unions whose membership 
joined the picket lines and presented demands to the shipowners. 

Shipping stopped. But the shipowners were still not overly disquieted. They 
could starve the men out and in the meantime they had their Government 
subsidies. These amounted in many cases to more than the companies expended 
in annual wages, subsistence, maintenance, and repair charge combined! In a 
report to President Roosevelt, Postmaster General Farley estimated that the 
subsidy cost the Government altogether $70,618,096.06. The salaries of corpora- 
tion ofl3cials, largely paid out of subsidies, reached staggering figures: Four 
stockholders of the Dollar Line received from 1923 to 1932 a total in salaries, 
profits, and bonuses of $14,690,528. So when the strike stopped shipping, the 
corporations anticipated no great loss— the Government paid the deficit. 'The 
corporations sat back and waited. 

To put the strike on a firm footing, the militants proposed that no union settle 
or arbitrate its demands until all other unions had received agreements satis- 
factory to their memberships. The u)iions agreed, and further pledged them- 
selves to hold out for a coastwide agreement. To coordinate their activities 
they set up a joint marine strike connnittee, composed of five delegates from 
each union elected hy and responsible to the rank and file, with Harry Bridges 
as chairman. For the first time in American labor historv, both licensed aiid 
unlicensed personnel cooperated on an erpial basis, breaking (U)wn craft jealousies 
which had riddled the marine industry. And for the first time in many years 
the rank and file fully controlled the conduct of a major strike. 

It was not all smooth sailing. The unions cooperated willingly enough but 
the employers too were mobilizing. Edward F. McGradv, Government "trouble 
shooter," arrived in the West, and set to work to break the strike He "-ot 
nowhere. "I've been able to crack other strikes," he complained, "but I can't 
crack this strike." At McGrady's suggestion, Angelo Rossi, mavor of San 
Francisco, summoned Joseph P. Ryan. But Ryan lacked authority In 1911 
when the Pacific Coast district had rejointed the I. L. A. from which it had 
previously seceded, the international granted the district complete autonomy 
and agreed that international oflScers should have no jurisdiction in Coast 
attairs unless their assistance was specifically requested. When he arrived 
111 San Francisco in May 1934, Ryan strutted and wheedled, bullied and agrued, 
and finally signed a secret pact with the employers ending the walkout 
Hu cheson had used the same trick many times. The newsTiapers rejoiced 
at the strikes termination. But when the longshoremen read the terms which 
tailed to provide any improvement in working conditions, and in addition 
violated the pledge entered into by all striking unions that anv se tlemeii 
must inc]ude_ every union involved, they repudiated Rvan and the agreeTei t 
The international president hurriedly left for the East-miserable ove the 
miscarriage of his most zealous strikebreaking i^^eiduie o^ei tne 

All hope of ending the walkout by bartering with corrupt union officials 
melted away. Nor had attempts to "buy" Bridges helped the employers^ raise' 
They turned to force and calumny. With H«arst leading, the press attacked 

Se nolice h^v^rrVr' ''^'r'."!^-""' '''"^^ demanded his an'est and depor ation 
The police hara.ssed the picket lines, jailed militants, slugged, beat, terrorized 

^iZTTTr^l -V""^ ?'''' '"^^^ "-^l^*^^- ^•^'^"^ «^^ flocks. ' More than ever 
they looked to Bridges for leadership. The "red" scare fell on deaf ears 
"I neither affirm nor deny that I am a Communist," Bridge? repHed to new': 
trissirif^he^MS:"*"^ '''' ''-'' ^'''''''' ^^"^^^ had^nothiig^;^l";Tth 
Yet Bridges did not hesitate to accept aid from the Communist Partv 
Two years later, John L. Lewis also learned to welcome all Support f'oJi 



UN-A]\IERI('AN I'UOPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1919 

workers rejjardloss of their politieal aniliations. To Harry Bridges, it was 
obvious that the Coiiniuinist I'arty wouhl not only coopernte wholeheartedly 
and effeetively with the maritime woikers. but could also liivc invahiable 
advice on the conthict and development of the strike. In addition, the rank 
and tile of the water-front unions found that the Communist workers were 
the most militant, the most self-sacriticinjj. and the most consistent elements 
in their ranks. The nuMiibership of th(> various unions adopted the Western 
Worker, oflicial party orj;an, as the ollicial newspaper of the strikers. 

Mr. NiMMO. That last goes right to the very root of cjiir conten- 
tion, that back of all this is the Comminiist Party, the Communist 
Party tactics, their ]iroorain, and their ideolooy. 

The Chairman. Yon, of coiuse, are a ])racticing attorney. The 
Circuit Court of Appeals of the Ninth District in which Harry 
Bridges resides has held many times that it is not necessary to prove 
membership in the Commtmist Party. Btit, as a matter of practice, 
the Immigration Service would inlrochice their stock proof, what 
they call stock proof, that the Communist Party advocates force 
and violence, and the courts in a long line of decisions have held 
that tliat jM-oof was sufficient to establisli the revolutionary charac- 
ter of the Comnumist Party. 

Mr. NiMMO. I think that is trtie. 

The Chairman. To meet the requirements of the statute. 

Mr. XiMMo. That is my understanding of it; yes. 

The Chairman. And 1 ask you again if this is not true, that the 
Supreme Court has held many times that in deportation cases, each 
case stands on its own merits? 

Mr. Xtmmo. That is correct. 

The Chairman. That the only two things you can prove to reverse 
a decision of a lower court or the order of the Secretary deporting 
an alien is that he did not have a fair trial, for one ; that is, one ground 
is the absence of a fair trial? 

^fr. NiMMo. And the other one is a complete showing of those ma- 
terial elements by some amount of testimony. 

The Chairman. They have got to have some testimony? 

Mr. XiMMO. Some testimony, yes. 

The Chairman. So that the decision in the New Orleans district 
was no precedent Avhatsoever — that is, the ninth district of the Cir- 
cuit Court of Appeals. Since the Supreme Court has held many 
times that each case stands on its own merits and is to be governed 
l)y the facts in that particular case, the New Orleans case had ab- 
solutely nothing in the world to do with the Bridges case. And it 
indicates that the New Orleans case was seized upon as a welcome 
oi)I)ortunity to suspend deportation proceedings against Harry 
Bridges? 

ISIr. NiMMO. That would be my conclusion, right to a "T." I can- 
not see any other interpretation you can put on it. because the 
Strecker case can have no influence in the long run, upon the Bridges 
case. 

The Chairman. In other words, in the case of Sagatwky v. Weedin, 
the court said : 

In order successfully to attack by .iudioial proceedings the conclusions and 
orders made upon such hearings (hearings of the innnigration officers) it must 
be shown that the proceedings were manifestly unfair, that the action of execu- 
tive officers were .such as to prevent a fair investigation or that there was a 
manifest abu.se of the discretion committed to them by the statute. 



94931— 38— vol. 3 14 



1920 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

So that there is very little ground for appeal from a deportation 
order ? 

Mr. NiMMO. Ordinarily so; yes, sir. It is one of those cases where 
there would be very little ground ; in fact, the ordinary attitude of 
any court is that it will not interfere with the discretion of the 
quasijudicial tribunal wliere there is some evidence on which to base 
the decision of that tribunal. 

The Chairmax. To show that the Department of Labor had ample 
testimony before it upon which to predicate proceedings in deporta- 
tion, and go through with it, I want to quote — without giving the 
names of the witnesses whose names appear in this file, who made 
dejiositions conducted by the Immigration Service — some excerpts, in 
order to show that independent of all that you have now presented 
here there was and is sufficient evidence in this file to justify the de- 
portation of Harry Bridges, not only on the one ground that he is a 
Communist and belongs to a revolutionary party, but upon the other 
grounds concerning which no statement has been made. This particu- 
lar witness, without naming him, testified that he had seen Harry 
Bridges pay an assessment of $2 to the Communist Party and that 
he saw him pay membership dues. 

This witness further testified that Bridges on one occasion made 
the statement when he saw United States battleships in the harbor 
that, "We will see the day when we can sink those damned things 
because they are the enemies of the workers." 

The witness further testified that, "On occasions, he, Bridges, 
stated that his workout squads in San Francisco take good care of all 
opponents of the labor movement of the Communist Party by having 
them beat up, destroying their homes, and other methods of driving 
fear into the weak workers of the water front." 

That comes in under the section of the statute dealing with sabo- 
tage, does it not? 

Mr. NiMMO. Correct. 

The Chairman. The witness was asked what the prime objective 
was of the Communist Party in the United States and he answered : 

To bring about a revolution which will change the form of government in the 
United States, make it the Soviet Union of the United States. 

There was testimony that they did not have in the Strecher case^ 
according to Judge Hutchison, testimony of the revolutionary char- 
acter of the Communist Party, is not that a fact ? 

Mr. NiMMO. That is absolutely true. 

The Chairman. He testified that the Communist Party believes in 
the abolishment of private ownership of all properties and methods 
of operating the Government and to establish in their place a Soviet 
government. 

Another witness testified that — 

Bridges has done more than any one person to split unity on the water 
front of the Pacific coast. He has said things which would lead to violent 
attacks of class against class. He has placed members of the Communist Party 
in control of strategic points in various west coast unions in the C. I. O. 

Another witness testified that he had accused the Communist Party 
of district 13 of holding secret meetings in various parts of San 
Francisco to which the various members of local 3879 — who were 
continuously trying their disruptive methods and otherwise to take 



rx-A:\ri:]urAN rnopAGAXDA activities 1921 

over the control, the policies, and varions activities of the local — 
-were attendino- these nieetin<;s of the executive board of district No. 
13, Coinmnnist Party. Tliis witness said that his accusations aroused 
the antipathy of Harry Bridaes. 

This witness testified that the interest and concern of Harry 
Bridges leaned toward the Communist movement rather than the 
men he was supposed to represent in the I. L. A. 

This witness said that he asked Bridges whether or not he would 
<ro against the wishes of the President of the United States and that 
Bridges said, "To hell Avith the President of the United States." 
And that Bridges further said that he had more power behind him 
than the Government of the United States and that before 3 years 
he would be in a position to prove his statement. 

I only read certain excerpts from the sworn testimony of witnesses 
M-hich the Department of Labor had before it when they suspended 
all deportation proceedings on account of a case wherein the court 
said : 

The reason that we reverse the case is because you did not prove sufficiently 
that this man either preached revolution or that he belonged to a party that 
preaclu'd revolution or that he preached sabotage or came within one of the 
grounds of the statute. 

So that considering that testimony, it supports R. F. Bonham's 
statement to the Department that he had sufficient evidence to comply 
with the StrecJier case. It not only supports that, but how can you 
interpret that, in ^he light of Secretary Perkins' letter to me in which 
she makes the statement that the Strecker case., unless it is reversed by 
the Su]")reme Court, will make utterly impossible the deportation of 
Harry Bridges? 

Mr. XiMMO. It cannot be reconciled. 

The CHAiRMAisr. I might say also that one of the answers that was 
given to my inquiry when, as chairman of this committee, seeking 
light. I wrote a courteous letter to the Secretary, who is a servant 
of the people, just like all of us, was this : 

Perhaps it is fortunate that Shirley Temple was born an American citizen 
and that we will not have to debate the issue raised by the preposterous reve- 
lations of your committee in regard to this innocent and likeable child. 

That was the type of letter that was sent me by a Cabinet officer 
in response to a courteous and sincere effort to find out what the facts 
were in this case. 

My letter of September 29, 1938, to the Secretary of Labor, and her 
reply of Se])tember 30, will be put in the record at this point. 

( The letters referred to are as follows :) 

August 29, 1938. 
Madam Frances Perkins, 

Secretary of Labor, Washington, D. C. 

Dear Madam Secretart : I have carefully considered the file on the Harry 
Bridges case which your Department turned over to us recently. 

I can find no justification for the action of the Department in suspending or 
postponing deportation proceedings against Harry Bridges. The memo submitted 
to you on April 1.5. 19.38, by .Tames L. Hnughtoling. Commissioner of Immigraticm, 
reconunends the p()srpf)ncmont of deportation proceedings against Harry I'ridges 
on tlie ground that the case of Streckrr v. Kc.ssJer would prevent the deportation 
of Harry Bridges if this decision is sustained by the Supreme Court. I cannot 
see how the Streckrr caac would have any bearins upon the Harry Bridges case 
since the facts in the two cases are dissimilar. In addition to this, the Strecker 



1922 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 



Cftsc was (lecidcd bv the Circuit Court of Appeals of the Fifth Circuit. Harry 
I',i-i(l«H>^ resides in 'the ninth circuit and the decisions of that circuit will un- 
nuesrionablv sustain deportation proceedings against Harry Bridges. In addi- 
tion to the "decisions of the ninth circuit, in which Harry Bridges resides, there 
are other decisions, including the Supreme Court case of Vajfaucr v. Coninus- 
sioricr (275 U. S. 103), which not only authorize but require the deportation of 

Harry Bridges. j- <>* , i- 7 • 

\s pri'viously stated it is mv opinion that the case of Strecker v. Kcssler is 
not applicable to the facts in the Bridges case. In the Strecker decision the court 
merely held that membership in the Communist Party of America, standing 
alone" is not sufficient to warrant deportation. The court said: "We agree with 
appellant however, that the purported finding that he believes in and teaches, 
and belongs to or did belong to, an organization which believes in and teaches 
the overthrow by force and violence of the Government of the United States is 
without anv support in the evidehce, is a mere fiating. The proceedings as a 
whole and the (piestioning and summary in psirticular, are dramatic illustrations 
of tyranny of labels over certain types of minds. The evidence and only evidence 
relied on "for the finding and order is that during the Presidential campaign of 
]1):?2 when Foster was running as a white and one Ford as a colored candidate 
for the Communist Party of America for President of the United States, appellant, 
in November 1932, became a member of the Communist Party and accepted cer- 
tain literature of the Communist Party for distribution. * * * He did not 
testify, nor did anyone else, that he believed in the overthrow by force and 
violence of the Government of the United States, neither did he, nor anyone 
else, testify that the organization he had belonged to, the Communist Party of 
America, taught, advocated, or incited such overthrow. None of the literature 
which he was supposed to have circulated in 1932 was introduced, but his book 
of membership in the Communist Party in the United States was. Not a word 
in this membership book advocated, incited, or even suggested that the Govern- 
ment of the United States should be overthrown by force or violence. * * * 
Tlie statute invoked does not forbid membership in the Communist or any other 
party, except one that teaches the overthrow by force and violence of the Govern- 
ment of the United States." 

Your file discloses a number of depositions of witnesses who testified that 
Harry Bridges was a member of the Communist Party. 

Yoiir file also discloses ample evidence that the Communist Party of the 
United States of America advocates and teaches the overthrow of the United 
States Government by force and violence. 

We have promised not to disclose the names of any of these witnesses but 
one witness testified under oath that the Communist Party of the United 
States did advocate and teach the overthrow of the United States Government 
by force and violence. This witness testified that he had seen Harry Bridges 
pay an assessment of $2 to the Communist Party and that he saw him pay 
membership dues. This witness further testified that Bridges on one occasion 
made the statement when he saw the United States battleships in the harbor 
that, "We will see a day when we can sink those damn things because they 
are the enemy of the workers." The witness further testified, "And on occa- 
sions he (Bridges) stated that his work-out squads in San Francisco take 
good care of all opponents of the labor movement of the Communist Party 
by having them beat up, destroying their homes and other methods of driving 
fear into the weak workers of the water front." The witness was asked what 
was the prime objective of the Communist Party in the United States and he 
answered. "To bring about a revolution which will change the form of govern- 
ment in the United States, make it the Soviet Union of the United States." 
He testified that the Communist Party believes in the abolishment of private 
ownership of all properties and methods of operating the Government and to 
estal)lish in their place a Soviet Government." 

Another witness testified that "Bridges has done more than any other person 
to split up unity on the water front of the Pacific coast. He has said things 
which would lead to violent attitudes of class against class. He has placed 
members of the Communist Party in control of strategic points in various west- 
coast unions and in the C. I. O." 

Another witness testified that he had accused the Communist Party of 
district 13 of holding secret meetings at various parts of San Francisco, at 
wliicli the various members of local No. 38-79, who were continuously trying 
their disruptive methods and otherwise to take over and control the policies 



UX-AMKUICAX I'HOl'AGANDA ACTIVITIES 1923 

nml various activities of the local, were attoiiding these meetings of the 
executive hoard of the district No. 18 Coiuinunist Party. 

This wilncss said that his accusations aroused the antipathy of Harry 
Bridges. This witness testilii'd tliat the interi'st and concern of Harry Hridjies 
leaned toward the Coninuniist movement rather than the men whom he was 
suintosed to represent in the I. L. A. This witness said that he asked Bridj^es 
wiicther or not he would jio asiainst the wishes of the President of the Uniled 
States and that Bridfjes said, "'to hell with the President of the United States," 
and that Brid.ucs further said that he had more powi'r behind him than the 
Government of the Iiuilcd States, and tluit before 3 years he would lie in a 
posit itm to prove his statements. 

1 could quote from the testimony of other witnesses to show that even tuider 
the Stn rkcr cit-<c there is ample evidence in your tile to warrant the deportation 
of Harry Bridges, but this is unnecessary and I do not want to reveal any more 
of the contents of your lile than is absolutely necessary to sustain our conten- 
tion that your action in postponing the deportation proceedings is without 
justilication. 

The statutes make mandatorily deportable "Aliens who believe in, advise, 
advocate, or teach, or who are members of or affiliated with any organization, as- 
sociatiou, society, or group that believes in, advises, advocates, or teaclies — 

"(1) The overthrow by force or violence of the Government of the United 
States or of all forms of law, or (2) the duty, necessity, or propriety of the un- 
lawful a.ssaulting or killing of any officer or otticers (either of specific individuals 
or of officers generally) of the Government of the United States or of any other 
organized government, because of his or tlieir otilcial character, or (3) the 
unlawful damage, injury, or destruction of property, or (4) sabotage." 

The statute likewise makes deportable aliens who advise opposition to or- 
ganized forms of government; overthrow by force or violence of the United States 
Government or all forms of law: unlawful assaulting or killing of Government 
officers, unlawful damage, etc., to property ; or sabotage. 

I cite you the case of ViJarino v. Gariti/, luniiu/nition Inspector, decided by 
the Circuit Court of Appeals for the Ninth District, which is the district in 
which Bridges resides. This decision may be found in 50 Federal (2d) 582. 

I also cite the case of Branch v. Cahill, 88 Federal (2d) 545, decided February 
23. 1937. by the Circuit Court of Appeals of the Ninth District. In this case the 
court held' that there was ample evidence to show that the appellant aa-jis affil- 
iated with the overthrow by force and violence of the Government of the 
United States. 

I also cite you the case of Kenmoisa v. Nagle, Immigration Commissioner, 44 
Federal (2d) 953, iu which the circuit court of appeals affirmed the deportation 
proceedings based upon the fact that the petitioner was present as a member 
of the Communist I'arty at a gathering or demonstration where various placards 
were carried and displayed by various per.sons attending the gathering. 

I also cite you to the Supreme Court decision of Vajtaiier v. Commissioner, 
273 U. S. 103,\lecided by the Supreme Court. 

Even if the Supreme Court should later sustain the holding in the Strecker 
case to the effect that membership in the Communist Party of America, stand- 
ing alone, is not sufficient to warrant deportation, this will not preclude the 
deportation of Harry Bridges, because you have additional evidence in the 
Bridges case which was not presented in the Strecker case to show that the 
Communist Party teaches the overthrow by force or violence of the Govern- 
ment of the United States. In this connection we wish to call to your atten- 
tion the letter of Mr. R. P. Bonham. dated May 11, 1938, to Commissioner 
Houghteling, in which he says: "The witnesses we had assend)led for the 
Bridges hearing had among them some former functionaries of the party who 
were well informed .ind who w<nUd have testified to the Communist Party of 
the United States of America, being the American section of the Comintern 
(Communist International) and to the definite conunitment to force and violence 
in bringing about the overthrow of our Government." 

Mr. Bonham also offered to supply you with literature of the Comnnmist 
Party advocating the overthrow of the Government of tlie United States by 
force and violence. In this connection he said to Conuiiissioner Houghteling, 
"I have always been able to introduce these books to prove the charge that the 
alien belonged to an organization that printed and published, etc., literature 
advocating the overthrow of the Government of the United States by force and 
violence. The courts have, without exception, dismissed writs challenging this 
procedure iu cases which I have conducted." 



1924 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

I wish to call your attention to the telegram, dated April 20, 1938, sent by 
Mr. Bonham, who is the district director of the Seattle district, to Commis- 
sioner Houghteling, which reads as follows : 

'■Radio news announces your continuance Bridges hearing until Supreme Court 
decides New Orleans case. Hope this is incorrect as difticult protect our wit- 
nesses indetinitely. I have examined the entire record, testimony, and court 
decision, said case. Service failed introduce adequate proof party teaches vio- 
lence. We have ample such evidence both in current official party documents 
and on part of witnesses. New Orleans case weak and devoid proper proof, 
therefore not hurtful or controlling our case. Hope same will not be regarded 
as precedent or of sufficient consequence to postpone pending case. Please wire 
instructions. 

"(Signed) Bonham." 

Commissioner Houghteling reprimanded ^Ir. Bonham for this telegram in a 
letter which he wrote him April 20, 193S. Among other things, Commissioner 
Houghteling said : 

"Let me say at this point that your ill-judged telegram just received appears 
to me to deserve prompt and unfavorable comment. When you were in Wash- 
ington I drew your attention, in the Fritchett case, to the bad judgment shown 
by local inspectors in trying to impose their own opinions as to the value of 
certain facts and testimony in problems being handled by the central office. 
You say in your telegram of this morning that you have made a thorough 
study of the Strecker case and believe the decision not hurtful in the present 
instance. In making this statement you oppose your judgment to that of the 
central office and of the Department of Justice, and that on the basis of nu 
imperfect knowledge of all the facts in both the Strecker case and the Bridrjes 
case. This arrogance of judgment and apparent zeal to put your superiors in 
the wrong is not the cooperation that I have a right to expect from you. 

"I also want to call your attention to the letter dated September 23," 1937, from 
R. P. Bonham to Edward J. Shoughnessy which contains the following 
paragraph : 

"I believe it proper that I acquaint the central office with the fact that 
when I interviewed Mr. Bridges some time ago on another matter he boasted that 
he had seen the central office file relating to himself, and also that "they" 
had an excellent "intelligence" organization of their own that kept them well 
informed of what was going on. Several of the witnesses in behalf of the 
Government are fearful of their lives, if ahead of the hearing the fact of their 
having testified becomes known to the alien or the Communists. Tliere will be 
no "leak" in this end and may I not in order that their lives may not be unduly 
endangered, adjure the central office and the Department to olise'rve the greatest 
precautions to safeguard inviolate this record.' " 

"(Signed) 'R. P. Bonham.'" 

"Deportation proceedings against Harry Bridges should be commenced with- 
out any further delay, not only because the statute and decisions require such 
proceedings but because delay may, if it has not alreadv done so, place the 
witnesses beyond the reach of the Government and make it impossible to make 
out a case. 

"The majority of the Committee on Un-American Activities and Propaganda 
have authorized me to write you in respect to these matters. 
"Sincerely yours, 

"Martin Dies, 
''Chairman, Special Committee on Un-American Activities." 
"Attest. "Robert Strh^ling, Secretary." 



Department of Labor, 

Office of the Secretary, 

„ ,, _ Washington, August 30, 1938. 

Hon. Martin Dies, 

House of Representatives, Washington, D. C. 
De.\r Congressman Dies: I noticed that the press todav published excerpts 
from a letter which it was stated you had addressed to me with respect to the 
file on the immigration and deportation case of Harry Bridges, which was sub- 
mitted to your committee at their request. Subsequentlv, the original of this 
letter wa." delivered to my office and I beg to acknowledge receipt of the same. 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1925 

In this letter you advised me that you coukl find no justification for the 
action of the Department in postponing deportation proceedings against Harry 
Bridges. You are so good as to favor me witli a rather long dissertation on 
the various cases decided l)y the courts under tlie immigration law as well as 
long quotations from the immigration law itself. Fortunately I am already 
fairly familiar with these cases and the law as it has been studied very care- 
fully both in this and in other cases involving deportation of aliens cliarged 
witii being members of an organization which advocates the overthrow of gov- 
ernment l>y force and violence (act of 11)18, as amended by the act of 1920). 

It was pointed out to you that the hearings on charges filed against Harry 
Bridges in this respect were postponed after the decision of the circuit court 
in the case of Sfrcckcr v. Kcs-'<lcr. You urge and recommend me to proceed 
with deportation hearings at once in spite of this important decision. As a 
member of Congress, of course, I have the greatest respect for you and for 
your views on any std)ject coming within your jurisdiction. I am .sure that 
you appreciate that the matter of method and of how and when to proceed is 
one that concerns the administrative branch of the government and that it is not 
usual for the legislative branch which has so many duties to attempt to usurp 
the functions and duties of the administrative branch. 

I cannot accept your analysis and evaluation of the evidence in the case and 
the bearing of the court decisions upon it as it appears to me to have been 
made without suthcient knowledge of the law and of the very varied line of 
decisions which the courts have handed down in this class of cases. You are 
incorrect in saying that the facts in the two cases are dissimilar. As a matter 
of fact they are identical except for the fact that Strecker admitted that he 
was a Communist and that he distributed Communist literature whereas Bridges 
has not so admitted. In other words, the case in regard to Strecker is much 
stronger. You are also incorrect in your understanding of the Vajtauer case 
{Yajtduer v. Commissiorn^r of Imniif/ration. 273 U. S. 103) which, on your 
interpretation, "requires" the deportation of Harry Bridges. Since receiving 
your letter I have reread the decision of the Supreme Court case cited by you 
{Vajtauer v. Commissioner of Immigration {supra), to ascertain the basis for 
your assertion that this case "requires the deportation of Harry Bridges." I 
found that the case, the facts in which bear only the remotest resemblance to 
the Bridges charges, contained a holding directly contrary to your contention. 
The Court, far from saying that deportation in that case was required, stated 
that "a want of due process is not established by showing merely that the 
decision (of the Secretary of Labor) is erroneous * * * or that incom- 
petent evidence was received and considered * * * it is suthcient that there 
was some evidence from which the conclusion of the administrative tribunal 
could be deduced and that it committed no error so flagrant as to convince a 
court of the essential imfairness of the trial." 

As you are undoubtedly aw^are (although your letter does not mention it), 
the Department long prior to your investigation had issued a warrant in the 
Ilridfjes case on the basis of the affidavits submitted to the Immigration and 
Naturalization Service and had set down the matter for hearing. Prior to 
the date of this hearing the Circuit Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit 
in a case entitled Strecker v. Kessler rentlered a decision holding that mem- 
bership in the Communist Party is not a ground for deportation. This 
Department has recommended that this decision be appealed to the Supreme 
Court .since it was recognized at once, not only the Commissioner of Immigra- 
tion and Naturalization and the Solicitor of this Department but by oflicials of 
the Department of Justice with whom they conferred, that unless this holding 
were reversed by the highest court that the charges brought against Bridges, 
even if proved, had no legal significance whatsoever. Accordingly, in keeping 
with the usual governmental legal practice of avoiding unnecessary expense 
and multiple litigation in the lower courts, when a test case is pending in 
the higher courts, action in pending cases, including the Bridges ease among 
others, based solely on membership in the Communist Party, was su.spended 
xmtil the Supreme Court had passed on this question. The warrants in this 
class of cases have not been canceled. 

Summarized briefly, your advice seems to be that I should have ignored 
the most recent holding of the courts, overruled the legal adviscr.s provided 
me by law, and have ordered the Seri-ice to proceed with the liridges ease 
in the face of my knowledge that even if the evidence at the hearing should 
sustain the charges, deportation itself could not be effected until the conflici 



1926 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 



of decisions among the circuit courts had been ultimately resolved by the 

hiirhest tribunal. , ^, ^ ^, -,  •  ^i 

You have also cited a number of decisions to show that the decision m the 
Sirccker case is not in harmony with earlier decisions rendered by some other 
Federal courts The Department was fully aware of this as the file itself 
shows that the only ground for asking for certiorari was because of a conflict 
anion"- the circuit courts of appeal. You make no mention in your letter of the 
le-il memorandum prepared in the solicitor's office which was in the file sent 
vou for inspection at your request and which recites all the facts and law. 
' The function of the United States Government in enforcing the immigration 
law is a quasi judicial process of administrative law. It is therefore of utmost 
importance that in the carrying out of this process there .should be absolute 
adherence to the Constitution, to the rights of individuals, and a punctilious 
regard for all those safeguards of procedure which long experience has taught 
us preserve for men their liberty, their freedom, and their opportunity to enjoy 
and profit by a democracy. The fact that Communists are unpopular, and I 
agree in this, does not justify us in placing within that category every other 
unpopular person, nor in deporting them without a scrupulous regard for the 
due process of law, the clear and certain ruling of the courts and the facts in 

the case. 

Perhaps it is fortunate that Shirley Temple was born an American citizen 
and that we will not have to debate the issue raised by the preposterous 
revelations of your committee in regard to this innocent and likeable child. 
I cannot agree that I should have disregarded the recommendations of the 
administrative and legal offices of this Department and of the Department of 
Justice in this case. 

Very truly yours, 

Frances V. Perkins. 

Please proceed. 

Mr. NiMMo. We request the committee to consider that only through 
Harry Bridges could the Communist Party influence the tactics of 
the strike. 

On pages 186 and 187 we find the story of defiance to public 
authority; we quote: 

On ,Tuly 5, "Bloody Thursday," the police charged the workers' lines, gassed 
pickets, shot into the ranks of unarmed men. Over 100 fell wounded, two men 
lay dead. That same evening the National Guard marched into San Francisco 
and Governor IMerriam — whose campaign chest was immediately enriched by 
a $.30,000 "voluntary" contribution from the shipowners — declared martial law 
along the Embarcadero. 

The CriAiR:MAisr. If I may interrupt you again to interpolate for 
the purpose of the record a statement by Gerard D. Eeilly. solicitor 
of the Department of Labor, in his memorandum on the Bridges case 
and the JStrecker case, as follows : 

As a matter of fact, the affidavits on which the warrant is based do not 
show that Bridges personally at any time advocated any doctrines proscribed 
by the statutes, so that the sole ground alleged is that based on membership 
in tbe Comnmnist Party. 

Please proceed. 

Mr. NiMMO (continuing) : 

The two murdered strikers, one of them a Communist, lay in state in the 
I. L. A. hall 1 block from the waterfront. For 72 hours, a double line of 
workers shuffled past the biers. On the fourth day following the killings, 
with troops patrolling the docks, the workers of San Francisco and their 
sympathizers gathered to bury the dead. Bareheaded, jamming the street for 
5 blocks, they listened to the funeral oration thunder from the amplifiers above 
the doorway of the union hall. "You have been killed because of your activity 
in the labor movement. Your death will guide us to our final victory. Your 
killing has been in.spired by the industrial association and the chamber of 
commerce. But organized labor will answer that deed many-fold throughout 
the land." The two coffins were carried to the street, placed reverently on the 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1927 

waiting trucks. As they moved sloxA'ly into Market Street, the procession of 
workers fornu'd — 40.(XlO tense, silent, bitter men. women, and cliildren. 

Chief of Police Quinn had "forbidden"' the funeral. But when the ominously 
quiet tide of marchers flowed into the streets behind the trucks and muffled 
drums, the police disappeared. All that long July afternoon the cortege 
tramped through the city, through walls of hushed spectators massed on the 
sidewalks. 

Almost every Bay Region local demanded a general strike in protest against 
the industrial association's killings and against the militia on the waterfront. 
Labor council officials, when they could no longer resist the demand for a gen- 
eral strike, decided to head the movement. On July 16. all industry (except 
for gas and electricity, telephone, water, and the press) ceased. San Fran- 
cisco was gripped b.v the first genera] strike in America in 15 years, the second 
in the history of American unionism. 

As I say. Mr. Chairman, the great significance of this is that 
this story is written by two Communists. It is written from a 
Connnunist angle and viewpoint. It is describing an incident in 
which this man Harry Bridges was the main factor, the leader. 

The Chairman. Some of the testimonv from which I am reading: 
excerpts was given by self-admitted Communists, 

Mr. NiMMO. Yes ; there is no doubt about that. I do not think there 
is any doubt, while he said Bridges had never definitely admitted 
his membership in the party — he may have on one occasion, never- 
theless, he never denies his membership in the party. 

The Chairman. I ^vant to make it clear that a man can be deported 
under this statute who is not a member of the Communist Party. 

Mr, NiMMO. He does not need to be a Commimist ? 

The Chairman, That is another misunderstanding that has gone 
out over the country, that you have got to prove that a man is a 
member of the Communist Partv. But there are four grounds under 
the statute which may be used. If a man advocates sabotage, the 
destruction of property, or has engaged in it and is an alien, he is 
deportable under the laws of this Government. 

Mr. XiMMO, There can be no question about that, and there can 
be no question about the fact that he can be deported upon several 
different grounds. And furthermore, that the reason for delaying 
the deportation hearings could not have been anything but a subter- 
fuge. 

The CHAiR:NrAN. "Would the fact that there are other cases just like 
that rouse a certain amount of inquiry in a man's mind? For 
instance. Joseph Kowalski, in Detroit, also identified in labor move- 
ments, is the same sort of a case. He was deported to Russia, came 
back to the United States, was arrested many times, and is still in 
the United States. 

Mr. NiMMO. There are probably many others? 

The Chairman. There is no "probably" about it. We have the 
i-ecord of seven or eight in the same category. 

What is the probability that when this thing is all over — of course, 
according to the Secretary of Labor, if the Rtrecher case is affirmed, 
that is the end of the Bridges case. That is the only interpretation 
you can reach from reading her letter. But assuming that the 
^irecJ^er case is reversed, what assurance will there be that these 
witnesses whose depositions they have here will ever show up? In 
other words, Mr. Bonhan. in his telegram, warned the Department 
that if this case is continued, there was danger of the witnesses 



1928 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

being dispersed. Mr. Shoemaker, in the letter that appears in the 
memorandum dated April 12, 1938, says : 

We should not lose sight of the fact that in delaying the hearings of Harry 
Bridges, we may not later be able to secure all the witnesses whose testimony 
has been given in the preliminary 

And I call your attention to the fact that that paragraph is 
penciled : it is the original letter, signed by Shoemaker, with a pencil 
mark going in that direction on it [exhibiting letter]. So that the 
delay which has already been occasioned may mean victory for 
Harry Bridges; because if it is true that the names of these witnesses 
have leaked'' out, or if Bridges has sources of information which 
will enable him to know who the witnesses are, and if Markham 
has been subjected to intimidation— if all that be true, then regard- 
less which way the Strecher cam may go, there is a danger that 
Mr. Bridges will never be deported. 

Mr. NiMMO. I think there is a very serious danger of that, anyway, 
Mr. Chairman. 

To continue: We refer the committee to pages 37 to 40 of the 
maritime brief for further exposition of the general strike phase. 

On page 191 we find : 

At all times Bridges promoted consolidation. Unity, he contended, which 
had won the 1934 strike, could be preserved only by assuring future coopera- 
tion among maritime workers. In 1935, he urged the formation of the Maritime 
Federation of the Pacific, with which all marine and water-front unions would 
affiliate and which would coordinate the activities of all members. Accord- 
ingly, seven marine unions voted to set up the Maritime Federation, pledged 
to carry forward the campaign to organize the unorganized which John L. 
Lewis had advocated at the 1934 American Federation of Labor convention. 

The formation of the semiindustrial Maritime Federation impressed non-water- 
front workers with the success of union democracy. Harry Bridges explained 
what this democracy meant to him as a union officer: "I speak for the men," 
he made clear, "I act and talk as they want me to." His task as he saw it 
was "to keep as close contact as possible with the rank and file membership, 
not to let my new position isolate me from the men." The need to refiect the 
thoughts and desires of the International Longshoremen's Association member- 
ship was the core of Bridges' trade-union philosophy. No phrasemaker, never 
a spellbinder, he approached the workers \vith a cold logic, both simple and 
straightforward. He paced the platform at union mass meetings, punctuating 
patient explanations with an odd little hop at the end of his sentences. He 
had no desire to stampede his listeners with dramatics. A quick negotiator, 
sui*e of mass support since final authority rested with the membership. Bridges 
maintained a detached calm even under attack, and a self assurance that 
maddened the employers. 

If Harry Bridges had been satisfied only to talk democracy and had done no 
more about it, the American Federation of Labor officials would not have been 
disturbed. But like John L. Lewis, who insisted on more than lip service to 
his demand for industrial unionism, Bridges carried out the methods he ad- 
vised. "A lot of fellows," he commented, "want to get up and express them- 
selves. It has been a terrific job to get the fioor for them. Our rule is that 
they shall have their say * * *" Talk, however, was not sufficient. 
"* * * if they tear down, they must offer a substitute * * *_ j believe in 
free expression and explaining every policy." 

On pages 194 and 195 we find : 

'With the docks solidly organized, with not a single member of the San Fran- 
cisco International Longshoremen's Association local on relief in the fall of 
1935, with unemployment practically abolished on the Pacific water fronts, the 
rank and file demanded the spread of unionization to all categories of workers. 
Early in 1936, the maritime unions' "march inland" commenced in earnest. 
The slogan of the Maritime Federation, "An injury to one is an injury to all !" 



j UN-AMKHIOAX PU( H'AOANDA ACTIVITIES 1929 

i _ was not merely an insistence on solidarity amon^ affiliated 

unions; it was likewise an acknowledoinont that an advance achieved 
by one sector of the working- class could be preserved only if all 
otlier sectors were oriianized. 

The Chairman. In that coiniection, may I interject something in 
connection with a statement by Miss Perkins to me — an emi)hatic 
statement — that this decision in the Strecker case would prevent the 
dejiortation of Harry Brido;es. Here is a letter dated April 15, 1938, 
addressed to Hon. Pxlward W. Cahill, District Commissioner of Im- 
niiaration and Naturalization Service, San Francisco, Calif. Mv. 
Houiihtelino-, by the way, has charoe of this matter as Connnissioner 
of Immi<;ration and Naturalization. He has char<Te of the whole 
thincr, but, of course, her decision can reverse his. Referring to the 
Strecker case he savs: 

This decision is directly contradictory of nnmerons othor decisions, but as it 
stands is somewhat prejudicial to our case for the deportation of Bridges by 
mere membership in the Communist Party. 

There is a big difference betAveen a case being prejudicial and a 
case that would apparently pre^'ent deportation. I want to call 
attention to the further fact that they still insist that is the only 
ground for deportation — that is, membership in the Communist 
Party; whereas, as I have shown from reading of the files, he was 
charged with all the gu)unds under the statute. There was evidence 
of other grounds, as well as membership in the Communist Party. 

Mr. NiiMMO. And there is apparently ample evidence to sustain 
any one of those charges, any one of which would be a ground for 
deportation. Reading further from the brief — 

The longshoremen led the way. Warehouse workers had been placed under 
the International Longshoremen's Association jurisdiction in 1917, yet at the 
conclusion of the 1934 strike, the "Warehousemen's Union had recruited at most 
300 members. The International Longshoremen's Association set out to bring 
the warehousemen into the union. By the end of 1936, 4,500 workers had been 
enrolled, and had obtained a closed-shop agreement, substantial wage increases, 
40-hour week, and f)tlier major concessions. With the encouragement of the 
International Longshoremen's Association, the union organized in San Francisco 
all wholesale coffee houses, wholesale grocery, hardware, drug, hay, fuel, and 
feed firms, as well as cold-storage plants and the general warehouses. Barge- 
men and workers in sugar refineries received aid from the longshoremen in 
unionizing their industries. 

Inspired by the solidarity on the water front, bakery-wagon drivers in various 
parts of California unified their locals. The retail clerks, affected by the up- 
surge of militancy in other unions, invaded department and chain stores. Strik- 
ing lettuce pickers in Salinas, 100 miles south of San Francisco, turned to the 
International Longshoremen's Association for financial aid when vigilantes at- 
tempted to forcibly break their union. Unemployed organizations received 
longshoremen's backing in their opposition to curtailment of relief and the 
lowering of relief standards and wages. In the Northwest, lumber workers 
set up an alliance similar to the Maritime Federation and pledged to cooperate 
with the water-front unions. Industrial workers rallied to the support of the 
Newspaper Guild in Seattle, with the result that the success of the Post- 
Intelligencer strike caused every major newspaper in the Bay region to enter 
into agreements with the newswriters. Even Los Angeles, stronghold of the 
open shop on the Pacific coast, was invaded by the unions with increasing 
success. 

And on page 195 : 

Harry Bridges, elected president of the west coast district of the Inter- 
national Longshoremen's Association in the .summer of 1930, was also anxious 
to enlist agricultural workers into powerful unions. 



1930 UN-AMEKICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

And— 

"Of course, we favor industrial unionism. We are strongly opposed to split- 
ting the labor movement. But as yet possibilities of industrial unionism on 
the west coast are hard to predict. The first job here is to organize the un- 
organized on an industrial basis * * * the real drive, of course, must 
start in the mass industries— in steel, auto, rubber. On the waterfront here 
our organization is not dissimilar to the industrial setup." 

He was at that time connected with the Maritime unions, and this 
developed, from Communist sources, his intention to start a march to 
take over other lines of industrial organization. 

The committee will note that the above, stated by Communists 
themselves, is substantiation of charge 12, namely that Harry Bridges 
advocates and carries out the policies of the Communist Party. This 
is further substantiated by the evidence given in connection with the 
maritime brief. (See pp. 104 to 108.) 

In June, 1937 we find : 

When it became obvious that the executive council had no interest in unity, 
Harry Bridges took the leadership of the progressives who advocated that the 
maritime luiions join the C. I. O. 

And— 

Long before John L. Lewis began to concede the importance of labor's inde- 
pendent action, Harry Bridges advocated labor's political as well as economic 
organization. Class antagonisms, he knew, could not be eliminated by denying 
their existence. When labor learned to acknowledge the fundamental opposi- 
tion between workers and owners, it would then organize realistically to keep 
and extend democracy, civil rights, free speech. Logically, therefore, labor 
must enter politics with its own program, fostered by its own political party. 

"I am in favor of a Farmer-Labor Party composed of workers, farmers, small 
tradesman, and profe.ssional people," Bridges declared. "The workers must 
have a Farmer-Labor Party to maintain their economic position, to protect the 
6-hour day, tlie 30-hour week, maintain a decent wage scale, keep down prices 
and otherwise insure a standard of living of health and decency." As a step 
toward this end. Bridges endorsed the San Francisco Labor Party's mayoralty 
campaign in 19.35, and a year later backed the program of the progressive com- 
monwealth Federation of the Northwest. By 1937, Bridges felt that world 
events had moved so rapidly that he concluded: "The Farmer-Labor Party is 
necessary to make democracy work and to prevent the rise of fascism." 

It was clear to Bridges that friction between Negro and white, foreign-born 
and native workers weakened the cause of labor. Discrimination, he told the 
rank and file, must go. Only by ever widening the base of the labor move- 
ment could solidarity, already partially achieved, be reinforced. 

After all, he pointed out, the slogan "An injury to one is an injury to all," 
implied a unity attainable only after the misconceptions of Gomperism have 
been repudiated. Workers must learn that no matter where labor suffered 
defeat, whether in Germany or Italy, whether in Alabama or Colorado, the 
reversal menaced the labor movement everywhere. Fascism meant the end 
of unions. Fascism meant war, and war bore most heavily on workers, farm- 
ers, and their allies. Thus Harry Bridges, who had seen the employers resort 
to Fascist methods in San Francisco, frankly admitted, "I have tried during 
the term of my office to have * * * the I. L. A. adopt such policies as 
will defend the democracy of the world, and oppose the Fascist nations." 
When a German ship sailed into San Francisco flying the Swastika, the long- 
shoremen refused to unload the cargo until the Nazi flag was hauled down. 
Again, during the Italian invasion of Ethiopia, dock workers refused to load 
war materials on an Italian freighter. While, according to Bridges, "The iniion 
was finally forced by the .shipowners, with whom the union had a contract, to 
load this ship * * * our organization intends, in the future, to prevent all 
war supplies from being shipped to Fascist nations for war on defenseless or 
democratic people." 



rX-AMERIfAN I'ROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES ^93]^ 

"We note here that as soon as Harry Bridges advocates the move 
into the C. I. O. the book immediately <>ives credit to Bridges, rather 
than to John L. Lewis, for the formation of the political and econ- 
omic structure of the C. I. O. There is oidy one logical inference to 
such a misstatement. Lewis is not a Conununist; therefore, Bridges 
nuist be pushed ahead of him. 

Xote also that Bridges advocates: (a) A Farmer-Labor Party; 
{!)) Negro e(|uality; (c) attack on a neutral country's flag. 

Xow a new figure enters on the scene in the person of Lundeberg. 
■\Ve aio shown how Bridges attempted to gain control of the Sailors' 
Union of the Pacific ancl are told: 

I'.ridgos s(n-ionsly missjndgod Lniuleborg, who pi'oved vain and inordinately 
jealons ot tlie respect and antliority won by Bridges and the militants. 

Lnndel)erg more and more fell under the intluence of a group who were 
the loaders of a small but exceedingly vociferous and unscrupulous band of 
Trotzkyists. 

The committee must note the last closely. Who else but members 
of Communist International would hurl the epithet, "Trotzkyist"? 

This completes the historj' of Bridges as given by the Communist 
Party. 

As Ave have seen from other evidence, the technique of the Com- 
munist International is to agitate, infiltrate, propagandize, and form 
nuclei of militants in order to assume leadership through minority 
control. 

Through evidence already given we are aware that the Seventh 
Congress of Communist International "changed'' the tactical approach 
of the Conununist Party and "ordered" the Communist Party U. S. A. 
section : 

First, to infiltrate the American Federation of Labor. 

Second, to increase agitation for Negro equality. 

Third, to see that a Farmer-Labor Party was created under its 
control. 

Fourth, to assume command, if. possible, of transportation and agri- 
culture. 

Fifth, to continue its fight against the Trotzkyists. 

Sixth, to effectuate a united or people's front. 

There is an undeniable parallel between the Communist Interna- 
tional instructions to the Communist Party in the United States and 
the work that Bridges is declared in this book to have done between 
the time of his arrival ancl the present date. 

Let us re-examine the picture. Bridges, in order to be recoguized 
as a militant, contests the authority of the master of the ship on which 
he arrives in an American port. He leaves that ship and enters im- 
mediately into labor conflict. Having set himself apart by this act, 
he starts to preach Conmiunist doctrines, urging the working class 
and particularly the longshoremen to revolt. Those whom he gathers 
about him are either already members of the Comnumist Party or soon 
become so. From the time that he forms this group of militants, with 
the exception of a few deserters, this same group of militants remains 
with him as the leadership of the Maritime Federation unions of the 
Pacific coast. That he used the Communist Party and its tactics is 
denied neither by the Communist Party nor himself. 

We point to the effectual development and actual accomplishment 
of the general strike in San Francisco under tactics indicated bv the 



1932 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

thirteenth plenum of the executive committee of Communist Interna- 
tional at Moscow, U. S. S. R. 

Nothing can be more important than the statement in this book that 
Bridges, rather than John L. Lewis, advocated labor's political as 
well as economic organization. 

We find also that Bridges goes beyond the role of a leader of the 
longshoremen of the Pacific coast, and clearly emphasizes, without 
further reason, except that it was the order of the Communist Inter- 
national, the need for Negro equality, organization in agriculture, the 
development of a Farmer-Labor Party, an attack upon Trotskyists, 
and the development of a United Peoples Front. 

The Communists have presented here a clear picture of Harry 
Bridges as affiliated and working with an organization which has for 
its avowed purpose the overthrow of the United States Government by 
force and violence. However, they make the mistake of not only 
showing his affiliation, but also his agitating and leading a force of 
workers in a general strike, which none other than the Premier of 
Great Britain declares to be "revolution in the form of force and 
violence against organized government." 

The Chairman. I want to read a letter into the record at this point, 
dated February 8, 1938, addressed to Mr. H. R. Bridges, West Coast 
Regional Director, Committee for Industrial Organization, 593 Market 
Street, San Francisco, Calif. : 

Dear Mr. Bridges: I have your letter of February 3, 193S, stating that you 
have been informed that the Immigration and Naturalization Service of the 
Department of Labor has under consideration the holding of a hearing to 
determine whether or not you should be deported, and requesting that if it is 
decided that a hearing is to be held you will be furnished with a detailed state- 
ment or a bill of particulars of the charges made against you. 

Your information that the Department is investigating charges which have 
been filed with the Immigration and Naturalization Service with regard to your 
status is correct. In accordance with well-established administrative procedure 
of the Department, however, no deportation order will be issued until you are 
given an opportunity to be heard on these charges. Under the administrative 
practice, the process which is served in advance of the hearing contains in some 
details the specific charges upon which the proceedings are predicated, so that 
no person need have any feai if being brought into a formal hearing without 
having been apprised of the nature of the charges. 

With reference to your statement tliat the demand for hearings was based 
on trumped-up charges, and evidence obtained through pressure and payment, 
I can only say that if this is true, you will be given ample opportunity to' bring 
this out at a hearing before the Department takes any final action. Should 
the Department proceed with hearings, it does not mean that it has adoped the 
view that the evidence which the complaining witnesses are submitting is nec- 
essarily trustworthy. Under the regulations of the Department, the Secretary 
of Labor makes no findings or expresses no opinion on the deportabilitv of 
anyone until the transcript of testimony taken at the hearing is submitted to 
Washington by the examining Inspectors. 

That is signed by the Secretary. 

The letter was written before the StrecJcer case decision, and there 
seemed to be some doubt, even before the Strecker caj^e decision was 
handed down, Avliether, or not, they would proceed with the hearings, 
because the letter states — 

Should the Department proceed with hearings, it does not mean that it has 
adopted the view that the evidence which the complaining witnesses are sub- 
mitting is necessarily trustworthy. 

You may proceed. 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1933 

Mr. NniMO. "We supplenK'iit the history us <i;iveii hereabove by the 
following: 

During tlie 1934 general strike Bridges' family was carried on an 
S. E. K. A. relief rolls, the family residing at 'that date at 32491/2 
Harrison Street, San Francisco, Calif. 

In October 1934, he was elected president of the American Federa- 
tion of Labor trade union committee, which was a Connnunist organ- 
ization masquerading as an affiliate of the American Federation of 
Lal)or. 

December 21, 1934 : He spoke at a meeting of the Workmen's Educa- 
tional Association, a recognized Connnunist bod}', at 141 Albion 
Street, San Francisco, namely, the E(]uality Hall, in support of the 
appeal of the Criminal Syndicalism Act. 

Bridges was one of the sponsors of the National Unemploj'ment 
Congress which took place in Washington, D. C, January 5, 6, and 7, 
1935. 

January 17, 1935 : He was nominated for the presidency of the San 
Francisco Labor Council, but in a vote which took place on January 
26. he Avas defeated bv E. Vandelenr, 271 to 60. 

February 1, 1935 : L'nited States representative Hamilton Fish re- 
quested the Secretary of Labor, Miss Perkins, to have the Immigra- 
tion and Naturalization Service take steps to deport Bridges because 
of his known affiliation with the Communist Party. 

Between February 1 and May 26, 1935, he was active in directing 
the strikes of the employees of the California and Hawaiian Sugar 
Refining Corporation at Crockett, and was endorsed by the Taxi 
Worker, the Car Worker, and other Communist publications. He 
was also reported a member of the National Advisory Board of the 
Communist Party, U. S. A. 

April 27, 1935 : He was elected member of the presiding committee 
of the Congress of the American League Against War and Fascism, 
held at the Building Trades Temple, San Francisco. 

July 5, 1935 : He spoke at the "bloody Thursday" meeting at Dream- 
land Auditorium and said : 

When it comes to a question of violation of agreements witli employers or 
unity of labor, the agreements must take second place. 

July 18, 1934: The San Francisco police, on information concern- 
ing Bridges' Communist affiliation, raided the premises at 65 Jackson 
Street and seized several letters and telegrams, which are now being 
held by the said San Francisco police in the Hall of Justice in the 
city of San Francisco. 

August 11, 1935 : Bridges addressed a meeting of the maritime 
federation at Dreamland Auditorium, San Francisco, and he asked 
the question, "Mr. Bridges, are you a Connnunist?" He replied, 
"That's one question I always refuse to answer." 

August 21, 1935, at a public address Bridges remarked, "I would 
be surprised if a general strike did not take place soon." 

At a meeting on September 10. 1935, of the Friends of the Soviet 
L'nion, held under the auspices of the American Radio and Telegra- 
phers' Association in the city of San Francisco, Bridges said : 

I have real visions of the Labor Party movement in this country. We want 
to recruit as many voters as po.ssible so that they can be used as a shield in 
the Cuming struggle. 



1934 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

September 22, 1935: At the Civic Auditoriiim, San Francisco, 
Bridges addressed the United Labor Party, at which time Ben Legere 
announced him as the "Symbolization of the Labor Party movement 
in San Francisco." 

September 19, 1935 : Bridges was elected delegate to San Francisco 
Labor Council from Local I. L. A. 38-79. 

October 13, 1935 : Bridges spoke at 68 Haight Street, San Francisco, 
at a meeting held by the International Workers' Order, a Communist 
organization. 

He was a member of the arrangements committee for a banquet 
given for the general district organizer of the Communist Party, 
Will iam Schneiderman. 

October 30, 1935 : Bridges spoke at the election rally of the United 
Labor Party at Dreamland Auditorium, announcing the plans of 
that party. 

January 24, 1936: The San Francisco Call-Bulletin quoted from 
Bridges' letter to President Roosevelt as follows : 

Unless the Government intervenes there will be watched on the Pacific coast 
a struggle which will inevitably achieve the proportions of a civil vs'ar. 

February 16, 1936: Bridges was chairman of a meeting in the 
Dreandand Auditorium, San Francisco, under the auspices of the 
Modesto Defense Committee. 

This was a committee organized to provide defense for the men 
indicted at Modesto for attempting to dynamite a Standard Oil 
plant. 

The Chaibman. At this point, let me read into the record a letter 
in response to a request by Mr. Bonham that United States marshal 
be assigned to the hearings. This was the time that Mr. Bonham 
was getting ready and hoping thev would have the hearings. The 
letter is dated April 1, 1938, addressed to the Secretary of Labor, as 
follows : 

My Dear Madam Secretary : This acknowledges your letter of March 23, 1938, 
in which you ask that United States marshals be assigned to assist immigra- 
tion officers in formal deportation hearings brought against Mr. Harry Bridges 
of Sail Francisco. The hearings, you state, will commence at that city on 
April 2;j, 1938, and are likely to be continued in Portland, Seattle, and Los 
Angeles on later dates. 

_ In reply, you are advised that officers in charge of United States marshals 
in this Department inform me that, because of pressure of work in the offices 
of the Tnited States marshals, deputies cannot possiblv be .spared to assist 
your Department in this matter. Under the circumstances, I regret to advise 
you that it will not be possible to assign United States marshals to be present 
at the deportation proceedings. 

With kind regards. 
Sincerely yours, 

Robert H. Jackson. 
Acting Attorney General. 

A '^•'I'Vo' ''Joo'''* addressed to Mr. Bonham by Mr. Houghteling, dated 
Aprd 13, 1938: *" 

R. P. Bonham, Esq., 

District Director, Immigration and Naturalization Service, 

Seattle, Wash. 
Dear Mr. Bonham: I recently wrote you in connection with the Bridaes ca^e 
about he problem of protecting witnesses. The Secretary has fuS had a let?e? 
from th.y\ctmg Attorney General of the United States; iu answer ?o a e er 
which I drafted for her signature, stating that it would not be possible ?o dele- 
gate the United States marshals or their deputies to protect oui witnesses 



rX-AMEHICAN PKOI»AGAXDA ACTIVITIES 1935 

While I am not satisfied with this derision and am plaiming to visit the Acting 
Attorney General in person and nrge him to cooperate in this matter, I think 
it is very important that we enlist the aid of the local police to police our hear- 
ings and tell their stories without fear or favor. 

I will let yon know whether a personal argument may prove more successful 
iu getting cooperation front the Department of Justice. 
Yours sincerely, 

James L. Houghteling. Commissioner. 

You may proceed. 

IMr. NiMMO. The brief contiimes : 

xVpril 18, 1936: Brid^jes Avas questioned by Assistant District At- 
torney Auffust Fortner, relative to a conspiracy murder charge against 
one Ivan Hunter, secretary of the Seamen's Union of the Pacific. 

May 2, 193G: Bridges reapplied for first papers in citizenship. 

July 6, 1938; Bridges was reelected ]u-esident of the Maritime Fed- 
eration of the Pacific. District Council No. 2, Bay Area. 

The Western Worker of July 16, 1936, states that Bridges was 
elected president of the Pacific Coast district, I. L. A. 

July 26. 1936: Bridges spoke at a Mooney defense mass meeting, 
held at the Civic Auditorium, San Francisco. 

August 12. 1936 : Bridges accompanied John H. Schomaker and 
Melvin Rathborne. both Communists, to a mass meeting held at 
Dreandand Auditorium. San Francisco, at which Earl Browder. 
Communist candidate for President, was the principal speaker. 

Western Work, September 24, 1936. states that Bridges wes elected 
vice president, district 10, of the State federation of labor. 

October 22, 1936 : Western Worker states that Bridges would speak 
at the King-Ramsey-Conner defense committee on October 23, 1936. 

October 27. 1936: San Francisco Examiner states Harry Bridges, 
district president of the I. L. A., said recently at a meeting at San 
Pedro : 

It is going to be a grand battle if no agreement is reached by October 28. Ship- 
owners are better off than in 19.34, but so are we. We are going to get help. 
Warehousemen's union in San Francisco alone has 3,600 members and can tie 
up the city themselves. 

November 11, 1936: Bridges said at a meeting at the Dreamland 
Auditorium, San Francisco : 

After this strike is over we will show them more of an inland march. 

November 20, 1936 : Bridges stated before the San Francisco Labor 
Council : 

We know the troops and machine guns may move in here again, and we know 
that won't be any fun. But we would rather take a crack at the machine guns 
than go back to conditions before 1934. 

November 23, 1936 : Bridges said at the meetmg of the Western 
Writers' Congress in San Francisco : 

We are on strike and we are going to win. I hope that the strike will not 
spread, but it may be necessary. We have not yet called out our reserves in this 
strike. Before we get through 1.50,000 or 2(J0,000 workers may be involved. 

December 16, 1936 : Information was received Ryan had removed 
Bridges from the I. L. A. executive board. 

December 26. 1936: Bridges was booked at the city jail at Long 
Beach. Calif., for investigation on suspicion of negligent homicide as 
a result of an automobile accident in which a child was killed. 

94931— 38— vol. 3 15 



1936 UN-AMEKICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

May 14, 1937 : Brid-es addressed the University of Washington 
hmcheon group at Seattle, and said : 

cml.k..vors. Wo ?''', '",„ t'hif ..Sduct "tllMvll be iiecessarj and we will then 
empLiyei- .s m. m l'",""°''^J, ' "'• i'^^V'SiXvi g class. We Ii-anklj- believe tbat 
r„v''irS;if«"' We1s:\::u;'i:ians"l/K'a"1he, beneat ,be labo. movement ; 
and when they don't, we fight them. 
^Nlay 27, 1937 : Bridges was reelected Pacific coast district president 

""^ Tune^28''lt37 • San Francisco Examiner stated that Bridges declared 
himself "100 percent C. I. O.," and said, "What are you going to do 

^ Jul/ 14, 1937 : It was announced that Bridges was appointed Pacific 
coast director to coordhiate C. I. O. activities -^ , ^ ,i,^ 1 

October 10, 1937 : Bridges was ousted as district vice president o± the i 

State Federation of Labor. ^.-.rnnnn-c ri i i 

September 10, 1937 : Bridges was sued for $150,000 for libel and 
sbuKler in Los Angeles in connection with an asserted interchange ot 
letters between Bridges and one J. P. Hentschel. The complaint 
stated that Bridges was a member of the Communist Party under 
the name of Rossi of Brooks.  , ^  . 

October 9, 1937: Bridges was quoted as saying that he is not a 
Communist, but believes in some of the Communist Party principles. 

December 5, 1937: Bridges stated in a speech at a Mooney mass 
meeting : "I personally believe that the Supreme Court of the United 
States doesn't dare to ride against these two men. I believe that the 
United States Supreme Court is susceptible to pressure from the 
public. Let's turn on the pressure. This fight will go on until 
Mooney and Billings are alongside us on the platform speaking to a 
ten times' larger crowd." 

December 9, 1937 : The Voice of the Federation stated : "Bridges, 
in response to a question asked him by a member of the I. W. W. 
stated, 'I am a former member of the I. W. W., too.' " 

January 3, 1938 : Bridges was announced as a sponsor of the Con- 
sumers' Union. 

January 25, 1938 : Bridges sent a telegram to Secretary Perkins as 
follows: "Attempted enforcement Schmidt decision will tie up port 
of Los Angeles and involve entire Pacific coast. I. L. W. U., repre- 
senting over 11,000 of the 12,000 longshoremen on Pacific coast does 
not intend to allow State courts to overrule majority vote of the 
membership in choosing its officers and representatives and to over- 
ride N. L. R. B." 

February 2, 1938. Affidavit made by one W. R. A. Patterson states: 
"Bridges and other leaders concealed from the membership that their 
advocacy of the C. I. O. was based on the adoption of a policy of the 
Communist Party, and they concealed from their membership that 
the change in point of view on the part of Bridges was not due to 
any ])orsonal conviction on his part, but was due exclusively to in- 
structions which he had received from representatives of the Com- 
munist Party who had charge of the contacts with Labor Unions in 
the Unietd States. 

Bridges was cited by Judge Ruben Scott of Los Angeles to appear 
on March 17, 1938, and show cause why he should not be held in 
contempt of court. 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1937 

February 15, 1938 : Bridges announced that he would ask for final 
citizenship papers to forestall the move by the Government to deport 
him as an alien. 

Ai)ril 18, 1938: Bridges M'as elected president of the I. L. W. U. 

June 7, 1938: Bridges at a public mass meeting said: "If visitors 
are deterred from coming to San Francisco in 1939, it will not be 
because of labor difficulties, but because of the unjust imprisonment 
of one of labor's rei)resentatives, Tom Mooney. 

September 15, 1938 : Bridges was fined $125 on being found guilty 
of contempt of court for sending telegram to Mrs, Perkins as given 
under date of January 25, 1938, above. 

The committee's attention is called to the items totaling 22, starred 
with an asterisk. These indicate meetings held under Communist 
Party leadership or are Communist "party line," statements. 

A more detailed history of the activities of Harry Bridges may 
be had by a complete review of the following exhibits from the 
maritime brief: lA, IB, IC, 6A, 6B, 6C, 6D, 30A, and 30B. These 
are the "Waterfront Worker, The Western Worker, and the Maritime 
Worker, respectively. 

I would say, in explanation of what I have just read, as indicated 
in the last paragraph of that date, that subsequently before another 
judge in Los Angeles County, Bridges was found in contempt of 
court for having made some comment about Judge Smith's decision. 

The Chairman. I wonder if we cannot clear up a few things before 
you proceed further with the brief. First, I want to read a letter 
addressed to Pt. P. Bonham, Seattle. Wash., dated April 15, 1938, and 
signed by James L. Houghteling. The letter is as follows : 

Rapheal p. Bonham, Esq., 

District Director, Immigration and Naturalisation Service, 

Seattle, Wash. 
Del\r Mr. Bonham : I am enclosing herewith a copy of a letter which I 
have just written to District Commissioner Cahill in San Francisco with regard 
to the BriiUjcs case. Most of the information contained therein you know 
already. 

I am considerably worried about this circuit court of appeals decision in the 
case of Sirerkcr v. Kcsshr, as the decision of the three circuit court judges is 
very downright and holds llatly that membership in the Communist Party is 
not of itself a basis for deportation under the 1918 act. Of course we have 
10 circuit court of appeals decisions at earlier dates, finding the exact opposite. 
We are trying to get an opinion from the Attorney General as to the effect 
of this new decision on our procedure in the Bridges case. 
Best regards, 

Yours sincerely, 

James L. Houghteling, 

Commissioner. 

So it was recognized b}^ the Commissioner, Mr. Houghteling, that 
10 circuit court of appeals decisions held that membership in the 
Communist Party alone was sufficient. Most of those 10 decisions 
originated in the ninth circuit, in which Harry Bridges resides. 
Xow, is it not a fact that those decisions in the ninth circuit were 
coiUrolling? In other words, you as a lawyer, know that if you live 
in the ninth circuit and the circuit court of appeals in that circuit 
has laid down certain rulings, those rulings will govern the whole 
situation in that circuit until the Supreme Court rules otherwise: 
Is that not true? 

]\Ir. NiMMO. The answer to that would be this, normally, yes. The 
Circuit Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit having established the 



1938 UN-AMEiaCAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

law to its own satisfaction would ordinarily apply its own decision 
until overndcd bv the Supreme Court. However, there is this pos- 
sibility that does exist sometimes that the court will overrule its 
own decision when it finds there has been a change m the law or 
sufficient iudicial construction by other courts to warrant it; but 
where the Circuit Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit has enun- 
ciated a doctrine that it has followed so many times, the chances 
of the court's modifying the doctrine, in the absence of a decision 
by the Supreme Court, would be almost nothing at all. 

The Chairman. I want to pursue that a little further. In the 
deijortation cases you have a stronger situation, because as the court 
said in a number of decisions— I will read some of them just 

briefly , 

Iw'Skeifington v. Katzeff (277 Fed. 129), the court said: 

It has been definitely settled and is not controverted tliat the decisions of 
the executive officers charged with the execution of the Deportation Act, if 
arrived at after a fair hearing and upon substantial evidence and with no 
abuse of the discretion committed to them by the statute, are final. 

There are many other decisions that hold to the same effect. 

The Sui)reme Court of the United States in the case of Turner v. 
WUliams (194 U. S. 279) held: 

And if the judgment of the board 

That is the trial board, before whom the evidence is brought, is it 
not? 

Mr. NiMMO. Correct. 

The Chairman. 

And if the judgment of the board and the secretary was that Turner came 
within the act, as thus construed, we cannot hold as matter of law that there 
was no evidence on which that conclusion could be rested. 

In other words, the Supreme Court virtually held that there was 
not any ground to reverse the board's decision, if there was any evi- 
dence at all to support it. 

I will not continue with these decisions. There are many. But 
the point I want to ask about is this : Is it not a fact, therefore, that 
if the Bridges case had been tried and there had been any evidence 
introduced that the Communist Party preached the overthrow of 
the Government by force and violence, that finding would have been 
conclusive upon the circuit court of appeals and the Supreme Court 
of the United States? 

Mr. NiMMO. It would have, and would have removed the objection 
in the Circuit Court case. 

The Chairman. They had all of the decisions of the districts in 
which Bridges resided holding that that evidence alone was sufficient ; 
but if they wanted to remove that danger, all they needed to have 
done Avas to produce the evidence in the files that the party w\as a 
Communist Party, as in the StrecJier case; and they could have gone 
still further and proved the other grounds for deportation; in other 
words, that he had preached the overthrow of the Government by 
force and violence or advocated sabotage. 

So they were not limited either by the Strecher case or the cases 
in the ninth district; they had other grounds which would clearly 
have brought this man within the purview of the law, and even 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1939 

tlu)u<j;h they niiglit luive only sli^lit evidence, that evidence could 
not liave been overruled by the courts. 

Mr. NiMMO. I think your analysis is correct; yes, sir. 

The Chairman. So you have an entirely different situation in deal- 
ino; Avith tlcportation cases than you have in regular civil or criminal 
actions? 

Mr. XIM^ro. That is correct. 

The Chairman. And the reason is clearly explained by the Su- 
preme Court in this decision. Here is a case of Fong Yue Ting v. 
V. S. (149 U. S. 698; 13 Sup. Ct. lOlG) Mr. Justice Gray : 

In the recent case of :Nishltnurn Eakin v. U. S., 142 U. S. 651, 650, the court, 
in sustaining the action of the executive department putting in foi'ce an act 
of Congress for tlie exclusion of aliens, said : "It is an accepted maxim of 
international law that every sovereign nation has the power, as inherent in 
sovereignty, and essential to it self preservation, to forhid the entrance of 
foreigners within its dominions, or to admit them only in such cases and 
upon such conditions at it may see fit to prescribe" * * *. 

In our .iurisdiction, it is well settled that the provisions of an act of Com- 
gress passed in the exercise of its constitutional authority, on this, as on any 
other subject, if clear and explicit, must be upheld by the courts, even in 
contravention of express stipulations in an earlier treaty. 

In other vrords. Congress in dealing with aliens has much more 
power than in dealing with citizens, and for that reason all that the 
Department of Labor needed to deport Bridges was any evidence 
either that he was a Communist, and that the Communist Party was 
a revolutionary party, or that he himself preached the overthrow 
of the Government bv force and violence or sabotage; is that not a 
fact? 

]\Ir. NiMMO. That is a fact. 

The Chairman. Now, how can you account for the Secretary's 
statement in the letter to me, in the light of the facts that have been 
developed here in their own files — how can you account for her 
statement that the Sfrecker case, if affirmed, would })revent the 
deportation of Harry Bridges? 

^Ir. NiMMO. "Well, that would be very difficult to do without speak- 
ing very plainly. Of course, it is my view that her attitude must 
be that of a subterfuge in an effort to protect Bridges, and possibly 
her ideals are the same as Bridges'. That is the only way I can 
figure it out. 

The Chairman. Now, going back of that, let us consider this 
in the light of the fact that here was the immigration officer in 
charge, Bonham, wiring to the Department and saying that he had 
this CA-idence, and that he was prepared to meet the requirement in 
the ^trecker case, and then we have a letter back from INIr. Hough- 
teling reprimanding him for his frank opinion. Now. I wish to 
read a paragraph from the letter dated April 20, 1938, from James 
L. Houghteling to R. P. Bonham. This letter was in response to 
the telegram that I have previously read into the record, in which 
Mr. Bonham said : 

Radio News announces your continuance Bridges hearing until Supreme 
Court decides New Orleans case. Hope this is incorrect as difficult to protect 
our witnesses indefinitely. 

In response to that, Houghteling writes back and says: 

Let me say at this point that yoiu' ill-judged telegram just received appears 
to me to deserve prompt and unfavorable comment. When you were in Wash- 



1940 UN-AMERICAN PKOPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

ington I drew your attention, in the Pritehctt cane, to the bad judgment shown 
by local inspectors in trying to impose their own opinions as to the value of 
certain facts and testimony in problems being handled by the central office. 
You say in your telegram of this morning that you have made a thorough 
study of the' Strecker case and believe the decision not hurtful in the present 
instance. In making this statement you oppose your judgment to that of the 
central office and of the Department of Justice, and that on the basis of an 
imperfect knowledge of all the facts in both the Strecker case and the Bridges 
ease. This arrogance of judgment and apparent zeal to put your superiors 
in the wrong is not the cooperation that I have a right to expect from you. 

Now, ^Yhen you consider those facts, and go back and find that even 
prior to the Strecker case, in the letter from the Secretary to Mr. 
Bridges, she expressed the doubt as to whether hearings would ever 
be held; and following that line on up, then it presents something 
that this chair cannot understand, and I thought, as an attorney, you 
might furnish some light as to any legal justification that might exist 
on the part of the Department of* Labor in refusing to deport Harry 
Bridges. And I might say that that becomes important when w^e find 
that there are other cases similar to the Bridges case. 

Mr. NiMMO. Well, there is no explanation that I could give, Mr. 
Cliairman, other than that which I have already given. I have read 
the Strecker decision ; I have read the dissenting opinion in that deci- 
sion by one of the judges of the circuit court of appeals; I have read 
the statements of other judges in other jurisdictions, and I am satis- 
fied that it has been firmly established in this country that the Com- 
munist Party does believe in the overthrow of the Government by 
force and violence. I do not see how possibly any other conclusion 
can be reached than that. 

The Chairman. Nov/, how do you account to the statement of Mr. 
Houghteling to his Commissioner that his Commissioner was not cor- 
rectly infonned with regard to the facts? Here was the man w^ho got 
the facts. Here was the man in charge of the case. And here had 
been submitted the testimony of witnesses. Let us assume that the 
witnesses were not credible. That w^as not a matter for the Secretary 
of Labor to pass upon. It was the Secretary of Labor's duty to pro- 
ceed witli the hearings, promptly. 

Now, I would like to ask a few questions. Have you anything else 
to Ijring in at this point ? 

Mr. NiMMO. Of course there is a great deal of material, but it has 
to do largely w^ith these decisions, and that is ground which has more 
or less been covered in the Chair's discussion of the matter. I do not 
thinlv we need go into it except at the end, in the summation. 

The Chairman. That brief is going into the record. 

Mr. NiMMO. Mostly it is a discussion of the legal phases involved, 
and then at the end of the brief we suggest the calling of certain wit- 
nesses and reference to certain exhibits. I think that probably closes 
the brief; would you not think so, Mr. Knowles? 

Mr. Knowles. I think so; yes. 

(The matter referred to is as follows :) 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1941 

The Law 
We now quote the law under which action on our charges may be brought. 

SEDITIOUS CONSPIRACY 

Section G of tlie Criminal Code of the United States says : 

"If two or more persons in any State or Territory or in any place subject to 
the jurisdiction of the United States, conspire to overthrow, put down or to 
destroy by force tlie Covt'rnment of the United States, or to levy war against 
tlieni. or to oppose by force the authority thereof, or by foree to prevent, hinder, 
or delay the execution of any law of the United States, or by force to seize, take, 
or possess any proijerty of the United States contrary to the authority thereof, 
thev shall each be tined iiot more than $5,000, or imprisoned not more than six 
years, or both" (R. S. 5836). 

In this connection it lias been held : 

"If proscribed, Comnuuiists are proscribed because, by advocating tlie general 
strike as a political weapon, they are engaged in a conspiracy to overthrow by 
force or violence the Government of the United States. If the Communist Party 
is t)rgauize<l for the purpose of overthrowing the Government of the United 
States by force or violence, it is plainly a criminal conspiracy within the purview 
of this section. Overt acts in plenty may be found (Hyde v. U. -S'., 225 U. S. 
247. 32 Sup. Ct. 793, 56 L. Ed. 1114, Ann. Cas. 1994A, 614). All its members, citi- 
zens or aliens, are subject to indictment and criminal trial. Citizens and aliens 
thus conspiring should all be hailed into criminal courts and there tried for 
statutory offense, akin to treason (Cohjcr v. Skiffliu/foii, 2G5 F17). 

"And, also, it has been held that the organization known as the Industrial 
Workers of the AVorld are an organization that advocates the overthrow of the 
Government by force or violence. 

"The literature attached to the record is replete with the advocacy of senti- 
ment as above set forth. To 'advocate' means, according to the Standard Dic- 
tionary : 'To si)eak in favor of ; defend by argument ; one who espouses, dei'ends, 
or vindicates any cause by argument; a pleader, upholder, as an advocate of 
the oppressed.' There are several ways by which a person may teach or advo- 
cate. It need not be from a public platform, or through personal utterauce to 
individuals or groups, but may be done as well through written communications, 
personal direction, through the public press, or through any means by which 
information may be disseminated, or it may be done by the adoption of sentiment 
expressed or arguments made by others which are distributed to others for their 
adoption and guidance. 

'"The testimony shows that Bernat has been a member of the I. W. W. for the 
last 10 years, and secretary of branch No. 500, Seattle, for some time. His duties 
as such secretary were to distribute literature, collect dues, handle accounts, and 
solicit new members. From the activity, as disclosed in the record, the court 
cannot say there is no evidence upon which to predicate the finding of the com- 
missioner general in each case ; and it would appear that the conclusion of the 
commissioner general, based upon the facts stated, was within the purpose and 
intent of the Congress, in enacting section 19 of the act February 5, 1917 (ch. 29. 
39 Stat. 889; U. S. Comp. St. Art. 42891/4 J. J-), and this is emphasized by the 
passage of the act proved October 16, 1918, entitled: 'An act to exclude and 
expel from the United States aliens who are members of the anarchistic or simi- 
lar classes.' The application for writ will be denied in each case" (Ex parte 
Bernat. 255 F. 429). 

The above shows that if a person is or has been a member of the Communist 
Party or of the Industrial Workers of the World, an action may be maintained 
under this statute. 

The deportation of an alien under certain conditions is ordered by section 137, 
title 8. T'nited States Code, as follows : 

"Other nUens excluded. — In addition to the aliens who are by law otlierwis(» 
excluded from admission into the United States, the following persons shall also 
be excluded from admission into the United States: 

"(a) Anarchists. Aliens who are anarchists * * * 

"(b) Aliens opjiosed to, or disbelieving in, oi'ganized forms of government. 
Aliens who advise, advocate, or teach, or who are members of or affiliated with 
any organization, association, society, or group that advises, advocates, or teaches 
opposition to all organized government. * * * 



1942 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 



••(c) Aliens believing in, advising, etc., overthrow, by force or violence of 
United States Government, or all forms of law, unlawful assaultmg, or killing 
of anv Government officers, unlawful damage, etc., to property, or sabotage. 
Aliens who believe in. advise, advocate, or teach, or who are members of or 
affiliated with any organization, association, society, or group that believes m, 
advises, advocates, or teaches (1) the overthrow, by force or violence, of the 
Government of the United States or of all forms of law or (2) the duty, neces- 
sitv or proprietv of the unlawful assaulting or killing of any officer or officers 
"(eit'her of specific individuals or of officers generally) of the Government of the 
United States, or of any other organized government, because of his or their 
official character, or (3) the unlawful damage, injury or destruction of property, 

or (4) sabotage * * * . ^ ■, ^^ -, .  ^ 

"(d) Aliens writing, publishing, etc., written or printed matter, advising, etc., 
opposition to organized forms of government, overthrow, by force or violence, 
of United States Government or all forms of law, unlawful assaulting or killing 
of Government officers, unlawful damage, etc., to property, or sabotage. Aliens 
who write, publish, or cause to be written or published, or who knowingly 
circulate, distribute, print, or display, or knowingly cause to be circulated, 
distributed, printed, published, or displayed, or who knowingly have in their 
possession for the purpose of circulation, distribution, publication, or display, 
any written or printed matter, advising, advocating, or teaching, opposition to 
alf organized government, or advising, advocating, or teaching (1) the over- 
throw, by force or violence, of the Government of the United States or of all 
forms of law, or (2) the duty, necessity, or propriety of the unlawful assault- 
ing or killing of any officer or officers (either of specific individuals or of of- 
ficers generally) of the Government of the United States or of any other or- 
ganized goverment, or (3) the unlawful damage, injury or destruction of prop- 
erty, or (4) sabotage * * * 

"(e) Aliens members of, or affiliated with, organization, etc., writing, etc., 
written or printed matter described in preceding paragraph. Aliens who are 
members of, or affiliated with, any organization, association, society, or group, 
that writes, circulates, distributes, prints, publishes, or displays, or causes to 
be written, circulated, distributed, printed, published, or displayed, or that 
has in its possession for the purpose of circulation, distribution, publication, 
issue, or display any written or printed matter of the character described iu 
paragraph (d). 

"(f) What constitutes advising, advocacy, teaching, or affiliation: For the 
purpose of this section, (1) the giving, loaning, or promising of money or 
anything of value to be used for the advising, advocacy, or teaching of any 
doctrine above enumerated shall constitute the advising, advocacy, or teaching 
of such doctrine; and (2) the giving, loaning, or promising of money or any- 
thing of value to any organization, association, society, or group of the char- 
acter above described shall constitute affiliation therewith ; but nothing in this 
paragraph shall be taken as an exclusive definition of advising, advocacy, 
teaching, or affiliation. 

"(g) Deportation. Any alien who, at any time after entering the United 
States, is found to have been at the time of entry, or to have become there- 
after, a m(>ml»er of any one of the classes of aliens enumerated in this section 
sliall, upon the warrant of the Secretary of Labor, be taken into custodv and 
deported in the manner provided in this subchapter. The provisions of this 
section shall be applicable to the classes of aliens mentioned therein irrespec- 
tive of the time of their entry into the United States" 

l-fl"-^'^ ^'^ P"^^^ Pe^//»e (D. C. Mass. 1919; 259 F. 733), the court said: 
The act of October 16, 1918 (40 Stat. 1012, (>h. 186) is comprehensive and 
empluitic m declaring against all aliens who are anarchists; and, so far as 
anarchist!? are concerned, it would seem that no result depends upon varying 
degrees of anarchy. Indeed, in enumerating the offensive classes, the enact- 
ment at ance declares generally against aliens who are anarchists, and then, 
atter separating by a semicolon the sweeping declaration against all anarchists 
irom what follows, Congress proceeds to enumerate special classes of offensive 
ol'r^lLJ Z'^'^' '''■ "^'"^-^ "ot be anarchists, such as those who advicate the 
ZZlK n government by force or violence, or who disbelieve in or are op- 
fi^fn^i to all organized government and who teach assassination of public of- 
?nl f;.«?'^J. ^""^ ^^T""^ designations cannot be accepted as in anv way detract- 
"'^.rp'T *?•" m^eval enactment against all aliens who are anarchists. 

l.nf fn oHo o'^^'^l''^^'^''''^'.,"''* """^-^ *^ ^"^"^ ^1^0 ^««^e ^'ith olTensive theories, 
but to aliens who have become offensive, and it expressly confers upon the 



UX-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1943 

Secretary of Labor autliority to take thorn into custody, and provides for 
depoitatioii in the manner provided in tlie Innuigration Act of February 5, 
11)17. and this irrespective of the time of their entry into the United States. 

•■ 'The point is tal<en by coinisel for the petitioners that tliey are only 
philosopliical anarchists, who do not teach violence. But this point only goes 
to the degree of olTensiveness and cannot be accepted as an answer to the au- 
Ihoritv of the executive brancii of the Government to deport, because, as said 
in Uiiifed Stafrs ex rcl. Turner v. Winidinfi (N. Y. 1904; 194 U. S. 279, 204, 24 
Sup. Ct. 710. 724. 48 L. ed. 070) : "If the word 'anarchist' should be interpreted 
as includin,:^ aliens whose anarchistic views are professed as those of political 
philosophers, innocent of evil intent, it would follow that Congress was of 
opinion that the tendency of the general exploitation of such views is so dan- 
gerous to the public weal that aliens who hold and advocate them would be 
undesirable additions to our i)opulation, whether permanently or temporarily, 
whether many or few. and in the light of previous decisions, the act even in this 
aspect would not be unconstitutional." 

■' 'Congress, through the act approved October 16, 1918, having clearly declared 
against all aliens who are anarchists, the declaration must be accepted as mean- 
ing that Congress was of opinion that the presence of alien anarchists is offen- 
sive to our society and dangerous to the Government, and it must be assumed 
that the enactment in this respect was based upon the idea that the Government 
possesses the right to determine who shall be members of its community^ — a 
right which may be exercised by all nations, and a right which may be exercised 
both in peace and war." 

(2) "An alien resident, who is opposed to the Government of the United 
States, and who publishes propaganda intended t<t eventually result in or facili- 
tate its overthrow, has been held to be subject to deportation under the statute, 
though he does not advocate its immediate overthrow by violence. U. S. v. Uhl 
(C. C. A. X. T. 1021 : 271 F. 676), ceriorari denied; Gcorqlan v. Vhl (1921; 41 
Sup. Ct. 623. 2.56 U. S. 701, 65 L. ed. 1178). 

'"And a Spani.sh alien, who believes and teaches anarchy as a philosophical 
theory, but does not advocate violence, has been held to be liable to deportation, 
notwithstanding that he had been a resident in the United States for 15 years. 
Lopez V. Hon-e (C. C. A. N. Y. 1919: 2-59 F. 401), appeal dismissed (1920; 41 
Sup. Ct. 63, 2.54 U. S. 613. 65 L. ed. 4.38). 

•'Again in V. S. v. Vhl (C. C. A. N. Y. 1921; 271 F. 676). certiorari denied; 
Gcorf/iau v. Vhl (1921; 41 Sup. Ct. 623, 2.56 U. S. 701, 65 L. Ed. 1178), it was 
said : 

" 'Mere personal abstention from violence, or even from violent language, does 
not secure immunity, if the result of the gentlest and most guarded speech 
is to advocate or teach that which the statute condemns. Tlie "philosophic" 
anarchist is an anarchist nevertheless (Lope- v. Hoire, N. Y. 1919; 259 F. 401, 
170 C. C. A. 377). appeal dismissed (1920; 41 Sup. Ct. 63, 254 U. S. 613. 65 L. ed. 
438). Since in this or in any similar case we cannot be concerned with the 
weight of the evidence, but only with the existence thereof, it is not useful to 
state or comment upon what Georgian was proved to have done, what he ad- 
mitted having done, or what he himself said of his own teachings, advocacy, 
or opinions.' 

""We express no opinion as to the result upon our minds of the evidence ad- 
duced at the deportation hearing, beyond this, viz, there was evidence, indeed it 
was admitted, that though he did not and does not believe in the immediate 
overthrow of the Government of the United States that position is not the result 
of any affection for the same or approval of this Ivepublic. nor of any o1).iec- 
tion to force and violence per se, but only results from an opinion that the 
time is not ripe. Ripeness is to be attained by teaching, and by the dissemina- 
tion of the style of literature which it is his business to circulate; when the 
time is ripe, it is to be hoped that force and violence will nf)t be necessary, 
but they will be appropriate as soon as they are likely to prevail. 

"However fantastic the above-outlined social program may seem, it is im- 
possible to say that a professed and avowed effort to hasten its consummation 
is not evidence of that which the statute forbids." 

(3) ''The Communist Party is an organization which entertains a belief 
in the overthrow by force or violence of the Government of the United States, 
and membership in that party by an alien at the time of his entry is ground 
for his deportation (Unrjrir v. Seamnn, C. C. A. Minn. 1924; 4 F. (2d) 80). 

"And evidence that aliens were members of the Communist Party, and of 
the purposes and methods of such party, has been held to sustain an order 



1944 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

for their deportation as members of and affiliated with an organization that 
entertains a belief in, and teaches and advocates, the overthrow by force or 
violence of the Government of the United States, wtihin this section {AntoUsh v. 
Paul (C. C. A. Wis. 1922), 283 F. OoT). 

"As respects liability to deportation, under this section, as a member of an 
organization believing in, teaching, or advocating the overthrow by force or vio- 
lence of the United States Government, a member of the Communist Party> 
who in his application declared his adherence to the principles and tactics of the 
party and the Communist International, is bound by the declarations of pur- 
poses and program found in the manifesto of the Communist International or 
in the manifesto and constitution of the Communist Party of America iSkeffing- 
ton V. Kntzcff (C. C. A. Mass. 1922), 277 F. 129, reversing CoUjer v. SkcffinJdon 
(D. C. 1920), 2G5 F. 17). 

"So the manifesto and program of the Communist Party being of such charac- 
ter as to easily lead a reasonable man to conclude that the purpose of the 
Communist Party is to accomplish its end, namely, the capture and destruction 
of the State, as now constituted, by force and violence, it has been held that 
membership in such party is ground for deportation (U. S. v. Wallis (D. C. N. T. 
1920), 2(iS F. 413). 

"And an alien, who admits his membership in the Communist Party and his 
belief in its principles, must be held to believe in and advocate the overthrow 
by force or violence of the Government of the United States, in accordance with 
the avowed purposes of that party as set forth in its manifesto and constitution, 
and is subject to deportation under this section ( U. 8. ex rel. Lisafeld v. Smith 
(D. C. N. Y. 1924), 2 F. (2rt) 90). 

"Also, an alien, an admitted member of the Communist Party and similar 
organizations, possessing for distribution paper of that party and other pub- 
lications, is subject to deportation (U. S. ex rel. Vojewvic v. Ciirran (C. C. A. 
N. Y. 1926), 11 F. (2d) 683, certiorari denied; Vojnovic v. Cvrran (1926) 46 
Sup. Ct. 633, 271 U. S. 683, 70 L. ed. — ). 

"Again a denial by a member of the Communist Party of intention to use 
force or violence for the overthrow of the Government does not prevent 
deportation of that member, if the program of the party fairly supports a 
finding that the party advocated the use of force and violence (U. 8 v Wallis 
(D. C. N. Y. 1920), 2G8 F. 413). 

_ "The question is not one of degrees of imminence of overthrow by force and 
violence but rather whether that is the ultimate purpose of the organization. 

"So if the ultimate purpose of an organization is the overthrow of the Gov- 
ernment by force and violence, its alien members can be deported, though there 
^^ /°,^^ ^PpPJ'^^"* possibility of such overthrow in the immediate future. Id. 

(4) The declarations of purposes and program found in the manifesto of 
the Cominunist International, and manifesto and constitution of the Communist 
larty of America, advocating the disarmament of the armed forces of the 
existing state, the arming of the laborer, and formation of a Communist army 
I-nrr is V ? P^'^^^^tariat, have bene held substantial evidence finding that 
toice and Molence are necessary instrumentalities for the accomplishment of 
li-S) ''•^Tlf %o "'^ «re. contemplated mefflngton v. Eatzeff (C. a A Mass 

:rJ-' , J^ '^' reversing Cohjer v. Skefflngton (D. C. 1920) 265 F 17) 

mon^"orthf rn\^^- ''■^- '"• '^^> ^ ^- (2<J) 273), the uncontradicled testi- 
mony of the Government agent was that when he went to the alien's house 

and^ZtT Si'^'S^" '"^ '" ''' "^ ^^^^^'-^^"^^ "PO'^ the table and entered! 
and tlut he asked and was granted permission to look at the literature 

^f he 7^!rZrJ'''Z%.'irr '"''''''' ''''''' '^^'^"^^^ the entry or the tak ng 
was m. le to Vt. in^rnrW "'^ ^""^ ^'-^^ "^^^^ ^^^ ^ts return, and no objection 
c^mntTfJ ve^rsand ?W Vr Z "'? '", evidence. The alien had been in this 
He had thriiteV? re fnVlL' '^'"'^^^ ^^ ^''^^ ^«"^g ^«« ^"ite evident. 

pen.ated and he1l^^d^Hrl.i! ^l"?^H^^^ distribution, for which he was com- 
{o.i t ,i , .} '^li^eady distributed considerable of .such literature Hp 

SLprft'd'ue ?rthe"ro""^' ^n^S ^"^ possession, o'gaSiin L'Jamps a^d 
books On cross4xim?natlTh^' H ^'^?^- , ^" ^"^ ^««^^ ^here were numerous 
was asked ^wS SiTn^.vH in^ He alien's attorney, the Government's agent 
?on!.ider ille^P 1 WpH hf ''^""^ "l?' °^ "^^ ^^her books that you would 
"those b<oksn "re tVJf'^^t^.^^\^''%^^^ "^^^^ P^^^^^ l^»««elf. He told me 
be^Se'en'lhe looks Self^^ «f l-«" the difference 

the deportation." ^ ^^ ^° ^^ abundant evidence to justify 



UN-AMERICAN I'lK H'AUANDA ACTIVITIES 1945 

'•Ohm V. Perkins (70 F. (2d) 533) : An alien who is a member of the Com- 
munist Party wliich advocates overthrow by force tlie Government of the 
Uiiitod States, or all forms of law may be deported. 

•T. /b'. ex rel. Kettunen v. Rehner (79 F. (2d) HlTi) : 'AffiMation' as used in 
statute authorizing exclusion of aliens alliliated with organizations believing 
in, advising, advocating, or teaching overthrow of United States Government 
by force, was held for the purposes of determining whether alien was aflil- 
iated with Communist I'arty, to require showing that alien had so conducted 
himself as to have brought about status of mutual recognition that he may be 
relied on to cooperate with Communist Party on fairly permanent basis and 
not merely that he was in sympathy with its aims or willing to aid it in casual 
intermittent way. 

"Kjar V. Doak (61 F. (2d) 566) : Revolution presupposes antagonism be- 
tween government and its nationals, and an alien has no right of revolution 
against the T'nited States. 

"In proceeding to deport an alien Communist it was presumed that organi- 
zations affiliated with Communist Party continued to advocate principles, 
which, according to evidence, they had previously adhered to and documents 
setting forth program of Communist International for violent overthrow of 
government were held admissible in proceeding to deport alien Communist, 
without showing alien's knowledge of program where Communist Party and 
Communist International were affiliated." 

These decisions have uniformly maintained that membership in the Com- 
munist Party or the Industrial Workers of the World constituted grounds for 
the deportation of an alien. 

On April 6, 1938, however, the Fifth Circuit, United States District Court 
of Appeals, held in the case of Sti-eeker v. Kessler as follows: 

(1) "The evidence, and the only evidence relied on for the finding and order 
is that during the Presidential campaign of 1932 when one Foster was run- 
ning as the white, and one Ford as the colored candidate of the Communist 
Party of America, for President of the United States, appellant, in November 
19.32 became a member of the Communist Party and accepted certain litera- 
ture of the Communist Party for distribution. He testified that he was a 
member of the Communist Party of America until February 1933, when he quit 
paying his dues, and that since that time he has not been a member. He did 
not testify, nor did any one else, that he believed in the overthrow lii force 
and violence of the Government of the United States, neither did he, 'nor any 
one else, testify that the organizatimi he had belonged to, the Communist Party 
of America, taught, advocated, or incited such overthrou). None of the liter- 
ature which he was supposed to have circulated in 1932 was introduced, but 
his book of membership in the Communist Piirty in the United States was. 
Not a word in this membership book advocated, incited, or even suggested that 
the Government of the United States should be overthrown by force or vio- 
lence. It did teach that the party is the vanguard of the working class: that 
it incorporates the whole body of experience of the proletarian struggle basing 
itself upon the revolutionary theory of Marxism, and representing the gen- 
eral and lasting interests of the whole of the working class. The record 
contained also, offered by the Bureau, extracts from a copy of the Com- 
munist dated April 19,34: 'Eighth convention issue, a magazine of the theory 
and practices of Marxism and Leninism published monthly by the Communist 
Party in the United States of America.' Not a single extract from this mag- 
azine referred to the Government of the United States of America directly 
or indirectly. There is a discussion in it of Austro-Marxism. There is. too, 
the cynical suggestion that the proletariat should learn the sly ways of the 
bourgeoisie to becoine masters of politics and of laws, so that 'legality' in.stead 
nf 'killing the proletariat,' would 'kill the bourgeoisie,' and the statement that 
the final overthrow of capitalism could not be accomplished without a mobili- 
zation of workers for the struggle against it. There is, too, the general state- 
ment that the question of a violent revolution lies at the root of the whole of 
Marx's teachings, and that only philistines or downright opportunists can talk 
revolution without violence." 

(2) "He testified that he was not an anarchist, that he was not opposed to 
the T'nited States Government, and that ho never knowingly joined an organiza- 
tion the purpose of which was to destroy the Government. All of the literature 
he received when he .ioined in November, as he recalled it, was political, such 
as 'Vote Communist in the November election;' that he never believed in nor 
taught sabotage, or the killing or assaulting of officers because they were 



1946 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

offlcors. All that was proven against Strecker was that in 1932 he joined the 
Communist Party, and that he answered a foolish question: 'Supposing that 
the majority of the populace of the United States were Communists, and were 
certain of a victory over capitalism in an armed confiict, would you then 
personally bear arms against the present Government?' — foolishly, according 
to its folly— 'Certainly ; I would be a fool to get myself killed fighting for 
capitalism.' This proof does not support the finding on which the warrant 
was based. 

(3) "The statute under which these proceedings were instituted was en- 
acted in 1918 and amended in 1920, to meet a situation caused by the crisis 
in Russia in 1918 and 1919, and the propaganda following that crisis for the 
overthrow of governments by force. It was enacted to enable the United 
States to expel from its shores aliens seeking a footing here, to propagandize 
and proselvtize for direct and violent action. The decisions of the circuit 
courts of appeal in Skeffivgton v. Kafzef (277 Fed. 129) ; AutoUsh v. Paul (283 
Fed. 957) ; Ungar v. Seaman (4 Fed. (2d) 8), on the authority of which it 
was held in Ex Parte Villarino (50 Fed. (2d) 582) ; Kjar v. Doak (61 Fed. 
(2d) 5GG), upon which the appellee relies here, that membership in the Com- 
munist Party of America alone is sufficient to warrant deportation, were 
rendered upon the Russian experience, and the record of the party at that 
time. They were all fact cases. They did not, they could not, decide that 
membership in the Communist Party of America, standing alone, is now suffi- 
cient to warrant deportation. The statute makes no such provision. Courts 
may not write it into the statute. 

"IMuch water, socially and politically, has gone under the bridge since 1920. 
Russia itself is more vigorously organized than almost any other country in 
the world, to prohibit and suppress those who teach and preach the overthrow 
of government by force. In this country, in the Presidential elections of 1932 
and of 1936, the Communist Party, seeking by political means rather than by 
violence, to remake the United States according to its heart's desire, into a 
government of the proletariat, by the proletariat, and for the proletariat, had 
a candidate for President. Nothing in our Constitution or our laws forbids 
the formation of such a party, or persons from joining them. The statute in- 
voked here does not forbid membership in the Communist, or any other party, 
except one which teaches the overthrow by force and violence, of the Govern- 
ment of the United States." 

This decision maintains that: 

(a) "A statute providing for deportation of alien who believes in, or advo- 
cates, or is a member of an organization which believes in, or advocates, the 
overthrow by force or violence of the Government of the United States, does 
not authorize deportation upon proof alone that in 1932 alien was a member 
of the Communist Party of America. 

(b) "Evidence which showed merely that an alien joined the Communist 
Party of America and accepted its political literature during the Presidential 
camjiaign in November 1932, remaining a member for a few months, but in 
showing that the alien believed in or taught the overthrow of the United States 
Government by force, and that he testified that he believed the Government we 
have at present was the best and that in answer to a hypothetical question as 
to whether he would personally bear arms against the present Government if 
a majority of the populace were Communists and were certain of victory over 
capitalism, that he would be a fool to get himself killed for capitali>!m, would 
not support a finding on which warrant of deportation was based that alien 
believ(>d in or taught the overthrow by force or violence of the United States 
Government." 

On a motion for rehearing in the above matter the motion was denied with 
Sibley, circuit judge, dissenting: 

I think a rehearing should be granted, especially to consider the significance 
of the references to the Third Communist International contained in the 
meml)ership book issued to Strecker by the Communist Party of the United 
States of America and the question whether the objectives and programs of 
the two named organizations can be judicially noticed. Neither of these 
things was argued before us nor considered in deciding the case, and they 
might lead to a different result. 

The membership book for which Strecker paid, which was issued in his 
name, was received and read by him, and on which he paid dues for 2 months 
and which he retained in his possession after ceasing to pav dues without any 
resignation or repudiation of his membership, contains these statements: "A 



rX-AMHUICAX PUOPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1947 

nioinbor of the party can be every pei-son * * * who accepts the program 
and statutes of (he (yonnnunist Inleniational and the Communist Party of 
the United States of America * * * who subordinates himself to all deci- 
sions of the Comintern and of the party * * *." "The Connnunist Party, 
like all sections of the ( 'oniintern, is built upon the principles of democratic 
centralization. These principles are * * * immediate and exact applica- 
tions of the decisions of the executive committee of tlie Connnunist Interna- 
tional and of the central conmiittee of the party. * * * After a decision 
iias been adopted at the congress of the Comintern ***}(■ must be 
carried out uniondil tonally, even if somi^ of the members of the local organi- 
zation are not in agreement with the decision." "The party * * * incorpo- 
rates the whole body of experience of the proletarian struggle, basing itself 
upon the revolutionary theory of Marxism. * * * The party personifies 
the unity of proletarian principles, of proletarian will and of proletarian 
revolutionary action." It thus appears that the Communist Party of the 
United States of America and its members are affiliated with, nay more, are 
subject to the Communist International of Moscow and adopt its program and 
statutes. There is express reference to the "revolutionary theory of Marxism." 

Now a court, and equally the Secretary of Labor, may notice without proof 
what is generally notorious in the community. This does not mean that every- 
one actually knows it, but that ordinarily well informed persons do. Among 
such things so noticed are general and local current history. And this includes 
the orgaiiization and objectives of political parties. 23 C. J., Evidence, 1937 ; 
State V. Wrif/ht (251 Mo. 325, 158 S. W. 823) ; State v. Kortjohn (246 ]Mo. 34, 
150 S. W. ICieO) ; Rider v. Cotintij Court (74 W. Va. 712) ; Porter v. FUek (60 
Neb. 773). It is known to me, not from research, but from general informa- 
tion at the time and since, that the Third Communist International was organ- 
ized just after the World War and in connection with the Russian Revolution 
as an international organization of those who believe that private property 
should be abolished and the essentials of wealth and production vested in a 
government controlled only by the proletariat, and that the accomplishment of 
this by peaceful means is impractical and that the "direct action" of revolution 
nmst be resorted to; and to this end all capitalistic governments must be thus 
overthrown, and the workers of the world must unite. In the same way I 
know that the Socialist Party in the United States, which seeks change by 
constitutional means, was about this time divided, and the "left wing," which 
insisted on "direct action," separated from it and became the Communist Party 
of the United States of America and joined the Third Communist International. 
If this was all knowable by the Secretary, in connection with the evidence in 
the record, there would be a sufficient basis for him to conclude as a fact 
that Strecker became a member of or at least affiliated with an organization 
that advises, advocates, and teaches the overthrow by violence of the Govern- 
ment of the United States, as one of the capitalistic governments, within the 
provision of 8 U. S. C. A. 137 (c). 

The opinion of this court in fact resorts to judicial notice in its remarks 
about recent changes in the methods of the Communist Party and in Soviet 
Russia. But no one professes to know that the Communist Party of the United 
States of America at that time had. No one doubts that the economic aims of 
communism may be lawfully promoted by a citizen or an alien in the United 
States, so long as they are sought to be attained by peaceable means. But 
the advocacy of attainment by force and violence is outlawed, because laying 
the foundation for treason. A rehearing ought to be had. 

In the original trial. Judge Hutcheson held that in this particular case evi- 
dence proving that the Communist Party of the United States of America advo- 
cated the use of force or violence to overthrow the United States Government 
was not presented and he further held, in reviewing previous decisions, that 
each case must stand on its own facts. 

We submit at this time that the contention of the Department of Labor that 
the case of Harry Bridges rests upon the Strecker case, is erroneous and evasive. 

We submit that the Department of Labor, in the Strecker case, failed to pre- 
sent the necessary evidence, which it had at hand, to sustain its contention and 
that it can and must cure that defect liy an immediate prosecution of the Bridges 
case. This fact is clearly indicated in the motion for rehearing of the Strecker 
caKC, where it is suggested that the issues be tried de novo. 

We have, in our basic brief, given the evidence which would have proved in 
the Strecker case that the present Communist Party of the United States of 
America advocates the use of force or violence to overthrow the Government of 
the United States. This, given in the Bridges case, will cure the first defect. 



1948 UN-AMEHICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

The second contention, namely, tbat each case must stand on its own facts, 
should have persuaded the Department of Labor to proceed at once with the 
Bridges case. 

Streclier testified that he believed in the American system of Government and 
that when he learned of the true nature of the Communist Party he ceased pay- 
ing dues. There was no evidence introduced to disprove these facts. 

Ix't us now examine the Bridges case from the standpoint of evidence now in 
the bands of the Department of Labor exclusive of what we shall hereinafter 

present. 

"We find tbat Bridges is the most powerful symbol of the Communist Party in 
America as far as trade-unionism is concerned ; a person who is not interested 
in trade-unions as such, but only to use them for the purpose of spreading the 
subversive doctrine of communism. 

We find evidence of affiliation of Harry Bridges with the Communist Party and 
of his playing the party line in the maritime unions in the strikes of 1934 and 
193G. 

We find that there was not one deviation from the announced strategy and 
technique of the party and the actions of Bridges in the development of these 
strikes. 

We find evidence that the case of Bridges does not rest upon passive member- 
ship in the Communist Party but upon dynamic leadership. 

In the evidence that the Department of Labor has, we find everything tbat is 
lacking in the strecker case: a person who is active, sits in the highest councils 
of the party and is its chief director in the most important phase of the party 
program ; the development of conditions leading to a national general strike and 
open rebellion. 

The Supreme Court of the United States will decide only on the facts of the 
SHrcckcr case, and no matter what its decision is, the decision cannot affect the 
Bridges case. 

Finally, we submit to the committee the fact tbat Harry Bridges has admitted 
his membership in the Industrial Workers of the World. We hold that this mem- 
bership constitutes adequate grounds for deportation and should be included in 
the charges against him. (See Ex parte Bernat (255 F. 431), and Haywood v. 
U. S. (268 F. 795).). 

The next question to be considered is that of the development and conduct of 
a general strike. Does this consist of such acts of force or violence as come 
within the "seditious conspiracy" statute? Did Congress by the use of the 
woi"d "force'' in the alien statute of October 16, 1918, or in the seditious con- 
spiracy statute, intend thereby to outlaw the general strike? 

The only decision rendered is that in the case of Colyer v. Skefflngton (265 
F. 17), which held: 

"An organization for the avowed purpose of changing our Government by the 
use of a general strike is not seeking the overthrow of the Government by force 
or violence, within act October 16, 1918, even if 'force" as used therein, is not 
synonymous with 'violence,' since it does not mean force of the religious, moral, 
political, or economic kind, especially in view of the context, dealing with 
assassination, destruction of property, and similar kinds of force." 

And again — 

"I am forced to the conclusion that, if and when Congress is ready to make 
the general strike unlawful, language plain, apt, and undisguised will be used 
for that purpose." 

This case, however, was reversed in the first circuit. Circuit Court of Appeals, 
Skefflngton, Immigration Commissioner v. Katzeff et at., where it was held: 

"We have carefully examined these exhibits for the purpose of ascertaining 
whether they contain statements which, giving to langauge its ordinary meaning, 
would warrant any reasonable mind in reaching the conclusion tbat the Com- 
munist Party teaches or advocates the overthrow by force and violence of this 
Government as now constituted. 

"We think it would be going far afield to say that, from such statements of 
purpose, no reasonable man could reach the conclusion tbat force and violence 
are the necessary instrumentalities for its accomplishment and are contemplated, 
and tbat, if consummated, it would overthrow the Government as now instituted. 
On the contrary, it seems to us tbat a program which advocates the disarma- 
ment of the armed forces of the existing state, the arming of the laborer and 
the formation of a Communist army to protect the rule of the proletariat, affords 
substantial evidence that the Communist Party, of which the relators are con- 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1949 

fessert and avowed mombevs, teaches and advocates the overthrow of Government 
6v force and violence." 

"in the case of N. S. F. U. of Orcat Britain and Ireland v. Reed (1926 Cr. 536). 
it was held : 

"The seneral strike is an attack upon the government." 

The I'remier of Great Britain issued the statement that: 

"The j;eneral strike is 'revolution" in the form of force and violence against 
organized government." 

We submit that since the time of the Cohjcr v. Skcflington case (June 23, 
1920) the major theses of the Communist Party have been developed. That 
the general strikes of Great Britain and the Pacific coast were practices in 
class revolution and that one who took part in the leadership of either is guilty 
of seditious conspiracy. Therefore, it matters not whether Harry Bridges was 
a member or an athliate of the Communist Party. He is guilty of seditious 
conspiracy and can be convicted or deported on these grounds. 

We will not at this time present our proof in relation to the charges set forth 
above. We ask the committee to call the witnesses designated in the appended 
list, marked "Exhibit No. 4." 

At this time we desire to introduce the following exhibits for use in connec- 
tion with the testimony of the witnesses : 

Exhibit No. 4 ; file, photostatic copies audit by Joseph F. Kehoe of Interna- 
tional Longshoremen's Association, Local 38-79 June 25 to October 23, 1937. 

Exhibit No. 5 ; confidential memorandum, September 26, 1934. 

Exhibit No. 6 ; report of National Seamen's I'nion of Great Britain forwarded 
to Harry Bridges through Communist International channels. 

Exhibit No. 7 ; Pacific Maritime Worker, June 3, 1938. 

Exhibit No. 8; Voice of the Federation, December 9, 1937. 

Exhibit No. 9 ; letter, Z. R. Brown to Rueul Staufield, June 23, 1938. 

Exhibit No. 10: Eternal Vigilance, June 1938. 

Exhibit No. 11 : New Frontiers, 1937 Year Book. 

Finally, we quote from a report received INIarch 23, 1938, when it was be- 
lieved that the Labor Department was going to conduct a hearing in the 
Bridges case : 

'•The present defense plan for Bridges is as follows : 

"Aubrey Grossman is personally interviewing prominent people who are liberal 
in tendencies but are not and never have been closely identified with either the 
party or any of the united front groups. 

"These witnesses will be asked if they have ever heard anything reflecting 
adversely on Bridges or his character or if they have even seen him at any 
radical or Communist meetings. Opinion testimony will also be solicited as to 
whether Bridges should be deported or not. It is their intention to call at least 
150, and as this hearing is to be closed and secret, then the Madame can later 
announce that from a preponderance of the witnesses she is not signing the 
deportation order. In order to avoid disclosure as to the identity of the witnesses 
attempts are being made to have these witnesses volunteer rather than testify 
under subpena. 

"Labor's Non-Partisan League is assisting in assembling these prospective wit- 
nesses. Prominent American Federation of Labor men have been approached and 
Kidwell and Shelly will be two of the defense witnesses." 

We shall let the quotation speak for itself. 

Tlie Chairman. Now I want to ask Mr. Knowles some questions. 

Mr. Knowles, as a result of the activities of Harry I3ridg:es on 
the west coast, what has been the outcome from the standpoint of 
strife or class warfare or economic loss in that situation? Wliat is 
the true situation out there? 

]Mr. Knowles. Speaking for my own home city, San Francisco. I 
will say that the water front is almost deserted of shipping at the 
present time. There have been boats tied up in the upper reaches of 
the bay and also down the bay, so that the docks are almost a skeleton 
of their previous activity. And there are now some 6,500 members 
of the party in the San Francisco area — in the party and their closely 
allied organizations. 



1950 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Tlie cost and economic loss has been estimated all the way from 
$500,000,000 to $650,000,000. It has been estimated that if the strike 
had ended 12 days sooner than it did, the Bonlder Dam, the San 
Francisco Bay project, and the Golden Gate Bridge could be dupli- 
cated in cost again. In other words, the cost of those enormous 
engineering projects would ec|ual only 12 days of the cost of that 

strike. 

And not only that, but its influence has been felt througli that 
whole section of the State. San Francisco is almost a ghost of its 
former self. Business activity there has moved to other places where 
there is less discord. 

The Chairman. You are talking about how much money that cost. 
There is a statement here that to proceed with the deportation of 
Harry Bridges would just involve, maybe, an unnecessary expense. 
Some element of economy seemed to have entered into it. 

In a memorandum of April 12, 1938, signed by Mr. Shoemaker, 

he has this to say : 

The warrant hearing scheduled to start on the 25Lh instance will require 
the expenditure of money and effort, and if the Supreme Court sustains the 
Circuit Court of Appeals and holds that membership, no matter when, in the 
Communist Party, is not grounds for deportation, the scheduled hearing in the 
Bridges case would have been to no purpose. 

So there seems to have entered into that thing some question of 
economy with reference to the conduct of these hearings. 

I also note in the memorandum dated April 12, 1938, by Mr. 
Shoemaker, that he has this to say : 

It has heretofore been charged that the hearing in the Bridges case has been 
delayed, and yet that charge repeated would not start anything new nor other 
than the usual charges and statements that have already been made against 
the Department. The Department is charged with a duty, and should not be 
unduly influenced by the pressure of public opinion, which clearly might be 
more vociferoTis if the Supreme Court should sustain the action of the Circuit 
Court of Appeals in the Strecker case than it would be now if we should defer 
the hearing. 

Mr. Knowles. In other words, it is a question of policy. 

The Chairman. Is there anything else that you can add as to what 
has happened in that area as a result of this situation? 

Mr. Knowles. I think that is about all. It is noticeable all 
through the area, not only in California, but up north. 

Mr. NiMMO. There is another feature, I think. That is the fact 
that for many years there were complete passenger facilities by inter- 
coastal boats between San Diego, Los Angeles, San Francisco, and 
Seattle. Today there is no business of that kind at all. There are 
no intercoastal passenger boats plying between those ports as form- 
erly. I am not prepared to say, and I do not know what the statistics 
on the costs will show, but it is the opinion of those on the coast that 
all of this passenger traffic— which was a very delightful thing, be- 
cause these boats provided a very pleasant vacation — has all dis- 
appeared from the seas. 

The Chairman. Do you agree with Mr. Bonham's statement that 
delay of this case might or could cause the witnesses to be scattered, 
and might make it impossible ever to try Harry Bridges? 

Mr. Knowles. Very definitely. 



UN-AMERICAN PROrAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1951 

The Chairman. Are the witnesses well known? 

Mr. Kndwles. Yes, sir; they are all known. 

The CiiAimiAN. So that their depositions could be taken? 

Mr. Knowles. Yes, sir. It would be necessary for them to change 
their names and places of residence, in most cases. 

Tlie CiiAiinrAN. So that there is a very grave danger that, regard- 
less of what happens in the Streeker case, there will be no evidence, 
and no witnesses will show up at the hearings? 

Mr. Knowles. That is right. 

The Chairman. What phase are you going to take up in the 
morning, Mr. Knowles? 

Mv. Knowles. We have, for example, the alien phase, which fol- 
lows closely on the discussion this afternoon. 

The Chairman. I think it would be well to take that up tomorrow. 
I will not be able to be here, but Mr. Starnes will be here, and we 
will start at 10 o'clock. 

The committee will adjourn until 10 o'clock tomorrow morning. 

(Thereupon the subcommittee adjourned until tomorrow, Tuesday, 
October 25, 1938, at 10 a. m.) 



94931— 38— vol. 3 16 



INVESTIGATION OF UN-AMERICAN PROPAriANDA 
ACTIVITIES IN THE UNITED STATES 



TUESDAY, OCTOBER 25, 1938 

House of Representatives, 
Subcommittee of the Special Committee 
TO Investigate Un-American Activities, 

Washington, D. 0. 

The committee met at 10 o'clock a. m., pursuant to adjournment, 
Hon. Joe Starnes presiclin*^. 

Mr. Starnes. The committee will come to order and resume its 
sessions. 

I am authorized by tJie chairman of the full committee to announce 
that Homer ]\Iartin. who was slated to testify here Wednesday, will 
appear Thursday of this week, and will give testimony with reference 
to un-American activities and trade-union movements in the auto- 
mobile industry. 

rURTHER TESTIMONY OF HARPER L. KNOWLES AND RAY E. 

NIMMO 

Mr. Starnes. ^Mr. Nimmo, will you briefly summarize for the benefit 
of tlie committee this morning the matters which you will present 
and the testimony to be given at this time? 

]\Ir. XiMMo. Mr. Chairman, we w^ould like to proceed with the 
agricultural brief today. That involves, as I have indicated, a state- 
ment of the work of the Communist gi-oup and also the maritime 
unions in connection witli the food supplies of the State of California. 
It will be noted in the brief that at the present time that State pro- 
duces a very large percentage of botli the fresh vegetables and fruit 
and the canned vegetables and fruit of the entire country. 

Xow, in view of the exceeding importance of that, we would like 
to proceed with that brief, and that will merely indicate the infil- 
tration throughout of tlie Communist group and the maritime group 
in proceeding to assist in these strikes of agricultural Avorkers, 

I do not know that I could summarize it more briefly than that. 

]Mr. Starnes. You are proceeding along those lines because of the 
fact tliat the maritime industry and the agricultural field are your 
two most important fields out there from an economic standpoint? 

Mr. NiMMo. I should say so; yes, sir; and certainly the agricul- 
tural field is. We feel that they are more or less interwoven, and 
this discloses the un-American activities of the group which we have 
tried to explain at the present time. 

Mr, Starnes. All right ; you may proceed. 

1953 



i 



1954 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr. XiMMO. I Avoiild like to say, too, that in presenting this testi- 
mony today we will try to follow the procedure which we followed 
yesterday We have not been able, in the limited time, to highlight 
this a<n-fcultural brief as we would like; but Mr. Knowles wall pro- 
ceed with it, and it will be understood that what Ave are presenting 
is merely a higlilight precis of what we will present later by the 
witnesses at the proper time. . i , 

Mr. Starnes. That is correct; you are laying here the ground- 
work for the detailed exhaustive investigation by the taking of testi- 
mony of witnesses on the coast at a later date ? 

Mv. NiMMO. That is right. 

Mr. Knowles has already been sworn, and I w^ould suggest that 
he start right in with the reading of this brief. 

Mr. Starnes. All right. 

Mr. Know^les. This brief is offered as argument in the specific 
matter of activity of the Communist Party in California agriculture. 
The agricultural industry of California has been one of the major 
focal points for Communist Party attack since 1933. 

One of the interesting features has been the great assistance given 
to the agitators in the agricultural field by the International Long- 
shoremen's Association and the jMaritime Federation of the Pacific. 
AVe charge that it has been done with the deliberate attempt and 
purpose of tying up the movement of foodstutfs from rural to urban 
communities when the time came for the general strike or other 
types of insurrection. The Communist Party is exceedingly frank 
in its aims regarding agriculture, as is evidenced by the opening 
statement made in this brief. 

We have nothing to hide. We are merely carrying out the details of a pro- 
gram prescribed by the Communist International to unseat the existing system 
of government and substitute a control similar in principle and operation to 
that of Soviet Russia. The workers no longer believe in the advice handed 
out by William Green, head of the American Federation of Labor, that they 
should not strike at a crisis because public sentiment would be against them. 
The longshoremen's strike proves that a crisis is the psychological time to 
press the issue. That illustrates the reason we follow California crops. 

This frank statement of the aims of the Communist Party was 
made by Albert Hougardy, a Communist leader and his party's can- 
didate for Congress in the Third District of California, in 1934, 
shortly before his arrest and conviction on criminal syndicalism 
charges in Sacramento County. 

If additional proof is required of what Communists propose to 
accomplish in California, as a forerunner of their intention to over- 
throw the Government of the United States, it is significant to note 
the public utterance of Pat Chambers, guiding force behind many 
of the agricultural labor disturbances in California : 

^Ve will keep on calling strikes among the agricultural workers In California 
until we get better conditions. Unless we can get settlements very soon, I am 
afraid it means violence. If the farmers import professional gunmen, as they 
are now doing, it will be necessary for us to arm and organize in self defense. 
Of course, we don't want that to happen. 

Caroline Decker, as Secretary of the Cannery and Agricultural 
Workers Industrial Union, the strike-agitating body of the Com- 
munist Party, has been equally unreserved in announcing the plans 
of her party. In newspaper dispatches of June 1934, which published 



UX-AMERK'AX PlfOI'AnAXDA APTTVITTES 1955 

the foregoing statements of Houoardy and Chambers, Miss Decker 
was quoted as stating : 

If in the process of getting better living nnd worl^ing conditions, it is neces- 
sary for the worlving class to overthrow the Government, then that means 
overthrow of the Government. 

Chambers and Caroline Decker were also convicted under the 
California Criuiinal Syndicalism Act and sentenced to 1 to 14 years 
in the State Penitentiary. Albert Hougardy was released from San 
Quentin Prison on parole August 28, 1936; Caroline Decker was 
paroled on April 17, 1937, and Pat Chambers on October 13, 1937. 
"We ort'er at this time ]ihotos and reports of Albert Hougardy, Pat 
Chambers, and Caroline Decker, and request that they be marked 
"Exhibits Nos. 1, 2, and 3" respectively. 

Investigation of all agricultural labor difficulties in California in 
1933 and 1934 showed that until the Cannery and Agricultural 
"Workers Industrial Union and its parent, the Trade Union Unity 
League, sent their agitators into the field, an orderly harvesting of 
crops was in progress. 

A chart seized at Communist Party headquarters in San Francisco 
during the 1934 raids tabulates the agricultural strikes which took 
place in California in 1932 and 1933. A notation on the chart states 
that of 71 total strikes in 1933, 35 were in the agricultural fields in- 
volving 5O.(*01 strikers. Of these 35 strikes, the Cannery and Agri- 
cultural Workers Industrial Union, a subsidiary of the Trade Union 
Unity League (which is the American section of the Profintern or 
Red International of Labor Unions directed by Moscow), claimed 
credit for leading 22 strikes, involving 41,650 strikers. We oifer at 
this time photostatic copy of Commimist chart showing strikes in 
agricultural industrv in 1932-33, and request that it be marked 
"Exhibit No. 4." 

A startling expose of Communist activities has been compiled from 
the "Western "Worker, official publication of the Communist Party in 
California, Arizona, and Nevada (District No. 13 of the Communist 
Party). The chart lists strikes called in California during the period 
from ]March 1. 1934, to Jidy 30, 1936, in which Communists par- 
ticipated or gave encouragement. More than 250,000 workers were 
involved in these strikes, according to the "Western "\"Vorker. "We 
otfer at this time chart showing Communist-aided strikes in Cali- 
fornia from March 1, 1934, to July 30, 1936, and request that it be 
marked ''Exhibit No. 5." 

The question may be raised as to why California agriculture has 
been selected as the battleground for the eiforts of the Communist 
Party. The answer is: Because of its vulnerability. Most of the 
crops are highly perishable in nature and must be harvested and dis- 
posed of without delay, or they will become a total loss. California 
agricultiu'e supplies approximately 40 percent of all the fresh and 
preserved fruits and vegetables consumed in the United States and 
failure of the crops — due to inability to harvest them — would en- 
danger the food supply of the Nation, resulting in widespread suffer- 
ing and exorbitant prices, thus carrying out the program of the 
Communist International. 

In late 1933 a series of agricultural disturbances occurred in the 
Imperial "Valley. 



1956 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES " 

Imperial Valley's principal source of revenue is from agriculture. 
Some 400 000 acres are devoted to the production of specuxlty crops 
and tliese chiefiv comprise lettuce, melons, tomatoes, peas, carrots, and 
similar garden crops. This vast acreage is operated in part by own- 
ers or lessees of relatively small farms who reside m the vjilley, and 
in part bv corporations or companies which lease much ot the land 
thev farm hire all lal)or, and operate with salaried managers and 
superintendents. The production of the various vegetable crops is 
for shipment to distant markets. All the crops are highly perishable 
and must be harvested promptly and shipped to destinations under , 
refrio-eration. During the canteloup harvest, the fields must be gone 
over "two and three times a day, as the melons ripen very quickly | 
under the sun. Any interference with harvestmc- operations through ' 
Communistic-inspired strikes would bring quick financial ruin upon 

the grower. ^  i i 

Wage scales paid to field workers, according to official record, were 
generallv in excess of the wage scale justified on the basis of returns 
to growers. Wage scales are set and payments made prior to the 
shipping of a crop, so that the wages of any given season cannot 
be fixed on the basis of the crop returns of that season, as the probable 
selling price cannot be foretold accurately. The general demand for 
labor is also a factor in the determining of wage scales. 

Imperial Valley possesses a large resident supply of agricultural 
labor, with Mexicans dominating numerically. Also, there has been 
a great influx of unemployed from other sections of California, and 
from many States in the' Union, seeking work in the agricultural 
fields. 

On November 1, 1933, a committee representing the Mexican union 
met with representatives of the growers and agreed, among other 
things, on a wage scale of 22.5 cents per hour for the harvesting of 
lettuce. This Mexican union, organized and sponsoi-ed by Senor 
Joaquin Terrazas, Mexican consul to the United States at Calexico, 
was a stabilizing influence in the agricultural-labor situation and had 
for a long time maintained most cordial relations with the growers. 

During the last few weeks of 1933, however, a marked change 
began to appear in the attitude of its leaders. During this period 
representatives of the Cannery and Agricultural Worlvers Industrial 
Union entered the valley and proceeded to organize a local. They 
drew members from the Mexican Union. The Cannery and Agri- 
cultural Workers Industrial Union admits in its own printed state- 
ments that it is the same organization which led the cotton strike in 
the Imperial Valley in 1933. It is also by its own admission led 
by meml)ers of the Communist Party. 

The official investigating committee sent into the Imperial Valley at 
the request of the California State Department of Agriculture, thei 
California Farm Bureau Federation, and the agricultural department 
of the California State Chamber of Commerce, made the following 
statement regarding the Cannery and Agricultural Workers Indus- 
trial Union: 

The Cannery and Agricultural Workers Industrial Union is a subsidiary of 
the Trade Union Unity League. This is stated on its own membership-applica- 
tion cards. The latter organization, in turn, is a subsidiary of the Red Inter- 
national of Labor Unions. This is stated on its literature and there is no 
attempt at concealment. The R. I. L. U. is an integral part of the world revo- 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1957 

liitiouary movement directed by the Commimist International. Tlie directing 
heads of this movement, and its leaders and ortjanizers in its subsidiaries 
throughout tlie world are members of the Communist Party. The program of 
the Commimist Party and of the Communist International embodies the over- 
throw of the American form of government by force, tlie suppression of re- 
ligion, and the establishment of a central control, or dictatorship by the work- 
ers tliemselves. Evidence to support these statements and hence to connect 
the agricultural disturbances in California with the Communist Party, the 
Communist International or the world revolutionary movements are .so abun- 
dant and are becoming so widely known that it seems unnecessary to add them 
in this report. 

'SVg offer at this time pamphlet on The Imperial Valley Farm 
Labor Situation, and request that it be marked "Exhibit No. 6." 

Its leaders in the Imperial Valley ^vere the same men and women 
who led the movement elsewhere in southern California. The Can- 
nery and Ao;ricultural "Workers Industrial Union finally obtained 
cou'iplete control of the Mexican union, which soon after went out of 
existence. 

On January 7, the C. A. W. I. U. circulated notices calling for a 
strike, and on the following day they presented their demands for 
increases in wages, recognition of the union, and other concessions. 

Between January 7 and January 12 there were minor disturbances 
at Brawley and other parts of the county. Lettnce was picked by 
those workers who refused to quit their jobs in spite of picketing 
and threats of violence. A number, who were not employed, were 
arrested on charges of disturbing the peace, carrying guns, vagrancy, 
intent to riot, and liolding meetings without police permits. 

The only disturbance which threatened to become serious took 
place on January 12, when the Brawley chief of police and several 
aides went to the hall used as a meeting place by members of the 
Cannery and Agricultural Workers Industrial Union to serve a war- 
rant on two of the union's organizers. The hall was filled, largely 
with Mexicans, who, it subsequently developed, prevented the arrest 
of the men sought. 

During the turmoil attendant upon the actions of the Mexicans 
the police chief tossed a gas bomb into the crowd. This incident was 
seized upon by the radical strike agitators and their sympathizers to 
support their statements that no order was given by the police chief 
for the crowd to disperse. It was a moment of confusion and excite- 
ment, but witnesses were not lacking who testified that the dis[)ersal 
order was given. 

On January 18 the Am.erican Civil Liberties Union, which is closely 
linked with the Communist movement in the United States, entered 
the picture in the Imperial Valley. (We offer at this time "Un- 
masked" — reprint from New York American of October 17, 1935, re 
American Civil Liberties Union, and request that it be marked 
"Exhibit Xo. 7.'*) A representative of the American Civil Liberties 
Union went before the Federal court at San Diego and ol)tained an 
injunction restraining the Stat& and Imperial Comity authorities from 
interfering with meetings of the American Civil Liberties Union in 
the Imperial Valley. 

The intent of this action, according to the report of tlie official 
committee, was to enable the Cannery and Agricultural AVorkers 
Industrial L'^nion to meet under the protection of the A. C. L. U. 
On January 23 the next incident of note in the vallej^ situation took 



1958 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

place. A. L. Wirin, attorney representing the A. C. K U., wlio was 
scheduled to preside at a meeting, was taken from a Brawley hotel, 
placed in an automobile, and driven several miles from town, and 
left to find his way back as best he could. The object was to keep 
him from attending the meeting scheduled for that evenmg and to 
cuo-o-est to him that he was "persona non grata" m the Imperial Val- 
ley.'' Wirin was not injured or otherwise molested and made his way 

back to town. 

Shortly afterward, Wirin announced his appointment as chief coun- 
sel for the Americal Civil Liberties Union and proceeded to Washing- 
ton dramatically reporting to the United States Attorney General 
that the Imperial Valley was in a state of insurrection and that the 
Government should intervene. 

The official committee investigating the disturbances m Imperial 
Valley deplored the Brawley incident that subjected Wirin to a 
temporary inconvenience at the hands of an exasperated community 
which regarded him as a disturber of the public peace, but pointed 
out that the A. C. L. U. had greatly exaggerated the episode. 

Mr. Starnes. Mr. Kjiowles, right at that point, is that the same 
AVirin who is alleged to have sat in at a conference with the witness, 
Markheim, who made an affidavit that he has sat in at conferences 
with Harry Bridges? 

Mr. Knowles. I believe it is, sir. I believe that is the only one 
by that name. Abraham Lincoln Wirin is the full name. 

"Other minor incidents took place in various parts of the Valley, 
but as they contribute little in the way of further understanding of 
the situation, detailed discussion of them is omitted. 

Having failed in their object of fomenting an Imperial Valley 
strike of major proportions, the Cannery and Agricultural Workers 
Industrial LTnion officials determined upon another and bolder course 
of action. They issued a circular calling for a Nation-wide boycott 
on the valley's products. This campaign was wholeheartedly en- 
dorsed by the American Civil Liberties Union, who flooded the 
country with newspaper releases urging an effective boycott. The 
public, however, declined to become a party to the conspiracy and 
ignored the plea for a boycott. 

From January 23 to February 19, the Cannery and Agricultural 
Workers Industrial Union attempted to organize and foment a strike. 
The citizens of the valley, on the other hand, attempted to prevent 
them from meeting and from intimidating the workers who were 
b}' that time harvesting the pea crop. On February 19 the camp of 
pea strikers was broken up by the county health officers and 15 hours' 
notice was given for evacuation, the notice being read in both 
Spanish and English to all campers. 

The conchisions of the official investigating committee were that 
although constant references were made in the press, in speeches, 
and various literature to the Imperial Valley "strike," technically 
there was no strike. 

If employees agree to work for a specified wage for their employers and are 
at work and employers agree to pay the wage and are paying it and there is 
adeqnatc labor thus employed to do the work, then there is no strike. 

The disturbance in the Imperial Valley was brought about solely 
through the efforts of the Cannery and Agricultural Workers Indus- 
trial Union, with the aid of the American Civil Liberties Union, as 



UX-AMKKK"AX I'KOl'AGANDA ACTIVITIES 1959 

a part of the revolutionary pro<>;ram of the Communist Party. The 
conuiiittee. in its report, decUu'ed that the situation Avas part of what 
api)earo(l to he a definite i)rojiiram, carried out hy the same orjraniza- 
tion, with the same affiliations and the same leaders and organizers 
as have appeared in other agricultural areas of the State. It is a 
program primarily directed toward the perishable crops of California 
agriculture. 

The Communist Party acknowledges its leadership of the Imperial 
Valley lettuce-pickers strike in a circular issued on January 27. We 
offer at this time copv of this circular, and request that it be marked 
'•Exhibit No. 8."' 

In June 1934 the Cannery and iVgricultural Workers Industrial 
Union transferred its activities to Bentwood, Contra Costa County, 
which is the center of the Diablo Valley apricot district. It is inter- 
esting to note that the Diablo Valley in 1931 was the only apricot 
section of the State to produce a full crop. A highly perishable 
crop, apricots require immediate harvesting. 

On June 3, led by Caroline Decker, secretary of the C. A. W. I. U., 
a fleet of automobiles carrying approximately 250 men and a few 
women, descended upon Brentwood. Picketing of the orchards be- 
gan immediately in an effort to halt fruit-picking and packing-plant 
operations. Threats of violence against the orchard workers were 
made unless they deserted their jobs. A few workers did leave their 
jobs, but the greater part remained at work and refused to be 
intimidated. 

Demands were drawn up by leaders of the pickets and presented 
to the growers. They were promptly rejected by a committee of 
growers for the excellent reason that no actual employee had raised 
any objection to the character of his employment or the wage scale. 

The threatening attitude of the pickets led to counter measures 
by the growers. A force of sheriff's deputies, supplemented by mem- 
bers of the California State Highway Patrol, was sent into the 
district. 

On June 6 the Sheriff issued an order forbidding picketing along 
the highway, and to enforce this order some 75 deputies rounded 
up the agitators and pickets and quartered them in a corral. After 
supplying them with lunch, they were escorted to the San Joaquin 
County line. Fourteen of the ringleaders who resisted the order to 
cease picketing were arrested under a section of the penal code pro- 
hibiting disturbances on the public highway. 

The Brentwood district, during the few days of the mass picketing 
operations, was flooded with inflammatory circulars signed by the 
Cannery and Agricultural Workers Industrial Union. Among other 
statements contained in the circulars was this advice : 

AH camps elect defense committees and insist on your rights. If any nrrests 
take place, notify International Labor Defense, 645 Twenty-second Street, 
Oakland, Calif. 

We offer at this time handbill headed "Apricot Workers," and re- 
quest that it be marked "Exhibit No. 9." 

The International Labor Defense referred to in the circular is 
the American section of the Communist International Red Aid. and 
legally aids and propagandizes in behalf of Communists arrested for 
revolutionary activities. It has numerous branches throughout Cali- 
fornia and cooperates with the American Civil Liberties LTnion, 90 



1950 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

percent of whose efforts are also on behalf of the Communist Party 
and its subsidiaries. 

After the ejection from Contra Costa County of the large group 
of agitators and the jailing of the ringleaders, the district was 
peaceful and picking of the apricot crop proceeded without molesta- 
tion from outsiders until June 7, "svhen J. B. Nathan, business agent 
of the Cannery Workers Union, an A. F. of L. affiliate, appeared 
upon the scene, formed a committee of five and drew up a list of 
demands upon the growers. 

Nathan's true name is D. M. Gerund. He served a 2-year term 
for forgei-y in a Texas penitentiary as No. 56808. The Texas peni- 
tentiary authorities released Gerund to the Immigration Depart- 
ment for deportation, upon his statement that he w\as an alien. 
When about to be deported, however, he presented proof of his citi- 
zenship. He thus succeeded in shortening an indeterminate sentence 
by committing fraud and perjury. He is reported to have deserted 
from the United States Army in 1924, and also to have fled from 
Italy to France to avoid a murder charge. Has a long record of 
arrests throughout California. Was at one time an organizer for the 
Cannery and Agricultural Workers Industrial Union. 

Mr. Starnes. May I interrupt at that point, sir ? You have a brief 
here on aliens ? 

Mr. Knowles. Yes, sir. 

Mr. NiMMO. We do, Mr. Chairman, 

Mr. Starxes. Do you plan to reach that today? I have certain 
pertinent excerpts here from the annual report of the State Board 
of Prisons Terms and Paroles of the State of California, which I 
would like to make a part of the record. I do not want to do it 
in this brief if you reach the other brief during the day. 

Mr. Knowles. That is at your pleasure, sir. It would fit in here, 
I might say. 

Mr. Starnes. In the agricultural disturbances which you have had 
in the State of California, which you allege w^ere fomented by the 
Connnunist Party, do you find a large number of alien w^orkers and 
alien agitators? 

Mr. Knowles. A great number of them ; yes, sir. 

Mr. Starnes. Do your investigations disclose that many of them 
have prison records — criminal records? 

Mr. Knowles. Yes; quite a number. 

Mr. Starnes. At this point I want to make a part of the record 
certain excerpts from the Fifth Annual Keport of the Board of 
Prison Terms and Paroles of the State of California, page 26, under 
the subhead, "The Alien Deportation Problem," in which it is called 
to the attention of the public that deportation of criminals is a 
Federal function ; that it is disclosed that an unusually large number 
of aliens are held as prisoners for felonies in the State of California; 
that an unusually small number have been deported, although these 
specific facts have been called to the attention of the Department 
of Lal)or. I am going to supplement that excerpt with an excerpt 
from the Sixth Annual Report to the Governor of the State of Cali- 
fornia of the Board of Prison Terms and Paroles for the year 
193G-7, and I am going to read this pertinent excerpt on the alien 
deportation problem : 



UN-AMERICAN I'KOrAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1961 

111 our last annual report we called attention to tlio number of aliens in 
our prisons and to the ditiieulty in deporting tl.eni, and as deportation is 
■exclusivelj- a Federal matter, we su^'jiested lo the Federal Government "that 
some plan should he arrived at which would provide for the actual deportation 
of all alien prisoners after they have served I he proper time in custody here." 

We res?ret to say that the alien problem is still with us. In fact, on June 
30. 1037, we had in ovir institutions a total of 1,ONO admitted aliens as against 
■Qtil a year ago. In all probability the actual number of alien prisoners in 
our institutions was much iircater, due to the tendency of foreijiii-born prisoners 
to claim that they were born in this country to forestall the possibility of 
deportation and the difficulty in disproving their claims in many cases. During 
the period covered by this report we only succeeded in getting the Federal 
Government to deport 1(J5 men, and of that number 15 went to Canada and 
82 to Mexico. 

(The matter referred to is as follows:) 

[Prom Fifth Annual Report to the Governor of the State of California of the board of 
prison terms and paroles, 1935—36; pages 26 and 27] 

THE ALIEN DEPORTATION PKOBLEM 

On June 30, 1036, we had in our penal institutions an admitted total of 
9iil aliens. Due to the tendency of foreign-born prisoners to claim American 
birth in order to forestall possible deportation proceedings and the difficulty 
of disproving these claims in many cases, the probability is that the actual 
number of alien prisoners in our institutions was much greater than the 
figures given above. 

We believe it will be generally conceded that a foreigner who is not sufficiently 
interested to become a citizen of this country and who violates our laws by 
committing a felony crime should, after a reasonable period of incarceration, 
be deported to the country from whence he came. The board believes in this 
principle and, therefore, makes every effort to secure the deportation of foreign 
criminals after they have served a reasonable time in our penal institutions. 
Deportation is exclusively within the jurisdiction of the Federal Government 
however, and all the board can do is to recommend to the Federal Government 
that such prisoners be deported. Unfortunately in a great many cases the 
Federal Government does not deport these men and the result is that a great 
many foreign criminals are released from prison at the expiration of their 
sentences in this country quite possibly to continue their criminal careers here. 
During the year a total of 133 men were deported. Eighty-nine men, however, 
went to Mexico and seven to Canada and experience has shown that deporta- 
tions to adjacent countries are not always permanent for obvious reasons. 

Lacking the power to compel deportation, the board makes 'every effort to 
induce alien criminals to return to their own countries by granting paroles upon 
condition that the inmates leave the United States and, in many cases, even 
offers to pay the inmates transportation to the countries from whence they 
came. However, we find in most cases that such inmates prefer to serve their 
entire sentence inside of prison w^ills rather than accept paroles to their own 
country. 

We respectfully suggest to the Federal Government that some plan should 
be arrived at which woidd enable the actual deportation of all alien prisoners 
after they have served the proper time in custody here. 

[From Sixth Annual Report to the Governor of the State of Talifornia of the board of 

prison terms and paroles, 1936-S7, p. 13] 

THE ALIEN DEPORTATION PRORLEM 

In our last annual report, we called attention to the number of aliens in our 
prisons and to the difficulty of deporting them, and as deportation is exclusively 
a Federal matter, we suggested to the Federal Government "that some plan 
should be arrived at which would provide for the actual deportation of all alien 
prisoners after they have served the proper time in custody here." 

We regret to ."^ay that the alien prol)lem is still with us. In fact on June 30, 
1937. we had in our institutions a total of 1,080 admitted aliens as against 
Ofil a year ago. In all probability the actual number of alien prisoners in our 
institutious was much greater due to the tendency of foreign-born prisoners 
to claim that they were born in this country to forestall the possibility of dc- 



1962 UN-AMERICAN PROrAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

portation and the difficulty in disproving their claims iu many cases. During the- 
period coverc d by this report we only succeeded iu getting the Federal Govern- 
ment to deport 165 men, and of that number 15 went to Canada and 82 to- 
Mexico. 

Mr. Starnes. That is for the purpose, of course, of showing that 
there is an unusually large alien criminal population in the country; 
that the State of California has that problem; that the officer of the 
State board of prison terms and paroles has dealt with the problem, 
made a study of it, and requested the Federal Government to take ac- 
tion, and has requested the Federal Government to deport aliens, as 
required by law, who are convicted of felonies and crimes involving 
moral turpitude, and that no such action has been taken except in a 
limited munber of cases. 

All right, Mr. Knowles, you may proceed. 

]Mr. Knowles. The committee consisted of Leo Murphy, chairman; 
W. C. Ham ; Jack Rea ; J. B. Nathan ; and Caroline Decker. No mem- 
ber of the committee was a resident of the Brentwood district. 

On June 9, 1934, the Brentwood area was the center of a widespread 
distribution of mimeographed leaflets which bore this sentence at the 
bottom of the sheet in capital letters : 

"This leaflet issued by the cannery & agricultural workers 



INDUSTRIAL UNION" 



The leaflet called for a strike and mass picketing operations, and 
presumably was written and distributed under tlie direction of Caro- 
line Decker, secretary of the C. A. W. I. U. (We again refer to exhibit 
No. 9, handbill headed "Apricot workers.") 

The larger apricot orchards in the Brentwood area lost no workers 
in the strike agitation, but a few pickers left their jobs in some of the 
smaller orchards, and a few growers made wage concessions as a con- 
ciliatory move in order to facilitate picking of the crop. The labor sup- 
pl}' at Brentwood was more than ample to conduct harvesting and 
cutting operations. In fact, it was estimated that there Avere three 
applicants for every available job. 

On June 15, Nathan was arrested at Brentwood on complaint of 
C. B. Weeks, who charged that Nathan had made threats against the 
lives of workers in the Balfour-Guthrie orchards. Nathan was re- 
leased on $1,000 bail. Previously he had been twice arrested at Brent- 
wood on charges of trespassing and disturbing the peace. He was fined 
$350 on the latter charge. 

A Methodist ministerial group conducted an inquiry into the 
Brentwood situation and reached the conclusion that "the chief 
agents in fomenting trouble in the Brentwood section are Commu- 
nists." The committee of ministers was appointed at the annual con- 
ference of the Methodist Episcopal Church, then in session at Stock- 
ton. Members of the committee were: Dr. B. J. Morris, Berkeley,, 
chairman; Dr. C. C. McCown, dean of the Pacific School of Reli- 
gion; and Rev. A. G. McVay, of Orland. We offer at this time 
a clipi)ing from the Oakland Tribune of June 19, 1934, captioned 
"Pastors Lay Fruit Strike to Radicals," and request that it be 
marked "Exhibit No. 10." 

Also, clipping from the San Francisco Examiner of June 5, 1934^ 
captioned " 'R«ds' Renew Valley Strike," with the request that it be 
marked "Exhibit No. 11." 



UX-AMI:HI(A.\ I'UorAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1963 

It is known that Comniiuiists were in the district selling mom- 
bersliip ciU'ds for anythini:; down and the balance when possible. 
Cards were in some instances secnred for '25 cents deposit. This 
activity was under the direction of Caroline Decker. 

Following dismissal of the charges against Nathan, he left the 
area, and harvesting of the crops proceeded peaccMdly as tlie major- 
ity of tlie agitators — linding there was no hope of fomenting a 
strike — also left the vicinity. 

This labor agitation has been. deliberately planned by the Com- 
munist Party to destroy agricultural wealth by delaying the harvest 
of ])erisliable crops and to plant the seeds of revolution and the 
overthrow of the Government by force and violence in the minds of 
the laborers. It has been stated that each strike is but a rehearsal 
of tlie revolution. When workers have resisted the efTorts of agita- 
tors to lure them away from their jobs, acts of sabotage have been 
resorted to. Sabotage operations assume the form of attacks against 
properties of the fruit-preserving industry and fruit-drying plants. 

Phosjihorus gangs have been active in the San Joaquin and Sacra- 
mento Valleys where many of the important fruit canning and dic- 
ing plants are located. On July 7, 1934, fruit-packing plants were 
destroyed by phosphorus bombs at Hanford and Cutler, and at- 
tempts were made several days later to destroy plants at Tracy and 
Modesto, which fortunately were unsuccessful. 

"Strike Strategy in the Agricultural Fields" was the title of a cir- 
cular widely distributed from San Jose headquarters of the Cannery 
and Agricultural Workers Industrial Union. It is significant that 
nowhere in the pamphlet was any reference made to the fundamental 
causes of strikes, such as wages and living and working conditions. 
We offer at this time copy of this pamphlet, Strike Strategy in the 
Agricultural Fields, and request that it be marked "Exhibit No. 12." 

The bulletin makes clear the revolutionary intent, as one para- 
graph states: 

Considerable experience in revolutionary struggle and in strike strategy has 
been developed. With greater and greater masses of workers constantly being 
drawn into the struggle, the time has come to take stock of the various methods 
and tactics used in preparing and conducting strikes of field workers. 

The anonymous writer of the bnlletin admits that the ultimate 
objective of a series of strikes is "to bring about the establishment 
of the workers' own government." 

Three general methods of calling strikes are discussed in the bul- 
letin : The open method, the quiet — or "delegates' conference" method, 
and the combination "open and quiet" method. The open method, 
it is explained, is handled by the union, which "calls a public mass 
meeting of workers to consider the question of calling a strike." 

"If the sentiment of the majority is in favor of striking," the leaflet 
continues, "the strike call is issued, a strike committee is elected 
from the floor and instructions issued in regard to picketing, etc." 
The open method was held objectionable in the leaflet because it 
prevented preliminary work, exposes the leaders before the strike 
materializes, and gives the "bosses" a chance to organize to preA'ent 
the strike or minimize its menace. 

The "delegates' conference" method is more secret, and more 
favored by the radical strategists. Full plans are formulated at a 



1964 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

secret executive conference of workers, "and when the strike is called 
it comes as a surprise to the bosses and police." 

"Whenever possible, union men should be working on the ranches 
as nuich more effective work can be done from the inside than from 
the outside." This is the well-known Communist technique of 
"boring from within"— in other words, enlisting the sympathies of 
men ah-eady at work. 

The combination method is achieved by holding of secret executive 
conferences of workers to formulate plans of action, and then the 
holding of a mass meeting on the eve of the strike. 

Woi-kers' schools are also maintained throughout California by the 
Communist Party, Avhere young men and women are taught all the 
arts of communism, its doctrines of violence, terror, destruction and 
strategy in fomenting strikes and spreading discontent and disorder. 
By means of strikes and preventing the harvesting and transporta- 
tion of perishable crops, it is their hope to completely paralyze Cali- 
fornia agriculture. 

Proof that the communists do not seek to win the strikes they 
foment, but only to bring about as much misery as possible, lies in 
the following excerpt from an address by Ealph H. Taylor, executive 
secretary of the Agricultural Council of California, in an address 
before the Commonwealth Club on June 8, 1934; we offer at this time 
pamphlet entitled "California's Embattled Farmers," and request 
that it be marked "Exhibit No. 13." 

A personal friend, a man of admittedly liberal views, who by many 
is considered a radical, was so considered by the members of the 
Communist Party who were active in the San Joaquin Valley cotton 
strike last year (1933). As a result, two of these leaders, who were 
then being sought by the police, called on this man and put in several 
hours with him, discussing their aims and problems. After consid- 
erable discussion with reference to the strike then in progress, my 
friend asked these Communist leaders what they were planning to do 
after they won the strike. Their reply was significant. It was : 

"We do not want to win this or any other strike. We want to 
create all the misery we can by all the means we can, for in that way 
w^e hope to more quickly bring about revolution." 

This is not some ingenious figinent of the imagination. This is a 
case within my own personal knowledge, for Avhich I can vouch. 

On July 19, 1934, the California Legionnaire published : 

The central committee of the Communist Party, New York City, has assigned 
John Cameron, chairman southern California branch Communist Party, to 
organize strilces throughout the agricultural districts of California. Field 
and agricultural workers, through a campaign of propaganda, intimidation 
and violence, will if possible, be led to quit their jobs. All communists recently 
arrested in San Francisco and vicinity will be ordered to report for instruc- 
tions in either Marysville, San Jose, Sacramento, Fresno, or Bakersfield. Com- 
munists from these cities and their vicinity will be ordered to report for duty 
in San Francisco. Activity will be concentrated on crops that must be har- 
vested, canned, or preserved rapidly, and upon canneries, drying and packing 
sheds. Phosphorus squads are now organized headed by workers who have 
graduated from eastern communist schools. A reign of terror is planned. 
Wherever possible, blame for sabotage, intimidation and violence is to be placed 
upon the American Federation of Labor, in order that public opinion be 
arou.sed against the A. F. of L. The American Legion is to be involved 
wherever possible and widespread reports given to "police brutality," "Fascist 
tactics," and "vigilante methods." 



UN-AMERICAN TKOPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1965 

"Wo offer at this time cop}- of "California Legionnaire," publislied 
on July 19, 1934, and request that it be marked "Plxhibit No. 14." 

Mr. Starnes. In other words, the agricultural Avorkers in the agri- 
cultural fields of California were organized for the purpose of dump- 
ing and destroying the agricultural products by the use of phos- 
phorus bombs, and so forth. 

]\Ir. Knoavi.es. Yes ; there was a great series of cannery fires there. 

In August and September of 1934 a strike of major proportions 
apjieared imminent in the lettuce area of the Salinas and Pajaro 
Valleys. The Western Worker, official organ of the Communist 
Party, published inflammatory articles which called attention to the 
ineffectiveness of arbitration as a means of winning strikes, following 
the acceptance of arbitration by the principal parties to the con- 
troversy: The Grower-Shipper Vegetable Association and the Vege- 
table Packers' Association. 

Ella Winter, so-called high-priestess of communism on the Pacific 
coast, wife of the late Lincoln Steffons, and author of many books 
on connnunism, attempted to gain admittance to a hall in Salinas 
where members of the union were holding a mass meeting. Com- 
munist literature was generally distributed to the Filipino camps 
and to members of the Vegetable Packers Association. Advantages 
of membership in the Cannery, and Agricultural Workers' Indus- 
trial Union was also stressed in this literature. 

In this instance the plans of the Communist Party and the 
C. A. W. I. L". were of no avail, and a satisfactory settlement was 
effected. 

We now offer a reprint from the January 30, 1936, issue of the 
Western Worker, entitled "Tasks of the Communist Party Among 
California Farmers," and request that it be marked "Exhibit No. 15." 
The article states, in part: 

Our section committees and units liave tliree tasks of major importance. 
First tliey must establisli locals of the A. F. L. Agricultural Workers Unions 
wherever possible. * * * 

Second, organized progressive groups must be built up around party members 
in locals of the Grange, Farm Bureau, or Farmers' Union. * * * 

Third, serious attention must be given to the trade unions in the small 
communities. Often these bodies are not .so bureaucratically controlled as they 
are in the larger cities. 

This is but another link on the chain of evidence of the Comminiist 
Partv's interest in destroving California agricidture. 

Early in 1936, bloody rioting in the vegetable fields near Los An- 
geles marked the culmination of Commimist agitation which had 
been going on for several weeks. Three men w-ere shot and seriously 
wounded, three were stabbed and four others terribly beaten when 
the Sheriff's squad arrived to stop the battle in the Dominguez hills. 
They arersted 35 men and a woman radical, two other women agi- 
tators escaping in the melee. 

This labor trouble was agitated by the Communist Party under 
the name of "Public Works' Unemployed Union, Local 49," and was 
directed against the vegetable growers who had refused to recognize 
the union. Lillian Monroe, secretary of the union, has a long record 
of Communist activity, particularly in the San Joaquin cotton strike 
of 1933, which resulted in two deaths and injuries to scores of others. 

Led by members of the Young Communist League and represen- 



1966 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

trttives of the radical America Student Union, several cars of high 
school students attempted to "rush" strikebreakers in the fields near 
Venice on May 9th and incite rioting. Peace officers arrival on the 
scene prevented serious consequences. 

Other student Communists worked in half-day shifts in the fields 
adjacent to Los Angeles, the boys and girls walking arm in arm with 
Mexican laborers who ipatrolled the section where strikebreakers 
were at work. 

In connection with this strike in the celery fields, the plan of strike 
tactics mapped out by Communist leaders included the use of "flying 
squads." The "flying squad" was composed of a number of carloads 
of agitators. The leading car carried men wdio were armed and were 
under orders to shoot at the workers as they sped by the field; this 
car and its armed "reds" then disappeared as quickly as possible. 
Additional cars then stopped at the field and created as much dis- 
turbance as possible, although none of the agitators were found to 
carry arms during a search. The Communist Party has ordered the 
use of the flying squads in agricultural strikes in California whenever 
possible. 

We offer at this time a stenographic report dealing exclusively 
with the so-called "California Conference of Agricultural Workers" 
held at Stockton on June 6 and 7, 1936, and request that it be 
raarked "Exhibit No. 16." 

Sponsors of this agricultural conference included such authentic 
dirt farmers as Israel Feinberg, Sam White, and H. Rubinstein of 
the radical International Ladies Garment Workers' Union. 

Mr. Starnes. Do you mean to say that the sponsors of the agri- 
cultural organizations during this agricultural strike included such 
people as Israel Feinberg, Sam White, and Rubinstein, who were 
members of the International Ladies Garment Workers' Union? 

Mr. Knowles. Yes. 

Mr. Starnes. Who is Mr. Jesse Southwick, mentioned here ? 

Mr. Knowles. He is connected with the Motion Picture Projectors' 
Union. 

Mr. Starnes. Who is Kid well? 

Mr. Knowles. He is connected with the Bakery Wagon Drivers' 
Union as a sponsor. 

Mr. Starnes. And who is Patterson? 

Mr. Knowles. He is in the Workers' Alliance; also, Norman 
Thomas, Socialist candidate for President, is one of the sponsors. 

Mr. Starnes. Are any of these men known to be Communists or 
aliens ? 

Mr. Knowles. I would hesitate to call them that, from memory. 

Mr. Starnes. I would like to know about Caroline Decker. Is she 
the same Caroline Decker who was very active in the Pittsburgh area 
m 1932? ^ 

Mr. Knowles. That is right; under the name of Caroline Johnson. 

Mr. Starnes. Jack Johnson is her husband? 

Mr. Knowles. He was. 

Mr. Starnes. He is a Communist? 

Mr. Knowles. Yes. 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 19(37 

Mr. Starnes. Is he tlie same party who organized the Bombay 
textile strike in 1898, when he was deported by the British Govern- 
ment ? 

Mr. Knowles. That is right. 

Mr. Starnes. As to these leaders in the agricultural strike known 
to have prison records or known to be aliens or members of the 
Communist Party, or any olhci- un-American group, will you furnish 
as exhibits to j'our agricultural brief, sketches of the persons referred 
to? 

]\Ir. Knowles. Yes ; I will be glad to do that. 

]Mr. Starnes. It is interesting to note in this connection that while 
Congress has placed its stamp of disapproval on the importation of 
strikebreakers, that the industrialists and employers have been 
brought, under the leadership of the Communist Party and their 
work in trade-union activities, into the very evils which have been 
complained of on the part of the workers in this country, and I think 
rightly so, and we find them indulging in identically the same tactics. 
I think that is a matter worthy of note and more than passing atten- 
tion that they have, according to j'our sworn statement, that you will 
further amplify with testimony — that they, themselves, have im- 
ported strikers from the East and have imported agitators from 
other groups in nowise connected with the activities of agriculture, 
but who have been guilty of violence, murder, and the destruction of 
private property. 

Mr. NiMMO. There can be no doubt about that. 

Mr. Starnes. That is worthy of note and worthy of attention. 

If it is wrong for one side, and it is necessary to have Federal leg- 
islation to correct those evils — and I think so, because I voted for 
those acts — I think it is worthy of attention on the part of Congress 
and the people of the United States so that a general remedy for 
those conditions may be secured. 

Mr. NiMMO. There can be no doubt about the necessity for legis- 
lation to correct some of these conditions, but that can be supple- 
mented by better and stronger enforcement of the legislation we 
already have. 

Mr. Starnes. I agree with you on that. 

You may proceed. 

Mr. Knowles. As I said, sponsors of this agricultural conference 
included such authentic dirt farmers as Israel Feinberg, Sam AVliite, 
and H. Rubenstein of the radical International Ladies' Garment 
"Workers' Union; Jesse Southwick of the Motion Picture Projectors' 
Union: George Kid well of the Bakery "Wagon Drivers' Union; and 
E. D. Patterson of the Workers' Alliance; honorable chairman was 
Norman Thomas, Socialist candidate for President of the United 
States. The entire meeting was dominated by the radical element, 
although a few bona fide agricultural representatives were drawn 
in, believing it to be a legitimate movement. 

At this conference was adopted a resolution to form a Federation 
of Agricultural, Cannery, and Packing Workers, and also to make 
a demand for a minimum wage of $3 per day. California farmers, 
as shown by official Government records, are already payino; the 
highest wages for farm labor in the United States. They are deter- 

94931— 38— vol. 3 17 



1968 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

mined to keep up this high standard, but to pay more than they can 
afford would spell ruin for both farmers and workers. 

In September of 1936, a major strike occurred m the lettuce faelds 
of Salinas and Watsonville. This strike was under the guidance 
of the Communist Party. It was marked by numerous incidents of > 
violence; trucks of lettuce were overturned when growers attempted 
to move their crops to market without the assistance of strikers; 
tomatoes studded with razor blades were hurled at drivers of trucks ; 
the streets were strewn with glass. 

The International Labor Defense promptly appeared upon the 
scene when such outstanding agitators as Luella "Happy" Branham 
and Louis Masterson were arrested for their activity m connection 
with the strike. Elaine Black, secretary of the I. L. D. in northern 
California and one of the most ardent and militant Communist agi- 
tators on the Pacific coast, personally moved into the Salinas area 
to direct defense proceedings, and while there addressed the apple 
workers of Watsonville, urging them to strike in sympathy with the 

lettuce workers. 

The organizational chairman for the Fruit and Vegetable Work- 
ers' Union was one Glenn Kircher, also known as George Kircher, 
G. /Kercher and Kersher, as well as Paul Roberts and other aliases. 

At the time of the strike in Salinas, as well as being organizational 
chairman of the union, Kircher was also county organizer of Monterey 
County for the Connnunist Party. Police records show that he was 
sentenced to 5 years in the Federal Penitentiary at Leavenworth, 
Kans., on the charges of stealing Government property, and for 1 to 
5 years in the Idaho Penitentiary for burglary, besides arrests as a 
short-change artist in Concordia, Kans. 

In a letter to "Comrade" W. W. Fennell in Long Beach, Kircher 
wrote as follows : 

Things are going hot and heavy here now. Our new agreement is under fire, 
and plenty of it. The local press has gone nuts. We have a complete R. & F. 
committee doing the talking. Louise Faris, Shorty Elston, Ben Montgomery, 
Ann Fritz, and Bud Faris. Doss and Shevlin are small potatoes now. Delegates 
to State convention this year are S. Elston, Louise Faris, and myself. * * * 
Everything points to a clean sweep in O. C. T. Got a good strong branch in 
San Jose now. One in Placerville, and one in Keseyville, all wrap packers. 
Will have the field workers sewed up in another week. Sending you a copy of 
the F. and V. W. U. Bulletin. Shorty, Louise Montgomery, Ethel Elcorn, and 
myself are the editorial staff. Sure is one fine job being editor of two 
papers. * * * rpj^jg jq^^j. jj^g been all haywire jobs run 2 and 3 days a week. 
All the tramps should be on relief, but they have not got that much sense. 
They still believe they are aristocrats. * * * rpj^g gang says to tell you 
the lettuce workers could stand a contribution. 

Kircher signed his letter "Comradely" and advised Fennell to, 
"P. S.— address all mail to— Paul Roberts, Box 738, Salinas, Calif." 

The rioting was so severe in the counties of Monterey, Santa Cruz, 
and San Benito that the law enforcement officers of the State, county, 
and city organized a joint operating force, and finally, in Monterey 
County the "Posse Comitatus" statute was invoked and the entire 
manpower of the county placed at the disposal of the sheriff. 

Communist members of the Fruit and Vegetable Workers' Union 
have openly boasted of the part they took in inciting the trouble and 
in keeping it stirred up. Copies of the Western Worker were freely 
distributed. 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1969 

AVe offer at this time Tlie American Citizen, October IG, 1936, 
article captioned ''Reds Still Active in Salinas," and request that it 
be marked "Exhibit No. IT." 

On November 2.'>. 193G, a strike Avas called in the San Joaquin 
celery fields led by Vance E. Ambrose (true name Earl V. Am- 
brose) as president of the Aj:>-ricultural Workers' Union at Stockton. 
Ambrose has a police record and he is an extremely active member 
of the Communist Party, havino- held the office of section or^^anizer 
in San Bernardino County, literature agent, and other posts. In 
spite of the declaration of "strike" by some 350 newly recruited 
members of the Agricidtural Workers' Union, most of whom were 
not emi^loyed by the celery growers or shippers at the time the strike 
was called, some 3.000 others refused to join the movement and con- 
tinued working. Harvesting and shipping continued without inter- 
ruption. 

Herbert Hoover, alias Herbert Howard, field organizer for the 
Communist Party for the cannery and agricultural workers, organ- 
izer of the communistic Ex-service Men's League, and a member of 
the International Labor Defense, was also active in agitating for a 
strike. 

At first the union fee demanded by Ambrose and his cohorts was 
$25, but this was gradually reduced until last quotations valued the 
membership fee at $2.50, to be paid if and when the candidate had 
the money. 

We introduce at this time two dodgers, "To the General Public," 
and request that they be marked "Exhibits 18 and 19," respectively. 
Over 100 delegates from 23 States, representing 100,000 agricul- 
tural, cannery, fruit, and vegetable workers, attended the First 
National Convention of the U. C. A. P. A. W. A. (United Cannery, 
Agricultural. Packing & Allied Workers of America) at Denver, 
Colo., on July 9, 10. 11, and 12, 1937. 

The United Cannery, Agricultural, Packing & Allied Workers of 
America, with the direct backing of the C. I. O. leadership, had 
now set out to organize California's cannery and agricultural 
industry. 

The convention call, issued by the National Committee of Can- 
nery, Agricultural, Cannery, and Packinghouse Unions, with Donald 
Henderson as secretary, was signed by 54 unions representing 
75,000 workers. Of the 54 unions, it was claimed that 44 were 
A. F. L. affiliates and 10 independent unions, 

Donald Henderson, who was elected international president of the 
Jj. C. A. P. A. W. A., was formerly a professor of economics at 
Columbia LTniversity and was ousted in 1933 due to his radical 
activties. He is a member of the Communist Party and the Ameri- 
can League Against War and Fascism (now known as the American 
League for Peace and Democracy), a subsidiary of the Communist 
Party. United States of America, and is active in numerous other 
radical and left-wing organizations. He has been active in develop- 
ing the Arkansas Sharecroppers Union, and more recently, in Janu- 
ary 1938, he directed the pecan-shellers' strike at San Antonio, Tex. 
The U. C. A. P. A. W. A. convention at Denver passed a number 
of resolutions, indicating very clearly their stand. The following 
resolutions were adopted : 



1970 UN-AMERICAN PROPAG.\NDA ACTIVITIES 

Resolution regarding establishment of an international union cov- 
ering tlie following fields: All types of agricultural workers; all 
fruit, fish, and vegetable canning and packing workers ; all horticul- 
tural workers and workers in allied fields. 

Resolution endorsing the organization, program and policies, and 
activities of the Committee for Industrial Organization and recom- 
mending application to C. I. O. for an international charter covering 
their field of work. 

Resolution going on record against race discrimination in all its 
forms; further pledging convention to uphold fundamental of no 
discrimination toward foreign-born and other minorities, regardless 
of nationality, color, creed, or political belief ; and condemning reac- 
tionary practice by relief authorities discriminating against foreign- 
born and other minorities ; further, to fight for the extension of fran- 
chise to all American citizens, particularly the Negro people, and 
to all peoples not yet extended that right. 

Resolution endorsing formation, by Government aid or otherwise, 
of genuine cooperatives. 

Resolution favoring cooperation of U. C. A. P. A. W. A. with the 
Workers' Alliance of America (which the Communist Party boast 
they organized and control) ; further, that a subcommittee be elected 
to work with a subcommittee of the national executive board of the 
Workers' Alliance of America on the details of cooperation. 

Resolution supporting all bona fide union labels. 

Resolution regjirding establishing of a union label to be used on 
products handled by any branch of the U. C. A. P. A. W. A. 

Resolution instructing executive committee to design a uniform 
dress button for all members, to be on sale at all locals. 

Resolution regarding labor's political role: Endorsing and sup- 
porting such progressive prolabor movements as the Farmer Labor 
Tarty of Minnesota; the Progressive Party of Wisconsin; the Com- 
monwealth Federation of the Pacific Northwest ; the American Labor 
Party in New York; Labor's Nonpartisan League; and in several 
sections, the Democratic Party. 

Resolution that convention give its whole-hearted support to the 
Spanish Loyalist government, demanding the immediate withdrawal 
of all German and Italian troops from Spanish soil, and petitioning 
the United States Government to enact an immediate and complete war 
materials embargo on both Germany and Italy as aggressor nations in 
an international war. 

Resolution instructing executive board to aid in every possible way 
all labor prisoners through their respective defense committees. 

Resolution requesting that a bureau for agricultural workers be 
established as a part of the United States Department of Labor. 

Resolution protesting use of troops in strikebreaking activity. 

Resolution demanding immediate dismissal of nine Filipino strike 
leaders in Hawaii, and expressing gratitude of the convention to the 
International Labor Defense for sending Attorney Grover Johnson (a 
consistent defender of Communists and other radicals) to defend the 
arrested leaders. 

Resolution protesting the dismissal of Jerome Davis, professor at 
Yale University and president of the American Federation" of Teach- 
<irs, because of his liberal social opinions and activities. 

Resolution against war and fascism. 



UN-AMERICAN rKOPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1971 

Resolution requesting: removal of discriminations, exclusions, and 
exemptions of agricultural workers from all existing Federal and State 
legislation. 

Kesolution demanding that when assistance or subsidies to farmers 
are given by the Federal Government, that a minimum wage for farm 
labor and a mininunn-hour clause be included before such assistance 
can be given, and endorsing the administration's Soil Conservation 
Act. 

Resolution protesting amendments to Wagner Act which would 
establish enndover control over unions in their plants. 

Resolution condemning child labor. 

Resolution supporting President Roosevelt's plan for re-forming the 
Supreme Court. 

Resolution favoring immediate reinstating of workers to W. P. A. 
projects, who have been laid oft' during canning and agricultural sea- 
sons, and that in no case shall W. P. A. workers or relief workers be 
taken to lower wages in seasonal work or flood the labor field at the 
cost of taking jobs from other people. 

Resolution condemning false and misleading advertising for 
workers, and urging that prevailing wage, living conditions, and 
whether or not labor troubles exist, be included in any advertising 
for farm workers; further petitioning State governments to abolish 
labor contractors and encourage the maintenance of hiring halls by 
unions. 

Resolution definitely opposing incorporation of trade-unions. 

Resolution urging passage of American Youth Act in Congress, as 
approved and adopted by the Fourth American Youth Congress, 
and further petitioning Congress to expand facilities and appropria- 
tion of the N. Y. A. 

Resolution demanding legislation covering occupational diseases. 

Resolution demanding Federal and State agencies to protect and 
enforce the right of free speech and assembly, and urging repeal of 
antipicketing and criminal syndicalism laws. 

Resolution opposing the Sheppard-Hill bill. 

Resolution supporting an amended Gavagan antilynching bill. 

Resolution commending La Follette committee and insisting on its 
continuance with an increased appropriatioui 

Resolution on world peace. 

Resolution to wire greetings to Puyallup, Wash., fruit cannery 
workers, out on strike. 

Resolution asking United States Department of Labor to gather 
authoritative material on wage rates and working conditions of those 
workers employed in agricultural and canning industries. 

Resolution commending Farm Research, Inc., of AVashington, D. C, 
and requesting them to continue serving U. C. A. P. A. W. A. national 
headquarters, local unions and districts with statistical and research 
studies in the future. 

We offer at this time Facts for Farmers, published by Farm Re- 
search, Inc., and request that it be marked "Exhibit No. 20.'' 

Mr. Staexes. I want to call attention to one thing. I notice there 
was a resolution adopted against war and fascism, but I notice there 
was no resolution against war and communism ; that is very interest- 
ing. 



1972 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr Knowles. That is very definitely so; you will never find that. 

I^Ir. Starnes. You will find a similar trend runnnig through the 
warp and woof of these radical organizations referred to during these 
hearings, that there are resolutions adopted against war and fascism 
but no resolutions adopted against war and principles of a commu- 
nistic type or character. I think that is very noteworthy. 

You may proceed. 

Mr. Knowles. An official list of Communist delegates present at 
tliis first convention of the U. C. A. P. A. W. A. is attached hereto, 
and we request that it be marked "Exhibit No. 21." 

Locals which have been chartered in district No. 2 of U. C. A. 
P. A. W. A. (district No. 2 comprising California, Arizona, and Ha- 
waii), are located as follows: 

Local 3, Dairy Workers Union, 406 South Main Street, Los Ange- 
les, Calif. 

Local 5, Alaska Cannery Workers Union, 32 Clay Street, San Fran- 
cisco, Calif. 

Local 11, Cannery Workers Union, 72 North Second Street, San 

Jose, Calif. 

Local 12, Agricultural Workers Union, Marysville. 

Local 14, Cannery and Preserve Workers Union, 320 Market Street. 
San Francisco, Calif. 

Local 15, Cannery Workers Union, 936 Broadway, Oakland, Calif. 

Local 18, Cannery and Agricultural Union, box 1427, Salinas, Calif. 

Local 20, Cannery and Agricultural Union, 42 Nortli Center Street, 
Stockton, Calif. 

Local 22, Cannery and Agricultural Union, 531 East Meta Street, 
Ventura, Calif. 

Local 23, Cannery & Agricultural Union (Camarillo) , 531 East Meta 
Street, Ventura, Calif. 

Local 24, Cannery and Agricultural Union, route 1, box 26, Chow- 
chilla, Calif. 

Local 26, Cannery and Agricultural Union, Eleventh Street Store, 
Yuma, Ariz. 

Local 29, Cannery and Agricultural Union, 204 East Fourth Street, 
Santa Ana, Calif. 

Local 30, Cannery and Agricultural Union (Yuma County) box 
375, San Jose, Calif. 

Local 32, Cannery and Agricultural Union, box 525, Watsonville, 
Calif. 

Local 33, Cannery and Agricultural Union, 622 Eye Street, Sacra- 
mento, Calif. 

Local 36, Cannery and Agricultural Union, box 431, Mountain 
View, Calif. 

Local 42, Cannery and Agricultural Union (Bakersfield), Box 
741, Delano, Calif. 

Local 44, Cannery and Agricultural Union, 909 Webster Street, 
Redlands, Calif. 

Local 49, Cannery & Agricultural Union, Post Office box 698, 
Hynes, Calif. 

Local 58, Cannery and Agricultural Union (Modesto), box 226, 
Riverbank, Calif. \ ;, , 

Local 64, United Fish Cannery Workers, route 1, box, 526. National 
City, Calif. 



UN-AMEKICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 1973 

Local 68, Cannery and Agricultural Union, 639 Twentieth Street, 
Biclimond, Calif. 

Local 69, Cannery and Agricultural Union, box 848, Santa Maria, 
Calif. 

Local 71, Field Workers Union, 300 West Ocean Street, Lompoc, 
Calif. 

Local 72, Field Workers Union, box 932, Pismo Beach, Calif. 

Local 76, Cannery and Agricultural L^nion (HaAvaii),box 76, Hono- 
lulu, Territory of Hawaii. 

Local 78, Wrap Packers and Shed Helpers of California, care of 
L. D. ^McMillan, general delivery, Santa Maria, Calif. 

Local 79, Cannery and Agricultural Union, 1921 Indio Street, San 
Diego, Calif. 

Local 73, Fish, Cannery and Reduction Workers, 650^/^ Ocean 
View Avenue, ISIonterev, Calif. 
K, Local 203. 215 North Sacramento Street, Lodi, Calif. 
 Local 233, care of Olaf Olson, Labor Temple, Pittsburg, Calif. 
P Applications for charters have been made by the following unions: 

Field Workers LTnion, Santa Clara County, Mountain View, Calif. 

Filipino Independent Labor Union, care of Chris Mensalves, box 
932, Pisnio Beach, Calif. (Pismo Beach, Guadalupe and Lompoc). 

Cucom (Mexican Independent), postoffice box 218, Westminster, 
Calif. 

International officers were elected on the third day of the U. C. A. 
P. A. W. A. convention. Donald Henderson, whose record has been 
previously mentioned herein, was unanimously elected president. 
J. R. Butler, of Arkansas, was unanimously elected vice president, 
and Conrad Espe, president of the Northwest Council of the Can- 
nery, Packing House, and Agricultural Workers, placed in the same 
category as Harry Bridges, of the Maritime Federation, and Harold 
Pritche'tt, alien Communist from Canada, who is president of the 
Woodworkers' Federation, by Delegate Harry Olson, who nominated 
him. was elected secretary-treasurer. 

The international executive board of the United Cannery, Agri- 
cultural. Packing, and Allied Workers of America, as elected at the 
first convention, is composed of the following members : 

F. J. Martinez, Grand Island, Nebr. ; John Koontz, Pittsburgh, Pa.; Alfredo 
Fajardo, Seattle, Wash. ; Merrill Jackson, Austin, Ind. ; O. H. Wliitfleld. East 
Prairie, Mo. ; Leif Dahl, Bridgeton, N. J. : Chris Mensalves, Los Angeles, Calif. ; 
Alfred Boolen. Santa Ana, Calif. ; E. A. Kope, Los Angeles, Calif. ; Odis Sweeden, 
Muskogee, Okla.; James Sager, Lorado, Tex.; H. J. Mitchell, Memphis, Tenn. ; 
George Woolf, San Francisco, Calif. ; Lloyd Lehman, San Jose, Calif. ; Conrad 
Espe, Seattle, Wash. ; Donald Henderson, Trenton, N. J. ; J. R. Butler, Mempliis, 
Tenn., and Arkansas; Walker Martin, Birmingham, Ala.; J. L. Moore, Olympia, 
Wash. ; Edward Norman, Orlando, Fla. ; Harry Olsen, Seattle, Wash. ; Paul 
Arias, Fort Lupton, Colo. 

Among organizations and individuals sending greetings and mes- 
sages of supi^ort of the convention were radical Congressmen Jerry J. 
O'Connell, John T. Bernard, and Maury Maverick; the American 
Civil Liberties Union; International Labor Defense; Workers' De- 
fense League: National Negro Congress: and the Workers' Alliance. 

We offer at tliis time the following exhibits, and request that they 
be marked as indicated. 

Exhibit No. 22 : "The C. I. O. and the Farmers." 

Exhibit No. 23 : "An Explanation." 



I 



1974 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Exhibit No. 24 : "Farm Union Eesearch Agency." 

Exhibit No. 25 : "Report of Meeting," June 25, 1938. 

April 1937 was marked by another Communist attempt to seize con- 
trol of California's vast canning industry in the San Joaquin Valley 
area, which was described by the press as a "bloody civil war." 
Typical Communist tactics marked the "strike," which was actually 
a lockout of a majority of regular workers who w\anted to work and 
resented the interference of the "strike committee" by a majority of 
cannery hands and applicants for jobs, led by Communist agitators. 
Vance Ambrose again took a leading role in this situation as chairman 
of the "strike committee." 

Picket lines of strikers, directed by the "red" ringleaders and rein- 
forced by Harry Bridges' longshoremen — Bridges has also expressed 
interest in organizing the agricultural workers in California — sur- 
rounded the five plants involved in the "strike," refusing to allow the 
workers to enter the plants. It is reported that 300 longshoremen 
left their jobs on the Stockton waterfront and hurried to the can- 
neries to strengthen the picket lines. 

Farmers of San Joaquin County, driving their own trucks and 
hauling their own produce in an attempt to fulfill their contracts 
with the canneries, were attacked by the "strikers" and a riot ensued. 
The outbreak has been characterized as one of the most violent in the 
history of California's agricultural labor wars. 

It is a matter of record that the majority of the cannery workers 
did not want to strike. Many of them went to the State Capitol at 
Sacremento and petitioned the Governor to protect them in their right 
to work. Some 600 workers,